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> Quarterly bv 




Richmond, Va : 


No. 707 East Fkanklin St. 

REVIEW]?^ ^'^ 

•*: ••• ....... 

• •" •• ••*••• 

• ••• •• • ' m •••■.. • •' 


Col. archer ANDERSON, Chairman. 
B. W. GREEN. M. D. 

Editor of the Magazine. 


f t •> " - 




Virginia Historical Society 


Ending July 1st, 1893. 







Joseph Bryan, Richmond, Virginia. 

Vice- Presidents, 

J. L. M. Curry, Richmond, Virginia. 

Archer Anderson, Richmond, Virginia. 

William P. Palmer, M. D., Richmond, Virginia. 

Robert T. Brooke, Richmond, Virginia. 

Recording Secretary, 
David C. Richardson, Richmond, Virginia. 

Corresponding Secretary. 
Philip A. Bruce, Richmond, Virginia. 

^ Executive Committee. 

E. V. Valentine, Richmond, Va. Orin L. Cottrell, Richmond, Va. 
C V. Meredith, Richmond, Va. Richard H. Gaines, Richmond, Va, 
Dr. B. W.Green, Richmond, Va. Robert M Hughes, Norfolk, Va. 
B. B. Munford. Richmond. Va. Lyon G. Tyler. Williamsburg, Va. 

F. H. McGi'iRE, Richmond, Va. J. B. Henneman, Hampden-Sidney. 
T. C Williams, Richmond, Va. R. H. Dabney, University of.Va. 

and ex-officio, the President. Vice-Presidents^ Secretaries 

and Treasurer. 

Virginia Historical Society. 

At the last annual meeting of the Virginia Historical Society, 
which was held December 23rd, 1892, in the Hall of the House 
of Delegates in Richmond, the following officers were elected 
for the ensuing year: President, Joseph Bryan; Vice-Presidents, 
First, J. L. M. Curry; Second, Archer Anderson; Third, Wil- 
liam P. Palmer; M. D. ; Treasurer, Robert T. Brooke; Record- 
ing Secretary, David C. Richardson; Corresponding Secretary. 
Philip A. Bruce. Executive Committee: Edward V. Valentine, 
Chas. V. Meredith, Orin L Cottrell, Dr. B. W. Green, Richard 
H. Gaines, Beverley B. Munford, Frank H. McGuire, Thos. C. 
Williams, of Richmond; Robert M. Hughes, of Norfolk ; Pro- 
fessors Lyon G. Tyler, of William and Mary College; John B. 
Henneman, of Hampden-Sidney College, and Richard Heath 
Dabney, of the University of Virginia. These officers began . 
their administration of the affairs of the Society, January ist, 


At a regular meeting of the Executive Committee, held Jan- 
uary 7th, 1893, D"*- William P. Palmer and Messrs. Frank H. 
McGuire and Philip A. Bruce were appointed a committee, to 
which Dr. B. W. Green was subsequently added, to supervise the 
alterations and improvements in the interior of the Lee residence 
which were necessary for its occupancy by the Society. 

A full set of by-laws were adopted by the Executive Committee 
at its regular meeting April 8th. and a thousand copies were 
ordered to be published. 

The following Standing Committees were appointed at the 
meeting of the Executive Committee June loth: 

Finance. — Joseph Bryan, Chairman, Chas. V. Meredith, Bev- 
erley B. Munford and T. C. Williams. 


• ■ ■ ■ _ • • 

/. : : -: ••: .'. •''. 

* • • ••• . • ..; . -\ •.. 


Publication. — Colonel Archer Anderson, Chairman, Philip 
A. Bruce, Prof. R. H. Dabney, Dr.- B. W. Green, and Prof. 
Lyon G. Tyler. Editor in charge of the Magazine, Philip A. 

Membership. — Dr. Wm. P. Palmer, Chairman, David C. 
Richardson, Richard H. Gaines and F. H. McGuire. 

Library. — Hon. J. L. M, Curry, Chairman. Philip A. 
Bruce, O. L. Coltrell and Edward V. Valentine. 

In June the Historical Society took possession of a separate 
home of its own, namely, 707 East Franklin street, Richmond, 
the house which was occupied as a residence at one time by the 
family of General Robert E. Lee, the property of Mrs. John 
Stewart and the Misses Stewart, of Brook Hill, Henrico county, 
Virginia, who have generously placed it at the disposal of the 
Society under the terms of a conditional gift, the Society to have 
absolute control as long as it occupies the rooms, but upon the 
withdrawal of its property and its discontinuation of the use of 
the rooms, the house to revert to the original owners. 

For a number of years the paintings, engravings, books, pam- 
phlets, manuscripts, and relics belonging to the Historical Society 
have been deposited in the Westmoreland Club house, the mem- 
bers of the club having the use of the paintings and engravings 
for the adornment of their walls, in return for the right granted 
to the Society to keep its books, pamphlets, manuscripts, and 
relics in a suite of rooms on the upper floor of the club house. 
These rooms have been practically inaccessible to the members 
of the Society. The space allotted it being limited, the library 
has been stored without regard to orderly arrangement, and has 
in consequence been useless to the historical student and the 
general reader alike. 

The house now occupied by the Historical Society, in addition 
to being a building of great historical interest from its associa- 
tion with the commander-in-chief of the Confederate Armies, is 
a handsome and substantial structure, situated near the centre of 
the city, and affording ample room for all the uses of the Society. 
The house has been put in good repair, the wood-work having 


been repainted, and the walls and ceilings repapered. The 
Society was enabled to make these improvements by the gener- 
ous contributions of the " Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion," of Virginia; the Old Dominion Chapter of that Society, 
through Mrs. James H. Dooley, its Regent, giving $801.30, and 
the Albemarle Chapter, through Mrs. Wm. Wirt Henry, the 
State Regent, giving $75.00. The property of the Society has 
now been removed to its new quarters and arranged for use and 
inspection. The preparation of a catalogue of the library is in 
progress, and when completed will show that the Historical 
Society is in possession of many interesting books, pamphlets 
and manuscripts. In addition to numerous volumes on historical 
subjects, there is a valuable miscellaneous collection of books, to 
which additions are constantly made in the form of gifts from 
members of the Society, and persons not members who are inter- 
ested in historical investigation. The increase in the size of the 
library, for the six months ending July ist, 1893, amounted to 
about three hundred titles. The publications of the Society in 
the library, are the Letters of Governor Thomas Nelson; the 
Official Letters and Records of Spottswood and Dinwiddie; 
Documents relating to the Huguenot Emigration to Virginia; 
The Virginia Company of London; The Federal Convention of 
1788, and two volumes containing miscellaneous papers. Full 
and odd sets of these publications are for sale by the Corres- 
ponding Secretary- 

Among the manuscripts owned by the Society may be men- 
tioned the Bland autograph letters, presented by the late Chas. 
Campbell, the distinguished historian of Virginia; papers rela- 
ting to Colonel Dabney's Legion, 1780; the Charles Carter Lee 
Papers; the Meriwether Order Book, 1777-81; Journal of the 
Confederate Steamer Georgia; Pioneer Reminiscences of Colonel 
Redd, of Henry County, 1774; Parish Register of Sussex 
County, 1 749-' 75; Edmund Randolph's History of Virginia; list 
of the first members of the Phi Beta Kappa, William and Mary 
College; the Letter Books of William Byrd and William Fitz- 
hugh, written in the Seventeenth century; the Rose Diary; the 
Account Book of William Massie, 1747-8; Appellate Court 
Decisions, 1731, 1739; sixteen volumes of autograph letters of 
distinguished public characters; letters and manuscripts of the 


Randolph family, and the large mass of papers relating to the 
Ludwell and Lee families, given to the Society by the late Cas- 
sius F. Lee, Jr., of Alexandria, Virginia. 

Now that the Virginia Historical Society has secured a sepa- 
rate home of its own, in which every precaution has been taken 
for the safe-keeping of its valuable property, there is just ground 
for anticipating that it will become the depository of many val- 
uable manuscripts which are in private hands in this State. The 
Society in extending the proper facilities for the lasting preser- 
vation of such manuscripts, whether given to it or merely leni» 
is subserving one of the chief ends for which it was established. 
The gallery of historical pictures owned by the Society is among 
the most important of its kind in the South, including, as it does» 
portraits of Washington, Robert E. Lee, Henry, Jefferson, 
Madison, Monroe, Marshall, Randolph, Giles, Arthur Lee, Pen- 
dleton, Pocahontas, Mrs. Washington, Lafayette, and other per- 
sons identified with the history of Virginia and the United States. 
The collection of relics and curiosities, though small, is valuable 
and interesting. • 

In the interval between January ist and June loth, 1893, ^^^ 
date of the last meeting of the Executive Committee, the mem- 
bership of the Society was increased by thriee hundred and 
fifteen additions; the new members, like the old, including a 
large number of the most distinguished public men and historical 
scholars of this country. The Society has now a membership 
of seven hundred. Relying upon the income from this source^ 
supplemented by the guarantee fund of $1,100 which was sub- 
scribed by a number of leading members of the Society at a 
meeting held in Richmond, December 5, 1892, the Executive 
Committee decided to issue a historical magazine, published 
under the auspices of the Society and for the benefit of its mem- 
bers. This magazine will be issued quarterly, and will be 
/ devoted to the publication of the historical material which now 
lies in manuscript in Virginia, either in private hands, in the 
county court offices, or in the libraries of the State and the His- 
torical Society. It is not intended that the magazine shall super- 
sede the former annual volume altogether. If the income of the 
Society is in the future sufficiently large, it is proposed from 


time to time, without regard to any regular interval, to publish 
in this form manuscripts which are too bulky for the magazine, 
and which will require a more extended annotation than could 
be given if they appeared in the magazine itself. It is believed 
that the magazine will arouse a greater interest in historical' 
research in Virginia, and call more general attention to the large 
mass of historical documents in this State which are now unused 
and even unknown. 

The Virginia Historical Society does not propose to confine 
itself to increasing its library of books and gallery of pictures, 
or to becoming a depository of historical manuscripts and relics, 
or 'to issuing a magazine and an occasional volume. It hopes in 
time to receive sufficient aid from the Commonwealth to enable 
it to assume the task of transcribing and publishing all the 
records in the British State Paper Office, which relate to the 
Colonial h istory of Virginia, and also of superintending the 
copying of the county records which cover the same important 
period. The work of the Royal Historical Commission, in 
England, can be repeated in Virginia. There are many historical 
papers in private hands in all of the older parts of the State 
which have a great historical interest, and which should be 
copied and published. This work the Virginia Historical 
Society hopes in time to be in a position to do. Its principal 
aim is to gather together all the material which illustrates the 
history of Virginia, leaving no storehouse or receptacle unex- 
plored or unexamined, whether public or private. This mate- 
rial should be published in order that the historical student and 
writer may have the use of it without difficult and expensive 
research as at present. 

The history of Virginia is still to be written. As long as a 
large proportion of the material is widely scattered and practi- 
cally inaccessible, it is impossible for that history to be written 
with the amplitude, thoroughness and accuracy which should 
distinguish the relation of so great and memorable a story. In 
order that it may perform its mission to the fullest extent, the 
Historical Society of Virginia should receive not only pecuniary 
aid from the State, but also a generous endowment from private 
benefiaictors who are interested in the objects which it seeks to 



promote. It should be raised above the uncertain income of a 
fluctuating annual membership. 

Under resolutions adopted by the Executive Committee at the 
meeting of the committee March 8th, the proceeds of the sale of 
the past publications of the Society, as well as fees for life-mem- 
berships, are to be devoted to the creation of a permanent fund. 
This fund now amounts to a considerable sum, and from the two 
sources of income named must steadily grow. It is, however, to 
be earnestly hoped that it will be greatly increased at an early 
day by the liberality of friends of the Society. 


Virginia Magazine 



Vol. I. JULY, 1893. No. 

Diary of Capt. John Davis, of the Pennsylvania Line. 

This Diary, showing the march, position, &c., of Wayne's Brigade, 
every day from May 26, 1781, when the command left York, Pennsyl- 
vania, till January 11, 1782. when it was at Jacksonborough, South 
Carolina, was copied literally, as far as possible, by me, from the 
original which belongs to Mrs. A. H. Fultz, of Staunton, Va., a grand- 
daughter of Capt. Davis. 

Capt. Davis was a native of Chester county, Pennsylvania. At the 
beginning of the Revolution, he raised a company and served to the 
end of the war. He participated in the battles of Brandy wine, German - 
town, Monmouth, Stony Point and Yorktown, and was with Wayne in 
South Carolina and Georgia. He spent the winter of 1777-8, at Valley 
Forge. After the war he married Ann Morton, daughter of John 
Morton, signer of the Declaration of Independence. In April, 1800 
he was appointed Brigadier-General of Pennsylvania militia, and there-* 
after was known as General Davis ; and in 1803, was commissioned an 
Associate Judge of Chester county. He died July 10, 1827, in the 74th 
year of his age. The inscription on his tombstone states that he was 
long- a ruling Elder of the Presbyterian church and a man of unfeigned 

It must be remembered that the Diary was written hurriedly in the 
field or bivouac and necessarily abounds in verbal errors. It seems to 
have been revised afterwards by Capt. Davis, and I have before me his 
revised account of the battle of Green Springs, as follows : 


"July 6.— Marched at 5 o'clock, A. M.,for Jamestown, where the 
enemy at this time lay in force. When the army had advanced within 
5 miles of this town, the ist Pennsylvania Battalion was detached with 
a number of riflemen, to Green Springs, which brought on a scattering 
fire that continued for three hours, when a body of Light Infantry came 
with the other two Battalions of Pennsylvania troops. The line was 
displayed, and we advanced ; by this time the enemy was meeting us, 
when a general action ensued. At the distance of one hundred yards, 
we charged on their main body under a heavy and incessant fire of 
grape and cannister shot ; at this instant we opened our musketry. 
Their right flanking our left, a retreat was found necessary; with the 
loss of two pieces of artillery — we retired to a church where we lay 
this night." 


Staunton, Va., January, iSgj. 

York Town [York, Pa.]. 26 May, 1781. 

Marched from York Town, 9 o'clock morning, under Gen. 
Wayne, & encamped 1 1 miles on the road to Frederick Town. 

27th. General Beat, at Sun rise, troops took up the line of 
March & halted near Peter Lylles town, being 14 miles. 

May 28. Troops took up the line of March at sun rise, passed 
through Tawney Town & halted near Pipe Creek, about 14 

29. Troops took up the line of march at 3 o'clock, & encamped 
on the S. W. Side Manochory, 15 miles. 

30. This day continued on the ground. Soldiers washed their 
cloathes, cleaned their arms & were Reviewed at 7 o'clock in the 
evening by G. Wayne. 

May 31. Took up the line of march at sun rise, passed 
through Frederick Town, Maryland, & and -reached Powto- 
mack, which, in crossing in Squows, one unfortunately sunk, 
loaded with artillery & Q. M. stores & men, in which our Ser- 
geant Sl three men were drowned; encamped on the S. W. side 
of the river. Night being very wet, our baggage not crossed. 
Officers of the Reg. took Quarters in Col. Ciapam's Negro 
Quarter, where we agreeably passed the night. 

June 1st. Continued on our ground till four o'clock in the 
afternoon, when we mov'd five miles on the way to Leesburg. 

June 2nd. Very wet day * * & continued till evening. 


3rd. [Loudoun Co.] Took up the line of march at lo o'clock, 
passed through Leesburg — the appearance of which I was much 
disappointed in; encamped at goose creek, 15 miles. 

4th. [Prince Wm. Co.] Marched from goose creek at six 
o'clock, at which place left our baggage & sick, and proceeded 
through low country. Roads bad in consequence of the rains; 
encamped at the Red house, 18 miles. 

5th. A wet morning, cleared off at 10 o'clock; Marched at 
I o'clock; proceeded 12 miles on the road to Rappahanock; 
lay out without any kind of shelter. 

6th. [Fauquier Co.] Marched at 6 o'clock, 9 miles on the 

7th. This day continued on our ground, consequence of a 
heavy rain preceeding night. 

June 8th. Took up the line of march at sun rise; Reached 
the North Branch Rappahanock at 10 o'clock. 

Troops waded the river & proceeded nine miles into this 
county [Culpepper Co.] 

9th. Took up the line of march at six o'clock; crossed the 
South Branch Rappahanock and proceeded Five miles into this 
county [Orange Co.]; country poor, & buildings very small. 

loth. Marched at 5 o'clock; a thin poor country. Joined the 
Marquis's this day; made a march of 23 miles; pass'd a body 
of militia, 1800 men. 

II June. Marched at 4 o'clock ; encamped at 10 o'clock, 10 
miles. ' 

1 2th. [Louisa Co.] Marched at 6 o'clock through woods & 
pines, at length got to the main road leading to Fredericksburg, 
proceeded 5 miles on it & encamped. 

13th. Troops continued in their encampment this day. 

14th. Marched, at 5 o'clock, 10 miles through so poor a 
country it did not produce one drop of water ; at the place we 
left all our Tents. 

15th June. [Hanover Co.] Took up the line of march at 
sun rise; this day was attended with much fatigue for want of 
water, refreshed in an orchard with the Col., when the Marquis 
took part with us. 

[6th. Took up the line of march at day Break, proceeded 
six miles, when we washed & rested ourselves the day; at this 


place we built an agreeable Bush house & walk'd out in the 
afternoon, in comp'y with Mr. White, to see a pennsyl(vania) 
family who I hapened to know, A Mr. Parker. 

17th. Marched at 3 o'clock through the best country we had 
seen in the State, 20 miles, to Mr. Dandridge's. 

1 8th. A sweet morning. I mounted guard. This day the 
enemy advanced on us. Our Camp struck at sunset. All the 
continental troops marched in order to surprise a party of horse. 
We continued till day. But on our arrival where they were, they 
had gone some hours. 

19th. [Henrico Co.] Lay on our arms till 10 o'clock. Then 
retired 4 miles in the country, where we lay down contented, 
destitute of any refreshment, Bedding or covering. 

20th. Marched, at six o'clock, 3 miles, reviewed by the Gen. 
at 3 o'clock; lay on our arms all night. 

2ist. At Col. Simms Mill. Marched, at 12 o'clock A. M., 8 
miles, and lay at Bunells ordinary, destitute of every necessary, 
both of life and convenience. This day Capt. Wilson and myself 
dined with Col. Stuart. 

22nd June. [New Kent Co.] Marched, at 2 o'clock, through 
a well-inhabited cuntry, though I can give no account of the 
people, as I have not been in a house for some days, though they 
look well on the road where they generally paraded to see us. 
This day passed through Richmond in 24 hours after the enemy 
evacuated it — it appears a scene of much distress. I see Jas. 
Humphrey as we march'd, though, on our arrival ki Camp, I 

returned, when I found Mr. (word illegible) very kind; had 

the pleasure of drinking tea with a Mrs. Parke, a Lady of 

23rd. Marched at 2 o'clock, halted at 8 for refreshment, when 
we had an alarm. Reports from our lite horse the enemy within 
I mile of us. The army formed for action. A universal Joy 
prevailed that certain success was before; we lay on our arms 10 
hours: Hourly receiving accounts of their advance. But to our 
great mortification turned out a false alarm. At 6 we moved our 
position for convenience of encampment & got very wet this 
night with a rain; came on at 12 o'clock. 

24, Sunday. [James City Co.] A fine morning. We lay on 
this ground all day enjoying ourselves & cooking. This day 


one of our soldiers taken deserting to the enemy; 4 o'clock he 
was tried, and executed in the evening. Marched at dark in 
order to surprise Tarleton, 12 miles; he got wind of our ap- 
proach and retired. 

25. Lay by this day. At dark took up the line of march in 
order to overtake Simcoe, who had plundered a quanity of cattle* 

26th. At six o'clock in the morning we overtook a covering 
party, who retreated before us. We mounted a party of Infan- 
try behind lite horse, who overtook their rear. We had a 
small skirmish, horse & foot, in which we took same lite horse 
and cattle & kilPd 30 on the spot with inconsiderable loss.* 

27th. This day we lay at Bird's Ornary. I mounted guard; 
a wet night. 

28. Clear morning; made some movements for advantage of 

29. Maneuve'd considerably in this country in consequence 
of Bad information. 

30. Extremely Fatigued; lay by greater part of this day; our 
tents brought to us in the evening. 

July I, Sunday. Marched at day break 8 miles to York River, 
where we encamped ;t returned that night to our former post. 

2. Marched down to Bird's Ornary; returned that night to 
our post. 

3rd. Marched Sun rise to some Body's old field. Maneu- 
veres retrogade; many troops were out; Hot weather. 

4th. A wet morning; cleared off at 10 o'clock. This day 
we had a Fude joy in celebration of the Independence of Amer- 
ica. After that was over Penn' Line performed several Maneu- 
veres, in which we fired. 

5th. Marched at 7 o'clock on our way to Williamsburg, pro- 
ceeded as far as Chickahomony Church, where we lay on our 
arms till Sun up. 

6ih. At sun rise we took up the line of march for Jamestown; 
which place the enemy lay at. The ist Batt° was detached with 

*This engagement was called by the soldiers the battle of "Hot 
Water." Col. Butler of the Pa. line commanded the Americans, and 
Col. Simcoe, the British. Many Augusta county militia were in the 
fight.-J. A. W 

tCol. Bassett's.York River. 


some riflemen, which brought on a sca^i:erin^ fire that continued 
many hours, when the 2nd & 3rd Bati' with one of Infantry 
arrived in sight; we formed & brought on a Gen' Action. Our 
advances regular at a charge, till we got within 80 yds. of their 
main body, under a heavy fire of Grape shot, at which distance 
we opened our musquettryat their line; 3 of our artillery horses 
being wounded ; & then their right flanking our left, rendered a 
retreat necessary, with the loss of 2 pieces of Artillery.* 

7th. This day we lay at this church ; dressing and sending our 
wounded to Hospital. 

8. At 12 o'clock this day we marched 3 miles toward Jas 
River for Camp. This evening I went to see the wounded at the 
Bird ornary.f 

9th July. I returned to camp; a warm day; water scarce & 
bad. This day we lay on this ground. 

10. [Charles City Co., Holt's Forge and Mills.] Marched at 
2 o'clock P. M., to Holt's Iron Works. Country good but 

nth. Orders for washing and cleaning our arms. 

12. Marched at 7 o'clock toward James River. Roads Bad. 

*The above was a more important engagement than would be in- 
ferred from Capt Davis's mention of it. His account is interesting 
because it was written on the spot and on the same day. The calmness 
of his brief narrative is noticeable. The fight is known in history as 
the battle of Green Spring. 

The British army under Cornwallis was proceeding to cross from the 
North to the South side of James river, at Jamestown, where a British 
dragoon and a negro, professing to be deserters, came into the Amer- 
ican camp. They stated that all the British army, except a rear guard, 
had crossed over, and La Fayette ordered an advance. The attack 
was made by Wayne, with characteristic impetuosity. He found him- 
self confronted by the whole British army, and his command would 
probably have been destroyed or captured if La Fayette had not come 
up and ordered the Americans to withdraw; they were not pursued. 
The American loss was 118 men killed, wounded and captured, and 3 
cannon ; of the British 80 men killed and wounded. A body of Auijusia 
county militia participated in the fight, and probably were the riflemen 
mentioned by Capt. D.— J. A. W. 

t Observe how he has fallen into the vernacular ; at first he wrote 
" ordinary," now ornary.—], A. \V. 


13. Orders for cleaning ourselves & preparing for an incorpo- 
ration [stc] which was much wished for. 

14 July. This day the incorporation* to take place, when 
officers determined who was for the Carapagn. 

15. [Chesterfield Co.] This day was taken up in crossing 
the James River, when our friends took their lekves. 

16. Marched at 3 o'clock & encamped at Chesterfield church. 

17. Marched at 3 o'clock for Chesterfield Court House. 
Water very good these two days & the country the most fertile 
we had seen. 

iSthJuly. Marched at 3 o'clock. P. M., to Cheatum's farms, 
12 miles. 

19th. [Appomattox River.] Marched at 4 o'clock, A. M., 
for Good's Bridge, 10 miles, where we continued two days. 

21. Cloudy day. 

22. This day we had a soldier hanged for marauding. A 
raining day, cool and pleasant. 

23rd. I dined this day with Gen. Wayne, where we passed an 
agreeable afternoon. 

24. Moved our camp 200 yards in the rear. No particular 
accounts of the enemy. 

25th July. About 2 o'clock this day this Bridge (Good's) fell 
in; whose construction was of a singular nature. No person 
hurt, tho' many about and under it. 

26th. Wet morning & cloudy day. 

27. A clear fine morning ; Warm day. 

28. Nothing material this day. 

29. Nothing material this day. 

30. General Beat this morning at day Break; troops marched 
by the right to Watkin's Mill, which place we arrived at 10 
o'clock, 9 miles. Mr. McKinney & myself rode out, agreeable 
to appointment, to dine with Mr. Sagleson, where we see a pretty 
agreeable country. 

31st. This day we lay still. They country the most fertile 
we had seen in the State. 

August 1st. [Dinwiddie Co.] Wing marched day Briak 
[sic'] 12 miles. 

* This refers to a re-organization of the command— some of the 
officers retired. 


2nd. This day we marched to As7tagui7i River. 

3rd. Marched to the Right about for the North. 21 miles. 

August 4th. Marched at day Break for James River opposite 
Westam, 10 miles; Capt. Barthdo Bond & my self rode to 
Richmond, where we were agreeably entertained by Mrs. park 
& some Corlot* \sic] Lady", & the Gentlemen of the Virg. Line 
who had been prisoners ; returned to camp next day. 

5th. Cross' d James River & took post at the Hights 

6th. Lay on this ground this day, which place enemy had 
occupied before us. 

7th Aug. Lay on this ground. 

8th. Marched at 10 o'clock, A. M., pass** Richmond day 
light; encamped 3 miles below. 

9. [N. Kent Co.] Gen^ Beat at i o'clock, A. M.; marched 
at half past to Bottom Bridge; made a short halt; proceeded to 
Savages' Farm, 1 1 miles. This day our Baggage arrived from 
Cox's Mill; all well. 

loth. Troops continued on the ground this day. 

nth Aug. Continued on this ground. No official account of 
ye enemy. 

1 2th. A wet day; a soldier of the Virg. Line executed for 
shooting; attempting mutiny in shooting a Capt. Kurpatrick. 

13. Very wet day. 

14th. A fine day; lay still. 

15. Lay on the ground ; this day dined at Lock Hall's, 9 
miles from Camp, with some Gent" of the line. 

16. Lay on the ground ; a cool agreeable day. 

17 August. Gen^ Beat 2 o'clock morning; troops marched 
at 3 to Phillips's Farm, near Newcastle, & within Four miles of 
Hanover Town. 

18. [Hanover Co., Phillips' "Farm.] A showry day. Country 
abounds in the Best water Millons I ever see. 

19. Troops continued on this ground this day. 

20. Troops lay still. Messrs. North, McKinney & myself 
rode out to see the country and a certain Mr. Skelton's seat 
which was elegant, as well his situation singular. 

21 Aug. This day the troops lay still. 

22nd. Weather quite cool; rode out & dined at Mr. Ander- 
son's with some Virg* officers. 


23rd. Troops marched at 8 o'clock, A. M., arrived at Sav- 
ages Farm. 

24. [Charles City Co.] Marched at 4 o'clock, A. M., for 
Bird's farm on James River. A beautiful situation. This Bird 
was allowed to be the richest man in Virg', when living; his 
building very elegant. 

25 August. We lay still this day a looking around us, admir- 
ing the greatness of this man's Idea in his improvements. 

26. Attended Divine worship on the River side, under a 
shade of cedars. 

27. Marched this day at 8 o'clock, A. M., to Maubin hill, 9 
miles on the banks ye river. 

28. Marched this day at 2 o'clock to Westover. 

29. Nothing material. 

30. [Surry Co.] Begun this night to cross the river, which 
kept us some Two days, as the river is one mile wide & boats 
very bad. 

Sept. I. Information this morning at 7 o'clock of a French 
Fleet riding in Chesepeck Bay, with 4000 troops on board; we 
marched at 8 A M., & halted opposite James Town, 6 miles, 
where we pass'd the night. 

2nd. At 10 o'clock this morning a number of boats hove in 
sight (with the troops') which landed at James Town. 

3rd. Their Boats cross'd the river next morning at sun rise 
& cross'd our Troops. Our boats not yet arrived. We lay on 
James Town plains this day ; at night we march'd to Green 
Springs, where we pass'd ye night. 

4th. Marched at day break for Williamsburg ; halted on the 
commons, at 4 o'clock P. M., was reviewed by Gen* St. Simon. 
This night we took part in the City Colledge. 

5th. [Williamsburg.] Pass'd the greater part of this day in- 
terviewing the city & its public buildings, which does the State 
credit; lay on our arms near town in a thicket of woods. 

6th Sept. This morning at 8 o'clock the troops took up ye 
line of march & pass'd through the City & halted within 7 miles 
of York & encamped at Col. Burrell's Mill; we were now ye 
advanced corps ye army. 

7. This morning at 8 o'clock we were alarmed by ye firing of 
several shots from our front Piquett. 


8. We were relieved by the advanced corps of the army 
appointed in orders & marched to Join our Good Ally, which 
cut a respectable figure, & encamp'd the whole, North of Wil- 
liamsburg. I was ordered to repair to James town to superin- 
tend the crossint^ ye Baggage. 

9th. Dined this day as well as yesterday with Gen. Wayne, 
at his Sick Quarters, & repaired to Camp at night. 

10. Reports this day say Gen' Action have been fought off 
Chesepeak bay between Adm* Grass & Wood; that ye latter 
have made to Sea and a superior fleet in full pursuit of him. 

nth Sept. Nothing material. Dined with some Militia offi- 
cers at ye Capitol landing [Williamsburg], in company with 
several Gen* of ye line. 

12. Nothing material occurred. 

13. Rode out in the country & returned in ye evening. 

14. Twenty one Gun firing announced the arrival of Gen 
Washington in Camp. The army paraded & was reviewed 
before he lighted from his horse. 

15. A very wet day, which was much wanted. 

16. I mounted ye Gen. Guard. Ye officers of the Infantry 
waited on the Gen* to congratulate his arrival at 1 he Southern States- 

77. This day the Gen\ with ye French Gen\ left camp in 
order to see Count De Grass, who lays at Hampton Roads. 

18. Nothing material except the landing the ist Detatch"* 
from ye Northward. 

19. This day I rode down to Holt*s mill, cross* to Surry 
county with W°. Collier, where we dined with Col. Hutchins on 
the Banks of the river; we pass'd an agreeable afternoon; cross'd 
ye river after night; lay at Holt's mill. 

20. Returned to camp this morning. 

21. Second division of ye Northward troops arrived. 

22. Nothing material. 

23. Very rigilam \_stc] in preparing for ye siege. 

24. Northward troops landing & marching up to the place. 

25. Nothing Material. 

26. Orders to move down below ye town, & form an encamp- 

27. Marched East of town & formed the Grand army — Ameri- 
cans on ye right & French on ye left. 


28. Army march' d this morning at 5. by the right for York. 
On arriving on its environs, the British horse appeared. The 
French open*d some Field pieces, & they retreated in their 
works; lay on our arms. 

29. [Camp before York.] This morning formed a compleat 
investment round the Town & pitch'd our camp. The enemy 
retreated this night in their contacted [jzV] works. 

30. Took possession of their out lines. 

Oct. I. A warm hre continued all this day, about 40 Guns to 
the hour on an average & 10 by night to the hour ; 2 men only 
kiird. one of them on ye works. 

Oct. 2nd. A continual firing from the Enemy's Batteries all 
this day. Our works goes on rapidly. 

3rd. A continual firing was kept up all this day. A deserter 
went in who informed them where our covering parties lay. 
They directed their shot for them ; the first kill'd 3 men & mor- 
tally wounded a fourth. Our works go on rapidly. 

4th. Our cannon & Mortars now arrived. This day Col. 
Tarlton made a charge on Duke Luzerne's Legeonary Corps on 
Glochester side & was repulsed with the loss of his commanding 
offi' of Infantry Kill'd & Tarlton badly wounded, with 50 pri- 
vates Kiird on the spot. 

5th. Our works go on day & night. Some chance men kill'd 
with the incessant fire kept up on our works. 

6th. A rainy day; 3000 fatigued this night a making line 
for our covering parties. 

7. The first paralel finish' d ; carrying on the Batteries an 
incessant firing Day & Night. 

8th. Oct Our heavy ar tilery taken up 10 pieces this night. 

9th. A heavy cannonade kept up from us, which dismounted 
all their pieces. 

10. A Mr. Nelson came this day out, who say our shells do 
much execution. 

11. Continual firing kept up. This night we broke ground & 
formed 2^ paralel with the loss of 2 mittoke men kill'd. 

12. The enemy kept up a very hot fire all this day. 

13th. This morning 2 Hessian deserters came in, who says 
our shells do much execution. 

14. This morning a deserter says the Infantry refused doing 


duty, that Cornwallis flatters them they shall be relieved in a few 

days, & gave (word illegible) a pipe of wine. 

This night the Marquis took their river Battery with very in- 
considerable loss, & Maj. Gen. Viominel took another on their 
extreme, to the left, with little loss likewise, & now our second 
paralel compleat. 

15. This night the enemy made a rally & imposed on the 
French for Americans, & covr'd our ad vane' d posts & trenches, 
but on finding out the imposition, drove them with the loss of 8 
prisoners & kilFd on ye spot. 

16. pushing our advanced posts forward as fast as possible. 

17. Lord Cornwallis proposes deputies from each army to 
meet at Moores House tp agree on terms for the surrender of the 
garrisons of York & Glocester ; an answer sent by 3 o'clock, when 
a cessation of arms took place. 

18. Flags passing this day alternately. 

19. At 10 o'clock this dav our troops marched in and took 
possession of their batteries, & the British army marched out & 
grounded their arms. Our army drew up for them to march 
through, French on one side & Americans on the other. 

20. Lay quiet in our camp cleaning ourselves. 

21. [Camp York.] British army march'd out for their can- 
toonments under Militia G'ds. 

22nd Brigade on duty. 

23rd. Orders for ye troops to hold themselves in readiness to 
March at the shortest notice. 

24. Marquis De St. Simon's troops embarking their cannon. 

25. Orders for Brigades daily to be on duty to demolish our 

26. Nothing material. 

27. Ace** Sir H. Clintons embarked from New York for ye 

28. Orders countermanded respecting our cannon going on 

Nothing material occurred till 5lh Nov. 

5th Nov. Marched at 9 o'clock to Burrell's Mill; 18 miles. 
6ih. Marched at day light, pass'd through Williamsburg, en- 
camp'd at Bird's ornary; 18 miles. 


7. Marched at sun rise by the right, encamp' d at Kent Court 
House ; 14 miles. 

8. March' d at sun rise, encamped at Bottom's Bridge. 

9. March' d at sun rise, encamped at Richmond. 

10 Nov. troops begun to cross the river. Crafts very un- 
suitable for the purpose. 

11. Waggons & ammunition crossing. 

12. Our brigade began crossing. 

13. continued crossing ; no accident except a boat sinking in 
the river, but no men drowned. 

14. Marylanders proceed on their way for petersburgh. 

15. Our Brigade march at 12 o'clock. Encamp' d Osbrons. 
16 Nov. [Chesterfield Co.] March'd at sun rise; encamped 

at Petersburgh. 

17. Cross'd Appomattock. 

18. Lay still this, which was a very fine day. 

19. [Brunswick Co.] Marched at sun rise; encamp'd near 
Dun woody court House; 19 miles. 

20. March'd at sun rise; encamp'd at Nottoway bridge; 14 M. 

21. March'd at sun rise, encamped at East Edmunsons; 15 M. 
22nd. Nov. March'd at sun rise, encamp'd at Mitchell ornary ; 

15 miles. 

23. [Mecklenburgh Co.] March'd at sun rise; encamped at 
Hugh Millers; 14 miles. 

24. Marched at sun rise; arrived at Roanoke. 11 o'clock 
crossed with great expedition. 

25th. This day we lay still. The morning foggy ; heavy 
rain afternoon. 

26. lay on ye Bank River. 

27. Maryland line cross'd. 

28. Wet day ; lay still. 

29. March'd at sun rise, 10 miles, to Williamsburgh. 

30. [North Carolina, Greenville Co.] March'd, at sun rise, 
12 miles to Harrisburgh. 

isl December. March'd at sun rise, to Gen* Parsons, 12 
miles, through the best country I see since crossing potomack. 

2nd. [Caswell Co.] March'd at sun rise, the road sloppy ; 
encamp'd at Pains ornary, 16 m. 


3rd Dec. March' d this morning at sun ris^; passed by Cas- 
well Court House & cross' d Hico Creek, 10 miles. 

4lh. March' d at sun rise, cross'd County line creek, when it 
began to snow at 12 o'clock; continued till night, when it was 4 
inches deep. We had a very tedious day's march, 13 miles. 

Capt. Bartholomew Broke his leg by a fall from a horse. 

5th. This day the troops lay on their ground ; roads very bad ; 
detat' of I Hundred men with the stores stays behind in order to 
hasten our march. 

6th. This day the troops lay on this ground. Capt. Bond & 
myself dined with Col. Dickson, 6 miles from camp. 

7th. [Guilford Co.] This day the troops marched at sun 
rise through a very good country; waded Haw river &encamp'd 
on it, 16 miles. 

Dec. 8. Troops march' d at sun rise, through a good looking 
country; encamp'd at Guilford Court House, 20 miles. 

9th. This day we lay on this ground, which turned out very 

10. This day we likewise lay still; very cold. 

11. This day troops march' d at sun rise through a Quaker 
Settlement; country good & well wooded; encamped near Barny 
Hidels on abbots creek, 15 miles. 

12 Dec, '81. [Roan Co.] The troops took up the line of 
march at sun rise & march 'd through a German settlement, where 
the farm much as penn*; left Moravian town on our right 6 miles J 
encamped at Mr. McCuaneys. 16 M. 

13. This morning at sun rise the troops march' d, crossed the 
Yadkin in boats, wagons & cattle waded; beautiful river about 
80 perches wide ; encamp'd within a mile, 14 m. 

14 Dec. Troops march' d at sun rise; pass'd through Salisbury 
town, which is a very pretty town, considering its remoteness in 
the state, 7 m. 

15. Troops march'd at sun rise; pass'd a good settlement ; 
encamp'd at Mr. Taylors, 12 M. 

16. Troops march'd at usual time; cross'd Coddle creek on 
a bridge we made, & waded Rockey river, 14 m; Dined with 
Gen. Wayne, visited an encampment of Catawba Indians. 

17 Dec, '81. [Mecklenburg Co., N. C] We lay still in 
consequence of heavy rains. 


1 8. Troops march' d at sun rise. The country good; en- 
camped at Charlotte, a small & ornary looking place, 14 m. 

19. March' d at sun rise. Roads bad, country not so good as 
we have pass'd; encamp' d at (name illegible), 15 m. 

20 December, '81. [South Carolina, Camden Dis.] Troops 
march'd at sun rise, pass'd through a country adjoining Catawba 

river & belonging to a (word illegible) nation of that 

name, encamp' d on Twelve mile creek, 10 miles. Rivers run all 
in this country a westerdly course. 

21. Troops march'd this day at 12 o'clock, encamped on 
Waxaws creek — 6 miles. Those creeks high. 

22nd December. Troops marched at sun rise; cross 'd several 
small creeks ; encamp'd near Maj. Hartley* — lo miles. 

23rd. Troops march'd at sun rise through a country cov'd 
with pine & sands, intermixed with Black Jacks. This march- 
we pass'd hanging Rock. This road had many marks of wilful 
destruction in Waggons & Military stores which was made on 
Gates* army. Encamp'd near that Rock — 20 m. 

24 Dec. Troops march'd at sun rise; the day excessive wet 
& waded several creeks. This day's march as well as yesterday's 
the country uninhabited & will ever remain so, I presume. En- 
camp'd near Camden, 16 miles. 

25. [Camden Town.] Troops lay still this day ; light officers 
of Batt* dined with a Mr. Le Count, where we faired well & spent 
an agreeable evening. This town ruin'd much by the British. 

26th. [Camden, Wateree River.] Troops march'd at sun rise 
& cross'd the Wateree River ij4 miles from town; this river is 
about Two Hundred yards wide & deep ; encamp'd on the south 

27. Troops march'd at sun rise through a low country cov- 
ered in many places with swamps ; encamp'd at Reynolds Mills, 
8 m. 

28. Troops march'd at sun rise through a poor country des- 
titute of Inhabitants, known by the name of Sand Hills ; encamp'd 
on the Banks of Congeree River, 23 m. 

29 Dec, '81. Troops march'd at 8 o'clock, cross'd Congeree 
in excellent Flats. This river is 300 y** wide, one of the han- 
somest I ever see; encamp'd on the south side — 4 miles. 

30. [Orangeburgh Co.] Troops march'd at 9 o'clock through 
a good country; encamp'd at Adam Tintly, 12 m. 


31st. Troops marched at sun rise; country tolerable; settled 
by Germans. Encamped at Orangeburgh, 12 m. 

January ist, 1782. Troops march' d at sun rise through a 
wilderness; waded more than twenty creeks, some Three feet up; 
encamp'd in a place amost surrounded with water; destitute of 
inhabitants, 20 m. 

2nd. Troops marched at sunrise; this day's march through 
fine body of pine & sand, uninhabited; waded a number of 
creeks or rather Guts of water communicating from one to another; 
encamp' d as yesterday — 15 m. 

3d Jan'y, '82. [Edisto River.] Troops march'd at sun rise 
wet low country, pul"* through. Saw Mills which work'd with 8 
saws on one frames ; encamp'd at Hickory ridges — 10 m. 

4th. [Round O Set.] March'd at sun rise. Joined the army 
at this post, 3 m. [Gen. Greene's army.] 

5th. This day taken up in cleaning ourselves & arms after 
Two month's constant march. 

6th. Cleaning ourselves & writing. Rode out to see this 
River farm. 

7. A command of 100 Men to retire one now at the lines (of 
our line) Maj. Hamilton Command. 

8. Some Gentlemen dined with us in Camp. 

9th. Pennsyl'a Brigade march'd at 9 o'clock to Jacksons 
Borough, where the Legislature of the State now sits; encamp'd 
on its Right, 14. 

10. Mr. M^Kinney & myself walk'd out to hunt, called at a 
house where liv'd a Mr. Deneson from Penn'y. Din'd with 
him & pass'd the afternoon. 

II Jan'y, '82. [Jackson's Borough.]* 

(The End.) 

* Jacksonboroug:h, at which place the Diary ends, is a station on the 
Charleston & Savannah Railroad, about 50 miles from the former city^ 
The Legislature of South Carolina sat there in 1782, but there is noth- 
ing at the spot now to indicate that it had ever been the seat of the 
State Government. 

Wayne was detached by Greene and sent into Georgia, from which 
State he drove the British, rendering very important further service 
before the close of the war.—J. A. W. 


Letters of William Fitzhugh. 

[Col. William Fitzhugh, the founder of the well known Virginia 
family of that name and the author of the letters which follow, was a 
native of England and a son of a member of the English Bar, in which 
profession Col. Fitzhugh himself was educated. Removing to Virginia 
about 1670, he settled in Westmoreland County, and a few years after- 
wards married a Miss Tucker of the same county. He died in 1701, in 
his fifty-first year, leaving a large estate, which included many slaves 
and about 54,000 acres of l<ind. Col. Fitzhugh was a lawyer, planter 
and merchant. His letters derive their chief value from the light which 
they throw on the course of trade between the colony and the mother 
country in the latter part of the seventeenth century. The originals 
are now in the Library of Harvard College. Our print is taken from an 
accurate copy which was presented to the Virginia Historical Society by 
a descendant of Col. Fitzhugh, and which is still in its possession. 
All obscurities of language and punctuation are faithfully retained.] 

May 15th, 1679. 
Hov^rd Sir: 

The story mentioned in your letter, first year of his Reign 
did it so happen to all the Justices, except Sir William Thorning, 
chief justice of the common Bench and two of the Kings Ser- 
geants, Hankford and Brinkley, for their detestable opinions 
given to Richard the Second, in the twenty first year of his 
Reign, in the Declaration of high treason to the great destruc- 
tion and Disherison of many Lords &c. Upon hearing of your 
letter I remember something. of it but my memory being deceit- 
ful and my account not certain, I durst not venture upon an in- 
formation, considering whence it was and for fear of censure, 
yet blushed to myself to let slip such an easie Quelre in a Pro- 
fession I intended to get money by. Last fall I received a demand 
of your Book which I neither then was, nor now am capable of 
restoreing because lost; but will honesdy satisfie you for them in 
your resonable Demands. And to Demonstrate my readiness 
thereinand that I may be in what Jureable, gratefuU have inclosed 
sent you an account of some old statutes, what time they were made 
and by whom, because I remember once you seemed to doubt 
thereof and were pleased also to think (or tell me so) they were 
obsolete and out of use, which occasioned me to take the more 
especial notice in my collecting and do find they are most of 


them in force at this day. I intended to have given you an account 
which of them were introductory of new Laws and which de- 
claritory of the old, and which mixt, but doubting the length of 
such a particular account, would rather seem prolix than pleasant, 
therefore have referred it till I know farther your desire by your 
especial commands. 

How necessary the knowledge thereof is I will demonstrate by 
two Examples, the first is the Statute of Glo. Chapter 6, gives 
treble damages, and the place wasted in an action of Waste. 
Now to know what costs is to be given in that action you must 
know what the Law was before the making that Statute because 
where any Statute doth give treble damages, where damages by the 
common Law were given, there the cost also shall be treble, but 
when treble damages are given by a Statute where no damages 
were formerly recoverable there the damages shall only be re- 
covered and no costs. And because there were no damages 
given in the said Action of Waste before the said Statute, there- 
fore only the Place wasted and treble damages shall be recovered 
and no costs. The Second is the State of 8 H. 6 of forcible Entry 
which giveth treble damages in this case, treble damages and 
treble costs, shall be recovered because they should have recov- 
ered single damages at the common Law before the making that 
Statute. By this you may see what precipitate judgment may be 
given upon any Statute without understanding the Common Law, 
before the making thereof which is the only guide and which 
is only to be learned out of Antient Authors (for out of the old 
fields must come the new Corn) contrary to opinion of the Gen- 
erality of our Judges and practisers of the Law here. 

There are several other old statutes that I have not given you 

an account of because I am not sure these will be chearfully 

accepted, being only done for the satisfaction of your former 


If this pleases command more from 

Sir your Wff. 
To the Hon^>« Maj. Rich* Lee. 

June lo, 1679. 
Mr. William Sherwood, 

Sir: The Report I sent last between Barton and Merrideth 

happening in your hands to discuss wherein I wrote the opinion 


of Others on both sides which needed not to one so acquainted 
and conversant in the Common and Municipial Laws of the Land 
which I understand was axcepted and approved by you more 
than really it deserved, has encouraged me more particularly to 
recommend this person and his cause to your conduct. I cannot 
report it because never adjudged, neither needs there much Law 
or argument because it is so plain and notoriously known. I 
have plainly set down the case, lest he should mistake in the 

You need no Armour to fend off the opposites arguments, 
because so weak they are not able to defend themselves, and his 
so palpably strong they are not to be undermined by any fallacy. 

His desire is to be forthwith seized as according to Law and 
Equity he ought, for the greatest Plea they have is by dilatory 
Evasion to keep him out this year, which I presume will not be 
admitted when the Court shall be acquainted how long already 
they have continued trespassers to him, and how much they 
have damnify* d him thereby he having forwarned them off 
above half a year since the finishing the last crop, since they 
aliedge that as they have sown they ought to reap. I must con- 
fess that Rule holds when they are in by a rightfull title and then 
sow their land and their Estate determined by the Lot of God, but 
not to trespassers Desprisen &c. I could have enlarged more 
upon this point but relating farther to you would be carrying 
Coals to New Castle. 

I refer you to the relation of the person himself. I am 

Sir your Wff. 

Sept' nth, 1679. 
Maj. Robt. Beverly, 

Sir: I remember you were instancing to me one point of 
Law that you could understand no rea^n for, why the cousin 
should inherit before the brother of the half blood, although 
you were satisfy'd that the Law was so, neither could you meet 
with any one that could give you the Reason thereof, reasons I 
had then in my memory I acquainted you with though not so 
fully as you required and I desired. 

It is an Antient point and therefore the reason must be sought 
for in Old Authors, which remain in their Original Languages to 


say French and Latin and have purposely sent this to give a Pro- 
fessor in the Science satisfaction as also to acquaint you that we 
here esteem no more ours than we are able to give the reason of 
observing that old Rule Constante Ratione legis constat ipsa Lex. 
In Bracton, Britton and Fleta you shall find these words, no man 
can be heir to a fee simple by the Common Law, but he that hath 
sanguinem duplicatem the whole blood, both of the father and 
of the mother so as .the half blood is no blood inheritable by 
descent, because he that is but of the half blood cannot be a 
compleat heir for that he hath not the whole and complete blood, 
and the Law in Descents in fee simple does respect that which is 
compleat and perfect. Also these foresaid Authors give these rea- 
sons for the Law in this point, first every one that is heir to 
another aut est hae^es sine proprietatis aut jure representationis, 
as where the eldest son dieth in the life of his father his issue 
shall inherit before the younger son, for although that the young- 
est son is magis propinquus yet jure representation is, the issue 
of the eldest son shall inherit for he doth represent the person of 
his father. And it is great reason that he who hath full and 
whole blood should inherit before him that hath but a part of the 
blood of his Ancestor for Ordine naturae totam praefertur vin- 
cining parti. Secondly, as none can be begotten but of a father 
and a mother, and he must have in him two bloods. 

Blood of the father and the blood of the mother, these bloods 
commixed in him by lawfull marriage constitute and make him 
heir so that none can be heir to any if he hath not in him both 
the bloods of him to whom he will make himself heir and there- 
fore the heir of the half blood cannot inherit because he wanteth 
one of the bloods which should make him inheritable for parte 
guaring integrante sublata tolliten totum as in this case the 
blood of the father and the mother are one inheritable blood and 
both are necessary to the preservation of an heir and therefore 
deficiente uno non potest esses haeres. Thirdly for avoiding of 
confusion for if as well the half blood as the whole blood shall 
be equally inheritable, then in many cases confusion and uncer- 
tainty will follow who shall be the next heir. I could in my 
third reason have instanced many Examples but that I think it 
needless because they will appear of themselves. Thus Sir for 
your satisfaction and in honor to the noble Profession I have 


(I think) given you an account that the Law appoints nothing 
but what is grounded upon very great reason, although perhaps 
without farther Search it may not immediately correspond with 
every man's reason; if this be not satisfactory, please to give me 
notice, and I will very much enlarge upon these reasons and 
illustrate them by Examples. ' I am 

Sir your Wff. 

Sept. 6th, 1679. 
Maj. Robt. Beverly, 

Sir: In my former by my brother George Brent, I endeav- 
oured your private satisfaction. This I have recommended at my 
client's request to the Retainer, I advised him to. The case is 
plain and easie. Thompson sues Owzley upon a bond of 4,000 
lbs. of Tob"* conditional to pay a Servant at such a time, the condi- 
tion not being performed, he recovers judgment upon his bond 
after which judgment the Defendant craves an Injunction in 
Chancery to whose bill (I being retained) Demurred and pleaded 
these Precedents and Reasons. I have here inclosed for my 
Demurrer which after some argum*" the Court allowed of and 
accordingly enter judgment for us, grounding their judgment 
upon the former quotations from which judgment the Attorneys of 
Owzley appeals. I have given the lull quotations though not 
the precedents there inserted, but enough I think to give the 
Court satisfaction. I have also taken the most material Reasons 
out of the afore recited Authors why Injunctions are not to be 
granted after judgments at the Common Law obtained which I 
presume will be sufficient and satisfactory. And have farther 
instanced that one of the articles exhibited against that great 
Prelate Wookey was for such illegal Proceedings, which I hope 
none of our Courts in Virginia will be guilty of for fear of the 
punishment which is prae munire as appears by the Statute I 
have likewise quoted to you. I have farther to urge that as 
servants are our way. together with the Cheapness of Tob" and the 
long time lapsed before suit for it, after it became due, 4000 lbs. 
Tob* is but a reasonable rate, he having paid his Tob° for it 
almost two years ago. This I have only intimated not doubting 


the failure of so clear law. Sir, because I advised him to you 
therefore for my Credit and his Interest your careful manage- 
ment of this cause is desired by 

Sir your Wff. 

April 7th, 1679. 
Mr. Thomas Clayton, 

Sir: I have sent you the Report of one cause of Action 
twice presented in our Court, I being both times retained by the 
Defendant. First, before the Court themselves as triers of the 
fact and Dispensors of the Law arising from that fact which 
found for the Defendant and Plaintiff, was non suite ; Secondly, 
upon renewing the Suit again, the Plaintiff prays a Jury may be 
impannelled to enquire into the fact, who were accordingly sum- 
moned and sworn, who find for the defendant. 

Upon which verdict the Court gave judgment against the 
Plaintiff for ex facto jus oritur, from which judgment the Plain- 
tiff appeals. Now, Sir, I apprehend by the Law of England 
that when a jury who are sworn, tryers of the fact have found it the 
fact in that case is no more to be enquired into without attainting 
the Jury, by reason Jurys are so strongly bound, both by there oath 
administered to them upon the tryal, as also for fear of attainder, 
the judgment of attainder being so severe and dreadfull by the 
Common Law. Quod committantur quotae Domini Regis, et 
quod omnia terrae et tenementa capiantur in manum Domini 
Regis et deratentur et extirpentur et uxores et liberi eorum 
Ammoventur et omnia bona et catulla foris faciunt Domino 
Regi et amado amittunt liberum legem in perpetuum. 

My Lord Cooke, in the the first part of his Institutes, folio 
294, says that this judgment imports eight great and generall pun- 
ishments, and in the third Institutes divides into five parts as 
folio 222 (see Kelways Reports fo 83, Second Institutes fo: 130 
and 237, 238 &c.) in the first recited place gives the reason of said 
judgment, because all actions depend upon the oath of twelve men; 
prudent antiquity instituted so severe a punishment, but since the 
Statute of 23 H. 8, Chapter 3 hath something mitigated the 
punishment (See the Statute well expounded in Dyer) fo 81,. 


and Cooke's Reports Lib 3, fo. 4 and Lib 10 fo. 119 yet not 
made it so slight as that another Jury shall go out upon the 
same matter of fact and bring in a contrary verdict, which is 
both against Magna Carta and the fundamental! laws of England ; 
by which Law we are ought to be governed, to condemn men 
unheard ; how dangerous a thing it is to change an antient maxim 
of the Law, (See the second part Cooke's Institutes fo. 97 and 
98), for as Cicero saith, major haereditas venit unicing rostram 
a jure et legibus, quam a parentibus, and as my Lord Cooke 
saith in his commentary upon Magna Carta fo. 56, the Law is 
the surest sanctuary that a man can take and the strongest fort- 
ress to protect the weakest of all. But where is this Sanctuary 
and fortress if the Law shall be so wrested and contradictory 
verdicts so taken whereby innocent and honest men unheard and 
unseen shall be liable to Infamy and beggary ; Infamy by being 
guilty of Perjury, and beggary if a legal scrutiny shall be made 

And besides by the law of England all Jurys ought to be of 
the Neighborhood and in this Country; I think the Constitution 
may very well permit it in the same County, for the Rule is Vicini, 
Vicinora, facta presumtur Scire. This I have written with as 
much brevity as I could, because I am informed they generally 
so proceed at James Town; it rather requires a small treatiss 
than a letter to discourse thoroughly upon it, but refer you to 
the quotations where you may see it learnedly discussed and 
hope there may be no occasion of urging it, for I take an appeal 
to be the removing the matter in Law before a higher Court and 
better Judges, for the words of the appeal be from the judgment 
of the Court and not from the verdict of a Jury that is the 
Judges are mistaken in point of Law in giving their Judgment, 
which may be easily collected from the words. Thus Sir I have 
adventured though unknown to recommend my Client and his 
cause which I have truly reported as it was argued here and 
hinted what inconveniences will follow if verdicts which are dic- 
tum veritatis should be destroyed without proceeding According 
to Law by Attaint which is the particular remedy given by the 
Law which point as I before intimated requires rather a small 
treatise than a letter fully to discourse upon. I am 

Your Wff. 
To Mr. Thos. Clayton. 


April 7th, 1679. 
Worthy Sir: 

Once more at the instance of Bur Harrison, I take oppor- 
tunity to write to you. I think the poor man is very much 
troubled in the delay of his business, for if Matthews had any 
title to land, by the Law he ought to have commenced suit and 
had a legal tryal, for by Magna Carta, Chapter 29, and Cooke's 
Commentary's thereon, fo. 46, 47, No man shall be disseised of 
his Lands or tenements or disposs'd of his goods without Action 
or Answer contrary to the Law of the Land. But here Harrison 
is kept out of his Right that is Thomas Barton's plantation 
w^*" he hath sufficiently made appear to be his without either 
Action or Answer contrary to the Law of the Land, only under 
the cover of a pretended title Matthews lays to it, which if it 
were true, has no relation to that controversie of Thomas Bar- 
ton, because Barton was possess' d by and held under Harrison 
feofee and not by any title or claim from the said Matthews, and 
consequently is a trespasser to the said Harrison. But far as 
I can understand, Matthews has hardly the shadow of a title 
for he grounds it upon a graq^t from the Council when himself 
was Governor, in 1657, ^"^ their Pattents bears date and were 
confirmed in 1654; what a pretense that is, the meanest capacity 
is able to apprehend. A Grant without a Patent obtained three 
years after a Patent solemnly signed, sealed and confirmed. 

Sir I trust to your care in that concern of mine and three 
others partners and hope to hear something of it by this oppor- 
tunity. I am 

Your Wff. 
To Mr. William Sherwood. 

Sept. 9th, 1679. 
Honored Sir : 

I am informed by Burr Harrison that you tax me of rash- 
ness in councilling him, p'haps it might so seem to you for want 
of a thorough information of his just Right and a false informa- 
tion of a feigned Right, the first pretension of a title to the 
Land in Controversie was by old Capt. Brent, who upon his 


preteaded Right settled several Tennants to say Burr Harrison, 
Thomas Barton and one Bennet, whose widow this woman is, 
that makes such an exclamation about the house puU'd down. 

Afterwards Coll" Washington as guardm to Gerrard Broad- 
hurst sues and tries title about this Land in Stafford County and 
recovers and the said tennants all turned to him and became 
his tennants as guardian aforesaid. After the tennants sue Giles 
Brent as son and heir of his father, deceased, for their said 
Eviction and trouble recovers ag" him. Afterwards Burr Harri- 
son buys the Land of Gerrard Broadharst being of age so that 
by this it may appear that Gerrard Broadhurst had a Title by 
Pattent, Possession and the Judgment of Stafford County Court, 
and consequently Burr Harrison is in Possession and the Rule is 
I equali jure melior est conditis possidentis. And by Magna 
Carta, Nulli vendemus, nulli negabimus nulli deferremus gustitiam 
aut reelum and my Lord Cookes Commentarys thereupon fo: 46, 
47 whose words are these: No man shall be disseised of his Lands 
or Tenements or dispossessed of his goods or chattels without 
Action or Answer or contrary to the Laws of the Land. But 
here Harrison is kept out of his Right that is Barton's Plantations 
which he hath sufficiently made appear to be his without either 
Action or Answer and then contrary and only under the colour 
of a pretended title Matthews lays to it which if it were, yet Bar- 
ton is a trespasser to Harrison because Barton was possessed and 
held under Harrison's feofee And not by any title or claim from 
the said Matthews. But as far as I am informed Matthews has 
hardley the shadow of a title, for he grounds upon a grant from 
the Council when himself was Governour in 1657, and the Pattent 
Harrison holds by bears date and was confirmed in 1654. 

Now in my apprehension a Grant without a Pattent obtained 
three years after a Pattent solemnly signed, sealed and con- 
firmed, cannot be very efi^cacious in destroying a title granted by 
that Pattent. Thus Sir I have run over the heads of the whole 
business that I might make it perspicuous that my counsel in 
advising them to pull down the house after lawfull warning 
given them to depart was not rash and inconsiderate, but 
grounded upon good reason and Authority in Law. For more 
than all I have before informed you this widow Bennet after 
Harrison Purchase did not only atturne and acknowledge her 


new Land Lord, but delivered up her lease unto his hands and 
after she and a freeman that lives with her took the Plantation 
from time till the fall for the Rent of one hh** of Tob^ At the 
expiration of which time Harrison gives them two months 
notice to provide for themselves and before witnesses several 
times forewarned them off, but their answer was they would 
neither go off nor pay the Rent. Then and not before I advised 
him to pull down the house, having found a Paralel case ad- 
judged in termino Hilarri, 34 Eliza inter Wigford and Gill in 
Banes Reginae Cooke Eliza fo. 269, when the same thing was 
done, and after both Arguments at the Bar and solemn Argu- 
ments at .the Bench allowed of and justified. The mans impor- 
tunity and my own vindication has drawn the letters to this 
prolixity, yet I hope your Honour considering the occasion, will 
pardon it in 

To the Hony 

Nic* Spencer, Esq., Secretary. 

Hon^ Sir Y' Wff 

Nov. 2nd, 1680. 
HorC d Sir: 

Thos. Dutton was reccommended to me by the Hon"' Ralph 
Wormley Esq' to manage his business about Prescotis lands. 
Upon view and examination of all his papers, I find him to have 
no longer an Estate than for life in those lands if the Will made 
by Prescott in new London were here authentickly proved. Yet 
upon a farther consideration waving all thoughts of any real 
interest of any Estate of Inheritance in the lands I considered the 
Equitable Right of the Escheat to appertain to him and consider- 
ing also you are pleas' d to grant an Escheat to those who in 
Equity had the most seeming right. I was intended to have 
waited upon your Hon'' with Thomas Dutton so soon as I should 
have an account of your safe and desired arrival to communicate 
this to you and sollicite your Honour in the poor man's behalf. 
While these thoughts and intentions were thus in my mind, 
Thomas Dutton brings me a letter he received from your Hon*" 
considering his equitable Right wherein you appear not only 
willing to grant the Escheat upon his Petition but are pleased to 
offer him the Escheat and direct him to petition and compound 


for the same. Immediately upon view of this your Honours 
charitable offer I directed him to go to his Tenant in whose 
behalf he now busies himself and for whose interest he now begs 
the benefit of Escheat, that he may now confirm what he before 
so foolishly sold to them, and they as simply bought of him, to 
see what they would do in his behalf. Some of them agreed to 
stand by him and assist him in the payment of the composition 
money and Escheat fees: but being yesterday at M' Bridges and 
understanding by Coir Allerton his majesties Escheater that 
your Honour would not be paid in Parcels but would have it 
in one entire sum. 

I discoursed some of the Tennants who with Thomas Dutton 
intreated me to become security or paymaster for the whole to 
say for that six hundred acres. 

I was willing upon their request and counter security, which 
they then promised me, to engage to you for the payment of the 
whole if you will accept of my Security. Capt. Lord, M' Bridges 
and the rest of the petitioners seem pleased to tax me of self 
Interest upon these my offers; to acquit myself that I will ac- 
quaint your Honour how I direct him in his Proceedings. Those 
tennants that are willing to pay their proportionable rate of this 
Escheat, according to the quantity of land they hold, shall enjoy 
their former Purchase and for this new imbursement will have 
their Estate ascertained and enlarged which will be more to them 
than the money they'll be out about it, those that are willing to re- 
imburse any more I will take care with Dutton ; they shall not be 
turned off there Land Loosers, but shall have reasonable satis- 
faction. If I had any self Interest (which Til assure your Hon- 
our I have none) it must be esteemed very modest when the sole 
business that I aim at [in Duttons behalf] is the continuing of 
former purchasers, the reimbursing those that are willing to 
continure and keeping Dutton from endless litigous and expen- 
sive Suits which must inevetably fall upon him if the Escheat be 
elsewhere granted and the Tennants be either turned off or put 
to new Purchases. 

Sir Your Wff 

To the Honb^ 

Nic" Spencer, Esq., Secretary. 


April 7th, 1680. 

Sir: That I may correspond with your desires and mine 
own inclination, have by this opportunity sent you an account 
that I have received of yo*^ Letter and shall do my utmost en- 
deavour to the full accomplishment of your Deserts and desires 
therein. When I was on board you may remember I entreated 
you to take me twenty h**' freight certain and thirty uncertain, 
you told me I need not because you would secure it me upon 
which I rely. As I don't question your care and endeavour in the 
disposal of my Tob**, so I doubt not you'll endeavour to furnish 
me with those necessary things I sent for by you as also give me 
an account of them by the first opportunity and how all affairs 
stand in England which I shall assuredly expect from you as you 
may do the station of all affairs in this country from me by all 
opportunitys. I have omitted one thing in my particulars, 
which I desired you to buy for me that is a Riding Camblet 
Coat, if my money holds out buy it, if not use your Dis- 
cretion. In my note of Particulars I did not forget it, only 
omitted for fear of over charging my acco' and your trouble. 
A prosperous voyage, a lucky market and a happy Return is 

wished by 

Sir Y^ Wflf. 
To Capt. Fra' Partis, 

At the Hermitage, near East Smithfield, London. 

June nth, 1680. 

Sir : I promised you by all conveniencys to give you an ac- 
count of the aflfairs of the Countrey, to comply therewith I have 
taken this opportunity. 

I am not able to inform you of any new matter, but only to 
tell you that we are at present very quiet from our Indian 
Enemies. I believe no great crops will be this year made, by 
reason of our great drought, not having had one good shower since 
your departure which is now almost a month, so that everything 
is kept upder thereby. I have drawn bills of Exchange on you 
for ;^7, 13, 4, payable to M"^ William Law, of London Merchant; 


if those bills comes to your hands please to give them due ac- 
ceptance, for I had rather that part of my Reticulars that I sent 
for by you were let alone than the Discredit of the Protest of 
those Bills which by no means let be protested. I am now a 
greaX distance from home and cannot be so large as I would, 
but shall refer you to my next Letter by some of our own ships 
for a more ample information. 

I am Sir Your Wff. 
To Capt Fra* Partis, at &c. 

June nth, 1680. 

Sir: By my former I gave you what account I could how 
affairs stood then, there's little alteration has since happened. I 
have not now the copy by me, being above one hundred miles 
from home, but take this opportunity to give you an account 
that I advised by my last that I drew bills of Exchange for jQy^ 
13, 4, which I did thein and do now desire you to accept and 
make punctual payment. 

I did then also request you to let alone sending me some of 
my goods rather than refuse the payment of those bills, but now 
I desire you to send or bring in every particular I have sent 
for. because I have here inclosed sent two bills of Exchange, one 
for jQ2o Sterling, the other for j£^, I have also inclosed sent 
two bills of Exchange, one for ;^20 Sterling the other for £^, I 
have also inclosed sent you a letter of Advice to be delivered 
with that bill of ;^2o to Sir Robert Peyton, upon sight of which 
I believe there's little doubt of receiving the money. I hope I 
shall have occasion to transmit near 100 £ sterling next ship- 
ping, therefore please to give me an account truly of your inten- 
sions, whether you intend for Virginia next year or to stay there 
that I may accordingly order my affairs. 

I expect to hear from you by all conveniences, wherein I hope 
I may have a particular relation of my own affairs and a general 
account of the proceedings there. This is the needfuU from 

Your Wff. 
To Capt. Fra' Partis, at &c. 


Sir: The above is copy of my former June nth, 1680. I 
have no new matter to add only I would have you be very care- 
ful of my flax, hemp and hayseed, two bushels of each of which 
I have sent for because we have now resolved a cessation of 
makinj^ Tob*' next year. We are also goings to make Towns, if 
you can meet with any tradesmen that will come in and live 'at 
the Town, they may have large privileges and immunitys. I 
would have you to bring me in a good Housewife. I do not 
intend or mean to be brought in as the ordinary servants are, but 
to pay her passage] and agree to give her fifty shillings or three 
pound a year during the space of five years, upon which terms 
I suppose good Servants may be had, because they have their 
passage clear and as much wages as they can have there. I would 
have a good one or none: I look upon the generality of wenches 
you usually bring in not worth the keeping. I expect to hear 
from you by all conveniences for I assure you I let slip none 
to tell you, I am &c. I would have you bring me two large 
Paper books, one to contain about fourteen or fifteen Quire of 
Paper the other about ten Quire and one other small one. 

July ist, 1680, 
Ps Capt. Fowler. 
To Capt Fra" Partis, At &c. 

Dec. 4th, 1680. 

Sir: Both yours I have received by Capt. Paine am glad of 
yours, sorry you came to no better market. I hope this year 
Tob* will rise by reason there's but small crops made throughout 
this country and Maryland too. I have got ready the Tob** I 
owe you which when your brother comes or any one by your 
order may receive; we now look out every day for Ws arrival 
by whom I intend to ship thirty or fourty hh^, crops are so small 
and debts comes in so badly that I cannot send so much as I 
thought by twenty hh**", but what I do send is pretty good. 
What friends I can advise shall assuredly secure you. Mr. Scar- 
let has promised me to consign you twenty hh**' and I believe 
shall get you some more this year. 

Sr. I kindly observe two passages in your letter, one is that 
if I have occasion for fourty of fifty pound sterling you will pay it 


though you have none of my effects in your hands, the other 
that you paid my last bill of £;], 13, 4, at sight. The one gives me 
credit, the other honour for both which I thank you. I under- 
stand by the said' letter that yoii have sent me all I sent for which 
you inform me come to something more than you have in your 
hands, yet being encouraged by your letter and assured of money 
that I shall remit home if my Tob° should either miscarry or 
come to a bad market, for I shall certainly remit home a hundred 
pounds Sterling certain if not more from good hands and sure 
paymasters. I have ventured on a bargain of 29 £^ Sterling for 
two negroes of Mr. Vincent Goddard for which I have drawn 
bills of Exchange upon you, which please give due exceptance. 
I know not yet what to enlarge, by the first opportunity after 
your brother's arrival shall give you a larger account, and there- 
fore at present shall only tell you that I shall always continue 

Sir Your Wff. 
To Capt. Frances Partis. 

February ist, 1680. 
Honoured Sir: 

Yours I received, together with one from the Hon"* Mr. 

Secretary, and another from Coll** AUerton, who acquaints me 

the 14th february is the day he hath appointed a Jury to meet 

for the finding an office for your Grant. At which time or before 

(\{ sickness, &c. doth not prevent) I shall wait upon you to 

tender you the utmost of my Service in that affair and anything 

else you shall please farther to command me; shall endeavour 

in the meantime thoroughly to understand the Case and learn 

how the Law directs, that is whether it be a will considering 

the meanness of the Stile and immethodicall penning thereof 

when the party speaking (or which ought to speak) was a person 

of such known abilitys; if the discovery of the fraud fails in the 

consideration of the Stile, then he that was known so good a 

master of his pen Should in the last act of his life affix his mark* 

is almost irrationall to imagine. Secondly, if it be a will, whether 

it be good in whole or in part, that it is not good in the whole 

the first Argument makes manifest by affixing his mark &c. 


Thirdly, if it be good in part, in which part. That it cannot be 
good in that part that concerns the Land, this late Statute hath 
provided, for the title of the Statute is to prevent frauds and 
perjury, the preamble or Key of 'the Statute persues the same, 
then the body of the act declares the manner how this shall be 
avoided when such considerable bequests as Lands and tene- 
ments, that is by three or four witnesses at the least, but here is but 
two, then for this part void and all thoughts of Equity banished 
by reason of the probable presumption of fraud in the whole, but 
more especially in this part. Fourthly and Lastly, Admit that 
it were a will good in all its parts and fully supply' d with all the 
ceremonies that the Law requires whether his lands and Tene- 
ments should pass by these words real and personal Estate ad- 
mits I think a considerable Dispute. These S^ are the heads of 
the argument that I at present apprehend are to be managed in 
your just cause and which I shall take pains to my ability to 
inform myself in, whereby I hope I may assure you. I am 

Sir Y^ Wff. 
To The Hon^'" Ralph Wormley. 

March 30, 1681. 
Mr. Stephen Watts, 

Sr: By the Bristol men that have used our parts I have 
heard of you but by M' Richard Gotley this year dealing in 
these parts I have more particular account of your honest and 
faithfull dealings which induced me at this time to consign you 
eight hh*** of Tob°, an Invoice whereof I have inclosed sent you 
this only as an invitation to correspondence, if the market gives 
encouragement I shall consign you more next year and a greater 
quantity. The commodity is grown Slow here and in England 
too that I am affraid the present necessity of my affairs forcing 
me to send home with my Tob** bills of Exchange for ;^I2, 10,00 
of their acceptance. Therefore S"" I shall only desire you to 
proceed in this method for me if my Tob" meets a good market, 
make ready acceptance of the Bills and send me the remainder 
in such things as I shall after mention, but if my Tob"* should not 
clear the money drawn for, please to pay as much of them as 
you shall have in your hands and let the remainder be only pro- 


tested. You are much a Stranger to me but I much more to 

you therefore dare not make an overture of paying more money 

than you have effects, nor of sending me any without I had of 

mine own with you to pay the things. 

I want a pair of cart wheels, horse harness for three horses, a 

pack saddle and two dozen shoes. I shall enlarge by the latter 


I am Sir Yr Wff. 

April 4th, 1681. 
Mr John Cooper. 

Sir: By the Recommends of Capt. Norrington and some 
little Knowledge I have of your honest and fair dealings, by In- 
spection into some Returns of sales of Tob** and purchase of 
goods has occasioned this letter wherein you'll find the Invoice of 
eight hh*** of Oronoko Tob** and bill of Loading for the same con- 
signed to your Self which I hope youMl help to the best market. 
The inclosed Bills of Exchange I desire you to present and 
receive by the latter Ships Shall enlarge and give further Direc- 
tion and perhaps consign you more Tob*^ and send you some 

more bills. 

I am Sir Your Wff. 

May 2ist, 1681. 
HorC d Sir: 

I intended to wait upon you as I came from Town to give 
you an account of Coll** Griffins &c. proceedings about Coll** 
Burnhams land for which you have had an office found. By your 
former letter, and my answer thereunto, I thought myself obliged 
to you part and to my utmost to hinder the probate of the said 
Will, but hearing nothing from and being threatened by mutual 
bonds given and taken between you and the others I could make 
no Defence in your behalf nay durst not own myself concerned 
on your side yet was troubled to see such proceedings and such 
large fees given by them to the value of fifty pound Sterling, 
which I certainly guess' d was for a farther end than to secure 
the personal Estate, and accordingly so it happened for at the 


latter end of the court they petition for a day to be assig^ned 
them this next Court, to traverse the Office found pretendinjf a 
right by virtue of the said Will, with some reflections upon 
there first Delay in the probate at your County Court. I have 
sent this Gent. Mr. Hickes purposely with this letter to advise 
you thereof and receive your commands and instructions therein 
whereby I am assured it will appear with a better countenance 
at the next Court to there trouble and loss and to your quiet 
and content w"*' is truly desired by 

Your Wff. 
To The Hon**"' 

Ralph Wormley, Esq. 

May 31st, 1681. 
Capt. Francis Partis. 

Sr: Till the Receipt of yours by Capt. Shepard I was fully 
intended to write you at large but by that understanding that 
you intended certainly in this next year, I refer a larger discourse 
till then, but yet must now tell you I am sorry the Initiation of 
a correspondence with you Should by your unkind dealings be 
so soon broken off. Your brother Capt. Charles Partis is able to 
give you an account thereof and to him Pll refer, who has 
endeavored as much as in him lies to palliate the matter, by per- 
suading me that it was not really and intentionally done by you, 
but by mistake or some other accident, which in truth by his 
persuasions and my own charitable inclinations I am no In- 
fidel to, yet could do no less than stop the current of all farther 
dealings till these mistakes and Errors, if they be so, already 
committed be regulated, which I suppose may not be difficult 
upon your arrival. What of your Tob° is paid and why not all 
paid and the care and provisions I had taken therein your 
brother can and will I dare say fully inform you. I hope I 
shall see you time by this next year in your first Rate Merchant- 
man which I shall be very glad of who am 

Sir Your Wff. 

To Capt. Francis Partis, in London. 
P his brother Capt. Charles Partis. 


May 31st, 1681. 
Mr. John Lucum. 

If no body should come from me or by my order to take 
the bills of Exchange for the Pipe Staves and the bills of loading 
for the eleven hh*" of Tob** consigned to Mr. John Cooper of 
London merchant I am so far satisfy' d of your Integrity and 
fidelity that I request you to do it yourself, that is to pass bills 
of Exchange for your full debt, according to the number of Pipe 
Staves your receive and bills of Loading for the eleven hh*" 
Tob*, according to the agreement and you receipt for the other 
one hh* consigned to your self which I would have you thus 
order. Inclose one of the bills of Loading and one of the bills 
of Exchange in this letter to Mr. Jno. Cooper which you have 
open and write a letter yourself to me and inclose the other two 
bills of Loading and the two bills of Exchange and your Receipt 
for the hh*" Tob°, well sealed up and leave them either with Mr. 
William Hardidge or Mr. Secretary and deliver them to them- 
selves with request to keep them till I send for them for fear of 
miscarriage if they should chance to convey them up to me by 
an uncertain hand. 

Also I farther request you to acquaint Mr. Cooper the reason 
that I could not indorse the bills of Exchange to him which 
upon your information will give him the opportunity of demand- 
ing and receiving it without Indorsement. I hope you will keep 
this letter by you for your Instructions and follow it if I have 
not the opportunity of sending one to do it for me, which will 

Sir Your WfT. 
To Capt. John Lucum 

on board his Ship. 

June 2nd, 1681. 
Mr. John Cooper. 

This is copy of my former by Capt. John Lucum bearing date 
31st May, last, I have sent another by the said Lucum of the 
same date and of the same purport but open for a bill of loading 


and a bill of Exchange to be inclosed therein for the above Tob*. 
Sr In my particulars mentioned, and here inclosed you'll find I 
send for a feather bed, and furniture curtains and vallens. 

The furniture, curtains and vallens, I would have new, but the 
bed at second hand, because I am informed new ones are very 
full of dust. The curtains and vallens I would have plain and 
not very costly. I desire you to take notice in the purchase of 
these things in the note of particulars here inclosed, and if it 
should so happen by accident or some other mischance, I should 
not have the opportunity of giving you farther advice, please to 
take care to send those particulars by the first Ships by Capt. 
Norrington, if he comes forth early. 

Yours Wflf. 

June 7th, 1681. 

Sir: By Mr. Lucum and Mr. Lymes, bearing date 31st 
May and 2d June, I have given you an account of eleven hh** 
Tob** consigned to you together with several bills of Exchange 
to the value of £^i Sterling, besides Mr. Lucum 's bills of Ex- 
change for what value I know not yet, which according to my 
order receive of him. I desire your care in sending me in those 
things I sent for and do now send for, which are for my own par- 
ticular use, therefore I desire you to take care in the goodness of 
them and what my money comes to more than I have given you 
advice of, please to send me it in Linnen, of which let gentish 
holland be finest except one piece of kenting and let there be two 
pieces of white Dimmety and one piece of colored. I refer the 
sorting the linnen to yourself, being mindfull of blue Linnen in 
the Parcel. If you could possibly procure me a Bricklayer or 
Carpenter or both, it would do me a great kindness and save me a 
great deal of money in my present building, and I should be 
willing to advance something extraordinary for the procuration 
of them or either of them. If you send in any tradesmen be 
sure send in their tools with them. Sir, my small acquaint- 
ance begs my excuse for not giving you an account of news 
Stirring. Although I have sent none yet I hope to receive some 


from you, to^^ether with the present transactions of affairs in 

England; if the market gives any encouragement you may be 

sure to hear more from me for the future. I am 

Your Wff. 
To Mr. Jno. Cooper, in Lond°. 

Merch* p. Capt. Lymes. 

June 19th, 1681. 

Sr: Yours I received by Mr. Hickes, whereby I am now 
thoroughly acquainted with your business and have communi- 
cated the same to Mr. George Brent and have also sent him 
your inclosed Guinea, the bond I must take notice to you is not 
so well as it should be for in the obligation it is something sup- 
erfluous at least if not amiss, to name them Executors of Mr. 
Burnham, it might have been more excusable if it had been so 
mentioned in the condition, yet the most sure way had been to 
condition with them as Legatees to Burnham not to interrupt 
your Possession or to traverse the Office for by that name comes 
their Pretensions and not as Executors for as they are Executors 
only they have nothing to say to any lands or tenements of the 
Testators. I shall take what care I can and shall use my utmost 
skill to defend your most Just cause, to clear you from this unjust 
molestation. The course you give me account, you have taken 
to put the bond in Suite is grounded upon good counsel. Sr. I 
am heartily glad of Major Beverleys association and assistance 
in this affair who is in my Esteem the best acquainted with the 
practice part in Virginia. If terms of treaty or complyance 
should evermore come to be offered, take not this Course by 
bonds to oblige them but rather confirmations, Releases or 
Deeds of conveyance well penned by good advice which I pre- 
sume Major Beverly is able to assist you in and that will utterly 
disable them from any pretensions to a Suit for a future and if 
not strengthen your title yet I am sure quiet your Possession. 
Sr. I understand there are some Negro Ships expected into 
York now every day I am so remote that before I can have 
they'll be all disposed of or at least none left but the refuse 
therefore Sr. I request you to do me the favour if you intend to 


buy any for yourself and it be not too much trouble to you, to 
secure roe five or six whereof three or four boys if you can and 
please to send roe word of it and I shall readily come down and 
thankfully acknowledge the favour who am 

Hon"* S' Your Wff. 
To Ralph Wormley Esq. 

June 19th, 1681. 
Maj' Robt. Beverly: 

I received yours inclosed in Esqr. Wormley* s, wherein you 
write down that branch of the Statute relating to his case with 
your interpretation and opinion succintly and pithily with which 
I fully agree and doubt not if Statutes be of any force (which is 
doubtless) is sufficient to quiet his Possession and clear him of 
trouble which I believe is rather occasioned by their Advisers to 
get money from them> than out of any probability of obtaining^ 
the land for them. 

Instead of Bonds, had confirmations, Releases or conveyances, 
&c.,been well drawn they could not possibly have contrived any 
trouble now which is the best Course to be taken if any Over- 
tures of Quiet and Cessation from Arms Should more be offered. 

The business would not admit me to write less and last will 
not suffer more to be added by 

Sir Your Wff. 
To Maj' Robt. Beverly, in Rappahannock. 

June 19, 1681. 
Mr. Henry Hartwell: 

I cannot miss this opportunity to beg my Excuse for parting 
so rudely without taking leave, I am sure some of the Company 
were equally concerned in the Bacchanalian Banquet and those 
that were not, cannot deny an Excuse to the great absurdity of 
Solacisms committed by Bacchanals who have Priviledge by 
Bacchus himself the first Institutor of the Order. 

I desire you will give my service to all friends there and mind 
Mr. Clayton to provide Institutions for our intended Society and 


to take care that none be admitted therein but Loyalists and then 
I don't question but we shall continue in order and obedience as J 
Loyalists. Sr. I desire you'll send me by the bearer, a Writ at 
the Suite of William Balthrope against George Thorne in an 
action of Tresspass directed to the Sheriff of Westmoreland, also 
a Dedimus Protestatem for Coir Mason to examine Evidence in 
the Appeal betwixt him and Mr. Lincolne (for which our Clark 
intends to kiss your hand next Court) directed to Mr. James 
Ashton Maj' Andrew Gilson and Doct' William Bankes, 

Sir Your WfT. 
To Mr. Henry Hartwell 

At James City. 

June 19, 1681. 
Mr. William Hardidge: 

I have now by me two of your letters one by Mr. Gibson 
which I received about 12th June last when Partis was ready to 
sail, the other I received yesterday by Mr. Lincolne. In the first 
you acquaint me you have sent me Partis' bond because he re- 
fused to deliver bills, which I something admire if ever you look'd 
upon the Bond or the Assignment, on the backside the Bond is 
absolute for 50;^ Sterling and no other condition in it to save 
him from the penalty but the payment of 2SjC Sterling the fourth 
of April and the Claret and white sugar. The assignment on the 
backside is also as clear and absolute from me to Mr. Gotley 
with a warranty that it is due, which is every penny due. By 
your last you inform me that Partis tells you I have other- 
wisp disposed of the Pipe Staves, tis true I sold some Pipe Staves 
and have yet some to sell, but I never yet sold any of Capt. 
Partis his Pipe Staves, what staves I owe him he has my bill for 
if I have not performed according to the tenour hereof I am 
liable to an action but yet that has no relation to Mr Gotley 's debt 
if it had I should now have sent you bills of Exchange. I here 
inclosed send you the Bond which I have nothing to do with 
except you can make it appear not to be due; had I had your first 
letter sooner I should have advised you otherwise and secured 
your money of Partis. I desire you'll shew the Bond and this 


letter of mine to the Honbl* M' Secretary who I dare say will 
assure that your being without that money is your own, not my 
fault who am, 

Sir Your Wff. 
To Mr. William Hardidge at Nomany. 

June 8th, 1681. 
Mr. Kenline Chiseldine: 

Sr: The cruelty of M*^ Blackstone towards my sister in Law 
is grown so notorious and cruel that there is no possibility of 
keeping it any longer private, with the preservation of her life 
his cruelty having already occasioned her to make two or three 
attempts to destroy herself which if not timely prevented witf 
inevitably follow, therefore Sir in Relation of my Affinity to 
her as also at the Instance and Request of Mr. Newton to propose 
some remedy I think there is some means to be used for a sepa- 
ration because of his continued cruelty which in England is 
practical; here in Virginia it is a rare case, of which nature I have 
known but one which was between Mr' Brent and her husband 
Mr. Giles Brent, the Case thus managed ; She petitions the Gov- 
ernor and Council Setting forth his inhuman usage upon which 
Petitions the Court orders her to live separate from him, and he 
to allow her a maintenance according to his Quality and Estate 
and to make his appearance at the next general court before 
which court he dyed and so no farther proceedings therein. Mr- 
Newton can give you a full account of his cruelty and barbarity 
towards her and has evidences ready to prove it, therefore I have 
advised him consult you for the manner of proceeding therein 
and earnestly request you will assist him in it. It cannot 
properly be called a Divorce but a Separation rather for I find 
in Cooke on Littleton folio 235 Several sorts of Divorces a Vin- 
culo Matrimonii but Divorces propter Saevitiam and causa 
Adulterii are more properly Separations because Dissolutions a 
vinculo matrimonii but only a mensa et thoro and the coverture 
continues and consequently a maintenance allowed her and 
Dower after his Decease as is plentifully set forth by those that 
treat thereof. 


You may find one precedent in Cooke car fo. 461, 462 between 
Porter and his wife whereupon prosecution it was decreed. Quod 
propter Sevitiam of her said Husband &c. I question not but 
you are furnished with Precedents of like nature, therefore your 
assistance and advice in this affair is desired by 

Sir Your Wff. 
To Mr. Kenline Chiseldine 
Attorney General of Maryland. 

June 8th, 1681. 
HorCrd Sir- 

The business of your brother and Mr Chas Roane did not 
proceed successfully last Court for two reasons one was timely 
entering the Petition, the other he was only arrested at the 
Suite of Mr. William Lee. How they both happened I Know not 
and Coll* Kendall pleaded Ignorance therein. I have here in- 
closed sent you a Writ and Petition against Roane who is most 
willing to have an end and to have the legal Right known with- 
out delays, therefore to begin with him will cause Expedition 
and the Judgment in his cause will be a Precedent to the rest. 
I wish you much joy in your young son now and comfort here- 

Your Wff. 
To the Hon"'' Coll" Richard Lee. 

June 8th, 1681. 
Dear Mother, 

To go up to Rose before you have provided means for her 
relief will rather aggravate than alleviate her misery, therefore 
this comes that Mr. Newton now advises to will be safest and 
surest and make your voyage comfortable to yourself and a 
creditable Relief to your Daughter which is hereby wished by 

Your Wff. 
To Mrs. Rose Newton. 


July 3rd, 1 68 1. 

Sir: I have this conveniency by Nat. Garland to acquaint 
you that I cannot receive answers to either of the Letters I sent 
you. I believe there may be some miscarriages but not so many 
but that one in three comes to hand. Friends at a distance 
want the happiness of seing one another yet a friendly communi- 
cation by Letters is not barred which I should much rejoice in. I 
assure you I let slip no opportunity and should be glad you 
would use but friendliness therein. I hope Distance has not 
occasioned forgetful ness. Nat. Garland tells me you have made 
great and profitable progress in your Linnen manufacture which 
I heartily congratulate wishing that as you give good example to 
others you may reap benefit thereby to yourself S*r I have here 
inclosed sent a letter to Mr. Alexander Broady with his papers 
inclosed in it. I have left it open to your perusal &c. after which 
I desire you'll seal it and get it a safe conveyance to his hand. 
My Wife and self salute you and your good lady with our Re- 
spects and services. I am 

Your Wff. 
To Capt. 

Tho' Matthews at Cherrypoint. 

July 3d, 1681. 
To Mr. Alex Brody 

At Capt. Len* Howson's: 

This is the first and most certain convenience I have had 
since my coming from Town to communicate to you how your 
business depends, When I received yo' letter with the inclosed 
supersede as I admired at that clause in it, you satisfy'd me by 
your letter that it was neither at your motion nor Petition. 

The copy supersedeas together with the copy of the order and 
this inclosed Petition I presented but to no effect, for the Governour 
and Council said they would not vacate Ord" of Court upon 
prayer only without legal Process and proceeding the said Sea- 
borne being not arrested by the S** Writ nor any Return made, 
therefore their Directions were if the court had injured you, you 


might have your remedy legally against them. So that what I 

can advise farther is to either arrest one or two of the Court that 

then was sitting when the Order past against you or wait with 

patience till Seaburne's arrival and then return your Supersedeas 

and so get a rehearing of the whole matter before the Governour 

and council. 1 know no other means to get relief for you but by 

one of these ways, if you take the former I desire you to come 

up to give me account thereof and Instructions therein, if the 

latter please give me timely notice by the first opportunity and 

in either you shall find me 

Your Wff. 

August 24th, 1 68 1. 

Sir: Yours by Christopher Warner bearing date 29ih 
July, I have received, am glad to hear of your and Lady's health 
therein which I have also been satisfy' d in by M" Rogers who 
has been in your parts and whom I have intreated to be the 
conveyer of this. I do not approve of your town project for the 
advancement of a most useful and advantageous manufacture 
which I believe in time when necessity and use shall have reduced 
more to follow will be found more profitable and advantageous 
to a general Commerce than the greatest probability can imagine 
from this Superfluous Staple that at present custom hath rendered 
suitable to the generality by reason one is absolute necessity, the 
other a thin indifferent and more obliged to the fancy than any 
real worth in itself. 

Absolute necessity of business calls me abroad so often that 
I am glad when I can have some leisure at home, I am taking of 
some and assure your self that you be one of the first whom 
when I get time I intend to visit. 

Necessity as 'tis the mother of Invention, so it is the more so 
of Industry, which has so far been cherished here that there's 
little of any wool left in our parts not wrought up either in 
stockings and therefore no hopes, of the purchase of any here. 
Mine and Wives best Respects salute you and your good Lady, 
continuance of that health and happiness you at present enjoy 
is wished you by 

To Capt Thos Matthews Your Wff. 

At Cherry point. 


Julj" I4lh, 1681. 
HonWd Sir: 

. I received yours by the Soldier wherein you give a farther 
discovery of your business in Mr. Kennon*s relation which dis- 
covers such a palpable cheat that I admire any persuasions should 
induce them to proclaim there own scandal especially when with- 
out interuption, things in your power to have avoided^ you had 
been so obligingly civil to admit them to carry away the per- 
sonal Estate. 

I doubt there catching at the Land may occasion them the loss 
of the real substance, I mean the personal Estate, which they may 
say they were once quietly seised with like the dog in the fable. 
S' your promise to assist me in the purchase of those Negroes 
I requested you to buy for me, only desire farther advice and 
more particular directions which I shall now do. I desired you in 
my former to buy me five or six, whereof three or four to be 
boys« a man and woman or men and women, the boys from eight to 
seventeen or eighteen, the rest as young as you can procure them, 
for price I cannot direct therein because boys according to there 
age and growth are valued in price, therefore S' shall refer that 
wholly to yourself and doubt not your care therein and if you 
please to hire a messenger to come either way with them or to 
come immediately and give me notice thereof I shall gladly 
pay the Messenger and readily come down myself to make pay- 
ment for the same. Sr Mr Brent and myself are resolved to wait 
on you in our journey to Town to be well advised and fully in- 
formed in the Slate of your affairs which are grounded upon 
such just foundation that success is little doubted by 

Yr Wff. 

This letter I sent before the other on the other side but mistook 
the entering it. 

To Ralph Wormley Esq. 

Dec'r 3rd, 1681. 
Mr. John Buckner 

S'r : I was intended the last general court to have waited on 
you, in order to have taken care for your payment what I am 


indebted to you, but in my going was straitened in time and in my 
my coming home earnest to be here. I have now taken this op- 
portunity by Mr. John Withers to send you bills of Maj' Robert 
Beverlys for;^20, 5, 00 which I suppose before this time he has 
taken care with you about his promised payment in your hands at 
the passing of the bills. Esq"" Wormley likewise at the same time 
assured me that he would take care to pay you ;^20 more upon 
my account, which I doubt not but before this he has done; what 
remains I will hereafter take care honestly to pay but hope you 
will make me some abatement for your Dumb Negro that you 
sold me; had she been a new Negro, I must have blamed my 
fate not you; but one that you had two years, I must conclude 
you knew her qualities which is bad at work worse at talking 
and took the opportunity of the Softness of my Messenger to 
quit your hands of her. I will freely give you the ;^3, 5,0, over- 
plus of ;^20 that he gave for her to take her again and will get 
her convey' d to your hands or hope if my offer be not accepta- 
ble you will make me some abatement of so bad a bargain. I 
desire if you have not heard from Mr. Wormley and Maj. Bev- 
erly in order to the payment as above Mr. Withers will not scru- 
ple to stay a day while you send to them that thereby he may 
bring my Obligation with him and will pass himself for the Bal- 
lance which I'll see certainly paid. Sr. This Gentleman is come 
purposely to buy two or three Negro boys or girlls, men or women. 
Upon the Report the protested Bills has opened the Negro Market 
I advised hinvto you for your advice and instructions there, as well 
knowing that if such a thing be you can best advise him. I will 
also myself buy six or eight if the market be so low as is here re- 
ported, in both which your advice is desired by 

Sr. Your Wff 
To Mr. Jno. Buckner, 

p. Mr. Withers. 

February 13th, 168 1-2 
Han'd Sir : 

At the Instance of my very good friend Doc'"" W" Bankes 
this comes not to sollicit any thing from you in his behalf, but 
truly what he is most capable of performing himself but only to 


acquaint your Hon' what a great sufferer his Predecessor Mr. 
Thomas Bunbury has been in the late Distractions and chiefly 
in the sherifT Office s:ranted him by the Governor, without doubt 
for a help and furtherance in his affairs which those times made 
unprofitable and his death after has rendered his fruitless labours 
therein chargeable and troublesome to his successor and ruinous 
to his surviving children, by reason considerable sums have been 
taken by Law from the Estate upon that account, and the profits lie 
scattered up and down in parcels not possible to be brought to- 
gether for use or profit to the Children without a Repetition of 
the same favour to the Successor (as was thought at an ill time) 
granted Mr. Bunbury. He is now prepared to wait upon the 
Govenour, if your Hon' please to grant your letter of Recom- 
mendation in that affair. The profits I dare say will go to the 
increase of that small Pittance of the Children, their unhappy 
father left them. 

To NicV Spencer Esq. 

Secretary of Virginia. 

Hon'^ Sir Your Wff. 

February 26lh, 1 68 1-2 
Honoured Sir: 

This is the first opportunity since I had left the honour of your 
good company to assure you that I am not unprovided with Argu- 
ments (if the Assembly requires it) to prove that the Laws of 
England are in force here, except where the Acts of Assembly 
have otherwise provided, by reason of the constitution of the 
place and people. The Gentleman the bearer is my neigbour 
Doct' Bancks whose health we drank at Maj' Beverley's, he is 
come to wait upon the Govenour to get a grant of the high 
Sheriff's place whose predecessor Mr. Thos. Bunbury was a great 
sufferer by his untimely death in the said Of!ice, and he as his 
sucessor has been a considerable sufferer thereby, as he is able 
truly to inform you and I dare say would esteem it an infinite 
obligation if your Hounour would be pleased to introduce him 
into the Govenour' s knowledge and second his Endeavours. 

Sr. I hope you have had an opportunity of satisfying Mr. 
Buckner that sum you were pleas'd to promise at Maj' Bever- 


iey's. I have had a relation of your observations upon Coll"* 
Griffin's Attorneys, but no account what Evidence they had 
farther to produce which if you think it worth your while I 
should be glad to be informed from yourself that thereby I 
might be thoroughly capable of assuring you. I am 

Honrd Sir Your Wff. 
To Esq' Wormley, &c. 

March 6th, 1681-2. 
HofCrd Sir: 

Yours came to my hand yesterday by Mr. Fox. This morning 
I sent him to Mr. Waugh where he forewarned him off the 
Plantation, spoke to him to desist from falling any more timber 
trees, and from meddling with any more of those Pipe Staves 
Already got, which I according to your Honour's commands 
seconded and endeavoured to set forth to him the inconveniency 
and damage that would attend an obstinate refusal, but he was 
deaf to all and did openly aver that the Promise of surrender was 
upon conditions to be repaid what money he hath already paid 
towards the Purchase, and to be reimbursed what charge and 
expenses he had been at upon the Plantation in building, fenc- 
in|^ &c. And did farther alledge that he had an Obligation from 
under your Honour's hand to assure him a title to the Land 
which as soon as he has, he says he shall then be ready to pay 
the rem*' of the money due to the purchaser. 

The severall passages that happened Mr. Fox will fully re- 
late to you to which I'll refer. But the Result of all was he 
would take no forewarning. And withall promised that he 
would wait upon your Hon' to accomodate the matter. Those 
two hh*" of Tob** you were pleas'd to nominate to me for pay 
at Edward Washington's I have already disposed of and indeed 
the remainder of my Tob° in Westmoreland, except some at 
Mr. Newtons and four more at Nomany for which I have al- 
ready taken freight. 

My Receiver told me this hh* at yo' Quater was as good as 
any he received and before I received your Honour's letter I had 
a purpose to ship it off but that conveniency in payment hinder' d. 


I am sorry it will not answer your expectation in shiping off 

now I have that Tob° demanded for your use but I dare assure 

you from my Receiver that it is <;ood Tob° and it is so late in 

the year I cannot contrive your Tob** elsewhere which I hope 

will be excusable in 

Your Wff. 
To Mr. Secretary Spencer. 

May 29th, 1682 
Maj'r Robt. Beverly, 

Sir: This messenger who is faithful! and intelligent we have 
purposely sent to be certainly informed from yourself wether 
your Restraint continues, the generall Report with us is that 
your freedom was granted you, without any endeavor of Re- 
crimination which will add a greater lustre, to your Innocence 
and assure the world of yo^ capacity that a small jealousie of 
your Dissatisfaction may put great men in Dismay. • Sr. Magna 
Charta the Petition of Rights and the divers statutes made in 
confirmation of the first w"* the severall commentarys and Ex- 
positions upon all, setting forth the liberty of the subject to 
gether with the causes and occasions of his confinement, I am 
indifferently well furnished with, and assure yourself shall not be 
wanting to one of the choicest of my friends, to communicate 
my utmost knowledge therein, did your business now require 
it nor should I scant my pains to do you service or to give you 
any means of Satisfaction touching the same which freedom as- 
sure yourself is candid and if your occasions require it shall find 
it real from 

Sr. Your Wflf. 
To Maj'r Robt. Beverly. 

June 5th 1682. 
Mr. John Burrage, 

Sir : Herewith comes bills of Exchange drawn upon you for 
jQ'j Sterling, the whole with what was paid last year by Mr. 
Tucker for my fees in managing your Several businesses in Vir- 
ginia both in the Generall and County courts. Mr. Bull can 
certainly inform you that I was equally concerned w* Mr. Brent 
in your business and last year and this year I demanded it of 


him, but he was unwillinf^ to draw for any more because he said 
you had not received any quantity of your effects, where that 
fault lyes I know not but this I am sure that your whole effects 
that I was concerned in was due by Judgement. 

Sr, What I had last year was but small in respect of my Ser- 
vice for you at the General Court and this that I charge now is less 
in respect of my service at the County Court, for I can assure you 
and Mr. Bull well knows that my County Court fees barely ac- 
cording to Act of Assembly at 156 p. cause comes to above eight 
thousand pounds of Tob*" which I may demand, you can't deny 
and the Law will give me, yet in respect your Employ was some- 
thing^ considerable and I am something straitned for want of 
money, I have made this small and modest demand in full of 
my whole due which I hope yoii will give due acceptance to, 
which I can assure you will be to your own advantage and the 
the satisfaction of 

Sr Your Wff. 
To Mr. John Burrage 
Merc' in Lyme. 

June 5lh 1682. 
Madam Bland. 

This comes with three bills of Exchange drawn upon you 
for jQto Sterling the full balance of your bill to me, which upon 
answer thereof, I will take care to cancell and do farther signifie 
and oblige myself by these presents to acquit and discharge 
you from the s** bill of ;^20 upon payment of these bills. This 
letter comes only to advise, I have writ you something concern - 
ing^ your business already and by the next shall return you 
•answer of your severall letters which about a fortnight ago I 
received together with a full account of your business as it re- 
lates to me and have taken care with Mr. Blayton and Mr. 
Minge to give you the full State of your whole affairs. 

I hope you will not fail in answering these bills to the full satis- 
faction of 

Madam Your Wff 
To Mrs. Sarah Bland, 
In London. 


June 5th, 1682. 
Maj'r Robt. Beverley. 

Sir: This comes by the same Messenger of the other of 
the 29th May and I hope will find you as well and as free as it 
leaves rtie accompany* d with an assurance of my utmost En- 
deavours to do you Service to the utmost of my power. Sr. I 
have lately received a letter from Madam Bland by which I un- 
derstand she keeps in her old way of Court Solicitations and as- 
sures me of doing me any kindness in her circumstances, there- 
^ fore desire you to send me a fair copy of the Journal of our last 
Assembly to send to her who I doubt not upon receipt thereof 
will be advantageously servicable to us and please also to sig- 
nifie whether I may that way be servicable to you. I hope 
you'll mind and hasten the expediting of your promise in giv- 
ing me a copy of these commissions Instructions &c ; you were 
pleased to assure me should be the first of your care upon your 
coming home. Sr. Those two bills Mr. Brent and I took of 
you for ;^20, 5, o, I cannot find and do doubt have lost them, 
therefore desire you to sign anew the bills herewith sent you 
which have relation to the discharge of the former if ever they 
should be found again which I very much doubt: if you think 
these are not authentickly drawn for a discharge of the former, 
please to draw others yourself My humble service to yourself 
and good lady. If you could draw bills of Exchange payable 
to Mr. Jno. Buckner or order for the whole sum, it would be 
very advantageous to me and mightily satisfactory to him who 
I can pay no other way. 

Your Wfr. 
To Maj'r Robt. Beverly, 

p. Mr. Jn** Withers. 

Instructions for Mr. ]n° Withers his proceedings in his York 
journey June 5th, 1682. 

First, to Maj'r Beverly there's two letters and two bills 
drawn for him to sign for ;^20, 5, as p. the bills you'll see, which 
remember to take, except he will give you bills of Exchange to 
Mr. John Buckner for the said sum. 


2ndly. To take of Madam Hull, Roger Hull's widow, two 
bills of Exchange for jQ^ each, payable to Mr. Brent and 

Thirdly, to take Mr. Fantleroy's bills for ;^8, lo, if he will 
pass for so much but be sure for j^6, or else tell him I shall sue 
him for his Protest. 

Fourthly, to deliver Mr. Broody's letter and take bills of him 
for jQ^ Sterling or ready money if he pleases. 

Fifthly, to deliver Herriot's letter and take bills for ^^3 in 
your own name or else to receive the same in ready money and 
to deliver his papers after paym*. 

Sixthly, To Deliver Mr. Christopher Robinson his letter and 
to take bills for jQj, 10, for Mr. Brent and as much for me in my 
own name and to acquaint him that you are to pay them away 
as you come up. 

Seventhly, To pass Leftidges bill away though it be for fourty 

Eighthly. To purchase what likely Negroes you can either i, 
^« 3* 4> 5 or 6 what boys and men you possibly can, as few women 
as may be, but be sure not above two, to purchase neither man 
nor woman above thirty years old, not to exceed ;^20 for the 
price of a man unless he be extraordinary likely, to buy Mr. 
Walter's boy alone for ;^20 if you can or to give ^^54 for the 
three at most, what under you can, if you cannot purchase him 
alone. To proceed to ;^34 for Maj'r Peyton's two boys if you 
can't get them under or can't hear of a better purchase to do 
for me as for yourself in choosing and purchasing. 

Ninthly, To pass Haverton's bills away in the purchase of 
Negroes if you Can. 

Tenthly, To pass George Boyce his two bills in the Purchase 
of Negroes or any other swap to advantage nay though with 

Eleventhly, To pass Corbett's bills of £6 for anything to my 
best advantage though at halves or for any truck. 

Twelfthly, To deliver Gullock's letter and to take bills of Ex- 
change for Mr. Brent for ;^5 and the same for me in your name 
if you see occasion. 

Your Wff. 


June 20, 1682. 

Mr. Herriout being bound your way I could not miss so 

fit an opportunity of Saluting yourself and good Lady also by 

the same to present mine and wives humble service to you both. 

I am newly returned from my Nomany and Cherry point 

journey which seemed to be more troublesome in Imagination 

than I found them in the Action. Lincoln, praised be Heaven 

and his good friends has all his panick fears and fearfull petts 

&c. removed. Our good friend Mr. Mathews spent that small 

time I had to converse with him Rather in inquiring names than 

&c. which I was fully capable of solving him, what use he can 

make of knowing mens names I know not, it is too deep a reach 

for my Shallow capacity. I am not yet able to acquaint you with 

Southern news by reason Jn* Withers is not yet returned whom 

I every minute longingly expect, at his Arrival do hope we may 

be together to communicate. I desire you Ml signifie what plank 

is ready for me, that I may take care to get it home yet I must 

beg the favour of you very speedily, if it be not already done, to 

get down my Walnut Planks to Mr. Peyton's landing. I shall 

not be ungratefull to the person that does it and shall esteem it 

a singular favour of yours to 

To Mr. George Brent. 

June 27th, 1682. 
Mr. William Leigh. 

St'r: Your*s bearing date ist June about a fortnight ago I 
received wherein your taxing I must patiently bear, and ac- 
knowledge my fault, yet with this extenuation that want of 
health hinder*d my coming, want of horses my sending and my 
dependence of finding them, hindered an early care to provide 
another to send to you which I hope by my friend will be admitted 
excusable, and sooner, I could not effectually send to you than 
this opportunity I now take, together with what effects I 
could raise for your satisfaction which herewith I send you (viz.) 
Mr. Robinson's bill for £7, 10, o, Mr. Fauntleroy's for ;^8, 10, 
Mr. Storke*s for £2, 10, and Mr. Herriots for jQ2, 10, 6, which 
makes in all ;{^2i, 00, 6, which is all the ready money I can at 


present procure for you that will be certainly paid. Sr. I have 
sent and indorse two bills more one of Thomas Howerton for 
;^3 Sterling which at the fall will be certainly paid together with 
that bill of Coxes for ;^5 which makes in all ^^29, 00, 6. I like- 
wise send you Mr. Leftidges bill due and payable long since, 
which I am affraid is none of the best, I am sure to meet at this 
Distance, it is not, therefore have purposely sent it to you well 
knowing your nearness may give you all opportunities to secure 
it, which I desire you to take care in for me and when obtained 
let it go to my credit in these bills, the remainder due is £1, 11, 
6, which at the fall I shall contrive to your conveniency together 
with what you want in those other bills (if any) which I hope not. 
Sir, I desire to know whether you continue your resolution as to 
your Town practice. I assure you I continue mine, therefore if 
yours continue both Mr. Brent and myself shall recommend as 
before intimated, at Town what clients we can, together with our 
particular business to your care and management and please to 
acquaint me in what myself may be serviceable to you and you 
may command me. I have herewith also sent you an account 
ready stated, which I desire you to sign and send me again. I 
cannot remember your employers and my creditors names, there- 
fore have left a blank for it which I desire you to fill up which 
may be for my future justification upon the mortality of either 
of us. Sr. Here's a iriend of mine in these parts has about ;^ioo, 
Sterling by him which he desires to lay out in Negroes, if any 
good ones are to be purchased and reasonable in your Parts, 
please to signify the same in your letter by the bearer and I shall 
acquaint him therewith. Our Parts are so barren of News that 
I am able to inform you of none. I hope your's will which I 
dare say you'll not be wanting in communicating. 

The Messenger goes to James Town therefore may be engaged 
to call as he comes with some considerable concerns in it. I re- 
quest your favour of delivering it yourself or sending it by a safe 
Messenger who may bring answer back from him to you, which 
you may please to deliver the Messenger upon his return back. 

Your Wff. 
To Mr. William Leigh, 

In New Kent. 


June 27th, 1682. 
Mr. John Buckner. 

Sir : I have enclosed sent you bills of Exchange ^^26, 10, 00, 
p. bills that will be certainly paid, for the remainder that is due 
to you, I will next year betimes make punctual payment. The 
reason that I did not this year comply and that sooner was by 
reason of Maj'r Beverley's money not being paid for that money 
I purposely purchased for your conveniency and drew bills to 
Mr. Brent for one half of it which since has not answer' d with 
expectations nor your payment. I hope the next year part of 
it may do for the Ballance now due, but if it should not, I will 
be sure fully to satisfy you to content. 

Also I have herewith sent you an account as it stands betwixt 
us which I desire you to sign and send me up inclosed in your 
letter which will manifest in case of Mortality, the true station 
of Accounts betwixt us and if you please a little news will be 
acceptable to 

To Mr. Jno. Buckner. 

August 2nd, 1682. 
HorCrd Sir: 

This messenger's haste will not admit me to copy out that 
Breviate for your Perusal which I promis'd you and therefore 
shall take the first conveniency by some of Coir Jones his men 
which will not be long, first for contriving you that, together 
with the most material of your other papers. Yet this conve- 
niency give me this opportunity of returning you thanks for 
your favours especially your last which was accompanied with a 
generous promise of lending me the second and third part of 
Rushworth's Historical Collections and his tryal of the Earle 
of Strafford which I earnestly desire you will please send me by 
this bearer who will take great care of them and safely convey 
them to my hand. Sr. The bearer has with him from the office 
a Special Warrant ready drawn for the Govenour's Signature 
in behalf of Mr. Richard Gibson against Matthew Thompson 
which Mr. Secretary promised me last general court to get 
signed and has since assured Mr. Gibson to write to the Gove- 


nour about it, but lest multiplicity of business might occasion 
his forgetting y' of, Mr. Gibson desired me to acquaint you that 
there might be no scruple in signing it My earnest desire of the 
perusal of those Books makes me not fear the Impertinency in 
Seconding my above Request about the Books w"^^ shall be care- 
fully used and safely returned 

by Your Wff. 
To Esq. Wormley. 

(to bb continued.) 

Proclamations of Nathaniel Bacon. 

[The following: proclamations were issued by Nathaniel Bacon in the 
codrse of the memorable insurrection of 1676. which is so completely 
identified with his name. This insurrection, which for a time was a 
successful uprising against many intolerable wrongs, preceded the 
American Revolution by a century, an event which it resembled in its 
spirit, if not in its causes and results. Bacon is known in history as the 
Rebel, but the fuller information which we have now as to the motives 
of his conduct shows tiiat he can with more justice be described as 
Bacon the Patriot. This fact is brought out with special clearness in 
the first of the three proclamations which we publish. He headed a 
powerful popular movement in which the sovereignty of the people 
was for the first time relied upon on American soil by a great leader 
as the justification of his acts. The spirit breathing through the Decla- 
ration of the People is the spirit of the Declaration of Independence 
written a hundred years later. The Appeal to the People of Accomac 
has a more local significance. The people of that county had been 
earnest supporters of Berkeley in the insurrection, and he had taken 
refuge among them when driven from the western shore by Bacon. 
The originals of these three proclamations are now in the British State 
Paper Office.] 

Nathaniel Bacon Esq' r his Manifesto Concerning the 

Present troubles in Virginia. 

If vertue be a sin, if Piety be giult, all the Principles of 
morality goodness and Justice be perverted, Wee must confesse 
That those who are now called Rebells may be in danger of those 
high imputations, Those loud and severall Bulls would affright 


Innocents and render the defence of o' Brethren and the enquiry 
into o' sad and heavy oppressions, Treason. But if there bee 
as sure there is, a just God to appeal too, if Religion and Justice 
be a sanctuary here, If to plead y* cause of the oppressed, If 
sincerely to aime at his Mat'** Honour and the Publick good 
without any reservation or by Interest, If to stand in the Gap 
after soe much blood of o*^ dear Brethren bought and sold, If 
after the losse of a great part of his Ma'*** Colony deserted and 
dispeopled, freely with o' lives and estates to indeavor to save 
the remaynders bee Treason God Almighty Judge and lett 
guilty dye, But since wee cannot in o' hearts find one single 
spolt of Rebellion or Treason or that wee have in any manner 
aimed at the subverting y* setled Government or attempting of 
the Person of any either magistrate or private man not with 
standing the severall Reproaches and Threats of some who for 
sinister ends were disaffected to us and censured o' ino[cent] 
and honest designes, and since all people in all places where wee 
have yet bin can attest o"" civill quiet peaseable behaviour farre 
different from that of Rebellion and tumultuous persons let Trueth 
be bold and all the world know the real Foundations of pretended 
giult, Wee appeale to the Country itselfe what and of what nature 
their Oppressions have bin or by what Caball and mistery the de- 
signes of many of those whom wee call great men have bin trans- 
acted and caryed on,>but let us trace these men in Authority and 
Favour to whose hands the dispensation of the Countries wealth 
has been commited; let us observe the sudden Rise of their 
Estates composed with the Quality in w""" they first entered this 
Country Or the Reputation they have held here amongst wise 
and discerning men, And lett us see wither their extractions and 
Education have not bin vile. And by what pretence of learning 
and vertue they could soe soon into Imployments of so great 
Trust and consequence, let us consider their sudden advance- 
ment and let us also consider wither any Publick work for o' 
safety and defence or for the Advancem* and propogation of 
Trade, liberall Arts or sciences is here Extant in any [way] ada- 
quate to o"^ vast chardg, now let us compare these things togit 
[her] and see what spounges have suckt up the Publique Treas- 
ure and wither it hath not bin privately contrived away by un- 
worthy Favourites and juggling Parasites whose tottering For- 


tunes have bin repaired and supported at the Publique chardg, 
now if it be so Judg what greater giult can bee then to offer to 
pry into these and to unriddle the misterious wiles of a power- 
ful! Cabal let all people Judge what can be of more dangerous 
Import then to suspect the soe long Safe proceedings of Some 
of o' Grandees and wither People may with safety open their 
Eyes in soe nice a Conceme. 

Another main article of o' Giult is o' open and manifest aver- 
sion of all, not onely the Foreign but the protected and Darling 
Indians, this wee are informed is Rebellion of a deep dye For 
that both the Governour and Councell are by Colonell Coales 
Assertion bound to defend the Queen and the Appamatocks with 
their blood Now whereas we doe declare and can prove that they 
have bin for these Many years enemies to the King and Coun- 
try, Robbers and Theeves and Invaders of his Ma'**" Right and 
o' Interest and Estates, but yet have by persons in Authority bin 
defended and protected even against His Ma**** loyall Subjects 
and that in soe high a Nature that even the Complaints and 
oaths of his Ma"** Most loyall Subjects in a lawfull Manner prof- 
fered by them against tho' barborous Outlawes have bin by y* 
right honourable Governour rejected and y* Delinquents from 
his presence dismissed not only with pardon and indemnitye but 
with all incouragement and favour, Their Fire Arms soe de- 
structfuU to us and by o" lawes prohibited, Commanded to be re- 
stored them, and open Declaration before Witness made That 
they must have Ammunition although directly contrary to o" 
law, Now what greater giult can be then to oppose and indeavour 
the destruction of these Honest quiet neighbours of ours. 

Another main article of our Giult is o' Design not only to 
ruine and extirpate all Indians in Generall but all Manner of 
Trade and Commerce with them, Judge who can be innocent that 
strike at this tender Eye of Interest; Since the Right honourable 
the Governour hath bin pleased by his Commission to warrant 
this Trade who dare oppose it, or opposing it can be innocent, 
Although Plantations be deserted, the blood of o' dear Brethren 
Spilt, on all Sides o' complaints, continually Murder upon Mur- 
der renewed upon us, who may or dare think of the generall 
Subversion of all Mannor of Trade and Commerce with o' 
enemies who can or dare impeach any of * * * Traders at 


the Heades of the Rivers if contrary to the wholesome provision 
made by lawes for the countries safety, they dare continue their 
illegal! practises and dare asperse ye right honourable Gover- 
nours wisdome and Justice soe highly to pretend to have his 
warrant to break that law w*"" himself made, who dare say That 
these Men at the Heads of the Rivers buy and sell o' blood, 
and doe still notwithstanding the late Act made to the contrary, 
admit Indians painted and continue to Commerce, although 
these things can be proved yet who dare bee soe giulty as to 
doe it. 

Another Article of o' Giult is To Assert all those neighbour 
Indians as well as others to be outlawed, wholly unqualifyed for 
the benefitt and Protection of the law, For that the law does 
reciprocally protect and punish, and that all people offending 
must either in person or Estate make equivalent satisfaction or 
Restitution according to the manner and merit of y' Offences 
Debts or Trespasses; Now since the Indians cannot according 
to the tenure and forme of any law to us known be prosecuted. 
Seised or Complained against, Their Persons being difficulty 
distinguished or known. Their many nations languages, and 
their subterfuges such as makes them incapeable to make us 
Restitution or satisfaction would it not be very giulty to say 
They have bin unjustly defended and protected these many years. 

If it should be said that the very foundation of all these dis- 
asters the Grant of the Beaver trade to the Right Honourable 
Governour was illegal! and not granteable by any power here 
present as being a monopoly, were not this to deserve the name 
of Rebell and Traytor. 

Judge therefore all wise and unprejudiced men who may or can 
faithfully or truely with an honest heart attempt y* country's 
good, their vindication and libertie without the aspersion of Trai- 
tor and Rebell, since as soe doing they must of necessity gall 
such tender and dear concernes, But to manifest Sincerity [sic] 
and loyalty to the World, and how much wee abhorre those bit- 
ter names, may all the world know that we doe unanimously 
desire to represent o^ sad and heavy grievances to his most 
sacred Ma**' as o' Refuge and Sanctuary, where wee doe well 
know that all o' Causes will be impartially heard and Equall 
Justice administred to all men. 


The Declaration of the People. 

For having upon specious pretences of Publick works raised 
unjust Taxes upon the Commonalty for the advancement of private 
Favourits and other sinnister ends but noe visible effects in any 
measure adequate. 

For not having dureing the long time of his Government in 
any measure advanced this hopefuil Colony either by Fortifica- 
tion, Townes or Trade. 

For having abused and rendered Contemptible the Majesty of 
Justice, of advancing to places of judicature scandalous and Ig- 
norant favourits. 

For having wronged his Ma"" Prerogative and Interest by 
assuming the monopoley of the Beaver Trade. 

By having in that unjust gaine Bartered and sould his Ma^' 
Country and the lives of his Loyal Subjects to the Barbarous 

For haveing protected favoured and Imboldened the Indians 
against his Ma** most Loyall subjects never contriveing requireing 
or appointing any due or proper meanes of satisfaction for their 
many Invasions Murthers and Robberies Committed upon us. 

For having when the Army of the English was Just upon the 
Track of the Indians, which now in all places Burne Spoyle and 
Murder, and when wee might with ease have destroyed them who 
then were in open Hostility for having expresly Countermanded 
and sent back our Arniy by passing his word for the peaceable 
demeanour of the said Indians, who imediately prosecuted their 
evill Intentions Committing horrid Murders and Robberies in all 
places being protected by the said Engagement and word pass' d 
of him the said S'r William Berkley having ruined and made 
desolate a great part of his Ma" Country, have now drawne 
themselves into such obscure and remote places and are by their 
successes §oe imboldened and confirmed and by their Confed- 
eracy soe strengthened that the cryes of Bloud are in all places 
and the Terrour and consternation of the People soe great, that 
they are now become not only a difficult, but a very formidable 
Enemy who might with Ease have been destroyed &c. When 
upon the Loud Outcries of Blood the Assembly had with all 


care raised and framed an Army for the prevention of future 
Mischiefs and safei^uard of his Ma^ Colony. 

For having with only the privacy of some few favourits with- 
out acquainting the People, only by the Alteration of a Figure 
forged a Commission by wee know not what hand, not only with- 
out but against the Consent of the People, for raising and effect- 
ing of Civill Warrs and distractions, which being happily and 
w'^'out Bloodshedd prevented. 

For haveing the second tyme attempted the same thereby, 
calling downe our Forces from the defence of the Frontiers, and 
most weake Exposed Places, for the prevention of civil! Mischief 
and Ruine amongst ourselves, whilst the barbarous Enemy in all 
places did Invade murder and spoyle us his Ma^' most faithfull 

Of these the aforesaid Articles wee accuse SV William Berkely, 
as guilty of each and every one of the same, and as one, who 
hath Traiterously attempted, violated and Injured his Ma^"* In- 
terest here, by the losse of a great Part of his Colony, and many 
of his Faithfull and Loyal! subjects by him betrayed, and in a 
barbarous and shameful! manner exposed to the Incursions and 
murthers of the Heathen. 

And we further declare these the Ensueing Persons in this 
List, to have been his wicked, and pernitious Councellors, Aiders 
and Assisters against the Commonalty in these our Cruel! Com- 

S' Henry Chicherly, Knt., Jos. Bridger, 

Col. Charles Wormley, W"^ Clabourne, 

Phil. Dalowell, Thos. Hawkins, Junior, 

Robert Beverly, William Sherwood, 

Robert Lee, Jos. Page, Clerk, 

Thos. Ballard, Jo. Cliffe, '' 

William Cole, Hubberd Farrell, 

Richard Whitacre, John West, 

Nicholas Spencer, Thos. Reade, 

Mathew Kemp. 
And wee doe further demand, That the said S'r William Berk- 
ley, w'*" all the Persons in this List, be forthw'** delivered upp, or 
surrender themselves, w^'^in foure dayes, after the notice hereof, 
or otherwise wee declare, as followeth, That in whatsoever house. 


place, or shipp, any of the said Persons shall reside, be hide, or 
protected, Wee doe declare, that the Owners, masters, or Inhabi- 
tants of the said places, to be Confederates, and Traitors to the 
People, and the Estates of them, as alsoe of all the aforesaid Per- 
sons to be Confiscated, This wee the Commons of Virginia doe 
declare desiring a prime Union among ourselves, that wee may 
Joyntly, and with one Accord defend ourselves against the Com- 
mon Enemye. And Let not the Faults of the guilty, be the Re- 
proach of the Innocent, or the Faults or Crimes of ye Oppressors 
divide and separate us, who have suffered by theire oppressions. 
These are therefore in his Ma^ name, to Command you forth- 
with to seize, the Persons above mentioned, as Traytors to ye 
King and Countrey, and them to bring to Middle Plantation, and 
there to secure them, till further Order, and in Case of opposi- 
tion, if you want any other Assistance, you are forthwith to 
demand it in the Name of the People of all the Counties of 


[sign""] NATH BACON, Gen'l. 

By the Consent of ye People. 

Bacon's Appeale to the People of Accomack. 

Of part of our victory, and the misery of your own and S*^ 
W" Berkleys Condition, your selves are Judges, how unjust your 
cause was, how base and sordid the invitation that tempted, how 
unheard of, his and your manner of proceedings against yo' 
neighbors and friends, to invade this poor Colony and bee the first 
beginners of Bloodshed amongst his Ma***' subjects, for hopes of 
Plunder: does I believe by this time gall your consciences and 
reasons to reflect upon, and consider how you have been deluded 
and gulled by that abominable Jugler: whose cheates and base 
Actions you are all acquainted with, and whose oppressions you 
have a long time groaned under, which that you may more 
clearly see and understand, read without p'judice and consid'. 

Know what I have done, has bin in defence of his Ma^" in- 
terest (by a power derived from his Ma"~) as authentique and 
immediate, as in this part of the world can be — being a Com- 
mission signed by S' W™ Berkley att the request of yo' Assem- 
bly, and ratified by an Act of Assembly, whereby the said Si' 


W" Berkley amply and fully expresseth his confidence of my 
Loyalty to his Ma"^ to bee one of the grounds and reasons of this 
intrusting mee with soe great a charge, which doth fully and 
absolutely acquitt me of that violence whereby hee pretends the 
Commission to be extorted, for that all the world may imagine 
that noe man of honour in his place, would bee compelled to Act 
against reason, soe that noe reasonable man can imagine Com- 
pulsion otherwise than a Ridiculous Evasion. 

For in Taxing mee contrary to the tenor of my Commission 
hee taxeth himself of Treason to our Soveraigne, w*^ no p'tence of 
compulsion can excuse, for it is not to bee supposed that his Ma^'' 
would intrust either a Coward, or a fToole, soe that it doth neces- 
sarily follow that if my Commission were Just and granted for 
reasonable grounds (as by the tenor thereof under his hand doth 
appeare) then the Complaint by him ag"* us, was unjust and abom- 
inable or if I were what hee pr**°** hee doth att once confesse him- 
self both a Coward and a Traitor which hee very well knows: and 
it is on that score, that by his folly and passion together, hath 
involved himself, and this poore Colony, in such a Laborinth of 
mine, for that hee very well knows, that hee never can Answer 
what hee hath done before his Ma^^ should his doings, and what 
he was alwaies desirious of, come to the eares of our Soveraigne 
Lord (as by our former declaration may appeare) for he knowes 
and will consider, that by his own handwriting all his accusations 
ag*' his Ma""" Loyall Subjects, which were with such haste dis- 
patched for England, are frustrate, when that it will appeare that 
hee hath granted me Commission of an Afterdate to his Accusa- 
tion, hee therefore perceiving that all his damnable Plotts and 
devices ag" the people although by all his Artifices, Lyes and 
Juggles must of necessity turne on himselfe, not daring to trust 
himselfe to the Justice of our Soveraigne, whose interest with our 
lives wee have defended, resolved rather to trust his Cause to 
the rash Conduct of his madd party, to the wisedome of a dis- 
cerning Prince, who must needs count him unfitt to Governe, 
who neither had the principle to doe what was just, not the 
courage to oppose what was unjust. 

Again consid' also, that hee has Acted beyond his Commission 
or power, granted from his Ma**' wh impowers him to Act with 
foure of his Councell Jointly, when in this late disturbance, hee 
hath had but Two (Cole & Ludwell.) 


Againe consid' that hee Levyed forces without an Assembly or 
the consent of the Country, against the people who have hitherto 
been of the defensive party. 

Lastly consid' how closely, constantly and diligently wee have 
acquitted ourselves of our trust, and taken all possible advantages 
of our Indian Enemy. 

Consid'' also what considerable victoryes wee have obtained, in 
two marches ag*^ them and how we have been pursued and pro- 
secuted in both. 

Consid'' also what ill successe hee and his party have had, and 
what little reason you have to boast either of your purchase or 
any your attempts, or actions in our Rivers. 


If therefore, sence, reason or humanity can invite you (bee 
unbeguiled betimes) and attend what is seriously spoken to you 
and propounded by the people of Virginia, that if you doe within 
fHfteen dayes after the arrival of this paper on y' shore, send 
some of y' discreetest persons in the name of your Countrey, 
to make us sattisfaction for our Losses (which by your Pyracyes) 
wee have sustained, and to deliver up to us the Ringleaders, to 
bee sent into England, there to have their Tryall, that is to say 
Custis, Stringer, ffoxcraft, Littleton, as also shall howrly convey 
to us what persons of our party are there detained as Prisoners, 
that then out of the tender desires wee have to p'serve peace and 
Amnity among ourselves, that his Ma"** Colony might not bee 
ruined by yo' rashness: wee will rather treat w"* you as Brothers 
and friends and endeavour that our sad difference may bee com- 

And that this action of y**" may be reckoned as the seducem* 

of that abomniable Jugler S' whose oppressions you have 

formerly known then any wayes revive the memory of it to the 
Breach and discontinuance of that peace which wee hitherto have, 
and ought to maintaine (w*'*' if you deny) I appealeeven to your- 
selves, if you can justly blame us, if wee prosecute you with all 
extremity of warr, to the utmost of our powers, which you must 
expect from them, whom nothing but your own folly and Injus- 
tice has or can make your Enemies. 

Subscribed thus, 



List of Officers, Sailors and Marines of the Virginia 
Navy in the American Revolution. 

In the Supplement to the Virj^nia Gazette of July 5, 1776, 
is printed the *' Constitution, or Form of Government, agreed to 
and resolved by the Delegates and Representatives of the sev- 
eral counties and corporations of Virginia -y 

Then follows : 

''The following are the appointments under the above Plan 
of Government :*' 
" Patrick Henry, junior, esq., Governour." 

"John Page, Dudley Digges, John Tayloe, John Blair, Ben- 
jamin Harrison of Berkeley, Bartholomew Dandridge, Charles 
Carter of Shirley, and Benjamin Harrison of Brandon, Counsel- 
lors of State." 

" Thomas Whiting, John Hutchings, Champion Travis. 
Thomas Newton, jun. and George Webb, esquires. Commission- 
ers of Admiralty/' 

"Edmund Randolph, esq.. Attorney-General.'* 

" Thomas Everard and James Cocke, esquires, Commissioners 
for settling accounts." 

'* GOD save the Commonwealth." 

In the same Supplement appears the following advertisement : 

** The commissioners of the Navy Board will meet in the city 
of Williamsburg on Monday the 8th instant, to enter upon the 
necessary duties of their office. 

Thomas Whiting." 



Under the above appointment of the Navy Board began the 
work of water defences in Virginia against the attacks of the 

The following named officers of the Virginia Navy were ap- 
pointed by the Navy Board. 

Their names are taken from a number of lists made out by 
John H. Smith, and published as Docs. 30, 31, 32, 33, of the 
House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia for the 
Session of 1833-34. 

Officers of the Virginia Navy during the Revolu- 
tionary War. 


Barron, James, Brooke, Walter, 

Boucher, . 


Barron, Richard, 
Boush, Goodrich, 
Bright, Francis, 
Callender, Eliezer, 
Carr, Samuel, 
Elliot, George, 
Green, William, 
Harris, John, 
Herbert, Thomas, 
Lilley, Thomas, 
Markham, James, 
Parker, William H., 
Rogers, George, 
Saunders, William, 
Saunders, Celey, 
Skinner, William, 
Travis, Edward, 
Thomas, John, 
Underbill. William, 
Wright, Westcot, 

Wilson, Willis, 
Watson, Johannes, 
Barrett, John, 
Calvert, John, 
Taylor, Richard, 
Sturdivant, Joel, 
Cocke, James, 
Conway, Robert, 
Calvert, Christopher, 
Cooke, Robert, 
Deane, William, 
Gutherie, Alexander, 
Ivey, William, 
Pasture, John, 
Rogers, John, 

Stephens, , 

Sandford, Lawrence, 
Thompkins, Robert, 
Towles, Samuel, 
Younghusband, Isaac. 




Archer, John, or Asher, 
Allen, Thomas, 
Boush, Charles, 
Barnett, Jonathan, 
Barron, Samuel, 
Barron, William, 
Chamberlayne, George, 
Cunningham, William, 
Chandler, Thomas, 
Christian, William, 
Chamberlayne. Phil., 
Chamberlayne, Byrd, 
Cannon, Jesse, 
Dougherty, James, 
Dale, Richard, 
Hamilton, John, 
Herbert, Bascow or Pascow, 
Humphlett, Thomas, 
Jones, Lewis, Jr., 
James, Michael, 
Kautzman, John, 
Lightburne, Richard, 
Lurty, John, 
Montague, Richard, 
Miilener, Robert, 
Parker, William H., 
Parker, Richard, 
Payne, Merryman, 
Peitigrew, John, 
Rust, Benjamin, 
Richardson, Daniel, 
Roots, John, 
Singleton, Joshua, 
Steele, William, 

Saunders, Joseph, 
Servant, Richard, 
Tompkins, Christ., 
Thrall, John, 
Watkins, James, 
Wonicutt, Edward, 
Field, Theophilus, 
George, J,esse, 
Gray, James, 
Lightburne, Henry, 
Lightburne, Stafford, 
Lipscomb, Daniel, 
Larkins, David, 
Blaws, Robert, 
Cheshire, John, 
Crew, John, 
Cabell, Absalom, 
Elam, Robert, 
Gray, Robert, 
Goffogan, Laben, 
Harris, John. 
Healy, Samuel, 
Herbert, Argyle, 
Jefferies, Aaron, 
Jones, Charles, 
Lattimore, Edward, 
Messeures, Francis, 
Morton, Edward, 
Pollard, Thomas, 
Richards, John, 
Ross, John, 
Richardson, William, 
Speake, Joseph, 
Taylor, John. 




Bennett. William, 
Bonnewell, Thomas, 
Corbin, William, 
Moore, John, 

Mercer, Isaac, 
Tupman, John, 
Buckner, William, 
Payne, John. 



Ashly, Warren, 

Biundon, Seth, 

Bloxom, Scarboro*. 

Broadwater, Covington, 

Cotrill, William, 

Currell, James, 

Cook, Dawson, 

Capes, Beverly, 

Cannon, Luke, 

Eskridge, Edwin, 

Eskridge, Samuel, 

Elliot, Alexander, 

Fleet, Henry, 

Henderson, David, 

Howard (or Hay ward),Thomas, 

Hall, Robert, 

Hubbard, John, 

Harcum, Lott, 

Hughlett, John, 

Holt, Henry, 

Kennon, Hawson, 

Kent, Jesse, 

Moore, Alexander, 

McWilliams, Joshua, 

Muir, John. 

Muse, Jesse, 

March, William, 

NuttalU Iverson, 

Pierce, John, 

Ashby, Benjamin, 
Anderson, David, 
Brown, William, 
Boush, William, 
Curtis, James, 
Chamberlayne, Edward, 
Dawson, Thomas, 
Dove, James, 
Epperson, Richard, 
Foster, Peter, 
Grant, Thomas, 
Green, James, 
Gordon, Churchill, 
Harcum, Henry, 
Harcum, Rhodham, 
Hall, Thomas, 
Hughlett, William, 
Lane, John, 
Mitchell, Richard, 
Masterton, Thomas, 
Massenburg, Alexander, 
Marshall, James, 
Neil, Priesley, 
Parker, Thomas, 
Powell, Francis, 
Pope, William, 
Patterson, John, 
Read, Francis, 
Robins, Johns, 



Summerson, Gavin. 

Shearman, Martin, 

Saunders. Richard, 

Stott. William, Lt. ? 

Strother, Benjamin, 

Taylor, Benjamin. 

Tutt, James, 

Waddy, Shepleigh, 

Taylor. John, 

Brown, Georj^e, 


Stubbs, John, 

Tyler, Henry, 

Triplett, Reuben, 

Turpin, John, 

Wilson, John, 

Wilson, Samuel, 

Willis, Henry, 

Webb, Francis, 

Wray, George, Act'g Mid., 

Wilson, Joseph, 


Chaplain, Benjamin, 
Grear, Charles, 
Hunter, George, 
Livingstone, Justice, 
McClurg, Walter, 
Pitt, John, 
Swoope, John, 
Sharpless, John, 
Snead, Robert, 
Pell, Joseph S. 
Brown, David, 

Bell, William Smith, 
Christie, William, 
Carter, William, 
Cheeseman, Thomas, 
Griffin, Corbin, 
Harris, Simon, 
Johnston, William, 
M'Nichal, John, 
Reynolds, John, 
Russell, James, 
Riddle, George. 

surgeon's mates. 

Britain, John, 
Banks, James, 
Dobson, Robert, 
Ferguson, Robert, 
Gibson, John, 
Hansford, Cary, 
Jennings, John, 


Ballard, William, 
Bird, Levin, 
Butler, Thomas, 

Marshall, Janifer, 
Murray, David, 
Roe, William, 
White, William, 
Landrum, Thomas, 
Lyons, John, 
Chowning, William. 

Goffigon, Peter, 
Terrant, Caesar, 
Webb, Robert, 

Williamson, John. 



Simpson, Hancock. 


Amands, Ambrose, Gibson, John, 

Allman, William. House, William, 

Barnett, Artax^s, Longwith, Burgess, 

Broadwater, John, Loyd, Morris, 

Burk, James, Lumber, William, 

Cook, William, Mears, Bartholomew, 

Green, William, Rydman, John, 

Gibson, James, Crabb, John. 

gunner's mates. 

Lumber, Thomas, Revel, John, 

Downton, William. 


Burk, John, Flynt, John, 

Cropper, John, Moss, Starke, 

Evans, Philip, White, Jacobus, 

Green, William. 


Simpson, Salathel. 


Bully, John, Philips, Jacob, 

Lang, Alexander, Walters, Isaac. 

boatswain's mate. 

Johnston, Joshua, Stott, William, 

Taylor, Jabez. 

carpenter's mate. 
Melson, Levin. 


master's MATES. 

Jones, Lewis, Smart, Richard, 


Tucker, Silas. 


Bailey, Laban, Broadwater, James, 

Price, Ebenezer. 


Fields, John. 


Saulsberry, Moses. 

Officers of Marines of Virginia During the 



Allison, John, Pollard, Benjamin, 

Carr, Samuel, Arell, John, 

Dick, Alexander, Cock, John Catesby, 

Foster, James, Hanway, Samuel, 

Lee, John, Hamilton, Thomas, 

Merewether, Thomas, Jones, Gabriel, 

Peers, Valentine, Mitchell, William, 

Madison, Gabriel. 


Boush, Charles, Shields, John, 

Brown, Windsor, Valentine, Jacob, 

Burkhead (or Bankhead), Jas., Moody, James, 



Merewether, James, Davis, John R. , 

K Payne, William, Graves, Richard C, 

Quarles, James, Hogg, Richard, 

Reynolds, John, Stratton, Henry, 

Waller, Edmund. 



THE State Navy. 

Ashley, William, Mast. Mate. 
Alexander, George, Seaman. 
Anderson. Luke, 
Apperson, Richard, 
Andrews, Williams, 
Anderson, Nathaniel, 
Abraham, (a negro), 
Ashburn, Thomas, 
Banks, James, 
Boyd, Augustine, 
Bowman, Christopher, 
Byrd, Frederick, 
Brent, John, 
Boston, Thomas, 
Bartee, Samuel, 
Bartee William, 
Bush, Samuel, 

Brown, William, do. 

Badger, Jessee, do. 

Bishop, Joshua, do. 

Bloxom, Stephen, do. 

Bailey, Robert, do. 

Budd, Thomas, do. 

Buker, John, do. 

Bennett, Elias. do. 

Bailey, Southey, do. 

Bowing, Joshua, do. 

Boush, Jack, do. 

Boush, James, do. 

Carp. Mate. 

Boush, George, Seaman. 

Bond, James, do. 

Boush, Wilson, do. 

Boush, Daniel^ do. 

Boston, (a negro), do. 

Brent, Richard, do. 

Brent, Hugh, do. 

Bailey, John, do. 

Bess, John, do. 

Bottom, John, do. 

Bowen, John, do. 

Bailey, Thomas, do. 

Bailey, James, do. 

Brumley, Philip. do. 

Brumley, William, do. 

Burns, Christopher, do. 

Brown, John, do. 

Coats, John, do. 

Corbell, Fleet, do. 

Corbell, William, do. 

Cassity, John, do. 

Casity, William, do. 

Caser, Terrance, do. 

Coats, William, do. 

Crowder, Joshua, do. 

Channing, William, do. 

Carter, George, do. 

Chandler, Thomas, do. 

Coleman, John, do. 



Chiles, John, Boatswain. 

Crane, James, Master. 

Chaine, Shadrach, Q. Master. 

Cropper, John, Carpenter. 

Coats, Edney, Seaman. 

Coats, Jesse, do. 

Coats, Raleigh, do. 

Coats, Thomas, do. 

Cooke, William, do. 
Corbett, Clem, Ord'y Seaman. 
Claiborne, Nath'l, do. do. 

Claiborne, Tho's, Able do. 
Cooper, Willi'm, Jr., do. do. 

Charles, Moore, do. do. 

Carter, Philip, Seaman. 

Clements, John, Boatswain. 

Cheshire, John, Master. 

Cox, Anthony, Seaman. 

Currell, James, do. 

Cox, Edward, do. 

Cottrell, Thomas, do. 

Cleverius, John, do. 

Cooper, Henry, do. 

Currell, Spencer, do. 

Currell, Thomas, do. 

Dykes, John, do. 

Dunford, William, Mate. 

Doggett, George, Carpenter. 

Dunton, Severn, Seaman. 

Dobson, Robert,* do. 
Doghead (or Doggett), 

Reuben, do. 

Dudley, John, do. 

Dyes, Richard, do. 

Daniel (a negro), do. 

Drake, Augustine, do. 

Driver, John, 


Den by, William, 


Denby, Willis, 


Edward, Ellis, 


Elliston, John, 


Evans, John, 


Edgcomb, Thomas, Able do. 
Evans, William, Boatswain. 
Frazier, Thomas, C'k & Si'wd. 
Ferguson, Robert, f Steward. 
Flint, Thomas, Seaman. 

Fisher, Isaac, do. 

Fortune, Gabriel, Able do. 
Fortune. James, Seaman. 

Fisher, W^illiam, do. 

Freshwater, William E., do. 
Fandry, John, do. 

Forrest, William, do. 

Fehdla, John, do. 

Gill, Cuthbert, do. 

George, Daniel, do. 

Glass, Thomas, do. 

Gibbs, James, do. 

Grant, Thomas, do. 

Grymes, James, Ord*y do. 
George, Samuel, Seaman. 

Groton, Charles, do. 

Gunter, John, do. 

George, Brister, do. 

George, William, do. 

Gaston, Benjamin, do. 

Griggs, William, Q. Master. 
George, Samuel, Seaman. 

Gaskins, Thomas, do. 

Hamminson, William, do. 
Hubbard, Jesse, do. 

♦Robert Dobson, rereiveil bounly as Mate in the Navy, 
t Robert Ferguson received as Midshipman, 2.666^3 acres of land. 



Hunter, Thomas, Seaman. 

Hinton, Spencer, Steward. 

Hunt, John, Seaman. 
Hutcheson, William, do. 

Hogdon, Matthew, do. 
Harcuin, Elisha, Able do. 
Haywood, Thomas, Seaman. 

Hodges, Joseph, do. 

Harman, Curtis, do. 

Haw, Peter, do. 

Haywood, Richard, do. 

Hobday, Francis, do. 

Hill, John, do. 

Hail, Edward, do. 

Humphreys, James, do. 

Hughlett, Garrett, Steward. 

Hearn, Francis, Seaman. 
Herbert, Thomas, Carpenter. 

Jones, Robert, Seaman. 

Jenkins, Richard, do. 

Johnson, William, do. 

Jones, Charles, do. 

Johnson, Isaiah, do. 

Johnson, Joshua, do. 

Jennings, James, do. 

Innis, Levy, do. 

Jeter, Clem. do. 
Jennings, Michael, Boatswain. 

James, Christopher, Seaman. 

Joab, Moses, do. 

Kent, Joshua, do. 

Lee, James, do. 
Lavis, Matthew, Carp. Mate. 

Lucas, James, Seaman. 

Lovewell, William, Steward. 
Lacy, Edmund, M. at Arms. 

Lewis. Daniel, Seaman. 

Litchfield, Thomas, do. 

Lowell, Thomas, Steward. 

Lane, Thomas, 


Lucas, William, 


Lewis, Charles, 


Mitchell, Thomas, 


Moore, Lot, 


Mott, James, 


Moore, Charles, 


Mason, John, 


Marshall, Joseph, 


Marshall, Kingston, Seaman. 
Murray, David, Mas. Mate. 

Miles, William, Seaman. 

Marriner, Levin, do. 
Mailey, James, Able do. 

Murden, Edward, do. 

Maltimore, James, do. 

Mason, Abel, do. 

Malone, Jeremiah, do. 

Mairs, Thomas, do. 

Mills, John, do. 

Nelms, Mendeth, do. 

Nutall, John, do. 

Nicholson, John, do. 

Nicken, Edward, do. 

Nicken, Hozekiah, do. 

Northup, Stephen, do. 

Northup, Joseph, do. 

Oldham, Samuel, do. 

Overstreet, John, do. 

Oats, William, do. 

Opie. George H., Clerk. 

Owen, John, Seaman. 

Pluto, do. 

Pumroy, Esau, do. 

Pritcheit, George, do. 

Pope, Joseph, do. 

Purcell, Charles, do. 

Palmer, Thomas, do. 

Parrish, John, Pilot. 



Pettegrew, Richard, Seaman. 
Prosser, John, do. 

Pope, Thomas, do. 

Paradise, Merrit, do. 

Pettigrew, Abel, do. 

Pettigrew. Edward, do. 

Procure, Thomas, do. 

Pope, Thomas, do. 

Peatons, Solomon, Able do. 
Peter (a negro), do. do. 

Parker, George, do. 

Powers, Jacob, do. 

Piper, William, do. 

Powell, Samuel, do. 

Roberts, George, do. 

Rudd, James, do. 

Riggs, William, do. 

Rawley, James, do. 

Romas, Adam, do. 

Railey, James, do. 

Richardson, William, do. 
Richardson, Solomon, do. 
Rudd, John, do. 

Ransom, Thomas, do. 

Ransom, Augustine, do. 
Saunders, Joseph,* S'a'n & M*s. 
Sheerman, Martin, Seaman. 
Schofield, Robert, do. 

Stephens, Joseph, do. 

Stephens, William, do. 

Spann, Thomas, do. 

Skinner, Elisha, do. 

Sympson, Hammock, do. 
Sympson, Salathiel, do. 

Scott, William, do. 

Spratt, James, Able do. 

Stuart, Francis, do. do. 

Scott, John, Seaman. 

Smith, James, . Able do. 
Stanback, Littti'be'y, do. do. 
Schofield, William, do. 

Tully, Matthew, do. 

Taylor, Thoitias, do. 

Tailor, Jesse, Sailor. 

Tankersley, Benjamin, Seaman. 
Thompson, James, do. 

Thatcher, William, do. 

Tate, Jesse, do. 

Tunnell, James, do. 

Taylor, Jabez, Boatswain. 

Taylor, Daniel, Seaman. 

Taylor, Airs, do. 

Turlington, Laban, do. 

Tankersley, John, do. 

Taylor, Thomas, do. 

Thomas, James, do. 

Tomlinson, William, do. 
Tomlinson, John, do. 

Tatum, Thomas, Carp. Mate. 
Tom (a negro), Ord'y Seaman. 
Timberlake, Richard, do. 
Thatcher, William, do. 

Tunnell, William, do. 

Thomas, Humphrey, do. 
Walker, John, do. 

Weaver, Elijah, do. 

Watkins, James, Able do. 
White. Gillen, do. 

Whorton, John, Boatswain. 
Watson, Castillo, Seaman. 

Warrington, James, do. 

Warrington, Stephen, Q. Mast. 
Willis, William, Seamen. 

Winbrough, Eburn, do. 

* A Joseph Saunders received land as Lieutenant in the Navy. 


Wilders, James, Seaman. Williams, John, Pilot. 

White, John, do. Welch, Patrick, Seaman. 

Waterman, James, do. Wiles, Reuben, do. 

Wallace, Roger, Ord'y do. Wood, Thomas, do. 

Wilson, Henry, ** do. Wilson, John, do. 

Will a (negro). Able do. Willis, James, do. 
Wilson, Samuel, Ord'y do. Whitehurst, Sam'l, Able do. 

Wood, Philip, Seaman. White, John, " do. 
Wood, John, do. Ward, Jno. Wyatt, " do. 

White, John, Gunner. 

Speech of Sir Wm. Berkeley, and Declaration of the 

Assembly, March, 165 1. 

[The subjoined Speech of Sir William Berkeley, and the Declaration 
of the Assembly, is a transcript from a pamphlet copy preserved in the 
Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Ireland. It being impossible to 
procure the pamphlet itself, a manuscript copy of it was ordered for 
the Virginia State Library, where it is now deposited. 

The Speech and Declaration are interesting not only as an expres- 
sion of one side of opinion in the great political crisis of 1651, when 
the change of government in England and the passage of the first 
Navigation Act were stirring the minds of the Virginians, but, also, as 
illustrating incidentally some facts as to the condition of the people at 
and before the time of the speech. 

We are indebted for this copy to the courtesy of the State Librarian, 
Mr. Charles Poindexter, under whose management the Slate Library 
has secured a valuable collection of original materials bearing on the 
history of Virginia.] 

Gentlemen you perceave by the Declaration that the men of 
Westminster have set out, which I beleeve you have all seene, 
how they meane to deale with you hereafter, who in the time of 
their wooing and courting you propound such hard Conditions 
to be performed on your parts, & on their owne nothing but a 
benigne acceptance of your duties to them. 

Indeed me thinks they might have proposed something to us 
which might have strengthned us to beare those heavy chaines 
they are making ready for us, though it were but an assurance 
that we shall eat the bread for which our owne Oxen plow, and 
with our owne sweat we reape; but this assurance (it seemes) 


were a franchise beyond the Condition they have resolu*d on the 
Question we ought to be in: For the reason why they talke 
so Magisterially to us is this, we are forsooth their worships 
slaves, bought with their money and by consequence ought not 
to buy, or sell but with those they shall Authorize with a few 
trifles to Coszen us of all for which we toile and labour. 

If the whole Current of their reasoning were not as ridiculous, 
as their actions have been Tyrannicall and bloudy: we might 
wonder with what browes they could sustaine such impertinent 
assertions: For it you looke into it, the strength of their argu- 
ment runs onely thus : we have laid violent hands on your Land- 
Lord, possess* d his Manner house where you used to pay your 
rents, therfore now tender your respects to the same house you 
once reverenced: I call my conscience to witnes, I lie not, I can- 
not in all their Declaration perceave a stronger argument for 
what they would impose on us, then this which I have now told 
you: They talke indeed of money laid out on this Country in its 
infancy : I will not say how little, nor how Centuply repaid, but 
will onely aske, was it theirs ? They who in the beginning of 
this warr were so poore, & indigent, that the wealth and rapines 
of three Kingdomes & their Churches too, cannot yet make 
rich, but are faine to seeke out new Territories and impositions 
to sustaine their Luxury amongst themselves. Surely Gentle- 
men we are more slaves by nature, then their power can make 
us if we suffer our selves to be shaken with these paper bulletts, 
& those on my life are the heaviest they either can or will 
send us. 

'Tis true with us they have long threatned the Barbados, yet 
not a ship goes thither but to beg trade, nor will they do to us, 
if we dare Honourably resist their Imperious Ordinance. Assui^ 
edly Gentlemen you have heard under what heavy burthens, the 
afflicted English Nation now groanes, and calls to heaven for 
relief: how new and formerly unheard of impositions make the 
wifes pray for barreness and their husbands deafnes to exclude 
the cryes of their succourles, starving children : And I am con- 
fident you do believe, none would long endure this slavery, if the 
sword at their throats Did not Compell them to Languish under 
the misery they howrely suflTer. Looke on their sufferings with 
the eyes of understanding, and that will prevent all your teares 
but those of Compassion. Consider with what prisons and Axes 


they have paid those that have served them to the hazard of their 
soules : Consider your selves how happy you are and have 
been, how the Gates of wealth and Honour are shut on no qian, 
and that there is not here an Arbitrary hand that dares to touch 
the substance of either poore or rich : But that which I woud 
have you chiefly consider with thankfuUnes is : That God hath 
seperated you from the guilt of the crying bloud of our Pious 
Souveraigne of ever blessed memory : But mistake not Gentle- 
men part of it will yet staine your garments if you willingly sub- 
mit to those murtherers hands that shed it: I tremble to thinke 
how the oathes they will impose will make those guilty of it, that 
have long abhor' d the traiterousnesse of the act : But I confesse 
having had so frequent testimonies of your truths and courages, 
I cannot have a reasonable suspition of any cowardly falling of 
from the former resolutions, and have onely mentioned this last, 
as a part of my duty and care of you, not of my reall doubts and 
fears : or if with untryed men we were to" argue on this subject, 
what is it can be hoped for in a change, which we have not all- 
ready ? Is it liberty ? The sun looks not on a people more free 
then we are from all oppression. Is it wealth ? Hundreds of ex- 
amples shew us that Industry & Thrift in a short time may bring 
us to as high a degree of it, as the Country and our Conditions are 
yet capable of: Is it securety to enjoy this wealth when gotten ? 
With out blushing I will speake it, I am confident theare lives 
not that person can accuse me of attempting the least act against 
any mans property? Is it peace? The Indians, God be blessed 
round about us are subdued; we can onely feare the Londoners, 
who would faine bring us to the same poverty, wherein the Dutch 
found and relieved us; would take away the liberty of our con- 
sciences, and tongues, and our right of giving and selling our 
goods to whom we please. But Gentlemen by the Grace of God 
we will not so tamely part with our King, and all these blessings 
we enjoy under him; and if they oppose us, do but follow 
me, I will either lead you to victory, or loose a life which I 
cannot more gloriously sacrifice then for my loyalty, and your 

Vera Copia John Corker 
Cler: Dom : Commons. 


This speech being ended the pretended Act of Parliament was 
publiquely read in the Assembly where upon (at the motion of 
the House of Commons to the Governour and Councell) this fol- 
lowing vindication was unanimously agreed on. 

We The Governour Councell and Burgesses of Virginea, have 
seene a printed paper bearing date at London the 3. of Octob. 
1 65 1, wherein (with other Plantations of America) we are pro- 
hibited trade and Commerce with all but such as the present 
power shall allow of: We likewise see our selves branded in it 
with the ignominious names of Rebells and Traitors, which we 
so much abhor, that we would detest our selves if we thought 
they were deservedly imposed on us: And shall take leave to 
thinke we are unworthily slandered, till stronger proofes then we 
yet find, are brought against us to convince our judgements and 
Consciences that we are guilty of those Horrid Crimes. Ther- 
fore though we professe that our judgments and industry, have 
been long solely and necessarily imployed in providing against 
the necessities of our poore families, and by Consequence should 
not presume that any Act or Transaction of ours could be wor- 
thy the publique view: Yet since the plainest vindication of 
innocencie is accepted, w« shall intimate the reasons of ours, im- 
ploring charitable and abler judgments to perfect what we shall 
hint to them in our answeares, to the Aspersions we find Au- 
thorised against us. 

And First whereas they say, That the Plantations in America 
were seated at the Cost and established by the Authority of some 
in England, and therfore ought to be governed by the Lawes of 

We conceave we may safely confesse all this, and yet not run 
the Hazard of any misprision of guilt, nay we thinke, this only 
testimony of theirs were sufficient to cleere us from the Asper- 
sions of Rebells, and Traitors, if we had no other markes of 
innocency left us: For we say, we were some of us sent, others 
permitted to come hither by the gratious favour of our Pious 
Kings, sworne to governe, and be governed (as farr as possible 
the place was Capable of) by the Lawes of England; which 
lawes we have inviolably and sacredly kept as farr as our abili- 
tyes to execute and our Capacityes to judge would permit us, 
and with reason; for these lawes onely in such times of tumults. 


stormes, and tempests, can humanely prevent our ruines: These 
lawes often enjoyned u& the Oathes of AUegeance and Suprem- 
acy, and they tell us, that no power on earth can absolve or 
manumit us from our obedience to our Prince, and his lawfull 
successors: These lawes tell us that when we have don all we 
can to avoyd it, we may resist violence with force, and in a law- 
full defence of our selves, destroy any that shall endeavour to 
take away our lives or substance : These lawes we professe are 
our guides and do beleeve we deserve punishment and infamy if 
we willingly, or willfully deviate from them. 

Secondly suppose we were such slaves by nature as to be awed 
with the iron rods held over us, in what hand soever found; 
would not then themselves thinke we deserved the worst usage 
could be inflicted on us. For what assurance could we give of 
our new Loyalty, after having so childishly, and impiously, relin- 
quisht our old AUegance? Could we reasonably repine to pay 
with our owne sweat and bloud, those Garrisons which must be 
kept among as, to fix such volatile obedience as ours would 
appeare to be ? For as the Question is stated to us, we ought 
to yield to whosoever possesse themselves of Westminster Hall: 
Where we experimentally have found, the heads of divers fac- 
tions and pretentions, have presided and excluded one the other; 
and we have no Oraculous assurance, but it may be so againe; 
therfore in a Condition so dubious and uncertaine, as ours would 
be (wherein no lesse then our soules are concerned) we desire 
them to permit us simple men to take leave to follow the per- 
spicuous and plaine pathes of God and our lawes, & that they 
would be pleased to remember that good charitable Axiome in 
them, That none should be condemned till they were first Heard. 

Thirdly we are told of Great summes of money laid out on 
this Country: For all we have receav'd we are most thankfull: 
But surely it will be no evidence of ingratitude to say to whom 
we owe most, & this must needes be acknowledg'd to our Kings, 
who gave liberally themselves and permitted Lotteries to be 
erected for us: We confesse private adventurers added much, 
and might have enjoyed the fruit of it,* If the first blow to the 

* In the yeare 1622 when there were but 300 persons left alive by that 


Colony, had not taken from them all hopes or desires of prose- 
cuting that, which they so earnestly be^un; But certainly what 
ever their liberallity was, we should have avoided it more then 
our Rattle snakes, if it had inevitably made slaves, our selves, 
our wives, children, and Posterity. Since the Massacre onely 
private Marchants have adventured hither for private gaines, and 
we confesse have supplied us with that, which we could not well 
have wanted, but this we suppose would be no convincing argu- 
ment to France, Spaine, or the Low Countries, for their subjec- 
tion to England because these severall places have been thus 
furnish* t by her. If then we owe any thing, it is to our Kings 
liberallity, care, and protection, and we beseech you give us 
leave to pay our acknowledgment to them. 

Fourthly we are told of usurping a Government to our selves. 
We wish we could transmit our recordes to the view of our 
accusers; By them it would appeare how little we deserve this 
imputation. For since the beginning of the Colony we have 
never innovated nor altred any thing in the maine of the Govern- 
ment : But in case we had done it, what more likely Patrons 
could we chuse, to protect us then those who accuse us ? Grant 
we had banished, confin'd, imprisoned, condemned, and executed 
those that refuse to obey the lawes confirmed by many consum- 
mated free Parliaments ; would not those pardon and absolve us 
who have done the same to others that have refused to obey their 
edicts, whom they in their consciences beleeve they ought not to 
acknowledg to be a Parliament ? Yet the truth is, we have done 
none of these things, no man here ever suffered in his person or 
estate : Concerning the differences in England, our lawes keepe 
them in belter awe then to dare to speak against the Protector 
of them : 'Tis true indeed. Two Factious clergy men. chose 
rather to leave the Country then to take the Oathes of Allegeance, 
and Supremacy, and we acknowledg that we gladly parted with 


Having answeared these accusations, we appeale even to their 
owne judgments that produced them whether we deserve those 
hatefull names of Rebells and Traitors : But we believe they 
will still use them to us and others because those Lucky Bug- 
beares of Rebells, and Malignants, have frighted divers to the 
desertion of honest causes : Yet being (as we suppose in their 


owne consciences) free from these imputed crimes, (though very 
short sighted in such subtile matters) we thinke we can easely find 
out the cause of this excluding us the society of Nations, which 
bring us necessaries for what our Country produces : And that 
is the Avarice of a few interested persons, who endeavour to rob 
us of all we sweat and labour for : Therfore on the whole mat- 
ter we Conclude: We are resolved to Continue our AUegeance 
to our most Gratious King, yet as long as his gratious favour 
permits us, we will peaceably (as formerly) trade with the Lon- 
doners, and all other Nations in amity with our Soveraigne : 
Protect all forraigne Merchants with our utmost force from in- 
jury in the rivers : Give letters of Reprisall to any injured with 
in our Capes : AUwaies pray for the happy restauration of our 
King, and repentance in them, who to the hazard of their soules 
have opposed him. 

This is unammously consented to by the 
Governour. Councell and Burgesses 


Ro : Huberd CI : Cons : 
Johan Corker CI : Dom : Com : 


Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents. 

[prepared by w. g. stanard.] 

We propose to publish seriatim abstracts of the records of the 
original land patents in the office of the Register of the Land Office in 
the city of Richmond. These records of patents begin with the year 
1623, that is, seventeen years after the foundation of the first permanent 
English settlement in America at Jamestown, and only a few years 
after the right of holding private property in the soil of Virginia was 
conferred upon societies and individuals. With the exception of the 
patents issued in a brief interval before 1623. the continuity of grants 
of the public lands in Virginia from the earliest period of its history as 
a community down to the present day is substantially unbroken. 
During the time the affairs of the Colony were in the hands of the Com- 
pany, namely, between 1606 and 1625, in which latter year the charter 
was revoked, the condition of a grant was either meritorious service 
of some kind, or the emigration of the patentee to Virginia in person, 
or the transportation to the Colony of some one at his expense, or the 
purchase of a share in the Company. 

The value of the meritorious service was estimated by the Colonial 
authorities, and such an area of land allowed as was considered pro- 
portionate to it. 

The purchase of a share gave a right to one hundred acres of land, 
which was increased to two hundred when the first tract had been 

Whoever paid the charges for transporting a person to the Colony, 
whether his own servant or a member of his family, or any one else, 
was entitled to fifty acres of land, and this was the usual means of obtain- 
ing a patent. After the dissolution of the Company, the acquisition of 
title by meritorious services played a small part in the history of Vir- 
ginia patents. The head right, as it was called, that is, the right to 
fifty acres for every individual brought in by the patentee, became the 
principal basis of title, and continued so until the right to purchase the 
public land with money was established in the early part of the Eigh- 
teenth century. Throughout the Colonial period, however, the head 
right remained in force. 


(i) Richard Stephens, [i] 60 roods in the corporation of James 
City, [2] at his dwelling-house, " that others may be encouraged by 
his example to inclose some ground for gardens." Granted 1623. I 

NOTES. '**''^ 

[i] Richard Stephens came to Virginia in 1623 ; was a member of the 
House of Burgesses in that year, and a member of the Council in 


1629. Not long after his arrival in Virginia he took part in the first 
duel in the English Colonies, wounding his antagonist, George Har- 
rison, so severely that he died in a few days, though one contemporary 
letter states that his death was not from the effect of wound. He mar- 
ried (as is shown by later patents) Elizabeth, daughter of Abraham 
Persey (of the Council), and before January, 1644-5, as at that time his 
widow had married Sir John Harvey, Governor of Virginia. Captain 
Richard Stephens had a son, Samuel Stephens, of" Bolthorpe," Warwick 
county, who married Frances Culpeper, and died in 1670, without issue. 
His widow married (11) between June 19th and 21st, 1670, at which first 
date is a deed reciting that a marriage to Sir Wm. Berkeley is to be sol- 
emnized, and at the latter that it had been (Records of General Court) 
Sir William Berkeley, Governor of Virginia. She married (III) Colo- 
nel Philip Ludwell of " Richneck,*' and afterwards of *' Greenspring," 
Berkeley's seat, which he acquired on his marriage with her. 

In 1672 Governor Berkeley (in letters in Sainsbury's MSS, Calendar 
of Virginia State Papers, in the State Library) applies for the position 
of Surveyor- General of the Colony for his ** brother," and, again, for 
his "wife's brother," Captain Culpeper, who, he states, had lived a 
number of years in Virginia, and whose father had lost his estate, 
liberty, and life in the King's service. His application was successful, 
Alexander Culpeper being appointed Surveyor-General November 17, 
1672. and again in the first year of James II. 

In the Diary of Mrs. Thornton, printed by the Surtees Society, (which 
is not accessible as I write), are several notices of the marriage, about 
1650, in Virginia, of the heir of the Danby family, of Yorkshire, to a 
Miss Culpeper. The editor states that she was a niece of Lord Cul- 
peper, and it seems there can be no doubt that she was a sister of Lady 

[2] It appears from the patents that the '* Corporation of James 
City," before the organization of counties, included not only the island 
but Neck of Land, Harrop (afterwards known as the Middle Plantation 
and Williamsburg), but also Paces Paines, on the south side of the 

(2) Thomas Hothkrsoll, [i] of Pashbebay, [2] Gent.; 200 acres at 
Blunt Point. [3] Head rights. Thomas Hothersoll (the patentee), 
Frances, his wife* and Richard and Mary, his children. 


[i] John Hothersoll died in York county in 1679, leaving a widow, 

[2] Pashebay was the Indian name of the section of country on the 
north side of James river immediately above Jamestown. See Arber's 
Smith, &:c. 

[3] Blunt Point, which still retains the name, is on the James river, 


in Warwick county, not far below the Warwick river. Between 1700 
and 1800 it was the name of the estate and residence of the Roscoe 
family, and an armorial tomb of " William Roscoe, Gentleman, of 
Blunt Point," still remains there. 

• (3) Captain Rawleigh Crashaw, [r] of Kiquotan, [2] Gent.; an- 
cient planter, *' who has dwelt in this Colony fifteen years, and rendered 
many worthy services;" 500 acres at **01d Poynt Comfort." [5] His 
wife is mentioned as a head right. Granted 1623. 


[i] Raleigh Crashaw was probably a near relative of Rev. Win. 
Crashaw, a prominent member of the Virginia Company, and of his 
son, the poet. He came to Virginia in 1608, was a member of the 
London Company in 1609, and member of the House of Burgesses in 
1623. When the massacre of 1622 occurred he was on a trading cruise 
in the Potomac, and at once challenged Opechancanough or any of 
his men to fight him naked, but the offer was not accepted. Crashaw 
spent much time among the Indians, and was intimately acquainted with 
their habits and customs. From his first arrival, when he became a 
friend of John Smith, he took an active part in the business and defence 
of the Colony. He was one of the authors of complimentary verses 
prefixed to Smith's General History, and the latter seems to have had 
a high opinion of his knowledge of Indians and Indian warfare. He 
was married, and probably had issue, as Richard and Joseph Croshaw 
(only a variation of the name Crashawj were prominent men in the ad- 
joining county of York during the first fifty or sixty years of the 
Colony. They and their families will be treated of under subsequent 
patents to them. 

[2] Kiquotan, at the first settlement of the county, was the name of 
an Indian village occupying the site of the present town of Hampton, 
and until (as appears from the records) about 1680 was the most com- 
mon name of the English settlement. 

[3] It is worth noting that as early as 1623, this well known place was 
called "(9/af" Point Comfort. There is a New Point Comfort m 
Gloucester county. 

(4) John Blow, 150 acres on last side of *' Chesapeake Bay," on 
Old Plantation Creek, [i] His wife Frances mentioned 1624. 


[i] Old Plantation Creek is the present Plantation Inlet in North- 
ampton county. 

(5) Sir George Yeardley, Knt. ; [i] of the Council; 7 acres and 
I rood, at his dwelling-house, in James City, 1624. 



[ij George Yeardley, Gent., after serving some time in the Low 
Countries, came to Virginia in 1609. A contemporary says of him that 
he was "a soldier truly bred in the University of War in the Low 
Countries. '* He was a member of the Virginia Company 1609 ; Deputy- 
Governor of Virginia, in the absence of Dale, 1616-7 ; went to England 
in 1618, and in the latter part of the year was appointed Governor of 
Virginia and knighted. A contemporary letter (in English State Paper 
Office), dated November 28, 1618, stales that the King had that week 
knighted Yeardley at Newmarket, and that since he had *' flaunted it 
up and down the streets with extraordinary bravery, with fourteen or 
fifteen fair liveries after him." He had acquired a considerable estate 
during his residence in Virginia, and seems now to have spent it freely. 
Pory, writing in 1619, says: **The Governor here, who at his first 
coming, besides a great deal of worth in his person, brought only his 
sword with him ; was at his last being in London, together with his 
lady, out of his mere gettings here, able to disburse very near three 
thousand pounds to furnish him with the voyage." Soon after his 
return to Virginia, in July, 1619, he summoned at Jamestown the first 
legislative assembly ever convened in America. His commission as 
Governor expired in November, 162 1, but he continued a member of 
the Council. In the massacre of 1622, twenty two of his people were 
killed at Weyanoke, his plantation on James river. September 18, 
1625, he was appointed Deputy Governor, in the absence of Sir Francis 
VVyatt; and April 19, 1626, appointed Governor. He held the office 
until his death, in November, 1627, and was buried on the 13th of that 
month. His will (of which an abstract was published in N. E. Gen. 
Hist. Reg. Jan., 1884) is dated October 12, 1627. To his wife, Tem- 
perence, he left his plate, linen and household stuff, and ordered his 
notes, debts, servants and negroes to be sold, and the proceeds divided 
into three parts — one for his widow, one for elder son, Argall. and the 
third to be divided between his son Francis and daughter Elizabeth. 
He also left a large estate in land. The cultivation of tobacco was 
commenced and negroes were introduced during his government, two 
things destined to effect most deeply and through centuries the Colony 
and State of Virginia and all the American continent. He was fre- 
quently engaged in conflicts with the Indians. In 1616 he defeated the 
Chickahominies, and in 1622, with 300 men, devastated the country of 
the Nansemonds. Yeardley was an amiable and upright man, and 
anxious to advance the prosperity of the colonists, among whom he 
was much respected, and his administration was popular. He married 

Temperence , and had issue : I. Colonel Argall, born 1605 ; settled 

io Northampton county; member of the Council 1644-5; married about 

1650 Sarah , daughter of John Custis, of Northampton county ; died 

about 1670, while sheriff of Northampton. His son Argall patented 


in Northampton 1670. II. Colonel Francis, of Northampton county, 
and afterwards of Lower Noi'folk, was appointed, in 1652, a member of 
the Maryland Council, but soon returned to Virginia, and was Burgess 
for Lower Norfolk 1653. He was married before 1654 to Sarah, widow 
of Captain John Gookin, and before of Captain Adam Thoroughgood. 
In 1654 he wrote a long letter to John Ferrar, at Little Gidding, Hunt- 
ingdonshire, Eng., describing his recent exploration of the country to 
the south of Virginia. It was printed in Thurloe's State Papers, and 
has been several times republished. He d. s. p. III. Elizabeth, born 
1603. Sir George Yeardley had a brother, Ralph Yeardley, apothecary, 
of London. A Robert Yeardley, who at a later date was a vestryman 
of Pe^sworth Parish, Gloucester county, was doubtless a descendant of 
Sir George. 

(6) Captain Roger Smith, [i] Esquire, of the Council; 4 acres in 
James City, near his dwelling-house, 1624. 


[i] Captain Roger Smith, who Niell (Virginia Carolorum) thinks was 
probably a son of John Smith, Esq., of Nibley, Gloucestershire, after 
serving twelve years in the Low Countries, came to Virginia in 
1620, and was appointed a member of the Council 1621. His wife* 
Joane, is mentioned January, 1624-5. 

(7) Captain Ralph Hamor, [i] Esq., of the Council; lyi acres, 
near his dwelling-house in James City, 1624. 


[i] Ralph Hamor, supposed to be a son of Ralph Hamor, of London 
(both were members of the London Company 1609), came to Virginia 
in 1609. Several years after he went to England, and published, in 
1615, "A True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia " ; returned 
to Virginia in 161 7 as Vice-Admiral to Argall ; was appointed member 
of the Council 1621. In the massacre of 1622, he was attacked by the 
Indians near a new house he was having built, but with a few others 
drove them off with bricks, spades, picks, &c. His brother, Thomas 
Hamor, who lived near by, also escaped, but was wounded. Ralph 
Hamor married a widow, Elizabeth Clements, and died, 1626, in Vir- 

(8) George Menefv, [i] Merchant; 3 roods and 20 poles, near his 
dwelling house in James City, 1624. 


[i] George Menifie came to Virginia 1623 ; Burgess for James City 
county 1629; member of the Council 1635-45. He was a very success- 
ful merchant, and acquired a large estate. In 1634 he lived at " Little- 
ton," on James river, not very far below Jamestown. His large garden 


" contained fruits of Holland and Roses of Provence " ; his orchard 
was planted with apple, pear and cherry trees, and he cultivated here 
the first peach trees introduced into America. Around the house grew, 
in the fashion of the time, rosemary, thyme and marjoram. He took a 
L prominent part in the deposition of Governor Harvey. 

(9) Captain John Harvey, [i] Esq.; 6yi apres in James City. Head 
right: JohnSinneth, who came 1624. 


[i] John Harvey, of Lyme Regis. Dorset, was captain of a ship in 
the East Indies 1617-19; came to Virginia early in 1624, as one of the 
commissioners appointed by the King to examine into the condition of 
the Colony ; appointed member of the Council August, 1624 ; shortly 
after returned to England, and in November, 1625. commanded a ship 
in the expedition against Cadiz; continued to serve in the navy for 
several years ; he was appointed Governor of Virginia, knighted, and 
arrived in the Colony early in 1630. Harvey was unprincipled, avari- 
cious and tyrannical, and soon incurred the dislike of the entire Colony. 
In April, 1635, he caused several prominent men to be arrested and 
ironed for having denounced his measures, and the Council determined 
not to submit longer to his illegal and arbitrary conduct, and arrested 
him. In a few days, after consultation with the Burgesses, they sent 
Harvey to England, and Captain John West was chosen Governor. 
The King was very indignant at such an exhibition of popular sover- 
eignty, had the representatives of the Council and Burgesses im- 
prisoned, and West, Matthews and Menifie were ordered to come to 
England and answer for it. Nothing, however, came of any charges 
against them. Harvey was again sent to Virginia as Governor, arrived 
in January^ 1636-7, and held the office until the fall of 1639. 

(10) John Chew, [i] Merchant; i rood, 9 poles, near his dwelling- 
house in James City, 1624. 


[i] John Chew, said to have been of a Somersetshire, England 
family, came to Virginia in 1620, and became one of the leading mer- 
chants; in 1636 Governor Hawley mentions him as one of the ** ablest 
merchants " in Virginia ; settled first at Hog Island, and was Burgess 
for that place 1623, 16:^4, 1629; for York county, 1642, 1643, 1644. 
About the latter date he removed to Maryland, and settled in Anne 

Arundel countv. He married in or before 1624, Sarah , and had 

issue: I SamueP, of" Henington," Maryland, a justice of the chancery 
and provincial courts of that Colony and member of the House of 
Burgesses until his death, in 1676; married Anne Ayres. II Joseph*, of 
Anne Arundel county, Maryland ; married daughter of Mr. Larkin, of 
Annapolis. Ill John' IV, V, VI. Samuel and Anne (Ayres) Chew had 


many children, of whom the fifth son, Benjamin*, married Eliz. Ben- 
son, and had Dr. Samuel^ of " Maidstone," near Annapolis; bom 
about i6qo; died June i6, 1744; Chief-Justice of The Three Lower 
Counties on the Delaware; married, ist, Mary Galloway ; 2d, Mary, 
widow of Richard Galloway. Seven of his children died in infancy, and 
the survivors were : I Elizabeth*; married Colonel Tilghman of " Wye." 
II Ann* married Samuel Galloway. Ill Samuel*, Attorney-General 
and Chief-Justice of Delaware. IV Benjamin*, of ** Cliveden,*' at 
Germantown. Pennsylvania (the '*Chew House," so well known in 
connection with the battle); member of the Council, Attorney- General, 
and appointed Chief-Justice of that colony 1774; displaced during the 
Revolution, but in 1791 appointed President of the High Court of Er- 
rors and Appeals of the State of Pennsylvania; was highly distin- 
guished as a jurist ; married, ist, Mary Galloway ; 2d, Eliz. Oswald. 
Had issue (ist, marriage): I Dau^ married Edward Tilghman, a dis- 
tinguished lawyer of Philadelphia. Ill Mary* married Alex Wilcocks, 
and had (i) Ann'; married Joseph Reed IngersoU, Minister to Great 
Britain; (2d, married.) Ill Margaret' married Colonel John Eager 
Howard, Governor of Maryland. IV Harriett, married Charles Carroll, 
only son of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, and was grandmother of 
John Lee Carroll, Governor of Maryland. V Dau*. married Phillips, 
an Englishman. VI Dau^ married Micklin, an Englishman, and had 
(i) Dau'. married George M. Dallas. Vice-President United States, and 
Minister to Russia. VII Benjamin*. Jr,, of '* Cliveden," married Ban- 
ning and had issue. I Benjamin' an officer in war of 1812. II Dau.^ 
married James Murray Mason, United States Senator. Ill Samuel', a 
prominent lawyer d. s. p. IV John', officer in United States Navy; 
served gallantly and d. s. p. at sea. V William', charge d* Affaires to 
Russia d. s. p. VI Henry Banning' of '* Epsom/* Maryland; married 
daughter Charles Ridgeley of ** Hampton," Governor of Maryland. 
VII Ann Penn.', Henry Banning' and (Ridgley) Chew had issue: I 
Charles* of "Epsom." II Benjamin* of "Cliveden." Ill Samuel of 
*' Cliveden," married daughter of David S. Brown of Philadelphia. 

(11) John Pott, Esq., [i] Doctor of Phy.sjc, of the Council ; 3 acres, 
near his dwelling house in James City, 16^4. 


[i] Dr. John Pott was appointed, November 16, 1621, "Physician 
to the Company " and member of the Council, on the recommendation 
of the distinguished physician Gulstone, who spoke of him as a 
Master of Arts and "well practiced in Chirurgerie and Physique." 
He came to Virginia in 1620 with his wife, Elizabeth. He was elected 
Governor by the Council in 1628, and held the office until 1629. In 
1630 was convicted of cattle stealing, though it would seem from the 
records that he claimed the cattle as his own. In consideration of his 


*' quality and practice," judgment was suspended until the King's 
pleasure could be known. His wife went to England to intercede for 
him, and the Privy Council declared his sentence to be very rigorous, 
and recommended his pardon. He appears to have been a jovial, 
easy-going man, fond of company and of liquor. He had a plantation 
called Harrop, on the present site of Williamsburg. Dr. Potts appears 
to have died without issue, as in the Land Books 1642, there is mention 
of 500 acres of land bought by Richard Brewster from Captain Francis 
Pott, his brother and heir. His brother, Francis Pott, was for a time 
commander of the fort at Pt. Comfort, was imprisoned by Harvey for 
opposing him, and when sent to England with Thomas Harwood by 
the colonists, to explain Harvey's deposition, was arrested and kept 
for a while a prisoner in the Fleet. He returned to Virginia, and with 
his nephew, John Pott, had a plantation at Magothy Bay, Accomac. in 
1647. A Francis Pott was sheriff of Accomac 1654. 

(12) William Spencer, [i] of James City, Yeoman and Ancient 
Planter; 12 acres in James City, ** a narrow ridge towards Goose 
Hill," [2] 1624. 


[i] William Spencer was Burgess for Mulberry Island in 1623. In 
1624-5 he had a wife, Alice, and a daughter, Alice, born 1620. 

[2] Goose Hill, at the lower end of Jamestown Island, and still bears 
the name. 

(13) John Lvtefoot, Old Planter, who came in the time of Sir 
Thomas Gates, a lot in James City, 1624. 

(14) Thomas Passmore, of James City, Carpenter; 12 acres in 
James City, 1624. 

(15) Mary, wife of*Gabriel Holland, [i] of James City, Yeoman ; 12 
acres in James City, formerly property of her first husband, William 
Prince als. William Jones, and willed to her, 1624. 


[i] Gabriel Holland was a Burgess 1623. 

(16) Thomas Sully, of Neck of Land, in the corporation of James 
City, Yeoman, and Ancient Planter; 6 acres, 1624. 


(17) George Sandys, Esq., [i] Treasurer in Virginia; 300 acres, on 
the other side of the river opposite to James City. Head rights : Ser- 
vants who arrived from the Summer Isles in 162 1 ; William Rij^ht, Wil- 
liam Haynes. Jun., William Smith and George Green. 1624 A neigh- 
boring patent to Edward Grindon [2] is mentioned. 



[i] George Sandys, born March 7, 1577, was the youngest son of 
Edwin, Archbishop of York. After finishing his education at Oxfo/d, 
he made a long journey through Europe and the East, of which he pub- 
lished an account in 1615. This work was so popular as to reach a 
seventh edition in 1673. He was appointed Treasurer of Virginia and 
member of the Council in 1621, and came to the Colony in that year, 
having 1,500 acres of land and 50 tenants allotted to himj While in 
Virginia, and in part during the terror and confusion following the mas- 
sacre of 1622, he translated part of Ovid's Metamorphoses and the 
first book of ^neid, being the first poetry written in America. These 
he published in 1626. His reputation as a poet and translator stood 
high, and he has been praised by Dryden, Pope and Montgomery. 
He died at the house of his niece, the widow of Sir Francis Wyatt, and 
was buried at Bexley Abbey, Kent, March 7, 1643. 

[2I Edward Grindon, Burgess 1623-4, was doubtless father or other 
relative of Thomas Grindon, who was Burgess for "Smythe's Mt., the 
other side of the water, and Hog Island," 1622-3. (These places were 
in the immediate neighborhood of Ed. Grindon*s patent,) This Thos. 
Grindon married Eliz., widow of Captain Thomas Stegg, the first, (she 
married, 2d, Edward Braine), and had Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas 
Grindon, of Westover Parish, Charles City county ; died at sea 1685 ; 

married Sarah , who, after Bacon's Rebellion, was by act exempted 

from pardon except as to life, and pronounced ** a great encourage r 
and assister in the late horrid rebellion." 

(18) Ensign John Utie ; [i] 100 acres on the other side of the 
water, on Chippook's creek. [2] Head rights, servants imported from 
England in 1623: William Burt and William Norler, 1624. 


[i] Ensign, afterwards Captain, John Utie was a Burgess 1623; 
Burgess for plantations between Archer's Hope and Martin's Hundred 
October, 1629 ; for Hog Island 1629-30 ; member of the Council 
1631-3. In 1624-5 he had a wife, Anne, and a son, John, who married 
Mary . 

[2] Chippook's creek, between Prince George and Surry. 

(19) John Johnson, of James City, Yeoman, and Ancient Planter; 
100 acres on a branch of Archer's Hope Creek, [i] 1624. 


[i] Archer's Hope Creek, which still retains the name, is in the county 
of James City. Its head is near the city of Williamsburg, and it empties 
into James river a few miles below Jamestown. It is navigable to 
within three-quarters of a mile of Williamsburg for small vessels. 
Percy states that the first settlement would have been made on the 


bluff at its mouth but for the fact that the water was too shoal for ships 
to approach the shore. It derived its name from C-iptain Gabriel 
Archer. In 1772 the House of Burgesses passed an act authorizing the 
cutting of a canal from Archer's Hope Creek to Queen's Creek, on 
York river. The necessary land was to be condemned, and the sub 
scribers to the undertaking formed into a company, and allowed to 
charge toll. The act recites that large sums had already been sub- 
scribed, but the political troubles of the time prevented any further 
steps towards the accomplishment of the plan. The section of country 
about the mouth of the creek was also known in the early days of the 
Colony as Archer's Hope. 

V (20) George Sandys, Esq., 100 acres in Archer's Hope; Head Rights; 
George Sandys (the patentee), came in 1621, and seven servants : Phoe- 
bus Hopkins, Edw^ard Eastwood, Martha Turner and John Stone, who 
came in 1621; and John Needham, Thomas Knowlesand Henry Wood, 
who came from the Summer Islands in 1621, 1624. 

(21) John Burnham, [i] of Kiquotan, in Elizabeth City, [2] Gent; 
300 acres adjoining the lands of Captain Samuel Matthews, [3] and 
William Claiborne, gentleman ; Head Rights; servants: John Hodg- 
bins, John Moti, Sen., John Mott, Jr., and John Vermilye, Jr., son of 
John Vermilye, deceased, 1624. J 


[i] Rowland Burnham, Burgess for York, 1644, 1645 and 1648. 
Major John Burnham of Middlesex, alive 1675. In 1682 there were 
suits between Colonel Leroy Griflin and Major Lewis Burwell, plain- 
tiffs, and Ralph Wormley, defendant, ih regard to the estate of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel John Burnham, deceased. 

(2) Elizabeth City. 

(3) Captain Samuel Matthews came to Virginia in 1622, was one of 
Commissioners to examine condition of Virginia, 1623; member of the 
Council 1624 to 1644; Commissioner of Warwick river, 1631 ; elected to 
Council April, 1652 ; elected Governor by the House of Burgesses 
December, 1656, and held the place until his death in January. 1659. 
He was an able and patriotic man, and one of the most successful 
planters in Virginia. A contemporary says lie had a fine house, sowed 
much hemp and flax and had it spun ; kept weavers and had a tannery; 
had forty negro slaves whom he brought up to mechanical trades; and 
sowed large crops of wheat and barley. He also supplied vessels 
trading to Virginia with beef. He had a plenty of cows, a fine dairy, 
and abundance of hogs and poultry ; and, is finally described as one 
who *' kept a good house, lived bravely and was a true lover of Vir- 
ginia." He married the daughter of Sir Thomas Hinton of Chilton 
Foliot, England, by his first marriage (Sir Thomas Hinton was living in 


Virginia and a member of the Council 1634. He married, 2d, the rich 
widow of Sir Sebastian Harvey, Lord Mayor of London). Captain 
Samuel Matthews had married before 1638-9 the widow of Abraham 
Persey (but the two sons named were certainly by ist marriage), and 
had issue. I Thomas of Stafford county; Burgess for that county 1676, 
and supposed to be the author of T. M's account of Bacon's Rebellion. 
II Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel, of Warwick county; Burgess for that 
county April, 1652, November, 1652, July, 1653. November, 1654; ap- 
pointed to Council 1655; married and died about 1670, leaving a son 
John, then under age. 

Among the descendants of Governor Matthews is James M. Mat- 
thews, late reporter of the Virginia Court of Appeals. Persons of the 
name, probably descendants, have been numerous in the eastern count- 
ies of Virginia ; among them were, Captain Baldwin Matthews, of 
York; born 1668; died February 28th, 1736; two Baldwin Matthews 
were vestrymen of Bruton Parish ; Robert Matthews was vestryman of 
Kingston Parish, Gloucester. Captain Richard Matthews, Captain 
Robert Matthews and Edward Matthews, of Gloucester, alive 1775. 
John Matthews, Justice of Essex, 1780-1800. Rev. John Matthews, 
rector of St. Anne's Parish, Essex, 1774-6; whose family had inter- 
married, at an early date, with the Smiths and Bushrods; married 
Smith and had isue. I Thomas. II Mary, married Dr. Alexander 
Somerville, an eminent physician and medical writer, who had emi- 
grated from Scotland to Virginia III Fanny, married James Roy 
Micou. IV Virginia, married Dr. William Baynham, of Essex. 

\ (22) Edward Waters, [i] of Elizabeth city, Gent.; 100 acres near 
Blunt Point, on Waters Creek. Head Rights; Edward Walters (the 
patentee), and servants, Edward Bryan, came 1620, and William Ar- 
nall, came 1621, 1624. . 

•*J NOTE. 

(i) Edward Waters had a most varied and adventurous life. He 
was born 1584, and left England for Virginia in 1609, in the same ship 
with Gates and Somers. The terrible storm they encountered and 
wonderful escape, after being wrecked on the Bermudas, are well 
known incidents of the settlement of Virginia. When two vessels had 
been constructed and the shipwrecked party were almost ready to sail 
for Virginia, Waters, Christopher Carter and one other person were 
sentenced for some offence, probably mutiny, to be shot. Carter es- 
caped to the woods ; but the third man had been shot and Waters 
was tied up for the same purpose ; but having a knife in his pocket he 
cut his bonds and got away. He and Carter were left on the island, 
and remained until Somers' vessel returned, a few months after. As it 
was intended to bring a colony to Bermuda, Waters, Carter and a man 
named Chard, decided to continue on the island until the ships should 


arrive from England; and remained without communication with the 
outside world until July, 1612, when the first colonists came. A part 
of this lime they lived separate, owing to a quarrel over a great piece 
of Ambergris they had found. This dispute grew to such a height 
that Chard and Waters were about to decide it with their swords ; but 
Carter prevented it by hiding the weapons. After the arrival of the 
ship, knowing that the comf»any claiming the Bermudas would take 
possession of the Ambergris, they attempted by arrangement with the 
captain, to get it secretly on board ; but Captain Moore, Goveri>or of 
the island, discovered it, and the three Crusoes were again in much 
trouble. Chard being sentenced to death. He was, however, par- 
doned. In 16 14, when Moore went to England, he appointed Waters 
one of the Council who were to govern the island a month each in 
turn; but before his turn arrived Waters and others sailed for the 
West Indies for supplies. They were blown by a storm to the Canaries, 
where they took a Portuguese prize and then returned to the West 
Indies where their ship foundered, Waters and a few others getting 
in a boat to a desolate island, from which, after a few months, they 
were taken by an English pirate, and at last got to England. After 
some years, Waters returned to the Bermudas, in 16 17, and was sent to 
Virginia for supplies ; but on his way back he met with storms, and 
having an unskillful pilot returned to Virginia, where he and his com- 
panions determined to remain. Before 1622 he married Grace O'Neil, 
who was born 1603. During the Massacre of 1622, he and his wife were 
captured by the Nansemond Indians and taken to the mouth of that 
river, from which thdy seemed to have little chance of escape ; but one 
day an empty boat, belonging to some English vessel, happened to 
drift ashore, and in their rejoicings over it the Indians relaxed their 
guard upon their prisoners, so much that they were enabled to secure 

a canoe and escape to Kiquotan. Edward Waters held the rank of 
Captain ; Burgess 1625, and was appointed Commander and Commis- 
sioner of Elizabeth City in 1628, the year in which he died. He had 
issue. I Margaret,' born in Virginia. II William.' born in Virginia be- 
fore 1624, of Northampton county; Burgess for that county 1654. 1659, 

1660; married and died about 1685, leaving issue. I William', Naval 

Officer of Accomac, 1713. II Obedience.' Ill Thomas.' William.' 
Waters had, with other issue, William,* eldest son, whose only child, 
Sarah,* married David Meade, of Nansemond county. 

Of this family was Edward Waters who married Margaret, daughter 
of John Robins, who died 1739. Susanna Waters, who married before 
1700, Nathaniel Littleton. Richard Waters, of Somerset county, 
Maryland, married Eliza, daughter of Colonel Southey Littleton. William 
S. Waters was a lawyer of Somerset county, Maryland, 1851. The 
Waters family settled in Somerset. Maryland, at an early date. Wil- 
liam Waters of Somerset, married Eliza, daughter of James Hyland, and 
had Levin Lyltleton; who died October, 28; married Lucreiia Jones, 
sister of General Arnold Elzey, and had Levin Lyttleton of Somerset ; 
bom May 9, 1828 ; member Maryland Senate ; who served in the war, 
being a Southern sympathizer. 


Notes and Queries. 


An old Manuscript Volume — We are indebted to the Rev. W. G. 
Andrews, of Guilford, Connecticut, for the following information with 
reference to an interesting old manuscript volume: 

An old manuscript volume of about one hundred folio pages, bound in 
parcftment, is in the possession of Miss Lucy Scranton, of Madison, 
Connecticut, formerly the Parish of East Guilford. Its original owner 
was the Rev. Archibald Cummings^ first commissary of the Bishop of 
London for Pennsylvania, It contains his commission from Bishop 
Gibson (in Latin), dated December 31, 1728, with other ecclesiastical 
records, the latest bearing date October 7, 1730. Portions of three 
leaves only were used in this way. Many years afterwards the volume > 
having somehow found its way to Norfolk, served for a short time as the 
orderly-book of a company in the Fifth Virginia regiment at the begin- 
ning of the Revolutionary War. It seems to have moved northward 
with the regiment, perhaps crossing the Delaware with Washington, 
and at all events reaching New Jersey. Two leaves (apart from some 
scribbling on the first page) contain all that relates to this portion of 
its history. 

An entry on the second page, dated Newark, March 8, 1777, states 
that on that day the volume was taken, as his own property, by Ser- 
geant Abraham Scranton, of East Guilford, Connecticut. The family 
tradition is that it was picked up on a battle-field, and there seems to 
have been a skirmish near Woodbridge, not a long march from Newark, 
on the day mentioned. The book remained in Sergeant Scranton 's 
possession, and is now the property of one of his descendants. It is 
nearly filled with his accounts, which overflowed into the blank spaces 
on pages used by previous owners A few venerable documents, one 
or two of them nearly as old as the Commissary's records, have been 
pasted over some of the Sergeant's multifarious entries. 

The portion of the contents which is of most interest to Virginians 
is found on the ninth, tenth and eleventh pages. At the top of the 
ninth page is the word "Chester," with the date to be given below. 
Then comes the following, in four lines of large, plain script, inclosed in 
rude scroll work : "Minor Smith His Orderly Book October the 26, 1776." 
Outside the scroll-work, on the left, in three lines, we have a series of 
capital letters : " No. A R L M S W x S." On the right, in four lines : 
"Andrew Russell Capt in the fift Virginia Regiment From Loudoun 
County Virginia." The rest of this page, with part of the tenth, is filled 
with a list of names, presumably those of non-commissioned officers and 
privates, and perhaps musicians. The first three and last two are sepa- 
rated from the rest by short dashes. For the most part the names are 


perfectly legible, and indeed unmistakable ; but in a few cases, indi- 
cated by an interrogation point, there is some uncertainty. They are 
arranged in double columns (on page 9), and one name has been erased. 
The spelling is a little capricious, and now and then a small letter does 
duty for a capital. The list is reproduced as exactly as possible, with- 
out attempting to imitate the hand- writing, which is much plainer than 
the copyist's. 

'* Minor. W Smith, William Acker, Thomas Minor, Joseph Hutchison, 
Richard Hogeland, Rayman Burnum, Allen Crook, David Hariott, 
Henry Powell, Lowry Gryms, Joseph Lews, (?) Daniel Kidd, Thomas 
Robins, Thomas Breeden, George fletcher, Willoby Russell, Jeremiah 
Minkim, John Degmon, James Anderson, Wm. Thomas, Henry Piles, 
Thomas Rose, John Sorrell, George Noland, John Monroe. Edward 
Ryon, Kitt fishearman, Wm. Diggin, Daniel king, Samuel Reeder, 
Jeremiah horseman, Thomas Brown, Henry Browner, Richard fisher, 
Richard Mc. Lane, Tire (?) Waters, Philip houtershealt, Garrard Ridle, 
Sam Mellerson, Thomas Mehair, (p. 10) John Madden, Henry Bradley. 
Wm. Thrift, Jame Clemmons, Elexander Clemons, Robert Macy, (?) 
John Spang, (?) Wm. Davis , Thomas powell, Wm. Carrel! , Arther Mc 
Dannel, Phillip McDonnough, T Stace (?) McDanel, John keen, Wm 

The first of the doubtful names may have been meant for " Lewis," 
or, possibly, is " hews." As to the others. I have no alternative reading 
to suggest. 

On the eleventh page is the following: 

** Norfolk^ June lothy ///d— Parole Lewis. Officer for the Day to 
morrow Capt. Terrell. The otfrs of the gUrd are to be perticular in 
future in instructing The Sentries not to fire at or Stop any Vessel 1 
Coming from Portsmouth or to fire at any Vessell with [out] great 
reason of suspition. The long Role to beat at 5 O'clock this Evengning 
for a General perade.** 

These entries are all apparently in the same handwriting, a very good 
one, though rather stiff, and at times showing marks of haste. It is 
quite likely that such information as this volumes gives is to be found 
elsewhere, and its chief interest undoubtedly lies in its curiously diver- 
sified history. 

Society of the Cincinnati in Virginia, — At the Meeting of the So- 
ciety of Cincinnati, in the State of Virginia, at the Capitol in the city 
of Richmond, on Monday, the 13th of December, 1802, in pursuance of 
an adjournment to that day at the last meeting— Present : James Wood, 
President; Edward Carrington. Vice-President ; Samuel Coleman, Sec- 
retary; Churchill Jones, Henry Bowyer, William Bentley, James Wil- 
liams, John Jameson, Basil Middleton, John B. Scott. Larkin Smith, 
Clement Carrington, James Wright, Charles Scott, John Trabue, Wil- 


liam Mosley, Colin Cocke, John L. Crute, Wm. B. Wallace, John Pryor, 
Robt. Poterfield, Robt. Gamble, John White, Marks Vandewall, Jno. 
Watts, M. Carrington, John Siith, Willis Wilson, Jos. Biackwell and 
Jordan Harris. 

The Society, after some observations from several of the members 
respecting the future disposition of the funds, without coming to any 
decision, adjourned until lo o'clock to-morrow. 

Tuesday the 14th of December^ 1802, 
The Society met according to adjournment. Present : James Wood, 
President; Edward Carrington, Vice-President; William Heth, Treas- 
urer; Samuel Coleman, Secretary ; Charles Scott, John B. Scott, Jordan 
Harris, Clement Carrington, James Wright, Marks Vandewall, Larkin 
Smith, William B.Wallace, John Harris, John Watts, Robt. Poterfield, 
James Williams, Robert Gamble, Jos. Biackwell, John Stith, Wm. 
Mosley, John White, Henry Bowyer, Churchill Jones, William Bentley, 
Willis Wilson, Jno. L. Crute, Basil Middleton, Matthew Clay, Colin 
Cocke and Geo. Carrington. 

On motion, it was unanimously 

Resolved^ That a committee of thirteen be appointed to make an ap- 
propriation of the funds of the Society to such object as may be agreed 
upon by the present meeting, subject, however, to confirmation by a 
majority of the whole members composing the Society at the next 
general meeting, in person or by proxy, appointed in writing, or by letter 
to the President ; and of which due notice shall be given in the public 
papers, and by letter from the President. 

After some debate on the object of the appropriation, without com- 
ing to any specific proposition, the meeting adjourned until to-morrow 

10 o'clock. 

Wednesday the i^th of December ^ 1802. 

The Society met according to adjournment. Present; James Wood, 
President; Edward Carrington, Vice-President; William Heth, Treas- 
urer; Samuel Coleman, Secretary; William Bentley, John L. Crute, 
Wm. Moseley, Robert Gamble, John B. Scctt, M. Carrington, Larkin 
Smith, John Pryor, William B. Wallace, Robert Porterfield, Charles 
Scott, John Harris, Jordan Harris, Joseph Biackwell, George Carring- 
ton, John Jameson, Churchill Jones, John Watts, John White, James 
Wright, James Williams, Willis Wilson, Henry Bowyer, C. Carrington, 
John Stith, Basil Middleton, Matthew Clay, Colin Cocke and M. Van- 

On motion, the following resolution was adopted : 

Resolved, That the object of the appropriation of the funds of this 
Society be the seminary of learning in the county of Rockbridge, de- 
nominated the Washington Academy (to which the shares of the Jain^s 
River Company, heretofore vested in our late illustrious leader and 


hero, General Washington, have by him been appropriated), subject to 
such charf>:es of a charitable nature as have been or may be adopted 
by this Society. 

The meeting then proceeded to the appointment of their officers for 
the ensuing year, when those of the last year were unanimously re- 
appointed, viz: James Wood, President; Edward Carrington, Vice- 
President ; William Heth, Treasurer, and Samuel Coleman, Secretary. 

On motion, the following resolution was agreed to : 

Resolved^ That the mode of appropriation of the funds of this So- 
ciety» by the committee appointed for that purpose, jf confirmed as 
provided by the first resolution, shall be by the purchase of shares of 
the James River Company and lands within the State of Virginia as 
may, in their opinion, be most beneficial, and the conveyance thereof 
to the trustees of the Washington Academy, to be held inalienable for 
the use of the said Academy ; provided, however, that the said com- 
mittee shall retain a controul over the product of the property pur- 
chased so long and to such amount as may be sufficient to meet the 
objects of charity referred to in the second resolution. 

On motion — 

Resolved^ That when the present meeting adjourn, the adjournment 
be to the second Monday in December next, at the Capitol in the city 
of Richmond. 

The meeting then proceeded to the appointment of their standing com- 
mittee for the ensuing year, when Robert Gamble, John Pryor, Marks 
Vandewall and John White, in addition to the officers, were unani- 
mously re- appointed. 

On motion — 

Resolved^ That James Wood, Edward Carrington, William Heth, 
Samuel Coleman, Robert Gamble, Marks Vandevall, John Pryor, John 
White, Larkin Smith, William Bentley, Churchill Jones, William Mosley 
and Robert Poterfield be the committee of thirteen designated in the 
first resolution relative to the appropriation of the funds. 

And then the meeting adjourned until the second Monday in Decem- 
ber, 1803, then to meet at the Capitol in the city of Richmond. 

James Wood, President, 
Attest : 

Samuel Coleman, Secretary. 

In 1803 the Cincinnati Society appropriated their funds, amounting 
to nearly $25,000, to Washington College, and in honour of this endow- 
ment the " Cincinnati Professorship '' was founded. It was the founda- 
tion of the present Chair of Mathematics. 

Exports from the Upper District of James river between the 2^th of 
October, 1763, and the 2sth of October, 1764 — 19,728 hhds. of tobacco. 

2 barrels, 16 bags, and 300 wt. of cotton. 174 logs. 12 casks of in- 



dif!:o. 1,071 planks. 30.884 feet of do. 3,000 lock stocks. 566,800 
staves. 4 boxes and 2 casks of dry goods. 29,145 bushels of wheat. 
500 bushels of potatoes. 14 pipes, i hhd. 14 quarter casks and 6 boxes 
of wine. 19 hhds. and 8 barrels of rum. i hhd. and 776 wt. of bees 
wax. 11,542 bushels of coal. 9,250 hoops. 1,955 bushels and a half 
of pease. 62,763 bushels of corn. 1^098 barrels of flower. 3 bags of 
hops. 920 barrels and 1,000 wt. of pork. 80,860 shingles. 8 tierces 
and 9 barrels of lard. 3 hhds. and 3 barrels of hams. 75 bushels of 
beans. 3,003 wt. of bacon. 26 doz. handspikes. 103 hhds. of skins. 
5 hhds. 6 borrels, and 7 boxes of snakeroot. 800 wt. 10 barrels, and 2 
tierces of tallow. 14 boxes of candles. 5 barrels and i box of ginseng. 
50 tierces of bread. 1,161 barrels ^f tar. 2^5 barrels of turpentine. 3 
bags of feathers. 5 barrels of rice. 123 tuns of iron. . 3,800 heading. 
466 bushels of oats. 70 anchor stocks. 25 barrels of fish. 1,200 feet 
of oars. 14 doz. do. 10 tuns of Mohogany. 2 hhds. i bag, and i 
bundle of hemp. 

Exported from the Upper District of James river between the 25th of 
October^ 1764, and the 2sth of October^ 1765 — 20,666 hhds. of tobacco. 
531 logs. 19 casks, I box, and 50 wt of indigo. 14 bags and 610 wt. 
of cotton. 313 planks' 13,341 feet of do. 5,000 lock stocks. 609.334 
staves. 5 boxes of goods. 42,326 bushels of wheat, i bag of flax 
.seed. I barrel and 4 bushels of potatoes. 13 pipes and 6 quarter 
casks of wine. 18 hhds. 6 barrels, and two tierces of rum. 2 hhds. 4 
barrels, and 30 wt. of bees wax. 3 950 hoops. 2.713 bushels of pease. 
75,827 bushels of com. 1,132 barrels of flower. 238 barrels of pork. 
259,480 shingles. 21 hams. 5 barrels and 480 wt of tallow. 1,677 wt. 
of bacon. 6 barrels of cider. 2 barrels, 2 boxes, and 2 bags of snake- 
root. 26 dozen handspikes. 9 barrels and a half, 2 kegs, and 200 wt. 
of lard. I box and 82 hhds. of skins. 206 bushels of beans. 21 boxes 
of candles. 9 hhds. 211 tierces, 65 barrels, and 1,640 wt. of bread. 383 
barrels of tar. 52 barrels of turpentine. 35 barrels of pitch. 210 wt. 
of feathers. 490 tuns and 2.870 pigs of iron. 10 tuns and 2.702 bars of 
lead. 6 anchor stocks. 28 barrels of fish. 12 barrels of beer, i box 
of seeds. 6 barrels of beef. 13 tuns of lignumvitae. 240 oars. 24 
yards and topmasts. 2 hhds. i bag, and i bundle of hemp. 15,292 
bushels of coals. 

Exports from the Upper District of James river between the 2^th of 
October y 1165, and the 25th of October^ i766,-'\^^Qrji. hhds. of tobacco. 
9 bags and 420 wt. of cotton. 81 logs. 16 casks and 2 boxes of indigo. 
780 lock stocks. 9 boxes of dry goods. 8 hhds. of flax seed. 200 
bushels of potatoes. 3 pipes of wine. 30,674 bushels of wheat. 13 
hhds. and one third of rum. 2,000 wt. of bees wax. 388 bushels of 
oats. 2,737 bushels of pease. 4,900 bushels of coal. 204,500 shingles. 
14 bushels of onions. 392 barrels of pork. 1,305 barrels of flower. 
200 hams. 3 tierces of lard. 5 barrels of tallow. 467 bushels of beans. 


i,ooo wt. of bacon. 3 hhds. 9 barrels, i case, and 50 wt. of snakeroot. 
no hhds. of skins. 79,745 feet of plank. 1,011 planks. 20 pieces and 
370 feet of mohogany. 2 tuns of hemp. 7 casks of pearl ashes. 117 
tierces of bread. 9 hhds. 2 barrels, and i bag of ginseng. 1,205 bar- 
rels of tar. 36 barrels of pitch. 48 barrels of turpentine. 321 tuiis 
and 680 pigs of iron. 560,459 staves. 3,870 bars and 7 tuns of lead. 
48 oars and 400 feet of do. 8 tuns of lignumvitae. 20,900 bushels of 
com. 6 yards and topmasts. 4 tuns of logwood. 612 handspikes. 

Entered in the Upper District of James river January 16^ 1767 — 
Molly, Thomas Pollock, from Liverpool, with European goods. 

19. Bowman, Allan Stevenson, from Hull, with i passenger, and 

30. Richmond, Henry Minson, from Newport in Rhode Island, with 
3 hhds. of rum. i hhd. of molosses, i tierce of loaf sugar, i hhd. of 
cranberries, and 2 coils of cordage. 

Feb. 2. Betsey, John Gillies, from Dunkirk, in ballast. 

Cleared— ]2iVi. 19, 1767. Anne, Samuel Ayres, for Leghorn, with 5,194 
bushels of wheat, and 202 barrels of flower. 

31. Thairay. John Lawmont, for Glasgow, with 191 hhds of tobacco, 
and 7,(00 staves. — Virginia Gazette^ February 12^ 1767, 

Ship-building in Virginia in the Eighteenth Century — To be Sold — 
A new Ship, of about 236 tuns, well calculated for the Tobacco trade, 
built of the best seasoned plank and timber, and can be lanched in a 
little time, if required. Twelve months credit will be allowed for two 
thirds or three fourths of the value. Any person inclinable to pur- 
chase may be shown the vessel by applying to the subscriber, living 
in Kingston parish, Gloucester county. Thomas Smith. 

— Virginia Gazette, May 7, 1767. 

To be Sold—K new ship, now lying at Suffolk wharf, burthen about 
350 hogsheads of tobacco, well built with the best white oak timber 
and plank. The purchaser may have long credit for part of the money. 
Any person in want may apply to Mr John Driver at Suffolk, or to 
George Walker, J un. in Elizabeth City. — Virginia Gazette, May 7^1767. 

Sale of a Musical Slave— \ valuable young handsome Negro fellow, 
about 18 or 20 years of age, has every qualification of a genteel and 
sensible servant, and has been in many different parts of the world. 
He shaves, dresses hair, and plays on the French horn. He lately 
came from London and has with him two suits of new clothes, and his 
French horn, which the purchaser may have with him. Inquire at the 
Printing Office of Mess. Purdie and Y^'xxon.— Virginia Gazette^ August 



Book Reviews. 

The Puritan in Holland, England and America. — By Douglas 

It is not proposed in this notice to comment upon Mr. Campbell's work 
in its broadest theories. Nor do we propose to discuss how much we 
owe to Holland, and how much to England, for our governmental prin- 
ciples and laws. We shall only comment upon those portions of the 
work, in which he undertakes to specify what States first adopted, and 
put into practice in this country, those principles and laws. Mr. Camp- 
bell alleges that the people of the New England colonies did not origi- 
nate those ideas, which for years their historians have claimed as the 
wonderful children of their brain, namely : the ballot, the free-school, 
and the township. In fact he sneers at the attempt to " endow the 
Puritans with supernatural faculties in which the body of their country- 
men had no share." But we find him immediately attempting to give 
some compensation for such a ruthless awakening. For he alleges and 
attempts to prove that while the Puritans did not invent any of those 
principles, yet that they alone are entitled to the credit of having 
brought O'er and put them into practice ; and, indeed, all others which 
have played any important part in shaping our Federal and State 

He devotes pages 414 and 415 of his second volume to an attempt to 
heal the wounded feelings of Massachusetts and to an excuse for some 
of her acts as a colony. Soothingly he asserts, that if she has been 
naughty, she has not been quite as bad as Virginia. He confines his 
comparison to two particulars. First. He assures her that she did not 
treat the Indians quite as bad as Virginia did. In offering that conso- 
lation he prudently forbears to state how the Indians were treated by 
the Virginians previous to the massacre of 1622. 

But his attempt to palliate the '* Puritanical laws of Massachusetts " 
is so weak, that it is not only injury to History, but an insult to the 
intelligence of Massachusetts. He admits that they must be regarded 
as severe, when compared with those of " New York and Pennsylvania 
which had come more fully under a Netherland influence." Yet he 
adds, *' But in some features they were mildness itself compared "with 
those enacted at an earlier period for the government of Virginia — a 
pure English .settlement, little tainted with Puritantism." He then 
cites several of the laws from Dale's Code. 

The injustice of comparing the laws forced upon Virginia by the Lon- 
don Company, during the early years of the settlement, with those 
enacted by the people of Massachusetts themselves is so patent that 
one wonders that Mr. Campbell should have been willing to make it. 
Especially when he declares in his preface that the writer, who has 


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• » , ■ • » • 

■ • • 

» . • 

• .• . . .• • • r.' • - • • • • 
•. • 

• • • . • • , 


knowledge of the truth and conceals it, " is outside the literary pale." 
We have no desire to have paraded the earlier errors of Massachusetts. 
But we protest against such palliation as the above. Surely any one, 
pretending to discuss the growth of law among the several colonies 
should know, that the people of Virginia could not be held responsible 
for any law in force in that colony until after the meeting of her first 
General Assembly in July, 1619. With the simple practical laws 
adopted by her law-makers at that session, or with the laws passed at 
any subsequent session of the General Assembly, the comparison could 
not have been ventured upon. 

On page 419 Mr. Campbell makes more certain his bias, and his ina- 
bility to write impartially the truths of colonial history. For there he 
makes this broad assertion: "With Pennsylvania, we reach the most 
southern point to which a Dutch Influence upon the early settlers of 
America can be traced, and we also reach the limit of the colonies whose 
institutions, except that of slavery, have affected the American Common- 
wealth. Virginia alone contributed an idea, that of the natural 
equality of man ; but this was borrowed by her statesmen from the 
Roman law." 

Among the laws, which he claims, were brought over and introduced 
by the colonists north of Maryland, was the law as to the registration 
of deeds and mortgages, the law requiring parent's or guardian's con- 
sent to a marriage, and the law as to the maintaining and teaching a 
trade to the children of the poor. The early statutes of the Virginia 
colony show how erroneous is such an assertion. In 1639 the Virginia 
House of Burgesses enacted that "A deed or mortgage made without 
delivery of possession to be adjudged fraudulent unless entered in 
some court." And in 1642 th^ House enlarged the requirements as to 
recordation. But the custom of recordation must have prevailed sev- 
eral years previous to 1639. The loss and destruction of many of the 
Colonial Records of Virginia prevents perfect accuracy on this point. 
But in Volume I of Records of Patents in the Virginia Land Office can 
be found many transfers of dates prior to 1639, of tracts of land, some 
called assignments, some deeds, and some " bill of sale. " And es- 
pecially striking is the brevity and simplicity of the language used. 

We are inclined to believe that the system of registration of deeds, 
so far as Virginia is concerned, is the outgrowth of English statutes 
and customs. For all deeds of bargain and sale had to be recorded 
by 27 H^n. 8th chap. 16, in order to be valid. And in order to get rid 
of the more expensive and cumbersome system of obtaining a release 
of dower by fine and recovery the colonial government of Virginia, as 
early in 1627. adopted the system of allowing a wife to join in the deed, 
and acknowledge in court her surrender of dower. This was following 
a custom of London by which a wife could release her dower by join- 
ing her husband in a deed, being privily examined and the deed being 


• • 

• ••• ••••-••• 

• • 

• ••.••* • • • 

• •••,••,!• •••• •••••, 

:••.: :•:•••••• 


proclaimed and enrolled in the Hustings Court. In 1627, Lady Tem- 
perance Yeardley in open court at "James City*' released her dower 
interest. And in 1674, the system of so releasing dower interest was 
adopted by statute, which declared that such a mode had been in prac- 
tice in Virginia '*lor many years.*" 

In 16 1 9 the first General Assembly passed a statute as to marriages 
in these words, " No maide or woman servant, either now resident in 
the Colonic or hereafter to come, shall contract herself in marriage 
without either the consent of her parents, or of her Mr. or Mrs. or of 
the magistrat and minister of the place together." 

While Virginia did not to the fullest extent make provision for the 
maintenance and teaching of a trade to the children of the poor, yet in 
1646 she passed an act in which she recognized the duty of the public 
to aid the poor in the educating their children, and which, considering 
her poverty, was a liberal endeavor to do her duty in that respect. By 
that act it was required that the commissioners of each county should 
select two children of the poor of his county and send them to James- 
town to be taught some trade. Each county to bear the expense of the 
children sent from it. 

Mr. Campbell also claims that the founders of Connecticut brought 
over the idea of each town having equal representation in the Legisla- 
tive branch of the government, and that that idea can be thence traced 
into the United States Constitution. Yet it is undeniable that in 1619. 
twenty years before the adoption of what is called the Constitution of 
Connecticut, the first Virginia General Assembly was called to be com- 
posed "of two Burgesses out of every plantation without restrainte or 
exception " 

He also holds that " our wide suffrage "is also owing to the same 
Constitution of Connecticut. Yet, from 1619 until 1670, with the ex- 
ception of about one year, in 1654, the right of suffrage belonged to all 
freemen in Virginia. In the year 1670 it was limited to freeholders and 
housekeepers. Shortly after Bacon's rebellion, by order of Charles II. 
the right of suffrage was limited to freeholders. In the Act of 1655, 
repealing that of 1654, the House of Burgesses announced a principle, 
which afterwards became the great principle of the American Revolu- 
tion; namely, no taxation without representation. For in that act the 
House of Burgesses announced, " we conceive it something hard and 
unagreeable to reason that any persons shall pay equal taxes and yet 
have no votes in elections," and then repealed so much of the act of 
1654 " as excludes freemen from votes." Not only did the early Vir- 
ginia legislators desire a " wide suffrage,'* but they wished for a ** full 
vote," even if it had to be obtained by compulsory laws. For in 1646, 
every freeman failing to vote, after being summoned, was liable to a 
forfeit of 100 pounds of tobacco. 

But it is as to the recognition and adoption of the Constitutional 

• w « ■ M w 

" » • -• - - 


principles of freedom of speech and freedom of religion that Mr. 
Campbell makes his most inexcusable misstatements. On page 425, 
Vol. 2, he says : *' I have shown in former chapters how American re- 
ligious liberty was first established under the Constitution of New 
York, and the freedom of the press under that of Pennyslvania." 

Yet, on pages 250 and 251 of his first volume, he recognizes the fact 
that Virginia adopted her constitution in 1776, while New York did not 
adopt hers until 1777. In her constitution Virginia declared that *' all 
men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to 
the dictates of conscience." In the New York Constitution it was de- 
clared " that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession 
and worship, without discrimination or preference, shall forever, here- 
after, be allowed within this State to all mankind; provided, that the 
liberty of conscience, hereby granted, shall not be so construed as to 
excuse acts of licentiousness, or justify practices inconsistent with the 
peace and safety of this State.'* 

It is clear that the freedom of religious worship could not have be^ 
stated in broader terms than it was stated in the Virginia Bill of Rights, 
although the wording in the New York Constitution was more extended; 
and in some respects uselessly so. For the word " forever " added no 
force whatever to the declaration, for it could have no effect upon any 
subsequent Convention. Nor is it very clear as to what might be con- 
strued to be the extent of the power given to the Legislature by the 
last clause of the proviso above quoted. The New York court in 
People V. Ruggles, 8 Johns, certainly did not regard the proviso as very 
limited in its scope. But Mr. Campbell bases his assertion upon the 
fact, that New York in her Constitution abolished the established 
church, and alleges that Virginia retained its established church until 
1785. While it is true that not until that year did Virginia declare that 
no man should be compelled by law to contribute to the support of any 
church, yet it is also true that in October, 1776, she passed a law de- 
claring it "contrary to the principles of reason and justice that any 
should be compelled to contribute to the maintenance of a church with 
which their consciences will not permit them to join, &c. For remedy 
whereof and that equal liberty, as well religious, as civil, may be 
universally extended to all the good people of this commonwealth ; Be 
it enacted &c. that all dissenters, of whatever denomination, from the 
said (Episcopal) church, shall from and after the passing of this act be 
totally free and exempt from all levies &c. towards supporting and 
maintaining the said church," &c. In the same act she also declared 
of no force every act of parliament, "which renders criminal the 
maintaining any opinions in matters of religions, forbearing to repair 
to church, or the exercising any mode of worship," &c. 

Mr. Campbell also intimates a doubt whether the Virginia Bill of 
Rights was a part of the Virginia Constitution. The decision of the 

•«• • • •••••• 

. •-• • • • • » •• 

• • 

;••.: :• : / . ••• 


highest Courts of that State ought to settle that question. In the case 
of Commonwealth v. Wyatt, 6 Randolph, following declaration was 
made: "That by the Bill of Rights, properly regarded as part of the 
Constitution of Virginia," &c., &c. It was also recognized in the " Case 
of the County Levy," 5 Call. It had already been recognized as a part 
of the Constitution by several of the judges delivering opinions in the 
case of Kamper v. Hawkins, i Va. Cases, page 20. 

And before leaving this subject let us state that Mr. Campbell is mis- 
taken in asserting that Virginia owes her religious freedom to either 
Thomas Jefferson or Patrick Henry. She owes it to George Mason, 
who drafted the declaration above noticed as to religious freedom. 

Mr. Campbell's assertion that under the Pennsylvania Constitution of 
1790, was first established " the freedom of the press," is based upon 
the provision therein that, '* In prosecutions for the publications of 
papers investigating the official conduct of officers or men in a public 
capacity, or where the matter published is proper for public information, 
the truth thereof may be given in evidence,'* &c. 

But in 1776 the Virginia Constitution declared, " That the freedom of 
the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty, and can never be 
restrained but by despotic governments." And it appears that she had 
no need to adopt the further provision contained in the Pennsylvania 
Constitution. For in the case of Commonwealth v. Morris, i Va. Case, 
page 176-79. the General Court held : 

" In this Commonwealth, the second article of the Bill of Rights 
having declared * that all power is vested in, and consequently derived 
from the people, that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and 
at all times amenable to them,' it follows as a necessary consequence 
that the people have a rjght to be informed of the conduct and char- 
acter of their public agents. In the case of an indictment for a libel 
against public officers or candidates for public office, truth is a justifi- 
cation and may be given in evidence, so far as it may tend to show that 
person libelled was unfit for the office." Hence it must be admitted 
that Virginia first declared for and established the freedom of the press. 

In order for Mr. Campbell to establish his theory that the Federal 
and State Governments owe more to Holland than to England for their 
forms and principles, it was not necessary for him to have announced 
that with Pennsylvania we "reach the limit of the colonies whose 
institutions, except that of slavery, have affected the American Com- 
monwealth." For he states the fact, that the familiarity of the Virginia 
lawyers of colonial times with the history of the Netherlands has been 
a subject of comment by at least one English writer. 


Virginia Magazine 



Vol. I. OCTOBER, 1893. No. 2. 

Letters of William Fitztiugh. 


June 5lh, 1682. 
Mr. J no. Cooper, 

Sr: In my last by Capt Norrington I had only leisure to 
acquaint you that I had inclosed Bills Loading for 18 hh^' 
shipped in him and consigned to you; one of which upon my 
return home I find left behind but three omitted in the bills of 
Loading, which I hope you have since found out in the Ship 
notwithstanding that omission in the bills Loading, for I have 
sufficient Evidence to prove that those hh*** of Tob° so marked 
and numbered as are omitted in tlie bill Loading were by Capt 
Norrington' s men taken away from the respective houses where 
they lay upon view of my Notes given for the same by Evidence 
of two Sorts. First, I have Evidence that at such houses so 
many hh** of Tob° of such a Mark and Number were received 
for me. Secondly, The respective Housekeeper Deposes that 
Capt Norrington* s Seamen carry* away that very Tob"" so marked 
and numbered by vertue of my Notes given for the Same. The 
Copys of which Evidence I hope to get ready to send here in- 
closed that you may inform Capt. Norrington thereof which 



may give him opportunity to enquire the truth thereof and get 
me Righted without Charge to himself which without his care 
there may chance to fall upon himself here; the three hh*' left 
behind were numbered 7, ii & 14, that of 14 was really left be- 
hind but those of II and 7 carry^ away tho' not put into the 
bills Loading. I have received your four letters dated 22nd 
August; 14th Sept^- 21st Oct' and 17th Dec' all of which are 
now by me; in the first you give me an account of the receipt and 
mean Market for my Tob** which I must submit to ; its in vain 
for me to repine at the common calamity. In that of the 14th 
Sept' p. Capt Norrington, I received inclos'd my Accompt Cur- 
rent, Accompt of Sales and invoice of goods brought in by him 
which goods were much abused on board, as you'll perceive by 
my receipt given upon the back of the Bill of Loading; what 
Right I may have therein I am not Merchant enough to Know 
but think it a hard measure to pay freight for goods, to have 
them carelessly damnify* d, w*"* without farther mentioning, I 
refer wholly to you./S' The Tob° I sent you I can say little in 
commendation of; for my skill in the commodity is but small 
but four hh** No. i, 2, 3, 4 were sweet scented and of my own 
crop and well handled in the opinion of the knowingest Plan- 
ters ; the Residue were Orinoko and the choicest my Receiver 
could pick out of 100 hh"*' he received for me; how it will prove 
there with you, I know not, but will not despair and hope the 
market may rise upon the news of the great destruction of Tob** 
by Cutters and Pluckers* who at the writing hereof have not yet 
desisted; the particulars I presume you have fully heard, there- 
fore will not now trouble you with; and for the farther lessening 
the quantity, the great and frequent rains have largely contribu- 
ted especially to those living in low Grounds. 

* The price of tobacco having fallen to a very low point in the spring 
of 1682, and all hope of a cessation of planting by the command of the 
authorities of Virginia and Maryland having been dismissed, a large 
number of the planters of Gloucester, New Kent and Middlesex coun- 
ties determined to reduce the quantity of the crop in the ground by 
forcible means. They, therefore, proceeded to cut up the plants in the 
beds, running in great disorder from one plantation to another with this 
purpose in view. Robert Beverley was supposed to have encouraged 
the movement. 


In your Accompt current and Letters in Oct' and Dec' ;^ 15, 
i8,oot which I hope before the receipt of this you have reimbursed 
yourself, and withall I find in my Acco^ of sales myself charged D' 
with six and threepence for 25 lb* of damnify' d Tob° which I pre- 
sume to be a mistake and I believe I ought to have credit given me 
for that which if so lighten my acco' 12, 6*, therefore desire you to 
inspect that Acco* and if it be an Error to rectify it. I have here 
inclosed sent you Bills of Exchange, one drawn by Maj' Thos. 
Youle upon yourself for ;^5, one other of M' Chamberlain's for 
£^ 6, 10, another upon M' Burrage of Lyme, which I assure 
myself will be all paid, and another upon M" Bland for J[^20 
which I doubt but upon sight she will comply with; which in the 
whole amounts to J[^ 38, 10, 08. S' I was intended to have sent 
you ten thousand Pipe Staves and four hundred feet of two inch 
black wallnut Plank but could not get freight for them ; my remote- 
ness from shipping and my long absence from home hindered me 
from taking advantageous opportunitys, therein, therefore if you 
find it may turn to my profit, please to signifie the same to me 
by the first opportunity and if you can with conveniency, contrive 
me freight for the same ; also I would desire you to enquire the 
price of Ship^ trunnells p. thousand and inform me thereof and 
if you find that trunnels of two foot, a foot and a half and a foot 
in length, will clear one with another £1^ or ;^30 p. thousand, 
take me freight certain for 40, 50, 60 or 70 thousand for the low- 
ness of Tob*" has utterly discouraged me, and if the market this 
year rises not, I have small encouragement to run so great a 
Risque to have nothing considerable for my Tob", nay less by 
one half than I can haVe at my own Door without either Trouble 
or hazard. I desire you to speak to Capt Norrington or any of 
your friends being master of a ship bound for Potomack River to 
bring me two or three couple of Rabbits. S' My wants still 
continue the same for a Bricklayer or Carpenter and should be 
glad to have either of them consigned to me tho. some of the 
goods were let alone, I am 

Sir Your Wff. 
To Mr. John Cooper, 

Merchant in London. 



February nth 1682-3. 
Mr. Jackson, 

As to your Proposal about the bringing in Negroes next 
fall, I have this to offer and you may communicate the same to 
your owners and Employers, that I will deal with them for so 
many as shall amount to 50,000 lbs of Tob° and cask which will 
be about 20 hh"^ under the condition and at these ages and 
prices following, to say, to give 3,000 lbs Tob" for every Negro 
boy or girl, that shall be between the age of seven and eleven 
years old and to give 4,000 lbs Tob" for every youth or girl that 
shall be between the age of 11 to 15 and to give 5,000 lbs Tob* 
for every young man or woman that shall be above 15 years of 
age and not exceed 24, the said Negroes to be delivered at my 
landing some time in Sept^ next, and I to have notice whether 
they will so agree some time in August next. And I do assure 
you and so you may acquaint them, that upon your delivery and 
my receipt of the Negroes according to the ages above men- 
tioned and that they be sound and healthfull at their Delivery, I 
will give such sufficient Caution for payment of the Tob° accord- 
ingly by the 20"* Dec'r then next following as shall be approved 
of The ages of the Negroes to be judged and determined by 
two or three such honest and reasonable men here as yourself 
shall nominate and appoint. The whole sum of the Tob* to be 
paid in the compass of twenty miles, perhaps not so remote, I 


Your Wff. 
To Mr. Jackson of Piscataway 

In New England These. I 

feby 5th 1682-3. 
Mrs. Elea' Cutt and M' Geo. Jeffries, 

At the instance of Mr. Jackson, though unacquainted, this 
comes to acquaint you that I apprehend you are mistaken in 
carrying on any trade in our Parts, by your sending your goods 
to purchase her own Loading which puts a necessity upon your 
Dealer to sell for the speed of his market great deal cheaper 
than you need if you could afford a stock before hand, to lie in 
some factor's hands in this Country and who would then take the 


Opportunity of his Market and could reduce the whole loading 
to lie in some certain places to be immediately taken in upon the 
Arrival of your vessel, which those that come to purchase their 
Loading are forced to go from place to place for, so that the 
profit of the voyage if you purchase very cheap (which is uncer- 
tain) is eaten up by the length of Stay necessarily occasioned by 
going from place to Place to fetch the several parcels of wheat, 
besides the uncertainty of the Market ; those things would be 
taken away by settling a constant factoridge here and whatever 
commodity you had a mind to, or gave advice of,^ight be 
reasonably and certainly every year purchased and the vessel 
that comes for it quickly dispatched so that the first Stock of 
money being dead about five or six months gives these advan- 
tages a certain and sure market, an eassie chaAge and a quick 
Dispatch, which is the life and profit of every Trade. What I 
have said is not to Court your Employ but to satisfy M' Jackson. 

Your Wflf. 

Jany ist 1682-3. 
Majr. Robt. Beverly, 

Sr: I suppose Mr. Robinson before the receipt of this has 
been so kind as to acquaint you that your tryal will be easie,* 

* " Beverley had incurred the displeasure of the Governor and Council 
by refusing to deliver up to them copies of the Legislative Journals, 
without permission of the House. Beverley had rendered important 
services in suppressing Bacon's Rebellion, and had won the special favor 
of Sir .William Berkeley; but as circumstances change, men change with 
them, and now by a steady adherence to his duty to the assembly, he 
drew down upon his head unrelenting persecution. In the month of 
May, 1682, he was committed a close prisoner on board the ship Duke 
of York, lying in the Rappahannock. Ralph Wormley, Matthew Kemp 
and Christopher Wormley were directed to seize the Records in Bev- 
erley's possession, and to break open doors if necessary. He com- 
plained in a note, addressed to the captain, and claimed the rights of a 
free-born Englishman. He was transferred from the Duke of York to 
Captain Jeffries, commander of the Concord, and a guard set over him. 
He was next sent on board of Colonel Custis's sloop, to be taken to 
Northampton. Escaping from the custody of the sheriff of York, the 
prisoner was retaken at his own house, in Middlesex, and sent to 


which will at present save me some labour, yet to correspond 
with yours and my word I shall give you some small touches in 
relation to your tryal which will be very suddenly. Multiplicity 
of business at present a little disorders me. First for Imprison- 
ment see Cap. 26 Magna Charta. I refer you for the words of 
the Statute itself. I shall take notice of Conclusions drawn from 
thence. And first though the offence whereof he was accused 
was such as he was not baiable by Law, yet the Law did so 
highly hate the long Imprisonment of any man though accused 
of an odious and henious Crime that it gave him this Writ of 
Inquisition for his relief Secondly, There was a mean whereby 
the Common Law, before the Indictments to protect the inno- 
cent party against false Accusations and to deliver him out of 
Prison. And a *farther Benefit was by this Law in favour of 
Prisoners that he should have it without fee or without Denyal 
or Delay; for more of this see the Minor Cap. 5*** Sect. 2. But 
this Writ was taken away by the 28 Edw. 3, but within twelve 
years after, it was enacted, that all Statutes made against Magna 
Charta as this 28 Edw. 3"^ should be void so that is again re- 
vived. Nay, the Justices, have been so far from allowance of 
any one being detained in Prison without due tryal, that it was 
resolved in the Case of the Abbot of St. Albans by the whole 
Court that where the King had granted to the said Abbot to 
have a Goal, and divers persons were committed to that Goal for 
felony and because the Abbot would not be at cost to make De- 
liverance, he detained them in Prison long time without making 
lawful Deliverance, that the Abbot had for that Cause forfeited 
his franchises &c. See Stat. Glo. Chapg. H. 8, 4, 18, 20, Edw. 
4, 6 Brooke title forfeiture and Cooke upon Magna Charta fo. 43 

Northampton, on the Eastern Shore. Some months after he applied 
for a writ of habeas corpus, which was refused; and in a short time, 
being again found at large, he was remanded to Northampton. In Jan- 
uary, 1683, new charges were brought against him : First, that he had 
broken open letters addressed to the secretary's office; Secondly, that 
he had made up the Journal, and inserted his Majesty's letters therein* 
notwithstanding it had first been presented at the time of the proroga- 
tion; Thirdly, that in 1682, he had refused copies of the Journal to the 
Governor and Council, saying **he might not do it without leave of his 
masters." CampbelVs History of Virginia^ pp. 345, 346. 


and many such like cases. And it is provided by the Statute 
5 H. 4 Cap. lo and Cookes Report Lib. 9 fo. 119 that none be 
imprisoned by any Justice of Peace but in the common Goal to 
the end that they may have tryal at the next Goal Delivery. 
And this Statute extendeth to all other Judges and Justices for 
two reasons, First This Act is but declaritory of the Common 
Law. Secondly, Ubi est lex special is et ratio est generals gener- 
aliter accipiendum est. By the Statute Glo. Cap. 9, you may 
see what expedition ought to be used for avoiding long Im- 
prisonment (viz) till the next coming of the Justices and conse- 
quently till the next Court for tryal ; From whence it is to be 
observed that the Law of England is lex misericordiae for three 
Causes. First that the Innocent shall not be worn away and 
wasted by long Imprisonment but as hereby and by Magna 
Charta Spedily come to his tryal. 

Secondly That Prisoners for criminal causes where they are 
brought to their tryal be humanely dealt with all for Serveros 
quidern facit Institae in humano non facit. Thirdly The Judge 
ought to exhort him to answer without fear and that Justice shall 
be duely admmistered to him Magna Charta Cap. 29.' No man 
shall be taken or imprisoned or dispossess' d of his Lands, lively- 
hood or liberty unless it be by lawfuU judgment of his Equals or 
by due course and Process of Law, and not Petition or Sugges- 
tion, nay though it were to the King and Council; see this 
notably explained by these Acts 5 Edw. 3, 9, 25 Edw. 3, 4, 37 
Edw. 3, 8, 38, Edw 3, 9, 42, Edw 3, 3, 17, Rich 2, 6 Cookes reports 
Lib 10 fo. 71. All these conclusions upon a commitment do 
follow: First that he or they that do commit them have lawfull 
authority; That his Warrant or Mittemus be lawfull and that 
must be in writing under his hand and Seal. Thirdly, The 
Causes must be continued in the Warrant as for Treason felony 
&c. Fourthly the Warrant or Mittimus containing a lawfull 
cause ought to have a lawfull conclusion and him safely to keep 
untill he be delivered by Law &c and not untill the party com- 
miting do farther order. This and the former conclusions do 
evidently appear by the Writs of Habeas Corpus. By which 
Writs it Manifestly appears that no man ought to be committed 
but for some certain cause and those words in the Habeas Cor- 
pus ad subjiciendum et recipiendum prove that Cause must be 


shewed for otherwise how can the Court state Orders thereon 
according to Law. And this agrees with Holy Scripture Acts 
Apostles Cap. 25, v all. It seems to me unreasonable to send 
away one bound into Prison and not to signifie the Cause thereof. 
So also the Petition of Right 3 Car. Imprisonment doth not 
only extend to false Imprisonment or unjust but it is both false 
and unjust, if he be detained longer than he ought although at 
first lawfully imprisoned; Cooke Magna Chata fo. 53. Good 
Judges and Justices abhor such courses as the Centurian took 
against S^ Paul, Acts Apostles Cap. 22, V 24, 27. He command- 
eth Paul to be bound and then asked who he was and what he 
had done. For Remedy for Injustice done in this nature see 
Cooke Magna Charta Cap. 29 fo. 55 and 56 and there you will 
also find that Justices ought to have three qualities, Libera 
quia nihil est iniquius, Vanali justitia ; Plena quia justitia non 
debet clandicare, et celeris quia dilatis est quaedam negatis. 
And then it is both justice and Right. 

Again in the Statute de frangedibus Prisonem, there you may 
see what a lawfull mittimus is. First it must be in writing in the 
name and under the hand and seal of him that, makes the same 
expressing his Office Place and Authority, by force whereof he 
makes mittimus and is to be directed to the Goaler or Keeper of 
the Prison. Secondly in it must be contained the cause as it 
expressly appeareth by this Act with such convenient certainty 
as it may appear judicially, that the Offence tale indicium re- 

And this is proved both by Reason and Authority. By reason 
first for that it is in case of felony quae indeniterlte num' Sup- 
plicium and therefore ought to have convenient certainty as 
aforesaid. Secondly for that a voluntary escape is felony in the 
Goaler and if there be certainly express'd. Thirdly If the Mit- 
timus should be good Generally pro flonia then as the * * * 
is Ignorantia Judicies foret calamitas Innocentis and therefore in 
Reason in a case of so high a nature concerning the life of man* 
the convenient certainty ought to be shewed. By Authority for 
that, the Indictment must rehearse the effect of the Mittimus. 

Thirdly and Lastly see the resolutions of all the Judges of 
England in their 21 and 22 Answers to the objections of Arch- 
bishop Bancroft in behalf of all the clergy of England, Tertio 


Jacobi. They answer that upon complaint they ought to send 
the Kings Writ for the Body and the cause and if in the return 
no cause or no sufficient cause appear, that then they ought to 
set him at liberty &c; This to the 21. To the 22 they answer 
and resolve that upon complaint made unto them if any one im- 
prisoned without just Cause, we are to send to have the body 
and to be certified of the cause and if they will not certify us of the 
particular cause but generally without expressing any particular 
cause whereby it may appear to us his imprisonment to be just, 
then we do and ought to deliver him. Hereupon it appeareth 
that the common Warrant or Mittimus to answer to such things 
as shall be objected against him is utterly void and against Law. 
Now as the Mittimus must contain a certain cause, so the conclu- 
sive must be according to Law (viz). The Prison safely to keep 
uniill he be delivered by due order of Law and not untill he that 
made it give order or the like. 

S' This is what at present occurs and what is to be taken 
notice of and what I dare and do avow to be good Authority. 
If you have farther occasion, please to signifie and shall be ready 
to serve you thereini I question not your care about our Tob** 
in your County and Gloucester; to urge you Diligence would 
seem to make doubt, therefore as I said before proceed for us as 
for yourself. My service to your good wife. 

Your Wff. 
Esqr. Wormley and all friends there. 
To Maj Robt. Beverly. 

Janry 8, 1682-3. 
May it please your Excellency. 

Sr: That great countenance you were pleased to favour me 
with at my last being in Town more especially at Green Spring,* 
gives occasion to this to assure your Lordship that in my 
private capacity as I now stand in this Country (having had the 
happiness never to be dignified by any empty title) and quiet- 
ness from all profitable employments therein, I have and stren- 

*The residence of the Colonial Governors near Jamestown. 


uously endeavour to assure the People of our Parts of your 
Lordships great and weighty services done for them in England 
particularly about your elaborate pains in answering such 
weighty objections from such powerfull Oppressers in that most 
necessary concern of Town which you were pleased to commu- 
nicate to me, as also your just resolution for regular Proceedings 
by the known Laws of England which though sett off with such 
poor abilities as I am master of has given our people here so 
great and general satisfaction, that they not only rejoice that 
your Lordship is happily arrived to the place of your Government 
but always add their prayers for your continuance therein, still 
with this respect that the advantage as well as their duties might 
fully answer your expectation. I must beg your Honour's 
Pardon if I have not given a full relation in your own more 
immediate concern of the Quitrents, not want of will but a dul- 
ness in my apprehension, not thoroughly understanding your 
Lordship is the occasion thereof, esteeming better be silent than 
to give imperfect or but half relations. If your Lordship thinks 
I may be serviceable to you therein please to give me but the 
least intimation and the utmost of my endeavours shall not be 
wanting. This Gentleman the bearer hereof, comes purposely to 
solicit your Excellency for the high sheriffs place of our county. 
I dare not presume to move in his behalf yet I can give your 
Lordship this assurance that last year he had the promice of it 
and no one can pretend a better Right if a right might be admitted, 
for his Predecessor died in the Place and office, in the late unhappy 
troubles ; his enjoyment of it gave him no profit but abundance 
of trouble and the unhappy inconsequency of contracting debts 
throughout the County out of his own Estate which his poor 
Orphans now want. And his motion for the place is as much in 
behalf of the poor children (He being their Guardian) as for 
himself, by which means he would have the conveniency of get- 
ting in without charge or trouble those scattering debts to their 
advantage. Long may our Lordship quietly and happily 
govern us, under his most sacred Majesty is the prayer of 

Your Lordship &c. 

To his Excellency Thomas 

Lord Culpepper p. D' Wm. Bankes. 


January 8th, 1682-3. 
H<nCrd Sir: 

This Gentleman my neighbor Docf Bancks is come pur- 
posely about the Sheriffs' place. I assured him he need neither 
doubt nor question your assistance and therefore I advised him 
to apply himself to you. If you have any time to spare with 
him you will find him an ingenuous Gentleman and a boon 
facetious companion and one that will gratefully acknowledge 
your favours. S*" I hope to hear from you by the bearer, in 
which I am sure to meet with a full satisfaction of all transactions 
there. My most humble Service to your honoured Father and 
a kind Remembrance of all friends else; this is all I can think 
of at present farther than to assure you 

I am your Wff. 
To the Honorable Ralph Wormley Esqr.* 

* Ralph Wormeley, of *' Rosegill," Middlesex county, Virginia, born 
1650, died December 5, 1703 {Parish Register), was a son of Ralph 
Wormeley, of Rosegill (member of the House of Burgesses and Coun- 
cil), and his wife Agatha Eltonhead (who married, secondly Sir Henry 
Chicheley, Governor of Virginia). He matriculated July 14, 1665, at 
Oriel College. Oxford; was a member of the House of Burgesses, 1674, 
{Middlesex Records); appointed member of the Council, 1677, {Sains- 
bury Abstracts); appointed Secretary of State, 1693, {Hotten's Emi- 
grants); was Collector and Naval Officer of Rappahannock river, 1692 ; 
one of the first trustees of William and Mary College, 1693, and, in the 
same year, President of the Council {Journal). He inherited and 
acquired a very large estate, and had so much influence, that Hartwell, 
Blair and Chilton, in " The Present State of yirginia,^^ 1699, speak of 
the struggle of the trustees of the College (about certain lands) with 
"the greatest man in Virginia, Mr. Secretary Wormeley." He mar- 
ried first Catherine, daughter and heiress of Sir Thomas Lunsford, 
Bart. She is styled in the Parish Register \n 1685, "The Hon. Lady 
Catherine Wormeley,'* and though not so stated in the accounts of the 
family, appears to have been the widow of Peter Jenings, Attorney- 
General of Virginia ; for Catherine widow of Col. Peter Jenings sues 
in the General Court, and in 1674, Wormeley sues as marrying the 
widow — Christian name not given — of the same person. By her, 
Wormeley had only a daughter, Elizabeth, who married in 1703, John 
Lomax, of Essex county (De Bow's Review, xxvi, 129). He married 
secondly, Feb. 1687, Madam Elizabeth Armistead, daughter of Col. 


January 8th, 1682-3. 
Mr. Roger Jones. 

This day I had report of Blagg's arrival. This Gentleman 
the bearer being bound directly down to your parts and Blaggs' 
house being not far out of his way, he assured me he would pur- 
posely call and give you a true and certain relation thereof. 
This Gentleman is come to my Lord to move for the Sheriffs 
place of our County, I desire you in his behalf to give him what 
assistance you can in it; a small converse with him I am sure 
will endear him to you for you will find him as well supplied 
with gratitude to acknowledge and when it lies in his power, to 
kindness as facetious and Jocose in boon jovial Company. 

S*" Assure yourself the ready est ways and easiest shall be 
sought to do you Service that thereby you may be assured I am 

Your Wflf. 
To Mr. Roger Jones at Green Springs 
p. Doct' Wm. Bankes. 

March loth, 1682-3. 
Mr. John Cooper, 

Sr: This comes by Capt Smith where you'll find 19 hh** 
of Tob" consigned to your self as p. bills of Loading will appear. 
I can assure you it is as good a parcel of Tob** as ever I saw of 
the Sort, most of it of my own crop, which I myself took care 
to see well handled and Sorted; the remainder which is 7 hh*' I 
saw them well pack'd and therefore am Sure it is good; if this 
doth not suite the market and get a price, its in vain for me to 
think of shipping any more Tob^ Just as I am writin I have 
news of Capt Norrington's arrival, by whom I expect to hear 
farther from you; all that I have yet this year received was one 

- — - - - * 

John Armistead, of Gloucester county {Parish Register), and had 
several sons and daughters. 

, His will, dated Feb 22, 1700, and proved April 7, 1701, is on record in 
Middlesex See " Recollections of Admiral Ralph Randolph IVornie- 
ley^' (which contains some errors of detail); and Hayden's Virginia 
Genealogies, 230, &c. 


letter p Capt Harris. Business and the small encouragement 
Tob** gave was the occasion I writ no oftener and larger to you 
last year, but this year being sure the first is something abated 
and in hopes the latter is amended, I shall be more ample and 
frequent in my letters and advices. The first thing that I have 
of necessity to advise you, is that I have charged bills upon you 
payable to Mr Jn** Bowden for the use of Cap' Elisha Mellowes 
of Barbadoes for ;^35, 02, 10 at eighty days sight which I hope 
you have effects of mine to comply with before the time of pay- 
ment. I took so large a time that I might have a full opportu- 
nity of advising you thereof and of remitting the effects. ( S^ I 
have a proposal of Trade if Yourself or any of your friends ap- 
prove of it, the manner this. To send a small vessel of about 200 
or 250 hh**" burden at most which I will undertake to give her 
notes for Loading, within a month at farthest after her arrival 
and that witliin twenty miles compass, which is but a small Dis- 
tance here, upon this condition, to have well bought goods and 
bought with ready money delivered at my Landing at 10 Sh. p 
cent without any advance or if you think that not convenient, 
because of the uncertainty of the Market, then give me an allow- 
ance of 21*'* Tob® in the hundred weight of Tob** more than the 
general Market goes at in our parts, upon the arrival of the said 
vessel for ray Commission, Expedition, Storage and Insurance 
of the 'whole and all other incident charges that Traders here 
necesssrily lie at. Provided the Ship comes not before some time 
in Dec' and I have notice thereof by the forward Ships in Sept', 
Oct', or Nov' though I desire none of the goods till her arrival. 
By this trade here will be a great charge Saved in the long stay 
ships generally make here, being often times forced to run from 
one end of the Country to the other almost, which eats out the 
profit of a good market, besides Sloop hire, the allowance to 
your factor, and merchants, the uncertainty of purchasing Tob® 
and if purchased many times lying out and behind, and some 
bad debts never to be recovered ; on the other side, as soon as 
your Ship Arrive She may be taking in Tob**, her whole Loading 
certain, the Distance the Tob** lies at, small, so that two or three 
flatts will presently load her and by that means save Sloop hire. ) 
About one third or near one half of the loading will be in one 
place together which she may well take in four days. As soon 
as I see Cap* Norrington (which I now every day expect) I shall 


discource him farther therein and if he thinks the proposal will 
be approved, I shall then be more large by the next conveniency 
and withal manifest to him Something of my method to proceed 
therein and shall desire him to give you an account whether I am 
fully fitted and capable for such an undertaking. I am 

Sr Your Wff. 
To Mr. John Cooper. 

Just as I was concluding my lett' I rec^ my lett' from on board 

Cap' Norrington one bearing date 25 and 28*^ Oct' and the other 

19*^ Dec' wherein I have so low account of my Tob* that it is not 

worth Shipping. I also find by them you have sent me none of 

my goods and indeed had no effects of mine to procure them. 

Now I postively desire you to desist from sending me any, but 

once again desire you comply with the bills of ;^35, 02, 10. I 

have also shipped some Tob" out of York from myself and M' 

Brent from whom I suppose you will hear by the next Ship * * 

Capt Harris in the Gerard, also from self too. We neither of us 

yet knew what to write in that affair, because we have not as yet 

any account what quantity of Tob"" is Shipped nor on what ship, 

nor what freight which we now every day expect and then shall 

take the first conveniency to give you an ace' thereof. The 

hopes of a better market this year makes me large now, and will 

encourage to write by all opportunities. I desire you to take 

care of the inclosed to Madam Bland; I have sent it open that you 

may see her mistake and withall have writ to her to pay you the 

whole or part of the money as p perusal of her letter you'll see; 

what you can get, receive upon my acco'; once again I desire 

your Careful Disposal of my Tob** 

Your Wff. 
To Mr. Jno. Cooper in London Mech' p 

Capt Thomas Smith. 

March 19th 1682-3 
Madam Sarah Bland.* 

By what miscarriage I know not, you have not received 

*Mrs Sarah Bland was the wife of John Bland, the London Merchant, 
whose memorial on the effects of the Navigation Act appears else- 


that letter I last year sent you, wherein I gave you an account of 
yor business, with reference to M*" Blaytons more particular 
relations; the sum of it was that I used my utmost endeavour in 
the manas^ement of all your business at the General Court, but 
after long Argument they concluded to enter Judgment as form- 
erly, which you know was against you, from which Judgment I 
offered to Appeal and it was allowed me, but then Security must 
be had which I could not obtain, for M'' Blayton utterly refused 
and then I knew not who to apply to, to get Security for want of 
which I could not have an appeal in my business. I know not 
how you left your business with M'^ Blayton, but this I was 
thoroughly sensible that no Appeal here will be granted without 
Security, and how you became so remiss in your own business 
as not to take care therein, know not, or whether you have been 
disappointed by Blayton. When I found I could get no Security 
whereby to obtain the Appeal, I was forced to suffer that; I could 
not avoid Judgment to pass against you in all but Coll^ Codd's 
business which for gaining time, I got to be conditional, under 
pretence of making an amicable composure, but got myself to 
be one concerned in the composing thereof, together with M' 
Blayton and M*^ Minge who I thought would be stiff to your In- 
terest, that thereby, I might have spun out time till I could have 
heard farther from you and received the King's Order; that I cer- 
tainly expected well knowing that I could break all to pieces and 
bring it again to the General court, which course I reckoned 
would gain a year's time whereby you might have your full op- 

where in this number. She was the mother of Giles Bland, who was 
sent to Virginia by his father, John Bland, to manage the plantations 
which he owned in that colony, which had previously been in the 
charge of Theodorick Bland. Giles Bland became involved in a quar- 
rel with Thomas Ludwell, and was heavily fined. 

He participated in the Rebellion of 1676, on the side of Bacon, and 
was hung for the part which he took in that movement. Between 1680 
and 1682, Mrs. Bland was engaged in a number of suits, first in Virginia 
and afterwards before the privy Council in England. {British State 
J^apers.) The points in dispute were finally submitted by agreement 
of the parties to referees in Virginia. Thomas Clayton and Isaac Aller- 
ton were appointed as such by the Lords of Trade and Plantations, and 
if they died before March 25, 1686, Henry Hartwell and George Brent 
Mrere to take their place. 


portunity to make your best advantage thereof in England. 
But M' Blayton unknown to me or without the least Intimation 
or signification thereof did afterwards make up and compose the 
business with Codd and in your behalf, and as your Attorney 
gave him full absolute and generall discharge from the whole 
business, at which I was both troubled and ashamed and ques- 
tioned him about it, he answered me he thought it was to your ad- 
vantage and he had power sufficient from you to Justify what he 
did and farther told me I was no farther concerned in your busi- 
ness, but just to appear in Court for you, and for what he had 
done he would fully answer it to you and give you a particular 
relation thereof together with the Copys of all the proceedings 
therein, and truly did shew me a long letter, which he designed to 
send to you endeavouring therein to justifie and vindicate his 
proceedings which did not seem reasonable to me; how it will do 
to you, I know not. Thus Madam I have given a general 
account of your business; the particular relation (and indeed 
very pernicious to yourself) I refer M' Blayton. I am sorry 
your business hath no better Success; it was not for want of will 
or endeavour in me, and that I might be well strengthened I got 
M*" Brent to stand by it upon my own account which, I hope I 
shall not suffer in and I am to assure you deserves your thanks. 
Had not your Plenipotentiary M' Blayton foolishly compl'd and 
ended Codds business and had either by himself or his Procure- 
ment got Security to prosecute the Appeal, you might have 
had them in England by this time. 

. I have neither seen the King's Order nor heard a thing of it from 
M*^ Blayton though I was at Town at my Lords Arrival and 
eight days after, but the copy of it that came in with your order 
dated 24 August 1682, and doubt that rash and foolish compos- 
ure of M' Blayton has utterly destroyed the good effect of that 
mandate, for he as your Attorney fully released him and enter* d 
the said Release upon the General Court Records, as I told you 
before unknown to me. I may present your bill drawn upon M' 
Blayton, but I believe he'll not answer it, because when I urged 
him to be Security in the Appeals, alledging for reasons that he 
had sufficient Effects of you^'s in his hands, his answer was that 
he had nothing, and therefore could not with safety be your se^ 
curity &c. I therefore desire you if you cannot pay the whole 


presently down with conveniency, Pay part to M' Cooper and at 
your own leisure pay the Remainder, or if money be scase with 
you, please to procure me a Suit of Tapestry hangings for a 
Room twenty foot long, sixteen foot wide and nine foot high and 
half a dozen chairs suitable and take your time to pay the Re- 
mainder. Madam, I thank your kind Recommends to M"" 
Blaithwait and please to assure him in anything I am capable to 
serve him; if he pleases to give me the least signification of any 
particulars that he desires satisfaction in, relating to this Country, 
I shall be ready and willing to serve him with my utmost abilitys. 

Madam your Wff. 
To Mrs. Sarah Bland 

At the office in Broad Street London 

sub Cover Mr. John Cooper. 

May 22nd 1683. 
Mr. John Cooper, 

Sr. I shall only in this take notice that I have formerly 
wrote you p. Capt. Smith and Capt. Harris at large and in them 
given you full Instructions to proceed in my business; nothing 
hath since occured, only one bill I have drawn upon you pay- 
able I think to M' Richard Gotey and Company which I desire 
you to give due acceptance. In my next shall be more large; 
at present I have not opportunity and conveniency, only take 
this opportunity to tell you, that this day I have ordered six 
hh'** Tob** to you by Capt. Norrington at ;^5, lo p. tonn, clear of 
Import and Country duties, also that Capt. Norrington had of me 
6240 pipe staves towards his Barbadoes freight when designed 
thither; this day I received his lett' that, he hath got a freight 
for England (which now I am sure of though I heard it long 
since p. report and cannot reasonably carry my pipe staves at 
halves thither, as it was agreed he should do to Barbadoes, and 
therefore desires me to take reasonable price for them; upon his 
request I am willing to take at the rate of 50 shillings p. thou- 
sand and a hamper of Canary, under which rate, I have never 
sold and therefore desire you p. this (if I should not have an 
opp>ortunity) to take his bills of Exchange for the money and a 



note for the Canary, to demand and receive the same of him 
which I am confident upon the first demand he will readily pay 
I desiring no more of him in this Streight, than if he had en- 
deavoured to beat down the lowest of the market; also if I 
should not have opportunity to get bills Loading for my Tob", 
I desire you p. this my letter to take up the same and dispose to 
my best advantage^ I only write this lest I may want opportu- 
nity to get bills Loading for my Tob° which I hope I shall not. 
I forgot to give you an account of one single letter I sent you 
by one Capt. Davis of Lime, who promised to take care to de- 
liver it. into the Post Office, by which have desired you to send 
me 3 dozen Gallon. Stone Juggs and two dozen two Gallon Stone 
Juggs, which I hope you will take care in, as in all the rest of 
my things I have sent for, to take care your self that they may 
be good of the sort. Sir I hope you will give me a particular 
answer by the very first ship to that Proposal of Trade that I 
sent you about in my former, if you or your friends approve of 
it and are minded to be in this year, give me but timely notice 
and suite out a cargo for the ship in coarse goods such as are 
useful for the country, especially remembering Iron ware, and it 
shall be fully comply' d with on my part. I know not at present 
what farther to add. 6240 Pipe staves at 50 shillings p. thousand 
is ;^I5, 12, 00 and a hamper of Canary. 6 hh**" marked WF N* 
I to 6. I desire timely and frequent advice the fore part of this 
year. I have farther to advise you of bills of Exchange. I 
have drawn upon you for ;^8, 13, 00 payable to Mr. Josiah 
Bacon of London Merchant, which I desire you to accept and 
would rather have you let alone some of my things sent for than 
protest, but if this Should happen to be presented before Cap* 
Norrington's arrival, in whose hands there will be money and in 
his Ship Tob^, I desire you to get so much time if possible till his 
arrival, upon which I am confident you will both accept and pay. 

I am ^"^^*^. 

Your WfT. 
To Mr. Jn' Cooper of London, Merdtit. 

\^ April 13th, 1683. 
Honoured Sir, \ 

I presume you may have opportunity at' Town this General 
court, to have the opinion of the Society of S^rveyers concern- 


ing the difference of Land betwixt you and Burbudge. Mr. 
Scarlet is gone purposely to Town to enquire therein, for which 
reason I thought fit to give you this notice, that he might not be 
beforehand with you in his Enquiry. S' I have here inclosed 
sent you the Remainder of Nat. Garland's papers, the rest he 
has himself, that is, the Dedimus and Examination thereupon, 
which entreat the favour to deliver him or his Attorney there; 
they object against the legality thereof, which your Hon' will be 
then ready to assert; then they object, they had no notice. I 
have Deposed that fourteen days at least before the Examina- 
tions taken, I gave him notice, for I think it was about three 
weeks before that I ordered Nat Garland to go to your Hon' for 
a Dedimus and drew him out his interogatories and "immediately 
thereupon gave the Parson notice thereof; then a week afterwards 
when Nat Garland was preparing his business and sent me an 
account what Evidences he had prepared and what they could 
say and as near the time and place for their Examination as he 
could guess, I gave the Parson notice again, which was a fort- 
night before the Execution of the Dedimus; then again immedi- 
ately upon the receipt of the Dedimus, I gave him farther notice 
which I think sufficient to take that scruple. I desire you will 
inform Nat or his Attorney of this. I am forced to give your 
Hon' this trouble because I am not certain what Attorney to 
direct it to, nor certain of his being in Town and am very un- 
willing he should miscarry in so just a cause, by such an egre- 
gious Baffer 

Sir Your Wflf. 
To the Honble. Collo. Richard Lee. 

May 23d 1683. 
HorCrd Sir^ 

Just now received yours from your Quarter, and should have 
been glad if Mr. Brent's* occasions would have afforded him so 

* George Brent, nephew of Giles Brent, prominent in the early his- 
tory of Maryland, and son of George Brent, of Worcestershire, Eng- 
land (and his wife Marianne, daughter of Sir John Peyton, of Dodding- 
ton), settled in Stafford county, Virginia, where he acquired large 
estates, called "Woodstock," and "Brenton." He was a Catholic; 
but, May 2d, 1683, he was appointed, by the Governor and Council, 


much time, to have had the Station of your case ready for you 
now, to have sent. Mr. Brent did at his coming up acquaint me 
there with and left my Breviates with me to prepare the Chief 
heads of the Cause which I undertook and . have them almost 
ready; and Mr. Brent promised to be forthwith down with me so 
soon as he had rested himself and settled his domestick affairs; 
since I have not heard from him, we every day expect him; so 
soon as he comes down or if he stays much longer, Fll send 
purposely up to him at which time we shall take carefully to con- 
clude it and then Til take care to give it an immediate convey- 
ance to Jo. Mason's. I hope it may be but I cannot promise 
before Rider sails. Now S' I have given you an assurance of 
my ready devotion to your service. I must be sensible and take 
notice of those dubious words in your letter (will not deny) as if 
you doubted my complyance to your commands, which assure 
yourself nothing but an unavoidable necessity shall ever make 
me neglect or disobey any the least of them. And I am confi- 
dent you are both so good and just not to condemn any man 
unheard or which is worse upon uncertain report notwithstand- 
ing your short but sharp reproof in your letter, when I shall 
make it plainly appear to you that I had not only a willingness 
but an earnest propensity to have afforded you my mean Service 
at the General Court, but an unavoidable necessity prevented; 
which as soon as I shall have time fully to inform you, then 
you'll esteem me (as heretofore I please myself to think) you 

have done 

Your Wff. 
To the Hon*'''' Ralph Wormley Esqr. 

Receiver- General north of the Rappahannock ( G7«i^fly Robinson's Notes 
from General Court Records), and July lo, 1690, was appointed Ranger- 
General of the Northern Neck {Sainsbury Abstracts), In 1693, George 
and Robert Brent (his brother) " being papists,** were forbidden to 

practice law. He married (I) , a daughter of Captain William 

Green, and niece of Sir William Layton (some fragments of her tomb 
remain at Acquia Church, with the words — as reported to us, *' daughter 
* * of Sir William Layton, of Horsmandene, Worcestershire, 
her age 31 years *'), and (II) in 1687, a daughter of Col. Henry Seawell, 
of Maryland (whose widow married Lord Baltimore); and had numerous 
issue. (See " Pedigree of Brent, of Cossington, Somersetshire," and of 
the Brents of Maryland and Virginia, in De Bow's Review, xxvi, 487- 


June 25th July loth. 
May it please your Lordship. 

I made an Overture to Mr. Brent your Lordship's Agent for 
our Parts, that I would if you pleas' d purchase out the fee Sim- 
ple of the Rents, profits, commoditys &c. of this Parish wherein 
I live, which goes by the name of the lower Parish of Stafford 
and Contains in it about 28000 acres. I believe there's not * * 
* * acres more or less; it will not be long uncertain, for Mr. 
Brent is now making a strict enquiry into every oi\es tenure 
and quantity of Land, and by that time you can send in your 
resolve to what I shall now propose; he will have made a full 
and perfect Discovery and it being fully settled there can be no 
addition or Increment of Land added to it, the whole having 
been upwards of twenty four years ago taken up and Pattented. 
I will give your Lordship eight years Purchase for it according 
to the true Value it now stands at. 

The Rent of 28000 acres at 12^'* Tob" p hundred, which is the 
Rent that is and always has been paid comes to 3360*'* Tob** p 
annum so that the purchase in Tob" comes to 26880 which I will 
pay in ready good choice Tob° or if your Lordship had rather 
deal for money I will pay it at the rate of six shillings p. Cent 
which is the highest Rate (to our sorrow be it spoken) Tob" in 
our parts bears, which amounts to ;^8o, 12, 6 and will pay your 
Lordship an acknowledgement of an ear of Indian Corn &c. 
If your Lordship likes the Offer but should think the quantity 
too small, I am very willing to double the quantity at the same 
rate, that is to take a like quantity on the north side of Rappa- 
hannock, which will be exactly contiguous to our Parish. I pre- 
sume your Lordship knows that the whole that I propose to 
purchase comes near any Land newly taken up or to be taken up. 

Your Lps. Wff. 
To the Right Honb**'" Thomas 

Lord Culpeper Baron &c. 

July loth 1683. 
Mr. Richard Page. 

According to my promise I take this opportunity to assure 

you that what lies in my power shall not be wanting to serve 


you especially in those concerns committed to my care and con- 
duct; I question not but you will also be mindful! of your 
promise to me, in the chairs, carpets and good Ale. All affairs 
here stand just as you left them, only Doct' Hall is not altogether 
so mad and Mr. Ashton constrained to be more sober for want of 
drink; neither have I heard any fighting news lately from Coll" 
Mason, which gives me occasion to believe his stock is pretty 
well exhausted. This is to comply with my word, the next if I 
can meet with another opportunity this year to give you a more 
ample account, therefore now I will only assure you, you shall 

always find me 

Yo' Wfif. 

Pray give my service to Mr. Warren and his good wife. 
To Mr. Rich** Page Merch'in Belfast Sub Cover Mr. Jn** Cooper. 

febry 8th, 1683-4. 
Maj'r Robt. Beverly. 

This Messenger gives me the opportunity of sending you 
your papers again for except Jonas Rivetts I cannot get one 
pound of the Remainder; Mr. Brent saith he hath or will satisfie 
yourself. Westmoreland and Stafford discharge themselves by 
ColP Jones. Pinett is incapable of payment and God knows 
when he will be better able, so in vein for me to. keep it in expecta- 
tion. Coll" Lee says for whats your due he will agree with your 
self and make complyance. I am in hopes to get Rivetts and 
therefore have not sent that bill; as soon as I get it, shall punctu- 
ally comply with your Order. S' I know you have a full intelli- 
gence e*er this concerning my Lord Howard our every day ex- 
pected Governor. I desire a line or two from you therein. 
Give my humble service to your good Lady, Esq' Wormley and 
other friends there. Please deliver my receipt to the bearer and 
this shall oblige me to be accountable for Jonas Rivetts thou- 
sand pounds of Tob** when received or return the Bill. Upon 

Return of this Letter my Receipt was sent 

Your WfT. 
To Majr. Robt. Beverly 

in Middlesex p. Thos. Maule. 



The Illinois Regiment and the Northwestern Territory.' 

[What will now be briefly related was one of the most heroic achieve- 
ments of a heroic epoch. The incident belongs to the history of Vir- 
ginia, since the chief actor was a Virginian, his troops were Virginia 
troops, and the events took place on a soil which was a part of Virginia. 
By her charter she possessed the great extent of country north of the 
Ohio, and in the winter of 1777 General George Rogers Clark, a Vir- 
ginian residing in Kentucky, offered to lead an expedition against the 
posts of the enemy at Kaskaskia and Vincennes. Clark was a native of 
Albemarle; had a company at Point Pleasant; he was at this time 
about twenty-five- He was tall and powerful in person, a man of 
courage and ability, and seemed to have realized the importance of 
driving the enemy from the great region beyond the Ohio. He pro- 
posed the object to Patrick Henry, then Governor of Virginia; was 
supplied with money and four companies of Virginia troops ; and in 
the summer of 1778 marched through the wilderness and surprised 
Kaskaskia, after which he proceeded to Vincennes, and took possession 
of that fort also. Father Gibault, a French priest, assembled the 
people in church, assured them that the Americans were friends, the 
population "took the oath of allegiance to the Commonwealth of Vir- 
ginia," and placing a garrtson in the fort General Clark returned to 

During the winter intelligence reached him that the fort had been re- 
captured by the enemy. Colonel Hamilton, Governor of Canada, had 
advanced from Detroit and surprised it, and was said to intend during 
the spring to also recapture Kaskaskia, and then march southward and 
invade Kentucky. 

On receiving this intelligence Clark determined to take the initiative, 
and by a decisive winter campaign break up the British programme. 
Colonel Hamilton was very much detested, for having offered the 
Indians a premium for American scalps ; was called for that reason the 
" Hair-buyer General," and the borderers responded with alacrity to 
the summons to march against him. Clark set out in February (1779), 
with a hundred and fifty men and two pieces of artillery ; and a march 
began nearly unparalleled in history. The cannon and a detachment 
were embarked in boats to ascend the Wabash, and Clark followed 
with the remainder by land. The country through which they were 
compelled to pass was a wilderness, and the weather exceedingly cold ; 
but the troops steadily advanced and finally reached the point where 
the White river empties into the Wabash, fifteen or twenty miles from 
Vincennes. The low grounds of the Wabash were under water to the 
depth of several feet, and it seemed out of the question to attempt to 
traverse them. Clark, however, resolved to make the attempt. He 


went in advance himself; the* troops followed ; and the hard struggle 

The water was nearly frozen and often reached to the breasts of the 
troops, who were obliged to hold their rifles and powder above their 
heads as they struggled on. Boats had been provided to succor those 
who were exhausted; but the attempt seemed desperate. As far as 
the eye could see stretched a nearly unbroken expanse of water. Here 
and there were spots of dry land, but they were often five miles apart. 
The brief statement of one who was present is the best description of 
the scene. On the twenty-third of February they '*set off to cross a 
plain called Horse-Shoe Plain, about four miles long, all covered with 
water breast high. Here we expected some of our brave men must 
certainly perish, the water being frozen in the night and we so long 
fasting. Having no other resource but wading this lake of frozen water, 
we plunged in with courage, Colonel Clark being first. Never were 
men so animated with the thought of avenging the ravages done to 
their back settlements as this small army was." 

At last the troops succeeded in plunging through, and reached *' a 
hill of dry land," called Warren's Island, where they were nearly in 
sight of Vincennes, and heard the boom of the " evening gun." From 
this point Clark sent forward a messenger who was directed to tell the 
people that his friends might remain in their homes ; the friends of the 
King were to "repair to the fort and join ftie Hair buyer General^ 
The wading was then resumed until sunset, when they were in front of 
the place. Dividing his force Clark advanced by the present Levee 
and Princeton roads, threw up breastworks, and opened fire on the 

The appearance of the Americans was a complete surprise to Gov- 
ernor Hamilton. It seemed impossible that any troops could have 
passed through the *• Drowned Land," but there they were. They ver>' 
much resembled devils too, for Clark had ordered them to blacken 
their faces with gunpowder; for what reason we are not informed. 
Hamilton bravely resisted. He opened with his artillery, and for four- 
teen hours, and long after night, the wild landscape was lit up by quick 
flashes. At last the firing ceased and the men slept on their arms. At 
dawn Clark summoned Hamilton to surrender at once. If he was 
obliged to storm the place, he said, the Governor ** might depend upon 
such treatment as is justly due to a murderer." He added in his note 
to Hamilton: '* Beware of destroying stores of any kind, or any papers 
or letters that are in your possession, or hurting one house in town. 
For by Heaven! if you do, there shall be no mercy shown you." Ham- 
ilton's reply was a refusal to surrender; he was not ** disposed to be 
awed," said he; and the fighting again begun and was kept up obsti- 

But if not overawed the Governor at length lost hope. He sent pro- 


posing a truce, but Clark refused to agree to it. He must ' • surrender 
at discretion ; " and Colonel Hamilton surrendered (February 25, 1779). 
The Americans marched in with loud cheers and raised the American 
flag; and Hamilton was sent under guard to Williamsburg. 

The capture of Vincennes has been related in detail, as the event 
was much more important than it may appear. Fourteen hours of 
fighting between two inconsiderable bodies of troops had decided who 
was to possess the entire region north of the Ohio At the conclusion 
of peace, in 1783, the principle of the uti possedetis was adopted by 
the Commissioners, empowering Great Britain and the United States 
to remain in possession of all the territory which they held at the ter- 
mination of the war. Upon this provision the Northwest territory was 
claimed by the American Commissioners on the ground of its capture 
by Clark, and ''the possession of it by the Americans at the time of 
the conference." The claim was acquiesced in, and the country accord- 
ingly fell to the United States. 

Clark received, in honor of his arduous march, the title of the ** Han- 
nibal of the West," and his achievement entitles him to a distinct place 
in American history. (See Cooke* s History of Virginia, pp. 450-454) 

By this conquest the boundary between the United States and British 
America is the Lakes instead of the Ohio river. Virginia ceded all 
this territory, of which the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan 
and Wisconsin were made, reserving the right to locate lands there for 
the officers and men who had served in the Virginia line, the Virginia 
Navy, and the Continental line during the Revolution. General Clark 
received ten thousand acres for his share of the bounty land. 

Clark fell into bad health, had a stroke of paralysis, and having never 
married he went to live with his sister near Louisville. 

''Council Chamber, Richmond, October 29th, 1812. 

The Representatives of the good people of Virginia, convened in 
General Assembly, duly appreciating the gallant achievements during 
the Revolutionary War, of yourself and the brave regiment under your 
command, by which a vast extension of her empire was effected, and 
a successful issue of the Revolution greatly promoted, have assigned 
to me the pleasant duty of announcing to you the sentiments of ex- 
alted respect they cherish for you, and the gratitude they feel at the 
recollection of your unsullied integrity, valor, enterprise and skill. 
Having learned with sincere regret, that you have been doomed to 
drink of the cup of misfortune, they have requested me to tender you 
their friendly condolence. Permit me. Sir, to mingle with the discharge 
of my official duty, an expression of my own feelings. 

The History of the Revolution has always engaged my deepest at- 
tention. I have dwelt with rapture upon the distinguished part you 



acted in that great drama, being always convinced, that it only wanted 
the adventitious aid of numbers, to make it amongst the most splendid 
examples of skill and courage, which any age or country has pro- 
duced. I feel a conspicuous pride at the recollection, that the name 
of Clark is compatriot with my own. I, too, most sensible sympathise 
with you in your adverse fate, and deeply deplore that the evening of 
life, whose morning was so brilliant, should be clouded with misfortune. 

The General Assembly of Virginia have placed among their archives, 
a monument of their c:ratitude for your services, and as a small tribute 
of respect, have directed that a sword should be made in our Manu- 
factory with devices emblematic of your actions, and have also directed 
that $400 should be immediately paid, as also an annual sum to the 
same amount. I lament exceedingly that any delay should have oc- 
curred in this communication. You will readily beheve me, when I 
assure you, it arose from the tardiness of the mechanic employed in 
completing the sword. It is now finished and is sent herewith. I shall 
take pleasure in obeying your commands, as to the transmission of the 
money to which you are entitled. You will have the goodness to ac- 
knowledge the receipt of this as soon as your convenience will permit. 

I am sir, with sentiments of high respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

James Barbour. 

General George Rogers Clark, Louisville, Kentucky. 

N. B. Having been disappointed in the conveyance calculated upon, 

for the present, the sword will be retained for a new opportunity, or 

until I receive your commands. 

J. B. 

Journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia, 

1 81 2, p. 30. 

Near Louisville, Kentucky, December 15, 1812. 

Sir, General George Rogers Clark, by a paralytic stroke he received 
about three years ago, being deprived of the use of his right side, and 
unable to write, requests I would inform your Excellency, that by the 
last mail, he received your very flattering letter of the 29th of October, 
where you do him the honor of approving in the highest manner, his 
conduct as an officer in the service of the State of Virginia, during the 
Revolutionary War. This letter of yours, with the very honorable 
manner his name is mentioned by the General Assembly, in their Law 
of last Session, have engraved on his breast sentiments of the highest 
respect and gratitude. Flattering, indeed, he says, it is to him to find 
that his exertions, when doing his duty, should meet the approbation 
of so respectable a body of his fellow- citizens as your Excellency and 
the General Assembly of Virginia. The General flatters himself that 


a conveyance will soon offer, by which the Sword (voted to him by the 
General Assembly), may be forwarded. Should he hear of any person 
coming from Virginia to this State, he says he will get them to apply 
for it. He is much obliged by your polite offer of transmitting to him 
the money the Assembly voted him last Session, and says he will, 
probably, take the liberty of troubling you. The General requests me 
to make a tender to you of his thanks for your very polite and friendly 
attention to him. 

I am, with great respect, 

Your Excellency's most obt. servant, 

W. Crogan." 

Journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia, 
1813, p. lOI. 

It would seem from this that the story told in Appleton's Cyclopaedia 
of American Biography, by Lyman C. Draper, that Clark was left in 
poverty was not altogether true, and that when a sword was sent to 
him by Virginia, he stuck it in the ground and broke it with his crutch, 
saying : ** When Virginia needed a sword I gave her one. She send 
me now a toy. I want bread ! " 

Appropriations were made by the Virginia Legislature and money 
was paid out for pensions during all these years of the life of General 
Clark, and there is no reason to doubt that he got what was intended 
for him.] 

A List of Officers of the Illinois Regiment, and 

OF THE Crockett Regiment. 


George Rogers Clark. 

lieutenant colonel. 

John Montgomery. 


Thomas Quirk, George Slaughter. 



Bailey, John, 
Brashear, Richard, 
Chaplin, Abraham, 
Fields, Benjamin, 
George, Robert, 
Gerault, John, 
Harrison, Richard, Capt. 
Kellar, Abraham, 


McCarty, Richard, 
Pereault, Michael, 
Rogers, John, 
Roberts, Benjamin, 
Thomas, Mark, 
Taylor, Isaac, 
Lieut., Todd, Robert, 
Williams, John, 


Clark, Richard, 
Clark, William, 
Merriweather, James, 
Montgomery, James, 

Robertson, James, 
Roberts, William, 
Saunders, Joseph, 
Williams, Jarrett, 

William Asher, 


Lawrence Slaughter. 


John Thurston. 



Joseph Crockett. 


George Walls. 


Charles Greer. 




Chapman, John, (killed) Kinley, Benjamin, (died) 

Cherry, William, . Moore, Peter, 

Kerney, John, Tipton, Abraham, 

Young, Thomas, 


Henry Daring, 

Samuel Ball Green, 
Hugh M*Gavock. 

A List of Non-Commissioned Officers and Soldiers of 
THE Illinois Regiment, and the Western Army, 
under the Command of General George Rogers 

Allery, Joseph, 


Berry, William, 


Allen, John, Sr. , 


Bentley, James, 

( t 

Allen, John, Jr., 


Bentley, John, 


Ash, John, 


Brazer, Peter, 


Abbott, William, Sr., 

Bush, John, 


Abbott, William, Jr., 


Bush, Drewry, 


Anderson, John, 


Brown, James, 


Allen, Samuel, 


Boston, William, 


Apperson, Richard, 


Boston, Travis, 


Allen, David, 


Baxter, James, 


Asher, Bartlett, 


Brown, Low, 


Allen, Isaac, 


Brown, John, 


Alonton, Jacob, 


Bulter, John, 


Adams, Francis, 


Biron, J. B., 


Andree, Jean, 


Brown, Colin, 


Antier, Francis, 


Barry, William, 


Bell, William, 

< ( 



Ballinger, Larkin, 


Blancher, Pierre, 


Blair, John, 


Blein, Pierre, 


Bailey, David, 


Brossard, Pierre, 


Breeden, Richard, 


Bouche, John, 


Brown, James, 


Benton,or Bern ton, Thos., *' 



Bressie, Richard, Private. 

Breeden, John, Sergeant. 

Bird, Samuel, Private. 

Butcher, Gasper, 

Back, John. 

Ballard, Bland, Sergeant. 

Ballard, Proctor. ** 

Ballard, James, Corporal. 

BoWen, William, 

Bush, Thomas, Private. 

Ballard, Bland William, 

Barber, John, 

Burnett, Robert, (died) ** 

Blankenship, Henry, 

Bryant, James, 

Bowman. Christian, 

Burk, George. 

Binkley, William, 

Ballinger, James, 

Burris, John, 

Bender, Robert, 

Burbridge, John, (died) 

Burbridge, William, (died) '' 

Butts, William, (prisoner) *' 

Bender, Lewis, (died) 

Beckley, William, 

Buskey, Francis, 

Boyles, John, 

Bowing, Ebenezer, 

Brown, Asher, 

Bingoman, Adam, 

Bass, David, 

Blackford, Samuel, 

Burney, Simon, 

Brown, Lewis, 

Beg raw, Alexander, 

Bland, Shadrach, Sergeant. 

Blearn, David, 

Brown, Collin, 


I ( 




















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Burne, Pierre, 
Bolton, Daniel, 
Bush, William, 
Clarke, Andrew, 
Crump, William, 
Creze,(or Cruze or Craze) 

Noah, Private. 

Cohen, Dennis, 
Chapman. Richard, 
Chick, William, (killed) '' 
Corneilla, Patrick, 
Chapman, Edward, 
Chapman, William, 
Crossley, William, 
Cowan, (or Cowin) John, " 
Camp, Reuben, 
Camper, Tillman, 
Cogar, Peter, 
Cogar, Jacob, 
Clifton, Thomas, 
Clarke, John, 
Cannon, (or Canore) 

Cabbage, Joseph, 
Curry, James, 
Conroy, Patrick, 
Cure, Jean Baptiste, 
Corns, John, 
Crawley, John, 
Cooper, Joseph, 
Cooper, Ramsay, 
Coste, J. B. de, 
Clairmont, Michael, 
Cabbassie, B., 
Coffee, Samuel, 
Conolly, Thomas, Fifer. 

Conn, John, Private. 

Campo, Lewis, 
Campo, Michael, 





























Campbell, George, 


Dusablong, B., 



Cowdry, John, 


Duselle, Mons., 

Cowan, Andrew, 

C I 

Dardy, John, 

Cowan, Mason, 

I c 

Dardy, Baptlste, 

Calvin, Daniel, 


Dolphin, Peter, 

Corder, (or Corden) 

Day, William, 

( % 


Durrett, James, 

Campbell, John, 

Doherty, Frederick, (die 


Curtis, Rice. 

Doherty, Edward, 

Chambers, Ellick, 

Dawson, James, 

Cockran, Edward, 

Deneichelle, Lewis, 

Cockran, George, 

Denton, Thomas, 


Coheron, Dennis, 

Duncan, (or Duncom) 

Carbine, Henry, 





Cameron, James, 


Duncan, (or Duncom) 

Cowgill, Daniel, 




Crutcher, Henry, Vol. & Q. M. 

Doyle, John, 

1 1 

Crane, John St., 


Duncan, (or Duncom) 

Certain, Page, 



Compera, Lewis, 

Duncan, (or Duncom) 

Convance, Paul, 



Contraw, Francis, 

Duncan, (or Duncom) 

Compera, Francis, 


1 ( 

Coontz, Christopher, 

Duncan, (or Duncom) 

Cox, James, 


i 1 

Codes, Andrew, 

Dudley, Armistead, 

( < 

Damewood, Boston, 

Doud, Roger, 


Dewett, Henry, 


Duff, John, 


Donovan, John, 


Donow, Joseph, 


Davis, Robert, 

Drumgold, James, 


Darnell, Cornelius, 

Duncan, David, 



Dawson, James, 

Deen, James, (died) 


Detering, Jacob, 

Darnell, Cornelius, 


D9herty. John, 

Davis, Joseph, 


Durst, Daniel, Sergt. Major. 

Elms, William, 


Decker, Jacob, (died) 


Evans, Charles, 



Davis, James, 


Elms, James, 


Dulhoneau, Pierre, 


Elms, John, (died) 


Deerand, P., 


English, Robert, 






Evans, Stanhope, Private. 

Estis, James, ** 

Frazier, Abraham, Sergeant. 

Pavers, John, 

Flandegan, Dominick, 

Floyd, Isham, 

Freeman, William, 

Fair, Edmund, 

Fever, William, 

Funk, Henry, Private. 

Fache, Louis, ** 

Field, Lewis, (prisoner) ** 

Field, Daniel, (died) 

Freeman, Peter, 

Foster, Henry, 

Frost, Stephen. 

Godfrey, Francis, 

Gognia, Lewis, 

Grimes, John, 

Grolet, Francis, Sen., 

Grolet, Francis, Jr., 

Gaskins, Thomas, 

Ginon, S. Frederick, 

Germain, J. B. , 

Grimshire, John, 

Gognia, Jacque, 

Gallagan, Owen, 

Garuldon, (or Gauchdon) 

Gagnia, Pierre, 
Goodwin, (or Goodam) 

Goodloe, Henry, Sergeant. 
Glass, Michael, Private. 

Gwin, William, (died) 
Goodwin, Edward, 
Goodwin, Amos, 
Greenwood, Daniel, 
Gaines, (or Garner) 


1 1 

I ( 


I ( 

< t 


< < 



I ( 

1 1 




I ( 







f I 










1 1 





1 1 

f I 






Gordon, John, Private. 

George, John, 
Gomier, (or Gaunia) 

Green, John, Sergeant. 

Garrett, John, ** 

Gibbons, Samuel, Private. 

Glenn, David, 
Graham, James, 
Guess, John, 
Gratiott, Jean, 
Green, James, (died) 
Gaines, John, 
Hardin, Francis, 
Horn, Christopher, 
Hooper, Thomas, (died) ** 
Houndsler, Charles, 
Hollis, Joshua, 
Huffman, Jacob, 
Harrison, Richard, 
Hazard, John, Sergeant. 

Humphries, Samuel, Private. 
Holmes, James, ** 

Hupp, Philip, Matross. 

Hopkins, Richard, ** 

Haut, Henry, (killed) Sergeant. 
Hite, George, Private. 

Horn, Jeremiah, ** 

Harrison, James, Gunner. 

Hays, Thomas, Private. 

Huin, William, Corporal. 

Higgins, Barney, Private. 

Hammett, James, (died) 
Hart, Miles, 
Hays, James, 
Holler, Francis, 
Hicks, Mordecai, (died) ** 
Hawkins, Samuel, Corporal. 
Horton, Adin, Private. 

Hawley, Richard, " 







Hicks, David, 


Key, Thomas, 


Hall, William. 


Kemp, Reuben, 

Howell, Peter. 

Kina, Christopher, 

Heywood, Berry, 

Lunsford, Anthony, 

Hendrix, Andrew, 

Lunsford, Mason, 

House, Andrew, 

Lunsford, George, 

Head, James, 

Lasley. John, 

Heldebrand, James, 

Laughlin, Peter, 

Hobbs, James, 

Lovell, Richard, 


Hico, Peter, Sen., 

Levinston, George, 


Hico, Peter, Jr., 

Luzader, Abraham, 


Hatten, Christopher, 

Lenoy, Thomas, (killed) * ' 

Hatcher, (or Hacker) 

Lewis, Benjamin, (killed) * * 


Larose, Francis, 


Isaacs, John, 

Laventure, J., 


Irby, David, 

Laflour, Pierre, 


Johnston, John, 

Lamarch, Lewis, 


Jewell, John, 

Lamarch, J. B., 


Jarrell, James, 

Lamarch, Beauvard, 


Johnston, Edward, 

Laviolette, Baptiste, 

f ( 

' Jones, Edward, 

Leney, Thomas, 


Jones,(orJohuns)Mathew, '* 

L* Enfant, Francis, 


Jewell, Charles, 


Laform, John, 


Jamieson, Thomas, 


Lavigne, Joseph, 


Jones, John, 


Laviolette, Louis, 


Jones, David, 


La Bell, Charles, 


Johnston, Samuel, 


Leney, John. 


Joines, John. 


Lyon, Jacob, 


Kellar, Isaac, 


Long, William, 


, King, George, 


Lyons, John, 


Kennedy, David, 


Lockhert (or Locket), 

King, Nicholas, 



Kincaid, James, 


Lockhart, Archibald 


Kendall, William, * 



Kirkley; James, 


Lasout, Joseph, 

Kirk. Thomas, 


La Paint, Louis, 

Kerr. William, 


La Casse, Jacque, 

Kidd, Robert, 


Lafaro, Francis, 

Key, George, 



Lafarton, Francis, 






Logan, Hugh, Private. 

Lewis. James, 

Missie, Bernard, 

Murray, Edward, 

Montgomery, John, 

M'Dermott, Francis. 

Mayfield, Micajah, 

Mayfield, James, 

Mayfield, Isaac, 

Morris, Jacob, 

Maid, Ebenezer (killed), 

Mayfield, Elijah, 

Moore, John, Sergeant. 

M'Mickle, John, Private. 

Morris, James (died), " 

Miller, Abraham (killed), Cor. 

Montgomery, John, Private. 

Montgomery, William, 

M'Lockland, Charles, 

Marsh, John, 

Mathews, Edward, Sergeant. 

Morgan, Charles, S'g't & Gun. 

M'Guire, John, Private. 

M'Intosh, James, 

Maisonville, Monr. de, 

Monet, J. B., 

Mailone, J. B., 

Maurisette, M., 

Mason, Charles, Sergeant. 

Mulby, William, Gunner. 

Marr, Patrick, Corp. & Serg't. 

M' Michaels, John, Private. 

M* Mullen, James, 


Mallroof, Joseph, 
Moran (or Mauron), Peter 
M'Clure, Patrick, 
Merri weather, William, 
Miller, John, 



Martin, Charles, Private. 

M' Donald, David. 

Murshen. Nathaniel,(died) ' * 

Murphy, John, 

Meadows, Josiah, 

Murray, Thomas, Sergeant. 

Milton (or Wilton), 

Daniel, Private. 

M'Clain, Thomas, ** 

Munrony, William, Sergeant. 
Munrony, Sylvester, Private. 
M'Quiddy, Thomas, 
M' Daniel, Thomas, 
M'Donald, James, 
Martin, Elijah, 
Mummilly, Joseph, 
Munam, Joseph, 
M'Kin, James, 
Martin, Solomon, 
MalbefT, Joseph, 
M'Kinney, John, 
Moore, John, 
Martin, Pierre, 
Morris, William, 
Moore, Thomas, 
Marshall, AVilliam, 
M'Donald, Thomas, 
M ' Gann , John, Gunner. 

Newton, Peter, Private. 

Nelson, Enock, 
Nelson, Moses, 
Nelson, John, 
Nash, Francis, 
Neal, John, 
Nare, Conrad, 
Nobbs, Mark, 
Onslow, Charles, 
Oakley, John, Gunner. 

Oliver, John, Private. 


• < 



















f < 





Oharro, Michael, 


Paroult, Peter, 


Oater, Samuel, 


Pickens, Samuel, 


Oliver, Lewis, 


Petter, Joseph, 


Owditt (or Odett), Lewis, '* 

Poores, Archer, 


Ofin, James, 


Ross, John, 


Oliver, Turner, 


Ryan, Andrew, 


Ozburn (or Ozborn), 

Rubido, Francis (died), ** 



Ruddell (or Riddle), Cor- 

Parker, Edward, 




Portwood, Page, 


Ryan, Lazarus, 


Perie, William, 

f ( 

Ramsay, James, 


Patterson, John, 


Rector. John, 


Potter, James, 


Roy, Julien, 


Patterson, William, 

f c 

Ranger, J. B., 


Pulford, John, 


Robertson, John, 


^ Payne, Adam, 


Ross, James, 


Priest, Peter, 


Rice, John. 


Pritchett (or Pritcher), 

Rogers, David, 




Rogers, Joseph, 


Pittman, Buckner, 


Rutherford, Larkin, 


Pupin, M., 


Richards, Lewis, 


Purcell (or Pursley), 

Richards, Dick, 




Robinson, Richard, 


Penett(or Penit), Joshua, ** 

Ross, Joseph, 


Panther, Joseph, 

Roberts, Benjamin, 


Pellot, Charles, 

Roberts, Eliab, 


Parisienne, Baptiste, 

Russell, Benjamin, 

Pepin, John (killed). 

Randal, Robert, 

Penir, Jessee (killed) 


Roberts, Joseph, 

Puncrass, Joseph, 

Rushare, Francis, 

Puncrass, Francis, 

Rabey, Cader, 

Peltier, Joseph, 

Riley, Patrick, 

Peguin, Francis, 

Rubido, James, 

Powell, Micajah, 

Rollison, William (d 

ied), '* 

^ Payne, William, 

Shepherd, Peter, 


Pagan, David, 

Shepherd, George, 


Potter, Ebenezer, 

Smith, William, 


Peaters, John, 

Slaughter, John, 


Phillips, Henry, 

Shoemaker, Leonarc 

1, Private. 




Smith, Joseph, 


Tuttle, Nicholas, 


Setzer, John. 


Tygard, Daniel, 



Slack, William, 


Trantham, Martin, 


Snellock, Thomas, 

1 1 

Taylor, James, 


Smithers (or Smothers), 

Turpin, Richard (killed), ' 



Thompson, James, 

Smith, George, 


Triplett, Pettis, 

Smith, Josiah, 


Tillis, Griffin, 

Shank, John, 


Taliaferro, Richard C 

• » 

Shank, Jacob, 


Thomas, Edward, 


Silb, Samuel, 


Taylor, Edward, 

Smith, David, 


Taylor, Benjamin, 

Smith, Randal, 

Tolley, John, 

Spencer, John, 

Tyler, William, 


Searay, John, 

Tolley, Daniel, 

Smock, Henry, 

Taylor, Abraham, 

Ship, William, 

Thoornigton, Joseph, 

Snow, George, 

Thompson, William, 


Scare, William, 

Taylor, Thomas, 


Siburn, Christopher, 

Underbill, James, 


Sennitt, Richard, 

Voushiner, Thomas, 


Scates, David, 

Villiers, Francis (killed), Sergt 

Savage, Bryan, 

Villiard, Isaac, 


Stoball, Thomas, 

Veale, Peter, 

Sowers, Frederick, 

Whitehead, William, 

Slaughter, George, 

Whitehead, Robert, 

Shannon, William, 

White, Randal, 

Stephenson, Samuel, 

Whit, Robert, 

Stephenson, John, 


Welton, Daniel, 

Savage, Dominick, 


Whitten, Daniel, 

Soverims, Ebenezer, 


Ward, Thomas, 

St. Michaels, 


Watlers, Lewis, 

St. Mary, Baptiste, 

Watkins, Samuel, 

Sigonier, Francis, 

Williams, John, 

Sworden, Jonathan, 

Waters, Barney, 

Severidge, John, 

Walker, John, i 


Sharlock, James, 

Wheat, Jacob, 


Spillman, James, 

Wallace, David, 


Trent, Beverley, 


Whitacre, David, 





White, William, 
Waggoner, Peter, 
Wood, Charles, 
Wheel, Jacob, 
Wilkerson, William, 
Wray, Thomas, 
Ward, Lewis, 
Williams, George, 
Winsor, Christopher, 
Wheeler, John, 
Waddington, John, 
Wright, William, 
Wethers, Benjamin, 
West, John, 

Private. White, Randolph, Sergeant. 
White, John, Private. 

Workman, Conrad, Sergeant. 
Wemate, Private. 

White, Laden, 
Williams, Zachariah, 
Williams, Daniel, 
Wilson, John, 
Wray, Thomas, 
Yates, Isaac, 
Young, John, 
Zuckledz, William, 

1 1 


I % 
















Zimmerman, Frederick, 


Virginia and the Act of Navigation. 

[The first of the general acts of Parliament, known as the Naviga- 
tion Acts, was passed by the Rump Parliament in i6§i. It provided 
that no merchandise either of Asia, Africa or America, including the 
English plantations there, should be imported into England in any but 
English built ships, and belonging either to English or English planta- 
tion subjects, navigated, also, by an English Commander, and three- 
fourths of the sailors to be Englishmen. 

When Virginia surrendered in March, 1651, to the Commissioners of 
Cromwell, it was expressly stated in the seventh article of the terms of 
submission that the people of the colony should have ** free trade as 
the people of England do enjoy to all placesjand with all nations ac-- 
cording to the laws of that Commonwealth.*' |(i Hen. 366.) 'That the 
Virginians insisted upon this privilege is showii by Act IX of the As- 
sembly, that met in March, y^i 659-60, which required that every master 
of a vessel reaching Virginia should give bond six days after his 
arrival, that he would not molest any ship in the jurisdiction of the 
colony. The motive of this act was declared in its text to be, that ** the 
masters of many vessels had of late years, contrary to the privileges 
granted us by our articles of surrender, to have free trade with all 
nations in amity with thie people of England," seized foreign ships, 
sloops and vessels which had come to trade with the Virginians. In 1653, 
however, the ship Leopoldus, of Dunkirk, was confiscated by the col- 
onial authorities on the ground that it had violated the Navigation 


AcL (i Hen. 482.) This was probably a Dutch ship which either had 
carried tobacco from Virginia to England, or which designed doing so. 
There are indications that the Virginians did not at first, at least, enjoy 
\ an unrestricted trade with the Dutch. When Governor Stuyvesant, of 

New Amsterdam, proposed in 1653, to enter into a commercial alliance 
with Virginia, he was informed that the authorities of the colony, be- 
fore assenting to his proposition, must first consult the English Council 
of State. 

Whatever the privileges as to an absolute free trade enjoyed by the 
Virginians during the Protectorate of Cromwell, the second Navigation 
Act, passed at the beginning of Charles the Second's administration, 
placed them upon the footing of all the other English subjects. The 
first clause of that act prescribed that " no goods or commodities what- 
soever should be imported into or exported from any of the King's 
lands, islands, plantations or territories in Asia, Africa or. America, in 
"^ any other than English, Irish or plantatipn built ships, and whereof the 

/ master and at least three-fourths of the mariners shall be Englishmen, 

^ under forfeiture of ships and goods." The thirteenth clause provided 

" that no sugar, tobacco, cotton, wool, indigo, ginger, fustie and other 
dyeing woods of the growth or manufacture of our Asian, African or 
American Colonies, should be shipped from the said colonies to any 
place but to England, Ireland, or to some other of his Majesty's said plan- 
tations, there to be landed, under forfeiture of goods and ships." 

The harshness of this law in relation to Virginia is obvious at a glance. 
The subjoined paper is a very able protest against the evils that were 
expected to result from it, anticipating in spirit, the arguments of Adam 
Smith in opposition to the restrictive mercantile system of the eigh- 
teenth century. It was written by John Bland, a merchant of London, 
and presented by him to the authorities in England as a memorial "on 
behalf of the inhabitants and planters in Virginia and Maryland." 
Bland expended large sums in Virginia, amounting to as much as ten 
thousand pounds sterling, or two hundred and fifty thousand dollars 
in our American currency. He had acted as the London merchant of 
many of the Planters of Virginia and Maryland, and was therefore 
thoroughly familiar with their interests as this paper very plainly shows. 
The original Memorial is now filed among the Colonial Records in the 
British State Paper Office in London.] 

To THE Kings Most Excellent Majesty. 

The humble Remonstrance of John Bland of London, Mer- 
chant, on the behalf of the Inhabitants and Planters in 
Virginia and Mariland. 

Most Humbly representing unto your Majesty the inevitable 
destruction of those Colonies, if so be that the late Act for en- 





crese of Trade^ and shipping be not as to them dispenc'd with: 
for it wil not onely ruinate the inhabitants and Planters, but 
make desolate the largest fertilest, and most glorious Plantations 
under Your Majesties Dominion; the which, if otherwise sus- 
pended, will produce the greatest advantage to this Nations 
Commerce and considerablest Income to Your Majesties Rev- 
enue, that any part of the world doth to which wee trade. 

And that the prejudice which this act bringeth to those Col- 
onies may appear to your Majesty, I shall presume to desire that 
the following particulars in order to the discovery thereof may 
be taken into consideration, as it hath reference to the Territories 
of Virginia and Mariland, and then to those persons that first 
were the promoters of the same, for debarring the Hollanders 
trading to those Plantations, in the long Parliament, with their 
specious pretences alleged for the obtaining thereof, which are as 
folio weth. 

Firsts That the Hollanders will not permit us to trade into 
their Indian Territories, therefore we should not admit them to 
trade in ours. 

f^Secondly, That the Hollanders admission into Virginia and \ 
' Mariland spoiled our commerce, not onely there, but in Eyiglandy 
and hindred the increase of our shipping. 

Thirdly^ That the Hollanders trading into those colonies less- 
en' d our Customes here in Englayid, 

Before I come to show how invalid the Pretences of the afor- 
said persons be, as to the intent for which they were alleged, 
being onely colourable, and to hinder the Hollanders trade thither, 
that they might still keep the trade which they had ingrossed in 
their own hands. * ^ 

. First, I will say something concerning the Persons that did 
solicit and procure the prohibition of the Hollanders from trad- 
ing into those Plantations. 

Seco7idly, Wherefore the said Act against the Dutch was pro- 
cured by them, and is still sought to be continued. 

Thirdly, I shall take into consideration those three Motives, 
or Pretences, urged by the Ingrossers of the Virginia and Mari- 
land trade, for the debarring the Hollanders from trading 
thither; and so speaking to each of them, demonstrate plainly, 
that what is alleged thereby to be an advantage to those Colonies, 


is quite contrary, and will in time utterly ruinate them, the com- 
merce, or customes, and shipping here in England. 

To the First, concerning the Persons that Procured the pro- 
hibition of the Hollanders from trading into Virginia and Mari- 
land, I give account of them. 

They are no Merchants bred, nor versed in foreign ports, or 
any Trade, but to those Plantations, and that from either Plan- 
ters there or whole-sale Tobacconists and shopkeepers retaiUng 
Tobacco here in England, who know no more what belongs to the 
commerce of the World, or Managing new discovered Countries, 
such as Virginia and Mariland are, than children new put out 
Prentice; can it then be Rational, that such persons judgments 
should be taken or relyed upon for passing so important an Act? 

To the second Particular, Why these men procured this Act, 
prohibiting the Hollanders trade into those Colonies at first, 
and its continuance now, was, and is, because they would keep 
still in their own hands that Trade which they had ingrossed, 
and have no body come there to hinder them, and that for the 
following reasons. 

First, That for whatever goods they carried out of England 
to those Plantations, the Inhabitants should pay them what 
prices and rates they please to require, else they should have 
nothing at all of them to supply their necessities. 

Secondly, To force the Planters to deliver them such Tobac- 
cos, which by the labour and sweat of their browes they had 
made, at the rates they themselves trading thither would have 
it, whereby they got that oftentimes of the poor Planters for a 
halfpenny, which they made us pay for here in England by Re- 
taile three or four shillings. • 

Thirdly, That if they could not yet get the Planters Tobaccoes^ 
at their own rates, but that the Planters would ship it themselves 
for England, then would not the Traders thither let the Planters 
have any Tunnage in their ships to England, except it were at 
such high freight, as the Tobacco comming for England could 
never yield what would satisfie the same ; so that if they could 
not get the Planters Tobacco for nothing in the country. They 
would have it for nothing when it arrived in England, 

Fourthly, That seeing the Hollanders could not go to Virginia 
and Mariland, the Traders thither might carry it to Holland 


from those colonies themselves, and so get (besides having the 
Tobacco for little or nothing of the Planters) the Duties the 
Hollander used to pay in the Country for what he expected 
thence ; and also the custom, which ought by their own rule to 
have been paid in England » 

By which I hope its apparent, that it was nor is not theire love 
to the Plantations, the commerce or to encrease the Duties in 
England, that caused them to seek the Hollanders prohibition 
from Virginia and Mariland^ but their own private interests, 
not regarding if the colonies and all in them perished, so they 
might keep the said Trade still ; surely then such men are not 
meet Judges fof debarring of the Hollanders from trading to 
those Plantations. 

To the third Particular wherein, it is to be considered, how 
destructive those three motives and pretences for the obtain- 
ing this Act of prohibition to the Hollanders from trading^ to 
Virginia and Mariland are to those Colonies, the commerce, 
and your Majesties customs here in England, I declare as fol- 
loweth. To the First, in which it is alleged. That being* the 
Hollander permits not us Trade in their Indian Dominion, why 
should we admit him Trade in ours ? 

A good reason it were, and justly retaliated, if Virginia and 
Mariland were stoared with and did produce such rich commodi- 
ties as those Territories do, out of which the Hollanders doe 
debar us Trade, or that those our Plantations were inhabited with 
such ingenious men as theirs be, into which they wil not suffer 
us to trade. 

But seeing Virginia and Mariland have no such rich com- 
modities, nor ingenious people to produce them, nor plenty of 
anything but what may be had everywhere, is it not then a mad- 
ness to hinder the Hollanders or any else from trading thither ? 
Shall we, to put out one of their eyes, lose both our own ? I do 
hope it will be more seriously considered, and not by following 
the humor of a few covetous, ignorant, self-seeking men destroy 
so many thousands of Your Majesties subjects planted in those 
parts, and thereby lose the best and hopefullest Plantation that 
belongs to this Nation; but permit the Hollanders, or any other 



Nations that will to trade thither, until Virginia and Mariland be 
capable to maintain it self by it self; then, and not till then, will 
it be convenient to debar Foreiners from trading thither. 

The second Motive alledged for the obtaining this Act against 
the Hollanders trading to Virj^inia and Mariland, is, that it hin- 
ders our Trade, not onely there, but in England, whereby the 
general commerce is, and our Shipping are decreased. 

To explain this, and to shew, that the promoters of the Hol- 
landers prohibition from trading to Virginia and Mariland, by 
reason of their ignorance and unexperiencedness in the negotia- 
tions of the world, are very unfit for States- men, and to make 
Laws for whole Nations, when most of them t^em have never 
been farther than in their own shops and Ware houses wherein 
they were bred; so that certainly it*s hard for such, especially 
that mind onely their own profit and interest, to set Rules for 
others in those things which they understand not; but with grief 
in may be spoken, that though the sluggishness and sloathful 
neglect of our most experienced men in this Nation, and their 
unwillingness to take pains, or to appear in publick business, 
which chiefly may be attributed for their not being encouraged 
and countenanced, do thereby give too much leav to hairbrain'd 
Ignorance to obtain that which doth not onely overthrow them- 
selves, but the most ingeniousest men, and our whole Nation, 
whereby, and that deservedly, all perish together. 

Therefore before I proceed to the next particular, I pray that 
the State of Virgifiia and Marilaiid, as they now are in may be 

Virginia <^nd Mariland are colonies, which though capable of 
better commodities, yet for the present affoard onely these, Tobacco 
chiefly, then in the next place Corn and Cattel, commodities 
almost in every country whatever to be had; withall they are 
such commodities, that except purchased in those Plantations so 
cheap as not else-where so to be had, none would ever go thith^ 
to fetch them, no not we our selves. Which being so, then cer- 
tainly it cannot stand with wisdom to hinder the Hollanders from 
going thither, for unlesse what is there produced be fetched from 
thence, the Planters will have little encouragement to manure 
the ground, or trouble themselves to take so much pains as they 
do, for what, when obtained, they know not what to do there- 


with. Doth it not then hence appear, that unless as some plant, 
others go to buy what is planted, there can be no trade or com- 
merce in such a place ? Seeing what the commodities of Vir- 
ginia and Mariland are is it not a great advantage to those Colo- 
nies to have then by every body fetched thence ? and on the 
contrary, must it not needs be a disadvantage to the commerce 
there, not to do it ? If therefore then we debar the Hollanders 
from going thither, see the inconveniences that will arise thereby. 

The Hollander began to plant Tobacco in his own Territories, 
as soon as the Act for their prohibition from Virginia and Mari- 
land in the long Parliment was obtained, will he not proceed to 
plant greater quantities, and so totally supply himself by Kis own 
labour ? do we not force him to this ourselves, and so thereby 
cut off our own trade? will he, after accustomed to the Tobacco 
of his own growth, ever regard that which is in Virginia ? will 
he ever afterwards be induced to fetch it thence, when he finds 
his profit nigher at home ? and will he ever buy that of us, when 
by passing so many hands, and so much charge contracted there- 
on, is made so dear, that he can have it cheaper in his own 
Territories ? fsurely no) Therefore it clearly appears, that being 
so, of neccessity we must lose that Trade and Commerce. ^ 

And if it be alleged, the Tobacco planted in Holland is not so 
good as what comes from Virginia^ none will buy Gold too dear, 
and being used once to bad, the best is not regarded; what 
grows in Holland for present spending is as good as any. Have 
we not in this Nation by reason of the dearness and Sophistica- 
tion of Virginians Tobacco, accustomed our selves so to Virginia^ 
that little Spanish, though much better, is spent amongst us at 
this day ? And certainly, experienced men will say, it is, and 
will be the overthrow of our Trade and commerce, to put any 
people upon necessities to seek that out in their own Territories, 
which we will not let them have from us, but with excessive cost 
and charge ; which if it were othewise to be had of us at easie 
rates they would would not so much as think thereof to plant it 
themselves, of which, many experimental examples may be 
shown in order thereunto. 

Again, If the Hollanders must not trade to Virginia how shall 
the Planters dispose of their Tobacco ? the English will will not 
buy it, for what the Hollander carried thence was a sort of To- 






bacco, not desired by any other people, nor used by us in Bng- 
land but merely to transport for Holland. Will it not then per- 
ish on the Planters hands ? which undoubtedly is not onely an 
apparent loss of so much stock and commoditie to the Planta- 
tions, who suffer thereby, but for want of its employment, an in- 
finite prejudice to the commerce in general. 

Then again. If you keep thence the Hollanders, can it be 
believed, that from England more ships will be sent than are 
able to bring thence what Tobacco England wiir spend ? if they 
do bring more, must they not lose thereby both stock and Block, 
principal and charges ? the Tobacco will not vend in England^ 
the Hollanders will not fetch it from England; what must become 
thereof? even flung to the Dunghil. Is not then this a destruc- 
tion to the commerce? for if men lose their Estates, certainly 
trade cannot be encreased. 

A farther prejudice doth evidently attend the commerce by 
this Act, not onely in debarring Hollanders from trading to 
^ those colonies, but thereby we do likewise debar ourselves; for 

N by the Act, no English Ships can load any goods in Virginia 

^ and Mariland to transport to any country but our own Terri- 

tories; Is not this absolutely against the very essence and being 
of Trade and commerce, and cuts off all industry or ingenious 
designes, and is in a manner quite against, and contrary to the 
intent of the Act it self, which I conceive is to find out a means, 
that the Hollanders cheap sailing should not overthrow our 
markets,^ our shipping going dearer set to sea than theirs ? 

Which I explain thus, a ship having loaden herself in Virginia 
and Mariland, with Tobacco, Beef, Pork, and Corn, must bring 
these commodities to England, or into other our Territories ; 
being landed in England, is not the Hollander, arriving in that 
place, where those Goods are so landed, as free to buy them of 
the Importer as any other Merchant^ of England, that would 
transport them in our own ships ? they then both going to one 
Market, hath not the Hollander the same advantage he ever had? 
and do what we can we can in such a case, will under-sell us. 
Is not this then a prejudice to the commerce, and gives the Hol- 
landers that very benefit which we strive to keep from him. 

Now as this is a prejudice to the commerce of Virginia and 
Mariland, so in the like it will hold in all our American Planta- 



dons; but I am, and it is my business at present onely, to plead 
for Virginia and Mariland, and to show its disadvantages to 
those colonies; Will not this contract a great deal of needless 
charges and hazardous voyages, and that upon such goods and 
commodities as Virginia and Mariland affoard, which will not 
keep in long and tedious voyages ? doth it not hereby then ap- 
pear to be an absolute hindrance of trade and commerce, not 
onely to those places, but to ourselves here in England ? 

I demand then. If it would not be better to let our English 
ships, loading in those colonies, when laden, to go whither they 
please, and pay in the places where they do lade, (if it will 
not be dispenced with otherwise) the same customs to your 
Majesty as they should have done in England^ or give Bills from 
thence to pay it In England ? certainly this would be more bene- 
ficial to the commerce, and security both for the ships and goods 
and advantageous to your Majesty; for whilst they are comming 
to England they might be at the end of their intended voyages, 
and obtain a Market, which haply in England q,o\AA not be had; 
and with the proceeds of those very goods return for England, 
and there produce more advantage to your Majesties customes, 
when as otherwise by making a double voyage run a hazard to 
lose all, so that by what herein hath been said, I hope it will ap* 
pear, our commerce is rather hindred than furthered. 

Then, as concerning our shipping, I shall briefly show, that 
the debarring the Hollanders thence doth no way encrease them/ 

The Hollanders never from Virginia and Mariland fetched 
anything else but Tabacco; neither do our English ships that 
sail thither ever go full loaden, as few as we send. 

Therefore if the Hollanders go not thither, but plant Tobacco 
in their own Territories, whereby they will not need ours, we 
shall not send ships to Virginia and Mariland to fetch thence 
what we cannot again dispose of; so that we shall imploy no 
more ships to those colonies than will fetch so much Tobacco as 
will vend in England, How is it possible that this then can de- 
crease or increase our ships, when as, when the Hollanders 
traded thither, we brought no less into England than we do now, 
nor when they trade not shall we bring the more ? 

Doth it not plainly appear, that foreign Nations trading into 
a country make the people industrious, and their industry makes 


that Nation rich, and so by wealth comes countries to be inhabi- 
ted, which increases Trade, and the more trade the more need of 
shipping to manage it? so that I am of the judgment, that the 
freer foreign Nations be admitted to those colonies, it will the 
more increas Navigation that way, and the contrary will lessen 
it: For if once the Inhabitants be destroyed and ruinated, where 
is your trade? and then, how shall we employ our shipping? 
Having by the foregoing reasons shewed how those colonies 
will suffer, in debarring the Hollanders trade thither, and in- 
crease, if admitted, both as to the commerce and shipping; In 
the next place I come to the third Motive or pretence urged, for 
prohibiting the Hollanders trading to Vtrgima and Marilandy 
under this notion, that your Majesties customes thereby would 
much suffer & be lesned. 

This would be true, and to be allowed, if we could force the 
Hollanders to fetch all the Tobacco they spent out of England^ 
and that it were not to be had but in those Plantations; but we 
see the contrary, its to be had in all the parts of America^ that 
are seated by any European people ; In France great quantity 
is planted yearly, and of late years meerly by our debarring them 
going to our Plantations ; the Hollanders, as I said before, have 
planted such store, and will, if continued from going thither, 
plant daily more and more, that they will not need it from any 
other place: so that the Hollanders not fetching it from Virginia 
or Mariland, nor our Traders bringing it to England, it must 
perish in the country; or if brought into England^ and not able 
to bear its charge, nor finding vend, it will undoubtedly rot in 
the Warehouses. Which way then shall our customes increase 
by the Hollanders not trading into those Colonies ? 

I am sure upon the first obtaining this Act in the long Parlia- 
ment, our Traders to Virginia and Mariland carried the Tobacco 
from those colonies directly to Holland themselves, and neither 
paid Duties in the country, nor in England, and so they would so 
still if, permitted; wherein it is appardht, its their own interests 
that is sought after; for the custom, let the Hollanders trade 
thither or not, will be the same in England, and rather increase 
than decrease if they be permitted to trade thither; for as the 
colonies increase, they will grow to better husbandry, and So by 


the production of better commodities make our customs the 


Having run through those three grand Pretences of the 
Traders to Virginia and Mariland, for the Hollanders prohibi- 
tion from trading thither, I hope it will clearly appear, that the 
debarring the Hollanders from going to those Plantations doth 
not at all advance our commerce, or your Majesties customes, 
but on the contrary, will utterly ruinate the colonies commerce 
and customes together in a short time; for if the Inhabitants be 
destroyed, of necessity the Trade there must cease. I demand 
then in the next place, which way shall the charge of the Gov- 
ernments be. maintained, if the Hollanders be debarred trade in 
Virginia and Marilandy or anything raised to defray the constant 
and yearly Levies for the securing the Inhabitants from Inva- 
sions of the Indians? how shall the Forts and publick places be 
built and repaired, with many other incident charges daily 
arising, which must be taken care for, else all will come to de- 
struction ? for when the Hollanders traded thither, they paid 
upon every anchor of Brandy, which is about 25 Gallons, 5s. 
Import brought in by them, and upon every Hogshead of 
Tobacco carried thence los and since they were debarred trade, 
our English, as they did not, whils*t the Hollander traded there, 
pay anything, neither would they when they traded not, and yet 
they the Tobacco directly for Holland ; so that all these charges 
being taxed on the poor Planters, it hath so impoverished them, 
that they scarce can recover wherewith to cover their nakedness. 
As Forein trade makes rich and populous any country that hath 
within it any staple commodities to invite them thither, so it 
makes men industrious, striving with others to gather together 
in Societies, and building of Towns, and nothing doth it sooner 
than the concourse of shipping, as we may see before our eyes, 
Dover and Deal what they are grown unto, the one by the 
Flanders Trade, the other by ships riding in the Downs, With- 
al!, Strangers will be bro>ight to Rules and Orders when they 
come to other Princes Territories, which Natives are not sd soon 
brought unto especially our English, that except they be forced 
unto that which is for their advantage, they will not admit it, 
ever repeining to be lyable to any Rule, be it never so good. 
So that except the Hollander be permitted to trade to Virginia 


aiid Mariland, it will never flourish or come to anything, nor 
never have Town or Villaj^^e in any part thereof propagated or 
built; for our English trading thither send no more ships than 
they need to fetch thence what Tobacco our Nation spends; and 
for it they run stragling all the country over, abiding in no 
settled place, which will never bring to perfection anything; to 
the wonderment of ingenuous men, that a country so well seated 
and furnished with all manner of delights and provisions of 
Land and Water, should be so much sleighted and disregarded. 

Further, it may be ascertained, that except there be some 
order or care taken, that a particular place be assigned for all 
commerce, and shipping to come to, and go from, in those colo- 
nies, there never can be any encouragement for handicrafts men, 
or ingenious artists to settle, or reside there; and in case they 
might be by some means induced thereunto, would it not be a sad 
thing, that after all their industry and pains taken to produce 
anything worthy of regard, and more valuable than Tobacco, 
corn, or cattel, to have it left to the to the mercy of a few Tobac- 
conists, and ignorant men, that know not how to prise or value 
the same, but to make a prey of them, as they have already 
done by ingrossing their Tobacco, and give them onely what 
they please for such commodities ? 

If that notwithstanding what is by the foregoing particulars 
declared, it may seem reasonable, that the act shall stand in 
force against those colonies of Virginia and Marilandy and that 
the Hollanders and all other foreign Nations, that would go 
thither, shall be prohibited; 

Then let me on the behalf of the said colonies of Virginia and 
Mariland make these following Proposals which I hope will ap- 
pear but equitable; and I dare undertake for them, that they will 
be very well satisfied, that those few Tobacconists that have in- 
grossed that Trade into their hands, shall still continue in it 
without moving further against them therein. 

Firsts That the Traders to Virginia and Mariland from £ng' 
land shall furnish and supply the Planters and Inhabitants of 
those colonies with all sorts of commodities and necessaries 
which they may want or desire, at as cheap rates and prices as 
the Hollanders used to have when the Hollander was admitted 
to trade thither. 


Secondly, That the said Traders out of England to those 
colonies shall not onely buy of the Planters such Tobacco in the 
colonies as is fit for England, but take off all that shall be yearly 
made by them, at as good rates and prices as the Hollanders 
used to give for the same, by Bills of Exchange or otherwise , 
when the said Hollanders and Dutch were permitted thither to 

Thirdly, That if any the Inhabitants or Planters of the said 
colonies shall desire to ship his Tobacco or goods for England, 
that the Traders from England to Virginia and Mariland shall / 

let them have freight in their ships at as low and cheap rates, as 
they used to have when the Hollanders and other Nations traded 

Fourthly, That for maintenance of the Governments, raising 
of Forces to withstand the invasions of the Indians, building of 
Forts, and other publick works, needful in such new discovered 
countries, the Traders from England to pay there in Virginia 
and Mariland as much yearly as was received of the Hollanders 
and Strangers as did trade thither, whereby the country may 
not have the whole burden to lie on their hard and painfu\ 
labour and industry, which ought to be encouraged but not dis- 

Thus having proposed in my judgment what is both just and 
equal, to all such as would not have the Hollanders permitted to 
trade into Virginia and Mariland, I hope if they will not agree 
hereunto, it will easily appear, it is their own profits and interests 
they seek, not those colonies, nor your Majesties service, but in 
contrary the utter ruine of all the Inhabitants and Planters there; 
and if they perish, that vast Territory must be left desolate, to 
the exceeding disadvantage of this Nation, and your Majesties 
Honor and Revenue. 

Now to have all parties pleased, the Traders to Virginia and 
Mariland, and the Inhabitants and Planters, and that all may be 
done for your Majesties glory and advantage, without loss to 

By way of Accomodation this I propose. Let all Hollanders 
and other Nations whatsoever, freely trade into Virginia and 
Mariland, and bring thither and carry thence whatever they 
pitjase, and to counterpoise the cheapness of their sailing, with 



dearness of our ships, to pay a set Duty and Imposition that 
may countervail the same; and when what they paid formerly 
will not do it, let it be doubled and trebled, as shall be thought 
meet, yet still with this caution, that it may not make it as bad 
as if they were totally prohibited. 

In the next place, that all English ships that do go thither to 
trade, and carry goods to any other country besides England^ 
may be freed of any custome there, more than some certain Duty 
to the use of the colonies; for as it is before expressed, the pro- 
ceed of those goods vended abroad, will countervail at their 
return to England to your Majesty twice the custome that should 
have been paid, did they come directly from those colonies to 

This being so settled, those colonies will flourish, their res(>ec- 
tive Governors and Governments will be maintained without 
charge to your Majesties Exchequer, the people will encrease, 
and by the bringing all trade to certain select places, riches will 
abound, Artists go over, Your Majesties Dominions will be en- 
larged, the customes there and England advanced, the commerce 
made splendent, and all particular persons that are concerned as 
well as publick receive their contentments; otherwise onely 
destruction must attend and be the portion of those colonies. 

I have already in a few printed sheets of mine, entituled. Trade 
revived, which I presume to deliver to your Majesty, declared the 
value of those colonies of Virginia and Marilandy and what 
advantages they will yield to this Nation, if encouraged as in 
folio lo to B, of the said Book appears, therefore I shall here say 
no more therein ; but on the contrary, if the Hollanders and 
Dutch be prohibited trading thither, they will come to nothing. 

And being Virginia was upon its last legs, as we here were, 
when it pleased Almighty God by a like miracle, their Governor, 
under the late usurped Power dying, by an unanimous consent of 
the colonies Sir William Barilei* was restored to the Govern- 
ment, his worth being so well known to them, in which happiness, 
by your Majesties most gracious confirming him therein, they 
are made more happy, his fitness for that Government being 
such, as few, if any there be, can parallel. 

* Sir William Berkeley is meant. 


For as much then as God hath so wonderfully freed those 
colonies, as he hath also freed us, from their Egyptian Task 
masters, and given them their antient Governors as at the first, 
whereby they be in hopes to enjoy not onely their liberty, but 
their wonted trade with all Nations, and so recover out of that 
languishing distemper in which they were; shall they, after so 
long suffering, and expectation of relief, be made more miserable 
now than ever, and that by an established Law, meerly obtruded 
on them by a few covetous and self-interested men. Tobacconists 
and ingrossers of that Trade'? 

God forbid. 

Having therefore as briefly as I could, and the matter required, 
in reference to those colonies. Remonstrated to your Majesty, 
both their agrievance by reason of the said Act, debarring them 
foreign Trade ; as also the advantage that will arise to them the 
commerce, and your Majesties Revenue, if admitted, and the 
Act suspended, It is left to your Majesties pious consideration to 
do therein as shall be most meet, by 

Your Majesties most Loyal and 

Obedient Subject 


John Bland. 

Discourse of the Old Company. 

[The subjoined Discourse, the original manuscript of which is de- 
posited in the British State Paper Office, Colonial Department, volume 
3, No. 40, was drawn up and presented in 1625 by request to the Board 
of Trade and Plantations, by members of the former London Com- 
pany, which had been deprived, in the previous year, of its chartered 
rights. From the foundation of the colony at Jamestown, in 1607, until 
the summary proceedings in 1624, the London Company had adminis- 
tered the affairs of Virginia with the vicissitudes of fortune, so vividly 
set forth in this Discourse. The authors of this document were 
evidently smarting from the unjust treatment which they had received 
at the hands of James I — a treatment entirely consistent with the whole 
career of that monarch— but the correctness of their statement is borne 
out by both the old and the new sources of information which we have 
as to this period.] 



May it please your Lop* 

When last we attended this Honourable Board y**' Lop' re- 
quired two things at our hands to be presented this day in 
writing to your Lop*. 

The first, our opinion touching the best forme of Government, 
to be made for such contract touching Tobacco w'^ his Ma''* as 
might both uphold his former Revenue, and not be grievous to 
the Plantations. ' 

Concerning the former of w*** proposicons, wee humbly crave 
leave thus much to deliver w^ out offence, that it came altogether 
unexpected to us: who brought w^^ us, a strong & confirmed 
resolucion, not to intermedle any more in the business of Vir- 
ginia, so soyled & wronged by the partie opposite, & now re- 
duced to extreame terms allmost past recovery and wherein all 
our former labours, cares, & expenses had receaved by the prac- 
tise & procurement of these men, the underserved reward of 
rebuke and disgrace. 

Notw"* standing, whome wee have alwayes found just & hono"* 
and if happily some good may rebound thereby to that now 
distressed and languishing Plantation, w*"" hath bin heretofore so 
deare unto us, and w'''^ gave so great hope of honour to this 
Kingdome, & might have bin in these tymes of warrly prepara- 
tions, of so great use & service to his Mat'" if it had bin so cher- 
ished & strengthened by these men, as when they gayned the 
government, they pretended & promised, we wised and designed: 
We here present in all humbleness our deliberate opinion touch- 
ing y* forme of Government now fittest to be established ipr y* 
restoring & reviving of that Plantation, if it be possible yd to 
be recovered. Wherein wee thinke it requisite, that yo' Lo^' in 
the first place be truly informed, of y' state of that Colony, vhat 
before it was, and what now it is, according unto ye best adftr- 
tisements from thence received. 

The Plantation now in Virginia, began about ye yeare i6cf* 
& continued about twelve yeares under the Governem* of ^• 
selfe same handes, whereinto it was first intrusted by the Kin*< 
Ma*** the most Royall founder of this noble worke. The pertr 

Jamestown was founded in May, 1607. 

f - 




ular carriages of this first Governem' are too long, & would bee 
too displeasing to yo' Lopp' eares. But in General! such it was, 
as the now Earle of Middlesex then Lo: high Treasurer (being 
an ancient adventurer and councellor for Virginia) informed yo*" 
Lop* sitting in Counsell the 5th of March — 1622 — when he told 
Alderman Johnson, That in former yeares when he y® said alder- 
man was Deputie,and the busines was in other hands, it was 
carried leaudly, so that if they should be called to an accompt 
for it, their Estates would not answere it.* 

What his Lo^^ delivered as his owne censure, was truly the 
opinion of y* whole company of Adventurers here in England: 
And w*^ them doth ye Colonic concure having the last yeare by 
their Vice.admirall sent a writing signed by the hands of the 
Generall Assembly, & directed to his Ma"*, wherein having de- 
clared : The manner of Those Twelve yeares Governem^ they 
conclude w^*" these words, full of passion and griefe; and rather 
then to be reduced to live under the like Government, wee desire 
his Ma'^' that Commissioners may be sent over with authoritie to 
hang us.f Of this quallitie was the first Governem* And answer- 
able to fforme, were the effects, as y" Generall Assemblie having 
by oath examined the particulars, sett downe in their Declara- 
tion directed to his late Mat**. 

1 . For People then alive about ye nomber of 400. 

2. Very many of them in want of come, utterly destitute of 
cattle, swine, Poultry and other provisions to nourish them. 

3. As for ffortificacon agaynst a forraigne enemy there was 
none at all, onely foure pieces mounted, but altogether unser- 

4. There was o1ily eight Plantacons, all w*** were but poorely 
housed, and ill fortified agaynst the Savages. 

5. Onely one old friggott belonging to y* Sumer Ilandes, one 
shallop, one shippboate, ancLtwo small boats belonging to private 
men. y 

* Alderman Johnsq^i had taken a leading part in the administration 
of the affairs of the/ colony during the Treasurership of Sir Thomas 
Smith. He was aftyr 1619, a member of the Warwick faction and in- 
strumental in dissojkring the company. 

ti624. July. Petition of Governor Wyatt, &c., &c., to the King. 
Colonial Records tf Virginia Senate Document, 1874. 



6. Three ministers in orders & Two w** out. 

7. No comoditie on foote save Tobacco. 

8. The Indians in doubtful Termes. 

This as they report was the true estate of y* Plantacons at y' 
Twelve yeares end. To w**" being added the other condicon of 
the colonie, w** in other writinges they expresse; 

1. That they lived or rather suffered under Martial la we.* 

2. Under a most extorting Governour there whome by 24 bun- 
dles of depositions they have accused of strange depredacons.t 

3. Under most oppressive orders hence, to ye breach of all 
faith and honesty. 

4. W^'^out comfort of wives or servants. 

5. W'^'out a.ssurance of their estates. 

6. There beinge no Dividents of Land laid out.J 

7. W'^out assurance of their Libties, being violently deteyned 
as serv*" beyond their convenented tymes. 

We may truly afhrme, that y** intencons of ye people in Vir- 
ginia, were no wayes to settle there a colonie, but to gett a little 
wealth by Tobacco, then in price, and to return for Englande. 

As for y* Adventurers here the greatest part were long before 
beaten out as from an hopeless Action. In w*"*" reguard there 
was fhfteene thousand pounds of mens subscripcons w*^ by no 
means they could bee procured to pay in; sundry of them 
alleaging in theer answers in chancery upon their oathes, the 
misimployment of ye monyes, & ill keeping of the accounts. 
Those few that followed the business, upon some hope to reforme 
it, were (by the Governours here, for their owne perticuler ends 
as is conceaved, for, to theire owne private benefit t it was only 
sutable) directed to bestowe their moneyes in adventuringe by 
way of Magazine, upon two comodities onely, Tobacco & Sassa- 
fras, matters of present profhtt, but no wayes foundacons of a 
future state. Soe that of a merchantlike Trade there was some 
probbillitie at least for a while; but of c Plantation there was 

* Introduced by Sir Thomas Dale. These laws in full are to be found 
in Force's Tracts. 

t Samuel Argoll, who succeeded Yeardley in 16/7. 

t The planters had not yet been permitted to select their own land to 
be held in fee simple. This right they could now claim from the length 
of their services. 



none at all, neither in the courses nor in y' intencons either of the 
Adventurers here or the colonie there. 

In this estate & condicon was the action lefte by the First to 
y* second Governm' w®* began in y* yeare — 1 619— by the choice 
of S' Edwin Sandis for Treasurer. To whome y* yeare follow- 
inge succeed* ye Earle of Southampton.* 

1. Under whose Governm* by Gods blessing the Plantation 
soe prospered as by the end of ye yeare — 162 1 — the nomber of 
people was encreased, there, to be about Two thousand. 

2. The number of Neat cattle, besides Goates & Swine, eight 

3. The number of Housinge was proporconably encreased, 
and the manner of building much bettered. 

4. The number of Boats was Ten tymes multiplyed, and w*"*" 
was much more, there were fower Shippes belonging to the 

5. Ther were sent more than eight able ministers. 

6. With great care & cost there were procured men skilfull 
in sawing Milles from Hambrough. 

7. Vigneroones from Lanquedock: In divers places of ye Col- 
onie, Vineyards beganne, some of them conteyinge Ten thous- 
and plants. 

8. Store of silkeworme — seed sent. 

9. And the Iron-workes brought after five thousand pounds 
expences to that assured perfection, as w*^ in Three months they 
promised to send home great quantities.f 

10. Many new Plantations were made. 

11. All men had sufficiency of come. 

12. And many Great plenty of cattle, swyne & Poultrie, & 
other good provisions. 

13. The mortalitie w*"*" had raigned the two first yeares, (w""*" 
at that tyme was generall over all America) was at last ceased. 

14. Soe that by this sodayne & unexpected advancement of 
Plantation in these things, together with y' redresse of all former 

*This was the friend of Shakespeare, and a nobleman of great ac- 

t These iron works were situated at Falling creek, in Chesterfield 
county, a few miles below the city of Richmond. They were destroyed 
in the Massacre of 1622, and were never rebuilt. 


Grievances : supplies of youn^ women for wives, & of youthes 
for serv** being sent them. * 

15. The bloudy Lawes being silenced & their Governem* or- 
dered like to that of this Kingdom. 

16. Provisions being made for y* mayntennce of Officers that 
they should not need to prey upon y* people : And y* like done 
for y* ministers : f 

17. The libertie of a Generall assembly being granted them, 
whereby they find but and execute those things as might best 
tend to their good. 

18. The Estates of Land by just Dividends being surely con- 
veyed : 

19. A fTree Trade from hense for all sorts of people being per- 
mitted, whereby they were eeven to superfluity furnished w"* all 
necessaries : 

The Colony grewe into an opinion that they were the happiest 
people in y"" world, w"** meeting here at home w*** y* experience 
of most Noble Demeanor on y' Companies part, agaynst w*** 
Envy itselfe could not finde any shadowe of calamny or offence: 
the reputacon of this action grew to such an height, as not only 
the old Adventurers renewed their zeale of their first Loves, but 
great numbers of new came dayly in w^** assurance to expend 
large somes in the business. 

And for y* Plant" to goe in person, not only here at home 
Thousands of thoise people offred themselves: but out of Ire- 
, land went divers shipps, & more were followinge: Three hun- 
dred ffamilies French & Dutch in the yeare — 1621 — made re- 
quest to the state, that they might plant in Virginia; J whither 
not long before, condempned persons had refused to go with 
pardon of their Lives. 

The great amendment in this and in all other parts of this 
Action, made the Earle of Middlesex say at yo"^ honob**" Board, 
That in these latter tymes the Plantation by the good carriage 

^' The women and boys were sent out for the benefit of the men who 
occupied, as tenants, the lands which had been laid off by the Com- 
pany for public uses. 
t By assigning: to each office a certain number of acres in the colony 
tThe terms offered by the company to the Walloons not proving 
satisfactory, they did not move to Virginia. 


had thriven and prospered beyond beliefe and allmost miracu- 

This wee cannot but esteeme an hono^** testimony proceeding 
from our most heavy enemy, who had himselfe layde in o*^ way 
soe many great Rubbs & DifRcuhies, as hee might well say, It 
was by miracle wee over passed them. 

The first yeare, directly agaynst his Ma*" LVes Pattents, and 
consequently against Laws, by the judgment of the then Attorney- 
Generall, exceedingly over burdeninge our Commoditie : * 

The second yeare to ye Kings great dammage & abuse of the 
whole Kingdome procuringe an utter banishment of our To- 
bacco : t 

And the third yeare enforceinge us to bring all in, onely to the 
enrichm* of his private friends. But besides these; we were con- 
tinually struglinge w"* a most malicious faction w'**in our owne 
Body here: J yet through all these difficulties did we wrestle by 
Gods blessing, with the expence of lesse then ffower & twenty 
thousand pounds of the Publique stock. For how-so-ever your 
Lop' have been enformed, the very thruth w'''' we shall alwayes 
make good is, that there was not receaved from from the Lot- 
taries in the tyme of this latter Governem* any more than Twenty 
one thousand seaven hundred sixty six poundes nyne shillings 
Two pence. By the expence of w*'^ some together w'** about 
Three thousand pounds receaved from the Collections, wee 
brought the Colony to those Termes wee have related. And if 
in y* Declaration sent to his Ma**® the last yeare, the colony have 
made a right and perfect calculacon, wee affirme unto yo' Lop' 
that in y* first Three yeares of this latter Governement the com- 
pany sent as many shipps in November, but of greater burthen; 

* Under the terms of the company's charter, the custom on the com- 
modities of the colony was not for a certain number of years to exceed 
five per cent. 

t In 1621, the whole of the Virginia crop of tobacco was transported 
to Holland, where the colony had established factories and appointed 

tThis faction was led by the Earl of Warwick, the unprincipled pat- 
ron of a number of unscrupulous men, one of the principal promoters 
of the slave trade and the owner of piratical ships, which were equally 
at home in the waters of the West Indies and the Red sea. 


as in any people in nomber, but much better provided, as were 
sent in the first Twelve years. Yet had the latter Governem* 
under Twenty fower Thousand poundes, and S^ Thomas Smith 
receaved above Three score and ffifteene thousand pounds, of 
publique stock. Soe that wee may truly afiirme through Gods 
blessing w*^ a Third part of the money, and in a fourth part of 
y* tyme, wee brought the Plantation to foure tymes the nomber 
of men that Sr Thomas Smith left it in, and in all other parts 
incomparably better. 

The Plantation being growne to this height by the end of y* 
year — 1621 — it pleased God in his secrett judgment to give leave 
to y* enemies thereof, by many powerfull & most wicked meanes 
to bring it downe agayne to y' ground. The first Blowe was 
a most blowdy massacre, when by the Treacherous cruelty of the 
savages about — 400 — * of o' People were slayne, upon the 22th 
of March 162 1. The terror whereof w** the losse of much cattle 
and other substance, and a sodayne alteracon of the state of all 
things, so dismaide the whole Colony, as they allmost gave them- 
selves for gone. But then appeared both the love of the Com- 
pany to the Plantation & their great abilettie to goe through 
therewith: when in supply of this Loss, and for y* encourage- 
ment of the Colony, they did send that yeare to Virginia — 16 — 
ships & — 800 — people and that altogether at y* charges of pri- 
vate Adventurors. For the publique stock being utterly exhaust 
the yeare before was not able to contribute — 500;^ towards all 
this charge. 

But this cruell Tragedy of the massacre was second* by Two 
other sharpe Calamities in y* very neck one of another: 

First, scarcitie in the Colony by being putt off from their 
Grounds prepared, together w**" the losse of their season & 
much seed; besides that through the troublesomnes of those 
tymes, they could not freely imploy themselves in plantinge 
thereof, no not in those their scanted grounds, many Plantacons 
being drawne into few places for their better defence. W*"* pes- 
tringe of themselves did likewise breed contagious sicknesse; 
w*** being encreased by the Infection brought in by some shipps, 

* In Smith's History, Arber's edition, page 149, the number slain is 
stated to have been 347. This is confirmed by the Records of the Lon- 
don Company now in the Congressional Library at Washington. 


there dyed that yeare of mortallitie neere upon — 600 — more: and 
the Colony passed much hardnesse in their victuall, by reason of 
the miscarriage of one of their shippes, w''*' the Company sett 
forth w"* above— 500;^ worth of meale and other provisions: Bui 
the shipp being blowne up w"" Powder at the Summer Islendes, 
the Provisions were lost, & never came to Virginia, 

Notwithstandinge these things were most grievous to the 
Company here; yett were they no wayes of Discouragement, but 
rather seemed to add heat to their former zeale: so as by the 
beginning of the year — 1623 — there appeared in readinesse & 
preparation to go to Virginia, double that nomber of people, & 
Adventurers that any former yeare had carried. When on a 
sodayne the Plantation itselfe was by Captaine Butler * in a cer- 
tayne writinge Instituted The unmaskinge of Virginia, soe 
fowly disgraced, and the present miseries thereof so farr ampli- 
fied above Truth, and the future hopes there of so belowe all 
good meanings derided & villified by divers ill willers of the 
Action especially some discontented members of' y* Company, as 
the greatest part of the intended supplies for PJew Plantations, 
gave over, as some of themselves will testify to yo' Lop', yet 
notw'*'standinge, the vinted Body of the Company did even that 
year — 1623 send out eleven Shfpps, stored w'** supplies of victuall' 
& provisions: although by many cruell encounters of the oppo- 
sites, they were so hindred and dejected, directly w"" Intention to 
make them abandon y* busines. But the welfare of the Planta- 
con and the mayntennce of their own honour & credit, did pre- 
vaile so w"* the company thar though w'*" certainty of their owne 
eztreame loss, they passed in the aboundance of supply, not 
only the necessitis of the Colony, but even the unreasonable de- 
inaunds of their opposite : having in fower days space that was 
given them after the notice of the Colonies want, procured the 
underwriting of fower thousand pounds Adventure: w"^ the 

* Captain Butler arrived in Virginia not long after the massacre of 
1622 had taken place. He had previously been Governor of the Somer 
Islands and was in sympathy with those members of the London Com- 
pany who were anxious, in their inability to obtain control of its affairs, 
to secure a revocation of its charter, a purpose in which they finally 
succeeded. " The Unmasking of Virginia *' may be found in Virginia 
Company of London, Virginia Historical Collections, Vol. VIIL 


Hono**^* Board of the privy Counsell was pleased w*** much Noble 
favour highly to approve. 

As for the people that went that yeare in those eleven ships, 
the nomber was not above — 260 — and those procured not w'^'out 
difficulty, so much had the disgrace of the Plantation spread 
amongst y* comon sort of people. 

Neither could it be prevented by the companie although they 
used all possible dilligence: solliciting the Comission" then ap- 
pointed by his Ma^** by a publique Examinacon of Captayne 
Butlers reporte, to clear the truth. But they would by no 
meanes bee drawne thereunto. As for the companie it selfe, 
their proceedings & demeanors were so approbriously calumniat"^ 
as deprived them both of abillitie & credite to doe any good 
herein: but w**" much sorrowe to behold how sencibly and dan- 
gerously the good opinion of this Action decayed; so that 
Preachers of note in the Cittie that had begun in this latter 
Governem' to pray continually for Virginia, lefte quite the 
remembrance of it; finding the Action to growe either odious or 
contemptible in mens minds: w*** yet but a little before was of 
that esteeme as divers on their death beds gave great Legacies 
to the furtherance thereof; and even from the East Indies byway 
of contribucon, hath bin sent by the (factors and poore marriners 
above — 1000 — marks, so farr was the reputacon of this action 
spread, by the prosper inge thereof under the latter Governem', 
and by their zealous & sollicitous endeavours. W^ although by 
the continuall encrease of furthur suffringes, their pattent being 
called in question, receaved a sore check: yet not w***standing 
their owne Innocencie giving them courage & hope that they 
should overcome all w"* honour & thanks of the state: there 
were ffive shipps provided for this last yeare — 1624 — whereof one 
of them since the Companies disolucon hath given over her 
voyage: the other ffoure have proceeded, although w*^ much 
difficulty, in regard that a great part of the Passengers that afore 
intended to goe, fell off Whereby two of the shippes w*^ had 
their comissions from y** late companie in May last could not gett 
away till ye end of this last yeare, the one in ffebruary, the other 
in March last. 

Thus have wee given yo' Lop' a true Informacon, both of the 
growth and languishinge of ye Virginia Plantacon, in these ffive 


latter yeares Governem^ wherein no incombrances, no calamities 
whatsoever could keepe it soe downe, but that it did yearely ad- 
vance iiselfe w*"* a most remarkable growth whilst the carefull 
Nurse and tender mother the Company was permitted to gov- 
erne it. 

Though contagion & sword destroyed many people: yet 
whilst the nOmber of new did doubly supply those that sayled it 
cannot be said, but the action was in a thriving, in a prosperous 
course; though not in a clease or easy. Then began it to stand 
when the Companie was troubled ; to stagger, when they were 
disgrac'd and discountenanced; to sinck, when they were terri- 
fyed w'** affreightment of dissolucon ; since w*"** tyme there hath 
bin nothing at all done towards the recovery or helping it for- 
ward, but much t wards y* hindrenge bringing it lower. 

The poor supply of people & shippers that are gone, are but 
the remaynder of the late Companies cares & loves. The settlers 
out of the best of them doe affirme, that if they had not been so 
farr engaged before the unexpected dissolucon of ye late Com- 
panie, they would have drawne back their adventures and People. 
When they shall arive in Virginia they will not bring either comfort 
or supply to the Colonie: but only add to their Calamitie, to their 

The first Shipp went in August, victualled only for Three 
months ; the next in October ; neither of them were arived the 
25th of ffebruary last. Whereby they must needs come into 
Virginia in most miserable distresse. 

The other two went out soe meanly provid* that however their 
voyage shal be, they cannot but prove an insupported charge to 
the Colony, much disfurnished by the victualling of divers shipps 
lately returned thence, and so ill provided by a deceptful cropp, 
w*^ seemed large, but proved scant, as wee dare not but acquaynt 
yo' Lop" what experience pex:3wades us, That there is like to 
foUowe in the Colonie some great distresse for victualls except 
by speedy supply hence they be relieved. 

There is likewise in the Colony a most dangerous want of 
Powder, so great, as if the savages should but knowe advantage 
they have thereby they might easily in one day destroy all o' 

There is most extreame want of hose, shoes, & all apparell, 


even to a dangerous empeachement of their healthes: and 
that so generall, as the provisions carried in these late shipps, 
will not as farr as wee cann learne, supply the Tenth part of their 
necessities. The want of such wonted supplies, will undoubtedly 
much dismay & deject the Colony. But when they shall under- 
stand of the Companies dissolucon, for the continuance of whose 
Governem' and the Liberties they enjoyed under them, they were 
most importunate suitors to his Ma^* and that they are returned 
under those handes w""* they so much abhorred : Wee doubt no 
possible meanes will be found to keepe the greatest and best 
part of the Colonie from imediatly cominge away. For wee are 
credibly informed, that some of the chiefs, have allready by sell- 
inge of their Estates, made preparacon upon the first notice of 
the change, to leave the Country. But when further they shall 
heare the newes of the late contract, whereby all their hopes 
shal be quite extinguished and all possibilitie of subsistance 
taken from them, wee cannot thinke that any will stay behinde 
that shall not be kept by force. 

But howsoever it shall happen: sure we are that by these alter- 
acons & courses, the mindes of the Planters wil be filled w*^ such 
Jealousies & suspicions as it wil be a long while ere they wil be 
reduced to a firm resolucon of setting up the Rest of their Lives, 
& hopes, in the Colony: which w**" all humble duty we are bold 
to say hath bin & will ever bee a disposition most pernicious to 
the establishing of the Plantation : And the overcoming thereof 
by the Company, we hold to have bin one of the greatest ser- 
vices that they did. This wee conceave to be y* state of the 
Colonie now in Virginia w''** though they should be persuad^ or 
forced to stay yet w'^out supply of others sent hence, they must 
needs come to nothinge in a very short space, although they had 
noe other enemy. 

As for adventuringe hence, what by the disgracinge of the 
Action itselfe, & the undeserved suffrings of the late Companie, 
the businesse is brought to such a stand, as seemes incredible: 
there being no preparacon that wee can heare of not only of any 
shipp, but of any man to goe to Virginia whereas comonly for 
divers yeares before, there were foure or five shipps in readinesse, 
and as many hundreds of men, at this tyme of y' yeare. 

So that even in that reguard also the Colony will find theni' 

bacon's rebellion. 167 

selves both in great discomfort & in great danger. For although 
formerly they had no Forte on the Land to hinder a forraigne 
enemy: yet especially in the latter tymes, there was such a 
boundance of shipping comminge and goinge continually to Vir- 
ginia that there hath bin sometymes told seaventeene sayle to- 
gether in James River. Whereby besides that is was a continuall 
terror to the Natives it would have bin a difficult thinge to en- 
damage the Colonic, w'^^out the power both of many shipps, & 
many souldiers, W** was amongst divers others, a very mayne 
securitie & encouragement to persuade men boldly to goe to 
Virginia. But that and all other helpes being now foyled or 
much empayred although the nomber of men be at least Three 
tymes as many as when wee undertooke the Governem'; yet will 
wee Ingenuously yield, that equall thanks & equall honour wil 
be due to them, who shall now recover & restore it to that pros- 
perous & flourishing estate to w*"** by Gods blessinge o' cares & 
labours had brought it, untill it was marred by them, who as ap- 
peares never loved it, but for their owne indirect ends, w'''' they 
have industriously pursued. Thus much touching the present 
estate of the Plantation, & the late generail decay thereof 

Wherein wee hope yo"" Lop* will excuse both our playnes & 
prolixitie, tending to no other end, but only to present unto yo^ 
Lop' viewe the cleare state & true nature of the Disease; that so 
yo' Lop' in yo' great wisdome may the better discerne & provide 
the proper remedies. Towards w*^** since yo' Lop" have bin also 
pleased to require some preparative as it were of o' opinions: wee 
will now humbly apply our selves to that consideration w*** w 
all the rest were but griefe and labour. 




Bacon's Rebellion. 

William Sherwood's Account. ^ 

[William Sherwood, according to one of his letters, came to Virginia 
in 1668. He had been convicted of crime in England ("one of those 
who robbed me, whom I saved." says Williamson), and was pardoned, 
on the intercession of Sir Joseph Williamson, Secretary of State. He 
had probably been bred to the Bar, and became one of the leading 


lawyers of Virginia. It seems likely, from a suit for slander, recorded 
in York county, that his English career was unknown in the colony, as 
no mention of it is made by a violent and abusive defendant. 

He was a member of the House of Burgesses, 1684; Coroner and 
Justice of James City county, 1687, and in March, 1677, was appointed 
Attorney- General. [Robinson' s Notes from General Court Records.) 

In all of Sherwood's letters to Williamson (which are preserved in 
the English Public Record Office) he expresses great gratitude to his 
correspondent, and penitence for his offence — a penitence which seems 
to have lasted through life, for his epitaph at Jamestown, after stating 
his birth-place as White ChapeU declares that here was a miserable 
sinner awaiting the resurrection. At Surry C. H. was found, not long 
ago, a volume of the Universal History, lettered, "Ex dono William 
Sherwood." The fly leaves and title page are missing, so it cannot be 
discovered to whom, or what, it was presented. 

There is recorded in Middlesex County a power of attorney, dated 
October 24, 1698, from Jeffrey Jeffreys, of London, Esquire, to Dudley 
Digges, William Churchill and Arthur Spicer, merchants, to recover 
such personal estate as was bequeathed him by the last will of Wil- 
liam Sherwood, of James City, Virginia, deceased, dated August ii, 
1697, and also all such lands, houses and other real estate as Sherwood 
bequeathed to him in reversion after the death of his wife Rachel Sher- 
wood; so there are no descendants who might be troubled by a knowl- 
edge of Sherwood's offence in England. His after-life of nearly thirty 
years in Virginia appears to have been honorable and he esteemed.] 

Rt. Hon'^'^* 

That I may manifest that gratitude which I shall always to 
make it p' of the great obligacons I have Rec* from yo'r hon'r and 
considering my allegeehce to my soveraigne, & duty to yo'r honV 
doe presume to informe yo*r hon'r of some p'ticular passages in 
the p'nte state of this Country, w*'^ is thus: a Nacon of Indians 
called susquehanoes haveing killed some of ye Inhab** of this 
Country were p*sued & severall of y" destroyed by the English, 
and S' William Berkeley our hon"' Govern' r (who hath had 
long: experience of warr with ye Indians) that he might p'vide 
for ye safety of this Country caused our Assembly (who are our 
Representatives) to meete in March last, who enacted y' forts 
should be built att ye heads of the severall Rivers, being the 
most way for security of our fronteere plantacons, but as noe 

* Secretary Williamson in England. 

bacon's rebellion. 169 

good Law can be so made to please all men, especially ye rude 
sort of people, One Mr. Nathaniell Bacon Jun'r a p*son of little 
experience & but of two yeares continuance in this countrey, 
thinking himselfe wiser then ye Law, hath stirred upp a great 
number of indigent & disaffected p'sons to obstruct ye p'ceede- 
ings upon ye acts of Assembly, raiseing forces by beate of Drum, 
marching in a warr like posture, in terror of his Ma"*" good sub- 
jects, the intent of w*'*' soe neere as all sober men Judge, is ye 
subvercon of the Laws & to Levell all, this Mr. Bacon being 
styled by the rabble theire Generall (& indeede soe he hath 
beene in ye loss of more. men then ever was in all fights with ye 
Indians) he haveing entred into Oaths to stand by y" and not- 
withstanding ye greate care of our Governor & his sevMl p'clama- 
cons, fuseing to r^der himselfe, which causeth great feeres to 
his Ma"** loyall subjects & is of most daingerous consequence in 
this time of warr with ye Indians and this hopefull Country w''*' 
hath for many y" past beene under a quiett Governm't haveing 
Justice equally distributed to all men, is now in a languishing 
condicon, the Rabble giveing out they will have their owne Laws 
demanding ye Militia to be settled in y"" with such like rebellious 
practices, Rt. hon^** this Country hath had thirty fower y" ex- 
perience of ye valour, conduct. Justice, & Impartiall p'ceedinge 
of our hon"' Governor who hath endeavoured ye Gen" good of ye 
Country, by spending & laying out his estate amongst us, yett 
he & all authority & Magistracy are by ye rabble contemmed. 
The incloased Declaracon of our Governor will informe yo'r honour* 
more fully of our p'nte condicon, as alsoe Capt. Griffin Mt. of 
the Shipp Griffin if yo'r hon'r pleaseth to order him, will give an 
ample ace'. Thus beging yo*r hon'rs p*don for this trouble, de- 
siering y* if in anything in these p*ts of ye World I may be ser- 
viceable, you vjill lay yo'r Commands on. 

Rt. Hon'^'' 

Yo'r most humble servant 

[signed] Wm. Sherwood. 
James Citty 


[i] June, 1676. 


Rt. Hon**^" 

My L'tre of the ist instant, gieves a briefe ace* of the then 
Condicon of this his Ma*'^' Country, and for that new matter 
every day offereth I thinke itt my duty to give your hon"" a more 
ample ace* of the sad condicon this poore & languishing country 
is now in, for what by the comon enemy ye Indians on one 
hand, & farr more by ye rebellions and outrages of the comon 
people this once hopeful! Country, if not timely assisted by the 
Kings Ma**** especiall care of us, will inevitably be ruined, and y^ 
yo*r hon*r may be truly informed of our p'nte condicon I have 
presumed to intimate thus: That the Indians haveing comitted 
many murders, our Assembly in March last, ordered y* 500 men 
should imediately be raised & in a readiness in forts att ye heads 
of the sevall Rivers, not onely for security of the fronteere 
plantacons but to Joyne with others, when necessary, this was 
thought the p'bable secure way, But Mr. Nath" Bacon Jun"^ dis- 
suading ye people from theire subjection to ye Laws, giveing out 
he would do strange matters & ease y° of their levies, the rabble 
rise, exclameing ag't the p'ceedeings of the Assembly and 
seeme weary of it, in y* itt was of 14 y'rs continuance; the Gov- 
ernor p'ceiveing a new Assembly would be grateful! Issues forth 
writts for new elections, and a new assembly mett here ye 5th 
instant, and Mr. Bacon by his ruleing faction was elected in 
Henrico County theire Burgess, who came in a Boate or sloope 
with 50 armed men & lyes before ye Towne, with intent that 
when ye house of Burgesses satt, to force his way amongst y™ 
Itt was judged he was not a fit p'son to sitt as Burgess, but that 
he should first be brought to answere the great charge ag't him, 
of this he was informed by some of his faction, & endeavVs to 
escape, upon w*''' several! boates with armed men were sent to 
force his submission and a Command from ye Governor to one 
Capt. Gardner (whose ship rides att sandy point) not to p'mitt 
him to pass: The small Boates p'sue him in y* shipp, by w^^ he is 
fyred att to come to Anchor and soe he was taken, & with all his 
men brought to Towne ye 7th instant & delivered to ye Goven'r, 
the whole intent was to cause him to submitt, & not obstruct the 
good intencons, & ways proscribed for carry on ye warr ag't ye 
Indians, for itt was not then fitt to precede violently, & use 

bacon's rebellion. 171 

seventy ag't him; the next day upon his humble submission to 
the Governor & faithfull p'mises y' he would continue peaceable 
& not head any faction or disorder, he is p'mitted to have 
Liberty, with this p'mise y^ upon his good behaviour he should 
have a commission, within fower dayes after he returnes home; 
The assembly p*ceede in ordering ye peace of the Country & 
p'secuteing ye warr ag't the Indians, But now Mr. Bacon studys 
revenge for his late confinement, & resolves to have what he will 
himselfe, privately possesseth ye people that many Injuries 
were offered him, and y* the Assembly were bringing greate 
taxes upon y" and soe he procures a greate number of necessi- 
tated & desp'ate p'sons, and on 

Thirsday 22th It was generally reported (& before night con- 
firmed) y* Mr. Bacon was marching hither with 500 men in 
Armes, the Cover* t thereupon orders y^ fower great Guns should 
be drawne from ye fort to sandy Bay (being a narrow passage & 
the onely in to this Island) which being don by the souldiers 
then on ye guard being about 30 of Coll Holts company & all 
y* could possibly in soe short a time be ready, Itt was purposed 
to raise a Barracadoe, but night coming prevented and such 
scouts as was sent out to observe Bacons mocon & strength were 
by him secured: 

ffryday 23th This morning the Govern' r went to the Sandy 
Bay in order to mounting ye Guns, and all ye cry was Armes, 
Armes, Bacon is within two myles of the Towne, where he was 
told ye Guns were planted ag't him, which caused him & all his 
men to resolve if a Gun was shott ag't y" to kill & distroy all; 
News being brought he was soe neere, and itt being considered 
there was so small a' number of souldiers in towne, (& those such 
as inclined to his faction rather than our safety the whole Country 
being paysoned by his specious pretences) the Guns were throwne 
off theire carridges, the Governor & all others returned to the 
state house, all men ordered to lay by theire Armes, (that being 
then the most politick way) Mr. Bacon with att least 400 foote ye 
scum of the Country, & 120 horse endred the sandy Bay, there 
leveing a p'ty to secure ye passage, then he marched into Towne, 
sends p'tyes to the ferry, River & fort, & draws his forces ag't 
the state house, where the Govern' r councell & Burgesses were 
sitting, expecting this fiery mans actions, and first he sends one 


of his Cap" requireinis ye Govern' r to send some of the Councell 
to him, Coll Spencer and Coll Cole were assigned to goe to him, 
he demanded ist that a comission should imediately be sent him 
as Gen" of all volunteeres ag't the Indians: 2**'^ to know how the 
looo: men ordered by the Assembly to be raised should be paid, 
if by a Levy, they declared they would not submitt to itt, all 
crying out Noe Levies: These demands were communicated to 
the Burgesses, who sent this resolve y^ what was 3 times read & 
passed (that is ye raiseing ye 1000 men at ye severall Counteys 
charge) could not be altered of w"^*" Mr. Bacon was informed with 
this desier of the Governor y' the p'ceedings of the Assembly 
might be redd att the head of Mr. Bacons Company for theire 
sattisfaccon, and on this assureance y^ he should have a comission, 
Mr. Bacon declared he would not be longer put off, he would 
not p'mitt any Laws to be read there, walking att the head of his 
men 'saying he would fane know who dare oppose him, upon w"'*' 
the Govern'r went to him saying for prevencon of ye efusion of 
Christian Blood lett you & I decide this controversye by our 
swords, come alohg with me. Mr. Bacon answered y^ was not his 
business, he came for redress of ye peoples grieveances; the 
Govern'r demanded, what they were, he replyed two were 
already delivered, & ye rest they would loudly proclaime. In ye 
meane time ye comission was prepared, & being sent to him, he 
read itt to souldiers, saying it was not sufficient, they must have 
a larger. Then it was left to him to make his exceptions, which 
he did in these words: The grounds of the comission are wholy 
dissatisfactory, the people desier the grounds may be as follow - 
eth. The assurance of my loyalty & First intencons, as alsoe ye 
Inclinacon of the people to follow me who have given them a 
sufficient of my sincere desires to serve the King and Country, 
for ye people expect me to be Gen" of the warr. This being 
carried to the Govern'r he was straingely provoked att the mans 
insolency & came & told him his hand should be cutt off rather 
then he would consent to bwne Mr. Bacons loyalty & ye like, he 
swore his useall oaths he would have itt, upon which to prevent 
utter ruin these proposealls were sent to the Burgesses to con- 
sider, & present theire sence & opinion concerning y", who de- 
bateing longer then he thought fitt, Mr. Bacon comes under ye 
window of ye house, calls to them saying you Burgesses I ex - 

bacon's rebellion. 173 

pect yo'r speedy result, his souldiers mounting theire Guns 
ready to fyer; Imediately (for in this minitt if not prevented all 
might have been in a flame) the Burgesses make it theire request 
to the Governor to Issue forth such a comission to Mr. Bacon, 
according to the heads of his proposals, and the Councell Joyne 
with ye Burgesses therein, soe a comission is ordered to he 
drawne, Night comes on, Mr. Bacon orders his men to theire 
severall guards, p'mitting none to goe out of Towne. 

Satterday 24th This morning the forced comission was 
delivered to Mr. Bacon, and some time after Capt. Gardner com- 
ing to Towne, was secured by the Souldiers & Mr. Bacon went 
into the house of Burgesses with his guard requireing ist, that 
sev'all p'sons who had beene active in obeying ye Governors 
Commands should be made uncapeable of all offices, 2^^, that 
being informed ye Governor had writt to his Ma'^ desiering Aid 
for suppressing ye tumults here & declaring Mr. Bacon a Rebell, 
Itt should be discov'd whither itt was soe or noe, & publiquely 
contradicted by ye Govern* r Councell & Burgesses: 3*'^, that he 
might have imediate order ag*t Gardner for 'jo^ (for his sloope 
he pretends lost when Gardner tooke him, & was not really 
worth 2P£). These demands were sent to ye Governor who 
declared he would rather suffer death then condiscend to them, 
but considering ye Ruin y' thretned us„ the Governor was re- 
quested by ye Burgesses to grant whatever Bacon demanded, 
which being don, severall p'sons were comitted prison" & now 
the souldiers begin to threten to pull downe our houses, Mr. 
Bacon alsoe requireing an Act of Indemnity, as alsoe the Gov- 
ernors Le'res to his Ma'^ Justifieing his p*ceedings; this day the 
Governor sent Mr. Henry Chickley to Bacon requireing him to 
p*mitt ye Governor to goe home, in y' he had beene in towne 
neere 3 weeks, itt is possitively denyed. Now taggragg & bob- 
layle carry a high hand, a Guard is sett upon the Governor & 
the rabble are appointing new Councellers. 

Sunday 25th This day the house of Burgesses mett to prepare 
business to Mr. Bacon's dispatch & by his direction Letters are 
writt to the Kings Ma*^ to certifie, what Bacon would please to 
direct & require, & now he gives out he will punish some of ye 
councell" many p!sons are forced to lye obscurely: yet we were 
in hopes they would have marched out of Towne in that they 


had the comission, & not loose time, the fronteere p'ts of Chicka- 

homony & new Kent being left without any forces whilst they 

were Lording itt over us but they delayed, giveing out they had 

not yett don, they would have ye oaths of ye Govern'r Councell 

& Burgesses for observing what was granted, But about Noone 

comes the sad news y^ the Indians had this morning killed 8 

p'sons att the heade of Chickahomony & in New Kent (from 

whense most of this rabble came) within 40 Myle of this place, 

This caused a suden Alarum, the Govern'r sent to Mr. Bacon to 

p'mitt him & the Burgesses to returne to their sev'all Countyes 

for defence ag't the Indians & p'sue y""; this caused a sooner 

ridance then otherwise would have beene, and on Monday 

morning Mr. Bacon with his men marched out of Towne, but 

when he intends out ag't the Indians is not yett knowne; yett 

the Govern'r hath Issued out comands for raiseing men & our 

security ag't ye Indians. 

Thus haveing given your hon'r a true ace' t of the passages of 

this Mr. Bacon, humbly leave itt to yo'r hon'rs consideracon to 

Judge what our p'sent calamities are, these people being soe 

Rebellious & the Govern'r being not able to reduce y*" God in 

his mercy grant such course may be taken as may be for the 

hon'r of the Kings Ma'^ & safety of this Country, which is the 

hearty prayers of 

Rt. Hon**'* 

Yo"^ Honn" obedient servant 

Wm. Sherwood. 
James Citty Virginia 

June 28th, 1676. 

Philip Ludwell's Account. 

[It is stated by William Lee, whose mother was a grand-daughter of 
Philip Ludwell, and who married, in England, his cousin, and was 
doubtless well acquainted with the family record or tradition, that the 
Lud wells were of German descent (Meade's **01d Churches and Fam- 
ilies of Virginia," II, 138); an account, which might seem to derive 
some confirmation from the resemblance of their name to Lud wig, and 
from the black eagles in their arms. Perhaps they were Protestant 
refugees, the first of whom we are informed was Thomas Ludwell of 
Bruton, county Somerset, mercer, who married, before May 3d, 1632, 

bacon's rebellion. 175 

Jane, daughter of James Cottington, of Discoe in the parish of Bruton, 
Gentleman. James Cottington was the son of Philip Cottington, Gent., 
of Godminster, Somerset, and was brother of Philip, Lord Cottington , 
prominent as a Statesman and Diplomatist temp Charles I, and Charles 
II (Wm. Lee, in Meade, and English Chancery Proceedings, case of 
Ludwell V, Worsley, in William and Mary Quarterly, Oct., 1892, p 49.) 

Thomas and Jane Ludwell had two sons, who came to Virginia, and 
were for many years prominent. Thomas and Philip. They were both 
natives of Bruton. which was also the birth-place of Sir William Berkeley, 
and (according to the most reliable accounts) Jane, wife of Philip Cotting- 
ton of Godminster, and mother of Maurice (a favorite Berkeley name). 
Philip (Lord Cottington) and James (father of Mrs. Ludwell) was a 
Berkeley (Dictionary of National Biography), both of which might be 
reasons for their long and intimate friendship with Governor Berkeley. 

Colonel Philip Ludwell came to Virginia, probably, about 1660, and 
soon became deputy Secretary, an office he held during life. He was 
appointed to the Council, taking the oath March 4, 167J, and in the 
next year was one of the most efficient supporters of Governor 
Berkeley. He retired with the Governor to the Eastern Shore, and 
when they were followed by Giles Bland with a force of Bacon's ad- 
herents, he dealt the insurrection a severe blow, by boarding (with the 
connivance and afterwards assistance of the captain) the vessel in 
which Bland was, and captured him, and shortly afterwards, all the 
vessels of his small squadron. (Campbell's History of Virginia, 306). 
He also sat on most of the courts (martial and civil), which tried the 
supporters of Bacon. It was afterwards charged that he and Beverley, 
by their advice to Berkeley, caused the ** Civil War," and it is very 
probable that from his "rash and fiery temper," of which the English 
Lords of Trade and Plantations spoke of later, that he may have 
given advice which led to such disastrous results. 

It would seem from an examination of various histories and records 
of the period, that, at the outbreak of Bacon's Rebellion, the controlling 
powers in the colony were the Governor, with the Ludwells and Thos. 
Ballard, in the Council; and a majority of the House of Burgesses, who 
were greatly influenced by the then clerk, Major Robert Beverley, who 
was one of the most active members of the ruling party. This party 
resented the interference of Moryson, Jeffreys and Berry, the .commis- 
sioners sent from England to suppress the insurrection, while the latter 
were supported by a part of the Council, jealous of the ruling clique or 
opposed to Berkeley's bloody measures of repression; and by a consider- 
able number (but apparently a minority) of the leading men of the vari- 
ous counties, and by the populace. The contemporary records are full of 
instances of the antagonism between the Governor's party always sup- 
ported by the House of Burgesses, and the commissioners, a feeling 
equally evidenced on both sides. After the recall of Berkeley and the 


succession of Jeffreys as Governor, this contest, with Philip Ludwell and 
Robert Beverley as leaders of the "Green Spring faction," as their 
enemies termed them, continued. 

In 1677, Ludwell sued a former adherent of Bacon, w^ho was given 
protection by the Governor, Jeffreys. This excited the " rash and fiery 
temper " (which is spoken of in this connection), and Ludwell gave 
public expression of opinion (as reported) that Jeffreys "was a worse 
rebel than Bacon, for he had broke the laws of the country which Bacon 
never did; that he was perjured ; was not worth a groat in England, and 
that if every pitiful little fellow with a periwig that came in Governor 
of this country had the liberty to make the laws as he had done, his 
children nor no man's else could be safe in the title or estate left them." 
(Campbell's History of Virginia, 327-328). 

In December, 1677, Jeffreys writes that Col. Philip Ludwell was under 
restraint for opposition to him, and both parties appealed to England, 
where, before the Committee of Trade and Plantations, Moryson re- 
turned Ludwell's hard language to his former colleague, by styling him 
(Ludwell) an "inconsiderable fellow," and Beverley a "Pirate" (re- 
ferring to charges of plundering during the rebellion), and it was also 
charged that Ludwell and his brother (advised by the council) con- 
cealed for some time the King's letter, of May 15, 1677, promising 
mercy and indemnity, under a pretence of false information. The 
Lords of Trade and Plantations, on Feb. 10, 1675, ordered Ludwell and 
Thomas Ballard to be excluded from the council. 

There was no farther action, as, in 168 r, he was in England, and tes- 
tified as to the desirability of still keeping troops in Virginia, while, De- 
cember 12, 1681, Lord Culpeper writes from Virginia that at the request 
of the whole Council, he had appointed Col Ludwell to the Council in 
the place of Col. Parke, deceased. The feeling with which the Burgesses 
regarded the action of the government in excluding Ludwell and Bal- 
lard, is show n by their choice of the latter as their speaker in June, 
1680, and November, 1682 At the session of October, 1686, the Gov- 
ernor, Effingham, endeavored to get the House of Burgesses to au- 
thorize the laying of levies by the Governor and Council. This was 
at once resisted by the representatives and a stormy session followed, 
in which they, warmly suppprted by Ludwell, not only utterly refused 
the Governor's request; but raised questions touching the power of 
his negative, and even, it was charged, " rudeley and boldly disputed 
the King's authority." They were of course dissolved, incurring the 
high displeasure of the King when he was informed, and Ludwell, who, 
Effingham and his adherents charged with being the chief agent, was 
suspended from the council, for fomenting the troubles in the House of 
Burgesses. On June 12, 1687, the King confirms the Governor's action, 
and extended the sentence to dismissal. 

This dismissal no doubt only increased Ludwell's popularity, and 

bacon's rebellion. 177 

the office of deputy Surveyor-general which he still held (under his 
brother-in-law. Col. Alexander Culpeper), enabled him to show that he 
was "of the same opinion still/' and also to help old friends in a way 
that seemed to have greatly annoyed the Governor's party. Secretary 
Spencer, writing to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, F^b. 26, 168^, 
complains that when Major Arthur Allen (Speaker of the late House) 
was turned out of his surveyor's place by the Governor, Ludwell had 
given it to Major Samuel Swann, **as troublesome as any of the rest," 
and had given the surveyor's place,held by Beverley (who had also been 
deprived of all of his offices), to his (Beverley's) son. An additional 
aggrivation seemed to be, that this was '* one of the best surveyor's 
places in the country." 

The Governor's exactions and oppressions continuing, the House of 
Burgesses, at a session held in the fall of 1688, which doubtless passed 
no laws, as it is not noticed in Hening (we find in Henrico, October 12, 
1688, an appropriation for paying their Burgesses charges, for twenty- 
eight days service — seemingly the services here referred toi; but which 
in their name, the council refusing to concur, petitioned the King for 
relief, and requested Col. Ludwell to present their petition. 

This he did on March 28, 1689, delivering to the Privy Council in 
England, a petition from the " Commons of Virginia represented by the 
House of Burgesses." The matter was for some time under considera- 
tion, and the petition was offered by Effingham, who described how 
Ludwell had been several times removed from the council, and had 
constantly opposed his government ; but the time was propitious, and 
Ludwell was successful in obtaining a favorable decision on most of the 
points embraced. On May 7, 1691, the House of Burgesses passed a 
vote of thanks to him for his ** indefatigable and prosperous endeav- 
ours," and ordered /*25o sterling to be paid him as an acknowledg- 
ment from the country and towards a reimbursement of his great and 
necessary expenses. (Cal. Va. State Papers). Before this, he had been, 
December 5, 1689, appointed Governor of northern Carolina, and held 
office there three years, bringing, apparently, that disturbed colony to 
comparative peace. No complaint, says Hawks, either from proprietors 
or people, appears during his four years' rule. In 1693, he was made 
Governor of both North and South Carolina,and look immediate charge 
of the former, but a year's experience of its quarrels made him glad to 
retire in 1694 to Virginia. 

His public life ended about this period, and he returned to England, 
where he died (some time after 1704) and was buried at Bow Church, 
near Stratford (in Middlesex,. 

A number of his letters, several of them giving accounts of Bacon's 
Rebellion, remain in the English Public Record Office. The abstracts 
from the Records in that receptacle, which were made for the Slate of 


Virginia by Mr. Sainsbury, give much information in regard to each of 
the Ludwells. 

Colonel Philip Ludwell married in or before 1667, (I) Lucy, widow of 
Col. William Bernard, and before of Major Lewis Burwell, and daughter 
of Robert Ijigginson; and (II) Lady Frances Berkeley (nee Culpeper;, 
widow of Governor Sir William Berkeley. Lord Culpeper, writing 
to Ryland in Oct., 1680, says, "My Lady Berkeley is married to Mr. Lud- 
well, and thinks no more of our world." By her, whose beauty is still 
evinced by a portrait (C. F. Lee, Jr., New England Historical and Ge- 
nealogical Register), and high spirit and courage by various contemp- 
orary documents (Sainsbury's Abstracts) he had no issue ; but by the 
first marriage, ist Colonel Philip Ludwell of " Greenspring," Auditor 
and member of the Council; born at " Carter's creek,'* Gloucester Co., 
Feb. 4, 1672, died January 11, i72f, who married, Nov. 11, 1697, Hannah, 
daughter of Benjamin Harrison of Wakefield (and was grandfather of 
R. H. and F. L. Lee, the signers); and a daughter, Jane, who married 
Colonel Daniel Parke, Jr., and was the granddaughter of Daniel Parke 
Custis, first husband of Mrs. Washington. 

A pedigree of the Ludwell family, by the late C. F. Lee. Jr., is con- 
tained in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, and an 
engraving of the arms is given. ] 

Virg* June 28th, 1676. 
Rt. Hon'''''* 

I doubt not but yo'r Hon* r has heard of ye late Distressed con- 
dicon of this poor Countrey, both ffrom o^ Barbarouse enemies 
the Indians, & the great likelyhood of a fifatall addition to it by a 
Rebelliouse mutine raised by Mr. Nathaniell Bacon- Jun', w*** is 
now contrarie to^e Law of God or man, come to that prodigiouse 
height that indeed I think no Glorie either ancient or modern 
can outdoe, blond [Bland ?] only excepted,! must confess it was my 
Duty to have Given yo*r Hon'r an Earlier acco't of affaiers heer 
w*''' I had certainly done but observeing the unequall modon o* 
the humors, I willingly defered it till I could give yo^r Hda'r a 
more full acco*t by w"** you might ye Better Guess at the Disease 
& then I humbly hope, & heartily pray, that God in his mefcy, 
will Divert yor'r Hon*r, to Indeavor a fitt Remedy for it. Wiich 
will oblige many thousands of poore soules to pray for jp'r 
Hon'r many of w"^ now (being mislet) Industriously Digg V 
theire owne Ruine, & must undoubtedly, w'^'out his most saci^ 

* Secretary Williamson. 


bacon's rebellion. 179 

Ma**** Graciouse helping hand, languish and wither away to 
noething, I most humbly Begg yo'r Hon'rs p'don for my fformer 
neglect & for the long trouble I am forced to Give you in this 
foil Relacon, w"*" I humbly lay before you, & begg the accept- 
ance of it w'** this Confidence, that I have not erred ffrom ye 
thruth in any one circumstance, as neer as the Great Distraction 
wee are in, will give me leave haveing not yett been 2 dayes out 
of Durance, where ye Governo'r Councell, & Burgesses w*"* 
Divers others were strictly kept, by Mr. Bacon & about 500 of 
ye scume of the country, 3 Dayes, in all w'''* tyme wee had 
noething in o' prospect but the howerly thretning to throw all 
in Confuseion & Distruction untill he had obteined his most un- 
reasonable & lUegall Demands, for Confirmacon of this sad 
truth here are many miserable evidences. Wee had an Assembly 
& in March last, whose only bussiness was to consult of ye ffittest 
& best meanes to Destroy our enemie Indians ye Result where 
was, that for ye Better secureing the Borders, till an Armie 
Could be Raised to march out upon them, a ffort, w*** a consider- 
able number of well Armed men, should be erected at ye head 
of each River, w''^ was accordingly w"* all expedicon p'secuted & 
a convfiniente army forthwith to be Raised; but whilest this is 
in Action Mr. Bacon, a man of little above one years experience 
in ye Countrey, pr'tending to be wiser than the whole Countrey 
Infuses into the people ye unusefullness of those forts & the vast 
Charge it must bring on the people, w*'^ though they were both 
very ffalse arguments yet tooke w"* ye comon people, w*"" he 
finding, procecutes it & Gathers about him a Rabble of the 
basest sort of People, whose Condicion was such, as by a chaunge 
could not admitt of worse, w'*" these he begins to stand at Defy- 
ance ag^t the Government, & by his emisaries (the poyson being 
pleasant & sympathetique w^*" the humers) in an Instant Infected 
almost every corner of the Countrey, to ye utter destroying 
those Good Rules before prescribed ffor the more certaine p'for- 
mance, of what he pretended, but failed to effect with more ease 
to ye Countrey & In shorter tyme. The Govern'r now p'ceiving 
the Disease to Grow Daungerouse and by its spreading, the 
Cure Difficult, uses all possible meanes to reclaime him from his 
mutinouse wayes, both by his positive comands to him to lay 
Downe his unlawfull Armes & by freque"*' councells to lett him 


see ye Daunger of forceing those probable Designes out of that 
hopefull channell where ye Representatives of the whole Countrey 
had put them, but ye GovernoVs comands and Advise, & ye Ad* 
vice of ye whole councell often sent him being equally Despised, 
he proceeds, not only w*** out comicon but as I told yor Hon'r 
contrarie to positive order & comand; his ffirst exployt was, be- 
fore he Gott out of ye English plantacons he seized two Indians, 
a man & a Boy, who then did & always had lived in peace & 
friendship amongst the English, these he bound to trees, & w^ 
much Horror & cruelty put to Death, w%ut examining their 
crime, I should have told yo'r Hon'r that before his march he 
left noe way unattempted to Drive our neighbor friend Indians 
away from us, who ye Governo'r had alwayes most prudently 
Indeavored to p^'serve, being as necessarie for us as Doggs to 
hunt wolves, w*"* p'tly by severe threts of Destroying them & 
p*tly by telling them very false story es of ye Governo*rs Inten- 
tions to them, was at last effected, & they p'ceiveing how Mr. 
Bacon slighted & contemned the Governo'r could not be Re- 
duced to their townes by all the Art the Governo'r could use, 
Aleadging that If the Governo'r could not Rule Mr. Bacon & 
his crue, they could not Imagine how he could protect them. 

by this meanes we have not now, that we know of, hardly lOo 
ffriend Indians on all o' Borders Round, & at least 1500 enemies 
more then wee needed to have had w'''' continually prey upon o' 
frontier plantacons, & are now our worst enemies, haveing had a 
ffrequent free Intercourse amongst us these 20 odd years. & well 
knowing o*" Plantacons and manner of Liveing. 

But to Retourne to Mr. Bacon; he marched out w^ about 300 
in his comp"^ to a Nation called ye Occaneechees who lived on an 
Island about 150 miles southward from ye ifalis of James River, 
on w*'** they had a ffort; ye susquehana Indians, w''** were o"^ 
enemies, haveing (alter the great mischiefe Done us on Rappa- 
hannock in ffeb'^' last), seated themselves in two forts neer them, 
where at their first comeing they Indeavor by all means to 
p'swade Persicles, the occameechee King to Joyne w*** them in 
cutting off the English, both by severe menaces. & Great offers 
of Reward all w*"*" he refused & presently sent in Runers to Give 
notion to ye English, of what was done. Mr. Bacon being Come 
w^in some small distance of the Island w'''* Persicles haveing^ 

bacon's rebellion. 181 

notice of, made Ready all his canoes & men & wafted Mr. Bacon 
& his men into the Island, & in friendly maner Lead them to 
their ffort, where to their Abillitie they Reffreshed them being 
tyred & hungry, after this they ffall to consultation; Mr. Bacon 
Demands where the Susquehannas were they told him they had 
one fort 5 miles off w*** about 30 or 40 Indians in it & another 10 
miles off w"* a very considerable number of men besides woeman 
& children. 

Mr. Bacon told them he would Goe & take the neerest ffort, 
they Replyed, your men are weary, & want sleep, & not fitt for 
service you shall stay & Rest heer, & wee will Goe & take the 
ffort for you & bring you an acco'tof it, w'''' being concluded, ye 
next day ye occaneechees march away, & assault ye ffort, takes 
it & destroys all ye Indians in it, only ye prisoners they bring 
back w^^ the plunder, & 6 Indians called manakins, who ye sus- 
quehannos had forced to Goe w*^ them to fight, when they Re- 
turned into their Island back to their fort, they tell Mr. Bacon 
what they had & present the 7 prisoners, & ask what he would 
have done w'^ y" who answeared, kill them w''** they Imediately 
obey, w"* all ye Exquisite tortures after their manner, then Mr. 
Bacon demands the plunder, & the 6 manakin Indians, to which 
Persicles Answered that since his men had taken all the paines 
& Run a Great * hazard, he thought it was but Reasonable his 
men had the plunder for their Incouragem'nt & for ye six mana- 
kins since to his knowledge they had alwayes been frends to ye 
English & his p'ticular frends, & very Instrumental in takeing ye 
fort he hoped they might be excused, but Mr. Bacon p'sisting in 
his Demands the King told him for quietness sake, & that he 
might ye more shew his ffreindship to the English, he should 
have halfe, but desired his men might have ye rest, & w*'* all was 
Inclinable to deliver up ye manakins, w°^ would not doe ; in this 
tyme ye manakins p'ceiving they were like to be Given up to ye 
mercy of ye English, ffrom whome they well saw what they must 
expect one of them fired a gun & killed an English man, on w'''' 
the English Imediately ffall on ye occameechees, when hapned a 
very sharp Incounter in w'^^ fell some 10 of Mr. Bacons men in 
the place, & 6 or 7 dead since of their wounds, & about 40 or 50 

* Ye ^usquehanos being a stout nation, and never forget an Injurie. 


of the Indians, amongst w""" was Persicles. who had^ qv 7^ Character 
by all that knew him of a very Brave man & ev^Q]^ cr true to ye 
English. iise, 

Mr. Bacon & his men make a very hasty Ret^Hy "ait off ye Isle 
leaveing one Drum behind & their dead unbery^]^ «ed, & so Re- 
tourne w"* their Plunder, & some ffew woeman Joyiaod children 
prisoners w*** they dispose of at their pleasure w** \wo'<wt makeing 
any adress to the Governo'r to give him an ac(?^ ro't of their 
p'ceedings. Att his Retourne ye Governo'r sends ay^egaio to him 
to lay downe his Armes & come in & submitt himselfe^jn:, w*^ bdng 
often done & as oft rejected, in such wise that ye Govti^g^nio'r was 
forced to send out declaracons into all p'ts of ye Counties js, where- 
in he declares him openly a Rebell, w*''' were publishtvyed in all 
p*ts, but ye County wherein Mr. Bacon lives & there ^he Jus- 
tices being mttt in the Court house & the Sheriff about I'^o pub- 
lish it, haveing read p't. Mr. Bacon comes in w^^ about 40 ^rmed 
men, & comanded the sheriff to forbear, thretning him tewibly 
If he proceeded, on w*'^ ye cort thought ffitt, & accordingly de- 
sisted, & that day being ye day for ye electon of Burgesses, Mr. 
Bacon was by his Ruleing p*ty chosen one of the Burgesses for 
that County, On the 5th of June the Assembly were to meet, 
when the GovernoV & councell, & many Burgesses appeared at 
Ja: Cytty; on teusday ye 6th of June Mr. Bacon comes downe ye 
River in a sloope w^ about 50 armed men, & in the night lands 
w^*^ 20 of his men at a place called ye Sandy Bay neer halfe a 
. mile ffrom James towne, & marches into the towne about mid- 
night w*** his men, where he held a private conference at ye house 
of one Mr. Lawrence with him, & one Drumond, about three 
bowers, & then departed to his Boates, where they were dis- 
covered & an alarme Imediately Given Into the towne, on which, 
Care was presently taken to fitt out Boates w"* armed men to 
p'sue him, who though they could not take him yett fforced him 
up on the shipps to whome notice was Given, where about 3 in 
ye afternoone he was taken, & that evening 

brought to towne w"* his men, where he went on his parroll & 
his men kept w*^ a Guard three Dayes, after w*'** Mr. Baoon have- 
ing on his knee p'sented the Governor, in open cort w*^ a ffull & 
free submission & actknowledgment, and Ingaged his Estate & 
Honer never to doe the like, but to use his best & utmost In- 

bacon's rebellion. . 183 


deavors to allay those Great comotions, w''^ now Grew high & 
ffeirce, he & his men were Released, ye loth & went out of 
Towne, on w'^'* day Mr. Bacon, to obleige him ye more was 
againe sworne of the Councell & the Governo'rs promise that 
on his future Good behavior he should have a Comicon to Raise 
Voluntiers to Goe ag' the Indians, w*** w*"*" he seemed well sattis- 
fyed, but this lasted not long, ffor instead of p' forming his ob- 
ligacon, on ye Contrarie Indeavors by all means under hand to 
raise men & heighten ye old Comotions, of w*"* wee had flying 
reports brought us but such as wee Could Give little Creditt to, 
Especially not Imagining it could be in the nature of man to 
violate such promises as this man made openly, & Give in wright- 
ing & as openly Broake. 

The Assembly took little notice of him, being desirouse to . 
ffinish their Buisiness, that they might be at their homes to secure 
their families & Estates from ye murder & Rapine of ye who 
press hard upon us, untill Mr. Bacon had Gotten at severall 
places about 500 men, whose fortunes & Inclinations being 
equally desperate, were ffitt for ye purpose there being not 20 
in ye whole Route, but what were Idle & will not worke, or such 
whose Debaucherie or 111 Husbandry has brought in Debt beyond 
hopes or thought of payment these are the men that are sett up 
ffor the Good of ye Countrey; who for ye ease of the poore will 
have noe taxes paied, though for ye most p' of them, they pay 
none themselves, would have all magislracie & Government taken 
away & sett up one themselves, & to make their Good In- 
tentions more manifest stick not to talk openly of shareing mens 
Estates among them selves, with these (being Drawne together) 
Mr. Bacon marches speedly toward the towne, ye Governor 
baveing sent severall to him to know his Intencons. some were 
deteined, others could bring us noe other news but that they In- 
tended ag't the Indians. 

On ye 23th June he came into the towne, there being no fforce 
to resist him, or could be Gotten in soe short a tyme, and pre- 
sently drawes up his men before the state house door where the 
Governor, Councell & Burgesses were sitting; after he had sent 
his Guards out to secure all p'ts of the Island the Governor sent 
out 2 of ye councell to Demand what they came ffor, Mr. Bacon 
Replyes they were come for a comicon ; ye councello" told him 


they would Informe ye Governor & send him ye Result, he sayed 
he expected it, after a short debate beings found in Vaine to Re- 
fuse, order was Given for ye Drawing a comicon to be comand' 
in chief of all ye voluntier souldiers to Goe ag't the Indians, m""^ 
was all he fTorm^ly p* tended to, but ye comicon being drawne & 
sent him for his p' usall, he liked it not, but drawes up the heads 
of what he would have, w*^ was to be Gen"*" of all the fforces in 
Virg' ag't ye Indians w^*^ such large expressions in it, as I think 
have been seldome Granted by any, that were theire owne men, 
This being sent to the Governor he went out to Mr. Bacon & 
told him he would Rather have both his hands cutt off then 
Graunt such a comicon as he would have, & in ye midest of his 
comp' chalenged him to come out & w^ his sword, at ye head of 
them, to decide ye controversie, but Mr. Bacon Refused telling 
him that was not his Buissiness, but his comicon he would have, 
& w^^ all comands his men to their armes, and Runs to ye State 
house doore, & lookeing up to the window where ye Burgesses 
were, demaunded of them (w"* above lOO Gunns Ready cockt & 
presented at them) If he should have ye comicon, telling them 
w"* all If they Refused, that he would Imediately pull downe ye 
house, & have all our Bloud, all w""* being bound w"* such Dread - 
full, new coyned oaths of w''*' (as If he thought God was delighted 
w^ his Ingenuite in that kind) he was very liberall. 

the house desire a little Respitt, & told him he presently have 
their answear, you may Imagine S^ yeconsultacon was not long, 
but ye house send a supplycation to ye Governor to Grannt ye 
comicon in Mr. Bacons forme, w"** was done, yo'r Hon'r may- 
Guess how willingly, but wee were willing to be ridd of him 
supposeingthis had been all, but other propositions and demands, 
very hard ones, (followed, w*^ ffor expedicon, as long as they 
concerned not life or limb were Granted as fast as they came, 
haveing upon us not only ye expectacon of haveing all our 
throates presently Cutt, butt the ffears of ye Indians on our 
Borders, & our serv** at home, who (If God prevent not their 
takeing hold of this Great advantage), must carry all, beyond 
Remedy to destracon. 

the laws of this assembly being hastyly finished, were put out 
to be read to the people, supposeing they might have made some 
Converts, but they Rise up like a swarme of Bees & swear they 

bacon's rebellion. 185 

will hear noe lawes, nor have any but what they pleased, w""", have- 
ing Reason by their behaviour to take for Granted, ye lawes 
were withdrawne; this continued until Sunday the 25th, when 
about 10 or 1 1 a clock came newes that the Indians had been 
ffoule & murthered eight of our people more at two severall 
places on York River, one w'^'in 23 miles of us, neer 40 miles 
w*^in our ffronteir plantacons. 

this Begins to startle some of his men that lived neer those 
parts, w**" Mr. Bacon p'ceiving was forced to cutt shorter then 
he Intended. 

the Governor on this newes, sends to the speaker & desires 
him to call the house together, that some speedy cource may be 
taken to prevent these mischiefes, & in ye meane tyme desires 
S' Henry Chicheley to Goe to Mf. Bacon & demand what he 
Intended, & that either he himselfe should march away to secure 
ye people from ye Indians, or suffer us to Goe to our Respective 
countyes that a fforce might Immediately be raised to march out 
& suppress those Barbarous villaines, who tooke ye advantage 
of those parts being weakned by his drawing ye men away. 

but he sent ye Governor word he had yett other demands to 
make, w""" being Granted, he would Goe, those demands being 
sent in were presently Graunted, as before. 

Sunday in the afternoone the Lawes were Redd in ye court- 
house before ye Governor councell & Burgesses after ye usuall 
manner, & the assembly disolved, & in the eveng Mr. Bacon 
thought ffitt to suffer severall people to Goe out of towne the 
Governor for one, who had sent three tymes before, to desire 
leave only to Goe home and see how his ffamilie did, but was 
still denied till now. 

The next morning, he marched out of the towne by w"' all 
were released ffrom their durance, he is now marched up toward 
where ye last mischief was done, I suppose only to sattisfy his 
men who would else (many of them have left him) for w**out 
question, If his men could have been kept together, he would 
not have Gone from ye towne, till he had made some demaund 
that could not have been Graunted to Give a speciouse pretence 
to his desperate designes I doubt it will not be long ere wee hear 
of him again. 

I most humbly beg yo*r Honors p'don ffor this tediouse des- 


cource, I have drawn it as short as possible I could, there are 

many circumstances more w*"^ should I have sett downe, I doubt 

I should have tired your patience, I have noe more to add but 

to become an humble supplicant to yo' r Honor, as I doubt not 

but o'r Agents will, that yo'r honor will be pleased to be a me- 

diatour w^^ his most sacred Ma^"" ffor this poore languishing 

country, which now lyes Gasping under .the violent pressures •f 

unreasonable men ; w"*" will not only oblige all the Good people 

of this Country, but hereafter, even the madd actors themselves 

ffor ever to pray ffor yo'r Honors health & prosperitie in this 

world, & that you may have a crowne of Glory in the next as a 

Just reward of yo'r Virtues. 

Yo'r Honors most obedient & most humble 


Phill: Ludwell. 

Prize Money of the Squadron under John Paul Jones, Esq. — Notice 
i s hereby given to those officers and men of the frigates Alliance and 
Bon Homme Richard, who are eoXitled to a share in the prizes taken 
by the squadron under the command of John Paul- Jones, Esq. ; that a 
division has been made of the proceeds of such prizes as were sold in 
France, and that the shares will be paid to the respective claimants, or 
their legal representatives, on their producing at this office, sufficient 
proof that they are the persons, or are empowered by the persons 
actually entitled to the shares they respectfully claim. 

Benjamin Waller, Commissioner. 
Office of Accounts, Marine Department, New York, Nov. 1787. 
— The Virginia Independent Chronic le^ Dec. 5, 1787. 

Price Current from a Richmond Newspaper of September 20 ^ 1786— 
" Tobacco, good weight, 23s. to 24s. per 100 ; do. light ditto, 20s. to 
2 IS. 6d. Flour, Augusta, 32s. ; ditto, Baltimore, 36s. to 38s. ; ditto coun- 
try produce, 34s. to 36s. Deer skins, is. 6d. to is. 8d. per lb. Ginseng, 
IS. 8d. to 2S. per lb. Sarsaparilla, none at market. Beef, 4I. to 4I. 5S- 
per barrel. Pork, 4I. ditto. Corn, 28s. ditto. Oats, 2s. 6d. per bushel. 
(6 shillings to the dollar Virginia currency, so the tobacco would be 
$3.66^ to |4 per 100). Flour, Augusta, $5.33 >^ ; do. Baltimore, $6 to 
$6.33 >^ ; do. country produce, $5,662^ to |6. Deer skins, 25 cts. to 
33/i cts. per lb. Ginseng, 28 cts. to 33^^ cts. per lb. Beef, |i3..33>3 ^o 
$14.14 per barrel. Pork, $1333^ P®*" barrel. Corn, $4.66 per barrel. 
Oats, 43^^ cts. per bushel. 


Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents. 

Prepared by W. G. Stanard. 


(23) Richard Tree, [i] of James City, Carpenter; "who came to 
this country with Master Abraham Persey, [2] Cape Merchant, as a fore- 
man " ; 50 acres in James City Island, adjoining the land of Edward 
Grindall. Granted 1624. 

.) NOTESk 

[i] Richard Tree was member of the House of Burgesses for Hog 
Island, i6i7 and 1629. In October, 1629, " Goodman Tree *' agreed to 
furnish one man for the party who were to plant corn at Kiskiack 
(Hening I, 140). He had a son, John, who was born 1612, and was 

[2] Abraham Persey, Merchant; came to Virginia in the ship Susan, 
in 1616, and was for a number of years (as early as 1619) Cape-Mer- 
chant or Treasurer of the Colony. He was also member of the Coun- 
cil, and in 1624 was one of the five commissioners appointed by the 
King to examine into the condition of affairs in Virginia. His com- 
mercial transactions appear to have been so extensive and successful that 
after his death (October, 1628), his brother John Persey, or Peissly, who 
claimed a debt of £a^, informed the English Privy Council, in 1633, 
that his estate ''should rise to the sum of ;f5ooo," while January 18, 
1 638-^9, Governor Harvey and the Virginia Council say that eleven 
years before Abraham Persey " left the best estate that was ever yet 
known in Virginia, to his daughter, HilPs wife." While Captain Sam- 
uel Matthews, who married Persey's widow, was in England in i638-*9, 
his estate in Virginia was seized by orders of the Virginia authorities, 
under pretence that he was largely indebted to Persey's children ; but 
Matthews (who had, March 15, i633-*4. presented an account of the 
estate which came into his hands in 1629, stated that the most part of it 
was in tobacco, which at that time yielded not 2d clear of charges, the 
plantation Persey had lived on and a house and store at James City, were 
"of the greatest value," but because of the high price none would pur- 
chase), appealed to the Privy Council and after an investigation, he 
obtained judgment in his favor, the Council directing all of his estate 
of every kind to be returned to him, and full satisfaction made for his 
losses; and at the same time rejecting a petition of Hill against Mat- 
thews. It is evident that it was clear that Matthews had been virtually 
robbed. As Harvey married the widow of Richard Stephens and daugh- 
ter of Persey, the whole proceeding was doubtless (though his claim 
does not appear) on his part a job, and another evidence of his infinite 


capacity for rascality. Among other lands Abraham Persey owned 
Flowerdieu Hundred (i^oooacres), and Weyanoke (2,200 acres), which he 
purchased from Sir George Yeardley (Hening I. 145;. In his will, 
dated March, 1626, " Abraham Piersey of Piersey*s Hundred, Esquire," 
directs that all his estate in Virginia (after legacies to his brother 
John Piersey, in England, ;f2o sterling, sister Judith Smithson, £20 
sterling, and his wife's son, Nathaniel West, ;£'2o sterling), shall be sold, 
and gives his wife one- third and one-twelfth, and his daughters Mary 
and Elizabeth ''the other one* third part, one-sixth part and one-twelfth 
part.*' He names as overseers of his estate in Virginia and assistants 
to his wife, his well beloved friends Mr. Grevil Pooly, Minister, and 
Mr. Richard Kingsmill, of James City Island, Gentleman ; and, for 
business in England, his well beloved friend Mr. Delionel Russell, of 
London, Merchant. A copy of the will (which has been printed in 
Neill's Virginia Carolorum), sent to England in 1634, was attested by 
"Ben. Harryson, CI. Con." [Clerk of the Council]; Persey was a 
widower when he came to Virginia, and married in 1625, Frances, 
widow of Nathaniel West, of West and Shirley Hundred, a brother of 
Lord Delaware. In 1629 she married (III; Captain Samuel Matthews 
(also a widower), afterwards Governor of Virginia. 

Persey's issue by his first marriage was: I Elizabeth, born 1610; 
came to Virginia in the Southampton, 1623, and married, as is stated in 
a later patent, [i] Captain Richard Stephens, member of the Council ; 
[2] Sir John Harvey, Governor; II Mary, born 1614; came to Virginia 
with her sister; married before 1638, Thomas Hill. At the date 
named she and her husband were living in Virginia, and had two chil- 

Sainsbury's Abstracts contain several petitions, letters, orders, &c., 
relating to Persey's estate, and the seizure of that of Matthews. 

(24) Maurice Thompson, [i] of Elizabeth City, gentleman ; who 
has remained in the colony four years, 150 acres midway between 
"Newport's Newse," [2] and Blunt Point. Head rights: George 
Tompson and John Bembridge. 1624. 


[i] The first of Maurice Thompson's family recorded in the visita- 
tion of Hertfordshire, 1634, was Robert Thompson " that come out of 
ye North," married and had Maurice, of Cheshunt, Hertfordshire, who 
married Katherine Harvay, and had Ralph Thompson, of Walton, 
Hertfordshire, living in 1634, married Elizabeth, daughter of John Hars- 
nett, and had issue I Maurice (the patentee); II George (who for a time 
lived in Va.); Ill William (lived in Va.); IV Paul (lived in Va.); V 


Robert ; VI Elizabeth, married — Stokes, rector of Walton. There was 
also a sister, or half-sister of these, Mary, wife of Captain William 
Tucker, of Virginia. 

Maurice Thompson came to Virginia in 1620, and after remaining 
several years returned to England, and settled in London, where, as 
early as 1639, he was a merchant. He was a man of great enterprise 
in business affairs, and also took part in public life. 

He began a fishery at Cape Ann (Winthrop); in i64i,with a company, 
he was erecting sugar works in Barbadoes. And a little later was en- 
deavoring to establish a trade in^ bullocks from Virginia to those islands. 
He took the side of the Parliament during the Rebellion, and in Decem- 
ber, 1649, was examined by a committee of Admiralty as to what the 
interests of the Commonwealth required in Virginia. His eldest son, 
Sir Jno. Thompson, long a prominent member of the House of Com- 
mons, was created May 4, 1696, Baron Haversham. 

In the English Public Record Office, is an information, dated June 
24, 1666, in which it is stated that a Dutchman had been heard to say 
that the intelligence by which their cruisers had been so successful, had 
been derived from Maurice Thompson, and his " brother Major." He, 
it continues, had always been violent against Kingly government ; was 
intimate with Cromwell ; sat on some of the high Courts of Justice, and 
sentenced some of the beheaded lords. That he was a poor man in 
Virginia ; but had gotten a great estate, chiefly from the King's party. 
The persons to whom this report was referred appear to ignore the 
spy's charge ; but find that at the beginning of the war, Maurice Thomp- 
son, Hugh Peters and Nicholas Corsellis, a dutchman, went to Holland 
to collect money for the distressed Piotestants in Ireland. There is 
also a statement that his brother, Major Robert Thompson,was so great 
with Cromwell, that he had nearly married his daughter ; he began 
with nothing, but rose high enough to purchase ;^2,2oo in Bishops' 
lands, and lost it at the Restoration, so he brags he hates not the per- 
sons, but the office of Bishops ; he was six years a navy commissioner 
for the Protector, and is bold, full of malice and enbittered against 

Major Robert Thompson owned considerable estates, both in New 
and Old England, and from the notes appended to his will printed in Mr. 
Water's invaluable " Gleanings," in the New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register, much of the information here given in regard to 
the brothers has been obtained. Of Colonel George Thompson, who was 
also in Virginia, the report of 1666, quoted above, says that he lost a 
leg fighting against the King, but got a great estate. When the army 
had fallen into a posture of a brand-iron, with the Rump in the middle, 
threatening a battle royal, this Colonel George Thompson, with some 
thousands in St. Georges-in-the-Fields, Southwark, and with Bibles in 


their hands, and good swords also, they declared for King Jesus, which 
signified what they pleased, except King Charles. 

George Thompson was born 1603, came to Virginia 1623; was a mem- 
ber of the House of Burgesses for Elizabeth City county, Virginia, 1629, 
and in the same year was a lieutenant in a force sent against the 
Indians. Was appointed a commissioner (Justice) for Elizabeth City> 
March 20, i628-'9. 

Paul Thompson, born 1611, and William Thompson, bom 1614, also 
came to Virginia. The latter, certainly, returned to England, was 
knighted, and was a Governor of the East India Company in the reign 
of Charles II. 

In 1624, Captain Wm. Tucker had a patent, and among the *'head 
rights" were his "wives bretheren,** George, Paul and William 
Thompson, who all came in the George^ 1623, also appear as a part of 

his " muster " in the census of i624-'5, (Hotten). In 1636, W. Tucker, 
Maurice Thompson, George Thompson, and others, had a joint grant 
of land. 

[2] It is uncertain whether this place was so called in memory of 
some particular occasion when news was received from Captain Chris- 
topher Newport, or whether it was merely in accordance with the fash- 
ion of alliterative names then in vogue, of which Jordon's Journey, 
Chaplin's Choice, and Pace's Paines are examples. 

As in the case of Westover, Shirley, and other early names of locali- 
ties or settlements, Newports News became later the name of a planta- 
tion. In 177 1, in an advertisement in the Virginia Gazette, William 
Digges warns persons against hunting or shooting on his "' plantation 
of Newports News," lying in the counties of Warwick and Elizabeth 
City. It has now, as all know, become the site of a flourishing town 
and port. 

(25) John Salford, [i]of " Kiccoughtan in the Corporation of Eliza- 
beth City,'* as his first dividend, to be doubled by the Company when he 
shall sufficiently plant and people the same ; 100 acres between Blunt 
Point and Newport News, adjoining the lands of Morris Thompson and 
Pharoah Flinton, due him as here unto his sister Sarah Salford, de- 
ceased, an ancient planter. Granted by Sir Francis Wyatt, Kt., Gov- 
ernor; December ist, 1624. 


[i] In i624-'5 the *' Muster of the Robert Salford*' (as given in the 
list printed in Hotten *s ''Emigrants &c.") included himself, aged 56, 
who came in the John and Francis^ 161 1 ; John Salford, aged 24, who 
came in the George^ 1616 ; Mary Salford, aged 24, who came in the 
Bona Navay 1620, and two servants. See patent No. 33, post 


(26) Pharoah Flinton, [i] of Kiccoughtan, in the Corporation of 
Elizabeth City, Gentleman, an ancient planter, as his first dividend, 150 
acres between Newport and Blunt Point, adjoining the lands of John 
Salford and Lieutenant Giles AUington, 100 acies thereof in his own 
right, and 50 for the transportation out of England of Hugh Hall, who 
came in the Matgarett and John^ 1623. Granted by Wyatt December 
ist, 1624. 


[i] Pharoah (or "Farrar," as the name is given in Hotten), Flinton, 
was born in 1589, and came to Virginia in the Elizabeth in 1612. In 
i624-'5, Jane Flinton, aged 38, who came in the Elizabeth, 1612, was 
included in his " Muster." 

(27) Lieutenant Giles Allington, [i] of Kiccoughtan, in the 
Corporation of Elizabeth City, Gentleman; an ancient planter, 100 
acres, as his first dividend, situated between Newport News and Blunt 
Point. Granted by Wyatt, December ist, 1624. 

[i] He was a member of the Virginia Company in 1620, and proba- 
bly was of the family of Allington, of Horseheath, Cambridgeshire 
(Barons Allington ), among whom the name Giles was a favorite for 
many generations. 

(28) William Bentley, [i] of Kiccoughtan, in the Corporation of 
Elizabeth City "a new planter who came oyer into this country at his 
owne charges in \ki^ Jacobs this present year, 1624; '* for his first dividend 
50 acres between Newport Naws and Blunt Point. Granted by Wyatt, 
December ist, 1624. 


[i] William Bentley was born in 1589, and was a member of the 
House of Burgesses from Nutmeg Quarter, October, 1629. 

In June, 1698, John Bentley and his wife Margaret were plaintiffs in a 
suit in York county. 

* (27) Thomas Godbve, [i] of Kiccoughtan, in the Corporation of 
Elizabeth City, yeoman; an ancient planter; as his first dividend, 100 
acres between Newport News and Blunt Point. Granted by Wyatt, 
December ist, 1624 

note. . 

[i] Thomas Godbye was born in 1587, and came to Virginia in the 
Deliverance^ 1608. Joane Godbye. aged 42, who came in the Flying 
Hart, 1621, was included in his " Muster," i624-'5. 


(30) John Tavlor, of Newport's News, yeoman ; an ancient planter, 
as one-half of his first dividend ; 50 acres in the parish of Kiccoughtan, 
in the Corporation of Elizabeth City, adjoining the land of John 
Powell. Granted by Wyatt, September 10, 1624. 

" This patent resigned in court the twenty-eighth of November, 1633, 
and his whole dividend for his owne p'son, being an old planter, of one 
hundred acres was granted unto him to take up where he shall jud^e . 
convenient, and fifty more is granted for his wife Rebecca Rabenning/ 
who came in the Bonny besse, about 1623, and as he hath paid her ow^ne 
passage, which he is to make proof of. 

Teste mee 

Willi Clayborne," [Secretary.] 

(31) John Powell, [i] of Newports News, yeoman, an ancient 
planter; as his first dividend, 150 acres in the corporation of Elizabeth 
City, 100 acres thereof in his own right, and 50 for his servant, Thomas 
Deaxter, whom he bought of Captain Robert Sheppard, [2] he, 
(Deaxter,) came in the Mary Providence, 1623. Granted by Wyatt, Sep 
tember 20, 1624. 


[i] John Powell was born 1696, and came to Virginia in the ^zca/foir^, 
i^. In 1 624-^5 his ''muster" included Katherine Powell, born 1603, 
came to Virginia in the Flying Hart^ 1622, and John Powell, born in 
Virginia. He was a member of the House of Burgesses in September, 
1632, for the district *• from Water's Creeke to Maries Mount." John 
Powell (possibly there were two) was a member of the House of Bur- 
gesses, from Elizabeth City, 1657-58, 1659-60, 1663, and 1666-1676. 

John Powell, the patentee, had other sons. In 1651, Benjamin Powell* 
of New Poquoson, York County, made a deed for land patented by 
John Powell, his father, February 6, 1635. On June 7, 1657, Benjamin 
Powell, of New Poquoson, deeded land to his brother, William Powell; 
and on October 5, 1655, there is a deed from William Powell, of York, 
and his wife, Mary, daughter of Wm. Tapley, deceased. There was 
long a family of Powells in York county, in which the name Benjamin 
frequently appeared. Benjamin Powell was elected member of the 
Common Council of Williamsburg i767,and Benjamin Powell appointed 
a Justice of York, 1784. 

(32) Captain William Tucker, [i] *'Now commander of Kic- 
coughtan ; " for his first dividend, 150 acres due him for the transportation 
out of England at his own charges of " Georg Tompson, Paule Tomp- 
son, and William Tompson, his wives bretheren," [2] the said land 


being in Elizabeth City, and adjoining tliose of Richard Boulton, and 
John Powell. Granted by Wyatt, September 20, 1624. 


[i] Captain William Tucker was born 1589, and came to Virjrinia in 
the Mary <2f James, i6ro; was a member of the Virginia Company, 1620; 
the House of Burgesses, i623-*4 ; appointed to the Council, March 4, 
1626, and was a member, and perhups later was first in the commission 
(of the peace), in Elizabeth City, Sept., 1632. In Nov., 1623, Mr. Ray- 
mond reported to a court of the Virginia Company, that he was in Vir- 
ginia in May preceeding, when ** Istan, the great king sent (to Sir Fran- 
cis Wyat), word that if he would send some ten or twelve Englishmen 
unto him, he would deliver all the rest of the captive English he had, 
and would also deliver his brother, Opachancano (who was the author 
of the massacre) into the hands of the English either alive or dead; and 
some days before that he, the said Raymond, came from Virginia, Cap- 
tain Tucker with some twelve more was gone to do this exploit.'* (Pro- 
ceedings of Virginia Company, Virginia Historical Society Collections, 
Vol. II, 237). 

In 1625, he owned three of the twenty negroes in Virginia. 

William Tucker's extensive business as a merchant is shown by a 
letter from Governor Harvey to the Commissioners for Virginia, May 
27, 1632, in which he recommends that Captain William Tucker (then 
in England, as he had been in March, 1629-30), who left behind him 
well furnished stores, not to be sold but at excessive rates, should con- 
tract for three or more years for all the Tobacco of the growth of Vir- 
ginia. (Sainsbury's Abstracts.) In 1633, he was one of the Commis- 
sioners appointed by the King to superintend the government of Vir- 
ginia.J ^ 

Mrs. Mary, wife of Captain William Tucker, was born 1599, ^"^ came 
in the George, 1623. In 1624-5, they had one child, Elizabeth, born in 

Captain Wm. Tucker was possibly ancestor of a family of the name, 
resident in Elizabeth City county, at the date of its earliest extant re- 
cords, 1693. 

[2] See note to grant to Maurice Thomson (24). 

(33) Robert Salford, [i] of Kiccoughtan, in the Corporation of 
Elizabeth City, yeoman; 100 acres for his life and with reversion to his 
son John Salford ; the said land being a neck lying at the mouth of the 
creek "commonly called Salford's creek," and adjoining the land of 
Miles Prickett, and of said Salford. Due him in right of his wife Joane, 
deceased, ancient planter; by the " Curtisye of England " during her 


[sic] life and after his death to descend to the said John Salford, his son 
by the said joane. Granted by Wyatt, September 20, 1620. 


[1] See note to patent No. 25. 

(34) John Bush, [i] of Kiccoughtan, in the Corporation of Elizabeth 
City, gentleman, who came over in the Neptune^ at his own charge, in 
16x8; 300 acres, 50 in his own right, 150 for the transportation out of 
England of his wife Elizabeth, and his children, Elizabeth and Mary 
Bush, who all came in the Guift, 1619; and 100 acres for the transporta- 
tion of his two servants, Thomas Hand and William Pucker, who came 
in the Charles^ 162 1 ; said land being in the parish of Kiccoughtan, 
adjoining the lands of Lieutenant Albino Lupo and of William Julian, 
and bordering on the main river. Granted by Wyatt, 1624.. 


[i] In June, 1622, the King referred to the Virginia Company for 
answer, a petition from William Kempe, stating that John Bush, having 
two houses paid for before Governor Yeardley came, was turned out 
by him, and Captain Neuce put in posression of the same, contrary to 
all right and equity, whereby he lost all his goods, and his wife, in that 
extremity, was made dangerously sick. And also, that the brother of 
the said John Bush, being then dead in the house, and his wife in deli- 
cate health, was 4ikewise turned out. (Proceedings of Virginia Com- 
pany, Virginia Historical Society, I, 190). 

It would seem from several petitions that Bush and others were on 
land claimed by the Company. This latter body referred the matter to 
the authorities in Virginia. The census gives a John Bush as among 
those buried at Elizabeth City, in 1624. John Bush, aged 17 years, was 
among the passengers to Virginia in the Transport^ of London, July 4, 
1635. In the census of i624-'5, the "Muster" of Susan Bush, in 
Elizabeth City, included herself, aged 20, who came in the George^ 
1617 ; Sarah Spence, aged 4, bom in Virginia, and five servants. 


\ (35) Lieutenant Albino Lupo, [i] of Kiccoughtan, gentleman, an 

ancient planter ; as his first dividend, 350 acres in the parish of Kic- 
coughtan, aforesaid, adjoining the lands of Elizabeth Lupo, his wife, 
and of John Bush, and extending along the banks of the main river 
180 poles, "namely, five pole exceeding the quantatie ordinarily 
allowed in p'portion by the water side; " 100 acres, due for his personal 
adventure, and 250 for the transportation from England, at his own 
costs, of five servants, namely: John Slaughter and John Hayes, who 


came in the George, 1617; Hester Wheeler, in the George, 1617; Daniel 
Palmer, " whose passage he defrayed unto John Downham, [2] of the 
parish of Kiccoughtan, yeoman, out of the IVarwick, 1621 ; " and Eliza- 
beth Hayden, who came in the London Merchant, 1620. Granted by 
Wyatt, September ist, 1624. % 

"^ NOTES. 

[i] Albino Lupo was born 1584, and came to Virginia in 1610. His 
wife, Elizabeth, born 1597, and came to Virginia in 1616. In 1624- 'Si 
they had one child, Temperence, who was born in Virginia, in 1620 ; 
and at that time (1625) Philip Lupo, who was born in 1582, and came 
in 1621, was living with them. From the nanies these persons would 
appear to have been Italians, but must have been Protestants, or 
Albino Lupo could not have held a commission. 

[2] John Downham, or Downman, as the name was usually spelt, 
was born in 1592, and came to Virginia in the John and Francis , 16 14. 
Elizabeth Downman, doubtless his wife, was' born in 1599, came in 
the Warwick, 162 1. At the census of 1624- '5 (when they lived in Eliz- 
abeth City), Moyses Stones, aged 16, who had come in the Bone Bes, 
1623, lived with them. 

*' The John Downman," was appointed one of the commissioners for 
Elizabeth City, March, 1628-^9 (Hening, I, 133), and was a member of 
the House of Burgesses from the same, October, 1629. 

(36) Elizabeth Lupo, wife of Albino Lupo, of Kiccoughtan in the 
corporation of Elizabeth City, as her first dividend, 50 acres in the 
parish of Kiccoughtan, abutting on the broad creek, and adjoining the 
land of Albino Lupo. Due her by order of Court out of England. 
Granted by Wyatt, September 20, 1624. 

(37) Thomas Spilman, [i] of Kiccoughtan in the Corporation of 
Elizabeth City, gentleman ; 50 acres, for his first personal dividend, on 
the broad creek, and the main river, and adjoining the lands of Albino 
Lupo, and Edward Hill, deceased [2] ; " due him as his owne personal 
rig:ht. who came over at his owne Cost in the Georg, 1617.'* Granted 
by Wyatt, December i, 1624. 


[i] Thomas Spilman was born in 1601, and his wife, Hannah Spilman, 
was bom 1602, and came in the Bona Nova, 1620. In i624-'5, the 
•' muster '* of " Mr. Thomas Spilman," included four servants. 

Xhe will (made in England) of Thomas Spilman, of Virginia, gent.. 


was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. He gives to his 
daughter, Mary Spilman, in Virginia, all of his property "here" (in 
England), and to his wife what he has in Virginia. April 24. 1627, ad- 
ministration on his estate, when he is styled ^* late of Truro, in Corn- 
wall, deceased," was granted to his brother Francis Spilman, during the 
absence of the relict, Hannah Spilman, in Virginia. (This is another of 
the wills for which we are indebted to Mr. Waters' skilled researches 
in the English probate offices, and to the generosity of the New Eng- 
land Historical Genealogical Society in authorizing him to include in 
his work all of the Colonies). 

Another Thomas Spelman, came in the George^ 1623, and at the 
census of i624-'5, was 28 years of age, and was a servant to Richard 

An earlier representative of the name was Henry Spilman, or Spel- 
man, son of Sir Henry Spilman, the antiquary; who came to Virginia 
when a young man; was rescued by Pocahontas at the Massacre of 
Ratcliffe's party in 1609; lived many years among the Patowmeke 
Indians and acquired the language. In August, 1619, before the first 
General Assembly, Robert Poole charged Captain Henry Spilman with 
speaking ill of the Governor ** at Opechancona's Court," and in con- 
sequence he (Spilman) was degraded from his rank of Captain, and 
sentenced to serve the Colony for seven years as interpreter to the 
Governor. In 1622, he was killed by Indians on the Potomac. He 
wrote a narrative of his experiences in Virginia, which has been printed. 

In the York records, 1669, 1674, a Thomas Spilman, who was ap- 
parently a resident of the county, is mentioned. 

Clement Spilman was appointed a justice of Westmoreland county, 
November, 1677. 

[2] Mr. Edward Hill, of Elizabeth City, is noted by Smith as making 
a successful resistance during, and holding his ground after the mas- 
sacre of 1622. He died in May, 1624, and was buried in Elizabeth 
City on the 15th of that month. His only child (given in the census) 
was Elizabeth, born in Virginia, who, after his father's death, was 
living in the family of Thomas Spilman. 

In 1620, this Edward Hill had a brother, John Hill, Mercer, of Lon- 
don, and an uncle, Richard Boyle, also living in England. (Calendar 
of Manchester, MSS) 


Additional Notes. 


(10) John Chew was a Justice of York county, 1634, 1652. In 1651, in 
view of his intended marriage with Miss Rachel Constable, he makes a 
deed (recorded in York), for certain land, &c. In the records of the 
same county, Samuel Chew is mentioned, as if living there, in 1657, and 
Joseph Chew in 1659. From the same it appears that John Chew was 
dead in 1668, and that his son, Samuel, was living in Anne Arundel 
county, Maryland, and had a wife, Anne. Samuel Chew was a member 
of the Council of Maryland in 1669. At Portsmouth, Va., among the 
records of lower Norfolk county, is a power of Attorney from ** Samuel 
Chew, Esq., of Herrington (not Henington, as printed), and his wife, 
Anne, sole daughter and heiress of Mr. William Ayres, of Nansemond 

Larkin' Chew (son of Joseph,* and grandson of John* Chew, the im- 
migrant), returned from Maryland to Virginia, married Hannah Roy 
(" Madam Hani^h Chew," is mentioned in the Spotsylvania records, 
1734), settled in the present Spotsylvania; and was a Justice of that 
county in 1722, Sheriff in 1727 and 1728, and member of the House of 
Burgesses, 1723 and 1726. He had issue: I Thomas^, appointed Justice 
of Spotsylvania, 1722, and Sheriff, 1724 and 1725, and of Orange, 1745; 
married Martha Taylor, " sister of President Madison's grandmother, 
and great grand-aunt of President Taylor '*; II Anne*, married William 
Johnston ; III John*, appointed a Justice of Spotsylvania, 1731 ^ 
married in 1729 (Spotsylvania Records) Margaret, daughter of Harry 
Beverley of Spotsylvania; IV Larkin*, Sheriff of Spotsylvania, 1739; 
married, 1733, Mary, daughter of Harry Beverley of Spotsylvania. 

From these three brothers descended several branches of the name 
in Canada, Connecticut, New York, Virginia, Louisiana, &c. Among 
the individuals who may be noted were Coleby* Chew, of Spotsylvania, 
killed at Fort Duquese in 1758, and his brother, Larkin* Chew, of Spotsyl- 
vania lieutenant in Byrd's regiment (2d Virginia), whose arm was shat- 
tered in action, by a ball. May, 1754 (Petition, Journal of House of Bur- 
gesses); John Chew,' of Spotsylvania, an officer in the Revolution, and 
wounded at Camden (Burke); Samuel Chew, of New Haven, Connecticut, 
who is said to have been killed by a cannon shot while commanding an 
American ship (probably a privateer or State ship) in action, during the 
Revolution ; Harry' Chew, who served as adjutant in the Spotsylvania 
militia in the Revolution, and at a latter day two other gallant soldiers, 
R. Preston Chew, of Jefferson county (now West Virginia), Colonel C. 
S. A., Commanding Horse Artillery of Army of Northern Virginia, and 


Robert S. Chew, of Fredericksburg (1828, August, 1886), Colonel 30th 
Virginia Infantry, C. S. A. For genealogies of the Chew family see 
Thomsons, and " Richmond Critic.'* 

(II) Captain Francis Pott was a Justice of Northampton county, and 
of the quorum, March, 1656. In 1646, he was in England, and in a let- 
ter dated at London, March 26th of that year (and recorded in North- 
ampton county), he tells his nephew, John Pott, that he had been 
disappointed in collecting money promised him by Mr. Nuthall ; that 
** my cozen, Menefie, hath paid j^ii6 sterling for me," and his nephew 
is to satisfy the debt out of any of his (Francis Pott's) property, except 
his negroes; he may expect from him a more ample direction by the 
next shipping; in postscript says he received £^ more from Mrs. Mary 
Menifye. He died in 1658, and by his will, dated August 5th, and 
proved in Northampton, October nth, 1658, he leaves his property to 
his nephew, John Pott; kinsmen Henry Perry and wife; godson Ar- 
goll Yardly; godson Bishop **on the other side of the bay"; '*My 
Countriman " John Allen ; to his (the testator's) sisters, j^io sterling 
each. Susanna, widow of Captain Pott, married, in ^58 or 1659, Wil- 
liam Kendall. 

There is recorded m Northampton a power of attorney, dated Oc- 
tober ist, 1660, from John Pott, of Patuxent, Maryland, to John Seveme, 
of Accomac. 

(8) There is on record in York county, a power of Attorney from Mrs. 
Mary Menefie, widow and executrix, of George Menefie, late of Buch- 
land, Charles City county, Esq., deceased. 

(12) There is recorded in York, a power of Attorney from William 
Spencer, of Martin's Hundred, James City county, Gent., February, 
1657. In the same county (York), in 1658, William Spencer was ap- 
pointed guardian of his sons-in-law (step-sons), Peregrine and Thomas 

(2) Read ** Pashbehay " instead of the various renderings given. 


Notes and Queries. 


Erratum. — On page 141, of this number, second line of article, *' Vir- 
ginia and the Act of Navigation," the year is printed 1661, it should be 

FitzhuKh Letters* — ^The following details as to persons whose names 
appear in the first instalment of the Fitzhugh Letters, July nifmber of 
Virginia Magazine of History, will be of interest : 

Page 27. Colonel Isaac AUerton, of Westmoreland county, Virginia, 
was the son of Isaac Allerton, one of the principal immigrants in the 
Mayflower, and his wife, Faith, daughter of Elder William Brewster. 
He was bom at Plymouth, 1630, graduated at Harvard College, 1650, 
and soon came to Virginia There is recorded in Northumberland 
county (including Westmoreland), an order dated Feb. 6, 1650, in which 
it is stated that according to an order of the Governor and Council, 
inquiry had been made concerning the complaint of the Machoatick 
Indians about Mr. Allerton's (possibly the elder) intending a plantation 
upon them, the court being directed, if the Indians were not content 
with his being there, to remove them; but due inquisition being made, 
the said Indians, and the werowance Peckatoan (also the name of a well 
known plantation in Westmoreland), declared they were well content 
with Mr. Allerton staying there, so long as the land (" wherever hee 
hath already cleared'') be useful, provided that no more houseing be 
there built than is now upon it, and to keep his cattle and hogs on the 
other side of Machoatick river. There is also recorded in Northum- 
berland, 1657, the deposition of William Nutt, that about February pre- 
ceding, he and other commissioners of Northumberland county, being 
appointed by the Governor and Council to inquire concerning the 
seating of Mr. Isaac Allerton's land at Machoatic, Mr. Wm. Cooke 
being requested to be interpreter, the deponent heard Captain Peter 
Lefebeer promise to pay, on the said Allerton's behalf, to the said 
Cooke 1,000 lbs. of tobacco in case Allerton seated farther. (See Hen- 
ing I, 456-7). Colonel Allerton was sworn a Justice of Northumber 
land county, 22d April, 1663; was a member of the "Committee of the 
Association of North *d, West*d & Stafford," November ist, 1667 
{Northumberland records^ and see Hening \\,i^i)\ in September, 1675, 
as major, was second to Colonel John Washmgton in command of Vir- 
ginia forces in expedition against the Indians; was, November 5th, 1677, 
second in the commission of the peace for Westmoreland and of the 
quorum; member of the House of Burgesses, February, i676-'7 
( Westmoreland records') ; was appointed a member of the Council 1683 


{Sainsbury Abstracts). In a letter dated June loth, 1691, Governor 
Nicholson reports to the English Government that Richard Lee, Isaac 
Allerton and John Armistead, out of scruple of conscience, refused to 
take the oaths, and so were left out of the Council. {Ibid). 

It is stated that he had a wife, Elizabeth, as early as 1652 ; and, in 
1663, she is described in the Westmoreland records as Elizabeth, for- 
merly relict of Major George Colclough, of Northumberland ; but, re- 
corded in Northumberland, and dated February 20th, 1663, Thomas 
Willowby and Sarah, his wife (who was certainly a daughter of Richard 
Thomson, of Northumberland), give a power of attorney to '* our loving 
brother ' Isaac Allerton,'* while in Northumberland, November 20th, 
1658, George Colclough, who had married Ursula, widow of Colonel 
John Mottrom, and before of Richard Thomson, was appointed guard- 
ian of Richard and Sarah, infants of said Richard Thomson. This is 
a nut for the genealogists to crack. Colonel Isaac Allerton 's will was 
dated 25th October, 1702, and proved in December following. 

See also, "The Allertons of New England and Virginia "; New Eng- 
land Historical and Genealogical Register, July, 1891. 

Page 27. In the Richmond Critic, January 15, 1889, was published 
an inquiry from Mr. and Mrs. E. Salisbury, New Haven, Connecticut, 
in regard to *" John Lord, son of Mr. Thomas Lord, one of the original 
proprietors of Hartford; married first, Rebecca Bushnell, of Guilford ; 
second, Andrew [?] Basey, of Hartford. He left her and went to Vir- 
ginia. An excellent letter from him to his nephew, Mr. Richard Lord, 
of Hartford, is dated * Apomatixe * (now Mattox, Westmoreland), the 
2oth of February, 1663. He appeared to have been engaged in raising 
tobacco, but speaks also of *' barley.'* 

There is recorded in Westmoreland a power of attorney, dated 
August 2d, 1654, from Richard Lord, of Hartford, New England, to 
his brother, John Lord, of the same place ; and in Northumberland, 
another power from John Lord, of "Hartford,** in New England, mer- 
chant, to James Garler, to recover debts due said John Lord and his 
brother, Richard Lord ('*as by his general power of attorney recorded 
in Westmoreland county may appear*'), and also from Mr. Daniel 
Litsco, of " the Manatas " (Manhattan), from John Earle, of Northumber- 
land county, Virginia, and Dr. William Addams, of the same county, 
witnessed by Charles Norwood (Clerk of the Virginia Assembly), and 
Richard Lord. 

Captain John Lord, as appears by a deed, was living in Westmore- 
land in 1668, was a Justice, and of the Quorum of that county, Novem- 
ber 5th, 1677. 

There is a deed, dated March 31st, 1714, from William Lord, of West- 
moreland county, gentleman, conveying to Richard Knight certain land, 
which was purchased by "John Lord, high Sheriff of Westmoreland,*' 


and father of the said Wm. Lord. Wm. Lord, himself, was Sheriff of 
Westmoreland in 1729. 

At an early period there seems to have been considerable intercourse 
between the Northern Neck and New England. Besides the Allertons 
and Lords, Wm. Fitzhugh mentions, later, lands owned by Prescott, 
whose will had been dated, or proved, at New London ; there is re- 
corded in Lancaster a deed, dated May 18, 1681, from Richard Merri- 
man, gentleman, of that county, attorney of Mr. Thomas Kelland and 
and Mr. Anthony Haywood, of the town of Boston, to Mr. Richard Per- 
rott, of the county of Middlesex in Virginia (Margaret, widow of Rich- 
ard Perrott,and, before of Thomas Dale, in her will, 1687, names her 
brother, Mr. Anthony Haywood, and her sister, Mrs. Catherine Hide). 
Mr. Thomas Broughton of Virginia assigns, in Northumberland county, 
March 30. 1659, a patent to Mr. Thomas Broughton, in New England, 
(there is in Northumberland the deposition, dated September 20, 1652, 
of Thomas Broughton, aged 29 years); the will of Mrs. Mary Brough- 
ton [x], relict of Thomas Broughton, dated January 2d, 1662, proved in 
Northumberland, February 10, 1662, her sons Thomas, Mathew and 
William Keene (of Northumberland) and Elizabeth Persey. (Part of 
this will is worn out). Richard Rice [x] and Ann, his wife, made deed, 
Northumberland, April, 1666, to John Saffin, of Boston, New England, 
merchant, for 100 acres of land (consideration 6|Ooo pounds of tobacco) 
on the Metapony river in said county, adjoining the land called Exe- 
ter Lodge, formerly possessed by Thomas Broughton, and now by said 
Saffin. And in 1667, Thomas Hickman and Mary [x], his wife, of 
Northumberland, conveyed to John Safiin, of Boston, one-half of their 
plantation of 800 acres, adjoining the land of said Saffin, called Exeter 

Page 42. Thomas Mathew (as he invariably writes his name), of 
Cherry Point, Northumberland, was beyond a doubt, the"T. M." who, 
at the request of Harley, and he states in his preface, 13th June, 1705, 
'* obliged his pen to step aside from its habitual element of ffigures " 
and prepare an account of Bacon's Rebellion; but an examination of 
the records of Northumberland county, Virginia, shows that there is 
no ground for the conjecture of Campbell and others (followed in the 
Virginia Historical Magazine, July, 1893, page 92), that he was a son 
of Governor Samuel Matthews. 

The records of the Northern Neck counties show that Thomas 
Mathew was extensively engaged in business as a merchant and planter. 
He was a Justice of Northumberland, 1672, 1676, and as he states, of the 
House of Burgesses, 1676. In 1671, Robert Walton, by will dated Janu- 
ary 14th, 1669, and proved, Northumberland, July 19th, 1671, gives 
most of his estate to his wife, son Charles, and daughter, all then in 

England ; and legacies to his sister, Miss Frissie Mathew, and his 



brother. Thomas Mathew, of Northumberland county, Va. Thomas 
Mathew returned to England and died in 1705 or 1706. 

The will of Thomas Mathew, formerly of Cherry Point, Bowtracy 
(a parish unknown to Bishop Meade, but frequently appearing in the 
early records of the county), Northumberland county, Va., merchant ; 
dated May 6th, 1703, and proved P. C. C February 6th, 1706, as that of 
Thomas Mathew, of the parish of St Margaret's, Westminister ; directs 
that if he die in or about London, he shall be buried by his son Wil- 
liam, in the Church of St. Dunstan in the East — Legatees ; his sons 
John and Thomas and daughter Anne, to whom he gives his lands in 
Stafford county ; and at Cherry Point, Northumberland, &c , &c. : and 
directs that his brother- in-law, Captain John Cralle, shall hold his ten- 
ure in Cherry Point Neck during life. Captain Cralle presented the 
will for record in Northumberland. 

The register of St. Stephen's parish, .Northumberland, gives the 
dates of the births of his children, John, March 23d, 1677; Ann, Febru- 
ary 27th, 1679; ^^^ Thomas, January 23d, 1680. 

March 5th, i677-'8, Northumberland County Court, sitting at the 
house of Mr. Thomas Mathew, as a '* Court Maratime," gave judgment 
against Mr. Robert Finney, master of the ship Constant Mathew, of 
London, for a violation of the navigation laws. 

Northumberland, February, 1679-80, the court ordered a certificate 
to be granted to Mr. Thomas Mathew for 3,800 acres of land, for the 
transportation of seventy-six persons into the colony, including himself 
and ten negroes from Barbadoes, himself from London, and himself 
and three negroes from New England. 

By a power of attorney, dated January 3d, 1737, Thomas Mathew, of 
Sherborn Lane* London, gent, (the surviving executor of Thomas Ma- 
thew, of Cherry Point, in Virginia, merchant); and Mr. John Mathew, of 
London, merchant, and his wife, who was the only daughter of the said 
Thomas Mathew, deceased, reciting that Thomas Mathew left a 
plantation in Stafford county, Va., to his three children, John, Thomas 
and Anna, and the said John having died intestate in 1735, and no issue 
living, authorize Thomas Crompton, of Maryland, to sell the said plan- 

Fourth Virginia Regiment in the Revolution, — Mr. P. Fall Taylor, 
of Frankfort, Kentucky, in sending us the subjoined lists, writes as 
follows : 

'* Striking evidence is given of the condition of the troops of the 
Virginia Line in 1778 by the * return ' made by Lieutenant Samuel Gill, 
of the Fourth Virginia Regiment. 


*• These men had served out the term of their enlistment, which 
must have been a long and hard one, and were on their way home. Of 
these ' old Continentals in their ragged regimentals * not one could 
* fall in ' with a complete equipment, and some of them were without 
either coat, ' hatt ' or shoes ; even * overhalls * seem to have been a 

** Of the officers, Brigadier-General Charles Scott was a brave but 
rough veteran of th& French and Indian war, where he served as a 
corporal in Braddock's defeat. He is said to have raised and com- 
manded the first company of volunteers raised south of James river 
for the Revolution. He was in active service, and his promotion was 
rapid until he was taken prisoner at Charleston in 1780, from which 
time he was on parole until the end of the war. In 1785 he removed 
to Kentucky, presumably to locate the 13,000 acres of bounty land 
given him by Virginia. He was appointed brigadier-general of the 
Kentucky militia, and served in the Indian wars with St. Clair, Wilkin- 
son and Wayne until his election as Governor, in 1808, for a term of 
four years, which closed his public life. 

*• Heitman's ' Historical Register of the Officers of the Continental 
Army ' states : * Samuel Gill, ensign Fourth Virginia, loth February, 
1776; first lieutenant, November, 1776; captain, January, 1777; retired 
14th September, 1778.* For his services Lieutenant Gill received 4 000 
acres of bounty land in Kentucky, and it was among some old land 
claims that these papers, with his commission, were found in an old 

"Trusting that the publication of these documents will induce 
others to bring out their venerable relics of the Revolution, they are 
offered to the readers of the Virginia Magazine. 


P. Fall Taylor." 
Frankfort, Ky., August 15^ iSgj. 

Sir, — You are to proceed to Virginia with a party of Discharged Sol- 
diers. You will draw provisions for them at the different Stages as you 
may think Convenient. Attention must be paid that the Soldiers 
march with some Regularity, & particularly that they are prevented 
from straggling and Injuring the Inhabitants. 

Chas. Scott, B. G. 
To Lieut. SanCl Gill, 4th Virg'a Reg't. 

Issue provisions for a party of Discharged Soldiers under the care 
of Lieut. Gill upon his order. 

feb*r 2ist, 78. Ch's Scott, B. G. 

To the Comissarys between Camp and Leesburg, Virga. 



Permit Lieut. Gill to pass over all Ferries between Camp & Lees 
burg in Virg'a free without cost. 

FebV 21*81. Ch's G. Scott, B. G. 

To the Keeper of all Ferries, 

These are to Certify that Lieut. Sam'l Gill of 4'th Virginia Regiment, 
GenM Scott's Brigade, has been on duty at the Gen'l Hospitals in 
Country & Valley Forge from 19'th June to the 21'st Sept'r, 1778. 

N. Craig, Col: ComnCU 
[Note. — This signature is almost illegible, and it may be T. Craig] 

A Pay Roll for a detachment of Different Regt's on their march ti) 
Head Quarters Under the Com'd of Captain Burnley and Lieut. Sam'l 
Gill. April 14th, 1778, for the month March: 


Men's Names. 


1 per mo. 

Whole pay. 
L. s. d. 


Garland Burnley 





Sam'l Gill 



10.02 6 


John Smith 





George Chisholm 





John Carroll 



3. 00.0 


John Roberts 





James Knight 





John Fleece 





Coonrod Penny bacer 

F. M. 




Edward Sturrs 


A * • • • 




Rubin .Sturrs 





John Horn 





Edward Travis 





George Tombestin 





George Shevellin 





Thomas Adkison 





William Willoughby 





Thomas Hill 


6 = i 



Shadrach Hill 





Randol Abbitt 





Wm. Turner 





James Taylor 





Charles Eastwood 







Men's Names. 


$ per mo. 

Whole pay. 
L. s. d. 


Tho*s Biirk 





William Brown 





Daniel Collard 





Ediine Willoughby 





James Pathalls 





George Johnston 





John Drain 



2. 10. 


John Thraphorn 





Henry Duckwall 





Jones Grove 


. 6^ 



Shurman Adair 





Tho's Aris 





Joab Lucas 




37 , 

John Smith 





David Cochran 





Charles Harris 





John Stackpole 





John Porkason 





Henry Barnes 





James Lemmon 





John Bell 





Alexander Sturt 





Andrew Skillen 





John Wallis 





Robert Cowen 





Jacob Sowder 

do k 




Robert Kern 





Richard Henderson 





James Riley, Pay'd 





James Meags 





Stephen Verde 





Conrod Casnor 





William Warrent 





George James 





Henry Ducher 


443 '3 



166.. s 


YORKTOWN, Apl. 15th, 1778. 

Rec'd of Lieut. Sam'l Gill, of 4th Virg*a Regiment, One months pay 
for March, 1778, as witness our hands : 

8 Dollars. 


John Smith, 

4th V. R , 

Daniel Collett, 


fas. (X) Pearthalls, 


Henry (X) Desplin, 


John Frasnour, 


James (X) Grove, 


Adam (X) Shurman, 


Thorn's Ayris, 


Job. Lucas, 


David Cochran, 


Charles Harris. 


John (X) Stackpole, 


John (X) Parkinson, 


James Lemon, 


John Bell, 


John Wallis, 


Robert Cowan, 


Jacob (X) Sowder, 



John Smith, 


John Fleece, 


Conrod Pennybaker, 


Andrew (X) Skillen, 


Henry (X) Barns, 


John (X) Drain, 


John (X) Horn, 


George (X) Johnston, 


fames Knight, 

4" VirgReg 

James (X) Ryley, 

geor James, 

8*' VirgReg 

Stephen Vardine, 


William Warin, 

Coonrod Canssner, 

6 *• Virg't Reg 



6 H 


6 H^ 

6 2^ 
6 M 



6 H 






[Note.— (X) '* his mark."] 




gen'l scott*s brigade. 

Return of the 4th Virg'a Reg't, commanded by Maj'r Isaac Beall, 
with an inventory of the arms, Accoutrements and Clothing, now in 
their possession. June 21, 1778- 

« 2 « y 

Si I c 

I to' . . 
vis * ?J 5 

James Knight 

John Threshom 

Henry Duck wall. . . . 

Jonas Grove 

Henry Hoin 

Jas. Young 

Henry Barnes 

Dennis Campbell.... 

Elisha Timmons 

Edmond Travis 

John Ennis 

Tho's Aries 

Mark Haizel 

Henry Devlin 

Edward Burcher 

Gallent Crosbay 

Jacob Sowder 

•^ John Craig, Orderly 
William Lipscomb. 

Michael Smith 



Jas. Leamroon 

William Bowls 

John Smith 

Benjamin Overstreet. . 
Laurence Neal (Dead). 
Benjamin Umphries. . . 

George Comb 

William Jackson 

Nathaniel Bagott 

Matthew Watson 

Matthew Burk 

Jas. Wishert 

John White 

Jas. McGrath 

Batt Dungey 

Daniel Bovce 

John Laisley 

John Low 

ncil Caisley 


•T^rcdcrick Bryant 

Nicholas Parish 

Christopher Moser 

George Warden 

Peter Green range 

Edward Crooce 

Adam Hatten 

Rob't Bartlet 

Sam'l Stewart 

D. Dunnigan 

W. Davis 

Total .'.'48 41 40 48' 14 46I27 10 i7'39 48 33 2030I 2' 2 

Sam'l Gill Lt. 
in 4th Virg'a Reg't- 


Personal Estate of an Ancestor of Jefferson. — The following inven- 
tory gives the personal estate of the great-grandfather of the author of 
the Declaration of Independence. It is taken frooa the records of 
Henrico county : 

Henrico County, October the /sit ^^^ 

At a Court held at Varirta, for the County of Henrico, the first day of 
October, 169S, by his Majesties Justices of the peace for the said 
An Inventory of all & Singular the goods & Chattels of Thomas 
Jefferson, dec'd, appraized and valued upon our oaths by us the Sub- 
scribers, by vertue of an order of Henrico County Court, dated the 
first day of December, anno. 1679, and was by us Equally divided' 
according to the last will & Testament of the dec'd, this 22 day of 
Decemb'r aono. 1697 : Excepting the negroes which were by the Tes- 
tatV otherwise by his sd. will disposed of. 

For the Widow & Ex'x of ye decd'ts, Viz : 

One feether bed & bolster & i pillow 040900 

I Rugg & blankett 01 05 00 

I Set of Kitermister Curtains & Vallens Bedstead, hide & 

bed cord 01 10 00 

I Chest with lock & key % 00 10 00 

I black Leather Trunk 00 07 00 

I Couch lod, I p'r wh. Linen Sheets 18, 2 Do pillowbers 3. . . 01 11 00 

I pY large canvas Sheetes 9s, i Canvas pillowber 10 00 09 10 

I Canvas Sheete 00 03 00 

1 diapV Table Cloth & Towell 8 : 1 1 do Napkins isd 01 01 09 

2 Rusha leather Chairs at 7.6d 00 15 00 

I Great Earthen Jugg 8d, i Gall pott 6d 00 02 00 

5 Rush bottom Chaires 00 0400 

15 Is. of new pewter at i2d. p 00 15 00 

2}4 Is. old pewter at 6d 00 01 03 

8 New plates at 13 p.; 8 | ® 2 old plates at 6d. i 00 09 08 

4 New Alchymy spoons at 2}^ • 00 00 10 

I brass Candle Stick 2.6, i pr. Brass handirons 2od 01 02 06 

I Birding piece, 10; i hoop spinning wheels, 5s 00 15 00 

I Crosscut Saw, files. Rest, 6s.; wedges & 2 pestles, 8d 00 14 00 

I old long table and forme, 8s 00 08 00 

I Brass Skimer 00 01 06 

1 Brass Kettle, 94 i8>^ lbs. at 8d. p 00 12 04 

2 old Cases and some bottles 00 01 00 

I old Little flock bed pillow & old Rugg 000800 

I Chest (old) 00 06 00 

8 Round quart bottles, 2 ; 2 pr. old sissors, 4d 00 02 00 

18 05 00 


2 prime doe skins 5s.; i p'cell of old books, los 00 15 00 

I Ivory Comb & brush. 6d.; i Small Looking Glass. 8d.; i hatt 

brush, 6d ; i burning Glass, 4d.; i Small table, i^d. . . 00 03 00 

6 Alchimy Spoones (old) 00 00 09 

I Sad iron, i2d.; i Virg. Hilling hoe, 2s ^ 00 03 00 

I Red Cow & Small black heifer 02 10 00 

I Old horse, 50s.; i Bull, 15s.; i yerling heifer 03 13 00 

I Ox chaine, 2od., at 3d. p 00 05 00 

I pr. pott Racks, ii>4 Is., at 4d. p 00 03 10 

I Spitt, 6>^ ; 8 at 4d. p 00 02 02 

1 Iron pott, ig}i Is.; i ditto, 28 at 2d. p 00 07 11 

2 pr. of pot hookes 00 01 04 

I Little frying pan ... 00 01 06 

I flesk fork 00 00 08 

one-half of ye whole Stock of Hoggs, which was valued at 

7£ 06s ood 03 13 00 

One half of ye Lumber & 5 Is. of Hopps, being valued at 

2£ — OS. 00, is 01 00 00 

One-halfe of a p'cell of Virginia Soft Sope 00 01 09 

One-halfe of a p*cell of Salt 00 01 06 

One-halfe of six tanned hides, being valued at 2£ 2s, is 01 01 00 

2^ Busshle of pease at 3s. p. Bush 00 07 06 


14 II 09 

Brought over from pa. 1 13 ' 18 05 00 

I Grindstone 00 03 00 

I Serv't Boye Jos; Stept 5 years to serve, 7£ 07 00 00 

39 19 04 
For Thorn: Jefferson Viz*t. 

I ffeather bed. Bolster & Pillow, 9s. 8 7d., new tick 04 15 00 

Curtains, Vallaines, Bedstead hite & Red Cord 02 00 00 

I Rug & blankett 01 08 00 

I Chest 00 08 00 

1 Taned Leather Couch 00 15 00 

2 w't Lin. pillow biers 00 03 00 

I p*r of oz. 6 Sheetes, 10; i p*r Qanvis Sheetes, 8 00 18 00 

I Short w*i Lin: Table Cloth & 6 ditto napkins 00 08 00 

I Canvis pillow bears, lod., and i Canvis Sheet, 3s 00 03 00 

1 Great Gallon pott, 8d., & i dantzick Case & Bottles, 4. . . 00 04 08 

2 Rush Leather Cheares at 7s. & 6d. p. chair 00 15 00 

I old Silver dram Cup, Buttons & Shoe buckles 00 10 00 

5 Rush Bottom Chairs, ^s. & i5d. of new pewter, at i2d — 00 19 00 

2^ Is. old pewter at 6d. p. Is 00 01 03 

13 08 09 


Brought over 13 08 09 

8 new pewter plates at 13d. p. plate 000808 

2 old ditto plates at 6d. p 00 01 00 

4 new Alkamy spoonesat i>^d. p 00 00 10 

I Brass Candlestick ' 00 02 06 

I Parcel! of old Shoemaker tooles v;o 07 00 

I old unfixt musquett 00 05 00 

I parcell of old Coopers' tooles & froe 000600 

I pewter Chamber pot, 2s. 6d. ; i Sug. pott, los 00 03 04 

I old Sadie, 2 old Bridles & i halter 00 10 00 

I Small X bar: Table 00 02 00 

I Small brass kettle. 3>^is. at I2d. p 00 03 06 

I old little Chest 00 01 06 

I Small ButtV pott, 2d.; i Earthen piece, 4d 000008 

I old tin Cullender, 6, & Same pan ; i p'r old hand horns & 

2 p*r trigs, 4 00 04 06 

I p*r Virga. Shoes & Cushion Case 00 03 06 

4 Horn Combes, 8d. ; i Little Box, i2d , & Bed Cord, I2d. . 00 02 oS 

5 old Alcamy spoones, 13IS. old Iron, 13d., i Cowbell 00 02 00 

I Wash Brush & i Scrub Brush 00 01 06 

I Brindled & i Red Cow about 7 years old 02 10 00 

I Stere yerling, 8s.; i Steere 2 years old, 15 01 03 00 

I Broad Cloth Coate, Serge Jacky't & Briches 01 10 00 

I Serge Coate & i Camlet Coate 00 17 00 

1 Castor, los.. 2 p'r old yarn, i p*r old Cotton Stockings 00 13 00 

2 new (loths is. ; 10 Chairs 19^^ Is. at 3d. Is. 3 : 7>^ 00 05 il 

I pr. pot Racks 6^ Is. at 4d. p : 2 spitt iiaS at 7d. 3:10 00 06 00 

1 Iron pott 42 Is. & I ditto 19^^ Is. at 2d 00 10 03 

2 pr. potthooks, i4d., i old frying pan, i2d.; i drip pan, 7>^ 

Is., 3s. 9d 00 06 01 

One halfe of ye Stock of Hoggs, wch was valued at 7 Is.. 06. 

cod. 03 13 00 

One half of ye same & 5 Is. of hoppes 01 00 00 

2yi bush, of peasse at 3s. p •. 00 07 06 

One halfe of a p'cell of Virginia Soft Sope 00 01 04 

One .half of a Small p'cell of salt 00 01 06 

One half of six tanned hides, being valued at 42d 01 or 00 

I old Cart & Wheels & old Horse Geere 00 12 00 

31 II 8J 
For Martha Jefferson, Vis: 

I feather bed. Bolster and Pillow gt., 84 lop 03 10 00 

I Rugg blanket, Bedstead Cord & Hide 01 10 00 

I fflock-bed, Rugg Blanket, 2 feather pillows, Bedstead Hide 

& Cord 02 15 00 

I Chest, I pr. wt. Lin. Sheetes, 2 pillow biers 01 09 00 


I Pr. Canvis Sheetes oo 06 00 

1 Canvis Pillow bier, lod.; i Canvis Sheete 00 03 10 

Brought Over 09 13 10 

6 old Canvis Napkins, i2d.; i old Canvis Table Cloth, 8d. . . 00 01 08 

2 old wt. Towells, is. 6d.; 4 old diaper Napkins, at $6. p., i;8 00 03 02 
10 old Virg'a Cloth Napkins, at 4d. Each, 3 ; 4 p. Very old 

table Cloths 00 03 06 

I Rusha Leather Chaire, 7s. 6d. q. 15 ; i Chest, 5s 01 00 00 

I Horse, 4 years old 02 10 00 

15 pd. new pewter at 124-, 15; 2}4 Is. old pewter at 6d., 1:1 . . 00 16 00 

8 New plates at 13d. p.; 2 old plates at 6d. p 00 09 00 

4 New Alkamy Spoones at 2d. p.; i brass candlestick, i2d. . 00 01 10 

I Tin Candlestick, 4d. ; i fowling piece, isd 00 15 04 

I Parcell of old Cap'ter tooles 00 11 00 

I Jugg, 6d. ; I Chamber pott, rod.; i porenger, 4d.; i Bason 

& I Mugg Earth'ware 00 02 05 

I Brass broken Morter and pestle 00 01 00 

I Brass Lamp, 5s. ; 2 old Small Chests, 2s 00 07 00 

I p'r Small Stilliards 00 04 00 

I p'rcell of ox Geering top Rings & Staples 00 07 00 

I Hatchett, los 00 10 00 

I Carrabine & Belt Pistolls, Sadies and Catuse Box (all old) . 02 10 00 

I pyed old Cow and frosted heifer 4 years old 02 10 00 

I Bull four years old 01 05 00 

I Red heifer 2 years old, 15s.; i heifer yearling, 8s 01 03 00 

I ox chaine, i2ls. at 3d. p 00 03 00 

I Pewter salt and porringer 00 02 06 

1 Great Iron pott, bis, i do., i2}i\s. 00 11 05 

2 p'r pott hookes at 8d 00 01 04 

I Earth Salt 00 00 04 

26 05 06 
The Appraisers hereunto sub- 
scribed were swome to this Fra: Epes, 
appriz'm't according to order of Jno. Worsham, 

Court . Tho. Edwards, 

p. Peter Fields, Joseph Tanner. 


The Totall of ye widow & Ex'x of ye dec*d in this Inven- 
tory 39 19 04 

The totall of Thomas Jefferson, Jun*r, is 31 11 08 >^ 

The totall of Martha Jefferson is 26 05 06 

/97 16 06}^ 


Upon Equall division between the three persons Each part is 32IS. 
1 25. 2d., w'ch amounts to ye totall of this Inventory. 

An Acc*tt of ye Crop of Tob'cos — Virginia. 
The whole Crop of Tob'a belonging to this Estate is neat 3995 

The Estate of Thomas Jefferson, Dec*d, is d*r in Tob'cos, Viz't: 

To Mr. Jno. Worsham SherTfor series of Rents, fees, &c 698 

To DoctV Bonman for Phisick 60 

The Crop of Indian Corn 
is 22 barrels. 

The Estate of Thomas Jefferson, dec* d, is D*r to Mony Acco't viz't: 

£s. d. 

To Walter Scott, p. bill i 17 06 

To ffra Cates, p. bill 30000 

To phill Turpin 00400 

'i o Ja. Branch 00800 

To Ann Caraway and Mary Harris, p. will for Rings i 00 00 

To Benj. Branch for a Mutton for the funerall o 10 00 

To SamMl Branch for Making ye Coffin o 10 00 

To Plank for ye Coffin o 02 06 

7 14 06 
The Estate C'r pr. Mony, viz't : 

By James Jubiter 2 12 06 

By Cap't \Vm. Randolph i 09 09 

By Mr. Jno. Washam o 08 10 

By Robert Graw i 0000 

By Jno. ffaile o 11 00 

6 02 01 
The estate is Dr. to Ballance i 12 05 

/7 14 06 

Henrico County, Octo ye ist, 1698, presented to the Court by the 
Execu'x of the Decd't and Recorded by Ord'r of Court, p. 

James Cocke, 

CI. Cur. 


Book Reviews. 

Barons of the Potomac and Rappahannock.— By Moncure D. 


Mr. Conway has been so fortunate in his choice of subjects for his- 
torical and biographical treatment, and so industrious and successful 
in collecting material (frequently before unknown), that it is an unplea- 
sant task to find fault with him, but for some time past the pleasure 
and profit we have derived from his writings has been so mingled with 
uneasiness and lack of confidence— grown more pronounced since an 
examination of his latest work, published for the Grolier Club — that 
we think it may now be of service to call attention to some of the 
causes of this feeling on our part. 

It is true that it may be said that the mistakes made by Mr. Conway 
are in minor matters; but there are many minor matters in **The 
Barons of the Potomac and Rappahannock," his latest work, and the 
strictest accuracy is all that can give them any value. We propose, 
therefore, to notice the instances in which an examination of authori- 
ties leads us to believe him to be guilty of carelessness or ignorancef 
and as the volume is little accessible to the public we shall qaote at 
some length. 

'* But there were many parishes in which no tobacco could be culti- 
vated, and these were left entirely without ministrations of the Estab- 
lished Church." Page 5. 

It is true that in all portions of Virginia there was frequent lack of 
ministers ; but an examination of Meade will show that no section was 
ever so entirely deserted by the Church as is here stated. The Gen- 
eral Assembly passed acts *' to allow persons not concerned in making 
tobacco to pay their levies and officers' fees in money," * (including 
especially parish levies), and making the same provisions in the cases 
of specified counties and parishes.! 

" Poor Spotswood lost his place in 1722, retreated to Annapolis, Md., 
and passed the remaining eighteen years of his life as a prosaic Post- 
master-General." Page 24. 

The editor of the Virginia Historical Collections, New Series, after a 
careful study of Spotswood's life, says {Spotswood Letters, I, xiii), that 
**at this place [Germanna] he resided after his retirement " in 1722. 
And instead of spending all of his life prosaically at Annapolis, he 
was, in 1724, engaged in what is not generally considered *' prosaic " 
business, for in that year he was in England and was married. Later, 

• Hening, VIII, 168. 
^Tbid, V, 80. 


too, he was certainly not at Annapolis, as it was at Gennanna that the 
visit was made to the Governor, his wife and " Miss Thecky," which 
has been so pleasantly described by Colonel Byrd. 

** I found * * that the ancient mansion of the Fauntleroys * * 
near the site of that superb mansion * * stands now a frame house, 
plebian enough to make the great cavalier, Moore Fauntleroy, turn 
over in his srfave " Page 94. 

A close examination in various directions, and especially of the 
county records, shows that there were never any " superb mansions " 
in Colonial Virginia. These records give most abundant evidence in 
the shape of inventories, where the various rooms in a house, in which 
the property is placed, are designated. 

It appears that until about the year 1700, there were but few brick 
houses built, and that the usual size of the houses of planters, of 
substantial means, and social and political consequence, was six or 
seven rooms. The very wealthy men (comparatively speaking) had 
houses somewhat larger ; but it is believed that none of the greatest 
houses in Virginia, such as Rosewell, Rosegill, Stratford, Westover 
or Blandfield, had more than from fifteen to seventeen rooms. These 
houses were exceedingly well built, and, in many instances, portions 
of the interior fitted up in a costly and handsome manner, furnished, 
probably, as well as the houses of the country gentry of this period in 
England ; but while they can be truthfully styled fine and suitable, it is 
mere extravagance to speak of them as *' superb mansions." Could 
Mr. Conway use much stronger terms for Chatsworth or Burleigh ? 

Not long ago an instance of this style of description was brought to 
the test of the facts, and the ratio between the tradition and the truth 
shown. In a memoir of Admiral Ralph Randolph Wormeley,of the Brit- 
ish Navy, but of a Virginia family, the authors state that the old residence 
of the Admiral's family, " Rosegill," Middlesex county, contained, be- 
sides other large apartments, thirty bed rooms.^ Now in Middlesex 
there still remains on record the inventory, dated 1701, of Ralph 
Wormeley, Esq., President of the Council and Secretary of State, who 
was one of the wealthiest and most influential men in Virginia,! and it 
shows that the rooms then in the Rosegill house were " the parlor/* 
"the Chamber," " the Chamber over said Chamber," ** the Chamber 
over the Parlor," " the Nursery," ** the room over the Ladye's Cham- 
ber," " the Ladies Chamber," " the entry," and " Madam Wormeley 's 
Closet," { nine in all, besides kitchen, dairy, &c. 

• Recollections of Rear Admiral Ralph Randolph fVormeley, New York, 1879. This 
work is, however, not by a Virginian. 

t" They [the trustees of William and Mary College] had struggled with the greatest 
man in the colony, Mr. Secretary Wormeley." Hartwell, Blair and Chelton's Present 
Slat* of Vip;ffinia. London, 1699. 

X Closet, a small room for privacy and retirement.— Johnson. 


In the same passage Mr. Conway calls Moore Fauntleroy a "great cav- 
alier.'* Why so.^ He was a gentleman of an old and respectable English 
family;* but we have seen no evidence as to his politics. If so great a cava- 
lier, why come to Virginia in 1641 instead of remaining, as one would 
have supposed a "great cavalier'* would have done, and drawn sword 
for the King in the struggle so evidently approaching ? Indeed, if we 
siiould judge by the preferences of his near kinsmen, who remained 
in England, we might suppose that he was a Parliamentarian in sym- 
pathy, for, from the account of the family,! we learn that the English 
members of the Fauntleroy were, from the Restoration at least, dis- 

We frequently hear *' Virginia Cavaliers" used in a way indicating 
an imperfect knowledge of the state of^ffairs in the Colony. If by 
the expression is meant that the great majority of Viirginians were 
heartily loyal, it is correct; but the very fact of this great majority is 
an argument against drawing any deductions as to the social ranki of 
the loyalists. Most of the people were of this party, therefore ^11 
grades and conditions of people. But if the talk of " Virginia Cava- 
liers '* indicates an idea that most of the Virginia gentry were de- 
scended from men of high rank, who had adhered to the King's side 
and afterwards emigrated to Virginia, it is assuredly incorrect. Some 
members of distinguished families, a considerable number of the minor 
gentrv, as well as persons of the lower ranks, after the success of a 
party which they believed to be composed of rebels and traitors, came 
to Virginia, finding here a warm welcome, and leaving many descend- 

" One may speculate, had George Washington then married and be- 
come master of Fauntleroy House.** Page 95. 

Speculation is useless in this case, as Miss Betsy had seven half-broth- 
ers (Fauntleroy) and two sisters. If the father of the fair lady had died 
before the Revolution, the bulk of the estate would have gone to the 
eldest brother; but, in fact, the father did not die until 1793, when in 
his eightieth year.J 

♦"The Fauntleroy Family," Wallace's Historical Magazine, July, 1891, p. i, et scq., 
derived from family records, wills, Hutchins' History of Dorset, &c. 

\ Ibid. See also Pepys, under date November 16, 1660, where he says: "In the Hall 
[Westminster] I met with Mr. Fontleroy, my old acquaintance whom I have not seen 
for a long time, and he and I to the Swan, and in the discourse, he seems to be wise 
and say little, though I know things are changed against his mind," (/. e., the Resto- 

J *' Fauntleroy Family," pp. 6, 15. Col. Wm. Fauntleroy, of " Naylors Hole," [not 
^* Fauntleroy Hfyuse^^''\ was bom 1713 and died 1793, and his eldest daughter Elizabeth 
was bom June 26th, 1736. In his will he confines his gifts to his sons, gives to three 
of them land, and to two more and to his daughters personal property. Only the 
portion of a wealthy planter's daughter, j^soo to ;^2,ooo, would Washington have got- 


" Why should not Wakefield [the birthplace of Washington] have 
been a grand place ?*' Page 96. 

Because money was scarce and building costly. 
" Duels about sweethearts were not infrequent " [in Colonial Vir- 
ginia]. Page 123 

Mr. Conway would furnish an interesting paper if he would publish 
an account of these duels he has discovered. *A number of other per- 
sons, who have thought they knew some little about ColoniaJ history, 
have been struck by the total absence of any notices of duelling ; from 
the affair between Stephens and Harrison, in the time of the company 
to the Revolution, and have suggested military customs introduced by 
a long war; and French influence, as the origin of the appeals to "the 
code," which were so freqtlent and deadly among Virginians from 
about 1790 uritil a time not long since past. 

The fact is, that while our records mention a few— very few— chal- 
lenges, so far as they show or as can be learned from other sources, no 
duel was fought in the Colonial period about wives or sweethearts, or 
anyone else. 

" When Admiral Vernon was fitting out in England his hostile expe- 
dition to South America * * The belligerent feeling [in Virginia] 
was especially aroused by tidings that Harry Beverley and other Vir- 
ginians had been confined by the Spaniards." Page 25. 

News travelled slowly in those days, but it did not, even then, take 
twenty-three years to come from the West Indies to Virginia. Captain 
Harry Beverley and the party under his command were captured in 
1 7 17 {Spotswood Letters^ II, 245), and Vernon was beaten before Cartha- 
gena in 1742. 

"In^the same year [1736] was established the first of the free 
schools * * the Eaton Free School in Elizabeth City." Page 137- 

Benjamin Symmes established a free school in Elizabeth City county 
in 1634.* There is evidence in the Elizabeth City records (partially de- 
stroyed) of the existence of the Eaton School, referred to, prior to 
1689 ; t Henry Peasley established a free school in Gloucester in 1675; X 
Governor Nicholson another at York town, 1695 ; § William Horton in 
Westmoreland,|| and Rev. John Farnefold,*f in Northumberland, before 
1 7 10, and Samuel Sanford,** in Accomac, 17 10. 

* Hmins^y VI, 389. 

t Elizabeth City County Records, cited in IP illiam and Ma*-y College Quarterly His- 
torical Papers, }w\y^ 1893, p. 64, 

Xl/etiing, VII, 41. 

j> York County Records, cited in IVilliam and Mary Quarterly^ Julyi 1893, p. 17. 

Perry's Historical Collections of American Church, 292. 
^ ** John Famefold, clerk, by his last will gave one hundred acres for ye use of a Free 
School." Patent to Famefold Nutt, Northern Neck Land Book, iV, 31. 
•* Meade, I, 265. 


'^ Soon after Bacon's Rebellion (1676) a hundred English girls emi- 
^ated to Virginia. * * One of these married a Fitzhugh." Page 131. 

This is an inaccurate reproduction of a tradition given by George 
Fitzhugh in De Bow's Review. Genealogical traditions are generally 
false; but however it may be in this case, Fitzhugh states that Henry 
Fitzhugh married a Miss Cooke, of Gloucester (which is correct), and 
that there was a tradition that her mother was one of the women sent 
over to be wives to the Colonists. Further on Mr. Conway quotes 
George Fitzhugh correctly (as to this matter), which he has forgotten 
to do here. It is to be desired that Mr. Conway will give his authority 
for his statement in regard to girls sent here for wives after 1676. 

•* A gentleman of Fredericksburg writes me ' I have a pedigree of the 
Carters of Shirley, through the Spotswood tree, going back in a straight 
line to Adam and Eve — not a missing link.* " Page 134. 

Mr. Conway's correspondent can also, after he traces the Spotswood 
ancestry back to Scotch and English kings, find, in the old chronicles, 
pedigrees without a missing link, which will enable him to carry the 
line batk to Thor and Woden. To be more exact in 'regard to this 
important matter, we have made a careful investigation, and find that 
Anne Hill Carter, the mother of General R. E. Lee, was forty-first in 
descent from the chief of the Scandinavian gods. But why should 
Mr. Conway's correspondent confine the honors of celestial and ante- 
luvian ancestory to the Carters? But one branch of this most respect- 
able and numerous family are descended from the Spotswoods, whose 
many representatives of other names should surely be allowed to share 
in the gratification to be derived from such descent. 

*• In 1849 Mr. Colin Clarke, of Richmond city, was residing in the 
superb colonial mansion Warner Hall * * surpassed all others as a 
monument of the wealth and culture which transplanted scions of great 
English houses, to produce a more glorious Gloucestershire than any 
in England. It had twenty-six rooms * * hall * ♦ drawing 
rooms hung with ancestral portraits * * It was built by the first 
of the Lewis family, according to a family tradition, in 1635." Page 

This passage appears to have as many errors as lines. First as to 

Warner Hall ; a gentleman, a native and long resident of Gloucester 

county, who recollects the old Warner Hall house, says he is sure it 

had no more than sixteen or eighteen rooms. It may have been built 

by the first of the Lewis family (who by the way is nominis umbrae 

only vouched for by tradition); but it was most certainly not built in 

1635. At that date there was hardly a settler within the limits of the 

present county, and the building of such a house as Warner Hall was 

an impossibility. 

As we have before urged, and as we believe all genealogists having 

any competent acquaintance with the subject will agree, but few 


" scions of great English houses " came to any of the colonies. Glou- 
cester, the county under consideration, has always been distinguished 
in Virginia as the residence of a large number of families of wealth, 
education and good birth ; but in only a few instances are they de- 
scended from "great houses," even of the English gentry. The fami- 
lies of Wyatt, Peyton and Throckmorton are perhaps the only ones de- 
rived from English houses of historic note ; but they were never, in 
Virginia, as eminent for large estates and political influence as others 
in the same county whose English ancestry is of much less distinction. 
Next, as known descendants of the minor gentry, were the families of 
Page, Burwell, Lightfoot (the immigrant was son of a barrister and 
grandson of a rector), and Clayton (from a London family which was 
of some distinction in the city and in the army and traced to the coun- 
try gentry). Other leading names of the county, nothing certain in 
regard to whose English ancestry is known.* were Kemp (who were 
probably of the family of baronets of Gissing Hall), Lewis (to whom 
one pedigree in print — others do not — gives a long line of Welsh ances- 
try), Warner, Smith, Armistead, Gwynne, Robins, Dudley, Taliaferro, 
Thornton, Tabb, Whiting, Willis, Booth (whose former estate is named 
Dunham-Massey), Todd, Cooke, Fox and others. These families were, 
like those of the ruling class in other counties, doubtless derived from 

•When we say " not known " we do not mean to affirm that the families named have 
not in each instance full and authentic proofs of their English ancestr>-, but only that we 
are acquainted with none such in print or in public records. There are many obstacles 
in the way of making any general statement. To within a few years but little critical 
investigation of Virginia genealogy had been made, and Meade contained allihut was in 
print. And even in genealogies which have been published since his time eflfort has but 
seldom been made to trace back beyond the immigrant. Thousands have been spent by 
Northern families in research among the Eng^lish archives of various classes, where dol- 
lars (perhaps cents were the better proportion) have been spent by Virginians. To the 
Virginia gentleman of ante-bellum days the quality of his ancestry was a fact too well 
established to himself and his acquaintances for him to think that any investigation was 
necessary, while later the poverty of the people, which has perhaps turned their atten- 
tion to the study of family history, and thus caused a more critical spirit as to facts, has 
likewise prevented them, except in a few instances, from undertaking the costly and 
laborious researches generally necessary to establish, with full proofs, a line here and in 
Europe. To the difficultie.*;, too, caused by the destruction of many records, public and 
private, has been added that caused by the wide dispersion througholt the country of 
members of the old families, who have divided and carried with them mr^y valuable evi- 
dences, such as family Bibles, letters, diaries, portraits, &c. To give an Instance of such 
dispersion it may be mentioned that the material for the genealog>' of Gloucester family, 
with the result of undoubted proof of English descent, was within the laslyear gathered 
from this State, West Virginia, Kentucky, New York, Texas, and Soiaerset House, 

Within tlie last few years, however, much valuable work has been doi,e on the right 
lines, but the foreign ancestry of Virginia families yet remains largely ;9i unexplored 
and most interesting field for research . 

A considerable number of Virginia families (and probably there are m^re not made 
public) have always preserved full and indubitable' proofs of their Engl jh or Scotch 


ancestors of various ranks and professions— -members of the country 
gentry, merchants and tradesmen and their sons and relatives, and occa- 
sionally a minister, a physician, a lawyer or a captain in the merchant 
service. We have gone over this list of names to endeavor to give 
some idea of the components of a fair example of the A^irginia gentry 
(by ** gentry '' we mean, without regard to foreign ancestry, the ruling 
class politically and socially), and in how small a proportion any- 
thing is as yet known as to the ancestry of the immigrant. 

" Nor can I discover an instance in which any old mansion or his- 
toric edifice in Virginia was destroyed by Northern armies." Page 146. 

We have made no investigation of this subject, but recall, as instances, 
William and Mary College. True it had been burnt in 1859, but the 
original walls were still standing when rebuilt. The White House — 
home of Mrs. Washington; Barnesfield, the old residence of the 
Hooe family on the Potomac, in King George county, and Acquia 
Church in Stafford. Perhaps it was only the interior of this church that 
was torn to pieces ; but other outrages, as ine.xcusable, were committed 
there, for in the Alexandria Gazelie, a few years ago, a writer, evi- 
dently well informed, stated that, after the war, Federal soldiers from 
New Jersey sent back to the late John Carroll Brent, of Washington, D. 
C, copper plates, with epitaphs, which had been dug out of the tombs 
of the Brents at this Church. 

" A precisely similar sale of bricks has also overtaken Eltham [in New 
Kent].'* Page 148. 

As Eltham was destroyed by fire about 1870, perhaps nothing better 
could be done with the bricks. 

Except as far as all Colonial officials were English officers, there is 
nothing to show that Colonel Augustine Warner, Sr., of the Council, 
was an " English officer," as stated on page 150; nor is it correct that 
the portrait of his son, Augustine Warner, Speaker of the House of 
Burgesses, is at Rosewell. It has been for several years in the Virginia 
State Library, where it was temporarily deposited by the owner. 

'• The first Virginian of the name was General Robert Lewis * * * 
The buildmg of the mansion, afterwards called Warner Hall, attribu- 
ted to this General Robert Lewis, who in 1650, received a grant of 
33.333 >^ acres in Gloucester." Page 151. 

We have already spoken of Robert Lewis His rank as general is 
exceedingly problematical, and the statement as to the large grant 
(which has been several times in print, and Mr. Conway only adopts) 
is absolutely false. As the tomb of Augustine Warner is at Warner 
Hall, and as John Lewis married his daughter and co-heiress, it seems 
probable that the house was built by the Warners. 

Mr. Conway mentions that a Howell Lewis appears in a list of the 
gentry of England, in 1673, and appears to think it a striking coinci- 
dence that a person of the same name is included in the Virginia 


family, apparently unaware of the fact that in Wales each name is 
almost as numerous as John and Smith in other countries. 

"Lucy Armistead, * * * one of the great Darmstadt family. 
They called their mansion after the country from which they emi- 
grated. * Hesse,* but changed their name to *Armistead.' " Page 164. 

There is certainly an old and widely- spread tradition among the 
Armisteads that they were from Hesse Darmstadt, and formerly bore 
the name of their native country ; but if there is any truth at all in 
this tradition, it relates to a time (as one branch of the family has pre- 
served it) before they were settled in England. The name has been 
"Armistead " from the first immigration to Virginia of Wm. Armistead, 
about 1634, and it is, or was, found in several counties in England, 
while the arms of the Virginia family (as exemplified by a pre-Revo- 
lutionary book plate) differ only in small details from a coat given by 

It appears, from a letter by Warner Lewis, printed by Mr. Conway, 
that the original Armistead estate in Gloucester bore the name '* Hes- 
se " as early as 1765. It is frequently difficult to discover, from au- 
thoritative sources, how long names of Virginia estates have been 
borne. From recollection of various records, we would think that 
those of longest duration are derived from creeks, necks, points, 
and such other natural features (bearing names either given by the 
aborigines or the early settlers) and from localities with names by the 
same, as "Turkey Island," "Richneck." "Blunt Point," "Queen's 
Creek," ** Four Mile Tree," " Weyanoke "; or from some such words, 
with the name of an early settler prefixed, as **Jordan*s Point," 
" Pope's Creek "; or where the simple possessive of a family name 
(by which farms are now commonly known) has, in course of time, 
been abbreviated into a place-name, as "Sheffield,'* in Chesterfield, 
long the home of the Ward family, which was, about 1620, the resi- 
dence of Thomas Sheffield; and " Maycox," in Prince George, deriv- 
ing its name from an early member of the Council. The class of names 
which did not originate in common usage, but were deliberately se- 
lected and given, appear (though this is not a universal rule, and in- 
formation is too scant to make positive statements) to have come later. 
Such were " Ditchley " and "Stratford," "Boxley" (Wyatt, in Glou- 
cester), "Craundair* (Fauntleroy, in Richmond county), "Isleham" 
(Peyton, in Gloucester), "Bedford" (Fitzhugh, in King George), 
"Prestwould" (Skipwith, in Mecklenburg), and *' Chelsea" (More, in 
King William). Such names as "Marlborough," "Blenheim," "Sara- 
toga," and *' Waterloo " tell their own history. Before we return from 
this long digression into which " Hesse " has led us, we wish to inquire 
if any one can tell why the name '* Marmion " was given, certainly a 
number of years prior to the Revolution, to a seat of the Fitzhughs 
in King George county ? 


*• Ralph Wormeley, who had lost his ladv (Sarah Berkeley), succeeded 
in his suit for the hand of Miss Bowles * * * became a famous 
member of the Council and stood by his oath of loyalty at the cost of 
home and happiness/' Page 165. 

The Ralph Wormeley, who * Most his lady " (Sarah Berkeley),* and 
won the hand of Miss Bowles, was not the one who, as a Tory, was 
confined to certain limits in Berkeley and Frederick counties by the 
Convention, and subjected to other troubles, riotous mobs, &c.; but 
was the father of that person, who was Ralph Wormeley, Junior. 
Neither did loyalty cost father or son a home, for the former died in 
Virginia in i786,t and the latter was a member of the House of Dele- 
gates from Middlesex after the Revolution (1787, 1790), and of the Vir- 
ginia Convention of 1788; and was Ralph Wormeley of ** Rosegill," 
when he died, January 19th, i8od.| 

We will, however, grant Mr. Conway some of the unhappiness, for 
besides the threatening mobs of patriots in Berkeley, which Mr. Worme- 
ley says endangered his life, the crew of a British privateer landed at 
" Rosegill " in June, 178 1, and robbed the family of the plate, their 
watches and wearing apparel, and carried off thirty -six fine slaves. J 

On page 166 is a letter from Warner Lewis to Lawrence Washington 
(dated in Virginia 1747), in which the writer says : ** Before I sail (w*ch 
will be in June) if there should be anything in England that I can be 
of servis to you * * * I should be glad to see you at Bath, being 
well convinced that nothing would be more beneficial to your health.'' 
As Lewis is about going to England it appears most probable that the 
Bath at which he wished to meet Washington, was not the Berkeley 
Springs, Virginia (as Mr. Conway supposes), but the famous health re- 
sort in England. It is doubtful whether at this early period the former 
was visited by invalids from Eastern Virginia. The History of the 
Lower Shenandoah Valley (page 243) speaks of the place as *'a locality 
spoken of as early as 1760 or before." 

" In the Revolution there was not one Tory known on the Rappa- 
hannock. Its ancient and proud Barons all threw themselves into the 
cause of independence.*' Page 174. 

To this it may be answered that among Rappahannock people were 
Ralph Wormeley, Jr., already noticed, his brother James, who went to 
England at the beginning of the war;|| another brother John, who 
served as an oflicer in the English army in the South, and who, when 
he was allowed to return to Virginia in 1783, was disfranchised for four 

•She died December 2d, 174 1. Southei-n Literary Messenger^ l'IIf,j2j. 
\ Recollections of Admiral Ralph Randolph Wormeley^ page it. 
\ Meade /, 371. 

^Sce petition of Ralph Wormeley, Jr., in Virginia Council Jourttal, January 13th, 1777, 
and his letter to Mami Page, in Calendar of Virginia State Papers, f.joo-jor. 

■^ Recollections 0/ Admiral H'ofyneley. 


years.* There were also Robert Beverley, of** Blandfield," Essex, who 
is stated t to have refused to serve on the county committee, to have 
been disarmed and been constantly *' inimical to the Whigs"; Austin 
BrockenbroughjJ of Essex, who was compelled to leave Virginia iii 
1775, and did not return until the peace ; John Tayloe Corbin,S who 
was confined to the limits of his father's estate in Caroline; John Ran- 
dolph Grymesll (son of Philip Grymes, of *' Brandon," Middlesex), 
whose accession so delighted Dunmore, and who served as a major in 
Simcoe's Queens Rangers ; Benjamin and Philip Grymes,*^ both voted 
enemies by the Spotsylvania Committee in 1776 (and the latter impris- 
oned in the interior), and William Montague,** of Lancaster, denounced 
by the people of his county and the State Council as hoetile. More 
might be named, but these are enough. It is very true that a great 
majority of the old Colonial families stood firmly for the cause of inde- 
pendence ; but among them, on each of the rivers, was more than one 

" To hang up Blackbeard's head would be in accordance with the 
custom of the times. The Rev. Frank Stringfellow, an Episcopal 
clergyman of Virginia, tells me of a remarkable series of names re- 
cording the similar fate of some negro offender. In travelling from the 
Appomattox, Chesterfield county, we pass 'Skinquarter Creek,' where 
the criminal was hung and flayed, his skin being displayed.*' Page 185. 

Mr. Conway then continues and states that Negro Arm road in Pow- 
hatan, Negro Foot post-office in Hanover and Negro Head Run in 
Orange, show where other portions of the body were put up in terro- 
rom. It is safe to assert that this is wholly untrue, and that no such 
barbarous punishment ever took place in Virginia. No similar instance 
is preserved in histories or records. Under the Virginia, as under the 
English law, ears might be cut off, but we find no provision for feet. 
The "quarter" in Skinquarter doubtless meant, not a portion of an 
offender's carcass, but, like hundreds of other "quarters," a plantation 
where hands were worked, but the owner did not reside. 

On page 222, speaking of the Fairfax ownership of the Northern 
Neck, Mr. Conway says : " Here was a tremendous and continuous train- 
ing in hatred of aristocracy. The accident of birth had thrown into 
the hand of one Englishman six million acres in a county he never 
saw and made fiefs of a thousand estates tilled by Virginans." 

* Rfiollections 0/ Adntiral U'otmelty. Sthintw Anwricafi Loyalists If. Hening, XI, 
t Calendar of VitKinia State Pdpert, II ', j^S-j/o. 
X Meade, II, n-f'477' 
'i^ Journal 0/ the Convention, May, 1776. 

Sabines Afnerican Loyalists. 
«• Ibid. 

** Meade, II, 43, and Council Journal. 


The proprietors of the Northern Neck never had any authority in 
civil or military or religious affairs, as did some others (the Baltimores 
for instance). The counties north of the Rappahannock were as much 
under the general government of the colony as those south of it. They 
sent their representatives to the same House of Burgesses, and their 
whole system of county and parish government was conducted in the 
same manner, and all civil and military officers were appointed by the 
same authority as in the other parts of Virginia. The only difference was 
that th^ quit rents were paid to Lord Fairfax's aj2:ent instead of to the 
King's receiver general, and it was doubtless a matter of indifference 
to them to whom it went. There appears no evidence of any hatred, 
as Mr. Conway suggests, against the family of the proprietor, Fairfax. 
Indeed, his "Barons" appear to have been on most friendly terms 
with them, marrying and giving in marriage, while it may be taken as 
a fair test of the feeling of the lower classes, that the last proprietor, 
Lord Fairfax, known to be in sympathy with England, lived in Vir- 
ginia during all the war without there remaining an instance of even 
an insult offered him. 

"William Lightfoot [1746] descended from John Lightfoot, a James- 
town colonist, was soon after a member of the Council." Page 241. 

He was neither a descendant from a John Lytefoot, a Jamestown 
colonist, nor was he ever in the Council, but was the grandson of Philip 
Lightfoot (immigrant), whose epitaph at Sandy Point (" Teddington "), 
on James river, states that he was son of a Grays Inn barrister, and 
grandson of a Northamptonshire rector. 

** I will copy here a curious legend of the Fauntleroys from a pri- 
vate letter written by a great-granddaughter of Washington's ' Low- 
land Beauty.* *About the years 1690 a young French Prince, heir to 
the throne, formed a morganatic marriage with a young French gen- 
tlewoman named Lady Eliza Bellefield, of good family; but not of 
the blood Royal.' " [She then states that about 1700 the Prince of 
Saxe-Meiningen, in Germany, had made a morganatic marriage with 
one Elizabeth Schuman, who had petitioned the Emperor Charles for 
the title of princess, and the civil lawyers were considering the mat- 
ter, biit before they reached a decision] " Lady Bellefield had died of 
chagrin, and her three sons were banished from France. They came 
to Virginia about 1706, bringing with them their princely title. Enfant- 
U'Roi^ and coat of arms, three infant heads crowned with fleurs de- 
lis. Miss Betsy [the ' Lowland Beauty '] was named for and was the 
granddaughter of Lady Eliza Bellefield." Page 241. 

Of course, Mr. Conway does not credit this very "curious legend "; 
but it is surprising that such should have been thought worthy of a 
place in his book. The tradition he quotes would not be worthy of 
notice were it not as an example of the extreme of absurdity to which 
genealogical tradition, even when the facts have been known, may 


grow. The heir to the French throne in 1690 was the Dauphin Louis; 
and while French royal and princely immorality at that day would 
have disdained such a miserable pretense as the German morganatic 
marriage, any union approaching it in publicity, would have been made 
notorious by the memoirs of the time. We can, of course, find no 
trace of Lady Eliza (rather English for a French gentlewoman) Belle- 
field ; but there has long been a well-known family of Belfield in Rich- 
mond county (where the Fauntleroys lived), whose immigrant ances- 
tor, as their own published records show, was Joseph Belfield, an 
Englishman. It is also absolutely certain that the first of the Fauntle- 
roys, Moore, was (as has been shown before) an Englishman, who 
came about 1640; and to him, as the certificate still preserved shows, 
was granted in 1633 by the Heralds College a confirmation of his 
arms — the three infants' heads — stated in the certificate by Sir John 
Borough, Garter, to have been " borne by his ancestors time out of 
mind.''* And instead of Betsy being a daughter of an illegitimate 
scion of French, or any other royalty, she is shown, by indubitable 
records, to have been the daughter of Colonel William Fauntleroy, of 
Richmond county, and his wife, Apphia Bushrod, of Northumberland — 
both honestly bom natives of Virginia. 

And now, in conclusion, to call Mr. Conway's attention to one more 
error. If he will examine any Fairfax pedigree he will find that Mr. 
Bladen, of the Board of Trade (page 180), was not an uncle of Colonel 
William Fairfax, of Virginia, but (his mother was one of the Fairfaxes 
of Stenton) was only a distant kinsman. 

This article has grown to such entirely unexpected length that there 
is no space for any further remarks on Mr. Conway's work, nor did we 
desire to do more than to call attention to his statements and to what 
appears to us to be the facts. We believe a comparison of these will 
enable all interested to form a Judgment. 

♦See copy of the certificate in "The Fauntleroy Family," Wallace's Historical 
Monthly, July, 1891, where will also be found full proofs of the ancestry of " Betsy 



Virginia Historical Society 




Socletu's Bulldlna, December 14th, I893j 








Virginia Historical Society 


Annual Meeting held December i^lhy iSgs- 

The annual meeting of the Virginia Historical Society 
was held on Thursday, December 14th, in its building, No. 707 
East Franklin street, this being the first general meeting of the 
Society since it took possession of its new home. A large num- 
ber of members were present. Mr. Joseph Bryan, the President, 
took the chair, and read his report giving an account of the 
work and progress of the Society in the course of 1893. This 
report was as follows: 

To the Members of the Virginia Historical Society : 

The by-laws of this Society provide that " the Chairman 
shall annually prepare a report, giving in detail the work and 
progress of the Society during the past year, and making such 
suggestions and recommendations as will promote its interest, 
which report, after approval by the Executive Committee, shall 
be presented to the Society at its next regular meeting." In 
obedience to this requirement, I have the honor to submit the 
following report, which has been approved by the Executive 
Committee. In this the general facts touching the work and 
progress of the Society during the past year have been furnished 
by our Corresponding Secretary, Philip A. Bruce, Esq., and by 
our Treasurer, R. T, Brooke, Esq. 

The most important event in our history of the past year was 
the movement of the Society from the Westmoreland Club, and 
its establishment in its present building, 707 East Franklin street. 


The deed to the Society for this building has been duly executed 
by Mrs. John Stewart and her family, and has been recorded. In 
congratulating ourselves that we have at last a sure abiding 
place, I deem it appropriate to give a brief resume of the many 
movements made by this Society since its revival in 1847. In 
preparing this statement I have not only carefully gone over the 
records of the Society, but have been aided by the verbal and 
printed statements of Mr. B. B. Minor, Dr. W. P. Palmer, and 
Dr. C. G. Barney. To this latter gentleman, it is conceded by 
all, the Society owes an enduring debt of gratitude for his labors 
in saving its books and pictures. ^ 

The first location of the Society was at the southeast corner of 
the Capitol Square, where, from 1847 ^o 1853. it occupied rented 
rooms on the third floor of the so-called law building, now a 
part of the Davis Hotel. There both its books and pictures 
were kept, and there its Corresponding Secretary had his office. 
The annual meetings were held at the Capitol, and the monthly 
meetings of the Executive Committee were generally held at the 
residence of some member of the Committee. 

Second. In 1853 the city of Richmond gave the Society the 
free use of rooms in the Athenaeum — the building on the corner 
of Tenth and Marshall streets, which had been constructed for 
the Richmond Academy — and here the books and pictures were 
kept until October, 1858, when the building was sold, and, until 
further provision could be made, the pictures were placed in a 
room at the State Capitol and the books were packed in boxes. 
In 1853, o^*" regular records, as they now appear, began to be 
kept with regularity by the late Andrew Johnston, Esq., who 
was made the Recording Secretary. During his time, and indeed 
for all meetings thereafter, they were kept with fullness and pre- 

Third. About this time (1858), the Virginia Mechanics Insti- 
tute, situated on Ninth street, opposite Bank street, between Main 
and Franklin, was put under construction, and by a contract be- 
tween that institute and the Virginia Historical Society and the 
Richmond Library Company a large room in the third story was 
secured for the common use of this Society and the Library 
Company, while each had a small room opening into the large 
room. To this place our books and pictures were again re- 


moved, and here they remained until the occupation of Rich- 
mond as the Confederate Capital, when the Mechanics' Institute 
was taken possession of by the Confederate States War Depart- 
ment, and it became necessary to find other quarters -for the 
books and pictures. The books were temporarily piled up in a 
small room of the Institute, and the pictures were taken by Dr. 
Barney to his own residence, 403 East Main street, where they 
remained for twenty years, or until they were placed upon the 
walls of the Westmoreland Club in 1881, when that very hospi- 
table and considerate organization offered a place of refuge to 
our Society. It being necessary to move the books from the 
Mechanics' Institute, Dr. Barney secured rooms in the building, 
then owned by the city, at the southeast corner of Tenth and 
Bank streets, whither he carried the greater part of them, making 
the fourth move, when again military necessity compelled him 
to take them out. 

This great embarrassment was relieved by the kind interference 
of the Confederate Secretary of the Treasury, Hon. C. G. Mem- 
minger, influe^nced by our good friend, Judge W. W. Crump, 
and a room in the Custom-house, then the Confederate Treasury 
Department, was given the Society. Here Dr. Barney had 
shelves made, and to this place, sometime in the summer of 186 1, 
made the fifth move of our books. They remained in the Cus- 
tom-house until after the evacuation of Richmond by the Con- 
federates and its occupation by the Federal troops. Dr. Barney 
says that upon his return to the city a short time after the sur- 
render at Appomattox, he visited these books and found that his 
precautions of putting cotton cloth over them and nailing strips 
of wood across the shelves to prevent them being injured by 
dust, or removed, had proved futile, and that the shelves were 
being plundered. He also received notice from the Federal 
commander that the books were to be taken out or they would* 
be thrown out. Upon that he got, with great difficulty, vehicles 
and moved them, for the . sixth time, to his own premises, 403 
east Main street, where they remained two years, and were then 
delivered to the Librarian of the Young Men's Christian Associ- 
ation, which had its rooms on the second floor of a building on 
the south side of Main, about midway between Eighth and Ninth 
streets. This was the seventh move. At this time the Society 



had over 5,000 volumes. In August, 1871, as I learn from a 
memorandum in the handwriting of Mr. R. A. Brock, lately your 
Corresponding Secretary, the Society obtained rooms in the 
building now occupied by the Court of Appeals — the old Syca- 
more Church on Tenth street — and all the books were taken 
from the Young Men's- Christian Association and removed to this 
place in July, 1875, this making the eighth move. The ninth 
move was accomplished in August, 1881, when the Westmore- 
land Club, in its present building, at the corner of Sixth and 
Grace streets, offered its upper story as a harbor for our storm - 
tossed library, and its walls for the pictures of the Society. The 
tenth — and let us hope for at least a long time its last — move 
was made in June, 1893, ^^ ^^^ present home, 707 East Franklin 
street. It is needless to say that in these changes of fortune the 
library was much depleted and many sets of books were broken. 
Since, however, we established ourselves at the Westmoreland 
Club, all contributions of books and pamphlets have been care- 
fully kept, and the business of the Society has assumed methods 
of precision and regularity more in accord with its main objects 
and purposes than ever before. 

During the last year our Corresponding Secretary reports that 
the library has been increased by 368 titles, including books pre- 
sented to the Society, magazines, pamphlets, historical, literary, 
scientific, religious, etc. Of the different books and pamphlets, 
about 80 were presented by General J. Watts De Peyster, of New 

Two valuable maps were presented to the Society — one of 
Virginia in 1807, ^Y Mr. G. P. Tarry, of Mecklenburg county, 
Va., and the other of Richmond in 1849, by Mrs. J. Enders 
Robinson, of Richmond. 

The Natio7ial Intelligencer, Washington, D. C, 1813, and 
Richmond Enquirer y 1845, were presented by Mr. William P. 
Marshall, of Richmond. 

Manuscripts. — The receipt book of Mr. William Beverley, 1729. 
showing his payment of quit rents, was presented by Mr. John 
C. Honeyman, of New Jersey. The account book of Mr. Wil- 
liam Beverley, 1752, was presented by Mr. Worthington C. Ford, 
Brooklyn, N. Y. 

The daguerreotype of James Innes was presented by Mr. 


George D. Todd, Louisville, Ky. An oil painting of four mem- 
bers of the Grymes family in the early part of the eighteenth 
century was bequeathed to the Society by Mrs. Norah L. Macon. 

The catalogue of the books in the library is about completed. 
This has never been done before. Catalogueing the pamphlets 
will take some further time. The examination of the library in 
making the catalogue has disclosed the fact that the sets of books 
are very much broken. I have already sufficiently accounted 
for this. The library, however, contains many volumes of value, 
and some very early editions. The collection of books on Vir- 
ginia is very small, and now that there is reason to believe the 
books will be properly cared for, the Society will gratefully re- 
ceive from any of its members any books on the history of our 
State, of which one would suppose we ought to have a very 
large collection. The library contains in all about 7,000 volumes, 
besides some 5,000 pamphlets. 

Instead of publishing an annual volume upon some one sub- 
ject, the Executive Committee deemed it expedient to publish a 
magazine which would contain a variety of subjects of original 
historical value, and be more in accord with the methods pro- 
vided by other similar societies. Accordingly the first number 
of the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography y which will 
be quarterly, was published in July last, the second number in 
October, and the third is now far advanced. 

The amount of original material for history which is accessi- 
ble in this State is unsurpassed, if, indeed, it is approached, by 
any other State in the Union. Not only are there unsearched 
mines of this wealth in the Capitol, but this Society itself is in 
possession of original manuscript enough to supply the maga- 
zine with matter for a great number of years. Besides this there 
is invaluable manuscript material relating to Virginia in the Na- 
tional Library at Washington and in the Library of the Episco- 
pal Seminary at Alexandria. The county courts themselves 
furnish much material which was rapidly going to decay, but 
will be saved by the appropriation obtained by the diligence of 
our most efficient and active member, Prof. Lyon G Tyl^r. 
The amount of this material and the magnitude and importance 
of some special manuscripts (which should be published in 
separate volumes) is such that unless the State intends to take 


some actioD on her own part, this Society can present the strong; - 
est claims upon the Legislature for an appropriation to be ex- 
pended with such limitations as the State may prescribe for the 
publishing and editing of much of this material. 

In this connection it is proper to say that every State in the 
Union has a Historical Society; some of them richly endowed, 
many of them sustained by State appropriation, and their 
efficiency and value is determined by the resources they can 
command of materials and money. We have the materials, but 
we have hitherto lacked a local habitation of any permanence, 
and the money to carry on the work systematically. It is not 
to be expected that this great work can be carried on entirely by 
individual aid. Our Corresponding Secretary has obtained the 
following information touching the aid given by other States. 

The Maine Historical Society, Belfast, Me., does work under 
contract with the State for which the State pays. 

The Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, Lansing, Mich., 
receives from the State $2,500 annually, and with it twenty vol- 
umes of the early history of Michigan have been printed. 

The Maryland Historical Society, at Baltimore, Md., receives 
$2,000 a year from the State, with which to provide for the 
preservation, arrangement, publication and sale of ancient docu- 
ments relating to Maryland. 

The Historical Society of New Mexico receives from $400 to 
$600 per annum from the State for the purchase of articles, be- 
sides which the State also has made appropriations for the pre- 
serving of old archives under a commissioner. 

The New Jersey Historical Society, at Newark, receives $3,000 
a year from the State, on condition that a certain number of 
volumes of those that are printed shall be given to the State. 

The State Historical and Natural Society, of Colorado, has 
received $5,000 in the last fourteen years from the State for the 
purchase of articles. 

The Historical Society of Kansas, at Topeka, receives $5,680 
from the State annually, but its publications belong to the State. 

Texas provides for her Historical Society, as a bureau of her 
Agricultural Department. 

Rhode Island Historical Society receives $1,500 per annum 
for the purchase and binding of books relating to the history of 


the State, and for copying and preserving the records of the 

The South Carolina Historical Society receives $2,000 per 
annum from the State. 

The Minnesota State Historical Society receives $6,000 per 
annum from the State, and in addition, the last Legislature gave 
$200 more for a fire- proof vault. 

The most remarkable Historical Society of all is in the State 
of Wisconsin. It has the mo^ complete library of the histories 
of the several States, in the United States. It has been said that 
if we desire to study the history of any State in the Union, we 
must go to Madison, Wis., and search the library of the State 
Historical Society of Wisconsin to find it. 

I have been interested in reading the records of this Society 
to note that on the 29th of June, 1855, "the Chairman of this 
Society, Mr. Conway Robinson, laid before the committee a 
printed copy, lately received, of the first annual report of the 
Kxecutive Committee of the State Historical Society of Wis- 
consin, wherein at page 9 it was mentioned that but three effi- 
cient Historical Societies of our country, those of New York, 
Maine and Virginia, remained unrepresented in their library or 
list of exchanges, whereupon resolved that the Chairman cause 
to be transmitted to the said Historical Society of Wisconsin a 
copy of the first volume of *' Early voyages to America, and 
copies of such other of the Society's publications as in the 
opinion of the Corresponding Secretary can be so transmitted 
without inconvenience.'* At another meeting of our Executive 
Committee held March 2nd, 1857, the Chairman stated ''that 
there had been sent to the Secretary papers containing the pro- 
ceedings of the Historical Society of Wisconsin at stated meet- 
ings in October, November, December, January and February, 
and the Chairman called the attention of the committee to the 
striking evidence which these proceedings furnish of the interest 
taken in that young Stale in the objects of the Society." This 
Society receives, from the State, about $14,000 per annum, 
besides which the Society has other means of its own, from 
which they pay for the bulk of their printing and the salaries of 
three assistant librarians. Their Secretary says, as a matter 
worthy of note, and we say wonderful to relate, that no attempt 


has been made at political interference with this large appro- 
priation. • 

In the history of our Society there have been repeated propo- 
sitions to the Executive Committee to make application to the 
State for aid in this work« and it seems a propitious time that 
this matter should now be called to the attention of our present 

The Virginia Historical Society has no>v 50 life members, of 
which ten have joined since our last annual meeting, adding $500 
to our permanent fund. After a careful revision of the list, we 
have left 602 annual members ; 384 of these have joined the So- 
ciety since the last annual meeting. The total addition smce the 
last annual meeting has been 394. 

The report of the Treasurer shows that the receipts of the 
Society for the last year were $5,074.92, and the expenses for 
salaries, publication, etc., $3,272.16, leaving a balance in hand of 
$1,802,74, o^ which $1,792 is on deposit bearing interest. Of 
the receipts during last year $902.60 were the generous gifts of 
two kindred societies of ladies — ^$75 being sent through Mrs. W. 
W. Henry, by the Albemarle Chapter of the Daughters of the 
Revolution, and $827.60 received through Mrs. James H. Dooley, 
president, from the Old Dominion Chapter of the Daughters of 
the Revolution. The Society cannot express too strongly its 
gratitude to these ladies for their generous and timely aid, and 
to assure them that with such encouragement this Society will 
feel confident in accomplishing the purposes of its organization. 
The Society hopes that the ladies of these organizations, and of 
kindred societies, will make the freest use of the Society's build- 
ing for their meetings, and to assure them any aid or assistance 
which we can render will be most cheerfully given. 

In connection with the financial history of our Society I have 
received from Dr. Barney, who was its treasurer during the pe- 
riod of the war and immediately preceding and succeeding it, 
some interesting original papers. One is a resolution in the 
handwriting of Mr. Gustavus A. Myers, and signed by him and 
by A. A. Morson, Thomas H., Ellis, Thonlas T. Giles, Andrew 
Johnston and George W. Randolph, authorizing the Treasurer 
• * to and for the use and benefit of said Society to sell, assign 
and transfer to any person or persons whomsoever, all of the 


Registered Bonds, or Certificates of debt of the State of Vir- 
ginia, standing in the name of said Society on the books of the 
Second Auditor, and amounting to $3,373; and also all the 
bonds or Certificates of debt of the city of Richmond, standing 
in the name of the said Society on the books of the Chamber- 
lain of said city, amounting to $1,241.50, at the best price he, 
the said Treasurer, can obtain, and that he do invest the net 
proceeds of said sales in Registered Bonds or certificates of debt 
of the Confederate States of America in the name of the Vir- 
ginia Historical and Philosophical Society, yielding an interest 
of 8 per cent, per annum.'* 

These bonds were accordingly sold for Confederate money in 
November, 1862, and with the proceeds ($4,068.20) and some 
other cash in the Treasury the following Bonds and notes of the 
Confederate States were bought : 

$5,100 8 per cent, bonds registered in the name of the His- 
torical and Philosophical Society of Virginia. 

$300 coupon bonds. 

$700 7.30 notes. 

$25 currency. 

These original bonds and notes are in our possession and 
have been transferred from our treasury to our archives, where 
they will remain as a perpetual memorial of the participation by 
our Society to its utmost ability in the disasters and losses which 
befell our people, whose history was never more glorious than at 
that period when their boundless sacrifices were most freely 

The thanks of the Society are due to our Treasurer, R. T. 
Brooke, Esq., and to our Recording Secretary, D. C. Richard- 
son, Esq., both of whom serve us without compensation, and to 
our Corresponding Secretary, Philip A. Bruce, Esq., whose dili- 
gent labor has produced order out of chaos and added to the 
membership of the Society, and whose abilities have greatly in- 
creased its usefulness and its reputation. 

I am required by our by-laws to make such suggestions and 
recommendations as will promote the interests of this Society. 

I deem it of the greatest importance that the efforts of this 
Society as a whole, and as individuals, shall be constantly bent 
to arousing a practical and intense interest in its objects and 


methods. To this end an energetic administration should be in- 
sured. The responsibilities of the Executive Committee are such 
that the aid of every member should be at the disposal of the 
Society. The committee to whom was referred certain constitu- 
tional changes will present to you some amendments empha- 
sizing the importance of members of the Executive Committee 
giving attention to their duties. 

I proposed to that committee to bring in an amendment limit- 
ing the eligibility of your President to not more than two terms 
of one year each, without the election of some other member as 
President This rotation in office will entitle the Society to 
bestow the honor of this chair upon those who deserve it, but who 
otherwise might be deprived of the opportunity of serving the 
Society. Without some rule of this kind the change of President 
is apt to produce an unpleasantness which will thus be avoided, 
and new blood and fresh interest will be insured without a jar. 

The committee declined to make the recommendation, but I 
am clearly of the opinion that the proposed change is most 
desirable, and I therefore bring the matter to the attention of the 
whole Society. 

The " suitable address or discourse" which our constitution re- 
quires to be delivered on the day of our annual meeting, or a sub- 
sequent day, will be delivered by the Rev. Robert P. Kerr, D. D , 
of this city, on some day in January, of which due notice will 
be given. 

In closing this report I desire to incorporate a part of the 
report presented by Mr. William A. Maury, upon the second 
revival of this Society in 1870. The sentiments which are there 
expressed will find an echo in the hearts of every one who de- 
sires not merely ** to judge the future by the past," but to-trans- 
tpit the best inspirations of each period of our history and to check 
a growing tendency to a morbid, mercenary spirit among our 


Said Mr. Maury : 

** In the trials and vicissitudes which have distressed the peo- 
ple of Virginia, they have displayed a magnanimity which has 
risen superior to appalling misfortunes, and in circumstances cal- 


culated to distract and dismay, have evinced a disposition to 
cultivate the great moral qualities which underlie patriotism and 

" To encourage and give wise and useful direction to this dis- 
position, is the important work which has been committed to the 
Historical Society. And the committee ask leave to say that in 
their apprehension never was there a time when the utility of a 
Historical Society was more evident than at this day. For they 
conceive that unless there be some counterpoise to the spirit of 
material improvement, and of laying up treasure, and to the 
dangerous extremes into which the great school of the positive 
philosophy is running — a school whose teachings our people in 
their earnest prosecution of physical pursuits, are apt to be infatu- 
ated with — men are liable to sink into materialism and to look 
with indifference upon every culture which promises to enoble 
us and endow us with a capacity to look up, and carry to a 
higher development the work which we have received from the 
hands of our fathers. 

** It was a profound sense of the importance of some counter- 
acting agency to those dangerous hinderances of the age, that 
induced the committee to exert themselves to revive the Histori- 
cal Society and render it an instrumentality to resist influences 
which if allowed to prevail will make our people dagenerate; 
will sever the moral ties which unite them to their forefathers, 
and will take away all zest from the contemplation of those great 
performances which were achieved in the old time beiore us, by 
patriots whose blood runs in the veins of the men of this day 
and generation." 

Jos. Bryan. 

On the motion of Mr. J. R. V. Daniel, a committer* of three 
was appointed by the President to consider the constitutional 
change recommended by him in his report as to the length of 
the term for which the position of President of the Society should 
be filled by any member. The following gentlemen were ap- 
pointed: Messrs. Rosewell Page, Frank H. McGqire, and Dr. 
B. W. Green. 

On motion of Mr. Wyndham R. Meredith, the Chair appointed 
the following gentlemen as a committee on the nomination of 


officers for 1894: Messrs. Meredith, Ellyson, Hutzler, Hunter, 
and Patteson. The committee reported the names of the follow- 
ing : President, Joseph Bryan, of Richmond, Va. Vice-Presi- 
dents, Hon. J. L. M. Curry, of Washington, D. C; Colonel 
Archer Anderson, of Richmond, Va.; and Dr. William P. Pal- 
mer, of Richmond, Va. Corresponding Secretary and Librarian, 
Philip A. Bruce; Recording Secretary, David C. Richardson, 
Richmond, Va. ; Treasurer, Robert T. Brooke, Richmond, 
Va.; Executive Committee, Prof. Lyon G. Tyler, Williams- 
burg, Va.; E. V. Valentine, Charles V. Meredith, Dr. B. W. 
Green, F. H. McGuire, B. B. Munford, R. H. Gaines, Rose- 
well Page, Virginius Newton, and R. L. Traylor, of Richmond, 
Va.; Prof. R. H. Dabney, University of Virginia ; Robert M. 
Hughes, of Norfolk, Va. 

The following annual members of the Society were elected : 
Messrs. Gaillard Hunt and John Herbert Corning, of Washing* 
ton, D. C, and Daniel Grinnan and J. Stewart Bryan, of Rich- 
mond, Va. 

On motion of Major John Hunter, Jr., a committee composed 
of Messrs. Hunter, Ellyson, Guy, and Patteson was appointed to 
act in conjunction with the Executive Committee in securing leg- 
islative aid for the Society. 

The Publication Committee was instructed to have printed the 
Annual Address, the Revised Constitution, and a list of the 
names of the members of the Society. 

On motion of Mr. Jackson Guy, a resolution was unanimously 
adopted thanking Mrs. John Stewart, of Brook Hill, Va., and 
her daughters, in the name of the Virginia Historical Society, 
for their munificent gift of the Lee residence. 



Virginia Historical Society. 

[Adopted March lo, 1870. Amended December 14, 1893.] 


The objects of the Society shall be the collection , preservation 
and dissemination of everything relating to the history, antiqui- 
ties and literature of the State of Virginia particularly, and the 
United States in general. 


The fiscal year shall terminate on the 31st of October, and the 
terms of office shall expire on the 31st of December. 


The Society shall be composed of Regular, Life, Correspond- 
ing and Honorary members. 



The officers of the Society shall be a President, First, Second 
and Third Vice-Presidents, a Corresponding Secretary, a Re- 
cording Secretary, a Treasurer, and a Librarian, and these shall 
continue in office until their successors are elected, unless 
vacancies occur by death, resignation or removal, in which case 
the Executive Committee shall have power to appoint officers ad 
interim. The term of office of President and Vice-President 
shall be for one year; but no member shall be eligible to either 
of said offices for more than three successive terms. 



The President, Vice Presidents, Secretaries and Treasurer, to- 
gether with twelve members, shall constitute a committee to be 
called the Executive Committee. 


All the officers and members of the committee named in the 
preceding sections shall be elected at the annual meeting of the 
Society, by ballot. 



The duties of the several officers shall be those which are usu- 
ally exercised by such officers, respectively, and may be more 
particularly defined in the By-Laws established by the Execu- 
tive Committee. 


The Executive Committee shall appoint their own Chairman.and 
have power tQ fill any vacancy that may occur in their own body; 
to remove the Treasurer and Librarian; to ordain and establish 
such By-Laws as they shall deem necessary and proper ; to call 
meeetings; to elect all members of the Society, and in general, 
do all things which they shall deem expedient to secure the ob- 
jects of the Society and promote its general welfare in all re- 
spects. They shall meet once a month, and oftener if they deem 
it necessary, and any six members shall constitute a quorum. 
They shall have power to appoint members of the Society who 
are not members of the Committee to serve on special commit- 
tees whenever it is necessary. Absence from three consecutive 
regular meetings of the Executive Committee, by a member of 
said Committee resident in Richmond, without excuse, shall be 
regarded as equivalent to the resignation of such member. 


All members of the Society shall be nominated at a regular 
monthly meeting of the Executive Committee, and shall be 
elected in such manner as shall be provided in the By-Laws. 



Regular members shall pay an admission fee of one dollar 
($i.oo) upon receiving notice of their election, and five dollars 
on the first day of every subsequent year. Life members shall 
pay fifty dollars within thirty days after their election. If any 
regular member shall fail to pay his subscription for two years, 
or at any time shall refuse to pay the same, he shall forfeit all 
his rights and privileges of membership, and the Executive Com- 
mittee shall cause his name to be erased from the list of members. 
Every member upon his election shall be deemed to have sub- 
scribed to the current publications of the Society, and shall 
receive the same for the current year upon payment therefor at 
the rate of $i.oo per quarter. Provided that no member shall 
be required to pay more than $5.00 in one year for all dues. 


Corresponding members may be elected from such persons as 
may appear to be entitled to such distinction from their connec- 
tion with historical or literary pursuits, or may indicate a dispo- 
sition to contribute to the collections .or promote the objects of 
the Society. 


The annual meetings of the Society for the election of officers 
and the transaction of business shall be held in the city of Rich- 
mond on the second Thursday in December of each year, at such 
place as the Executive Committee shall designate by advertise- 
ment, and an adjourned meeting shall be held on the evening ot 
the same or a subsequent day, to which the public shall be in- 
vited, when there shall be a suitable address or discourse by 
some person selected by the Executive Committee to perform 
this duty on that occasion. Fifteen members shall constitute a 
quorum of the Society at any meeting. 


At the annual business meeting of the Society the Executive 
Committee shall make a full report of their operations during the 


previous year, and so much of this report as may be deemed 
advisable shall be presented at the public meeting of the Society. 


This Constitution may be amended at any general meeting of 
the Society by the vote of the majority of members present, 
when such amendment shall be recommended by the Executive 
Committee, or if not so recommended notice thereof shall have 
been given at some previous meeting of the Society. 




Virginia Historical Society, 

JANUARY 1, 1804. 


Joseph Bryan, Richmond, Virginia. 

Uice- Presidents, 

J. L. M. Curry, Washington, D. C. 
Archer Anderson, Richmond, Va. 
William P. Palmer, M. D., Richmond, Va. 

Corresponding Secretary and Librarian, 

Philip A. Bruce, Richmond, Va. 

Recording Secretary, 

D. C. Richardson, Richmond, Va. 


Robert T. Brooke, Richmond, Va. 

Executive Committee. 

Lyon G. TYLER,Williamsburg. Va. R. H. Gaines, Richmond, Va. 

E. V. Valentine, Richmond,Va. Rosewell Page, Richmond, Va. 
C. V. Meredith, Richmond, Va. Virginius Newton, Richmond, Va. 
Dr. B. W. Green, Richmond, Va. R. L. Traylor, Richmond, Va. 

F. H. McGuiRE, Richmond, Va. R. H. Dabney, University of Va. 
B. B. MuNFORD, Richmond, Va. Robert M. Hughes, Norfolk, Va. 

and^ ex-officio, the President, Vice-President, Secretaries, 

and Treasurer, 




Arber, Prof. Edw'd, Birmingham, Eng'd. SpofTord, Hon. A. R., Washington, D. C. 

Gilbert, Hon. J. W., New York, N. Y. Stewart. Mrs. John, Brook Hill, Va. 

Jones, D. D., Rev. John Wm., Atlanta, Ga. VVhitsitt, D. D., Rev. W. H., Louisville, Ken- 
Keane, Prof. A. H., London, Eng'd. tucky. 

Sainsbury, W. Noel, London, Eng'd. Winthrop, Hon. Robert C, Boston, Mass. 


Adams, F. G., Topeka, Kansas. 
Atrill, Chas. H., London, Eng'd. 
Bacon. H. F., Bury St. Edmund, Eng'd. 
Bank», M. D., Chas. E., Chelsea, Mass, 
Barber, E. A., Philadelphia, Pa. 
Bryant, H. W. Portland, Me. 
Campeau, Hon. F. R. E., Ottawa, Canada. 
Carrington, Gen. H. B., New York, N. Y. 
Champlin, Jr., J. D., New York, N. Y. 
Craig, Isaac, Alleghany, Pa. 
Dean, John Ward, Boston, Mass. 
Darling, Gen. C. W., Utica, N. Y. 
Drake, Col. S. A., Kennebunkport, Me. 
Egle, M. D., Wm. H., Harrisburg, Pa. 
Femow, Berthold, Washington, D C. 
Graham, A. A., Columbus, O. 
Green, M. D., Hon. S. A., Boston, Mass. 

Wright, W. H. K 

Hart, Chas. H., Philadelphia, Pa. 
Hayden, Rev. H. E., Wilkes-Barre. Pa. 
Hinsdale, Prof. B. A., Ann Arbor, Mich. 
Hoadly, Hon. C. J., Hartford, Conn. 
Hoes, Rev. R. R , Washington, D. C. 
Judah, George F., Spanish Town, Jamaica. 
Lee, J. W. M., Baltimore, Md. 
Neill, D. D., Rev. E. D., St. Paul, Minn. 
Nicholson, Col. J. P., Philadelphia, Pa. 
Perry, Hon, Amos, Providence, R. I. 
Peyster, Gen. J. Watts de. New York, 

N. Y. 
Phillimore, W. P. W., London, Eng'd. 
Rose, Josiah, Lancaster, Eng'd. 
Ross, Hon. D. A., Quebec, Canada. 
Stone, F. D., Philadelphia, Pa. 
Thwing, E. P., Brooklyn, N. Y. 
, Plymouth, Eng'd. 


Alexander, H. M., New York, N. Y. 
Astor Library, New York, N. Y. 
Barksdale, George A., Richmond, Va. 
Barksdale, M. D., R., Petersburg, Va. 
Barney, M. D., C. G., Richmond, Va. 
Beverley, Colonel R., The Plains, Va. 
Bosher, Charles H., New York, N Y. 
Boston Athenaeum, Boston, Mass. 
Brooks, P. C, Boston, Mass. 
Bryan, Joseph, Richmond, Va. 
Byrd, George H., New York, N. Y. 
Buckler, W. H., Baltimore, Md. 
Cabell, J. Alston, Richmond, Va. 
Conway, M. D., New York, N. Y. 
Columbia College, New York, N. Y. 
Cleburne, Dr. C. J., U. S. N., Portsmouth, 

N. H. 
Cottrell, James L., Richmond, Va. 
Davenport, Jr., Isaac, Richmond, Va. 
Ellis, Col. Thomas H., Washington, D. C 
Fish, Hon. Hamilton, Garrisons, N.Y. 
Gary, J. A., Baltimore, Md. 
Graflflin, John C, Baltimore, Md. 
Grandy, C. Wiley, Norfolk, Va. 
Gratz, Simon, Philadelphia, Pa 

Grigsby, H. C, Smithville, Va. 
Holliday, Hon. F. W. M., Winchester, Va. 
Hughes, R. M., Norfolk, Va. 
Ingalls, M. E., Cincinnati, Ohio. 
Jones, William Ellis, Richmond, Va. 
Lee, General G W. C, Lexington, Va. 
Leigh, C. J., New York, N. Y. 
Leiter, L. Z., Chicago, III. 
Logan, General T. M., Richmond, Va. 
Mallory, Hon. E. S., Jackson, Tenn. 
Mather, Mrs. M. H., Bound Brook, N.J. 
Minor, B. B., Richmond, Va. 
Purcell, John, Richmond, Va. 
Richardson, D. C, Richmond, Va. 
Richeson, Thomas, St. Louis, Mo- 
Rives, Arthur L., Newport, R. I. 
Rives, George Lockhart, New YorK, N. Y. 
Richmond, Va., College Library. 
Talcott, Colonel T. M. R., Richmond, Va. 
Traylor, R. L., Richmond, Va. 
Walker, Major D. N., Richmond, Va. 
Washington & Lee Univ., Lexington,Va. 
Whitehead, J. B., Norfolk, Va. 
Wickham, Henry T., Richmond, Va. 
Williams, Thomas C, Richmond, Va. 




Adams, Walter, Framingham, Mass. 
Addison, E. B., Richmond, Va. 
Addison, John, Richmond, Va. 
Aldrich, Hon. P. Emory, Worcester, Mass. 
Alexander, D. D., Rev. H. C, Oakland, 

Alexander, John H., Leesburg:, Va. 
Alexander. L. D., New York City, N. V. 
Alfriend, Thomas L., Richmond, Va. 
Al{;er, Gen. Russell A., Detroit, Mich., 
Allison, James W., Richmond, Va. 
Anderson, Col. Archer, Richmond, Va. 
Anderson, Gen. Charles J., Richmond. Va. 
Anderson, Jas. Harper, Richmond, Va. 
Anderson, Jas. Lewis, Richmond, Va. 
Anderson, W. A., Lexington, Va. 
Andrews, O., Baltimore, Md. 
Archer, Alexander W., Richmond, Va. 
Atkinson, Thomas, Richmond, Va. 
.Axtell, Decatur, Richmond, Va- 

Baker, R. H., Norfolk, Va. 
Baldwin, Dudley, Cleveland, O. 
Banister, Rev. T. Lewis, Hartford, N. Y. 
Barton, Jas. H., Barton Heights, Va. 
Barton, R. T., Winchester, Va. 
Baskerville, H. E. C., Richmond, Va. 
Battle, K. P.. Chapel Hill. N. C 
Baxter, W. H., Petersburg, Va. 
Bayard, Hon. T. F., Wilmington, Del. 
Beasley, J. B., Richmond, Va. 
Beer, George L., New York, N. Y. 
Benet, Mrs. Gen. L. V., Washington, D.C. 
Benney, James, Pittsburg, Pa. 
Benson, Arthur P., Salem, Mass. 
Bien, Joseph H., New York, N. Y. 
Bird, Professor H. S., Williamsburg, Va. 
Bispham, J. D., Philadelphia, Pa. 
BIackf<M-d, Prof. L. M., Alexandria, Va. 
Blackford, Charles M., Lynchburg, Va. 
Blair, Adolphus, Richmond, Va. 
Blair, Lewis H., Richmond, Va. 
Blanton, L. M., Richmond, Va 
Botsseau, P. H., Danville, Va. 
Booth, M. D., E. G., Carter's Grove, Va. 
Bosher, Charles G., Richmond, Va. 
Bosher, Major Robert S., Richmond, Va. 
Boston (Mass.) Public Library, Boston^ 

Boulware, Aubin L., Richmond, Va. 
Bourguin, F., Philadelphia, Pa. 
Boykin, Colonel F. M , Richmond, Va. 

Brackett, Jeffrey R., Baltimore, Md. 
Bradlee, D. D., Rev. C. D., Boston, Mass. 
Branch, Major John P., Richmond, Va. 
Brandt, Jackson, Richmond, Va. 
Bridges, W. M., Richmond, Va. 
Broadhead, Prof. G. C, Columbia, Mo. 
Broadhead, Hon. J. O., St. Louis. Mo. 
Broadhead, Lucas, Spring Station, Ky. 
Bronson, M. D., Henry, New Haven, Conn. 
Brooke, Robert T. Richmond, Va. 
Broun, Maj. T. L., Charleston, W. Va. 
Brown, Prof. W. G., Lexington Va. 
Browning, J, S.. Pocahontas, Va. 
Bruce, Hon. Charles M., Phrenix, Arizona. 
Bruce, Horatio W., Louisville, Ky. 
Bruce, Prof. James D , Bryn Mawr, Pa. 
Bruce, Philip A., Richmond, Va. 
Bruce, T. Seddon, Richmond, Va. 
Bruce, William Cabell, Baltimore, Md. 
Bryan, Mrs. Joseph, Richmond, Va. 
Bryan, J. Stewart, Richmond, Va. 
Brjant, Lewis E., Harriman, Tenn. 
Buchanan, Hon John A , Abingdon, Va. 
Buford, Colonel A. S., Richmond, Va- 
Bullitt, W. C, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Burgfwyn, Col. C. P. E., Richmond, Va. 
Burnett, H. C, Richmond, Va.. 

Cabell, Rev. P. B., Wilmington, Del. 
Cabell, W. D., Washington, D. C. 
Caine, Paul, Louisville, Ky. 
California State Library, Sacramento, Cal. 
Callahan, G. C, Philadelphia. Pa. 
Cameron, Alexander, Richmond, Va. 
Cannon, E. Y., Richmond, Va. 
Carlisle, Calderon, Washington. D. C- 
Carmichael, Rev. Hartley, Richmond, Va 
Carne, Rev. R. L., Richmond, Va. 
Carpenter, R. D., Richmond, Va. 
Carrington, Major P. R., Richmond, Va. 
Carrington, W. Scott, Richmond, Va. 
Carter, Professor F., Williamstown, Mass. 
Carter, Col. Thos. H , Washington, D. C. 
Cary, Colonel J. B., Richmond, Va. 
Car)', Prof. Jos. J., New York city, N. Y. 
Cary, W. M., Baltimore, Md. 
Cary, Colonel W. Miles, Richmond, Va. 
Caskie, James, Richmond, Va. 
Catlin, E. A., Richmond, Va. 
Chamblin, John, Richmond, Va. 
Chaney, Rev. G. L., Richmond, Va. 
Channing, Prof. Edward, Cambridge, Mass. 



Children, John K., Richmond, Va. 
Chase. W. T., Chase's Wharf, Va. 
Christian, A. H., Richmond, Va. 
Christian, E. D., Richmond, Va. 
Christian, Frank W., Richmond, Va. 
Christian, Judge Geo. L., Richmond, Va. 
Clark, Clarence H., Philadelphia, Pa. 
Clark, M. A., Clarksville, Tenn. 
Clarke, Arthur B., Richmond. Va. 
Clyde, W. P., New York, N. Y. 
Cocke, Preston, Richmond, Va. 
Cocke, Prof. Charles H., Columbus, Miss- 
Coke, Captain John A., Richmond, Va. 
Cole, Dr. H. W., Danville, Va. 
Coleman, Chas. W. Jr., Williamsburg, Va. 
Colston, Edward, Cincinnati, Ohio. 
Conrad, Major Holmes, Winchester, Va. 
Constant, S. V., New York, N. Y. 
Cornell University Library, Ithica, N. Y. 
Coming, John Herbert ,^Washmgton, D. C 
Cottrell, James C, Richmond, Va. 
Cottrell, O. L., Richmond, Va. 
Courtenay, Hon.Wni. A., Charleston, S. C- 
Cranz, Oscar, Richmond, Va. 
Crenshaw, Jr., L. D., Richmond, Va. 
Crenshaw, S. Dabney, Richmond, Va. 
Crocker, Major J. F., Portsmouth, Va. 
Cropper, John, Washington. D. C. 
Crump, Beverly T., Richmond. Va 
Crump, Edward T., Richmond, Va. 
Crump, Hon. W. W., Richmond, Va. 
Cullingworth. J. N., Richmond, Va. 
Cullingworth, W. H., Richmond, Va. 
Cunningham, F. W., Richmond, Va. 
Curry, Hon. J. L. M , Washington, DC. 
Cussons, Captain John, Glen Allen, Va. 
Cutchins, Captain Sol, Richmond, Va. 
Cutshaw, Colonel W.E., Richmond, Va. 

Dabney, Jr., Prof. CW., Knoxville, Tenn. 
Dabney, Prof. R.H., University of Va. 
Dabney, M. D.. Prof. W. C, University of 

Daniel, J. R. V., Richmond, Va. 
Davenport, Charles, Richmond, Va. 
Davenport, G. A., Richmond, Va 
Davie, Pascal, Petersburg, Va. 
Davies, W. G., New York, N. Y. 
Davis, Hon. J. C. B., Washington, D. C. 
Dawes, Colonel E. C, Cincinnati, O. 
Day, Colonel C. F., Smithfield, Va. 
Deats, H. E., Flemington, N.J. 
Denham, Edward, New Bedford, Mass. 
Denman, H. B., Washington, D. C. 
Dennia, Judge J. Upshur, Baltimore, Md. 
Denny, Prof. Geo. H., Charlottesville, Va. 

Detroit Public Library', Detroit, Mich. 
Dewitt, John E., Portland, Me. 
Dexter, Hon. Julius, Cincinnati, O. 
Dickerson, J. E., Asheville, N. C 
Dickerson, Jr., J. H., Richmond, Va. 
Dickinson, Colonel A. G., New York, N. Y 
DlSTfP, J' Singleton, Lynchburg, Va. 
Dimmock, Captain M. J., Richmond, Va. 
Donnan, Allan E, Richmond, Va. 
Doswell, Major J. T , Fredericksburg, Va. 
Downey, M., Richmond, Va 
Drewry, Clay, Richmond, Va. 
Duke, Hon. R. T. W., Charlottesville, Va. 
Duke, Jr., Judge R. T. W., Charlottesville, 

Dunbar, J. 6., Bloomfield, N.J. 
Dunn, Dr. John, Richmond, Va. 
Dupont, H. A., Wilmington, Del. 
Durrett. Colonel R. T., Louisville, Ky- 

Eaton, George G., Washington. D. C- 
Ellett, John S., Richmond, Va. 
EUett, Colonel Tazewell, Richmond, Va. 
Elly.son, Hon. J. Taylor, Richmond, Va. 
Endicott, Hon. William C, Salem, Mass. 
English, Hon. Wm. H., Indianapolis, Ind. 

Fair, D. D., Rev. James Y., Richmond, Va. 
Farragut, Lloyd, New York, N. Y- 
Farrar, J. B., Richmond, Va. 
Fergusson, J. W., Richmond, Va. 
Figgalt, Hon. J. H. H., Fincastle, Va. 
Fiske, Prof. John, Cambridge, Mass. 
Fitzhugh, Carter H., Chicago, III. 
Fleming, Colonel R. J., Washington, D. C 
Flournoy, Hon. H. W., Richmond, Va. 
Fogg, M. D., John S. H., Boston, Mass. 
Folsom, A. .\., Brookline, Mass 
Force, General M. F., Sandusky, Ohio. 
Ford, Worthinglon C, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Forrest, D. D., Rev. D. F., Clarksburg. W. 

Fox, W. F., Richmond, Va. 
Frazier, Harry, Richmond, Va. 
Freeman, John C, Richmond.Va. 
Frierson, G. F., Columbia, Tenn. 
Fulkerson, S. V., Bristol,Va. 
Fulton, J. H., Wytheville.Va. 

Gaines, C. Carringion, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 
Gaines, Colonel Grenville, Warrenlon, Va- 
Gaines, R. H., Richmond, Va. 
G&ines, W. P., Austin, Texas. 
Garber, Major A. W., Richmond, Va. 
Garland, J. A., New York, N. Y. 
Garlick, M. D., Jas. H., Williamsburg,Va 



Garnett, P.rof. J. M., University of Virginia. 
Garrett, Hon. W. R., Nashville, Tenn. 
Garrett, M. D., Prof. Van F., Williamsburg, 

Va. ' 

General Theological Seminary, New York, 

N. V. 
George, Major J. P., Richmond, Va 
Gibbs, Mrs. Virginia B., Newport, R. I. 
Gilliam, R. D., Petersburg, Va. 
Gilman, Prof. D. C, Baltimore, Md. 
Ginter, Major Lewis, Richmond, V». 
Glasgow, Hon. W. A., Lexington, Va. 
Glennan, Colonel M., Norfolk, Va. 
Goode, Prof. G. Brown, Washington, D. C. 
Goode, Hon. John, Washington, D. C 
Goddin, Charles W., Richmond, Va. 
Godwin, Miss M. H., Fiii€astle,Va. 
Goodwin, Mrs. M. W., New York, N. V. 
Gordon, Hon. Basil B., Rappahannock,Va. 
Graham, Judge S. C, Tazewell, Va. 
Gray, W. F., Richmond, Va. 
Green, Dr. B. W., Richmond, Va. 
Griffith, W. R., Baltimore, Md 
Grinnan, Daniel, Richmond. Va. 
Gunter, Hon. B. T., Accomac C H., Va. 
Guillardeu, W. L., New York, N. Y. 
Guy, Jackson, Richmond, Va. 

Handle}', Judge John, Scranton, Pa. 
Harris, Hon. John T., Harrisonburg, Va. 
Harrison, Hon. Benjamin, Indianapolis, 

Harrison. M. D., Geo. T., New York, N. Y. 
Harrison, James P , Danville, Va. 
Harrison, Randolph, Lynchburg, Va. 
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 
Haskins, Colonel Meade, Richmond, Va. 
Havves, S. H., Richmond, Va. 
Hawes, Horace, Richmond, Va. 
Hawley, Hon. E. S., Buffalo, N. Y. 
Haxall, Captain Philip, Richmond, Va. 
Heaton, A. G., Washington, D. C. 
Heffelfinger, Jacob, Hampton, Va. 
Henneman, Prof. J. B., Hampden Sidney, 

Henry, R. R., Tazewell, Va. 
Henry, Hon. W. W., Richmond, Va. 
Herbert, Colonel A., Alexandria, Va. 
Heyl, U. S. A., Col. E. M., Chicago, 111. 
Higham, W. R., Richmond, Va. 
Hin, W. M., Richmond, Va. 
Hoar, Hon. George F., Worcester, Mass. 
Hoge, Arista, Staunton, Va. 
Hoge, M. D., M. D., Jr., Richmond, Va. 
Hodgson, Rev. Telfair, Sewanee, Tenn. 
Hooe, Captain James C, Alexandria, Va. 

Hooe, P B., Washington, D. C 
Hopkins, J. W., Richmond, Va. 
Hotchkiss, Elmore D., Richmond, Va. 
Howard, Maj. McH., Baltimore, Md. 
Howell, M. B., Nashville, Tenn. 
Hudson, John E., Boston, Mass. 
Hughart, W.O. , Grand Rapids, Mich. 
Hughes, Charles J., Jr., Denver, Col. 
Hughes, Hon. R. W., Norfolk, Va. 
Hume, Frank, Alexandria, Va. 
Humphreys, Arthur, Norfolk, Va. 
Hunnewell, J. F., Charleston, Mass. 
Hunt,Gaillard, Washington, D. C- 
Hunt, DeLa, Thos. James, Cannelton, Ind. 
Hunter, Jr., Major John, Richmond, Va. 
Hutzler, H. S.. Richmond. Va. 

Indiana State Library, Indianapolis, Ind. 
Ingram. Judge John H., Richmond, Va. 

Jackson, John, Richmond, Va. 
James, Edward W., Norfolk, Va. 
Jenkins, Iredell, Richmond, Va. 
Jenkins, John B., Norfolk, Va. 
Jenkins, Luther H., Richmond, Va. 
Jenkins, U. S. N., Rear Admiral, T. A , 

Washington, D. C. 
Jones, Dr. Henry C , Richmond, Va 
Jones, Henley T., Williamsburg, Va. 
Jones, Miss Mary Morris, Richmond, Va. 
Jones, Meriwether, Richmond, Va. 
Jones, William Henry, Richmond, Va. 

Kean, Colonel R. G. H., Lynchburg, Va. 
Keane, Rt. Rev. J. J., Washington, D. C 
Keith, Charles P., Philadelphia. Pa. 
Kent, Ph. D., Prof. C W., Univ. of Va. 
Kilby, Wilbur J., Suffolk, Va. 
Kirkman, U. S. A , Lieut George W., Be- 

nicia, Cal. 
Knabe, William, Baltimore, Md. 

Lamb, Judge J . C . , Richmond, Va . 
Lamb, Col. Wm.. Norfolk, Va. 
Lamborn, Dr. R. H.. New York, N. Y. 
Lancaster, R. A , Richmond, Va. 
Lassiter, Major F. R., Petersburg, Va. 
Lawton, W. P., Richmond, Va. 
Leake, Judge William Josiah, Richmond, 

Lee, Captain R. E., Lexington, Va. 
Leigh, Egbert G., Jr., Richmond, Va. 
Lenox Library, New York, N. Y. 
Letcher, S. Houston, Lexington, Va. 
Lewis, John H., Lynchburg, Va. 
Lewis, Thomas, Roanoke, Va. 



Lcv>', Jefferson M., Charlottesville, Va. 
Library Company, Philadelphia, Pa. 
Lindsay, D. D., Rev. John H-, Boston, 

Lively, E H . , Irwin, Va. 
Lodge, Hon. H. C-, Nahant, Mass. 
Loni;:, Hon. A. R., Lynchburg, Va. 
Low, Selh, New York, N. Y. 
Loyall, Captain B. P., Norfolk, Va. 
Luce, J. D. Henley, Boston, Mass 
' Lurty, Major W. S., Harrisonburg, Va. 
Lyons, James, Richmond, Va. 

Mackoy, William H., Covington. Ky. 
Mahoney, M. D.. John, Richmond, Va. 
Maine State Librar>', Augusta, Me. 
Mallory, U.S. A.,Lt.J.S., Fort Antonio, 

Mann, Judge W. H., Nottoway C. H., Va. 
Marks, A. D., Nashville, Tenn. 
Marks, Arthur H., Winchester, Tenn. 
Marshall, Colonel Charles, Baltimore, Md. 
Martin, Hon. Thomas S., Scottsville, Va. 
Marye, Hon. J. L , Fredericksburg, Va. 
Mason, of R., John T., Baltimore, Md. 
Massachusetts State Library, Boston, Mass. 
Massie, Eugene C, Richmond, Va. 
Maury, Colonel R. L., Richmond, Va. 
Mayo, E. C, Richmond, Va. 
Mayo, P. H., Richmond, Va. 
Menefie, R. J-, Louisville, Ky. 
Mercantile Library Association, New York, 

N. Y. 
Mercer, W. R., Doylestown, Pa. 
Meredith, Charles V., Richmond, Va. 
Meredith. W. R., 
Merrill, Prof. George F. , 
Merrill, H. C, Washington, DC 
Metropolitan Club, Washington, D. C 
Miller, Thomas W., Roanoke, Va 
Minneapolis Athenaeum, Minneapolis, Minn. 
Minor, Prof. J. B., University of Va. 
Mitchell, Kirkwood. Richmond, Va. 
Moncure, M. D., James D., Williamsburg. 

Moncure, W. A., Richmond, Va. 
Moon, Ellis M., 
Moore Josiah S., '* 

Moore, M. D., Thomas J., Richmond, Va. 
Moore, Warner, Richmond, Va. 
Morse, Prof. A. D., Amherst, Mass. 
Munford, B. B., Richmond, Va. 
Munford, R. B., Richmond, Va. 
Murphy, Colonel John, Richmond, Va. 
Mushbach, Geo. A., Alexandria, Va. 
Myers, Major E. T. D., Richmond, Va. 

Myers, Lilbum T., Portsmouth, Va. 
McAdams, George B., Richmond, Va. 
McAllister, J . T., Warm Springs, Va. 
McCabe, Prof. W. G., Petersburg, Va. 
McCaw, M. D., J: B., Richmond, Va 
McClelland, Miss M. G , Norwood, Va. 
McClintock, A. H., Wilkes-Barre, Pa. 
McGuire, M. D., Edward. Richmond, Va- 
McGuire, Frank H., 
McGuire. M. D., Hunter, " 

McGuire, J. P., '• 

Mcllwaine, Hon. W. B., Petersburg, Va. 
McKinney, Gov. P. W., Richmond, Va. 
M'Laughlin, Judge Wn)., Lexington, Va. 

Nance, W. V., May Bury, W. Va. 
Nash, M. D , F. S., Washington, D. C 
Nash, M. D., H. M., Norfolk, Va. 
Navy Department Library, Washington, 

D. C 
New York Sons of the Revolution, New 

York, N. Y. 
New York State Library, Albany, N. Y. 
Newton, Mrs. B. T., Norfolk, Va. 
Newton, Virgin i us, Richmond, Va. 
Nolting, E. O., Richmond, Va. 
Norris, S. Henry, Philadelphia. Pa 
Norris, M. D., W. E., Charlottesville, Va. 
North Carolina State Library, Raleigh, 

N. C 

Ohio State Library, Columbus. Ohio. 
Old, Major W. W.. Norfolk, Va. 
Orcutt, J. H., Richmond, Va. 
Ordway, General Albert, Washington, D C 
Otis, Philo. A., Chicago, 111. 
Ott, John, Roanoke, Va- 

Pace, James B., Richmond, Va. 
Page, LeghR., " 

Page, Major Mann, Brandon, Va- 
Page, M.D.R.C. M., New York, N. Y. 
Page, Rosewell, Richmond, Va. 
Page, Thomas Nelson, Washington, D.C 
Palmer, Col. Wm. H., Richmond, Va. 
Palmer, M. D., W. P., 
Parkman, Prof. Francis, Boston, Mass- 
Parks, Marshall, Norfolk, Va. 
Parliament, Library of, Ottawa, Canada. 
Parrish, Hon. R. L., Covington, Va. 
Patteson, S. S. P., Richmond, 
Patterson, A. W., Richmond, " 
Patton, Major James D., Richmond, Va. 
Patton, Mercer W- , New Orleans, La. 
Payne, General Wm. H., Warrenton, Va. 
Pell, F. A , New York, N. Y. 





Pennsylvania State Library, Harrisburg^, 

Percy, M. D., U S. N.. H. S., Washing- 

ington, D. C. 
Peterkin, Mrs. Geo. W. . Brook Hill, Va. 
Peyton, Major Green, University of Va. 
Pickett, Dr Thomas E., Maysville, Ky. 
Pickrell, John, Richmond, Va. 
Pleasants, James, Richmond, Va. 
Poindexter, Charles, Richmond, Va. 
Pollard, H. R., Richmond, 
Pope, John, Richmond, 
Potts, Allen, Richmond, 
Potts. Thomas, Richmond, 
Powell. John H., Richmond, " 

Pratt Free Library, Baltimore, Md. 
Prentis, R. R, Suffolk, Va. 
Preston W. C, Richmond, Va. 
Pridemore, General A. L., Jonesville, Va. 
Pryor, General Roger A . , New York, N Y. 
Pryor, Mrs. Roger A. , New York, N. Y. 

Quarles, Mann S-, Richmond, Va. 
Quisenberr>', A. C, Washington, D. C. 

Ramos, Manly B , Richmond, Va. 

Randolph, D. D., Rt. Rev. A. M., Nor- 
folk, Va. 

Randolph-Macon College, Ashland, Va. 

Randolph, Major N. V., Richmond, Va. 

Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, Norfolk, Va. 

Raymond, C. H., New York, N. Y. 

Rennolds, Robert G., Richmond. Va. 

Reynolds, Sheldon, Wilkes- Barre, Pa. 

Rhodes, James F., Cambridge, Mass. 

Richardson. D. D., Rev. W. T., Rich- 
mond, Va. 

Riely, Major John W.. Houston, Va. 

Rixey, John F., Culpeper, Va. 

Roberts, Rev. P. G., St Louis, Mo. 

Robertson, A. F., Staunton, Va. 

Roberstson,Capt. Harrison, Greenwood, Va. 

Robinson, Capt. Leigh, Washington, D. C. 

Robinson, Mrs. Rus.seil. Norwood, Va. 

Robinson, Rev. T. V., New York, N. Y. 

Rogers, Archibald, Hyde Park, N. Y. 

Rogers, Edgerton S., Richmond, Va. 

Roller, (^en. John E , Harrisonburg, Va 

Roosevelt, Hon. Theodore, New York, N Y, 

Ropes, John C, Boston, Mass. 

Rose, A. P., Geneva, N. Y. 

Rose. Edmund N., Branchport, N. Y. 

Rutherfoord, John, Richmond, Va. 

Rutherfurd, Frank, 

Ryan, Wm., 

Salsbury, Stephen, Worcester, Mass. 

Sands, Hon. Conway R. Richmond, Va. 

Sands, W. H., 

Schoen George, " 

Schouler, Professor James, Boston, Mass. 

Scott, Fred. R., Richmond, Va. 

Scott, Hon R. Taylor, Warrenton, Va. 

Scott, Thomas B. Richmond, Va. 

Scott, W W.Gordonsville, " 

Seldner, A B. Norfolk, 

Serames, Hon. Thos. J., New Orleans, La. 

Sheffey, JohnP., Marion, Va. 

Sheild, P. B., Richmond, Va. 

Sheild, M. D.. W- H., Williamsburg, Va. 

Sheppard, W. L., Richmond, Va. 

Sitterding, Fred., " 

Shirreffe, Reuben, " 

Slaughter M., Atlanta, Ga. 

Smith, Charles E., Richmond. Va 

Smith, George P., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Smith Willis B., Richmond, Va. 

Spotswood, W. F., Petersburg, Va. 

Sprigg, D.D., Rev, D. F., Richmond, Va. 

Springfield City Library Association, 

Springfield, Mass. 
Staples, Judge Waller R., Richmond, Va. 
Starke, Ashton, " 

Starke, H. M., 
State Department Library, Washington, 

D. C. 
Stephenson, John W., W'arm Springs, Va. 
Stem, Colonel Jo Lane, Richmond, Va. 
Stewart, Rev. J. C , " 

Stewart, Miss Annie C , Brook Hill, Va 
Stewart, Miss E. Hope, " 

Stewart, Miss Norma, " 

Stewart, Miss Lucy W., " 

Stevens, Byam K., New York, N. Y. 
Stokes, William G., Richmond, Va. 
Street, George L., *' 

Stringfellow, Maj. Chaa. S., Richmond, Va. 
Str>-ker, General, U. S., Trenton, N J. 
Stubbs, Prof. J. T., Williamsburg, Va. 
Stubbs, M. D, W. S., New Orleans, La. 
Sturdevant, Col. R., Cape Girardeau, Mo. 
Sully, Major R. M., Richmond, Va. 
Sumner, John O- , Cambridge, Mass. 
Swineford, H., Richmond, Va. 

Talbott, Allan, Richmond, Va. 
Talbott. W. H., 
Tanner, C. W , 

Tatum, A. Randolph, Richmond, Va. 
Taylor, E. B, Richmond, Va. 
Taylor, U. S. N., Commander H. C , New- 
port, R. L 
Taylor, M. D., Hugh M., Richmond, Va. 
Taylor, W. E., Norfolk, Va. 



Tennant, W. B.. Richmond, Va. 
Terhune, Mrs. E T., Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Thacker, H. C., Boston, Mass. 
Thomas, Douglas H . , Baltimore. Md . 
Thomas, Major R. S., Smithfield, Va. 
Thoropkins. H. C, Montgomery, Ala. 
Thompson, Leonard, Woburn, Mass. 
Thompson, P. Montagu, Williamsburg, Va. 
Todd, M. D., Charles H., Owensboro, Ky. 
Todd, Charles L., Richmond, Va. 
Todd, George D., Louisville, Ky. 
Towles, M. D., W. B., University of Va. 
Toy, Prof. C. N.. Cambridge, Mass. 
Trent, Prof. W. P.,Sewanee Tenn. 
Trigg, Daniel, Abingdon, Va. 
Trigg, W. R., Richmond, Va. 
Trinity College, Hartford. Conn. 
Tucker, Rev. B. D., Norfolk, V^. 
Tucker, J D , South Boston, Va. 
Tucker. Hon. J. R., Lexington, Va. 
Tucker, J. Ran., Jr., Richmond, Va. 
Tulane University, New Orl'-'ans, La. 
Tunstall, M. D., Alex , Norfolk, Va. 
Turnbull, Judge N. S., Lawrenceville.Va. 
Turner. S- S., Front Royal. Va. 
Turnure, Lawrence, New York, N. Y. 
Tyler, Hon. Gardiner, Sturgeon Point. Va. 
Tyler, Prof. Lyon G., Williamsburg, Va. 

I'niversity of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 
Upshur, U. S. N., Rear Admiral John H., 
Washington, D. C. 

Valentine, E P., Richmond, Va. 

Valentine, E. V., 

Valentine, G. G.. 

Valentine, Jr.. MS-, 

Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn. 

Van Voast, Mrs. Virginia H. M., Cincin- 

n:\ti, O. 
Vawter, Capt. C E., Crozct, Va. 
Venable, Hon. E. C. Petersburg, Va. 
Venable. Prof. Charles S., Charlottesville, 

Venable. Samuel W., Petersburg, Va. 
Vermillion, John, Norfolk, Va. 
Virginia Military Institute. Lexington. 

Waddell. J. A.. Staunton, Va. 

Waggener, B. P.. Atchison, Kan. 

Walker. Guslavus A., Richmond, Va. 

Walker, J. G., 

Walker, J. W., 

Ward, Col. John H., Louisville. Ky. 

Warner, Chas. Dudley, Hartford, Conn. 

Washington, Miss Eliza S., Charlestown, 
W. Va. 

Watkins, A. Salle, Richmond, Va- 

Watkins. J. E. Washington. D C 

Waterman, W H . , New Bedford. Mass. 

Watson, G. P., Richmond, Va. 

Watts, J. Allen, Roanoke, Va. 

Watts, Legh R.. Portsmouth, Va. 

Wray, Jr., John, Sewickley, Pa. 

Weeden, William B., Providence, R I- 

Wellford, Judge B. R., Richmond, V^- 

Wellford, C E , Richmond. Va. 

Wellford, M. D., John S., Richmond, Va. 

Welsh, Charles A , Cohasset, Mass. 

Werth, J. R , Richmond, Va. 

West, John M., Petersburg, Va. 

West, John R , Richmond, Va. 

West, Montgomery, Richmond, Va. 

Wharton, D. D., Prof. S. B., Williams- 
burg. Va. 

Wheeler. Rev. H. L., Burlington, Vt. 

White, M. D., Joseph A., Richmond, Va. 

White, Rev. W. C, Warm Springs, " 

White, W. H., Norfolk, Va. 

Whitlock, R. H., Richmond. Va. 

Whittet. Robert, 

Whitty.J. H.. 

Whittle D. D., Rt Rev. F. M, Rich- 
mond, Va. 

Wlckham, Col. W. P., Richmond. Va. 

Wight, Prof. Charles C, Baltimore, Md. 

Williams. E Victor, Richmond, Va. 

Williams, Prank D., 

Williams, Charles U., 

Williams. John G., Orange. Va. 

Williams John Skelton, Richmond, Va. 

Willis. M. D., P. T.. " 

Willis, Charles K., 

Wily, Arthur. 

Wilson. Hon Wm. L., Washington, D.C 

Wingfield, Rt. Rev. J. H. D.. Benicia, Cal. 

Winn, John D., St. Louis, Mo. 

Winsor. Justin, Cambridge, Mass. 

Winston, R. L., Richmond, Va. 

Wise, Hon. Geo. D., " 

Wise, Prof. Henry A., Baltimore. Md. 

Wise, M D.. U. S. N-, John C., Wash- 
ington. D. C. 

Wise. Peter, Alexandria, Va. 

Wise, General Peyton, Richmond, Va. 

Witt, Judges. B.. '• 

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Woods, Micajah, Charlottesville. Va. 

Worcester Free Public Library, Worcester, 

Wortham, Charles E.. Richmond, Va 

I / 



Virginia Magazine 



Vol. I. JANUARY, 1894. No. 3. 

Public Officers in Virginia, 1680. 

The following list of the Civil and Military officers in Virginia 
in 1680, is a copy of the original, now in the British State Paper 
office, under the head of Colonial Papers, Virginia, No. 63 : 

Henrico County. 


Col. Wm. Byrd, Mr. Abell Gower, 

Lt. Col. John ffarrar, Mr. Tho. Batts, 

Mr. Tho. Cock, Mr. Pet' ffeild, 

Mr. Rich* Cock, Mr. Rich. Kennon. 
Mr. Essex Bevill, 


Col. Wm. Bird, Maj'r Tho. Chamberlain, 

Lt. Col. John ffarrar, Capt. Wm. Randolph. 

Charles Citty County. 


Col. Edw* Hill, Capt. Dan* Lewillin, 

Lt. Col. Dan* Clarke, Mr. John Draiton, 



Lt Col. Tho. Grendon, 
Maj'r Jno. Stith, 
Capt. Nich Wyatt, 

Col. Edw^ Hill. 
Lt. Col. Dan" Clarke. 
Maj'r John Stith, 
Capt. Rob. Lucy, 

Mr. Jas. Bisse, 

Mr. Robt Netherland. 


Capt. Dan'l LewelHn, 
Capt. John Hamlin, 
Lt. Col. Tho. Grendon, horse, 
Capt. Wm. Archer, horse. 

James Citty County. 

Col. Tho. Ballard, 
Capt. Wm. White. 
Capt. Hen. Soanes, 
Mr. Geo. Marable, 
Mr. Edw* Travis, 
Mr. David Crafford. 
Mr. Edw* Jennings, 

Col. Tho. Ballard, 
Maj'rSam" Weldon, 
Capt. Hen. Soanes, 

Mr. Edw* Sanderson, 
Mr. Ja. Minge, 
MajV Sam* Weldon, 
Capt. Wm. Hartwell, 
Mr. Brid ffreeman, 
Mr. Hen. Duke. 


Capt. Wm. Hartwell, 
Capt. Wm. White, horse. 

By the Hon'ble Com'rs for the Customs. 

Ralph Wormeley, Esq'r, one of his Matys hon"* Council 
and Secretary, was appointed by S' Edm* Andros, Naval 
Officer and Receiver of the Virginia dutys, and he having not 
been at Council, &c. , since I came, as yet no other is appointed 

[Signed] -^~^^ Fr. Nicholson. 


William the third, by the Grace of God, King of Eng- 
land, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the faith, etc. 
To Samuell Griffin, Hancock Lee, Charles Lee, George Cowper, 
Rodham Kennor, William Jones, Peter Hack, John Harris, 
William Howson, Cuthbert Span, Christopher Neale, John Craw- 


ley, Peter Contancean [?] & Thomas Winder, Gentlemen, Greet- 
ing : Know Yee, that Wee have assigned you, and every one 
of you jointly and severally, Our Justices to Keep our Peace 
in the County of Northumberland, and to keep and cause to be 
kept all ordinances, statutes of our Kingdom of England and 
Lawes of this Our Ancient and Great Colony and Dominion of 
Virginia, made for the good of the Peace and for the conserva- 
tion of. the same, & for the Quiett rule and Government of the 
People, in all & every the Articles thereof in the said county 
accordinge to the force, forme and effect of the same. And to 
chastise and punish all persons offending against the formes of 
those ordinances. Statutes of Our Kingdome of England & 
Lawes of this our Colony and Dominion, or any of them in the 
County aforesaid, to cause to come before you or any^f you all 
those persons who shall threaten any of Our Leige People, either 
in their bodyes or burning their houses, to find sufficient security 
for the Peace or for the good behavior towards Us and the Peo- 
ple. And if they shall refuse to find such security then to cause 
them to be kept safe in Prison until they find such security. 
Wee have also assigned you, or any four or more of you whereof 
any of you, Samuell Griffin, Hancock Lee, Charles Lee, George 
Cowper, Rodham Kennor and William Jones, shall be one to 
meet at the usuall place of holding Courts in the County afores* 
at certain dayes according to Law, to heare & Determine all 
Suits, Controversies and Debates between party and party, doe- 
ing therein what to Justice appertaineth according to the Lawes 
of Our Kingdome of England and this our Ancient and great 
Colony and Dominion of Virginia, with power likewise to you 
and every of you to take Depositions and Examinations upon 
oath for the better manifestation of the truth in all such mat- 
ters & causes as come before you, and to keep or cause to be 
kept all orders of Court, Orders of Councill, and Proclamations 
Directed to you or comeing to your hands from us, or from Our 
Governour or Comander in chief for the time being, and Our 
Councill of State. And to punish the offenders & breakers of 
the same according to the Lawes of Our Kingdome of England 
and of this Our Colony & Dominion. And further to keep, or 
cause the Gierke of your Court to keep, Records of all Judg- 
ments, Rules & Orders Decided and agreed upon by you, or any 


four or more of you, whereof any of you, Samuell Griffin, Han- 
cock Lee, Charles Lee, George Cowper, Rodham Kennor, and 
William Jones shall be one. And further Wee Comand you 
and every one of you that you diligently intend the keeping of the 
Peace, Statutes of Our Kingdom of England, and the Lawes of 
this Our Colony & Dominion. And all and singular other the 
Premises Wee doe by Virtue of these presents comand the 
Sheriff of the said County of Northumberland, that at those cer- 
tain dayes and places which the law doth appoint, that he cause 
to come before you, or any four or more of you, whereof any of 
you, Samuell Griffin. Hancock Lee, Charles Lee, George Cowper, 
Rodham Kennor, and William Jones shall be one, & soe many 
good and Lawfull men of his Bayliwic by whom the matters may 
be the belter known and Enquired of. Witnesse Our Trusty 
and welbeloved Francis Nicholson, Esq*r, Our Lieutenant and 
Governor Gen" of This Our Colony & Dominion of Virginia, 
at James Town, under the Scale of Our Colony, the 8th day of 
June, in the eleventh yeareof Our Reign, Anno q* Domini 1699. 

^^SStrU' C^u^y '" } FK. NicHOLSox. 

E. Jennings, Dep*' Sec'^'. 

William the third by the Grace of God King of England, 
Scotland, France & Ireland, Defender of the faith, etc. To 
Samuell Griffin, Hancock Lee, Charles Lee, George Cowper, 
Rodham Kennor, William Jones, Peter Hack, John Harris, Wil- 
liam Howson, Cuihbert Span, Christopher Neale, John Crowley, 
Peter Contancea [u ?] and Thomas Winder, Gentlemen, Greeting: 
Know Yee. that whereas Wee have constituted and appointed 
you Samuell Griffin, Hancock Lee, Charles Lee, George Cowper, 
Rodham Kennor, Wm. Jones, Peter Hack, John Harris, Wm. 
Howson, Cuthbert Span, Christopher Neale, John Crowley, 
Peter Contancean and Thomas Winder, Gentlemen, Justices of 
the Peace for Northumberland County. Wee Doe therefore 
authorise and appoint that the Comission being read as usuall 
any two of You the said Samuell Griffin, Hancock Lee, Charles 
Lee, George Cowper, Rodham Kennor & William Jones haveing 
first taken the Oathes appointed by Act of Parliament to be taken 


instead of • the Oathes of Allegiance & Supremacy the Test, 
together with the oath of duely executing the Office of Justice 
of the Peace and subscribed the Association mentioned in an 
Act of Parliament of the 7th & 8th yeares of Our Reign, entituled 
an act for the better security of his Maj"** Royall Person & 
Government (a copy of which you herewith receive) which the 
s* Peter Hack and John Harris or any two in the Comission 
above named are hereby required authorised & im powered to 
give & administer unto you, You administer unto the above s* 
Justices and every of them in the Comission above named the 
Oathes appointed by Act of Parliam' to be taken in stead of the 
Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy and the Test, together 
with the Oath of Duly Executing the Office of Justice of the 
Peace and subscribed the aforementioned Association, of the 
performance of which You are to make due return to our Sec- 
retaries Office at James City on the sixth day of next Generall 
Court. WiTNESSE Our Trusty and well beloved Francis Nich- 
olson, Esq', Our Lieutenant and Governo'' Gen" of Our Colony 
& Dominion of Virginia at James Town, under the seale of Our 
Colony the 8th day of June June, in the eleventh yeare of Our 
Reign, anno q* Dom. 1699. 

Fr: Nicholson. 

A Dedumus for Administring the Oathes & Test, etc., to the 
Justices of the Peace for Northumberland County. 

E. Jenings, Dep*y Sec'^. 

Rodham Kennor, Sheriff of Northumberl* County, this year, 

Thomas Hobson, Clerk of Northumberl** Countv Court. 

The names of other Counties, the names of the Justices of the 
Peace for the same, the date of their Comissions, the names of 
the severall Sheriffs for this present yeare, 1699, And the names 
of the severall Clerks of the County Courts in this his Maj"** 
Colony and Dominion of Virginia, are as followeth: 



Westmoreland — 8 June, i6gg. 

William Pierce, 
William Horton, 
William Bridges, 
Francis Wright, 

Samuell Thompson, 
Lewis Markham, 
James Taylor, 
Charles Ash ton, 
Caleb Buttler. 
James Westcomb, Clerk 

Nicholas Spencer, 
Henry Ross, 

Alexander Spence, Sheriff, 
Willoughby Allerton. 


John Sturman, 
Jerrard Hutt, 
John Scott, 
George Weedon, 
John Elliott. 
Court Westmoreland. 

Essex — 8th June ^ i6gg. 

John Catlett, 
William Moseley, 
Thomas Edmondson, 

Robert Brookes, 
John Battaile, 
John Talliaferro, Sheriff, 
James Boughan, 

Edward Thomas, 
Francis Talliaferro, 
Bernard Gaines. 


Francis Goldman, 
Richard Covington, 
Daniell Dobbins, 
Robert Paine. 

Francis Meriwether, Clerk C't Essex. 

David Fox, 
Robert Carter, 
William Lester, 

Lancaster--<5/// June^ i6gg, 

Joseph Ball, 
Henry Fleet, 

William Ball, 
Alexander Swan, Sheriff, 
William Fox, 


John Turbervili, 
John Pinkard, 
Thomas Martin. 

Joseph Tayloe, Clerk Court Lancaster. 

John Robbins, 
John Custis, 
Philip Fisher, 

Northampton— <5 June, i6gg. 

Obedience Johnson, 
Nathaniel Littleton, Sheriff. 
William Waters. 




Ralph Pigot, Jacob Johnson, 

Wm. Harmanson, Thomas Savage, 

John Powell, George Harmanson. 

Daniell Neech, Cl'k Court Northampton. 

Richmond — 8th June, i6gg. 

George Taylor, 
Samuell Peachey, 
William Underwood, 

David Gwynn, 
John Baker, 
William Dolman, 

Alexander Doniphin, 
Thomas Lloyd, 
John Deene. 


John Trapley, Sheriff, 
Rawleigh Traverse, 
Francis Sloughter. 

William Colston, Cl'k Court Richmond. 

Accomack — 8th June, i6gg. 
Edmond Scarburgh, Tho. Welbourne, Sheriff, 

George Nicholas Hack, 
Richard Bayley, 

Edmond Custis. 


Robert Pitt, 
John Watts. 

George Parker, 
Robert Hutchinson, 
Edward Moore, 

John Washburrie, Ci*k Court Accomack. 

Stafford — 8th June, i6gg. 

George Mason, Sheriff, 
Matthew Thompson, 
John Harvey, 

Richard Fosaker, 
William Williams, 
John Washington, 
Robert Colston, 

Robert Alexander, 
Phillip Buckner, 
Rice Hooe. 


Joseph Sumner, 
John Waugh, Jun'r. 
Edward Hart, 
Thomas Greg. 

Thomas Owsley, Crk Court Stafford. 



Nansemond — 8th June i6pp. 

John Brasseur, 
George Nors worthy, 
Thomas Swann, 

Luke Haveild, 
Francis Milner, Sheriff, 
Thomas Tilly. 


William Hunter, 
William Wright. 

Thomas Milner, 
Charles Drury, 
John Spier, 
Joseph Bridger, CFk Court Nansemond. 

Lenniel Mason, 
John Hatton, 
Thomas Hodges, 

Samuell Boush, 
Tho. Willoughby, 
John Hodges, 

Norfolk— p/A June, i6gg, 

James Wilson, 

Richard Church, Sheriff, 

Thomas Butt. 


Matthew Godfrey, 

Thomas Mason, 

William Laungley [Langley?]. 

Malachy Thruston, Crk Court Norfolk. 

Warwick— $^/A June, i6gg. 

Humphrey Harwood, 
Miles Cary, 
Samuell Ransha, 

Robert Hubbard, 
William Carey, Sheriff, 
Thomas Merry. 


Miles Wills, 
Thomas Haynes, 
John Tignall. 

Wm. Rascow, • 

Thomas Charles, 
Matthew Jones, 

Miles Cary, CFk Court Warwick. 

Princess Anne— p/A June, i6gg, 

Anthony Lawson, John Thorogood, Sheriff, 

William Cornex [Cornick ?], Francis Morse, 
Benoni Burroughs, 



Edward Moseley, William Clowes, 

Evan Jones, Robert Thorrowgood, 

Henry Woodhouse, Soloman White. 

Patrick Angus, Clerk Court Princess Anne. 

James City — lo June, i6gg, 

Philip Lightfoot, Philip Ludwell, Jun*or, 

Henry Soan, Michael Sherman. 

Henry Duke, Sheriff, 


James Bray, Hugh Norvill, 

David Bray, William Edwards, 

Thomas Cowles, William Drumond. 

Chicheley Corbin Thacker, CFk Court James City County. 

Elizabeth City — gth June, i6gg. 

William Wilson, Wm. Lowry, 

Anthony Armistead, Thomas Harwood, 

Pasco Curie, Augustine Moore. 


Coleman Brough, Sheriff, John Minson, 

Thomas Curie, Walter Bayley. 

Mathew Watts, 
Charles Jenings, Crk Court Elizabeth City. 

York — 17th Ju7ie, i6gg. 

Thomas Barbar, Thomas Ballard, 

Joseph Ring, Thomas Roberts, 

Robert Read, Charles Hansford. 


William Buckner, James Whaley, 

Henry Tyler, John Goodwin, 

Baldwin Matthewes, Daniell Taylor, 

John Page, Thomas Nutting. 

William Sedgwick, Crk Court. 



Richard Bland, 
Daniell Lewellain, 
Charles Goodrich, 

John Hardiman, 
William Hunt, 
Micajah Low, 

Charles City — 17th June, i6gg, 

Robert Boiling, Sheriff, 
Littleburry Epps, 
George Blighton. 


Richard Bradford, 
Joshua Wynn, 
John Terry. 

John Taylor, CFk Court Cha. City. 

King & Queen — Feb'y 25th, i6pp, 

William Leigh, Richard Gregory, 

Joshua Story, Henry Fox, 

William Gough, Thomas Paullin. 


John Walker, James Howell, 

Wm. Claybourne, John Waller, Sheriff, 

Willis Wilson, Richard Anderson. 

Robert Beverley, Cl'k Court. 

Henrico — lyth /une, i6p^. 

Richard Cock. 
William Randolph, 
Peter Feild, 

Francis Epps, 
Wm. Farrer. 

John Worsham, 
Thomas Cock, Sheriff, 
Giles Webb, 
James Cock, Crk Court, Henrico. 


Joseph Royall, 
John Boiling. 

Gloucester— ^M Octobery i6g8. 

James Ransone, 
Mordecai Cook, Sheriff, 
Conquest Wyatt, 

Richard Booker, 

John Gwynn, 
Sands Knowles. 


Thomas Buckner, 


Ambrose Dudley, Anthony Gregeory. 

Thomas Todd, 

Peter Beverley, Crk Court. 

New Kent — lyth June^ i6gg, 

Joseph Foster, Thomas Bray, 

Lancelot Bathurst, ' Francis Burnell, 

William Bassett, Sheriff, John Lyddale. 


James Moss, John Lewis, 

John Stanop, Nicholas Meriwether, 

Thomas Smith, George Keeleing. 

Job Howse, crk Court, New Kent. 

Middlesex — 26th April, i6p8. 

Wm. Skipwith, Barron', Sheriff, Wm. Wormeley, 
Matthew Kemp, Garvin Corbin, 

Wm. Churchill, . Thomas Landon. 


Francis Weekes, John Smith, 

Robert Dudley, Richard Willis, 

Henry Thacker, John Grymes. 

Edwin Thacker, Cl'k Court. 

Isle of Wight— -2<5M April, i6g8. 

Henry Applewaite, Jer. Exum, 

Samuell Bridger, Henry Baker. 

Geo. Moore, 


James Day, Arthur Smith, 

Thomas Giles, Robert Key, 

Anthony Holliday, Sheriff, Humphrey Marshall. 

Charles Chapman, Cl'k Court. 

Surrey — 12th Dec, i6g8. 

Henry Tooker, James Mason, 

William Brown, Nathaniel Harrison. 

Thomas Holt, Sheriff, 



William Newson, Thomas Drew, 

Wm. Cock, John Edwards. 

Francis Clements, Cl'k Court. 

Sheriff's Commission. 

Virginia S*'* 

William the third, by the Grace of God, King of 
[Seale.] England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defen- 

der of the faith, etc. 

To Henry Duke, Gent. Greeting: 

Wee doe hereby Commissionate, authorize and appoint 
you to be Sheriff of James City County for this present year, 
one thousand six hundred Ninety & nine, and that you be 
accordingly sworn as soon as conveniently can be. And before 
you be admitted to the office of Sheriff of the said County of 
James City You enter into bond before Our Justices of the 
Peace of the said County with Good and Sufficient Security in 
the penale sume of One hundred thousand pounds of Tobacco 
to Us, Our heires & Successors, to render to Mr. Auditor Byrd 
or such others as shall be appointed by Us to receive the same, 
a perticular perfect & full account of all Our Revenues & dues 
in the same County Dureing the time of your Sherivalty. And 
also that you shall due payment make of all such Publick dues 
as shall be Levied in the aforesaid County of James City unto 
the severall persons that shall be appointed to receive the same. 
And full performance make of all things belonging to the office 
of Sheriff of the aforesaid County. And Wee do hereby 
comand all Our officers, both civill and Military, and all other 
our subjects that are Inhabiting the s* County and others Actu- 
ally there to be aiding and assisting to you, the s"^ Henry Duke 
as Sheriff, all things relating to the office of Sheriff of the afore- 
said County. Witnesse Our Trusty and welbeloved Francis 
Nicholson, Esq'r, Our Lieu* & Governo' Gen" of Our Colony and 
Dominion of Virginia at James Town, under the Seale of Our 


Colony, this seventh day of June, in the eleventh yeare of Our 
Reign, Anno q® Dom., 1699. 

Fr. Nicholson. 

Virginia S*": 

[Seale.] To all to whom these Presents shall come: 

I, Ralph Wormeley, Esq' r, Secretary of State of Virginia, 
send Greeting, Know Yee, that I, the said Ralph Wormeley, 
Esq% Secretary, etc., have and by these presents doe appoint, 
place, ordaine, invest and confirme Chicheley Corbin Thacker in 
the Place and Qffice of Clerk of the County of James City. 
Giveing and by these presents granting unto him, the said 
Chicheley Corbin Thacker, full power & authority to charge, 
require, take, receive and enjoy to his own proper use, perticular 
behoof of all fees, Vailes, Duties, priviledges and perquisites 
whatsoever belonging or in anywise appertaineing to the said 
place and office, hereby also requireing and enjoyning him, the 
said Chicheley Corbin Thacker by himselfe or Deputy, to attend 
the Justices of the said County at every Court there to be holden, 
to enter and draw Up all Orders & Judgments of Court, And 
to doe and performe all such acts and things as are incedent to 
the said place and Office, to which intent the said Justices are 
hereby required to give unto him the said Chicheley Corbin 
Thacker and his Deputy a full and free Admission to and Con- 
tinuance in the said Place and Office Reserveing to myselfe and 
successo" full power to revoke and make voyd this or any Com- 
ission of the like purport, and mine or their Pleasure. Given 
under my hand and seale, this 29th day of October, in the tenth 
yeare of his Maj**** Reign, anno q* Dom., 1698. 

R. Wormeley, Sec*"^. 


William the third, by the Grace of God, King of England, 
Scotland, France, & Ireland, Defender of the faith, etc. To 
Bartholomew Fowler, Esq*r., Greeting: Wee doe by these pres- 
ents constitute, authorise, ordaine and appoint you to be Our 
Attorney Generall within this Our Ancient and great Colony & 


Dominion of Virginia, Giveing and Granting unto you full power 
and Authority to prosecute all Treasons, Murders, felonies, or 
any misdemeanors comprehended within the Lawes & Statutes 
of Our Kingdom of England, or of this Our Colony and Do- 
minion. And in our name to Sue and Implead all and every 
person or persons in all Causes and matters relating to Us, or any 
other person or persons on Our Behalfe in all Courts and before 
All Judges, Justices & Magistrates, And to doe all such Other 
Act or Acts as by Our Attorney Generall may or ought to be 
done agreeable to Law. To have and to hold the said place and 
Office of Attorney Generall dureing Our Pleasure. Witness our 
Trusty and welbeloved Francis Nicholson, Esq.*r., Our Lieuten- 
ant & Governo' Gen" of Virginia, at James Town, under the 
Seale of our Colony, the two and twentieth day of June, one 
thousand six hundred ninety & nine, in the elventh yeare of Our 

Fr. Nicholson. 
A Comission for Barth. Fowler, Esq'r, to be Attorney Gen' 11. 

E. Jenings, Deputy Sec' y. 


On the South side of James River, Lieu* Coll*' William Ran- 

Between James and York River, John Lightfoot, Esq'r. 
Between York and Rappahannock river, Matthew Page, Elsq'r. 
On the Eastern Shoar, Colo. John Custis. 

[Locus Sigill.] 

William the third, by the Grace of God, King of England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defend"" of the faith, etc. To 

, Esq'r., Greeting: Wee doe by these presents 

constitute and appoint you to be our Escheator Generall for and 
in the Counties of , by your self, or sufficient Dep- 
uty or Deputies, to make inquiry what Lands have, do, or shall 
Escheat unto Us, according to the Lawes and Statutes of Our 
Kingdom of England, and of this our Ancient and great Colony 
and Dominion of Virginia, in the severall and Respective Coun- 
ties aforesaid, of which no Office hath yet been found, and to 


proceed in the Ececution of the said office according to the 
Rules, Customes, and Practices of Our Escheators in our Kingdom 
of England, and in every thing and things to act, doe, and exe- 
cute in the due Administracon of the said office as the Lawes and 
Statutes of Our Kingdom of England and of this our Colony 
and Dominion have provided and directed. To have and to 
hold the aforesaid place and Office of Escheator in the aforesaid 

Pre'cincts dureing Our Royall will and pleasure, 

together with all usuall and Customary fees, profitts, and Advan- 
tages to the said place and Office belonging or appertaineing. 
Witnesse Our Trusty and welbeloved Francis Nicholson, Esq*r., 
Our Lieutenant and Governor Gen" of Our Colony and Domin- 
ion of Virginia, at James Town, under the Scale of Our Colony, 
this day of , 1699, in the eleventh yeare of Our Reign. 

Commission to Miles Cary, Surveyor Gen*ll. 

Whereas their Mat'' King William and Queen Mary, by their 
Royal Letters patents under the great Seal of England, bearing 
date at Westminster the eight day of february, in the fourth 
year of their Reign, Have Given and granted Unto Francis 
Nicholson, William Cole, Ralph Wormley, Wm. Bird & John 
Lear, Esq'rs ; James Blair, Jno. Farnifold, Stephen Fovaw [?], 
Sam" Gray, Clerks; Thomas Milner, Christopher Robinson, 
Charles Scarburgh, John Smith, Benjamin Harrison, Miles Cary, 
Henry Hartwell, William Randolph and Matthew Page, Gent. , 
and to the longest livers, or Liver of them, and to his or their 
heirs, The Office of Surveyor Gen" of this Colony and Dominion 
of Virginia whenever the s* office shall be voyd, with all its 
issues, ffees, profites, advantages, conveniencys, Libertys, places, 
priviledges and preheminencies whatsover belonging to the s^ 
Office, in as ample forme and manner as any other person who 
has heretofore had executed or posest the s* Office, ever had 
received & enjoyed, or ought to have, receive & enjoy by the 
said Trustees and their heirs, or by such Officers & Substitutes 
as they or the Major part of them, or the longest liver of them, 
or of their heirs, shall, from time to time, nominate and appoint 
until the s'' Colledge shall be actually founded. As by the said 


Lett" patents reference thereunto being had will more plainly 
appear. By virtue of which power and authority, We, the said 
Francis Nicholson, Ralph Wormley, Wm. Byrd, James Blair, 
John Furnifold, Steven Fovaw [?], Sam" Gray, Charles Scar- 
burgh, Benjamin Harrison, William Randolph and Matthew 
Page, Do substitute, authorise, irapower and appoint Miles Cary, 
Gent., Surveyor Gen" of Virginia, Giving unto him full power 
and authority to execute the Said Office of Surveyor Gen" by 
and with the advice and consent of the Committee appointed by 
the Trustees and Gov" of the said Colledge of William and 
Mary, during pleasure. Given, etc. 

Copy of a Surveyor of a County's Commission. 

To all whom these presents shall come — Greeting: Whereas 
their Maj'tys King William and Queen Mary, by their Royal 
Charter bearing date at Westminster the eight day of feb'^, in 
the fourth year of their Reign, Were graciously pleased to give 
and Grant to Francis Nicholson, Lieu* Governor of Virginia and 
Maryland; William Cole, Ralph Wormley, Wm. Byrd & John 
Lear, Esq'rs; James Blair, John Farnifold, Stephen Fovaw and 
Sam" Gray, Clerks; Thomas Milner, Christopher Robinson, 
Charles Scarburgh, John Smith, Benjamin Harrison, Miles Cary, 
Henry Hartwell, Wm. Randolph & Matthew Page, Gent., Trus-. 
tees for the College of Wm. & Mary in Virginia, and the longest 
Livers of or longest liver of them, the Office of Surveyor Gen" 
of their said Colony of Virg', To be had, held & executed with 
all its vaills, fees, appointments, profites, commodities, advantages, 
places, Liberties, preferments whatsoever, by them the said 
Trustees, or by such officers and substitutes as they or the Major 
part of them, or of the longest Livers of them or their heirs 
shall, from time to time, nominate and appoint, until the said 
Colledge shall be actually founded and erected. As by the s* 
Charter (relation being thereunto had) may more fully and at 
large appear. And whereas the Major part of the Survivors of 
the said Trustees have, by their Commission under their hands 
& seal of the Colledge, dated the twenty-fifth of Feb'^, in the 
eleventh year of his present Majesty's reign. Substituted, aulho- 



rized, Impowered & appointed me, Miles Gary, to execute the 
Office of Surveyor Gen". Now Know ye that I, the said Miles 
Cary, out of the good Gonfidence & certain Knowledge I have 
of the ability and integrity of A. B. to execute the Office of 
Surveyor, Have nominated, Gonstituted & appointed, And I do 
by these presents nominate, constitute & appoint him, the said 
A. B., to be the Surveyor of all the Lands in the Gounty of G. 
D. with full power and authority to him, the said A. B., to sur- 
vey, measure & lay out all or any part or parcell of Land within 
the said Bounds & Limits when thereunto required, Observing the 
Rules and Instructions for Surveyors agreed on by the Surveyor 
Gen" & Society of Surveyors, and appointed and confirmed by 
the Governour and Gouncil, A copy of which you herewith 
receive. I do hereby further give to him, the said A. B., full 
power and authority to ask, demand & receive all such Fees, 
profites, advantages, priviledges & Emoluments pertaining to 
the s* office as now are or hereafter shall be due by the Laws & 
Gustoms of this Gountry, Paying unto the above mentioned 
Trustees, or the longest Livers or Liver of them, or his or their 
order for the use of the said Golledge, one full sixth part of all 
the yearly profites that shall accrue to him by the said surveys 
as hath been formerly usual. And giving a account of his per- 
formance of this commission to the above said Trustees or their 
order at such time & place as they, from time to time, shall ap- 
point. This Gommission to continue during the pleasure of the 
said Trustees. Given, etc. 

List of Surveyors Appointfd. 

Henrico Gounty, Richard Lagon [Ligon]. 

Gharles Gity, Theodorick Bland. 

Surry, Isle of Wight, Thomas Swan. 

Elizabeth Gity, Warwick, William Lowry. 

York, Gloucester, Miles Gary. 

Nansemond, Norfolk. Princess Ann, Thomas Milner. 

James Gity, John Soan. 

New Kent, James Minge. 

King & Queen, Richard Whitehead. 



Middlesex, Edwin Thacker. 

Accomack, Northampton, Edm^ Scarburgh, 

Essex, Richmond, Wm. Moseley. 

Stafford, Tho. Grigg. 

Westmoreland, Alexander Spence. 

Northumberland, George Cooper. 

[This List of the Parishes in Virginia was printed as a Senate 
Document (Extra) in 1874, but as it is scarce and little known, it 
is thought well to print it here to fill out the lists for 1680.] 

State Papers, Colonial- Virginia. Vol. 60, No. 410, June 
30th, 1680. 

A List of the Parishes in Virginia— /kw^ joth, 1680, 

Henrico County. 
Varina, J^ Bristol*, John Ball. 

Charles Citty County. 

j4 Bristol, Jordan, Westover, Readers onely. Weyonoak, 
Martin Brandon, Mr. Paul Williams. 

Surry County. 

Soufhwork, Mr. John Clough. Lawn's Creek, Mr. John 

James Citty County. 

Martin's hundred, j4 Brewton; James Citty, Mr. Rowl* Jones. 
Wallingford; Wilmington, Mr. Thomas Hampton. 

Isle of Wight. 

Isle of Wight Parish, Mr. Robt. Park. Lower Parish, Mr. 
Wm. Housden. 

* The yi occurs in such cases as when one portion of the parish is in 
one county and the other portion in another. Thus Bristol parish was 
partly in Henrico and partly in Charles City counties. 

public officers in virginia, 1680. 243 


Upper Parish, Mr. John Gregory. Lower Parish, Mr. John 
Wood. Chicokatuck, Mr. Wm. Housden, who serves in Isle of 
Wight alsoe. 

Warwick County. 

Denby, Mulberry Island, Mr. John Lawrence for both. 

Elizabeth Citty County. 
In one Parish, Mr. John Page. 

Lower Norfolk. 

Elizabeth River Parish, Mr. Wm. Nern. Lynhaven Parish, 
Mr. James Porter. 

Yorke County. 

^ Brewton, Hampton Parish, Mr. Rowland Jones. York 
Parish, Mr. Edw*d Foliott. New Towson Parish, Mr. John 

New Kent. 

South Side — St. Peter's Parish, Mr. William Sellick. Bliss- 
land Parish, Mr. Tho. Taylor. 

North Side — St. Steven's Parish, Mr. Wm. Williams. Strat- 
ton Maj', Mr. Rob't Carr. 

Gloucester County. 

Kingston, Mr. Michaell Zyperius. Ware Parish, Mr. 

Clark. Telsoe Parish, Mr. Thomas Vicars. Abingdon, Mr. 
John Gwynn. 

Middlesex County. 
Christ Church Parish, Mr. John Sheppard. 

Rappahannock County.. 
Farnam, Mr. Charles Dudley. Sydenburn, Mr. Dudley. 

Stafford County. 
Stafford Parish, Chotanck, John Waugh. 

244 virginia historical magazine. 

Westmoreland County. 
Copeland Parish, Mr. Scrim mington. Washington, Mr. Wm. 

Northumberland County. 

Fairfield, Mr. John Farnefold. Wacacommico, Mr. Davis, 
who serves also at Farnam. 

Accomack County. 
Accomack Parish, Mr. Henry Parkes. 

Northampton County. 
Northampton Parish, Hunger's Parish, Mr. Thomas Teagle. 

Lancaster County. 
Christ's Church, White Chappie, Mr. Benj. Doggett. 

Board of Trade — Virginia — Vol. 7. 

[126. C. 19.] James City, June 8th, 1699. 


His Excellency in Council. 

His Excellency, by & with the consent of the council, was 
pfeased to nominate & appoint the collectors, Navall Officers, 
& Receivers of the Virginia duties for the several Districts 
within this his Maty* Colony and Dominion as followeth» to-witt: 

For Upper District of James River. 

Philip Lightfoot, collector. Nathaniel Harrison, Naval Offi- 
cer & Receiver of the Virginia dutys. 

For the Lower District of James River. 

Peter Heyman is already collector, being appointed by the 
1 hon"' the com" of the customs. William Wilson, Naval Officer 
& Receiver of the Virginia dutys. 


York River. 

William Buckner, Collector. Miles Gary, Naval officer and 
Receiver of Virginia dutys. 

Potomac River. 

Nicholas Spencer is already Collector, being appointed by the 
hon**^ the com" of the customs. Hancock Lee, Naval officer 
& Receiver of the Virginia dutys. 

In Northumberland County. 

Isaac Allerton, Naval Officer & Receiver of the Virginia dutys 
in Westmoreland County, including Yeocomoco River. Rice 
Hoe, Naval Officer, & collector of the Virginia duties in Staffi^rd 
county, including upper Matchotux River. 

On the Eastern Shore. 

Henry Scarburgh, Collector. 

John Custis, Naval Officer and Receiver of the Virginia duties. 


For the upper district of James River, Edward Hill, Esq., one 
of his Ma'ty' hon^** Council and Judge of the Admiralty was 
appointed Collector by the Hon"* Com" of the Customs, Naval 
Officer and Receiver of the Virginia dutys, by S' Edm* Andros, 
his Maty' late Lew' & Gov' Gen", etc. 

For York River. 

Edmund Jenings, Esq*r., one of his Ma't^" hon"* council and 
Deputy Seccret'', was appointed Collector by the hon**^ com" of 
the Customs, Naval Officer & Receiver of the Virginia duties by 
S' Edm* Andros, &c. 

For Potomack. 

Rich* Lee, Esq'r, was appointed by S' Edm* Andros, &c., to 
be naval Officer & Receiver of the Virginia dutys for Potomack 
river, in which is included Northumberland, Westmoreland and 
Stafford Counties. 



For the Eastern Shore. 

Charles Scarburgh, Esq., one of his Ma'tys hon*" Council, 
was appointed Collector by the hon**" Com" of the Customs, 
Naval Officer & Receiver of the Virginia duties, by S' Edm' 
Andros, &c. 

For Rappahannock. 

Mr. Garvin Corbin was appointed Coll' by S' Edm* Andros, 
&c. , upon the death of Christopher Wormley, Esq. , who was 

Isle Wight County. 


Mr. Nich. Smith, 
MajV Tho. Taberer, 
Col. Arth' Smith. 
Mr. Jos. Woorey, 
Mr. Jeremiah Axom, 

Maj'r Ja. Powell, 
Mr. Tho. Pitt, 
Mr. Hen. Applewaight, 
Lt. Geo. Moone. 


Maj*r Tho. Taberer, 
Lt. Col. Jno. Pitt, 
Capt. John Gutridge. 
Col. Jos. Bridger, Command' in chiefe of y* horse in y* Coun- 
ties of Isle of Wight, Surrey, Nanzemond and Lower Norfolk. 

Col. Jos. Bridger (horse), 
Maj'r J. A. Powell (horse). 
Col. Arth' Smith, 

Surrey County. 

Capt. Law. Baker, 
Mr. Robert Canfeild, 
Maj'r Sam'l Swann, 
Mr. Ben. Harrison, 
Mr. Jos. Maiden, 

Col. Tho. Swann, 
Lt. Col. Wm. Browne, 
Maj*r Sam" Swann, 

Lt. Col. Wm. Brown, 
Mr. Arth' Allen, 
Capt. Cha. Barham, 
Mr. ffra. Mason, 
Mr. Rob't Ruffin. 


Capt. Roger Potter, 

Capt. Charles Barham (horse). 



Nanzemond County. 


Mr. Geo. Gwilliams, 
Mr. Jno. Brassier, 
Maj'r Bar. Kerney, 
Capt. And. Booth, 
Mr. Rich\d Lovegrove. 


Capt. James Jossey (horse), 
Lt. Col. Tho. Milner. 

Col. Jno. Lear, 
Lt. Col. Tho. Milner, 
Capt. Ja. Jossey, 
Mr. Tho. Godwin, 
Mr. Jno. Speir, 

Col. Jno. Lear, 

Maj'r Bar. Kerney, 

Capt. Andrew Booth (horse), Capt. Tho. Goodwin. 

Warwick County. 

Mr. Hum. Harwood, 
Capt. Rich'd Whitticar, 
Capt. Lt. Jno. Matthews, 
Mr. Mig^ Cary, 

Mr. ffra. Rice, 
Capt. Jno. Langhorne, 
Mr. Sam'l Ransha, 
Mr. Rob^t Rubber [d]. 


Col. Wm. Cole (horse & foot), Capt. Rich'd Whitticar, 
Maj'r Hum. Harwood, Capt. Jno. Langhorne (horse). 

Lower Norfolk County. 

Col. Leon Mason, 
Capt. Wm. Robinson, 
Lt. Col. Robt. Bray, 
Capt. John Hatton, 
Maj'r Anth. Lawson, 
Mr. Cieo. Newton, 

Col. Lemuell Mason, 
Lt. Col. Robt. Bray, 
Maj'r An tho. Lawson, 

Mr. Wm. Daines, 
M^'r ffra. Sawyer, 
Mr. Adam Keeling, 
Mr. Mai. Thtuston, 
Mr. Hen. Spratt, 
Capt. Jno. Niccolls. 


Capt. Jno. Niccolls, 

Capt. Adam Keeling, 

Capt. Wm. Robinson (horse). 

Elizabeth Citty County. 


Col. Cha. Morison, 

Maj'r Math Wakelin, 



Capt. Antho. Armestead, 
Mr. Bat Servant, 
Mr. Tho. Hollier, 
Mr. Bald. Sheppard, 
Mr. Edw'd My hill, 

Col. Charles Morrison, 
Maj'r Matthew Wakelin, 

Mr. Tho. Jarvis, 
Mr. Ang. Moor, 
Mr. Tho. Wythe, 
Mr. Wm. Wilson. 

Capt. Antho. Armstead (horse). 

New Kent County. 


Col. John West, 
Capt. Roger Mallory, 
Capt. Jno. Lewis, 
Mr. Wm. Wyatt, 
Capt. Bryan Smith, 
Mr. Cha. Turner, 
Mr. War. Mohon, 
Capt. John Lane, 
Mr. Jno. Woodington, 

Col. Jno. West, 
Lt. Col. Geo. Lyddale, 
Maj'r Martin Palmer, 
Capt. Wm. Jones, 

Col. Jno. Page, 
Maj*r Otho Thorp, 
Capt. ffra Page, 
Mr. Edw*d Mosse, 
Mr. Tho. Barber, 

Col. Jno. Page, 
Maj*r Otho Thorp, 

Lt. Col. Geo. Lyddale, 
Mr. Rich. Littlepage, 
Capt. Rich. Johnson, 
Capt. Geo. Morris, 
Mr. Sam" Custin, 
Mr. Marke Warkeman, 
Mr. Jos. ffoster, 
Capt. Jno. Gough, 
Mr. Pet' Butts. 


Capt. Brian Smith, 
Capt. John Lewis (horse), 
Capt. Rich. Johnson (horse). 

YoRKE County. 


Mr. R* Langley, 
Mr. Wm. Booth, 
Mr. Rob't Cobbs, 
Mr. Rob*t Spring, 
Mr. Mart. Gardner. 


Capt. ffra. Page, 
Capt. Jno. Tiplady. 



Gloster County. 

L. Col. Law. Smith, 
Col. Math. Kemp, 
Maj'r Jno. Armestead, 
Col. Tho. Pate, 
Mr. Tho. Walker. 
Mr. Lewis Burrell, 
Mr. Abra. Iveson, 

Col. August. Warner, 

Lt. Col. Law Smith, 

Maj'r ifra. Burrell, 

Capt. Rich. Booker, 

Col. Mathew Kemp (horse), 

Maj. Hen. Whiteing (horse), 


Mr. Tho. Ramsey, 
Lt. Col. Th. Lighifoot, 
Mr. Jno. Mann, 
Mr. Rich'd Young, 
Maj'r Hen. Whiteing, 
Mr. Jno. Smith. 


Lt. Col. Jno. Armestead (horse), 

Capt. Jno. Smith (horse), 

Col. Tho. Pate, 

Lt. Col. Phill [Tho. ?] Lightfoot, 

Maj. Robt. Pay ton, 

Capt. Symond Belford. 

Rappahannock County. 


Co). Jno. Stone, 

Col. Leroy Griffin, 

Lt. Co" Wm. Loyd, 

Mr. Hen. Awbery, 

Capt. Hen. Smith, 

Mr. Antho. Savage, 

Capt. Tho. Goldman, 

Mr. Hen. Williamson, 

Capt. Dan" Gaine, 

Mr. Geo. Taylor, 

Mr. Ja. Harrison, 

Mr. Wm. ffauntleroy, 

Capt. Sam" Bromfield, 

Mr. Tho. Harwar, 

Mr. Sam. Peacy, 

Mr. Wm. Slaughter. 

Mr. Ma. Robinson, 


Col. Jno. Stone, 
Lt. Col. Wm. Loyd, 
Maj'r Hen. Smith, 
Capt. Sam" Bromfield, 

Capt. Dan" Gaines, 

Col. Leroy Griffin (horse), 

Capt. Tho. Gouldman (horse). 

Middlesex County. 

Mr. Rich'd Perrot, Mr. Aber. Weekes, 



Col. Chr. Wormeley, 
Capt. Walter Whitticar, 
Lt. Col. Jno. Burnham, 
Maj'r Robt. Beverley, 

Col. Chr. Wormeley, 
Lt. Col. Jno. Burnham, 

Mr. Rich'd Perrot, Junior, 
Mr. Math. Kemp, 
Mr. Robt Smith, 
Mr. John Mann. 


Maj'r Robt. Beverley, 

Capt. Walter Whitticar (horse). 

Lancaster County. 

Co" Wm. Ball, 
Lt. Co" John Carter, 
Maj*r Edward Dale, 
Capt. Wm. Ball, 
Capt. David ifox, 

Co"Wm. Ball, 

Lt. Co" John Carter, 

Maj'r Edward Dale, 


Mr. Bryant Scott, 
Mr. Rich'd Tayler, 
Mr. Tho. Marshall, 
Mr. ffortunatus Sydnor. 


Capt. Wm. Ball. 
Capt. David ffox. 

Westmoreland County. 

Co" Wm. Pierce, 
Lt. Co" Isack Alerton, 
Capt. John Lord, 
Mr. Tho. Kirton, 
Maj'r Thomas Youell, 
Mr. Robti Vaulx, 

Co" Wm. Pierce, 

Lt. Co" Isacc Allerton, 


Mr. Wm. Horton, 
Mr. Law Washington, 
Mr. Wm. Hardinge, 
Mr. Geo. Weeden, 
Mr. Wm. Bridges, 
Mr. Edw'd ffranklin. 


Maj'r Tho. Youell, 

Capt. Antho. Bridges. 

Co" Richard Lee, of the Horse, in y* Counties of Westmore- 
land, Northumberland, and Stafford. 

Northumberland County. 


Co" Tho. Brereton, 

Capt. Tho. Mathew, 



Lt. Co" Sam" Smyth, 
Capt. Peter Knight, 
Mr. Wm. Pressley, 
Mr. Peter Pressley, 
Maj'r John Mattro, 
Capt. Leonard Housen, 

Co" Tho. Brereton, 
Lt. Co" Sam" Smith, 
Maj'r John Mottrom, 

Mr. Phill. Shapley, 
Capt. John Hayne, 
Mr. Nich. Owen, 
Mr. Christo. Neale, 
Mr. Rich. Kiner, 
. Mr. Wm. Downing. 


Capt. Leonard Housen (horse), 
Capt. Tho. Mathews, 
Capt. John Hayne. 

Stafford County. 


Doctor Wm. Bankes, 
Mr. Natho. Buckner, 
Mr. Edward Thomasin, 
Mr. Martin Scarlett, 
Mr. Math. Thompson. 

Co" George Mason, 
Maj'r Andrew Gilson, 
Mr. James Ashton, 
Capt. Rob't Massey, 
Mr. Malaky Peale, 
Mr. Vincent Young, 


Co" George Mason, Maj'r Andrew Gilson, 

Lt. Co" Cadwalader Jones, Capt. Rob't Massey. 

Northampton County. 

Co" John Stringer, 
Lt. Co" Wm. Waters, 
Co" Wm. Kendall, 
Capt. John Robins, 
Maj'r Wm. Spencer, 
Capt. ifra Piggott, 

Co" John Custis, 
Co" John Stringer, 
Lt. Co" Wm. Waters, 
Maj'r Wm. Spencer, 



Mr. ArgoU Yardley, 

Mr. Hancock Lee, 

Mr. John Custis, 

Mr. Tho. Harmonson, 

Mr. John Eyres, 

Capt. Wm. Whittington. 


Capt. Wm. Whittington (horse) 
Capt. John Robins, 
Capt. ffra. Piggott, 
Capt. Hancock Lee. 

Millitary Officers. 
Civill Officers. 



Accomack County. 


YAz^T Charles Scarborou [gh], 

Lt. Co" John West, 

Maj'r Edmund Bourn [an], 

Capt. Dan" Jeniffer, 

Capt Wm. Custis, 

Capt. Edmund Scarborough, 

Capt Rich'd HiU. 
Mr. Rich'd Bayley, 
Mr. Obedience Jonson, 
Mr. John Wallop, 
Mr. Hillary Stringe [r], 
Mr. Tho. Wilborne, 

Mr. George Nicholas Haak [Hack?]. 


Co" Wm. Kendoll. 
Lt. Co" John West, 
Maj'r Charles Scarborgh, 

Co" John Custis, 

Maj'r Edmund Bouman, 

Capt. Edmund Scarburg, 
Capt. Dan" Jenifer, 
Capt. Obedience Jonson, 


Capt. Rich'd Hill, 
Capt. Wm. Custis. 

A List of the Attorneyes. 

Lancelot Bathurst, 
Matthew Kemp, Jun'r, 
Wm. ffitzhugh, 
Edm'd Jenings, 
Charles Turner, 
Rob't Beverley, 
George Brent, 
James Gaylor, 
Rob't Bradley, 
Charles Holden, 
Edward Hill, 
Wm. Sedgwick, 
Richard Clarke, 
Peter Wall, 
Wm. Sherwood, 
Richard James, 
Wm. Leigh, 

Edward Harrison, 
William Thompson, 
Wm. Evans [ot Euans], 
Hugh Owen, 
John Stiih, 
Joseph Stiles, 
Robert CoUes, 
Robert Play ton, 
Ambros Clare, 
Thomas Clayton, 
Mola. Thruston, 
Phill. Howard, 
John Lear, 
Rob't Colby, 
Jno. Wilkinson, 
Wm. Harrison. 


Letters of Wm. Fitzhugh. 


June nth, 1683-4. 
HarCrd Sir, 

This conveniency by Mr. Simpson gives me the opportunity 
not only of saluting your Hon' but returning you my humble 
thanks for your favour in that worshipfull employment you were 
pleased lately to confer upon me which because it comes from 
your Hon*^ I shall readily (and could wish that my abilitys etc 
would admit me to say) and willingly accept assuring myself you 
designed it a publick advantage (suitable to the rest of your en- 
deavours for a general good) and no particular prejudice to any 
Individual; and therefore do not question but your Hon' will be 
assistant to support me, in the charge you were pleased to confer 
upon me, that contempt (the worst of enemies to any in authority 
and the certain and inseparable association of poverty) may not 
discourage me: And I shall endeavour to make use of the utmost 
and as far as I can those poor abilities (it hath pleased God to 
bestow upon me) for the good and service of my country. 

Your Wff. 
To The Hon"" Nicolas Spencer Esqr, 

President of Virginia. 

June loth, 1684. 
HorCrd Sir, 

Herewith comes accompany* d all your Papers a letter with 
State of your case drawn by Mr. Brent; the contents I have not 
seen till I had view of your papers; I could not finish, mine; I 
have also sent you the State of your case done p my self as 
well as I could draw it. I have not had the happiness of seeing 
or discoursing Mr. Brent since his coming from Town but just 
half an hour as he came up, his business constantly calling him 
abroad so that I may not perhaps be so full, but I am sure what 
I want is fully supply' d by his better abilitys and better Judge- 
ment, I believe our drawing it seperately may be for you advan- 


tage. S' Be sure if possible to get copys of those things I 
advised, as the Commission's &c to send with the rest your 
papers. S' My last for a sudden dispatch away (being hastened 
by CoU^ Jones* as you may see p his writing to help forward) 
will not suffer me to add any more, save to wish this successful! 
to you and to assure you notwithstanding the false calumnies 
and storys that have been made to you of me, I shall always 
endeavour to manifest myself 

S' Your Wff. 
To Ralph Wormley Esqr. 

Traverse of an Escheat inter Lewis Burrell f and Lewis Griffin J 

* Cadwalader Jones was Lt. -Colonel in the Stafford militia in 1680. 
(Report, in English Colonial Papers.) There is in the English State 
Papers Office a letter, dated Mt. Paradise, Virginia, February 6th, 168)^, 
from him to Lord Baltimore, requesting permission to trade with 
Indians in Maryland, and naming Thomas Owsley, the bearer, as his 
agent. He also gives some account of his trade and of the movements 
of the Northern Indians. Accompanying a letter, July ist, 1699, 
from Gov. Nicholson to the Lords of Trade, is **Col. Cadwallader 
Jones* Essay about the Indian Trade (5 pages), with a MS. map or 
plot of Louisiana.'' — English State Paper Office » 

t Lewis Burwell, of " Carter's Creek," Gloucester, and afterwards of 
Queen's Creek, York, was the eldest son of Major Lewis Burwell, the 
immigrant; was appointed a member of the Council, November, 1700, 
and died December 19th, 17 10. He married Abigail Smith, niece and 
heiress of President Nathaniel Bacon. 

X The first of this Griffin family in Virginia was Thomas* Griffin, 
who received various grants of land from 165 1. (Edw'd BradshaWf of 
Lancaster county, in his will, 1675, makes bequest to '*my country- 
man," Thomas Griffin, and to his»— T. G.'s — daughter, Winifred 

Griffin ;) married Sarah , and died in or before 1660. (His widow 

married, secondly, Samuel Griffin, of Northumberland county). Chil- 
dren: I. Colonel Leroy, of Rappahannock, born 1646 (deposition); 
justice of the county 1680, &c. ; married Winifred, daughter of Henry 
Corbin, of ''Buckingham," Middlesex (her will pro. Rd. Co., 1711); 2. 
T)iomas; 3. Winifred. 

I. CoL. Lerov Griffin (miswritten "Lewis" in the text) and his 
wife, Winifred Corbin, had issue : 4. Thonias; 5. Corbin, of Middlesex 
county; will pro. 1701 ; justice of Middlesex 1700, &c.; married Judith, 


daughter of Christopher Wormeley, of Middlesex, and d, s, p, ; 6. 
Winifred, married Col. Peter Presley, of ** Northumberland House," 
Northumberland county. His will pro. Northumberland county, Sep- 
tember loth, 1750, and his only daughter and heiress, Winifred, mar- 
ried Anthony Thornton, and was mother of Colonel Presley Thornton, 
of "Northumberland House,** member of the Council 1760-69. 

4. Thomas Griffin, of Richmond county ; in 1707 received a re- 
grant for 3,136 acres in Richmond county, which had been before 
granted at various times to Thomas, Leroy and Samuel Griffin ; was 
member of the House of Burgesses for Richmond county, 17 18, 1723; 

married Elizabeth (his will pro. Rd. Co., 1733; her will pro. Rd. 

Co. 1761). Children : 7. Leroy^ of Richmond county ; high sheriff 
1734;* will pro. Rd. Co. 1750; married Mary Ann, only daughter and 
heiress of John Bertrand, of ** Belleisle," Lancaster county ; 8. Wini- 
fred, married Capt. Samuel Peachey, of Richmond county; 9. Alice 

Corbin, married Travers Colston; 9. Ann, married Tarpley; 10. 

Sarah; 11. Ann. 

7. Leroy Griffin and Mary Ann (Bertrand), his wife, had issue; 
Thomas Bertrand, who inherited his maternal grandfather's and uncle's 
estate, '* Belleisle," Lancaster county, and was clerk of Lancaster 
i77o-*77; 12. Leroy, of Richmond county; will pro. 1775; had issue: 
Ann Corbin (Griffin), Elizabeth and Judith; 13, Corbin; 14. William; 
15. Samuel; 16. Cyrus ; 17. Elizabeth, married, 1757, Col. Richard 
Adams, Sr., of Richmond (city.) 

13. Dr. Corbin Griffin, of Yorktown, Va., was a member of the 
York County Committee of Safety i775-*6 ; Surgeon in the Virginia 
line during the Revolution (Records in State Land Office), for many 
years justice of York, State Senate 1780, &c., and died 1813. He mar- 
ried Mary, daughter of Col. Edmund Berkeley, of *♦ Barn Elms " Mid- 
dlesex. Children : 18. Thomas, 

14. William Griffin, of King and Queen county ; sheriff of that 
county 1782, and colonel commanding militia 1781 ; married, 1771, 
Susanna, widow of Speaker John Robinson, and daughter of Col. Jno. 
Chiswell. {Gazette) 

15. Samuel Griffin, of Williamsburg, served in the Revolution as a 
Colonel in the Continental Line (Records in Land Office), and was, in 

1781, a member of the State Board of War; of the House of Dele- ^\o^ 

gates from Williamsburg 1787 and 1788; Member of Congress i789-*95t -^^iW^ 
and died November 3d, 1810. He married , and had only one ^ 

daughter and heiress, Elizabeth Corbin, who married (I)«^fii Gatliffe, 
(II) Prof. Ferdinand Stewart Campbell (afterwards Stuart), of William 
and Mary College. There is a notice in the Virginia Gazette of the 
death of Mrs. Judith Griffin, daughter of Carter Burwell, of "The 
Grove.** Perhaps she was wife of Col. Samuel Griffin. |4o . St^^^t^J^ V*^' 
16. Cyrus Griffin, of York county; born 1748; died in Yorktown, 


as Legatees to Coll" Jno. Burnham* Deces*d and Ralph Worm- 

December 14th, 1810; was educated in England and studied law in the 
Temple; was Member of Conj^ress i778-*8i, and elected by that body 
President of the Supreme Court of Admiralty ; Member of Congress 
again in i787-*88, and President of Congress; and was United States 
District Judge 1789-1810. While a student in England he met and sub- 
sequently married Lady Christina, daughter of John Stuart, Ninth 
Earl of Traquair, in Scotland. (She died about December ist, 1807. 
See obituaries of Judge Grifiin and his wife in Richmond Enquirer,) 
Children : 19. Cyrus, died in Williamsburg October loth, 1834, while a 
young man; 20. John, Judge of Supreme Court of Indiana Territory 
1804, &c. ; probably d. s, p.; 21. Dr. Samuel Stuart, married Sally, 
daughter of James Lewis, of Gloucester county, and had : a. James Lewis 
Corbin, born 1814, died October 22d. 1878; b, Cyrus; c, Louisa, mar- 
ried Dr. Wright; 22. Mary, married Major Thomas Griffin. 23. Louise, 
married Col. Hugh Mercer, Jr., of Fredericksburg, youngest son of 
General Hugh Mercer, of the Revolution. 

18. Major Thomas Griffin, of York county ; born 1773 ; died Oc- 
tober 7th, 1837 ; member of the House of Delegates i793-*98. '99, 1800, 
1 803- '04, '05; i8i9-*20, *2i, *22; i826-*27, ^830; Member of Congress 
i8o3-'o5, and second in command of the Virginia militia in the fight 
near Hampton in the War of 1812. He married his cousin Mary, 
daughter of Judge Cyrus Griffin, and had issue: (i.) Mary, married 
William Waller, of Williamsburg, and died April 29th, 1827; (2.) Eliza, 
married Dr. Robert P. Waller, of Williamsburg. 

The will of Leroy Griffin (1750) bequeathes five ** family pictures" 
and a "coat-of-arms," presumably in a frame. And in an inventory, 
1761, the pictures and arms are again included. 

Col. Samuel Griffin, of Northumberland (and before of Rappahan- 
nock), merchant, died in 1703 and his will was probated and recorded 
in that year. He had an only child, Katherine, who married (I) Wil- 
liam Fauntleroy, of Richmond county, (II) David Gwyn, of Richmond 
county. In his will Samuel Griffin names his brother-in-law, John 
Hobbs, of London, and sister Elizabeth his wife; " Cousin " Thomas 
Hewitt, "son of my said sister"; kinsman Jno. Hewitt (another 
nephew), Katherine, daughter of sister Katherine Sprigg, deceased ; 
kinsman Samuel Godwin to have accommodation free in his house for 
three years. And gives his kinsman Col. Wm. Tayloe a ring. 

The line of descent here given is derived chiefly from wills, deeds, 
&c., recorded in Essex, Middlesex, Richmond, and Northumberland 

*The first of this name in Virginia was Captain Rowland Burnham, 
who settled at an early date in York county, where he was a justice, 


ley Elsqr as Tennant to and Purchaser of his Majestie of a certain 
parcell of land lying in Middlesex county after an office found 

and was a member of the House of Burgesses October* 1644, Novem- 
ber, 1645, March, i645-'6, and October, 1649. He subsequently re- 
moved to that portion of Lancaster which is now Middlesex. His will 
was dated February 12th, 1655, pro. Lancaster January 14th, 1656. He 
describes himself as *'of Rappahannock River in Vire:inia, and about 
taking a voyage to England." Legatees : Brother Thomas Holmes, of 
York county, and sister Margery Holmes, rings ; friend Francis Cole, 
of Rappahannock River, and Margery, his wife* rings ; and £io to be 
laid out in a piece of plate for said Alice Cole; son John Burnham, one 
negro; daughter Eleanor Burnham, one negro; eldest sons Thomas 
and John, two English youths and three negroes; sons John and 
Francis and daughter Eleanor, one-half of his cattle ; sons and daugh- 
ter, one-half of his hogs ; sons John and Francis and daughter Eleanor, 
two-thirds of the next crop ; the other third to his wife Alice ; divides 
the hoes and other farming implements; to sons and daughter, two- 
thirds of all rugs, bedding, &c. ; divides household furniture in various 
proportions ; all his lands, being two tracts on the south side of Rap- 
pahannock River, where he lived, gives to his three sons ; wife Alice 
all remainder of estate in Virginia, vizt: Five English servants, four 
negroes, half the cattle, one-third of next crop, all beds, &c., in the 
house, all plate, linen, &c., in the house, and such plate as should come 
from England for her that year; appoints friend Francis Cole and 
brother Thomas Holmes overseers of his will. He married Alice 
daughter of Richard Eltonhead, of Eltonhead, County Lancaster, Eng- 
land, who married (II) Henry Corbin, of " Buckingham," Middlesex. 
(Her surname is derived from the Corbin pedigree, and there is evi- 
dence, from several documents recorded in Lancaster county, Va., that 
Alice, widow of Rowland Burnham, married Henry Corbin ; but it could 
not have been in 1645, as printed in the Corbin account. It was, how- 
ever, before May 24th, 1657, and probably was in 1655.) Children 
(Burnham): i. John ; 2. Thomas, must have d, s. p.\ 3. Francis, must 
have d, s.p.\ 4. Eleanor, must have d. s. p. 

John Burnham was justice and lieutenant colonel of militia in Mid- 
dlesex in 1680, and died unmarried before July, 1681. Col. Leroy 
Griffin and Major Lewis Burwell presented for probate a will by which 
Col. John Burnham left them the whole of his property and appointed 
them his executors. But Ralph Wormeley contended that the will was 
invalid, as having only two signatures, and that accordingly Burnham^s 
lands, for lack of heirs, were subject to escheat, and applied for a 
grant. He moreover introduced a protest, dated July 4th, 1681 (now 
on record in Middlesex), from Abraham Kenyon, minister (alluded to 


for the same and by a lawfull Purchase of the King the said land 
in fee by the said Wormley now in his Possession. The said 
Burrell and Griffin set forth that the said land ought not Escheat 
to his Majestic for that Mr. Burnham made a Will and by the 
said Will Demised it to them therefore &c but it was answered 
on the other part that the said Will that they claim by was 
not good de jure to pass Lands and Tenements, by reason 
there was not such and so many Witnesses to it, as the Law 
requires, and for that pleaded the Statute made in the 29th year 
of his Majestic* s Reign, Intitued an Act to prevent fraud and 
Perjury &c and farther that by Eclesiastical Law which reformed 
the Civil Law from seven to three Witnesses whereof the Paro- 
chial Minister to be one, except in Demises at pias Causas &c. 
when two was sufficient, it was not a good will, but by the Gen- 
eral custom of the Realm, which is the common Law, whereby 
two are sufficient provided they be free from all just cause of 
Exception. But these two witnesses that were to this Will, were 
not clear from all just cause of Exception, as appears p. Mr. 
Kennion and others therefore &c. Secondly Admitting that 
those two Evidences by the common Law according to the Gen- 
erall Custom of the Realm, were sufficient notwithstanding the 
exceptions, taken to them and proved against them yet by a 
late Statute made in the 29th year of his Majestic' s Reign Inti- 
tued An Act to prevent fraud and perjury &c. It is there pro- 

in the text,) who stated that he was present at Col. Griffin's when Col. 
Burnham died ; but though Col. Griffin wrote the will the sick man was 
too far gone to acknowledge or sign it. There are also recorded in 
Middlesex petitions from Griffin (who married Winifred Corbin, Bura- 
ham's half sister) and Burwell, and various other papers in regard to 
the case, which was carried up to the General Court. What the result 
was does not appear, but among the other lawyers engaged in it before 
the higher court were Wm. Sherwood, Thomas Clayton and Arthur 

Lancaster County Court, December i6th, 1657, made an order in 
favor of Burnham Dale vs. the estate of Rowland Burnham, deceased. 
At a General Court, September 30, 1681, Humphrey and John Gwyn, in 
their own right, and as attorneys for Humphrey Stafford, presented a 
petition stating that they were the nearest allied to Col. John Burnham, 
deceased; asked for administration on his estate, and that they be 
allowed to bring proof of their allegations. (Middlesex records.) 


vided and Enacted, that for every bequest of lands and tene- 
ments &c for the future, no Will shall be good and effectual in 
Law except there be three or more Witnesses attesting and sub- 
scribing in the presence of the Demiser &c which is Introduc- 
tive of a new Law and without doubt, the Parliament before they 
set down so precise a Law, had sufficient tryal of great Craft and 
cunning practised in the making and proving of Testaments and 
were induced to it upon the Same Rules as Justinian was to 
approve of his solemn Testaments (propter Testamentarum sin- 
ceritatem ut nulla fraus adhibeatur). Now for that the Said 
Will had not such Witnesses so qualified as the Law requires 
(viz) free from Exception &c nor so many as the said Statute 
did require and appoint and without which it doth invalid the 
Will as to the passing of lands and Tenements and because it 
hath not a legall probate therefore moved to be dismissed. To 
the first part they moved for a jury to try it, which was admitted 
who brought in a Verdict, that it was a lawfuU Will.' How it 
was the business of a Jury, and by what Rule in Law a Jury 
try'd that Will, I am wholly ignorant of. For the Probate of 
Testament according to the Law of England there are two sorts, 
the one the vulgar or common sort, the other according to the 
form of Laws Sevin 6, 6 part S. 14. The First is Presentation 
of the Will to the Judge without citing any body and producing 
witnesses to prove the same, who testifying upon their oaths viva 
voce, that the Testament exhibited is the true, whole and last 
Testament of the Party deceased, the judge doth confirm the 
same. In the other the Widow or next of kin ought to be cited 
and in their presence ought the Presentation and probation of 
the Same to be, that they may have knowledge thereof and con- 
veniency of cross Examination and then upon sufficient proof 
the Judge by his sentence or Decree doth pronounce for the 
validity of the Testament; neither of these, not so much as the 
Vulgar form was observed in the probate of this Will and there- 
fore it ought not to be admitted as a good Will, for the passing of 
goods and Chattels, much more the passing of lands and Tene- 
ments and how a Jury could proceed thereupon or give Verdict 
therein to make that good and legal, who have nothing to do 
but with matter of fact, for ad questionem Juris non respondent 
juratores, and how their verdict should make that a good and 


lawfull Will which was illeg^al ab initio and never hath received 
lawful! probate. As to the second, which is upon the Statute, 
they pleaded, that the Laws and Statutes of England were not 
binding to us here, except such statutes where we are particularly 
named, and parallelled us with Ireland, saying that Ireland was 
not bound by any Statutes made in England Except particularly 
named &c. That the laws and statutes of England are binding 
here we shall make appear, by these reasons. First there's no 
body will deny but we are governed by some Laws else we must 
be esteemed lawless; that we are not lawless, appears by all our 
courts of Judicature and Judicial proceedings therefore we have 
Laws to proceed by. Secondly we have no Original Laws 
amongst us derived from the Natives here for we found them at 
our first coming (and they yet continue little better) so barbarous 
and rude that they had no other direction and Government 
amongst them but the Law of nature, and what civility they 
since have, arrives to them from their commerce with us. 
Secondly That we are not ruled by Laws made amongst us, is 
manifest, by reason what Laws we have made amongst us here 
since our first Settlement are merely made for our particular 
constitution, where the Laws of England were thought incon- 
venient in that particular, and rather disadvantageous and burden- 
som than any way for our advantage or benefit. For Example 
The Laws of England require a Jury of the Vicinage for the 
tryal of all offences, especially of Capital offences, but because 
our constitution will not admit thereof, expressly by reason we 
have but one court settled in one place for all such tryals and 
the fewness of our Inhabitants and the great distance some live 
therefrom would be very burdensome to us, to be summoned 
thither we have made some alteration therein, that not only six 
of the Vicinage, and six more of the Inhabitants or people 
about the Generall Court to be joined with them, shall be held a 
good and lawfull Jury for such tryal and the rest of the Laws 
made amongst us are such like. Thirdly and lastly, seeing we 
have no Original Laws amongst us derived from the Natives, nor 
new Laws made amongst us, to direct guide and govern our 
judicial proceedings and have courts of Judicature we must con- 
sequently be governed by the Laws of England which is thus 
manifested. First, from his Majestie*s Instruction from time to 


time sent to us. Secondly, from the severall commissions granted 
to the Governors. Thirdly, from all the Commissions of Oyer and 
terminer directed to the Governor and Council here. Fourthly, 
from all the commissions of the respective Justices of the Peace 
for the Countys made pursuant to the commissions and Instruc- 
tions, from time to time granted to the several Governors and 
particularly those to my Lord Culpepper. Fifthly, From all the 
Patents granted since our first settlement. Sixthly, from our 
own Acts of Assembly, which we have priviledge and authority 
to make. Seventhly from the continual practice and usage of 
the country since its first Sal nation. Rightly and lastly from the 
inconvenience that would follow thereupon if it should not be so. 
To the first his Majesties Instructions from time to time directs 
among other things, that all proceedings here shall be according 
to the Laws of England, as may be seen by the Instructions 
themselves. To the 2d 3d and 4, the several commissions make 
manifest, In some of which is expressed in these very words 
according to the customs and Laws of England especially the 
first and now in these latter commissions by reason we have 
some Acts of Assembly that make some small deviation from the 
Laws of England, the respective offices in the said commissions 
were directed and commanded in these express words to proceed 
as near as may be the Laws and Customs of England. To the 
5th Allow Pattents join and unite us to the Realm of England 
as parcel thereof as p the words of our Pattents doth plainly 
appear, the words of which are to be held of the mannor of East 
Green with &c and now if we are a Part and branch of England 
then consequently we have a Right to and benefit of the Laws 
of England. To the sixth. That is our own Acts of Assembly 
and these confirmed and allowed of by his Majestie. First the 
preamble to the body our printed Acts doth declare that what 
laws we make, must not be repugnant to the Laws of England 
&c. Ergo 2dly the 31st of our printed acts, which appoints 
County Courts, to proceed in Causes of meum and tuum, without 
limitation for the which by the Laws of England, Justices of 
Peace cannot do in their Sessions and therefore a particular Law 
was required for that, but then for direction of their Judgment 
for management of that Jurisdiction thus by this Law .given, it 
directs them to proceed according to the Laws of England and 


more particularly in one act made in Oct' 1666, there it is directed 
and appointed that every particular court in Virginia, shall send 
for the Statutes at large and in Especial directs and appoints the 
getting those made in this Kings reign, also orders the sending 
for Cookes first Institutes, Swineburne of Wills &c. and the Law 
yields the reason of this a Command and charge (viz) for their 
guide and Directions to proceed to Judgment. Now if the 
Laws, Statutes and Customs of England were not binding here 
this was an idle frivolous Law and quite breaks a good Rule of 
reason lex neminem cogit advanseu in utilas, but if the Laws of 
England were not in force here the court was forc'd to do an idle 
and unprofitable act. To the 7th our continual usage and prac- 
tise since the first settlement hath been according to the Laws 
and Customs of England and all the precedents in the several 
courts both civil and criminal, whereof there's above loooo 
Precedents, nay some fresh ones that occur to my memory last 
gen" Court, there was some tryed condemned and executed upon 
13th of this King for treason, in several branches of this very 
Statute of the 29th of his Majestic not only in the General 
Court, but in the divers other County Courts. Now how far 
custom Precedents and Practice Rules may be seen co: Lib 2. 
fo: 16. 17 in these words. For the Customs and Courses of 
every of the Kings courts are as a Law and the common Law 
for the universalitys doth take notice of them and needed not to 
be allowed or pleaded any usage or prescription to warrant the 
Same and so it is holden 5 Edw. 4, i. & 11. Ed: 4 and 2 that 
the course of a court is a Law and 3 R. 3 and 9 also in a Patent 
of H. 7. four letters (viz) H. R. F. H. were left out intending 
afterwards propter known to be drawn and limned in gold but 
the great seal was put to the grant leaving out those letters and 
yet the Pattentwas judged good for the multitude of precedents 
Co. Lib. 2. fo: 6. Upon view of several precedents shewn by 
Mr. Brownlow, the Court suffered no farther argument, but gave 
judgment according to them, co. Lib. 4 fo: 41. Precedents 
shewed to strengthen then an Indictment and allowed. Quod 
nima Subslitutas injure reprobatur. In Rawlings case in the 
fourth Report fo : 53 54 All the Judges commanded that Prece- 
dents m;ist be searched, because without Precedents, it seemed 
to them the Law to be otherwise and upon search of the Records 


many were showed to the Justices. And thereof the Justices 
and Barons una voce, in regard of the precedents which make a 
Law adjudged the case according to them Co: Lib 4. fo: 93,94. 
An Action of the case lyeth as well upon a contract as Action of 
Debt, because all the divers Precedents for the same, in H. 6: 
Ed: 4. H 4 and H 8. to which precedents the Justices have 
always great regard and therefore in the 11 E: 32 it is holden 
that antient forms and manner of Precedents are to be main- 
tained and kept and 34. A. T. 7, that which hath been according 
to usage shall be admitted. And likewise in 39 H. 6.30 Rev- 
erend Judge Priscott and the rest of the Judges resolved, that 
they would not change the usages notwithstanding their opinion 
was to the contrary, but gave Judgment according to the Prece- 
dents and usage and 4 Ed. 4.44 it was adjudged that common 
course maketh Law, though perhaps Reason willeth the certainty, 
and further said they cannot change the usage now for that shall 
be inconvenient, and thereunto agreeth the 5th Ed : 41 where it 
is said that the course of a court maketh a Law, so also 2, 3d 
P and M. 120 Stat W. 2. Cap: 12 Quod Justiciarius coramqui- 
bus formatum est. Appellum et terminatum, shall enquire of 
Damages when the Defendant is acquitted. Yet Precedents 
expounds the Law against the Express letter that Justices of 
Nisi prius, before whom the Appeal was not begun, shall do it. 
Eighthly and lastly Ab Inconvenienti. How inconvenient would 
it be if the Laws and Statutes of England were not binding here, 
may be seen by these Rules. First Every Subject that is born 
out of this extent and reach of the Laws of England cannot by 
Judgment of those Laws be a natural subject to the King : The 
consequence will be this. All that are born in Virginia &c. will 
be out of the reach and extent of the Laws of England and there- 
fore cannot by Judgment of the Laws of England be natural Sub- 
jects to the King. 2ndly That Subject that is not at the time, and in 
the place of his birth inheritable to the Laws of England, cannot be 
inheritable or partaker of the benefit and privileges given by the 
Laws of England. The consequence will be that all Virginians 
&c in the place of their birth, were not inheritable to the Laws 
of England, and therefore not inheritable or to be partakers the 
benefits and priviliges of those Laws, and then were no longer 
freemen but slaves &c. 3rdly Whatsoever appeareth to be out 


of the Jurisdiction of the Laws of England cannot be tryed by 
the same Laws, the consequence will be all that are born in Vir- 
ginia and are out of the Jurisdiction of the Laws of England, 
therefore cannot be tryed by the Laws of England. But admitt- 
ing those Rules were not so consequential against us as they 
appear to be, yet upon consideration had of all in Judicial pro- 
ceedings in all causes civil and Criminal, what sad consequences 
would follow upon the denyal of the Laws and Statutes of Eng- 
land to be of force and binding here may appear when we con- 
sider what malefactors have here suffered and in civil causes how 
many hundred judgments and executions upon the same, to the 
death and destruction of their familys and to the ruin and over- 
throw of others which if not warranted and allowed by the Laws 
of England (for we have no law amongst us that directs therein) 
must be esteemed in the one Murther and in the other the 
highest oppression, heightened and aggravated to its supremist 
extent, under the colour of the Sword of Justice. Now consid- 
ering the constant usage, continual practice and multitude of 
Precedents for allowance of the Laws of England and withal 
considering the many and great inconveniency and mischiefs that 
would follow if it should be denyed. That all the Courts and 
more especially the General Assembly, have submitted to and 
approved of, and as much as in them lay authenticated the same, 
that our Pattents make us a part and branch of Engl"^ that his 
Majestic by his several .commissions and Instructions from time 
to time sent us, Commands and enjoins the Ruling by, and gov- 
erning according to the Laws of England that the Subordinate 
Courts viz: the County Courts deriving their power from, and 
under the Governor by vertue of his commission from his Ma- 
jestic are strictly charged and enjoined to proceed in their Judi- 
cature in some, according to the Laws and customs of England, 
it must seem a great innovation in any one, that should deny to 
be governed by and subject to the Laws of Engl*. Admitting 
the Laws and Statute of England are not binding here by what 
pretence can they lay claim to this Land, we have no Acts of 
Assembly that appoints the demising land by Will, and if they 
admit of the common Law of England to be of force, here, then 
they have no title themselves by the Will for before 32 and 34, 
H. 8. the General custom of the Realm did restrain men to 


Demise their Lands to any if not that it were by some special 
custom, in some particular place and that appears by these 
words in the Act of 32 H. 8 Cap i. or otherwise, at his Will and 
pleasure &c. for if they will admit some of those Statutes also to 
be of force here (for without that they cannot take p. the will) 
then I demand why they admit some and not the Remainder, 
perhaps they may object that this Statute of 29 King, to that I 
answer that the promulgation of a Law, is not of the essence 
thereof as may be seen in the 4th Institutes fo: 26 for Cavendish 
in the 29th Ed. 3 being of Council for the Bishop of Chichester, 
who was sued upon the Statute of 27 Ed : 3 objected two 
things first That the Act whereupon the Writ was grounded 
was no Statute. Secondly That it it were a Statute it was never 
published in the County. To whom S' Robert Thorpe chief 
Justice answered. Although Proclamation be not made in the 
County every one is bound to take notice of that which is done 
in Parliment for as soon the Parlim' has concluded anything the 
Law intends that every person hath notice thereof and this Will 
was made some years after the finishing the S* Law of 29 Car-2. 
Now as to the comparing us to Ireland and therefore concluding 
because Ireland is not bound by any act of Parliament in Engl* 
unless particularly named or generally included, we are not 
neither. There is great difference between Ireland and us, they 
having the kingdom of conquered Christians, we of conquered 
infidels. They were to be governed by their antient municipial 
laws, till an alteration made amongst them, ours if we had any 
were ipse facto abrogated, because not only against Christi- 
anity, but against the Law of God and nature, contained in 
Decalogue, For Infidels sent Christi et Christianorum Iminici 
this Rule makes the Diversity betwixt the conquest of them and 
us. First our Establishment must be by the King himself and 
such Judges as he shall appoint, who ought to judge us and our 
causes according to the Kings direction and how that has been 
the Comissions, Instructions Pattents &c foregoing fully Demon- 
strated. Ireland after their conquest (which was first begun by 
King Edgar as appears by a charter of his Ego Edgarius &c. 
but the conquest was fully finished by H : 2 & therefore the 
honour thereof is attributed to him co: hb: 7: fo 23) had muni- 
cipial laws of their own by which they were governed till King 


John Introduced the English Laws and afterwards H: 3 by 
Acts of Parliament in England confirmed the same as appears 
by this Pattent Roll Qiria pro communi utilitate terrae Hiberniae 
et unitate terrarum Regis, Rex vult etde communi consilio Regis 
promisum est, quod omnes legis et consuetudines quae in Rego 
Angliae tenentur in Hibernia teneantur &c. so that they had 
municipial Laws originally, we had none. Secondly they are a 
distinct Kingdom from England, but we are a part or branch 
thereof as appears by our Patten ts before mentioned. For a 
voyage Royal may be made into Ireld co: Inst: i pt. fo: 69: 
Co : Lib: 7 : fo 23. And in the 33* Eliza It was resolved by all 
the Judges of England in the case of Omack an Irishman who 
had committed high treason in Ireland that by the Statute of 33 
H. 8. 23. he might be Indicted arraigned & tryed for the same 
in England according to the Purview of that Statute the words 
whereof be that all treasons &c. committed by any person out 
of the Realm of England. And there it was resolved that Ire- 
land was out of the Realm of England. By a Record in 52 H. 3: 
26. wherein the Lordship of Ireland is granted to his eldest son 
Prince Edw** Aurum Reginae is granted to the Prince's wife not- 
withstanding she was but Lady of Ireland for untill the 33. H : 8 C. i 
they were never styled Kings of Ireland, yet by that Act it appear- 
eth that the King and his progenitors had Kingly Jurisdiction and 
Royal Authority. Albeit Ihis Royal Dominion and land of 
Ireland, was permitted of antient time to be granted de facto to 
the Kings son yet by the Law the King by his letters Patterns 
cannot grant so royal a member, from his Imperial Stile to any 
one, no more than he could do pf his Kingdom of England (See 
an excellent Record in R. 2 tune well noted in Co: 4 Inst: fo: 
357 Cap: Ireland) nor if those Letters Pattents were authorized 
by Parlim' because it is against the Law and custom of Parli- 
ment to assent to anything to the Disherison of the King Co: 
4 Inst: fo: 13 and 14 also because it is one of the titles and 
Stiles of his Royal crown. Now by this plainly appears the 
great difference betwixt us and Ireland, for they are a distinct 
Kingdom we a part of the Realm of England, their Kingdom 
cannot by laws be alienated or disposed, ours may as appears by 
the several Pattents and Grants of part of America as Maryland, 
New York, Carolina, &c and part of Virginia itself to the Lords 



Pattentees. Thus S' by myself I have run over the chief argu- 
ments of your cause, what I have further to add is only to advise 
you, to get a copy of those Acts of Assembly mentioned, copys 
of comissions to the Governors, to Governor and Council and 
Commission of oyer and Terminer. Copy of his Majesties In- 
structions of comissions to county courts, especially those granted 
by my Lord Culpepper, Copys of Pattents, and if you could 
some few precedents of Judgments, if you can get any 
entered with their reasons, as I believe you may and by them, 
those that you send them to, will understand more than my poor 
capacity is able to inform them. 

S' > our Wff. 
To' Ralph Wormley Esq' 

p Coll* Jones, June 9th, 1683. 

Febry 18, 1684-5. 
Mr. Sam* Jefferson 

• I have sent my boy purposely to you that you may re- 
concile the breach, which I suppose and do believe, yourself 
may be throughly sencible of, by this time, you inconsiderately 
made in our bargain, so long in bringing to perfection, for the 
things spent were only your beer sugar and brandy, which does 
not amount in the whole to above ;^io: or £"12, five or six days 
bying runs out, that is the vessels hire and to assure you that I 
neither desire you nor design to have so much Tob° abated, I 
shall very readily accept the same either in money or bills, as 
also what small parcell of the goods may be wanting to compleat 
the sum, may be so paid. I will not repeat our bargain, its very 
plain and easie, my part is to pay 5000*" Tob*" and 800 or 4000. 
Your part is to deliver ;^358 sterling worth of goods, or what 
thereof is wanting to pay me in money, or otherwise to suit your 
own conveniency and to deliver me either your two servants or 
too negroes, that's the substance and whole of our contract. I 
have been considering your well laid Design of future years 
trade, and do so well approve thereof, that gives the occasion to 
this sudden Message, considering that if this Voyage miscarry, 
it may be a stop, if not an overthrow to that Design which I 
earnestly design and singularly approve of. My advice to you 


is seriously and considerately to weigh and debate the matter, 
and thoroughly look into all your circumstances, and if upon 
the whole you think it convenient to close, then your best course 
in my opinion is, to come directly away with your long boat and 
bring what of the goods she can conveniently carry, and you 
may return with her Loading of Tob", and yourself staying, in 
two days time, may receive enough to keep your Ship in employ- 
ment this fortnight or three weeks, and then may take a horse, 
go up to the collector, enter your boat and so proceed in your 
business, and till you can have that conveniency, I will take care 
to expedite your business, and clear you of all trouble and 
Damage. If whats offered be aqceptable, then I know my boy 
will have a quiet and convenient passage to me, but if it should 
not I beg the favour of you to give him a passage to the nearest 
Landing in the Virginia Side. My humble and hearty thanks 
for you and your masters kindness when on Board, is justly ren- 
dered by S' Your Wff. 

To Mr. Samuel Jefferson on board his Ship 

in Mangemoy Maryland. 

March 30th. 1684. 
Mr. Jno Cooper, 

S*" yours p Capt. Norrington I received together with all the 
things mentioned, except the Dutch nails and tacks, which I pre- 
sume were omitted in packing up the goods, also two of the 
citys to wit London and Amsterdam were utterly spoiled with 
the wet and all the Rabbits dead before they arrived, except the 
Buck Rabbit. I have p Capt. Norrington shipped six hh** Tob* 
3 No I, 2, 3, are Oronoks of my own crop, 3 more No 4. 5, 6, 
are sweet scented, and of Coll* Jones his crop, I hope they will 
yield a good price, their freight being very low, the heighth is 
not to exceed ;^5, 5, p Tunnal charges clear, perhaps lower, if 
any freighter on board has lower, then I am to have at that rate. 
By Capt. Norrington I shall be more large and perhaps I shall 
send you bills Loading, but to be sure, the copy of the Receipt 
for the Tob*. S*" my very good friend Mr. Newton * has sent 

* William Fitzhugh, married, May ist, 1674, Sarah (born in West- 
moreland, August 2d, 1663), daughter of John Tucker. 


to you about dispatching some business for him there and had 
this year consigned some Tob"", but this business happened after 

The will of John Tucker was proved in Westmoreland May 31st, 
167 1. His legatees were his daughters Sarah and Rose Tucker [who 
married, subsequently. Mr. Blackistone, of Maryland], 5,000 pounds 
tobacco each ; an unborn child, 5,000 pounds tobacco ; eldest son 
(whom he does not name) and wife Rose. Appoints Captain [Thomas] 
Phillpot and Mr. Richard Kenner, of Westmoreland, overseers. Mrs. 
Rose Tucker married (II) Thomas Gerrard, of Westmoreland (formerly 
of Maryland, she was his second wife) ; and he, on January 28th, 1672, 
made a deed of gift to the children of Mr. John Tucker, deceased, and 
of "my now wife, Mrs. Rose Gerrard," vizt : John, Gerrard, Sarah and 
Rose Tucker. On April 24th, 1674. Mrs. Rose Gerrard, widow, made 
a deed in consideration of a marriage contracted between her eldest 
daughter, Rose, and William Fitzhugh. Mrs. Gerrard married (III) 
John Newton, of Westmoreland, prior to May i6th, 1677. 

John Newton was living in Westmoreland as early as 1672. In his 
will, dated August 19th, 1695, and pro. Westmoreland, July 28th, 1697 ; 
he is described as of *' Lower Morodock, Westmoreland county." He 
gives his eldest son. John, his lands at Carlton and Camelsforth, York- 
shire, England ; and the house in Hull, " which was my father's " ; also 
gives him land bought of Joseph Laycock; to said son and his four 
children 1,000 pounds of tobacco each; to son Joseph and his three 
sons, 1,000 pounds of tobacco each ; to son Benjamin and his daughter 
1,000 pounds tobacco each; to son Gerrat [Gerrard] Newton 1,000 
acres in the freshes of Rappahannock, with a mill and four negroes ; 
to daughter Elizabeth Newton, one half of a tract of 2,150 acres and 
one negro; to his wife all of his plate for life and then to his daughter; 
to son Thomas 350 acres and a mill at Totoskey; to wife, 5,000 pounds 
tobacco ; lo son Thomas, four negroes ; to wife Rose, various bequests 
of stocks and negroes, with reversion to children; to grandson John, 
son of Joseph Newton, 200 acres. 

There are recorded in Westmoreland, 1709, depositions of Thomas 
Newton, aged 31 or thereabouts, " one of the sons of John Newton, the 
elder, late of Kingston-upon-HulI, master and mariner, and later of 
Westmoreland county, Virginia," and of " Madam Rose Newton," aged 
about 80 years, widow of John Newton, Sr., of Kingston, &c. 

The will of Rose Newton, widow, was proved in Westmoreland, 
January 28th, 17 12. She gave her son Thomas Newton her lands in 
Virginia and Maryland and all rents and arrearages for lands left her 
by her former husband Thomas Gerrard, &c., &c. 

Thus it appears that Thomas was omitted in his father's will, and 
the only child named in his mother's. 

This first John Newton, of Westmoreland, was the ancestor (proba- 


the disposal of his Tob**, next year I am confident if his busi- 
ness hits, he will send you considerable consignments, towards 
the raising of the s* and if not, yet will consign you some to 
pay you reasonable consideration, together with all charges 
and Disbursements, which if you doubt I will see you satisfied. 
Mr. George Brent I suppose this year will consign you some 
Tob**, and another in our parts did assure me he would send and 
consign to you ten hh** his name Mr. Richard Gibson. What 
service I can do you therein shall not be wanting. In my 
next which I believe will be by Capt. Norrington, shall be more 

large, to which I refer you. 

Your WfT. 

June 3d, 1684. 
Mr. Samuel Hayward, 

I hppe this will find you in good health, and the pleasant 
enjoyment of your most dear Brother and very good friend. I 
suppose ere this you have presented, and I hope receiv'd that 
small note of mine upon Mr. Cooper. The Country at present 
affords little news, this Assembly has done so little that I know 
nothing Wbrth while to write to you about. Your own particular 
business, I am informed by Robin is a little incumbered with your 
brother Lewis, but the particulars I cannot acquaint you with. 
Robin intends to take a speedy and secure course with him as he 
tells me, what fair and just service I could do you therein or in 

bly grandfather) of Willoughby Newton of that county, who was ap- 
pointed a justice in 1732, and who married Sarah (died 1753), daughter 
of George Eskridge, and was father of John Newton (vestryman of 
Cople parish 1755), father of Willoughby Newton, member of the 
House of Delegates 1793, &c.; who married Sally, widow of Richard 
Lee, of *' Lee Hall," Westmoreland, and daughter of Peter Poythress, 
of " Branchester," Prince George county. They were the parents of 
Willoughby Newton, of "Linden," Westmoreland, member of Con- 
gress i843-'5, and grandparents of the gallant Capt. Wm. B. Newton, 
Fourth Virginia Cavalry, C. S. A., who was killed in a charge at Rac- 
coon Ford, Culpeper county, in 1863. 

Wm. Tucker, of London, in a letter dated , to Jno. Edwards 

(recorded in Westmoreland), speaks of '*my brother John " and "my 
daughter.'* The letter is too much mutilated to ascertain positively 
who is meant; but probably it. refers to Jno. Tucker named above. 


anything else shall not be wanting. Robin has hitherto, and I 
believe will prove faithful and diligent in all your concerns and I 
am assured will approve himself a good servant to so good a 
master. S*" I have a great mind to try if Olives would not 
thrive well in the Streights, as far in the Northern Latitude as 
we are here, some of which sort you might procure in London : 
Therefore I will desire you to procure for me some of them, with 
directions how to manage them. And I hope you will furnish 
yourself with other rareties both for your own and your friends 
use, having now so pregnant an opportunity. 

S' Yours &c Wff. 
To Mr. Samuel Hayward. 

June 28th, 1684. 
Mr. John Cooper, 

I have occasion for two pair of small Andirons for Cham- 
ber Chimneys, one pair of brass ones, with fire shovel and tongs, 
and one pair of iron ones well glazed; with fire shovel, and 
tongs, also two indifferent large Iron backs for Chimneys w°^ I 
would have you send me by the first ships. 

Yo'r Wfr. 

May loth, 1684. 
Mr. William Sherwood, 

Sr, In Coll* Jones his business, pleas to follow the order 
he has given me p his letter and secure his Tob" as near as may 
be according to his direction, first taking out what's your own 
due in my name p order of Coll** Jones in what county you 
please, after that pay Mr. Secretary upon my account of the said 
Tob* 2000 lb in Westmoreland county, or where else he shall 
direct, or you can procure it, and get the remainder to make up 
8000 lb Tob" to be paid to me in Stafford county if possible, or at 
least in Westmoreland county and contrive to get the Remainder 
to Coll* Jones his best advantage, according to direction of his 
letter. Please also to use your endeavours to procure his claims, 
expressed in his letter and I dare say he will not be ungrateful, 
but gentilely satisfie you. 

Sr. Your WfT. 
To Mr. William Sherwood at James Town. 


Oct' 2nd, 1684. 
Dear Brother, 

I Just now received your kind letter by Mr. Bonam, & take 
this opportunity by Mr. Minor* to return you thanks, he is now 
coming up to Reckon with some amendments in his accot as I 
have cursorily run it over, and finds himself D' to us 13 or 1400^'* 
Tob"* after all charges put in, to say, all notes allowed, the full 
deduction of cash and the payment of clarks and sheriffs fees, 
for us both, as he charged it in the general (the Particulars I did 
not enquire into) together with ray note to Mr. Newton for 225 
Tob**. I refer him to you for a full settlement, and therefore did 
not curiously enquire into the returns of each, nor account of 
fees, how much to yourself, how much to me, assuring myself it 
would be done by a more capable and dextrous Accomptant and 
therefore refer my satisfaction to your particular Station. What 
news I know is your Writ summoned him immediately up, who 
else would have been contented to have staid for his Tob* (as he 
thought due) rather than be at the trouble of reckoning &c. 
Mr. Secretary who I saw and can assure you is well and gives 
his service to you, acquaints me there's a ship arrived in James 
River, with thirty Servants and good store of goods, but neither 
news nor letter for any body, but that Tob° is good for nothing, 
if any one will believe them. Tom Clayton is very sick at Mr. 
Secretary's and so disabled that he will not have the advantage 

*The will of John Minor, of Westmoreland, was dated March 30th, 
1698, and proved in that county February 22d, 1698. His legatees were 
his eldest son Nicholas, sons William and John; eldest daughter 
' Frances, youngest daughter Elizabeth and wife Eleanor. A Nicholas 
Minor was appointed a justice of Westmoreland 1680- '95; another in 
1745, and still another of the same name, together with John Minor, 
was a justice of Loudoun in 1770. Of this family was probably Col. 
John West Minor, member of the House of Delegates from Loudoun, 
who died about 1879, ^"d Col. George Minor, of Fairfax, who com- 
manded a regiment of militia in War of 18 12 in defence of Washington 
and Baltimore, and who, in i86r, when 84 years old, was imprisoned by 
the Federal authorities on a charge of disloyalty. Another Nicholas 
Minor, of Fairfax, was Captain of Virginia Militia in service in 1758, 
and George Minor was justice of the same county in 1784, &c. 


of writing a Chamber Council this Court, Which I believe will 
prove to be his own greatest loss. Mine and wives humble ser- 
vices salute your self & good Lady. 

To Capt. George Brent at Woodstock. 

Sr. Your Wff. 

May 1 8th, 1685. 
Mr. John Cooper, 

Sr, Your two letters by Capt. Smith and Capt. Partis I 
have received, in your first you gave an account of Mr. Newton's 
business, in your last of the acceptance of Mr. Bland's bills and 
the receipt of the six hh** consigned you last year, but no account 
of some odd things I sent for, or of the receipt of any letter from 
me which I admire at. I have shipped no Tob* this year, it gave 
too good a market here to admit thereof, for I had this year near 
;^5 a hh*" for 150 hh^ bought with ready money, and clear of 
charge, as custom, freight, package &c. Our River this year 
produces little consignments of Tob"* and I suppose no great 
quantity will be carry' d from us to you thither, for other parts 
have found an advantageous trade to themselves here and pro- 
fitable to us p the good prices they give for our Tob* in which 
you might have been a considerable sharer, if you had thought 
convenient to have accepted my Offers I made you about three 
years since. I suppose this crop, if crops proves any thing like, 
I shall be Mater of betwixt 5 or 600 hh^, what method I take 
for disposing part thereof Capt. Smith and his mate Burnham 
can fully inform if you are willing to put in, might be readily 
received and accepted. 

S' Your Wff. 
To Mr. Jno. Cooper Merch* in London. 

May i8th, 1685. 
Sir : The welcome return of your Brother, ushered in your 
generous gift to our Parish, and highly obliging letter and favour 
to myself. S' The Parish by me return you their hearty thanks 
and wish their capacity were as able as their inclinations and 
desires are willing to gratifie so signal a favour, by a more last- 
ing continuance then at present our paper built Temples will 


admit of, but do assure you what the Register and a gratefull 
remembrance and communication will contribute to the com- 
memoration thereof, shall not be wanting. Sir To myself your 
obligations are so great and binding, that I am in despair either 
to render due acknowledgements to the one, or retribution to the 
other, yet what my poor power, and hearty abilitys are capable 
of, shall upon the least intimation, be gratefully contributed, to 

the service of yourself or anv of your friends, by 

S' Your Wff. 
To Mr. Nich' Hayward * &c. 

May i8th, 1685. 
Dear Friend, 

Our good friend George Brent with his most acceptable self 
brings up your welcome letter wherein you advise of your imme- 

* Nicholas Hayward, of London, notary public, and also a merchant, 
purchased several estates in what is now King George county. Two 
of his brothers settled in Stafford county, where one soon died ; but 
the other, Samuel, became justice, clerk of the county, and member of 
the House of Burgesses. In 1689 Nicholas Hayward. with Captain 
George Brent, of Woodstock, and Richard Foote, and Robert Bristow, 
the two latter London merchants, and the last for a number of years a 
resident in Virginia, purchased, about 1689, 30,000 acres of land called 
the Brenton tract, lying about the present village of Brentsville, in 
Prince William county. 

There is recorded in Northumberland county a power of attorney, 
dated July 25th, 1652, from Nicholas Hayward, of London, merchant; 
and another recorded in Northumberland and dated October 18, 1655, 
from the same to his " servant," Richard Foote, authorizing the latter 
to manage his affairs in Virginia, and in case of Foote's death, to 
Gifford Longe, and of his to Ferdinando Fairfax. George Fitzhugh, 
in De Bois Review^ xxvii., 290, states that Richard Foote was Hay- 
ward's nephew. Another power of attorney recorded in Northumber- 
land and dated September, 1659, is from Nicholas Hayward, of London, 
merchant, to Nicholas Spencer, of London, merchant, and Capt. Samuel 
Tilghman, commander of the ship '' called the Golden Fortune." In 
February, 1659, Ferdinando Fairfax (named above), in a deposition, 
recorded in Northumberland, gives his age at 19 years. Who was he ? 

In the Nation^ November 21st, 1892, (which is not accessible while 
writing) was printed the will of Mrs. Martha Hayward, who was sister 
of John, and Lawrence Washington, the immigrants, and was probably 
widow of Samuel Hayward. 


diate voyage for England, where I hope this will find you safe 
arrived to your own satisfaction and wishes and therein desire to 
hear from me which I was always ready to perform and can now 
more readily to London than formerly to James Town and where 
conveniency admits Til be sure never to miss the congratulating 
so good a friend. S' If I had gone for England this year as I 
once intended, amongst others I should have endeavoured two 
things, one was to get if possibly I could, Letters Pattents for 
the high Sheriff's Place of our county, in fee or at least for life, 
the other to have aquainted the Bishop of London the advan- 
tages he might make in this part of his Diocess, by Probate of 
Wills, grant of Administrations charitable Dispositions of Intes- 
tates Estates and other things as appertains to his jurisdiction, 
which at present I suppose might* be worth 5 or 6oO;^ sterling p 
annum and in this growing country will with it every year 
increase. Now S' for the Sheriffs place to be granted in fee, has 
been antiently practiced in England, and in one county is still re- 
tained to the family of the Cliffords and to this day is continued in 
the Kingdom of Scotland, therefore the proposal is not illegal, and 
I suppose might neither be improbable nor impossible to effect 
if it be not too much trouble to you and you see any likelyhood 
of effecting it. I desire you in my behalf to negotiate therein, 
and if can be performed though it be at the charge of 40-50 or 
60 guineas, I will readily and thankfully repay them again. The 
other of the Bishops, can be no unwelcome news, nor make you 
unacceptable for the relation of it, if it be not laid hold of, but I 
suppose if it should, you cannot miss for your Intelligence some 
mark of favour, if not some place of advantage (a great many 
of which profitable place I heartily wish you) besides the obliga- 
tion it will be to the country in General if this should give occa- 
sion to his Lordship's more immediate care of us, if this should 
give occasion of supplying us with plenty of able, and painful 
and sober Pastors which at present now greatly wanting yourself 
is fully able to inform. S' I know your skill and activity for 
business, therefore need not farther advise but if I were knowing 
your interest, and acquaintance with my Lord Culpeper I should 
advise to consult him before you embark therein, whose great 
judgment and strong abilitys together with his great Interest is 
able both to advise and direct you in the management thereof 


to whom if I be not wholly forgotten, please to present my hum- 
ble service and best wishes. 

By this trouble S' you see I do not take your friendly letter 
merely complimental but really as it is writ and I am confident 
as you intend it and please readily to command anything that 
lyes in my power to serve you and you shall find it as readily 

obeyed by 

S' Your WfF. 
To Capt. Roger Jones * at &c. 

May 1 8th, 1685. 
Dear Cousin, 

By a Stranger who had once occasion to buy some books of 
you, I had a relation of your Irving and thriving; therefore take 
this first conveniency of congratulating you and together w^ you, 
of a respectfuU obedient and loving remembrance of all friends 
and relations there and desire not only by you to hear how they 
all do but intreat you to desire them to write to me than nothing 
would be more welcome or acceptable especially from my mother, 
brothers and Sister, Uncles and Cousins and as many of them 
as are living and would be so kind to write. I have a long time 

* Captain Roger Jones, born about i625-'35 ; came to Virginia in 1680 
with Lord Culpeper, and returned to England before 1692. He was a 
merchant in London, died at his home at Stepney in 1701, and was 
buried at Mansfield, County of Nottingham, January 6th in that year. 
He married Dorothy, daughter of John Walker, Esq., of Mansfield, 
and through his two sons, who settled in Virginia and North Carolina, 
he has had many descendants of prominence in America. Among 
them have been Generals Roger Jones, Sr. and Jr., of the U. S. A.; 
Commodore Thomas ap. C. Jones U- S. N.; Captain Catesby ap. R. 
Jones, C. S. N. ; and Commander Patterson Jones, U. S. N.; Dr. Walter 
Jones, Member of Congress, member of the Virginia Convention of 
1788, and Physician General for the hospitals of the "Middle Depart- 
ment" in the Revolution; General Walter Jones, of Washington, emi- 
nent lawyer ; Meriwether and Skelton Jones, editors of the Richmond 
Enquirer f and the latter continuator of Burke's History of Virginia ; 
Thomas Jones, member of the Convention of March, 1775; Bathurst 
Jones, member of the House of Delegates, and others of prominence. 
Judge L. H. Jones, of Wii^chester, Ky., has published an account of the 
^' Descendants of Captain Roger Jones," which is enriched with many 
interesting letters and other illustrative documents. 


in a strange land, struggled hard with fortune's adverse hand, 
but thank God in the end by God Almighty's blessing upon my 
mean endeavours (having no friend or relative to lend a support- 
ing hand) have overcome, and I praise God live very contentedly 
and well and should be heartily glad of that communication, 
which this Distance admits of, by letters to hear from you and 
all friends there. Upon the Exchange in the Virginia Walk 
you'll meet Mr. John Cooper a Virginian Merch* who will take care 
in conveying your and their letters to me, also any master of a 
ship bound to Potomack River in Virginia will do the like, as 
Capt. Smith, Capt. Norrington and others also you may have 
the same conveniency by Mr. Nicholas Hay ward Notary pub- 
lick near the Exchange in London, your direction may be to me 
in Stafford county in Potomack River in Virginia. Thus Sir I 
have given you an account wher I live, how to direct and enquire 
for those masters of Ships who very well know me, and now 
once again I desire you to give my duty respects and commends 
to all friends and relations as afose** and from me desire them to 
write, I am confident you will not fail me your self and assure 
them as I now assure you nothing can or will be more acceptable 

than the receiving their and your letters to 

Your Wff. 

Pray be very full and particular in your letters. 

To Mr. William Fitzhugh Stationer 

living in Newgate Market 

over against St. Martins in Londay. 

(to be CONTINUED ) 


Virginia Troops in French and Indian Wars. 

[We begin in the present number of the Vir^nia Magazine of His- 
tory and Biography the publication in instalments, which will run 
through the present year, of the earliest rolls of each company of 
Virginia troops engaged in the French and Indian Wars during the 
time that Washington was colonel and commander-in-chief of the 
Virginia forces. These rolls, as now printed, are copied from the 
Washington papers in the Department of State, at Washington. There 
are different and later rolls of the companies, in all of which of course 
there are some changes in the personel of the companies. Owing to 
our limited space, we are unable to give room to more than one roll of 
any one company. There are two kinds of these rolls, the size roll 
and the necessary rolls. The size rolls give a personal del^cription of 
the men, where they lived, and sometimes other information concerning 
them. The necessary rolls name the men and also name what arti- 
ticles of clothing and equipment it was necessary that each should 
have, at the time the roll was taken. We present the earliest size roil 
of each company, as being the most interesting of the series. As a 
rule, there was no great change in these rolls taken at intervals, though 
of course some names disappeared and new ones appeared on them. 
All the peculiarities of spelling, etc., have been closely followed by us. 
A great many names have been mispelled, but in most instances the 
proper etymology of the name will at once suggest itself. 

We are indebted for our copies of these valuable rolls to the kind- 
ness of Mr. A. C. Quisenberry, of the Inspector General's office in the 
War Department. Mr. Quisenberry is a native of Kentucky but of 
Virginia descent, which has led him to take an active interest in every- 
thing relating to the histories of these two states. He is a distinguished 
contributor to the leading historical magazines of this country, and as 
a member of the Filson Club, of Louisville, contributed a biographical 
sketch of Humphrey Marshall, the elder, which has been published in 
book form, and attracted considerable attention. Mr. Quisenberry is 
also a member of the Kentucky Society of the Sons of the American 

A Roll of the Officers and Soldiers who engaged in the ser- 
vice of this Colony before the Battle of the Meadows in 1754, 
according to returns made at Wills Creek, July 9, 1754. 

[Note. — The capital letters H, L, M, V, after each man's name 
indicate which company he belonged to. Hg. indicates Hogg's 

This return is recorded in Washington's own hand. — A. C. Q.] 


Geo. Washington, Col*. 
George Muse, Lt. Co1°. Adam Stephen, Major. 

Robert Stobo, Captain. 
Andrew Lewis, do 
George Mercer, do 
Peter Hogg, do 

Jacob Vanbraam, do 
Thomas Wagener, Lieut. 
William Poison, do 

John West, do 

John Savage, Lieut. 
James Towers, do 
Wm. Bronaugh, Ensign. 
John Mercer, do 

Wm. Peyrounie, do 
James Craik, do 

James Craik, Surgeon. 

John Allan, H 

Jacob Arrans, M 

John Allan, V 

Chas. Allbury, V 

Henry Bay ley, E H 

Henry Bowman, H 

John Bryan, H 

John Brown, H 

Solon Batson, Hwd 

James Batty, H 

John Biddlecome, L 

Exlw'd Bay ley, L 

Joseph Baxter, L 

Thomas Burney, L 

John Burk, L 

Thomas Byrd, L wd 

Josias Baker, L 

Barth* Burns, L 

Bibby Brook, Hg 

Joshua Burton, Hg wd 

John Boyd, M 

Robert Burns, M 

Nath* Barrett, M 

Thos. Burk, M 
Christ" Bombgardner, M 

John Bryans, M 

Thos. Burris, 
Robert Bennett, 
Wm. Braughton, 
Henry Bristoe, 
John Bishop, . 
Wm. Bayley, 
Rudolph Brickner, 
Robert Bett, 
Richard Bolton, 
James Black, 
Godfrey Bombgardner, 
Christ" Byerly, 
James Carson, 
Wm. Coffland, E 
John Carroll, 
Joseph Casterson, 
Patrick Coyle,> 
Wm. Cams, 
Edward Cabell, 
Nathan Chapman, E 
Phil. Connerly, 
Gerrard Clerk, 
Matthew Cox, E 
Wm. Coleman, 
Thos. Chaddock, 
Tohn Chapman, 






















Hg wd 



Andrew Clark, 


Jos* Gibbs, 


Timo. Conway, 


Jacob Gause, 


John Clements, 


James Good, 


Thos. Carter, 


Edw'd Graves, 


John Campbell, * 


Robert Grymes, 


John Coen, 


Jos. Gatewood, 


Wm. Carter, 


David Gorman, 


Wm. Deveeny, 


Edw'd Goodwin, 


Patrick Durphy, 


Phil. Gatewood, 


Matthew Durham, 


James Gwinn, 


Wm. Dean, 


George Gibbons, 


James Devoy, 


Wm. Gardner, 


Claud Dalton, 


Jno. Gallihorn, 


James Dailey, 


Patrick Gallaway, 


Thos. Donahough, 


Geo. Gobell, 


Charles Dunn. 


Wm. Gerrard, 


Bern* Draxeller, 


Wm. Harbinson, 


John Durham, 

L wd Cornelius Henley, 

L ■ 

Peter EfHeck, 


Benj. Hamilton, 


Robert Elliot. 

Hg wd 

Abner Haslip, 


Edw'd Evans, 


Southey Haslip, 


Henry Earnest. 


Thos. Harris, 


John Franklin, 


James Heyter, 


Nich* Foster, 


Argyle House, 


Thos. Fisher, 


Samuel Hayden, 


James Ferguson, 


Christ' Helsley, 


Thom* Foster, 


Mark HoUis, 


John Field, 


John Huston, 


James Fuhon, 


Wm. Holland, 


Duncan Ferguson, 


Matthew Howard, 


And' Fowler, 


Jno. Hamilton, 


James Ford, 


Thos. Hennesey, 


Wm. Field. 


Arthur Howard, 


John Ferguson, 


Adam Jones, 


John Farmer, 


Matthew Jones, 


Mich^ Frank, 


Wm. Johnston, 


Jacob Furkbauser, 


Charles James, E 


Jacob Go wen, 


Robert Jones, 


John Goldson, 


Saml. Isdale, 



Joshua Jordan, 

M wd 

David Montgomery, 


Wise Johnson, 


I Jacob Myer, 


John Johnson, 


Barnaby McKan, 


Anthony Kennedy, 


John May, 


John Kitson, 

H kd Wm. Mclntire, 


Dennis Kenton, 


Hugh McCoy, 


Thos. Kitson, 


John McGuire, 


Wm. Knowls, 


Geo. Macomb, 


Ewd. King, 


Richard Major, 


James Ludlow, 


William Mitchell, 


James Letort, 


John McGregory, 


Wm. Lowry, 


Angus McDonald, 


Nath* Lewis, 


Edw'd Minor, 


Thos. Longdon, Sr., 

E H 

Henry Neile, 


Adam Leonard, 


Thos. Nicholson, 


Robert McKay, 


Thos. Napp, 


Jesse Morris, 


Matth" Nevison, 


Isaac Moor, 


Thos. Ogden, 


James Milton. 


John Ogilvie, 


Mich* McGrath. 


John Poor, 


Robt. McCulroy, 

H wd William Poor, 


Dan'l McClaren, 

H kd Thos. Pearce, 


Richard Morris, 


John Powers, 


Mich* McCannon, 


Bryant Page, 


John Maston, 


Martial Pratt, £ 


John Mulholland, 


Alex' Perry, 


John McCutty, 

L wd William PuUen, 


Geo. McSwine, 


John Potter, 


Robt. Murphey, 


Joseph Powell, 


John Mclntire, 


Hugh Paul, 


Dan'l Malotte, 


Mich' Reiley, 


James McCommac, 


Ware Rocket, 


Jesse May, 


James Rowe, 


Joseph Milton, 


John Rodgers, 


John Martin, 


John Rodgers, 


Nicholas Morgan, 


John Ramsey, E 


Thomas Moss, 


John Rowe, 


John Mears, 


John Ramsey, 


Dominick Moran, 


Frederick Rupert, 




John Robinson, 


Dempsey Simmons, 


Ezek* Richardson, 


John Stewart, 


John Rogers, 


Francis Self, 


John Sones, 




Chas. Smith, 


Matth* Shampe, 


Rich'd Smith, 


John Tranton, 


Wm. Stallons, 


RobtTunstalt E 


Wm. Swallow, 


Nehemiah Fendall, 


Alexander Stewart, 

H wd 

Thos. Tedman, 


Dan^ Staple, 


James Tybus, 


John Smith, 


John Truston, 


John Smith, 


James Thomas, 


Terence Swiney, 


James Tyrell, 

M ! 

James Smith, 


George Taylor, 


Thos. Scott, 


John Thompson, 


James Samuell, £ 


Wm. Underwood, 


Mich* Scully, E 


Daniel Welch, 


Zach"* Smith, 


Chas. Waddy, 


Thos. Slaughter, 


James Wech, 


Dudley Skinner, 

Hg wd Peregrine Williams, 


Joseph Scott, 


John Whitman, 


John Stephens, 


Arthur Watts, 


Hugh Stone, 


Philip Waters, 


Robt. Stewart, 

M wd 

Michael Waker, 


Wm. Symmons, 

V kd Edw* Whitehead, 


263 men; wounded 

43; killed 12. 

Recruits which joined at Wills' creek after y* Battle of y 

John David Wilfer, 
Thos. Sellers, 
Bryan Conner, 
, George Hoarst, 
Jacob Havely, 
Richard Murray, 
Hugh Ratchford, 
Jacob Cat, 

Jacob Perkley, 
James McLaughlin, 
Henry Leonard, 
Benj. Smith, 
Jacob Kiblar, 
John Lowe, 
Gasper Moorhead, 
Christian Taylor, 


James McBride, 
William Tyan, 
John Capham, 

John Thomas, 
John Hamilton. 

The foUowinj^ names are included in the pay rolls, tho' not in 
the returns at Wills Creek: 

Hugh Ratchford, 


David Wilkerson, 


John Jones, 


Patrick Smith, 


John Harwood, 


John Hart, 


Abra" Mashaw, 


Gasper Morean, 


Robt. Graham, 


Barnaby Ryley, 


Thos. Stedman, 


Nath^ Deadman, 


Thos. Pearson, 


Wm. Chaplain, 


Edm* Wagener, 


John Davis, 


Rich'd Trotter, 


Pledge Ward, 


Chas. Soanes, 


Geo. Swiney, 

Matthew Lovingston, 


Daniel Bellott, 

James Meggs, 


Elisha Ward, 

Wm. Hogan, 


John Lee, 

James Cam mock, 


John Maid. 

Rich'd Pritchard, 




Jacob Beil, 

Jacob Arrans, 

John Beil, 

Geo. Campbell, 

Chas. Boyle, 

Jacob Catt, 

John Bryant, 

Baron Draxilla, 

John Franklin, 

Jacob Furkhauser, 

Jno. Baptist Hasty, 

Jacob Helsley, 

Ignatius Jones, 

George Hurst, 

Thos. Lockart, 

Jacob Heffley, 

John Mcintosh, 

Henry Leonard, 

P. Pesenlegar, 

Richard Murray, 


Wm. Stroud, 

Jacob Perkley, 

Wm. Turner, 

Benj. Smith. 

John Wilson, 


The forej^oin^ contains a List of all the Soldiers which are to 
be found either upon the Pay Rolls, or Muster Rolls. — The 
party of Recruits which join* at Wills Creek after the Battle of 
the Meadows — the Men who received the present of a Pistole 
from the Country as an acknowledg^ement of their Gallant Beha- 
viour upon that occasion — and the Detachment which marched 
to Augusta sometime after the Defeat. By which (there appear- 
ing to be 350 upon the Roll) it is evident there are many men 
(here) Included that are not entitled (strictly) to a share of the 
200,000 acres of Land under Gov' Dinwiddies Proclam^ and 
scarce possible that any can be omitted which are — this being 
carfully attended to least any might be deprived of their Right 
by not appearing on the list when they applied to 

G* Washington. 
April 30, 1 77 1. 

The letter (E) ag* each man's name signifies his having entered 
his claim. 

List of Officers of the Virginia Regiment. 29 May, 
1754, AND the Dates of their Commissions. 


Colonel Joshua Fry, February 25, 1754. 
Lieutenant-Colonel George Washington, January 25, 1754. 
Major George Muse, March 15, 1754. 
Captain Adam Stephen, February 25, 1754. 
Captain Robert Stobo, March 6, 1754. 
Captain Andrew Lewis, March 8, 1754. 
Captain Peter Hog, March 9, 1754. 
Lieutenant Jacob Vanbraam, January 25, 1754. 
Lieutenant George Mercer, February 25. 1754. 
Lieutenant Thomas Wagener, February 26, 1754. 
Lieutenant John West, February 27, 1754. 
Lieutenant William Poison, February 28, 1754. 
Lieutenant John Savage, March 9, 1754. 
Ensign James Towers, January 25, 1754. 



Ensign Wm. Bronaugh, March 20, i754# 
Ensign John Mercer, March 26, 1754. 
Ensign Wm. Peyroune, April 20, 1754. 
Ensign James Craik, May 23, 1754. 
Surgeon James Craik, March 7, 1754. 
Commissary John Carlyle, January 25, 1754. 

A List of Officers, and the Dates of their Commissions. 


Captain Mercer, August 15, 1755. 

'* Waggener, August 16, 1755. 

•* Stewart, August 18, 1755. 

'' Lewis, August 23, 1755. 

** Woodward, August 25, 1755. 

•' Spottswood, August 26, 1755. 

** McKenzie, September 4, 1755. 


Lieutenant McNeill (Capt- Lieut. )• August 18, 1755. 
Bullet I, August 20, 1755. 
Sleuart, August 21, 1755. 
Blagg, August 22, 1755. 
Lomax, August 26, 1755. 
Steenburger, August 27, 1755. 
Campbell, August 30, 1755. 
King, September 3, 1755. 
Baker, September 4, 1755. 
Gist, October i, 1755. 
Buckner, June 29, 1756. 
Dangerfield, May 25, 1757. 
Hubbard, May 26, 1757. 
Milner, May 26, 1757. 
Flemming, May 26, 1757. 
Price, May 26, 1757. 
Thompson, July 24, 1757. 






Lieutenant Smith, July 25, 1757. 

Weeden, July 26, 1757. 
Crawford, July 27, 1757. 


Ensign Roy, January 31, 1756, 

Duncanson, June 28, 1756. 
Sumner, June 29, 1756. 
Russell, June 30, 1756. 
Lawson, . 



Sprake, July 10, 1757. 
Fell, July 16, 1757. 
Woodford, July 13, 1757. 
Starke, July 25. 1757. 
Joseph Feint, 

tt 17»11 T..1.. */: .»»- j 





Colby Chew, October i, 1757. 

[Copied from Washington's original MS. orders.] 

Fort Cumberland, September 17, 1775. 
Ensign Forgie for the day. 

Parole: Success. 

George Washington, Esquire is, by His Honor Governor 
Dinwiddle, appointed Colonel of the Virginia Regiment, and 
Commander in Chief of all the Forces that now are, and shall 
be Raised, &c. &c. 

Captain Adam Stephen is appointed Lieutenant Colonel; and 
Captain Andrew Lewis, Major of the same Regiment. 

Captain George Mercer, of the Virginia Forces, is appointed 
aid de Camp to Colonel Washington. 

Lieutenants John Savage, John Mercer, Joshua Lewis and 
Henry Woodward are appointed as Captains in the Virginia 

Mr. Robert Spotswood, Carter Harrison, Charles Lewis, Wil- 
liam Peachy, David Bell and Robert McKenzie are appointed 
Captains in the same Regiment. 


Ensig^ns Thomas Bullitt, Walter Stewart, John Blegg, Han- 
cock Eustace and George Frazier, are promoted to Lieutenants. 

Mr. John Edward Lomax, John Williams, Augustine Broken- 
borough, John Campbell, John Hall, John Lowry, John King 
and James Baker, are appointed Lieutenants. 

Quartermaster Mordecai Buckner is appointed Ensign. 

Mr. John Poison, William Dangerfield, Edward Hubbard, 
John Dean, Nathaniel Milner, William Fleming, Leonard Price, 
Nathaniel Thomson, Thomas Carter, Chas. Smith, Lee Hessins 
De Keyzier, George Gordon and George Weeden are appointed 

The former Captains and Lieutenants, who are not promoted, 
continue in their former posts. 

James Livingston, Fort-Major, is appointed Adjutant to the 
Virginia Regiment. 

Every officer of the Virginia Regiment to provide himself, as 
soon as he can conveniently, with suit of Regimentals of good 
blue Cloath; the Coat to be faced and cuffed with scarlet, and 
trimmed with Silver; a scarlet waistcoat, with silver Lace; blue 
Breeches, and a silver-laced hat, if to be had, for Camp or Gar- 
rison duty. Besides this, each officer to provide himself with a 
common soldier's Dress for Detachments and Duty in the 

3ie * 3|c 4|F 

September i8, 1755. 

Lieutenant Bronaugh is promoted to be a Captain in the Vir- 
ginia Regiment. 

3fe sfc Jf :t: 

(to be continued.) 

Discourse of the Old Company. 


And here first wee are in duety forced to deliver unto yo' 
Lo^, that the restoring, supporting & re advancem^ of that 
Plantation, wee hold to bee a worke, though of great necessitie 
for the honour, yea and service of his Ma**', these tymes consid- 
ered: yet w*^ all of soe extreame difficultie, that it is not to be 



rashly & unadvisedly undertaken, but w^ great circumspection, 
care, & preparacon, with assurance also of great assistance. 

For not to insist much, upon the nature & greatnes of the 
worke, so remote from the favourers, so vicine to mighty ma- 
ligners of it: and inded fitter for the power & purse of a Great 
Prince & State, then of private Adventure", and those allready 
exhaust & tyred; the wounds w""" since that great wound of the 
Massacre, it hath more lately receaved, from their handes whome 
it least beseemed, are still so wide & bleedinge, that unlesse his 
Ma*^^ and yo' Lo^ as deputed from him, shall vouchsafe to apply 
a soveraine hand for the healing of them, wee are resolute of 
opinion, that it is impossible, the Plantation carried as formerly by 
private persons, should either prosper or long subsist: Those 
woundes wee conceave are these. First the generall disreputa- 
con of the Business (Reputation being a principall pillar of al] 
great actions) & that partly by some errors, neglects & disas- 
ters, but principally by the late faction, though of a few & small 
Adventurers yet strongly & strangely inanimated & supported 
agaynst the great Body of Companie: whereof in fine also by 
undermining misinformacons they have wrought y"* Disolucon; 
& consequently lefte all, both Adventurers & Planters, in an 
utter uncertaynty of their Rights, Titles & Possessions: though 
promise was made that they should be reassured to them, w"^ 
these men have neglected to see performed. 

Secondly the great discouragem' of sundry not of the meanest 
both Adventurers & Planters, some of them persons, and others 
also of good qualitie : by whose cares & labours, together w** 
their friends & purses, the Plantation having formerly receaved 
no small encrease & benefit, to the Planters great comfort & con- 
tent, (w*"* they have not forborne from tyme to tyme to declare) : 
yet have they by the unjust calumnies & clamors of these men, 
bin continually prosecuted w"* all variety of extremitie, to ye 
rewarding of them with evill for their good deservings, and to 
the disheartening of all other, to succeed in like care & industry. 

Thirdly the present extreame povertie & consumpcon of y* 
Plantacon being for want of the accustomed yearly supplies^ 
reduced to that paucetie of men & want of all sorts well neere 
of necessary provision, that it cannpt be restored, but w"" an 
huge expence, no less allmost then to sett up a new Plantation. 



Nowe touching the disreputacon of y* Action, and the generall 
dishearteninge of the Adventurers & Planters, such especially as 
have spared neither paynes nor expence, for ye recovering, sup- 
porting and advancinge the Plantation : We humbly crave yo' 
Lop' favourable patience, though wee somewhat enlarge our 
selves in this place, to present in part the Injustice & greave- 
ousnes of those wounds to the hono^^ minds & skillfull hands of 
yo' Lop": Seeing that in our understandinge the curing of them 
by yo' Lop', may be a meanes to revive agayne the generally 
deaded hearts of both Adventurers & Planters & to adde a new 
lustre & grace to y* Action. 

Amongst the many glorious workes of the late Kinge, there 
was none more eminent, then his Gracious enclination, together 
w"* y* propagation of Christian Religion, to advance & sett for- 
ward a new Plantacon in the new world, W'^ purpose of his con- 
tinued till the last, manifested by his Ma^ many publique & 
private speeches by divers LVes of his, & by his sundry Procla- 
macons, so that their faults are farr the greater, who, as imediatly 
shal be declared, did malitiously and cunningly pervert those 
Gracious intencons of his Ma"** by scandalizing y* Government 
as it then stood, as neither convenient here nor likely there to 
advance the prosperitie of the Colonic; and by insinuating as- 
surances, that they themselves would manytayne that worke by 
better meanes. Which his Ma*** conceavinge (as it was reason) 
they would not so boldly have promised of themselves, being so 
g^reat a worke unlesse they had had both knowledge and meanes 
to goe thorough w** it; did also believe: & so they became y* 
undertakers. And now, as it hath bin ever farr from o' practize 
and agaynst o*^ present desires to fall upon the persons of any 
men, where necessitie & justice of y* cause doth not necessarilie 
require it : yet at this tyme it is impossible to cleare this pointe 
to yo' Lop' without naming some of their persons and particu- 
larizing their Actions. About six yeares agoe, when by reason 
of the apparant misprosperinge of the Plantation, and the 
fowlnes of the Accounts here, (the then Treasurer being Gover- 
nour of ffower or ffive other Companies, w'** excused his neglect 
of attending this business,) the Governem* of the Companie was 
translated from S' Thomas Smith and Alderman Johnson, into 
S' Edwin Sandis, & after into the Earle of Southampton's hands 


& their deputies: it is notoriously knowne how they,* w"* Cap- 
tayne Argoll and other of their friends, partly preadventure 
through discontent for being removed from their places, but 
principally through feare, (their accounts, depredacons, Piracies 
& misgovernem* being now questioned before the Counsell and 
in the Companies Courts) perpetuall disturbed & disgraced by 
severall wayes, both to his Ma*** & to the world, all the present 
proceedings of the Com panic, to y* great disheartninge of the 
Companie here, and no small disadvantage of y'' Colonic. And 
of this, and of the bad effects of it, all our bookes & memories 
are full. But yet by God's assistance, & the unwearied courage 
of the Companie; wee ridd out this storme. The next blowe, as 
wee had reason to believe, proceeding by their underhand rays- 
inge of new spiritts, drawne to disturbe us for their owne gayne 
was the bringing in of new & severall projects concerning To- 
bacco : w®** was for the instant the only comoditie whereby the 
Planters mayntayned themselves, and so under colour of ad- 
vancing proiitt to his Ma*** sometimes (as hath been before 
touched) wee were forbidden to bring in any Tobacco, some- 
times to bring in but a small quantitie, and sometimes 
comaunded to bring in all. W"** varying directions did so dis- 
tract & confound the Adventurers & Planters, that it had in a 
manner ruyned the Plantation. 

Bnt yet by Gods assistance, & the constancy of y* Companies 
wee ridd out this storme also. The instruments in this worke 
that especiallie appeared, were the then S' Lionell Crawfield, Mr. 
Jacob and some others : to the extreame damage of the Com- 
pany, enrichement of themselves, & deceyt of his Ma*** as was at 
large expressed & offered to be proved in y* last Parliament. 
Thirdly by the procuremen* of that part, divers scandalous peti- 
cons agayns*, the company, in general!', & many in perticuler 
did putt us to much vexacon & trouble. But their accusacons 
were so fals, that wee also overcame this Third assault. 

After this another stratagem was obtruded upon us, under pre- 
tence of friendship & love of y* Plantation. The Earle of 
Midd[l]esex then Lo : high Treasurer of England who in respect 
of his place, Was to take into his consideracon all thinges that 

* That is. Sir Thorns Smythe and Alderman Johnson. 


had relacon to his Ma^ revennue, did first propound to S' Edwin 
Sandis, & afterwards to y* Ea: of Southampton, y* Lo: Caven- 
dish & S' Edwin Sandis together that the King, he knewe, had 
by S' Thomas Smithers meanes & Alderman Johnsons, and 
some great friends & instruments of theires bin strangely pos- 
sessed agaynst the forme of our Governmen', & y* consequences 
of it : & particularly that they had made such advantage by 
traducing y* names of y*" Earle of Southampton and S' Edwin 
Sandis, that y* business of y* Ptantacon fared y* worse for their 
sakes. That he had already in Generall spoken w*** his Ma**® & 
assured him, that y*' whispers & relacons of those men, had an 
eye to their owne safetie, and not the Colonie's good ; and that 
thereupon the King referred the whole consideracon of y* Plan- 
tation, and what was best to be done, to his care. Upon this he 
propounded unto those before named, that y* best way was to 
engage the Kinge in his care of the Plantations, and to make it, 
impossible for any hereafter to disturbe the Companie, as they 
had formerly done, was to thinke of some such meanes, whereby 
the profit of his Ma^^ & the good of y*" Plantation, might hand 
in hand goe together. And to speake truth ; though those he 
spoke w^ all, were at first very unwilling to swallowe this guilded 
pill, as having heard of y* stile he used in negotiating other busi- 
nesses of this nature : yet he was so full of protestacons in it, ever 
pretending the Companies good, and w^^ all procured further 
intimacon to y*" Earle of Southampton, that no service of his 
could be more acceptable to his Ma"* then this now propounded : 
that upon these protestacons & assurance they engaged them- 
selves to treat of a contract between his Ma**® & the companies. 
In the making whereof, y* said Earle of Midd. remembered not 
his promised care of y* Plantations; but in truth from one degree 
to another, wrested us to such condicons & such a rate, as was 
very dammeagh to y* Plantacons. But upon serious debate in 
maney & full Courts, upon the whole matter wee were resolved, 
considering the protection of the Colonies, & favour promised ; 
and to be free from those frequent projects that in former tymes 
had soe much wronged & disturbed us, to accept an hard bar- 
g^ayne: conceavinge that though it were pot so good as wee 
desired, & was fitt to have bin offered ; yet by it we shall 
be in a better case & way of benefitting the Plantations, then 


formerly wee were. And so in Michaelmas terme — 1622 — this 
contract w'^^ began to be treated of in Easter terme, was concluded 
by the subscription of the Earle of Middlesex his hand, and by 
sending the company word, that that day the whole Counsell 
board had given their assent thereunto, w''*' was the first tyme 
the Company understood that they had heard of y* matter. The 
Contract thus concluded, a great Tempest arose by what secrett 
cause & underhand procurement, wee may guess, but not affirm. 
But in a Court of the Company upon the 4th of December fol- 
lowing, one Mr. Wrote Cosen Germane to the Earle of Middle- 
sex, (discontent*^ also that he was passed over in the election of 
Officers) did w^ a passionate & blasting speech, inveigh agaynst 
the Contract, & the mapaging thereof w^^ sallary ; agaynst the 
proceeding in the Treaty of it, as that it had bin unduly and 
unjustly carried, that men had bin overawed* and that it had bin 
procured to private ends. Whereof not being able to make any 
shadowe of proofe & persisting still in his violent and contempt- 
uous Demeand*' upon a full hearinge, he was thrust out of the 
Companie, and upon that ground joyned himself to S^ Thomas 
Smith, Alderman Johnson & that opposite party & drewe also 
with him Two more of his Companions, and so now made shewe 
of a formall party agaynst the Company. But for all this, wee 
still mayntayned the repiitacon of o' proceedings. The next of 
o' troubles in order, (proceeding from what secrett cause, that 
w""^ follows will give yo' Lop' more reason of conjecture, then wee 
will now affirme) was, that this opposite party then attayned to 
about — 25 — in nomber, had some secrett encouragen' or other 
given them, directly to appugne the Contract ; w*"^ as is before 
declared was so formally made : and gave some reasons in writing 
agaynst it to the then Lord Trer ; who receaving them, gave the 
company first suspicon of double intelligence & indirectness in 
his dealing^ 

But howsoever, the Earle of Southampton, the Lo : Cavendish, 
S' Edwin Sandis, & some other, being called by the Earle of 
Middlesex to his Chamber at Whitehall, then thought, that they 
had given such answers to them, as that his Lop' rested satisfied. 
But his Lop' after, speaking w*^ y* Earle : of Southampton and 
the rest before name*, told them that they that had opposed, 
were a clamorous Company, and that to make the business goe 


current, it were best that their objections and o' answess should 
be heard at the Counsell table. And upon hearing thereof, their 
accusacous, and o^ answers, the Earle of Middlesex, who assumed 
the chief knowledge & care of that business, did in y' close of 
that hearinge use the words formerly rehearsed. Of the leand 
carriage in former tymes, and of the latter in a manner miracu- 
lous recoverie. 

A greater testimony of o' integritie & their guilt, could not be 
given. But as the sequall will manifest, & as wee have since found 
in other of his Lop' proceedings, he meant to loose nothing by 
those words. Howsoever it was, & whatsover wee suspect, not 
intending now to dive into those misaries, from that day forward, 
to y* Conclusion of this business he professedly made himselfe 
the patron to that side, & enemy to the company, for w** wee 
appeal to yo' Lop' better knowledge. Afterwards about that 
Contract were divers meetings before the Lords, where it was 
principally inveighed agaynst by SV Nathaniell Rich; speaking 
agaynst the injustice & unconscionablenes of it; protesting that 
he had ever sold his Tobacco for ffive shillings a pound one w^** 
another, and that every pound cost him Two shillings a pound 
one w^ another, and that every pound cost him Two shillings 
six pence in y* Sumer Islands : and now to give a Third away 
to the King & peradventure y* price not to be much higher was 
agaynst justice & conscience. And here by the way, wee hum- 
bly crave leave to say thus much, that his conscience now serves 
him in this new Contract, to force y' Planter & the Adventurer 
to sell their Tobacco, the best sort 2' 4* and the second sort at 
sixteene pence a pound. But upon that former Demonstrative 
Argument of his, though it were so fully answered as nothing 
could be more, yet the Earle of Middlesex took his ground to 
condemn the contract he had signed, as hurtfull to the Planta- 
cons; and to commaund the companies to thinke of propound- 
ing a better, & to bring it in writing w"" in Two daies: w""* was 
accordingly done: and therein shewed that y* hardnesse of this 
contract, was not by the Companies proposition, but by his Lop' 
pressure. And therefore urged what had bin offered to his Lop' 
at the first; that his Matie would be contented w^** a fourth, & 
not require a third of o^ Tobacco. To w"** in great scorne his 
Lop' replyed that take Two pence out of six pence their would 


remayne a Groat. But the last Parliament saw that his best in- 
vention, was by adding — 3;^ to 40' — to make up ffive pounds. 
But in conclusion that Contract was dissolved, & a commaund 
laid upon the Companies by his Lop' procurement to bring all o*^ 
Tobaccoes in, under colour that Three pence custom was abated; 
whereas in truth by his admitting also of all Spanish Tobacco, 
upon S'r John Wolslenholmes motion wee could not vent a third 
part of it here: and so by computacon, in respect of the quan- 
titie un vented, wee paid neere doouble as much as before: w*^ 
was his only favour to y* Plantations. 

The contract thus dissolved * as publiquely damageable by the 
incouragement of the Earle of Middlesex, & industry of y* ffive . 
and twenty before menconed, (that so place might be made for 
this latter contract, so privately beneficial], for so by the effect it 
hath appeared) : the Governm* was now likewise to be questioned 
and altered, or else they compassed not their ends. Which to 
bring about, these two wayes were used. First a peticon was 
delivered to his Ma'^ by Alderman Johnson, in the name of the 
rest, inveighing against the latter Governm' & magnifying the 
former. And in the end, desiring a commission to examine the 
proceedings of those last ffower. 

This peticon was by the Company at large answered to his 
Ma^" & wee joyned in y' point of having o' actions examined by 
the Comission : but w""" all thought it just, & desired, that their 
Twelve years Govermen' before might be also examined: w** 
accordingly was ordered. The second means used by them, was 
to rayse up Captayne Butler, who hasting from the Summer 
Islands to Virginia, where he stayed but a few weeks, upon his 
returne delivered to his Ma^" a paper called The unmasking of 
Virginia.! The substance of w"^ was first the dispraise of the 
country and making of it an unfit place for any English Colony ; 
& next scandalizing the Governm' of it, both here, & there. 
What concerned the colonic, was proved to be false by fforty 
witnesses: who chaunced to be in Towne then, & had bin often & 

* For a more detailed account of this contract see Virginia Histori- 
cal Society Collections : History of London Company, Vol. II. 

fSee Virginia Historical Society Collections, History of the London 
Company, Vol. II. 


long in y* Colonie : And was endeavoured to be mayntayned 
by him by two meanes only : one by practizing to gett the hands 
of Two men unto it, to whome he owed money & deferred pay- 
ment : who when they heard it read iii C6'\ protested that they 
never saw what they sett their hands to, and that Capt : Butler 
told ihem it was a Paper, w*"* he would shew the King for the 
good of the Plantation : and desired y* companies pardon ; for 
whatever was there said was false. Secondly, he would made it 
to have bin better believed, by a forged L[ett]re w"*" hee brought 
to Sr. John Bourchile from his daughter Mrs. Whittakers: who 
knew it was not her hand. This was alleddged at y*" counsell 
Table : and Capt : Butler answered that she was sick & dictated 
it to him, and he wrote it. But since, both shee & her husband 
being come over, they bothe forsweare it, & say it was none of 
her doing nor direction. But howsoever, by these meanes the 
opposite party thus farre obteyned their ends, that by the Defa- 
mation, and this trouble ensuinge, a very great nomber that 
intended to have gone over, were descouraged. But yet for all 
this, the Companie knewe their cause to be so just and justifiable, 
that they did not abandon it : but prepared themselves to give 
divers charges before y' commission", agayns' divers of y" partie 
opposite; & professed themselves ready to make their owne 
defence whensoever they should be charged. But whilst the 
comission sate farther to descourage us, first all o' Bookes, & 
after y' minutes of them were sent far away from us ; that none 
of the L'res that then came from Virginia were to be seene by 
us, being all seazed on by the Comission" But touching the rest 
of y® caridge of that comission, because it was at large delivered 
in Parliment, & offered to be proved, if further proceedinge in 
that businesse had not bin forborne upon a L're written to y* 
house from his Ma'*" wee will now to yo' Lo^* say only this : That 
whatsover was brought by us concerninge accounts, depredacon, 
misgovernement, & divers other crimes, agaynst perticuler persons, 
was by this comission, (especially directed by the Earle of Midd.) 
shuffled of for all the tyme, till the comission was even at y*" end 
nothing done upon them. And on y*' contrary, whatsoever could 
be gathered out of the fragments of L'res from discontented 
persons in Virginia concerning either the place, or governem' was 
diligently collected by them, and receaved by the Earle of Mid- 


dlesex as a great testimony agdynst us ; and would not take 
those other L'res for proof w'''* wee ever guided o' selves by, and 
came from the Governour and counsel! there. And lastly sonoe 
three dayes before their Comission ended, they putt us on a 
sodayne to answere to — 39 — Articles, or else they would take 
them proconfesso. This they thought for us impossible to doe. 
But wee deceaved their expectacon ; and they could not find in 
the least perticuler, any just ground to make any report agaynst 

By all this the Earle of Middlesex and that partie, perceaving 
y* companie would not be beaten off a good cause; there was a 
practise to try whether wee had rather part from the business, or 
from our mony. Where upon wee were called before the Coun- 
sell agayne, and there that side as compassionate affecters of the 
Plantation, urged the want of corne & other necessaries there, 
and that they were like to perish for want of provisions. The 
Earle of Midd replied, it was a matter of so great importance, 
& concerned the lives of so many of the King's subjects, that if 
y* Companie would not presendy take order for sending sup- 
plies, the state would call in their Pattent. Whereupon y' Com- 
panie conceaving that if they did send supplyes, their Pattent 
would not be taken from them, under writt to a Roule (though 
they knewe y^ necessitie was nothing so great) foure thousand 
and odd pounds, w°^ was paid and sent: and those Gentlemen 
that before seemed so zealous, subscribed Twelve pounds, and 
paid it not. Upon w''^ comparison wee leave it to yo' Lop' to 
judge w"** party was the true father of this child. This then not 
suceeding according to their desires, certayne obscure persons 
were found out by the Earle of Midd, to be sent into Virginia, 
as Comission" for these two ends, as wee have since found. First 
to sifte out what they could agaynst the forme of o' Governm* 
here & there: & next to persuade the people to become Peticon" 
to his Ma"* for a newe W*"^ succeeded not according to their ex- 
pectacon. For by the Colonies Peticons, answeres to those 
Papers that had bin delivered agaynst them, & divers other 
remonstrances to his Ma"* from a Generall Assembly then, they 
shewed the misery wherein they lived, or rather languished in 
S'r Thomas Smithe's tyme; and their happy estate in this latter 
Government: concludinge that if his Ma"* intended to alter the 


Government, & put it into the former hands, their humble suite 
to him was; That Comission" might be sent over to another 
purpose before declared. The writinges themselves will manifest 
this more at large. These comissioners thus sent to Virginia, 
the Earle of Midd & the rest were not idle in further distractinge 
the Companie, to give their assent for surrendring their Pattent, 
& altringe the forme of Governm'; & a newe one was proposed. 
W°^ according to order they takinge into consideracon, w""" 
duetie refused: rendring also in writing the reasons of their re- 
fusall. Whereupon a Quo Warranto was directed by the Earle 
of Midd suggestion for the calling in of their Pattent. 

In the meanetime, to affright men, both from cominge to & 
much more from speaking in Courts, mens wordes were then 
carped at & complayned of: and their persons by the Earle ot 
Midd prosequution, were upon quick hearinge sent to prison. 

Yet for all this the Comp° stood to their owne Justificacon, & 
defence of their Pattent. Now Mr. Atturney, according to y* 
duty of his place & instructions given him, urged y" misgovern- 
em' of the Companie, & consequently y® ruyne of the Plantation. 
To w"** point we were willinge to joyne issue. But afterwards in 
o" reply to his pleadinge w"*out further enquiry of the former 
allegation, advantage was taken upon o' mispleading, & in fine 
w**'out any farther ground that wee knowe of, the Patent was 
Trinity terme following, condemned: But for anything that we 
have yet seene, no judgment entered. Yo' Lop' by the perticu- 
lers before related do see by what courses wee were reduced to 
this extremitie. One thinge yet wee thinke most necessary to 
adde; It hath bin said by many, & perticulerly by some princi- 
pall persons of the opposite partie, that y* dissolutions of these 
Plantacons was part of the Count of Gondomars Instructions. 
And certaynely wee found his activenes in negotiatinge here, 
such, that in bringing about his owne ends, he could create here 
instruments of o' selves agaynst our selves. Wee say not that 
he & other Spanish Ministers practised thus amongst us. These 
two only perticulers, wee crave leave to offer unto yo^ Lop' 
Judgem". When S'r Samuell Argoll some six or seaven yeares 
since, was vehemently, complayned agaynst, by Padre Maestro, 
and the Spanish secretarie then here for Piracie, agynst the 
Kinge of Spaines subjects in y" West Indies he no sooner came 


home from Virginia, & appeared an opposite to y^ present Com- 
pany, who questioned him for divers misdemeanors and amongst 
others for this; but the heateof the Spanish accusacon did pres- 
ently cease. Our second observacon is this, yo' Lop' cannot 
but remember, w"* what extreame earnestnes the Count of Gon- 
domar and afterwards Don Carlodi Coloma,* inveighed agaynst 
Capt. Butler whilst he was in Summer Islands about y* Spanish 
wrack. And so violent were they about it that y* Lo: Stewart, now 
w^** God, and the Lo: Chamberlaine, were entreated to come on 
purpose to the Sumer Islands company, about that business. 
And a comission was directed by the Lords of the Counsel!, to 
examine the truth of the cause in y* Sumer Islands. W*"* Ca|>- 
tain Butler having been forewarned of by some friends of his left 
his Governem^ before he had leave, and before the arrivall of the 
Comission: Having first there endeavoured to alienate the minds 
of the people from the forme of Governem' here. But he was 
no sooner come home, & delivered to his Ma^" The umasking 
of Virginia before spoken of, but there was an end of Don Carlo 
Di Colomars prosecution. Wee have related the particulars; 
& make no application. > 

As for y* late Comission, w®"* hath suceeded in y* place of the 
Companies ; if wee might have seen the business seriously taken 
into the Grave cares & prosequuted w"" the Noble paynes of 
those most bono*'* personages, whose names are inserted in the 
sayd Comission : wee should have hoped to have seene some 
good effect befitting their great & eminent worth. But whilst 
their more weighty affairs have hindered them the business hath 
bin principally carried only by those persons that were the chi"efe 
opposers of the late Comp : ffor although there be named divers 
worthy Gentlemen, & Citizens likewise, in y" Comission : yet as 
wee understand, the most of them have forborne altogether to 
appeare at any meeting. Wherefore when either in o' wordes or 
thoughts, weecomplayne of any proceedings of the late Comis- 
sion wee alwayes except both all y* persons of Honour & indif- 
ferency: and only intend those others, whose stomacks were so 
great, as they durst undertake the overthrowinge of the late 
Companie ; and yet their harts so narrow, as they have not 

* Coloana ? 


dared to adventure all of them during these Nyne moneths, so 
far as wee can learne, one five pounds to y"^ advancem^ or subsis- 
tance of the Plantation. 

By the publique L'res of y® Governour, delivered them in July 
last, they understood of y* extreame want of Powder in y" Colonie: 
and were often told from us of the great danger that might ensue 
thereby : Yet did they neglect y' sending of any in the shipp or 
in y* second : but about Christmas, & since in March they have 
sent a small quantitie, obteyned by his late Ma^ guifts (as wee 
heare) out of the Tower. 

This did not y* late Company : who upon notice of y** mas- 
sacre, did by the first ship send 42 Barrels of Powder ; for halfe 
whereof the Officers having disturbed the money, are yet 

Whereas all the ffower shippes now sent, were prepared in y* 
Comp" tyme ; these last Comissioners callinge in the Comissions 
graunted them by the late Company, made them take new as 
from themselves that so they might glory upon anothers founda- 
con. But whilst they thus hunted after windy ambition, hin- 
dringe the two first shipps from takinge a faire winde ; they have 
bin the causes of all the lamentable calamities & distresses, w°^ 
in so long voyages must needs befall them. 

The principal scope of his late Ma*" comission to them, as wee 
understand was that they should finde a better forme of Gov- 
ernem* for the Plantacons advancement ; and therein is especially 
promised the conservacon of every mans right. Intentions 
worthy the wisedome & Justice of so great a Prince. But as farr 
as wee can understand these comissioners have done nothing 
towards either of these ends : But quite contrary to y' second. 

By an unknown contract, w°^ themselves will not so much as 
declare much less are able to defend ; they have fought to have 
amongst themselves, twice as much upon every mans goods, as 
they will leave to the Owner thereof. And although they say 
only three of them are Contractors yet wee cannot believe it, 
having observed the ends of some of them for many years, to 
have constantly bin bent to the compassinge of some such advan- 
tage, as they have now by this bargayne gayned. It is con- 
stantly reported that they have liberally given that w**" was not 
their owne, to those who have no right thereto ; as namely the 


Colonies kine to S'r Samuell Argoll & Mr. Woodall surgeon to 
S'r Thomas Smith. But this & all their other proceedings are 
kept in great secrett : w'^'' breeds suspicon that they have not bin 
good : else why doe they fly the Light ? This is cleane contrary 
to y* use of the late Company : who did all things in publique 
w^*^ was a cause of as great satisffacon, as this of distaste. 

And as in this, so in all other thinges do they proceed cleane con - 
trary to all right in o^ understandinge. They publish their 
Intention of employ inge S'r Samuell Argoll & Captaine Butler 
for Governours agayne in the Plantations agaynst whome the 
Colony hath professed open enmity. How they should make 
y* Colony encrease by these means, w*** will bring home most of 
them that are there allready wee cannot imagine. 

Neither are S'r Thomas Smith nor Alderman Johnson fitt or 
likely men to reunite the late Companie, or to drawe them onto 
any thing for y*' Plantations advancement, since as the whole 
world knowes the late Company have not only allwayes con- 
ceaved extreamly ill of them but in the yeare 1623 putt up pub- 
liqne accusations agaynst them, of very dangerous Consequence, 
As for y* Colony yo' Lop' have formerly heard their like 

Nor cann y* late Companie conceave Mr. Wrote, a fitt lustrum* 
to sett forward the business ; whome they thought unworthy to 
bee of their Societie. 

Nor that those who out of pretence for New Englands good, 
have truly wronged Virginia should now runne right way for the 
behalfe thereof. Nor in sum that those who have little or no 
interest in y*' Plantation should be so sencible of it as were fitt. In 
w**" number wee accompte S'r Nathaniell Rich; who to our 
knowledge hath not adventured any thinge for the good thereof 
but contrary wise hath been so perpetuall a hinderer & disturber 
of the Action, that the body of the Company, addressed a 
Peticon of Complainte, to the last Parliament, cravinge justice 
against him, for his injurious & most unworthy practices. 

Nor that they that meane not to adventure anythinge, will be 
able to persuade others to doe that w''*' themselves forbeare. 

Nor that ever they will do y® adventurers of y* late Companie, 
right, in matters of their Estates, that have so violently endea- 
voured to do them wrong in their Honors Reputacons, having 


intended as themselves wright, a Reformacon & correction of 
the Original court bookes of y*' late Companie then possessed by 
them, if they could have gott into their hands certayne copies o f 
them w°^ Mr. Necholas Ferrar late Deputy at his owne charges 
caused to be iranscrib*. But before there severe order came to 
him he had delivered his copys to the Earle of Southampton: 
who sent the comissioners word, that he would as soone part w"" 
the evidences of his Lord, as w^ the said Copies, being the evi- 
dence of his honour in that Service: So by this meanes have the 
Original Court bookes yet escaped purging : And w*** all duety 
wee humbly beseech yo^ Lop' that they may hereafter be pro- 
tected from it: And that howsover yo^ Lop" shall please for the 
future to dispose of the Companie, that the records of their past 
Actions may not be corrupted & falsified. 

As for their resolucons of orderinge the businiss, wee cannot 
say anythinge, because wee heare nothing, and wee doubt they 
meane nothinge ffor all that wee heare tends only to nothing. 
They dislike the sending of nombers of men. They professe 
the reducinge of all trading to a Joynt stock or Magazine: w*"* 
courses in o' judgements tend directly to the subersion of the 
Plantation at least to y* appropriatinge of it to themselves which 
to have bin the mayne end of some of them, y* late Counsell & 
Companie for Virginia, have upon strong presumpcon bin long 
agoe induced to believe: and therefore have now thought them- 
selves bound to declare it, that y' Lop' in yo*^ Noble wisedomes 
may make such due prevencon as shall be fitt: humbly beseech- 
inge, that this perticular examinacon of their Actions & persons, 
may not be interpreted to proceed from private spleene, but only 
from a sincere desire of y^ Plantations advancement. 

Wee doubt and feare, that we have weareed yo' Lop' w*^ y* 
large relation of the proceedings of these men, wee meane the 
partie opposite to the late Companie & Colonic. Whereby as 
they have laid all kind of Disreputacon upon the Action, and 
made that in y* estimacon of the world vilde & contemptible, 
w"* before was held worthy, beneficiall, & honourable: so by 
their manifold & incessant practises, to wrong & oppress, to 
defame & disgrace, by unjust and unworthy aspirsions, & con- 
tumelies, (and that by word & writing over all y* kingdome) the 
innocency of men zealous for the good of Virginia, for no other 


fault save only for their love of right & justice ; they have bredd 
a great disheartninge & discouragem' of many the most forward 
& most constant adventurers whose industry also & labours bin 
of great use to y** Plantation, All w*** being wearied out w*** their 
mallice & injuries and loath to spend more of their lives in so 
unthankfull a service, are humble suitors unto yo^ Lo^, that they 
may be spared from all farther employment in this Action. And 
that if these men will now at length apply themselves seriously 
to y" busines of y* Colonies both w'** their paynes & purses, w*^ 
they have hitherto spared and undertake, (w**^ they owe to his 
Ma***" & y* State) the repairinge those ruynes of the Plantation, 
whereof they have bin the chiefe cause and instruments : the 
Government thereof may, as it is, be continued in them, giving 
fitt securiiie for so great a debt & duty. For wee protest unto 
yo' Lo^ upon our truth & fidelitie that if his Ma*' may be served, 
the Colony secured & cherished, justice duly administred, mens 
rights & states preserved, innocent men not oppressed, and 
malefactors not protected & rew,arded : wee shall be so farr from 
envying the glory of their Governement, that extinguishinge for 
ever the memory of all their former inguries, wee will be ready 
to doe them all fitt service that they shall require. 

By this w""* hath bin said, yo' Lo**' will easily perceave that 
obedience to yo' commands, and a desire that y* Plantation (if 
possibly) may yet subsist, is y® end of our labour : not that wee in- 
tend or have any enclinacon to encomber ourselves, w^ a busines 
so vexed & perplexed ; but only at what may bee to the good of it, 
though to o^ owne trouble. But if yo^ Lo^ in yo^ wisedomes, 
shall not thinke it fitt to putt it into their hands: or that they w^ 
such caution as may be reasonably desired, shall not adventure 
or undertake it : We then will notwithstandinge of o' duty to 
to his Ma^' and the state, in respect of our ancient & present 
love to y" Plantation and for the speciall benefitt that may suc- 
ceed to this Kingdome by such a place of seecuretie & retreate 
in America ; (the want whereof, as by experience in many per- 
ticulars may be demonstrated, was in the late Queenes tyme the 
overthrow of most of o' voyages sett out for the West Indies) 
for these reasons wee say, wee shall endeavour o' best, but dare 
not undertake, to restore what these have allmost destroyed. 
But yet that, upon such condicons, as wee hold most necessary 


for the effecting of so great a worke, that is, some impediments 
to be removed & some encouragements to be given to it. 

It hath bin a great error for any to imagine that the persons 
of these men, who have of late thus opposed the Companie, were 
either in nomber considerable, or in adventure to be valued any 
way at all, to further or advance the prosperity of the Plantation: 
but rather on the contrary, great impediments to the faire pro- 
ceeding of it: and therefore where as the late Companie, have 
by the unjust practises of divers of these, and some of them 
unnworthy persons, suffered so much in reputation of their 
persons & actions as well by private calumny, as also in some 
publique proceedings agaynst them : Wee shall for that cause 
most humbly desire that y* actions & passages of o' late Gov- 
emem' may be brought to an upright examinacon before this 
Hono*** Board: and that being found, as we assure ourselves they 
will, to have bin most just, & ever tending to y* Plantations 
advancement wee may then have just reparacon from those by 
whome we & the Plantation itselfe have bin so much wronged: 
That the like dangers may be hereafter prevented by dis- 
couraging others from the same attempts; and that wee the late 
Company, being restored to the integritie of o' reputacons may 
bee the better enabled to goe on w'*" ye Action, for ye tyme to 

Nowe in regard of the extreame distresse & poverty, that by 
these late practices y* Colony is reduced unto; and by reason of 
y" disability, & unwillingnesse of Adventurers being so ex- 
treamely discouraged and who have allready wasted a great part 
of their tyme, and no small part of their estates, in supporting 
this Plantation: as also in reguard of the great danger that may 
be feared from a forraigne enimy: wee shall most humbly desire, 
that his Ma**' would be pleased, to yield unto the Plantation, 
some such moderate supply as after the late Massacre was prom- 
ised in the last Kings tyme; namely, the settinge out of ffoure 
hundred able men, at the voluntary charges of the severall shiers 
of this Kingdome, proportionably to be rated. And besids, for 
y' present pressing necessitie, to give us some such reasonable 
proportion of Munition & powder, as in reguard of these tymes 
may be thought convenient. 

These difficulties & impediments being eased or remoded, wee 


come now in the last place to present our humble opinions, 
touching the best forme of Govemement to be here established 
for Virginia, wherein wee humbly offi^ to yo' Lx>p' consideracon, 
whither it may not seeme requisite, that a Companie be agayne 
erected of adventurers & Pianters ibr the goveminge & men* ' 
aginge of the aflairs of that Plantation. 

In the wayinge whereof, wee have divided our thoughts into 
these three branches; If his Ma*^ should be pleased himseife to 
undertake the Plantation, and the chaige thereof to be defrayed 
out of bis RoyaU Treasure, or otherwise at the Generall chaige 
of the Kingdome: Wee hold it out of question, that the fittest 
Governement of the Action, were by a select Counsel! of Hono^ 
& able persons, to be ordayned and oppoynted by his Ma^, as is 
used in like cases in some forrayne dominions. 

But if the burden & charge must be borne by the Adventurers 
and Planters themselves: Wee hold it necessary in that case, that 
y^ Govern m^ thereof be also comended by his Ma^ to them, 
incorporated as before into a L^all Companie: yet so, as to be 
assisted and advised by a counsell to be appoynted by his Ma^ 
and bound by oath unto him ; and they also to have refference 
in all causes of greatest and extraordinary importance, to his 
Ma*^' himseife, or to the Lordes of his privy Counsell, from 
thense to take resolucon & direction, as was formerly instituted, 
and in the latter times also practised. And this is agreeable to 
ye comon usage of the world, and in perticuler of this Nation : 
experience having manifested, that men are difficultly drawne to 
adventure any great matter in those Actions, in y' ordering of 
w*^ they have no voice or interest. 

For as for this late third way of Governement, by an absolute 
comission, disprovided of other meanes, save what should be 
raysed from y* Plantacon experience hath taught that it cann 
worke no gredt effect, the hearts of all the adventurers being 
turned away from the action & y' Plant** there, in great part, 
upon the bare feare & fore running rumour of this comission, 
resolving to come away & desert the Plantation. Howbeit if 
such of y* comissioners themselves, as formerly enjoyed or par- 
taked, & now affected this Governement, would have opened 
their owne purses as was promised to his late Ma*^ for the sup- 
port of the Plantation; it might have bin continued on for some 


longer tyme: Whereas now all men avoiding to adventure 
under them & they not disposed to give example in that kind, 
but rather to agitate and frame contracts, whereby themselves 
might growe rich, though w*** the penury & consumption of the 
General! Plantacon : the Colonie there doth wast by hasty 
degrees, and will suddaynly come to .nothing if speedy remedy 
be not provided. Now if yo' Lo^' shall thinke goode to approve 
of o' humble opinion (w*^** wee in all duty submit into y' Lop' 
maturer judgments) and that y*^ Companie be re- erected by his 
Ma^ L'res patients and under his great scale, as it formerly was: 
then doe wee farther presume to offer yo' Lo^ consideracon, 
these few perticulers here ensuinge. 

First we hold it requisite; that this new Pattent should con- 
tayne y* same priviledges and Libties, the like orders and direc- 
tions, as were in the former: yet w'*" this, that if there appeare in 
y* former graunts, anythinge inconvenient or prejudicial! to his 
Ma*'', it be reformed. 

Secondly in reguard y*^ Colonie, taking all ill plight at y* begin- 
ning, doth still runne on in plying only Tobacco, notw'^'standing 
y* great charges w**** the Companie was at» in the tyme of the 
latter Governement, for y* setting up of better comodities, as 
silke, Wynes, Iron, materialls for shipping, and others : that his 
Ma*^' would be graciously pleased, continuing the custome upon 
Tobacco, to remitt the custome of all other comodities for certen 
years ; w""" suppose would be a matter of very small losse to his 
Ma***^, aboundantly to be recompenced in y* years ensuinge ; and 
yet a great means to drawe the Colony to those better courses, 
w"** no orders of the Companie could yet ever effect: and like- 
wise ; that y* custom" bestrayned from extorting Custome of 
goods transported thither for mens perticular provisions, and not 
by way of Merchandize, as the Law requires. 

Thirdly, that in this pattent there be declared a nullitie of all 
the proceedings of the late comissioners : having bin upon just 
cause soe extreamely distastfull both to the Adventurers and 

Fourthly and lastly it is desired, that his Ma*** would be Gra- 
ciously pleased that this new Pattent be confirmed by Act of 
Parliament, if y*" Lords and comons w*** all so thinke fitt. And 
this wee hold requisite for two important reasons: 


First wee suppose it will greatly encourage the Adventurers 
and Planters by giving them assurance of y" continuance of this 
Plantacon, and of their several! estates and possessions in y* 
same: the jealously w**" hath bin bred by the late Quo Warranto, 
being not otherwise possibly to be removed. And this encour- 
agement would be greatly encreased, if by his Ma^ Royal au- 
thorities w*^ consent of Parliament, both Plantacons might be 
annexed to y^ Imperial Crowne of this Realms; according unto 
y* comendable pollicie of some other great kingdomes. 

Secondly by meanes of this act, the New Company may be 
inabled to recover y* Debts due to y* former Company, either 
upon accompt or otherwise; as also to have restitucon by a legall 
course; for the great depredacons done upon y* Colonie. A 
matter tending greatly to the support of y' Plantation, as also to 
y* reestablishing of y* good Goverment of y*^ same. And this 
is our humble answeare unto your Lo^ first proposicon. 

For the second consideracon lefte unto us by y' Lo** namely 
concerning an offer to be made for such a contract touchinge 
Tobacco, w'*" his Ma***, as may both uphould his Revenue, and 
not bee grievous to the Plantations wee say this. That unless in 
yo' lor***" wisedomes those conditions by us formerly proupounded 
be yeilded unto, wee cannot treate of this busines ; for wee come 
not as Contractors to make a bargaine for our owne private lucre, 
but w'*" an ey[e] only to the publique benefitt of the Plantations, 
as farr as it may be without prejudice of his Ma" profiitt ; w***out 
any reservation of secretts, as in the last Contract were pretended: 
ffor in a publique bargaine, betwixt his Ma^^ and his people, the 
most cleere, publique, and direct proceedings will ever receive 
the best interpretation. 

Wee cannot m our understandinge conceive that any proffer 
though never soe greate, cann be for his Ma**** advantage, but 
rather the contrary, if it is so presse uppon the Plantation, that 
the Planter shall not be able to live with comfort by his labour ; 
and so others be discouraged from further proceedings. A 
greate revenue peradventure mayd be raysed for a yeare or two, 
but if the Plantation decaye the revenue cannot last. And thus 
it had beene, if last contract had gon on ; though the immense 
gayne had come to the contractors themselves and not to his 
Ma***. But nowe for ourselves, it is true, a contract was formerly 


treated of betwixt the Company, and the Earle of Middlesex, but 
as hath been before read unto yo' lor**"^ though it were then 
extreame hard yett itt is nowe impossible, by reason of the worst 
case the Plantation stands in nowe, then it did then, principally 
occasioned by the discouradgements given to the Company. 
Wee acknowledge unto yo' lor^^", the banishinge of all Spanish 
Tobacco, will much redonnd to the Plantations benifitt, and his 
Ma** loss, but withall, wee conceave that if there were no Tobacco 
in neither of their Plantations, it were better for his Ma'^ to loose 
seaven or eight thousand pound a year Custome, by the not 
importation of Spanish Tobacco then to hinder importation of 
10,000 ;^ a year in money w®** this comodity did, as was cleerely 
manifested to the two last Parliaments. 

However wee intend not uppon the condicons in the former 
paper mentioned ; to make a meane and contemptible oflfer to his 
Ma*** but such a one, as wee conceive in truth for the King's 
proffit, to befall as large, and more certayne then this last ; and 
more then at any tyme really came into the Exchequer by this 
comoditie. Profferinge soe much, as wee think the Plantacons 
can possibly beare, and subsist and goinge as high nowe at first, 
as wee shall ever bee drawne to yield unto. And doubt not, but 
that yieldinge unto his Ma*' after the first yeare, 10,000 £ cer- 
tayne, and 3,000 £^ a year more by custome, in all 13,000 £ per 
Anum, it will be thought more then sufficient from these nowe 
languishinge Plantations, ffor in this bargaine the Summer Hands 
as well as Virginia are understood to be comprehended. And 
so wee are confident, that wee have given yo" Lor**** full satisfac- 
tion, to this second proposition, namely, concerninge the offer 
for such a contract to be made w**" his Ma*** touchinge Tobacco, 
as maye both uphould his former revenue, and not be grievous 
to the Plantations. The perticulers foUowe. 

That the sole Importation of Tobacco, into the Realmes of 
England and Ireland, be grannted by his Ma*" Letters Pattents 
under his greate scale, to the Companies for Virginia and the 
Sumer Hands. 

That his Ma*** by Proclamation inhibite all others under payne 
of confiscation of their Tobacco, and his Ma** highe displeasure. 

That likewise the plantinge of Tobacco in England and 


Ireland be forbidden by the saide Proclamation under a grievous 

In consideracon whereof the Adventurers, and Planters of both 
collonies will be content, that a fourth parte of their Tobacco 
(w^** shall yearely come home) shall be sett aside and soald for 
publique uses, and out of y* proceed thereof shall be. 

First, payd and discharged the custome due uppon the whole 
Quantitie (w^*" shall be brought home) w** Custome, shal be after 
the rate of III"* p. pound, as nowe it is rated and wi) be y® full 
custome that can be requyred 'although the Tobacco should be 
sould after the rate of 6" p. pound. 

Secondly, out of the proceed of the saide fourth parte, there 
shal be farther yearely payd unto his Ma'^ by waye of thankfull 
retribution for his gratious favors, 10,000 jQ. 

The whole remaynder of the proceed of this fourth parte of 
Tobacco, shal be ffirst for the defraringe of the chardges of 
menadginge and ordringe this contract: accordinge as the com- 
pany shall thinck good to proportion itt. And the surplus, 
whatever it bee shall be bestowed (in such manner as the com- 
panies shall finde most fitt) for the supporte & advancement of 
the Plantations. And because it is doubted, that in regard of 
many difficulties, w'''* are alwaies in the settlinge of newe bussi- 
nesses, the proceed of the fourth parte, for y* first >eare may 
not amount to soe much as the proporcons above. It is there- 
fore desired, that for y' first yeare his Ma*'* would be gratiously 
to allowe out of y* proceed of y* saide fourth parte. 

First as much as shall defray e the custome there 6ooO;^ more 
towards the uses above expressed, and then to accept of the re- 
mayder that shall be, although it should not prove loooo^. But 
in case it should prove more his Matie to have only loooo;^ and 
y' rest to be bestowed as is afore expressed. 

That the Tobacco to be brought in be consigned in one hand, 
viz' of such Officers as y* saide company shall appoynt. And 
that the said Company have the sole mendging of the said sale 
of Tobaccoe. 

That the Adventurers of each Plantation shall not be bound 
to bring in any greate Quantities of Tobacco then themselves 
shall thinck good. 


It is lykewise desired that for recovery of all such debts as 
shall from tyme to tyme growe due to y* Companies by occasion 
of this Contract, the saide debts may be assigned over unto the 
Kinge, when & soe often as -need shall require. 

They likewise desire that there may be inserted in the con- 
tract a Graunt & Covenaunte from his Ma^*" against the graunt- 
inge of lycences to Retaylers of Tobacco: soe that y*" sale 
thereof may remayne free as hitherto it hath done. 

That his Ma*** be pleased to take a strickt course for the pre- 
ventinge of all undue bringinge in of Tobacco by other meanes. 

That all confiscations and other penalties uppon this Contract 
be devided into three parts: The one parte to his Ma*^ use, the 
other to y* Companies, the third to the Informers. 


Abstracts of Virfi^lnia Land Patents. 
Prepared by W. G. Stanard. 

(38} Mary Bouldin, an Antient planter, the wife of Thomas Bouldin, 
(for her first personal dividend), 100 acres about a mile and a half from 
Southamption river, in the Corporation of Elizabeth City ; abutting 
southward upon a creek called Deep Creek, and eastward upon South- 
ampton river. Granted by Wyatt, January 12, 1624. 

' (39) Thomas Bouldin [i] of Elizabeth City, yeoman, an Antient 
planter (for his first personal dividend) 200 acres about a mile and a 
half from the river, abutting eastward upon said river, and adjoining the 
land of his wife Mary. Due 100 acres in his own personal right, and 
100 acres in the right of one Richard Birchett, an old planter, who sold 
his right to said Thos. Bouldin by deed January 19, 1619. Granted by 
Wyatt January 20, 1624. 

'^ NOTE. 

[i] The *' muster'* of Thomas Bouldin. of Elizabeth City, i624-'5i 
included himself, aged 40 years, who came in the Swan^ in 1610 ; and 
Wm. Bouldin, born in Virginia. {HotUh's Emigrants,) 

\ (40) Peter Arundel [i] of Buck Roe [2], in the Corporation of 
Elizabeth City, gentleman, (as his first dividend), 200 acres in the said 
Corporation, upon the back river — leading towards the head of South- 
ampton river, and bordering on a small creek parting it from the land 
of Bartholomew Hoskins — which land he claims for two shares as part 
of a bill of adventure [3] for 287 pounds, ten shilling, bearing date the 
7th October, 1617. and signed, David Watkins, Cashier [4]. Granted 
by Wyatt Nov. 8, 1624. > 

^l NOTES. 

fi] P^ter Arundel, or Erondelle, a native of Normandy, was a mem- 
ber of the Virginia Company, and a French teacher in London ; pub- 
lished several books (Brown^s Genesis)^ and came to Virginia in the 
Abigail in 1620. In February, i623-'4, Peter, John, Elizabeth, and Mar- 
garet Arundei were living at Buck Roe ; but the father, Peter, soon 
died, and from the census of i623-'4, it appears that the children were 
cared for in various families. The son John, born in 1602, who came 
in the Abigail^ was living in the family of Wm. Hampton, of Elizabeth 
City ; and Margaret, aged nine years, who also came in the Abigail* 
was living in the family of Humfrey Kent, at Persey's Hundred [HoUen.) 
The son John Arundell, gent., was appointed a commissioner (justice) 
of Elizabeth City in February, 163 1-' 2, and September, 1632, and was 
member of the House of Burgesses for " the lower parts of Elizabeth 
City,'' February, i632-'3. 


[2] Buck Roe appears to have been at this date the name of a sec- 
tion of country which contained a number of different planters ; but 
later, as was frequently the case, the name became confined to a single 
plantation. The house at Buck Roe has recently been a well-known 
summer resort. 

[3] A " bill of adventure," was stock in the Virginia Company. 

[4] Doubtless the cashier of the Virginia Company. 

(41) Bartholomew Hoskins [i], of Buck Roe, in the Corporation 
of Elizabeth City, an antient planter who came into this Country before 
the departure of Sir Thomas Dale, (as his first dividend) 100 acres due 
him as his personal adventure — said land being on back river in the 
Corporation of Elizabeth City, abutting northward on said river, and 
westward upon a creek that divides said land from that of Peter 
Arundel, gent. Granted by Wyatt, Nov. 3d, 1624. 


[i] Bartholomew Hoskins, aged 35 years, came to Virginia in the 
Safety in 1635 {HoUen.) As he was here in Dale's time, this must have 
been on a return from a visit to England. He was a vestryman of 
Lynhaven parish in 1640, and member of the House of Burgesses for 
Lower Norfolk, October, 1649, March, i65i-*2, and November, 1654. 

There is recorded in Lancaster a deed, dated October 13th, 1655, 
from '* Bartholomew Hoskins, of Elizabeth River in the County of 
Lower Norfolk, planter," conveying to John Greene, of London, mer- 
chant, 600 acres on the south side of Rappahannock river. 
r^ (42) John Sipsey [i], of Kiccoughtan [2], yeoman, (for his first 
dividend) 250 acres on the south side of the river, over against Kic- 
coughtan ; adjoining the lands of Captain William Tucker, and Lieu- 
tenant John Cheeseman ; said land due for the transportation out of Eng- 
land of five servants (viz,) Richard PuUipen who came from New- 
foundland in the Elizabeth in 162 1 ; John Locke, in the Warwick 1621 ; 
Robert Morgan in the Flying Hart, 162 1, and William Thompson and 
John Edwards, both in the Southampton^ 1622. Granted by Wyatt 
September 2d, 1624. , 

"^ NOTES. 

[i] John Sipsey was a member of the House of Burgesses from the 
upper parish of Elizabeth City, September 1632, and February, 1632- '3, 
and was appointed to the Council 1636- '7. 

[2] Kiccoughtan was the Indian name of the present Hampton, and 
was in common use until the end of the seventeenth century. 

r" (43) John Cheeseman li], of Kiccoughtan, gent., (for his first divi- 
dend), 200 acres on the south side of the river over against Kiccough- 
tan, and abutting north on the land — said land due for transportation 


out of England of four persons (vizt.) Thomas Fuller, Inocent Power, 
Peter Dickinson, and Cuthbert Brookes, who all came in the South" 
ampton in 1622. Granted by Wyatt Sept. 2d, 1624. • 


[i] John Cheeseman, born 1597, came to Virginia in 1621 ; was a 
Justice of York 1635 ; a member of the House of Burgesses for York io 
i642-'3 (then entitled captain), and was appointed to the Council in 
1652, when he held the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In i623-'4 Thomas 
Cheeseman, and Edmund Cheeseman (t>orn 1602, and came to Virginia 
in 1623) were living with the before- named John Cheeseman. This 
Colonel John Cheeseman, of the Council, married Margaret — , and re- 
turned to England before 1661, as in that year, it appears from the 
York records, he was a resident of the parish of St. Mary Magdalen, 
Bermondsea, Surrey. His brother, Edmund Cheeseman, (named 
above) married Mary — , was a justice of York in 1652, and died in 1673 
when his will was proved) leaving issue: I. Thomas. II. Major Ed- 
mond, who took part in Bacon's Rebellion, and died in prison. III. 
Jane. IV. Mary — married— Custis. A sketch of Major Edmund Cheese- 
man and an account of the Cheeseman family (or Chisman as it is now 
spelt) was published in the William and Mary Quarterly, October, 1892, 
and in a note July, 1893, p. 9. 
P (44) Captain William Epks [i], of Accomac, 450 acres, on the 
Eastern Shore of the Bay of Chesopeacke lying on King's Creek near 
unto the plantation of Accomac, adjoining the land belonging to the 
place of Secretary. Head rights : Wm. Gouls, Wm. Galloway, Ed- 
ward Rogers and Thomas Warden, who came in the Anne 1623. 
Nicholas Raynbeard, who came in the Swan^ and Henry Carter, who 
came in the James 1624 and Richard Reeve and John Robbins, who 
came in the Return, 1625. Granted by Sir George Yeardley Feb. 3d, 
1626 / 

^ NOTE. 

[i] Captain William Epes came to Virginia before 1619, and in that 
year killed Captain Stallenge in a *' private quarrel." In the year 1623 
he, Mrs. Epes, and Peter Epes were living on the Eastern Shore. 

(45) Lieutenant Gilbert Peppet [i], 250 acres (as his first dividend) 
on the south side of Warwick river, abutting easterly towards the mouth 
of said river, on a creek parting it from the land of Captain Samuel 
Matthews (now in the occupation of Thomas Howell and NathafSiel 
Floyd), [2] westerly upon the land of Robert Poole, and southerly 
into the woods towards the main river between Colston's Island and 
Cedar Island. Said land due him for the transportation of five persons 
into this colony (vizt.), 100 acres for John Howes and Edward Parry, 
who came in the Neptune in 16 18, at the charges of the said Captain 
Samuel Matthews, who in open court at James Ciiy assigned them to 


said Peppet ; 50 acres for Alice, his wife, who came in the Jonathan in 
1 619, for whose passage Sir Geo. Yeardley is satisfied; and 100 
acres for Richard Evans, who came from Newfoundland in the 
Temperance 1619, and Wm. Proarse, who came in the Temperance 
1624. Granted by Yeardley, August 18, 1627. 


[i] Lieutenant Gilbert Peppet was a member of the House of Bur- 
gesses in 1625. {Sainsbury Abstracts, ) 

[2] Nathaniel Floyd, aged 24 years, came in the Nova and was in 
i623-'4, included in Edward Blayney's *' muster " over the water 
opposite James City. 

(46) William Clavbourne, [i] of James City, Gent., (for his first 
dividend) 150 acres on the West side of Southampton river, in the Cor- 
poration of Elizabeth City ; divided into two parcels (vizt.; 50 acres 
adjoining the lands of John Gunnery and William Lansden ; and 100 
acres adjoining the other side of said Lansden's land, and that of Wm. 
Capps. Due for the transportation from England of three servants 
(vizt.) William Harris, who came in the George 1621, and William Mor- 
ris and Jon. Pipps who came in the Tyger 1621. ' Granted by Wyatt, 
June 3d, 1624. 


[i] The ancient family from which the patentee descended derived 
its name from the Manor of Cleburne, or Cliborne, in Westmoreland, ^ 
near the river Eden. The Manor is named in Doomsday Book (A. D. 
1086), and the family was for many generations lords of this place, and 
of Bampton, Candale, and Kyne. 

The first of the line appearing in the pedigrees is Herve,^ to whom 
Henry II. granted a moiety of the Manor of Cliborne, and who was 
father of Alanus' de Cliborne (A. D. 1216), father of Hervens,' father of 
JeofFrey * Fitz Hervey, who had issue : Thomas * (whose daughter Alice 
married John Wray, of Richmond, County York), and Robert* de Cle- 
borne (A. D 1336), Knight of the Shire, (M. P.) for Westmoreland 1384, 
who married Margaret de Cundale, and had issue: John' de Clyborne 
(A. D. 1380), father of Roland^ Cleburne (A. D. 1423), father of John • 
de Cleburne, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Curwen, of 
Workington Hall, Cumberland (a descendent of Malcolm II., King of 
Scotland), and dying August 4th, 1489. left a son, Thomas • Cleborne 
(A. D. 1521), who had issue: I. Nicholas"; II. Robert*' (A. D 1531), 
who married Eleanor, daughter and co-heiress of Geo. Kirkbride, of 
Kirkbride, and had: I. Eleanor," married Richard Kirkbryd; II. Ed- 
mund " Claborne (A. D. 1540), married a daughter of Layton, of Dol- 
maine, county Cumberland. This Edmund " and ( — ) Layton Claborne 
had issue: IV. Thomas"; III John"; II. William"; I. Richard "Cle- 


burne (A. D. 1553), married Elenor Lancaster^ of Stockbridge and Bar- 
ton, county Westmoreland, and had issue: VII. Gerard," VI. Barbara,** 
V. Elenor," IV. Jane," III. Emma," II. Agnes," 'I. Edmund," of 
Killerby, Yorkshire, and of Cleburne Hall, (A. D. 1585), married Grace, 
daughter of Sir Alan Bellingham, of Levins, Westmoreland. Edmund 
and Grace (Bellingham) Cleburne had issue: I. Thomas," of Cleburne, 
(A. D. 1602), married Agnes, daughter of Sir Richard Lowther, of Low- 
ther, Westmoreland, (and had Edmund,^^ who married Elizabeth, 
daughter of Sir Timothy Hutton, of Maske; Anne," Grace," William,'* 
of Ballyculitan, Ireland, died 1683; and Richard"); II. Robert"; III. 
William^^^ who settled in Virginia. 

Cleburne Hall, Westmoreland, parts of which still remain, was built 
by Richard Cleburne in 1567, on the site of the old Castle, or " peel,** 
of Cleburne. An inscription over the entrance still gives the name of 
the builder and the date. Views of the part of the house still standing, 
and of Cleburne Church, are given in the Magazine of American His- 
tory, X, 83, &c. In the church are now memorial tablets to Wm. Clai- 
bone, the emigrant to Virginia, and of General Patrick R. Cleburne, C. 
S. A., who was of the Irish branch. 

William " Claiborne was borne about 1587, and is first noticed in 
June, 1621, when the Virginia Company engaged him to go to Virginia 
as a (or rather the) surveyor, with a salary oi.£yi a year, and a house. 
He probably was also to receive fees. He came to Virginia with Gov- 
ernor Wyatt in the same year (162 1). In 1625 Gov. Yeardley appointed 
him Secretary of State for the Colony and member of the Council; and 
he held the latter place in 1627 {Hening, I, 144,) 1629 {Ibid. 136), i63i-'2 
Ibid, 153), 1632 (Ibid. 178), 1633 {Ibid. 202), 1644- *5 (Ibid. 288), 1652 
{Ibid. 271)* 1655 {Ibid. 408), 1658 {Ibid: ^^2), 1659 {Ibid. 512), and 1660 
{Ibid. 526). Rich'd Kemp was appointed Secretary in 1637, and after 
him Richard Lee; but in April, 1652, the House of Burgesses restored 
Claibone to the place, which he held until the Restoration. On April 
6th, 1642, the King appointed him Treasurer of Virginia for life— how 
long he held this office does not appear. 

In 1629 he commanded an expedition against the Indians, which de- 
feated them, under their King Candiack, near the present West Point, 
and he led another force against them in 1644, as in a grant to him in 
— — for 5,000 acres on the north side of Pamunkey river, the land is 
described as "running westerly to a point of Land where the said 
Coll. Claybourne landed the Army under his command, Anno 1644.*' 
There is also a grant to Rich*d Lee in 1648, in which the land, '* about 
six or seven miles up the narows of Chickahominy river als. York or 
Pamunkey," is stated to be a neck '* where the foot Company met w*th 
the Boats when they went Pamunkey march under ye Comand of Capt. 
William Claiborne.** He was appointed a justice and of the quorum 
of Accomac county February, i63i-'2, was a justice of York 1633, and 


of Northumberland in 1653. He probably lived much in the latter 
county during his contest with Maryland. 

In 163 1 Claiborne made a tradinj^ settlement on Kent Island in the 
Chesapeake, and was associated in business with various persons in 
London ; but as the proprietors of Maryland claimed that the island 
was included in their grant, a long struggle followed, -in which force 
was used on both sides. Several of Claiborne's men were killed and 
captured, two of his vessels were taken, and he was expelled from the 
island, incurring a heavy loss. But on September 26, 165 1, he was ap- 
pointed one of the parliamentary commissioners to subdue Virginia 
and Maryland, and in the next year expelled Lord Baltimore's Gover- 
nor, and obtained control after a dispute of twenty years. In 1654 the 
Claiborne party totally defeated the Baltimore party, led by Governor 
Stone (who had again resisted) and remained in undisputed control 
until Baltimore had made his peace with the Parliament in 1658, when 
Claiborne disappears from active participation in Maryland affairs. As 
late as 1675, he petitioned the King for redress for the many losses and 
injuries he had received from the Calverts, but without avail. In the 
Northampton records, April 1653, is an order referring to the * 'Worshipful 
Coll. Wm. Claiborne, Esq., Deputy Governor " — an office which has not 
been elsewhere noticed ; but to which he must have been appointed in 
Bennett's administration. In the English State Paper office are many 
documents relating to the long controversy over Kent Island. Wil- 
liam Claiborne is said to have died about 1677. Modern investigation 
has removed the stigma of ** rebel," "evil genius of Maryland," &c., 
&c., and shows that his long and active career was instead worthy of 

William Claiborne has been the subject of several biographical 
sketches. Rev. S. F. Streeter left a MMS ** Life and Colonial Times of 
William Claiborne," which has been the basis of a paper on the subject 
by Mr. J. M. Allen, in New. Eng. Hist, and Gen, Reg. xxvii, 125-135. 
And in the Magazine of American History x, 83-100, is an article 
on the Claiborne, and the Claiborne family, by the late John 
Esten Cooke, which contains a number of interesting portraits, 
views, engravings of seals, arms, &c. It appears, however, to 
to the writer exceedingly doubtful whether the portrait of W. 
Claiborne, the immigrant, there given, is authentic. A gentleman, 
who may be considered the highest authority on the history of 
the family, writes that he has been told that the portrait given in the 
article here referred to, was from a copy in India ink, made a number of 
years before from an original oil portrait ; but that he does not know, 
and has never heard where such original portrait is. Therefore it may 
be safe to consider the portrait given in the Magazine of American 
History doubtful, until the present, or former existence of such original 
shall be proved. 


It has been several times stated in print that William Claiborne mar- 
ried in London (in 1638 some are even particular enough to state) Jane 
Buller, but this may also be considered doubtful. In November 1647, 
a grant of 700 acres in the corporation of Elizabeth City, was made to 
** Elizabeth Claiborne, the wife of Captain William Claiborne, Esqr., 
his Majesties Treasurer of this Colony of Virginia." for the transporta- 
tion of fourteen persons, whose rights had been assigned to her by her 
husband in nature of a dower, according to an order of court June 11, 
1644. It is, of course, possible that Col. William Claiborne married 
twice. If he married Elizabeth about the time that the dower was 
given, in 1644, she could hardly have been the mother of the eldest 
son, who as ** Captain William Claiborne" received a grant in 1657. 
Contrary to what has been frequently stated, infants could, and fre- 
quently did receive grants, but they were not captains of militia in 
boyhood. The tradition that Col. Claiborne married a Buller can per- 
haps be accounted for by a statement in a letter from Governor 
Leonard Calvert to his brother, Lord Baltimore, written in 1638 (to W. 
H. Browne's ** George and Cecilius Calvert^^' p. 68, &c.) in which he 
says that on Kent Island John Boteler, or Butler (he writes the name 
in each way), William Claiborne's brother-in-law, was at first disposed 
to resist the Maryland authorities, but afterwards submitted. Mr. 
Browne says that Boteler was appointed by Calvert commander of the 
militia of Kent Island, and held various offices of trust in the colony 
until his death in 1642. 

It appears from 'Holten's ** Emigrants^^ that in 1626 William Clai- 
borne owned 200 acres at Archer's Hope, 500 at Blunt Point, and 150 at 
Elizabeth City. 

The following grants to him appear in the Virginia Land Records : 
(i) Coll. William Claiborne, Esqr., 5,000 acres between the Great and 
Little Wicomico rivers, Northumberland county, Jan. 5, 1652 ; (2) Coll. 
Wm. Claiborne, 5,000 acres on the north side of Pamunkey at a creek 
called Tanks Madoquine '* running westerly to a point of Land where 
the said Coll. Claiborne landed the army under his command in Anno 
1644, and bounded on the west by Cohoake Creek ; (3) Coll. William 
Claiborne, Secretary of State, 750 acres in Northumberland Co.; (4) Col. 
William Claiborne. 1,600 acres adjoining his plantation of Romangock, 
on the south side of York river ; over against the land of Francis Bur- 
well (and others) — 500 acres of this is marsh land, commonly called Co- 
hoke; Dec. 24, 1657. 

I. William" Claiborne had issue; 2. William'^^\ 3. Thofiuis'^^\ 4. 
Leonord '^ who settled in Jamaica, W. I., and died there in 1694. He 
married Martha — , and left two daughters (a) Katherine*^ who died in 
17151 aged 34 years, wife of Hon. John Campbell, of Inverary, Argyle- 
shire (of the family of Auchenbrack), and (b) Elizabeth ^•, (information of 
Dr. Cleborne U. S. N.) Mr. Leonard Claiborne had a grant of 3,000 


acres on the Mattopony, April ist, 1672 granted ; 5. Jane", who, on 
February 10, 1657, as " Mrs. Jane Claiborne, Spinster," received a 
grant of 1400 acres in Northumberland county — 750 of which had been 
granted in 1653, to her father, Col. Wm. Claiborne. She married Col. 
Thomas Brereton, of Northumberland county, and died before May 20, 
1 67 1 {Northumberland Records), 

2. Lieutenant-Colonel William" Claiborne, of King William 
county, received the following grants : 5,000 acres between Mattopany 
and Rappahannock rivers, and on both sides of Piantetank Swamp, 
December 24, 1657 ; 1,000 acres in New Kent, June 12, 1658 ; 4,000 acres 
on the Piantetank river, March 26, 1661 ; 1,400 acres in New Kent, 
1672; and 1,000 acres in New Kent, February 24, 1674-5. Each of 
these grants is to Captain Wm. Claiborne. It was more probably he 
(instead of his father ) who was a member of the House of Burgesses 
from New Kent, i663-'66. {Henins^ 11.^ 197 and 249.) He is stated to 
have distinguished himself in service against the Indians, and there was 
formerly on record at King William Court-House, a certificate of his 
valor, dated March 29, 1677, and attested by Nathaniel Bacon, Philip 
Ludwell, Ralph Wormeley and Richard Lee {CampbelV s History of 
Virginia^ p. 324 ) In 1676 he was appointed (with Major George Lyd- 
dall) to command the fort at Indiantown in New Kent, and in the same 
year (January, 1676) he sat on the court-martial to try the rebels {Hening^ 
//•f 545 ) His wife was probably named Elizabeth, as in 1665 there is 
a grant to Mrs. Elizabeth Claiborne, Junior, 1,000 acres in the freshes of 
York river. 

Children: 6. JVtltiam^^; 7. Ursula '•; named in her brother's will, 
1705 ; married William Gooch, and had at least one child, Claiborne*^ 
Gooch; 8. Mary named in her brother's will, 1705. 

3. Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas" Claiborne, of King William, 
was born August 17, 1647, died October 7, 1683. I" 1665 he received a 
grant of 500 acres New Kent county, and in 1677, 1.500 acres on the 
" upper forks of York river." He also served against the Indians, and 

is said to have been killed by an arrow {Campbell^ p. 324.) He was 
buried at Romancoke, King William, where his tomb remains bearing 
the arms: Ar 3 Cheverons interlaced in base^ a chief of the last; and 
the following inscription : 

" Here Lyeth Interred ye body of Lt. Col 

Thomas Clayboume 

Son of Col. Wm Claybourne 

He departed this life ye 7th day of October Anno Domi 

Aetatis Suae 36 
I Mo: & 21 D." 

He married Sarah — ,and after his death she married secondly 
[Thomas?] Bray. There is recorded in York county, 1681, a deed from 


Thomas Claiborne and Sarah his wife, and in the same year Mr. Thomas 
Bray, of New Kent, is plaintiff in a suit in York. There was a suit in 
Essex 1701, by Sarah Bray, executrix of Lt. Col. Thomas Claiborne. 
Mrs. Bray, widow of Capt. Thomas Bray, of New Kent, founded a 
scholarship at William and Mary College {Catalogue), She was, doubt- 
less, this Mrs. Sarah Bray. 

Children: (Claiborne): 9. Thomas^^, 

6. William *• Claiborne, of " Romancoke," King William county; 
born — , died 1705. His will was proved in King William, October 29, 
1705, and his legatees were: his son William, to whom he gave "Ro- 
mancoke " ; cousin Thomas Claiborne; sister Ursula Gough*s eldest son 
Claiborne Gough ; sister Mary Claiborne's daughter Elizabeth Clai- 
borne; cousin Leonard Claiborne; cousin Eunice Coalies; loving 
friend George Clough ; appoints his cousin Thomas Claiborne, and 
Geo. Clough executors, and requests his friends John Waller, Henry 
Madison and Daniel Miles to make his inventory; appoints "Madam 
Letitia Newell " governess of his daughter Mary Claiborne. William 
Claiborne married . 

Children: 10. IVilliam" ; 11. Mqry"; 12. Elizabeth" married 

Lawson; 13. Catherine" married Greenhill ; 14. Philadelphia"; 

15. Unity"; 16. Lucy." 

9. Captain Thomas *• Claiborne, of "Sweet Hall,'* King William, 
born December 16, 1680, died August 16, 1732. He is said to have mar- 
ried three times, and to have had twenty-seven children ; but as the 
names of only a few have been preserved this is probably an error. 
His last wife was Anne, daughter of Henry Fox, of King William 
county; and his wife Anne, daughter of Col. John West (nephew of 
Lord Delaware.) 

At *^ Sweet Hall 'Ms a tomb with the Claiborne arms, and the follow- 
ing inscription : 

** Here layes Interred the body of Capt. Thomas 
Claiborne, Son of Col. Thomas Claiborne & Grandson 

to William Claiborne Esq Secretary of Virginia. 
He departed this life Augt i6th day 1732 aged 51 years 

8 months & 15 days.'* 

At the same place is the tomb of his last wife : 

*' Here also lies the body of Mrs. Ann Claiborne 
late wife of Capt. Thomas Claiborne, Daughter of 

Mr. Henry Fox — bom ye 20th day of May 

1684. She departed this life ye 4th day of May 1733 

Aged 48 years, 10 Months & 17 days." 

Children: 18. TAomas^"^] 19. William," married , and had issue: 

Mary," and Nathaniel," who was bom 1755; 20. Leonard"; 21. Na- 
thaniel^"^; 22. Bernard," who married Mrs. Poythress n^€ Ravenscroft, 


and had a daughter who married Reverend Deveraux Jarrett, and an- 
other who is said to have married Genl. Phillips, of the English Army, 
and to have been the mother of Col. Ralph Phillips, who was killed at 
Waterloo, and of Charles Phillips, the Irish orator (information of 
Capt. David Claiborne, dec*d). 23. Augustine. ^^ (Campbell ^ 324, and 
''Bristol PaHsh:' 164.) 

10. William" Claiborne, of "Romancoke,** King William; born 

, died 1746. His will was proved in King William, June 16, 1746, 

and his legatees were : Sons William and Philip Whitehead ; sisters 
Elizabeth Lawson, Catherine Greenhill, and Philadelphia, Unity, and 
Lucy Claiborne ; Cousin Bernard Moore of Chelsea, Captain Francis 
West, James Power, and son Philip Whitehead Claiborne (when of age), 
executors. He was sheriff of King William in 1728 and 1729. He 
married, probably, a daughter of Col. Philip Whitehead, of King Wil- 
liam. Children: 24. William*®; 25. Philip Whitehead^^; 26. Daughter," 

who married Duval and had at least one child, Philip *• Duval ; 27. 

Daughter," married Fox; 28. Daughter," married Aylett, 

and had a son, William" Aylett. 

18. Thomas" Claiborne, born January 9th, 1704, died December 
ist, 1735. He was clerk of Stafford county. Whether he married is 
unknown. His tomb is at " Sweet Hall,'' with the epitaph : 

** Here lies Interred the Body of Mr. Thomas Claiborne 
Jun. who was Clerk of Stafford County — son of 
Capt. Thomas Claiborne, Grandson to Col. Thos. Claiborne 
and great Grandson to William Claiborne, Esq. 
He was bom ye 9th of January 1704 and departed this life 
* ye first of December 1735, aged 31 years — 10 months & 
22 days." 

20. Leonard " Claiborne, of King William, who was sheriff of that 
county in 1732, (Council Journal) and member of the House of Burgesses 
in 1736 (Va. Hist. Register, ). He married Martha, daughter of 
Major Francis Burnell (not Burnett), of King William. Her tomb is at 
" Sweet Hall," with the epitaph : 

" Here lyeth interred the Body of Mrs. Martha Clayborne, the wife of 

Mr. Leonard Clayborne & daughter of Major Francis Burnel. She 

departed this life ye 3d day of April 1720, aged 19 years, 3 months & 

2 days. 

As You pass by behold and see 

Like as I am, you all must be 

Remember Death." 

According to one account, Leonard Claiborne removed to Georgia 
at its first settlement. Child: 29. Leonard, Jr.; Burgess for Dinwid- 
dle 1758, 1765, &c. It is more probable that he was the one who moved 
to Georgia ; 30. Richard.^ 


21. Col. Nathaniel Claiborne, of "Sweet Hall," born and died 

-, in his 40th year. He married Jane, daughter of William Cole, 

of Warwick county. She married, second, Stephen Bingham; third, 
Col. Francis West. An account of Col. Nathaniel Claiborne and 
his descendants is given in a letter written by his grandson, Nathaniel 
H. Claiborne, in 1822, and printed in the Richmond Standard^ Vol. II., 
No. 52. Children : 31. Thomas,** member of the House of Burgesses 
for King William 1768 and 1769 {Journals) \ 32. William^^\ 33. Mary 
Cole,*^ married Roger Gregory, of King William {Standard, II.. 4), and 
four other daughters. 

23. Colonel Augustine," of "Windsor," born at "Sweet Hall " in 
1721, died May 3d, 1787; removed to Surry; was a member of the 
House of Burgesses from that county 1748, 1753, and 1754 {Burkes Vir- 
ginia, and Journals oj Burgesses), and in the latter year was appointed 

clerk of Sussex, an office which he held until ; member of State 

Senate 1780, &c. He was an eminent lawyer and had a large practice 
in various counties. He married Mary, daughter of Buller Herbert, 
and his wife, who was a Miss Stith, of Brunswick, with whom he is 
stated (on the authority of John Herbert Peterson, grandson of Mrs. 
Mary Herbert Claiborne, cited in Slaughter's " Bristol Parish,^^ p 107) 
to have received a very large landed estate and 200 slaves. In addition 
(from the same authority) Mrs. Claiborne is said to have inherited from 
her aunt, Mrs. Crammer, a block of houses in London, which her hus- 
band sold for ;f 80,000 sterling. She also was left by the will of her 
uncle, John Herbert, (whose will is recorded in Chesterfield) almost all 
of his large and valuable estate. 

Children : 34. Mary," born 1744- 5, married General Charles Harbi- 
son, who served in the Revolution as a colonel of artillery in the Con- 
tinental Line ; 35. Herbert^^ ; 36. Thomas^^ ; t;]. Augustine^^: 38. An- 
nie,^* born December 30, 1749, married Col. Rich*d Cocke, of " Bacon's 
Castle.*' Surry ; 39. Susanna," born November 29, 1751, married Frede- 
rick Jones, of Dinwiddie county (and had with other issue: Mary Her- 
bert,^* who married John Withers, of " Kingston," Dinwiddie, and had a 
daughter Susanna C.,** who married Clement C Clay, of Alabama, 
M. C), 40. William;^^ 41. Buller;^^ 42. Richard^^; 43. Lucy Herbert," 
born August 22, 1760, married Col. John Cocke ; 44. Elizabeth," bom 
1761, married Thomas Peterson; ^^. John Herbert^^ ; 46. Sarah", mar- 
ried Charles Anderson, of Virginia, and had a son Claiborne" Ander- 
son; 47. Daughter," married Thompson, of South Carolina; 48. 

Ferdinando," born March 9, 1772; 49. Barthurst?^ 

(24) Philip Whitehead" Claiborne, of "Liberty Hall," King 

William ; born , died in 1771, while a member of the House of 

Burgesses from King William (Virginia Gazette), His will was proved 
in King William. March, 19, 1772, and his legatees were his wife Eliza- 
beth, son Philip, daughter Betty Claiborne; daughter Philadelphia 


Carter; son William Dandridge (Claiborne); Philip Duval, son of sis- 
ter Duval, Philadelphia Fox, daughter of sister Fox ; Elizabeth dauc:h- 
ter of brother Nathaniel West Dandridge; Elizabeth, daughter of 
brother Wm. Dandridge. Appoints Col. Carter Braxton, friends George 
Brooke and Peter Lyons, brother-in-law William Dandridge, nephew 
William Aylett, and son William (when of age) executors. Gives 
rings of ;^5 value each, to Holdenby Dixon, and each of his executors. 

He married Elizabeth, daughter of William Dandridge, of King 
William, and his wife, Unity, daughter of Nathaniel West (who was a 
g^eat nephew of Lord Delaware). See Heninz VI. 321, 428, and VIIL, 
296, 486. 

Children: 50. William Dandridge^'*; 51. Philip**; 52. Betty," born 
April 20, 1751, married April 22, 1772, John Watkins, of King William ; 
53. Philadelphia," married first John Carter, of King George county ; 
second. Rev. Abner Waugh. 

(30) Richard" Claiborne, of Lunenburg, born , died 1776 ; was 

a justice of Lunenburg in 1770, and member of the convention of 1774 
and 1775 from that county. Married fir^t Miss Dudley (and had Leon- 
ard," of Natchez, Miss., who died in 1821), (II.) Mary Glenn. 

Children: 54. John, of Lunenburg county, who had a son, William 
Dandridge, who died in boyhood ; 55. Richard Henry; 56. Mary, mar- 
ried William Warwick. 

32. William" Claiborne, of King William, and afterwards of Man- 
chester, Va., born -^, died September 29, 1809. He married Mary, 
daughter of Ferdinand Leigh, of King William. 

Children : 57. Ferdinand Leigh>^; 58. fVilliam Charles Coles^^; 59. 
Thomas Augustine ; 60. Nathaniel Herbert ; 61. Mary Leigh," married 
Bat^urst Claiborne. 

33. Herbert Claiborne, of '* Chestnut Grove," New Kent, born 

April 7, 1746, died , married (I) Mary, daughter of Robert Ruffin, 

of "Sweet Hall." King William, and (II), Mary, daughter of William 
Burnett Browne, of*' Elsing Green," King William, who settled a large 
estate upon his eldest grandson upon the condition of his taking the 
name of William Burnett Browne (William Burnet Browne, of** Elsing 
Green," was born at Salem, Mass., October 7, 1738, and died at his seat 

in Virginia May 6, 1784. He married daughter of William Burnett, 

Governor of New York, and granddaughter of Gilbert Burnet, Bishop 
of Salisbury). 

Children (ist marriage) : *6ia. Mary Herbert," married Thomp- 
son, a Scotch gentleman of Norfolk, Va., and had one child, Small- 
wood*^ Thompson; 62. William Burnet {Browne)^^; 63. Herbert Au- 
gustine^* ; 64. William,^® married first, Anne Hill, of King William, and 

*Tbe No. 61 was accidentally duplicated ; therefore in this instance it has been distin- 
guished by the addition of " a." 


second, Ellen Smithey, and had by first marriage (a) Mildred,*^ married 
W. E. Watson, (b) Robinet"; and by second marriage, (c) Fanny, •• mar- 
ried Pitman ; 65. Mary Carter Bassett," married in 182 1, Vincent 

Branham, of Richmond county ; 66. Judith Browne,**^ married William 
Hill, of King William ; 67. Harriet Herbert,*" married Robert Hill, of 
King William ; 68. Lavinia Bathurst,*" died unmarried ; 69. Betty Car. 
ter,*** died unmarried ; 70. Augusta,*'^ married Philip A. Branham (son 
of Vincent Branham, before mentioned) 

36. Thomas " Claiborne, born 1749, died — ; sheriff of Brunswick 
1789, and 1792 ; colonel commanding the Brunswick militia in 1789, 
member of the House of Delegates in 1784, 1785, 1786; and was mem- 
ber of Congress from Virginia in 1 793-* 99, and 1 801 -'05. He married the 
daughter of a Mr. Scott (a native of Scotland), and his wife, who was a 
Miss Cocke, of James river. 

Children : 71. Dr. John," of Brunswick county ; bom 1777, and was 
member of Congress from Virginia from 1805 until his death, October 9, 
1808 {Enquirer). I have no information as to his marriage or de- 
scendants; 72. Thomas; memberof Congress from Tennessee 181 7-' 19; 
73. Dr. Jarratt M.; born 1784, died 1871 ; 69. Philip, member of the 
House of Delegates i8i5*-i6. 

37. Augustine" Claiborne, born February 2d, 1748, died 1796; 
married Martha, daughter of Frederick Jones, of Dinwiddle. 

Children : 74. Buller," died unmarried ; 75. Frederick," died un- 
married ; 76. John Grey, " died unmarried ; 77. Augustine, " n^ember 
of the House of Delegates from Greensville county, 1829, and i830-*i, 
moved to Tennessee; 78. Cadwallade Jones," moved to Tennessee; 
79. Martha." 

40. William " Claiborne, born November 2d, 1753 ; married , 

daughter of Robert Ruffin. of *' Sweet Hall." 

Children : 80. Dr. Wm. Presley, " of King William, died at the Island 
of Teneriffe April 27, 1807 ; 81. Lucy Herbert," married John Goode, 
and was mother of Wm. O. Goode, member Congress; 82. Elizabeth 
married Wm. Burnet Browne. 

41. Major Buller" Claiborne; born October 27, 1755, died ; 

was second lieutenant of Second Virginia regiment October 2d, 1775. 
captain from March 8th, 1776, to July 27th, 1777, and served subse- 
quently as brigade -major, and aide-de-camp to General Lincoln in 1779 
and 1780 {Heitman), and commanded a squadron of cavalry at the 
defeat of Tarleton at the Cowpens. He was appointed a justice of 
Dinwiddle in 1789, and was sheriff in i8o2-*4. He married Patsy, 
daughter of- Edward Ruffin, of Sussex county. 

Children: 83. Sterling \^^ 84. Son" died young; 85. Son" died 
young ; 86. Son " died young ; 87. Lucy " married James Wright, of 


42. Richard" Claiborne, born 1757, died 1818; member of the 
House of Delegates from Brunswick i775-'78, and served as a major and 
commissary in the Revolution {Calendar of Virginia State Papers), 
He married Miss Hayward, of South Carolina, and had (with perhaps 
others who died young) a son, James Hayward " Claiborne, who mar- 
ried Miss Kershaw of South Carolina, and died without issue. 

45. John Herbert" Claiborne; born May 3d, 1763. died ; mar- 
ried Mary, daughter of Roger Gregory. 

Children : 88. Gregory "; and three daughters. 

49. Bathurst*^ Claiborne; born April 6th, 1774, died about 1810; 

married (I.) , daughter of John Batte, of Chesterfield county ; (she 

died in eight days after); and (II.) Mary Leigh, daughter of Wm. Clai- 
borne. Had issue, a son and a daughter. 

50. William Dandridge^* Claiborne, of "Liberty Hall"; born 
1756, died June nth, 1811. (Enquirer— '^xi6. the dates of his death and 
the births of his children are given from his family Bible). He left 
William and Mary College in 1776 to join the American army (College 
Catalogue), was a justice of King William 1786, sheriff 1790 and i8o2-'4, 
and member of the House of Delegates from King William 1778, 1784, 
1787, 1791, and 1793. He married, according to a statement in the Rich- 
mond Standard^ and according to Browning, Elizabeth, daughter of 
Bartholomew Dandridge ; but according to the record in his Bible, mar- 
ried September loth, 1791, Fanny Taylor. Slaughter, however, states 
{Bristol Parish, 185) that Fanny Taylor was his third wife. His will 
was dated June 4th, 1811, and proved in King William June 24th, 1811. 
He appoints Burwell Bassett, Thomas Taylor, Larkin Smith, Wm. H. 
Macon, John Dandridge, and his son Wm. Dandridge Claiborne (when 
of age) executors ; in case of refusal to act, appoints his sons Philip 
and George (when of age). Having provided for his children by first 
marriage (with Miss Dandridge, sister of Mrs. Patrick Henry), now 
makes provisions for others. Gives his two Cormorant mares, legacy 
to grandson, Wm Langborn, son of Major Wm. Langborn. 

Children (as given in family Bible): 89. Emma," bom 17th Septem- 
ber, 1792; 90. Wm. Dandridge,*^ born October 21st, 1796; 91. Dr. 
George,*' born October 23d, 1799; married Mary, daughter of Adam 
Craig, of Richmond, and had a son, Thomas Nelson" Claiborne; 92. 
Philip Whitehead,** born January 2d, i8oi, married Frances, daughter 
of Adam Craig, and had a son, Robert Standard" Claiborne, whom 
Dr. Cleborne, U. S. N. (the chief authority in regard to the genealogy 
of the family), states is the eldest heir-male and representative of the 
Claiborne family in Virginia; 93. Lucy Ann,** bom April 29th, 1802, and 
died in 1863 unmarried; 94. John Dandridge,** born November 17th, 
1804; appointed a justice of York county 1848; 95. Taylor,** bom No- 
vember 5, i8o6; 96. Elizabeth Dandridge, born June 17th, i8o8, married 
Beverley Kennon, Commodore U. S. N. ; 97. Bassett S., born June 4th, 


1810. There were also by first niarrias:e daughters Elizabeth," who 
married Col. Wm. Langhorn, of King William, Ann.** who married 

Burwell Bassett, of **Eltham,'* New Kent, and , who married 

Mr. Brooke. 

54. Richard Henry Claiborne, of Halifax county, bom 1821 ; 
married Cooke. 

Children: 98. John Hampden, died 1833; 99. Elizabeth; 100 Mary; 
loi. Leonard. 

57. General Ferdinand Leigh" Claiborne, born in Sussex 
county 1772, died in Natchez, Miss., 1813 ; entered the United States 
Army as ensign in 1793, was promoted to captain in the First Infantry, 
and resigned in 1802. In February, 1811, he was appointed brigadier- 
general of Mississippi militia, and later commanded a regiment of vol- 
unteers in that territory. In 1813 he was commissioned brigadier-gen- 
eral of United States Volunteers, and commanded in an action in 1813 
in which the Creek Indians were defeated ; became a Legislative Coun- 
cillor in 1 8 15, €ind presided over the proceedings of the Legislature. 
He married, in 1802, Magdalene, daughter of Col. Anthony Hutchens, 
of Mississippi {Newspaper)^ formerly an officer in the Engiish Army. 

Children: 102. John Francis Hamtramck^ \ 103. Ferdinand Leigh,* 
of Natchez, married Courtney Terrell, and had issue ; 104. Osmun, 
married Mary Patterson, of Washington, D. C, and had issue; {a) Cap- 
tain Ferdinand, died in 1863; 105. Charlotte Virginia, married John H. 

B. I^trobe, of Baltimore. 

58. William Charles Cole" Claiborne, born in Sussex 1775, 
died in New Orleans November 23d, 1817. Settled at Nashville, Tenn., 
in early life ; soon after appointed a judge of the Supreme Court of 
the territory; member of the State Constitutional Convention of 1796; 
Member of Congress 1797-1801 ; appointed Governer of Mississippi 
territory in 1802, and in 1803 one of the commissioners to lake posses- 
sion of Louisiana ; afterwards made Governor of the Territory, and 
chosen United States Senator for the new State ; but died before taking 
his seat. He married (I) Eliza Lewis, of Natchez, (II) Clarissa Duralde, 
of Louisiana, (III) Suzette Bosque, of Louisiana. 

Children : (First marriage) 106. Wm. Charles Cole, born 1808, died 
1878, married Louisa, daughter of Count de Balathier, and had W. C. 

C, Marie Louise, and Walter Herbert; 107. George W. ; 108. Henry 
B.; 109. Charles Ferdinard; no. Arthur; in. John Randolph; 112. 
Ferdinand; 1x3. Clarisse; 114. Lucie; (by third marriage) 115. Charles 
Cole, born 1814, died unmarried 1879; 116. Sophronia, married Count 
Marigny de Mandeville, of New Orleans. 

[This note will be concluded in the next number of the Magazine.'\ 


Historical Notes and Queries. 

Errata. — The following: corrections should be made in the Magazine 
of October last : Page 1 13. Green Spring was not the residence of thfe 
«* Colonial Governors " ; but was the residence and property of only 
one, Berkeley, who left it to his widow; page 177, line 23, for *'the" 
read "a"; page 177, line 37, for ''former** read "latter"; page 187, 
line 20, for " Plissley " read *' Peirsey " ; page 195, line 20, for " the " 
read " Mr."; page 196, line 33, for ** his " read *' her " ; page 197, line 4, 
for "Miss" read "Mrs."; page 198, line 3, for "Thomsons" read 
" Thomas "; page 198, line 24. for "Buchland" read" Buckland"; 
page 199, line 11, for "faith" read "fear"; page 199, line 19, for 
** them " read " him " ; page 201, line 31, for " and " read " as *' ; page, 
201, last line, for " Miss " read ** Mrs." ; page 214, note, for " Chelton ** 
read *' Chilton " ; page 218, note, for " Gloucester "read ** a Gloucester." 


To the Editor of the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography : 

Permit me through your Magazine to correct a statement in my " Life, 
Correspondence and Speeches of Patrick Henry," which does injustice 
to Col. John Taylor, of Caroline county. The statement will be found 
on page 588 of the second volume, in which I say that Col* Taylor in 
1798 was a confessed disunionist, referring in a note to Randall's Jeffer- 
son, II. 447, as authority for the statement. The passage in Mr. Ran- 
dall's book would sustain the statement were it not based upon a 
letter of Mr. Jefferson to Col. Taylor which has been incorrectly printed 
in all the publications of Mr. Jefferson's letters, and by all of his biogra- 
phers. It appears that on first June. 1798, Mr. Jefferson wrote to Col. 
Taylor that he had seen a letter of his to Mr. New in which he said (as 
printed): " It was not unwise now to estimate the separate mass of Vir- 
ginia and North Carolina with a view to their separate existence." 
This would make Col* Taylor a confessed disunionist, but it appears 
that the letter of Mr. Jefferson was printed from an indistinct press 
copy, and that the original letter which was afterwards found, reads : 
" It was not unusual now, &c.," in quoting Col. Taylor's letter. It thus 
appears that Col. Taylor did not express an opinion on the subject of 
disunion in his letter to Mr. New, and Mr. Jefferson's letter is no au- 
thority for the statement that Col. Taylor was a confessed disunionist. I 
am indebted to Mr. Henry Taylor, of Louisa, for this correction, and 
for a reference to a card from the late George Tucker, a biographer of 
Mr. Jefferson. (See So. Lit. Messenger for 1838, page 344^ stating the 


fact of the incorrect publication of Mr. Jefferson's letter to Col. Taylor. 
Regretting sincerely, as I do, that I should have done to the memory 
of Col. Taylor the slightest injustice. I am &c., 

Wm. Wirt Henry. 
. September 29, 1893. 

Free Schools and the Church in the Seventeenth Century. — We are in- 
debted to Mr. Edward W. James, of Norfolk, for the following valua- 
ble and interesting information relating to free schools and the condition 
of the Church of Virginia in the seventeenth century. Under date of 
November Z3th, 1893, he writes: ''Among other statements made by 
Mr. Conway, in his ' Barons ' of the Potomac and the Rappahannock, 
which call for refutation, is the one that 'in the same year (1736) was 
established the first of the free schooJl" of Lower Norfolk county. 

" Richard Russell (i) in his will made July 24th, 1667, and proved De- 
cember i6th, the same year, now among the records of Lower Norfolk 
county, said : * the other pte of my Estate I give & bequeath One pte 
of itt unto Six of the poorest mens Children in Eliz : Riv'r, to pay for 
their Teaching to read &' after these six are entred then if Six more 
comes I give a pte allsoe to Enter them in like manner.' On the second 
of August, 172 1, Col. Edward Moseley, of Princess Anne county, gave 
a lot for the purpose of establishing a school, and 'At a meeting of the 
Vestry (Linhaven Parish P. A. Co.,) the 2d. March 1736, On the mo- 
tion of Col. Anthony Walke that the old Church wood be a Convenient 
place to make a public school off for instructing children in learning, 
that liberty might be given for ye appling it to that purpose; ye Vestry 
taking the same under their consideration & agreeing to the said pro- 
posall ; also being of opinion that after it is made commodious 'twould 
be an encouragemement to induce a master constantly to attend there- 
on ; do therefore unanimously resolve that ye said Church be ; and it 
is hereby given for the use aforesaid, and to & for no other purpose 

" Richard Russell left Richard Yates ' a booke called Lyons play,* 
* John porter junr. Six books * 'John porter (i) my exer*r ten books,* 
'Katherin Greene three bookes,' 'One book to Sarah Dyer,* 'unto 
Wm. Greene,' 'his wife two books & her mother a booke,* 'Anna 
Godby two books,* * Jno. Abell One booke in Quarto,* ' Richard Law- 
rance One booke.* He was a Quaker, and on the 15th of February, 
1663, was fined 5,000 pounds of tobacco for permitting a Quaker meet- 
ing at his house on the 12th ' day of November last past. ' 

" The following not only refutes the statement made by Mr. Conway 
that ' There were many parishes in which no tobacco could be cultiva- 
ted, and these were left entirely without ministrations of the Estab- 
lished Church,* but throws considerable light on the condition of the 


Church at a very early period of our history, and shows that the people 
were anxious for religious instruction, and were willing to pay more 
for it than the people even in England were. 

* Lower Norfolk County at a Court Held 2^th May 1640. — 

' Whereas the inhabitants of this parrishe beinge this day coneveven- 
ted for the providinge of themselves an able minister to instruct them 
concerninge their soules, health, mr. Thomas Harrison tharto hath 
tendered his srvice to god and the said inhabitants in that behalf wch 
his said tender is well liked of, with the genall approbacon of the said 
Inhabitants, the parishoners of the parishe church at mr. SewelPs 
Point who to testifie their zeale and willingnes to p'mote god's service 
doe hereby p'mise (and the court now sittinge doth likewise order and 
establish the same) to pay one hundreth pounds starling yearely to the 
sd mr. Harrison, soe Longe as hee shall continue a minister to the said 
Parishe in recompence of his paynes, and in full satisfaccon of his tytes 
within his Limitts wch is to be payed unto him as followeth : Capt. 
John Sibsey, Leiflenant-ffranc: Mason, mr. Henry Sewell, are to pay 
for themselves and the Inhabitants of this pishe, from Capt. Willough- 
bies Plantaton to Daniell Tanner|s Creek Thirty-two powndes ten shil- 
lings . starling, mr. Cornelius LLoyd, mr. Henry Catlin & John Hill are 
to pay for the Inhabitants of the westermost Branch, and Cranny 
Pointe thirty-three pownds starlinge, mr. Wm. Julian, mr. John Gatear 
Ensigne Thomas Lambert, mr. Thos. Sawyer Thomas Meare, and John 
Watkins are to pay thirty-six pownds starling for the Inhabitants from 
Danyell Tanner's Creek ovr all the Eastward & southward branches. 
In witness * * * whereof we the sd undrtakers have hereunto 
subscribed our hands Ensigne Tho Lambeth Willm Julian Cornelius 
LLoyd John Sibsey John Galear Thorn Sawyer Henry Catlin ffrance 
Mason, John Watkins Thom Meare John Hill Henry Sewell. 

* Whereas there is a difference amongst the Inhabitants of the 
fforesaid Pishe, concerninge the imployinge of a minister beinge now 
entertayned to live amongst them. The Inhabitants from Danyell Tan- 
ner's Creek and upward the three branches of Elizabeth river (in re- 
spect they are the greatest number of tithable persons) not thinkinge it 
fitt nor equall that they shall pay the greatest pte of one hundred 
pownds wit is by the ffore sd order allotted for the ministers annuall 
stipend unlesse the sd minister may teach and Instruct them as often 
as he shall teach at ye pishe church siytuate at mr. Sewell's Pointe. 
It is therefore agreed amongst the sd Inhabitants that the sd minister 
.shall teach evie other Sunday amongst the Inhabitants of Elizabeth 
River at the house of Robert Glasscocke untill a convenyent church be 
built and Erected there for gods service wit is agreed to bee finished 
at the charge of the Inhabitants of Elizabeth River before the first day 
of May next ensueinge." 


Hanfring and Quartering. —Va the Magazine for October last, the 
writer of the notice of Mr. Gonway*s recent book expressed his disbe- 
lief in the correctness of a tradition relating to the hanging and quar- 
tering of certain unknown negroes, at some unknown period, in the 
colony of Virginia, and based his disbelief on his supposition that there 
was no notice of such a punishment in any extant record, which he had 
seen. He still believes that the name '* Skinquarter " has the meaning 
he there ascribes to it — that is from the word *' quarter," as so com- 
monly used in Virginia; but there is now reason to believe that the 
other names may have been derived in the manner ascribed in the tra- 
dition given to Mr. Conway. 

Since the article referred to was printed, Mr. P. G. Miller, deputy 
clerk of Goochland county, a gentleman learned in Virginia history and 
genealogy, has referred the writer to the following instances which 
occurred in his county, Goochland, in 1733, and at his request, been 
kind enough to furnish a copy of the record. It will be seen that this 
punishment was not within the ordinary jurisdiction of a county court ; 
but was inflicted by a court of oyer and terminer. Sixteen years later, 
the history of Massachusetts shows a more remarkable instance of 
punishment of slaves for murdering a white man. Two negroes, one a 
man, the other a woman, had poisoned their master, and for this crime 
the man was hung in chains, while the woman was burnt. This 
occurred at Cambridge, in 1749. (See New England Chronology 
from the Discovery of the Country by Cabot in 1497 to 1820, by Al- 
den Bradford, L.L. D., a member of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, published in 1843, at Boston, by S. G. Simpkins.) The pun- 
ishment both in Virginia and Massachusetts shows that the crime was 
considered to be petty treason, mutilation of the body being one of the 
accompaniments of the punishment inflicted under these circumstances, 
by the provisions of the English law. 

At a Court called for Goochland County the twenty-fifth day of June 
MDCCXXXIII. for the tryall of Champion a Negro man slave, Lucy, 
a Negro woman slave, both belonging to Hutchins Burton, Samp- 
son, Harry, & George, three Negro men slaves belonging to Wil- 
liam Randolph, Esq'r, & Valentine, a negro man slave belonging 
to Bowler Cocke gent. 

A commission from the Hon'ble William Gooch Esq'r His Majesty's 
Lieut Governor & Commander in chief of this Dominion to John Flem- 
ing, William Mayo, Daniel Stoner, Tarlton Fleming, Allen Howard. 
Edward Scott, George Payne, William Cabbell, James Holman, Isham 
Randolph, James Skelton, George Raine, & Anthony Hoggatt, gent, 
to be Justices of Oyer and Terminer for the tryall of Champion a Negro 
man slave, Lucy a Negro woman slave both belonging to Hutchins 


Burton, Sampson, Harry, & George, three Negro men slaves belonging 
to William Randolph Esq'e & Valentine a Negro man slave belonging 
to Bowler Cocke gent, being read as also the Dedimus for administer- 
ing the Oaths & Test therein mentioned George Payne & Anthony 
Hoggatt gent, administter the oaths appointed by Act of Parliament 
to be taken instead of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy the Oath 
appointed to be taken by an Act of Parliament made in the first year 
of the reign of his late Majesty King George the ffirst Entitled An Act 
for the further security of his Majesty's person and Government and the 
Succession of the Crown in the Heirs of the late Princess Sophia being 
Protestants and for extinguishing the hopes of the pretended Prince of 
Wales and his open & secret abettors, unto John ffleming & Daniel 
Stoner, gent, who Subscribe the Test take the Oath for duly executing 
the Office of a Commissioner of Oyer and Terminer, and then adminis- 
ter the said Oaths & Test unto Tarlton ffleming, George Payne, James 
Skelton & Anthony Hoggatt, gent. 

Champion being brought to the Barr an Indictment against him for 
feloniously murdering Robert Allen of this County is read the prisoner 
confesses himself guilty of the said murder and it is thereupon con- 
sidered by the court that he return to the place from whence he came 
and from thence to the place of Execution there to be hanged by the 
neck on Wednesday next between the hours of eleven and two till 
he be dead. The Court value the said Negro at thirty pounds Curr*t 

George, Sampson & Harry, being brought to the Barr several Indict- 
ments against them for feloniously murdering Robert Allen of this 
County are read the prisoners plead not guilty whereupon the,Witnesses 
& the prisoners defence being heard it is the opinion of the Court that 
they are not guilty and they are thereupon acquitted. 

Valentine bein^ brought to the Barr an Indictment against him for 
feloniously murdering Robert Allen of this County is read the prisoner 
pleads not guilty whereupon the Witnesses & the prisoners defence 
being heard it is the opinion of the Court that he is guilty and it is con- 
sidered that he return to the place from whence he came and from 
thence to the place of Execution there to be hanged by the neck on 
Wednesday next between the hours of eleven & two till he be dead. 
The Court value the said Negro at forty pounds Curr*t money. 

Lucy being brought to the Barr an Indictment against her for felo- 
niously murdering Robert Allen of this County is read the prisoner 
pleads not guilty and whereupon the Witnesses and the prisoners de- 
fence being heard ft is the opinion of the Court that she is not guilty of 
the murder but upon Consideration that she is supposed to have known 
of the murder after it was committed & did not discover the same it is 
Ordered that she receive on her bare back twenty one lashes well laid 
on at the Comon whipping post & that she be then discharged. 


Ordered that the heads & quarters of Champion & Valentine be set 
up in severall parts of this County. 

A Copy — Teste : 

P. G. Miller, 
Deputy Clerk Goochland County Court. 
November 23d, i89j. 

At a Court held for Goochland County the ninth day of October Anno 
Domi MDCCXXXIII for laying the County leevy. 

Present : 

John ffleming, Daniel Sfoner, Tarlton ffleming, George Payne, 
William Cabbell, James Skelton, Gent. Justices. 

Goochland County Dr. Tobacco. 

To Thomas Walker & Joseph Dabbs sub-sherifs for a mis- 
take in the levey in 1732 10 

To Do. for going to Williamsburg for a Comission of Oyer 
& Terminer to try Champion, Lucy, Valentine, Samp- 
son, Harry & George, Negros 90 miles going at 2lb and 

90 miles returning at 2lb p. mile 360 

To Do. for sumoning the Justices and attending the Court 

for the tryal of the said Negros 200 

To Do. for Executing Champion & Valentine, 2501b each . . 500 

To Do. for providing Tarr, burying the trunk, cutting out 
the quarters a Pott, Carts & horses, carrying and setting 
up the heads & quarters of the two Negros at the places 

mentioned by order of Court 2cxx) 

To Do. for gallows & ropes to hang the two said Negros. . . 60 

To Do. for 24 days imprisonment of Champion ® 51b p. day. 120 

To Do. for 22 days imprisonment of Lucy @ 51b no 

To Do. for Comitment & releasment of Lucy, Sampson, 

George & Harry 80 

To Do. for 12 days imprisonment of Valentine (a) 51b 60 

To Do. for 4 days imprisonment of Sampson © sib 20 

To Do. for 4 days imprisonment of Harry C») slb 20 

To Do. for 4 days imprisonment of George @ slb 20 

An Extract— Teste * 

P. G. Miller, 
Dep. Clerk Goochland Co. Ct. 

Nov. 23d, 1893. 


Commodore Walter Brooke. — Miss H. R. Rooker, of Charlestown, 
W. Va., sends us the following sketch of Commodore Walter Brooke — 
her grandfather — whose name, it will be recalled, was included in the 
list of the officers of the Virginia Navy during the Revolution, 
published in the July (1893) number of the Magazine, Commodore 
Brooke was one of the three officers of that grade connected with the 
Virginia Navy at that time : 

Walter Brooke was a direct descendant of the first of his name who 
settled in Maryland, Robert Brooke, who, according to the old record 
from which I copy, *' arrived out of England, in Maryland, ye 29th of 
June, 1650, in ye 48th year of his age, with his wife and ten children, 
and 28 white servants. He was the first that did seat Patuxent, about 
20 miles up the river, at Delia Brooke." From these eight sons and 
two daughters there were numerous descendants, who, in time, spread 
from St. Mary's county to the counties of Charles, Prince George , and 
Montgomery in Maryland, and some of whom probably emigrated to 
the neighboring State of Virginia. Walter Brooke was a native of 
Charles county, where his father, Thomas Brooke, resided, at his es- 
tate *' Chickamuxen," on the Potomac. The father having married into 
the Mason family of Virginia, his son afterwards took up his residence 
in that State, which accounts for his being in the Virginia Navy. 
Having lost his father before attaining his majority, he showed no in- 
clination to settle down quietly to a planter's life, but displayed that 
love of adventure which he may have inherited from the early settler, 
and which led him to adopt a nautical life. We afterwards find him in 
command of a merchant vessel sailing to London from Alexandria 
(called in those early days Belle Haven), which was then a port of much 
greater importance than at present. ' In a letter to him, dated i6th 
February, 1775, ^he writer says : ** You are take care not to carry goods 
of any kind, as the Committees are very strict, and if you transgress 
any of the resolves of the General Congress, it will ruin your voyage 
and render you obnoxious to your country." This, it will be observed, 
was two months before the battle of Lexington, and we seem to catch 
the mutterings of the approaching storm which was soon to burst over 
the land. 

Naturally, when the Navy Boards were looking for commanders of 
their vessels, their attention was called to Captain Brooke, as a man of 
experience in that line. From the records of the Navy Board at Wil- 
liamsburg, it appears that he was the Captain of the sloop " Liberty " 
in August 1776 ; and in the journal of the Virginia Council. 8th April, 
1777, appears this entry: **Onthe recommendation of the Navy Board 
it is ordered that a commission issue appointing Walter Brooke, com- 
modore of the Navy of this State." A few extracts from letters of 
Thomas Whiting, First Commissioner of the Navy Board, to Commo- 
dore Brooke will throw some light on the duties of this post. 

loth April 1777. We are informed on very good authority that a 



fleet of men-of-war and transports, with troops from the Northward^ 
may be expected in the Bay every day. You are therefore desired to 
order the two Captain Barrons to keep an extraordinary lookout, and 
should there arrive any such ships-of-war or transports in the Bay, 
direct them to give immediate notice thereof to this Board." "June 
II, 1777. Sir: We have received your letter of the loth of this inst., 
and we are of opinion that the Hero and Revenge Galleys should re- 
main at their former station at Hampton, and the Henry and Mealy 
Galleys be sent to Norfolk bay. We are exceedingly sorry to be in- 
formed of any discontents prevail among the officers. A moment's 
attention to the nature of the service in which they are engaged would 
convince them that no circumstances can be productive of more real 
injury. Your own discretion, we trust, will point out to you the most 
proper method of quieting the dissatisfaction. As soon as you and Cap- 
tain Maxwell are at leisure, we propose to have every regulation made 
which may conduce to the good government of the navy." A note 
from Mr. Whiting, August i, 1777, alludes to difficulties, the like of 
which troubled the Confederate Government, not quite a century 
later. It reads: "You are desired to give the County Lieutenants 
every assistance in your power in collecting the boats or other vessels 
which may facilitate the escape of our internal enemies or slaves to the 
enemy with provisions." 

" 25 August 1777. You are desired to give orders to the Captains of 
the different vessels in the Naval service to keep the strictest watch 
on the enemy, as it is more than probable that they will be attacked by 
some of their armed vessels, as soon as they have landed their troops. 
You are desired to station at Hampton the Norfolk, Revenge, Hero 
and Henry Galleys, and grant a^ few furloughs as possible during the 
time of danger." " 2d September 1777. You are desired immediately 
on receipt hereof to order one of the Captain Barrons with his vessel to 
Gwinn's Island in order to assist in transporting troops from that place 
to the Eastern Shore. Captain Barron must be directed to follow such 
orders as he may receive from the commanding officer of the said 
troops respecting their transportation, and to keep this matter as se- 
cret as possible." 

This corrects a rather widely-spread error in naval circles to the 
effect that Commodore Barron was the senior officer and com- 
mander-in-chief of the naval forces during the Revolution. Com- 
mander Brooke was senior in command till his resignation, when he 
was succeeded by Commodore Barron, who had served as captain un- 
der him. In a letter to his family dated Williamsburg, May 28, 17781 
he writes: **Icame here yesterday being requested by the Governor 
and Council on a small expedition, which I hope soon to complete. 
My orders are now being made out by the Navy Board and I shall de- 
part from here this afternoon. We only go to Cape Charles." What 
this expedition was, or how it resulted, 1 have no means of knowing. 


I should be pleased if any one familiar with old Revolutionary 
chronicles could throw light on the subject. 

He resigned his commission September 30, 1778, being con»pelled to 
do so from failing health, owing to repeated attacks of gout, from 
which disease he ultimately died. He expired at his home, Retire- 
mont, Fairfax county, Va., January, 1798. It is said, on good authority, 
that when General Washington heard of his death, he remarked : **If ever 
there was an honest man. Commodore Brooke was one." To such 
high testimony it is needless to add anything further. 

It is to be regretted that the record of his public services is so meagre, 
but from the fact that the State of Virginia saw fit to present to him 
and his descendants ten thousand acres of land, it is presumed that she 
placed a reasonably high estimate on them. (See ** Military Land War- 
rants," Vol. I., page 192, and Vol. IIL, page 184). 

A grandson of Commodore Brooke was the late Captain Benjamin 
£. Brooke, United States Marine Corps, who died in Washington in 
1858. He is remembered by the old members of the Corps as an 
officer of sterling worth, and a refined and courteous gentleman. 

• Harriet R. Rocker. 

Charlestown^ W. Va.^ September 6. 1893. 


Charles Carter, of Cleve, born 1707, died 1764; married first, 1728, 
Mary Walker. Who was Mary Walker's father, and to what Walker 
family did they belong? A pedigree or any information concerning the 
family is desired. 

Whom did Robert Peyton of Virginia marry ? His daughter Eliza- 
beth married Peter Beverley, of Virginia, who died ^728. 

Pedigree of the Hill family of Virginia is desired ; also information 
is requested as to whom the following Hills married : Captain Edward 
Hill, Colonel Edward Hill, died 1663 ; Colonel Edward Hill, born 1637, 
died 1700; General Edward Hill, of Shirley, died 1748. The daughter 
of General Hill, of Shirley (Elizabeth) married, 1723, John Carter, of 
Coratoman, born 1690, died 1743. 

Moore Fauntleroy, who came to Virginia 1643, married Mary Hill, 
1648 ; was Mary Hill the sister of Col. Edward Hill and daughter of Capt. 
Hill, or was she the daughter of Colonel Edward Hill, who died 1663? 

John Bushrod, born 1665, died 1719; married Hannah Keene, daugh- 
ter of William Keene and his wife Elizabeth. Pedigree of the Keene 
family is desired. 

William Fauntleroy, married, 1680, Katharine Griffin, daughter of 

Colonel Samuel Griffin. When did Colonel Griffin settle in Virginia, 

and whom did he marry ? Information regarding the Griffin family is 


Col. E. M. Hevl, U. S. A., 

401 Pullman Buildingy Chicago. 




Louisville, Ky., Oct 25, 1893. 

Editor of the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography : 

I send you a copy of Specific Taxes collected in Henry County, 

Virginia, in 1780. The original is among the papers of Judge Innes now 

in my possession. 

Yours truly, 

George D. Todd. 

Account of publick Grain received of Henry Lyne & Thomas Thrail- 
kili, Com'rs of the Specific Tax in Henry County August, 1780, and 
sold at Henry Court House as below : 

Whom Sold too. 

Joseph Anthony 


Charles Finch 

Walters Dunn 

Joseph Habersham 


f ohn Fontaine 

William Tunstall 



Joseph Cooper 

John Barksdell. . * 

Henry Lyne 



John Fontaine 

Isaac McDonald 

James Rea 

George Haerston 

Josiah Carter 

Joseph Webster 

Mary Hickey 

Michael Rowland 

Michael Kelly 

George Lamb 

Henry Lyne 

Patrick Henry, Esq'r . . 



Marvel Nash 

Abraham Penn 





























Bus. Com. 


L ,S P 




















55 1 
52 i 





L300 ! 

200 i 


297 10 

252 lOj 

255 5: 


192 115 





251 I 5 
245 ' 

275 I 
260 ' 





138 II 





Whom Sold too. 

Amount Brought Over 


Eliphaz Shelton 

James Lyon 

William Alexander 

Thomas Bedford 

Col. Joseph Habersham 

Robert Mason 

Joseph Carter 

John Dickson 

William Ryon 

James Parbury 

Peter Saunders 


Zacariah McGuire 

William Bartie 

'4ames Spencer 


John McLaughlin 

Peter Saunders 

Luke Stanefer 

Mary Hickey 

Bailey Carter 


























5 , 
















1 40.10 






1 39 



' 43- 10 




1 42 
























. 90 




























£ Peter Saunders. 

Henry Cty.— Jet. 

Peter Saunders came before me a Justice and made oath that the 

above Accost is just. 

Given under my hand thus 22d day of August 1782. 

Henry Lyne. 

Memo'dum. — Patrick Henry Esqr is indebted to this Common Wealth 
in the County of Henry Seven Barrels Com & three Bushels Corn for 
year 1780 purchased of Peter Saunders at L 40 p Barrel. 

Henry Lyne, Comr. 

The above Colo Peter Saunders refuses to take. 

H. L. 

Colo. Henry says that Joseph Clay, Esqr of South Carolina purchased 
this Com & informed him that he paid the money into the Treasury. 

Henry Innes, 
Dist. Comr. 


Necrology of Virginia Historical Society, 1893. 

Legh R. Page was born at New Glasgow, in Amherst county, 
March loth, 1835. He was a son of Rev. Charles H. Page, a clergy- 
man of the Protestant Episcopal Church and a member of the well- 
known Page family of Virginia. Legh R. Page was a nephew in the 
third generation of Light Horse Harry Lee, of the Revolutionary 
Army, and therefore a cousin of General Robert E. Lee, Commander 
of the Confederate forces in the war between the States. His boyhood 
was passed in Kentucky, in which State his father at that time resided. 
He had not yet reached manhood when he began the practice of law 
at Lexington, Mississippi, in partnership with the present senior 
United States Senator from that Commonwealth, Hon. J. Z. George. 
When the war broke out he became captain of the Lexington (Miss.) 
Guards. He accompanied these troops to Virginia and served gal- 
lantly through the whole of the great contest. While in command of 
posts in the immediate vicinity of Richmond he was appointed on the 
staff of General Ewell, with the rank of adjutant-general'. At the 
close of the war Major Page married Miss Page Waller, and establishc<l 
himself in Richmond as a member of the bar. He soon acquired promi- 
nence in his profession, more particularly in practice in the Supreme 
Court of the State. He was counsel in many of the leading cases of 
his time, including Thorndyke vs. Reynolds, Ould and Carrington vs. 
Meyers, Norfolk Exchange Bank Cases, Samuel Miller Will Case, At- 
lantic, Mississippi and Ohio Railroad Bond Case, and others which 
attracted an equal degree of attention. 

, For several years Major Page was the City Attorney of Richmond. 
He died on the 8th of June, 1893, in Chicago, to which city he had gone 
for the purpose of attending the wedding of a kinsman. Major Page 
was a man of great dignity of character, of vigorous talents, reserved 
in his manners but strong in his attachments. 

John E. DeWitt, of Portland, Me., was killed in the frightful dis- 
aster of Thursday, August 31, 1893, on the line of the Boston and 
Albany Railroad, at Chester, near Springfield, Mass. His ancestors in 
some lines came to this country soon after 1650, and were residents of 
New York city. Ten of his ancestors took an active part in the Revo- 
lutionary war. Mr. DeWitt was the son of Cornelius W. and Charity 
H. (Van Gaasbeek) DeWitt, and was bom in Milford, Pennyslvania, 
August 4, 1839. By the illness and death of his father, he was thrown 
upon his own resources at the age of fourteen, at which age he left his 
home and became a clerk in New York city. During the war he held 
a responsible position as clerk in the office of a leading merchant there. 
After dissolving connection with him, Mr. DeWitt engaged in the busi- 


ness of life insurance, and became a canvassing agent for the Phoenix 
Mutual Life Insurance Company of Hartford, Conn., in which capacity 
he achieved a great success. His reputation was such that he was soon 
called to the presidency of the United States Life Insurance Company 
of New York city, which position he held until 1876. During the early 
part of that year there was occasion to elect a president of this com- 
pany, and after a careful examination and inquiry, Mr. DeWitt was 
unanimously elected a director and president on the 28tli day of July, 
1876. and entered at once upon the discharge of the duties of the office. 
While this company was chartered by the State of Maine, it had been 
allowed to have its principal office in Boston, but in 1881 it was trans- 
ferred to Portland, Maine, was re-organized, and under Mr. DeWitt*s 
presidency continued to increase in prosperity. 

Mr. DeWitt had been president of the Portland Society of Art ; was 
at the time of his death president of the Maine Society of the Sons of 
the American Revolution ; was a director in the Portland National 
Bank, in the organization of which he was prominent; was president 
of the Union Safe Deposit & Trust Co., of Portland; was a member of 
the Falmouth Club, Cumberland Club and Athletic Club, of Portland ; 
of the Algonquin Club, Boston; of the Union League Club, Lotus Club, 
St. Nicholas Club, and the Holland Society, of New York. Mr. DeWitt 
was also a member of the Board of Trade, of Portland; the Young 
Men's Democratic Club, of Portland; the Maine State Society, for the 
Prevention of Cruelty to animals ; the Maine Genealogical Society. 

Robert Henry Whitlock, son of R. H. and Jane C. Whitlock, was 
born in Richmond city on the 30th of December, 1839, and died on the 
i6th of May, 1893. At the beginning of the late war he left his father's 
counting room and joined the Richmond Company, commanded by 
that gallant officer, John S. Walker. Subsequently he obtained a trans- 
fer to the New Kont Company in the Third Virginia Cavalry. His 
ardent courage made him conspicuous in every engagement in which 
he participated. At Nancy's Shop, in the summer of 1864, having 
pressed forward much beyond the line of battle, he received a wound 
so desperate that, upon being removed to the field hospital, the surgeon 
declared that it was useless to attempt to save his life. His older 
brother, however, brought him to Richmond, where, after an illness of 
many months, he recovered. Soon after the close of the war, with a 
small capital, Mr. Whitlock embarked in a manufacturing enterprise, 
and this business he prosecuted with such energy and judgment that it 
was soon successful, enabling him to amass a considerable fortune. In 
1867 he united himself with the Methodist Episcopal Church, in the 
affairs of which he took an active part. In 1878 he was married to Miss 
Lou Ford, of Covington, Ky. For a number of years Mr. Whitlock was 
a useful member of the City Council. 



Rear Admiral Thornton A. Jenkins, U. S. N.— Rear Admiral 
Thornton A. Jenkins was appointed midshipman from Virginia in No- 
vember, 1828, and served five years in the West Indies in the " Natchez," 
" Vandalia," and the boat squadron in pursuit of the Cuban pirates. 
He passed at the head of his class at his examination for promotioa 
June 2, 1834, in a class of eighty -two; was on Coast Survey from 1854 
to 1842, having been made lieutenant in 1839 ; served in the " Con- 
gress " in the Mediterranean, and was present at the capture of the 
Buenos Ayrean squadron off Montevideo in September, 1844 ; 0° special 
service in Europe, i845-*6; executive officer of **Germantown " during 
the Mexican war, and commanded store-ship " Relief." during the latter 
part of the war. He was actively engaged at Tuspan and Tabasco, and 
was employed in the Coast Survey from 1848 to 1852 ; was secretary of 
Light-house Board from 1853 to 1858; commander, 1855; commanded 
the " Preble," in the expedition to Paraguay and Gulf of Mexico : was 
at San Juan d'Ulloa during the seige of General Miramon, and con- 
veyed the prizes ** Miramon,*' and "Marquis of Havana," with their 
crews and passengers as prisoners, to New Orleans. In i86r he was 
secretary of Light-house Board ; captain in July, 1862 ; commanded 
'* Wachusett " in the James and Potomac rivers ; was the senior officer 
of those present in the attacks at Coggin's Point and City Point. In 
the fall of 1862 he was in command of "Oneida/' blockading off Mo- 
bile ; was next appointed 'fleet captain and chief of staff of Farragut's 
fleet; present at the passage of Port Hudson and fight with Grand 
Gulf batteries, Warrenton and Grand Gulf; was present at the seige of 
and the attack upon Port Hudson, May, 1863 ; was wounded on board 
the *' Monongahela " during the battle with the enemy's batteries at 
College Point, Mississippi river, being in command of three armed ves- 
sels engaged in convoy duty. He was in command of the " Richmond,'* 
and senior officer in command of the naval forces below, at the time 
of the surrender of Port Hudson, July 9, 1863. -He commanded a 
division on the Mobile blockade, from December, 1863, to the battle of 
Mobile Bay, August 5, 1864, in which, and all the subsequent operations* 
he took part. He was left in command of the Mobile Bay division unti^ 
February, 1865. He was then ordered to James river, and remained 
there until after the end of the war. 

Captain Jenkins was made Commodore in 1866, while chief of the 
Bureau of Navigation. In 1869 he became secretary of the Light-house 
Board, and Rear Admiral in 1870. He commanded the Asiatic Squad- 
ron, and was relieved on that station in 1873, having reached the age 
of retirememt in December. In March, 1874, he was appointed by the 
President commissioner to represent the Navy Department at the Cen- 
tennial Exhibition of 1876, at Fairmont Park, Philadelphia. 

He died on the 9th of August, 1893, at Washington, D. C. 


Adolphus Blair, of Richmond, Va., was born January 31st, 1842, and 
died November ist, 1893. He was the son of John H. Blair, and Auditor 
of Richmond and Danville Railroad Company, and a grandson of 
John G. Blair, cashier of the Farmers* and Exchange Bank, an in- 
stitution in existence before the late war. The famous Parson Blair 
was his great-grandfather. His mother. Miss Lucy Mayo, was a mem- 
ber of the well-known family of that name. At the age of sixteen 
Mr. Blair entered the Confederate array and served throughout the 
war, rising to the rank of captain. He was wounded five times while 
participating in the battles of Seven Pines and Bull Run, and in the 
charge of Pickett's Division at Gettysburg. After the close of the war 
Mr. Blair established himself in business in Richmond, in which city he 
spent the remainder of his life, holding a position of prominence in 
business, religious and social circles. 

Dr. W. B. Towles was born March 7, 1847, at Columbia, Fluvanna 
county, Va., and was the son of a well-known physician. His ancestry 
is traced back through his grandfather, Major Oliver Towles, of the war 
of 1812, to his great-grandfather. Colonel Oliver Towles of the Sixth regi- 
ment of the Line in the Revolutionary war, who was also among the 
founders oCthe Society of the Cincinnati. In 1863, when barely 16 years 
old, he left his home to enter the reserve corps of the Confederate States 
army. A few months later he was put upon active duty, and continued 
in the military service until the close of the civil war. 

The two succeeding years were spent upon the farm of his father 
who had moved to Cumberland county, in 1854, in the management of 
the farm and in private study In 1867, he entered the University of 
Virginia, and, in a single session, completed the medical course and at- 
tained the degree of M. D., in spite of an illness of more than six weeks. 
From 1868, to 1872 he was engaged in the practice of medicine in Mis- 
souri, and in 1872 he returned to the University of Virginia as demon- , .^ 
strator for the accomplishef] anatomist. Dr. John Staige Davis. In 1885, 
upon the death of Dr. Davis, he was promoted to the full chair, which 
he filled with the highest degree of efficiency up to the day of his death, 
which occurred September 15, 1893. 

William Thomas Sutherlin, of Danville, Va., was the eldest son 
of George S. and Mary Norman Sutherlin, and was born near Danville, 
April 7th, 1822. His education was acquired in private schools in 
Pittsylvania and Franklin counties. On reaching manhood he settled 
in Danville and entered into trade as a dealer in leaf tobacco, in which 
business he continued until the beginning of the war, amassing a very 
handsome fortune. 

From 1855 to 1861, Mr. Sutherlin was mayor of Danville, and in i86r, 
he was elected to represent his community in the Convention which 


passed the Ordinance of Secession. When war began he joined 
the Confederate army and was stationed at Danville, with the 
rank of major and quarter-master. During the progress of the 
war he was a member of the Board of Works of Danville. He 
served as a member of the Legislature in the session of i872-*74^ 
and for two years was president of the Virginia State Agricultu- 
ral Society. He also founded the Border Agricultural Society 
of Danville, and for several years was its president. At the 
time of his death he was president of the State Board of Agriculture. 
Throughout his life he showed the warmest interest in the agricultural 
affairs of his native State, and contributed by his example, as well as by 
words, to the advancement of its agricultural condition. 

In thirteen years Major Sutherlin was a member of the Board of 
Directors of the Richmond and Danville Railroad and took a leading 
part in the development of that public improvement. He built the 
Milton and Sutherlin Road and also the Danville and Western. He was 
the organizer of the Danville Bank, and also organized and was the 
first president of the Border Grange Bank, of Danville. It was due to 
his efforts that the first Methodist church was built in Danville. He 
was one of its official board and thus became closely identified with 
church-work and continued to be until his death. He was for seve- 
ral years a member of the Board of Trustees of Randolph and Macon 
College, and was one of the leading spirits in the establishment of 
the Danville College for young ladies, and was the first president of 
its Board of Trustees. 

At the time of his death he was a member and past master of Roman 
Eagle lodge, member and past master of Morotock lodge, companion 
of Euclid chapter, Royal Arch Masons, and frater of Dove Comman- 
dery Knights Templar, 

The wife of Major Sutherlin was Miss Jane E. Patrick, the daughter 
of William and Martha Patrick, of Greensboro, N. C. 

John Montgomery West died in Petersburg, Va., August 23d, 1892, 
in the sixty-fifth year of his age. He was born in Concord, New 
Hampshire, and settled in Virginia in 1846, where he associated him- 
self in the book business with his brother George M. West, under the 
Exchange hotel. At a later date he moved to Petersburg, to take 
charge of the agency of the Adams Express Company, remaining there 
until i860, when he returned to Richmond, forming with the late Thomas 
Johnston the concern of West & Johnston. When the war broke out 
he went into service with the Richmond Howitzers and was elected a 
lieutenant in the 3d company, but left them after the second year and 
was connected with the Bureau for Exchange of Prisoners in charge 
of Judge Robert Ould. Here he remained until the close of the war. 
Captain West was in command of one of the guns at Big Bethel, the 


first battle of the war. At the time of his death he was the ag^ent of 
the Old Dominion Steamship Co. — a position the duties of which he 
had faithfully performed for a number of years. 

Rev. Edward D. Neill, D. D., was born in Philadelphia, August 
9th, 1823, and was a member of a family which has produced several 
men of distinction in letters and military life. He became a student 
at Amherst College, from which institution he received the degree of 
Bachelor of Arts. He afterwards studied theology at Andover and 
Philadelphia, and then entered the Presbyterian Ministry, securing his 
first charge in St. Paul, Minnesota, which he filled from 1849 to 1860- 
He was Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Chancellor of the 
University of Minnesota from 1858 to i86r. When ihe war between the 
States broke out, he became a hospital chaplain, the duties of which he 
performed until the close of the contest. From 1864 to 1869, he was 
the Secretary of the President of the United States for signing land 
patents. In 1869 and 1870. he held the position of Consul at Dublin. 
He was subsequently President of Macalester College at Minneapolis, 
in which institution he occupied at a later date the position of Professor 
of History Literature and Political Economy. He was also rector of 
the Reformed Episcopal Church in Minneapolis. Dr. Neill was the 
author of several historical works, including English Colonization of 
America, Founders of Maryland, the History of the London Company, 
Virginia Vetu.sta and Virginia Carolorum. These works contain a large 
amount of valuable gleanings. The comments of the author are, for 
the most part, rendered worthless by numerous inaccuracies and by a 
spirit which finds a malignant pleasure in looking only for faults and 
blots, a disposition which not unjustly exposed him to the charge of 
being a historical scavenger. His books are devoid of method and are 
lacking in literary merit, and but for the valuable historical papers, 
which they contain, would, from the beginning, have been consigned to 
the oblivion which, in other respects, they deserve. 

Hamiltom Fish, of New York, was a member of a Knickerbocker 
family of destinction, his immediate ancestor having played a part of 
prominence in the war of the Revolution. He was born in the city of 
New York, August 3d, 1808. At the age of nineteen, he graduated at 
Columbia College, and three years later was admitted to the bar. The 
first public office which he filled was a Commissionership of deeds. 
Beginning his political life as an earnest advocate of the principles of 
the JVhig party, he offered himself in 1634 — four years after he had 
entered upon the practice of his profession, as a candidate for the posi- 
tion of representative in the State Assembly on the IVhig ticket, but 
was defeated. In 1642, he became the IVhig candidate for Congress 
in the Sixth District, and was elected. Defeated four years subse- 
quently for the Lieutenant Governorship of the State in a popular elec- 


tion, he was advanced to the position when Mr. Gardiner, the successful 
candidate, resigned. In 1848, Mr. Fish was elected Governor of New 
York, and in 1861, was sent to the United States Senate. While a 
member of that body he acted with the Republican party, beings 
strongly opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. In the 
campaign of i860, he was a warm supporter of Mr. Lincoln. Called to the 
cabinet of Gen. U. S. Grant, he served as Secretary of State through both 
terms of that President, and was one of the Commissioners who. in 
187 1, negotiated the treaty of Washington. Mr. Fish was at one time. 
President of the New York Historical Society, and was President-Gen- 
eral of the New York Society of the Cincinnati. He was also a life 
member of the Virginia Historical Society. 

Francis Parkman was born in Boston, Massachusetts, September 
16, 1823. He graduated at Harvard in 1844. After the completion of 
the academic course, he devoted himself to the study of law, with the 
intention of following that profession. Abandoning this plan in 1846, 
in that year he started for the West, with a view of exploring the 
Rocky Mountains, and making a personal study of Indian life. The 
results of his observation in the course of this expedition were em- 
bodied in a series of articles which were published first in the Knicker- 
bocker Magazine, and were afterwards printed in book form. Mr. 
Parkman had now decided to give himself up to literary work, his mind 
having become deeply interested in the subject of the French colonies 
in North America. It was in order to acquire information on the dif- 
ferent branches of this subject, that he visited France several times 
between the years 1858 and 1881, the French archives being thrown 
open to his examination by the French Government. Mr. Parkman 
had always had a great love of flowers, and so extensive was his know 
ledge of horticulture, that in 1871 he was appointed professor of that 
science in Harvard College. His life-work, however, was his history, 
which appeared in a series of volumes, of the French Power in North 
America, which is remarkable not only for accuracy and research, but 
for the brilliancy of its style. The series include California and Oregon 
Trail, Conspiracy of Pontiac, Pioneers of France in the New World, 
Jesuits in North America, Discovery of the Giant West, Old Regime in 
Canada, Count Fontenae and New France under Louis XIV, and 
Montcalm and Wolfe. 

Edward Y. Cannon, of Richmond, Virginia, was born in Norfolk, 
Virginia, November 24th, 1824, but removed at an early age to Rich- 
mond, in which city the remainder of his life was passed. He attended 
the Baptist College in Richmond, and afterwards entered Brown Uni- 
versity at Providence, Rhode Island, from which institution he gradu- 
ated in 1845. Returning to Richmond, Mr. Cannon began the study of 
law in the office of Hon. James Lyons. He rose to a high position in 


his profession, and by care and judgment amassed a large fortune. On 
June 29th, 1854, he was married to Miss Mary G. Smith, of Fauquier 
county, Virginia. Mr. Cannon died in the city of Richmond on the 
sixty-ninth anniversary of his birthday. 

Walter Scott Carrington was born September 28th, 1845, in 
Cumberland county, Virginia, and died June i6th, 1893. His father was 
Gilbert Paul Carrington, who married Sarah, daughter of Powhatan 
Jones, of Clermont, Buckingham county, Virginia, whose father was 
Benjamin Carrington, and married Mary, daughter of Nicholas Cabell, 
of Nelson cpunty. 

Philip Montagu Thompson, son of Garland Thompson, was born 
December 25, 1816, at Braehead, Louisa county, Virginia, and died sud- 
denly of disease of the heart, September 23, 1893, at the residence of 
his brother, George G. Thompson, in Culpeper, Virginia. He was 
educated at the University of Virginia and the College of William and 
Mary, his last session at the latter institution being that of 1836- '37. 
He continued to make Williamsburg his home. In 1869 he became a 
member of the Board of Visitors of the College of William and Mary. 
He was for some years a member of the Board of Directors of the 
Eastern Lunatic Asylum. 

Emil Otto Nolting, whose death occurred on Sunday morn- 
ing, April 16, 1893, was the fourth child of Major George Frederick 
Nolting and Margaretha Voss Nolting, his wife, and was born on their 
estate Wiekride, near Minden, Prussia, June 22, 1824. His father, who 
was an officer in the Hanoverian army at the time of its overthrow by 
Napoleon, went to England with the band of officers who would not 
submit to Napoleon's authority and joined the English Hanoverian 
army. He served through the Peninsula campaign under Wellington and 
fought under him in the battle of Waterloo. At the close of the war 
he retired to Wiekride, and some years later removed to Bremen for 
the educatiot^ of his children. 

Mr. Nolting was educated in Bremen and Rechtenfledt, and when 
quite a young man came to Richmond and entered the office of the 
late A. W. Nolting, then a prominent exporter of tobacco. He continued 
with the firms of A. W. Nolting, and A. W. Nolting & de Voss during 
their respective existence until 1850. He then formed a partnership with 
Wm. Schaer and Aug. Kohler, of Baltimore, under the firm name of 
Schaer, Kohler & Co., doing business in Baltimore and Richmond, which 
existed until 1865, Mr. Schaer then retiring, the firm was changed to 
Nolting & Kohler, Richmond, and Kohler & Nolting, Baltimore. 

In 1871 the firm of E. O Nolting & Co. was established. This con^ 
cern continued until his death, having always been in the front rank in 
the tobacco trade. 


Mr. Nolting filled many prominent positions of trust in commercial 
and financial circles. He had been president of the Bank of the Com- 
monwealth, the National Bank of Virginia, the Tobacco Exchange and 
the Chamber of Commerce, a director of the Mutual Assurance Society 
of Virginia, the Virginia Fire and Marine Insurance Company, the 
Virginia Steamboat Company, the Marshall Mills Manufacturing Com- 
pany and other institutions, and a member of the James River Im- 
provement Committee, the Board of Public Interest, and the National 
Board of Health. He was appointed Consul for Belgium May 22, 1852, 
which office he held up to the time of his death, making him the oldest 
consul in the service. , 

In 1884 the King of Belgium, knighted him with the*order of Leo- 
pold II. 

The late Rev. Telfair Hodgson, D. D., LL. D., Dean of the Theo- 
logical Department of the University of the South, was born in Colum- 
bia, Va., on the 14th of March, 1840. In 1859 ^^ ^^^ graduated at 
Princeton, after which he studied theology at the General Seminary in 
New York. In 1861 he entered the Confederate army and served on 
General Wheeler's staff, first as major and afterwards as chaplain, being 
ordained to the diaconate in 1863 and to the priesthood in 1864 by Bishop 
Elliott, of Georgia. From 1866 to 1869 Dr. Hodgson was Rector of 
St. Mary's, Keyport, N. J., in 1869 and 1870 he was traveling in Europe^ 
and soon after his return became professor of philosophy at the Uni- 
versity of Alabama. In 1874 he was assistant rector of Christ church, 
Baltimore, and from 1874 to 1878 he was rector of Trinity church, Ho- 
boken, N. J. In 1878 Dr. Hodgson delivered the baccalaureate sermon 
at the annual commencement of the University of the South, and was 
during that summer elected Dean of the Theological Department. In 
1879 he was elected vice-Chancellor of the University, and it was in this 
position that the great work of his life was accomplished. For eleven 
years he filled this important office ; by the exercise of great executive 
ability and a liberal use of his own private means he carried the Uni- 
versity through difficulties that threatened its very ejtistence and 
placed it on a firm foundation- 

In 1890 Dr. Hodgson resigned the vice-Chancellorship, but retained 
the office of Dean of the Theological Department, in which he labored 
with untiring devotion until the time of his death, which occurred 
suddenly at his home at Sewanee on September nth, 1893. The fu- 
neral services were held at Sewanee on Tuesday, September 12th, and 
the body was interred in Hollywood cemetery, Richmond, Va., on 
Thursday, Sept^ember 14th. 

Dr. Hodgson received the degree of Doctor of Divinity from the 
University of the South in 1878, and the degree of Doctor of Laws from 
Hobart College in 1890. 


Book Reviews. 

[In the October number of the Magazine, there appeared a review of 
Mr. Moncure D. Conway's interesting work — " The Barons of the 
Potomac and the Rappahannock," published for the Grolier Club, of 
New York, a copy of which is now in the State Library of Virginia. 
We regretted very sincerely to discover in this volume a great number 
of important errors, and also to observe the tone of exaggeration in 
which it was pitched. We considered it to be our duty to point out- 
these errors, and to deprecate this tone at the very time that we appre- 
ciated very fully the kind feeling for his native State, Virginia, which 
the author exhibited, and also the large amount of valuable information 
which the volume contained- No one has more at heart than our- 
selves all that will promote the true fame of Virginia, but we believe 
that its past history, so full of celebrated figures and memorable 
achievements, should be studied with the most painstaking and impar- 
tial exactness. The reputation of V^irginia will rise and not decline 
under this course of historical treatment. As far, therefore, as the 
influence of this magazine extends, it will be used persistently and 
firmly to encourage a spirit of research in this State which is not to be 
frightened by any obstacle or wearied by any labor, which will not 
permit itself to be contented until it has examined and weighed the 
priceless original materials upon which a true history of Virginia can 
alone be based, and which, in every instance, will reject vague tradi- 
tion as untrustworthy evidence, unless supported by actual proof. The 
review of Mr. Conway's volume was written by a Virginian, who has 
been making for many ypars an examination of the records in our 
County Courts and State Library, and u hose knowledge of our Colonial 
history in its most obscure phases, social and economic, is equaled by 
few and unsurpassed by none, and who yields to no one in his jealousy 
for the credit of his native State. In admitting this review to the pages 
of the Magazine, our only object was to lay bare the truth, and in the 
same spirit, we cheerfully give room to Mr. Conway's reply, considering 
it proper at the same time to append rejoinders in foot-notes wherever 
they appear to be called for by the text. It should be said that these 
notes were prepared by the author of the review. — Editor.] 


I. ** But there were many parishes in which no tobacco could be cul- 
trvated, and these were left entirely without ministrations of the Estab- 
lished Church." Barons, &c., On this the critic: "an examination 
of Meade will show that no section was ever so entirely deserted as is 
here stated." But Meade states (II, 302) that in the Valley of Virginia 
there was no Episcopal church until 1740: on page 309 (II) that in 


Hampshire county there were only a few families attached to the 
Church which was forsaken by all around them as ** the Babylon of 
prophecy"; that in York-Hampton the first Episcopal clergyman was 
in 1722 (Fontaine). These are only some of the facts stated by Meade 
which support my view.* 

2. " Poor Spotwood lost his place [as Governor] in 1722, retreated to 
Annapolis, Md., and passed the remaining eighteen years of his life as 
a prosaic Postmaster-General." Here I admit the slip pointed out. I 
should have said ** retreated to Germanna " (a universally known fact) - 
The original sentence so said, and added the fact that he died at An- 
napolis ; but in adding some other matter, and postponing the death 
for a page or two, the wrong town was left in. A candid critic would 
have remarked that the said page or two, leading up to his burial in 
Virginia, proved that I knew he was in Virginia, and that the Annapo- 
lis was a mere erratum of accident, — albeit a bad one, and needing 

3. He blames me for calling the Fauntleroy House on the Rappa- 
hannock a '* superb mansion." I have seen the house and have a right 
to my opinion. 

4. He blames me for calling Moore Fauntleroy a * cavalier/ because 

* I. Prior to 1740 the Valley was a wilderness overrun by Indians and wild animals , 
with only few and scattered settlers. And these settlers, as small as were their numbers, 
were composed almost entirely of Presbyterians, Lutherans and Quakers. 

Hampshire county was not organized until 1753, and the few families Bishop Meade refers 
to as remembering the church when all others had forgotten her, were not of the colonial 
period at all, as Mr. Conway seems to imply ; but, as Mea,de expressly states, were living 
in that county during the bishopric of Moore. Meade nowhere says that Francis Fon- 
taine was the first minister of York-Hampton parish (I. 202, &c.), but only that he was 
there from 1722. He expressly states that early in the eighteenth century it was consid- 
ered one of the most desirable in Virginia, and in 1722 it tried to outbid even the rich 
parish of Christ Church, in Middlesex. More than this, York-Hampton was (as was fre- 
quently the case) a combination of two smaller parishes, York and Hampton, which had 
been constantly filled from early in the seventeenth century. Wm. White, minister of 
York parish, died prior to September, 165S (York records), and Edward Foliott, of the 
same, was alive in 16R0 {Colonial Records of Virginia^ p. 103) ; ** Parson Cluverius " was 
minister of Hampton parish 1644 {York records), and it is believed that each of these par- 
ishes was continuously filled until they were united under the name of York-Hampton. 
Rev. Stephen Fouace certainly was the incumbent of one of them, and Rev. Charles 
Grymes of another. Mr. Conway is unfortunate in his selection of York county as an 
example, for in no portion of the colony do the parishes appear to have been more con- 
stantly and regularly filled. If time admitted we are sure that we could compile from the 
records of York full lists of the incumbents of York, Hampton, and York-Hampton par- 
ishes. If Bishop Meade could have examined carefully the county records he would not 
only have been able to obtain the names of many ministers, but even of parishes, not 
included in his most useful book. 


there is no evidence that he was a *' Parliamentarian ; " but this is only 
a subordinate meaning of the word '* cavalier."* 

5. Critic writes : ** Colonel William Fauntleroy, of ' Nay lor 's Hole * 
[not Fauntleroy House] " etc. The bracketed words are used by me. 
On Jefferson & Fry's map the place is called •' Fauntleroy," Naylor's 
Hole not appearing at all.f 

6. Critic quotes me as saying : " Why should not Wakefield (the 
birthplace of Washington) have been a grand place.'* His sole reply is : 
" Because money was scarce and building costly."! 

Now here any reader might suppose the bracketed words written by 
me, especially as they are not angular brackets, and infer that I sup- 
pose the birthplace of a grand man must be grand. But the sentence 
(fninus the parenthesis) comes at the end of an argument embodying a 
personal examination of the foundations, and their extent ; quoting the 
inventory (just found) of the furniture for eight bedrooms and much for 
other rooms ; quoting General Washington as calling it ** the ancient 
mansion seat," etc. All of this is suppressed, and the new facts con- 
cerning Wakefield (made out by Lossing and others a kind of hovel) 
made to rest on its being the birthplace of Washington. 

7. Critic challenges my statement that in colonial Virginia, "duels 
about sweethearts were not infrequent." My whole sentence is : *' Al- 
though duels about sweethearts were not infrequent, I do not remem- 
ber to have heard or read of any about wives." These are matters 
which rest mostly on local traditions. I had in the previous sentence 
asserted that " there never was a society freer from marital scandals, 
etc." Perhaps when I get time I may go into the history of duelling, 
but I am not bound to have limited my impressions to those of the critic.J 

• 4. Mr. Conway has evidently omitted " not " before the words " a Parliamentarian." 
The word " Cavalier," as understood when speaking of the ancestors of Virginia fami- 
lies, has always meant one who supported the Royal cause during the civil wars. Else, 
why do so many good people boast of the loyalty of their Cavalier ancestors. 

t 5. On Jefferson and Fry's map the names of the owners of plantations, and not the 
names of the plantations themselves were printed. Hence this would mean Fauntleroy's 
plantation. If Jones or Smith have places laid down on the map they would, according 
to Mr. Conway's theory, be called Jones House and Smith House, and these names 
would be as nearly right as Fauntleroy House. The Fauntleroys know " Naylor's 
Hole," and they know " Craundall " ; but they know not " Fauntleroy House." 

\ 6. Even though there were eight bed-rooms. we would not consider a frame house of 
that size worthy of the appellation "grand place." Of course, any interpolation In a 
quotation should have been put in angular brackets (which were omitted by accident) ; 
but it is not believed any one placed such a construction as Mr. Conway supposes upon 
his words. 

^7. As Mr. Conway brings no evidence in support of his former assertion that duels were 
frequent in Colonial days, except the statement that such matters " rests mostly on local 
tradition " (which are very rarely of any value), there is no need for us to do more than 
to repeat our former statement, that from the duel between Stephens and Harrison, in the 
time of the Company, down to the Revolution, there is no record of any duel in Virginia. 


8. Critic next quotes me in the following words and stars : *' When 
Admiral Vernon was fitting out in England his hostile expedition to 
South America, * * the belligerant feeling [in Virginia] was 
especially aroused by tidings that Harry Beverley and other Virginians 
had been confined by the Spaniards." Page 25. 

On this (the entire quotation given) the critic says (I give his whole 
reply) : 

" News travelled slowly in those days, but it did not, even then, take 
twenty-three years to come from the West Indies to Virginia. Cap- 
tain Harry Beverley and the party under his command were captured 
in 17 17 (Spots wood Letters, II, 245), and Vernon was beaten before 
Carthagena in 1742.** 

Now observe, by restoration (underscored) what I do say : 
. •* When Admiral Vernon was fitting out in England his hostile expe- 
dition to South America, the agitation it caused in Virginia was partly 
due to the chivalrous spirit excited by Spotswood^ and to events that oc- 
curred under his administration. The belligerent feeling was especially 
aroused by tidings that Harry Beverley and other Virginians had been 
captured by the Spanish, and made to work like slaves." 

The critic makes me carry to 1740 what I have expressly placed in 
Spotswood's administration (1710-1722). The critic makes me appear 
a shade more erroneous by substituting ** confined " for my word "cap- 
tured." He also substitutes " Spaniards '* for ** Spanish.*** 

9. My critic quotes from "page 137" (it is on page 127): ** In this 
same year [1736] was established the first of the free schools * * 
the Eaton Free School in Elizabeth City." 

To this the critic says : '* Benjamin Symm^s established a free school 
in Elizabeth City county in 1634. (Hening VI, 389.)" 

Benjamin Sym (in another place called Symms, but never Symm^s) 
left a bequest in 1634; but it was only confirmed in i642-'3 by the As- 
sembly; and whether or how far *' established" is rendered doubtful 
by the fact that in 1753 the Assembly passed an act about it which says: 
"And whereas the charitable intention of the said Benjamin Sym the 
dower hath not been effectually fulfilled. To the end that the said 
charity may be more beneficial for the future," etc. Admitting that 
something was done, my critic is inaccurate in describing a bequest 
made in 1634, not confirmed until i642-'3, as " established ** in the for- 
mer year. 

* 8. We do not know what particular chivalrous feelinj^ was excited by Spotswood's 
administration, nor can we see any difference made by Mr. Conway's full quotation. To 
an ordinar\' understanding he certainly does not imply that the agitation and belligerent 
spirit was caused in Virginia during Spotswood's administration ; but was caused in 1740 
by the " Chivalrous Spirit," &c , andhy "tidings that Harry Beverley and other Virgin- 
ians had been captured." Mr. Conway may like to know that the prisoners were *' con- 
fined," as well as " captured." 


He next says : '* Henry Peasley established a free school in Glouces- 
ter in 1675. (Hening VII, 41.)" This first mention of Peasley in Hen- 
ing is, as I remember, in 1759, and gives no evidence that the bequest 
made in 1675 had been carried out. (600 acres.) 

The critic confuses a number of schools provided by individuals, by 
wills or gifts, and without showing that they were free schools, with 
the free school established by Act of Assembly. All of that early inte- 
rest in education is recognized in my book, though my critic conveys 
an impression that I am arguing the reverse. I say : *' The condition 
of literature and education in Colonial Virginia has been erroneously 
inferred from Governor Sir William Berkely's report of the same under 
his administration (1641-1677). " I thank God there are no free schools 
nor printing, etc." I proceed to show that there were schools in the 
seventeenth century. But "the first of the free schools" to which I 
referred, the Eaton School, is the first mentioned in Hening*s *' Statutes 
at Large" (IV, p. 306) "established" by the Assembly's action. This 
was in 1730 (my 1736 is possibly an error in copying). There is nothing 
in the Statutes earlier than this. With regard to this Eaton School the 
critic says: "There is evidence in the Elizabeth City records (partially 
destroyed) of the existence of the Eaton School referred to prior to 
1689. (Elizabeth City Records, cited in William and Mary Quarterly, 
July, 1893, P- 64. This discovery was published eight months after my 
book was printed.) The new and excellent quarterly is giving us im- 
portant discoveries, but in this instance it does not give precise infor- 
mation, and there is nothing in the act of 1730 to indicate that the 
Eaton bequest was of earlier date. It is entitled " An Act to enable 
the Justices of the Peace of the county of Elizabeth City, and the Min- 
ister and Churchwardens of the Parish of Elizabeth City, in the said 
county for the time being, to take and hold certain lands given by 
Thomas Eaton to charitable uses; and to lett leases thereon." This 
looks like the beginning of it, but it does not impugn my accuracy that 
the Quarterly should find evidence of an earlier date after my book 
was printed. 

My critic quotes the same Quarterly, July, 1893, p. 17, for a statement 
that Governor Nicholson '* established " a " free school " at Yorktown 
in 1695. Nicholson was the Governor of Maryland, and presented three 
half acres of land and houses thereon, which he owned in York county, 
" for the use of" '* the present schoolmaster," etc. Is that establishing 
a school ? Nor is there a word in the Quarterly to show or suggest 
that the school was a free school ? * 

•9. The diflference between "Symms" and " Symmes " is mere tweedledum and 
tweedledee. If this objection was not insignificant, we could, no doubt, find instances 
in which the spelling was " Symmes." It is more important to show (as Mr. Conway 
surely should have known) that in 1647 " there was a free school with two hundred acres 
of land appurtenant, forty milch cows, and other accommodations. It was endowed by 


lo. Critic quotes me : "Soon after Bacon's rebellion (1676) a hundred 
English girls emigrated to Virginia. * * One of these married a 
Fitzhugh." The critic's two stars here suppress the words " who seem 
to have belonged to families of higher social position." Critic says: 
"This is an inaccurate reproduction of a tradition given by George 
Fitzhugh in De Bow's Review." How does the critic know that?* 

Mr. Benjamin Symras." (Campbell, p. 209.) And James Falconer, minister of Elizabeth 
City parish, says in 1724 : " There are two public schools endowed, though very meanly, 
whereof John Mason and Abram Paris are teachers. There is also a very good private 
school," (Perry's Historical Collections, p. 294). One of these two public schools was, of 
course, the Eaton scoool, which Mr. Conway claims was establtshed in 1736. and the other 
was the Symms'. As to when a school was " established " (though there may be various 
meanings of the word), we can only take the date of the donation made to endow it ; for 
our information is too scanty to enable us to tell exactly when any of them commenced 
operation. We say William and Mary was founded in 1692, because that was the date of 
the charter ; but who can say exactly when (in Mr. Conway's sensed it was established ? 
There can be no doubt, however, that the Sym, or Symms, or Symmes school was in ope- 
ration in 1647, and in 1722 ; and the terms of the act of 1753 show beyond question that 
the Assembly only wished to improve and reform what was already in existence. 

It appears very strange that Mr. Conway could find in the act of 1756, in regard to the 
Peasley school, nothing to show that the intention of the donor had been carried out, when 
the second section says, "And whereas several slaves have been by different persons, 
since the above devise [of 1675] given for the same purposes, but by reason of 
the inconvenient situation of the said land few children frequent the free-school kept 
there." (Hcning, VII,4i). 

We omitted to say that the reference in the Elizabeth City records in 1689 was, as we 
are informed by President Tyler, of William and Mar>', a mention of a man who is de- 
scribed as the teacher of Eaton's Charity school. 

All of the schools ever endowed or "provided for by individuals " were, so far as we 
have been able to ascertain, primarily, charity schools for the poor, and, of course, free 

The Assembly never established any free, or other schools, and the act of 1730, in re- 
gard to the Eaton school, is merely one empowering certain trustees to hold the lands, &c. 
devised by Thomas Eaton for educational purposes, and which we have shown had al- 
ready for many years been devoted to the desired end. The title of the act is only given 
in Hening ; but there can be no doubt but that it was only an alteration in, or addition to 
the trustees. 

In answer to his objection that there is no proof that Nicholson gave lots, &c., to a 
free-school, we reply again, as above, that if it had not been free, or if he had not intended 
to make it so, Nicholson would not have endowed it. Who ever heard of an endowed 
private school in Colonial Virginia ? 

• 10. We thought and still think this an " inaccurate reproduction of a tradition given 
by George Fitzhugh " ; because we feel sure that Mr. Conway is familiar with Fitzhugh's 
articles in De Bow (indeed, he does not deny it), and does not give her^ accurately — 
though he does further on— the latter's statement. A statement (regarding the marriage 
of Henry Fitzhugh and Mi&s Cooke) which is confirmed by the extracts from a Fitzhugh 
Bible published in the Richmond Standard. 

Nor does Mr. Conway answer our challenge to bring proof that a hundred girls, o\ 
whatever degree, were brought to Virginia after Bacon's Rebellion. 


II. Critic, with numerous stars: "In 1849, Mr. Colin Clarke, of 
Richmond City, was residing in the superb colonial mansion — Warner 
Hall. * surpassed all others as a monument of the wealth and 
culture which transplanted scions of great English houses, to produce 
a more glorious Gloucestershire than any in England. It had twenty- 
six rooms, * * hall, drawing-rooms hung with ancestral por- 
traits. * * It was built by the first of the Lewis family, according 
to a family tradition, in 1635.'* 

It would be natural to suppose that where no asterisks indicate 
omission, nothing is omitted ; yet in the above, words and phases are 
dropped without any indication^ ; the last of such unnoted omissions 
perverting the sense. I write: " It was built by the first of the Lewis 
family, who emigrated to Virginia as early, according to a family tra- 
dition, as 1635 " There is not a word in my book to suggest that 
Warner Hall was built in 1635 — as the critic makes me say. 

Having given the pretended quotation, the critic says : "This passage 
appears to have as many errors as lines,'' but limits himself to saying 
(i) "a gentleman, a native and long resident of Gloucester county, 
who recollects the old Warner Hall House, says he is sure it had no 
more than sixteen or eighteen rooms; " (2) " it was certainly not built 
in 1635;" (3) "but few" scions of great English houses **came to any 
of the colonies." 

As to I, my book shows me in intimate correspondence with descen- 
dants of the Lewis and Warner families — Dr. Archibald Taylor, Mrs 
Mary Starling Payne, of Hopkinsviile, Ky., and Captain Henry Howell 
Lewis, of Baltimore (just deceased). They are as likely to know the 
size of Warner Hall, etc., as the critic and his anonymous informant. 
(As a matter of fact, the chapter on Warner Hall was submitted to them 
all in proof, and to Judge and Mrs. Fielding Lewis Taylor, of Rosewell, 
after the facts had been derived from them — the twenty-six rooms, and 
all being copied from their letters in my possession.) As to critic's 2, 
he only replies to what he has unwarrantably put into my bark. As to 
3, the critic simply ignores my many pages about the Warners, Reades, 
Lewises, Fieldings, etc., much of which is based on the genealogies of 
the Lewis' family made out — one by R. A. Brock, another by Dr. Philip 
Slaughter ; and also the coat of arms (Lewis) pictorially presented in 
my book.* 

*i I . In regard to our statement that there were in the passage as many errors as lines, we 
may state that we had already referred to the matter of " superb mansions," had noticed 
the extravagance about " a more glorious Gloucestershire -' (which was one of the parts 
of our article which lack of space compelled the editor to prune), had noticed, but not 
written on, the '* ancestral portraits." These were certainly not the Lewis portraits, as 
Mr. Conway seemato imply, for Mr. Colin Clarice had purchased the place. 

We are glad to learn that we were in error as to the number of rooms in the old Warner 
Hall house (or rather houses, for there were several connecting). A son of Mr. Colin 
Clarke, of Warner Hall, informs us that the original house was a brick building of three 
stories and a basement, and together with a two-room addition (and the basement) in- 


12. Critic quotes: " Nor can I discover an instance in which any old 
mansion or historic edifice in Virginia was destroyed by Northern 

The critic is careful not to allude to the various mention I make to 
the destructiveness, and the purloining of valuable papers by the 
Northerners. That would not suit his effort to raise prejudice. He 
mentions as examples of their destruction of old mansions and historic 
edifices, William and Mary College, the White House (home of Mrs. 
Washington), Barnesfield, residence of the Hooes, of King George, 
and Acquia Church. It still remains true that no such destructions by 
the Northern armies have been discovered by me, or been mentioned 
to me; nor is any evidence supplied by my critic. I have visited 
Acquia Church several times since the war, and found its interior in 
exactly the same condition as before the war.* 

eluded eighteen rooms. There were also on either side of the main house two detached 
brick houses of six and five rooms respectively, used for kitchens, laundry, servants* 
rooms, &c. At some time prior to Mr. Clarke's purchase the five-reom house was united 
to the main building by a two-riK)m addition, so that the whole of the mansion-house 
proper contained twenty-five rooms, and had a front of about one hundred and thirty 
feet. The three-stor>' part alone was about fifty by sixty feet square. Our informant 
states that he has heard that the main building had first two gabies in front ; but the roof 
was afterwards changed. The five-room house to the right was destroyed by accidental 
fire in 1841, and the whole of the remainder was destroyed in 1849 by a fire, which, as Mr. 
Conway correctly states, originated in the desire of a negro boy to have the family re- 
move from the country to Norfolk, whose joys he had tasted on trips made with hb young; 

We have thought a detailed description of this large house, by one who resided in it, 
was worth preserving. 

In regard to section 3 of this part of Mr. Conway's reply, it is suflficient to say that in 
not a single instance which he names — the Warners, Reades, Fieldings, &c. — is there any- 
proof whatever that they were descended from " scions of great English houses," and 
the Lewis pedigree he uses as his authority was admitted both by Mr. Brock and Dr. 
Slaughter to be one of the most difficult and uncertain with which they ever had to deal. 
With regard to the Lewises, Mr. Conway is referrred to Mr. T. M. Green, author of "His- 
toric Families of Kentucky," the only man we know who has ever taken the trouble to 
examine the Gloucester parish registers in regard to this family. 

* 12. Instead of wishing to excite prejudice, we stated that we had never made any 
examination into the matter of historic houses destroyed during the late war. Nor do 
now desire to do so. Such things are among the melancholy incidents, and, sometimes, 
accidents of warfare. In order to disprove Mr. Conway's sweeping assertion, we named 
a few instances which we then recalled, and made no effort to obtain others. William 
and Mary College was certainly burnt by Northern troops. The facts as to Barnesfield 
are equally well known, as Mr. Conway can ascertain from any of hi s friends in Fred- 
ericksburg. Only a few months ago there was in the Richmond Dispatch an account of 
the old house and of its destruction. On page 179, of Vol. II, of " The Battles and Lead- 
ers of the Civil War," Mr. Conway will find a view of the ruins of the White House, 
destroyed by Federal troops on the 28th of June, 1862, Acquia Church has been reno- 
vated since the war by Rev. Mr. Meredith and Mr. Moncure Robinson. 


13. The critic says : " Except as far as all colonial officials were 
English officers, there is nothing to show that Col. Augustine Warner, 
Sr., of the Council, was an * English officer,* as stated on page 150, 
nor is it correct that the portrait of his son, Augustine Watner, speaker 
of the House of Burgesses, is at Rosewell. It has been for several 
years in the Virginia State Library, where it was temporarily deposited 
by the owner.*' 

What I wrote is : ** His [George Reade's] daughter, Mildred, married 
the famous Colonel Augustine Warner, who had inherited from his 
father, an English officer, 2,500 acres at Kiskiack.'* How does the 
critic know there is nothing to show for this ? I do not show it in my 
book, because I was not writing about the * English officer.* The 
statement is perfectly correct. If not, why does the critic dub him 
'Colonel?' What I say of the portrait is: ** His portrait at 'Rose- 
well,* residence of Judge Fielding Lewis Taylor, is that of a most 
noble and refined gentleman " How does the temporary loan of the 
portrait to the State Library affect that ?* 

14. The critic quotes: "A precisely similar sale of bricks has also 
overtaken Eltham," and comments: "As Eltham was destroyed by 
fire about 1870, perhaps nothing better could be done with the bricks." 
I was informed on good authority that Eltham was not beyond repair, 
when sold for its bricks.f 

16. " Lucy Armistead, * ♦ one of the great Darmstadt family. 
They called their mansion after the county from which they emigrated, 
'Hesse,* but changed their name to Armistead.** On this my critic 
says that if true, it was before the family settled in England ; but of 
this he gives no proof. It would be useful to know his evidence. Of 
course there is no such evidence. I simply give a well-known tra- 
dition, t 

* 13. The portion of this section relating to the Warners requires no answer, except 
that the " Critic refers to Warner as colonel," because he is so called in all the records of 
the time; being a colonel of Virginia militia, and receiving his commission from the 
Governor of Virginia. The earliest appearance of the first Augustine Warner is simply 
as a " gentleman," then he becomes captain, and so on up. The portrait of Speaker 
Warner was sent to the State library more than ten years ago for sale, and still remains 
there. Not such a temporary matter afler all. 

1 14. We know no more about the destruction of Eltham than was stated in a news- 
paper of the time ; but from its language the inference was that the destruction had been 

X z6. The only evidence that the immigrant, Wm. Armistead, was an Englishman, is 
that there is no record of his naturalization ; that the name Armistead was not at all un- 
common in England, and that the Armisteads of Cranage Hall, Cheshire, descended 
from the "Armisteads of Armistead," Yorkshire, bear almost precisely the same 
arms as those on a pre- Revolutionary book-plate of Wm. Armistead, of Virginia. 


17. " Ralph Wormeley, who had * lost his lady ' (Sarah Berkeley), suc- 
ceeded in his suit for the hand of Miss Bowles, * * became a famous 
member of the Council, and stood by his oath of loyalty at the cost of 
his home and happiness." 

My critic says the one who married Sarah B. was father of Ralph the 
Tory. Here the critic may be right. I was dealing with a newly- 
discovered letter, whose date (1742) suggested the Ralph of 1776. 

" Neither," adds my critic, *'did loyalty cost father or son a home,** 
since Ralph was a Virginia delegate in later years, and died owner of 
Rosegill (1806). But this is consistent with the fact that he lost home 
and happiness for many years.* 

18. The critic writes : " On p. 166 is a letter from Warner Lewis to 
Lawrence Washington (dated in Virginia, 1747) in which the writer 
says : * Before I sail, (w'ch will be in June) if there can be anything in 
England that I can be of service to you, * * * i should be glad to 
see you at Bath, being well convinced that nothing would be more 
beneficial to your health.* As Lewis is about going to England, it ap- 
pears most probable that the Bath at which he wished to meet Wash- 
ington, was not at the Berkeley Springs, Virginia, (as Mr. Conway sup- 
poses) but the famous health resort in England. The History of the 
Lower Shenandoah Valley (p. 243) speaks of the place as * a locality 
spoken of as early as 1760 or before ' " 

This is merely a matter of interpretation ; but my critic omits to 
notice a newly-discovered letter of Lord Fairfax (in my book), of June 
I, i747i which adds to our knowledge about Bath, Virginia, showing 
that persons were going there in 1747, and that Lord Fairfax was then 
about to have the place laid off for a town. At least I suppose this the 
place meant by Lord Fairfax's words: ''Persons who goto drink of 
and bathe in the Medicinal Springs near the Mountains of Cape Capon 
and River Potomack, within my Proprietary. "t 

19. "In the Revolution there was not one Tory known on the Rap- 
pahannock. Its ancient and proud Barons all threw themselves into 
the cause of independence.'* 

In this casual statement, made in the course of another subject, the 
general tendency of the planter's life to produce independence of char- 
acter, I would not be taken at the foot of the letter by a writer of gene- 
ral culture. But rash as the statement may seem it is not, if we are to 

•17. Ralph Worrnley, Sr., never lost his home at all, and Ralph Wormley, Jr., was only 
confined to Berkeley county for a few years at the beginning of the Revolution. He was 
back at Rosegill in 1780. 

1 18. Of course some people may have visited the Virginia Bath at this date (1747) ; but 
when a man writes to another that he is going to England, asks if he can execute any 
commissions for him there, and says he would like to meet him at Bath, the natural in* 
ference is that he means In Somersetshire and not in Virginia. 


take things literally, set aside by the examples given by my critic. No 
man is to be admitted a Tory who made efforts to avoid war, and to 
secure reconciliation with England even up to the Declaration. Loy- 
alty turned to Toryism with the Declaration of Independence. Frank- 
lin, Jefferson, even Washington were for restoration of English authori- 
ty (if the right to tax were yielded) all through 1775 and even into 1776. 
The Wormeleys were simply mobbed, and not allowed to reach 
any decision as to whether they would throw themselves into the 
cause of independence. It is doubtful whether Ralph Wormeley, Jr., 
could be called a Rappahannock man at all, but it is certain that he 
was treated disgracefully ; so was John Wormeley, so was John Tayloe 
Corbin (who was confined to his father's estate between the Mattaponi 
and Pamunkey.-^not on the Rappahannock). I have not the Virginia 
Calendar of State Papers (IV, 338-40) to which the critic refers with re- 
gard to Robert Beverley, of Blandfield, but it does not prove him a Tory 
that he *' is stated to have refused to serve on the county committee, to 
have been disarmed and been constantly * inimical to the Whigs.* " 
Austin Brockenbrough was not a Tory, but pledged himself to obey 
the State Laws, — yet he was mobbed out of the country. Benjamin and 
Philip Grymes were declared enemies by the Spottsylvania Committee, 
but in 1776, and as I remember before the flag of Independence was un- 
furled. John Randolph Grymes was a Pianketank man, if I remember 
rightly. The critic writes: '* William Montague of Lancaster, de- 
nounced by the people of his county and the State Council as 
hostile (Meade II, 43 and Council Journal)." I have not the Jour- 
nal, but Meade states that on Montague's . election to the vestry, 
128(1 think that was the number) petitioned against him as "as not 
friendly to the glorious cause." (Not page 43, but 443). Were they 
the "people of his county?" Montague and his friends denied the 

• 19. The meaning of the word " Tory " in its common acceptation, is one who in words 
or acts supported the English authority and opposed the efforts of the Colonists to resist 
the illegal exercise of that authority. It is, of course, absurd to include Jefferson. Frank- 
lin and Washington under this (the ordinary and general) meaning of the word. Ralph 
Wormeley was not " simply mobbed." He was confined by the order of the Convention, 
as an enemy to American Independence. And it was the same with John Tayloe Corbin, 
one of whose intercepted letters we have discovered since writing the review— a letter to 
Dunmore giving utterance to the most ardent devotion to the English cause. The chief 
estates of the Corbins lay on the Potomac and Rappahannock, and John Tayloe Corbin 
himself was confined to his father's estates between the Pamunkey and Mattapony, in 
Caroline County (a county bordering many miles on the Rappahannock), of course to 
keep him in the interior where he could not escape to the English cruisers. 

As Ralph Wormeley, Jr., was born, lived, and died on the Rappahannock, it is difficult 
to see why he should not be considered a Rappahannock man . 

As Robert Beverley was "constantly inimical to the Whigs," i. e., the Revolutionary 
party, it is equally difficult to understand why he was not a Tor>'. 

Austin Brockenbrough was such a Tory that his friends did not consider it safe for him 
to return to Virgiitia, even in 1782. 


20. Critic quotes : ** To bang up Blackbeard's head would be in accord- 
ance with the custom of the times. The Rev. Frank Stringfellow, an 
Episcopal clergyman of Virginia, tells me of a remarkable series of 
names recording the similar fate of some negro offender. In travel- 
ling from the Appomattox, Chesterfield county, we pass * Skinquarter 
Creek,' where the criminal was hung and flayed, his skin being dis- 
played." Mr. Conway then continues and states that Negro Arm Road 
in Powhatan, Negro Foot Postoffice in Hanover, and Negro Head Run 
in Orange, show where other portions of the body were put up in 

The criticism, following in terrorem^ is: *' It is safe to assert that this 
is wholly untrue, and that no such barbarous punishment ever took place 
in Virginia. No similar instance is preserved in histories or records. 
Under the Virginia, as under the English law, ears might be cut of}, 
but we find no provision for feet. The ** quarter" in Skinquarter 
doubtless meant, not a portion of an offender's carcass, but, like hun- 
dred of other quarters, a plantation where the hands worked, but the 
owner did not reside." 

Critic in his words "wholly untrue," followed by **and," really de- 
nies that the local names exist ! What he says about *' punishment " 
and " law " suggest that I gave the names as indicating the decision of 
a court on some negro But Blackbeard's head was not, so far as I 
have heard, hung up by judicial order. Whether it was or not Vir- 
ginia law to '^ hang, draw, and quarter" I have not examined ; but at 
a time when it was the "custom " in England to display the heads of 
criminals on Temple Bar, there is nothing incredible in the supposition 
that for some unspeakable outrage, which filled the country with horror, 
a negro was, after execution, flayed and quartered. How would the critic 
explain these names, along one high road ? He writes of one name 
only, and as if I didn't know the meaning of " quarter ; " as if I sup- 
posed the skin was a quarter of the negro's carcass ! The question is 
about Skin, Foot; Arm, Head. I was thinking of the work of a 
furious populace, not of the law.* 

John Randolph Gryraes was, as we have said, a son of Philip Gr>'nies, of " Brandon," 
in Middlesex, on the Rappahannock. He may have owned a plantation on the Pianke- 
tank. ^he Pianketank, however, forms the southern boundary of Middlesex and is no 
where many miles away from the Rappahannock. 

In regard to the sentence about Wm. Montague, Mr. Conway is wrong. We have been 
naming various Tories and the action taken in regard to them, and say there were 
" Benj. and Philip Gr>mes, denounced and imprisoned, William Montague, denounced," 

The manuscript Journal of Council gives, just as we stated, the petition of the people 
of Lancaster against Montague, and the declaration of the Council that he was an enemy 
to the American cause. 

• 20, In regard to this section, we have spoken elsewhere in this number of the Maga- 
zine. Of course we did not intend to state that the local names did not exist. No such 
inference can be properly drawn from our words. 


21. Critic says : " On page 222, speaking of the Fairfax ownership of 
the Northern Neck, Mr. Conway says : * Here was a tremendous and 
continuous training in hatred of aristocracy. The accident of birth had 
thrown into the hand of one Englishman six million acres in a county ' 
[country] * he never saw, and made fiefs of a thousand estates tilled 
by Virginians. ' *' 

(It is disagreeable to have one's sentences cut up in this way : after 
"Virginians," the critic should at least have added my " while he was 
hunting foxes around his castle in England.'*) 

The critic says : " There appears no evidence of any hatred, as Mr. 
Conway suggests, against the family of the proprietor, Fairfax. In- 
deed his ' Barons ' appear to have been on the most friendly terms 
with them." (The critic might here have added that it particularly so 
appears in my book.) " It may be taken as a fair test of the lower 
classes that the last proprietor. Lord Fairfax, known to be in sympa- 
thy with England, lived in Virginia during all the war without there 
remaining an instance even of an iiisult offered him." 

The critic can easily write in this way when no reader can check him 
of}, my book being inaccessible. What I have said refers to the swarm of 
settlers or squatters, and some even who held warrants in the Western 
lands of Lord Fairfax, who by an enormous addition to Lord F.'s do- 
main, were suddenly deprived of their land. " Lord Fairfax," I say, 
" gave warning to Joist Hite and his partners that they must purchase or 
vacate 140,000 acres for which they held warrants. A law suit began 
in 1736, which was settled in favor of the Hites in 1786, when all of the 
original parties were dead. The Hite-Fairfax law suit, and the general 
struggle of the settlers in Fairfax land with his Lordship, deserve a 
consideration not yet given to them by historians. Here was a tre- 
mendous," — and so on with the critic's quotation. I go on giving evi- 
dences, &c., disregard of which by my critic makes his little citation look 
as if I had given a statement without any attempt at substantiation. 
This amounts to misrepresentation. 

22. Critic denies my statement that Wm. Lightfoot (1746) was de- 
scended from John Lightfoot, a Jamestown colonist, and afterwards 
member of the Council. This I got from a correspondent, but it may 
be a mistake. I cannot at this moment look it up. 

23. It may be a mistake also, as the critic declares, that " M. Bla- 
den " was an uncle of Wm. Fairfax, and that he was only a distant 
kinsman. Mrs. Burton Harrison writes me that he was the *' uncle," 
and she is as trustworthy about the Fairfaxes as any of the pedigrees 
to which the critic points me.* 

• 23. Mr. Conway may possibly consider (as we have no doubt Mrs. Harrison would) 
the sketch of Martin Bladen in the English " Dictionary of National Biography," and the 
elaborate i>edigree of the Fairfax family in the " Herald and Genealogist," as sufficient 
authority for our statement. 


Here then are all the charges against me, though one or two author- 
ities I have followed are impugned.* 

* In conclusion, we wish to entirely disclaim any unfairness or prejudice towards Mr. 
Conway. Instead of desiring to be unfair, when we discovered, a few weeks after the 
last Magazine had been published, that we were in error in our belief that no negmes 
had ever been quartered in Virginia, we at once informed the editor, requested space 
in the next number for the correction, and handed him the manuscript in regard to the 
matter more than a week before he received Mr. Conway's communication. 

Though such barbarous punishments were common under the English law, we should 
greatly have preferred to believe that Virginia was entirely free from them. Yet, when we 
did discover the record, we were bound injustice to the truth of history, and even to Mr. 
Conway (though he admits that he knew nothing certain about the matter), to make it 

In regard to another subject of which Mr. Conway complaius — i, e., that our quotations 
were not at length. We endeavored, and believe succeeded, in each instance, in giving 
the gist of his statements ; but the limits of the Magazine entirely forbade our occupying 
more space than we did. As it was, the editor insisted on the utmost condensation pos- 


Publications Received 

The Green Bag. Boston, Mass. Vol. V, Nos. 7, 8, and 9. 

These three numbers of the Green Bag contain a series of articles on 
the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia, from the pen of S. S. P. 
Patteson, Esq., of the Richmond (Va.) Bar. It is the most complete 
account of this Court which has been published. Mr. Patteson has 
gathered together from many sources a great mass of important infor- 
mation bearing upon the history of the Court and the lives of its mem- 
bers from its inauguration, with the result of producing one of the most 
valuable historical sketches that has recently appeared. It is valuable 
not simply from a legal point of view. It throws most interesting light 
upon the general spirit of the social and political life of Virginia in the 
past, and upon the ability, learning and virtue of its public men. These 
articles are of such unusual merit, and are such notable contributions 
to the history of the State, that we would suggest their republication 
in a separate form, so as to make them accessible to the general circle 
of readers. 

Captain John Smith and His Critics. — A Lecture before the Soci- 
ety for Geographical and Historical Study of Richmond College. 
1893. By Charles Poindexter, Acting Librarian of the Virginia State 

This able and highly interesting contribution to the discussion of the 
life and character of Captain John Smith will be reviewed by us at 
length in a subsequent number of the Magazine. The pamphlet, 
which contains seventy-four pages of medium size, is from the press of 
the J. L. Hill Printing Company, Richmond. Va., and is printed in clear 
large type. It is for sale by Messrs. West, Johnston & Co., of this city. 

History of Gloucester County, Virginia and Its Families. — 
By Sally Nelson Robins. Illustrated from Photographs taken by 
Miss Blanche Dimmock, of Sherwood, Va. For sale by West, John- 
ston & Co., Publishers, Richmond, Va. 1893. 

We defer until the April number of the Magazine a more extended 
notice of this graceful and charming sketch- 

Harris Genealogy.— Prepared by W. G. Stanard at the instance of 
Mrs. James Van Voast, of Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, No. 3 of Volume 
XVII., October 1893. 

New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Volume XLVII, 
October, 1893. 


W: >lajn and ^larj CoIIej^e tfaartedT, October. iS^j. 

Proceed;ii|t9 of the Amerkan Aotiqoarian Sooctr. 

Manual of the Cayuga Coontjr Historical Sooetj, Anboni. Xev York. 

Rf^th Annual Report of the Ohio State Ardueoioeical and His- 
torical Society, 1892. 

Canadian Record of Science, Volume V. No. 7. 

American Journal of Politics. October, 1892. 

f {Ktorioal .Society of Montana Contributions, Voinme L 

Proceeding of the Huguenot Society of London, November 9, 1892. 
to May If, 1893. 

Education Magazine, December, 1893. 

L'niversity of Virginia Magazine, October, 1893. 

Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, Voinme \n. 

Transaaions and Reports of Nebraska State Historical Society, Vol- 
ume V. 

Sir Samuel Andros, by Henry Ferguson, A. >f. 

druggies, Perils and Hopes of the Negroes in the United States, by 
Rt, Rev. C. C. Penick. D. D. 

Aboriginal Remains of the Piedmont and Valley Region of Vir- 
ginia, by Gerard Fowkc. 

Kuskarawaokes of Capt. John Smith, by William Wallace Tooker. 

Two Pioneers in the Historical Study of English. Jefferson and Klip- 
stein, by John B. Henneman, A. M. 

Jerertiiah Colburn — a Sketch, by Jno. Ward I>ean. 

Early Days in California, by Justice Stephen J. Field. 

Burgoyne Ballads, by Wm. H. Stone. 

Handbook of University Extension, Edited by G. F. James. 

By-I^ws of the Society of the Colonial Dames of America in the 
State of Virginia. 

History of Mexican War, by Gen. C. M. Wilcox. 

History of the Allison Family, by L. A. Morrison. 

Report of the Governor of Arizona Territory. 

New Socialism and Economics, by Wm. B. Weeden. 

John Hopkins Studies. Eleventh Series, Volumes IX, X, XI, XII. 



(War Residence ot <'.«i«ral R. E. Lek,) 
No. 707 East Fdanklih Sthert, Richhohd, Va. 

Virginia Historical Society. 

At the meeting of the Executive Committee of the Virginia 
Historical Society, held February loth, 1894, in the Society's 
building, Mr. Joseph Bryan, President of the Society, appointed 
the following Standing Committees for 1894 : 


JOSEPH BRYAN, Chairman. 


B. W. GREEN, M. D. 

Editor of the Magazine. 



WILLIAM P. PALMER, M. D., Chairman. 


Hon. J. L. M. CURRY, Chairman. 


After the adjournment of the Executive Committee the Library- 
Committee met and drew up the following address, which was 
ordered to be published in the Magazine : 


The By-Laws of the Society provide that the contents of its Library, 
which include now about twelve thousand books and paihphlets, shall 
be accessible, during hours fixed by the Executive Committee, to all 
members, and, upon written request of members, to their guests. 
These hours are at present daily, except Sunday, from 8*30 A. M. to 4 
P. M., and the advisability of extending them from 7:30 P. M. to 10:3a 
P. M. also is now under consideration. 

Life or regular members are privileged to take from the Library twa 
printed volumes at a time, which may be retained by resident members 
not exceeding two weeks, and by non-resident members not exceeding 
four weeks. 

In hope of stimulating the growth of a spirit of historical inquiry 
and research in the Slate, the Library Committee respectfully invites 
and earnestly^urges all members to avail themselves of these privileges 
and advantages. 

Members are requested to solicit contributions of books, maps, por- 
traits, and manuscripts of historical value or importance, particularly 
such as may throw light upon the political, social or religious life of 
the people of Virginia. 

The Society will become the custodian of such articles of this char- 
acter as the possessors may for any cause be unwilling to give, and in 
the case of family papers or other manuscripts which it may be unde- 
sirable to publish, it will, upon request, keep them confidential. 

In the vicissitudes of war, and the repeated removals to which the 
Society's Library has been subjected, many volumes have been lost 
and the sets broken. Odd volumes from the collections of its mem- 
bers and well-wishers will therefore be gratefully received. 

It is especially desirable to secure as complete a collection as possi- 
ble of early Virginia newspapers, periodicals and almanacs. 

Any book or pamphlet written by a native or resident of Virginia, 
published or printed in Virginia, or in any way relating to Virginia or 
Virginians, will be accepted and preserved. 

J. L. M. CuRRV, Chairman, 
Robert M. Hughes, 
Robert Lee Travlor, 
Richard Heath Dabnky, 
Philip A. Bruce, Librarian. 


Virginia Magazine 



Vol. I. APRIL, 1894. No. 4 

Public Officers in Virginia, 1702, 1714. 

[The list of civil and military officers, including list of attorneys, be- 
ginning with Isle of Wight county and extending to the end of the 
article, published in the January number of the Magazine on page 246, 
should be transferred to page 226 of the same number and attached to 
the list ending with James City county. They were officers for 1680 
and not for 1699, as would appear as printed. It was not discovered 
until the January number had been published that there had been a 
transposition in the original copy.] 

[Board of Trade — Virginia — Vol: 9.] 

May itt please yoW Lord'ps 

I should shew myself very ungratefull if I omitted this first 
Oppertunity of returning your Lord^ my most Humble thanks 
for the favourable representation of my case to his late Ma^* to 
w** I attribute y' Honour of being advanced Sec'' I must owne 
myself very much indebted and doe assure y"' Lord^** all my 
indeavours shall bee to merritt some little of the Honour your 
Lord^ has done me. 

On your Lord^ representation I am comanded to Actuall 
Residence att Williamsburg of w*"** I shall bee very observant as 
soon as possible conveniency will ad mitt, noe houses to bee 


rented I am building which hope to finish before the Offices can 
bee removed to the Capitoll. I am reasonably happy ea my 
present scituation an hours time compassing y* Journey. As I 
have not hitherto soe shall not bee wanting att Councills Emer- 
gent & Publick occasions. By the direction of his Excellency I 
have delivered him all publick Papers Journalls & Orders of 
Councill to bee safely transmitted to your Lord**^. 

My Lords I shall w*** all Humility Observe the comands you 
please to lay on mee & very industriously waite the Business 
where in I am placed, And hope I shall not committ anything to 
merritt Alteration; I beg I may have still a place in your Lord" 
Good Opinion & continue under your Lord** Protection, for I 
esteem nothing more then to be, My Lords, 

Yo' Lord^* Most Humble & most Obedient Serv* 

[Signed] E. Jenings. 

Williamsburg h, y' i8th July, 1702. 

I have transmitted to your Lord*" Sec'^ to bee laid before your 
Lord** a List of the present Ecclesiasiick & Civill Officers, 
quantity of Acres of Land, Number of Tithables, of w'^ I have 
also delivered his Excellency a Coppy. 


Letter from Mr. Jennings, Sec'^ of Virginia to y* Board a** 
his Advancement to that office; Dated i8th July, 1702. 

Rec* 2ith ) Q^^,r ,^^^ 
Read 22, ) ^^P' ' '702. 

t List of the Navigable Rivers, Creeks eV d& officers belonging 
to the high Court of Admiralty, Custome house officers, Pilotis 
and Tributary Indians on the Severall Rivers in Virginia, 
July the 8th, JJ02, 

Navigable Rivers, — ^James River. 

Navigable Creeks & Members thereunto belonging, — Eliza- 
beth R., Hampton R., Nansemond R., Pagan C, Chuckatuck 


C, Warwick R., P<3coson or Back, Chickahotniny R., Appa- 
matuck R. 

Collectors. — Edward Hill [Upper] District; Geo. Luke, Low' 

Navdll Officers, — Nati^' Harrison, Upp' District ; Wm. Wilson, 
Low' District. 

Pilots, — ^Jn* Lowry, Isra* Vaulx. 

Indians and No, of, — Nansemond & Weyanokes, lo; Ma: 
Herrings, 60; Nottoways, 80. 

Navigable Rivers, — York River. 

Navigable Creeks & Members thereunto belonging, — Pamun- 
key R., Mattapany R., Queen Mary port C, Sarah's C, 
Wormley C, Severne R., North R., Ware R., Eastermost R., 
Peanketank R., Charles R. 

Judge of ye Admiralty. — Wm. Leigh. 

Register, — Rob' Beverley. 

Marshall, — Mich* Sherman. 

Advocate. — Jn" Taylor. 

Collectors. — Wm. Buckner. 

Navall Officers, — Miles Gary. 

Pilots, — Wm. Severs. 

Indians afid No, of. — Pamunkey, 50; Ghickahominy, 30. 

Navigable Rivers. — Rappahannock River. 

Navigable Creeks & Members thereunto belonging, — Goroto- 
man R., Carter C, Rosegill C, Deep C, Moraitico C, Hear- 
ing G. 

Collectors. — Rich* Chichester, Nich" Spencer. 

Navall Officers,^ Gawin Gorbin, Rich* Lee. 

Pilots. — Gar" Minor, Jam' Jones. 

Indians and No. of. — Portobago or Nanzattico, 30; Wico- 

Navigable Rivers, — South Potomock River. 

Navigable Creeks & Members thereunto belonging, — Divideing 
C, Wiccocomoco R., Gone R., Yeocomoco R., Matchoticks R., 
Mattocks R., Upp' Matchotick R., Potomock G., Oquio. 

Collectors. — Hen : Scarbrough. 

Navall Officers. — Hancock Gustis. 

Indians. — Pungotege, Matomkin, Gingotege, Kiquotank, Mat- 
chapungo, Occhanock, Chisonessex, Gingase. 


Navigable Rivers, — Eastern Shore, Norlhfampton], Accomack 

Navigable Creeks and Members thereunto belonging. — Smith's 
Island R., Cherrystone C, Hungars C, Naswatock C, Occoha- 
nock C, Cradock C, Nandue C, Pungotege C, Ononcock C, 
Checonesick C, Deep C, Hunting C, Pocomock R. 

[Signed] By E. Jenings. 


List of the Rivers, Creeks & of the Officers belonging- to y* 
Adm^ & Cuslomes, &c., in Virginia, referred to in Mr. Jennings 
L^'of 18"' July, 1702. 

Rec* 21*^ 1 e ^ .^. 
Read {Sept. 1702. 

A List of the quantity of acres of Landy Number of Tithables 
& Civill officers in the severall Counties of this her Majesties 
Colony and Dominio?i of Virginia this 8th Day of fuly iyo2 : 

Accomack County. 

Acres of Land, — 200,86 1 . 

Tithables. — i ,04 1 . 

Burgesses, — Tho. Welburn, Tully Robinson. 

Justices of the Peace, — Edm* Scarbrough, Geo. Nich" Hack, 
Rich* Bayly, Tho. Welburn, Benitt Scarbrough, Geo. Parker, 
Robt. Hutchinson, Edw* Moore, Rob* Pitt, Jn" Watts, Southy 

Escheator, — Edm* Scarbrough. 

Coroners, — Edm* Scarbrough, Tho. Welburne, Geo. Parker. 

County Clerk, — ^Jn** Wasburne. 

Surveyor, — Edm* Scarbrough. 

Charles City County. 

Acres of Land, — 1 69 , 90 1 . 
Tithables. — i ,327. 


Burgesses. — Rich* Bland, Jn" Wynn. 

Sheriff, — Char. Goodrich. 

Justices of the Peace, — Rich* Bland, Dan* Luellin, Char. Good- 
rich, Robert Boiling, Little' Epes. Geo. Blighton, Jn** Hadiman, 
Micajah Low, Rich. Bradford, ]v^ Wynn, and* Jn" Terry. 

Escheator, — Wm. Randolph. 

County Clerk, — Ben. Harrison. 

Surveyor, — Robt. Boiling. 

Elizabeth City County. 

Acres of Land, — 29,560. 

Tiihables, — 478. 

Burgesses, — Wm. Wilson, Wm. Armistead. 

Sheriff,— ^\c\i'' Curie. 

Justices of the Peace, — Wm. Wilson, Ant" Armistead, Robert 
Beverley, Pascho Curie, Wm. Lowry, August" Moore, Coleman 
Brough, Walt' Bayly, Nich" Curie. 

Escheator, — Jn** Lightfoot. 

County Clerk, — Charles Jenings. 

Surveyor, — Wm. Lowry. 

Essex County. 


Acres of Land, — 1 25 , 350. 

Tithables, — i , 034. 

Burgesses, — ^Jn" Catleit, Tho. Edmondson. 

Sheriff, — Tho. Merri wether. 

Justices of the Peace, — ^Jn"* Callett, Tho. Edmondson, Francis 
Talliaferro, Bernard Gaines, Rob' Brookes, Jn* Battaile, Jn" 
Talliaferro, Jam' Boughan, ffra. Gouldman, Rich** Covinton, 
Dan^ Dobins, Rob* Paine, Tho. Merriwether, Wm. Tomlin, Benj. 
Mosely, Sam* Thacker, Rob* Coleman. 

Escheator, — Matt. Page. 

Coroners. — ^Jn" Catlet, Robt. Brookes, Jam. Boughan, Rich** 
Covington. . 

County Clerk, —^Tdi. Merriwether. 

Surveyor, — Charles Smith. 



Gloucester County. 

Acres of Land, — 142 ,479. 

Tithables. — 2, 626. 

Burgesses, — Pet' Beverley (speaker), Mord. Cook. 

Sheriff,— ^tX<tt Kemp. 

Justices of the Peace, — ^Jam. Ransom, Mordecai Cook, Con- 
quest Wyat, Jn" Gwin, Sands Knowles. Pet' Kemp, Rich* 
Booker, Amb. Dudley, Tho. Tod, Thomas Buckner, Ant** Greg- 
ory, Jn" Smith, Gabriell Throgmorton. 

Escheator, — Matt"' Page. 

County Clerk, — Pet' Beverley. 

Surveyor, — Miles Cary. 

Henrico County. 

Acres of Land, — 146,650. 

Tithables, — 863. 

Burgesses, — Tho. Cock, Wm. Farrar. 

Sheriff,— GxX^^ Webb. 

Justices of the Peace, — Rich* Cock, Wm. Randolph, Peter 
Feild, Francis Epes, Wm. Farrar, J no. Worsham, Tho" Cock, 
Giles Webb, Jos. Royall, Jn** Boiling. 

Escheator, — Wm. Randolph. 

Coroners, -^VJm, Randolph, Wm. Cock, Peter Feild, Seth 

County' Clerk, — James Cock. 

Surveyor, — Richard Ligon. 

James City County. 

Acres of Land, — 108,366. 

Tithables, — 1,1 93. 

Burgesses, — ^Jam' Bray, Geo. Marable, Rob' Beverley. 

Sheriff, — Tho. Cowlett. 

Justices of the Peace, — Phill. Lightfoot, Henry Duke, Benj. Har- 
rison, Phill. Ludwell, Mich^ Sherman, Jam' Bray, Tho. Cowles, 
Hugh Norwell, Wm. Edwards, Wm. Drummond, Tho. Mount- 
fort, Jn** Frasier, Dionisius Wright, Jn" Geddis, Henry Soane. 


Escheator, — ^Jno. Lighifoot. 

County Clerk, — Chic. Corbin Thacker. 

Surveyor, — ^Jam" Minge, Jr. 

Isle of Wight County. 

Acres of Land, — 1 30, 496. 

TithMes, — 876. 

Burgesses, — Henry Applethwaite, Tho. Giles. 

Sheriff, — Wm. Bridger. 

Justices of the Peace, — Hen. Applethwaite, Sam* Bridger, Geo. 
Moor, Jerem. Exam, Hen. Baker, Tho. Giles, Am" Holliday, 
Arth' Smith, Rob' Key, Hump. Marshall, Jn° Pitt, Wm. Bidger, 
Hen. Applethwaite, Jun'. 

Escheator, — Wm. Randolph. 

Coroners, — Hen. Applethwaite, Geo. Moore. 

County Clerk, — Char. Chapman. 

Surveyor, — Thomas Swann. 

King and Queen County. 

Acres of Land, — 209,102. 

Tithables, — i .848. 

Burgesses. — Wm. Leigh, Jam' Taylor. 

Sheriff.— ]n'' Walker. 

Justices of the Peace, — Wm. Leigh, Rich* Gregory, Tho. 
Paulin, John Walker, Rich* Anderson, Wm. Byrd, Jam' Taylor, 
Jn** Storey, Geo. Braxton, Hen. Feilding, Jn" Wyatl, John Major, 
Tho. Pettit. 

Escheator, — Matt'' Page. 

County Clerk, — Robt. Beverly. 

Surveyor, — Harry Beverley. 

King William County. 

Tithables, — 803. 

Burgesses, — ^Jn" West, Nait: West. 

Sheriff,— ]n'' Waller. 


Justices of the Peace. — Hen: Fox, Jn" Waller, Jn* West, Hen: 
Madison, Wm. Clay borne. Rich* Gissedge, Martin Palmer, Dan* 
Miles, Rog' Mallory, Tho. Carr, Wm. Noy, Geo, Dabney, Tho: 

Escheator. — Matt: Page. 

County Clerk, — Wm. Aylett. 

Surveyor, — Harry Beverley. 

Lancaster County. 

Tithables, — 926. 

Burgesses ^ — ^Jos. Ball, Wm. Fox. • 

Sheriff, — Hen: Fleet. 

Justices of the Peace. — Dav* Fox, Jos: Ball, Hen: Fleet, Wm. 
Lester, Wm. Ball, Alex. Swan, Wm. Fox, Jn" Tubervill, Jn* 
Pinckard, Tho: Martin, Rich* Ball, Tho: Pinckard. 

Coroners. — Dav* Fox, John Tubervill. 

County Clerk, — ^Jos: Tayloe. 

Middlesex County. 

Acres of Land, — 48,200. 

Tiihables, — 8 1 4. 

Burgesses, — Gawin Corbin, Edw° Thacker. 

Sheriff, — Sr. Wm. Skipwith. 

Justices of the Peace, — S' Wm. Skipwith, Bar., Matt: Kemp, 
Wm. Churchill, Robt. Dudley, Gaw" Corbin, Fra: Weekes, 
Henry Thacker, Jno: Smith, Jno: Grimes, Corbin Griffin, Christ: 
Robinson, Tobias Micklebrough, Harry Beverley. 

Escheator, — Matt' Page. 

Coroner, — Matt : ' Kemp. 

County Clerk, — Edw'' Thacker. 

Surveyor, — Edwin Thacker. 

Nansemond County. 

Acres of Land. — 1 30, 500. 
Tiihables. — i , 030 . 


Burf[esses, — Tho: Milner, Dan* Sullivan. 

Sheriff, — Char: Drury. 

Justices of the Peace, — :Geo: Nosworthy, Thos: Swan, Luke 
Havild, Fra: Milner, Tho: Milner, Cha: Drury, Jno: Speir, Wm. 
Hunter, Wm. Wright, Rich* Awborn, Hen: Jenkins, James 

Escheator, — Wm. Randolph. 

County Clerk, — Dan* Sullivan. 

Surveyor, — Tho: Milner. 

Norfolk County. 

Acres of Land, — 110,534. 

Tithables. — 693. 

Burgesses, — Rich* Church, Matt. Godfrey. 

Sheriff, — ^Sam* Boush. 

Justices of the Peace, — Tho: Hodges, Jam: Wilson, Rich* 
Church, Sam* Boush. Tho: Willoughby, Jno: Hodges, Matt: 
Godfrey, Wm. Langley, Lem: Mason, Geo: Mason, James Wilson, 
jun', Matthew Spivy. 

Escheator, — Wm. Randolph. 

Coroners, — Tho: Willoughby, Sam* Boush, James Wilson. 

County Clerk, — Lem* Wilson. 

Surveyor, — Tho: Millner. 

New Kent County. 

Acres of Land, — 175,334. 
Tithables, — i , 245 . 

Burgesses, — Wm. Bassett, Jos: Foster. 
Sheriff. — Nich" Merriweiher. 

Justices of the Peace, — ^Jos: Foster, Lancel. Bathurst, Wm. 
Basset, Jn" Lyddall, Jam" Moss, Jn** Stanup, Tho: Smith, Jn" 
Lewis, Nich. Merriwether, Geo. Keeling, Jn*' King, Henry 

Escheator, — ^Jno. Lightfoot. 

Coroner s,^-~\jdXi^, Bathurst, Jn' Stanup, Nich: Mtrri wether, 
Jno. Lewis. 

County Clerk, — Geo: Clough. 

Surveyor, — James Minge, Sen^ 


Northumberland County. 

Tithables, — i , 1 89. 

Burgesses, — Rodh" Kennor, Tho: Hobson. 

Sheriff. — Geo: Cooper. 

Justices of the Peace, — Sam* Griffin, Hancock Lee, Char: Lee. 
Geo: Cooper, Rodh" Kennor, Pet: Hack, Jn"* Harris, Chris^ 
Neale, Jn"* Crawley, Pet' Contanceane. Tho: Winder, Leon* How- 
son, Jn" Eustace, Jam" Waddy, Jn' Howson. 

Coroners, — ^Jno. Harris, Rich* Flint, Pet: Contanceane, Edw* 

County Clerk, — Tho: Hobson. 

Surveyor, — George Cooper. 


Acres of Land, — 102,099. 

Tithables, — 693. 

Burgesses. — Wm. Waters, Jn° Powell. 

Justices of the Peace, — ^Jno. Robins, Phill. ffisher, Obed: John- 
son, Nath: Littleton. Wm. Waters, Jn** Custis, jun', Ralph Piggoit, 
Wm. Harmason, Jn** Powell, Jacob Johnson, Tho: Savage, Geo: 
Harmason, Littleton Robinson. 

Escheator, — Jno. Custis. 

Corojiers, — Wm. Waters, Jac. Johnson, Geo* Harmason. 

County Clerk. — Dan* Neech. 

Surveyor, — Edw* Scarbrough. 

Princess Anne. 

Acres of Land, — 97 ,89 1 . 

Tithables, — 727. 

Burgesses, — Adam Thorogood, Edw* Moseley. 

Justices of the Peace, — Benoni: Burrough, Fra: Morse, Edw* 
Moseley, Adam Thorogood, Tho: Lawson, Solom: White, Hen: 
Spratt, Joel Cornick, Jn° Richardson, Jno. Moseley, Horatio 

Escheator. — Wm. Randolph. 


Coroners, — Edw* Moseley, Robt. Thorogood, Hen: Wood- 
house, Patr. White. 

County Clerk, — Chris. Cock. 
Surveyor, — Tho: Millner. 

Richmond County. 

Tithables, — 1,358. 

Burgesses, — Wm. Tayloe, Geo: Taylor. 

Sheriff, — Wm. Downman. 

Justices of the Peace, — Wm. Tayloe, Geo: Taylor, Sam* 
Peachy, Wm. Underwood, Alex. Doniphan, Jn** Deane, Dav* 
Gwin, Jno: Baker, Wm. Dolman, Jn" Tarpley, Rawleigh Tra- 
verse, Francis Slaughter. 

Coroners, — Jno. Baker, David Gwin, Wm. Underwood, Alex. 

County Clerk. — ^James Sherlock. 

SuRRV County. 

Acres 0/ Land, — 102,425. 

Tithables, — 739. 

Burgesses, — Nalt: Harrison, Sam* Thompson. 

Justices of the Peace, — Hen: Tooker, Wm. Browne, jun^ Tho: 
Holt, Jam* Mason, Nat* Harrison, Sam* Thompson, Wm. New- 
som, Wm. Cock, Tho: Drew, Jn" Edward, Edw* Jackson. 

Escheator, — Wm. Randolph. 

Coroners, — Tho: Holt, Nat* Harrison. 

County Clerk. — Fra: Clements. 

Surveyor, — Thomas Swann. 

Stafford County. 

Tithables,— ^2^, 

Burgesses, — Geo : Mason, Wm. Fitzhugh. 

Sheriff, — Char: Ellis. 

Justices of the Peace, — Geo: Mason, Malt: Thompson, Rob' 
A.lexander, Rice Hoe, Rich* Fossaker, Jn" Washington, Jos : 
Sumner, Jn"* Waugh, jun', Edw* Hart, Tho : Gregg, Rich* Foote, 


Tho: Gibson, Phill: Alexander, Wm. Bunburg, Jno: West & 
Charles Ellis. 

County Clerk. — Wm. ffitzhugb. 

Surveyor. — Tho. Gregg. 

Warwick County. 

Acres of Land. — 38,606. 

Tithables. — 505. 

Burgesses. — Miles Cary, Wm. Cary. 

Sheriff. — Tho: Merry. 

Justices of the Peace. — Humph: Harwood, Miles Cary, Sam' 
Ranshaw, Robt. Hubbard, Wm. Cary, Tho : Merry. Wm. Ras- 
cow, Tho : Charles, Matt : Jones, Miles Wills, Tho : Haynes 
Jno: Tignall. 

Escheator. — ^John Lightfoo t . 

Coroners. — Wm. Cary, Wm. Rascow. 

County Clerk. — Miles Cary, Jr. 

Surveyor. — Wm. Lowry. 

Westmoreland County. 

Tithables. — i ,083. 

Burgesses. — Alex : Spence, Jam* Westcomb. 

Sheriff. — Lew* Markham. 

Justices oj the Peace. — Wm. Peirce, Francis Wright, Nic* 
Spencer, Alex Spence, Willoughby Allerton, Lew* Markham, 
Jam' Taylor, Char: Caleb Butler, Jn** Sturman, Gerrard Hutt, 
Geo: Weedon, Jno. Elliott, And'' Monroe, Hen: Ashton & Jno. 
Bush rod. 

County Clerk, — ^Jam" Westcomb. 

Surveyor. — Alex. Spence. 

York County. 

Acres of Larid. — 6 1 , 1 96. 

Tithables. — 1,1 80. 

Burgesses. — Tho: Barbar, Tho: Ballard. 

Sheriff. — Henry Tyler. 


Justices of the Peace, — Tho: Barbar, Jos: Ring, Robt: Read, 
Tho: Ballard, Tho: Roberts, Char: Hansford, Wm. Buckner, 
Hen: Tyler, Baldwin Matthews, Jno. Page, Jam' Whaley, Jn** 
Goodwin, Dan* Taylor, Tho: Nutting. 

Escheator, — ^Jn* Lightfoot. 

County Clerk, — Wm. Sedgwick. 

Surveyor. — Miles Gary. 

Total acres of land, 2,129,550; Total tithables, 25,099. 
Her Maj" Learned Councill in the Law, Benj: Harrison. 

Clerk of the house of Burgesses, Wm. Randolph. 

cS of fhTwSVt. } Chicheley Corbin Thacker. 

Mace Bearer and Messenger to the house of Burgesses, John 

[Signed] By E. Jenings. 


List of the Acres of Land & of the Civill Officers, &c. in Vir- 
ginia, referred to in M' Jennings L'* of iSth July, 1702. 


^^'*' j Sept' 1702. 

[Virginia Board of Trade, Vol. 9.] 

A List of the Parishes, Ministers, Tithables, Clergy, &c., to- 
gether with the Trustees, Governors, Officers, & Number of 
Scholars of her Mafts Royal College of William & Mary, 
in Virginia, July the 8th, 1J02. 

Charles City County. 
Parishes, — Bristol part, Min, Geo. Robinson; Westopher, 


Min, Char. Anderson, Tithes, 606; Martin Brandon, Tithes^ ^35; 
Weyonoke. Tithes, 363, Min. Jam* Bushell. 

Elizabeth City County. 

Parish, — Elizabeth City. 
Minister, — ^Jam" Wallace. 
Tithables, — 479. 

Essex County. 

Parishes. — South farnham, Min, Lewis Latane; Sittenbum 
part, i^/«. Earth: Yates; St. Mary's, Min, Wm. Andrewes. 

Gloucester County. 

Parishes, — Petsoe, Min, Eman^ Jones; Abbington, Min, Guy 
Smith; Ware, Min, Jam' Clack. 

Henrico County. 

Parishes, — Verina, al' Henrico, Min, Jacob Ware, Tithes, 709; 
Bristol part, Min, Geo: Robinson, Tithes, 518 ; King Wm. parish^ 
Min, Ben De Joux. 

James City County. 

Parishes, — Wallingford, Tithes, 133; Wilmington, Min, Jn* 
Gordon; James City, Min, Jam' Blaine, Tithes, 308; Martins 
hund*, Min. Step: ffovance. Tithes, 93; Bruton part, Min. Cope 

Trustees, ffounders, & GoverrCrs appointed by the Charter, — 
His Ex*^ ffrancis Nicholson, Esq'., Wm. Cole, dead, Ralph 
Wormley, dead, Wm. Byrd, EsqVs. 

Governors elected by virtue of ye Charter. — Dan^ Parke in 
England, Phil: Ludwell in England. 

Isle of Wight County. 

Parishes. — Warick Creek [Warrosqueake], Min. Tho: Sbarpe, 
Tithes, 304; Newport, Min. And' Monroe, Tithes, 537. 


Trustees y ffounderSf & Govern rs appointed by the Charter, — 
Jn^ Lear, dead, Jam* Blaine. 

GoverrCrs elected by virtue of ye Charter, — Lewis Burwell, 
Phill. Ludwell, jun^ Wm. ffitzhugh, dead. 

King & Queen County. 

Parishes, — St. Stephen's, Min, Ralph Booker, TitheSy 783; 
Stratton Maj', Min, Edw* Portlock. 

Trustees, ffounderSy & GovernWs appointed by the Charter, — 
Jno. ffarnifold, Sleph" ffovance, Sam* Gray, Cl'ks. 

Governors elected by virtue of ye Charter, — Wm. Leigh, Benj. 
Harrison, Wm. Basset. 

Chancellor, — Thomas, Lord Arch- Bishop of Canterbury. 

President, — ^Jam" Blaine. 

Rector, — Wra. Byrd. 

School Master, — Mongo Ingles. 

Usher,— ]Ti^ Allen. 

Writeing Master Register, — Wm. Robinson. 

Scholars, — 29. 

King William County. 

Parishes. — St. Johns, Min, Jn* Munroe, Tithes, 803 ; Christ 
church, Min, And'' Jackson, Tithes, 508. 

Trustees ffounders & Governors appointed by the Charter, — 
Tho : Milner dead, Chris Robinson dead, Char : Scarbrough. 

GovernWs elected by virtue of ye Charter, — Arth' Allen, Tho: 

Lancaster County. 

Parish. — St. Mary's White Chappell. 
Minister, — ^J n** Ca r n agie. 
Tithables, — 433. 

Trustees ffounders & Govern! rs appointed by the Charter, — 
Jn* Smith dead, Benj. Harrison. 

Middlesex County. 

Parish, — Christ Church. 
Minister. — Rob* Yaies. 


Trustees ffounders & Govern' rs appointed iy the Charter, — 
Miles Cary. 

Nansemond County. 

Parishes, — Upper parish, Lower parish, Chuckatuck. 
Trustees ffounders & Governors appointed by the Charter, — 
Hen : Hartwell, dead, Wm. Randolph, Matt^ Page, Gent. 

Norfolk County. 

Parish, — Eliza River. 
Minister, — Wm. Rudd. 
Tithables, — 707. 

New Kent County. 

Parishes, — Blesland, Tithes, 526; St. Peters, il//«. Jam" Booker, 
Tithes y 801. 

Northumberland County. 

/'amA^j.—ffair field. Min, Jn' ffarnifold ; Wicocomoco, Min. 
Jn* Urqhart. 

Northampton County. 

Parish, — Hungars. 
Minister, — Pet' Coi 1 ier . 
Tithables, — 712. 

Princess Anne County. 

Parish, — Lin haven. 
Minister, — Solom" Wheatley. 
Tithables, — 674. 

Richmond County. 

Parishes, — St. Mary's, Sitienburn part, Min, Earth* Yates; 
North farnham, Min, Pet' Kippax. 

public officers in virginia, i702, i714. 877 

Surry County. 

Parishes. — South warke, Min, Alex. Walker, Tithes, 552; 
Lyons Creek, al's Lawn's, Min, Tho: Burnet, Tithes, ^27, 

Stafford County. 

Parishes, — St. Paule, Tithes, 346; Overworton, Min. Jno. 
ffrazier, Tithes, 518. 

Warwick County. 
Parishes. — Mulberry Island, Tithes, 204; Denby, Tithes, 278. 

Westmorland County. 

Parishes. — Cople, Min. Jam' Brechin; Washington, Tithes, 

YoRKE County. 

Parishes. — Bruton, part, Min. Cope Doyley, Tithes, 581; 
Hampton, Min. Steph : ffovance ; Yorke, Charles, Min. Jam' 

[Sign*] Jam' Blair, Comissary to y* Lord Bishop of London ; 
Pereg" Cony, Chaplaine to his Excellency. 

[Sign*] E. Jenings, Sec'^. 
MS. State Library. 





































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Letters of Wm. Fitzhugh. 


April 22nd, 1686. 
Dearest Brother : 

With the Same Content and Satisfaction as wearied travel- 
lers take up their In, or weather Beaten Voyagers their desired 
Port After a long tedious and stormy voyage, so did I the most 
welcome joyfuU and glad news of your health, welfare and pros- 
perity, which I had from my Sister, Cousin William Fitzhugh & 
more particularly from Mr. Cooper. Your Self would not add 
to that happiness I believe doubting too great a repetition, might 
cause a Surfeit, or too great & Sudden a joy, a Suffocation of 
the Spirits. 

If that hindered you from writing last year I have prepered by 
a composed frame. Not to fear the one or doubt the other, but 
am ready with all acrity and Cheerfulness to hear from your Self 
of your condition and Welfare. God Almighty hath been 
pleased to bless me with a very good wife and five pledges of our 
conjugall affection, three of which he has been pleased to call 
into the Arms of his Mercy, and lent me two, a hopefull boy and 
girle, and one other that will not suffer So close confinement is 
preparing to come into the world. And as he has been pleased 
to dispense these, his choicest of blessings he hath likewise added 
a plentifull Dispensation of his favours in giving me a competent 
subsistence to support myself and them comfortably and hand- 

I hear that he has been bountifuU in his favours to you, for 
which I am really glad, and heartily congratulate you therein. 

By my Sister I understand our poor Mother and dear Sister 
have not only tasted but drank a large draught of the cup of 
affliction and waded through abundance of calamitys and trouble, 
which I truly condole, & do think it both our duty not only to 
commiserate, but as far as our ability extended not to suffer one 
to want, who gave us our being, nor suffer her to strugle to live 
who (under God) gave us life here. Charity directs to help 
those in want and distress, but Nature, Duty, the Laws of God 


and man not only commands but enjoins to give the utmost help 
to a distressed Parent. 

Therefore I have ordered Mr. Cooper to let you have what 
money you have occasion for, to the Assisting them, if it be the 
utmost farthing ; & if it should not be enough should be sorry I 
had no more there. — I refer to your discretion how much to take 
and how to dispose thereof. 

My Mother's age will not admit of such a voyage therefore I 
hope you will take care that she end her days comfortably in her 
native Soil. But for my Sister if she cannot otherwise better 
herself, I should be heartily glad of her good company, with an 
Assurance she shall never want as long as I have it to supply 
her. And if her inclination be to come I would desire and en- 
treat you, that she come out handsomely & gentelely & well 
cloathed, with a maid to wait on her & both their passage paid 
there, if she has it not of her own, out of my money in Mr. 
Cooper's hands, if so muoh can be spared from our Mother, and 
for the credit of it let her pay the money herself before. By 
Capt Smith who will not be long before he goes, & a third time 
this year by way of Liverpoole, opportunity will admit me to 
write you & shall then endeavor to put in anything that I have 
now omitted, & always assure you I am 

Most Dear Brother 

Your Wff. 
To Mr. Henry Fitzhugh. 

April 22nd, 1686. 
Dear Sister: 

Your two Kind and endearing letters I have received and 
heartily congratulate. The afflictions and miseries therein men- 
tioned that our poor dear mother & yourself have gone through, 
I as truly condole, as the one gives me true contentment in your 
health and lives, so the other gives me as true a sence of sor- 
rows for your calamitys & afflictions, which God in his good time 
I hope will alleviate if not take off. I thank your care and kind- 
ness in your large and particular account of all friends and rela- 
tions there. I have taken care with my brother according to my 


ability to assist both my mother and you, who I suppose will be 
so kind as to shew his letter, & in assurance of that will save me 
some trouble in writin)^, because to him I must refer you for a 
more particular relation. Dear Sister, I have advised him to 
pursuade you, & now do entreat you myself to come in here, 
(except your fortune be above it) which your letter does not sig- 
nifie, where you will be a welcome and kind guest, both to me 
and my wife, & as long as I live you shall be assured not to want. 
The method I have taken for your coming in I would advise you 
by all means to follow, which will give us both credit & reputa- 
tion, without which its uncomfortable living, & I am assured my 
brother will both assist and direct you in it. I hope the money 
I have ordered him to dispense will fully pay you and a maid to 
wait on you, your passage, & have something overplus gentelely 
to set forth your self. I am now tired w^ writing & business, & 
do intend to write very speedily again, therefore shall add no 
further now; than only to assure I am 

Dear Sister your &c. 
To Mrs. Dorothy Fitzhugh. 

April 22nd, 1686. 
Dear Mother: 

My Sister gives me a sad account of your continued misfor- 
tunes & afflictions for which I heartily grieve, & am really sorry 
that my distance will not admit me the happiness of your com- 
pany, to comfort you in your afflictions, & that my ability is not 
as great as my desires to aid and assist you, you must accept 
my letter for my company, & I have taken care with my brother, 
to draw the utmost penny that I have in England, to contribute 
to your & my Sister's relief, those necessarys that was, designed 
for, I had rather be without than your necessity's should con- 
tinue, as far as my ability permit. I thank God I live very 
comfortably with a good wife & two children now living, five I 
had in all but three are dead & my wife is now with child. 

Praised be God I neither live in poverty nor pomp, but in 
a very good indifferency & to a full content. My bro'ther & 
Sister will more fully give you a particular relation of me & 


my concerns; to whom I refer. God Almighty I beseech to 
take off those afflictions he has been pleased to chasten you with, 
or endue you w** a christian patience to bear them. 

I have at present only to add to crave your, blessing & con- 
tinual! prayers for Dear Mother 

Your dutifull &c. 
To Mrs. Mary Fitzhugh. 

April 22nd, 1686. 

Most Kind Cousin 

I joyfully received your kind courteous & particular letter, 
& therein receive the full satisfaction and contentment to hear of 
the healths & welfare of all friends & relations therein enume- 
rated, & particularly your own & wife, & children, which I pray 
God continue I have also to return you my hearty thanks for 
you courteous trouble in communicating my letter, to the several 
relations in your's mentioned, I cant say Til serve you in the 
like kind, but can assure you in anything that lyes ip my power, 
shall think myself happy in receiving your commands, & new 
intend to give due obedience to your desires in my particular to 
let you know, that I have been twelve years happy in a good wife 
& still continue so, & God Almighty has been pleased to bless 
me with five pledges of conjugal affection, three boys & two 
girles, the eldest girle & two youngest boy's, I hope are Saints 
in heaven, my eldest son named Will"" is now living & his sister, 
& I hope e'er long I may have another, to add to the number. 

I have this year particularly written to my Mother, Brother, 
& Sister, therefore shall not give you the trouble in my behalf of 
saluting them, but must beg the favour to give my service & due 
respects to all friends & relations else, and more particularly to 
your father & mother & my aunt. 

My wife gives her due respects to your self, & your wife, & I 
must entreat you to accept of the same from 

S' Your WfT. 

To Mr. William Fitzhugh Stationer &c. 


April 22nd, 1686. 
Doctr. Ralph Smith 

In order to the Exchange you promised to make for me & 
I desire you to proceed therein, to say to Exchange an Estate 
of Inheritance in land there of two or three hundred pound a 
year, or in houses in any town of three or four hundred pound a 
year, I shall be something particular in the relation of my con- 
cerns here that is to go in return thereof As first the Plantation 
where I now live contains a thousand acres, at least 700 acres of 
it being rich thi(!ket, the remainder good hearty plantable land, 
without any waste either by marshes or great swamps the com- 
modiousness, conveniency & pleasantness yourself well knows, 
upon it there is three quarters well furnished with all necessary 
houses; grounds and fencing, together with a choice crew of 
negro's at each plantation, most of them this country born, the 
remainder as likely as most in Virginia, there being twenty nine 
in all, with stocks of cattle & hogs at each quarter, upon the 
same land, is my own Dwelling house furnished with all accomo- 
dations for a comfortable & gentile living, as a very good dwell- 
ing house with rooms in it, four of the best of them hung & nine of 
them plentifully furnished will all things necessary & convenient, & 
all houses for use furnished with brick chimneys, four good Cellars, 
a Dairy, Dovecot, Stable, Barn, Henhouse, Kitchen & all other 
conveniencys & all in a manner new, a large Orchard, of about 
2500 Aple trees most grafted, well fenced with a Locust fence, 
which is as durable as most brick walls, a Garden, a hundred 
foot square, well pailed in, a Yeard wherein is most of the fore- 
said necessary houses, pallizado'd in with locust Punchens, which 
is as good as if it were walled in & more lasting than any of our 
bricks, together with a good Stock of Cattle, hogs, horses, mares, 
sheep, &c., & necessary servants belonging to it, for the supply 
and support thereof. About a mile & half distance a good water 
Grist miln, whose tole I find sufficient to find my own family with 
wheat & Indian corn for our necessitys & occasions up the 
River in this county three tracts of land more, one of them con- 
tains 21996 acres, another 500 acres, & one other 1000 acres, all 
good convenient & commodius Seats, & w''^ in few years will 
yield a considerable annual Income. A stock of Tob° with the 

^ I 


crops and good debts lying out of about 250000'^ besides suffi- 
cient of almost all sorts of goods, to supply the familys & the 
Quarter's occasion for two if not three years. Thus I have given 
you some particulars, which I thus deduce the yearly crops of 
Corn & Tob° together with the surplusage of meat more than 
will serve the family's use, will amount annually to 60000"^ Tob* 
W"* at 10 shilings p C°* 300 £ p annum, & the negroes increase 
being all young & a considerable parcel of breeders will keep 
that stock good for ever. The stock of Tob** managed with an 
inland trade will yearly yield 60000*^ Tob** without hazard or risque, 
which will be both clear without charge of house keeping or dis- 
bursements for servants clothing. The Orchard in a very few 
years will yield a large supply to plentifull house keeping or if 
better husbanded yield at least loooo"* Tob* annual income. 
What I have not particularly mentioned your own knowledge in 
my affairs is able to supply, if any are so desirous to deal for the es- 
tate without the stock of Tob** I shall be ready & willing, but I will 
make no fractions of that, either all or none at all shall go. I have so 
fully discoursed you in the affair that I shall add no farther in- 
structions but leave it to your prudent and careful management 
& would advise that if any Overtures of such a nature should 
happen, immediately give an account thereof to Mr. Nicholas 
Hay ward, Notary publick, near the Exchange London, both of 
the person treating, & the places Situation, Quantity & quality 
of the Estate, who will take speedy & effectual care to give me 
a full & ready account thereof, which I hope you will p all the 
opportunitys do to. 

S' Your Wff. 
To Doctr. Ralph Smith in Bristol. 

April 22nd, 1686. 
Most Worthy Sir, 

I must confess I want abilitys to polish & adorn my expres- 
sions with that Elegance & sweetness of stile your two letters I 
this year received are full freighted with, yet TU endeavour to 
supply that defect with a true sincerity & ardent zeal to assure 
you of my most hearty affection & real propensity which your 
generous worth obliges & obliging favours binds me to, & shall 


be always ready to court all occasion to demonstrate the same. 
I never met a Disapointment with greater chearfullness, than 
when I was informed of your Purchase of the seat of land con- 
tiguous, for my intention of purchase was to have such neighbours 
on it as might live quietly & honestly, the contrary of which are 
in all places ill, but here really pernicious. Your Purchase not 
only takes away those fears, but as to my contentment in the 
assurance of so generous & friendly a neighbourhood, either by 
a Trustee for your self, or by some near & dear relation to your- 

What service I can do you either in the settlement or farther 
confirmation thereof, if your kindness will please to communicate 
my ready obedience shall be fully shewn in a speedy [& to my 
skill] full complyance. But if you intend for sale (which I hope 
not) if yon will be pleased to give me the Refusal, I will give 
you the full heighth of the market, because the Interposition of 
an unknown Neighbour so near may be vastly prejudicial. S% 
your generous & kind offer of more vegetables in any condition 
desired either in seeds, trees slips or plants, agrees so naturally 
with my constitution & the melancholy condition of this country 
that I must be of all men the most ungratefull if I should not 
meet with so great a favour from so good a friend, with all the 
chearfulness a tongue is able to express, or heart to think, & should 
be guilty of a high Ingratitude (which sin next to the sin of 
Witchcraft I utterly abominate) if I should particularly impose 
farther troubles, till I have retributed your past favours in this 
kind, by a due acknowledgement & a thorough account of the 
Essays therein made which I hope are now upon germination, 
and by the next I hope to give you some satisfactory account 
thereof. Your uncle Porteous * remote habitation & my retire- 
ment from publick concerns (and so consequently from James- 
town') admits me not at present that desired opportunity of 
retalliating your kind favours in the nature & quality desired, 

**'Your Uncle Porteus" was probably Edward Porteus who lived 
on York river in the upper end of Gloucester county, and who, in 1693, 
was recommended by the Governor as a person of suitable standing and 
estate to be appointed to the Council, and who, it is believed, was 
grandfather of Bishop Porteus ; or it was Alexander Porteus, who had 
a grant of 600 acres at Morottico Creek in Lancaster (part now Rich- 
mond) in 1656, and who was living in Lancaster in 1658. 


yet with my near Neighbour & very good friend your brother 
Sam; I can never forget your desires (being so correspondent 
with my own inclinations) in commemoration of your good 
healths there & by the first opportunity shall fully answer your 
acceptations & my wishes. S', The enclosed is a copy of Direc- 
tions & Instructions to Doct' Ralph Smith an ingenuous gende- 
man but an inveterate Whig, an one that has good Credit & 
Interest in Bristol with that party where he lives, & gives me 
some assurance (By the beating of his own pulse) which he says 
keef>s even stroke with the rest of that discontented side (of its 
taking its desired effect) the humour of that party being to 
remove & Change with difficultys & hazards, rather than live 
contentedly & submissively, (Though plentifully) under the 
established Government & had rather rest &*Cross the expressed 
letter of the Scripture, than suffer that to rest their Inclinations 
or Cross their anabaptistical humors. The latter part gives you 
the reason that I sent you copy thereof, wherein as in a mirror, you 
may see my desires are now to breathe my native air & to enjoy 
the fruition of my native of Soil, if as it is there proposed it 
could be done with reputation & credit, as also my true Station 
and Standing here, which without a firm Settlement there I 
am resolved not to leave. If Mr. Smith writes you any thing 
relating thereto, I beg your favour in the examination thereof, or 
if in the course of your business, you could meet with such a 
discontented party you will be pleased in my behalf to propose the 
Overture. S', The enclosed is a letter to my brother which I 
beg the favour of yourself to deliver, Mr. Jno. Cooper I presume 
will bring you to his Company, I have sent it purposely open, 
that you both see and know the contents. And I hope he will 
(pursuant thereunto) heartily acknowledge and truly thank you 
for all your favours and kindnesses expressed and manifested to 
me, and for this last trouble in particular which Til assure you 

shall always be acknowledged by 

S^ Your WfT. 

To Mr. Nich" Hayward, Notary, &c. 

April 22nd, 1686. 
Dearest Brother: 

I have under cover of Mr. Nicholas Hayward my highly 
honoured & most esteemed friend seconded in the same ship my 


first under cover of Mr. John Cooper only to bring you into his 
acquaintance, & to beg your assistance to give him my due 
acknowledgements & thanks for all his past kindness & con- 
tinued favours which without the heighth of Ingratitude I cannot 
omit the acknowledgement. I have been so large & so particular 
in my first I have now little to add, only to tell you that neces- 
sity of business occasioned me to give a more near & perfect 
account of my Station here, than either prudence or modesty 
would admit me to do in your's, which upon your request I 
assure myself he will communicate to you & if you can do me 
any kindness therein I am certain you will contribute your help- 
ing hand, for effecting thereof for 

Your WfT. 
To Mr. Henry Fitzhugh, in London. 

April y 26th, 1686 
Mr. Thos. Clayton* 

The Trade & Dealing that I have had with Mr. Greenhahgh 
this year, & by that means the Converse, Society & Acquaint- 
ance with Mr. Jno Marshal is fully able & I suppose will readily 
inform you- & whose persuasions and advice give me the oppor- 
tunity & you the trouble of this present Overture for a quick, 
constant & certain & I believe advantageous trade, which in my 
apprehension you have not hitherto hit on. The offers I have 

* Thomas Clayton was probably of the family of Clayton of Fullwood, 
of whom there is the following short pedigree in "Gregsons Frag- 
ments: " 

Robt Clayton of Fulwood, near=Eleanor, dau of John Atherton 
Preston, Co Lancr.obt. Sep. 1664, by his wife Eleanor, dau. of Sir 

aged 37, buried at St Nicholas. 

Thomas Ireland, Knt. 

Will : Clayton Esq=Elizabeth, dau. of 
of Fulwood. Mayor of Liver- Geo. Leigh, of Ought 
pool, M. P. from 1698 to erington, d. 1745. 
1702, and 1713 & 1714; ob. 
1715; buried at St Nicholas. 
[In 1703 he petitioned the 
government as a Merchant, 
trading to Md. and Virginia.] 

Four Daughters. 


to make are but of two sorts. The first for a quick & speedy 
Dutch Trade. The second for a quick & sudden Trade & Dis- 
patch here, & a ready & full complyance to your whole ship & 
cargoe &c. As to the first which is the Dutch Trade, to have a 
ship of 200 Hhds burden here the beginning of October, & to 
have her whole Loading ready by the 15th & on board by the 
25th of the same month, that she might be dispatched out hence 
by the 27th at farthest, & by that means have first choice of the 
crops here, & the first & best of the Dutch market there. In 
which Design I myself would go a quarter, or rather than fail a 
third part, & engage to have my whole loading ready by the 
loth of October at farthest, but doubt your own remoteness & 
the Indexterity of most of your Factors in the course of trading 
you are now in, will not admit so ready a complyance, that con- 
cern requires to be profitably carried on, shall be no more par- 
ticular therein, but refer you to Mr. Marshal for a more ample 
account thereof. As to the second for a quick and sudden dispatch 
&c. 1 have this to offer that at 16. 8d p. cent I will engage to load 
a ship of 200 hhds. After this manner that 'is, let her arrive any 
time by the loth November, immediately upon her arrival after 
the loth November aforesaid, I will give her notes for one third 
of her Loading, as soon as ever she has dispatched those notes 
& got the Tob" on board, I will then give her Notes for one 
third more of her Loading, & when she has dispatched them, I 
will then give her Notes for the remaining part of her full Load- 
ing, which begining the loth Nov', may be easily perfected & 
performed by the 28th of the same month, & she ready to sail 
by the last of the same month or begining of December at 
farthest. Provided the master be a Diligent, Industrious man such 
a one as I can assure you Mr. Marshal is. And whatever stay 
she makes for want of my Notes aforesaid I will be bound to pay 
damage money p. day to the full of the ships charge. The con- 
veniency of Tob** & readiness of getting it on board, Mr. Marshal 
can pretty well inform you & I must also tell you, that near one 
half thereof must come off my own Plantation, near a third more 
at one particular Rowling house or landing, and the whole re- 
mainder not above twenty miles distance which in this country 
is a very inconsiderable matter. The 200 hhds. at 460 p hhd. 
which will certainly be the smallest weights of forward tob** will 


amount to 92000 lb. Tob** which at 16. 8d. p cent comes to ;^776. 
13. 4 half of which money I would deposited in such hands as I 
shall appoint and the other half in goods salable for this country 
cargoe, the money there deposited, I covet not the disposal of, nor 
the goods hither sent the possession of, till I have first answered my 
contract p the Delivery of Notes for good Tob**. Thus I have 
shortly touched at the Trade proposed, & if you doubt in any- 
thing I refer you to Mr. Marshal with whom, with whom I 
have more amply discoursed thereof, & who is fully able to 
inform you of my capacity & ability for performance, & the 
conveniency that will be in it. By this way of Trade your ship 
has no stay your men a full employment your goods a certain 
Sale, your Ship a certain Loading, yourselves but one half of the 
risque by reason one half the money is left in Engl*. No fear of 
bad or slow Debts, no doubtfull, careless or giddy Factors to 
overthrow the voyage & reckoning the charge of the Ships stay 
upon the course of Trade you are now in & the bad debts left 
the same quantity of Tob"* must needs stand you in a great deal 
more money, with all the hazards & disadvantages aforesaid. 
What is before said for the forward Ships arrival & dispatch in 
November, I have the same to propose in the same circumstances, 
& under the same conditions for the said ships or some other of the 
same burden arriving here, by the loth of february, which may 
likewise be as suddenly dispatched, but the weights of the hh^ 
round cannot be expected so great as the first ships, yet may, & 
I believe will hold out 420 p hh*" which will amount to 84,ocx) lb 
Tob** at 16 8* p cent is 700;^ which money I would have likewise 
ordered as the former, half there deposited & half in sortable 
goods as before, which latter Ship will be dispatch' d before most 
if not all your Ships that come hither under the course of Trade 
you are now in. By this means one ship will readily & easily 
perform two voyages in one year, the Seamen Kept in full em- 
ployment & consequently deserve their wages, the Master busily 
& constantly employed & the Ship according to the intent of her 
building in a continual Run, and as above all things in certainty 
and what loytering time is made (provided the master be dili- 
gent and dextrous) at my charge which I believe well weighed 
and considered, will deliver Tob"* in Engl* at cheaper rates than 
it is now purchased by those that make the cheapest Purchases. If 


this method and proposal be acceptable then care must be taken 
to give me for the first year timely and speedy notice either p 
the last Sept' or begining of October at farthest of the acceptance 
and continuance for at least three years, provided we live so lon^, 
but mortality must separate, because the contract is personal. 
Now the Directions that I have to propose for your methods to 
take therein to give Mr. Nich' Hay ward Notary publick near the 
Exchange London, notice thereof who will give me a speedy 
and sudden account of it, also to pay the money for the first and 
seconded ship into his hands, or else to take such care that shall 
be to his satifaction for the payment thereof, together with such 
caution for the same as he shall approve after notice of the same 
from him, I shall be ready then to make my full complyance in 
Tob** as aforesaid. And for the goods sort them, as if you were 
to send a cargo to purchase your Loading here (with this caution 
that it well bought and with ready money) which is this way ad- 
vantageous that in case of my mortality, it may suitably fit you 
towards your Loading, according to your present course of 
Trading and will most properly suit me for my Second Ships 
Loading and such suitable goods in your second Ship will 
suitably prepare me for my Summer's market, and your next 
forward Ships punctual and ready complyance. To Mr. Nicholas 
Hay ward, I refer the security and receiving the money payable in 
England as aforesaid, and therefore expect the application and 
complyance first to be made to him, who will by the first oppor- 
tunity and timely enough give me notice thereof to make 
preperation accordingly for that reason do expect to receive my 
first letters from you Subcover of his, & upon reception of them 
shall take care to be provided pursuant thereunto. And whereas 
I have set the sum of money according to the weights of Tob* I 
guess at, if the weights of the hh^ fall short bulking may make 
up the complement, or if it overdoes your matters orders must 
be large enough to make an allowance. Also as to the set 
times of loth November & loth february for the giving the first 
Notes I have set them down because of certainty and as bounda- 
ries to the proceeding's, but if the Ship arrives before either 
of the times immediately upon her arrival she may Keep doing 
& if I have sufficient Tob° ready by me she may get her Des- 
patch, but if for want of Seasons or Receipts, I should not have 


Tob"* to make complyance, I may then have as much time given 
me afterwards, before I pay damage money as I gave them em- 
ployment by my notes, before the prefixed time aforesaid. Also 
if the ship by contrary winds or bad weather stay longer before 
her Arrival than the times prefixed, I do not expect that exact- 
ness, of three times for the Delivery of Notes, but they may 
have Notes for the whole or the half according to the time of 
their stay immediately upon her Arrival. Now my intentions 
being to make a full complyance of 400 hh**' at the time & under 
the penalty's in the manner & method beforementioned for the 
money & goods there expressed, if I have been defective in any- 
thing that may relate to your Interest provided the main Inten- 
tion be kept good upon notice thereof, I shall be ready to supply 
that defect, or if I have been deficient in any particular relating 
to my own Interest, the main being Kept whole, I expect the 
same measure, for every particular perhaps may not occur to my 
memory, in a bargain of this weight & nature, but in the general 
if you approve I will make a full & sure complyance which is 
the needfuU at present from 

Worthy Gent.-Your Wff. 

To Mr. Thos. Clayton & Doctr. Silvester Richmond 

Merchts. in Liverpool. 

April 29th, 1689. 
Doer Ralph Smith 

At your request I have given you copy of this my Propo- 
sal of Trade to Mr. Clayton & Mr. Richmond of Liverpool if 
you find merchants or other of your acquaintance in Bristol that 
are desirous to lay hold thereof, for the time therein mentioned, 
for three years at least, upon the terms & under the conditions 
& circumstances therein specified you must advise and direct 
them to give speedy & sudden notice thereof to Mr. Nicholas 
Hayward Notary publick near the Exchange London, as also 
that they take such satisfactory care to make according to the 
methods proposed, full complyance & satisfaction to him & if 
before their offer Clayton & Richmond have not proceeded 
therein, they then may have the opportunity of the offer, & con- 


veniency of first complyance & assuredly a full return according 

to the methods & pursuant to the Agreement therein mentioned. 

Thus Sir att your request I have made the more general, but if 

it be any way serviceable, the end is answered of 

Sir your Wff. 
To Doct' Ralph Smith, in Bristol. 

Mayday 1686. 
Capt. Robt. Norman* 

I have at your request given you copy of this my Proposal 
of Trade to Mr. Clayton & Richmond of Liverpool, & if you 
think that you, together with your friends & Employers may 
approve & accept thereof I will readily condesend, & agree 
thereto, provided you give speedy & timely notice to Mr. Hay- 
ward as therein is directed, &• take care in the performance of 
the proposal & agreements therein mentioned. And whereas I 
direct them to Mr. Marshal for an account of me, my concerns 
and abilitys for performance of my past I must your friends and 
employers to your own knowledge for an account of my stand- 
ing and capacity, to undertake and go through with that affair. 
And do also further direct and advise that if you and your 
friends accept thereof, that if it be possible, you be in this first 
time by the beginning of October, though it be a small matter 
more chargeable, for the reasons I more fully rendered you when 
were together &c, I haveing so fully discours'd you in this afifair 
need add no farther than to assure you all things here on my 
part shall be punctually and fully performed by 

Your Wff. 
To Capt. Rob't. Norman &c. 

May 6th, 1686. 
Dearest Brother 

The above is Duplicate of my former p way of Bristol dated 
April 22d. What I have more to add now is to tell you, that 

*'Captain Robert Norman, spoken of in another place as of Belfast, 
Ireland. Perhaps he was the Robert Norman of Middlesex county, Vir- 
ginia, whose will (dated February i709-*io, proved March i709-'io) 
bequeaths his property to his wife, son, Thomas Norman and brother 
Moi^es Norman. 


there will be ;^20 in Mr. Cooper's hands left to your discretion 
to supply Mother's present wants, and to help fit out for my 
Sister for her voyage hither, or if she will not come to assist her 
in her necessitys there, and to tell you that's all the money I 
have in England or can at present command there, please to tell 
them it is not so much as my desires, are to contribute to their 
relief, but the whole of what I can at present spare. Also I 
would desire you to shew them this letter, which will give satis- 
faction in what I have omitted writing them and save me the 
trouble of being more particular as in theirs. I have nothing 
that I have further to add, save the full assurance that 1 am 

Your Wff. 
To Mr. Henry Fitzhugh, &c. 

May 6th i686 
Dear Sister 

The above is a copy of my former sent by way of Bristol 
22d of April, I have been so large with my brother, and entreated 
him to shew you my letter, which I am confident he will, that I 
need not be more particular, than only to tell you that I have 
ordered him about ;^20 to be disposed to my mother's and your 
use, which is all the money I have in England and would desire 
you that if you intend in hither, as I hope and wish you will that 
you would prepare to come away in the very first ships that 
comes into this River, by which means you may promise to your- 
self a prosperous and quick passage, and make me the sooner happy 
in the enjoyment of your good company. Mr. Nicholas Hay- 
ward near the Exchange London, and Mr. Jno. Cooper will 
direct you to a good ship and a civil mater, if you apply yourself 
to them, they being my very good friends. 

And Mr. Hayward will also take effectual care to send your 
letter to me, if you deliver them to him, with all speed and 
expedition and sooner and safer than you can possibly yourself, 
therefore would have you deliver what letters you send me to 
him. Pray convey the inclosed away to my Mother with all expe- 
dition, and present my duty to her, and true love and respects to 
all friends else there so helping both to hear from you and see 
you too, by the first Ships next year. 


I have now no more to tell you, but to g^ive you this Assurance 
you shall always find me 

Dear Sister Your Wff. 

To Mrs. Dorothy Fitzhugh 

May 6th, 1686. 
Mr. Nicholas Hay ward 

Sr. The above is Duplicate of my former p way of Bristol, 
dated April 22nd, 1686. This comes p Capt. Smith, but do not 
think it needfull to send Duplicate of the Inclosed Inst|:uctions 
in that to Doctr. Smith about the Exchange therein mentioned, 
because if that should miscarry Doctr. Smith who is in the same 
bottom cannot be safe & consequently incapaciated to carry it 
on, but if it should come safe to your hands, I am well assured 
of your kindness. The inclosed being copy of a letter to Mr. 
Clayton & Doctr. Richmond of Liverpool, about trade speaks its 
own business and your friendship and kindness largely expressed 
and as largely manifested, emboldens me to add this trouble to 
your former, entreating you to secure the money therein men- 
tioned for me if they accept the proposal and to give me timely 
and speedy notice thereof by the first Ships, and if Ships should 
not come time into our River, by directing letters for me to be 
left at Mr. Jno. Buckner's* clerk of Gloucester county in York 
River, or to Coir William Diggs in St. Mary's in Maryland, who 
will give them a quick conveyance to my hand and are so con- 
veniently seated that letters coming into any part of Virginia or 
Maryland will suddenly fall into their hands, or if you know any 
merchants in London, will accept of the terms, I will assuredly 

* Mr. John Buckner patented 1,000 acres of land in Gloucester in 1669, 
and was himself one of the headrights. He appears from various county 
records to have been a merchant in extensive business, and appears 
frequently as attorney (in fact) for English merchants. He brought the 
first printing press and printer to the Colony, and, in 1682, having 
printed the laws of the preceding Assembly, he was ordered by the 
Governor and Council to give (together with his printer) bond not to 
print anything more until the royal wishes on the subject had been 
consulted. The printer was named Roughead, and appears to have 
lived afterwards in Maryland. 


make complyance, or if you or they doubt of my abilitys for per- 
formance, Cap^ Thos. Smith or his mate Burnham are able to give 
satisfaction therein. S' I have already shewed it to two Traders 
here, Mr. Ralph Smith of Bristol and Cap* Robert Norman of Bel- 
fast in Ireland, who desired copys thereof, and am verily perswaded 
their owners and employers will comply therewith, which copys 
I gave them and particular letters (the copys whereof I have here 
enclosed sent you) to give a relation to them although the origi- 
nal Desigo was to Clayton and Richmond. S' if either Clayton 
or Richmond or any of the above mentioned agree to it, or any 
merchant in London, will accept thereof, I wholly refer myself to 
you for the securing the money, out of which I desire you to 
reimburse yourself, for your care, charge and trouble or if the 
Trade does not take, I shall take effectual care to reimburse your 
charge and make you full satisfaction for your trouble, I must 
likewise thankfully acknowledge it as a farther Addition to your 

accumulated favours done to 

S' Your WfT. 
To Mr. Nich' Hay ward. 

May 6th, 1686. 
Mr. Jno Cooper 

Sr. The above is a copy of my former p via Bristol bearing 
date 22nd April last and do intend this p Capt. Smith, if he be 
not gone before I get it down to him. In my former I sent you 
bills of exchange and in this send you the second bills, and do 
think they are so good they will be punctually paid, I have like- 
wise advised in my former letter, to deliver to my brother what 
money of mine he called for without limitation, I likewise in my 
former acquainted you that I thought I would consign you some 
Tob^ but Smith going away so suddenly hinders that Design though 
now I have the Tob*^ lying ready by me, and doubt its too late to 
get freight in any other Londoner for the same, also more bills I 
have to send but cannot get them time enough to send by this 
conveniency, but by next which will be by way of Liverpool, 
you may expect another letter, with other bills of Exchange in- 
closed therein. It not being long before they will sail, I have 
now no farther to add than to assure you I am 

S' Your Wff. 
To Mr. Jno. Cooper Merch* in London. 


May 20tb, 1686. 
Mr. Nicholas Hayward 

I have been so often troublesome to you this year, and per- 
haps impertinently too, about my proposed Exchangfe, and my 
offers of Trade, of both of which I hope you have already, and 
will by this receive Duplicates. This comes to return you my 
cordial thanks for your Almanack, and which is of greater mo- 
ment a continued assurance of your constant friendship and kind- 
ness, intimated in your brother Sam's letter, which I as joyfully 
please myself with, as the most miserly Usurer in the enjoyment 
of his full bags, and with the same propensity shall endeavour 
the continuance, as he does his adored golden Mammon. Also 
in the said letter, you seem to have an inclination of disposing 
your new purchase in my Neighbourhood, to some french Hugo- 
nots. If your Intentions therein be as well led by charity to help 
the distressed, as p advantage to make profit of your Purchase, 
I believe it may lay in my power to answer both or either of 
them for if you are designed for sale, if you please to give me 
the offer, and to set your lowest price, I will accept, and make 
you punctual and good payment either in money or Tob*. And 
for the french Protestants, I have convenient and good Land 
enough seat 150 or 200 familys upon one Dividend w*"^ contains 
21996 Acres, which I will either sell them in fee at £;]. sterling 
for every hundred acres, or else lease it to them for three lives, 
paying 20 shillings p annum for every hundred acres and they 
may have the liberty of renewing one two or three lives at any 
time paying for each life to be renewed one years Rent, without 
demanding any fine or other consideration for their first purchase 
and will engage to find them with and meat for the first year, 
meat at 2-6 p hundred and corn at 2-6 p bushel for as many 
soever as comes in if it be three or four hundred people and 
all other necessarys for their money at the Country Market 
price. The Land I offer to Sell or lease is suituate in this coun- 
try lyes within a mile and half of Potomack River, and of two 
bold navigable creek's is principal good Land, and is more pro- 
per for frenchmen, because more naturally inclined to vines than 
yours or any about our Neighborhood and will engage to natur- 
alize every soul of them at ;^3 p head, without any more or other 


matter of charge or trouble to them, whereby the heirs will be 
capacitated to inherit the father's purchase. S' I am more 
affraid of falling upon Scylla to avoid Charybdis, that is, of one 
sea, if I should endeavour to he perspicuous, I should be too 
impertinent and troublesome, and if I should be very short I 
doubt obscurity, therefore TU rather venture a breach of good 
manners and a tresspass upon your patience (which your repeated 
letter manifests to be soon tired) by repetitions rather than hazard 
an obscurity in my propositions and intentions, for whereas I 
have said if so many familys comes, my meaning is, let few or 
many familys come, not exceeding that number, I am provided, 
and will certainly seat them and provide for them upon the con- 
ditions expressed. And if I lease for three lives, my meaning 
is they shall pay no fine or Purchase, but only their annual Rent, 
also one man may have 2. 3. 4 or 500 acres or as many hundred 
as he pleases, paying for each hundred 20 sh. annually and re- 
newing I. 2 or 3 lives at any time for the full of the yearly rent. 
S*^ If these offers be acceptable or pleasing to the french- 
men or any other of your friends it will be double advanta- 
geous to me, first by meeting an opportunity to serve you 
through your friends, and secondly, by profitably either selling 
or tenanting my Land, which till so done, is rather a Charge than 
profit. S' What I have farther to add about the proposal of 
Trade is, that I do not desire to have the money, till they have 
an assurance of the receipts of their Tob° provided you shall 
have such security, as you shall like for the payment then also to 
acquaint you that if more than one should accept of the offer, I 
am ready and in a capacity, to comply with two Ships forward 
and latter, that is for eight hundred hh^ in the whole, not doubt- 
ing but to have pretty near that quantity out of my own stock, 
and to advise to accept of the first if you find them fully respon- 
sible. S^ The reason of the repetition of this offer of Exchange 
contrary to my intentions as intimated in my is occasioned, be- 
cause of our continual news hither is of higher and greater dis- 
satisfaction, amongst'that discontenetd Whiggish Party, and being 
something acquainted with the disposition of the men, by the 
knowledge of two I have met with, that parted with such estates 
as in mine mentioned, merely upon Discontents, and were bound 
for Pennsylvania, who heartily wished they had had intimation 


and assurance of such a change as I proposed, for they are 
now throughly sensible, all their money for their Sale, and 
as much again, cannot settle them in this condition, as I 
have offered to estate any one in besides, the hardships and 
hazards, they must necessarily go through, that begin a new 
settlement, and the losses and troubles they must sustain 
before its brought to any maturity or perfection. S' in 
your two former I have desired your assistance, if in the 
course of your business you should meet with such an op- 
portunity which the criticalness of these times gives me no 
occasion to despair of & your universal acquaintance gained 
by your skillful and active Dexterity in your publick con- 
cerns unites my wishes in some hope of success (the relations of 
those two Pennsylvanians I before mentioned assuring me divers 
were offering to sale & preparing for a Remove) which if it 
should happen would not only bring with it, that great satisfac- 
tion of enjoying my native country comforts & engagements, 
but a large opportunity to retalliate you many signal favours, 
which this Distance will allow me only the liberty of a gratefull 
and thankfull acknowledgment. S' If understanding a mans self 
when present, to have been too troublesome, causes a sudden call 
of the spirits from the heart to the face, by its blushing shews a 
sence of its guilt, the same thing though absent, this abrupt con- 
clusion will shew you has possessed. 

S' Your Wff. 
To Mr. Nich" Hayward. 

P. S. — ^Just as I am writing comes the commission of the Peace 
for our county, wherein I find your Brother Sam a Quorum Jus- 
tice therein according to his worth & deserts, but with an assur- 
ance of his clerk's ofiice. 

(to be continued.) 



Fitzhugh Families in Bedfordshire, Oxfordshire and 


As the letters in this number of the Magazine refer to so many of Wm. 
Fitzhugh 's relations in England, this will be a proper place to give 
some account of the various families, or branches of the family in the 
counties named. In the visitation of Bedfordshire, 1566, is the follow- 
ing pedigree : 

William Fitzhughe=Katherine, dau : 

of Walden, Com. Bedf : 
3d son. 


Com : Hertf ; 

Bill, of Ash well 

(I) William. (4) John. 

(2) Thomas^. (5) Robert, of Fitzhugh, 
s.p. young. Wavenden ofWildon, 

Com. Buck- 3d son. 

ingham, vide 


Nicholas=Grace, dau. Mary=Tho. 

of Richd. 
Stokes of 
White Note- 
ley in Essex 

(3) John 

(2) William Christopher Elizabeth 

mar. to • 

Nokes of 
Ashwell in 
Hartfordsh : 
[or *• Hat- 
field Bro- 
dick in Es- 
sex "] 

Visitation of Buckingham 1634: 

Robert Fitzhugh of=Eliza: dau. of Richd. 
Wanden (Wavenden) ' Busy of Tuddington 

Co. Buck. 5th son of 
Wm. Fitzhugh of Wyl- 
den in Co. Buck. 
[Bed.] gent. 

in Co. Bedf. gent. 

Francis William died Anne 
2d son young s. p. 


In each of the preceding: pedigrees the same arms are given, quarterly 
ist & 2d. Ermine, on a Chief, gu. three Martlets. 



Visitation of Oxfordshire 1574. 

Thomas Fitzhugh: 
of Beggery, in Com. 

Richard Fitzhugh=Francis, dau. of Arms: Quarterly; ist Az., three 

of Beggery W3^tt, of , Chevrons interlaced in base or, 

m Com. Kent. ^ ^j^j^^ ^^ ^^^^ Fitzhugh], 2d 

Az. on a Chevron B. three 
stags heads or; 3d. sable, a bead 
Robert Fitzhugh=Mary, dau. of sinister or, between six cross 
ofWalcotm {oh^nG.ffojd^f ,ets;. P. three bars Crest : 

Southampton. Wyvlen or. 

Com. Oxon. 

Thomas Fitzhugh of=Elizabeth, dau. of 
Walcott in Com. Edward, Lord Cromwell. 
Oxon Esqr. 

In Blaydes* "Genealogia Bedfordiensis, " a collection of extracts from 
the parish register of Bedfordshire, annotated by the editor, there is fre- 
quent notice of the name Fitzhugh. We copy all of the instances: 

John Fitzhugh, son of Wm. F., baptized March 22d, 1611, at St. Paul's, 
Bedford. ' 

William Fitzhugh, son of Wm. F., bap. Aug. ist, 1613, at St. PauPs, 

John Fitzhugh, son of Wm. F., bur. June 4, 1624, at St. Paul's, Bed- 

Sibel Fitzhugh, dau. of Wm. F., bur. Feb. 28, 1626, at St. Paul's, 

Mr. Henry Fitzhugh, bur. Feb. 28, 1631, at St. Paul's, Bedford. 

Ahn Fitzhugh, dau. Wm. & Ann, bap. Sept. 23d, 1638, at St. Paul's, 

Thomas Fitzhugh, son Wm. & Hannah, bap. Jan. 29, 1629, at St. Paul's 

Margaret Fitzhugh, dau. Henry & Mary, bap. Nov. 12, 1640, at St. 
Paul's, Bedford. 

William Fitzhugh, son Wm. & Ann, bap. Dec. ist, 1640; bur. Dec. 4th, 
at St. Paul's, Bedford. 

Ann Fitzhugh, dau .Wm. & Ann,bur.Nov. 24, 1 641, at St. Paul's, Bedford. 

Elizabeth Fitzhugh, dau. Wm. & Ann, bap. Feb. 11, i64i,at St. Paul's 

Susan Fitzhugh, dau. Henry & Mary, bap. Oct. 27, 1642, at St. Paul's, 


Mary Fitzhugh, dau. Henry & Mary, bap. Dec. 26, 1643, at St. Paul's, 

William Fitzhugh, bur. Jan. 18, 1644, at St. PauPs, Bedford. 

Elizabeth Fitzhugh, dau. Henry & Mary, bap. Jan. 12, 1644, at St. 
Paul's, Bedford. 

Dorothy Fitzhugh, dau. Henry & Mary, bap. Jan. 24, 1645, at St. 
Paul's, Bedford. 

Elizabeth Fitzhugh, dau. Robert, bap. Sep. 25, 1649, at St. Paul's, 

Henry Fitzhugh, son Henry, bap. Apl. 28, 1650. at St. Paul's, Bedford. 

Ye Widow Fitzhugh, at **ye Ram." bur. Sept. 25, 1651, at St. Paul's, 

Philip Fitzhugh, son of Robert, bap. Nov. 21, 1651, at St. Paul's, Bed- 

William Fitzhugh, son of Henry, bap. Jan. 10, 1651, St. Paul's, Bed- 

Elizabeth Fitzhugh, dau. of Robert, bap. Aug. 15, 1653, St. Paul's, 

Augustine Fitzhugh, son of Robert & Mary, bap. Dec. 14, 1662, St. 
Paul's, Bedford. 

Margaret Fitzhugh, dau. of Robert & Mary, bap. Feb. 19, 1664, St. 
Paul's, Bedford. 

Hannah Fitzhugh, dau. of Robert & Mary, bap. Jan. 9, 1667, St. 
Paul's, Bedford. 

Abigail Fitzhugh, widow, bur. Dec. 10, 1697, St. John's, Bedford. 

George Fitzhugh & Mrs. Mary Baldwin, married May 15, 1623, Wilden. 

George Fitzhugh, bur. Aug. 28, 1624, Wilden. 

John Fitzhugh, son of Nicholas, bap. Sept. 18, 1629, bur. Mar. 3d, 

Katherine Fitzhugh and Wm. Goodwyn, m. Oct. 24, 1629, Wilden. 

Nicholas Fitzhugh, son of Nicholas, bapt. Dec 11, 1626, Wilden. 

Nicholas Fitzhugh, bur. April 14, 1627, Wilden. 

John Fitzhugh, son of Robert, bap. March 29, 1629, Wilden. 

Robert Fitzhugh, son of Robert, bap. Feb. 26, 1632, Wilden. 

William Fitzhugh, son of Robert & Mary, bap. Nov. 23d, 1634, Wilden- 

Robert Fitzhugh, son of John & Anne, bap. June 3d, 1652, Wilden. 

Alice Fitzhugh, dau. of John & Anne, bap. Sept. 16, 1654, Wilden. 

Mary Fitzhugh, dau. of John & Anne, bap. Sept. 15, 1656, Wilden. 

Anne Fitzhugh, dau. of John & Anne, bap. Sept. 22d, 1659, Wilden. 

John Fitzhugh, son of John & Anne, bap. Sept. 18, 1665, Wilden. 

Mr. John Fitzhugh, the elder, widower, bur. Apl. 22d, 1666, Wilden. 

George Fitzhugh, bur. May 7th, 1672, Wilden. 

Thomas Fitzhugh, son of John, bur. Nov. 13, 1672, Wilden. 

Elizabeth Fitzhugh, widow, bur. Apl. ist, 1676, Wilden. 

Alice Fitzhugh & Wm. Lane, of Eaton-Scoon, m. Feb. 2d, 1679, 


Sarah Fitzhugh, dau of John, bur. June 9, 16851 Wilden. 

Robert Fitzhugh, son of Robert, bap. Nov. 15, 1694, bur. Nov. 24, 

Mary Fitzhugh, dau. of Robert, bap. Dec. 2d, 1695, bur. Jan. 18, Wil- 

John Fitzhugh, yeoman, bur. Oct. 3d, 1699, at Wilden. 

Ehzabeth Fitzhew & John Rush, m. Sept. 27, 1608, at Ravensden. 

Ann Fitzhew & Mr. W. Ward, of St. Paul's, Bedford, m. Nov. 2d, 
1654, at Ravensden. 

Elizabeth Fitzhew & W. Franklin, m. Jan. 30, 1669, at Ravensden. 

Ann, wife of John Fitzhugh, Sr., bur. Dec. 14, 1664, at Neale. 

William Fitzhugh, bap. Jan. 21, 1570, at Great Barford. 

Robert Fitzhugh, bap. July 23, .1573, at Great Barford. 

John Fitzhugh, bap. Jan. 6, 1575, at Great Barford. 

John Fitzhugh, bur. Sept. 24, 1579, at Great Barford. 

Anne Fitzhugh, bap. Feb. 15, 1574, at Great Barford. 

Ursula Fitzhugh, bap. Feb. 3d, 1596, at Great Barford. 

William Fitzhugh, bap. Feb. 26, 1597, at Great Barford. 

Anne Fitzhugh & Robert Worsley, m. Sept. 25th, 1599, at Great 

William Fitzhugh, son of Robert, bap. Oct. nth, 1599, at Great Barford. 

Catherine Fitzhugh, bap. Feb. 28, 1601, at Great Barford 

Elizabeth Fitzhugh, dau. of Robert, bap. Sept. 5, 1602, at Great Bar- 

Elizabeth Fitzhugh, bur. Jan. 19, 1604, at Great Barford. 

Judith Fitzhugh, dau. Henry, bap. Jan. 16, 1604, at Great Barford. 

Ursula Fitzhugh, dau. of Henry, bap. Feb. 26, 1607, at Great Barford. 

Maria Fitzhugh, dau. of Henry, gent., bap. July 27, 161 2, at Great 

Anna Fitzhugh, dau. of Robert, bap. Aug. 22d, 1613, at Great Barford. 

Anna Fitzhugh, dau. of Henry, bap. Sept. 8, 1639, at Tempsford. 

Elizabeth Fitzhugh, dau. of Wm., bap. June 24, 1683, at Kempston. 

William Fitzhugh, bur. Jan. 10, 1685, Kempston. 

Elizabeth Fitzhugh & Wm. Waller, m. July 21, 1689, Kempston. 

Among the notes to Mr. Blaydes' valuable book (which contains 
much other matter of interest to the American genealogist) are the 
following abstracts of wills : 

Will of Nicholas Fitzhugh, of Wilden, Gent, dated Feb. 26, 1578, 
proved March 31st, 1579; to be hurried in the churchyard of Wilden; 
wife Joan to have all of his lands until his son John comes of age ; if 
son John has no heirs, then estate to go to his (testator's) brother John; 
legacies to brother William and sister Elizabeth Fitzhugh. 

Robert .Saunders in a will dated 2d September, 1622, bequeathes to 
his wife Mabell all his lands at Wavenden and Apsley Heath which 
came to him from his grandfather, Robert Fitzhugh, of Wavenden ; also 
legacy to his grandmother Elizabeth Fitzhugh. 


Will of William Fitzhugh, of Bedford, malster, dated January 2, 1632, 
proved 25th September, 1638. Legacies to daughter Elizabeth and her 
husband Thomas Paradine, Mayor of Bedford, 20 shillings each for 
rings; to their son Thomas 20 shillings; to sons William, Francis, 
Hugh, Peter, and Robert, ;f 30 each ; daughters Margaret and Sybill, 
brother Robert Fitzhugh, son Henry a newly-erected building in St. 
Pauls (parish), Bedford; wife Margaret his dwelling-house, with rever- 
sion to son Thomas; sister Wilsbere, wife Margaret, executrix, and 
■brother William Fitzhus:h, of Wanden, and wife's brother, Hugh 
Smith, executors. 

Will of Thomas Fitzhugh, of Bedford, Malster, dated loth January, 
1639, proved i8th June, 1640. Legacies to brother Henry's wife and 
Ann, her daughter, 20 shillings each ; brother-in-law George Paradine 
and his (P's) sons, Thomas and George, 20 shillings each; godson 
William son of George Paradine, ;f 10; sister Elizabeth, wife of George 
[the preceding will says Thomas] Paradine, 20 nobles ; sisters Margaret 
and Sibell, 20 nobles each; aunt Freeborne, to shillings; parish of St. 
Paul's, 20 shillings; mother Margaret Fitzhugh, widow, executrix and 
residuary legate