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Five hundred copies of this book have been 
printed^ and the type has been distributed. 

This copy is No. 





(7 FEBRUARY 1922) 
















A) MI RAT I ON for the scholar, gratitude to the generous 
patron of learning, and feelings of personal affection 
have prompted the compilation of this volume, to which 
Orientalists of as many as eleven different nationalities 
have contributed. 

For years past you have inspired successive groups of 
students with your own enthusiasm for the literature and 
culture of Islam, and by your writings you have stirred up 
in every part of the civilised world interest in the subject 
of your own studies, and have widened the bounds of 
human knowledge. It is the hope of all your friends that 
you may long continue to carry on the torch, and add still 
more to those writings which are so precious a possession 
to all students of the Muslim world. 

During the progress of the work three of the contributors, 
Sir C. J. Lyall, Professor I. Goldziher, and Professor C. F. 
Seybold, have passed away. While it has been a pleasure to 
all to join in making this 4jtju* acceptable, especial thanks 
are due to Professor A. A. Bevan for his help in connexion 
with Hebrew and Aramaic, and to the staff of the Cam- 
bridge University Press for the care they have bestowed on 
a book containing many languages and scripts. 

Since your name will always be associated with Persia, it 
seemed natural that the volume should bear a Persian title, 
which not only conveys the sentiment of 'ajab but also 
embodies a Persian figure of speech by its allusion to the 
familiar initials, E. G. B. 




ARENDONK, C. VAN (Leiden). An initiation rite of the Sorcerer in 

Southern Arabia ... ..... i 

ARNOLD, T. W. (London). The Caesarian Section in an Arabic 

Manuscript dated 707 A.M. . 6 

AsfN PALACIOS (Madrid). Influencias evangelicas en la Literatura 

religiosa del Islam ......... 8 

BABINGER, FRANZ (Wiirzburg). Marino Sanuto's Tagebiicher als 

Quelle zur Geschichte der Safawijja 28 / 

BEVAN, A. A. (Cambridge). Some Contributions to Arabic Lexico- \jr 

graphy . .51 

CARNOY, A. J. (Louvain). The Character of Vohu Manah and its 

evolution in Zoroastrianism .... 94 

CARRA DE VAUX (Paris). Notice sur un Calendrier Turc . .106 
CASANOVA, PAUL (Paris). Les Ispehbeds de Firim . . . .117 
CASARTELLI, L. C. (Manchester). Avestan urvan^ 'soul' . -127 \ 
CHRISTENSEN, ARTHUR (Copenhagen). Jiihi in the Persian Literature 129 
EDWARDS, E. (London). Some rare and important Arabic and 

Persian Manuscripts from the collections of HajjT 'Abdu'l-Majld 

Belshah ; now either in the British Museum or in the private 

collection of Professor Edward G. Browne . . . -137 

FISCHER, A. (Leipzig). Die mas'ala zunburija 150 

GOLDZIHER, I, Himmlische und irdische Namen . . . 157 

GUEST, RHUVON (London). Relations between Persia and Egypt 

under Islam up to the Fatimid period 163 

GUIDI, I. (Rome). Particelle interrogative e negative nelle Lingue 

semitiche . . . . . . . . . 175 

HARTMANN, R. (Leipzig). Alexander und der Ratselstein aus dem 

Paradies . . . . . . . . . . .179 

HERZFELD, ERNST (Berlin). Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan und die 

Baukunst der Ilkhane in Iran 186 

HIRSCHFELD, HARTWic (London). A volume of essays by Al Jahiz . 200 
HORTEN, M. (Bonn). Die Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf 

ethischem Gebiete . . . . . . . . .210 

HOUTSMA, M. TH. (Utrecht). Some remarks on the Dlwan of NizamI 224 
HUART, CL. (Paris). Les Mosafirides de TAdherbaidjan . . .228 
JACKSON, A. V. WILLIAMS (New York). A Visit to the Tomb of 

Baba Tahir at Hamadan . . . . . . . -257 

KRENKOW, F. (Westcliff-on-Sea). The use of Writing for the preser- 
vation of Ancient Arabic Poetry . . . . . .261 

LITTMANN, ENNO (Tubingen). Ein tiirkisches Streitgedicht iiber 

die Ehe 269 

L ist of Contributions v i i 


LYALL, C. J. The Mu'-allaqah of Maimun al-A'shk (rendered into 

English in the metre of the original) . ... 285 

MACARTNEY, C. H. H. (Newbury). A short account of Dhu'r 

Rummah .......... 293 

MACDONALD, D. B. (Hartford, Conn.). A preliminary classification 

of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 304 

MARGOLIOUTH, D. S. (Oxford). The sense of the title Khallfah . 322 
MASSIGNON, Louis (Paris). Esquisse d'une bibliographic Qarmate . 329 
MITTWOCH, EUGEN (Berlin). Die Berliner arabische Handschrift 

Ahlwardt, No. 683 (eine angebliche Schrift des Ibn 'Abbas) . 339 / 
NALLINO, C. A. (Rome). Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 

per trafila Pehlevica ........ 345 

NICHOLSON, REYNOLD A. (Cambridge). Pir Jamal .... 364 

NOLDEKE, TH. (Karlsruhe). Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines 

jungen Raubtiers . . . . . . . . .371 

PEDERSEN, JOHS. (Copenhagen). The Sabians .... 383 jQ 

Ross, E. DENISON (London). The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, 

Mubarak Shah 392 

SEYBOLD, C. F. Die Namen der 2 Bistiimer (Dependenzen der 

Persis) : oW* Siran und Oojuo^* Mrmdit, verderbt aus 

jjtju-> Sendan und ^-ojJj-j Serendib . . . . .414 
SHAFf , MUHAMMAD (Lahore). A Description of the Two Sanctuaries 

of Islam by Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi (f 940) 416 

SNOUCK HURGRONJE, C. (Leiden). Qatadah's policy of splendid 

isolation of the Hijaz . . ...... 439 

STOREY, C. A. (London). Lexicographical Jottings .... 445 

TORREY, C. C. (Yale). Three Difficult Passages in the Koran . . 45 7 ^ 
TRITTON, A. S. (Aligarh). A Freak of Arabic Versification . . 472 
WEIR, T. H. (Glasgow). The Revolution in Persia at the beginning 

of the 1 8th century (from a Turkish MS in the University of 

Glasgow) .......... 480 

WENSINCK, A. J. (Leiden). The Refused Dignity . . . . 491 / 


Professor Edward G. Browne (phot, by Swaine) 


The Caesarian Section 

The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan, I. Front view 

II- Doorway 

III. S.W. Corner . 

IV. Middle panel of W. 

Wall . 

V. Mihrab . 
VI. Detail of Mihrab . 

VII. Detail of plinth at 

base of S. Wall . 

The Tomb of Baba Jahir at Hamadan 

Baba Tahir's Sarcophagus 

to face page 6 


pp. 192 & 193 

to face page 260 


Though mention is often made of sorcery (sihr) and its 
rites in Arabic literature, the information about the person 
of the sorcerer (sahir, sahhar] is scanty 1 . It may therefore 
be of interest to draw attention to an account which dis- 
closes something of the notions current at one time in 
Southern Arabia regarding the way in which the sorcerer 
was supposed to acquire his mysterious power. 

The Geographical Dictionary of Yaqut (d. 626= 1229) 
contains an article 2 the translation of which runs as follows: 

Hawd u Huwwir a (variants Haid u 'Uwwir a , Hawd u Quw- 
wir a ) is a mountain between Hadramawt and 'Uman in 
which is a cavern. It is said that there is at its entrance a 
one-eyed man. When one wishes to learn sorcery, he 
resorts to this cavern and speaks to this one-eyed individual 
about it. The latter then replies: "This is impossible, unless 
you renounce [belief in] Muhammad." Thereupon he lets 
him enter the cavern. Here is an assembly, and at the upper 
end of the cavern is a seat on which a saikh is sitting. The 
saikh then asks : " Which method of sihr would you like [to 
learn] ? " For he instructs him in one method only without 
letting him pass on to another. This is mentioned by 
'Utman al-Balati an-Nahwi (i.e. the Grammarian) 3 , who 
lived in Misr, on the authority of Husain 4 al-Yamanl and 
As'ad b. Salim al-Yamanl. 

1 Cf. J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Heidentums, 2nd ed. (Berlin 1897), 
p. 159 sqq. ; E. Doutte, Magie et Religion dans f Afrique du Nord (Alger 
1908), p. 27 sq. and passim', H. Reinfried, Brdnche bei Zauber und 
Wunder nach Buchari (Karlsruhe 1915). 

2 Mu^gam al-Buldan, ed Wiistenfeld, ii, 356 sq. (ed. Cairo, 1324, iii, 
359 ty.); abbreviated in al-Qazwinl, l Aga'ib al-Makhluqat, ed. Wiistenfeld, i, 
157 sq. ; cf. Marasid al-Ittila 1 , ed. Juynboll, i, 327 infra sq.\ Osiander, 
Studien iiber die vorislamische Religion der Araber, ZDMG^ vii, 471. 

3 Abu '1-Fath 'Utrnan b. 'Isa al-Balati, d. 599 (1002), cf. Brockelmann, 
Gesch. der arab. Litteratur, i, 302. 

4 Var. al-Muhsin. 

B. P. V. I 


Saith the author: al-Qadi al-Mufaddal Ibn Abi '1-Hag- 
gag 1 , the Inspector 2 in Misr, told me saying: "Ahmad b. 
Yahya b. al-Ward he was governor of the Castle al-Munif 
of Dubhan 3 related to me in the Yaman on the i;th Du 
'1-Higga 613" [2;th March 1217]: 

In one of the districts of ad-Dumluwa 4 , at a mountain 
called Quwwir, is found a ravine 5 named Hawd Quwwir. 
Its depth is not great, it has a length of five lances and 
a small breadth ; there is built in it a platform. Whoever 
wishes to learn something of sorcery takes a black he-goat, 
which has not a single white hair. After slaughtering and 
flaying it he divides it into seven pieces which he brings 
down into the cavern 6 . Thereupon he takes the paunch, 
rips it up, and daubs himself 7 with its contents. He puts on 
the skin of the goat turned inside out and enters the cavern 
in the night. It is a condition with regard to him that neither 
his father nor his mother should be still living. When he has 
entered the cavern he sees nobody. He then lies down to 
sleep, and if he finds in the morning his body cleaned from 
what was upon it and washed, this points to his being ad- 
mitted. At his entering [the cavern] he must bear in mind 
whatsoever he is wishing. If, however, he is in the morning 
in the same state, it points to the fact that he has not been 
admitted. When he leaves the cavern after his admittance, 
he may not speak to anybody for three days ; he must keep 

1 The same name Yaqut, o.c., i, 58, 2 (with the addition of 'arid al- 
guyuf, i.e. Inspector of the Army), 763, 22, iii, 224, u, iv, 91, 10, 438, 15; 
but i, 760, 8, iii, 300, 14: Ibn al-Haggag, and iv, 925, 4: al-Qadi al- 
Mufaddal Abu '1-Haggag Yusuf; cf. also iii, 206, n, 275, 17, 740, 10. Al- 
Qazwini, I.e., only Abu '1-Haggag. 

8 Al- l drid\ var. al-haris, also in ed. Cairo. 

3 The text has D-y-han, but cf. Yaqut, o.c., ii, 279, 14-17 ; according 
to this passage, Hisn al-Munif was situated on Mt Quwwir in the district of 
ad-Dumluwa, but this is apparently wrong. It must have been in the 
neighbourhood of Dubhan, S. of Mt Sabir; cf. Tag al-'Arus, vi, 263, 31. 
On Dubhan cf. H. von Maltzan, Reise nach Sudarabien (Brunswick 1873), 
p. 395, and map. 

* Ed. Cairo ad-Damluwa. 

6 It only appears from the following that there was a cavern (gar) in the 
ravine (&qg)> 

9 According to al-Qazwmi, /.<:., he gives one part to the herdsman 
residing on the mountain and puts down six parts in the cavern. 

7 Read yattall (var. and ed. Cairo) instead of yutalfi; al-Qazwini : 

An initiation rite of the Sorcerer in Southern Arabia 3 

silent during this time. Then he becomes a sorcerer. The 
same person related to me that he sent for a man of the 
Ma'afir, belonging to the people of Wadl Udaim 1 , named 
Sulaiman b. Yahya al-Uhduti 2 , a man of renown in matters 
of sorcery, and that he asked him to swear that he would 
tell him the truth about the tale of sorcery. He then took a 
solemn oath declaring that they (viz. the sorcerers) have no 
power to transfer water from one well to another or milk from 
one udder to another, or transform a human figure into a 
non-human one, but that they are able to cleave clouds and 
possess power in matters of love and soothing of hearts, and 
hatred, and that they could bring about pain in the limbs of 
men, such as head-ache, ophthalmia, and could make the 
heart ache. 

The statement of Ahmad b. Yahya b. al-Ward locates 
Hawd Quwwir for this is probably the correct reading 
in the neighbourhood of ad-Dumluwa, and Yaqut gives by 
the word " Quwwir" 3 the same topographical indication. 
Ad-Dumluwa was and perhaps still is a remarkable strong- 
hold on Gabal as-Silw 4 at a distance of i^ days' journey 
S.E.E. from Ta'izz 5 . Hawd Quwwir combines the names of 
two places in al-Ma'afir which al-Hamdam (d. 334 = 945/6) 
mentions 6 as renowned for being haunted by ginn. The 
Himyarl clans of al-Ma'afir dwelt in the valley between 
Mts Sabir and Dakhir and its surroundings in the Southern 
Yaman ; they are characterised as people of incantations 
(ruga, sing, ruqya) and sorcery 7 . The Sakasik were their 
neighbours and partly intermixed with them 8 ; those living 
in Wadi Adim especially were reputed to have among them 

1 Al-HamdanI, Sifa Gazlrat al-'Arab, ed. D. H. Miiller, p. 78, 5, Adim. 

2 The correct reading might perhaps be al-Ahrutl, cf. al-Hamdam, o.c. t 
p. 89, 22, 101, 24. 

3 o.c., iv, 199, 21 sq. 

4 Al-Hamdam, o.c., p. 76, 6 sqq. 

5 C. Niebuhr, Beschreibung von Arabien (Copenhagen 1772), p. 243. 

6 Al-HamdanI, o.c., p. 128, 9 sq. This statement is not necessarily in 
contradiction to the annexion of the two names. " Hawd " might have 
the meaning of its variant reading " Haid," a " projecting part " (Lisan al- 
i Arab, iv, 136 infra sq.\ which, as Professor Dr. Snouck Hurgronje kindly 
informs me,, is in Hadramawt the usual word for "mountain" (cf. also 
Landberg, Etudes sur les diakctes de V Arabic meridionale, i, 559). 

7 Al-Hamdam, o.c., p. 54, 21 sq., 67, 22 sqq., 99, 3 sqq., 125, 5 sq. 

8 Ib., p. 74, 2-7, 76, I sq., 77, 9 sqq., 79, 22 sqq., 99, 7 sq., 22 sqq. 

I 2 


sorcerers and persons able to call the rain and to borrow 
the milk (ahl sadh al-gait wa-isti'arat al-laban) and to 
perform other tricks of sorcery 1 . Until recently the regions 
of Zabid, Abu 'Aris, az-Zaidiyya and Luhayya were famous 
as places where witches performed their pernicious spells 2 . 

The first of the above accounts is apparently wrong in 
placing Hawd Quwwir somewhere in the tract between 
Hadramawt and 'Uman 3 . Moreover it is probably rather 
incomplete, as it hardly can be supposed that the initiation 
of the novice would not be accompanied by certain rites. It 
seems to relate to an initiation effected by other sorcerers 4 . 
Belief in Muhammad's mission has to be renounced because 
it belongs to a religious sphere which is hostile to that of 
the demons invoked by the sorcerers 5 . 

The second account gives some interesting details. The 
sacrifice is undoubtedly intended for the demon(s) by which 
the place is haunted according to al-Hamdam. The victim 
is of a kind particularly used in magical rites 6 ; its sacrificial 
pieces correspond to the magical number seven 7 . The 
contents of the stomach of the victim may have been 
regarded as efficacious for magical purposes 8 . The putting 

1 Ib., p. 74, 7-9, cf. 99, 18. 

2 Mordtmann, Die Hexen in Jemen in Ausland, Ivi (1883), 975 sq. 

3 Tag al-^Arus, ii, 342 supra, gives the same situation of Haid 'Uwwir 
(var. Quwwir, Huwwir) according to as-Sagani (probably RadI ad-Din al- 
Hasan b. Muhammad, d. 650= 1252/3 ; cf. o.c., i, 4, 4; as-Suyuti, Bugyat 
al-Wu^dt, Cairo 1326, p. 227 ; Brockelmann, o.c., i, 360 sq.). Al-Qazwlnl, 
I.e., omits the topographical indications given in the beginning of Yaqut's 
second account. 'Uman may of old have been reputed as a country of 
sorcerers, cf. W. G. Palgrave, Narrative of a Year's Journey through 
Central and East Arabia (London 1865), ii, 267 sqq. 

4 Cf. H. Hubert et M. Mauss, Theorie generate de la magic, Annie socio- 
logique, vii (1902-3), 38 sq. \ id., Eorigine des pouvoirs magiques dans les 
societe's australiennes, in Mtlangts d'histoiredes religions^ Paris 1 909), p. 1 7 2 sqq. 

5 Cf. Ibn Khaldun, al-Muqaddima (Cairo 1327), p. 555; Doutte, o.c., 
P- 335 sqq. 

6 Almost the same prescription is given for the victim^ which has to be 
slaughtered at a cavern in Wadi Sus (Morocco) by a Sluh Berber who 
wishes to be initiated by the ginn as an andam (poet-singer), H. Stumme, 
Dichtkunst und Gedichte der Schluh (Leipzig 1895), p. 7, in H. Basset, Le 
culte des grottes au Maroc (Alger 1920), p. 68. On black victims, cf. Doutte, 
o.c., p. 463 ; H. Basset, o.c., pp. 84, 89, 93, 99, 105. 

7 Cf. Doutte', o.c., p. 1845^. 

8 On analogous applications cf. J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of 
the Soul (Golden Bough, ii), pp. 173, 174, 175. 

An initiation rite of the Sorcerer in Southern Arabia 5 

on of the victim's skin may be a rite aiming at a com- 
munion with the sacrifice 1 ; its turning inside out might at 
the same time represent a sympathetic rite in order to 
provoke the change which the candidate is expecting to 
undergo. The mysterious cleaning of the novice's body 
during sleep is apparently supposed to be performed by the 
ginn. It suggests the purification involving renovation and 
communication of extraordinary powers which is a main 
feature in the initiation of the magician 2 . That similar con- 
ceptions also occurred in Arabia has been shown by Dr 
Schrieke in his interpretation of the legend of the washing 
of Muhammad's heart and his journey to heaven 3 . 

ADDITION: The account of al-Qazwlnl, o.c., i, 157, 
23 sqq., is reproduced almost exactly in Ibn al-Wardl, 
Kharldat al-'Agaib, ed. Tornberg (Upsala, 1835-9), ii, 
148 sq. [None of the complete Egyptian editions is 
accessible to me.] 


1 Cf. H. Hubert et M. Mauss, Essai sur la nature et lafonction du sacri- 
fice in Melanges tfhistoire des religions, p. 56 infra sq., 64 ; Doutte, o.c., 

P- 473- 

2 Cf. H. Hubert et M. Mauss, Theorie generale de la magic, p. 37 sq. ; id., 
Eorigine des pouvoirs magiques, in Melanges etc., p. 150 sqq. ; J. G Frazer, 
Balder the Beautiful (Golden Bough, vii), ii, 237 sqq. Cf. also the above- 
mentioned initiation of the andam, and on apprentices in Morocco initiated 
into their trade by \he ginn, H. Basset, o.c., p. 67 infra sq. 

3 B. Schrieke, Die Himmelsreise Muhammeds in Der Islam, vi (1915), 
i sqq. (with many ethnological references). 

4 I am greatly indebted to Mrs Kuenen-Wicksteed for the revision of 
the English. 


As the eminent scholar in whose honour this volume has 
been compiled is not only a Professor of Arabic, but also a 
Doctor of Medicine and a Fellow of the Royal College 
of Physicians, before whom he delivered the FitzPatrick 
Lectures on Arabian Medicine in 1920, it has been thought 
not unfitting to include in it some reference to medical science 
in the Muhammadan world. The picture here reproduced 
is believed to be the" earliest representation of the Caesarian 
section ; it is found in a MS of al-Berunl's al-Athar 
al-Baqiyah, now no. 161 in the Library of the University 
of Edinburgh, but previously in the possession of Mr. 
R. B. M. Binning, of the Madras Civil Service, who pur- 
chased it in Ispahan in the year 1851. The colophon bears 
the date 707 A.H. (= 1307-8 A.D.), and the MS is thus con- 
siderably older than any of those used by Professor Sachau 
in the preparation of his edition of al-Athar al-Baqiyah 
(Leipzig, 1878). But unlike the MS described by Pro- 
fessor Salemann in the Bulletin de I" Academic Impe'riale 
des Sciences de St Pttersbourg (1912, p. 86 1 sgg.) this 
Edinburgh MS does not supply material for filling up the 
numerous gaps that occur in Professor Sachau's edition ; 
the arrangement of the text as well as the illustrations would 
seem to indicate that the Paris MS (Bibliotheque Nationale, 
Supplement Arabe, Nr. 713, probably about the second 
half of the I7th century) is ultimately derived from the 
Edinburgh MS, or that both are copies of a common 
original ; but only a more careful comparison than has been 
possible to the present writer can determine this question. 

The Edinburgh MS contains 24 pictures, of a style that 
has provisionally been grouped under the vague designation 
of the Mesopotamian School. Like all pictures in Arabian 
and Persian MSS of the period, they exhibit the influence 
of those Chinese conventions which the victorious progress 
of the Mongol arms impressed upon the art of Western 
Asia, but there are characteristics also, which distinctly in- 

Caesarian Section in an Arabic Manuscript dated 707 A.H. 7 

dicate influences akin to those familiar in Byzantine paintings. 
We know practically nothing of the pictorial art of the Nes- 
torian Church, which was still flourishing in the East under 
Mongol rule up to the beginning of the I4th century, but it 
may well be presumed that the art of the Orthodox Eastern 
Church, so rich and extensive in its development, made its 
influence felt in the neighbouring Christian Churches, even 
though these were not in communion with it. This picture, 
as well as others in the same manuscript, presents the char- 
acteristically Byzantine balance of figures on either side of 
the picture, and the central group reproduces a well-known 
convention. The particular manner in which the subject- 
matter of several of the other illustrations is represented, 
makes it exceedingly unlikely that they should be the work 
of a Muhammadan artist, but, though there are distinct 
indications of Christian influence, there is on the other 
hand no certain evidence that they were painted by a 
Christian artist. 

The surgical operation which forms the subject of the 
picture reproduced here, receives only a passing reference in 
al-Berunfs chapter on the nature of the various eras of the 
world, in the section devoted to the era of Augustus (p. 29 
of Sachau's edition). Here he states that the mother of 
Caesar Augustus died in labour-pains and that her womb 
was cut open and the child was taken out. The only other 
instance that al-Berunl mentions of such a Caesarian section 
being performed is that of the birth of Ahmad ibn Sahl who 
revolted in Khurasan against the Samanid Nasr ibn Ahmad 
(9 1 8-9 1 9). Al- Berunlgives no indication that he was actually 
aware of any instances of this operation being performed in 
his own time, but it is noteworthy that his great contemporary, 
Firdawsl, describes the birth of Rustam as occurring after 
the performance of such an operation on his mother, Rudaba. 
In spite of the vast extent of the literature on the subject of 
the Caesarian section, the historians of surgical science have 
not yet extended their researches by the collection of examples 
from the Muhammadan world. 



Con un titulo parecido public6 Goldziher, hace mas de 
treinta anos, un estudio breve 1 , en el cual demostr6 : (a) que 
varios milagros evang^licos de Jesus fueron atribuidos a 
Mahoma por los bi6grafos del Profeta ; (b) que algunos 
versiculos de los evangelios fueron plagiados por los in- 
ventores de hadith, desde los primeros tiempos; y (c) que 
ciertas palabras y frases cristianas, como mdrtir, en el sen- 
tido de testigo que muere en defensa de su fe, se adoptaron 
muy pronto en el Islam. 

El estudio que aqui ofrecemos es una modesta contri- 
buci6n que amplfa bastante los datos reunidos por Goldziher 
en el apartado (6) de su articulo : a los ocho versiculos evan- 
gelicos que alii senalo, afiado unos cuarenta, encontrados, 
sin buscarlos de proposito, en mis lecturas de los libros 
musulmanes, especialmente sufls, y sobre todo en los de 
Al-Ghazzall. Es seguro que investigaciones metodicas, 
hechas ex prof es so, darian una cosecha mas abundante. 

Mi trabajo se ha reducido a transcribir los textos, seguidos 
de su traducci6n fiel, y a sefialar simplemente los versiculos 
de los evangelios cuyo plagio literal son 6 de los cuales con- 
servan reminiscencias. El orden en que los publico es 
aproximadamente el cronologico, aunque refiri^ndome tan 
solo a la fecha del autor del libro en el cual los encontre. Si 
alguna vez, me ha sido facil averiguar el nombre y la fecha de 
alguno de los tradicionistas que primitivamente lo refirio, lo 
consigno. Tampoco me he detenido a rebuscar estos hadlths 
en las colecciones autenticas de Buharl y Muslim. 

El interns que estos textos evangdicos, atribuidos a 
Mahoma 6 aprovechados por musulmanes, tienen, estriba en 
que son una evidente prueba de la influencia que la moral y 

1 Influences chretieimes dans la litterature religieuse de Fislam. (" Rev. 
d'hist. des relig.," t. xvm, pag. 180-199.) Cfr. Logia et agrapha D. fesu 
apud ?noslemlcos scriptores, asaticos praesertim, usitata, que yo he publicado 
apud " Patrologia Orientalis," t. xm, 3 (fasc. i), en cuyo proemio doy la 
bibliografia sobre el tema. 

Influencias evangdlicas en la Literatures religiosa del Islam 9 

la ascetica cristianas ejercieron desde muy temprano en la 
evolucion del islam. Goldziher demostrd 1 que Mahoma file" 
refractario d esta influencia ; pero muy pronto los ascetas y 
devotos muslimes prescindieron de aquellas prohibiciones 
del Profeta, arrastrados por el ejemplo de los monjes cristia- 
nos de la Arabia, Siria y Egipto, y para dar d sus imitaciones 
cristianas un caracter musulman, no vacilaron en autorizarlas 
con textos evangelicos que pusieron en labios del mismo 
Mahoma. Es este un caso bien peregrino de propagacion 
de la moral evangelica en el seno del islam, realizada contra 
la voluntad de su fundador y por medio de sus mas entusias- 
tas discipulos. En su virtud, el islam, que por lo dog- 
rnatico coincidia ya con el cristianismo en tantos articulos 
aun dentro de su epoca primitiva, es decir, ateniendonos solo 
al Alcoran y a las ideas aut^nticas de Mahoma, vino a coin- 
cidir tambien con el en la moral, en la ascetica y en la mistica. 
Obra de los $ufls fu principalmente esta definitiva cristiani- 
zacion del islam. Y Al-Ghazzall, el principe de los sufis 
ortodoxos, es el que con mas claridad la refleja en sus libros. 
Por eso, mas de la mitad de los textos que forman esta pe- 
quefia colecci6n, en los libros de Al-Ghazzali se encuentran. 
He aquf ahora una lista de las obras aprovechadas, con 
las referencias bibliograficas indispensables : 

Qut=^^\ ^JU^ ^ v^' ^>j* V^- Cairo, 1310 hdg. 
Tanblh= ^juJj-o-JU ^>JLdlaJt A++3 ^U. Cairo, 1326 heg. 

Cairo, 1318 h<%. 

^;U>. Cairo, 1312 hdg. 

'Ayyuha al- Walad= ^jj^U jJ^t 1^1. Kazan, 1905 de J. C. 
Tibr=^\js& J^j^Jlj^Jl ^\^s>, Cairo, 1317 heg. 
Maqsad = ^J\js& L5 ^^' j^oioJt ^U^. Cairo, 1322 he'g. 
Minhdj= ^'j^AJ ^juUJI ^-U ^)U^. Cairo, 1313 heg. 
Mukdshafa = ^tjJUJ ^^JU\ 4*^UU ^U^>. Cairo, 1300 he'g. 
l Aivarif= L$)j3jv~JJ ^JjU^Jl sJjt^ft ^U^. Al margen de *lhya\ 
Futuhat ^jJ^t i>^ *M^' Ol.yyUI *.&'&*. Cairo, 1293 heg. 
Tadhkira = ^tj^tJU ^J^jAJI^U^I lj=> JJ yaZ~A . Cairo, 1308 heg. 

1 Ob. cit. pag. 192-196. 


IVuzta = jjj*al\ j**fr -SJU ij-jjJsUrajsp ^U. Cairo, 1317 heg. 
'Ithaf= ^-ojj-o Ju~JU O**^' oLJ! wJU*3l wA2>. Cairo, 1311 heg. 
&}&\ OUOU-*1 oU^ ^\^> = Dictionary of technical 
terms. Edic. Sprenger. Calcuta, 1854. 

Qut, ii, 50, 9 infr. : 

"Sentencia de Mahoma: 'For 'Alah ! no sera creyente [verdadero] el 
siervo de Dios, hasta que yo sea para el mas amado que su familia y su 
tesoro y que las gentes todas.' Y en otro relato [se afiade] y 'que tu 
propia alma.' " 

Cfr. Luc., xiv, 26 : " Si quis venit ad me, et non odit patrem suum, et 
matrem, et uxorem, et filios, et fratres et sorores, adhuc autem et animam 
suam, non potest meus esse discipulus." 

Mat., x, 37 : " Qui amat patrem aut matrem plus quam me, non est me 
dignus. Et qui amat filium aut filiam super me, non est me dignus." 

Tanblh, 139, 2 : <UJt ^t JIS 

"Refiri6 Al-Sha'bi 1 , de 'Omar 2 , que decia que Dios (j ensalzado sea!) 
no tiene misericordia de aquel que no la tiene, ni perdona al que no per- 
dona, ni tiene compasion del que no se arrepiente." 

Cfr. Mat., vi, 12, 14, 15 : " Et dimitte nobis debita nostra, sicut et nos 
dimittimus debitoribus nostris. Si enim dimiseritis hominibus peccata 
eorum, dimittet et vobis Pater vester coelestis delicta vestra. Si autem 
non dimiseritis hominibus, nee Pater vester dimittet vobis peccata vestra." 

Cfr. Luc., vi, 36 : " Estote ergo misericordes, sicut et Pater vester 
misericors est." Cfr.Jac., ii, 13 : " Judicium enim sine misericordia illi qui 
non fecit misericordiam." 

Tanblh, 202, 5 infr. : ^SLJu I tyj aj& dJUt Aj ^Ua.)l ^ j,^ J15 

"Dijo 'Omar Ibn Al-Hattab 3 : Pesad vuestras almas, antes de que os 
las pesen ; tomaos cuenta a vosotros mismos, antes de que os la tomen ; 

1 'Amir ibn Sharahil, tradicionista de Kufa, muerto en 103 heg. 

2 El 2 califa, sucesor de Abu Bakr. 

3 El 2 califa. 

Influencias evange'licas en la Liter atura rehgiosa del Islam 1 1 

preparaos para el examen maximo, que sera el dia del juicio. Aquel dia 
sereis examinados, sin que nada quede oculto de vuestras faltas." 

Cfr. I Cor., xi, 31 : "Quod si nosmetipsos dijudicaremus, non utique 

Tanblh, 204, 3 : 

"Refirio Ziyad Al-Nomairl 1 : Dice Dios (j ensalzado sea!) en cierto 
libro : No llora siervo alguno, movido de mi temor, sin que yo le libre de 
mi ira ; ni llora siervo alguno, movido de mi temor, sin que yo le convierta 
su llanto en risa, en la luz de mi Santidad, es decir, en el parai'so." 
Cfr. Mat.) v, 5 : " Beati qui lu'gent, quoniam ipsi consolabuntur." 
San Juan Cris6stomo comenta asi este texto : " Qui sua peccata lugent, 
consolahuntur indulgentiam consecuti." 

Tanblh, 225, 18 : 

" Contrate 2 a varios operarios para que me trabajasen por dos modios 
de trigo cada uno. Me hicieron la obra y les pague sus jornales. Pero 
otro hombre habia venido a medio dia y habia trabajado en lo que restaba 
de Jornada lo mismo que los demas en el dia entero, y yo estime que no 
debia quitarle nada de su jornal. Mas uno de aquellos dijo : Este vino a 
medio dia y yo vine al principio del dia ; y nos igualas en el jornal. Yo le 
dije : d Acaso te quito algo de tu jornal ? Pero el se encolerizo, dej6 su 
jornal y se fue." 

Cfr. Mat., xx, i 15 : " ...... homini patrifamilias, qui exiit primo mane 

conducere operarios in vineam suam. Conventione autem facta cum ope- 
rariis ex denario diurno, misit eos in vineam suam. Et egressus circa horam 
tertiam, vidit alios stantes in foro otiosos et dixit illis : Ite et vos in vineam 
meam......Iterum autem exiit circa sextam et nonam horam et fecit simi- 

liter ...... Cum sero autem factum esset ...... acceperunt singulos denarios. 

1 'Ibn 'Abd 'Alah, tradicionista de Basra, vivi6 en el siglo 2 heg. 

2 Este relate forma parte de un cuento devoto, que el autor del Tanblh 
atribuye a Sa'd ibn 'Abd 'Alah ibn 'Omar, companero de Mahoma; pero el 
protagonista del relato parcial que traducimos es andnimo. 


Venientes autem et primi, arbitrati sunt quod plus essent accepturi : ac- 
ceperunt autem et ipsi singulos denarios. Et accipientes murmurabant ad- 
versus patremfamilias, dicentes : Hi novissimi una hora fecerunt, et pares 
illos nobis fecisti, qui portavimus pondus diei et aestus. At ille respondens 
uni eorum, dixit : Amice, non facio tibi injuriam ...... Tolle quod tuum est 

et vade." 


Qushairl, 119, 14: ^oU-^^l j~~> j^^ A-Os *U\ ^Lo J15 

" Dijo [Mahoma] : El senor de las gentes es el que les sirve." 
Cfr. Marc.) x, 43 : " Quicumque voluerit fieri major, erit vester minister; 
et quicumque voluerit in vobis primus esse, erit omnium servus." 


Qushairl, 157, 14: Uob AjU^ot JUs ^U*.! ^1 ^Zo <OJt J^w, J13 

^ ^b J>$X ^ * L5^ ^U^l^t JU* ^bL^I U-J 3 t Uotj OJI 

" Dijo el Enviado de Dios : <i Cuando encontrare a mis amigos ? Dijeron 
sus Compafieros : \ Tan caro eres para nosotros como nuestro padre y nues- 
tra madre ! { Acaso no somos tus amigos ? Respondi6 [Mahoma] : 
Vosotros sois mis Companeros ; mis amigos son una gente que no me 
vieron y creyeron en mi." 

Cfr. Joan., xx, 29 : " Dixit ei Jesus : Quia vidisti me, Thoma, credidisti; 
beati qui non viderunt et crediderunt." 


Qushairl, 197, 4: ^1 ^ JU3 ^ JU- O- 

5 JU 

'* Estaba Al-Fudail 1 sobre uno de los montes de Mina y dijo : Si uno de 
los amigos de Dios (j ensalzado sea !) mandase a este monte que se moviese, 
seguramente se moveria. Dijo y se movi6 el monte. Dijo : j Reposa ! j no 
quiero que hagas eso ! Y reposo el monte." 

Cfr. Mat.) xvii, 19 : "Dixit illis Jesus ...... Amen quippe dico vobis, si 

habueritis fidem sicut granum sinapis, dicetis monti huic, Transi hinc illuc, 
et transibit." 

Cfr. Mat.) xxi, 21 : "...sed et si monti huic dixeritis, Tolle et jacta te 
in mare, fiet." 

'Ihya, i, 46, IT : til OJC5 l^ ^JJJI ^^ SUJt ^3 ^UJt J15 

" Dijo el poeta : El pastor de la oveja la defiende del lobo. Mas <[c6mo, 
cuando los pastores son lobos para ella ? " 

1 Abu 'All Al-Fudail ibn 'lyad, famoso asceta del Horasan, muri6 en 
Makka el ano 187 he'g. 

Influencias evangdlicas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 1 3 

Ch.Joan, x, 1-16, principalmente, IT : "Bonus pastor animam suam 
dat pro ovibus suis." Ibid. 8 : " Omnes quotquot venerunt, fures sunt et 

Cfr. Mat., vii, 15 : " Attendite a falsis prophetis, qui veniunt ad vos in 
vestimentis ovium, intrinsecus autem sunt lupi rapaces." 

*Ihya\ i, 46, 12 : -UJt ^JLxj U jJUt JU b *1>t j^x* b >J J15 

" Dijo otro [poeta] : \ Oh turba de los lectores 1 ! Oh sal de la tierra ! <J De 
que servira la sal, si se corrompe ? " 

Cfr. Mat., v, 13 : "Vos estis sal terrae. Quod si sal evanuerit, in quo 
salietur? ad nihilum valet ultra, nisi ut mittatur foras et conculcetur ab 


>Ihya\ in, 49, 7 : oLo afttf O 1 -^ 1 *^ 1 (JjW ^ C* 

"Dijo Yahya ibn Mu'adh Al-Razi 2 : Los enemigos del hombre son tres 
su mundo, su demonio y su concupiscencia." 

Este hadlth esta inspirado en la doctrina de San Pablo y de San Agustin 
sobre las tres causas de la tentacidn. Cfr. Pourrat, La spiritualise chretienn^ 
(Paris, Lecoffre, 1918), 32 y 323. 


\ in, 224, ninfr. : 

" El que omite la obra buena por el temor de ser hip6crita, es semejante 
a aquel a quien su amo le entrega trigo mezclado con zizafia dicie'ndole : 
Limpialo de la zizafia y separalo con todo esmero. Pero el omite la obra 
diciendo : Temo que si me ocupo en ello, no quedara separado el trigo con 
toda limpieza. Y solo por eso, abandona el trabajo." 

Cfr. Mat., xiii, 30 : " in tempore messis dicam messoribus : Colli- 
gite primum zizania, et alligate ea in fascicules ad comburendum ; triticum 
autem congregate in horreum meum." 


\ in, 248, 3 : ^jj^JI j**~, ^J3 i+L* \ &\ JV5 jJi 

Los sabios 6 doctores de la religion. 

Predicador ascetico de Ray que murio en Naysabur el 258 heg. 


" Dijo 'Ibn Abi Salama : Dije a Abu Sa'Id Al-Hodri 1 : e Que piensas acerca 
de las novedades introducidas por la gente en ervestir, el beber, el vehiculo 
y la comida? Y el me respondio : j Oh hijo de mi hermano ! Come por 
Dios y bebe por Dios y viste por Dios, pues cualquiera de estas acciones, si 
se hacen por vanagloria u" ostentaci6n, por ser vistas li oidas, son pecado." 

Cfr. / Cor., x. 31 : "Sive ergo manducatis, sive bibitis, sive aliud quid 
facitis, omnia in gloriam Dei facite." 

Col., m, 17 : "Omne quodcumque facitis in verbo aut in opere, omnia 
in nomine Domini Jesu Christi, gratias agentes Deo et Patri per ipsum." 


*Ihya\ m, 273, 10 : 

<( Semejantes son estos [los hipocritas] al pozo de las letrinas, cuyo ex- 
terior esta blanqueado de cal, mientras su interior hiede; 6 bien, como 
los sepulcros de los muertos, cuyo exterior esta adornado, mientras su in- 
terior es podredumbre fetida; 6 bien, como una habitaci6n, obscura en 
su interior, sobre cuya azotea se coloca una lampara que alumbra el ex- 
terior, mientras que dentro reina la oscuridad." 

Cfr. Mat., xxiii, 27 : " Vae vobis. ..hypocritae, quia similes estis sepulcris 
dealbatis, quae a foris parent hominibus speciosa, intus vero plena sunt 
ossibus mortuorum et omni spurcitia." 

'Ihytf, iv, 4, 14 infr. : 1 aJU ^JL3 *Jl* xUt ^ AJUI J^ J15 

JIS AjLil ,li U 
^U Awl; 

jJIt U? AJLJ13 

14 Dijo el Enviado de Dios (j ruegne Dios sobre el y salvele !): Ciertamente, 
Dios se alegra de la penitencia del siervo creyente mas que el hombre que 
acampa en una tierra esteril y desierta, acompanado de su cabalgadura 
sobre la cual lleva su comida y su bebida, y pone su cabeza [sobre el 

1 Abu Salama ibn 'Abd-Arrahman ibn 'Awf, tradicionista de Madlna, 
muri6 el ano 94 heg. Abu Sa'Id Al-IJodri fue companero de Mahoma. 

Influencias evangtlicas en laLiteratura religiosa del Islam 1 5 

suelo] y se duerme un sueno ; mas al despertar, [advierte que] huyo su 
cabalgadura, y la busca hasta que, cuando el calor y la sed se le hacen ya 
insoportables, se dice : Volvere a mi lugar en el cual estaba y me dormire 
hasta morir. Y pone su cabeza sobre su antebrazo para morir. Pero se 
despierta y he aqui que su cabalgadura esta junto a el con sus provisiones 
de viaje y su bebida. Dios (j ensalzado sea !) se alegra mas vivamente de la 
penitencia del siervo creyente, que este hombre de [encontrar] su cabalga- 


Futuhat, n, 441, n infr. : ojuc 2UjZ ^3 AO^J U.^5 jcwi [AJUI] 

" Ciertamente, Dios se alegra y enamora de la penitencia de su siervo, 
mucho mas que aquel cuya cabalgadura, sobre la cual llevaba su comida y 
su bebida, se le extravia en un mal terreno, y luego la encuentra, despues 
de haber ya perdido la esperanza de vivir y estar cierto de morir. <? Cual 
no sera su alegria al encontrarla?" 

Cfr. Luc., xv, 4-7 : " Quis ex vobis homo qui habet centum oves : et 
si perdiderit unam ex illis, nonne dimittit nonaginta novem in deserto, et 
vadit ad illam quae perierat, donee inveniat earn ? Et cum invenerit earn, 
imponit in humeros suos gaudens ...... Dico vobis quod ita gaudium erit in 

coelo super uno peccatore poenitentiam agente..." 

*Ihya\ iv, 10, 19 : 

" Dijo un mistico : Ciertamente, Dios posee dos secretes que comunica 
& su siervo por modo de inspiraci6n : El primero, cuando sale del vientre 
de su madre, diciendole : j Siervo mio ! Te he sacado al mundo, puro y 
limpio, y te he encomendado el dep6sito de tu vida, confiandolo a tu 
guarda. \ Mira, pues, como conservas el dep6sito que te encomiendo y mira 
c6mo me lo has de presentar ! El segundo, al salir su espiritu [de esta vida], 
dicie'ndole : \ Siervo mio ! ,1 Que hiciste del dep6sito que te confie ? Acaso lo 
guardaste a fin de presentarmelo, segiin el compromise [que contrajiste] ? 
Entonces, yo te acogere para cumplir mi promesa. O por el contrario lo 
perdiste? Entonces, yo vengo a tu encuentro para pedirte cuentas y 

Cfr. Mat., xxv, 14: "Homo peregre proficiscens, vocavit servos suos 
et tradidit illis bona sua." 


Ibid.) 19 : " Post multum vero temporis venit dominus servorum illorum 
et posuit rationem cum eis." 

Ibid.) 21 : " Ait illi dominus ejus : Euge, serve bone et fidelis, quia super 
pauca fuisti fidelis, ...... intra in gaudium domini tui." 

Ibid.) 26 : " Respondens autem dominus ejus, dixit ei : Serve male et 
piger, sciebas etc. Etinutilem servum ejicite in tenebras exteriores..." etc. 



" Y en el Hadith [se refiere] que dos hombres de los hijos de Israel se 
amaban como hermanos en Dios. Uno de ellos se dejaba llevar de sus 
apetitos. El otro era un devoto, y le exhortaba y reprendia. Mas aquel le 
decia : * j Dejame ! Acaso, por Dios ! has sido enviado para ser mi espia?' 
Hasta que, cierto dia, lo vio cometer un pecado grave ; y encolerizado 
exclamo : ' j No te perdonara Dios ! ' Y afiadi6 [Mahoma] : Pero Dios en 
el dia del juicio dira : '<? Acaso podra alguien impedir que mi misericordia 
[se derrame] sobre mis siervos? Marcha, pues ya te he perdonado.' 
Despues dira al devoto : * Y tii, bien merecido tienes el infierno.' Anadi6 
[Mahoma] : ' j Juro por Aquel en cuya mano esta mi alma, que ciertamente 
[aquel devoto] pronunci6 una frase que destruyd [sus me'ritos] en esta vida 
y en la futura ! ' " 

Cfr. Luc.) xviii, 9 : " Dixit Jesus ad quosdam, qui in se confidebant 
tamquam justi, et aspernabantur ceteros, parabolam istam : Duo homines 
ascenderunt in templum : unus Pharisaeus et alter publicanus. Pharisaeus 
stans, haec apud se orabat : Deus, gratias ago tibi, quia non sum sicut 
ceteri hominum : raptores, injusti, adulteri : velut etiam hie publicanus. 
Jejuno bis in sabbato : decimas do omnium quae possideo." 

Ibid.) 14 : " Dico vobis descendit hie [publicanus] justificatus in domum 
suam ab illo, quia omnis qui se exaltat, humiliabitur : et qui se humiliat, 



Influencias evangelic as en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 1 7 

" Dijo Abu Al-Darda" a Ka'b 2 : Refiereme el versiculo mas especial de 
la Tora. Y le respondio : Dice Dios (j ensalzado sea !) : ' Largo tiempo ha 
que desean con ardor los justos encontrarme ; pero es todavia mas ardiente 
mi deseo de encontrarlos.' Y anadid: Al lado de ese versiculo esta escrito: 
* El que me busca, me encuentra ; pero el que busca a otro que a mi, no 
lo encuentra.' Y dijo Abu Al-Darda': 'Ciertamente que yo oi esto al 
Enviado de Dios.' " 

Cfr. Mat, vii, 8 : " Omnis enim qui petit accipit, et qui quaerit invenit.'* 


'Ihya\ iv, 266, 16 inf. : 

" Dijo uno de los misticos antiguos : Ciertamente que yo desearia tener 
una intenci6n [sobrenatural] en cada una de mis acciones, hasta en mi 
comer y en mi beber y en mi dormir y en mi entrar a la letrina." 

Cfr. / Cor., x, 31 : "Sive ergo manducatis, sive bibitis, sive aliud quid 
facitis, omnia in gloriam Dei facite." 
Cfr. Col., iii, 17. 


'Ihya\ iv, 291, 12 : A^ 2^ J>\ fofc 

UUj JUJ^D ^5C^5 A^tO^O ^ JU3LO J^.; 


" Conviene que [el siervo de Dios] castigue [su concupiscencia]. Y asi, 
cuando, al comer un bocado de pan, sospeche [que lo hace] con apetito 

1 Companero de Mahoma. 

2 Ka'b 'Al-'Ahbar, judio converse, companero de Mahoma. 

B. p. v. 


desordenado, convendra que castigue el vientre con el hambre. Y cuando 
mire un objeto no prohibido, convendra que castigue el ojo privandole 
de mirar. Y asimismo castigara a cada uno de los miembros de su cuerpo 
impidiendole [aquello a que le inclinan] sus apetitos. Esa fue la costumbre 
de los que ban seguido el camino de la vida futura. Cuentase, como 
referido por Mansur 'ibn 'Ibrahim 1 , que un hombre, de los consagrados a 
la vida devota, se puso a conversar con una mujer, y no ces6 [de hablar 
con ella] hasta que puso la mano sobre su pierna; pero en seguida se 
arrepinti6 y puso su mano sobre el fuego, hasta que se le sec6. Y se refiere 
[tambien] que habia un hombre entre los hijos de Israel, que estaba con- 
sagrado a la vida devota dentro de su celda, y que asi permanecio durante 
largo tiempo ; pero cierto dia, mir6 desde lo alto [de su celda] y he aqui 
que [vio] a una mujer; le vino [de repente] la tentacion [de pecar] con 
elia y consinti6 ; sac6, pues, su pie [de la celda] para bajar hacia la mujer; 
mas [en aquel instante] Dios le previno [con su gracia, y reflexiono] 
diciendo : * <J Que es esto que queria yo hacer ? ' Y volvi6 en si y Dios le 
Kbr6 del pecado y se arrepinti6. Mas cuando quiso volver [a meter] su pie 
en la celda, se dijo : 'j Atras, atras ! Pie que sali6 queriendo rebelarse contra 
Dios, habia de volver conmigo a mi celda ? ; Por Dios juro que no ha de 
ser esto jamas ! ' Y dej6 su pie colgando por fuera de la celda, de modo 
que sobre el caian las lluvias y los vientos, y el sol y la nieve, hasta que a 
pedazos se deshizo y cayo [al suelo]. Y Dios le alab6 por aquello y con- 
signo su relate en uno de sus Libros revelados." 

Cfr. Mat., v, 29-30 : " Quod si oculus tuus dexter scandalizat te, erue 
eum et projice abs te ...... Et si dextera manus tua scandalizat te, abscide 

earn et projice abs te." 

Ibid.) xviii, 8: "Si autem manus tua vel pes tuus scandalizat te, abscide 
eum et projice abs te." 

Mar., ix, 42 : " Et si scandalizaverit te manus tua, abscinde illam." 

Ibid., 44 : "Et si pes tuus te scandalizat, amputa ilium." 

Cfr. Vitae Patrum (edic. Rosweyde), pag. 440 b. 


> iv, 382, 3 infr. : ^ O^JU J>$j> ^Uj <u.U Ut ^ JU 
JA\ Lj 

" Dijo Mahoma : Traeran a la muerte, el dia del juicio, [en tal figura] 
como si fuese un carnero de color abigarrado y sera degollado entre el cielo 
y el infierno. Y se dira : j Oh habitantes del cielo ! Eternidad sin muerte ! 
Oh habitantes del infierno ! Eternidad sin muerte ! " 

En este hadlth se advierte una extrana adaptaci6n del simbolo biblico, 
evangelico y apocaliptico del cordero pascual, sacrificado para evitar la 
muerte temporal y eterna. 

En el Exodo (xii, 1-13) el cordero pascual sacrificado por los hebreos 
los preserva, con su sangre, de la muerte fisica 6 temporal que Dios ha 
decretado contra los egipcios. 

1 Ignoro la epoca en que vivid. 

Influencias evange'licas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 1 9 

En el Evangelic (Joan., i, 29, 36), Jesiis es denominado "agnus Dei qui 
tollit peccata mundi," y en el Apocalipsis (v, 12 et passim), es representado 
bajo el simbolo del cordero pascual, sacrificado para preservar, con su san- 
gre, a todos los hombres, de la muerte moral y eterna del pecado (v, 12 : 
"agnus qui occisus est"; xii, n: "etipsi vicerunt eum propter sanguinem 
agni"; vii, 14: "laverunt stolas suas in sanguine agni"). 

Este doble simbolo se usa por los Santos Padres para explicar la teoria 
de la redenci6n. Y de la teologia pasa el simbolo a la liturgia cristiana : 
en el prefacio de la misa para el tiempo pascual, se canta : " Pascha nostrum 
immolatus est Christus. Ipse enim verus est agnus qui abstulit peccata 
mundi ; qui mortem nostram moriendo destruxit" 

Esta ultima frase del prefacio, entendida erroneamente en su sentido 
literal y no mistico, pudo dar origen al hadith musulman. Efectivamente, 
en este hadith se supone que el carnero sacrificado destruye con su muerte 
la muerte fisica 6 temporal de los hombres, para significar que despues del 
juicio final, comenzara para ellos una vida eterna en el cielo 6 en el infierno. 


' Ayyuha Al-Walad, 8, n : O>^ & <>k O- *vW *&\ j*)=> ^^U J15 

"Dijo 'All 1 (j Dios honre su faz !): El que piense que sin esfuerzo ha de 
llegar [al cielo], es un credulo ; y el que piense que con un esfuerzo ex- 
traordinario llegara, penoso trabajo se impone." 

Cfr. Mat., xi, 12 : " Regnum coelorum vim patitur, et violenti rapiunt 


'Ayyuha Al- Walad, 13, 6 : A-JU <xJUI 
UJL5 j3 d ju o- 

Jjb! a^iot 0^*5 JU jux- W^ ^ U A) JJ JUt 

'* Refierese que a Al-Hasan Al-BasrI 2 (j la misericordia de Dios sea sobre 
el !) le dieron un sorbo de agua fria ; pero cuando tomo el vaso, perdio el 
conocimiento y se le cayo el vaso de la mano. Cuando recobr6 el sentido, 
le dijeron : i Que te ha pasado, oh Abu Sa'id? Y respondid : Me ha venido 
a la memoria el deseo de los condenados del infierno cuando dicen a los 
bienaventurados del cielo : ; Derramad sobre nosotros algo de agua 3 ! " 

Cfr. Luc., xvi, 2324 : " Elevans autem [dives] oculos suos, cum esset 
in tormentis, vidit Abraham a longe et Lazarum in sinu ejus. Et ipse 
clamans dixit : Pater Abraham, miserere mei et mitte Lazarum ut intingat 
extremum digiti sui in aquam ut refrigeret linguam meam, quia crucior in 
hac flamma." 

1 El 4 califa, yerno de Mahoma. 

2 Tradicionista y asceta de Basra, muri6 el 1 1 o heg. Su kunya era Abu 

3 Quran, vii, 48. 

2 2 



Tibr, 112, 10 : 

" Dijo Wahb ibn Munabbih 1 : ' En la Tora esta escrito que las madres 
de los pecados son tres : la soberbia, la concupiscencia y la envidia.' " 

Cfr. I Joan., ii, 16 : " Quoniam omne quod est in mundo, concupiscencia 
carnis est, et concupiscentia oculorum, et superbia vitae." 


Maqsad, 129, 4 : Uilj ^jUJt $*> ^^9 
c,ljJ! yb dJUt U51 cjtjJI >A c^JL* jJuJ! 

" Se puede decir que quien allana [el campo] no es el cultivador. Solo 
Dios es el cultivador. Y el que esparce la semilla no es el sembrador. 
Solo Dios es el sembrador." 

Cfr. / Cor., iii, 7 : " Itaque neque qui plantat est aliquid neque qui 
rigat ; sed qui incrementum dat, Deus." 


Minhaj, 61, 7 : ^I 

2L*~, J^ ^U. b j^U b J.CJ.U b j3l^ b *U~,| AXJ;b 

"Refierese del Profeta,que dijo : En verdad que el hipocrita sera llamado 
a gritos, en el dia del juicio, con cuatro nombres : ' \ Oh infiel ! oh em- 
bustero ! oh traidor ! oh extraviado ! Erraste el camino y perdiste tu re- 
compensa. No tendras hoy parte alguna en el premio. Reclama la recom- 

Ensa a aquellos para quienes trabajaste, oh impostor ! ' Y se refiere 
tmbien] que un pregonero gritara el dia del juicio con voz que oiran todas 
; criaturas : ' Donde estan los que sirvieron a las gentes ? Levantaos y 
tomad vuestra recompensa de aquellos para quienes trabajasteis, pues yo 
no acepto obra [en cuya intencion] se mezcle algo [distinto de mi gloria].' " 
Cfr. Mat., vi, i : "Attendite ne justitiam vestram faciatis coram homini- 
bus, ut videamini ab eis : alioquin mercedem non habebitis apud Patrem 
vestrum qui in coelis est." 

Ibid., 2 y 5 : "...amen dico vobis, receperunt mercedem suam." 

1 Tradicionista, judio converse, muri6 el no heg. 

Inftucncias cvangtlicas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 2 1 


Minhaj, 71, 20: jj^j S^ju JU*o >>15 jj Juxjl ^tj lit 

" El amo prudente, cuando ve que el siervo ha correspondido a una 
gracia, le otorga otra y lo estima digno de ella j y si no, se la quita." 

Cfr. Mat., xxv, 14-30 ; principalmente, 21 :" Euge, serve bone et fidelis, 
quia super pauca fuisti fidelis, super multa te constituam." Ibid., 28 : 
" Tollite itaque ab eo talentum." 


Mukashafa, 104, 6 : ju>.l Oj**~* *$ *+* *W ^5-*) (>>JuaJt j.5o $*\ JU 

" Dijo 'Abu Bakr Al-Siddlq 1 (;Dios este satisfecho de el !): Nadie debe 
despreciar a ninguno de los musulmanes, pues el pequeno de los musulmanes 
es, a los ojos de Dios, grande." 

Cfr. Mat., xviii, 4 : " Quicumque ergo humiliaverit se sicut parvulus 
iste, hie est major in regno coelorum." 

Luc., ix, 48 : " Nam qui minor est inter vos omnes, hie major est." 


Mukashafa, 114, 2 : ^buj JjU AJUt J^i., ^U 3 ^JU AJUt ^^JLo J15 

" Dijo Mahoma : Dice Dios (i bendito y ensalzado sea !) : Si mi siervo se 
acuerda de mi en su interior, yo me acordare de el en mi interior. Si hace 
mencidn de mi en medio de una muchedumbre, yo hare mencidn de el en 
medio de una muchedumbre mejor que la suya. Si se aproxima a mi un 
palmo, yo me aproximare a el un codo ; si se aproxima a mi un codo, yo 
me aproximare a el una braza ; si camina hacia mi, yo correre hacia el." 

Cfr. Mat., x, 32 : "Omnis ergo qui confitebitur me coram hominibus, 
confitebor et ego eum coram Patre meo qui in coelis est." 

Luc., xii, 8 : "Omnis quicumque confessus fuerit me coram hominibus, 
et Filius hominis confitebitur ilium coram angelis Dei." 

Jac., iv, 8 : "Appropinquate Deo, et appropinquabit vobis." 

Mukashafa, 155, 2 infr. : -y J^-l O-* ^ ^^J *^ ^ ^* J^ 

AJUI A*5; ^1 AJU 

" Dijo Mahoma : Nadie se humilla ante Dios, sin que Dios lo exalte." 
1 El i er califa, sucesor de Mahoma. 


Cfr. Mat., xxiii, 12 : " Qui se humiliaverit, exaltabitur." 
Luc., iii, 5 y xviii, 14 : "Qui se humiliat, exaltabitur." 


Mukashafa, 162, 12 infr. : 

11 Dijo Mahoma : Es glorificado el que se humilla y es envilecido el que 

Cfr. Mat., xxiii, 12 : "Qui se humiliaverit, exaltabitur; qui autem se 
exaltaverit, humiliabitur." 

Luc., i, 51-52 : "Dispersit superbos mente cordis sui. Deposuit potentes 
de sede et exaltavit humiles." 

'Awarif, n, 12, i : * 

ojdk JJU tj*j. . . . UJt jjo 

" Cuando el novicio ha llegado ya a la meta de los hombres maduros 
[en la perfecci6n] y brota ya de su coraz6n el agua de la vida y se siente 
impulsado a circular por otros horizontes, envialo Dios (j ensalzado sea !) a 
[recorrer] los paises para utilidad de sus siervos y a sembrar en las tierras 
de los corazones la semilla de la salvacion [eterna]. Este [misionero] es 
semejante a aquella gente dirigida [por Dios] que en el Evangelio [se la 
asemeja] con el campo sembrado de trigo, que brota y echa solidas raices 
y da gruesas espigas y se mantienen derechas sobre su tallo. [Asi] la 
prosperidad [espiritual] de unos refluye sobre los demas y las virtudes de 
los unos se comunican a los otros. [Asi] el camino de los [misioneros,] 
herederos [de los profetas] esta poblado, y la ciencia de la catequesis se 

Cfr. Mat., xiii, 3 : " Ecce exiit qui seminat, seminare." 

Ibid., 8 : "Alia autem ceciderunt in terram bonam, et dabant fructum." 

Ibid., 23 : " Qui vero in terram bonam seminatus est : hie est qui audit 

verbum et intelligit et fructum affert." 

Luc., viii, ii : " Est autem haec parabola : Semen est verbum Dei." 
Ibid., 13 : " Nam qui supra petram..., et hi radices non habent." 
Ibid., 15 : "Quod autem in bonam terram, hi sunt qui in corde bono 

et optimo audientes verbum retinent, et fructum arTerunt in patientia." 
Joan., iv, 14 : " Sed aqua quam ego dabo ei, net in eo fons aquae salientis 

in vitam aeternam." 

Ibid., vii, 38 : " Qui credit in me..., flumina de ventre ejus fluent aquae 


Influencias evangtlicas en la Literatura religiosa de II slam 23 


Futuhat, I, 388, 10 : 

" Hadith de Muslim 1 : Tuve hambre y no me diste de comer ; tuve sed 
y no me diste de beber ; estuve enfermo y no me visitaste." 

Cfr. Mat, xxv, 42 : " Esurivi enim et non dedistis mihi manducare ; 
sitivi et non dedistis mihi potum ; ...... non visitastis me." 


Tadhkira, 126, 17: J^AJ AiP ^3 A.Ut 
SJJ *3 3 A) 

" Decia Mu'adh ibn Jebel 2 (jDios le haya sido propicio!): El Quran se 
consumira en los pechos de ciertas gentes...que lo leeran sin experimentar 
deseo ni deleite : vestiran pieles de ovejas sobre corazones de lobos." 

Cfr. Mat., vii, 15 : " Attendite a falsis prophetis, qui veniunt ad vos in 
vestimentis ovium, intrinsecus autem sunt lupi rapaces." 


Nuzha, 161, 12 infr. : <iJL^ ^JUt JLo ^^~M & ^j-aJt ^ ..... &.J) 

A5jJt & 

^Jt A^ t^^ufl ^ DJLO tjj^d UjJ! ^ 

" Refiri6 Al-Hasan Al-Basri del Profeta, que dijo : Trabad conocimiento 
con los pobres y procuraos ayuda de su parte, piles ellos tendran su epoca 
de prosperidad. Dijeron : j Oh Enviado de Dios ! Y cual sera su epoca de 
prosperidad ? Respondi6 el Enviado de Dios : Cuando sea el dia del 
juicio, se les dira : Buscad quien os di6 de comer un pedazo de pan y os 
vistio con un vestido ii os di6 de beber un sorbo de agua en este mundo 
y tomadlo de la mano ; despues, marchaos con el al paraiso." 

Cfr. Mat,, xxv, 34 : "...Venite, benedicti Patris mei, possidete paratum 
vobis regnum... Esurivi enim, et dedistis mihi manducare : sitivi, et dedistis 
mihi bibere : ...nudus [eram], et cooperuistis me." 

Ibid., 40: "...Amen dico vobis, quamdiu fecistis uni ex his fratribus 
meis minimis, mihi fecistis." 

Ibid., x, 42 : " Et quicumque potum dederit uni ex minimis istis calicem 
aquae frigidae..., non perdet mercedem suam." 

1 El autor del Sahlh 6 colecci6n de hadlth autentica. Muri(5 261 heg. 

2 Compafiero de Mahoma. 


'//**/, i, 358, 6 infr.: Jto 

" Refierese de Yahya ibn Abu Kathlr 1 que dijo : Los sabios son como la 
sal, que todas las cosas conserva en buen estado. Pero si la misma sal se 
corrompe, ninguna otra cosa las conservara ya en buen estado. Sera 
preciso pisotearla con los pies y arrojarla." 

Cfr. supra, no. 10. 


ix, 477, 19 : 


" Dijo [Mahoma] : Si pusieseis en Dios toda vuestra confianza, como es 
debido, de seguro que os alimentaria como alimenta a los pajaros, que 
amanecen con el vientre vacio y anochecen con el vientre lleno, y de 
seguro que por vuestras oraciones los montes desaparecerian y caminariais 
sobre los mares." 

Cfr. Mat., vi, 26 : " Respicite volatilia coeli, quoniam non serunt neque 
metunt neque congregant in horrea : et Pater vester coelestis pascit ilia." 

Ibid. t xvii, 19 : "Dicetis monti huic, Transi hinc illuc, et transibit." 

Ibid., xxi, 21 : "Sed et si monti huic dixeritis, Tolle et jacta te in mare, 

Ibid., xiv, 29: " Et descendens Petrus de navicula, ambulabat super 


Kashshaf, 273, 10 infr. : 

"A esto aludi6 Mahoma [cuando dijo] : El que me ve, ya ha visto a la 
Verdad [es decir, a Dios]." 

dr. Joan., xiv, 9 : "Qui videt me, videt et Patrem." 
1 Tradicionista que muri6 en 129 heg. 

Influencias ev angelicas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 25 


Ri l aya\ ms. Oxford Hunt 6n, f. 5 : *iX)JJ ^U 

^3 P^ Aio $^5 U-^ ^ 

" Un sabio se sirvio de una parabola para todo esto 2 y dijo : Sali6 el 
sembrador con su semilla y lleno de ella su mano y sembr6. Y cayd de 
ella una parte sobre la superficie del camino y no tardo mucho tiempo sin 
que se posaran sobre ella los pajaros y la arrebatasen. Y cay6 de ella una 
parte sobre las penas, es decir, piedras lisas cubiertas de poca tierra, y 
germind hasta que, al llegar sus raices a la pena, no encontraron fondo en 
que penetrar y se sec6. Y cayo de ella una parte en tierra buena, pero 
llena de espinas, y germin6 la semilla ; pero cuando creci6, la ahogaron las 
espinas y la corrompieron y la envoi vieron. Y cayo de ella una parte sobre 
tierra buena, que no estaba en la superficie del camino ni sobre penas ni 
llena de espinas, y germino y llego al termino de su crecimiento y di6 
buen resultado. El sembrador es semejante al sabio. La [parte de semilla] 

1 Debo este texto a mi amigo Massignon. Cfr. Margoliouth, Trans- 
actions $rd International Congress of Religions (Oxford, 1908) I, 292. 
Sobre el Ri'aya y su autor cfr. Brockelmann, Geschichte, I, 198. 

2 Refierese, sin duda, a un relate anterior, el cual comienza (segiin 
nota que me comunica Massignon) en estos terminos : " Refirionos 
Al-'Allayl [f 229 heg.]: Oi a Sufyan ibn 'Oyayna [f 198 heg.] que 


que cay 6 sobre la superficie del camino es como el hombre que oye la 
palabra [de Dios] sin querer prestarle oidos ; no tarda mucho tiempo sin 
que Satanas se la arrebate de su corazon y la olvide. La que cay6 sobre las 
penas es como el hombre que oye la palabra y se la traga y la deja penetrar ; 
pero luego, llega a un corazon vacuo, en el que no hay proposito decidido 
de obrar, y [la palabra] se borra de su corazon. La que cayo en tierra 
buena, pero llena de espinas, es como el hombre que da oidos a la palabra 
y se propone obrar conforme a ella; pero, cuando se le presentan los 
apetitos en los momentos de obrar, ah6ganla y la destruyen ; y asi, deja de 
hacer lo que se habia propuesto realizar. La que cayo en tierra buena, 
que no estaba en la superficie del camino ni llena de espinas ni sobre 
penas, es como el hombre que oye la palabra y se propone obrar conforme 
a ella y se preocupa de cumplirla; y luego, soporta paciente el cumpli- 
miento [de su proposito] en los momentos de obrar y refrena los apetitos." 

Cfr. Luc., viii, 4-8 : " Dixit [Jesus] per similitudinem : Exiit qui seminat, 
seminare semen suum : et dum seminat, aliud cecidit secus 
volucres coeli comederunt illud. Et aliud cecidit supra petram : et natum 
aruit, quia non habebat humorem. Et aliud cecidit inter spinas, et simul 
exortae spinae suffocaverunt illud. Et aliud cecidit in terram bonam et 
ortum fecit fructum...." 

Ibid., 11-15: "Est autem haec parabola: Semen est verbum Dei. Qui 
autem secus viam, hi sunt qui audiunt : deinde venit diabolus, et tollit 
verbum de corde eorum.... Nam qui supra petram, qui cum audierint, cum 
gaudio suscipiunt verbum : et hi radices non habent : qui ad tempus 
credunt, et in tempore tentationis recedunt. Quod autem in spinas cecidit : 
hi sunt qui audierunt, et a voluptatibus vitae euntes 
suffocantur, et non referunt fructum. Quod autem in bonam terram, hi sunt 
qui in corde bono et optimo audientes verbum retinent, et fructum afferunt 
in patientia." 


Hilya (apud biografia de Ribah Al-Qaysl) 1 : 

" Dijo 'Otba a Ribah : El que no esta con nosotros, esta contra nosotros." 
Cfr. Mat., xii, 30 : " Qui non est mecum, contra me est." 

'Ihya', in, 55, 18 : S^^b -.,^1 ^Su SjUkU^ dUJu Sj^l jJbU, ,> 

5 *3>\j\ ^Xj^ 

"El que con su corazon vea experimentalmente y con certeza intuitiva 
la vida futura, aspirara por necesidad a gozarla, deseara llegar a ella y em- 
prendera el camino, despreciando los bienes y deleites de la vida presente. En 
efecto : el que posee un abalorio y ve una perla preciosa, no le queda ya deseo 
alguno del abalorio y aspira con todas sus fuerzas a venderlo por la perla.' 

Cfr. Brockelmann 
Geschichte, i, 362. (Noticia comunicada por Massignon.) 

Influencias evangelicas en la Literatura religiosa del Islam 27 

Cfr. Mat., xiii, 45 : "Iterum simile est regnum coelorum homini 
negotiatori quaerenti bonas margaritas. Inventa autem una pretiosa 
margarita, abiit, et vendidit omnia quae habuit, et emit earn." 


Fatiha\ 17, 9 inf. : aJU oJUt ^^o <*JJt J>^j O^ bjjJl 

J13 A 

"Refiri6 Abu Al-Darda, del Enviado de Dios, que dijo este : Revel6 
Dios a uno de sus profetas : Di a aquellos que se dedican al estudio de la 
ley por un fin distinto de Dios y de su religion... y que se visten con 
pieles de carneros para las gentes, mientras que sus corazones son como los 
corazones de los lobos " etc. 

Cfr. supra, no. 9. 

Mo'jam*, 98, 12 : jJt J^t ^>^ J^AJ 

" Oi decir a Dhu Al-Nun Al-Misri : El que se avergiienza de hacer en 
piiblico alguna obra de piedad, no logra merito alguno por el [a los ojos 
de Dios]." 

Cfr. Luc., ix, 26 : " Nam qui me erubuerit et meos sermones : hunc 
Filius hominis erubescet cum venerit in majestate sua...." 


Lawdqih*, I, 61, 17 : 

<f Decia Dhu Al-Nun Al-Misri 4 : El que para aproximarse a Dios pierde 
su alma, Dios se la preserva [de la perdicion]." 

Cfr. Joan., xii, 25 : "Qui odit animam suam in hoc mundo, in vitam 
aeternam custodit earn." 

Lawaqih, I, 60, 5 inf. : ^ jJxi ,> J^su 

" Decia Dhu Al-Nun Al-Misri : El que mira los defectos de los hombres, 
ciego esta para ver el defecto suyo propio." 

Cfr. Mat., vii, 3 : " Quid autem vides festucam in oculo fratris tui : et 
trabem in oculo tuo non vides ? " 

Aa*Jb w^U. Cairo, 1322 heg. 

2 Bibliotheca arabico-hispana, iv, edic. Codera (Madrid, 1886). 

3 ^lytUUjl^l OUui, ^ jlj^l ^51^ v^=>- Cairo, 1315 

4 Famoso mistico de Egipto, que muri6 el 245 heg. 





Familiar to us, and unknown. 

SHAKESPEARE, King Henry V, in, 7, 40. 

Mit zu den sonderbarsten Erscheinungen in der Ge- 
schichte der islamischen Studien zahlt wohl die Tatsache, 
dass bis zum heutigen Tag eine der wichtigsten religiosen 
Bewegungen, die vielleicht nur in der abendlandischen 
Reformation ein wirkliches Gegenstlick und im ausseren 
Verlauf obendrein sehr auffallende Parallelen hat, noch 
keinen Geschichtsschreiber gefunden hat : die Safawijja. 
Was dariiber in den landlaufigen Biichern zu lesen ist, darf 
keinerlei Anspruch auf quellenkritische Darstellung erheben 1 . 
Von einem Fortschritt in der Untersuchung ist seit mehr als 
einem Jahrhundert so gut wie nicht die Rede, nicht einmal 
der Versuch einer zusammenfassenden Wertung ist unter- 
nommen worden. Die Auffassung Sir John Malcolm's 
(t 1833), der s i cn ubngens in seiner Schilderung lediglich 
auf Kemal b. Dschelal's nicht ungeschicktes, als Quellen- 
werk indessen doch nahezu unbrauchbares Zubd ut-tawarzh 
stiitzte : " It would be tedious to detail the actions of Ismail " 
(History of Persia, 1829, i, 326; Verdeutschung (1830), i, 
333), war offenbarer Leitsatz bis auf unsere Tage. Sieht 
man von kurzen Ausziigen aus morgenlandischen Werken 
ab, so liegen bis jetzt z. B. noch die unschatzbaren Hand- 
schriften, die General Paskewitsch 1827 aus der Biicherei 
des Schejchs Sefl ed-dm von Erdebll nach Petersburg 
verschleppte, ungenutzt, ja kaum untersucht und richtig 
verzeichnet an ihrem derzeitigen Standort 2 . Aber nicht nur 

1 Auch was Paul Horn im Grundriss fur iranische Philologie, n. Bd., 
S. 579 ff. 'bietet, ist ganzlich unbrauchbar und wird der Bedeutung der 
Safawijja in keinem Punkte gerecht. Das Beste daran ist die Literaturzusam- 
menstellung, S. 585-588, die aber auch nur fiir die orientalischen Quellen 
auf gewisse Vollstandigkeit Anspruch erheben darf. 

2 Vgl die Liste der Manuscripte aus der Moschee des Scheich Sefi zu 
Ardebil, die Chr. M. v. Frahn im Peter sburger Journal, 1829, No. 44 gab. 
Vgl. dazu Hallische Literatur-Zeitung, 1829, Intelligenzblatt No. 103; 

Marino Sanutd s Tagebucher und die Safawijja 29 

die orientalischen Quellen 1 barren ndch der Erschliessung, 
sondern auch die europaische, meist gedruckte Literatur ist 
in der Neuzeit so gut wie unbeachtet geblieben. Seit der 
treffliche Pietro Bizar(r)o aus Sassoferrato (f um 1585 zu 
Antwerpen) seines neugierigen Zeitalters ganzes Wissen 
vom Reiche der Perser in einen machtigen Folianten 
zwangte und darin allerlei Seltenheiten seiner Mitwelt 
bequem erschloss, namlich in der Rerum Persicarum his- 
toria, initia gentis, et res gestas ad haec tempora complectens, 
accedunt varia opuscula diversorum scriptorum ad historiam 
Persicam recentiorem spectantia (Antwerpen, 1583, Neu- 
auflage, Frankfurt, 1601, fol., 644 Seiten + index rerum), hat 
niemand ausser etwa der unermtidliche Charles Schefer 
(18201898) sich um diese Dinge beklimmert. Er was es, 
der, unablassig um die Erforschung der altren, den Orient 
betreffenden Reisewerke bemtiht, im Vorwort seiner Ausgabe 
von Raphael Du Mans' Estat de la Perse (Paris, 1890) die 
wichtigsten abendlandischen Reisebiicher, aus denen auf 
persische Zustande Licht fallt, einer ganzlichen Vergessen- 
heit entriss. Der Plan des hochbegabten Franz Teufel 
(1848-1884), den erseinem Lehrer H. L. Fleischer in einem 
ausfiihrlichen 'Sendschreiben ' im xxxvi. Bande der ZDMG 
(1882) entwickelte, hatte wohl auch dann unausgeflihrt 
bleiben miissen, wenn dem glanzenden, aber schicksalver- 
folgten Gelehrten (vgl. ZDMG, 38. Bd. (1884), S. 377 ff.) 
ein schoneres Lebenslos beschieden gewesen ware. Aber 
F. Teufel hatte seine Teilnahme lediglich den morgen- 
landischen Quellen zugewendet. Sie allein zu Rate zu ziehen, 
muss gerade in diesem Fall ein gewichtiger Umstand wider- 
raten. Sind die persischen Berichte etwa vom Bestreben 
geleitet, die Sache Isma'lls in recht giinstige Beleuchtung 
zu riicken, so verfallen die osmanischenSchilderungen begrei- 
flicherweise in das gerade Gegenteil. Erwagt man dabei, 
von welchen Gesichtspunkten sich die morgenlandischen 

ferner La Bibliotheque de la Mosquee du Sheikh-Sefy a Ardebil in Ferrussac's 
Bulletin des sciences historiques, 1830, Janvier, so wie Asiatic Journal, New 
Series, u. Band, London, 1831, S. 78-82, und die Petersburger Kataloge 
Viktor Baron Rosen's. 

1 Vgl. etwa E. D. Ross' strassburger Doktorschrift Early years of Shah 
Ismail, London, 1896, auch vc&JRAS, 1896, S. 253 ff. sowie E. B. Olliver,* 
The Safawi Dynasty of Persia, im JASB, LVI. Band, Kalkutta, 1887, 
S. 37 ff- 


Geschichtsschreiber jener Tage leiten liessen, so wird man 
nur mit starken Bedenken an die Ausbeutung lediglich dieser 
Urkunden gehen. Dieses Misstrauen kann die Kenntnis 
eines Vorfalles, wie ihn die Lebensgeschichte des als Ver- 
fasser der osmanischen Reichsgeschichte Hescht bihischt 
bertihmt gewordenen Persers Idrls aus Bitlis erzahlt, nur 
bestarken. Als Schah Isma'll, so heisst es im iv. Buche des 
Scherefname, aufgetreten war und die schritische Glaubens- 
lehre zur Geltung brachte, ersann Idrls ein persisches tarlh. 
J^U wjsj^, ' der Glaube ist nicht wahr ! ' lautete es. Von 
Isma'll durch dessen Vertrauten Mewlana Kemal edrdln 
Tejjib SchlrazI zur Rede gestellt bekannte er sich ohne 
Zogern als Verfasser, vergass aber nicht beizufugen, dass der 
Jahrzahlvers ' nach der arabischen Konstruktion ' J*. I-UAJ^, 
also ' unser Glaube ist Wahrheit ! ' laute ! Die Qaslde, die 
er seiner ' Rechtfertigung ' beifugte, ist zu bezeichnend, als 
dass nicht ihr wesentlichster Inhalt hier Platz finden miisste : 

Erkenne in mir einen angestammten Sklaven Deines Hauses, 

Denn mein Grossvater war der Diener des Deinen auf dem Gotteswege. 

Mein Vater gehorte auch zu den Schiilern des Urgrossvaters des 

Konigs (d. h. Eurer Majestat), 

Dem die ausseren und inneren Wissenschaften den Glanz verdanken. 
Auch mein Dienstverhaltnis zu Schah Hajder 
Wurde durch meine gute Haltung wie Zuckermilch. 
Ein schoner Zufall ist's, dass in des Qor'ans Versen 
An jedem Ort mein Name und der Isma'Ils beieinander stehen 1 . 

Werden sich also fiir die Darstellung der Safawijja aus 
orientalischen Berichten lediglich fur den geschichtlichen 
Verlauf der ganzen Bewegung verwertbare Angaben ent- 
nehmen lassen, so treten die abendlandischen Aufzeich- 
nungen als hochst erwlinschte Erganzungen hinzu, wo es 
sich um die Erfassung und Erklarung etwa der Glaubens- 
lehren Isma'Ils und seiner Ahnen handelt. Wenn auch der 
ungeheure Eindruck, den das Erscheinen des Sophy* auf 
das Abendland machte, zumal auf die Staaten, die mit dem 
Orient in naherer Beruhrung standen, leicht zu einer ohne- 

1 Vgl. H. A. Barb in den Sitzungsberichten der Kaiserlichen Akademie 
der Wissenschaften, phil.-histor. Klasse, Wien, 1859, S. 153-154. Ich 
weiche am Schluss von Barb's Verdeutschung ab. Denn nur da, wo im 
Qor'an sich der Name Henochs (Idrls) findet, steht der Isma'Ils daneben, 
nicht etwa umgekehrt. Vgl. xxi, 85 und xix, 55 und 57. 

2 Vgl. Shakespeare, Merchant of Venice, n, i, 25. 

Marino Sanuto s Tagebilcher und die Safawijja 3 1 

dies im Zuge jener Zeit liegenden Neigung Wahres mit 
Falschem zu mengen flihren konnte, wenn man auch gar 
mancherlei Meldungen zumal liber die Starke der An- 
hangerschaft des neuen Propheten ohne weiteres glaubig 
hinnahm, weil hier der Wunsch Vater des Gedankens war 
sah man ja in Isma'll einen gleichsam vom Himmel ge- 
sandten Bundesgenossen wider den Tiirken, den 'Anti- 
christ ' so ist dennoch in jenen Nachrichten soviel des 
Zutreffenden und Unbedenklichen enthalten, dass sich eine 
nahere Beschaftigung mit ihnen reichlich lohnt. Die fol- 
genden Seiten haben den Zweck auf eine Quelle die Auf- 
merksamkeit zu lenken, die selbst im Zusammenhang mit 
der Erforschung der osmanischen Reichsgeschichte nicht 
weiter ausgebeutet wurde, auf die Tagebiicher (diariz) des 
venezianischen Chronisten Marino Sanuto. 58 gedruckte 
(Venedig, 1879-1902) Foliobande flillen diese mit staunens- 
wertem Fleiss und echt geschichtlichem Sinn, kommenden 
Geschlechtern zu Nutz wie in einem Speicher zusammenge- 
tragenen Diarien. Vom Jahre 1496 bis zum September 
1533 ist Tag fiir Tag darinnen eingetragen, was in aller 
Welt sich ereignete und was aus alien Landen in Venedig, 
gleichsam dem Brennpunt der Weltpolitik, sich sammelte 
und weit und breit ergoss. Einer der grossten Kenner der 
Geschichte Venedigs, der Brite Rawdon Lubbock Brown 
(1803-1883), der ein Menschenalter mit M. Sanuto als a 
valued friend and companion verkehrt und in drei Banden 
Ragguagli sidla vita e sulle opere di M. Sanuto detto il 
Juniore, Veneto patrizio e cronista dei secoli XV e XVI 
(Venedig, 1832/38) gesammelt hat, schrieb 1871 liber 
Sanuto : 

When delivering his volumes for safe custody into the chamber of the 
Council of the Ten, he wrote to the historian Pietro Bembo, that he did so 
" accioche le mie fatiche siano sempiterne" It is satisfactory to think that his 
wish has been gratified, for at the present day throughout Italy, as also in 
England, France, Germany, Russia, Hungary, and Croatia, the annals of 
those countries are daily enlarged by extracts from the Diaries of Marin 

Seit der prachtvolle, von mehreren venezianischen 
Gelehrten besorgte Druck des Riesenwerkes seinen Inhalt 
bequem zuganglich gemacht hat, ist in der Tat Sanuto's 
Chronik ein wahrer Schatz zeitgenossischer Zeugschaft fiir 
die Geschichte jener Tage geworden. Aber noch niemand 


hat bis heute sich der Aufgabe unterzogen, die Ueberfulle 
der Berichte und Mitteilungen der Diarien fiir die Geschichte 
des osmanischen Reiches 1 , Egyptens, iiberhaupt des Mor- 
genlandes nutzbar zu machen, zu sichten und zu einem 
lebensvollen Bild zu vereinigen. Die Staatsbriefe der vene- 
zianischen Baili am grossherrlichen Hofe, die Privatnach- 
richten der Levantekonsuln, Seeleute, Kaufherren, die 
zahllosen dispacci und relazioni dieser Gewahrsleute aus alien 
Teilen des Orients nichts vermochte ein eindruckvolleres 
und klareres Gemalde der Zeitverhaltnisse zu geben. Georg 
Martin Thomas (1817-1887), derausgezeichnete Erforscher 
des Levantehandels und venezianischer Geschichte, hat, 
ehe der Druck der Diarien vollendet war, aus der iiberaus 
schwer lesbaren Urschrift zum erstenmal den Versuch 
gewagt, fur das gewaltige Geisteswerk Martin Luthers jene 
Tagebiicher als Quellenwerk zu behandeln : Martin Luther 
und die Reformationsbewegung in Deutschland vom Jakre 
1520-1532 in Auszilgen aus Marino Sanuto s Diarien 
(Ansbach, 1883). Auf diese Schrift sei verwiesen, wer sich, 
ohne selbst das Riesenwerk zu priifen, eine Vorstellung von 
dessen Wert als geschichtliches Zeugnis machen will. Wenn 
ich im nachstehenden versuche, die Nachrichten in der 
Chronik fur die Friihgeschichte der Safawijja nach gewissen 
Gesichtspunkten zusammenzustellen, so mache ich dabei 
keineswegs den Anspruch einer erschopfenden Ausbeutung 
des gebotenen Stoffes. Es liegt mir vor allem daran, liber 
die Glaubenslehre Isma'lls, liber sein erstes Auftreten 
und liber seine Anhangerschaft vorab in den osmanischen 
Reichsgauen daraus einiges Licht zu verbreiten. Meine 
urspriingliche Absicht, auch die ftir die Geschichte der 

1 Josef v. Hammer-Purgstall, der unsterbliche Verfasser der zehnban- 
digen Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches war wohl der erste, der sich 
wenigstens teilweise die damals noch handschriftlichen, miihselig zu lesenden 
Tagebiicher Sanuto's nach der seinerzeit in Wien verwahrten Abschrift fiir 
seine Zwecke nutzbar machte. Dies soil hier ausdriicklich hervorgehoben 
und seinen kleinlichen Tadlern entgegengehalten werden. Deren Namen 
werden langst auch den Fachgenossen entschwunden sein, wenn Josef v. 
Hammer's Werke trotz ihrer zahlreichen Fehler, Irrtiimer, Versehen, 
Wunderlichkeiten, ja Lacherlichkeiten noch lange als unerschopfliche 
Fundgruben von kommenden Forschern gepriesen werden. Nikolaus Jorga, 
dem bei Abfassung seiner osmanischen Geschichte langst der venezianische 
Druck der Diarien zuganglich war, hat diesen leider in viel zu geringem 
Umfang herangezogen. 

Marino Sanutos Tagebilcher und die Safawijja 33 

Kampfe Isma'ils mit Bajazld und Sellm, die in der Schlacht 
bei Tschaldiran einen so entsetzlichen Abschluss fanden, 
reichlich fliessenden Nachrichten hier in bequemer Form 
zuganglich zu machen, habe ich in der festen Hoffnung 
zuruckgestellt, dass recht bald ein Geschichtsschreiber er- 
stehen werde, der bei tieferer Ausbeutung dieses Schatzes 
uns endlich eine griindliche Darstellung jener Glaubens- 
bewegung liefert, auf die sie wie wenig andere Ereignisse in 
der islamischen Geschichte langst den Anspruch hat. 

Die Geschichte der Schl'a, besser vielleicht 'alidischer 
Bewegungen, im frtthosmanischen Reich ist noch unge- 
schrieben. Der Stoff zu dieser Darstellung ist in einer 
Unzahl von meist verborgenen europaischen Quellen vor- 
handen. Aber lange bevor etwa Bertrandon de la Brocquiere 
oder der Bohme Martin Kabatnik, Johannes Schiltberger 
oder der ' Miihlbacher ' und B. Georgiewitsch Kleinasien 
durchquerten und Bericht dariiber erstatteten, lassen sich 
in jenen Gegenden 'alldische Stromungen nachweisen, die, 
wenn nicht alle Anzeichen triigen, bereits unter den letzten 
Rumseldschuqen erkennbar sind und zu verdachtigen Em- 
porungen in deren Reiche fiihrten. Es sei nur an Baba Ishaq 
oder Baba Resul Allah erinnert, von dessen Treibereien 
uns Vincent v. Beauvais jene merkwurdige und hochst 
wertvolle Darstellung im xxxi. Buche seines beriihmten 
Speculum Historiale hinterlassen hat 1 . Eine Kette von 
Derwischemporungen in der vorselimischen Geschichte 
beweist aufs klarste, dass die schritische Propaganda auch 
nach dem Uebergang der Herrschaft auf das Haus 'Osman 
keineswegs erloschen war, vielmehr gerade durch dieses 
sonderbare Nahrung fand. Denn die osmanischen Emfre 
und Sultane waren es selbst, die den Einwandrern aus 

1 Vgl. den Abschnitt De tyrannide Paperoissolae et in Turcos debac- 
chatione und De ipsius ac suorum destructione im Jahre 1 240 im Fragmentum 
de rebus orientalibus e Specula historiali Vincentij Beluacensis, Helmstadii, 
MDLXXXV, S. 155 ff. Fiir die Seldschuqengeschichte wichtig und bisher 
unverwertet ist dort der Abschnitt De exaltatione Raconadij in Soldanum 
Turquiae auf S. lySb (Rukn ed-din's Thronfolge nach Ghijas ed-dm's im 
Oktober 1245 erfolgtem Tode !). Zur Emporung des Baba Resul Allah 
vgl. man die Erzahlung Ibn Bibi's in M. Th. Houtsma's Recueil des textes 
relatifs a Vhistoire des Seldjoucides, iv. Band, S. 227-230 (Leiden, 1902) 
sowie die Lebensbeschreibung des Baba Iljas und Ebu'l-Wefa's bei Tasch- 
kopriizade, Schaqtiiq al-nu'manijja, Stambul, 1869, S. 23. 

B. P. v. r 7 


Khorasan und Transoxanien in ihren Gauen eine bleibende 
Statte schufen, ihnen Klosterzellen und Tekkes errichteten 
und die Stiftungen mit reichen Gaben ausstatteten. Klein- 
asien ward damit ein Hauptherd schritischer, idschma'- 
feindlicher Hetzereien. Dazu kamen die Derwischorden, 
unter denen die Bektaschijje am offenbarsten die Kenn- 
zeichen 'alidischer Bestrebungen tragt. Ganz Anatolien 
ward von jenen heiligmassigen Manriern iiberflutet, die aus 
dem iranischen Hochland zuwanderten und sich gar bald 
auf tiirkischer Erde heimisch fiihlten. Und als dann in der 
ersten Halfte des 14. Jahrhunderts zu Erdebll der Derwisch 
Sefl ed-dm eine zahlreiche Schar um sich sammelte und der 
Ruf seiner Heiligkeit bis an den Hof von Brusa drang, trug 
der Grossherr kein Bedenken, alljahrlich reiche Gaben und 
wohlgefiillte Beutel nach Erdebll zu entsenden, wie der os- 
manische Geschichtsschreiber ', tarlk, 
Stambul, 1332, S. 264 ausdriicklich feststellt. Bald zeigte 
es sich, dass man eine Schlange am Busen genahrt hatte. 
Der gewaltige Aufstand des fruheren Heeresrichters und 
Schejchs Bedr ed-dm im Jahr 1416, der einen Teil von 
Kleinasien und Rumeli in helle Emporung versetzte, war 
nichts weiter als die Auswirkung einer mittlerweile zu be- 
drohlichster Macht angewachsenen staatsfeindlichen Gesin- 
nung, die in 'alidischen Wlihlereien und schritischer Hetz- 
tatigkeit ihre Nahrung fand. Es ist hier nicht der Ort, die 
feinen Faden blosszulegen, die von dem Aufruhr Bedr ed- 
din's ausgingen und sich mit aller Deutlichkeit bis herauf zu 
Schah Ismail als geschlossene Kette erweisen lassen. In 
meiner Abhandlung Schejch Bedr ed-dm, der Sohn des 
Richters von Simaw. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Sekten- 
wesens im altosmanischen Reich, die in der Zeitschrift Der 
Islam auf S. 1-106 des xi. (1920) und S. 103-109 des xn. 
Bandes (1921) enthalten ist, habeich versucht, etwas Licht in 
das bisherige Dunkel der ganzen Bewegung zu bringen und 
zu zeigen, wie lange vor Isma'il im osmanischem Kleinasien 
der 'alldischen Werbetatigkeit ein fruchtbarer Boden bereitet 
war, sowie darzulegen, dass bis heute noch in gewissen Sekten- 
bildungen (Qizilbaschen, Tachtadschis usw.) betrachtliche 
Ueberreste dieser einstigen gewaltigen Glaubensbewegung 
innerhalb der osmanischen Grenzen sich nachweisen lassen. 
Vier Ftinftel ganz Anatoliens bekannten sich nach einem 

Marino Sanutos Tagebucher und die Safawijja 3 5 

venezianischen Gesandtschaftsbericht vom Jahr 1514 zur 
neuen Lehre. Das mag iiberschatzt sein, aber die von 
mehreren Gewahrsmannern iiberlieferte und kaum liber- 
triebene Zahl 40,000 (d. h. ' unendlich ') fiir die von Sellm 
hingeschlachteten und eingekerkerten Schriten spricht eine 
deutliche Sprache. 

So stand es um das Jahr 1500, als Schah Isma'll plotz- 
lich in die Erscheinung trat. Hier mogen nun die in 
Sanuto's Tagebiichern verstreuten Nachrichten liber die 
Safawijja in ihrer Bedeutung als wertvolle und ergiebige 
Stoffsammlung fur die Geschichte der ganzen Bewegung 
etwas naher gewiirdigt werden. 

Die betreffenden Stellen gebe ich nach dem Druck in 
der Schreibart jener Zeit ; Sanuto's Stil verlangt eigentlich 
ein eignes Studium, aber fiir den vorliegenden Zweck 
gentigt wohl der Hinweis, dass er nicht syntaktisch, sondern 
gleichsam parataktisch ist. Die Ausdrucksformen wechseln 
natiirlich : bald sind es die venezianischen Bevollmachtigten 
bei der Hohen Pforte, die baili, aus deren Berichten das 
hieher Gehorige geschopft wird, bald sind es Konsuln und 
Kaufleute auf den griechischen Inseln und in Syrien, bald 
sind es Reisende, die da Meldung erstatten, bald Seeleute, 
die diese wichtigen Kundschaften ins Herz oder auf den 
Markt der Stadt des Heiligen Markus tragen. 

Die erste Kunde von demnovoflro/eta erhielt dieSignoria 
zu Venedig durch einige im Dezember 1501 aus Persien 
eingetroffene Reisende (alcuni venuti di Persia], aus deren 
Bericht hervorging, esser aparso certo puto, novo prof eta, di 
anni 14 in 15 \ a seguito di assaissima zente. Im Anschluss 
daran folgt die Abschrift der depositione liber Isma'll : 

zoe zuro, 
heisst es darin (iv. Band, Spalte 191 ff.), 

per lo eterno Idio che se leva adesso Exeth^ la sua patria e Babilonia, e el 
suo padre diceva esser par ente di Mahometh* ; e ptf suo padre e morto ; et 
questo puto e de anni 14., et al presente va per 15 anni^. Et lui dice, che mio 

1 Isma'il war am 25. redscheb 892, d. h. am 17. Juli 1487 geboren, 
mithin 1501 genau im bezeichneten Alter. Vgl. Miineddschimbaschi, 
sake? if iil-ahbdr, in. Band, S. | Af, Stambul, 1285, ferner L. Langles in 
seiner Ausgabe der Voyages dej. Chardin, Paris, 1811, x. Band, S. 189. 

2 Exeth diirfte eine Verunstaltung von Schejch oder Sejjid sein. 

3 Isma'Il fiihrte bekanntlich seinen Stammbaum auf 'All's Enkel 
Musa'l-Kazim, den Sohn Husejns zuriick. 


padre non era mio padre, ma lui era mio schiavo ; et lui dice esser instesso 
Dio ; e lui ha con esso 40 governadori, i quali li fanno chiamar caliphani, i 
qualli etiam fano et celebrano /' oficio per suo nome, perche lui dice esser Dio. 
Et lui fa andar a la roba di ogniuno, cussi de' christiani como de j infideli ; et 
cussi tutti li sassini et homeni de mala sorte vano con ditto Exeth. Et questi 
talli che vano con lui, li presentano danari, digando : Spendete questi danari 
par nome de Exeth. Et tutti li gran maistri, che se vano a presentar a lui, 
ditto Exeth litocha con la man sopra la testa 1 et li dice : Va, che tu sei mio ; 
et li altri de bassa condition manda uno suo calif a per suo nome, lo qual li tocha 
sopra la testa ! con quele medeme parole. Et havea, za fa un anno, persone 
piil de 8000 soto de si ; et con quella zente andb soto una terra, chiamata 
Arzingani*, e alozb fuor de la terra, perche la terra non lo lasso intrar 
dentro. ...E poi se levb de II et andb aduri altra terra, chiamata Chasteldere 1 ', 
et quella etiam fece sachizar. Et da poi se levb de la, et andb a urf altra terra, 
che se chiama Charabazi*, et sachizo quella et molte altre terre et ville ; e tutto 
el paese soprascrito era de Uson Cassan de Azimia b . Et poi passo sopra le 
terre dJ samachi* et silvani*, dove era do signori, fratelli, che erano a suo 
posta ; et uno de Ihoro fu preso et morto dal ditto, et V altro scampi et andb a 
uno locho, che se chiama Sidero Porta 7 Et alhora io intisi, che questo avosto 
passa, come lui voleva andar a dosso ad uno paese, se chiama Thaurise* . . . . 

1 Ich habe schon in meiner Arbeit iiber Bedr ed-dln die Behauptung 
aufgestellt, dass die Safawijja urspriinglich nichts weiter als ein Derwisch- 
bund war, der sich von der Umwelt, seit Schejch Hajder, durch ihre rote 
zwolfzwicklige Miitze (Hajderkrone) unterschied, ein Merkmal, das bei der 
unheimlich anwachsenden Gerneinde natiirlich gar bald in Wegfall kam. 
Was hier der venezianische Gewahrsmann andeutet, ist weiter nichts als die 
in Derwischorden und islamischen Ziinften herkommliche ^/^^-Zeremonie, 
ein 'Ritterschlag.' Vgl. die anschauliche Schilderung in Engelb. Kampfer's 
Amoenitates exoticae, Lemgo, 1 7 1 2, S. 241 ff. Ich empfehle dringend einmal, 
gewisse Aufstellungen Hans Bliiher's (in seinem grundlegenden Werk Die 
Rolle der Erotik in der mdnnlichen Gesellschaft (Leipzig, 1918/19, zwei 
Bande)) von der Entstehung des Staates auf die Geschichte des Sefewireiches 
anzuwenden. Wenn irgendwann und irgendwo, so hat sich hier aus einem 
reinen Mannerbund ein Staatswesen entwickelt. 

2 d. i. Ersindschan, das Gebiet des verstorbenen Uzun Hasan, des 
Urgrossvaters Schah Ismalls. 

3 Wohl Qizil-dere, oder Tuch-tschai, der in den Wan-See miindet. Vgl. 
V. Cuinet, Turquie d'Asie, n, 667. 

4 Dieser Ort wird iv, 488 als Charabade, cita de Usson Cassan aufgefiihrt 
und wird wohl mit Kharput einerlei sein. 

5 Azimia, d. i. ''adscheml, persisch, eine in europaischen Reiseberichten 
seit dem 14. Jahrhundert ungemein haufige Bezeichnung fur Persien. 
Falsch gedeutet bei E. J. W. Gibb, History of Ottoman Poetry, i. Bd., 
S. 357, 3 Anm. Vgl. dazu das Ra'tsel adzamisches Land in der Zeitschrift 
des Deutschen Paldstinavereins, xix. Bd., 1896, S. 116, 22. Zeile v.o. 

6 6tfwar/fo'istScbemacha, silvani ist Schlrwan. Im Kampfgegen Khalil, 
den Herrn von Schemacha, war um 860/1456 Isma'ils Grossvater, Schejch 
Dschunejd, gefallen. 

7 Sidero Porta, d. h. Eisentor, ist natiirlich Demir Qapu in Daghestan 
bei'Derbend. 8 Thaurise, d. i. Tabriz. 

Marino Sanut os Tagebiicher und die Safawijja 37 

Soweit dieser Gewahrsmann. In unmittelbarem Anschluss 
daran moge gleich eine relazione des Domino Costantino 
Lascari vom 14. Oktober 1502 (iv, 353 ff.) auszugsweise 
erwahnt werden. Ihr Verfasser war damals gerade aus 
Oaraman nach Venedig zurlickgekehrt. Er habe 

bona information, como questo signor Sophi e in ordine de danari, de che de 
cadaun m* e sta zertificato haver grandissima richeza, primo per el gran paexe 
che possiede, praeterea haver tolto gran faculta di questi signori, che a fatto 
morir ; et esser signor di gran justicia, et liberal con tuti, home de anni 20 in 22 ', 
molto prosperoso ; a uno suo fradelo di anni XI in 12, lassato a Tauris, et 
una sorela, che' I prometeva darla per moier al signor caraman. Questo signor 
Sophi e molto aficionato a questa sua seta, eft e una certa religione catholicha 
a Ihor modo, in discordantia de la opinion dil suo propheta macometan, et 
Omar et Bubach [Abu Bekr], che fa soi discipuli ; et questo Sophi se adsrisse 
a la opinion de All, de Esse [Hasan], Ossen [Husejn], che fo anche Ihoro 
discipuli dil propheta... (iv, 355). 

Ungleich wichtiger, well darin liber die Lehre Isma'lls 
bestimmtere Angaben enthalten sind, ist ein in Ragusa 
unterm 6. November 1502 ausgefertigtes Schreiben (iv, 
500 ff.). Es handelt 

di la progenie et origine de AH, lo qual chiamano Amir Syaach^, el qual non 
passa 1 8 anni, et I de grande prudentia e mirabel inzegno. Ditto Amir /' e 
disceso de la progenie de Mahometho, doe de uno suo fratello, perche Mahometo 
non ebbe figlioli maschi ; e tutti soi antecessori furon sayti [sejjid]. El nome 
del dito Amir Scyaach se interpreta propheta de Dio ; del qual tutti li ante- 
cessori sempre de tutti mahometani sono stati tenuti in grandissima vene- 
ratione, persino a questo Amir Scyach. Et sempre tutti, successive, de grado 
in grado, hanno tenuto la cathedra della Ihoro religione, come li piu degni de 
la secta machometana. La Ihoro abitation e stata in una techya [tekkijje, 
tekke 2 ], molto bella e grande, vicina a una terra chiamata Tabris ; nella qual 

1 Kann sowohl aus Emir + Schejch wie Emir + Schah entstellt sein. 

2 Der vorliegende Bericht ist wohl die klarste und beste Schilderung der 
Safawijja als Derwischorden vor dem Auftreten Dschunejds mit herrscher- 
lichen Anspriichen. Das Kloster (tekke), in dem etwa 300 Monche come di 
7-uissi, d. h. dervisi, Derwische lebten, wird ebenso mit den Tatsachen iiber- 
einstimmen, wie die Meldung auch von osmanischen Geschichtssch'reibern 
bezeugt ist, dass aus der Tiirkei, vom Sultanshof Geldspenden an die 
Schejche von Erdebll abgingen. Vgl. die oben angezogene Stelle aus dem 
Geschichtswerk des ', ferner Johannes Leunclavius, His- 
toriae Musulmanae Turcorum, Frankfurt a. M., 1591, dessen Angaben auf 
das Werk des osmanischen Chronisten MuhjT ed-dln (starb 1550) zuriick- 
gehen ; S. 647 heisst es don : Mittit hie, vel ille Sultanus Osmanides, sancto 
viro, Scheichi Tzuneiti, tzirac axiesi (= tschirdgh aqtschesi], hoc est, aspros 
sive pecuniam candelabri....Quum vero Sultanus Muhametes secundus apud 
Turcos imperio potiretur, visum fuit ei, nullos amplius Scheichi Tzuneiti 
nummos, pristino suorum more, mittendos. Daraufhin sandte Dschunejd 
nach Brusa und bat um Aufklarung, worauf Mehemmed II. seine Weigerung 


techia con ipsi habitaron sempre da cercha 300 homeni, tutti religiosi, come di 
ruissi. Et sempre se hanno monstrato de molto austera e divota vita, de modo 
che non solum Persia, ma tuff a Turchia, Suria e Barbaria li tenevan in molto 
grande veneratione et divotione ; et erano molto de tute queste nationi visitate ; et 
%H facean de molte elemosine, et oblatione de auro et argento et zoie. Et insino 
a V avo del ditto Amir Scyaach, successive, in quello luogo hanno passato la loro 
vita, senza havere, ne cerchare altro stato ne signoria. Dove prefato avo de 
Amir Scyaach, vedutosi in tanta veneratione, extimo et seguito de le gente et 
populi, volse temptare la fortuna de farse gran signor. Et congrego grande 
numero di gente, instruendoli e mostrandoli novo ordine de la lege, quella di 
Mahometo in alcuna parte riprehendendo e corigendo ; confessando, Cristo 
esser stato vero propheta, et esser con corpo et anima in cielo andato ; et li sui 
quatro evangelisti esser e stati predicatori della verita. Et anche dimostrava a 
quelli populi, sui seguaci, Idio haver fatto tutte le cosse comune 1 . Ita persua- 
deva, che la gente, con molto grande effecto et devotione, a lui se acostavan e lo 
seguitavan. Dove el ditto avo si messe contra Uxon Cassari*, de lo qual Uson 

mit den Worten begriindete : Vallahe Tekesin cozza vlmistur (d. i. wallah, 
tekkenin qodschasi olmuschdur), " Bei Gott, der Alte (pir) des Klosters ist 
ja (schon) gestorben ! " Von ganz besondrer Bedeutung aber ist die auch 
hier bestatigte 'Christenfreundlichkeit' der Lehre Isma'Ils. Um nicht 
bereits einmal Gesagtes zu wiederholen, verweise ich auf meine Bedr ed- 
<z7;z = Studie, S. 87 und auf die dort gegebenen Ausziige aus der Schrift 
Giovanni Rota's, sowie auf die Bemerkungen S. 66. Es ist gar kein Zweifel 
moglich, dass die Glaubenslehre der Safawijja etwas Grundverschiednes 
von der heutigen, sog. schl'itischen Religionsform der Perser darstellt. Es 
wird genauer und eindringlicher Studien bediirfen, um festzustellen, wie 
weit hier etwa christliche Bestandteile (wohl aus Trapezunt kommend) mit 
altpersischen, zoroastrischen Anschauungen iibernommen wurden. Das 
Weintrinken und Schweinefleischessen (vgl. Sanuto, vi, 22i)besonders aber 
der Kommunismus (vgl. Bedr ed-dln, S. 87), woriiber mehrfache, unter- 
einander unabhangige Gewahrsmanner berichten, mochte ich als besonders 
bezeichnendes Merkmal einer islam-feindlichen Bestrebung iiberhaupt 

1 Ueber diese kommunistische Richtung vgl. man Schejch Bedr ed-dln, 
S. 65, 87, besonders die Anmerkung : was er gewindt, das ist der gantzen 
gemayn heisst es bei Giovanni Rota (liber dessen Bericht vgl. unten S. 48). 

2 Uzun Hasan war, was hier in Erinnerung gebracht werden moge, den 
Venezianern der damaligen Zeit eine durchaus vertraute Personlichkeit. 
Der Herr des Schwarzen Hammels hatte an die Lagunenstadt Gesandte 
geschickt und um Kriegsmaterial zur Abwehr der gemeinsamen Tiirkenge- 
fahr gebeten. Darauf begaben sich die beiden Edlen, Ambrosio Contarini 
und Giosafat Barbaro nach Persien. Sie hinterliessen einen wertvollen 
Reisebericht, der mehrfach gedruckt und herausgegeben ward (so bei Bizaro, 
a. o. O.) und in einer sehr guten Ausgabe der Hakluyt-Society vorliegt : 
Travels to Tana and Persia, by Giosafat Barbaro and A. Contarini. Trans- 
lated from the Italian by W. Thomas... and by S. [vielmehr : .] A. Stanley 
of Alder ley. A Narrative of Italian travels in Persia in the i$th and i6th 
centuries. Translated and edited by C. Gray. London, 1873, zwe i Teile. 
Sodann sei verwiesen auf Enrico Cornet : Giosafatte Barbaro, ambasciatore 
ad Usunhasan. Lettere al Senato Veneto, 1473. Vienna, 1852, ferner auf 

Marino Sanutos Tagebiicher und die Safawijja 39 

Cassan fu morto. Da ptf de lui successe suo fiol, t padre del ditto Amich(l) 
Scyaach, et con simile fantasia del padre suo coadunb multa gente, e se mosse a 
far guerra a f imperio di Trabesonda, dove se dice, che de ft a Giami [Dschaniq] 
fu roto et morto. De lo qual restaron qiiatro figlioli de piu altri ; de li quali 
dicono essere uno captivo, el maggiore, de gran turco^ ; uno altro de Anadoli ; 
el terzo non se ne trova, ne de lui e mentione; e /' ultimo $ piu giovene de questo 
Amir Scyaach, qual restb ne le fassie picolino, et per una femina salvato et 
nutrito, tenendolo fina 12 anni drieto li armenti de le pecore.... El qual gran 
turco [d. i. der Sultan] ha convocato multo medirissi [miiderris], literati et 
savij de sua secta et ne la Ihoro lege, et comandatoli, che debia studiare et 
vedere, per lege de Dio, se gli e cosa concedente, et se 7 se puol, senza peccato, 
con arme procedere contra ditto Amir Syaach*. 

Soweit der ragusaische Bericht. Isma'll hatte, wie die 
beiden nunmehr folgenden Nachrichten zeigen, ohne erst 
fetwas einzuholen, seinem sunnitischen Widerpart scharfsten 
Kampf angesagt : Sier Domenico Dolfin schreibt am 6. Ok- 
tober 1502 aus Rhodes (iv, 417) : 

Questi Sophl se interpetrano homeni justi ; hanno, per suo signor e pro- 
pfieta et homo santo, uno zovene, di eta de anni 18 in 20, fiolo di una sorela, 
che fu de Uson Cassan, de patria et cita nominata Ar devil, il nome suo 
Ismael. Questo suo signor cercha di destruzer la fede machometana ; et in 

desselben Verf. Le guerre dei Veneti nelF Asia, 1470-1474. Vienna, 1856, 
sowie auf die hochst wertvollen Arbeiten Gugl. Crist. Berchet's : La re- 
p^^bblica di Venezia e la Persia, Torino, 1865, und Nuovi documenti e 
regesti, Venezia, 1866. Leider fehlen bisher noch Untersuchungen liber die 
Beziehungen Persiens zum iibrigen Abendland, wie etwa zu Deutschland und 
England. Fur Spanien und Frankreich verweise ich bei dieser Gelegenheit 
auf : G. J. C. Pilot : Relations diplomatiques de Charles V avec la Perse et 
la Turquie im Messager des sciences historiques de Belgique, Gand, 1843, 
S. 44-70; Jul. Thieury : La Perse et la Normandie (Evreux), 1866; 
Castonnet des Fosses : Sur les relations de la France avec la Perse im 
Bulletin de la Societe geographique de Tours, 1889. 

1 Nach Muneddschimbaschi, a. a. O., in. Bd., S. \A\, 5 hatte Schejch 
Hajder aus seiner Ehe mit der Nichte Uzun Hasan's 'Alemschah Begum, 
drei Sohne, namlich Isma'Il, 'All und Ibrahim. Der letzte befand sich in 
osmanischer Gefangenschaft. Vgl. J. v. Hammer, Geschichte des osmanischen 
Reiches, n. Band, Pest, 1828, S. 346. Es ware dringend zu wiinschen, dass 
die wohl auf Husejn Ibn Schejch Abdal ZahidI zuriickgehende (vgl. P. Horn, 
im Grundriss fur iran. Phil., li. Bd., S. 587 oben) silsilat an-nasab as- 
Safawijja, von der sich aus dem Nachlass Sir A. Houtum-Schindler's eine 
Handschrift im Besitze E. G. Browne's befindet, durch Druck oder auszugs- 
weise Uebersetzung zuganglich gemacht werde. Vgl. E. G. Browne, History 
of Persian Literature under Tartar Dominion, Cambridge, 1920, S. 474 
und 484. 

2 Das fetwa ist bekannt und u. a. bei J. Malcolm iibermittelt (i, 334). 
Darnach war es verdienstvoller einen schi'itischen Perser umzubringen als 
70 Christen. Dieser Standpunkt gait auch noch spater, vgl. O. Dapper, 
Beschreibung des Konigreichs Persien, Niirnberg, 1681, S. 114, sowie Der 
Islam, xi. Bd., S. 90, 2. Anm. 


ogni paese aquistato fa brusar li libri machometani ; et, per disprecio di la 
fede, ne le Ihor moschee fa intrar canni e cavali ; vuol si adori sollo Idio, et 
luj sij honorato comme propheta e homo santissimo. 

Ein am 7. Sept. 1502 zu Levkosia auf Zypern verfasster 
Brief (iv, 487 ff.) erganzt und bestatigt in erwiinschter Weise 
diese Mitteilungen ; nachdem zuerst von Verhandlungen des 
Sophi mit Bajazld die Rede ist, wobei es sich um die 
Duldung seiner Glaubensgenossen im osmanischen Reiche 
und um Freilassung der Gefangenen handelt (eke dovesse 
lassar in liberta i soi subditi ; et ultra questo, ancor lui dovesse 
ponersi in testa la bareta rossa, come fano tuti del suo 
dominio... 1 ), heisst es weiter : 

Dicono, dicto Sophis esser potentissimo de danari et arzento ; qual ha con 
si tre sorte de stipendiati : la prima, pedoni, che sono el presidio de la sua 
persona ; secunda, homeni armati, su cavalli grossi, ben in ordine ; e de tute 
queste armature se hanno forniti de quelle de Usson [Sp. 489} Cassan ; la 
terza sono cavalli lizieri ; et tuti questi hanno soldo dal signor Sophis... 
seco conduce in campo gran parte de quelli populi, i qualli voluntiera el 
segueno a sue spese, solum contenti de veder la faza del suo signor, quel obser- 
vano con gran reverentia e devotione, per esser persona saputa, formosa et di 
eta de anni XX. Dicono aver con si tre preti armeni, i qualli per anni octo 
continui sono sta sui preceptori, in lezerli i evanzelij et la sacra scriptura 
nostra ; et usa lingua armena. La fede veramente che V tien non se intende, 
ma si puolfar coniectura che 7 sij piu presto christiano che altro [namlich als 
der Tiirke], rispeto che V ha facto brusar ne le provintie sue tutti li libri de 
Machometo, persuadendo i populi, che lassar debino la vana e falssa leze 
machometana, et adorar Dio vivo, che } in cielo, et che V tuto governa. Et e s\ 
cresuto in pochi giorni el nome de Sophis, che e de grandissimo teror in tuta 
la Turchia*.... 

1 Diese rote Miitze, deren Vorhandensein noch in allerneuester Zeit von 
orientalistischer Seite einfach in Abrede gestellt wurde (vgl. Josef v. 
Karabacek, Abendlandische Kiinstler am Hufe zu Konstantinopel usw. in den 
Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien, 62. 
Band, 1918, S. 87, 4. Anm.) hat so sicher bestanden wie die ganz ahnlich 
geformte Bektaschi-Miitze. Bei der zunehmenden Anzahl der Anhanger 
isma'Ils kam sie natiirlich in Wegfall und ward, wie aus spateren Reise- 
bericliten hervorgeht (O. Dapper, usw.) nur bestimmten Hofbeamten am 
Sefewi-Hof verliehen. Dass iibrigens lange vor dem Auftreten der Sefewls 
in Persien eine rote Miitze in Beniitzung war, scheint mir eine von E. G. 
Browne mitgeteilte Stelle (vgl. JRAS, 1902, S. 587, S. 21 des Sonderdrucks 
der History of the Seljuqs}. Dort wird (um 1200 A.D. !) berichtet, dass des 
Seldschuqen Isra'Il Sohn Qutalmisch von Indien nach Slstan iiber die 
Rotkuppenwuste (^jU*^^ -^, O^W) entweicht ! Zu surh-gulah vgl. die 

zarkula (6*$=>jj) geheissene Kopfbedeckung bei den Byzantinern. Ducas, 

Historia Byzantina, Bonner Ausgabe, S. 134 und Der Islam, xi. Band, 

S. 54, i. Anmerkung, sowie R. Dozy, Vetements, Amsterdam, 1845, S. looff. 

2 Vgl. dazu Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas his Pil- 

Marino Sanutos Tagebucher und die Safawijja 4 1 

Ein gewaltiger Schrecken freilich bedeutete das Auf- 
treten Isma'lls fiir die osmanische Herrschaft. Stambul war 
in grosster Aufregung (iv, 347) : 
e de 1 sot mo ft tfato gran extimatione in Constantinopoli. 

Der neue Prophet, der daddschal, bildete das Tagesgesprach 
in der Hauptstadt. Mehrmals ward er totgesagt (v, 17, 25), 
bedenkliche Nachrichten iiber die unheimlich anwachsende 
Anhangerschaft liefen am Sultanshof aus den kleinasiatischen 
Bezirken ein. Schon im September 1502 drang die Kunde 
nach Stambul, dass der ' Sophi ' bereits in Anatolien einge- 
fallen sei : 

el signor Soffl . . .descendendo de Tauris, vene a la via de Trabesonda, e intrato 
nelpaexe di /' otoman 

(iv, 320), was der capitano generate di mare Sier Benedetto 
da Pesaro an Bord vor Santa Maura (Leukos), 18. Sept. 
1 502 mit den Worten bestatigt : 
e a nova, Sophi e intrato in la Natalia 

(iv, 340). Die Bewohner Anatoliens indessen zeigten sich, 
wie aus alien Berichten nicht nur bei Marino Sanuto deutlich 
hervorgeht, der neuen Lehre keineswegs abgeneigt. Im 
Gegenteil, in Scharen schloss man sich Isma'll an. Freilich 
war in Kleinasien langst der Boden dafur vorbreitet. Die 
Landschaften Tekke-eli 1 und Hamld-eli zum mindesten be- 

grimages, v. Band, London, 1626, S. 384. Darnach weigerten sich manche 
der Krieger Isma'ils, eine Rustling zu tragen, wenn sie unter seinen Fahnen 
fochten, und seine Soldaten pflegten mit entblosster Brust unter dem 
Schlachtruf Schah, schah! in den Kampf zu ziehen und fiir ihres Abgottes 
heilige Sache zu fechten. Vgl. dazu des Kantakuzenen Teodoro Spandugino 
gewissenhafte Mitteilungen bei F. Sansovino, DelV Historia universale 
dell" 1 origine et imperio dJ Turchi, Venezia, 1568, 98 b if., ferner Der Islam, 
xi. Band, S. 87, sowie hier weiter unten S. 46. 

1 Hans Lowenklau erwahnt in seinem, fiir die tiirkische Kulturge- 
schichte iibrigens iiberraschend ergiebigen Onomasticon am Ende seiner 
Hist. Musulm. Turcorum, Spalte 867 : Teke, regio Phrygiae maiori, 
Armeniae minori, Lydiaeque contermina. Dicta Turcis videtur a solitu- 
dinibus, quae sunt in ea frequentes, et olim habebat Calogeros, nunc 
Deruislarios. Es ist sicher, dass der Name von den zahlreichen Einsiedeleien 
(solitudines) der schi'itischen Derwische herriihrt, die gerade dort mit 
Vorliebe ihre tekke's und zdwije's errichtet zu haben scheinen. Ob allerdings 
schon in byzantinischer Zeit hier christliche Monche (KaXoyrjpoi) hausten 
und ihre Klausen von den Derwischen iibernommen wurden, ist mir un- 
bekannt. In Kilikien freilich sind gewisse Hohlen seit uralten Zeiten als 
Behausungen von Einsiedlern nachweisbar. 


kannten sich lange zum Ketzerglauben. Auch das Land des 
Qaraman-oghlu 1 war ihr, wie der Fiirst wohl selbst, keines- 
falls abhold. Gerade fiir cine Geschichte des Fiirstentums 
der Qaramanen liefert, nebenbei gesagt, die Chronik Sanuto's 
die tiberraschendsten Aufschliisse 1 . Sier Andrea Morosini, 
ein in Aleppo ansassiger venezianischer Kaufmann, meldet 
von dort unterm 23. Jan. 1503 : 

Adhuc dura [namlich Isma'll] con granfama^ in tanta gratia che mat fo 

udita la simile, fe zovene di anni 18, bello di aspeto, e fa cosse mirabile. 

Tutti quelli paesi di /' Azimia voluntarie se meteno sotto il suo governo. La 

fama sua ^ grande, e si el tolesse /' impresa contro il Turco, felice la cristianita, 

che invero el ge daria da far. 

(v, 25). Ein Eintrag im Tagebuch vom Dezember 1503 
besagt weiter : maxime che nel payse di questo signor molti seguitano la secta dil dicto 
Softs, et ex consequenti lo desiderano . . . 

(v, 466). Am 14. Sept. 1502 berichtet der oratore Sier 
Domenico Dolfin aus Rhodos : 

De li progressi del qual [d. i. Isma'ils] dice, come i caramani [ die 
Qaramanen] e tutti quelli de Sexuar [Schehsuwar] se hanno fati de la sua 
setta. A presso, comme a la volta de Charasseri [= (Afiun) Qara-Hisar] /' e 
intrato nel paese del turco tre zornate ; et che quel paese li da obedientia ; et 
che V se ritrova lontan da Angori [Angora] do zornate. Quale, havendo inteso 
che Y turco fa morir quanti el puol haver di soi, ha usato alcuna asperita, 
in far morir alcuni machometani, subditi dil turcho... 

(iv, 406). Im Marz 1507 vermeldet ein ausfuhrlicher Stim- 
mungsbericht liber die stambuler Zustande an den Dogen 
Leonardo Loredano (vn, 22) : 

. . . De la seta delqual Ardevelli [Erdeblll] significo a vostra celsitudine esserne 
assaissimi in Constantinopolli, et tutavia oculti, pero che non e alchuno ardito 
parlar moto di lui> per il terror grando et spavento ne e. 

1 Eine Geschichte der Qaraman-oghlu, die langst verkappte Schl'iten 
gewesen sein diirften, steht leider noch aus. Der Begriinder dieses Fiirsten- 
tums war jener Nure (Nur, Nun, Nur ed-dm) sufi, der mit dem oben 
(S. 33, Anm.) genannten Baba Iljas im Bunde stand. Wichtige Aufschliisse 
ergeben sich vielleicht aus dem meines Wissens nur in einer einzigen 
Abschrift in Europa bekannten Geschichtswerk des Ajas Pascha aus dem 
1 7. Jahrhundert, das nach E. Blochet, Catalogue de la coll. de mss. orientaux 
formee par M. Ch. Schefer, Paris, 1907, S. 157 eine Histoire des princes de 
la dynastie ottomane, precedee d'un abregt de fhistoire des Seldjouks et des 
souverains du pays de Karaman enthalt und die Standnummer MS 1021 der 
Scheferschen Sammlung tragt. Eine griindliche Geschichte der Qaraman- 
oghlu liesse sich vielleicht allein mit Hilfe der reichlich fliessenden euro- 
paischen Berichte (B. de la Brocquiere usw.) schreiben. Vgl. einstweilen 
Khalll Edhem Bej's trefflichen tiirkischen Aufsatz im n. Hefte der Trfrlh-i 
l osmanl endschiimeni medschmu'asi, S. 697-712, Stambul, 1911. 

Marino Sanutos Tagebucher und die Safawijja 43 

In dieser Schilderung, die De I* Ardevelli o vero Sophi 
handelt, ist librigens ausfuhrlich iiber die Eroberungszlige 
Isma'lls und seine Unternehmungen gegen Abdula d. i. 
'Ala' ad-dawla, den Herrn von Du'lqadrijje, die Rede. 

Gegenliber dem bedrohlichen Ueberhandnehmen der 
Irrlehre hatte man schon friihzeitig durchgreifende Mass- 
nahmen zu ihrer Unterdriickung getroffen. Bereits im 
April 1502 (iv, 255) hatte der Grossherr 

fato morir tutti quelli che 'I [dem Schah Isma'll] seguitava che poteva haver 
ne le man. 

Als diese offenbar nichts oder nur wenig fruchteten, schritt 
man zu Zwangsmassregeln, zur gewaltsamen Verschickung 
der Schfiten in Kleinasien. Wenn auch die Gefolgsleute 
Isma'lls sich auf ganz Anatolien verteilt haben diirften 

et mirifice propensi erga Schechum Ismailem Anatolicorum omnium erant 

heisst es gar in Hans Lowenklau's Historiae Musulmanae 
Turcorum (Sp. 691, 37) so wohnte die Hauptmasse doch 
zweifellos in den Landschaften Tekke-eli und Hamld-eli in 
Kilikien, In dieser Gegend erstand am Trauertag von Ker- 
bela, am 10. Muharrem 916 (Ende April I5IO 1 ) jenerSchejtan- 
quli, wie ihn die Tiirken hiessen. Hier war der Hauptherd 
schritischer Wiihltatigkeit. Erbarmungslos wtitete nun 
Bajazld 1 1. gegen die Irrglaubigen und Feinde seines Hauses. 
Alle Gelehrten vor allern, die der neuen Lehre anhingen und 
zu ihrer Verbreitung beitrugen, wurden im Jahre 1502 zu 
Paaren getrieben, und, so erzahlt Teodoro Spandugino, am 
Gesicht mit einer Brandmarke versehen aus Kleinasien nach 
den europaischen Provinzen, besonders aber nach den 
neueroberten Gebieten des Reiches (Morea, Albanien, Ser- 
bien) verschleppt 2 . Am 25. Juli 1502 (iv, 309) meldet der 
venezanische Konsul von Chios (Syo, Scio*) : 

1 So nach Sa'd iid-dm, tadsch ut-tewarlh, Stambul, 1279, n. Band, 
S^ 162, unten, wo ausdrucklich erwahnt wird, dass das Ereignis auf die 
'Aschura fiel. 

2 Vgl. dazu die in Der Islam, xi. Bd., S. 90, i. Anm. und S. 92 
mitgeteilten Stellen aus Spandugino und Giov. Rota. 

3 Interessant ist auch fur die Geschichte des kleinasiatischen Lowen in 
islamischer Zeit die nun folgende Stelle (iv, 309) : 

Et alguni hanno ditto, che ditto profeta A HI se intende esser quello, lo qual li christiani 
lievano per insegna in forma del lion, che non puol esser salvo che San Marcho, e non 
deveda el bever vino, e vuol ogni cossa in comun. 

Ueber 'All Hajdar Schlr, usw. vgl. meine Bemerkungen in Der Ss/am, 
xi. Band, S. 83, 4. Anm. sowie S. 91, i. Anm. 


Et questo, perche vede e nel suo paese molti di questa secta, dei qual non 
cessa defar passar continuamente de la Natolia su la Greda, e manda quelli 
in le parte di Modon, Coron, Nepanto [Lepanto] e Albania. E unsa 
compassion veder li strazzi hanno questi tali, con lor moglie e fioli ; non I 
mat zorno che non passi de la Natolia su la Grecia 100 e 200 fameie. 

Diese Verpflanzung gehb'rt zu den nicht nur religionsge- 
schichtlich sondern auch volkerkundlich bemerkenswertesten 
Ereignissen in der islamischen Geschichte. Sie 1st nicht 
ohne Vorlaufer, wenn auch vorher die Beweggriinde zur 
Abwanderung weniger gewaltsamer Art waren wie hier. 
In der Abhandlung liber Schejch Bedr ed-dln wurde auf 
mehrere hingewiesen ; vgl. S. 24, Anm. Von den auf Morea, 
in Albanien, Serbien und Bulgarien damals angesiedelten 
Schriten haben sich, wie ich hoffe glaubhaft gemacht zu 
haben, bis auf den heutigen Tag jene Qizilbaschen erhalten 
(a. a. O. S. 99 ff.). Damit durfte das Ratsel 'Qizilbasch' eine 
vielleicht befriedigende Lb'sung gefunden haben. Man muss, 
um das geheimnisvolle Dunkel, das alle diese Verbande 
kennzeichnet, sich zu erklaren, die klassische Abhandlung 
Ignaz Goldziher's iiber die taqijja in der Zeitschnft der 
Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, LX. Band, S. 2i3ff. 
nachlesen. Dann wird wie mit einem Schlage alles ver- 

Aber alle Gewaltmittel des Grossherrn niitzten wenig. 
Im Gegenteil, mit desto grossrer Zahigkeit schlossen sich 
die Anhanger Isma'ils in ihren bedrohten Gemeinden zusam- 
men, desto zahlreicher scharten sie sich um diese mit ge- 
heimnisvoller Anziehungskraft begabte Personlichkeit des 
Schahs. Mit den zu den denkwiirdigsten Zeugnissen fiir die 
Werbekraft der Safawijja gehort jener ausflihrliche Brief des 
Sier Giovanni Morosini (Zuan Moresini) aus Damaskus vom 
5. Marz 1508 (nicht 1507, wie es im Druck vn, 526 irrtlim- 
lich heisst). Aus ihm konnen nur die wichtigsten, auf die 
Person Isma'lls bezuglichen Stellen hier mitgeteilt werden ; 
der Schreiber hatte von einigen frankischen Sklaven, die 
sich im Lager des Schahs befunden und ihn aus nachster 
Nahe erschaut hatten, die wundersame Kunde erfahren. Er 
vergisst nicht zu bemerken (vn, 531) : 

Da che dico, questa cossa esser mirabile a li zorni nostri, et non esser 
fabula come e stati alcuni, de che, per parer da savij, non voleno creder a chi 
vede e sano. Alcuni mori [Mauren, Araber] credeno, questo esser il tempo de 
la sua desolation, et ctt e questa sua setta pronosticata et predicta, si dal suo 

Marino Sanutos Tagebilcher und die Safawijja 45 

Martin (!) come da' astrologi et altri surf propheti, et quasi che per le cosse 
antedicte li vedo a la via. Alcuni de sti frati de Jerusalem credeno, per opere 
stupende el fa et miraculose, el sia Antecristo. 

Aber nicht nur die Franziskaner in der heiligen Stadt 
witterten hier den Antichrist und fiihlten sich in einer/^r#, 
sondern vor allem die Muslime. Denn der in alien alten 
Reiseberichten fur Isma'll wiederkehrende Name Techelles 
ist nichts weiter wie daddschal. Horen wir nun, was Morosini 
noch berichtet (iv, 530) : 

Affirma, costui esser adorato in loco de uno Alt, parente et apostolo di 
Martin [so ! siehe oben 1 ] et lui ha visto far a le sue zente d^ arme la oration 
ml pavion, et che, velato capite*, Sophl era in mezo de una grande corona et 
circulo de li principal per si del campo ; et cossl, come sti mori danno laude a 
Mareni, cusst quelli, eodem modo, adora el Sophi. Et e nominato non re, ne 
principe, ma sancto et propheta etc. Deinde esser bellissimo zovene, senza barba, 
studiosissimo et doctissimo in letere, et non lascivo al so It to de 1 per si ; homo de 
grande justitia et senza alcuna avidita, et molto piu liberal de Alexandra, and 
prodigo de tutto, perche, come li vien el danaro, subito lo distribuisse, in modo 
che el par un Dio in terra ; et che, come a li templi se offerisce, cussl tutta la 
Persia li offerisce le sue faculta, et hano de gratia che tanto sancto se degni 
acceptarle ; et che V restituisse in signoria tutti li schaziati et forausciti inde- 
bitamente ; et che, come religioso, vive et se contenta de quanto ha uno minimo 
et privato homo, /' ha tamen qualche schiava et non ancor legitima moglier*. 
Et che Y non sege beve vino, ne palese, ne occulto ; ma che qual che volt a manza 
certa ciba, cK e alquanto aliena, et che alhora commette qualche sceverita. Et 
che /' e, tamquam sanctus sanctorum, pien de divination, perche mat se con- 
siglia, non se a mat curato, etiam in pueritia, tuor conseglio da alcun ; et che 
per questo tutti crede el sij, ad ogni sua operation, divinitus inspirato... 

(folgt die bemerkenswerte Schilderung des Katzentiers, gatto 
\wo\\[=gattopardo, Leoparden, Lowen (kajdar)~\ in Isma'lls 
Nahe und seines j#z#0ft). Die abgottische Verehrung, die der 

1 Dieses zweimal wiederkehrende Martin hat natiirlich mit dem gleich- 
namigen Heiligen oder Luther sicher nichts zu tun, wird vielmehr die 
Entstellung irgend eines arabischen Wortes mit Angleichung sein. 

2 Sehr wichtige Nachricht. Die Verschleierung wird namlich auch von 
andren islamischen Herrschern bezeugt. Vgl. z. B. N. Jorga, Geschichte des 
osmanischen Retches, i. Band, S. 35 (Gotha, 1908) : Auf einem Throne 
sass der Kalif (der Bujide Mu'izz ad-dawla), schwarz verschleiert und 
angetan mit dem schwarzen Mantel des Propheten [so !].... 

3 Nach G. M. Angiolello (vgl. Travels of Venetians in Persia, Hakluyt 
Soc., London, 1873, S. 106) heiratete Schah Isma'Il die Enkelin 'Taslu- 
canum' (= ? + khanum), die Tochter Sultan Ja'qub's, Sohnes des Uzun 
Hasan, als er erst 15 oder 16 Jahre alt war. Aus dieser Ehe stammte 
wohl Tahmasp, der 918 (d. i. 1512/13) geboren sein muss, da er beim 
Regierungsantritt erst elf Jahre gezahlt haben soil. Die anderen Sohne 
Sam Mlrza, Behram Mlrza, Rustem Mlrza miissen dessen Halbbriider 
gewesen sein und von verschiedenen Frauen stammen, da sie nach dem 
Hablb-us-Sijar alle im September 1517 zur Welt kamen. 


Schah bei seinen Anhangern genoss, wird durch weitere 
Zeugnisse bestatigt. So berichtet 1 (vn, 631) der Bailo Sier 
Andrea Foscolo unterm 6.713. August 1508 aus Stambul: 

El qual Sophi potente et a grandissima ubedientia ; adeo li homeni net 
suo campo si fa amazar per amor di Sophi, dicendo : Tajame la testa per 
Sophi ! E moreno contenti. . . . 

Derselbe Gesandte erganzt seine Angaben am 10. August 
1508 (vii, 638) mit den Worten : 

Una cossa miranda se dice de la obedientia che il dicto Sophi ha dai surf, et 
F amor et devotion li portano, inter reliqua, che quando el cavalcha, el piu de 
le volte se li butano davanti brigate, le qual, oblato capite, rechiedeno esser 
amazati et voler sparzer el sangue per amor suo, et se fano tagliar la testa. 

Wohin Ismail auf seinen Heeresziigen drang, uberall 
warf man sich ihm zu Fiissen und begriisste ihn als 
Herrscher. Zumal in Kleinasien dauerte der Zulauf unver- 
mindert an. Priamo Malipiero, der gerade aus Qonja und 
Qaraman angelangt war, schildert Ende August 1507 den 
Rektoren von Zypern seine Eindriicke de le nove et cosse del 
signor Sophis wie folgt (vii, 167) : 

...tuta la Caramania et altri luogi et paesi circum circa se reduriano a la 
devotion de esso Sophis , per esser inclinatissimi a quello ; tanta he la extima- 
tion e fama di quello, per esser signor liber alissimo, et far optima compagnia a 
tuto homo. Et he homo valor o so, de gran spirito et animo ; et he zovene de 
anni 24 in circa; et tuti li suo' seguazi portano le berete rosse, et he nominato 
signor de la testa rossa.... 

Am 26. September des gleichen Jahres melden die rettori 
von Zypern (vn, 182) : 

1 Dieser Bericht ist auch deshalb von weitrem Interesse, weil darin vom 
Khan der Uezbegen, wohl Schejbek Khan, die Rede ist, der fortan, wegen 
seiner und der Seinigen Kopfbedeckung, signor de la bareta (testa) verde 
geheissen wird (vn, 631 : El qual signor porta bareta verde, e cussi la sua 
seta). Hier liegt wohl der Ursprung des Namens jdschilbasch zum Unter- 
schied von qizilbasch. In spateren Berichten wird dann streng geschieden 
zwischen dem signor de la bareta (testa] rossa, dem Schah Isma'Il ; dem s. de 
la bareta verde, dem Uezbegen oder Tatarkhan (Herrn von Tschagatei, wie 
aus xv, 439 (vgl. dazu x, 551, wo Zagilai woh\- Zagatai ; xvn, 516: 
dominus biratorum viridium) hervorgeht : Del signor de Chiagatai et la sua 
militia che sono chiamati jachipachilie [jaschilbaschlar /]. Zu jdschilbasch 
vgl. iibrigens A. von Le Coq im Orientalischen Archiv, HI. Jahrg., 1913, 
S. 64 ff.) dem signor de la bareta bianca, dem Grossherrn (vgl. Der Islam, 
xi. Bd., S. 70) und schliesslich dem signor de la bareta nera, worunter der 
Fiirst von Georgien verstanden wird. Die Farbe der Kopfbedeckung, die 
Uezbegen vielleicht ausgenommen, wird wohl lediglich den betreffenden 
Fiirsten gekennzeichnet haben. Vgl. auch A. Houtum-Schindler, JRAS, 
1897, S. ii4ff. 

Marino Sanutds Tagebiicher und die Safawijja 47 

Etiam tufa la Caramania sotosopra, e tutti aspetarlo con gran 
desiderio . . . . 

Und am 10. Oktober 1507 schreibt Sier Giacomo Badoer, 
consigliere auf Zypern, an seinen Sohn u. a. (vn, 187) : 

Tutta la Caramania era sottosopra ; e intendera, spiero avanti mia par- 
tita, si 'I prosperera o no. 

Am 27. September 1507 berichtet (vn, 263) der dortige 
Konsul auf Grund einer ihm durch einen armenischen 
Kaufmann ubermittelten Botschaft die folgende Neuigkeit. 
Der Gewahrsmann war am i. Sept. erst von Angora auf- 
gebrochen. Der Schah lagerte damals 

presso una terra grossa de ditto signor turcho, chiamata Chaisagna [d. i. 
Caesarea, Qaisarijje]. El sanzacho [sandschaq] di qual terra e andato a 
r incontro de ditto signor Sophi con presenti, et honoratolo. 

Isma'il erwiderte dem Sandschaqbej, dass er nicht gekom- 
men sei, um das Land zu verwiisten, und wies sein Heer 
an, keine Lebensmittel ohne Bezahlung von der Bevolke- 
rung zu nehmen. Was Wunder, wenn der Grossherr in 
Stambul ernstlich fur seinen Besitz zu bangen begann, und 
alle Massnahmen traf, der um sich greifenden Pest Einhalt 
zu tun. Hersek Ahmed Pascha ward beauftragt, die Dar- 
danellenschlosser instand zu setzen, da man einen Angriff 
der Perser auf diese befiirchtete. Der padrone di nave, Sier 
Girolamo (de) Matio iibermittelte folgende Nachricht aus 
der osmanischen Hauptstadt (Oktober 1507, vn, 168) : Constantinopoli si stava con gran terror ; et che le zente de la Natolia 
si acordavano con dito Sophis per tal modo, che lo exercito del dito Sophis ogni 
zorno piic augmentava, et quello del turcho indebeliva ; et che andavano anche 
mal contend et con molto timor, per el seguito grande et felici prosperamenti ha 
esso signor Sophis ; et che 'I turcho haveva spazato Carzicho bassa, per forti- 
ficar li dardaneli de Mar Mazor, per dubito non siano tolti dal prelibato 

So stand es am Ende der Regierung Bajazid's II. um die 
schritische Sache im Reiche. Es ware wohl um die Herr- 
schaft des Hauses 'Osman geschehen gewesen, wenn nicht 
in seinem Sohn und Nachfolger Sellm jener rucksichtslos 
durchgreifende Sultan erstanden ware, der mit einem Voll- 
mass von Grausamkeit, der er den Beinamen jawuz verdankt, 
gegen diese Reichsgefahr einschritt und jenes entsetzliche 
Blutbad unter IsmaTl's Anhangern anrichtete, das in der 
Schlacht bei Tschaldiran seinen vorlaufigen Abschluss fand. 
Es lag nicht im Plan dieser Aufsatzes, alle kriegerischen 


Massnahmen Sellms wider Isma'il und die Seinen auf Grund 
tier Tagebuchaufzeichnungen Sanuto's darzustellen. Es 
steckt iiberreicher Stoff daftir in den folgenden Folianten 
und es wird Aufgabe eines zukiinftigen Geschichtsschreibers 
der Safawijja sein, diese kostbaren Ueberlieferungen im 
strengen Zusammenhalt mit der sonstigeri Forschung zu 
verwerten. Es kann hier auch nicht, so reizvoll es ware, der 
Versuch unternommen werden, mit Hilfe der Sanuto'schen 
Angaben mehr Klarheit in Zahl und Art der Stamme zu 
bringen, die dem Schah Gefolgschaft leisteten und die seine 
Leibwache bildeten. Ich denke hier vor allem an die 
Tekkelii (aus Tekke !), Schamlu (aus Syrien) genannten 
Verbande, von deren Geschichte nicht viel mehr bekannt ist 
als uber die der qurtschi, der Kurden (?), die Isma'lls Prae- 
torianer waren (vgl. dazu M. Sanuto, ,196: Curgi\ vn, 267) : 

dicto Sophl haver homeni e cavalli numero 30 milia, coverti loro et Ihor 
cavalli, et teribili combatitori, che za mai se renderano, ma ben volevano morir 
al nome del so signor. 

Ebenso muss der Versuchung widerstanden werden, die 
Beziehungen, die Schah Isma'll mit der Signoria von 
Venedig ankniipfte (vgl. den Wortlaut seines Briefes, vi, 302 
[zu den Inschriften auf den Miinzen vgl. man noch vn, 270], 
der aus dem ehrwiirdigen Archiv ai Frari einmal hervorge- 
zogen werden miisste !), hier in ihrem Verlauf zu schildern 
oder die belangvollen, dort vergrabnen Angaben des Arztes 
Giovanni Rota (Brief aus Aleppo vom 26. August 1504, vi, 
93 ff.) mit den ubrigen, so wichtigen gedruckten und unge- 
druckten Nachrichten dieses Gelehrten tiber den Sophi^ zu 
vergleichen. Nur ein paar fltichtige Bemerkungen mogen, 
gleichsam als Zusammenfassung und Gesamtbetrachtung, 

1 Giovanni Rota aus Venetian, der ebenso wie der aus Rovreit in Siidtirol 
stammende Geschichtsschreiber der spateren persisch-tiirkischen Kampfe, 
Giovanni Tommaso Minadoi (t 1615) viele Jahre an italienischen Levante- 
konsulaten tatig war und eine grundliche Kenntnis des Morgenlandes 
besessen haben muss, hinterliess eine mehrfach gedruckte (erstmals 1508 
wohl zu Venedig) und iibersetzte (so eine Verdeutschung, Augsburg, 1515) 
Schrift Vita, costumi e statura di Soft. Eine handschriftliche Abhandlung 
Rota's liber den namlichen Gegenstand und wohl die Vorlage fur den 
Druck hat sich als MS X F 50 auf der Biblioteca Nazionale zu Neapel 
erhalten. Vgl. dazu meine Angaben in Der Islam, xi. Band, S. 79, Anm.; 
S. 85, Anm. ; S. 86, 2. Anm. G. Rota's Schrift bildet mit eine der wich- 
tigsten zeitgenossischen europaischen Quellen fiir die Geschichte der 

Marino Sanutos Tagebilcher und die Safawijja 49 

im Anschluss an diese Ausziige aus Sanuto's Diarien ge- 
stattet sein ! Betrachtet man diese ganzen Geschehnisse 
nicht vom trocknen Chronistenstandpunkt aus, versucht 
man vielmehr ihren tieferen Ursachen nachzugehen, so wird 
man zunachst um eine Erklarung verlegen sein. Wie konnte 
es geschehen, dass ein Jiingling, ja ein Knabe mit 15 Jahren 
sich plotzlich und im Nu die Herzen von Tausenden ero- 
berte, dass er sich an die Spitze eines geordneten Heeres 
stellen und binnen kurzem ganze Landerstrecken sich 
untertan machen konnte ? Sehe ich recht, so wird man dieser 
wundersamen Erscheinung erst gerecht, wenn man den 
Begriff der schl'at 'All seines rein dogmatischen Geprages, 
gleichsam der arabischen Auffassung entkleidet und ihn vom 
psychologischen, letzten Endes aber vom rassenpsycholo- 
gischen Gesichtspunkt aus zu werten versucht. Es ist nam- 
lich gewiss kein Zufall, dass die Trager schritischer Bewe- 
gungen fast immer arische Perser waren, dass andrerseits die 
Schl'a im arabisch-semitischen Bereich niemals zu dieser 
Auspragung und Bliite gelangen konnte wie in Persien 
selbst. Denn was unter den 'Abbasiden etwa im Sinne 'ali- 
discher Bestrebungen erkennbar ist, war im Wesen niemals 
semitisch, sondern stets persischen Ursprungs (vgl. die 
Barmekiden). Es ist weiterhin nicht zufallig, dass das Der- 
wischwesen, das seine Urspriinge in Indien und Persien hat, 
niemals auf arabischem Boden richtig Wurzel fassen konnte, 
sondern stets nur in Iran, spater freilich auch im tlirkischen 
Reich und im hamitischen Maghreb gedieh. Die Fatimiden 
aber, vielleicht die einzigewirklich 'alidische Herrschaft in den 
Landern des Khalifats, sind ebenfalls auf nordafrikanischem 
Boden erwachsen und persischer Herkunft. Im arabischen 
Sprachgebiet hat es, von kummerlichen Versuchen ab- 

fesehen, niemals ein Derwischtum im persisch-tiirkischen 
inne gegeben. Hiermtissen notgedrungen rassenpsycholo- 
gische Griinde mitsprechen. Schon in meiner Studie iiber 
Schejch Bedr ed-dln habe ich die Behauptung aufgestellt, 
dass der Zusammenhang der Schl'a mit den ahl tariq 
keineswegs etwa zufallig ist, vielmehr seine notwendigen 
seelischen Griinde hat (S. 3 ff.). Der 'All- und Husejn-Kult 
aber, der mit der Imam-Vergotterung das Wesen der Schra 
ausmacht, leitet seinerseits wieder unmittelbar, ja zwanglos 
auf den mit dem Derwischtum eng verkniipften Sufismus 

B. p. v. 


iiber. Die Verherrlichung der sogenannten mystischen 
Schejche, wie wir sie aus Hunderten von wilajetnames 
genau kennen lernen konnen, ist kennzeichnend flir diese 
Bestrebungen und diese Geistesart. Und es ist unschwer zu 
begreifen, warum diese abgottische Verehrung eines lebenden 
Meisters leicht an die Imam-Schwarmerei der Schl'a 
anknlipfen konnte. Irre ich nicht, so riihrt man hier an die 
wichtigsten Fragestellungen der Religions- und Rassenpsy- 
chologie. Unter derlei Gesichtspunkten geschaut und in der 
Erwagung,dassLehren undVorstellungen inGlaubenssachen 
eben nicht das Urspriingliche sind, sondern ein Erleben 
ganz andrer Art, erscheint das von Thomas Carlyle so 
wundervoll behandelte Thema On heroes and hero-worship 
in ganzlich anderer Beleuchtung. Es ist kein Zweifel, dass 
die Schl'a, zumal die in der Safawijja verkorperte Gattung, in 
der religionspsychologischen Forschung dereinst eine wich- 
tige Rolle spielen wird. In ihr liegt ein unendlich reicher 
Tatsachen- und Beweis-Stoff vor. Darum ist ernstlich zu 
wiinschen, dass sich recht bald jemand diesen so dankbaren 
Vorwurf erwahle und eine zusammenfassende Darstellung 
der SefewI-Bewegung liefere. Niemand unter den Lebenden 
ware hiezu besser geriistet als der Altmeister der Erforschung 
persischer Geschichte, Literatur und Kultur, dem diese 
wenigen Seiten als bescheidne Gabe 

yet my good will is great , though the gift small 

(SHAKESPEARE, Pericles, in, 4, 18) 

zugedacht sein sollen. Wlirde er sich durch sie ermuntert 
fiihlen, diesem flir die Islamkunde, ja fur die ganze Re- 
ligionsforschung so wichtigen Problem seine nahere Auf- 
merksamkeit zu schenken und es erschopfend zu behandeln, 
so ware damit eine lang gehegte Hoffnung erfiillt. 


WURZBURG, am 21. Sept. 1920, 
dem 400. Todestag Sultan Sellm's I. 


That all the Arabic lexicons hitherto published are very 
defective and that most of them contain many errors is 
generally acknowledged. In the year 1908 the plan of a new 
and comprehensive Arabic lexicon was discussed at the 
International Congress of Orientalists held at Copenhagen, 
and certain provisional arrangements were made for carrying 
out the scheme ; but whether any one now living is likely 
to see its completion I do not venture to guess. In the 
meanwhile it is desirable that those who have made notes 
bearing on the subject should give them to the world. Had 
this been done by all the Arabists of the nineteenth century, 
we should now be much nearer the goal. 

The following remarks are intended primarily to supply 
fresh information, or fresh evidence for statements in the 
existing lexicons. Thus, for instance, many of the ex- 
pressions which Dozy, in his Supplement aux dictionnaires 
arabes (1881), cites on the authority of late authors, or even 
of modern dictionaries, really occur in Arabic literature of 
the classical period, and such cases are worth pointing out. 
I have also taken the opportunity of rectifying errors which 
are likely to mislead future students, in particular some mis- 
takes which are to be found in the Glossary to my edition 
of the Naqaid. That many of my suggestions have been 
anticipated by others is highly probable, but apart from well- 
known facts I have not consciously reproduced anything 
without acknowledgement. 

For the sake of convenience the material is arranged in 
the order of the verbal roots. In the spelling of Arabic 
names I have followed the system of transliteration which 
has lately been recommended by the British Academy. 


52 A. A. BEVAN 


Abu Dharr: Commentary on Ibn Hisham, ed. Bronnle (1911). 

Abu Mihjan : Dlwan, ed. Abel (1887). 

Agh. : Kitdb al-Aghdnl. 

Akhtal : Dlwan, ed. Salhani (1891). 

'Alq. : 'Alqamah, in Ahlwardt's Six Poets (1870). 

Asas : Asas al-Balaghah (Bulaq, A.H. 1299). 

Azraqi : in Wiistenfeld's Chroniken der Stadt Mekka (vol. i, 1858). 

Baid. : Baidawl, ed. Fleischer (1846-1848). 

Balidh. : Baladhuri, ed. De Goeje (1866). 

Bibl. geogr. : Bibliotheca geographorum arabicorum, ed. De Goeje (1870- 


Bukh. : Bukhari, Sahlh, ed. Krehl, completed by Juynboll (1862- 


Bukhala : Jahiz, Kitab al-Bukhald, ed. Van Vloten (1900). 

Dlnaw. : Dinawarl, ed. Guirgass (1888). Supplement, ed. Kratch- 

kovsky (1912). 

Fakhri: Al-Fakhrl, ed. Derenbourg (1895). 

Farazd. B. : Farazdaq, ed. Boucher (1870). 

Ham. : Hamasah, ed. Freytag (1828-1851). 

Hudh. K. : The Hudsailian Poems, ed. Kosegarten (vol. i, 1854). 

Hudh. W. : Continuation of the same, in Wellhausen's Skizzen und 

Vorarbeiten, Heft i (1884). 

Ibn H. : Ibn Hisham, ed. Wustenfeld (1858-1860). 

Ibn Khali. : Ibn Khallikan, ed. Wustenfeld (1835-1850). 

Ibn Qut. Sh. : Ibn Qutaibah, Kitab ash-Shi'r wa-sh-Shu l ard, ed. De 

Goeje (1904). 

Ibn Sa'd : Biographien, ed. Sachau and others (19041918). 

Imr. : Imru'ul-Qais, in Ahlwardt's Six Poets. 

Labid Br. : Dlwan, 2nd part, ed. Brockelmann (1891). 

Labid Ch. : Dlwan, ist part, ed. Chalidi (1880). 

Lamlyah : Ldmlyah of ash-Shanfara. 

Maqq. : Maqqari, ed. Dozy and others (1855-1860). 

Mubarrad: Kdmil, ed. Wright (1864-1881). 

Mufadd. C. : Mufaddallydt, Cairo ed. (1906). 

Mufadd. Th. : The same, ed. Thorbecke (1885). 

Mufassal: ed. Broch (1859). 

Musi. D. : Dlwan of Muslim ibn al-Walid, ed. De Goeje (1875). 

Musi. S. : ahlh of Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj (Cairo, A.H. 1290). 

Mutanabbi: ed. Dieterici (i 86 1). 

Muwashsha: Kitab al-Muwashsha, ed. Briinnow (1886). 

Nab. : Nabighah, in Ahlwardt's Six Poets. 

Naq. : Naqtfid, ed. Bevan (1905-1912). 

Nold. Beitr. : Noldeke, Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der Poesie der alien Araber 


Qali : Kitab al-Amall (Bulaq, A.H. 1324). 

Qazwini : Athdr al-Bilad, ed. Wustenfeld (1848). 

Tab. : Tabari, ed. De Goeje and others (1879-1890). 

Th. u. M. : Thier und Mensch, ed. Dieterici, 2nd ed., 1881. 

Yahya : Yahya ibn Adam, Kitab al-Khardj, ed. Juynboll (1896). 

Yaqut : Mu l jam, ed. Wustenfeld (1866-1873). 

Some Contractions to Arabic Lexicography 53 

j| means not only to fertilize a date-palm (Mubarrad 137*) but 
also to produce something by means of fertilisation, e.g. 

>.Jt " dates belong to him who cultivates them," 

Ibn H. i3 12 . 

For J*Jbt applied to troops of horses, see Ibn H. 590* (=Tab. i 
I429 14 ), 'Amir ibn at-Tufail (ed. Lyall) No. 23 v. 6. 

x , 

^y \ to elapse is construed with J in the sense of after, j*\& 2JJJJ ^y t, 
Ham. 1 9 1 18 . 

^yl to be unsuccessfully an enterprise, Baladh. i87 14 : to be visited 

by an apparition ( Ol dUM), Ibn H. gi 9 , cf. gi 13 . 
^yt (3rd conj.) to help, Ham. 48 27 . 
\ preferable, dearer, Dinaw. 69' [readjJl, not \\ 
Jj! to found a kingdom, Maqq. i 2i2 22 . 


^ojt /^> act treacherously (see Wellhausen, Skizzen iv 69 1 seq.) is con- 
strued with ^ of the person injured, Ibn H. 343 10 . 

^St ^jj ^Xc wiAi^- to commit perjury, Ibn H. 7y8 9 . 

,a is used to confirm not only a statement of some one else 
but also a previous statement of the speaker, e.g. Agh. iii 72 18 . 

g x 

or JA.I (without ,j-o or J) because of..., for which a verse of 
'Adi ibn Zaid is cited in the Lexicons, occurs also in another 
verse of the same poet, Agh. ii 26 5 (= 34*). 

r , Agh. xix 33 21 . 

o o " it 

or i >afc.t ^>/y water has a pi. ,>ft-b'> Agh. ii 4I 22 . 

l, from Aram, aggana, usually means a basin for washing 
clothes etc., but al-Farazdaq (B. p. 66 2 ) uses it for a wine-jar 
that it is not here a " wine-bowl " appears from the fact that it 
is " sealed "(ClaLi). 

f 3x xxg 

1 ^a*-)) J^a-t ^ seized his right, i.e. ^ /<?^ vengeance, Ham. i86 6 , 

2 x wl x J 

likewise without J^Jt, e.g. j^^U ^l<^*' J^ ''Avenge 'Uthman 
upon me!" Fakhrl i22 12 (the parallel passage in Tab. i 32 io 4 

* x x 

seq. has ^^ O'-o^ **0 : ***!> with ace. and ^^Xt, is to seize 
upon something to the injury, or disadvantage, of a person, e.g. 

xOx x C 

<uXf. J^.U )\ ~& " Perhaps we may detect him in a 

54 A. A. BEVAN 

mistake," Ibn Qut. Sh. 4 2 seq., similarly where it is a question 
of obstructing a man's path j>ee Dozy), and hence we may ex- 

plain the phrase A^ ^jtot ^f- aXM j**\^ " God prevented 

them from seeing him," Ibn H. 326 7 : oj^U j-\, it took its 
course, is applied to intoxicants and the like, with ^ of the 

, ,1, a - *Z* 

person, e.g. Ai Ujui.U Ojui-l ^Z&- jMaLJt ^>* <CA~J " She 
gave him wine to drink until it produced its effect upon him," 
Tab. i 76o 19 , but usually the direct object is omitted, e.g. 

<Uxo 4*1^' J^l Agh. ii 33 2 (cf. ix ioo 2 ), also with ^ instead 

J J t* O J 

of i> (see Lane), cf. ^J J^b <jUj^ " A pestilence which 


will attack you," Bukh. ii 298* seq., *&** ^ Jui. "Con- 
tinue thy story," Agh. xix 27 15 . 

j; ,t, * & , , 

JkiU course may be used for habits, mode of life, e.g. Just >*5^ ^3 

x Ix x o 2 _x a 
iJLxJ! J^W? J^^)t dAoJt ^J-At ^>-o, "Let not any people of 

the lower classes seek to adopt the habits of the dominant 
classes," Dinaw. 77 8 . 

Jli.1 Instead of the usual^Ajoi.1 ^ to the very last of them, one 

x xx 

and all, we find^^A^fc.! jU ^A, Bukh. i 55 18 seq. 
;>t calamity is construed as fern., Ham. 258 23 . 

Sjtjt is usually not "a vessel for washing" (Freytag, lavacruni) but 
a skin-bottle for drinking-water, Ham. 253 14 , Tab. ii logi 14 , pi. 
I, Ham. 233 7 . 

to cause a person to enter a house or a chamber, Abu Mihjan 
No. 12 v. 2. 

harm, damage, is used also for the damaged part of a thing, 
Mubarrad 36o 13 . 

>| S^wt as a preposition is the equivalent of JJt like, Baladh. 
i8 4 8 . 

7 obtain the whole of "a thing (ace.), Ibn H. 763 20 . 
the tribe, the community, Naq. 143, I44 8 . 

anger forms a pi. OUit , according to the Lisan cf. Ham. 
2 1 S 29 [read 

j >//*/ (round a house or tent) is applied to the trench out of 
which the dogs lap water, Agh. iii 33 27 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 55 

The use of l in adjurations (e.g. cb )J ll! 
" I beseech thee to do it ") is well known. It may be noted 
that this *5j is sometimes followed by a redundant to, e.g. 
U ^t "to tell me," Ibn H. n6 10 seq.,^IjLi U ^1 
"to be honest with yourselves," Mubarrad 559". 

*JI In all the recent Hebrew lexicons the Arabic root -U! is cited in 
order to explain the obscure word H/frO? Ps. xiv 3, liii 4, 
Job xv 1 6. But whether such a root ever existed in Arabic is 
extremely doubtful. The only word which the native lexico- 
graphers derive from it is the verb 1-&A " to be dense, tangled, 

confused," applied to herbage and metaphorically to difficult 
affairs. This verb, however, may be formed from Jj (see 
Wright's Grammar 3rd ed. i SIA), a view which appears to 

Z s * 5 * 9 * * 

be confirmed by the nominal forms ^Jj, A^Jj and *UL-Jj 
(Lisan iv 34 16 ). Moreover under the root ..) we find a verb 
L^l, to which exactly the same meaning is ascribed (Lisan 
iv 1 9^ seq.). As for the statement of Freytag that JU.>t means, 

among other things, to become sour (of milk), it is not found in 
the Lisan nor, so far as I have been able to ascertain, in any 
authority earlier than the Qamus ; to quote it as evidence for 
the meaning of a Hebrew word is therefore illegitimate. 

* ^,' s "' ^ 
oUt oi)U is not only a well-known place but also a well-known person, 

s >,l, * J. 

e.g. AA$sA U)U *$**.) j> >\ (J&, Ibn H. i6i 14 (cf. Nawawi 

659"). ' 

4Jt 4&I <tDH (var. *JU!) to express surprise, Mubarrad 576 2 : ^t iHJt 4JU13 

3/3 , 

4.ja.a,~ " Beware of refusing to admit him ! " Agh. xviii 64 4 . 

^jJl ^t ^Jt IJuk "This (is) in addition to...," i.e. "not to mention...," 
'ibn Qut. Sh. 4 7 . 

j-ot j*ol, in the phrase o^ol JA\, is said by al-Akhfash (see the Sihah 
and the Lisan s.v.) to be the equivalent of jwl, which Lane here 
translates "became severe, distressful, grievous or afflictive." 

But in Bukh. i 8 20 (= ii 235 9 ) aJU^> ^1 ^1 \ ^*\ must 
mean " he has become a person of great importance." 
I, in the saying ^-JklJJt L/ **l^ " like yesterday when it is past " 
(Ibn H. 59Q 20 ), is probably to be taken as determined in virtue 

56 A. A. BEVAN 

of its sense, not as a noun in the construct cf. the proverb 

J>t seems to be used as the equivalent of v >k> tribe in a verse of 
al-A'shk al-Hamdani, Agh. v isi 29 


\ Whether (jt //is ever followed by the Imperf. Indie, may be 
' doubted. Of the three instances given by Reckendorf (Die 
syntakt. Verhaltnisse des Arab. p. 691) not one is a case in 
point, since the use of jjjp for jJ, in Ham. 803" and Mubarrad 
474 12 , must be regarded as an ordinary poetical license (see 
Wright's Grammar ; 3rd ed. ii p. 389), while in the verse of 
Abu-l-'Atahiyah (Dzwan, Beyrout ed. p. 62 s ) it is obvious that 

x x x x J Ox 

we should read lyJ cJ**- O^ ^*> A W^ " Cast off thy cares 

so as not to be distressed by them ! " not J^j-tfJ O! "^ tnou 
art distressed," as Reckendorf assumes [the Beyrout ed. has 

T /^ remains of ashes, Qutami (ed. Barth) No. 14 v. 6. 
hence compensation. Ham. 241*. 

bodily defect, blemish, Bukh. ii 35 7 17 . 
state, condition, see Mubarrad 74o 3 , Ham. 202 13 (?). 
t as adverb, Ham. soi 23 , Lamlyah v. 45, Mufassal 6y 4 : the 
phrase Jl^l v^ (= Jl^t Colt) last year, which some grammarians 
condemn (see Lane s.v.^U), occurs twice in Agh. iii iSS 26 seq. 
(Persian) ceremonial usage, Dinaw. 47'. 

baby, applied both to human beings and to animals, is 
evidently the Syriac babhosa " a small child," as Brockelmann 
has pointed out (Grundriss der vergleichenden Gramm. i p. 395). 
Hence it is quite natural that in a well-known tradition, which 
is based upon a Christian legend, this word should be put into 
the mouth of a pre-Islamic anchoret (Bukh. i 304 6 ). The view 
of Prof. Karabacek, mentioned by De Goeje in Ibn Qut. Sh. 
Glossary s.v., that ^^b is from the Persian pabus "foot-kisser" 
does not deserve a serious refutation. 

one w ^ * s beyond the sea, hence Ujjo^o, as collective, " our 
brethren beyond the sea," Ibn H. 249 14 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 57 

x x . J x x w 

tju (^ djjjo ^f "unless they had first brought her to him," 

Dmaw. 1 7 14 , cf. 43", where we should read 


to render a thing plausible, or attractive, to a person (with 
ace. and J), Ibn Qut. Sh. ii3 3 . 

x x x x 

* (not jju-o as in Freytag), pi. >U*, desert land, Agh. ii 22*. 
travellers, either by land or by water, Dinaw. 105* 

see also the Glossary to Tab. and Dozy. According to al- 
Jawaliql and other native authorities the word is of Persian 
origin, but its etymology is obscure; the modem Persian 

<*Jjju an escort, or the act of escorting, seems to have been 
borrowed back from the Arabic. 

M ^ot~ ^-^ "They have forfeited their right to pro- 

X X 

tection," Baladh. i83 4 . 


nful is used by al-Mutanabbi in the sense of extraordinary, 

^o of piety, hence /!^ 5^^ </ /^^ Annual Pilgrimage, Ibn 
H. 93 10 [the British Museum MS, Add. 18500, fol. 42% has 

V* X X 

M-O with bte. 

" the inhabitants of the sacred territory," i.e. the 
Quraish, Ibn H. 59o 8 . 

things d!^ merchandise (AC leu) in the charge of some 
one, with ace. of the things and %* of the person, Ibn H. 469^ 
also with the direct object understood, ibid. 4yo 4 . 

5 x tie. j x oi ox 

Jaj ^-w,K,l one who dwells in the valley (*-kj\ or lU^kj) of Mecca, 
'ibn H. in 1 . 


# x x J t Oxoi 

;, L*as UJU^I C-UJa.t "Her entrails (seem to) 
contain reed-pipes," Hudh. W. No. 139 v. 2. 

xx Ox x 5 x x a xx 

uj jo^JI AA.O v>Jbu3 "He marched along the sea-coast," 
Dinaw. 58". 

Cx Ox x xOx 

y J>^Jt o- O>^J O' J 1 *^ "provided that it comes from the 

East," Bibl. geogr. viii i8 16 . 
x of. m o x j x og a 

jut in a causative sense, ^Xj^-a) joul ^3 O' " This will render 

thee more famous," Dinaw. 109'. 

58 A. A. BEVAN 

.Juiwt to preserve for oneself, hence to retain the affection of a person, 
e.g. in Nab. No. 3 v. u 

j w 

" Thou canst not retain the affection of a kinsman whom thou 
dost not help in time of trouble what man is blameless?" 
Derenbourg in his edition of an-Nabighah (p. 126) wrongly 
translates " Jamais tu n'as laisse un frere egare sans venir a son 
secours" etc. Compare the similar verse (Naq. 22o 15 and, with 
variants, Ibn Qut. Sh. 204 6 ) 


JU JU ^ understand with ace. ^ Ujj^. U.5 Oj^a.^.,' C-Jt U 


x x xO 

declare oneself innocent, 
l /<? be distributed freely (said of food), Ham. 138'. 

9 x x 

t Sfcb^t 3! is the name given by the grammarians to ^t 
when it is a question of " one or both " of two objects, as dis- 
tinguished from j\ when it denotes the " offer of a choice " 
(j-jjo^j) between alternatives, Mufassal i4i 20 , Ham. 255 20 , 
Baid. i ip8 19 . 

a thing that is wasted, an act performed in vain, Mubarrad 24 f. 

*}4 cb (Persian) garden, Dinaw. ii4 19 a passage which appears to be 
translated from the Pahlawi, see Noldeke's Transl. of Tabarl 
p. 375 foot-note. 

M cLiwt to seek to obtain one's liberty by purchase (said of slaves), 
Th. u. M. i 9 4 . 
, properly dome, usually means a Christian church ; according 

to Fraenkel (Die aramdischen Fremdworter p. 274) the use of 
**j for Jewish places of worship (Agh. xix 97 21 ) is incorrect. 

But it is worth noticing that in a verse of Jarir a Zoroastrian 
sanctuary is called a 


Mu'arrab 74 12 (= Jarir, Dlwan, Cairo ed. ii 156', Sihah and 
Lisan s.r. ^j, with the reading i*J for l^a*^- in the two 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 59 

is not only to forsake, but also to be different in character, 
value etc., as in speaking of two classes of teachers, ^yjj^j 
, Musi. S. i 3 18 . 


a*3 s-5~*t> one who has a familiar spirit ( *jU or AauU), Agh. iii i88 13 , 
i8 9 17 . 

to permit, with ace. and <j'> Th. u. M. 34 20 : to spare a person 
some trouble or inconvenience, with ace. of the person and i> 

x x JOx 

of the thing, e.g. g U*JI ^> aJU! J>*j ^if/^^j, Bukh. i 327" 
cf. 3 2 9 13 . 

6 '0 J J x 6 . x 3* 

unwilling) ^otJ^o ^AJ ^3t >j "a friendship that comes by 
compulsion," Ham. 147". 

to move in a straight line, said of a man, Dmaw. i64 18 , of an 
ea'gle, Ibn H. I26 2 . 

d xx x xO$ 

to appoint a person to a post, y^ 

s OWjJit, Agh. ii 20 21 , 
ibid. 2o 26 . 

pl- o f - 5 ^) ^3t^t "Lord of the shining (stars)" 
'is a title of God, Ibn'H. iSo 1 . 

9 xlx 

^^ short) said of the stature, Imr. No. 4 #. 4, Farazd. B. So 1 . 

5 x x 

^o*^. a boy the verse cited in the Sihah i 48 6 3 occurs in Hudh. 
W. No. 141 v. i. 

jjk*. i. to draw a person towards oneself \\\ order to speak to him, 
*^5 #\ ^J^o., Ibn Khali. No. 389 p. go 2 cf. 9o 5 . 

x o 

to run away, escape. Ham. 24 1 17 . 

is usually <z fire-brand (Qur'an 28 29 ), but the dual is applied 
to the two ends of a cord, Mubarrad 244 9 . 


properly a heap, a mass, hence metaphorically a great 
community ) ^JJdt ^.otjj*. ^ 13^4-, Dinaw. i53 21 . 


The meaning "book" or "page" (dA-ja^o), which is 
assigned to this word in the Lexicons, seems to be due to the 
misunderstanding of a well-known verse, Imr. No. 32 v. 4, 
where it means clay used for sealing ; it is derived from the 
Aram, gargeshta, as Fraenkel points out (Die aramdischen 
Fremdworter p. 252). 

60 A. A. BEVAN 

"whenever he happened to 

say the like of this," Fakhrl i 3 8 9 .*. fjc?. The meaning to traverse belongs not only to the ist con]. 
but also to the 8th, e.g. U5tj-o)t o^j^b* Mufadd. C. ii 23* 
[the reading j^xa^il^ in Yaqut iv g26 5 is evidently to be 

From the meaning to decide is derived that of expecting, 

reckoning on a thing (with ^), e.g. ZJA+J O^j-^ \j 

' , > 

L5^ Fakhrl 296^ and in line 4 o*}U. xUt 
+ * 


is an adj. used as a term of abuse, apparently wretched, 
Hudh. W. No. 143 ?. 7. 

Jc>., with ace. and ^, to spend money on something, U 
d^J^.t, Ham. 262 518 , ^j^ ^ O***; 
JJb [read g t^] " He used to spend two dirhams 
on the hire of a mule (to go) to al-Hlrah," Agh. x %$* seq. 

j X 

coward (masc.), Mubarrad 247 6 . 

* offer food in a fiowl (^UA.), Ham. io3 9 this is probably 
what Freytag means by apposuit scutellam, for which he gives 
no authority. 

4l Ji- means not only audientiam ei fecit (Freytag) but also he 
lay in wait to attack him, Mubarrad 59i 6 : ^JUxiJiJ i^X*. " He 


sat as judge in the Court of Appeal," Fakhrl 243 5 . 

OJUJt JLu (Aram. NftiS:! ^n) ^ Exilarch, i.e. the 

Chief of the Jews in Babylonia, Qazwini 203 17 seq. 

to turn is intransitive, but in Ibn Sa'd i, part i, 93 14 it seems 
to be used transitively, f-jjl l^a a> .^ " The wind turned it " 

w o 5 ,. 

(i.e. the ship). The right reading, however, is l^a..^, as we 
learn from Lisan iii yi 25 , cf. Azraqi 114" 

* x x 

oneself to be detained, e> u ~.;^.'> ^, Ibn H. I37 5 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 61 

Jl.frfc consecrated is applied not only to things but also to persons, 

J x J u* 

e.g. u***^ ^**lP'i Ibn H. 349 15 the term is doubtless de- 
rived from the Syr. hebhlshd, which has the same sense. 


jbj^- a lean camel (which is uncomfortable for the rider), hence, 
metaphorically, misery, Akhtal 93 1 . 

^wt /6> flj/r a person /<? rtf&fe stories, a 
Agh/xix 8 9 . 

means not only military (Dozy) but also Ma/ ze/^/M belongs 

* J 

to the hostile territory (%-^aJt jb); thus Christian women born 

Ml X 

in the Byzantine Empire are called Olo/*., Baid. i 248 6 . 

sour milk, in the Qamus, is a mistake which has been 
repeated by Freytag and Lane ; the correct form is jj*. 
(Lisan v 259^ xvi 2$6 3 seq.) and this agrees with the reading 
of the MS in Naq. 929". Hence the statement in the Glossary 
p. 330 should be corrected. 

means not only roughness in the abstract but also rough 
ground (= O>-)> Itm H. 418". 

. to disappear below the horizon, said of any distant object, e.g. 

J J ' J ' Hi 

O^jjJ! <U JM~S*J i^jla. " until he could no longer see the 

houses," Ibn H. i5i 9 . 

(pi. of j~U.) bare-headed is an epithet of vultures, who are 

9* i' 90" 

called j*~ j-J , Dinaw. 303 18 . 


>Jt metaphorically, /<? be stopped, to come to an end, Dinaw. 28 7 2 , 
Fa'khn 28s 14 . 

small circular island (Lisan s.v.), see Azraqi 4 3 [read 

i. to feel resentment is construed not only with ^e> of the 
person against whom resentment is felt but also with the ace. 
of the thing which causes resentment, Tab. i ioi8 20 . 

J>.t, in the absolute sense, to do what is right, Dinaw. 203 19 . 

., like AAJL., is used substantially for that which one is bound 
to defend, i.e. one's family, possessions etc., JiJLateJI ,*-ol-, 
Hudh. K. No. 92 v. 44. 

62 A. A. BEVAN 

is explained in the Lisan by ^J>j*Jt ^9 >IoJ "it 
collected in the inside" (Lane), but in Ibn H. 575 12 (=Tab. i 
1 407") the phrase is applied to a scratch (^j^) on the neck, 
so that the meaning must be " the blood ceased to flow." 

applied to a man, &\jaJ3\ ^y ^,&^\ "He became 
firmly attached to Christianity," Ibn H. 143. 

u. metaphorically, to suck, Ham. 257^ [s.v.l.]. 

(pi. of ^^JU- saddle-cloth) is used in the phrase ^^^.t 
"men wh.0 are wont to compose poetry," Ham. I43 18 , 
cf. ^Uflt JoU?, Tab. i 82 9 18 . 

"He urged them to form an alliance" (w^X-), Ham. 26i 9 . 

X X 

jU- used for the fern., oUt JU, Bukh. i 3i 7 . 

is construed not only with ^1 but also with ^ 
Bukh. iii 403", Ibn H. 466 13 , or with ^s, ibid. 7 go 16 . 

u. to remove a wounded man from the battle-field, Ibn H. 443". 
domain, territory (in the political sense), Dinaw. 41", 330*, 
hence share, allotted portion, Agh. v 26*. 

LU.t with ace. and , UaSU iu.1 "he who 

builds a wall round anything," Yahya 66 15 . 

to reverse the saddle on the back of a camel, Ibn H. 43 o 6 . 
j said of things, to be thrown into confusion, Dinaw. 324 6 . 


. ill-gotten gain, Tab. i IO23 18 . 

umb (used for the fern.), Mubarrad 236 7 . 
pi. of ir*jAt , Akhtal 1 9 2 . 

u. or i. to compute the quantity of dates on a palm-tree, is 
construed with ^JLfr of the persons for whom the computation 
is made, Ibn H. 777 9 seq. 

(= JjjA.t) to last long, jl-Jt Uj i^jj*-^, Agh. xi 25 2 . 
the mouth of a wine-jar, Akhtal 98*. 
(pi. of 43f.) strips is applied to the swaddling-clothes of an 

infant, Ham. 253^ also to banners, which are called 
Akhtal i6o 9 , cf. Agh. xx I37 9 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 63 

jjj^-'* to be dislocated^ Lyall, Ten ancient Arabic Poems p. 144' 
(='De Sacy, Chrest. arabe ii i5i 3 ), hence, metaphorically, to be 
sorrow-stricken, Tha'alibl, Ghurar (ed. Zotenberg) $76*. 

Jj>i. jerky, unsteady, said of a woman's gait, Mufadd. Th. No. 1 6 

" v. 8. 

*jf, ^o^ (j^^- i s rendered by Lane " he guarded himself against them 
in an extraordinary degree " etc. an explanation based upon 
a wrong reading (^yul for ^^t, see Lisan xviii 25o 10 ). The 
real meaning of the phrase is undoubtedly "He took precautions 
for their safety," Ibn H. 795 [read ^Uj], 798 10 , cf. Baladh. 
Glossary s.r. *3j and Tab. Glossary s.r. 

J<aa- superiority (in parallelism with JwoJ), Mufassal 3 3 . 

9 0^0^ 

(pi. of 2JLtiuk) conditions, stipulations, Dlnaw. 28 1 18 . 
^^ i. That this verb may mean simply to moisten, not necessarily 

3 Of. i 

to stain, is shown by the phrase ^^^ >*J 
Dlnaw. i5o 21 . 

to blacken a man's eye by a blow, Ibn H. 244 5 , cf. 

Ox J 

, Tab. i I582 5 and Baladh. Glossary s.v. 
shrubs or vegetables, Fakhrl 238". 

? be absent from some one or something (ace.), - sl .~Skrf- U 
jjUI "as long as two things are absent from thee," Bukh. 

iv 2 7 . 

u. to ask a woman in marriage, is construed with ^Jt> of 
the person on whose behalf the request is made, Ibn Sa'd i, 
part i, 58 9 seq. 

the nose, Ibn H. 468 1 . 

conceal, with *> of the thing, Ibn H. i66 14 , 60 1 7 . 
jJ> to 5-tor^ ^/ a thing in a place, with two accusatives, <l> .>.> 

X X 5 X 

"a copy which he stored up in his chancery," 

Dlnaw. 73 6 . 

Jt i.e. Paradise and Hell, Shahrastam (ed. Cureton) i 6i 5 . 

fcJ to reach, come to a person, with .Jt, Ham. 22 20 . 

64 A. A. BEVAN 

JxU. itU. The phrase 4x^> ^y JxU. "He spoke incoherently," 
which Dozy quotes from the Muhit al-Muhlt, occurs in Agh. vii 

186*, cf. JxJUJ delirium, Ibn H. i 9 i 13 ; JxU., in Ibn Khali. 
No. 451 p. 28 16 , evidently means " he became imbecile," but 
whether we should read Jal. or JxU. (with Wright, Arabic 
Reading-book p. 88 16 ) is doubtful. 

JU. ijU. with two accusatives, wiLjt *5X*JUJ ,jl dU JA " Dost thou 
wish me to cancel my agreement with thee?" Naq. 2$ 7 . 

u. to marry a widow or a divorced woman, is used with the 
ace. of the former husband, ly*U 4JLU., Agh. xiv i68 21 , cf. i6g 7 , 

or else with S*> Ibn H. 144", 355": aJU^'Ot w^U. "May 
peace accompany him!" is a form of blessing, Ibn H. 792 12 
(=Tab. i i6n 13 ). 

' * 

(pi. of AAJU.) successors, survivors, Ham. 25o 15 . 


JJLi. JJUJ JJJaJt tu Ji^5 " Conduct us through the ways," i.e. by 
a zigzag route, Dmaw, 29 1 7 seq. 

oneself {&& Dozy) occurs in Agh. v I5 29 , O 

rapidly is applied not only to living creatures but also 
to such things as the mirage ( jT), Ibn H. 36o 6 (= Hassan ibn 
Thabit ed. Hirschfeld No. 84 v. 5). 

ul x Ox ul x 9 Of. 

jt^. fertile, 5jl^. ^jb)\ Mubarrad I34 15 . 

to offer a choice may be construed not only with the ace. of the 
person and ^>o of the alternatives but also with two accusatives 

Ox J> J x fix 

offered him the choice of surrendering unconditionally or of 
casting himself down," Ham. 36 25 . 

JU. a. to suspect a person (with ^J>\ Ibn H. i33 15 . 
*f*5\* continual, said of rain, Muwashsha 28 10 . 

^i i. metaphorically, to do a thing slowly, with ^3 of the thing, 
Dmaw. 44 5 . 

^c^b to treat affectionately, applied to the handling of a wine-skin, 
Imr. No. 36 v. 2. 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 65 

o or o smoke The tradition which is quoted in the Lisan iii 

49 1 17 occurs in Bukh. i 340, iv 153". 

as a prep, within. Tab. i 762^ Qazwlnl 21 4. 
* smoke makes a pi. <Uot, Akhtal ii2 2 . 

j5-0 The phrase ^k &u-o (Ibn H. 342' cf. Lisan ix 439") is 
variously interpreted. Wellhausen (Skizzen iv 68) translates "an 
act of violence," while Caetani (Annali i 398) explains <uu>> 
as "power" (potere). The proper meaning of the word is 
apparently outflow, the outbreak of some desire or passion ; 

j$b <bu*o may therefore be rendered "an outbreak of lawless- 
i * 

ness." Hence also the poetical use of 4ju>o for "gift," the 

" outflow " of generosity (see Naq. Glossary). 

IP.J u., with ^J\, often means to carry on a propaganda in favour 
of someone, the direct object (^Ut or the like) being under- 
stood, e.g. Fakhri iSy 10 . 


to ask someone for a thing, with ace. of the person and ^ of 
the thing, Hudh. W. No. 141 v. 5. 

4* 6s 9+0 

jIJ> or j&>, book, register, is admittedly a loan-word from the 
Persian. But no one, so far as I know, has pointed out that 
the Persian jS&* is borrowed from Gr. St<0epa parchment, cf. the 
/JcuriAiKa! 8i<0e'pai of Persia, whence Ktesias professes to have 
drawn his information (Diodorus ii 32). 

iLo snow is given by Dozy, on the authority of Wright, as occurring 
in the Dlwan of al-Akhtal. The reference is apparently to a 
verse which we find in Akhtal 25* 

Ox J OS. J *!+ 

* 01 

The glossator explains dU> as = ^JJ, but whether v kf>> can 
be used as an epithet of snow is very doubtful. In the frag- 
ments of al-Akhtal published by Griffini from a Yemenite MS 
(Beyrout, 1907) p. 90 this verse appears with the reading 

" like ash-grey mares." 

From the explanation given in the Lisan it would appear 
that this verbal form, when used of literal bleeding, always 
B. p. v. * 5 

66 A. A. BEVAN 

refers to bleeding from the head. But the contrary is proved 


by Dlnaw. io4 12 , since *.*...> implies that it is here a question 
of a stab in the belly. 

J^i Ui CJ^I "May I eat blood!" is a curse which a man 
invokes upon himself in the event of his not fulfilling a promise 
or a threat, Ham. 813". For the use of j>* in the sense of life, 
of which Dozy cites one example (Tab. iii 36 1 9 ), see Ibn H. 
69 1 10 seq., Ham. 262*, Agh. xix 4 21 , pi. |U.> lives, Baladh. ii3 4 . 


oub dangerously ill (interitui obnoxius) is mentioned by Freytag 
as occurring in the Hamasah. This appears to be a mistake, 
as Lane remarks. But the existence of the word is proved by 
a verse of al-Farazdaq, ed. Hell, 2te Halfte, No. 468* v. i 

U. U 


.Jj to fall short, to fail to reach a thing (with jj>*), Ibn H. 6i3 2 

*^ fix 

Abu Dharr wrongly explains C-o as coming from the root ^>5> . 
unimportant, said of a thing, Ham. 55 21 . 

JL* crowded, epithet of a battle-field, Ham. 56 27 [read Jua3 for 

xO 5 

Instead of the ordinary jJkjJt always we sometimes find 

u, Ibn H. 468 3 , Mubarrad 248", Agh. v I50 26 , also 

xx d g 

*^, Fakhrl 134*; on the other hand jJbjJI ^tl ^Jl* 
means formerly, Baladh. 225" (see the Glossary s.v. ju). 
a. to calumniate, Agh. iv 79 14 . 

^ /r<?, or collectively /fl/^i? /r^j (see Dozy), seems to 

X X * X fi X 

be used as an' adjective in Ibn H. 6i8 9 , 5>J>oJt ***!> ^- ^^ ; 
here Abu Dharr explains A*. 3* as = jjtai^t 5^. But it is 

x x x 

much more probable that we should read ?>^>oJt ^*^J "de- 
lightful to enter," see Lisan iii 283' seq. 

9 x x 

u - /d7 <ww to a person, ^ come into his mind, ^>aJ ly*5 .J t> 

6 X X ^^ 

t>~- " A good tune for them (i.e. for the verses in question) 
suggested itself to me," Agh. xxi 4 19 . 


zeal for religion, Dlnaw. 3i3 10 . 

xx a x 
u - ^^ V* " He shook his tail," lit. "he drove away (the 

flies) with his tail," said of a horse, Ibn H. 559 13 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 67 

Ox V 00 x 

ji Instead of Jl^5 >* ^3 a uncompleted portion of a saying 

Ox J Ox 

(Lane), we also find Jy jji, Ibn H. 753 7 . 


oi*3 (pi. of ouJi?) rapid in their effect, epithet of swords, Ibn 
H. 553 10 - 

it % X + 

\. of y>53 chin) is applied also to the upper part of the breasts 
of birds, Lamlyah v. 38. 

\e edge of a sword, Farazd. B. 1 3o 12 . 

J x OuJjOx 

^LAi adj. r^<2^ to perish, jjcuJl ^W*3 " a poet whose poetry is 

soon forgotten," Agh. iii 38 20 a pi. O-*^* ^ s mentioned by 

J Ot J x 

(= l^U^^t), Ham. 442": lyjlji "the districts adjoining it," 
Baladh. i^2 7 . 

^tjS dry, itjJJt i^il, Ibn H. i7o 20 . 


^J^ latter part of a period of time, Fakhrl 222 2 . 

Ix O xx Hx 

l) ^ of a DOX ('***"')> Agh. vi I35 28 : ^tj f- at the end of a 

period, Ibn H. 381", 4i5 13 , 648". 

t, Ix x , Ox x 

adj. ,^-j; o^*^ OPP- ^ L5^ 5 O^V, Th. u. M. 58 5 . 

# x : x # x # 

^ ^^ at an object (ace.), properly to compete with one an- 

x xO J xxx 5 x x Ml 

/ the attempt to see, ^ A5^JJ1 ^f\j^ A-oJt Jjbt ^>l 

o^!P U al^ji, Musi. s. H 349 s2 . 

makes a P 1 ' r^ ^b. i 764". 

of antelopes, used metaphorically for women, Akhtal 2 7 8 . 
^ think of the future, Mubarrad 595 16 (masdar), 
^ sojourn in a place (with ^J, Yaqut ii 645" [read \j&\. 

jl firmer, more stable, Th. u. M. 53 12 . 

Sx x xx 

or **4jsnr&4j ^jte "in their normal condition," i.e. "in 
the full enjoyment of their rights," see Ibn H. 34 1 9 seq., and 
the note by Wellhausen, Skizzen iv 68. 

A ' 

>j The passive of this verb seems to occur in Dinaw. i88 9 , 

* o St Si J 

OU ^o. jt^oJU %t>, but there can be little doubt that we 


should read >.>, see Lisan ii 4.5 2 23 , iJt S^U^a 


68 A. A. BEVAN 

*~o; worn-out makes a pi. fern. w*5tj;, Ibn H. 41 f. 

^ T> ** L5^ " ** e condoled with him," is construed with v > of 
the thing for which condolence is expressed, Tab. ii lopy 9 . 

9 * 

quivering) agitated, is an epithet not only of human beings 
but also of the sea, Th. u. M. 4 15 , 6o 4 . 


uH>^ unclean, Farazd. B. n6 17 . 

, regain (with ace.), Baladh. 20 1 6 , Agh. v I55 12 ' 

j 3 j o* j * j j Si 

1S often =^0^-0*^ " some of them," e.g. J^-cu J^p 

o^t 4-JLfr "Some of them began to feel uncomfortable," 

* a j j * 
Mubarrad 31 f, cf. Ibn H. 470 1 : ^UjjJt J^ "the founder of 

the dynasty," Fakhri i86 6 . 

t toke a liberty, i.e. to transgress the law, Bukh. i 39 6 . 

u. opsJt ,>j " It repelled the gaze," i.e. no one could bear to 
look at it, Ham. si 1 , cf. 86 8 . 


*)\ (pl f *^J mantle) is used in the metaphorical phrase 

X - Jx *? 

jji*JI Ajjjt, which seems to mean beautiful poems, Agh. vii iS; 14 

x x 

for the comparison of poetry to weaving, see the Lexicons 
under the roots ?*~J, ^^, etc. 

j u. or i. to attack a person (with w>), Hudh. W. No. 140 v. 4, 

9 x A x 

masd. A*JJ ibid. 

X X > i x x: 

J-O J-t)l *U~JI J~jt "(God) loosed the sky," i.e. He sent rain, 
Dlnaw. 6 1 6 . 

) Instead of the usual aXwj ^s. "at his ease, in a leisurely 
manner," one may say J~j ,-U , Ibn H. 370 20 , 539 2 . 

# X ^^ 

lJLy o^ J Jl "Tell him in our name," Tab. i 1046", 
cf. Dinaw. ii2 9 . 

XXX 9 X X 

oLi^ w^Sy u. or i. /<? w)> has a masd. O^A>> Mubarrad 73 2 . 

x x x 

O^^J^^^ correct, i.e. classical, speech, Dlnaw. 327*, cf. 
Ibn Qut. Sh., Glossary s.v. 

;l For the use of this form in speaking of the foster/oMrr, 

X X 

see Ibn H. 794 14 , ^JUP;| ^JJt ^1. 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 69 

x x x 

\*bj (pi. of <>; or ^o-; according to the Lisan) means not only 
stones used for building but also basalt blocks in their natural 
condition, e.g. Labld, Mu'allaqah #.15 (see Noldeke's Funf 
Mu'allaqat ii 70), Ibn H. 799 14 . 

to frighten is an expression of which some authorities dis- 
approve (see Lane), but it occurs in Tab. ii io92 13 . 

a thunder-cloud, Agh. v I53 17 . 

i- or u - t drive away, banish cares etc., Baid. i 579 26 , also 
with ^, Mubarrad 227 2 . 


a deserted house, Baladh. 131". 

^ CX X XX 

L>lj <o A3; is rendered by Freytag "annuit, exaudivit," 
but the real meaning is he paid attention to it see Lane 

# x xOx 

1 121 col. 3 8 seq. and cf. L|; jAJJu a3jj ^oJ, Bukh. i 32 seq. 

**' xui xx 

(QastallanI i 209 7 gives the explanation C-.Al. 

to persecute, illtreat, Ibn H. I72 15 , cf. 

419", and C-ulj %x5 U ^^^^ v^J? Tab. ii no3 18 : to overflow, 
submerge the land (ace.), said of a river, Bibl. geogr. viii 66 4 seq. 
# verbal root, Baid. i 570". 


.ra^ often means d5f^r^, e.g. J^; O 1 -!^*^ "like gazelles of 

X X 

<JW J l 

the desert," Imr. No. 52 v. 33, J^L>v*o-3 ioU "the 

majority of the Tamlm (who dwell) in the desert," Tab. i I9I9 6 , 
similarly the pi. J^, Bakri 57 13 . 

is explained by Freytag as " duae venae in interne armo 
anteriorum pedum iumenti," on the alleged authority of the 
Qamus and Dj. (i.e. the Sihah). But neither of these states 
that the word applies only to "beasts," and, as a matter of 
fact, ,jUjblj is repeatedly used in speaking of the veins in the 
fore-arm of a human being see Tab. Glossary s.v., Ibn Qut 
Sh. u 3 5 . 


-ljt to give rest, hence to slay (with ace.), Ham. 2$o s8 . 

* * * 

originally a journey in the evening is used also for a journey 

in general, j-o ^ ^Ls A^.JJ ^J=> Mubarrad 243". 

70 A. A. BEVAN 

jjj }\j\, in the sense of wishing to do this or that to a person, may be 
construed not only with the ace. of the thing and ^ of the 
person (e.g. Qur'an 33 17 ) but also with the ace. of the person 
and ^> of the thing, Ham. i39 14 , Tha'labi, Qisas al-Anbiya 

1 9 5 s4 : for 6>\j\ he urged him, see Tab. Glossary, and cf. jujl 
Zj-oA. &ut ^Xfr " He was urged to (marry) the daughter of 
Hamzah," Ibn Sa'd i, part i, 68 20 . 

^ J JO * f 

^jo\j u. to think out, devise, aJLS A*\J U " what his mind thinks 

, S. ' , , , 

out," Mubarrad 299 6 , j-o^J! ^+*~J> \jo\j 15 J, Fakhrl 275. 

^Jtj u. is usually to cause admiration (syn. s.^a .!), but it sometimes 
means to regard with admiration, e.g. Akhtal 2 f 

x Ofc 


Here the glossator takes A$JJ-> in its ordinary sense compare, 
however, the similar passage in Ibn H. no 7 , O$** ^ O5f* 
Ot>kUJt, where the meaning "regard with admiration" is the 

x X 

only possible one. 

fl - ^ 0#dfc (with ace.), Ham. I32 27 , Baladh. 22o 9 , pass. Ham. 
40 6 , masd. ^fttj-o Baladh. I32 17 . 

*x ( x J 

(^ em * ^ O^Jj) /^ ^ water, epithet of a cloud (3Jj-), Ham. 

2 5 2 s4 . 

^^^<? guesses, Dlnaw. 2 1 1 11 . 

x 0x0 

jU; (pi- of ^Uj-j) is explained in the Lexicons as troops of men, 
herds of animals, etc. ; but it also means masses of water, Ham. 

Jjj JbJ"* ^ o^ of slipping, Ham. 64 18 . 


disinherit, lit. /0 ^w/ cw/i/<? (with ace.), Qazwlni 246". 
(pi. of SjJlj) j^tjj 35 is said in the Sihah to be an epithet 

x x 

of the lion, but in Imr. No. 40 v. 1 1 it is used as an epithet of 
the male ostrich (JU&). 

Q x J 

pi. j^~, ^/^ of hawk the half- verse quoted, on the 
authority of al-Laith, in Lisan vi 5 4 occurs in Akhtal icy 1 . 

cheerful, unruffled (applied to the face), liu-I> 
Muwashsha 24 2 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 71 


*AW a** (pi. of >{~>) men wearing long coats ofmail(^\^,\ Ibn H. 14* 
[var. UuU in Tab. i 9032]. 

is used not only of an official sentence but also of an 
affirmation in the most general sense, e.g.^^Jl 

, Baid. i 2 68 26 , cf. 581". 

prison On the origin of this word, see Greek Papyri in the 
British Museum, Catalogue with Texts, vol. v (ed. H. I. Bell, 
London, 1917) p. 134, footnote, "Mr Crum writes that he has 
recently found in Coptic ostraca two instances of o-tyvov as 
= * prison,' presumably the origin of the Arabic sijn in the 
same sense." Since this note was published I have been 
privately informed by Mr Crum that there are now more than 
" two instances " of this word in Coptic. How o-fyvov (i.e. Latin 
signum) came to mean " prison " is not clear ; the fact, how- 
ever, appears certain. That it is impossible to explain v>a^ 
from any known Arabic root is evident, for the various words 
which are given in the Lexicons under vlH*' are either de- 
rivatives from i>a~* or seem to be wholly unconnected with it. 
Whether v>a-w occurs anywhere in pre-Islamic poetry I do not 

+ o o 

know, but it is at least remarkable that in the Qur'an &**** 
and its denominative &s*~> appear only in passages relating to 
Egypt (i2 25 seq., 26 28 ). 

I to compete in magic, \jbf$\ JUbl j+a-\*cJ tjjA.L> " Challenge 
the whole world to a competition in magic with this man of 
yours!" Ibn H. 258 19 . 

s s 90* 

is explained in the Lisan as " a broad arrow-head " ( J*-cw 
, but in the verse of ash-Shanfara which is there quoted 

9 ' * 

( Mufadd. Th. No. 18 v. 22) oia* .*.> seems to mean "an 
arrow " simply, or perhaps some particular kind of arrow. 

to sail along the sea-coast (Jy^-lw), Bibl. geogr. vii 353 20 . 


is said to mean "a lamb" or "a kid," but it also means a 
young camel, Ibn H. 433 17 , and the pi. ^JU^* is applied to the 

* 90* 

foals of mares, Akhtal 2O 8 ; similarly the collective tj^^w, Nab. 
No. 20 v. 23. 

to approach, draw near (with ^a^), Abu Mihjan No. 17 v. i. 
~t to shine, Ibn H. 22 11 . 

72 A. A. BEVAN 


u. to punish (absol.), Ham. 97*, Tab. ii ni2 16 (opposed to Us). 

Jbt; 0<? z0,fo tfwg&r 0/fc, said of a man gasping under a burden, 
Akhtal i6o 3 . 

a. /<? n>^ a thing (with ,_>), Mufadd. Th. No. 37 #. 23 : to 

bring a thing about, ^UJu SU-Jt "those who were responsible 
for this," Ham. 103". 

conduct, behaviour, Ham. in 27 (in this case applied to evil 

story of a house, JJLJt .J, Ibn H. 338 8 (opposed 


jL> u. to be forgotten, fall into oblivion, Ibn Qut. Sh. 4 7 . 

lying at full length, said of a slain man, Ibn H. 274** 
[read l..a. X. ...]. 

J,~JL JLJll (= J-UU) .$#;<?#, pleasant to drink, said of water, Aus ibn 
Hajar (ed. Geyer) No. 32 v. 16. 

^JL to convert to Islam, Fakhrl i43 u . 

^Xli to behave like a member of the tribe of Sulaim, Ibn H. 865 2 . 
adj. whole, in good condition, Ham. 8o 20 . 

9 spread a report (with ^>t), Agh. xix 42". 
traditional, Th. u. M. 3 18 . 
i place where one can hear, Dlnaw. 1 86 3 . 

hand over, transmit, A-ul ^t ^XJLjt jU**t, Dlnaw. 49 9 : to 
urge horses to the attack, Ham. 76 21 . 

*, o'f- 

U-rf flash of lightning makes a pi. Uwl, Hudh. W. No. 139 v. n. 

with ^>e, e.g. ^51 v> J^ "He admitted me without 
difficulty," Agh. iii ng 13 . 

smoothness, Imr. No. 52 v. 17. 

emaciated makes a pl. > ^ v w, Farazd. B. I63 1 , Ibn H. 593" 
(= Ru'bah, App. No. 86 v. 7). 

3 ' Of- 

more capable of governing, Ibn H. 29 8 . 

' Dlnaw - 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 73 

a* *~* <ulsu **-L? "on condition that he should have enough to 
' 'eat,"'Bukh. i' 42 u . 

** adj. //*V/, abundant, said of a camel's hair, Mufadd. Th. No. 9 
v. 1 6. 

, as well as the more usual ^>a*JI>, means /0 y?// a place with 
troops etc., dJUJU^Hj ly.. g a> ,<t Jg , Ibn al-Athlr xii 4I 23 this con- 

firms the reading >a*J*j in Tab. iii 234 2 (see Glossary) and 
Fakhri 253 12 (see note). 


as an ac U- applied to water, is said to mean "intermediate 

between sweet (w^Jie) and salt"; but in Bibl. geogr. viii 27 14 

** * 

*->2jt is combined with ^j^c- and must therefore signify 

pleasant to drink. 
o, 5 

or ^5*^ tfaw&aii Bibl. geogr. viii 5o 7 , 77 13 . 

r . .. 

w usually means /0 ^ eastwards, but in Tab. ii 4ii 6 [read 

according to line 9] it must mean to come from the East, as 
appears from 41 2 3 seq., JijJLoJI J^$ O- sr*\3\* ', Medina lies 
between two harrahs (Yaqut iv 335 15 ), and the harrah where 
the battle in question took place is the eastern harrah (ibid, ii 
252 seq.). 

4 # 

3 C5^ ( a ft er a negative) y^ /<?^<? or money, Agh. vii 
i86 n seq. 


i is not only tumult but also harm, mischief, in the most general 
sense, e.g. Agh. xi i68 13 (= Harm, Durrah io4 17 ). 

or \J& is reckoned among the addad, inasmuch as it means 

either " excess " or " deficiency," but the real meaning is simply 
inequality, and hence it is used as the opposite of l\^ in* a 
verse of an-Nabighah al-Ja'dl, describing a race between two 
horses, or, according to others, between a horse and a wild ass 

6 x x OX> x ^ul xx 0" xO OxxO0 

t^f v^.<tJt 

(Lisan xi 83 12 , Anbarl, ^^^, io8 16 ). 

, Of- x Ox g 

with j^Xc, ^ come close to, hence to endanger, ^f- ^-^t 
"They (i.e. the years of famine) endangered the lives 
(of men)," Ibn Sa'd i, part i, 54 12 . 

a woman who rends her garments (as a sign of mourning), 
Bukh. i 326 17 . 

74 A. A. BEVAN 

W to be unfortunate, when construed with ^ sometimes means 
to be incapable of dealing with a person or thing, e.g. U^j^u LAW 
"They made no good use of their high rank," Ibn H. 41 1 9 . 
Similarly the adj. ,, as when a poet boasts that he is 

5 x " 

^ftUJJb J^iw "incapable of consorting with mean persons," 
Ham. in to . 

&)ltoJ to pierce one another, Dmaw. 2i3 17 . 

^-^w (from Aram, shammesh "to serve") /<? celebrate a cult, 
Jj, Ibn H. 34 9 14 . 

to recite prayers or other religious formulae, is explained in 
the Lexicons as referring to the Jews, but in Yaqut ii 679 15 , and 
probably also in Tab. iii 1390^ it refers to Christians. 

lwt, with ace. and >A, is to detect an odour as proceeding from 

some object, AdjujJJ Aa*olj <Ux> j&JL &* " those in whom he 
(i.e. the king) detected the odour of heresy," Tha'alibI, Ghurar, 
503 2 [Zotenberg mistranslates "tous ceux qui avaient subi 
1'influence de son atheisme ". 


in Commentaries is = Sj^^Jt Sgt^JJt the ordinary reading, 
as opposed to some variant, e.g. Baid. i 536 14 . 

t u. to gather honey from bees* nests, is construed with two 
accusatives, Labld Br. No. 41 v. 16 [read JoLdl for JoLjJt, 
according to Lisan v 359 21 ]. 

w to disfigure, render ugly, may be construed not only with the 
accusative but also with ^, Ham. 253 seq. 

" ' 

2> For the use of l^> in speaking of persons, see Ibn Sa'd i, 
part i, 8 4 24 ~O 

cause a thing /<? ^ followed by something else, 

jb, Agh. ii 24 12 : /<? become a Shi'tte, Farazd. B. l 

[read OO^]. 

It jus! (pi. of IJLO r^/) is used for rusty armour, Ibn H. I79 10 . 

x x 

-^j^i^o (pi. of -t ju^ ?) grass-hoppers, Mufadd. Th. No. 22 ^. 

9x HI X 

5^1 Juo coll. enemies, Akhtal 2i 6 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 75 

properly, to return together from the water, hence to betake 
oneself, Baid. i s8i 19 . 

" He found that the man had just 

departed," Agh. i 24 25 (in this case the two men did not meet, 
as appears from what follows). 

*o to manifest is construed with the ace. of the person and ^ 
of the thing, SjljuJb U^^lo Ibn H. I73 1 . 

^ be dead drunk, Tab. i 829 12 . 

as prep, near, Hudh. W. No. 143 v. i. 

to ascend, hence, in speaking of a purchaser, to offer a higher 
'price, Fakhrl 277*. 

x Ox J x x 

-AO ^^.Ao^ejau *v) "He will not lack my side," i.e. he will 
not lose my friendship, Muwashsha 2o 2 . 

Ox J 

kind of unguent used by women, Bukh. i 322 9 seq. 

u. the meaning to belong to, to be in the possession of someone, 
of which Dozy quotes a late example, occurs already in Dlnaw. 
105", *JIUJI A) Ui. 

J*0 -*J*o (=9-LaA\ u^jty territory annexed by treaty, Yahya 36 15 seq. 
J JUs "his best clothes," Agh. xix 29 29 . 

ol treachery, perjury, Agh. v I57 10 : 
heavy blows, metaph. satires, Farazd. B. no 1 . 

5 j I x 

(pi. of^o*t) solid horse-hoofs, Imr. No. 52 #.46. 

summer residence, 
said of the swallow, Th. u. M. 4i 7 . 

to be thin is applied to a coat of mail, Imr. No. 14 z>. 15 
(= Lisan xii 325 18 ). 

xxx x OC 

<su ^M " He placed it on the ground " (the object being uc^t 
understood), Agh. v i8i 4 seq.: <U$ V>^ "He was related to 
him by blood," Dlnaw. 66 3 (cf. Tab. i 95 7 21 ) AJ ^>^ is used 
in the same sense, see Naq. Glossary s.v. 

X X 

w^Ub to form a partnership with someone in commerce, is con- 
strued with two accusatives, Ibn H. up 13 : to play music with 
someone (ace.), Agh. ix ioo 2 . 

76 A. A. BEVAN 

)jo j3j*o one who injures, Ibn H. 6i9 19 . 

5 J 86^ J 

j-o Pi>o (pi. of cj0 udder] l^^j^o their milk, Dhu-r-Rummah 
(ed. Macartney) No. 64 v. 33. 

o Z j f, 

*JLo (pi. of aJUs) strong, Ibn H. 6i5 7 . 

Jkot /0 <?/dfc, slip away from a person (ace.), Ibn H. io6 18 seq. 

ftS X- 

u. /<? /#/fe a wife (ace.), Ham. I92 3 : /0 be the common parent, or 
ancestor, of two or more individuals (syn. *,, e ^), Ham. IO2 3 . 

-The phrase l&Lo p$>-aJ is rendered by Lane " it diffused 
the odour, or fragrance, of musk," but in the verse cited Lisan x 
99 2 (= Mubarrad 53 7 ') <jUij O-W ^*~* >"^ n 1118 * mean 
"the valley of Na'man is full ^the odour of musk." 

and wJlol are both said by Freytag to mean "effecit ut 
aliquis tanquam hospes ali quern accederet," which seems to 
imply that the subject of the verb and the person whose 
hospitality is to be sought are distinct; but the definition in 

the Sihah (dJujJ^ l*u<g> <Jj AljjJt lit A^A.^OJ ^jj^p! oAotj) 


simply asserts that otot and wic> mean /<? receive as a guest. 
This is, of course, the ordinary usage, e.g. in the Qur'an i8 76 , 
where some read U*>*^j and others I^A^A^CU . In Ibn H. 

35 5 5 v3Ll appears to be used intransitively, but the correct 
reading is ^Lcul (as given in several MSS), which agrees with 
P-35' 4 - 

islo^b in comparison with..., Baid. i I95 5 seq., 555 17 . 

is not only injustice but also hardship, trouble, e.g. in the 
phrase ly*^ \j~&&\ ^f- ^J-o*-, Ham. 50 1 . 

iLlL, followed by ^>x>, is usually metaphorical, "he lowered the 
reputation of So-and-So" (e.g. Agh. iii 45 12 ), but it is some- 
times used in a literal sense, as when it is said that God reduced 
the stature of Adam, after his expulsion from Paradise, to sixty 
cubits, Utj3 ^>jsiw Jl 4io JU-3J^ AMI Ublks, AzraqI 7 3 seq. 
undergo medical treatment, Fakhri 3o8 12 . 

> become dense, said of the darkness, Farazd. B 56 12 . 

j x i 

(pl. of^oaiJat) black-faced is an epithet of vultures, Ibn H. 2322 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 77 

.Ji a. in the phrase A*Ju -JI> " He exposed himself to danger," 
Ham. 228' (cf. -U|p i^'flN ^SBfy, Judges ix 17). 

to journey uninterruptedly r , Ibn H. 264 18 [read j>jkD]. 
liberty, release, Ham. 36 21 , cf. Agh. xviii 2i5 4 . 

JO * 

Jiy^^M v-5/- (in grammar) /<?/&r of prolongation, Mufassal 
i54 18 , Baid. ii 401", cf. J^llLt Jbl, Baid. i 589*. 

(from the Aram.) consecrated oil, used by Christians, Yaqut 
ii yoi 2 this is one of the very few cases in which the Aram. 
termination -utha is represented by >j instead of Oj . 

I. Instead of alii jib " His reason fled," " he was beside 
himself," the simple jib may be used, e.g. Fakhri 286 14 , cf. lyS 1 
and Naq. Glossary. 

Lt to carry off, v>aJt A^Ualwt, Tab. i 754 5 , cf. Agh. xiv 72 s7 
the parallel passage in Dmaw. 56 13 has <o jlku*t, which is 
probably a scribal error. 

to close up the entrance of a furnace with clay, Ibn H. i35 10 : 
to build a hut of clay, Fakhri 21 5" seq. 

JJlfc Jj ^ll4^Jt Jk tj, as a term of abuse, Tab. ii H2O 11 : a pi. 

' > " 

shadows occurs in Akhtal i2 9 . 

p j.ft.U to double, hence to reiterate a saying, Ibn H. 749 10 . 

xx I 

l to profess a religion, Ibn H. 397 18 , Dmaw. 5i 8 . 

volcanic tract (saJt) near Medina, Ibn H. 386 11 . 

claims affinity with the tribe of l Abs, Ham. 2O5 3 . 

may govern two accusatives, 

* X X 

"whoever is proved to have slain a believer without provocation," 
Ibn H. 342 13 . 

xx0 x xxOg 

JU*t, which properly refers to the tending of camels 

, Lisan xii io7 23 ), is applied also to the governing of 
men, Dmaw. 77 3 . 

l, followed by &\ with the subjunctive, often means he desired 

, , < * 

that this or that should occur, e.g. ****> o' **" 

78 A. A. BEVAN 

Ibn H. i 4 i j 
I, Bukh. i i8 5 . 


' rear-guard of an army, Ham. 79. 

u. to examine, ^^o-^t IjJ^ lit " when they examine my skin," 
i.e. my character, Ham. 205 23 : pass. J> (with ^) to be reckoned 
as the equivalent of something else, Dinaw. I26 9 . 

i ^ " in the guise of merchants," Dinaw. 335 14 - 
n distinguished, eminent, said of persons, Ham. 25i 13 , Agh. 


Ht. "The way became straight with 
him," i.e. he marched in a straight line, Ibn H. 42 1 17 . 

(pi. of j*U) /&? sides of valleys, Ibn H. 753 12 Abu Dharr 
explains the word as =4J>>3*$\ wJt^*.. 
i. or u. to mark a horse 0# the cheek (see Lane), hence used 

Ow -> wj j j o ^ 

metaphorically, JjucJU IjJ ^Ul Ujjouj "and by reason of 
which the people will regard us as truthful," Dinaw. I74 17 . 
to persist, to last long, said of a season of drought, Ibn H. 8oo 15 . 


slackness is the opposite of ju*. "energy," Dinaw. 287^ 
cf. i62 21 . 

to designate, or /r^fl/, horses as Arabian (opp. to O 
H. 774 10 - 

in Ham. 26i 23 O^JA)) is used to denote the settled Arabs, as 
distinguished from the Bedouins (jJuM). 
-oj knowledge of the Arabic language, Ibn Khali. No. 31, p. 39 20 , 
Qazwmi 234 s8 . 

is an epithet applied to an ass, Ibn Sa'd i, part i, n6 18 . 

bridegroom is construed with ^jJLft of the bride, Ibn H. 77i 15 , 
whereas ^jj* bride is construed with ^ of the bridegroom, 

W ** x 

e.g. *JjJt O^ *^^^ cr*^j^ L^*^ " when she was married to 
Kinanah," Ibn H. 763 (=Tab. i I582 2 ). 

on purpose, designedly, Ham. 40". 

U (=JjU) /^? oppose, resist (with ace.), Ham. 262 10 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 79 

by all means, Dlnaw. 93*, cf. 93** seq., where 
is used in the same sense. 

f> a female musician, Agh. vi I09 2 . 
ft a relative, Mubarrad 247*. 


(pi. of dUtoc) groups of palm-trees, Imr. No. 20 z>. 4 


(var. J^ljia.). 

frt The phrase j*su*3 O'*"**^ occurs in a verse of Jarir 
(Ibn Qut. Sh. 429 8 ) which De Goeje describes as "difficilis 
interpretatu " (Glossary s.r. j-oft). It is partly explained by 
some passages to which I have referred in the Glossary to 
Naq. s.v. ^cucl, but the clearest indication of the meaning is 
supplied by a verse which al-Jahiz cites in his Bayan i i88 14 
(cf. Yaqut iv 477 19 and note in vol. v 425) 

From this it appears that it was the practice to test the quality 
of wood by pressing it ; if no sap oozed forth, the wood was 


sprouting, said of the spathe (aJLb) of the palm-tree, 
Agh. v 1 47 s23 in the Lexicons this meaning is assigned to the 
4th and the loth conjugations, but not to the 5th. 


to regard, or treat, as a rebel (with ace.), Ham. 262 12 . 

to oppose, hence, in speaking of things, to be incompatible 
with something else (ace.), Musi. D. No. i v. 4. 

* a - to bite, applied to a shield (&>), AJU.>J c^^ig " It gripped 
his sword," i.e. the sword stuck fast in the shield, Ibn H. 563^ 
cf. 76i 8 . 

JjU bare, i.e. uncultivated, JUjsU p;tj.o, Fakhri 238 3 . 

: *t 

^5^1 often means & make a present, or presents, to a person (ace.), 
the thing being understood, e.g. Ibn H. 276 15 . 

j$as. to make large, ^&\j$a* " Take large mouthfuls," Agh. ii 23"; 

x x Of. ' ' 

similarly ^Jist, Qur'an 65 5 , Ham. 109. 

chief is applied not only to a political ruler or a military 
leader (see Baladh. Glossary) but also to an archbishop, 
Jai, Dlnaw. 96 7 . 

8o A. A. BEVAN 

to efface (with ^&) is used metaphorically for supplanting, 

> Ibn H - 9 6 '- 

to bite one another, said of dogs, and metaphorically of satirists, 
Agh. vii i73 i3 . 

u. to treat undutifully is applied not only to the conduct of 
children towards their parents but also to that of ^parents 
towards their children, e.g. [sic leg.] ^yU* \is&\ Oi> 
Khali. No. 389, p. 8 9 13 . 

lightning, Ibn H. 76o 15 , cf. Lisan xii I2Q 11 . 
a distinguished man, Ibn H. no 8 . 

a rug of variegated cloth (^^it), Mufadd. C. ii 4i 10 . 

,, ot j o j a - , o* oi 

jjs>\ to serve as a landmark^ A^J^AJ tj^.^y) ^^j ^t 

, Dmaw. 59 9 . 

is used in a precative sense, "May ye prosper! " Ibn H. 762*, 
cf. ,>! ibid. 582 18 . 

00 J 5 J 

see under 

the inhabited earth, Bibl. geogr. viii 26 s seq., 
Blruni, al-Athar al-baqiyah 24 s similarly j^oi^J I (see Dozy). 

applied to an intoxicant, ^IjJjt A+S J^fr, Agh. vii i86 31 : to 
cultivate land (ace.), Ibn H. 779 8 seq. 

Ji* Whyl Ibn H. y 9 6 8 . 

J J0Jxx 

t origin, hence original condition, normal state, *iXXJt *a*J 
^1, Dmaw. 95 1 . 

fr calamity is construed as fern., Ibn H. 85 1 18 . 

- ' " f* ! 

s. (= Sy*]! ^jl) territory annexed by conquest, Yahya 36" seq., 
Baladh. 2i7 13 . 

> oppressed, troubled, 2jj& ^U JJ, Ibn H. ii2 7 . 

^ * x 

In commentaries and lexicons ,<i*W is often used for 

**- . . 

***-'J ^ B 5 ix ^ i n speaking of two or more expressions which 

have the same meaning, e.g. Lisan v 286 5 , xiv 53". 

' J 

5* ^ u I am responsible for it," Fakhrl 293^. 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 81 

O 5x x x x 

1)3* a f au ^ defect, ly,u Sj^f- OJLJ lit " when they (i.e. the female 
wild-asses) show some sign of flagging," Akhtal i6 2 , cf. Kose- 
garten, Chrest. arab. I53 9 . 

to cause to howl, Akhtal 56 1 [read Ol^jjJl]. 
jf> (pi. of dolfr), epithet of lions (^^J), Ibn H. 41 7*. 
//, trial, in a moral sense, Baid. i $8f. 

one who loathes a thing, UaJt lyUs, Akhtal 104* [var. 
in Lisan v 2o8 15 , but &*> in Agh. x 5"]. 

& impoverish, Agh. iv I44 29 (= Lisan v 79**) see also Tab. 

j t 

I n Nold. Beitr. i86 4 vOV i t aj seems to occur with the meaning 
" he used to lend them money on usury," but though the MS 

6 j j j J<* ' J 

undoubtedly has ^..Lsx-jj we should probably read 
according to Lisan xvii i8i 18 seq. 


, for the use of this word as masc., see above s.v. 


>!* *M* m a commercial transaction, opp. to 
Mubarrad 2 3 . 

t suffer interruptions, JliuaJt ^jf- ^^.j L " (a sword) which 
is continually being sharpened," Ham. 2592. 


j+e- u. /<? remain away, opp. to ^5J " to meet," ^t SJLO ,-ift j-j^j 
-ui), Agh. xviii 64 15 . 

' x 

j "profit," 
44 3 . 

X X g 

u. /<? Asoww (syn. ^-j-ol), Mufadd. C. ii 44, Mutanabbi 80 2 8 . 
u. to produce, *^**AA J ^tj.9 jJdu ^^li, Dlnaw. 319*. 

x x 5 x 

* to come from the West, Tab. ii 411" see above, s.v. J>. 


jcl to take away, remove (with ace.), Ibn H. 763*. 

Otf x 

Jj^ Prof. R. Geyer in Orientalische Studien (Noldeke-Festschrift, 
1906, i 60 note i) denies that jj^ can mean stirrup, and asserts 
that camels were never ridden with stirrups. See, however, 
Ibn H. 33 2 10 , A*)t 


Also Tab. ii 

io58 15 seq., J^it Ji 

iJt and a verse describing a she-camel (Ham. 554 12 ) 

B. P. V. 

82 A. A. BEVAN 

>iji/, masd. 5-ejj^, to begin to compose poetry, Agh. vii I7o 18 . 
Jlfc fl thicket, jungle (such as lions inhabit), Hudh. W. No. 140 z>. 4, 


Dmaw. i85 18 see Tab. Glossary s.v. *^JL. 
JLk darkness, Lamlyah #.55. 

la u. or i. to plunge is usually transitive, but it may also be in- 
transitive, e.g. Agh. xix 28 5 the context shows that the verb 
is not here a passive. 

i. in the phrase *Lfr CUU "He fell asleep," Ibn H. 767*. 

* j J + *l ' s J 

u* a prince, a sovereign, Bibl. geogr. vii 354 3 , ^.lal^M the 
ruling classes, Baladh. 2ii 12 . 

IxXc. with w>, to take a thing by mistake, \^*j ^A}Ju Jxli5, 
' Bukhala 47 10 . 

jjjlij /<? arrive, said of a letter (with ^t of the recipient), 
Farazd. B. i47 2 . 

JJLc jJ-J^ adj. ^^5^, tangled, said of a camel's hair, Mufadd. Th. No. 9 
z>. 16. 

5 x 

i^ojL insignificant, applied not only to persons of obscure origin 
but also to things of small value, Akhtal 1 1 2 1 . 

i. to baptize, said of Christians, Yahya 47", 48 1 . 

OxJx > xOx 

(= ^5+*' O*+i) a formal oath, Nold. Beitr. 

- deep, said of a wound, Imr. No. 14 #. 4, i*ax>UJI 
profound sciences, Th. u. M. 6o 16 . 

Ox xx ..x.0x 

g incorrect pronunciation, & Lad A^i^c, Mubarrad 364 16 . 

j^, applied to the rattling of chains, Mubarrad 243 7 
so also ^jifr, see Naq. Glossary. 

construed with ^>fc may mean not only "the power of dis- 
pensing with something " but also "an advantage from the point 
of view of someone," e.g. lUc^^ ly^a. J^OA\ " the fortress 
from which they will derive the greatest advantage," Ibn H. 
759 l ^j^^^ O* C*k* &i "a great advantage for Islam," 
Baladh. 3 o 2 ~ 4 , Ch^>Ot o^ ^Ufc, Yahya 8 21 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 83 

Ut /0 make a raid upon someone, hence to plagiarise from an 

author, ^^*$ liJU 4**-^ ^s^ J^t, Tha'alibl, Yatlmat 
ad-dahr, \ Q2 10 . 

/, said of the stars, 'Umar ibn Abi Rabl'ah, ed. Schwarz, 
No. i v. 40 (= Mubarrad 382"). 

diver (a kind of bird), Th. u. M. 38 3 . 

<U5U a sudden, or treacherous ; attack, Baladh. 243 17 , pi. 
Dlnaw. 4 . 

shower of rain is a scribal error for ++> ; the mistake seems 
to have originated with Engelmann (Al-Hadirae Diwanus, 
1858, p. 14 seq.), and it has been copied not only by A. von 
Kremer but also by De Goeje (Ibn Qut. Sh. Glossary s.v.). 
That ** in Agh. vii 128' (= Ibn Qut. Sh. 109?) is a mere 
misprint appears evident from a comparison with Imr. No. 4 
v. 47 and Lisan xix 35o 18 . 

X X X 

* iZAI.jt is applied to /fe seeking of an omen from a book, especially 

^" x x ft J jslx x xOx 

the Qur'an, by opening it at random, 
Fakhrl i8i 16 . 

, Dlnaw. Sy 5 . 
"pro intentione sua protulit verba" etc., given by Freytag 


on the authority of the Qamus, is a scribal error for JA\ 
see Asas ii I23 27 , aiJUui.! ^t J^ ^aJSI J^^ tJ^ (this 
transitive use of ja*&\ is not mentioned in the Lisan nor by 
Lane). On the other hand, j-aJist in Ahlwardt's al-Fakhri i6i 4 
is a mistake forj^J^I , the reading in Derenbourg's edition, i83 16 . 

a x x* x 

The phrase JA j-o& is used parenthetically, or added at the 
end of a sentence, with a verb understood, " (I say it) without 
boasting," Ibn H. 534', Abu Mihjan No. n v. i, Mufadd. 
C. ii 5 3 7 . 

to forsake, abandon (with <>*), die ^ij Ud " He was not 
forsaken" (impersonal passive), Ham. 24i 21 . 
;U Persian wine, Agh. v I49 30 . 

on the summit of a thing (ace.), Ibn H. 5i6 13 [read 

J according to Abu Dharr i76 9 ]. 


84 A. A. BEVAN 

Of ft J 

a cloud that sheds abundant rain, Akhtal Q 2 


> Bibl - S e g r - viii I0 7 4 - 

or J|j3, measure of \b pints, makes a pi. JjljJl, Baladh. 58 1 . 

ilk-J a place of assembly, hence the most important part of a thing ; 
thus the Surat al-Baqarah is called <j\jtt\ ilkU, Baid. i 144". 

/z<? whose native language is Arabic (opp. to 
foreigner"), Dlnaw. 228 13 , Qali iii is 19 . 

dual <U*JI *iLAd, i.e. spring and autumn, Agh. ii 22 3 [read 
Jsui.5 for^JL*]. 

gLixd <?/^ j/a^ } court-yard, is also applied to a balcony round a 
tower, Bibl. geogr. viii 48 1 . 

3t A? behave, conduct oneself, Lyall, 7> ancient Arabic Poems 
i5o 6 (= De Sacy, Chrest. arabe ii i56 6 ). 

x J 

^^/ ^r^/^ (in which people lose one another), Mutanabbi 
' 7S6 24 . 
JJ13 JjU5 /<? ^ scattered, said of an army, Farazd. B. 215". 

x x^e 

^JlJ ^^Jbl /^? be unable to pay a debt (with ^ of the debt), Ibn H. 43o 12 . 
aJL3 iJLi5 to be split open, Ibn H. 6i3 18 (sic leg.) Abu Dharr, 


coll. <r^z^ of stone, Lamlyah v. 20. 

means not only ^ understood what another said but also 


he perceived what another intended to do, e.g. Mubarrad 254 18 . 
fju Instead of the usual & 2^id ^f> thereupon (e.g. Tab. ii 
H23 1 ) we also find aL*3t ^ (sic leg.), Agh. iv yS 26 . 

x i,.j OxOx i 2 Wx 

..5 /^ occupant of a grave, oW^*^ O*J**4 L5*^^ > Bukh. i 342". 


Jt in the phrase {>& C-sgua.'i " I showed no sign of 
affection," Muwashsha ii3 17 . 

z? towards an object (ace.), Hudh. W. p. 51 last line but 
one, see Abu Zaid, Nawadir 8i 13 . 

<2<r/ 05- midwife (absol.), J^ 3lj-| ^ Jjb, Agh. xix 3S 29 ; 
according to Lisan xiv 53 14 seq. it is used with the ace. of the 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 85 

child, but it is also used with the ace. of the mother, Ibn Sa'd 
viii i64 26 , cf. i, part i, 8s 24 . 

Jlldt to set about doing a thing, with following Imperfect, Agh. xix 
39 14 [read *->$*o\$ juust o*L5ld, according to Naq. 547 10 ]: 

^57y<?z/<?/0#2fl-fe himself perfect," see 
Baid. i 58 3 20 . 

as prep, opposite, Dmaw. 46 10 . 

is often applied to the killing of wild animals, reptiles etc., 
but very rarely to the slaughter of domestic animals, as in 
Yaqut ii 836 13 . 

"homines pugnae apti" (Freytag) is a mistake for iUU-o. 

x x 

Ol$ coll. sparks, Lamfyah v. 20. 

lose, to be bereft of a child (ace.), Bukh. i 38 15 . 
to go beyond a place (ace.), Ibn H. 439 10 . 

be pushed forward, said of a saddle, Ham. 242 3 . 

those who believe that the world existed from 
att'eternity, i.e. those who deny the doctrine of Creation, Bibl. 
geogr. viii 77", cf. i3 3 seq. 

"I cannot oppose him," Ibn H. 
2QI 7 seq. (= Tab. i I2I4 17 ). 


/<? <?^r oneself as a target to those who pelt with stones 

(opp. to vJjL^iwt "to offer oneself as a target for arrows"), 
Muwashsha 4 5 . 

mountain-tops, Ibn H. 39 19 [possibly we should read OlajJjl]. 

*-j>j2 to receive the Eucharist, Agh. ii 32* seq. 

Ox J 

3^3^,5 <ff, hence a procession of horsemen, Ham. I68 26 . 

dealer in glass bottles is mentioned by Wright (Grammar, 
3rd ed. i 163 B) as post-classical, but the word must have been 
in use at least as early as the beginning of the 3rd century of the 
Hijrah, since \J>jJ)\$&\ is the ordinary appellation of the well- 
known traditionalist 'Ubaidallah ibn 'Umar, who died in 
A.H. 235 (see Tab. Index, Ibn al-Athlr vii 35 15 seq.). The 
passage from which Dozy cites the word refers to al-Junaid the 
Sufi, who died in A.H. 297. 

86 A. A. BEVAN 

j> to pass over a place one after another (with ^ of the place), 
Mufadd. C. i 3i 8 [read j*r*\, accusative of time]. 

9* Ox J 9*6* 

jbjAA dad in a short jacket ( jUj,5), Yaqut ii yoo 2 . 
cj.5 2&j3 adv. by lot, Bukh. i 3i4 16 . 
A5 JUJ wretched, wiAiM J&M, Dmaw. 12 7 17 . 
juo5 JJaJ3 to ztt/0u/ & <& a thing (ace.), Fakhrl 234*. 
Ja.5 ^kii/^w^, Akhtal 78* (= Ibn Qut. Sh. 3 i2 2 ). 


jJa.5 IjIkS adv. IjIkS ^^jf " It hurt me a little," Agh. xiv i66 5 . 

ul The meaning "duplicates fuit," given by Freytag on the 
authority of the Qamus, is due to a confusion with 

see Lisan s.r. 


oiS high ground, hence retreat, refuge, Hudh. W. No. 142 z/. 8. 
^ JJll a a#// (metaphorically), Ibn Qut. Sh. 496 15 . 

X5 lio (pi. of ) w/, C^JCJt jJli, Abu-1-Fida, Taqwlm al- 

" buldan (ed. Reinaud) 236 20 . ' 

JiJLS o^iXS adj. active, agile, Ibn Qut. Sh. 25 3 10 . 

j^.3 J^.3 a. to be high, said of a mountain, Ibn H. 799", cf. jJbl^S JW 
Uat^, Asas s.r.j^.5. 

x5x x ^rtx 

j2$ jj$ to cut out, excise, dXol ^ 4JLJ ^3, Bukhala 54 10 . 

$ * 6 SO * 

J-j3 Himyarite prince forms a fern. JLJ, Dmaw. 42 9 . 

Uj L^u5 "instead of us," "in exchange for us," Ibn H. I75 18 . 

x o o 

^ The pi. ij*\ja\, of which Dozy gives several instances 
from late authors, occurs in 'Abld ibn al-Abras (ed. Lyall) 
No. 24 v. 5, and in Musi. D. No. 22 v. 23, No. 26 v. 67, No. 37 
v. 25 ; in the first, third and fourth of these passages the more 

J t 

usual form u-J^bt would suit the metre equally well, but in 
the second passage it would be impossible. 

used absolutely, to show respect for old age, Ibn H. 778 4 , cf. 
Bukh. ii 297 6 . 

" behind thine army," Tab. ii 41 1 8 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 87 

Instead of v ..t^ >* ^*j " He aimed from a near spot," 


we also find U^* L-*J> Mufadd. C. i 23 1 . 

he fought with his teeth (like a wild beast), 
Dlnaw. 279 20 seq. 

A? & a miser, see Bukhala 47 6 seq. 

beggary was supposed by Wright (Travels of Ibn Jubair, 

i ' 

Glossary) to be derived from the Persian ^\ j& or <ol j^ ; 

but it would seem that De Goeje doubted this etymology, for 
in his new edition of Wright's work (1907) the remark is omitted. 
It is certainly much more probable that the meaning "beggary" 
is derived from that of " barren land." 

to divide (intrans.) into separate bands, 

s 9 J 

Agh. xx 1 36 s9 (the Singular of u -j.>l^ is ^^j^, not 
as given by Freytag). 

to be dear to a person (with ^^Xfr), Ham. 2i8 15 . 
the power of working miracles, Baid. i 584 6 . 

is applied not only to the hiring of things but also to the 
hiring of persons, Dlnaw. 292". 

i. y>L-J! j ^ " He escaped from prison," Dlnaw. i67 15 . 

///^ fringes, or yfo/Xf (j^,.u,r> ), that rest 
on the ground, Ham. 265". 

* /<? augment a word by adding a letter at the end (with ^ of 
' the letter), Mufassal s6 18 . 

(absol.), Tab. ii n 24", /6 abandon a person (with ,j^), 
Ibn H. 744 7 . 

hidden, covered, said of mountain-tops hidden in the clouds, 
Nab. No. 8 v. 15. 

to be surrounded by something (with *^), Imr. No. 52 . n. 

3, Nold, Beitr. 185 last line but one. 

mountain-slopes, Akhtal IO2 1 (with variants, Lisan xi 2i7 2 ). 
rich (opp. to,n>ii), Ibn H. n 4 2 (= Qall i 2 4 6 12 , AzraqI 68"). 


to watch a thing (ace.) during the night, Ibn Qut. Sh. if 

to rush, hasten (intrans.), Tab. i 761". 

l\s&a reddish-brown is said in the Lisan xi 2i8 7 to be an epithet 
of wine, but in Akhtal 98* it is an epithet of a wine-jar. 

JJL J& is rarely prefixed to an indefinite Plural, e.g. i^jf JD " every 
set of gods" (=<( J4 ajjl), Bukh. iv 4 6 3 8 , 

"every family born of a noble mother," Labld Ch. 19*; but 
^Ul J^ (Ham. 346 12 , Qur'an 2 57 ) is not an instance of this, 

since ^Ut (^tS) is often construed as sing. masc. (see Tab. 
Glossary s.r. ^5$). 


is given in the Lexicons as a pi. of i^X^, but in Ibn H. 657* 
it is treated as Singular see also Dozy. 

to store up, 4-JU oj^s\, Ibn H. i38 5 (= Ibn Sa'd iv, part i, 
/4 10 ). 

brightness, radiance, Abu Nuwas (Weinlieder, ed. Ahlwardt) 
No. 4 z;. 4. 

I to attach oneself to a person (with ,Jt), Dlnaw. 2i8 15 . 

/<? bring & thing //(? contact with something else (with ace. and 
)i Ham. 8 9 13 , Naq. 319*. 

milch-camel is also used as a Collective, Ham. 7 1 2 7 , Naq. 9o 17 
(see line 14). 

is a name given to certain apocryphal books, or poems, 
containing predictions see Van Vloten, Recherches sur la 
domination arabe etc., Amsterdam, 1894, p. 56 seq., also Dlnaw. 
30 1 2 , ^^Jt o>^ U&\ fa o-i ^XJJu ^yjllt. 

J tongue of land, promontory , Bibl. geogr. viii 48 9 . 

JI, in grammar, is a sudden transition from one of the three 
persons to another, or from addressing one person to addressing 
another, Baid. i 32 27 , 544 26 . 

t *t 

a crowd of combatants, \JA*$\ ^9, Ibn H. 5i7 17 . 

to reach, come to a place (ace.), 'Alq. No. 13 v. 25 [the var. 
is to be rejected]. 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 89 


to set up in a conspicuous position, Fakhrl i66 12 , i82 l . 

to spread itself over the ground, said of a plant, Mubarrad 6 16 . 

attempt to do a thing (ace.), Ibn H. 5i 15 . 
1x5^ (= * Jbj?) makes a pi. J&^ (cf. 1*15 from JbtS), Th. u. M. 


9 12 (see the Corrigenda). 

/<? A? addressed, JoHCM dJ j!^3, Baid. i 58 3 12 . 

burn may be either transitive or intransitive, according 

to the Lisan the reading lj ,?>&> Z\ (Lisan viii 236 24 ) is found 
in Bukh iv. 462*, 464. 

J|lah-oJI or Jjla^iJt is usually a substantive, the period during which 
the moon is invisible (e.g. Bibl. geogr. viii yi 19 ), but in Akhtal $i 4 
it is employed as an adj., J>U*4-)1 j^JUbj. 

x x 

SjU provisions, necessaries, Baladh. I2; 5 , Fakhrl 274 1 in Tab. ii 
1 06 1 10 it appears to include other things besides food (^bJs). 

J6x i J J i5 x J J i 

au, Bukh. i 37 see above s.v. J^jJI. 

(sic) Species vini (Freytag from Golius) is probably a scribal 
error for ltj,Jl, see Lisan vii 276 seq. 

<3J"* <3j"*t> Mubarrad 241', is described by Dozy as "VIII " instead of 
"VII," and translated "dechirer" instead of "etre dechire"" 
[in this verse t^LH ^^ evidently means " in spite of their 
claws "]. 

90 J 

. .>.o *-~~* coarse cloth, Agh. ii 33 13 , pi. *-$*** applied to mourning 
raiment, Tab. iii 525^ also to the garb of religious devotees or 

o of- 

ascetics, Ibn H. 348 15 , Agh. ii 33 30 , 34 31 , similarly -U-t Agh. ii 
36 9 , and the dual in the phrase ^a* >.><,.) i an ascetic, Ibn H. 

skin is used not only in referring to beasts but also in re- 
ferring to men, e.g. ,jUJ! 4JLLt .J UUkJi O^*? Dmaw. 32 5 20 . 

f ^ X ^^ 

x x d x 

short slumber, Dmaw. i77 7 . 

I. to continue to do a thing, may be construed not only with 
a preposition (see Dozy) but also with the Imperfect, 

J ul X J 

Bukh. i 24 8 seq. 

90 A. A. BEVAN 

t*fl" to journey far ) prolong a march, Farazd. B. I44 9 . 
^-Xo u., construed with ^>fc, is /0 refrain from attacking, Ibn H. 

4i8 5 . 

is said of chains when they are used for binding 

captives, b^-oJ ^t &* iVS, Farazd. B. 97*. 
* * * ' 

JlU to *w in marriage, with two accusatives, Bukh. iii 43 17 - 

* * * 

~L ~U a. to forgive a person for a thing, with two accusatives, 
Mufassal i; 12 . 

for;?, Ibn H. 274" (Abu Dharr, 

impersonal passive, lyi* C^o "She was left a widow," 
Mubarrad 257 5 . 

Jb ykj "when he was at the point of death," Ibn H. 
359 10 (^>T! >*3 in Tab. i 1423")- 

j> adj., SJJUt iloUl^ "like a spreading rain-storm," Tab. i 903* 
(corruptly Ibn H. i4 12 ). 

:A ^ according to..., which Freytag quotes from an Arabic trans- 
lation of the New Testament, is found also in Azraqi f. 

0, sOSt s ' ' 

j^J j-j^jip dice (see Dozy) occurs in Musi. S. ii i99 14 ,j-Jtj^Jb 

cjJ i. used absolutely, /tf change one's mind, Ham. 202 18 , 244^. 
frivolous, silly (in parallelism with ^JjbUk.), Muwashsha i20 6 
[for ^**} read c 

J UJ /tf intercalate for the construction of this verb, see Ibn H. .29 18 

of intercalator, the right of fixing the intercalation, 

Azraqi I25 18 [in Ibn H. 29 12 seq. S*L*Jt is a mistake for 

3 o 

or SUoJt, pi. of ^~U intercalator, see Tab. Glossary]. 


~J -U~J a. is not only to copy in writing but also to put in writing for 
the first time, as when it is said of the Apostle John ^yJ 

Ibn H. i 49 17 . 
human race, Bibl. geogr. viii 77". 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 91 

with two accusatives, to join with someone in forgetting samz- 
, Ham. ii2 14 . 

5-l2o lit. sobbing is used by Imru'u-1-Qais (No. 36 v. 2) as an 
epithet of a wine-skin ; there is a var. U^UJ exuding moisture, 
but U.UJ is in accordance with Lisan iii 20 1 12 , Jjpt JLS 

r, o x x A J wi xx Jft i- *" 

^ A.5 U ^ lit 

wU with two accusatives, & j a person for a thing, A 

-aJt i>* ojij U "imploring his Lord (to send) the help 
which He had promised," Ibn H. 444 13 . 

J declaration, jk5Ux)l jifrtj3 ^^Xfr ^^a-j-fluJU "by declaring 

the fundamental dogmas," Baid. i 247 5 . 
, * & 
.^u f*~**j\ to scorch, metaph. to afflict, distress, Ibn H. 6 1 8 s , Muwashsha 

I20 1 

*4x* U to be near to a thing (ace.), Ibn H. 26 19 (= Tab. i 928 19 ) 

see Dozy. 

au jJsuU t^ ^f- jJaUc ^ C^O^ j^5 "Thou hast been where thou 
couldest see all this," Dlnaw. i86 3 . 

X X 

9-A3 JU /^ quarter from which a wind blows, Dlnaw. 36 16 . 


J^> J^Jt to complete a verse, Tab. ii ni3 10 . 

^ avert an evil (ace.), Ham. I4 24 : for the construction of 
wJG with two accusatives, see Aus ibn Hajar (ed. Geyer) 
No. 12 v. 29. 

, in Ibn H. 3i6 18 , seems to mean "misfortune," but the true 
reading is l\J& see Lisan i 32y 24 . 

JJb u. to bend the head down (object understood), Bukh. i 342 20 
(var. v~&* mentioned in Qastallanl) see also Tab. Glossary. 

x x 

dUtyj mouthful, Ibn H. 795 15 . 

Ox ft Ox 6 

^/^-A in the phrase S^^jb <0 C-JUb " He was one of the Emigrants," 

o'x'o ^ 
Dmaw. i49 21 , cf. ^. ; .a>.o <*J " He was one of the Companions of 

the Prophet," Baladh. iy9 9 and often elsewhere. 

* X * Of 

tjuk a. ^ <mri, said of a feud, Ham. 252^ of rumours (Ot^ot), 
Ibn H. 46 7 10 seq., /<? cease to trouble a person (with 
Ham. 266 16 . 

92 A. A. BEVAN 

^ C5 x Jx - * * . _ 

JjcA In Abu Mihjan No. 14 v. 3 the phrase Ji;>Jt JJ^A to is 
rendered by Abel " quamdiu folia (de ramis) dependebunt," see 
also the note on p. 32. But it seems to me much more probable 
that we should read JijjJt JjcA U " as long as the doves coo " 
' ), cf. 

For the use of J*XA in speaking of a large number of individuals, 
cf. jj!j, OjU etc. (Wright's Grammar, 3rd ed. i 31 B). 

in Naq. 386 3 must mean defeats, disasters, not "fugitives," as 
stated in the Glossary. 

UA u. & w<2&? <z mistake, Jj&j UA, Dlnaw. 33 3 2 , &> fail to under- 
stand a. thing (with o*)> Nold. Beitr. i86 10 . 

A* That this word may denote the chancel m a Christian church 
is well known (see Dozy), but it is also applied to the shrine in 

a heathen temple >U-dS)t C~o JX*i, Fihrist 328 3 ; since the 
passage in question is derived from an ancient Manichaean 
source this use of haikal probably goes back to the heathen 

r-JUL* or -sJUUbl myrobalanum both forms are given in the Lisan, 

but Freytag omits the former, which occurs in Bibl. geogr. 
viii 2 1 15 . 

is said to mean aloes-wood (ijit), Ibn Qut. Sh. nf 
'(= Lisan iv 45o 8 , xv 388 24 ). 

i. to provoke a blood-feud with someone (ace.), Dlnaw. 40", 
Tab. i 759 5 . 

i. to feel sure that a person will obtain something, j-oJU <*J C^AJJ 
" I was sure that he would gain the victory," Nab. No. i v. 8, 
similarly No. 20 v. 23, and also where it is a question of two 
persons, <u ^ Jpl ^ "I am not sure that he will support thee," 
Mubarrad 599 7 . 

# trustworthy authority may be used in speaking of several 
persons, SLA^ t>~J, Musi. S. i i2 26 . 

trustworthy occurs Farazd. B. 4 13 . 

Some Contributions to Arabic Lexicography 93 

(= J^j) soft clay, mud, is said in the Lisan to be an incorrect 
form (AJ>J **J), but it occurs in a verse, Agh. vii iSy 16 . 

> foliage is used metaphorically for bounty, generosity 
Ham. 1 6<j*. 

to help one another, Ibn H. 5i7 15 . 

to confer an office, a dignity etc. the tradition j^l 

U! dJUbt j*& ,Jt, cited Lisan iv 475 12 , occurs in Bukh. i 24". 

V. xx 

rank, Ibn H. 120, cf. &Jau*tyt "eminent persons," Tab. 

*ju> prose, Mufassal $6 7 , 77 12 . 

to do a thing quickly or immediately, ^U*Jjl <a-U cJ&gla, 
Agh. v is6 19 . 

^ example (Germ. Strafexempel], *& aJiaLj, Dmaw. 33 10 . 

# i= X 5 X 

situated in the interior of a country, ,^3 ^ltj Ul^ ^y) J^a^J 

I, Dmaw. 59 9 seq., JU-^Jt ^3 ^>Jliiy! ^>o " of those that 

dwell in the far North," Bibl. geogr. viii 23 13 . 

Jul x 
1&3 a parasite, hence, apparently, a very poor man, Akhtal i6i 8 

[footnote g seems to be erroneous, since the poet is referring to 
the buyer, not to the seller]. 

i|^ a. i>t*)t j**~2* ^ ^UM *j9 "They began to suggest 
various kinds of desert trees," Bukh. i 25** (= 46 14 ). 

a demon that causes madness, applied metaphorically to a swift 
camel, Yaqut i 572 7 . 

j may mean to direct one's course towards a person 
or a place (ace.), /"LJJ! ^+~* [riot ,-jJt as printed by Krehl], 


Bukh. i 3i4 6 , Ju ^->* V>^->*lj ^' ^^*P "Umm Ayyub 
and I sought out the place which his hand had touched," 
Ibn H. 33 8 15 . 



As is well known, according to Zoroaster's teaching, 
Ahura Mazda, the " Wise god," god of Heaven and of every- 
thing good, is surrounded by a host of ministering angels. 
These are called Amesha Spent as t " Immortal Holy ones," 
the later Persian Amshaspands. They are six in number. 
Their names are personifications of abstractions or virtues, 
a combination which suggests the probability of an inten- 
tional, artificial creation, while, on the other hand, they also 
are worshipped as guardians of several portions of the con- 
crete creation : flocks, fire, plants, metals, water, and the 
like. In this function, which is very prominent in later 
times, they play the part of the genii in other religions and 
exhibit various features which have a more or less primitive 

For this reason, some persons and notably L. H. Gray 
(Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft, vii, 345 ff.) have held the 
view that the material aspect is the older and that the names 
as well as the mystical meaning of those beings are a product 
of religious speculation. This opinion has been rejected by 
the majority of the scholars in Iranian philology. They do 
not seem however to have explained to full satisfaction in 
what way the material attributes have attached themselves 
to the moral hypostases. Moreover, the personality of 
several of the Amesha Spentas has a rather complicated 
character, and here again one has not completely elucidated 
what the relations are between the various aspects of those 

The object of this note therefore is to attempt to make 
a synthetic study of the character of Vohu Manah, the first 
in rank of the Amesha Spentas. 

These are the descriptions given of his character by the 
most recent authors. 

A. V. Williams Jackson (Grund. Iran. Phil., ii, p. 637) 
translates the name by " Guter Gedanke." The archangel is, 

The Character of Vohu Manah 95 

according to him, the personification of Ahura Mazda's good 
mind and divine wisdom. He is working both in God and in 
men. He is Mazda's counsellor and the supporter of his 
kingdom. Vohu Manah also presides over the assembly of 
the righteous in Paradise and welcomes there the souls of 
the elect. 

Bartholomae (Gathas des Awesta, p. 130) prefers to use 
" Guter Sinn" as a translation. His description applies 
more especially to the part played by Vohu Manah in the 
gat has. He is there not only the "good mind " but also the 
man "whose mind is good and right." Moreover the good 
mind gives the expectation of the reward. Vohu Manah 
therefore is also " remuneration, inheritance, gain, blessing, 

Moulton (Early Zoroastrianism, pp. in, 171) conceives 
otherwise the relation between Vohu Manah and Paradise. 
This Amesha Spenta is the " thought of God and of every 
good man" and consequently also "Paradise" where "the 
Best Thought dwells." The writer even thinks it fair to 
claim that Zoroaster anticipated Marlowe and Milton in the 
great doctrine that 

The mind is its own place, and in itself 
Can make a heaven of hell, a hell of heaven. 

Lawrence H. Mills (Avesta Eschatology, p. 73) gives a 
very exalted and poetical description of Vohu Manah's 
character : 

"It was a deep yearning in the universe toward all the good, making 
what was best in their sentient longings real.... It was a warm breath of 
active sympathy, a passion pervading conscious nature everywhere like a 
befriending instinct... the quiet force in the love of man for his brother...." 
Moreover, "it is an attribute and emotion of a Supreme Person ; it meant the 
deep love of Almighty God for all the righteous living under His holy eye." 

More recent writers who, however, are no specialists 
cling to the translation : "Gute Gesinnung." 

One finds it in von Schroder's Arische Religion, i, 282 
and in Orelli's Allgemeine Religionsgeschichte, ii, 156. The 
latter admits that this "Gute Gesinnung" can also apply to 
man's mind. He adds that being wise, Vohu Manah brings 

The most ancient translator of Vohu Manah's name, 
viz. Plutarch, renders it by 0eos eu 

96 A. J. CARNOY 

None of these descriptions is complete. The effort to 
show the relation between the various meanings is very 
superficial. It is not surprising therefore that the writers 
do not agree with one another. 

Prior to any enquiry one should point out that the 
various meanings of Vohu Manah may be divided into four 
groups : 

(1) The expression refers to forms of the religious spirit 
and to religion in general. 

(2) It is an equivalent of the religious man and the 
religious community. 

(3) It is a designation of Paradise. 

(4) It is the name of the tutelary genius of cattle. 
Which is the most primitive of those meanings ? Are 

they all derived from a more ancient, or in what relation do 
they stand to one another ? These are the questions which 
should be answered in the present note. 

As to the primitive meaning, it is no doubt advisable to 
take into special account the use of the term in the gathas, 
these being the most ancient Iranian text and the purest 
representative of the Zoroastrian doctrine in its prime. Some 
caution however is necessary here. The prophet in his 
preaching was the advocate of a reform. He wanted to 
substitute for the traditional beliefs of his fellow-countrymen 
a coherent system with a peculiar kind of classification of 
the religious feelings. It has often happened that reformers 
in the domain of religion or ethics borrowed their vocabulary 
from the current language of the time or from the termino- 
logy of some pre-existing creed and gave to those expressions 
a technical meaning, appreciably different from their previous 

Now, it is a fact that most of the Zoroastrian terms had 
already an ethical or religious meaning prior to Zoroaster: 
asha is the fta of the Vedas, drmatay is the Vedic aramati, 
haurvatdt is Skr. sarvatati, and so on. 

Vohu manah does not seem to have been an exception, 
since we find that Vasumanaswas the name of one of the rishis 
or priests of the Vedic period (the writer of RV. 10, 179, 3, 
according to Bohtlingk and Roth, Worterbuch, iii, 851). 
A prince of the Mahabharata was named in the same way 
(Mbh. 2, 323 ; 3, 8504 12, 2536 sqq.\ It seems therefore 

The Character of Vohu Manah 97 

that we have to do with a ready-made expression in India. 
Now, this compound may safely be brought back to Aryan 
times if one accepts the very probable conjecture of Weiss- 
bach, who reads in the inscription on the grave of Darius : 
[ V\aumani$a. This name is in perfect parallelism to Haxa- 
manis, name of the ancestor of the great Achaemenian 
dynasty. Haxamanis means "with friendly mind," while 
Vaumanis is "with a good mind." 

The use of manah in the compound Haxamanis, which 
is obviously more moral than intellectual, induces us to in- 
terpret it in the same manner in Vaumanis and in Vohu 

The meaning therefore cannot have been very different 
from that of the parallel Greek adjective: ev/ie^s, "well- 
disposed, favourable, gracious 1 ." 

The word manas in Sanskrit also has the meaning of 
"mood, disposition of mind" besides that of "mind." 

We therefore shall not considerably diverge from the 
truth if we assume that Skr. vasumanas, A. Pers. vaumanis, 
had the meaning of " well-disposed, favourable." Av. Vohu 
manah consequently expressed a favourable disposition of 
mind, which according to the case may have come fairly 
near to our concepts of "good will, benevolence, honesty, 
solicitude, kindness," and perhaps even "good cheer." 

That meaning is not only general but sentimental. It 
refers to the kind of disposition one likes to meet in a person. 
For a moral adviser or a preacher it will therefore be the 
state of mind which prepares a man for the acceptance of 
the teaching, for the practice of the doctrine, for the 
development of spiritual life. 

It is not difficult to explain how a term of that kind when 
it is adopted by the language of a religion may come to 
designate a very important element in the conversion and 
the virtuous life of a believer. And therefore much in the 
same way as, in Christian language, the "sons of grace" 
are the righteous and the believers, the Zoroastrians are the 
men of Vohu manah and Vohu manah comes very near to 
the concept of spirituality and "religion." 

This explains that through a metonymy, Vohu manah 

1 The parallel holds true whether the first element is esus as Boisacq 
contends (Diet. Et. Gr., 298) or vesus as most etymologists take it. 

B. p. v. 7 

98 A. J. CARNOY 

in the Avesta is found for asavan "faithful" or for the 
" community of the faithful." So in the gathds (Y. 45. 4), 
Ahura Mazda is called the father of the "industrious Vohu 

As Bartholomae (Gathas, p. 74) points out, industrious- 
ness normally applies in \hegdtkas to the husbandmen who 
practise the religion preached by Zoroaster. So he trans- 
lates "des feldantreibenden frommen Volks." The "pious 
people " are thus symbolised here by the abstract expression : 
Vohu manak, "religion, piety." 

We should not hesitate therefore to translate, in some 
curious passages of the Vendidad, Vohu manah simply by 
"the faithful." So in Vd. xix, 20: "Ahura Mazda, thou 
art never asleep, never intoxicated ; Vohu manah is being 
directly defiled, Vohu manah is being indirectly defiled ; the 
daevas (daemons) defile him through the bodies smitten by 
them, let Vohu manah be made clean." 

In Vd. xix, 23 the description of the purification is given: 

Thus Vohu manah shall be made clean, and clean shall be the man. 
Then he shall take up Vohu manah with his left arm and his right... and 
thou shalt lay down Vohu manah under the light made by the mighty gods, 
by the light of the stars made by the gods, until nine nights have passed 

Vd. xix, 25 : 

Thus can Vohu manah be cleansed. Thus can the man be cleansed. 
He shall take up Vohu manah with the right arm and the left, with the left 
arm and the right, Vohu Manah shall say aloud: Glory be to Ahura Mazda, 
Glory be to the Amesha Spentas, Glory be to all the faithful. 

Various commentators, as Darmesteter and Gray, think 
that in one or two instances Vohu manah should be under- 
stood here as meaning "cloth," i.e. "cloth made out of the 
skin of oxen." I cannot convince myself that it is possible 
to give two so very different meanings to Vohu manah in 
one and the same passage. Now, it cannot be doubted that 
in more than one place, it refers to a man. So, Wolf is quite 
right to render here Vohu manah by "der Gut(ge)sinn(te) 1 ," 
but, of course, one should understand that it is the man 
imbued with what is called Vohu manah, "Guter Sinn" in 
the Zoroastrian religion, i.e. "a good religious disposition," 
and consequently "a faithful, a religious man," and more 
especially in this passage "a penitent." 

1 Auesta, p. 430. 

The Character of Vohu Manah 99 

There is a striking proof of the broadness of this concept 
when applied to a man with religious or simply honest and 
good feelings. The indefinite pronoun in Pahlavi (vahman) 
and Persian (oW), as Salemann very sensibly points out 

(Grund. Iran. Phil, i, i, p. 294), is nothing but the word 
Vohu manah, which has undergone the degradation of 
meaning inflicted upon bonhomme and brave homme in 
French ("un bonhomme quelconque," "quelque brave 
homme du pays," etc.) and upon " Christian" in Russ. 
KpecTLHHHH'L " peasant." Vohu manah has even gone 
further, since it has come to mean "the first comer, some 

A very different branching in the semasiological evolu- 
tion of Vohu manah is that which brought it to designate 
the greatest good of man, the possession of Paradise. 

A passage of the Dlnkart (ix, 32, IT) shows that even 
in Sasanian times the clue to that surprising development 
was not entirely lost. It is said there that Vahman ( = Vohu 
manah) is the person's formation of the righteous and laud- 
able desire for wealth and other temporal blessings. 

Now this connection between an honest or religious 
disposition and the securing of a great reward is in com- 
plete agreement with the doctrine and the spirit of the 
gathas. Even there, there is a constant and intentional 
ambiguity about the nature of the reward. A spiritual or 
moral blessing, a joy of the soul was no doubt meant, and 
the wise and the mystic understood it so, but the obvious 
and prima facie meaning is more material, and the prophet 
did not object to the majority of his followers understanding 
that an honest and pious life was the surest means of securing 

The happiness of the blest is designated by : 

xsaQrzm istois, "kingdom of wealth" (Y. 51, 2); 

xsaOwm savahho, " kingdom of the useful " (ib.) ; 

xsaOrzm haurvatato, " kingdom of prosperity" (Y. 34, i); 

rayo asls, " reward of wealth " (Y. 43, i). 

One also finds: xsaQrzm magahya (Y. 51, 15) which 
Bartholomae rather awkwardly translates by "was Zara- 
0ustra den Biindlern als Lohn in Aussicht gestellt." I have 
endeavoured in Muse 1 on 1908, p. 132, to demonstrate by a 
comparison of passages that maga also means " wealth " so 


ioo A. J. CARNOY 

that " xsaQrzm magahya" is a synonym of the other ex- 

Now, one also finds those expressions of wealth and joy 
associated with Vohu Manah'. 

vanhdus gaem mananho, "the life of V. M." (Y. 43, i); 

m. v. x v l>nvat hahhuS, "the great gain of V. M." (Y. 53, 4); 

v. m. a&s, "the reward of V. M." (Y. 33, 13); 

v. m. vyam, " the share of V. M." (Y. 48, 7) ; 

v. m. ayapta, "the delights of V. M." (Y. 28, 

v. m. maya, "the blessings of V. M." (Y. 43, 2 

And again: v. m. magai(\. 51, 1 1) which means "wealth 
of V. M.," if our interpretation is right. 

Moreover the great kingdom of happiness of wealth, 
which the faithful strive and long for, the xsaQra vairya 
"desirable kingdom," is often called "kingdom of Vohu 
Manah" (Y. 46, 80, Y. 34, n) or "the house of Vohu 
Manah" (Y. 30, 10), or "the pasture of V. M." (Y. 33, 3). 

An indication as to the reason why this great reward is 
called in that way is provided by Y. 33, 13 : "Mayest Thou, 
O Ahura, grant me as the reward of Vohu Manah (i.e. ' of 
my religious, honest disposition' or 'of my good conscience') 
the incomparable blessings of Thy Kingdom." 

This Vohu Manah of hereafter is simply the perpetua- 
tion of the Vohu Manah of this world. One wishes both 
together: "Ahura Mazdah shall grant to her soul the 
glorious heritage of Vohu Manah for all times " is the wish 
of Jamaspa for his bride Pourulista, the younger daughter 
of Zoroaster (Y. 53, 4). One is told very definitely in Y. 34, 
13 that the way to that felicity is on "the road of V. M. 
(good thought, piety, honesty) built by Asha (right) on 
which the souls of the future prophets shall go to the 

Now the heavenly happiness is also designated by the 
superlative Vahista Manah "the best mind, best disposition," 
and notably in the very important passage of the gat has 
where the prophet makes a definite statement of a dualistic 
character about the part played by the good and the wicked 
Spirit at the beginning and at the end of things : "And when 
both those Spirits came together, they established for the 
first time Life and Destruction and it was decided that at 
the end of things the tenants of the Drug (Spirit of Deceit) 

The Character of Vohu Manah 101 

shall receive the worst existence, while the followers of 
Asha (right) will secure Vahista Manah (best mind, best 
disposition) " (Y. 30, 4). 

Bartholomae ventures to propose for this passage a 
rendering of manah by "Aufenthalt, Wohnstatt," which is 
quite unjustifiable. One could only accept that signification 
if it were attested by other passages or if the well-established 
meaning "mind, disposition" could not possibly fit in the 
text. Now, in the only other passage where manah is re- 
ported by Bartholomae as meaning " dwelling" (Y. 34, 8), 
the good reward of the righteous is also meant. On the 
other hand, in Y. 30, 4, manah is in parallelism with anhu 
"existence," a circumstance which induces us to regard 
manah as meaning " mind " rather than " dwelling." 

Vahista Manah and Vohu Manah refer to the same 
Heavenly felicity and there is no reason why we should 
consider them as two different words. Besides, in the verse 
following the famous statement Zoroaster himself gives an 
interpretation of the expression Vahista Manah'. " Of both 
those spirits," says he, " the deceitful one made choice of 
the deeds of the worst spirit, while the best spirit clung to 
Justice, he whose dress is the firmament, and like him did 
all those who are prone to please Ahura Mazda by righteous 
actions" (Y. 30, 5). Although "best spirit" in this text is 
a rendering of spdnisto mainyus and not of Vahistdm mano, 
it is clear that one has to do with the same kind of ideas, 
i.e. a contrast between the best inspiration (in the latter 
case it is the spirit of God) and the worst which has as a 
counterpart the opposition between the best existence and 
the worst, i.e. the reward of Vohu Manah, "best mind" or 
the punishment of Aka Manah, "evil mind." 

This word Vahistdm, abbreviation of VahiStrm mano or 
Vahisto ankus, introduced by the Zoroastrians, substituted 
itself gradually for other more ancient names, such as garon- 
mana "house of praise," "house of hymns " ^(Gathic^rJ 
tbmana), which still survives in Persian : O^J>^. 

Vahistdm also penetrated into the vernacular. It is the 
source of Pers. ^^. In this word the first i is due to an 

assimilation. In Kurdish one has the normal form : c 
(Horn. N. Pers. Etym. 246). 


While we thus have accounted for three of the meanings 
of VokuManah, "religion," "faithful," " Paradise," we have 
not attempted to discover how this moral entity has come to 
be regarded as the tutelary genius of cattle. 

Two circumstances have eventually contributed to that 
surprising development. 

First, it is a well-known fact that in Central Asia, w r ealth 
consisted almost entirely in cattle. One was confronted there 
with a situation similar to that which is revealed for ancient 
Europe by the fact that Lat. pecunia, Engl. fee, referring to 
money, are akin to Lat. pecus, Germ. Vieh. Since the pos- 
session of wealth at least by the majority of the faithful- 
was regarded as the corollary and the reward of a good 
conscience, of an honest disposition of mind and of the con- 
version to Zoroastrian principles, it was unavoidable that 
such possession in the imagination of those simple faithful 
should take the form of large flocks of cattle. A passage 
like Y. 44, 6 is very characteristic of such a state of mind : 
" Is it through Thee, that the kingdom (of wealth) will be 
granted ? O Vohu Manah, for whom hast thou created 
cattle, the profitable one ? " 

The prophet who knew the minds of his men constantly 
uses metaphors in which salvation and felicity is symbolised 
by oxen : " To anyone who deserves the reward of the life 
hereafter let it be granted, beside the fulfilment of all his 
desires, to possess the ox (or cow?) Azi!" (Y. 46, 19). 
Paradise is compared by the Iranians, not to a field of 
asphodels, but to a pasture. In that pasture felicity dwells 
in the form of an ox. In the language of Zoroaster such 
expressions have a mystical meaning, as, for instance, in 
Y. 47, 3 : "Thou art the Holy Father of the Spirit that 
has created for us the Ox, bringer A of blessings. Armatay 
is his pasture giving him peace." Armatay is the spirit of 
peace, order and moderation. For the people it is also "the 
great passive one," i.e. "the earth." The initiated will there- 
fore understand that the felicity of the elect will be enjoyed 
in a well-harmonized conscience and in a pacified soul. The 
majority of the faithful will consider the same words as a 
promise of much wealth and notably of cattle in a better 

The paradise of Vohu Manah is also the paradise of 

The Character of Vohu Manah 103 

Wealth, i.e. the paradise of Cattle. Vohu Manah brings 
wealth, i.e. he brings cattle. Beside this reason of a general 
character why Vohu Manah was predestined to become the 
genius of cattle, there was another, more special to Zoro- 
astrianism and which, no doubt, was the more important. 

By his preaching, the prophet aimed not only at convert- 
ing his fellow-countrymen to religious conceptions superior 
to the polytheistic beliefs of the I ndo- Iranians. He not only 
endeavoured to eradicate from the worship the use of the 
intoxicating drink haoma ( = Skr. somd), the slaughtering of 
cattle, and various superstitious practices related to the cult 
of the daevas. He also made an effort to induce his people 
to give up nomadic existence and form settled communities. 

The Aryans on their way to Central Asia and to India 
had to cross wide stretches of steppes and deserts which 
have always been occupied by nomads. No doubt, they 
themselves lived that kind of existence during some time. 

When they penetrated into the most fertile grounds of 
Iran and Punjab they gradually took to agriculture. It is 
clear that, whether it was in Bactria or elsewhere, the pro- 
phet found himself in a community living in a stage of tran- 
sition. In his mind, ethics and religion cannot be associated 
with the adventurous, irregular life of the nomadic tribes, 
living only too often at the expense of more sedentary people, 
who are the victims of their predatory spirit. Morality and 
religion for a Zoroastrian is a question of good sense and 
sound intelligence. The same soundness of mind should 
bring a man to understand his own interests and exchange 
a precarious existence for a well-organised life. It should 
especially bring him to take good care of his cattle, his main 
source of income. He should not slaughter them wantonly 
or for gorgeous sacrifices as were doing the superstitious 
cowboys of the steppes. 

The respect for cattle associated the more naturally with 
religion, since for the I ndo- Iranians, the cow was conceived 
as a gift of the gods, as a divine being. Good care of cattle 
can therefore easily be regarded as an act of piety. At any 
rate, in the eyes of Zoroaster the sound mentality which 
leads to a religious conversion also brings a man to be 
careful in his daily life and kind to all the creatures of Ahura 

104 A. J. CARNOY 

So in Y. 31, i o the industrious toiler in the fields is said 
to be the " practiser of Vohu Manah " (good sense). 

In Y. 43, 6 we read that thanks to the influence of Vohu 
Manah, the house and the fields of the Zoroastrian will 
receive the blessings due to the Righteous. 

In Y. 34, 3 the prophet declares that he offers a sacrifice 
to Ahura Mazda and to Asha (Justice) in order that they, 
through Vohu Manah (good mind), may bring to perfection 
all beings in the kingdom (or the district of the faithful). 

The " Good Mind " is thus favourable to all beings, 
men and cattle. It will deter from any maltreatment of the 
animals, and thus in Vend. 4, 48, the question is asked : 
"And who of two men has best understood the ' Good Mind ' ? 
He who fills up his stomach with meat or he who doth 
not so ? " 

This text, of course, belongs to the later Avesta, i.e. to 
a time when the relation of Vohu Manah to cattle was quite 
established. The following passage of fa&gdthds is, how- 
ever, hardly less explicit : " He who has friendly feelings 
for the Righteous or... who is full of solicitude for cattle, 
will have his place in the pastures of Righteousness (Asha] 
and of the Good Mind (Vohu Manah)" (Y. 33, 3). Justice 
for men and "good mind" (solicitude, honesty, kindness) 
for the animals are therefore represented there as the two 
cardinal virtues of the Zoroastrians. 

These quotations will suffice to show that a definite con- 
nection existed between Vohu Manah and cattle from the 
earliest period of Zoroastrianism. There is, however, some 
distance between a connection of that kind and the functions 
of a genius of cattle. 

Now, there is a gap of the same kind between the 
material attributes of all the Amesha Spentas and their moral 
characteristics, viz. between Asha (justice) and Fire, XsaOra 
(kingdom) and metals, Armatay (devotion, harmony) and 
Earth, Harvatdt (prosperity) and waters, Ameretatdt (im- 
mortality) and plants. For all of them, there are circum- 
stances which prepared the attribution, but in all cases there 
is an element of artificiality which shows that the apportion- 
ment of the elements of the good creation under the Amesha 
Spentas has been to a certain extent systematic and inten- 
tional. It is probably a result of the tendency betrayed by 

The Character of Vohu Manah 105 

Zoroaster in his teachings, to cover ancient, naturalistic 
ideas or deities by conceptions of his own of a moral and 
spiritual character. The Amesha Spentas constitute a group 
of hypostases which has its full value in Zoroastrian mysticism, 
independently of their relation to fire, metals and the like. 
But there was some connection between those elements and 
those abstract deities. It was therefore easy and advisable 
to introduce them instead of various nature daemons which 
the people could not do without. 

This is probably the element of truth contained in the 
thesis of L. H. Gray, which has been rejected because it 
was impossible to admit that Asha, Vohu Manah and the 
like should be regarded as mere spiritualisations of genii. 
The conclusion of this study is rather that the various mean- 
ings and functions of Vohu Manah can best be accounted 
for, if one starts from the meaning of this conception in its 
moral aspect. It is an abstract notion which has degraded 
itself to very concrete realities through a process which it 

is possible to follow in its various directions. 



Lou VAIN, May 1920. 


Lors de ma premiere visite a Constantinople, il y a pas 
mal d'annees, je re^us en present de deux jeunes savants 
turcs 1 quelques livres, parmi lesquels se trouvait un char- 
mant calendrier, ecrit en noir, carmin, orange et or, a 
encadrements d'or. Ce calendrier etait tout moderne : il est 
de 1'an 1293 de 1'hegire, 1876 du Christ; mais malgre sa 
date recente, il est compose selon 1'ancien systeme, et il 
faut pour le commenter avoir recours aux vieux auteurs 
comme Birouni, Tousi ou Kazwini. L'etude en est du reste, 
on peut le dire, assez amusante, car la langue ou s'amalga- 
ment etroitement des mots arabes, turcs et persans, presente 
des difficultes varie"es, que je ne me flatte meme pas d'avoir 
toutes resolues. Je vais dans une premiere section m'occuper 
de la partie proprement astronomique ; dans la seconde 
j'etudierai les donnees relatives aux fetes, a 1'agriculture et a 
la me'teorologie. 


Le titre g^n^ral du Calendrier est : Djadwal-i-maSrifat 
i tahwtli sdli l dlemi u tawdrikh i mechhoureh ; table pour la 
connaissance du cours de Tan du monde, avec les dates 
populaires. Les deux premieres pages renferment un court 
preambule sur les concordances de dates, 1'eloge du sultan, 
etc., et deux tableaux. Ce calendrier, est-il dit dans le 
preambule, est celui de 1'annee 1293 de 1'hegire (regne 
d' Abdul- Aziz) ; il commence au Naurouz le 24 de Safar le 
bon, le lundi a i heure 47 minutes 42 secondes, moment ou 
le Soleil eclaireur et soutien du monde (j*&v** j*^ >*-) passe 
au point equinoxial du printemps. C'est le naurouz Soultdni 

1 Ces savants etaient : Salih Zeky Bey, directeur de 1'Observatoire 
Imperial de Pera, qui collabora avec moi a 1'edition des Pneumatiques de 
Philon de Byzance; il devint recteur du Galata Serai'; et Riza Tewftk 
surnomme "le philosophe, el-fdilasouf qui joua un role important dans la 
re'volution turque, fut depute d'Andrinople, devint plus tard ministre de 
Plnstruction publique et fit partie a la fin de la derniere guerre, de la 
delegation turque pour la paix. II a public deux importants traite's de 
philosophic moderne en turc : le Kamous falsa/ah, Stamboul, 1330 et le 
Falsafah dersleri^ Stamboul, 1335. 

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 107 

dans 1'annee naturelle, et le jour y est gal a la nuit pour 
tous les pays. Cette date correspond a 1'an 2187 d' Alexandre, 
a 1876 de la naissance du Christ, 8 du mois d'Azdr (le 8 
Mars Julien), a Tan copte de Diocle'tien 1 1592, le 12 du 
mois de Bermehdt, a 1'an 798 de Djelal ed-Din le Seldjou- 
kide 2 , i er du mois de Ferverdin, et c'est 1'annee 1254 de 1'ere 
solaire de I'he'gire, 1293 etant la date lunaire 3 . 

Suivent deux tableaux accoles de 1 2 cases chacun, deux 
Carre's divises par les diagonales et des quarts de cercles 
dans les angles. Celui de gauche est un theme astrono- 
mique, ou figurent les signes du Zodiaque avec leurs noms 
arabes ordinaires, et les noms des planetes et de quelques 
etoiles, accompagnes de chiffres. Le titre de ce tableau est : 
" Table de 1'horoscope (tdli'Y de 1'annee du monde pour 
Fhorizon de Constantinople." 

A droite, le titre est: " Table de 1'annee turque, *-5!j 
<j\=>jj JL " ; ce second tableau indique les douze anne"es 
du cycle de 12 ans employe par les Turcs et les Mongols. 
Les annees sont ici appele"es dans leur ordre : u->> rat ; 
jl, bceuf ; ^0, leopard ; cAj^j^ lievre ; *iUyj, crocodile ; 
jU, serpent ; v ' cheval ; ^*&, mouton ; O>*> singe ; >, 
oiseau ; <Xw, chien ; ^5*-, pore. Tous ces noms sont persans 
a 1'exception de ghanem, mouton, qui est arabe, et de 
maimoun, singe, qui est turc. L'anne"e en question est la 
premiere du cycle ou l'anne"e souris 6 . 

1 Le ms. 

2 C'est 1'ere Djtlali du grand sultan seldjoukide Malek Shah, men- 
tionnee p. ex. dans le Tarikhe Gozide de Mustaufi, ed. et trad. Gantin, i, 

P- 2 33- 

3 1254 est le nombre d'annees solaires ecpulees depuis Thegire. Sur les 
concordances de calendriers on peut voir Emile Lacoine, Tables de con- 
cordance des dates des calendriers , etc. Paris, 1891. 

4 Horoscope est le mot qui correspond a Tar. /#//"*, ascendens, deja dans 
les anciens traducteurs. V. p. ex. Die Astron. Tafeln des Muh. ibn Mdsd 
al-Khwdrizmt, texte latin d'Athelard de Bath, trad, et comm. en allemand 
de H. Suter, Copenhague, 1914, p. 100. L'ascendant est le point de 
1'ecliptique qui se leve a 1'horizon en un moment determine. 

5 On connait ce cycle turco-mongol des animaux. Birouni le donne en 
1'appliquant, non aux annees, mais aux mois ; le mois pars, panthere, est 
Kanoun I er ' 1'ordre est d'ailleurs le meme. Le ms. arabe 2570 de la 
bibliotheque nationale, qui est un calendrier de 1'an 983 H.(i575), aun 
tableau a 12 cases analogue au notre ou les noms des animaux sont ecrits 
en triple: turc, arabe et persan. Ces donne'es sont interessantes pour la 


Le calendrier lui-meme se compose de 1 3 pages divisees 
en 6 colonnes. La premiere contient les donnees sur la 
situation et la marche des planetes (Soleil et Lune compris), 
et les autres donnees dont nous nous occupons dans la sec- 
tion II. La seconde colonne renferme le nom des jours en 
turc ; la troisieme et la quatrieme, les quantiemes des mpis 
arabes et roumis. La derniere est la colonne des ikhtiydrdt, 
dont nous dirons seulement un mot a la fin. 

Les etoiles ou asterisques cites, soit dans le pre"ambule et 
rhoroscope, soit dans la premiere colonne du calendrier, 
sont la Tete et la Queue [du Dragon], les Cha'ari du Sud 1 , 
les Pleiades, les Etoiles sahm es-se'ddeh et sahm el-ghaib, et 
deux astres de"signe"s par les noms de o^ et J^>*. Ne 

philologie turque, et on a deja etudie la liste d'al-Birouni (Chronology ', trad. 
Sachau, p. 83, et v. la note). Nous dressons ici la liste des 12 animaux 
en mongol, d'apres Birouni, et d'apres le ms. 2570 (B), en comparant les 
noms aux formes du turc oriental et du turc osmanli. Les formes mongoles 
sont tirees du Dictionnaire de T. J. Schmidt, Mongolisch-Deutsch-Russisches 
Worterbuch, St Petersburg et Leipzig, 1835: 

(1) Mong. Cholokane, la souris ; Bir. Sijkan\ ms. B. stdjdn; T. osm. 

(2) Mong. Ukar, le boeuf; Bir. Od\ B.jJco; T. osm. eukm. 

(3) Mong. Pars, letigre; >\i.pdrs\ B. pars. Ce nom est place ici dans 
la liste des mots turcs, bien que les dictionnaires donnent pars comme 
persan, avec le sens de panthere. Le. ms. B a pour correspondant persan 
debars, youz, panthere ; et en effet au mot youz, Viillers dit que pars en est 
le correspondant turc. 

(4) Mong. Tavola'i, le lievre gris ; Bir. tafshikhdn; B. taouchdn, ^lij^ ; 
T. or. tdvouchkdn (Pavet de Courteille) avec le td a deux points; T. osm. 
tdvchdn, avec le td emphatique. 

(5) Mong. Lov, le crocodile, le dragon ; Bir. lu ; B. lov, ; T. or. lov, 

y> L^- 

(6) Mong. 

6) Mong. Moka'i, le serpent; Bir. yyldn\ B. yildn ; id. en T. osm., 

(7) Mong. Morin, le cheval; Bir.jjwz/; 'R.yound; T. Qsm.yonda, jument. 

(8) Mong. Chonin, la brebis; Bir. kuy\ 'B.kouyon; id. T., mouton. Au 

persan B a jUa.> ; Viillers : juUw^Js, JUA->^^, brebis. 

(9) Mong. Metsin, le babouin ; Bir. pitching T. or. et mong. bitchin, singe 
(Pavet de Courteille). B et notre ms. ont, au lieu de ce mot, maymoun, 
singe. Au persan B a hamdoun pour singe. Viillers dit que hamdounah, 
singe, est arabe d'apres S H L. 

(10) Mong. Takiy, la poule; Bir. taghuk', B. ddkouk; T. or. tdvoug, 
avec le td a deux points ; T. osm. tdvouk, avec le td emphatique. 

(n) Mong. Nogay, le chien ; Bir. it\ id. B et Turc. 
(12) Mong. Gagay,\e pore; Bir. tunguz\ B. toghouz; T.osm.donouz, pore. 
1 D'apres Freytag ^U-Jt ^jjtuJl est Sirius ou Canis Major. Id. 
Birouni, Chron. p. 261. 

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 109 

voyant pas a quoi peuvent correspondre ces noms dans 
1'ancienne astronomic, je ne doute pas que 1'auteur de 
1'almanach n'ait voulu designer par la les 2 planetes de 
Fastronomie moderne, Neptune et Uranus. II a appele* 
cette derniere Herschel, du nom de 1'astronome qui Fa 

L'almanach se sert des termes ordinaires pour dire : 
marche directe (d'une planete), marche retrograde, arret 
istikdmah, conjonction, opposition, trine, sextile, quadrature. 
II parle aussi des deux planetes heureuses, Jupiter et Ve"nus, 
sa l dm, et des deux planetes neTastes nahstin, Saturne et 
Mars; ex. CH***~' u-^J^ Ve"nus et Jupiter sont en sextile; 
O*- *-* *^p> Saturne et Mars sont en quadrature. Le mot 
charaf op\ revient souvent, indique certaines situations des 
planetes, dans lesquelles leur influence est la plus grande. 
Les astrologues le traduisent par " dignite " ou " exaltation." 
II est oppose a hobout, descente. On trouvera ces positions 
indiquees pour chaque planete dans le traite des Trente 
Chapitres, le si fail de Nasir ed-Din Tousi (chap. iS) 1 . 

Ex. dans notre calendrier: > ^& j+s ^jp, exaltation de la 
Lune a i heure 28' de la nuit. Le mot ihtirdk qui revient 
plusieurs fois, suivi d'un nom d'astre, ex. : 0^3 >j&& J>i.t, 
signifie que Fastre entre dans le rayonnement solaire qui le 
brule en quelque sorte 2 . V. aussi le si fast, meme chapitre. 
Un terme remarquable est ^^^ A^Xlo, muthellethehi 
khaki \ c'est le " triangle terrestre," Fun des 4 triangles zodia- 
caux, qui sont connus en astrologie. II est forme des trois 
signes du Zodiaque : le Taureau, la Vierge et le Capricorne. 
On lit dans le pre"ambule de notre almanach : " mutelleiehi 

1 Cf. aussi le traite d'astronomie de Muhammed ibn Mousa, cite plus 
haut (ed. Suter), pp. 103-4. 

Les heures dans notre calendrier sont des heures de jour ou de nuit, 
rouz, cheb. Probablement il s'agit d'une division du jour et de la nuit en 12 
heures de longueur variable avec les saisons. Le chiffre designant les heures 
est surmonte de Afr, et celui des minutes, de A3, sans doute les finales de 
Aclw et AA-jS^. Dans 1'astrologie contemporaine on compte les heures de 
midi a midi, les 1 2 premieres, de midi a minuit etant dites heures du soir, 
et les 1 2 autres heures du matin ; mais cela ne parait pas etre le systeme de 
notre calendrier. 

2 Dans le ms. B (2570 de la Bibl. Nat.) au f 10 v, je releve 1'ex- 
pression : Jb^JI ^3 ^.^^uJt J>j2s*~o jjlLc, qu'on peut traduire : " Mercure 
dans sa descente brule par les rayons du Soleil." 


khdkiden bordji sonbolehdeh, dans le signe de la Vierge qui 
fait partie du triangle terrestre," c'est-a-dire du groupe des 
trois signes en relation avec 1'el^ment terre 1 . 

Remarquons pour finir la prevision de 2 Eclipses: Une 
partielle le 15 Cha'b&n de 3, 36' a 5, 50', et une totale le 13 
(ou le 14) Safar de i, 31' a 5, 3'. 


Je vais maintenant traduire la premiere colonne du 
calendrier, en en otant toutes les indications astronomiques. 
II reste la mention de fetes musulmanes, chretiennes, juives, 
persanes, melees a des indications concernant la culture et 
a celles des changements climateriques. Je me bornerai a 
une seule remarque avant de commencer : On voit souvent 
paraitre dans ce calendrier le mot fourtenah, *&, vent, 
orage, tempete. Ce sont des petites tempetes qui sont 
censees se reproduire a des dates determiners ; il s'agit ici 
de pronostics. Exemples : Tempete des hirondelles ; tempete 
de la fleur ; ce sont des vents qui coincident avec 1'arrivde 
des hirondelles, qui dispersent les petales des fleurs, etc. 


Mois de Safar 1'heureux. Lundi 24. Naurouz sultdni. 
Commencement de la saison du printemps. Orage. Les 
humeurs sanguines sont en mouvement. Les reptiles 

Mois de Rebi* I er . Arrivee des milans (<3%*- v>^0- Les 
arbres deviennent touffus. Vent du commencement des 
voyages en mer. Apparition des fleurs. Chant du ros- 
signol. II est annonce" a Marie qu'elle sera enceinte du 
Messie. Nuit de la naissance du Prophete. Naurouz du 
Shah du Kharezm 2 . Orage des hirondelles (^AJ^y *^> 5 ). 
Azymes (j^^^i.) 3 . Accouplement des beliers et des brebis. 
Mois grec de Nisdn (Avril syrien). Saison des tulipes. 

1 Les 12 signes du Zodiaque sont repartis par groupes de 3, dont 
chacun est en relation avec Fun des quatre elements: terre, eau, air et feu. 
Cf. le Sifasl de Nasir ed-Din Tousi, chap. 19. 

2 Sur une reforme du calendrier du Kharezm, cf. Birouni, Chron. p. 229. 

3 La fete juive; le 15 Nisan en est le premier jour, Birouni, p. 275. 

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 1 1 r 

CEufs rouges. Tempete du Cygne (\^*3)^ ****). Eclosion 
des vers a sole (^<^ ^f-^i ^0* 

Mois de Rebi' II. Les tulipes atteignent leur per- 
fection. Naissance des abeilles. On seme le sesame et le 
coton. Les passereaux se reunissent. Crue de 1'Euphrate. 
Jour de Khidr. Orage de la fleur (^5-* *& ^^)- La force 
du printemps se termine (^ 5^3 A^). La vent d'est 
souffle. Fin des jours de pluie. Le Nil stationnaire. Mois 
de Mai (Mai's) roumi. Orage qui brise les jeunes rameaux 1 . 
Apparition des roses et des grenades 2 . Vent des faukoulieh 
(petites fleurs). Temps d'attacher (?) la vigne 3 . Orage des 
Pleiades 4 . L'eau manque a la terre. Fin des vents du 

Djoumadi I er . Ascension de Je"sus. Temps de tondre 
les agneaux. Commencement des chaleurs. Le bei'ram 


des roses. Vent d'est dit de la courge 5 . Commencement 
des vents chauds d'ete (-;t>Jl) 6 . Rarete des eaux. Frisure 
des rameaux. Le vent du nord souffle. Fete de la Pente- 
cote chez les Chretiens 7 . Saison de la rose a Damas. 
Changement de 1'eau du Nil. Saison de la moisson. Orage 
du lever des Pleiades 8 . Commencement de la r^colte du riz 
en Egypte. Le 21, on de'conseille les purgations. Hazirdn 
roumi (Juin). Le bei'ram des roses chez les Latins (J^ \J+F$ 
i^tj-o). Le vent du nord souffle. Le Nil baisse d'une 
marque 9 . 

Un peu plus loin, au mois suivant: 
brisure. Plusieurs indications dans ce calendrier sont ainsi en double. 

2 jUJL^j Jj O***~> Gulnar est la fleur du grenadier, flos mail 
punicae, mais aussi une variete de grande rose a cent feuilles (Viillers). 

l, repete ci-apres : 

Melteni) vents du nord-est qui soufflent jusqu'au coucher 
du soleil, pendant une certaine epoque, dans le Canal de Constantinople, 
et portent les noms des fruits de la saison (N. Mallouf, Diction!). 

6 Les bawarih, cf. Kazwini, el-Cazwin?s Kosmographie^ ed. Wiistenfeld, 
t. i, p. 78. 

? % Khamsin, cf. Dimichqui, Cosmographie, ed. Mehren, p. 281. 

8 Les Pleiades, T. or.jjXJjt, avec u long (Pavet de Courteille); notre 

ne marque au Nilometre noktah : ^j^J <UaiJ b^sui. Le ms. porte 
ensuite, au 29 de ce mois : commencement de la saison de Kharif, 
1'automne ; mention inadmissible et assurement deplacee. 


Djoumadi II. Vent du retour du jour 1 . Avenement 
fortune 2 de Fan 1277. Temps de greffer la feuille 3 . Com- 
mencement de la crue du Nil. Tempete de la feuille. Mort 
de Djirdjis (S. Georges). Commencement du vent pesti- 
lentiel, 53 [jours] 4 . Naissance de Jean-Baptiste ; nuit du feu 5 . 
Fin des vents chauds d'ete (bawdritt). Fete des Apotres. 
Hippocrate defend de prendre medecine 6 . Tammouz roumi 

Redjeb le noble. Le raisin rougit. Nuit des presents 
(le'iletu raghaifrf. Fin du temps pour greffer la feuille. 
Vent de la prune rouge (^^y ^t J-jp). Le beiram 
noir des Juifs 8 (^*\j*4 *j>* ^>^)> Commencement des jours 
de la Canicule (bdkhour). Jour d'Elie (^f\ jjj). Les 
dattes sont mures dans le Hedjaz. Jour de 1'ouverture 
(^.U&L,! jt>jj). Fin des jours de la Canicule. Terme de la 
force de la chaleur. Re'colte du coton en Egypte. Aout 
roumi (Agkostous). Commencement du jeune de Marie. 
Recolte du lin et du pavot (cAa> .*.). Nuit de 1'Ascension 
du Prophete (mi'rddj). Fete de la Transfiguration de Jesus 
aux yeux des Apotres (tadjalld). Saison de la recolte du 
coton 9 dans le Roum. 

Cha'ban 1'honore. Changement des feuillages. Fin des 
vents pestilentiels. Recolte du navet et legumes analogues. 
Mort de Marie. Ascension de Marie. Les cigognes s'en 
vont (JW o^*)). La chaleur commence a faiblir. Tempete 
du Mihrdjan 10 (j^^^jy oW->^). Les fruits sont murs. Nais- 
sance fortune"e en 1'an 1245. Nuit de 1'immunite (le'tla- 

1 i^Jj> O^- Ceci est deplace aussi et se retrouve au 25 Decembre, 
ail Solstice d'hiver, ou le sens est clair. Le redacteur du calendrier a du se 
servir maladroitement d'anciens textes, et ne parait pas avoir toujours 
compris ce qu'il ecrivait. 

2 Avenement du Sultan 'Abdul-'Aziz le 27 juin 1861 ; djolous humayoun. 

3 L5^J \j~6*>\ &S*) pl us li n il est question de ^^>\ ^5; en Safar. 
4 >>y MM ) ^b. V. les Dictionnaires. 

5 Le feu de la Saint-Jean. Le ms. emploie un mot persan et un mot 
turc : atesh guedjtsi. 

6 Cette de'fense est longuement commentee par Birouni, Chron. p. 261. 

7 C'est la nuit de la Conception du Prophete. Cf. M. d'Ohsson, 
Tableau gtntral de T Empire Othoman, n, 374. 

8 Probablement les trois jours tenebreux mentionnes par Birouni, du 5 
au 8 Tebeth, mais qui ne doivent pas etre ici a leur place (Chron. p. 272). 

9 Coton ; ici le turc J>o^, plus haut 1'arabe oJaS. La forme turque est 
ordinairement Jj^-ob ; on trouve aussi J>^. 

10 Sur cette celebre fete persane, v. Birouni, Chron.^ etc. 

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 1 1 3 

tu bdraaf}. Vent du passage des cailles 
^AJ^y). Temps de chatrer les beliefs 1 . Martyre de Jean 
Baptiste. Tempete du milan (^AJyjy (3%*-)- Septembre 
roumi (eyloul). Fin de la prohibition des saign^es et des 
purgations. Commencement de 1'ann^e mosai'que 5637. Le 
Nil stable. 

Ramadhan le be"ni. Naissance de Marie. Commence- 
ment de la saison d'automne. Les chataignes sont noires. 
Commencement de l'anne"e solaire 1255 de l'he"gire. Fete 
de la Croix. Beiram du Jjourdb*. La seve diminue dans 
les arbres. Orage du passage des grues et autres oiseaux 
(^AjjJj^d ^j**& ^*h ^j***)' Fete des Tabernacles 3 (cA^lS 
^tj-o). Visite de la robe bienheureuse 4 . Les feuilles com- 
mencent a tomber. Fete de la Vierge Marie (miriam ana). 
Premier jour de l'anne"e syrienne 2188. Octobre roumi 
(teckrtn ewel\ Debut des jours de pluie. Nuit de la 
decision (Le'ilet kadar). On rentre le foin et le trefle 5 . 
Fete des hirondelles 6 . Commencement des plantations. 
Fete de la rupture du jeune. Priere i, 39. 

Chewal 1'honore. Fraicheur des eaux. Tempete de la 
vendange. Jour de Timprecation (mobdhalati). L'eau du Nil 
est en defaut. Re"colte des feves. Temps de couper les 
arbres. Saison des vents violents. Vent des poissons. 
Terme de la force de Tautomne. Jour de Kasim 7 . Descente 
de la ros^e (nozoul shebnewi). Novembre roumi (techrin //). 
Le vent du Sud souffle. Les reptiles se cachent 8 . 

Mois de Dzou'l-Ka'deh. Tempete de la castration des 
beliers 9 . La seve des arbres descend. Commencement du 
jeune de la Nativite", 40 [jours] 10 . Vent du retour des 

1 L5*^ 4 "^ "-*** ^ a ^ orme ordinaire pour holier est ^5. 

2 Djourab) chaussure, bas. 

3 Celebre fete juive qui dure 7 jours. Cf. Birouni, Chron. p. 270. 

4 Khirke i se'adet, ou Khirka i chtrif, la robe du prophete, veneree le 15 
Ramadhan. II y a deux de ces robes. V. a ce sujet un long article de 
d'Ohsson, Tableau general de T Empire Othoman, n, p. 389. 

5 j>A*>t AsfJpjj O-c^- *S* '> akilour, cf. probablement ^J^jt, etre 
rassemble, entasse, T. oriental (Pavet de Courteille). 

6 Le meme en Rebi' I er . 

7 Le commencement de 1'hiver, la Saint-Demetrius, 26 Octobre 

8 Id. Kazwini, Kosmographie, i, 75. 

9 j^<u3)^s ^^313 ?*j3- Cf. ci-dessus les beliers chatres en Cha'ban. 

10 L'ancien jeune de 1'Avent; id. Kazwini, i, 75. 

B. p. v. 8 


Pleiades. Vents et tempetes. Marie entre dans le Mikrdb 1 . 
Les vents du Nord se font sentir. Fin de la chute des 
feuilles. Orage de 1'hiver rigoureux (1'hiver noir, karah kick). 
Decembre roumi (Kdnoun I er ). Les jours connus 2 , 10 [jours]. 

Dzou'l-hiddjeh le noble. Commencement des longues 
nuits (cheb yelda). Commencement des quarante 3 . Hanne 
devient enceinte de Marie. Tempete du retour du jour 4 et 
saison de 1'hiver. Derniere des longues nuits. Jour de 
terwiyah*. Jour ^'Arafah. Fete des Sacrifices; priere 
3, 28. Jours de techrik, 3 [jours]. On commence a defendre 
les saign^es et les ventouses. Janvier des Francs de 1'annee 
1877 (Kdnoun II). Fete. Tempete du grand froid de 1'hiver 
(zemhtrir\ 3 [jours]. Nuit de la Nativite de Je*sus. Le 
froid est rigoureux. Le 27, premier jour de Tan de la 
Nativite" 1877. Janvier roumi (Kdnoun II). Les reptiles 
se cachent. Les jours comptes, 10 [jours] 6 . 

Moharrem le Sacre. Fete du Bapteme de Jesus dans 
1'eau du fleuve. Jour de tdsou'd. Jour d' 'Achoura*. Force 
de 1'hiver (chiddet sermd). Fin des quarante [jours] 8 . Fte 
des Indowan. Premier des cinquante 9 . FeVrier a la franque 
(Chabdt). Accouplement des betes (izdivddj kaivandf). 
Recolte du hinne (henna]. FeVrier roumi (Cftabdi). Fete 

1 Coran, in, 32. 

2 Le Coran parle de jours connus, mtfloumat, chap, xxn, 29: " Qu'ils 
repetent a des jours fixes le nom de Dieu sur la nourriture qu'il leur a 
accorde dans leurs troupeaux." 

3 Le jeune de la Nativite pour le calendrier chretien. Cf. Kazwini, 

i, ysrOU-oujN)! jjl. 

4 ^*Aj}9 ^_5^j> O>^' Cf. le Festum coronae anni du Calendrier 
syrien dans Birouni, Chron. p. 297. Kazwini, i, 75 : Us disent que ce jour- 
la, la lumierc passe de la limite du defaut a celle de 1'exces. C'est le 17 
Kdnoun /dans Kazwini, le n Kdnoun /dans notre calendrier; exactement 
ce devrait etre au solstice d'hiver. 

5 Les jours de terwiyah, 'arafah, des victimes et de techrik, qui ont tous 
rapport aux pratiques du pelerinage, sont explique's dans Birouni, Chron. 

PP- 332-3- 

1 V. Coran, u, 199, verset cite dans Birouni, p. 333: " Rappelez le 
nom de Dieu pendant ces jours comptes." 

7 Tdsou'a et l Achoura sont deux fetes chiites, cette derniere bien 
connue. Cf. Birouni, p. 326. 

8 Id. Kazwini, i, 76. On est au 17 Janvier; le premier des 40 etait le 
9 Decembre. 

9 Le 15 Moharrem. Ces 50 jours vont jusqu'a la fin de Tanne'e solaire, 
jusqu'au Naurouz Sultani. 

Notice sur un Calendrier Turc 1 1 5 

des chandelles au Saint-S^pulcre (*uU3j* *w jut). Temps 
de planter les arbres. 

Safar 1'heureux. Accouplement des oiseaux. Grand 
jeune des Chretiens 1 . Premier brasier 2 , froid. R^colte des 
oignons. Second brasier, tiede. On seme les graines de 

poireaux (\^jj ^+**3 ^j^ 9 )- Arrived des cigognes (o*** 1 
JM). L'hiver commence -a ceder (inkisdr serma). Chtkier 
Bey ram (fete de la rupture du jeune) pour les Juifs. La 
seve des arbres recommence a couler. Troisieme brasier, 
chaud. Temps de tailler la vigne. Temps de greffer le 
roseau. Orage des jours malheureux (hosoum). Commence- 
ment du froid de la vieille 3 . Mars roumi (mart}. 

Mois de Rebi' I er . Fin du froid de la vieille. [Le 
calendrier s'arrete au 5 Re"bi' I er correspondant au 8 Mars 
roumi. II comprend une anne"e solaire.] 

La sixieme colonne donnant les Ikhtiydrdt est moins 
interessante philologiquement que la premiere que nous 
venons de traduire. Elle est aussi moins difficile. Les 
ikhtiydrdt ce sont les " choix 4 ," c'est-a-dire les choses qu'il 
est preferable de faire chaque jour, selon le sentiment des 
astrologues. Us sont exprime's en petits vers rims tres 
courts. II y a un distique en face de chaque journee. 

28 R6bi { I 


i Rebi c II 

1 Le Careme. II est denomme en persan et en arabe : j^* 

2 Djamrah. II y a trois djamrah dans les rites du pelerinage, pendant 
lesquelles on lapide Satan par le jet des pierres dans la vallee de Mina. V. 
dans Kazwini une explication bizarre de ces trois brasiers, au mois de 
Chabat (Cosmographie, i, 76). Birouni a sur le meme sujet un long 
commentaire, Chron. pp. 242-4. 

3 Bard 'adjouz ; expression connue. V. Birouni, p. 265. C'est un froid 
qui se fait sentir pendant une semaine environ, du 7 au 14 Mars de chaque 
annee (Mallouf, Diction, turc). Cf. Kazwini, i, 77 ; pour lui c'est 3 jours de 
Chabat et 4 d'Azar. Ces 7 jours ont des noms. 

4 On traduit aussi les "elections" ou les "selections." Cf. Birouni, 
p. 217. L'usage de ces "choix" ou occupations recommandees pour 
chaque jour, a subsist^ dans Pastrologie moderne. 



Traduction: Apprendre la musique; e"couter les chan- 
sons. Travaux d'or et d'argent 1 ; dorer la ceinture. 
Vendre les betes (quadrupedes) ; ne pas saigner ni purger. 
Cultiver les jardins ; fabriquer l'epe"e ou la lance. 

1 Cf. en Safar: "CEuvre de 1'Alchimiste; travaux d'or et d'argent." 



En 1897, alors que j'etais bibliothecaire au Cabinet des 
Medailles de la Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, je notai 
un dirhem frappe a Firim en Tan 367 de I'He'gire au nom 
de Roustam ibn Charwin. M. Tiesenhausen a qui j'e'crivis 
pour le signaler voulut bien me repondre par une lettre pleine 
de renseignements prdcieux et 1'envoi de feuilles detachees 
d'un ouvrage de Dorn ou il e*tait fait allusion a ce Roustam 
et a ses monnaies 1 . Je me proposal de publier ce dirhem en 
utilisant les donnes que me fournissait si liberalement le 
grand numismate russe. Mais des circonstances particulieres 
me firent abandonner la numismatique arabe et le cours de 
mes nouvelles etudes sembla ne devoir jamais m'y ramener. 
Comme a ce Roustam se rattachaient certaines particularity 
interessantes de 1'histoire de la Perse musulmane, je proposai, 
il y a quelques annees, a mon excellent eleve et ami, M. 
Henri Masse* , aujourd'hui professeur a la Faculte des Lettres 
d'Alger, de reprendre mes notes et de les completer par sa 
connaissance spe"ciale des choses persanes. II avait accepte; 
mais c'etait la guerre, il ne s'appartenait pas. II quitta Paris, 
et, plus tard d'autres travaux, d'autres preoccupations Tem- 
pecherent d'y donner suite. Avec son consentement, je vais 
essayer de traiter seul les questions que souleve cette petite 

Firlm est aujourd'hui inconnu. Mr Guy Le Strange, 
dans sa traduction du Nuzhat-al-qulub, dit : " position 
unknown 2 ." De 1'examen auquel je me suis livre' resulte 
pour moi la conviction qu'il faut 1'identifier a la ville de 
Firouzkouh situee dans le Mazanderan sur la route de 

1 Lettre du 2/14 Novembre. L'ouvrage de Dorn est intitule : Bemer- 
kungen auf Anlass einer wissenschaftlichen Reise in dem Kaukasus und de?i 
siidlichen Kilstenldndern des Kaspischen Meeres in den Jahren 1860-1861.... 
Reise nach Mazanderan St Petersburg 1895. (Pages 193 a 253: Ge- 
schichtliche Abtheilung.} 

2 The geographical part of the Nuzhat-al-qulub composed by Hamd- 
Allah Mustaivfi, 1919 (Gibb Memorial XXIII, n), p. 158. L Encyclopedic 
musulmane 1'ignore. 


Te'he'ran a Sari 1 . II serait trop long d'enume'rer ici toutes 
les raisons qui m'ont paru militer en faveur de cette identi- 
fication. Je me contenterai d'en exposer les principales. 

i. Le nom de Firim est connu d'Istakhri 2 ; mais les 
geographies poste"rieurs ne le connaissent que par lui 3 . 
Firouzkouh au contraire est inconnue a Istakhri et men- 
tionne"e par Yakout qui 1'a vue 4 . Les historiens persans et 
arabes jusqu'aux environs de 1'annee 500 mentionnent Firim, 
mais non Firouzkouh. Apres cette periode c'est 1'inverse 5 . 

2. Firim est situe" sur la route de Sari a Samnan comme 
Tindique un passage d'Ibn Isfandiyar 6 et tel est le cas pour 
Firouzkouh qui est au point de rencontre de cette route et 
de celle qui va de Teheran a Astrabad. Istakhri semble 
dire que le premier est a une etape, *X-j-<>, de Sariyat 
(*= Sari) et Firouzkouh est vraiment bien eloigne de Sari 
pour une seule etape, mais on sait combien ce mot arabe 

1 Sur cette ville, voir Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire geographique de 
la Perse s.v. et, outre les auteurs qu'il cite, Napier dans Proceedings of the 
Royal Geographical Society, vol. xi, Session 1875-6. London 1876, p. 166 
(carte, p. 62) ; Melgunof, Das sudliche Uferdes Kaspischen Meeres. Leipzig 
1868, index et carte, et la carte de 1'Etat-Major russe : Karta Persii se 

pogranitchnymi tchastiami aziiatsko'i Tourtsu....T\^.\.s 1886, feuille A viii, 
Astrabad. 1} Encyclopedia musulmane ignore egalement cette ville, ne 
parlant que de celle qui porte le meme nom en Afghanistan. 

2 Ed. de Goeje (Bibliotheca geographorum arab. i, Leyde 1870), 205 et 
207 b. 

3 Yakout mou'djam al bouldan, ed. Wiistenfeld m, Leipzig 1868, p. 890. 

L'editeur ecrit^j^, mais le redoublement du j n'est pas indique dans le 
texte, ni dans les notes du tome v. Je maintiens done, jusqu'a preuve con- 
traire, 1'orthographe Firim. Les geographies qui, comme Idrisi, ne citent 
pas Istakhri, le copient cependant. Ibn al-Athir, contemporain de Yakout, 
le nomme jusqu'en 407, evidemment d'apres des sources anciennes (ed. 
Tornberg, Leyde 1863, ix, 187, 1. 17). 

4 Op. cit. ibid. 930, 1. 7 ; Vytj peut se rapporter a Wai'mat qu'il situe 
au bas de Firouzkouh. 

6 Je dois cependant noter deux exceptions. D'une part Ibn Isfandiyar 
parle de Firouzkouh vers Tannee 250 (trad. Browne dans Gibb Memorial 
II, p. 165); d'autre part Melgunof (op. cit. p. 59) mentionne Firim en 607, 
mais sans aucune reference. Ibn al-Athir ne connait que le Firouzkouh 
d' Afghanistan. 

6 Op. cit. p. 142. 'Ala ad-daulat 'Ali est envoye par son pere a Isfahan 
et celui-ci 1'accompagne de Sari jusqu'a Firim et lui fait prendre la route 
par Asran et Samnan. Ce detail s'applique fort bien a Firouzkouh. 

Les Ispehbeds de Firim 1 19 

est dastique ; d'ailleurs le texte est ambigu et semble plutot 
se rapporter a la ville e"nigmatique de Samhar(?) 1 . 

3. Firim est situee entre Sari et Te'he'ran, comme on 
peut le conclure d'un episode de 1'histoire des Samanides 
qui nous est cont diversement par trois auteurs ; ce qui nous 
permet plusieurs identifications interessantes. Rappelons 
d'abord que Firim e"tait, a ce que nous dit Istakhri, dans les 
montagnes de Karin et qu'elle etait la capitale de la famille 
de Karin 2 . Ibn al-Athir, en 1'annee 314, nous dit que 1'emir 
Samanide Nasr ibn Ahmad est appele par le khalife al- 
Mouktadir au gouvernement de Ray et passe par les 
montagnes. II arrive a la montagne de Karin, et la, Abou 
Nasr at-Tabari lui barre la route ; il lui faut negocier et ce 
n'est que moyennant 30,000 dinars qu'il peut passer 3 . Yikout 
est plus detaille : "Saniz, dit-il, est un village de la montagne 
de Chahriyar dans le Deilem, d'ou vient le nom de Sanizi 
donne a Abou Nasr un des partisans de Charwin fils de 

Roustam, fils de Karin, roi du Deilem Quand Nasr ibn 

Ahmad le Samanide se dirigea sur Ray, il passa par la 

montagne de Chahriyar 4 Abou Nasr 1'assiegea dans un 

endroit appel Hazar Guiri pendant quatre mois sans qu'il 
put ni avancer ni reculer jusqu'au jour ou il lui paya trente 
mille dinars ; alors il eut le passage libre 5 ." De la com- 
paraison de ces deux textes, il resulte que la montagne de 
Karin s'appelait aussi montagne de Chahriyar. L'un et 
1'autre nom, mais surtout le second, sont mentionnes par 
Ibn Isfandiyar (voir 1'index). Charwin fils de Roustam, fils 
de Karin etait maitre de cette montagne, done de Firim, 
en 314. C'est en effet, d'apres les listes dressees par Dorn 6 

1 Op. cit. 205, 1. ii et note i. Sur les variantes de ce second nom cf. 
aussi 207 note b. 

2 Ibid. ibid. 1. 10 a 12 ^*~ j> ->oJ Oj^ 
^^yCX-e o^voApl^^o^-Ao- O}A 5*5 *>j* (var. 

3 Ed. Tornberg, vm, 121. 

4 Le texte est altere ; cf. la note de Wiistenfeld, v, p. 236 ; Barbier de 
Meynard, diet, gtogr. Sanir a supprime trois mots embarrassants. La 
correction de Wiistenfeld n'ameliore rien ; mais je n'ai pas mieux & 
proposer. 5 Op. cit. in, 23, J-JL> . 

6 Op. cit. p. 231. Cf. Melgunof, op. cit. p. 49; Ibn Isfandiyar (trad. 
Browne), index. Ajouter p. 209 ou il faut ainsi corriger "Rustam b. 
Sharwin" du texte, et retrancher p. 237 ou il n'est question que de 
" Sharwin b. Surkhab." 


un des rois de la premiere dynastie des Bawendides qui dut 
re"gner entre 302 et 337* et qui est precise"ment le pere de 
notre Roustam. Hazar Guiri, par la comparaison de deux 
passages d'Ibn Isfandiyar 2 s'identifie a Hazar Djarib, nom 
donne aux montagnes qui ferment la route de Sari a 
Firouzkouh 3 . II suit de la que le Samanide, venant d' Astra- 
bad, avait long la Caspienne jusqu'a Siri et pris de la la 
route des montagnes vers Ray, dont le site est proche de 
Te'he'ran moderne. Les montagnes de Chahriyar ou de 
Karin sont done celles qui, au Nord de Firouzkouh, forment 
une chaine assez escarpee orientee du Sud-Est au Nord- 

Enfin Ibn Isfandiyar nous dit que le Samanide marche 
de Boukhara avec 30,000 hommes pour conquerir le Taba- 
ristan et 1'Irak et entre dans les montagnes du Tabaristan. 
Abou Nasr etait gouverneur des montagnes de Chahriyar ; 
il bloque les routes. Le Samanide est oblige d'implorer le 
Sayyid (alide) Hasan qui lui envoie deux ambassadeurs. 
Ceux-ci moyennant 20,000 dinars le liberent a la condition 
qu'il retourne dans le Khorasan 4 . La route de Boukhara a 
Ray passe par Astrabad et cela confirme ce que nous venons 
de dire plus haut. Toutefois il est possible que le Samanide 
soit alle directement sur Firouzkouh par les montagnes sans 
longer la Caspienne. Dans ce cas il ne rencontrerait pas 
sur son chemin Hazar Djarib, ou bien il faudrait supposer 
qu'a cette epoque ce dernier nom s'etendait plus au Sud 
jusqu'au centre des montagnes par ou passe la route 
directe: Astrabad Firouzkouh Teheran. Les montagnes 
de Chahriyar seraient alors non plus au Nord, mais a 1'Est 
de Firouzkouh. On peut hesiter entre les deux trajets. Le 
premier me parait mieux repondre a la carte moderne. 

^4. Dans plusieurs passages d'Ibn Isfandiyar, Chahriyar- 
kouh (montagne de Chahriyar) parait designer une ville 
qui ne saurait etre que Firim ; par exemple il ^numere 

1 Schefer, Ch restomathie persane (Public, de Vticole des Langues Orientales 
vivantes, 2 e serie, vm), tome n, p. 194, note i. 
Pp. 185 et 238. 

3 II me semble que les cartes les placent beaucoup trop a 1'est. 
Melgunof (op. cit. p. 150) dit que le district de ce nom comprend 'Aliabad, 
qui est precisement le point ou la route de Sari commence a penetrer dans 
les gorges du Talar. 

4 Op. cit. p. 213. 

Les Ispehbeds de Firim 1 2 1 

(p. 240) : Damghan, Chahriyarkouh, Damawand et Kazwin. 
Ce sont a n'en pas douter des noms de ville. Or il dit 
(p. 95) que Firim est appel " Kuh-i-Karin" ce qui 1'iden- 
tifie, comme nous Taverns vu, a Chahriyarkouh. L'echange 
de ces noms de Chahriyar et de Karin rend vraisemblable 
la substitution a 1'un et a 1'autre de Firouz dans la com- 
position du nom moderne de la ville. Peut-etre aussi y a- 
t-il eu un Firimkouh 1 . Chahriyar, Karin, Firouz sont des 
noms d'hommes bien connus et on comprend fort bien leur 
substitution reciproque. J 'ignore a quoi repond Firim ou, 
comme Ibn Isfandiyar l'e"crit deux fois, Pirim (Parim ?) 2 . 

Roustam ibn Charwin etait done maitre de Firim en 
367 comme en 355 3 . Ibn Isfandiyar parait 1'ignorer et 
considere comme le vrai successeur de Charwin, son autre 
fils Chahriyar. II le mentionne seulement en passant, dans 
deux passages que nous utiliserons bientot 4 . Mais j'ai 
retrouve dans le manuscrit de Paris une autre mention de 
Roustam qui ne figure pas dans 1'excellente traduction de 
Mr Browne parce qu'elle est une remarque ajoute"e par Ibn 
Isfandiyar (ou son continuateur) a une citation de Nidhami. 
Cette citation a ete supprimee par le traducteur qui renvoie 
a 1'original ou la remarque susdite ne figure pas. Elle est 
ainsi conc^ue : " Et Roustam aussi etait fils de Chahriyar et, 
au temps de Kabous, il e"tait lieutenant de son pere dans la 
region montagneuse de Firim et de Chahriyarkouh 5 ." Nous 
savons deja par la monnaie que Roustam etait fils de 
Charwin et non de Chahriyar et les textes que nous allons 
citer nous en apporteront d'amples confirmations. II faut 
done rectifier et dire qu'il etait le lieutenant de son frere a 
Firim et ajouter qu'il se rendit independant, puisqu'il frappa 

dans Tabari, Chronique, ed. de Goeje, in, 1529. 

2 Op. cit. 99, 128. 

3 Date de la monnaie publiee par Fraehn ; voir plus loin. 

4 Op. cit. 92 et 225. Une autre mention (p. 209) est fautive, et il 
convient de lire " Sharwin b. Rustam " au lieu de " Rustam b. Sharwin " 
comme le prouve la date de 311. Nous avons note cette erreur plus haut 
(p. 119, note 6). 

5 Bibliotheque Nationale^ Supplement persan 1436 (Catalogue Blochet, 
No. 500) 153 r, 1. ult. j$\9 ^*#\S j^ ps & jb^ j,~J ^A ^tf 
d^jbj^j ^.jjj jjU-^A^ ^3 *jj jj^voU*. Mirza Mouhammad a ete 
induit en erreur par ce texte auquel il se refere dans la preface de son 
edition du Marzuban-nameh (Gibb Memorial VIII), p. 6, note 2. 


une monnaie ou ne figure pas le nom de son frere, marque 
evidente qu'a ce moment il ne reconnaissait pas son autorite. 
Dans les oeuvres manuscrites de Fraehn, Dorn a releve 
une pre"cieuse indication ; c'est que ce Roustam est le pere 
de la fameuse Chirin, femme du Bouweihide Fakhr ad- 
daulat et mere de Madjd ad-daulat souvent nommee simple- 
ment " la Dame, Sayyidat " d'ou le nom de Sayyidabadh 
donne" a deux localites au voisinage de Ray 1 . C'est Yakout 
qui nous donne ce renseignement dans son dictionnaire 
ge*ographique 2 et il donne au pere de Chirin le titre 
d'ispehbed. Dorn se demande si Roustam est le frere de 
Chahriyar 3 . Cela n'est pas douteux, car Ibn al-Athir men- 
tionne ce Roustam comme oncle maternel de Kabous 4 
ce que confirme al-Birouni qui mentionne dans la ligne 
ascendante feminine de Kabous " les rois des montagnes 
surnommes les Ispehbeds du son oncle 
maternel est 1'ispehbed Roustam ibn Charwin ibn Roustam 
ibn Karm ibn Chahriyar ibn Charwin ibn Sourkhab ibn 
Baw etc. 6 " C'est done bien le Bawendite Roustam, con- 
temporain de Kabous. Or, comme Dorn le remarque, 
Chahriyar etait e"galement 1'oncle maternel de Kabous 6 et, 
par suite, le propre frere de Roustam. II est meme bien 

1 Op. dt. 232. 2 Op. tit HI, 211, 1. 3 et 4. 

8 Fraehn avait d'abord lu sur la monnaie: Roustam fils de Chirouyeh, 
puis: fils de Charwin. La monnaie de Paris porte Charwin sans Fombre 
d'un doute : il faut done repondre affirmativement a la question de Dorn 
(ibid, ibid.) : " 1st Scherwin und Schirujeh ein und derselbe Name ? " 

4 Op. cit. vin, 506, 1. 5. L'index porte tout a fait par inadvertance : 
Roustam frere de Wachmaguir. Le texte ne peut preter a aucun doute : 
&rr> J*~>^~>j *)U. t^lj [c'est-a-dire : O>^^ ***] d >^ ! cr>>^ J>j. 
Cf. Ibn Isfandiyar, 92 et 225. Dans le texte du manuscrit de Paris 
correspondant a ce second passage on lit: Roustam ibn Chahriyar ibn 
Charwin (Supp. persan 1436, 140 r), erreur que nous avons deja relevee, 

p. 121. 

5 The Chronology of ancient nations, trad. Sachau, Londres 1879, p. 47; 
texte, ed. Sachau, Leipzig 1876, p. 39, 1. 8 a n. 

8 Op. cit. 232. II renvoie a son edition de Zahir ad-din, preface p. 29, 
note i, ou ila rapporte d'apres Mouhammad ibn al-Hasan [ibn Isfandiyar] 
1'episode de Firdausi. C'est celui que Mr Browne a supprim dans sa 
traduction, pp. 238-9, en renvoyant k sa traduction du Chahdr Maqdla. 
C'est la qu'en devrait trouver (p. 81) la phrase citee par Dorn; mais elle 
n'y est pas. C'est done encore une remarque ajoutee par Ibn Isfandiyar 
(ou son continuateur). Cf. ms. de Paris; Supplement persan 1436, 152 r, 
1. 12 et 13; Eth dans ZDMG. XLVIII (1894), pp. 91-2, d'apres les mss. 
de Londres et d'Oxford. 

Les Ispehbeds de Firim 123 

remarquable qu'al-Birouni, dans son eloge gene"alogique 
n'ait pas nomm< plutot le suzerain Chahriyar (probablement 
Faine") que le vassal et lieutenant. 

Roustam e*tait egalement le pere d'un personnage non 
moins fameux que Chirin : Marzuban, Fauteur du Marzubdn- 
ndmeh, comme Fattestent Ibn Isfandiyar qui lui donne le 
titre d'ispehbed 1 et al-Birouni qui lui confere le titre encore 
plus pompeux d'ispehbed Djilidjilan en lui dediant un de 
ses livres 2 . Frere de Chirin, il etait done 1'oncle maternel 
de Madjd ad-daulat. C'est done lui qu'Ibn al-Athir de"signe 
en Fanne"e 388, comme a la tete des armies de Ray 3 . Mais 
quelques lignes auparavant, Fhistorien a parle de Roustam 
ibn Marzuban, oncle maternel de Madjd ad-daulat, qui 
gouvernait la montagne de Chahriyar 4 , et je suis convaincu 
qu'il y a une me"prise et qu'il faut lire : Marzuban ibn 
Roustam. Cette meprise se retrouve doublement dans Ibn 
Isfandiyar qui, racontant les memes evenements, nomme ce 
meme Roustam comme Ispehbed de Chahriyar[kouh] puis 
le fait partir de Ray contre Fispehbed Chahriyar 5 . Cette 
interversion ge"nealogique est passee chez les autres auteurs 
persans sous Finfluence meme de ces textes errones d'lbn 
Isfandiyar 6 . fitant donne le titre pompeux que lui de"cerne 

1 Op. cit. p. 86, " The Ispahbad Marzuban b. Rustam b. Shirwin Partm 
(>o^)-" Je crois qu'il faut entendre que Marzuban e'tait ispehbed de Firim. 
Sur cette filiation cf. Schefer, Chrest. per sane u, 194 et la pre'face de Mr 
Browne a 1'edition du Marzuban-nameh par Mirza Mouhammad de Kazwin 
(Gibb Memorial VIII, Londres 1909), p. xiii. Mais 1'hypothese presentee 
par Mirza Mouhammad (sa preface, p. 6) qu'il faille faire de Roustam le 
fils de Chahriyar ibn Charwin ne peut etre accepte'e, pour les raisons dites 
plus haut (p. 121). 

2 Ed. Sachau, preface p. 40, 1. 15-16. Cf. la traduction, p. 381 (note 
dep. 47, 1. 32). 

3 Loc. cit. ix, 99, 1. 20. L'index porte, j'ignore pourquoi, la mention : 
(OVbM):AeM4 OJ^~>J- Cf. Ibn Khaldoun, Kitab al^ibar, Boulak 1284 
Heg., iv, 498, 1. 18. 

4 Ibid. 1. 2 et 3. Cf. Ibn Khaldoun, ibid. ibid. 1. 8. Defre'mery, Histoire 
des Samanides par Mirkhond, Paris 1845, page 212, note b, a remarque cette 
difference dans Ibn Khaldoun, mais ne 1'a pas vue dans Ibn al-Athir dont 
le premier auteur n'est que le copiste. 

5 Op. cit. 228, 230, 231. Meme re"cit repete', p. 239 bis. 

6 Je crois qu'en realite ils ne lui appartiennent pas. Je partage Topinion 
de Rieu (Catalogue of the Persian MSS. in the British Museum (i), p. 204) 
que la quatrieme section est addition d'un autre auteur. Cela explique la 
repetition de 1'histoire des Bawendites et diverses erreurs de noms. Meme 
le passage que Rieu croit devoir lui attribuer dans cette derniere section 



al-Birouni son contemporain et ami, il est impossible que 
Marzuban n'ait pas succe"de a son pere dans la petite 
principaiite" ind^pendante de Firim. Peut-tre y a-t-il frappe 
monnaie lui aussi. II lui a succede" apres 367. Chasse par 
son oncle et suzerain Chahriyar ibn Charwin il est reinstall^ 
par son neveu Madjd ad-daulat ; chasse a nouveau par un 
autre Chahriyar, son neveu e"galement, il se refugie a Ray, 
d'ou Madjd ad-daulat 1'envoie contre ce second Chahriyar 
qu'il bat et fait prisonnier. Tels sont les faits qu'Ibn Isfan- 
diyar et Ibn al-Athir attribuent a 1'oncle maternel de Madjd 
ad-daulat que le premier appelle constamment Roustam et 
le second tantot Roustam et tant6t Marzuban. La parente 
alle"gue"e ne s'applique qu'a ce dernier. Faut-il admettre 
1'existence d'un fils avec lequel il aurait e"te confondu ? Ce 
n'est pas impossible evidemment, mais je ne le crois pas 

J'ajouterai qu'Ibn al-Athir signale en 407 Fispehbed 
residant a Firlm. II est associe a Madjd ad-daulat et a sa 
mere (Chirin) contre un revoke : Ibn Fouladh 1 . Je crois 
qu'il s'agit encore de Marzuban. 

Voici le petit tableau qui me paratt resulter des prece- 
dentes discussions: 

Charwin (302 337) 


une fille 
Chahriyar (337 374) Roustam (..^355. ..367...) (epouse Wachmaguir) 


Chirin Dara (374382) 

(epouse Fakhr ad-daulat) 

Madjd ad-daulat Chahriyar (382 397) 

(...388. ..407 (?)...) 

Roustam ? 

C'est de Dari que descend la deuxieme branche des 
Bawendites 2 . J'ai donne la date des chefs de la dynastic 

me parait lui etre etranger. Dhahir ad-din n'a fait que copier Ibn Isfandiyar, 
comme Dorn son editeur nous en avertit (Muhammedanische Quellen i, 
preface p. 28). II en est probablement de meme de Mirkhond (Defremery, 
op. at. texte 101, trad. 212). 
Op. tit. ix, 187, 1. 17. 


2 ^ Dorn, op. tit. 233; Melgunof, op. tit. 49. Ibn Isfandiyar 239 nomme 
a sans indiquer la filiation et il faut supprimer dans Tindex la mention : 

Les Ispehbeds de Firim 125 

principale d'apres le nombre d'ann^es que Dorn et Melgunof 
leur assignent dans leurs listes. Mais ni Tun ni 1'autre ne 
donne les references precises qui permettraient de contrdler 
I'^tablissement de ces listes. Dorn donne a Chahriyar fils 
de Dara 35 ans de regne, mais dit positivement qu'il mourut 
en 397. Pour re"soudre cette petite difficulte il faudrait 
reprendre tous les textes relatifs a la se"rie des Bawendites, 
discuter les chiffres donnes pour les annees de regne. Ce 
serait depasser le cadre de cette e*tude. 

II ne me reste plus qu'a signaler quelques particularity 
de la monnaie de Firim. Celle qui a etc" publie"e par Fraehn 1 , 
datee de 355, porte les noms du khalife al-Mouti' et du 
Bouweihide Roukn ad-daulat et au revers la formule chiite 
^ ^ ^ avec le nom de (lu a tort : ^.P) CH3j^ c* j*~*)' 
Tiesenhausen m'a signal e" un autre dirhem de*crit par Erd- 
mann (Numi Asiatici, p. 233) et plus correctement par 
Fraehn dans le deuxieme volume de ses manuscrits 2 . On y 
trouve les memes noms de khalife et d'e"mir bouweihide ; 
dans la marge du droit apres la mention de la frappe a 
Firim, on lit ^wj j^b puis la date 361. La formule chiite y 
figure comme dans le precedent. La monnaie de Paris 
porte, avec le nom du meme khalife, ceux de 'Adoud ad 
daulat Abou Chadja' et de Mouayyid ad daulat Abou 
Mansour avec la formule chiite et CKS>* O^ ^-y- On voit par 
la que Roustam reconnaissait la suzerainete des Bouweihides. 

A ce sujet, Fraehn remarque que Roukn ad-daulat 
conquit en 351 le Tabaristan et le Djourdjan qui plus tard 

" b. Shahriyar b. Sharwin." Dans la g^ne'alogie que Dhahir ad-din donne 
d'un Bawendite posterieur (ed. Dorn, p. 270-1) je releve : "Dara b. 
Roustam b. Charwin b. Roustam b. Sourhab b. Karin b. Chahriyar b. 
Karin b. Charwin b. Sourhab b. Baw, etc." Le pere de Dara est bien le 
Roustam dont al-Birouni nous a donne la genealogie (voir plus haut, p. 122). 

1 Journal Asiatique, i fere Serie, t. iv (1825), p. 278 ; cf. du meme auteur 
Recensio numorum Muhammedanorum Academics Imp. Scient. PetropolitancR^ 
St Petersbourg 1826, p. 600; Opera inedita, ed. Dorn, n, 359, No. 3; 
Dorn, Monnaies de differentes dynasties musulmanes (Collections scientifiques 
de llnstitut des Langues Orientales iv), St Petersbourg 1881, p. 152; 
Bemerkungen auf Anlass einer wissenschaftlichen Reise in dem Kaukasus, St 
Petersbourg 1895, P- 2 3 X et 2 3 2 - Lindberg a public la meme monnaie 
avec la mention: AJ*^ j***}- E-ssai sur les monnaies coufiques...des 
Bouides (dans Memoires de la Socittt Royale des Antiquaires du Nord pour 
1844, P- 2 33-4)- v oi r a ce sujet les remarques de Defremery dans le 
Revue Numismatique, Paris 1847, XII > P- 1 ^7 (reimprime' dans ses Me- 
moires dhistoire orientale, Paris 1854, i" e partie, p. 166). 

2 Lettre citee, p. 2. 


devaient revenir aux Ziyarides 1 . En 366 il mourut a Ray 
laissant le pouvoir a son fils 'Adoud ad-daulat. Celui-ci 
chassa son frere Fakhr ad-daulat de la ville de Ray pour la 
donner a son autre frere Mouayyid ad-daulat. C'est ce que 
disent Ibn Khaldoun 2 et Ibn Isfandiyar 3 . Fakhr ad-daulat 
s'^tait enfui aupres de Kabous et celui-ci avait partie lie"e 
avec son oncle Roustam. Mais notre monnaie prouve que 
Roustam dut se rallier de gre ou de force a 'Adoud ad- 
daulat et a Mouayyid ad-daulat, vainqueurs a Astrabad. 
C'est ce qu'Ibn al-Athir confirme implicitement quand il 
dit que le kadi 'Abd al-Djabbar, le fameux docteur mou'ta- 
zilite, e"tait grand kadi de Ray et des pays soumis a I'autorite' 
de Mouayyid ad-daulat 4 . Dans un autre passage du meme 
historien, en Fannie 366, 'Adoud ad-daulat donne un ordre 
a son frere Fakhr ad-daulat a Ray ; or c'est Mouayyid ad- 
daulat qui l'exe"cute 5 . II faut, je pense, corriger Fakhr en 
Mouayyid. Ce dernier dut rester maitre de cette ville et du 
Tabaristan jusqu'a sa mort survenue en 373. 

Nous avons dans ce dirhem de 367 un curieux exemple 
de la hierarchic feodale constitute a cette epoque dans les 
Etats musulmans. Le khalife est le suzerain spirituel, 'Adoud 
ad-daulat le suzerain temporel ; Mouayyid ad-daulat le 
premier vassal, Roustam le second vassal. Firim e"tait 
comprise dans le fief de Ray. 

Sur la formule chiite des monnaies de Roustam les 
remarques de Fraehn reproduites par Dorn 6 sont plus justes 
que celles de Lindberg, critiques avec raison par Defre"- 
mery 7 . II n'en est pas moins etrange de lire une telle 
formule sur une monnaie ou le khalife abbasside est reconnu 
comme suzerain. Fraehn dit que les Bawendides e"taient 
tres devoues aux Alides. Cela est certain, mais il en etait 
de meme des Bouweihides et aucun d'eux n'a manifest^ ses 
sentiments de cette maniere sur la monnaie. C'est, je crois, 
un exemple unique et je ne vois aucune maniere vraiment 
satisfaisante de 1'expliquer. 

1 Cite d'apres ses ouvrages manuscrits par Dorn, Bemerkungen, p. 232. 

2 Op. cit. iv, 154. 3 Op. cit. 225. 

4 Op. cit. vin, 510, 511. 5 Ibid. ibid. 497. 

6 D'apres ses ouvrages manuscrits, dans Bemerkungen, p. 232. 

7 Loc. cit. Lindberg a suppose' que Roustam dtait un Alide et Fakhr 
ad-daulat son tuteur. 


PARIS, 15 Avril 1920. 


The most important psychological concept in Mazdeism, 
corresponding to our word " soul," appears all through the 
Avesta, from the Ga#as downwards, as urvan (gen. uruno], 
and is perpetuated in the Pahlavi rubano and Modern Persian 
ravan (wherein the v instead of b is a curious throw-back to 
the primitive form). 

The etymology has been much disputed and seems ob- 
scure 1 . Bartholomae, in his great Avestan Dictionary, s.v., 
dismisses A. V. Williams Jackson's derivation (in Grundriss 
der ir anise hen P kilo logic, ii, 674) from Jvar, to choose, with 
a contemptuous "falsch." 

And yet I venture to think that Jackson is right. The 
sense certainly agrees well. The urvan is taken by all to 
mean that part or faculty of the human compound that is held 
morally responsible for man's actions and will have to bear 
the consequences of them, good or bad, after death ; in 
Bartholomae's own words, " beim Menschen von der unster- 
blichen Kraft, die alle seine Handlungen bestimmt und nach 
dem Tode zu verantworten hat " (s.v., italics mine). In other 
words, it is the power which exercises free will, the power of 
choosing (var) between good and evil. 

Its formation would then be a reduction of an original 

%, i i -i 

^var-van to urvan, which seems quite regular. 

( i ) With var = ur, compare the roots : 

vac p. p. uyta 

vas usta, grace, happiness ; mti, will 

vays uysyeite 

vap ufyani, ufyemi 

vaj (vag) uyra 

van una 

var urvata (vrata) 

var (protect) ura (flock) 

1 Among curious suggestions are those of a native Parsi scholar, 
K. E. Kanga, l uru, wide + 0, to live,' Avesta Dictionary \ s.v.; and of de 
Harlez, who suggests the Semitic ruakh (Langue de r Avesta, Glossary, s.v.). 


(2) The termination -van is by no means an uncommon 
one, cf. 

asa-van holy, from asa 

ad-van way, ad- 

k3rzQ-van doer, ^kar- 

is-van powerful, is- 

maga-van adept (of the religion) ? from maga- 

aOra-van priest 

This appears to me to give a perfectly simple and satis- 
factory etymology, more satisfactory I think than Williams 
Jackson's own "prob. u ruvan" \Avesta Reader, Voca- 
bulary, s.v.). 



Juh'a or Si Joh'a is a well-known personality all over 
Northern Africa, to the Arabs as well as to the Berbers. Most 
of the anecdotes related about this curious fool and jester in 
Arabic and Kabyle popular literature are attributed by the 
Ottoman Turks to the Qadi Nasru'd-din Khqja, who is said 
to have lived in the times of Timur-i-lang. Under one or 
the other of these names the Oriental " Eulenspiegel " has 
been known in southern and eastern Europe. Juh'a has be- 
come the Giufa or Giucca of the Sicilians, the Calabrians, 
and the Toscans. Nasru'd-din Khoja lives in the traditions 
of the Greeks, the Serbs, and the Croats, and even the 
Roumanians are acquainted with the "Nastratin Hogea." 

The Juh'a- Nasru'd-din stories have been carefully studied 
during the last thirty years. Prof. Rend Basset, the well- 
known Orientalist, has in his instructive introduction to the 
French translation of the Kabyle version of the legends of 
Juh'a published by 6\ Moulieras 1 pointed out that the Arabic 
text, published at Bulaq, is only a translation from Turkish, 
and, further, that Juh'a is, nevertheless, a much older literary 
figure than Nasru'd-din, the U*^. jjty ^U> being mentioned 
in the Fihrist of Muhammad b. Ishaq an-Nadim, who died 
at the end of the 4th century A.H. (995 A.D.). M. Basset 
sums up his thesis about the relation between the different 
versions in the following manner: " A la fin du iv e siecle de 
1'hegire, il existait chez les Arabes des recueils de plaisan- 
teries analogues a ceux qu'on composa plus tard en Occident 
(Til Ulespiegle, Schimpf und Ernst, les sages hommes de 
Gotham, les sept Souabes, etc.), et qui renfermaient des traits 
de naivete" tantot spirituels, tantot ridicules, parfois obscenes, 
qu'on retrouve chez tous les peuples et dont il faut peut-etre 
chercher 1'origine dans 1'Inde. De ces recueils arabes qui 
fournirent plusieurs chapitres aux auteurs des Kitdb el Adab, 
un seul survecut, et Ton groupa autour de son heros Djoh'a 
les anecdotes qui se rapportaient a ceux qu'enumerent 

1 Les Fourberies de Si Djefra. Paris, 1892. 
B. P. v. Q 


1'auteur du Fihrist et d'autres. Au xv e ou au xvi e siecle, ce 
recueil qui, par transmission orale, avait deja passe en Occi- 
dent, fut traduit en turk, et le principal personnage identifie 
avec un certain Nasr eddin Hodja, dont 1'existence est au 
moins douteuse....Cette version turke fut maintes et maintes 
fois remaniee, et 1'un des remaniements fut traduit (avec des 
additions) en arabe vers le milieu du xi e siecle de 1'hegire, 
xviie de notre ere. Deja la tradition orale, peut-etre a la 
suite de la conquete turke, avait porte" dans le Maghreb un 
grand nombre d'anecdotes dont quelques-unes penetrerent 
chez les Kabyles, et qui doivent etre jointes a celles que 
nous poss^dons dans les recensions ecrites." 

On the other hand, Albert Wesselski, the German folk- 
lorist, to whom we are indebted for the most complete 
translation of all the stories of Juh'a-Nasru'd-din 1 , makes 
the following statement: "Fur das Verhaltnis Nasreddins 
zu Dschoha ist die Feststellung wichtig, dass aus der Zeit 
vor Nasreddins angeblichem oder wirklichem Leben noch 
keine einzige Dschohageschichte bezeugt ist, die als Quelle 
eines Nasreddin'schen Schwankes angenommen werden 
miisste, wahrend das sonst Nasreddin zugeschlagene Gut 
wahrlich nicht gering ist." 

For my part, I incline to the opinion that the Turkish 
"sottisier" of Nasru'd-din, which is the main source of the 
Arabic version of the Nawddirot Juh'a, is not a translation 
from the old U^. jjiy v^= as named in the Fihrist, but an 
independent collection, in which probably a great many of the 
stories of the older book have been incorporated. Most of the 
anecdotes of the modern versions are "wandering" stories to 
be met with all over the world, and a great number of them 
are current even among the Persians ; we find some of them 
in the 8th century A.H. in ' Ubaid Zdkdnf, and personally I 
have heard others from the mouth of the Sayyid Faidulldh 
Adib in Teheran 3 , but in all these Persian stories the hero 
is nameless. Of the stories forming the old collection men- 
tioned in the Fihrist, only three have hitherto been brought 
to light. They are related in the JU*^t **- *->K> of 

1 Der Hodscha Nasreddin, 1-2. Weimar 1911. 

* Wesselski, Der Hodscha Nasreddin, Introd. p. xxxix. 

Arthur Christensen, Contes persans en langue populaire (Copenhague 
1918), nos. i, 6, 14, 15, 20, 24, 27, 49, 53. 

Jtihi in the Persian Literature 131 

Maiddni. None of them occurs in the Turkish version, and 
one only has been inserted in the modern Arabic collection, 
but it is evidently taken from the book of Maidani 1 . 

It has escaped the notice of M. Basset as well as Herr 
Wesselski that there exists in Persia a series of stories con- 
cerning Juh'a, whose name is written in Persian Juhi or 
Juhi. In the Divan of Anvart, who died about 586 A.H. 
(i 190 A.D.), we find the following verse 2 : 

and the explanation of the last hemistich is given in lexico- 
graphical works such as the Kashfu l-lughat under the 
heading ^.*Ji. : " ^ j ester wno sa id witty words ; it is related 
that one day he uttered a witticism in an assembly, but no- 
body laughing at that, he got vexed and after returning 
home broke the spinning wheel of his mother." 

Jaldlu d-dtn-i-Rtimi (d. 672 A.H. = 1273 A.D.), in his 
famous Mathnavi, has narrated three anecdotes about this 
fool. Here the name is written i^*^, probably for metrical 
reasons. In modern lithographed editions we find the false 
writing ^j*y*. 

i. The first anecdote is to be found in the second book 3 . 
I reproduce the translation of C. E. Wilson 4 . 

A boy was bitterly lamenting and beating (his) head 
before his father's bier ; 

Exclaiming, " O father, to what place, pray, are they 
taking you to put you under the earth ! 

They are taking you to a narrow and wretched house, 
in which there is no carpet or mat. 

(In it) neither lamp at night, nor bread in the day; 
neither scent nor sign of food. 

Neither is its door in good condition, nor is there any 
way to (its) roof; no neighbour too is there to be as an 
asylum (to you). 

1 Wesselski, /.<:., Introd. p. xxxiii, note 2. 

2 Ed. Tabriz 1266, p. 50. 

3 Ed. Bombay 1310, n, p. 70. 

4 The Masnavl by Jalalu'd-dm RumI, Book n, transl. by C. E. Wilson 
(London 1910), vol. i, p. 272. The translator, in a short note, points out 
the identity between Jiihi and the Juh'a of the Arabs. 



Your eyes which people kissed how will they be in a 
dark and wretched house ? 

A pitiless house, and a narrow place, in which neither 
face remains nor colour." 

In this fashion he was reckoning up the qualities of the 
place, whilst he let fall tears of blood from his eyes. 

Juhi said to his father, " O honoured (father), by Allah! 
they are taking him to our house! " 

The father said to Juhi, " Do not be a fool!" He re- 
joined, "O father, hear the indications. 

These indications which he has given one by one apply 
without (any) lying or doubt to our house. 

(In it) there is no mat, nor lamp, nor food ; its door is 
not in good condition, nor its court, nor its roof 1 ." 

2. In the fifth book of the Mathnavi, the poet relates 
the following story, which is too coarse to be translated into 
English 2 : 

1 This anecdote is also to be found in the Turkish tradition of 
Nasru'd-din (Sottisier de Decourdemanche, no. 165; Wesselski, no. 229). 
Mendoza has made use of the plot in his "roman picaresque " Lazarillo de 
Tormes (Biblioteca de los autores espanoles, in, p. 86). Further parallels by 
Wesselski, i, p. 262. A curious variation in Hammer's "Rosenol," n, p. 313 
(no. 191), taken from the Nuzhatu? l-udabd. 

2 Ed. Bombay, 1310, v, p. 78. I follow, generally, the readings of an 
old manuscript (dated 1037 A.H.) in my possession, noting as variants the 
readings of the Bombay edition. 

3 var. 6j^j. 4 var. ^ J^t jUJ 13. 

5 Hereafter the Bombay edition has the following verse : 


Juki in the Persian Literature 


3. The third story of Jiihi is narrated in the sixth book 
of the Mathnavt*. As it is a rather long-winded story I 
only give a summary: Juhf in his penury calls upon his wife 
to make use of her beauty and allurements to make a good 
capture. So she appears before the Qadi and makes a com- 
, plaint against her husband, and she invites the Qadi to come 
to her house and speak with her about the affair. In the 
evening the Qadi steals into the house of Juhi and makes 
merry with the woman. Suddenly Juhi approaches and 
knocks at the door. The Qadi conceals himself for fear in 
a chest. Juhi enters and says that he has made up his mind 
to destroy the empty chest which is only a cause of trouble 
to him, because people think he keeps gold in it. He means 
to burn it up in the street before the eyes of all. Early in 
the morning he calls for a Hammal, loads the chest on his 
back, and goes through the street with him. The Qadi in 
the chest addresses the Hammal, who at first does not 
understand whence the voice comes, but finally comprehends 
that it comes forth from the chest The Qadi asks him to 
send for his deputy, that he may buy the chest for gold 
from the foolish owner. The deputy arrives and asks for the 
price of the chest, and Juhi demands a thousand pieces of 
gold, and as the deputy hesitates he offers to open the chest, 
so that he may judge for himself whether it is not worth 
that sum of money. Finally the deputy buys the chest for 
a hundred dinars. A year after, Juhi, being again in want 
of money, calls upon his wife to repeat the former trick. 
She appears anew among other female plaintiffs in the hall 
of the Qadi and complains of her husband, but makes an- 
other woman expose the affair, in order that the Qadi may 
not recognize her by the voice. The Qadi orders the plaintiff 


2 Hereafter a spurious verse is given in the Bombay edition. 

3 var. jjj . 

Ed. Bombay vi, p. 100. 


to go and fetch the defendant. Jiihi comes, and the Qadi, 
who does not know him, because he himself had been sitting 
in the chest when the former bargain was made, asks : "Why 
do you not allot to your wife what is necessary for the sup- 
port of life ?" Juhi answers that he is very poor, having not 
even a shroud, if he should happen to die ; the game at dice 
has brought him into such destitution. The Qadi now re- 
cognizes him and says: "It was with me you played that 
game ; last year you made a big throw, this year it is my 
turn to win the game. Play with somebody else, but keep 
your hands from me." 

These three stones as well as the anecdote to which 
the verse of Anvari makes allusion are at all events two or 
three centuries older than the Turkish collection that goes 
under the name of Nasru'd-din, and belong, together with 
the three anecdotes quoted by Maidani, to the older tradition. 
Whether that is the case, too, with the five following Persian 
anecdotes I cannot tell ; they belong certainly to a tradition 
distinct from that represented by the Turkish stories of 
Nasru'd-din and the Nawddir of Juh'a, as only one of them 
is to be found in those collections. Four of the stories in 
question, together with the three stones from the Mathnavi, 
given in a somewhat shortened form, make up the 14th 
chapter of the popular book Riyddu l-hikdydt of Habibu'llah 
The heading of that chapter runs as follows : 

4. It is related that Jiihi said : Once a woman came to 
me and said : " I have got an affair with you." I said : "What 
affair have you got ?" She answered: "Come with me." I 
went with her, until she stopped before the shop of a painter. 
She said to the painter: " Draw the portrait in his likeness," 
and having said so, she went away. The painter began to 
laugh. I said: "For God's sake, explain this matter to me." 
He answered: "Some time ago that woman said to me: 
Draw for me a portrait of the Devil.' I said : ' I have never 
seen the Devil' ; I did not know in what likeness I should 

1 Teheran 1317 A.H. 

8 The name is always written 

Juki in the Persian Literature 


paint him, till this moment when she brought you hither and 
said: 'Draw the portrait in his likeness 1 '." 

5. Once Juhi came to the bank of the Tigris. He saw 
here some blind men who desired to cross the river. He 
said : "What will you give me, if I bring you over ?" They 
said: "Each [of us] will give you ten nuts." "Well," said 
Juhi, "let each take hold of the belt of the other, and let him 
who is the foremost hold out his hand to me." They did so, 
but when they were in the middle of the river, the water 
was too strong for them. The current carried away one of 
the blind men. They cried: "O Juhi, the water has carried 
away our comrade ! " " Alas ! " said Juhi, " now I have lost 
ten nuts." Then the current carried away another. They 
cried: "O Juhi, the water has taken another of our com- 
rades." " Woe to me ! " said [Juhi], " twenty nuts are gone 
out of my hands." Now the water took a third man. They 
cried: "We are drowning all of us." [Juhi] said: "What 
harm will that do you ? all the damage will be for me, for I 
lose ten nuts for everyone of you that the water carries 
away 2 ." 

6. Juhi had an ass. When he wished to bring it forth 
from the house, it would go out quickly, but when he drew 
near his house, he had to force it in by means of a stick and 
chains. People said to him : "As a rule asses run quickly, 
when they approach the house of their master. Why does 
your ass act contrariwise?" He answered: *' Because 
that ass knows the stable of his master, in which there is 

7. A person made a complaint against Jiihi : " I demand 
of you [a debt of] two tumans." He took him before the 

1 In another version (Jami's Bahdristdn [ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p. 67]; 
Hammer, Rosenol n, p. 312, no. 188, from the Nuzhatd l-udaba) the hero 
of the story is the celebrated writer Jahiz. I have found the same plot in 
Danish and German collections of amusing stories from the i8th century: 
Den lystige Kiobenhavner (Copenhagen 1768), I, p. 10, and Vade Mecum 

fur lustigeLeute (1776), 11, no. 288. 

2 This anecdote of Juhi is to be found in another popular book, the 
Laid 'if u dhardif (p. 25 of the edition 1295, sine loco, probably Teheran). 
Here, too, the name is written t^*-^*" In a shorter form it has been 

adopted among the Turkish stories of Nasru'd-din (Decourdemanche, no. 54; 
Wesselski, no. 14) and has passed to the Arabs, the Greeks, the Serbs, and 
the Croats. 


Qadi in order to bring an action against him. [Juhi] denied 
[the debt]. The Qadi asked him to swear to the fact. [Juhi] 
said : " O Qdi, in this town nobody is more trusted than 
you ; please take the oath in my place, so that this man may 
be made easy in his mind 1 ." 

Finally I have found the following joke by Juhi, but 
only in the Laid if u dhardif* : 

8. It is related that Juhi said : " My mother and I are 
two skilful astrologers, and our predictions never fail." They 
asked : "How can it be as you say ?" He answered : " It is 
done in this way that I for instance say : * It will rain,' and 
my mother says : ' It will not rain,' and one of us must needs 
be right." 

That Juhi was a popular figure in the days of Jalalu'd- 
din-i-Rumf is evident from the fact that Jalalu'd-dm makes 
use so often of the current stories about this personage to 
illustrate his religious and philosophical views. But it is a 
noticeable thing that, at the present day, Juhi is much less 
known in Persia, which we may infer, first from the small 
number of stories about him preserved to our days in Persia, 
and secondly from the fact that the name has been corrupted 
to Juji. This corruption, which is due to the Arabic charac- 
ters, shows that the name of the old jester has been trans- 
mitted through the literature only and does not live on the 
lips of the people. 

1 The Laid if u dhartfif (p, 23 of the named edition) has the same 
story. Dr Nicholson calls my attention to a Jiihi story given in the 6th 
book of the Bahdristdn of Jami [ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p. 75], which 
had escaped me because Schlechta-Wssehrd's edition of the Bahdristdn is 
not to be found in Copenhagen. Turning over the leaves of a manuscript 
of the Bahdristdn, I found the story concerned, evidently the original of 
which the above anecdote is a later version. A certain person demands 
of Jrihi a debt of ten dirams, but has no witness and declares that the oath 
of Jtihj cannot be trusted. Jiihi proposes that the Qadi should call upon 
a certain Imam known for his trustworthiness and let him take the oath in 
his place. 

2 Ibid., p. 26. 


May 4, 1920. 



1. The latter portion of the Kuran. Dating, probably, 
from about the xth century A.D. 16. 

2. Majazatul-Kuran. An exposition of the metaphors 
and other figures of speech employed in the Kuran, 
by Muhammad ibn Husain, known as Sharif Riza 
(d. 406 A.H., 1015 A.D.). Probably xmth century. 

3. Mushkilul-Kuran. The first volume of Ibn Kutaibah's 
expositions of the difficulties of the Kuran extending 
to the end of Chapter xm. Date of transcription not 
later than 573 A.H. 

4. Asbabu l-nuzul. Dissertations on the occasion of the 
revelation of the various surahs of the Kuran, by 
Abu'l- Hasan 'All ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Wahi^li 
al-Nishapuri (d. 468 A.H.). Fine naskhi hand, probably 
of the xmth century A.D. 

5. Jawahiru l-Kuran. Discourses on the theology and 
ethics of the Kuran, by Muhammad ibn Muhammad 
al-Ghazzall (d. 505 A.H.). Fine Arabic naskhi, dated 
649 A.H., 1251 A.D. 

6. Al-Tibyan. Vol. vm of an extensive commentary on 
the Kuran (embracing Sur. 33 7 -48 29 ) possibly by 
Al-Tha'alibl (d. 427 A.H.). On recto of the first folio, 
it is attributed to Al-Tusi, for which there appears no 
evidence, the work not being the production of a ShFite 
at all. 

The oldest part was probably transcribed in the xnth, 
the remainder in the xivth century. 
1 Those in Professor Browne's collection are marked with an asterisk. 


7. Shifau 'l-sudur. A portion of a commentary on the 
Kuran, by Abu Bakr Muhammad ibnu '1- Hasan al- 
Nakkash al-Mausill (d. 351 A.H.). The treatment is 
mainly textual and grammatical, embracing Sur. 63 3 - 
;o 44 , with three detached leaves relating to Surs. 58 2 , 
59 3 ~ 5 > 59 7 ~ 8 - Fine Arabic naskhi of the xnth or xmth 

8. Ma'ani 'I- Kuran. The commentary of Ibrahim ibn 
Sahl called Zajjaj (d. 310 A.M.) on the Kuran. Surahs 
i-io and 112-114 missing. Fine naskhi of the xnth 
or xmth century. 

9. Al-Wasit. A commentary on the Kuran, by Abu'l- 
Hasan 'All ibn Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Wahidl 
(d. 468 A.H.). Not all in the same handwriting: mainly 
xmth or xivth century. 

10. Aswilatul-Kuran. A series of discussions on the 
difficult passages of the Kuran, by Muhammad ibn 
Abi Bakr al-Razi (cir. 700 A.H.). Dated 860 A.H., 
1456 A.D. 

1 1*. A Persian commentary on the Kuran, of the Haggadic 
type. Most of the interpretations are given on the 
authority of 'Abd Allah ibn 'Abbas. Having regard to 
the authorities quoted, it was probably composed in the 
* xith century A.D. It is imperfect at the beginning and 
the end, commencing with ^jjt 3j~>. So far as it is 
ascertainable, no other copy seems to exist. Probably 
transcribed in the xivth century A.D. 


1 2. Ruusu '1-masaiL An anonymous treatise on the funda- 
mental questions of Moslem law and religion in cate- 
chetical form. Replies compiled from the great Moslem 
religious authorities. Written in a neat naskhi probably 
in the late xmth or early xivth century A.D. Apparently 

13. Al-Isharat wa 'l-tanbihat. A portion of Avicenna's 
treatise on philosophy. Imperfect and out of order. 
Fine MS of, probably, the xmth century A.D. 

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 139 

. Kashfu 'l-tamwlhat. Replies by Abu'l-Hasan 'All ibn 
Abi 'All ibn Muhammad al-Amidl (d. 631 A.H.) to the 
strictures of Muhammad ibn 'Umar Fakhru '1-Din RazI 
(d. 606 A.H.) on Avicenna's Isharat. 

\\b. The commentary of Al-TusI on the Isharat. Oldest 
part of MS dated 675 A.H. 

15. Rasail Ikhwdni 7-Safd. Philosophical Encyclopaedia 
of "The Brethren of Purity." Vol. n, Risalah vn of 
pt 2 to Risalah in of pt 3. Fine MS of the xinth or 
early xivth century. 

1 6. Kitab ' Usrati ' l-maujud. A commentary by Zainu '1- 
Dln ibn Yunus al-Bayazi (d. 622 A.H.) on an unnamed 
work on Scholastic theology (Kaldm). Imperfect at 
the end. Dating probably from the xivth century A.D. 


17^. Makalat fl khalki 'l-insan. A treatise on the nature of 
man, dealing mainly with anatomy, pathology and medi- 
cine ; but also partly psychological : imperfect at the end. 
Apparently transcribed before 489 A.H., 1096 A.D. 
This and the two following works are by Abu'l-Hasan 
Sa'ld ibn Hibat Allah, called Ibn Tilmld, physician to 
the Caliph Al-Muktadl. 

1 8. Akrabadln Madmati ' l-Salam, or Akrabadln Baghdad. 
A treatise in twenty chapters on compound medicaments 
in use at the hospital at Baghdad in the author's time. 
The 170 folios were written in the most beautiful naskhi 
in 625 A.H. 

19. Kuwa 'l-adwiyah. A companion work to the former on 
simple medicaments in use at the hospital. Not only 
are the names given in Arabic, but their equivalents in 
Persian and Syriac are also added throughout. The 
volume, consisting of 224 folios, is written in a beautiful, 
clear naskhi and claims to have been written in 654 A.H. 
No copies of either of these two works are otherwise 

20^. Tadkiratu r l-kahhalm. Biographies of famous oculists 
by 'Isa ibn 'All, Christian physician at Baghdad about 
961 A.D. Transcribed in 400 odd A.H. The date is 
partly covered over. 


21*. Dakhlrah i Khwarazmshahl. The Medical Encyclo- 
paedia of Isma'll Jurjanl. An exceptionally fine copy 
of Bks III (commencing with makalah 4 of bakhsh i), 
IV and V. Written in a most elegant Arab naskhi 
script in the xmth century A.D. 

22*. Two other copies of parts of the same work. One con- 
taining Bks I-III, transcribed in the xmth century A.D. ; 
the other Bk VI, and written, probably, in the xivth 
century A.D. Both somewhat imperfect. 

23*. Kanun fil-tibb of Avicenna. Consisting of Bk III, 
fann 1-9, on therapeutics. Fine xnth or early xmth 
century A.D. copy. 

In a note on the fly-leaf it is stated that a certain Sayyid 
Abu'l-'Izz Sa'id ibn Hasan read it to Hibat Allah ibn 
Sa'id (who died 560 A.H. ?). 

24*. Mujiz ft 'ilmi 'l-tibb. A compendium of medicine, 
abridged from the Kanun of Avicenna, by 'All ibn 
Abi'1-Hazm al-Kurashl. Transcribed in the xvnth or 
early xvmth century A.D. 

25*. Minhaju 'l-bayan. A treatise on simple and compound 
medicaments, by Abu 'All Yahya ibn 'Isa ibn Jazlah. 
Defective at the end of pt 2. There is a note of owner- 
ship with date, i.e. 775 A.H., on the fly-leaf of pt i. 
Written in a rather crude but old hand, probably in the 
xivth century A.D. 

26a*. Takwimu ' l-adwiyah. A tabulated list of remedies, by 
Kamal al-Din Hubaish ibn Ibrahim Tifllsi (c. 600 A.H.). 
Written in a Persian hand dating from the xvnth 
century A.D. 

. Takwimu 'l-abdan. A treatise on the regimen of the 
human body in tabular form, by Yahya ibn <Isa ibn 

27*. Khulasatu 'l-tajarib. An extensive treatise on medicine 
in Persian, composed in the city of Rai in 907 A.H. by 
Baha u 1-Daulah Siraju '1-Dln Shah Kasim ibn Muham- 
mad Nurbakhshi. Date partly effaced, but in the xvnth 
century A.D. 

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 141 

28*. Ghayatu ' l-bayan fi tadblr badani ' l-insan. On the regi- 
men of the human body. No author mentioned; but 
the work is dedicated to Sultan Muhammad Khan ibn 
Sultan Ibrahim Khan (1088-99 A.H.). No other copy 
apparently known. Dated 1089 A.H. 

29*. Akrabadm. A pharmacopoeia, by Nur ibn 'Abdi '1- 
Mannan. One of the very few Turkish works in the 
collections. Dated 1040 A.H. No other copy of the 
work is announced. 

30*. Two copies of Tashrih i Mansuri. A Persian treatise 
on the anatomy of the human body, by Mansur ibn 
Muhamma.d ibn Ahmad. With six whole-page anatomi- 
cal coloured drawings. Older copy dating from about 
1050 A.H., later about the xvmth century A.D. 


31*. Zlju 'l-mufradat. A Persian treatise on the astrolabe 
with extensive astronomical tables, by Abu Ja'far 
Muhammad ibn Ayyubi J l-Tabari, called Hasib (the 
mathematician), who flourished during the earlier part 
of the xinth century A.D. The present copy must have 
been written during the author's lifetime. Only a frag- 
ment of 26 leaves of this work at Munich is otherwise 

32^. Zij i Ilkhanl. A neat xvth century copy of Al-Tusl's 
astronomical tables. Slightly imperfect. 

33. Al-tafhlm li-awail sina'ati ' l-tanjlm. The Arabic 
version of Al-Blrunl's treatise on astronomy. Dated 
839 A.H. (1426 A.D.). 


34*. Sutvaru 'l-akallm. A treatise on geography with a large 
number of coloured maps in good style. Imperfect at 
both ends, but an interesting and uncommon work. 
Date probably xvith xviith century A.D. 



35. Risalah Kushairiyyah. The famous treatise on Sufism, 
by Abu 'i-Kasim 'Abdu '1-Karim ibn Hawazin (d. 465 
A.H.). Written by the author's famous son Sharaf in 
582 A.H. 

36. Matla'u 'l-khususfl sharhi 'l-fusus. A commentary, by 
Da'ud ibn Mahmiid ibn Muhammad al-Rumi al-Kaisarl 
(d. 751 A.H.), on Ibnu 'l-'Arabl's Sufic work entitled 
Fumsu 'l-hikam. Written in the author's lifetime. 

37. 'Awarifu 'l-ma'arif. A treatise on mysticism, by Abu'l- 
Hafs Shihabu '1-Din 'Umar ibn 'Abd Allah Suhrawardi 
(d. 632 A.H.). Followed by three brief tracts of the 
same nature. Dated 709 A.H. 

38*. Mirsadu 'l-'ibad. A Persian work on mysticism, by *Abd 
Allah ibn Muhammad Najmu '1-Dln Dayah. Completed 
at Siwas in 620 A.H. Copied at Cairo in 768 A.H. in a 
fine naskhi hand. 

39*. Miftahu l-asrari' l-Husainl. A treatise on mysticism, by 
( Abdu '1-Rahlm ibn Muhammad Yunus al-Dumawandi. 
The title is the chronogram for the composition, i.e. 
1 1 80 A.H. Transcribed in the xixth century. No other 
copy of this or the following two works is announced. 

40*. An Account of the Sufis and Sufic works, by Muhammad 
Shaft 1 ibn Baha'i '1-Din 'Amill. Dated 1 1 78 A.'H. 

41*. Mata'inu 'l-sufiyyah. A refutation of Sufic tenets, by 
Muhammad Rafr ibn Muhammad Shafr Shlrazi. A 
Persian work in the author's autograph, dated 1221 A.H. 


42. Kitabu 'l-ma'arif. A historical work beginning with 
the creation and extending down to the Caliphs, by Abu 
Muhammad 'Abd Allah ibn Muslim, called Ibn Kutai- 
bah (b. 213, d. 276 A.H.). Though edited by Wiistenfeld 
in 1850, MS copies are rare. Transcribed probably in 
the xinth century A.D. except four modern folios at the 
beginning and one at the end. 

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 1 43 

43. Zubdatu 'l-fikrat fltdrikhi'l-hijrat. A general history 
of Islam from the beginning down to 724 A.H. ( 1324 A.D.), 
by Al-Amlr Ruknu '1-Din Baibars al-Mansurl al-Dawa- 
dar (d. 725 A.H.). The present volume contains juz 
three of the eleven parts which made up the complete 
work and gives the events of the years 42-121 A.H. 
Slightly defective at the beginning. No other copy of 
this part is announced in the catalogues. The date is 
partly erased but it is probably 732 A.H. 

44. Fathu ' l-wahbl. A commentary on Al-'Utbi's Ta "rikh i 
Yamlnl, by Ahmad ibn 'All al-Manmi. Though the 
British Museum has an edition of this work, only two 
other MSS are known to exist. Dated 1286 A.H. 

45^. Tajaribu 'l-salaf. A history of Islam from its rise until 
the extinction of the Caliphate in 1258 A.D. Compiled 
for the Atabeg Nasru '1-Dm Ahmad al-Fazlanl (d. dr. 
730 A.H.), by Hindushah ibn Sanjar ibn 'Abd Allah 
al-Klrani. Though mentioned by Hajji Khallfah, 11, 
p. 191, no other copy has been announced. Dated 
1268 A.H. (Pers.). 

46. Husnu'l-muhadarah. History of Egypt by Jalalu '1-Dln 
al-Suyuti. Dated 1270 A.H. Though this work has been 
printed, the British Museum possessed no MS of it 

47. Dikr i islam i Najashl. A history of the early wars 
of the Muslims, beginning with the conversion of the 
Najashl and ending with the conquest of Caesarea. 
The account is romantic rather than literally historical, 
after the manner of Wakidi. xviith century A.D. No 
other copy is announced. 

48. A history of the 'Abbasi Caliphs from Harunu '1-Rashid 
to Al-Mutawakkil, by an unnamed Tunisian author. 
Revised by Husain ibn Muhammad O!pls(?) al-TunisI, 
who added an appendix of the governors of Tunisunder 
the 'Abbasids from Al-Saffah down to Al-Muktadir. 
Completed on 4th Rabr II, 1172 A.H. The latest 
author cited is Al-Suyuti. Written in MaghribI script 
in the xvmth century. The only copy known to exist. 



49. Kitabu 7-sunan. An extensive collection of traditions 
as to the rules, sayings and doings of Muhammad. 
Compiled by Sulaiman ibn Ash'ath al-Sijistanl, known 
as Abu Da'ud (d. 275 A.H.). In ten juz or parts, with 
a sama ( or note, stating the person before whom it was 
read, after each part in another handwriting. Tran- 
scribed probably in the xnith century A.D. 

50. Another copy of portions of the traditions extending 
from Kitabu *l-jihad\.Q the end, i.e. Kitabu 'l-adab. The 
copy was finished on 9th Jumada 1 1 of the year 5 1 1 A.H. 
Collation completed 3rd Du'1-Hijjah, 515 A.H. 

51. Urjuzatu 'l-Makkiyyah. A collection of traditions, 
without compiler's name. No other copy is apparently 
known. Dated 816 (?) A.H. 

52. Talkhisu ' l-mustadrak. Pt 2 of a work on tradition, by 
Hakim* Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah 
ibn Muhammad ibn Nu'aim Nishapurl (d. 378 A.H.). 
Redacted and arranged by Muhammad ibn Ahmad 
al-Dahabi (d. 748 A.H.). Dated 1134 A.H. A unique 

53. Al-tibru 'l-mudab fl bay an tartlbi 'l-ashab. A work on 
tradition derived from the Companions of the Prophet, 
by Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Hafi al-Shafi'I. Tran- 
scribed probably in the xviith century A.D. No other 
copy is announced. 

54. Tahdlbu 'l-kamalfl asmai 'l-rijal. A greatly augmented 
recension of Ibn Najjar's (d. 643 A.H.) biographies of tra- 
ditionists entitled Kitabu ' l-kamal, by al-MizzI (d. 742 
A.H.). Vol. i, wanting introduction and some folios at 
end ; while others are damaged. Last notice is that of 
Ayyub ibn Muhammad ibn Riyaz ibn Farrukh al- 
Wazzan. Arab naskhi without diacritic points, probably 
of the xivth century. The only other copy of this vol- 
ume announced is at Cairo. 

55. Nakdu 'l-rijal. An account of Shrite traditionists, by 
Mustafa ibnu '1-Husain al-Tafrlshi. Only one other copy 
announced, Brit. Mus. Suppl. to Arab. Cat., 636. Dated 
1255 A.H. 

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 145 


56*. Poems by Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah Abu'l-'Ala al-Ma'arrl, 
with a commentary. The text is partly identical with 
the author's Siktu '1-zand. Imperfect at beginning and 
end. Dated xinth xivth century A.D. 

570. Dlwan. A collection of poems by Abu Bakr Ahmad 
ibn Muhammad Nasihu '1-Dln ArrajanI (b. 460 A.H., 
d. 544 A.H.). Only partially identical in contents with 
Brit. Mus. Or. 3167; having more of the poems rhyming 
in the last letters of the alphabet than that codex, and 
to that extent it is supplementary. Dated, probably, 
xnth or early xmth century A.D. 

57^. Poems by Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Fadl ibn 'Abdi '1- 
Khalik al-Katib. Died, according to a marginal gloss 
of same date as the MS, in 528 A.M. Apparently unique. 

57^. Poems by Al-Khalllu '1-Auhad Muhammad [ibn] Abi 
Zaid 'All ibn Muhammad ibnu 'l-Hasanl(?) ibn Muham- 
mad ibn Yazid al-Khaziz (?). 

58. Dlwan of Muhammad ibnu '1-Ablah (d. 579 A.H.). Of 
this poet's work only a few poems in the British Museum 
collections are otherwise known. Dated 88 1 A.H. 

59. Rauzatu 'l-nazir wa-nuzhatu 'l-khatir. A poetical an- 
thology here attributed to 'All ibn 'All al-'Umariyyah. 
Hajjl Khallfah attributes it to 'Abdu 'l-'AzIz al-Kashi. 
Brockelmann attributes it to Ahmad ibnu '1-Husain al- 
'Azazl. No other complete copy is announced. Extracts 
are found at Berlin. 


60. Sharai'u l-islam. The most important and popular 
treatise on Shf'ite law, by Najmu '1-Din Ja'far ibn 
Muhammad ibn Yahya al-Hilli (d. 676 A.H.). In the 
author's handwriting. A note in Persian on the fly-leaf 
gives the history of the identification of the script as 
that of the author. A fine copy dated 662 A.H. The 
margins are modern, with copious notes by Abu'l-Kasim 

B.P.V. *IO 


6 1. Masaliku " l-afham. A commentary on the Sharai' of 
Al-Hilli, by Zainu '1-Din ibn 'All ibn Ahmad al-'Amill. 
Completed in 964 A.H. The only other copy announced 
is at Leiden. 

62. Multaka 'l-bihar min muntaka 'l-akhbar. A treatise on 
Hanafl law, by Muhammad al-Zauzani al-Rashidl. See 
Hajji Khallfah, vi, p. 196. Dated (if it is not the date of 
the archetype) 697 A.H. No other copy is announced. 

63. Kitabu 'l-badl' or Badl'u 'l-nizam. A treatise on Hanafl 
law, by Muzaffaru '1-Din Ahmad ibn 'All al-Baghdadl, 
called Ibnu' '1-Sa'atT (d. 694 or 696 A.H.). Probably 
xvth century A.D. 

64. Muntaha 'l-wusul fl kalami } l-usul. Fundamentals of 
Shrite law, by Hasan ibn Yusuf Ibnu '1-Mutahhar al- 
Hilll (d. 726 A.H.). Dated 687 A.H. Apparently unique. 

65. Irshadu ' l-adhan. A treatise on Shrite law, by the author 
of the preceding. Dating from the xvnth century. Copies 
of this work are rare. 

66. Al-Kafl. A treatise on Zaidl law, by Muhammad ibn 
Murtada called Muhsin. Copied probably in the xixth 
century. No other copy of this work is announced. 

67. Shifau ' l-ghalll fi hall mushkil mukhtasari 'I- Shaikh 
Khalll. A commentary, by Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn 
'All ibn GhazI al-'Uthmanl al-MiknasI (d. 919 A.H.), on 
Khalll ibn Ishak al-Jundfs compendium of Moslem law 
according to the Malikite school. Composed in 905 A.H. 
Transcribed probably early in the xvith century A.D. 
No other copy is announced. 


68*. Masnavli Ma'navltf Jalalu '1-Din Ruml. A neat copy 
of daftar I, though slightly imperfect at the beginning 
and end. Copied in the xivth century A.D. 

69*. Mazharu 'l- l ajaib. A Sufic poem by Faridu '1-Dm 
'Attar. This copy is more extensive than that already in 
the British Museum the only other copy known to 
exist. Copied in 1286 A.H. 

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 147 

70. Si Fasl. A collection of poems by 'Attar. Apparently 
unique. Copied in 1298 A.H. 

7 1 *. Dlwan of Kataran. The contents differ almost entirely 
from that already in the British Museum. Copied in 
the xixth century A.D. 

72. Dlwan, by Shamsu '1-Din Muhammad Lahijl called Asm 
(d. 927 A.H.). Copies of this dlwan are not common. 
Transcribed in the xvnth xvmth century A.D. 

73. Dlwan of Mir Sayyid 'All called Mushtak of Isfahan. 
The British Museum had only a few ghazals of this 
poet's work. Copied in the xixth century A.D. 

74. Dlwan of Sahab. Only isolated poems are otherwise 
found in tazkirahs. Dating from, probably, the xvmth 

750. Haft Lashkar. An epic poem dealing with the same 
themes as the later additions to the Shahnamah, such 
as the Barzanamah. No author is mentioned. 

75^. Farasnamah. A short poem on horsemanship, by a 
certain Safl Kuli Khan Shamlu. No copy of either 
work seems to be announced. Dated 1255 A.H. 

76. Dlwan of Mirrlkh. Apparently a unique copy. Dated 
1256 A.H. 

77. Dlwan of Wakif. The only other known copy is in the 
Bodleian Library. Probably xvmth century. 

78*. A tazkirah, or biographies and extracts from the poetical 
works of Persian poets, by Darvish Nawa. Unique copy. 
Probably xixth century A.D. 


79. Thimaru 'l-sina'at. Discourses on the various sections 
of Arabic Grammar, by Husain ibn Musa ibn Hibat 
Allah al-Dmawari. Dated 583 A.H. (1188 A.D.). Ap- 
parently unique. 

80. Al-Kafiyyah. Ibn Malik's famous versified treatise on 
Arabic etymology and syntax. Dated 755 A.H. MSS 
of this work are rare. 


Sia. Khizanatu 'l-lataif. An anonymous commentary on 
Abu'1-Fath Nasir ibn 'Abdi J l-Sayyid al-Mutarrizfs 
treatise on Syntax entitled Al-misbah. 

8i& A tract entitled Risalah 'ilmiyyak inshau ' l-Rashid. 
A number of letters written to different personages in 
which the correct meaning and mode of writing some 
words in Arabic, especially in the Kuran, are discussed 
by the famous Rashidu '1-Din Watwat (d. 509 A.H.). 
Dated 751 A.H. No copy of either work is known to 
exist except that one risalah, or letter, of 8i3 is at 
Berlin and catalogued anonymously. 

820. Al-mufassal. A treatise on Arabic Grammar, apparently 
in imitation of Zamakhshari's work of that name, by 
Ahmad ibn Bahrain ibn Mahmud. 
Nukawatu 'l-ldah. A commentary on al- Hariri's Maka- 
mat, by the same author. An autograph copy made in 
679 and 677 A.H. respectively. Interesting calligraphi- 
cally. Apparently unique. 

83. Dasturu 'l-lughah. A treatise on Arabic Grammar 
arranged in 28 books according to the number of 
moon-stations, and each book into 1 2 chapters accord- 
ing to the number of months, by 'Abd Allah al-Husain 
ibn Ibrahim al-Natanz! called Du'1-Bayanain (d. 497 
or 499 A.H.). Dated 715 A.H. Copies of this work are 
not common. 

84. A I- Kofi fl l ilmi 'l-'aruz wa l-kawafl. Also called 
Sawiyyah. A poem on prosody by Sadru J l-Din Mu- 
hammad al-Sawi (d. 749 A.H.), with an anonymous 
commentary. In xivth xvth century naskhi. Copies 
are very rare. 


85. Mujmalu'l-lughat. An Arabic lexicon arranged accord- 
ing to the alphabetical order of the initial letters of words, 
by Abu '1-Husain Ahmad called Ibnu '1-Faris Kazwim 
(i 395 A.H.). Imperfect at the beginning wanting 
words beginning with alif -and at the end wanting 
the^-words. In this copy the letter waw precedes ha 
as in the Persian order. Copied probably about the 
xith century A.D. 

Rare and important Arabic and Persian Manuscripts 149 

86. Jana 'l-jannatain. An Arabic lexicon compiled by 
Fakhru'1-Dm Abu'l-Ma'ali Muhammad ibn Mas'ud al- 
Kasim. Dated 593 A.H. Apparently a unique copy. 

87. Mukhtasaru l-jamharah. An abridged version of (appar- 
ently) the lexicon of Muhammad ibn Hasan called Ibn 
Duraid (d. 321 A.H.). Differing greatly from the ex- 
tended work represented by Brit. Mus. Or. 581 1. Fine 
naskhi copy of probably the xnth century A.D. 

88. Al-Saml fil-asaml. A dictionary of Arabic terms 
explained in Persian by Ahmad ibn Muhammad al- 
Maidanl (d. 518 A.H.). Contents differ much from Brit. 
Mus. Or. 3268 and the Teheran lithographed edition. 
Dating probably from the xmth century. 

89. Al-Tirazu 'l-awwal. A lexicographical work of some 
importance, by 'All Sadru '1-Din al-Husaim. Dated 
1277 A.H. No other copy announced. 



90. A treatise on Muslim theology and ethics. Composed in 
Persian about 500 A.H. It is imperfect at the beginning 
and at the end, but written in a very fine old naskhi 
hand of probably the xmth century A.D. Persian MSS 
of that date are rare. The copy is, apparently, unique. 

91. Bayanu 'l-hakk. A philosophical work treating in turn 
of ethics, physics, and metaphysics. The above title 
occurs in, and is probably intended to apply to, only 
the last section of the work. The first part consists of 
sections or chapters (fasts) extracted from a work en- 
titled Risalatu l-akhlak. A note on the fly-leaf, referring 
to Hajjl Khallfah, attributes the work to Siraju '1-Dm 
Mahmud ibn Abi Bakr al-UrmawI (d. 682 A.H.). But 
it is on the .same plan as Al-Farabl's treatment of 
Aristotle's works. Date partly erased, but it is 600, 
odd, A.H. The copy is apparently unique. 



Die mas ala zunburlja gehort zu den zahlreichen gram- 
matischen Streitfragen (nicht weniger als 121 verzeichnet 
der 'fnsaf des Ibn al-'Anbarl, ed. Weil), die die Philolo- 
genschulen von Basra und Kufa schieden. Zur raschen 
Orientierung fur alle die, die bisher von dieser mas ala noch 
nicht gehort haben, mogen folgende Satze aus dem drei Sei- 
ten langen Kapitel, das Ibn al-'Anbarl ( Insaf * ** -* * ) ihr 
gewidmet hat, hier Platz finden : 

Die mas ala zunbunja 1 5 1 

Andere Stellen, an denen unsere Streitfrage erortert oder 
wenigstens erwahnt wird, sind: Ibn Hisam, Mugni-l-labib, 
ed. Kairo 1302 (mit der Hasija des Muhammad al-'Amir), 
i, x.-Ai (vgl. dazu Sacy, Anthol. gramm. arabe 199-201 
und 'Abd al-Hadl Naga al-'Abjarl, al-Qasr al-mabnl 'ala 
hawasi-l-Mugm i, iir-txr, s. auch Ho well, Grammar \, 763 

und Lane, Lexicon, unt. '*J), Maqqarl, Analectes n, ivo-iVA, 
Hariri, Stances* n, ^^, Schol., Sarisi, Sarh al-Maqamat 
al-Harlrlja, ed. Bulaq 1284, u, \A\ f., Ibn Hallikan, ed. 
Bulaq 1299, i, i^v (= Brunnow-Fischer, Chrestomathie ; 
vgl. Slane's Uebersetzung n, 397), 'Abu-1-Fida', Annales 
musl. n, 74 f. und Fleischer, Kl. Schriften i, 385. Nach 
Weil, a. a. O. 199, findet sie sich " in fast wortlicher Ueber- 
einstimmung [mit der Fassung des 'Insaf~\ auch in Sujutfs 
"Asbah in, \% wo sie den 'Amall des 'Abu-1-Qasim az- 
Zaggagl entnommen ist". Die J Asbah sind mir z. Z. nicht 
zuganglich. In der Kairo 1324 mit dem Kommentar des 
'Ahmad b. al-'Amln as-Sinqltl erschienenen Rezension der 
' Amall des ZaggagI sucht man unsere mas ala vergebens; 
sie stand wohl nur in der grossen und mittleren Ausgabe des 
Werkes (s. HaggI yalifa, ed. Fliigel, i, 431, wo aber als 
Verfasser der 'A mail fur ZaggagI falschlich Zaggag er- 
scheint, Hariri a. a. O., unten, Muhammad al-'Amir, Hasija 
zum Mugnl, a. a. O. i, A-, unt. **% pu. u. a.). 

Als Gegner im Streit um die Gliltigkeit von \*^i\ $* bji 
erscheinen an den angegebenen Stellen durchweg Slbawaih 

und Kisa'I; einzig 'A'lam as-Santamarl, bei Maqqarl, n, tv , 
2 ff., weiss zu berichten. dass die Ueberlieferung an Stelle 
von Kisa'I auch dessen Hauptschuler Farra' nennt. Starkeres 
Schwanken herrscht hinsichtlich der vornehmen Person- 
lichkeit, vor der die Disputation stattgefunden haben soil ; 
die Stimmen verteilen sich namlich ungefahr in gleicher 
Zahl auf den Grosswesir Jahja al-Barmakl und den Chalifen 
Harun (s., abgesehen vom 'Insaf, Mugni i, A., 17, Hariri 


n, **v Schol., Z. gf. 1 6, Maqqari n, *YO, 7, auch Ibn 
Hallikan a. a. O.). Trotz dieser Widerspruche konnte die 
Disputation als historisch anzusehen sein. Das Schulbei- 
spiel, von dem die Streitfrage ihren Namen az-zunburija 
erhalten hat, lautet gewohnlich so wie im ' Insaf, also cu^ 

(Ubt) ^ ^ liU 'j^jJI o* *-J **\ <r>HWI ot J>? (d.i. : " Ich 
glaubte, der Skorpion stache heftiger als die Hornisse, und 
siehe, sie ist [in dieser Beziehung wie] er"; Slane a. a. O. gibt 

die Worte ^ >A ttp bzw. UU falschlich mit " and behold! it was 
so " wieder). Ibn Hallikan hat aber: U-J jL*l j>Jj.M o-^5 cxj 
(UkCt) ^3* IJtf 'aiJLjl o-*. 'Abu-1-Fida': vj^J ^J oJ 

w *3 fr 

(UU) ^ yk liU ';>JJJ! AauJ ^> jJtl und MutarrizI, bei Hariri 
a. a. O. Z. 8, schlecht: ^ ^ til* 'j^j)! ^ l>i)t &\ &\ cu^> 

(LJ). Als Verfechter der ausschliesslichen Giiltigkeit von 
^ yb 13U hat zweifellos Sibawaih zu gelten; den von 'A 'lam 
a. a. O. tvo, 10 (s. auch tvi, 3 v. u.) angefiihrten <4 verein- 
zelten Aeusserungen", denen zufolge sich Sibawaih fur die 
Ausdrucksweise uCl yb t^b entschieden hatte, liegt sicher 
eine arge Gedankenlosigkeit zu Grunde. Kisa'l und seine 

Schule haben den Akkusativ Utt natiirlich nicht ausschliess- 
lich, sondern nur neben dem Nominativ ^ fur zulassig 
erklart. Vgl. im 'fnsaf(s. oben) und Mugrii i, A . , 3 v. u. den 
Satz: A^uJ3 a> ^ jy vj** 1 -* :^5^^< JU3, und zu letz- 
terer Stelle die Bemerkung Muhammad al-' Amir's : 

I 3 (Koran-Stellen, wie der 

Kommentator sie hier meint, sind : o^ ^ t^U 

pj . ^^ 7j 104 f., a 

20, 21, 03^^- ^* lib 36, 28, auch 

^^ 21, 97). 

_ Die Hauptfrage ist naturlich, wer Recht hat, ob die 
Kufenser oder die Basrenser. Wie letztere, so lehnt auch 
'A 'lam die Satzfugung uCj ^ tils unbedingt ab : 



^aJI aJytf N) f^U ki.^ 

A), a. a. O. ivx, 20 f. Sein Urteil scheint mir aber 
iibereilt. Die theoretischen Erwagungen, mit denen die 
kufischen und andere, jiingere, arabische Philologen die Zu- 
lassigkeit des Akkusativs UU zu begrunden suchen, sind 
allerdings dieses Verdikt trirft ja leider auf die meisten 
Theorien der arabischen Grammatiker zu im wesentlichen 
ode Scholastik. Beachtung verdienen aber doch Angaben wie : 

Hariri, a. a. O., Schol., Z. 5 v. u. ff. (ahnlich 'Insaf ***, 5 ff. 
und Sarlsi n, \ A\, 5 v. u. ff.), besonders da auch ZaggagI der 
basrischen Schule angehort. Der einzige abendlandische 
Gelehrte, der m. W. bisher zu der Ausdrucksweise UU ^A l^l* 
Stellung genommen hat, ist Fleischer. Er halt sie oftenbar 
nicht fur erfunden, denn er schreibt a. a. O. : "...oder man 
betrachtet ^U u. s. w. an und fur sich als Nominativ, wie 
das IAU in dem von den arabischen Grammatikern viel 
besprochenen UUyb t*U statt ^ys t*U..., entsprechend dem 
althebraischen H^t, "H^ mit folgenden Substantiven und dem 
neuhebraischen iHW u. s. w. im Nominativ... ; entsprechend 
ferner dem agyptisch-arabischen obt als Deutewort im Sub- 
jektsnominativ, wie in jUt ^)Ctj u^W- U dbt J*t-jH <cet 
homme n'est pas venu avec vous hier', Tantavy, Traitt de la 
langue arabe vulgaire, 8.75". Ich stimme ihm zu. Unsre Satz- 
fligung erscheint ja sogar in den Makamen des Basrensers 
Hariri, **% 2 : dCt $* I^U <4 und siehe, er ('Abu Zaid as- 
Sarugi) war es selbst". Hier konnte freilich eine Einwirkung 
unsrer masala anzunehmen sein. Aber nominativisches 
oCj, uCj, JU usf. findet sich auch sonst. So liest man Jaqut, 
Geogr. Worterbuch, ed. Wiistenfeld, iv, ^ * Y , 9: UU ^A :Jj3l 
" ich sage: das ist sie (die gewollte Pfeilschussweite)'' und 
ebd. tr, 15 ( = 


" imd er (der Berg Qara) 1st gemeint, wenn man im Sprich- 

wort sagt...." Und zu J^i5 jCj in Sure i wird die Lesart 

rf JU iiberliefert (Mugnl i, AI, 36.: [Ubi 

*j und dazu al-Qasr al-mabnl i, 
4 v. u. ff. : 

I >,** 

tli < 

. auch im Christlich-Arabischen : AJ! <jut, 

d. i. dbl *!?, statt yb 4^t u seine Mutter", *u AIJ^ ^y u in 
seiner Ordnung", o^MJ' ^'>* ^ "denn der Satan selbst", 
s. Graf, Der Sprachgebrauch d. dltesten christl.-arab. Lite- 
ratur 60 f. Das Auftreten der Akkusative ^U, JU, dbt usf. 
in gewissen Satzfiigungen der klassischen Sprache, in denen 
sie von einem ungeschulten Sprachgeflihl wohl als Nomi- 
native empfunden werden mochten, konnte ja leicht dazu 
fiihren, sie schliesslich fiir uf, c^f, ys usf. einzusetzen. Satz- 
fiigungen dieser Art sind : 

Caspari- Wright, Grammar -n, 84, i, 
1001 Nacht, ed. Kairo 1311, i, \ n, oblj uf c-JLI ebd. A, 
27 u.o. (Dozy, Suppl. i, 45 b hat dieses Ct^ verkannt ; s. schon 
Fleischer, Kl. Schriften n, 480), ^)bi ^{^jJU ^3 ' ^\^j^\ U ^3 
Kosegarten, Chrestomathie 78, unt. (auch dieses offenbar 
nur zur Gewinnung eines Reimes mit ^\^ an Stelle von c-jl 
gesetzte Jbj hat Dozy falsch beurteilt ; er erklart es fur 
einen Nominativ, ubersieht dabei aber, dass nach y\ bei vor- 
aufgehender Negation der Akkusativ zwar weniger gewohn- 
lich als der Nominativ, aber keineswegs verpont ist), y bi^ 
^JJb ^yij^febt Sure 34, 23 u.a. Der Ersatz des Nominativs 
der selbstandigen personlichen Fiirworter durch den Akku- 
sativ ist ja auch in den abendlandischen Sprachen nicht 
selten. Vgl. fur das Romanische Meyer- Liibke, Grammatik 
d. roman. Sprachen n, 93 : " Mehrfach sind die betonten 
Nominative durch die Akkusative verdrangt, vgl. moi, toi 
im Frz., mi, ti in der ostlichen Champagne, der Dauphine" 

Die masala zunbunja 155 

und den Waldenser Mundarten sowie in ganz Oberitalien, 
sogar in Venedig und im Emilianischen, te fur tu selbst in 

Lucca und Pisa ", 96: "In Frankreich und Norditalien 

sind dann wie bei der i. und 2. Person die ursprtinglichen 
Akkusative in den Nominativ geriickt : lui eux, lui lei loro, 

letztere selbst im Toskanischen ", auch in, 70 ff. In der 

englischen Umgangssprache der niederen und z.T. selbst 
der mittleren Volksklassen sind Wendungen haufig wie : 
its me ; nobody was present but us ; she did it better than 
him ; Harry and me are going usf. usf. Nach allem scheint 
mir, wie gesagt, unser UU $*> 1*1* als mundartliche Neben- 
form von ^A y* tel* sehr wohl denkbar. 

Nach dem 'Insaf (s. oben), Mugni I, *-, unt., Maqqari 
n, * Y o ? 1 9 ff. und Saris! n, \ M , 20 ff. hat Sibawaih auch die 
Ausdrucksweise ^5U)I *JUt JLe Ijp c-.j*. abgelehnt. Das 
erscheint durchaus glaubhaft, denn diese Konstruktion 
mit determiniertem Zustandsakkusativ ist iiberaus hart 
und wohl auch kaum aus der Literatur zu belegen. (Ich 
bin freilich m. W. auch der Satzfugung ^UUt Jjl jL^ lib, mit 
determiniertem Nominativ, noch in keinem Texte begeg- 
net.) Dass die Kufenser ^5UJI fiir zulassig erklart haben, 
hat seinen Grund offenbar in ihrer sehr gewaltsamen 
Lehrmeinung, ein Zustandsausdruck konne v in gleicher 
Weise indeterminiert wie determiniert sein ; s. Sarlsl a.a.O. : 

a^i^ lj& ^^3 o? J^-Jt ,j O***^ *r**S^j. Ganz unglaubhaft 
ist dagegen die Ueberlieferung, Sibawaih habe weiter auch 
die Konstruktion U515 AJUI jLc lib verworfen ; s. Maqqari 
a.a.O. Sein Kitab (n, ^^A, 9f.) erwahnt allerdings nur die 
Konstruktion ^515 A!)| JUP lib. Aber das besagt natiirlich 
nicht viel. O^ ist ja vollig einwandfrei : es ist hal zu AJJI Jufr, 
dem Subjekt des den Begriff des Daseins involvierenden 
unddaher in sich abgeschlossenen Satzes <Jj| Juc lib ("und 
siehe, 'Abdallah war da, stehend"), wahrend JsiS natiirlich 
das Pradikat des durch I3j eingeleiteten Nominalsatzes 
^515 Jjt jut bildet ("und siehe, 'Abdallah stand da"). 'A'lam, 
Maqqari n, *YI, 9 ff., weist denn auch jene Ueberlieferung 
mit Nachdruck zuriick, und andre Grammatiker stellen un- 
befangen^SlS und C$15 als gleichberechtigt hin ; s. Ibn Ja'Is 


unt. imd Howell I, 762 f. Freilich habe ich auch fur CsiS '* tjb 
keinen Beleg, wahrend es fur ^MS '* lijs an solchen nicht fehlt 
(s. Buharl, vokal Stambuler Ausg* v. 1315, vi, \*i, 4f.: 
L5-^b L^ ^ ^ *k ! J*" 1 ; ^ U ' ' ' C5*^ ^AH^* ; Tabarl, ^ nnales 
n, **Ar, i2f.: JjU. oW^ O-> ! lip...cJU.jLJ; ebd. rv., 17: 
^j^ ^j eyc>yo Q-llaln Jj; I3p . . . c^JU. j^ und Ibn Hisam, Sir a, 
ed. Wiistenfeld, I, '*^, 8f.: jujjJ ^1 tilj...^^ ^Jt oou-> 
jl^ AiIft J Jt dt ju ^5**~* Sj^J\ a^U ^ JJM< ^ ^ J^i und vgl. 
Reckendorf, Die syntakt. Verhaltnisse d. Arabischen 47/ff. ; 
so sogar ^ vJstj ^>^\ ^^-Uu 13^ 'iJUJl ^AJU 

i oo i Nacht in, t, 3 v. u. und Jitot oUUJt obt^ 


Hamadam, Maqamat, ed. Bairut 1889, rrv 5). Aber 
die Zulassigkeit von 1^13 '* tip wird, indirekt, bestatigt durch 
das Nebeneinander von U515 und ^513 in Ausdrucksweisen, 
die mit der unsrigen auf das engste verwandt sind. Ich denke 
an Falle wie : Jjb ^ US (3 13 y* ^5 Ibn Hisam, Sira ^v a , 2, 
neben J,t^ ^ ^51^ t^ y3 Tabarl, Annales i, V^AA, ult. f . ; 
jLot ^yUU- Jl^ykU Ibn Hisam t^., 11,^^,^)1 ^UJU.^tiyb 
Tabarl i, *v-rA, 13, neben j,a^wJl ^ JjU. ^)3yb^/^^f iv, vc, 
13.; a^U. ^ry^j AU3 Sure 27, 53, neben der Lesart l^U. 

^ x 

(s.z. B. Baidawiz. St.); ^ o^ ^*-^ ck^ ^ Ibn Hisam 
tii, 1 7, = Tabarl i, \v-rv, 2 und 'Aganl iv, rv, 5 (s. auch 
Brunnow-Fischer, Chrestom. oi, 5), neben der Variante tjU.1 
am Rande von Wiistenfeld's Cod. P ; ULJi^ ^likaJ! CH j^ ft *J^ 
^-Jb Caspari-Wright n, 278 AB usf. VgL Ibn Ja'Is ?, 
10 ff., Mugnl i, At, 21, Fleischer, A"/. Schriften i, 592 f. und 
vor alien Noldeke, Z&r Grammatik d. classischen Arabisck 
49 f. 

1 So iibereinstimmend in verschiedenen Hss. der Sira, die ich vor 
Jahren teilweise kollationiert habe. Dagegen natiirlich ebd. Z. i3f.: 

t d\ju. ac^o^o ^JJ U Ool; O*" 



*Oi> Bpiapeon' KaXeovai Ofol avSpcs Se re Trai/res 

(//. I 403-404.) 

Die Vorstellung von Doppelnamen 1 begegnet auch in 
islamischen Kreisen. Neben den irdischen unter den Mit- 
menschen gebrauchlichen eignet man hervorragenden Per- 
sonen Namen zu, mit denen sie von den Himmlischen 
bezeichnet werden. In dieser Weise hat man die beiden 
Namen des Propheten Ahmed und Muhammed auf die 
beiden Spharen verteilt. Jener sei sein himmlischer> dieser 
sein irdischer Name, JLOJJ *U-Jt ^$ j>^*~6 u^^t ^ a^t, so 
lasst man den Zauberer Satih in einem Orakelspruch dem 
Grossvater des Propheten, 'Abd al-Muttalib, verktinden 
(Slrat 'Antar, ed. Sahln xv 151, 7 v. u. ; ebenso in einem 
Orakel des Koss b. Sa'ida, ibid, xxv 86, 9)'. Vgl. Letters 
q/ Abu-l-'Ala al-Ma'arrl, ed. Margoliouth, 76, 6. 

Gern werden dabei auch andere, besonders die Benen- 
nungen erwahnt, unter denen jene Personen in den heiligen 
Schriften vorherverkiindigt seien. Sogleich wieder in erster 
Linie Muhammed selbst, woriiber ZDMG xxxn 373~376 3 . 
Wahrend sich die alte Traditionslitteratur mit fiinf Namen 
Muhammeds begniigt 4 , hat die spatere Theologie den Kreis 
immerfort erweitert und es bis zu tausend Namen des 
Propheten gebracht 5 . Die volkstumliche Litteratur will der 

1 Vgl. Nagelsbach, Homerische Theologie*) 202 ff. 

2 In der Ausgabe Kairo (matb. Serefijja) 1306-1311 = xv 68, 7; xxv 
48, 3; vgl. Basset, La Bordah du Cheikh el Bouslrt (Paris, 1894), 61. 

3 Im Taurat vorzugsweise al-Mutawakkil (Ibn Sa'd 1/2, 87, 16 ; 88, 21) 
mit Misverstehung des auf Muh. bezogenen Verses, Jes. 42, i ("der Ver- 
trauende " fiir " auf den ich vertraue "). Uber Verwechslung von *]fiX 
mit n/!3^K im selben Vers, s. 7?^/xxx 2. 

4 Muwatta\ iv 248, Bucharl, Mandkib^ nr. 17, Muslim v 118. Vgl. 
Sprenger, Das Leben u. d. Lehre des Moh. I 156 ff., Tor Andrae, Die Person 
Muhammeds (Stockholm, 1918), 274 ff. Der Lexikograph Abu '1-Husejn 

ibn Faris (st. 395/1005) verfasste eine Abhandlung u. d. T. *U~>! ^ &t^*M 

,-j-iJt, zitiert im Ithaf al-sada (Kairo) vn 163 unten. 

5 Die Litteratur in den Kommentaren zu den soeben angefiihrten Hadlt- 


gelehrten Uberlieferung in diesem Punkte mit ihrer Steiger- 
ung der Polyonymie nicht nachstehen. Muhammed habe 
verschiedene Namen nicht nur im Himmel und auf Erden, 
in den heiligen Schriften fruherer Religionen, sondern auch 
in den verschiedenen Naturbereichen werde er mit je ver- 
schiedenen Namen gerufen: mit einem anderen auf dem 
Kontinent als in den Meeren 1 ; mit je anderen bei den ver- 
schiedenen Vertretern des Tierreichs; ja sogar in jedem der 
sieben Himmel sei er unter je anderen Namen bekannt. 
Daruber wird der Wiistenheld 'Antar, als er um auf die 
Spur des Morders seines Sohnes Gadban gefiihrt zu werden 
sich an den Kahin Koss (in der Erzahlung standig " Kajs ") 
b. Sa'ida wendet, von letzterem in einer weitlaufigen, fast 
gnostisch klingenden Rede belehrt : 

(so!) UAjJ^t SV,pt 

(Slrat 'Antar, ibid. 

xxv 88). 

Eine ahnliche Belehrung hatte der Held bereits friiher in 
bezug auf die verschiedenen Namen des 'All vom Zauberer 
Satlh angehort (ibid, xv 152). 

Dieselbe Tendenz, die Wiirde der grossen Gestalten des 
I slams durch ihnen verliehene Vielnamigkeit zu erhohen, 
konnen wir auch, wenn auch nicht in so iiberschwanglichem 
Maas an der minder volkstiimlichen, der theologischen Tra- 
dition naher stehenden Litteratur erfahren. Da werden z. B. 
verschiedene Namen des Chalifen 'Omar auf verschiedene 
Regionen verteilt: al-Faruk sei sein himmlischer Name; 
im Ingil heisse er al-Kafl\ im Taurat Mantik al-hakk ; in der 
^enne^/-5^V^(Muhibbal-Taban, Manakib al-asara, 1 189). 
Vom Epithet des Chalifen 'Otman als du-l-nurejn (weil 
zwei Tochter des Propheten seine Gattinnen waren) lasst 
man 'All bezeugen, dass dies sein Name im Himmel sei 
(Ibn Hagar, Isaba n 1153). Dem 'Omar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz 
offenbart der Prophet, dass sein Name unter den Menschen 

1 Hier al-Mahl (Abu Nu'ejm ; s. Tor Andrae, I.e. 63). 

Himmlische und irdische Namen 159 


zwar 'Omar laute, dass er jedoch bei Gott Gabir heisse: 
^U. JLj j* aJUt juc. iUwl^ (bei Ibn al-GauzI, ed. C. H. 
Becker, 144 ult.) 1 . 

Wenn ihre Nebennamen auch nicht, im Gegensatz zu 
ihren irdischen, geradezu als himmlische bezeichnet werden, 
so mo'chte ich doch die Sohne des 'All der hier behandelten 
Gruppe anreihen. 

Nach einer auch in sunnitischen Kreisen verbreiteten 
Tradition seien den Enkeln Muhammeds (durch Fatima) 
vom Propheten die Namen Hasan, Husejn, Muhassin 2 ge- 
geben worden als arabische Aequivalente der aramaischen 
Namen Sabbar, Sabir 3 , Mus"abbir 4 , die angeblich die Sohne 
Aharons gefuhrt hatten (SahrastanT, ed. Cureton, 164, 8 ; 
vgl. Metz, Abulkasim, Einleitung 27 ; H. Lammens, Fatima, 
43). Auch dadurch sollte dokumentiert werden, dass 'All als 
" Bruder" Muhammeds zu betrachten sei und zu diesem im 
selben Verhaltniss stehe, in dem Aharon zu Moses stand (Ibn 
Sa'd, in/i, 15; ZDMGi. 119). Schriten stellen die Bedeu- 
tung jener aramaischen Namen neben den von den Enkeln 
des Propheten tatsachlich gefiihrten in der Weise dar, dass 
Hasan und Husejn im Taurat unter ersteren vorherverkiin- 
digt seien : a^pi ^ t^^w! o^>j ^* **> L5 3 W-' J^ ^ 
b*Aj W^ (Hi^i> Kasf al-jakln fi fadail amir al-mumiriin 
[Bombay, 1298], 68, 8). In pathetischer Rede gebrauchen 
schritische Schriftsteller, wenn sie von den Sohnen 'All's zu 
reden haben, mit Vorliebe jene fremde Namen. Sie beab- 
sichtigen dadurch in Hdrern und Lesern die feierliche Stim- 

1 In einem im LA s.v. ^.AC- n 95 nach Azharl mitgeteilten apokalypti- 
schen Hadit iiber die Zukunft des islamischen Reiches wird in der dort 
gegebenen, ubrigens liickenhaften Chalifenfolge zwischen Mansur und 
Mahdl ein Chalife mit Namen Gabir eingeschoben. 

2 Ausser diesem jung verstorbenen Sohn des 'All wurde dieser Name 
auch einem wahrend des Abzuges der gefangenen Frauen des Husejn nach 
der Kerbela-katastrophe bei Aleppo todt zur Welt gekommenen Kind des 
Husejn gegeben. Uber das diesem Kinde geweihte mashad s. Sobernheim 
in Melanges Hartwig Derenbourg^ 379-390. 

3 Im Persischen, das den Konsonanten ^ ausdriickt, sind die Namen, 

dem aram. Original *V&^ entsprechend j^w und t^^w (Nasir Chosrau, 
ZDMG xxxvi 506). 

4 Der Name ^-l-- auch echt arabisch ; Schol. Naktiid, ed. Bevan, 
Index s. v. 


mung gegenliber dem Andenken der Martyrer-Imame zu 
steigern ; z. B. in einem Trauergedicht auf die 'Aliden : 


(bei Nagafi, al- Muntachab fl-l- maratj wal-chutab [a. R. der 
Makatil al- Talibijjln vom Verfasser der Agam, Bombay, 
1311] 116, 7); oder in einem Trauergedicht des Sejf b. 
'Umejr auf Husejn : 

225, 10). Diese Namen sind zweifellos gemeint unter 
den verstiimmelten Formen bei John P. Brown, The Der- 
vishes or Oriental Spiritualism (London, 1868), 172, wenn 
bei der Initiation in den Bektasi-Orden die ftinf Beistande 
des Aspiranten nach den ahl al-kisa (ZDMG L 120) benannt 
werden als 'All, Zehra ( = Fatima), Sheppar ( =^J), Shah 
Peer ( =j-^),und Hazrat-i Kubra (nach Brown = der Mahdl). 

Die Annahme von verschiedenen, himmlischen und 
irdischen Namen derselben Person wird von den Sufi's gern 
auf die von ihnen verehrten hervorragenden Heiligen ange- 

Vom Griinder der Stadt Fes, dem heiligen Idrls sagen 
sie, dass dieser bios sein ausserlicher Name gewesen sei ; 
im Kreise der Gottesmanner und der Leute der Gottesge- 
genwart flihre er den mystischen Namen Fadl\ ^JJ! 

JU-J dj-^aJt (KettanI, Salwat al-anfas [Fes 1316] 
i 69). Von einem andern Hauptheiligen des maghri- 
binischen I slams, Abu Madjan sagt Muhjl al-dln ibn al- 
'Arabl, dass er in der Oberwelt unter den Namen Abu-l-Naga 
bekannt sei; so nennen ihn auch die Geisterwesen 1 : ,jl^ 
^U.^t ^^ *u l^JI ^b ^^xit^UJt ^ ^L' (Futuhat 
mekkijja, 24. Kap.[Kairo 1329] i 84,3). Das Epithet al-baz 
al-a'shab(&vc graue Falke), das man dem 'Abdalkadir al-Gllam 
gab 2 , wird nach einer Version damit motiviert, dass er im 

1 Uber den Begriff der ruhanijjun s. Ichwan al-safa (Bombay), iv 289, 
12 ; vgl. ibid. 230. 

2 Dasselbe Epithet wird gewohnlich dem beriihmten Safi'iten Abu 
VAbbas b. Surejg (Subkl, Tabak. Sdf. n 87, i) und dem Mansur al-'Iraki, 
miitterlichem Oheim des Ahmed al-Rifa'I (T.A. s. v. baz> iv n, 7) verliehen. 

Himmlische und irdische Namen 1 6 1 

Himmelreich (oyCJUJt ^y) diesen Namen fiihre (Loghat al- 
'arab, m 413 Anm.). 

Die rigal al-gajb (abdal, kutb und dessen beide Assisten- 
ten) haben neben ihreh gewohnlichen Namen mystische, 
zumeist theophore, mit ihrem mystischen Beruf zusammen- 
hangende Benennungen, die bei Blochet, Etudes sur 
tdrisme musulman {Journ. asiat. 1902, n 52; 66-67) 
sufischen Quellen mitgeteilt sind. 

DieseNamendoppelungistnichtauf Personenbeschrankt. 
In einem in das Musnad al-Safi'I (lith. Agrah 1306) 40 auf- 
genommenen gedehnten Hadit 1 belehrt Engel Gabriel den 
Propheten tiber die Vorzuge des Freitags. Unter anderen 
eroffnet er ihm, dass dieser Tag bei den Himmlischen " jaum 
al-mazld" (Tag der Vermehrung) genannt werde : Ojue ybj 
**i*A\ j*&> weil Gott an demselben auf goldenen, mit Edel- 
steinen ausgelegten Thronen um ihn versammelten Engeln, 
Propheten, Martyrern und Gerechten, die ihn um sein Wohl- 
gefallen bitten, die Gewahrung ihrer Bitte und uberdies noch 
die Vermehrung des von ihnen Gewiinschten zusichert 2 : 
Ju> ^jJj^*3 U ^z^aj^&f. c~-; j^5. Auf Grund dieses, 
gewiss aus einem einfacheren Kern erweiterten Hadit ist jene 
Benennung des Freitags als himmlischer Name desselben 
in die theologische Litteratur eingedrungen : (Aj^^aJl^j)^ 

Ao~Jt ^ aC^IUI A^J JUJ^> juj^Jt j># ait jofr (Gazall, Ihya, 
i 173) und sie wird in mystischen Gebeten, sowie auch in 

Ein anderer hervorragender Safi'it, Abu Muhammed al-Muzani erhielt den 
Ehrennamen al-bdz al-abjad (Subkl, I.e. 85, 10). Einen jiidischen kabba- 
listischen Autor aus Tarudant Namens Moses b. Maimun (schrieb ca. 1575) 
ehrte man mit dem Epithet al-bdz (Azulai, Sem ha-gedollm, 2. Abteilung 
s.v. hekhal kodes). Aber auch ein beriichtigter Dieb in Spanien zur 
Regierungszeit des Mu'tamid erhielt das Epithet als al-bdzl al-ashab 
(Makkarl, ed. Leiden, n 509). 

1 Das Hadit in iippiger Entfaltung bei Ibn Kajjim al-Gauzijja, Hddl al- 
arwdh ild bildd al-afrdh (Kairo 1325), II 102 ; 105 ff. passim ; ibid. 124 ist 
auch von einem ddr al-mazld die Rede, in das die Seligen am Freitag 
eingelassen werden. 

2 Auch andere Motivierung : 

t>>^)t J^J-o A-j-9 ia-o-aJl: Zuwachs an Erleuchtungen und 
Segnungen (Suhrawardi, 'Awdrif al-ma l drif, Kap. 63 [a. R. des Ihjd iv 
461]). Vgl. die jiid. kabbalistische Anschauung von der sabbathlichen 


B.P.V. * II 


rhetorischer Absicht in einem Buchtitel(Brockelmann, n 380) 
als Synonym des Freitags gebraucht. Weitere Belege sind 
in meinem Aufsatz " Die Sabbathinstitution im Islam " 
(D. Kaufmann-Gedenkbuch [Breslau, 1900] 88-89) ange- 



In his Literary History of Persia, Professor Browne 
has shown the importance of the part taken by Persia in the 
development of Muhammadan literature. It is probable, 
indeed, that there is hardly an element among all the con- 
stituents of the general Islamic system towards which Persia 
cannot be shown to have made a substantial contribution. 
Accordingly, it is worth considering how and in what degree 
the influence of Persia extended itself under the Muham- 
madans to the west. The effects seem to have been felt in 
Egypt as strongly as anywhere else. 

The following deals with the period when Egypt was 
united politically with Persia as a member of the Khalifate, 
a space of rather more than three centuries beginning with 
the Islamic conquests. Lower Mesopotamia ('Iraq) is 
treated as Persian for the purpose in view. The authorities 
drawn on are the well-known Arab historians. Much of 
the material they supply is fragmentary and disconnected. 
Even if it were possible to collect every single relevant fact 
from their works, there are aspects of the subject which 
would remain obscure. The contemporary papyri, when 
they become available, are sure to add to our knowledge 
with regard to it. The abbreviations used in the references 
seem not to require explanation, except the following : 
Suyuti=Husn el Muhadarah. Ibn 'Abd el Hakam=Br. 
Mus. MS. Stowe or. 4. Kkitat = E\ Maqrizi's Khitat. El 
Mukdfaah by Ahmad ibn Yusuf. Cairo, 1914. 

A party of ^Persians, known as El Firisiyin, accompanied 
Amr ibn el 'Asi on his invasion of Egypt. According to 
one account, they were remains of the troops of Badan, who 
had been governor of Yaman for the King of Persia before 
Islam ; they had been converted to Islam in Syria and had 
then volunteered to serve in the religious war 1 . One wonders 

1 Khitat, i, 298. 



how they could have got to Syria unconverted. A second 
account says "it is alleged that there were among them 
a band of Persians who had been in San'a' 1 ," implying 
that most if not all of them came from Persia, presumably 
as prisoners taken in the Mesopotamian campaigns. El 
Farisiyin, who were few, seem to have settled at Fustat, 
where they had a Khittah and a mosque, which latter was 
still known in the third century of the Hijrah 2 . 

Ka'b ibn 'Adi et Tanukhi el 'Ibadi, a sahabi, was the 
son of a bishop of Hireh, and had been a partner of 'Umar 
before Islam. Ka'b was sent on a mission to the Muqauqis 
in 15 A.H. and took part in the conquest of Egypt. He 
settled in Egypt and must have had a following of some 
magnitude there, for one of the early divisions of the Arabs 
in Egypt was named after him Al Ka'b ibn 'Adi et 
Tanukhi 3 . 

The great schism in Islam caused some movement from 
'Iraq to Egypt. Hujr ibn 'Adi, a prominent supporter of 
'Ali, who seems to have been settled at Kufah, appears in 
Egypt as an envoy from Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr to 
Mu'awiyah 4 ; and 'Amr ibn el Hamiq, one of the regicides, 
who is connected with Hujr and with Kufah, is connected 
with Egypt also 5 , though it is not clear whether his associa- 
tion with Kufah dates from before his association with 
Egypt. 'Abdallah ibn Saba', a mysterious Jew of San'a' 
said to have been at the bottom of the conspiracy against 
'Uthman, settled in Egypt after travelling to Kufah and 
Basrah 6 . About 130 Azd were banished from Basrah to 
Egypt by Ziyad in 53 A.H. and settled in Fustat*. Hanash 
ibn 'Abdallah, of San'a' and related to the tribe of Saba', 
was one of the Persians of Yaman and had been with 'Ali 
at Kufah. He came to Egypt after the assassination of 'Ali 
and settled there. Hanash seems to have been a leader of 
some distinction in the west and had an adventurous career 
in North Africa and in Spain 8 . 

1 Ibn 'Abd el Hakam, fol. 49 a. 2 do., fol. 48 b. 

3 Mushtabih, 334; Ibn Duqmaq, iv, 39; Suytiti, i, 131 ; Kindt, 70. 

4 Kindi, 28. ' Suytiti, i, 128. 

8 Tabari, i, 2942-4 ; Sam'ani, 288. 7 Khitat, i, 298. 

8 Ibn Sa'd, v, 391; Sam'ani, 288 b; Ibn Adari, i, 15; Maqqari, 
i> 3- 

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 165 

Musa ibn Nusair, the conqueror of Spain, was the son 
of a captive taken at *Ain et Tamr near Anbar in 12 A.H., 
and before entering the service of 'Abd el 'Aziz ibn Marwan 
in Egypt had held an administrative post at Basrah. It 
seems likely that Musa's family settled in Egypt, for two or 
three of them were in the public service there at the end of 
the Umaiyad period 1 . 

'Abdallah ibn Khudamir of San 'a' and a maula of the 
tribe of Saba' was Qadi of Egypt from 100 to 105 A.H. and 
his son Yazid held the same post in 114 A.H. 2 The name 
Khudamir seems certainly to be Persian. 

El Laith ibn Sa'd, the celebrated jurist, who was born 
in Egypt at Qalqashandeh in 94 A.H., belonged to a family 
which came originally from Isfahan and were maulas of the 
family of the chiefs of the tribe of Fahm in Egypt. They 
were particularly associated with Khalid ibn Thabit, the first 
of these chiefs in Egypt, so the relationship was probably 
established in the first half of the first century. Khalid, who 
was a sahabi and took part in the conquest of Egypt, appears 
once or twice in Egyptian history, and was living in 54 A.H. 
El Laith's father is said to have been a maula of Quraish 
and then to have taken military service (iftarad) with Fahm 
and so to have become related to the tribe 3 . 

The diwan, the qairawan used to denote the whole of 
the area covered by the camp of the Arabs at Fustat 4 , and 
the furaniq 5 or guide of the post, are Persian terms that were 
current in Egypt in the first century. 

One comes to the 'Abbasid period. Large numbers of 
Persians invaded Egypt on the establishment of the 'Abbasid 
Khalifate in 132 A.H. = 750 A.D. The eye-witness whose 
account is preserved by Severus puts the number of the 
' Abbasid army that pursued Marwan to Egypt as 100,000 
horse 6 , implying a greater total, since the army would not 
have been made up entirely of horse, and he saw in this 
host a people different from the Arabs with whom he was 
acquainted. He always calls them Khurasanians. These 
"Musauwidah" were not of course entirely Persians, but the 

1 Tabari, i, 2064; Ibn 'Adari, i, 24; Kindi. 2 Kindi. 

3 Er Rahmat el ghaitjnyah, 3, where Thabit is to be read for Nashir ; 
Suyuti, i, 114; Kindi.~~ 

4 Suyfttt, ii, 7. 5 Kindi, 62. 6 Seybold, 191. 


Arabs among them would have been derived from Persia 
and the East. The one Arab section of the army actually 
named, the Mudariyah, were under the leadership of a chief 
who was a member of Tamim 1 , a tribal group which is con- 
nected with Kufah, Basrah, Marw, Isfahan and the East 
generally and appears hardly to have extended westward 
at all until the 'Abbasid movement brought it to Egypt and 
North Africa. The slayer of Marwan, 'Amir ibn Ismail, 
who was the leader of the vanguard of the army 2 , came 
from Basrah. He belonged to the Arab tribal group of 
Madhij, but perhaps as a maula. At all events, he spoke 
Persian to his men and urged on the charge with "yd 
jawdnagdn dihtd*" 

A greaf part of the 'Abbasid army returned to the East 
soon after their victory, and when Salih ibn 'All left Egypt 
in 137 A.H. = 755 A.D. most of their cantonment at El 'Askar 
fell into ruin. El 'Askar was maintained, however, up to 
the time of Ahmad ibn Tulun and seems until then to have 
remained the usual dwelling-place of the 'Abbasid governors 
and their troops 4 . 

The list of the governors of Egypt between 132 A.H. 
= 750 A.D. and the war between Amin and Ma'mun 196 
A.H. =812 A.D. shows that those first appointed were promi- 
nent supporters of the 'Abbasids who had been instrumental 
in bringing the dynasty to power. Later, the office was fre- 
quently conferred on some member of the 'Abbasid family, a 
near relative of the reigning Khalif. During the time, there 
were a number of other governors, some of whom were dis- 
tinguished as military leaders and some of whom had been 
governors of other provinces of the empire and belonged 
perhaps rather to a bureaucratic than to a military class. 
On three or four occasions, Arabs of Egypt acted as gover- 
nors ; but this was unusual and as a rule the governors came 
from the East. A fair proportion of them were Persians, 
like Abu 'Aun, a native of Jurjan, and Harthamat ibn A'yan 
who came from Balkh 5 . The majority were Arabs, but so 
intimately connected with Persia as to imply a Persian fol- 
lowing and belongings. Thus Musa ibn Ka'b seems to have 

1 Kindi, 99, 1. 9 . 2 Kindt, 96. 

3 Tabari, iii, 51. * See Khitat, i, 304. 

5 Bib. G. Ar., vii, 305. 

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 167 

spent years as an 'Abbasid missionary in the remotest parts 
of Khurasan 1 , Muhammad ibn el Ash'ath had been governor 
of Paris in 130 A.H. under Abu Muslim* and the Muhallab 
family, to which Yazid ibn Hatim belonged, had given 
governors to Khurasan more than once. The governors 
who were 'Abbasids may be taken to have stood for Meso- 
potamia and the entourage of the court at Baghdad. One 
feature about the whole of this series of governors was the 
frequency of changes. The average term of office was less 
than a year and a half. The continual travelling to and fro 
of governors and their retinues must have in itself quickened 
relations between Persia and Egypt. 

The organisation of the troops of Egypt under the 
'Abbasids is not entirely clear. Salih ibn 'All " added 2000 
righting men (muqdiif) to Egypt 3 " ; perhaps this means 
that he increased the military establishment to that extent. 
The 'Abbasids seem to have instituted arbd' in Egypt 4 , and 
presumably this signifies that they divided the troops there 
into four divisions. 

From a work by El Jaliiz referring to a date not very 
much later, the army of the Khalifate would seem to have 
been divided into five divisions Khurasanians, Turks, 
clients, Arabs, and " Banawis 5 ," i.e. " Abna'," and this sug- 
gests that there may have been two Persian divisions in 
Egypt Khurasanians and Abna'. The arrival of 1000 
Abna' in Egypt in 194 A.H. is recorded 6 . 

The institution known as the sjiurtah seems to have 
represented a force kept on a permanent military footing, to 
be reinforced when necessary from the rest of the " ahl ed 
diwan." Under the 'Abbasid governors, there were two 
sjiurtahs in Egypt that of El 'Askar, esh sjiurtah el l ulyd\ 
and that of Fustat. A full list of the captains of the sjiurtah 
is given by Kindi, and during the time in question they 
were nearly all Arabs and mostly Arabs of Egypt. This list 
relates, however, to the skurfah of Fustat and the names 
of captains of the shurtah of El 'Askar occur only once or 
twice 8 . 

1 El Akhbar et Tiwal, 337. 2 Tabari, ii, 2001. 

3 Kindi, 103. ' 4 Kindi, 71.' 

5 Translated by Mr Harley Walker,/. K.A.S. 1915, p. 637. 

6 Kindi, 147. 7 Khitat, i, 304, 1. 30. * e.g. Kindi, 102. 


It is probable that the troops of Egypt fell into two main 
divisions : the Arabs of Egypt corresponding to the sjmrtah 
of Fustat, and the Eastern troops, who were the principal 
support of the governors and were largely composed of 
Persians, and were connected with the other sjturtah. 

The arrival of troops from abroad in Egypt in the second 
century under the 'Abbasids is recorded in the years 143, 
169, 172, 178, 191, and 194 A.H. by Kindi. Doubtless, 
however, these were not the only occasions. One reads, 
indeed, that Es Sari ibn el Hakam, who was a Khura- 
sanian, belonged to the military following (jund) of El 
Laith ibn el Fadl and entered Egypt in the reign of Er 
Rashid 1 , apparently, therefore, between 182 and 187 A.H. 
when El Laith was governor and not at one of the dates 
referred to. Probably most of the governors enlisted some 
troops of their own. There is evidence that some of the 
families that came in from the East in the period in question 
settled in Egypt. Two members of the Muhallab family are 
mentioned who were in Egypt 24 and 29 years respectively 
after the departure of Yazid ibn Hatim 2 . The family of 'Abd 
el Jabbar el Azdi, Ktmrasanians first connected with Egypt 
in 150 A.H., appear in Egyptian history during the rest of 
the century. 'Abd el Jabbar, an officer of El Mansur, had 
revolted in Khurasan in 141 A.H., and had been taken and 
executed. His family were transported to Dahlak, where 
some of them were captured in an Indian raid, and others 
escaped and managed to regain favour 3 . They seem to have 
got to Egypt in this way. The settlement of 'Abbasid troops 
in Egypt would have formed colonies like the Khurasanian 
colonies at Qairawan and Baghayah in North Africa alluded 
to by Ya'qubi 4 . 

The strength of the Khurasanian party in Egypt appears 
in the war between El Ma'mun and El Amin, when the 
Khurasanians naturally took the part of the former. They 
eventually possessed themselves of the province, which was 
held by a semi-independent Khurasanian dynasty that of 
Es Sari ibn el Hakam and his sons for about eleven 
years, from 200 to 211 A.H. The Khurasanians were able, 

1 Kindi, 148. 2 Kindij 

Tabari, iii, 134-6. 
4 Bib. Geo. Arab., vii, 348, 350. 

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 1 69 

not only to keep the Arabs of Egypt in check, but also to 
fight among themselves. In connection with these events, it 
is mentioned that the family of 'Abd el Jabbar referred to 
Avere among the leading people of Khurasan in Egypt at 
the end of the second century 1 . 

The overthrow of the dynasty of Es Sart by 'Abdallah 
ibn Tahir, a Persian from Bushanj near Herat 2 , meant the 
introduction of still more Persian troops into Egypt. 

The followers of 'Abdallah ibn Tahir naturally included 
many Persians. The names of some of them are given. 
Among them may be noted a member of the Samanid 
family, who was made governor of Alexandria 3 . Some four 
years later, 'Abdallah was followed by the celebrated Persian 
general Afshin, who came to quell disturbances, and was 
still continuing operations at El Ma'mun's visit in 217 A.H. 
After 'Abdallah ibn Tahir, a good proportion of the gover- 
nors of Egypt were Persians ; and, the Arabs soon dis- 
appearing almost entirely from the military sphere, one 
finds many Persian names in the list of the captains of the 

fuard ; but Turks, first heard of in Egypt in 214 A.H. 4 , 
egan gradually to displace the Persian military element 
there and by the time of Ibn Tulun it had become eclipsed. 
Persians as soldiers do not again appear with any great 

So little is forthcoming about most of the 'Abbasid non- 
military officials in Egypt in the second century that their 
nationality rarely appears. The Khardj was generally in 
the hands of the governors. Abu Qatifah (164 A.H.) 5 and 
'Umar ibn Mihran (176 A.H.) 6 are two special waits of the 
Khardj who came from the East. The names of the sahib 
el barid are rarely given : Wadih (169 A.H.) 7 and Yazid ibn 
'Imran 8 (174 A.H.) were Easterns. The qddis of Egypt 
were at first Egyptian Arabs. The first alien qddi, who was 
appointed in 164 A.H., came from Kufah. Afterwards the 
appointment of qddis from the East became more and more 
frequent and in El 'Umari (185-194 A.H.) there is an 
example of one who brought with him the corrupt and 

1 Kindt, 165. 2 Ibn Khallikan, i. 235, 260. 

3 Kindi, 184. 4 Kindi, 188. 

5 Kindi, 123. 6 Tabari, iii, 626. 

7 Tabari, iii, 561. 8 Kindi, 384. 


dissolute manners of Baghdad at the time of Er Rashid. 
The rdwis of Egypt in the second century included two of 
Khurasan, who must have come to Egypt early in the 
century, perhaps with the 'Abbasid army of conquest, two 
belonging to Basrah and four or five belonging to Kufah 1 . 
When 'Umar ibn Mihran was given charge of the Khardj, 
" the domains " (diyaf) were also put under his control. This 
expression is elucidated by an allusion to the factor of 
Zubaidah over El Buhairah in 184 A.H. 2 , showing that a 
large tract of land in Egypt was at that time the property of 
the Khalif's wife. One hears of the factor of Harthamah ibn 
A'yan over his diyd* in Egypt in 196 A.H. 3 Harthamah had 
left Egypt nearly 20 years before. 

One may note Salih ibn Shirzad, who was in charge of 
the Khardj in 214 A.H. 4 , as obviously a Persian. 

Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Mudabbar 5 appears to have 
become administrator of the Khardj in Egypt in 247 A.H. 6 , 
and he held the post on the arrival of Ibn Tulun in 254 A.H. 
Ahmad's brother, Ibrahim, was a prominent official at 
Baghdad 7 , and the family nisbah, Rastisani 8 , though the 
place to which it refers appears to be unknown, suggests a 
Persian origin. Ahmad had estates in Egypt 9 . 

Yusuf ibn Ibrahim ibn el Dayah, foster-brother of 
Ibrahim ibn el Mahdi, or more probably of El Mu'tasim, was 
a secretary to the former and employed by him at Samarra. 
Shortly after the death of Ibrahim ibn el Mahdi in 224 A.H., 
Yusuf " removed to Egypt with his family and retinue, in 
order to farm the estates of persons who had grants of land 
in Egypt. At the time the Turkish generals were becoming 
all-powerful at the court of El Mu'tasim and the influence 
of their Arab patrons was disappearing. Egypt was a rich 
agricultural country and much of its land had been given in 
grants. Its revenue was in the hands of Ahmad ibn Mu- 
dabbar (?) and his associates. It was distant, too, from the 
disturbances and tumults caused by the generals 10 ." 

1 According to the lists of Suyuti. * Kindi, 392. 
3 Kindt, 149. 4 Kindi, 185. 

5 Or Mudabbir. Both vocalisations are vouched for. 

6 Khitat, ed. Wiet, ii, 81, Note i. 7 Tabari; Aghani. 

8 Ibn Khallikan, ii, 344. 9 Ibn Sa'id, Frag. 16. 

10 ElMukafa'ah, introduction, xiv. 

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 171 

Yusuf ibn Ibrahim had many diyd* in his name on the 
register in Egypt for 250 A.H. 1 He' died in Egypt in the 
reign of Ibn Tulun 2 . His brother Ishaq is mentioned in 
Egypt 3 . Yusuf s son Ahmad, the author of the life of Ibn 
Tulun and other works, who died somewhere between 330 
and 340 A.H., seems to have spent his life in Egypt 4 . 

Here may be noticed Wathimah ibn el Furat, a Persian 
merchant of embroidered stuff, who travelled westward from 
Persia as far as Spain and seems to have settled in Egypt, 
for he died there in 235 A.H., and 'Umarah, his son, who 
died in 289 A.H., is classed as an Egyptian. Both Wathimah 
and 'Umarah were historians of some repute 5 . 

In about 247 A.H., a partisan of El Muntasir, who had 
fled to Egypt in disguise, found there were so many people 
of Baghdad in Fustat that he did not feel safe from being 
detected in the town 6 . 

The followers of Ibn Tulun were mostly Turks, but the 
list includes some Persians or Mesopotamians, like El Wasiti. 
One may note Ahmad ibn Abi Ya'qub the historian, a de- 
scendant of Wadih mentioned above, who seems to have 
passed the earlier years of his life in the East, but was in 
charge of the Khardj of Barqah in 265 A.H. 7 , and as being 
the author of two poems lamenting the overthrow of the 
Tulunids in 292 A.H., appears to have spent a long time in 
Egypt, if not to have made Egypt his home 8 . By employ- 
ing an Egyptian secretary instead of one from 'Iraq, Ibn 
Tulun departed from a customary practice 9 . 

A conspicuous Eastern family that settled in Egypt in 
the time of the Tulunids was that of the Madara is. SanVani 
believes them to have come from the neighbourhood of 
Basrah 10 . The name of one of their ancestors, Rustam, shows 
that they were of Persian origin, and Istakhri refers to them 
as one of the Persian families that had managed to gain 
a high place in the official world, like the Barmakids and 
the family of Sahl to which Du er Riyasatain belonged 11 . 
The family seem to have been in a humble position in 

1 El Mukafctah, 115. 2 Yaqtit, Irskad, , *59- 

3 El Mukdfa'ah, n. 4 Yaqtit, Irshad. 

5 Ibn Khallikan, ii, 171. 6 El Mukdfa'ah, 36. 

7 Ibn Sa'id, Frag. 62. 8 Kindi, 250, 252. 

9 Ibn Said, Frag. 15. 10 Fol. 499. 
11 Bib. Geog. Arab., i, 146. 


Mesopotamia early in the second half of the third century 1 . 
One of them 'All ibn Ahmad appears to have come to Egypt 
in 272 A.H. 2 He became vizier to Khumarawaih and to 
Jaish after him and was assassinated in Egypt in 283 A.H. 3 
Other members of the family are mentioned ^ in Egyptian 
history of about this time. Two who are prominent are Abu 
Zunbur and Muhammad ibn 'All, son of the vizier of Khu- 
marawaih, both of whom were in close touch with the central 
official circle at Baghdad, and were proposed as vizier to 
the Khalif at different times 4 . Abu Zunbur held important 
posts in Egypt, connected generally with the Khardj, and 
died in 317 A.H. 5 Muhammad ibn 'All was vizier to the last 
Tulunids from 283 to 292 A.H. and afterwards was in high 
positions. He succeeded Abu Zunbur as administrator of 
the Khardj in 318 A.H. and was the virtual ruler of Egypt 
at the time of the entry of Ikhshid, which he opposed, but 
he afterwards gained favour with the Ikhshid dynasty. He 
died in 345 A.H. 6 The enormous wealth amassed by the 
Madara'is is shown by Abu Zunbur having been fined 
1,100,000 dinars on one occasion 7 . The net revenue of the 
estates of Muhammad ibn 'Ali in Egypt, apart from the 
land-tax (Khardj), was 400,000 dinars 8 . The last Madara'i 
mentioned, who is classed as an Egyptian, died in 392 A.H. 9 

Another Eastern family of distinction which was con- 
nected with Egypt was that of Ibn el Furat. Towards the 
end of the third century it had acquired great influence in 
the official circle at Baghdad. Two of its members were 
viziers. The family are said to have come from Nahrawan 10 , 
near Baghdad. If Dr Tallqvist is right in connecting with 
it Naufal ibn el Furat (who was in charge of the Khardj of 
Egypt in 141-3 A.H. 11 ) and Wathimah and his son 'Umarah, 
who have been mentioned above 12 , its association with Egypt 
extended over a long period, but it seems that the relation- 
ship is not established. El Fadl ibn Ja'far ibn el Furat, a 
nephew of the ill-starred vizier of Muqtadir, was allied by 
marriage with El Ikhshid, and it was at his instigation and 

1 Hilal, 92. 

2 His son came to Egypt in this year at the age of 14. Khitat, ii, 155. 

3 Ibn Sa'id, 163. 4 'Arib, 73 ; Hilal, 347. 5 See Hilal and 'Arib. 
6 Hilal; 'Arib; Ibn Said; Khitat, ii, 155. 7 Hilal, 45. 

8 Khitat, ii, 155. 9 Sam'ani. Fol. 499. 10 Hilal, 8. 

11 Kindi, 108, 109 ; Tabari, iii, 142. 12 Ibn Sa'id, 93, 94. 

Relations between Persia and Egypt under Islam 173 

with his support that El Ikhshid possessed himself of Egypt. 
El Fadl was " inspector" of Syria and Egypt and was in 
Egypt for some time during El Ikhshid's reign. After 
the death of El Fadl in 327 A.H., his son Ja'far, known as 
Ibn Hinzabah, became one of the principal officers of the 
Ikhshid dynasty and was vizier when the Fatimids arrived 1 . 

The qddis of Egypt in the third century and the first 
half of the fourth were not often Egyptian Arabs. A few of 
them were natives of Syria, but the majority came from 
Baghdad. The rdwis of Egypt in the third century, accord- 
ing to Suyuti's lists, include 2 from Kufah, 2 from Basrah, 
2 or 3 from Baghdad, i from Wasit, i from Raqqah, 3 from 
Marw (Merv), i from Jurjan and i from Raiy ; in the part 
of the fourth century up to 360 A.H., the figures are 2 from 
Baghdad, i from Wasit, i from Marw, i from Raiy, i from 
Dinawar, i from Qazwin, i from Nisabur, i from Nasa. 

Some of the Eastern authors connected with Egypt in 
the period referred to, apart from theologians and writers of 
law, have been included in the above. It maybe useful to 
give a full list. Abu Nuwas, the celebrated poet of the court 
of Er Rashid, who was probably of Persian origin though 
his derivation and early history are obscure, visited Egypt 
either in 190 or 191 A.H. 'Abd el Malik ibn Hisham, a 
native of Basrah, the author of the well-known life of the 
Prophet, died at Fustat in 218 A.H. Wathimah 1235 and 
his son 'Umarah t 289 A.M., both historians, have been 
mentioned above. Abu Bishr ed Dulabi, originally from 
Raiy, a historian, came to Egypt in about 260 A.H. 2 and 
died in 310 A.H. El Ya'qubi, the geographer and historian 
belonging to the same period, has been mentioned. Yamut 
ibn el Muzzari', of Basrah, had visited Egypt often ; he died 
in 304 A.H. Ahmad ibn Yusuf ibn el Dayah, the historian, 
has been mentioned above. In his Mukafaah he gives two 
or three narratives that had been related to him by Ya'qubi. 
Mas'udi, perhaps the greatest Arab historian of his time, 
visited Egypt more than once and died there in 345 A.H. 
He belonged to a Baghdad family. 'Abdallah el Farghani, 
a continuator of Tabari, appears to have dwelt in Egypt 
from sometime before 329 A.H. till his death in 362 A.H. 3 

1 See Ibn Sa'id; Ibn Khallikan, i, no. 2 Sam'ani, fol. 233 b. 

3 Brit. Mus. MSS. Safadi, Add. 23358, fol. 20; Dahabi, or., 48, fol. 79 b 


The result of the above may be summarised briefly. 
There is no sign of much connection between Persia and 
Egypt up to the end of the Umaiyad period. Still, a few 
Persians appear in Egypt even in the first century of the 
Hijrah and there was then some movement from 'Iraq to 
Egypt. Under the 'Abbasids, Persia dominated Egypt. 
There was a virtual Persian military occupation lasting for 
the best part of a century, followed by a generally Persian 
administration carried on by clerks from 'Iraq and continued 
for about as long. The exploitation of Egypt for the benefit 
of dependants of the court at Baghdad and other Easterns 
can be seen to have begun quite early and seems to have 
gone on all the rest of the time. This would have brought a 
number of Persians or Persianised people not only to Fustat, 
but to the country parts of Egypt. Others of the same sort 
came there for other occasions, as for instance in quest of 
traditions. One suspects that there was a regular stream of 
trade between Baghdad and Egypt, though the authorities 
mention only one Persian merchant. 



Che nel parlar familiare, e grazie al tono della voce, una 
particella interrogativa possa prendere valore negative non 
deve sorprendere. Cosi, per quel che riguarda T italiano, 
nel parlar toscano 1' interrogative "che ?" ha spessissimo nel 
linguaggio familiare il valore di negazione ; " che, che ! " 
equivale a " ohibo ! " "niente affatto." E analogamente alle 
particelle interrogative, una particella affermativa puo, per 
il tono della voce, prendere significato negative. Quando, 
p. es., ad un' affermazione si risponda : " si eh ? " si viene a 
mettere in dubbio e a negare 1' affermazione stessa. 

Gia altrove (Revue Biblique, Nouv. Ser. vn (1910)) toccai 

della particella fcO in principio di iscrizioni nabatee, che a 
mio giudizio, non deve tradursi "vah" o " wohlan" e molto 
meno "nein," mentre e una particella affermativa, come 
^t, ttSn nella quale il tono della voce suppliva alia mancanza 
di I, H; essa equivale a dire "come no?!" cioe "certamente!" 
Questo valore affermativo s' indebolisce poi nell' uso, e la 
particella introduce semplicemente la proposizione seguente. 

Nello stesso modo s' indebolisce in ebraico N/H e viene ad 

equivalere al semplice H3H e non e forse casuale che tale 
corrispondenza si osservi nelle Cronache (Paralipomeni) dove 

T POn sostituisce il X7Pt del testo piu antico e vivace (cf. 
II Re xv 36; xx 20; xxi 17 con II Chr. xxvii 7; xxxii 32; 

xxxiii 18; xxxv 27) e che NTl sia tradotto generalmente 

dai LXX con ISov. II passo di Rut ii 8, TO nj# *6n e 
stato tradotto dai LXX (contro Y accentuazione masoretica) 
OVK TjKovoras, Ovyarrip ;, e anche meno esattamente nella Vol- 
gata: " audi filia," mentre potrebbe ben tradursi; "hai inteso 
bene eh? ! figliuola mia." 

II processo indicate spiegherebbe perche, specialmente 
nell' arabo, una particella negativa o affermativa prende il 
valore rispettivamente di affermazione o di negazione. La 

1 76 I. GUIDI 

negativa ,! e frequente nel Corano e antiche poesie, ne si 
esige che s*ia seguita da ^t, come taluni grammatici preten- 
dono (v. Ibn Hisam, Mugnl s.v.). Ora 1' identica particella 
,! dal tono della voce prende valore affermativo equivalendo 
a s dire "come no?!" " certamente," che poi s' indebolisce in 
una semplice introduzione della proposizione, come fcOH in 
rtiH. Questo si vede chiaro in espressioni come: juj^lS ^1 
che e dato come equivalente a juj^U j3 (v. Lisdn xvi 177). 
Tale uso sembra che in seguito si andasse perdendo, tanto 
che lo stesso al-Kisa'I non intendesse dapprima la citata 
espressione, e credesse T <jt condizionale. E lo stesso si puo 
osservare in riguardo del passo del Corano (Ixxxvii 9) 
(j?j>JJI sr-jw o! j>* ove il senso piu ragionevole " certo e 
giovevole V ammonizione." non e generalmente seguito e nei 
commenti piu noti (Kassaf, in Baydawi, nei Galalayn ecc.) 
1' J,t e inteso come condizionale, cercandosi di dare al passo 
un senso plausibile. I grammatici considerano questa ^| 
come ajuai ,> A*~*> ma crederei piu probabile V inverse' 
che cioe ,1 sia un rafforzamento di ,jt, ed infatti e usato 
come semplice affermazione, p. es., nelle parole attribuite ad 
Ibn az-Zubayr, che a quel tale che gli disse : ^U <U)I o^ 
.iJUl ^^JU*., rispose: l^l^ oj. L' incertezza che nasceva 
dal doppio senso di ,jj era corretta da una parte col J affer- 
mativo, e dall' altra col premettere il U, o! ^ ; cf. anche 
Brockelmann, Grundriss \ 500 (Reckendorf). 

Un processo analogo riconoscerei in ^1 che sarebbe una 
particella negativa che per il tono della voce prende valore 
di affermazione, equivalendo a " come no ? ! certo ! " e 1' uso 
di unire ^t ad un giuramento J^^ ^\, aJUt^ ^l conferma 
1' enfasi del vivace parlar familiare, la quale si accorda anche 
colla pronuncia rafforzata ^. Ora che ^t fosse nella sua 
origine una negazione, si vede chiaro dalle altre lingue 
semitiche. Nel ge'ez A. e la negazione consueta, che occorre 
anche nell' assiro I e, come nell' ebraico, in un nome che 
possiamo credere assai antico ("HM ^ I Sam. iv 21, xiv 3) 
e in fenicio. E qui si pensa naturalmente al greeo vr\, il 
quale e negativo, p. es., in vr\i^ i^Kc/oSifc, ma nello stesso 
tempo e, nell' attico, energica affermazione, seguita per lo piu 

Particelle Interrog. e Neg. nelle Lingue semitiche 177 

dal nome di Zeus : vrj TOP Ata, proprio come in arabo xUl^ ^1 , 
ne e improbabile che vat abbia una simile origine ; anche 
1' assiro: f, e, nel senso di "orsu," "wohlan" puo derivare 
dalla negazione. 

U n' interrogazione che e nello stesso tempo una negazione 
sarebbe 1' ebraico J'K. j'K "dove" si ritiene etimologica- 
mente distinto da J'K "non e" per il quale si propongono 
varie radici, ma si puo supporre che da " ay " siasi formato : 
TX (CH' "dove") che poi per il tono della voce prendeva 
valore negativo, come dire: " ma dove?!" In assiro si co- 
noscono nei due sensi a-a-nu, ya-a-nu ecc. ed e assai notevole 
che questa particella talvolta (come N)| , tf^n) e un' affermazione 
che introduce semplicemente la proposizione (cf. Delitzsch, 
Worterb. s.v.). E questo passaggio fa supporre che anche 
1' aramaico ptf, v ] (en) abbia la stessa origine, tanto piu che 
conserva anche il valore interrogativo. E nei luoghi di 
Geremia x 6, 7 ; xxx 7 il J'NJb non e ne piu ne meno che una 
negazione ; e forse la puntuazione masoretica in xxx 7 f'K 
non e da correggere in J'X. 

Che le particelle L5 L, Ju fossero in origine negative si 
puo dedurre dalla radice donde derivano, come dal cananeo 
^3, 73, dall' assiro bala balu, dal ge'ez SVJflA (ina-). Ora il 
passaggio ad una energica affermazione non si puo spiegare 
che dal tono della voce : "no ? no eh ? come no ?!" Questa 
particella nella forma ^3, K71 occorre in iscrizioni aramee 

e nominatamente nelle nabatee, nelle quali, come N)f, x^n e 
una semplice introduzione all' enunciate della iscrizione e non 

ha punto il senso, come si e detto sopra a proposito di X?, 
di " vah," "wohlan," "nein" e simili. II trovarsi in iscrizioni 

nabatee fa sospettare che vl non sia di v origine aramea, ma 
sia lo stesso arabo ^> come TJ? e j*. E quindi da separare 
affatto da X7, quantunque il senso e Y uso ne siano uguali. 

Finalmente la particella U che e pronome interrogativo, e 
altresi negazione usitatissima col nome e colverbo(cf. Brockel- 
mann, Grundriss 500) e come N)| si usa nel senso di " certa- 
mente" Ul. Notisi anche 1' uso di U nell' arabo parlato in 
esclamazioni di meraviglia come : oU U che viene a signi- 
ficare u come mai? e morto ? !" 

B. P. V. 12 

178 I. GUIDI 

Le corrispondenze che ho notate sono proprie di lingua 
che sia ancora nella sua freschezza e vivacita e quindi non 
credo fortuito che il siriaco non dia esempi, (ad eccezione 
di ^]) di quanto ho ragionato. 

E qui mi sia lecito esprimere un dubbio sull' origine di 
un' espressione araba che potrebbe collegarsi con quest' or- 
dine di idee; intendo 1' espressione: j^t J*2> nel senso di 

"nessuno, quasi nessuno " (v. il Glossario di Tabari, s. j^\) 
e che in seguito poco fosse intesa lo mostrerebbe forse il 
fatto che i codici hanno spesso j~=>, *~=> per j,*^. Signifi- 
cherebbe dunque "(sono) molti? no! no! Uno solo!" Lo 
stato costrutto sarebbe analogo a quello, p. es., di j^ 
ed equivarrebbe a dire "i molti di un solo!" 



Schon frtih ist in vielen Versionen des Alexanderromans 
die Episode von der vergeblichen Suche des Helden nach 
dem Lebensquell mit der vielleicht noch urspriinglicheren 
von dem Zug nach dem Land der Seligen verkniipft, an 
dessen Stelle dann unter dem Einfluss der jtidischen und 
christlichen Weltanschauung das Paradies trat. Auch dem 
Eroberer der ganzen Welt bleibt es versagt, ewiges Leben 
zu gewinnen oder lebend in das Paradies einzudringen : die- 
ser Gedanke mag das Band sein, das die beiden urspriinglich 
durchaus verschieden gerichteten Erzahlungen mit einander 
verschmolz. Und diese Lehre, die den Menschen in die 
seiner Macht gezogenen Schranken zurtickverweist, erhalt 
noch eine eigentlimliche Zuspitzung in dem Zuge, dass 
Alexander an der Pforte des Paradieses als geheimniss- 
volles Geschenk ein Stein iiberreicht wird. Dieser Zug, der 
uns zuerst im babylonischen Talmud begegnet und uns in 
vollerer Form vor allem aus einer sicher auf altere Vorlagen 
zuriickgehenden lateinischen Schrift des 12 Jahrhunderts, 
Alexandri Magni iter ad Paradisum, gelaufig ist, bildet 
einen integrierenden Bestandteil der spateren orientalischen 
Versionen. Das zeigt schon ein Blick auf Index A, 28 des 
Buches " Die Chadhirlegende und der Alexanderroman " 
von J. Friedlander( Leipzig- Berlin, I9i3),das nach Noldeke's 
Arbeit, " Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans" 
(Wien, 1890) den bedeutendsten Fortschritt unserer Kennt- 
nisse von den orientalischen Alexandergeschichten darstellt 
und an das die folgenden Zeilen sich anschliessen. Wir 
konnen nach Friedlander's Arbeit auf die Darstellung der 
Entwicklung der ganzen Episode in den verschiedenen 
Versionen hier verzichten und uns darauf beschranken, 
ihren Inhalt nach einer derselben kurz wiederzugeben. Auf 
die Abweichungen in der Deutung der geheimnisvollen 
Gabe werden wir allerdings naher eingehen mussen. 

Wir wahlen die wohl unter den Muslimen am weitesten 
verbreitete Version der Alexandergeschichte in Tha'labl's 

12 2 


'Arais (ed. Cairo, 1325, S. 233 f. ; vgl. Friedlander I.e. S. 
162 ff.). Dhu '1-Karnain kommt, so lautet seine Darstellung, 
die eingangs unmittelbar auf 'All ibn abl Talib zuriickge- 
fiihrt wird 1 , auf der Suche nach dem Lebensquell nach Durch- 
schreitung der Finsternis in ein Land, dessen Beleuchtung 
weder von Sonne noch Mond herriihrt, und das von rotem 
knirschendem Sand erfiillt ist. Dort sieht er vor sich ein 
Schloss 2 , an dessen Eingang ein schwarzer Vogel ihn 
anredet und ihn nach langerem Gesprach zum Ersteigen 
der Treppe auffordert, die auf das Dach des Schlosses 
fuhrt. Hier findet Dhu '1-Karnain eine Jiinglingsgestalt 
in weissen Kleidern, mit zum Himmel gewandtem Gesicht 
und an den Mund gelegter Hand. Der Jungling gibt sich 
als den Herrn der Posaune des jiingsten Tages zu erkennen 
und iiberreicht dem Dhu '1-Karnain etwas wie einen Stein 

>^- <Ol>...lL* mit den Worten: "Nimm das ! Wenn es satt 
ist, bist du satt ; und wenn es hungrig ist, bist du hungrig." 
Dhu '1-Karnain nimmt den Stein und, bei seinem Gefolge 
angekommen, erzahlt er seine Erlebnisse und fragt die 
Gelehrten seines Hoflagers nach der Bedeutung des selt- 
samen Geschenks. Die Gelehrten wagen den Stein ab 
gegen einen, zwei, drei andere bis zu tausend, und immer 
erweist sich Dhu '1-Karnain's Stein als schwerer. Sie ge- 
stehen staunend ihre Unfahigkeit, das Ratsel zu losen. Da 
meldet sich al-Chadir, er kenne den tiefen Sinn dieses 
Steines, legt ihn in die eine Wagschale, einen entsprechen- 
den anderen in die andere und streut auf den ersten eine 
Hand voll Staub ; und siehe, nun bleibt die Wage im 
Gleichgewicht. Al-Chadir gibt die Losung : " Das ist ein 
Gleichnis, das der Herr der Posaune auf dich gepragt hat. 
Gott hat dir auf Erden einen Platz angewiesen in solcher 
Weise, dass er dir davon gab wie nie sonst einem seiner 
Geschopfe, und dich deinen Fuss auf ihre Gebiete setzen 
liess wie nie einen andern. Du aber wardst nicht satt, son- 
dern hast deinem Verlangen freie Bahn gelassen, bis du 
von Gottes Herrschaft erreicht hast, worauf noch kein 
Mensch und kein Geist seinen Fuss gesetzt. So ist denn 
dies ein Gleichnis, das der Herr der Posaune auf dich 

1 Vgl. hierzu Friedlander, S. 162 f. 

2 Dass es das Paradies ist, ist den muslimischen Versionen mehr oder 
weniger entschwunden. 

Alexander und der Ratselstein aus dem Paradies 181 

gepragt hat : der Mensch wird nicht satt, bis iiber ihm 
der Staub sich wolbt und nur Staub fullt seinen Bauch," 

Dhu '1-Karnain 1st bis zu Thranen geriihrt. Kurz nach dem 
Rtickweg durch das Smaragdental stirbt er. 

Der Zug von dem Ratselstein, liber dessen Tendenz 
kein Wort zu verlieren ist, mutet uns an wie eine Illustra- 
tion zu einem beriihmten Ausspruch Muhammeds, der der 
muslimischen Uberlieferung als eine urspriinglich dem 
Kor'an angehorige Offenbarung gilt und in seiner vollen 
Form lautet : " Hatte der Mensch ein Tal von Schatzen, 
so wiirde er dazu noch ein zweites verlangen, und hatte er 
ein zweites, so wiirde er dazu noch ein drittes verlangen ; 
aber nur Staub wird den Bauch des Menschen ftillen, 

^tpt yi j>*\ o->\ ^j* ^ ^ ; doch Allah kehrt sich zu 
denen, welche sich zu ihm kehren." Uber diese angebliche 
Offenbarung haben Noldeke und Schwally ausfiihrlich ge- 
handelt (s. Geschichte des Qorans, i A., S. 175 ff ; 2 A., S. 
234 ff.). Ich sehe keinen triftigen Grund ein, dieses Wort 
und zwar im Wesentlichen in der mitgeteilten Form 
Muhammed abzusprechen. Aber es handelt sich offenbar 
um ein "gefliigeltes Wort," das Muhammed aufgegriffen 
hat 1 . * Und in diesem Zusammenhang wird eine vereinzelte 
Variante in dem Ausspruch von Bedeutung, die statt ^^ 
"Bauch" jj^ "Auge" setzt : " nur Staub wird das Auge 

des Menschen fallen," v!P' Nl jot c*l Cx* ^ ^. Denn in 
dieser Gestalt diirfte das Wort langst vor Muhammed im 
Orient verbreitet gewesen sein. Zwar konnen wir den 
Spruch, "das Auge des Menschen ist wie ein Wasserquell 
und wird nicht satt am Besitz, bis es voll Erde ist," in den 
Achikar-Texten (Nr. 66, vgl. Noldeke, Untersuchungen 
zum Achiqar-Roman, S. 44) nur aus den erst in jungen 
Handschriften bekannten syrischen Rezensionen belegen ; 
aber er tragt ein Geprage, dass wir ihn ruhig in der altesten 
Version des Romans, der der aramaischen Papyrusfragmente 
von Elephantine, erwarten konnten. Klingt der Gedanke 
doch auch tatsachlich an an Proverbia xxvii, 20: u Unterwelt 

1 Unter dieser Voraussetzung fallt auch der Anstoss, den Schwally an 
dem Ausdruck ibn Adam nimmt, fort. 


und Abgrund sind unersattlich, so sind auch der Menschen 
Augen unersattlich" (nach der Ubersetzung von Steuernagel 
bei Kautzsch, Die Heilige Schrift des Alien Testaments). 
Wie weit verbreitet das Wort bis zum heutigen Tag in 
der arabischen Welt ist, das zeigen die von Noldeke und 
Schwally I.e. angefuhrten Belege zur Geniige (vgl. noch 
Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, i, 174). Hier sei nur ein kurzer 
Hinweis darauf gestattet, dass es auch liber diesen engeren 
Sprachkreis hinaus wohlbekannt ist. In der Erzahlung des 
3. Vezirs in der tiirkischen Geschichtensammlung der Vierzig 
Vezire ist es zu einer symbolischen Handlung entwickelt: 
der Konig legt eine Hand voll Staub auf sein Auge (s. ed. 
Belletete, Paris, 1812, S. 75, u. Behrnauer, Vierzig Veziere, 
Leipzig, 1851, S. 53 f.) ; und in der jtingeren Version, wiesie 
die Stambuler Drucke bieten, nimmt er ausdrucklich auf den 

Spruch Bezug j^j*** 9 *^ st* O** 5 W ^ *>. (JJ^ 9 (ed. 1303, 

S. 44; vgl. E. J. W. Gibb, History of the Forty Vezirs, 
p. 52), "nichts sattigt das Auge als eine Hand voll Staub." 
Wir werden keinen Augenblick im Zweifel sein, dass 
die Version des weitverbreiteten Wortes, die vom mensch- 
lichen Auge spricht, urspriinglicher ist als die, die den Bauch 
des Menschen zum Objekt des Satzes macht, mag diese 
letztere Gestalt auch fur die Offenbarung oder den Ausspruch 
Muhammeds besser bezeugt und als solche echt sein. Jene 
ursprlinglichere Version begegnet uns aber auch in den 
arabischen Umgestaltungen des Alexanderromans in der 
Darstellung, die Ibn Hischam in seinem Kitab at-tldschan 
von dem Wirken des von ihm nicht mit Alexander sondern 
mit dem Slidaraber as-Sa'b gleichgesetzten Dhu '1-Karnain 
nach Wahb b. Munabbih gibt, einer Gestalt des Romans, 
die neben der slidarabischen Tendenz deutlich gelegentlich 
altere Ziige bewahrt hat. Hier erklart al-Chadir den Stein, 
den Dhu '1-Karnain von dem Hiiter des weissen Hauses im 
"Lande der Engel" erhalten, als ein Gleichnis auf seine 
Augen: denn "deine Augen flillt der gesamte Inhalt der 
Welt nicht an 1 ... aber das fullt sie an," und er nimmt eine 

1 Vgl. hierzu den Vers aus Sa'dl's Gulistdn, ed. Johnson (Hertford, 1863), 

[Johnson ^ ^U **}j$ ^Lo } cont. metr.]. 

Alexander und der Ratselstein aus dem Paradies 183 

Hand voll Staub und legt sie in die eine Wagschale, den 
Stein in die andere, und der Staub liberwiegt (s. Zeitsckr. 
fur Assyriologie, vin, 304 ; vgl. dazu Friedlander I.e. S. 
200 ff. u. 189). 

Gerade im Zusammenhang der Alexandergeschichte 
erweist sich ganz deutlich die Fassung vom Auge als die 
bessere : der Stein passt wohl als Sinnbild fur das Auge, 
aber schlecht fur den Bauch des Menschen. Das Eindringen 
und Uberwiegen der schlechteren Fassung erklart sich z wan- 
gles daraus, dass sie durch Muhammed's Offenbarung 
sanktioniert wurde. Im librigen haben wir ja das Zeugnis 
vor- und ausserislamischer Darstellungen der Alexander- 
geschichte. Im babylonischen Talmud (Tamld, Bl. 32) 
wird die Gabe, die Alexander an der Pforte des Paradieses 

gereicht wird, als Kugel bezeichnet Xn/3/ 1 )^ die ihm die 
Rabbiner als Augapfel fcO^jn XrTOTtt deuten, " der nicht satt 
wird" (unter Hinweis auf Proverbia, xxvii, 20). Und ganz 
entsprechend wird der Stein in dem von Zacher (Konigsberg, 
1859) herausgegebenen A lexandri Magni iter adParadisum 
auf das menschliche Auge bezogen (s. S. 30). 

Die im Morgen- und Abendland gleichmassig beliebt 
gewordene Szene von Alexander und dem Ratselstein aus 
dem Paradies passt in der Tat vortrefflich in den Rahmen 
der religios gewandten Alexanderdichtung. I nsofern werden 
wir uns nicht dariiber wundern, dass die Gestalt des Mace- 
doniers wie so viele andere Motive auch das von dem Auge 
das nur der Staub sattigt, an sich gezogen hat. Trotzdem 
diirfte es nicht unberechtigt sein, einmal die Frage nach dem 
Bindeglied der Assoziation aufzuwerfen. Es scheint mir, 
dass es sich hier mit grosser Wahrscheinlichkeit feststellen 

Die Szene tragt einen so bildhaften Charakter, dass sich 
einem unwillkiirlich der Gedanke an eine bildliche Dar- 
stellung Alexanders mit dem Stein in der Hand aufdrangt. 
Sollte es nicht die Gestalt des Weltherrschers mit dem 
Reichsapfel in der Hand sein, die jene Deutung heraus- 
gelockt hat ? 

Herrscherstatuen mit dem Reichsapfel haben die 
Phantasie der Orientalen nachweislich lebhaft angeregt. 
Erorterungen dariiber kehren bei den arabischen Geo- 


graphen mehrfach wieder anlasslich der Beschreibung des 
sogenannten " Grabes des Konstantin 1 " gemeint ist die 
Reiterstatue des Justinian, s. J. H. Mordtmann, Esquisse 
tppographique de Constantinople, Lille, 1892, S. 64 ff. Die 
Ausserungen von Jakut (ed. Wiistenfeld, iv, 96 f.), Kazwml 
(ed. Wustenfeld, n, 407), Ibn al-Wardi, Kharldat al- 
'Adschaib (ed. Cairo, 1324, S. 63) gehen alle ausgespro- 
chen oder stillschweigend auf 'Allal-Harawi (t6i i = 1214) 
zuruck. 'All sagt (fol. 70* der Handschrift der Bodleiana) 
liber die Kugel in der linken Hand des Standbildes : " Die 
Meinungen der Leute dartiber sind geteilt : die einen be- 
haupten, er habe in der Hand einen Talisman, der den 
Feind voin AngrifT auf die Stadt abwehre ; andere erklaren, 
es stehe vielmehr auf der Kugel geschrieben : Ich habe die 
Welt besessen, sodass sie schliesslich in meiner Hand war 
wie diese Kugel, und ich habe die so verlassen, ohne etwas 
zu besitzen 2 ." 

Wir sehen, wir werden hier in denselben Ideenkreis ge- 
fiihrt, in dem das Bild vom Auge in jenem gefliigelten Wort 
und der Alexanderdichtung verwandt wird : es ist die Ver- 
ganglichkeit und Wertlosigkeit alles Irdischen, die durch 
die Kugel oder den Stein symbolisiert wird. 

Die Annahme, dass die Verkniipfung des alten oriental- 
ischen Weisheitsspruchs mit der Gestalt Alexanders durch 
Darstellungen des Helden mit dem Reichsapfel, dem Abbild 
der Weltkugel, in der Hand verm itteltsei, ware also sehrnahe- 
liegend, wenn schon Alexander so dargestellt worden ware. 
Die Geschichte des Herrschaftssymbols des Reichapfels ist, 
soweit mir bekannt, noch nicht geschrieben (vgl. inzwischen 
Sittl mjahrbucher fur klass. Philol., Suppl.-Band xiv,48ff. ; 
Dalton, Byzantine Art and Archaeology, s. Index s.v. orbs]. 
Es kann aber wohl als sicher gelten, dass es wesentlich 
jiinger ist als die Zeit Alexanders. Doch dieses Bedenken, 
das unserer Hypothese verhangnisvoll zu werden drohte, 

1 Nur Ibn Rusteh (Bibliotheca Geo^raphorum Arabicorum, vn, 125) 
bezeichnet die Denkmalsaule als Grab des ^-JUUswl = Justinian ; er spricht 
aber nicht vom Reichsapfel. 

Die Paralleltexte geben leichte Abweichungen. 

Alexander und der Ratselstein aus dem Paradies 185 

ist nicht stichhaltig. Tatsachlich sind im Orient Herrscher- 
figuren mit dem Symbol desGlobus auf Alexander wenigstens 
gedeutet worden. Das zeigt ein Passus aus dem Talmud 
Jeruschalmi, 'Aboda Zara, 3, i, Bl. 42, der auf Rabbi Jona, 
einen Amoraer des 4 Jahrhunderts, zuruckgefiihrt wird. 
Dort heisst es : " Alexander der Macedonier wollte sich in 
die Hohe erheben, er stieg und stieg, bis er die Welt gleich 
einer Kugel sah und das Meer gleich einer Schiissel. Des- 
halb stellt man ihn mit einer Kugel in der Hand dar 1 ." 
(vgl. Talmud de Jerusalem, trad, par M. Schwab, xi, 208 
und J. Le"vi in Revue des Iitudes Juives, vn, 93.) 

Eben jiidische Kreise sind es ja aber, in denen wir dem 
Zug von Alexander mit dem Ratselstein aus dem Paradies 
zuerst begegnen ; auch der lateinische Iter ad Paradisum 
geht ja vermutlich auf jiidische Uberlieferung zurlick. Und 
damit sind die letzten Bedenken gegen die ausgesprochene 
Vermutung wohl beseitigt. 

pSo nini h*yh po^D yi ID jnpo 
rb p^ p pa niypD D^n rw\ 



"Therefore mine eyes insistent gaze on forms, 
Because the Idea itself displays in forms." 

E. G. BROWNE, nach Awhadi. 

Eine der erforschtesten und dennoch unbekanntesten 
Stadte Irans ist Hamadan, das alte Egbatana. Nach den 
Weltchroniken des Eusebios-Hieronymos und des Georgios 
Synkellos ist Egbatana im Jahre 4784 d. alex. Weltaera 
oder in der 18. Olympiade, d. i. 708 v. Chr. durch Deiokes 
gegrlindet, und also nur 45 Jahre jiinger als die Ewige Stadt. 
Diese Uberlieferung ist zwar sehr klinstlich errechnet, doch 
in ihrem Kern der historischen Wahrheit sicher ebenso nahe, 
wie die Erbauungssage Roms 1 . 

Besonders im Anfang desxix.scl.sindes Dupre, Malcolm, 
Kinneir, Morier, Ker Porter, Keppel, in neuester Zeit die 
Missionen de Morgan's und Fossey's, die Hamadan erforscht 
haben. Aber nicht nur die abendlandischen, sondern auch 
die morgenlandischen Beobachter und Beschreiber hat die 
hohe Vergangenheit der schonen Stadt so gefesselt, dass 
sie alle ihre Gegenwart vernachlassigt haben. Wie die 
morgenlandischen ausfiihrlich liber die Belagerungen durch 
Bukhtnasar, die Erbauung durch Bahman Ardashir oder 
Iskandar dhu'l-qarnain, liber den berlihmten Lowen, den 
Talisman des Apollonios. von Tyana, liber antike Graber 
und Bauten der Sasaniden berichten, so schildern die abend- 
landischen kleine und kleinste Reste des medischen und 
achaemenidischen Altertums 2 . 

1 Cf. Weissbach bei Pauly-Wissowa, Realencydopaedie, s.v. Ekbatana. 
Das sicherste von der medischen Chronologic und Geschichte scheint mir 
die Namensgleichheit des Griinders von Ekbatana bei Herodot, Deiokes, 
mit dem Dynastie-Griinder der Sargon-Inschriften, von 715 v. Chr., Dai- 
aukku ; die Identitat der Personen wird sich einst erweisen. 

2 Der erste, der die medischen Reste: Saulenbasen, entdeckte und 
erkannte, war m. W. Morier ; auch der Lowe und die Alwand-Inschriften 
sind lange bekannt. Merkwiirdigerweise haben die spateren Forschungen 
nichts wesentlich Neues dazu ergeben. Aber selbst der Mangel an Funden 
der Mission Fossey's kann nicht die Uberzeugung erschiittern, dass die 
Stadt, in deren Archiv die Urkunde Kyros' mit dem Befehl zum Wieder- 

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 187 

Uber Denkmaler und Geschichte seit islamischer Zeit 
erfahrt man so gut wie nichts. Hatten wir das Hamaddn- 
Ndma, eine vom Verfasser &zsMudjmil al-tawdrikh benutzte 
Chronik nach Art der von Hamdallah al-Qazwini benutzten 
Chronik von Kirmdn oder des erhaltenen Kum-Ndma, so 
wiirde man wohl viel besser unterrichtet sein 1 . Zwei Sehens- 
wiirdigkeiten von Weltruf,aberohnekunstlerischeBedeutung 
und von zweifelhafter Echtheit : das Grabmal Avicenna's 
und das Mausoleum Esther's und Mardochai's 2 , diese beiden 
unscheinbaren Bauten haben ganz das wundervolle Denkmal 
liberschattet, das im Nordwesten der Stadt sich erhebt, und 
von dem niemand spricht : die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan. Die 
einzigen Flandin und Coste haben einen wenig eindrucks- 
vollen Holzschnitt davon in ihrem grossen Tafelwerk p. 50 
veroffentlicht, ohne Beschreibung, ja ohne Namen. Weder 
de Morgan's sumptuose Mission, die Hamadan untersuchte, 
noch Fossey's, die dort fast ein Jahr verbrachte, haben sich 
mit diesem Werk beschaftigt. Ebenso schweigen Curzon, 
Le Strange, die Enzyklopaedie. Ein russischer Photograph 
in Tehran, A. Sevruguin, besass seit Jahren eine Photo- 
graphic (543), die Sarre, der erst 1915 Gelegenheit hatte 
Hamadan zu sehen, kannte, und die ich 1905 kaufte. Aber 
die damit entstandene Absicht, Hamadan zu besuchen und 
das Denkmal aufzunehmen, konnte ich erst August 1913 

aufbau des Tempels von Jerusalem gefunden wurde, Baureste und geschrie- 
bene Urkunden des medischen Reichs noch unter der Erde birgt. 

A. Dupre (1807), Voyage en Perse, chap, xxm ; Kinneir (1810), Geogr. 
Memoir on Persia, 1813, pp. 125 ss. ; J. P. Morier (1812), Second Journey, 
pp. 264-270; R. Ker Porter (1818), Travels in Georgia, Persia, etc. ii, 
pp. ioi ss. ; G. Keppel (1824), Personal Narrative, etc. 1827, ii, chap, iv; 
Sir Henry Layard (1840), Early Adventures, \, pp. 252-254 ; G. N. Curzon 
(1889/90), Persia, etc. i, pp. 566-568 ; J. de Morgan, Mission Scient. en 
Perse, iv, chap, vi ; von der Mission Fossey, deren Arbeiten ich im Sommer 
1913 sehen konnte, ist mir noch keine Veroffentlichung bekannt geworden. 

1 Es ist zu hoffen dass noch manche solche Chronik in persischem 
Besitz vorhanden ist, cf. E. G. Browne's Ubersetzung von Ibn Isfandiyar's 
Geschichte von Tabaristan in der Gibb Memorial Series und seinen Katalog 
der nachgelassenen Bibliothek von Sir A. Houtum-Schindler in J.R.A.S., 
1917, p. 677. 

2 Das Grabmal Avicenna's ist m. W. durch Malcolm bekannt gemacht, 
nach dem es Miiller's verbreitetes Der Islam im Morgen- und Abendland 
wiedergiebt. Das Esther-Grab bei Flandin et Coste, Voyage en Perse, Perse 
Moderne, pi. LXIX ; Ker Porter, Travels, pp. 105-114. 



Vorweg wenige Daten aus Hamadans Geschichte in 
islamischer Zeit : Mughira b. Shu'ba oder Djarir b. 'Abd- 
allah erobern mit einem Heere, das besonders aus Kufen- 
sern bestand, im Jahre 23 oder 24 Ramadan, Oct. 644 oder 
Marz 645. Erobert wird es spater 319/93 l von Mardawidj 
b. Ziyar von Tabaristan und Gurgan. Unter Toghrul 

Plan of the Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn 

Bek 429/1037-455/1063 ist es fur eine Weile Residenz, 
618/1221 erobern es die Mongolen ; um 1400 Timur. 
Diesen Zerstorungen gegeniiber stehen drei Nachrichten 
vom Aufbau: Die ersten Muslime benutzen eine vorhan- 
dene Burg militarisch und bauen den Ort ringsum neu. 
Der Atabek Ildegiz, dessen Sohn das Grabmal der Mu'mina 

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 189 

Khatun in Nakhtchawan erbaute, stirbt 578/1172 und wird 
in der von ihm in Hamadan errichteten Madrasa beigesetzt. 
Der mongolische Emir Esen-Qutlugh erbaut eine neue 
Stadt eine Farsakh westlich, also naher am Alwand, neben 
der alten 1 . 

Dasallesgiebt zunachstkeinen Anhalt fur dieBestimmung 
des Baus. So muss das Denkmal fur sich selbst sprechen. 

Grabmal der 'Aliden ist sein Name und die Krypta ist 
noch heute ein besonders von Frauen bepilgertes Heiligtum. 
Man erinnert sich sogleich des grossen Mashhad vor dem 
Bab Antakiya, dem Westtor von Aleppo, aus Zahir Ghazi's 
Zeit, das auch Frauen aufsuchen, denen der Wunsch aller 
morgenlandischen Frauen versagt ist: Kinder. Als ich in 
der Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan war, hinderte mich das dauernde 
Beten der Frauen, die Krypta zu betreten. Moglich, aber 
unwahrscheinlich, dass dort ein Sarkophag mit Inschrift 

Denn das Mausoleum hat keine geschichtlichen In- 

Es ist ein Ziegelbau in reichstem Mosaikwerk, mit 
Zierflillungen in Stuck, aber ohne Glasur. Der Bau ist ein 
Cubus. Slid- und Ostseite sind heute unzuganglich, das 
Schmuckkleid der Westseite sehr zerstort, die Eingangseite, 
die nordliche am besten erhalten. Tafel- 1. -Die Schauseite 
zeigt ein hohes, flaches Portal, das zwei seitliche Tlirmchen 
oder Eckpfeiler liberragt. Es besteht aus einem Bogen, von 
der 'adjamdna genannten Form, in rechteckigem Rahmen. 
Dieser ist ein breiter Ornamentstreifen mit einer Hohlkehle 
in verwickeltem Verband, tshdr 'Alt heissend. Der obere 
wagerechte Abschluss ist nicht mehr erhalten. In diesem 
Bogen widerholt sich nochmals dasselbe Motiv : 'adjamdna- 
Bogen in rechteckigem Rahmen als Tliur, Tafel II. Den 
Rahmen ziert hier eine kufische, koranische Inschrift, 
Sure V, v. 60/6 1. Der innere Bogen hat einen Zierverband 
von tshdr ( Alt's. Dies ganze Rahmenwerk umschliesst drei 

] Uber die muslimische Eroberung cf. Baladhuri, iiber die altere isla- 
mische Geschichte besonders Ahmad b. al-Faqih al-Hamadhani, Yaqtit und 
Hamdallah's Nuzhat al-qulub ; liber die Seldjuken- und Mongolenzeit die 
Zinat al-madjalis des Madjdi; E. Blochet's Introduction a rhistoire des 
Mongols, p. 230, n. 2 ; und den alten Quatremere, Raschid-Eddin, ed. 
Paris, 1838, pp. 220-223. 


Schmuckfelder : liber dem Turbogen Zwickel mit sehr 
reichen, hochplastischen Stuck-Arabesken ; das mittlere 
Bogenfeld mit einem Ziegelmosaik von lo-strahligen Ster- 
nen auf pentagonalem Plan, mit Stuckflillungen ; und die 
Zwickel liber dem ausseren Bogen, sehr zerstort, mit zwei 
besonderen Rosetten, einst, nach Phot. Sevruguin, mit 
lostrahligen Sternen geschmlickt. 

Dies lippige Portal stlitzen, zugleich als Eckverstar- 
kungen des Cubus, die zwei Tlirmchen, deren Grundriss 
flinf Zacken eines 8-zackigen Sternes zeigt. Das ist khora- 
sanische Baukunst. Oben sind die Falten der Tiirme durch 
kleine Zellen geschlossen, und liberzogen sind sie von einem 
verwirrend feinen Muster aus i2-zackigen, von je sechs 
8-strahligen umgebenen Sternen auf hexagonalem Plan. 
Das bezeichnende ist, dass das Muster die Falten der 
Tlirmchen wider jeden architectonischen Sinn, wie ein 
kostbarer Stoff einen Korper liberzieht 1 . Oben liber den 
Zellen nimmt man Reste eines grossen kufischen Schrift- 
bandes in Ziegelmosaik wahr, das wohl uberall umlief, 
aber soweit sichtbar koranischen, nicht geschichtlichen 
Inhalts ist. 

Die Uberdeckung dieses Baus ist eingestlirzt : zweifellos 
eine Kuppel. Die Uberleitung ins Achteck ist erhalten. 
Die Wandgliederung entspricht streng architectonisch der 
Deckenbildung : Lisenen, die man mit gothischen Diensten 
vergleichen konnte, zu den Anfangen der Achtecksbogen 
emporwachsend. So entstehen auf jeder Wand drei Felder, 
deren mittlere in schonem Rhythmus die seitlichen etwas an 
Breite libertreffen. Sind schon alle Lisenen mit Ornament 
liberzogen, so ist liber die Wandfelder ein unerhorter 
Reichtum ausgegossen, Tafel III und IV. Ihre Gliederung 
ist das allgemeine Fenster- oder Nischen-Motiv, flankierende 
Halbsaulchen mit glockenformigem Kapitell, darliber ein 
'adjamdna-Bogen, rechteckig gerahmt. In den Bogen- 
zwickeln ein hochplastisches Zierat, diagonal gerichtet. 
Oberes Bogenfeld und unteres Nischenfeld durch eine 
schwache Linie abgegrenzt, beide gleichwertig, aber mit 
wechselnden Mustern geflillt. Eine grosse und wuchtige 

1 Bedeutung und Vergleich dieser Ornamente cf. Sarre-Herzfeld, Archaeo- 
logische Reise^ etc. Bd n, 1920, Kap. Baghdad und Mosul. 

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 191 

Arabeske von hoher und wechselnder Plastik biegt und 
schwingt sich liber einen unendlich fein ornamentierten 
Grund von flachen Ranken, eine grosse Melodic liber einer 
harmonischen, wogenden Begleitung. 

Die Mitte der Slidwand ist die Stelle des Mihrab's, der 
das Eingangsmotiv widerholt, Tafel V. An ihm ist der 
Schmuck durch den Einklang aller Mittel zum hochsten 
Fortissimo gesteigert. Worte versagen das zu schildern, 
man muss es betrachten. 

Zwei Inschriftenbander tragt er, in altertlimlichem 
Naskhi, die leider nichts Geschichtliches, sondern nur die 
bekannten Verse der Thron-Sure II, 256 bis zu den Worten 
*l Uj enthalten, und zwar beginnt dieser Vers am obern 
Bogen und lauft mit den Worten d j^ *.> auf dem untern 
weiter. Das ist eine herbe Enttauschung, denn nun bleibt 
keine Hoffnung auf eine geschichtliche Inschrift librig. 

Es fallt liberhaupt auf, eine wie verhaltnismassig geringe 
Rolle an diesem Denkmal die Schrift spielt. Der rechteckige 
Rahmen des Mihrab hat noch ein kufisches Schriftband, 
das keine unmittelbaren Koran-Suren, sondern wie oft 
Umschreibungen koranischerGedanken zu enthalten scheint, 
Tafel VI. Ausserdem schloss, wie man auf Tafel VII gut 
sieht, ein Naskhi- Band den fast liberall zerstorten Sockel 
ab. Sonst sind die ganzen liberreich geschmlickten Wande 
ohne Schrift. 

Die vielen Beschadigungen, sehr beklagenswert, ge- 
statten uns aber einen Einblick in das Handwerk der 
Stuckbekleidung. Wie schon manchmal in Samarra, ist das 
gesamte Muster zuerst in den weichen Putz geritzt. Die 
Grundflillungen sind dann aus freier Hand geschnitten, die 
hochplastischen Teile aber gewissermassen in ihrer Bosse 
geformt, freihandig mit ihrer geometrischen Decoration 
versehen und dann nachtraglich den ausgesparten Stellen 

Die allgemeine Zeitbestimmung dieses Denkmals kann 
keinem Zweifel unterliegen ; es giebt einige nachst ver- 
wandte, datierte Denkmale, namlich die sich um die Grosse 
Moschee von Waramin und das Mausoleum Oldjaitu Khar- 
bende's in Sultaniyya scharen. Sie seien hier aufgeflihrt : 

i. Ein wunderschoner Turm steht in Maragha, den die 
ortliche Uberlieferung als Grabmal der Tochter Hulagu 


Khans betrachtet. Solange nicht Inschriften oder literari- 
sche Quellen diese Uberlieferung modificieren, haben wir, 
da der Bau seinem Stil nach in die Zeitspanne der Hula- 
guiden gehoren muss, keinen Grund, diese Annahme zu 
bezweifeln. Hulagu starb 663/1265. Der Grabturm gehort 
also in das letzte Drittel des vn. scl. 1 

2. Mil i Radkan bei Khabushan in Ustuwa 2 . Schon van 
Berchem vergleicht zu diesem Bau die verwandten armeni- 
schen Grabturme z. B. in Akhlat, aus den Jahren 672-80, 
und den von Salmas um 700/1 300 3 . Der Turm ist ein 
Cylinder mit 36 Rundstaben ; sein pyramidales Dach war 
vermutlich ganz mit blauen Kacheln bekleidet, und das am 
Dachrand umlaufende Schriftband, blau auf weissem Grund, 
mit den die Rillen abschliessenden, verzierten Zipfeln daran, 
wirkt wie die bunte Kante eines Stoffes : offenbar lag in 
dieser Architectur der Gedanke an die Kiswa, die Verhiill- 
ung eines Heiligtumes mit einem kostbaren Stoff. Die 
Jahreszahl der in coufique carrt geschriebenen Inschrift ist 
leider beschadigt. Klar sind die Hunderter: 6. Davor fehlt 
nur i Zahl, Einer oder Zehner die auf ^ oder vielleicht 
auf ^ endete. Von den Moglichkeiten 602, 605, 620, 630, 
660 und 680 mochte ich mit aller Entschiedenheit fur die 
letzte Zahl 680 eintreten. Van Berchem wollte sich nicht 
so entschliessen, da er die kufischhistorische Inschrift fur 
unvereinbar mit einem so spaten Datum ansah. Nun ist 
aber die Schriftart coufique carrd. Diese Spielart des Naskhi, 
nicht Kufi, aber ist abhangig von der chinesischen Siegel- 
schrift und kann daher kaum vor der Mongolenzeit im 
Islam auftreten. In dieser Art ist bisher nur ein andres 
Beispiel einer geschichtlichen Inschrift bekannt, an der 
Nordbastion der Citadelle von Aleppo vom Sultan Qait Bai 
a. d. J. 877/1472. Von seiten der Schrift ist also kein 

1 F. Sarre, Denkmdler Persischer Baukunst, 1911, Textabb. 10 nach 
Photogr. von A. V. W. Jackson, vgl. de Morgan, Mission, i, Fig. 336, 
Pi- 37- 

2 Diez und van Berchem, Churasanische Denkmdler, i, 1918, Tfl. 6-8. 
Khabtishan scheint heut Kutchan genannt zu werden ; es ist Hauptort des 
alten Gaues 'Ao-ravryv^. 

3 H. E. B. Lynch, Armenia, 1901, chap, xvi Akhlat; W. Bachmann, 
Kirchen u. Moscheen in Armenien, Wiss. Veroff. d. D. O. G. 1913; van 
Berchem bei C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, Material z. alter. Gesch. Armeniens, 
Gottinger Abhandlungen, 1909, pp. 158 ss., fig. 93. 


B. P. V. 


TAFEL 1 1 

The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan 



The Gumbadh-i 4 Alawiyyan 
S. H^. Corner 


The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan 

Middle panel of W. Wall 


The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan 



The Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan 

Detail of Mihrab 




Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 193 

Einwand gegen die Lesung 680 zu erheben. Dann aber 
besteht die ortliche, schon fast gleichzeitig literarisch belegte 
Uberlieferung, der Bau sei das Grabmal des um Ende 
673/Mitte 1275 in Radkan gestorbenen Emirs Arghun 
Agha, Statthalters von Khorasan unter Hulagu und Abaqa 
wiederum zu Recht 1 . 

3. Manar i Kishmar ein undatierter, sehr ahnlicher 
Bau in der Stadt Kishmar, wo die Cypresse Zarathustras 
stand, die Mutawakkil abhauen und zu Bauzwecken, in ma- 
gischem Sinne, nach Samarra schaffen Hess, dieser Bau muss 
seinem Stil nach noch j linger sein als Mil i Radkan und 
kann daher nichtvor 700/1300 angesetzt werden 3 . 

4. In Salmas erhebt sich ein hoher cylindrischer Grab- 
turm 3 , inschriftlich bestimmt als Grab einer Tochter eben 
des Emirs Arghun von Radkan, Frau von Ghazan's Wazir 
Tadj al-din 'Ali Shah, deren Name unleserlich ist. Die 
Einerzahl fehlt. Das Datum ist also 700/1300-710/1310. 

5. Einen sehr verwandten Bau bildet J. de Morgan ab, 
aus Khiaw siidlich Sultaniyya. Auch dieser wird in die Zeit 
der Ilkhane gesetzt. Die Abbildung erlaubt hochstens ein 
ganz allgemeines Urteil 4 . 

6. In der grossen Moschee von Isfahan steht ein Mihrab 
in Stuck, durch Sa'd al-daula wa'l-din, einen Grosswezir Oldj- 
aitu's und Nebenbuhler Rashid al-din's, im Jahre 710/1310 
errichtet. In geschichtlicher und epigraphischer Hinsicht 
hat van Berchem dies Denkmal erschopfend behandelt. Die 
Gebetsnische entstand ein Jahr nach der Annahme des 
schiitischen Bekenntnisses durch den grossen Sultan 5 . 

7. Kharbende, der grosse Bauherr, starb 716/1316 und 
wurde in seinem gewaltigen Mausoleum in Sultaniyya 

1 Uber den Emir Arghun cf. van Berchem bei Lehm.-Haupt, pp. 160-63, 
Anm. i, und bei Diez, 7.c., p. 108, Anm. i. 

2 Diez-van Berchem, I.e., pp. 46 u. 109 ss., Tfl. 6, 2 und 10, 2. 

3 Salmas cf. Anm. 9 ; auch Phot. Sevruguin, 1268. 

4 De Morgan, Mission, i, pi. XLIV. 

5 Der Mihrab bei van Berchem, Melanges Hartwig Derenbourg, 1909, 
nach Cliche Gervais-Courtellemont ; auch Diez, Kunst d. Islam. Volker, 
pp. 1 08 s. ; im Gegensatz zu seiner Darstellung der Grossen Moschee von 
Isfahan mochte ich feststellen, dass Yaqut nichts von der Belagerung 
Isfahans durch Toghrul berichtet ; das der Hauptbau der Moschee durch- 
aus einheitlich der Safawiden-Zeit entstammt ; dass nur Nebenteile alt sein 
konnen ; dass kein Rest der Bauperiode Malikshah's nachgewiesen ist. 

B. P. v. 13 


beigesetzt 1 . Dieses oft abgebildete und leidlich untersuchte 
Bauwerk ist bei Lebzeiten des Erbauers, wenn auch nicht 
wie das Djihannuma will (p. 293) in 40 Tagen, vollendet 
worden. Es ware sonst sicher unvollendet zur Ruine ge- 
worden, wie so viele Bauten aus alien Landern und Zeiten 
des Morgenlandes. Es stammt also aus den Jahren 703-7 1 6. 

8. Wenig spater ist die Hauptmoschee von Waramin 
entstanden 2 . Der Bau, dessen westliche Halfte durch Ziegel- 
raub zerstort ist, ist entschieden einheitlich. Der Plan, die 
Vorstufe der grossen safawidischen Moscheen, offenbar 
unter starker Einwirkung des in seldjukischer Zeit auf- 
gebliihten grossen Madrasen-Typus empfangen, ist ganz 
und gar ein Wurf. So muss das Datum der Inschrift am 
Hauptportal auf das Ganze des Baus bezogen werden. Ein 
Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Mansur und sein Sohn Hasan 
haben also unter der Herrschaft Abu Said Bahadur Khan's 
i. J. 722/1322 die Moschee gebaut. Wenn in der Vorhalle 
des Kuppelraums liber dem Hauptmihrab auf zwei Tafeln 
eine Inschrift im Namen eines Emirs Ghiyath al-daula wa'l- 
din Yusuf Khwadja von der Erbauung unter dem Timuriden 
Shahrokh im Muharram 8i5/April 1412 redet, so ist das 
eine Widerherstellung, und die schonen Tafeln Sarre's lassen 
genau erkennen, wie weit diese reichte : sie bezieht sich, wie 
Inschriften immer verstanden sein wollen, auf die Stelle, wo 
sie steht, die Stuckverzierung des Iwan bis zur Hb'he der 
grossen koranischen Inschrift unter dem Beginn der Zellen- 
wolbung. Der ganze Ihnenschmuck des Gebetsraumes, 
der den Formen von Ramadan nah verwandt ist, daneben 
aber auch ein vollig chinesisch anmutendes Feld zeigt, 
stammt aus der ersten Zeit des Baus, 722/1322. 

9. Im uralten Marand im nordlichen Adharbaidjan ist 
in einer alteren Moschee ein Mihrab in Stuck, der laut 
Inschrift i. J. 731/1330 unter Abu Said Bahadur Khan von 
einem Tabrizer, dessen erste Namenshalfte ich eher Nizam, 
als mit Hartmann Tahir Bandaka lesen mochte, verfertigt 

1 Cf. die ausfiihrliche Literaturangabe bei van Berchem, Derenbourg, 
p. 7, n. 2; am wichtigsten: P. Coste, Perse Moderne, pi. LXVII; Flandin 
und Coste, Perse Moderne, pis. x, xi, xii; M. Dieulafoy in Rev. gin. de 
rArchit., 1883, x, pi. xxm, und vor allem Sarre, Denkm., Tfln. xn-xvi und 
Abb. 14-19. 

2 Sarre, Denkm., Tfl. LIV-LV, Abb. 68-71. 

Die Gumbadk-i 'Alaiviyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 195 

wurde 1 . Dieser Mihrab lasst bereits eine Erniichterung im 
zieratlichen Schmuck erkennen, die nicht allein in geringeren 
Mitteln, landlicherer Arbeit, sondern in der vorschreitenden 
Zeit begriindet liegt, in der der Glanz des Reichs der Ilkhane 
zu verblassen beginnt. 

10. Viel mehr tritt das an einem der letzten dieser Bauten 
zu Tage, dem Mausoleum, das ein Gross-Emir Muhammad 
Khwadja zur Erinnerung an den dort verstorbenen Mystiker 
Luqman in Sarakhs i. J. 757/1356 erbaute 2 . Die Inschrift 
nennt keinen Oberherrn, wie es in dieser Zeit volliger Auf- 
losung des Reichs nicht Wunder nimmt. Der Bau ist im 
Vergleich zu den friiheren armlich und niichtern. 

In diese Reihe sind auch ein Paar von Grabbauten vor 
den Toren von Kum zu stellen 3 . Im einen lauft eine Naskhl- 
Inschrift unten urn den Kuppelrand ; ich erkenne auf der 
Abbildung bei Sarre : 

Gerade das entscheidende Wort unter den Titeln, vor al- 
dunyd wa ' l-din fehlt. So muss man im Urteil zuriickhalten, 
bis eine vollstandige Aufnahme der Inschrift den Urheber 
enthlillt. Ahnlich steht es mit dem allgemein sicher in die 
gleiche Zeitspanne gehorigen Ulu Djami' von Wan. Auch 
da liest man auf den Abbildungen rechts neben der Gebets- 
nische : 

Sarre, Denkm., Tfl. xvn. Marand kommt bei Ptolemaios vor. Zu 
su ohne nahere Bestimmung cf. juac in der Inschr. des Mihrab von 
Isfahan und Khurramshah b. Mughith al-Akhlati in der Moschee d. 
Ahmadshah zu Diwrigi, van Berchem und Edhem Bey, MCfA., iii, Siwas- 
Diwrigi) no. 46. 

2 Diez-van Berchem, /.<:., pp. 62-65 ; in der Inschrift ebenda C, p. 6, 

lese ich zuletzt <0juc C-s*j Z.\*. sodass am Namen des Emirs nichts 

3 Flandin et Coste, Perse Moderne, pis. xxxv u. xxxvi ; Sarre, Denkm., 
Tfl. LIX u. LX ; ich glaube, allerdings sehr zweifelnd in den ersten Worten 
der Liicke ftla*-w alw, im letzten *t>U zu erkennen ; dann konnte der 

Muzaffaride Djalal al-din Shah Shudja', 759/1357-786/1384, der Beschiitzer 
Hafiz', der Erbauer sein. 



und man erkennt, class die Inschrift auf der linken Seiten- 
wand fortlauft. Die epigraphische Aufnahme der Bauten 
dieser Lander 1st beklagenswert vernachlassigt 1 . 

Ein Vergleich der erhaltenen Bauten mit der Gumbadh- 
i 'Alawiyyan in Ramadan ergiebt, dass diese der hohen 
Zeit dieses Stils unter Oldjaitu angehort. Das nachst Ver- 
wandte ist sicher der Mihrab von Isfahan, daneben die 
Reste des Schmucks am Grabmal Oldjaitu's selbst. Waramin 
bedeutet schon einen Schritt weiter in Uberreichtum. Dazu 
das Auftreten rein chinesischer Motive. Maragha, Radkan 
und Salmas machen einen structiv einfacheren und altertum- 
lichen, Marand und Sarakhs einen verfallenden, verarmenden 
Eindruck daneben. Die Gumbadh gehort also in die Regier- 
ungszeit Oldjaitu's selbst, und daher wird man mit Recht 
die geschichtliche Nachricht, dass Esen-Qutlugh, Oldjaitu's 
General, eine Neustadt neben dem alten Hamadan angelegt 
habe, mit diesem Bau in Verbindung bringen. 709/1309 
nimmt der Sultan das schiitische Bekenntnis an. Die 
Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyyan ist ein alidisches Mashhad. Genau 
wie der Mihrab von Isfahan ist er also ein gewissermassen 
programmatisches Heiligtum, das in Oldjaitu's letzten Jahren, 
709-16 errichtet sein muss. 

Diese Werke vermitteln uns eine bedeutende Vorstellung 
von den iibrigen, iiber die wir nur literarische Nachrichten 
besitzen. Folgende Liste ist nur aus den gelaufigstenQuellen 

654 663 Hulagu erbaut als Residenz Maragha, wo unter anderm das 
beriihmte Observatorium Nasir al-din Tosi's stand. 

Khabushan in Ustuwa, hod. Kutshan, von Hulagu erbaut, von 
Arghun 683-690 vollendet. 

663 Hulagu stirbt. Sein Grab, verborgen, auf einer Berginsel Tala. 

1 Im Iwan der Moschee Pir-i 'Alamdar in Damghan, Sarre, Tfl. LXXXIV, 
links, Abb. 153-155, Fraser, p. 315, steht die Inschrift: 

tjJb p 

Die seltsamen Titel weisen wohl auf einen Ober-Qadi, kaum auf einen 
souveranen Herrscher hin. Das rukn al-haqq wa 'l-dunya wa 'l-dm riickt 
die Inschrift unbedingt in die Mongolenzeit, und widerspricht Khanikoffs 
Angabe des Jahres 417 H. Moglicherweise gehort sie dem Rukn al-din 
Kart 677-682: 

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 197 

663 680 Abaqa Khan erbaut Saturiq, d. i. das von H. Rawlinson 
entdeckte Takht i Sulaiman. 

683 690 Arghun beginnt Sultaniyya zu bauen. 

690 Arghun auf einem Berge bei Suhraward bei Sadjas in Adhar- 

baidjan bestattet, nach mongolischer Sitte heimlich. Arghun's 
Tochter, Oldjai KhatOn baut spater dariiber ein Kloster. 

ca. 700 Kazwin, bei der Eroberung durch Hulagu zerstort, unter Ghazan 
und Oldjaitu durch Rashid al-din wieder aufgebaut. 

694 703 Ghazan setzt den Bau von Sultaniyya fort, stellt Raiy wieder her. 

Ghazan erbaut Audjan in Adharbaidjan als Madinat al-Islam; 
aus etymologischer Spielerei wird die erste Griindung dem Bizhan 
b. Godarz zugeschrieben. 

Ghazan umgiebt die Vorstadte von Tabriz mit Mauern; sein 
Grab in Vorstadt Sham. 

703 716 Bauten Rashid al-din's und seiner Sohne in Tabriz: Madrasa 
al-Rashidiyya, und des Wezirs Tadj al-din 'Ali Shah : Grosse 
Moschee im Narmiyan-Viertel, so unsolide, dass sie schon zu 
Hamdallah's Zeit verfallen war, vgl. Chardin, Voyages, ed. 1811, 
n, p. 322-324. 

Ein Karawansarai und Kloster in Bistam von Kharbende erbaut. 
Kharbende stellt Mashhad-i Rida her. 

Sawa von einem Minister Sahib Said Khwadja Zahir al-din 
'Ali b. Sharaf al-din Sawadji mit Ziegelmauer von 8200 Ellen 
La'nge, mit Tiirmen und Zinnen erbaut. In der Stadt ein 
Mausoleum des Sayyid Ishaq b. Imam Kazim ; ausserhalb ein 
Heiligtum des Propheten Samuel. 

Am Fuss des Bistun-Berges erbaut Kharbende die Stadt Sul- 
taniyya oder Sultanabad, vulgar Tchamtchamalabad. 

zw. 700 u. 724. Salmas, Bau der Mauern durch Tadj al-din 'Ali Shah, 
Ghazan's Wazir. 

716 736 Raiy: unter Abu Sa'id wird die Madrasa al-Rashidiyya mit einer 
grossen Bibliothek erbaut. 

nach 736 Amir Tchopan baut das 679 durch Erdbeben zerstorte Shadhyakh 
bei Neshapur wieder auf, einen Kiosk bei Tchashma i sabz 

Die grosse und glanzende Bauthatigkeit der Ilkhane 
erstreckt oder beschrankt sich darnach auf das Gebiet von 
Adharbaidjan. In dieser Provinz also erfahrt die Baukunst 
des Jahrhunderts ihre besondere Ausbildung. Eine Reihe 
von Herkunftsbezeichnungen der Meister aus Tabriz, 
Marand, Maragha lehrt, dass tatsachlich einheimische 
Arbeit diese Werke schuf. Aufgebaut sind sie ganz und 
gar auf der weniger ortlich begrenzten Kunst der Seldjuken 
in Iran, die uns in den Minareten von Ghazni, Bistam, 


Khosrdgird, Flruzabad, Simnan, Karat, Tirmidh, Shah 
Rustam in Isfahan, in den grossen Kuppelbauten der 
Graber Sultan Sandjars und des falschlich Omar Khayyam 
oder Ghazzali zugeschriebenen Grabes zu Tos, in den 
Grabtlirmen von Waramin, Rai, Farsaidja bei Isfahan, in 
der Moscheeruine von Khargird, vor allem aber in ihrer 
reifsten Form in den Grabbauten von Nakhtchawan entge- 
gentritt 1 . Dass sich diese seldjukische Kunst schon Baghdad 
und Mosul erobert hatte, wenn auch an beiden Orten der 
seldjukische Stil dem einheimischen sich nur vermahlt, 
das lehren die Bauten der letzten 'Abbasiden in Baghdad, 
Samarra, des Atabek Badr al-din Lu'lu' in Mosul, und dass 
auch der Stil der Ilkhanen-Zeit nicht ohne Wirkung auf jene 
Lander blieb, zeigen Bauten wie die Madrasa al-Mirdjaniyya 
und das merkwiirdige mongolische Yam, das kaiserliche 
Posthaus in Baghdad, gen. Khan Ortma 2 . So zeigen diese 
Bauten die Blu'te eines iiberschwanglich reichen Stils der 
Baukunst, als gleichwertiges Gegenstiick der hohen Ent- 
faltung der wissenschaftlichen und schonen Literatur dieser 
Zeit in Iran. Dass die Eroberung Irans durch Djingiz Khan 
das Ende der Cultur des Landes bedeutet habe, ist eine 
unhaltbare, nur aus den summd ird geschriebenen islamischen 
Schriftstellern abgezogene Anschauung. Die Vereinigung 
Vorderasiens mit dem grossen Asien, dessen Glied es ja nur 
ist, erzeugte auf vielen Gebieten einen hohen Aufschwung. 
So sagt der, dem wir heute huldigen : "allowing for the 
terrible crisis through which Persia was passing, when 
heathen rulers dominated the land, and Christians and Jews 
lorded it over Muslims, the period of Mongol ascendancy, 
from the death of Hulagu Khan on February 8, 1265, 
until the death of the last Mongol Il-khan, Musa, in 1337, 
was wonderfully rich in literary achievements." Jedes 
von Natur reich ausgestattete Land, jedes begabte Volk 
erholt sich von plotzlichen Katastrophen, so schwer sie auch 
seien. Denn die Erde tragt immer neue Frucht, Mensch 
und Tier erzeugen immer neue Geschlechter. Dass das 
Morgenland zu Grunde ging, lag nicht an der kriegerischen 

1 Alle diese Bauten in den angefiihrten Werken von Coste, Diez, 
Flandin und Sarre; iiber Khargird s. Herzfeld in Islam, 1921. 

2 Baghdad und Mosul in Sarre-Herzfeld, Archaeol. Reise, Bd n, 1920, 
vgl. auch zu dem Ganzen meinen Aufsatz Khorasan im Islam, 1920. 

Die Gumbadh-i 'Alawiyydn und die Ilkhane in Iran 199 

Verheerung durch Djingiz Khan's oder Timurleng's Heer- 
scharen, sondern an den Zustanden, die hinterher eintraten. 
Nicht das Ende der islamischen oder iranischen Cultur 
bedeutete die Mongolenherrschaft in Iran, sowenig wie in 
Indien, wohl aber die endgiltige Verdrangung der letzten 
Spuren hellenistisch-europaischer Einwirkung auf Asien. 
Die Veranderungen, die mit der islamischen Kunst Irans 
in dieser Zeitspanne vor sich gegangen sind, spiegeln fur 
das tiefer dringende Auge diese grossen weltgeschichtlichen 
Bewegungen wieder, und der Hintergrund, von dem sich 
die betrachteten Denkmaler abzeichnen, ist das grosse, 
grenzenlose Asien, das Reich, das von den Gestaden des 
Stillen Oceans zum Mittelmeere reichte. 



Thanks to the labours of the late Dr van Vloten many 
important works by Al Jahiz are now available in modern 
European editions, prepared with the care to be expected 
from this ripe scholar. Several other essays by the same 
author were printed in Eastern presses, and among them 
a volume of eleven treatises published in Cairo A.H. 1324 
(I9O6) 1 . There exists in the British Museum a MS volume 
compiled on behalf of the late Baron Von Kremer, and con- 
sisting of thirty essays by Al Jahiz. Two of these were 
also edited by Van Vloten, and have been published in a 
posthumous volume 2 , but the brief preface, added by the late 
Prof, de Goeje, does not, unfortunately, reveal from what 
source they were derived. Only two of the essays contained 
in this book are reproduced in the Cairo edition 3 . 

A list of the essays included in the MS just mentioned 
is given in the late Dr Rieu's " Supplement to the Catalogue 
of the Arabic MSS in the British Museum 4 ," but three of 
them were omitted. These are : i . o!/*^ c^ ^ v^^ 
(fol. 121 vo) ; 2. AyXn ^ jjJI ^ V U* (fol. 155 vo) ; 3. >^\ 
<oU*^ ^ULJI ju^t ^t ^ (fol. 1 78 vo). On the other hand, 
the ol-M ^f ofc>^l >** u* **L,j which is the third in the 
Cairo edition is missing in the MS. 

This MS is unfortunately in a very unsatisfactory con- 
dition. It seems to have been written by a professional 
copyist who did not understand much of the original. It 
abounds in mistakes, especially as regards diacritical points. 
Want of care is further shown in the tenth essay of the Cairo 
edition (p. 178), headed ***1M s^U* oW ^ a)l-j. Part of 
this essay forms No. xxm of the MS (fol. 245 vo) under the 
title A*UN)| JU.^1 ^ A^U> JJL o o-*. It ends with the quo- 
tation from Qoran n, 248 (p. 182 1. 8 from bottom in the 
edition). The whole essay, however, is repeated as the last 

1 See Goldziher, ZDMG., vol. LIX, p. 194. 

2 Tria opuscula auctore...Al Djahiz, Lugd. Bat. 1903. 
8 3 2 . 

4 No. 1129, p. 709. 

A volume of essays by Al Jahiz 201 

one of the volume, beginning fol. 291 vo, with yet another 

title, viz. *^HjJt 4^* ^ <uU> jj~o ,>o. I feel inclined to con- 
sider only the first title old, and the other two as attempts 
to formulate a title from the contents of the essay, the 
original title of which was not at the disposal of the copyist. 
The uncertainty as regards the titles of Al Jahiz' smaller 
treatises is further illustrated by Hajji Khalifa who shortens 
the title of the opening essay both in the MS and the Cairo 
edition into j^-.a*.)! ^ dJU), whilst confirming its identity by 
quoting its initial words. Finally the essay j^>*3b *i^l *->\z> 
(No. in of the MS) is quoted by Al Tha'alibl (died A.H. 429) 
in his *->$Utt\ jUj (Cod. Brit. Mus. Add. 2258 fol. 54 vo) as 

Only one more treatise, viz. ^jUaJt L5 X^ ^J! ^ (No. x of 
the M S) is mentioned by H . Kh. Of others no direct evidence 
is forthcoming as to their authenticity. There is, however, 
indirect evidence of some value. Al Jahiz has a manner of 
writing all his own. His works are distinguished by prolixity 
of diction, the love of accumulating synonyms almost to 
weariness, and of expressing the same idea in as large a 

variety of phrases as possible. In the essay o*J^**M ^ 
(which will engage our attention later on) he uses the meta- 


phor y* j ^>\^^5jj*sJ\ ^9 JLte t>t. Almost the same figure 
occurs in his treatise entitled o***^ oW oUa^iu 1 , and we 
may safely assume that the author of this particular figure 
of speech is the same in both essays. Now the treatise on 
''the Teachers" contains a paragraph in condemnation of 
sodomy. Al Tha'alibl in the work mentioned above (fol. 
io6vo) has an article on sodomy in Khorasan, but it con- 
sists in a philippic by Al Jahiz on this vice. The two 
utterances are not identical, but it is highly probable that 
Al Jahiz, who seems to have been a teacher himself, sternly 
set his face against this besetting offence, and wrote and 
spoke about it on several occasions. This may fairly settle 
the question of the authenticity of the tract under con- 

It is somewhat strange that the author of the Fihrist 
does not seem to have been well informed about Al Jahiz' 

1 Printed in J5L*j v~+** Constantinople, 1301, p. 173. 


writings. Of his shorter essays he only mentions the one 
y^UCJt aJL-od ^J (p. 300) which is evidently identical with 
No. xxvi of our volume, entitled y^JXM AfrUo &L-os ^y. He 
also mentions (p. 33) an article ol^'^J ^ which is perhaps 
identical with No. ix of the MS o!>^' J^ ^-*> Indirectly 
we may infer from the Fihrist that Al Jahiz criticised the 

medical practice of his age in a treatise styled s-JkJt C/A& ^ 
(p. 300), a book which provoked a rejoinder from no less an 
authority than Al RazI 1 . 

Ibn Khallikan, whose information as to Al Jahiz' literary 
efforts is likewise exceedingly meagre, reports that the Caliph 
Al Mutawakkil wished to appoint him tutor to one of his 
sons, but abstained from this on account of his extraordinary 
ugliness. He seems to have been a teacher by profession, 
and this circumstance probably induced him to lay down his 
tutorial experience in a treatise on "Teachers." I deem it 
not unfitting to embody a brief survey of this treatise by 
a renowned Arabic Teacher in a volume designed to do 
honour to a renowned Teacher of Arabic. 

A perusal of Al Jahiz' essays well repays the time spent 
on them. He is a keen observer, an original thinker, and 
reveals deep thought even in apparently trivial subjects. His 
field is. wide. In the essays of which our MS is composed 
he has much that is relevant to say on matters theological, 
historical, philosophical, psychological, social, rhetorical, 
grammatical, and paedagogic, with occasional anecdotes 
interspersed. Noteworthy is the stand he makes against the 
exaggerated study of grammar, and he shows small esteem 
for Al Khalll, the father of grammatical studies among the 
Arabs. On the other hand he has much practical advice to 
give to fathers for the education of their sons. 

Al Jahiz seems to have been somewhat embittered by 
the disappointment mentioned above as well as by unhappy 
experiences in his educational work, as the following sarcastic 
remarks in the earlier part of the essay show : " Religious as 
well as mundane matters rest on the pen 2 , the benefits of which 
we owe to no one but to Allah who created it for us, seizing 
us by our forelocks 3 , and compelling us to make use of it ; we 
do not owe it to our teachers whom He made our slaves. It 

1 See Wiistenfeld, Geschichte der arabischen Aerzte, p. 45, No. 60. 
3 Qoran, xcvi, 4. 3 Ibid, xi, 59 ; LV, 41. 

A volume of essays by Al Jahi% 203 

is they whom you deride, complain of, argue with, and abuse, 
fasten the fault of the smaller on the greater, and make the 
keen ones responsible for the failure of those who fall short. 
You pity the fathers of boys on account of the slackness of 
the teacher, but not the teacher for the remissness of the 
boys in the execution of their task, and their lack of attention. 
Teachers are more wretched than shepherds and horse-train- 
ers, although reasonable consideration will show their great 
importance and the amount of gratitude due to them." 

As a further result of his experience as a teacher Al Jahiz 
lays down his criticism of learning by heart which the fore- 
most philosophers and masters of thought deprecate. It 
seems that with this description he alluded to his contem- 
porary Al Kindl, "the Philosopher of the Arabs." People 
who rely on what they know by heart are apt to neglect 
discrimination. Memorising stifles intelligence and only en- 
ables a person to execute a task given to him, the essence 
of memory being different from the essence of thought. 

Somewhat earlier in the essay he speaks on the import- 
ance of writing as a means of communication with absent 
people, keeping records of past events, and the administra- 
tion of outlying provinces by the home government. Rulers 
cannot invest their sons with administrative powers unless 
the latter have received proper training. "If you would 
inquire into the number of grammarians, prosodists, lawyers, 
accountants, and calligraphists, you would find that most of 
them are either tutors to adults or teachers of boys, but how 
many judges, narrators, doctors, and governors would you 
find among them ? " 

Teachers are needed for all subjects which are to be 
learnt, such as writing, reckoning, law, Qoran, grammar, 
prosody, poetry, history, horsemanship, games, astronomy, 
music, medicine, mathematics, archery, agriculture, com- 
merce, architecture, jewellery, tailoring, bootmaking, dyeing, 
bookbinding, training of birds and other animals. Man has 
within him some of the characteristics of animals, such as the 
cunning of the wolf and fox, the circumspection of the lion, 
the hatred of the camel, etc. He can imitate every voice with 
his mouth, and every shape with his hand, because Allah has 
endowed him with speech and the faculty of acquiring skill. 

The words mu'allim and muaddib are derived from 'i 


(knowledge) and 'adab (scholarship), the former being the 
root and the latter the branch, but often generalised to in- 
clude both. 'Ilm enables us to distinguish between what is 
noble and what is base, lawful and unlawful, excessive and 
fair, and to choose between the better of two good things 
and the lesser of two evils. 

In contradistinction to the arts and crafts mentioned 
above, others may be noted which only include writing, 
reckoning, poetry, grammar, law, astronomy and calendar 
making. The devotion to these subjects precludes arrogance, 
but encourages devout study of the Qoran, smooths people's 
tongues by the recitation of poetry, stops mischief, and pro- 
motes friendly intercourse among mankind. 

Some people are of opinion that 'adab spells penury, and 
to acquire it brings ill luck, as the poet hath it 1 : 

My 'adab has not helped me to anything that gave me pleasure, 

except increasing my want, based on ill luck. 
He who trades in literature wherever he turns he is repulsed. 

We have not, he goes on, seen a poet who attained the 
object of his desire by his verses, nor a man of letters who 
reached a high station by his accomplishments. Even if the 
number of those who gratify these aspirations were greater 
than the failures, and if we admit the men of this class, we do 
not include Abu Ya'qub al Khozaimi, because he was suc- 
cessful in poetry as well as in 'adab. 

Boys, it is said, differ as to their degree of intelligence 
as well of slackness and stupidity. This is alluded to in the 
Qoran vi, 9, because some persons are more intelligent than 
others. Allah comes to the aid of boys by causing their in- 
tellectual faculties to approach the intellect of accomplished 
scholars. Al Hajjaj, when travelling, once heard a woman's 
voice coming from a house full of confusion and noise. This, 
he said, is either the noise of a mad woman or of romping 
boys. An eloquent and intelligent person when speaking to 
a child, or amusing a boy, would surely accommodate his 

1* J - - 1 * 

J ^^ ^ j*** j* 

These two lines are strongly reminiscent of two lines of 'Alqama, see 
Ahlwardt, Six poems, p. 1 12, 1. 34. They are probably Al Jahiz' own parody 
and relating to his own case. 

A volume of essays by Al Jahi% 205 

speech to the intellect of boys and girls, and put aside all the 
higher learning with which Allah has distinguished him. 

A boy should not be taught more grammar than he 
requires for correct speech in order to avoid solecisms and 
common ignorance in writing, reciting poetry, and making 
statements. Too much grammar would distract his attention 
from better things and prejudice his mind against dialectic 
and historical matters which are superior. He who refrains 
from inquiring too deeply into matters may satisfy his desire, 
though by slightly increasing his efforts he may benefit man- 
kind and the pivots round which the mill turns. Whoever 
has no other means of obtaining livelihood than knowledge 
of grammar, which does not go far as a profession, should, 
in my opinion, turn to simply counting on his fingers, without 
attempting ciphers and arithmetic. Direct your attention to 
government requirements and secretarial work. I say that 
to be good at figures, which is wanted for administrative 
purposes, is more useful than calligraphy. Correct spelling, 
even if combined with inferior writing, answers the purpose. 
It is different with reckoning which should be taught together 
with the rules of writing and an easy style that speaks to the 
point in a manner both pleasant and concise. Avoid heavi- 
ness of diction. The best way is to be intelligible to the 
hearer without making fuller explanation necessary, being 
brief, but neither inadequate nor prolix. Choose a style which 
is neither obscure nor incoherent, nor diffuse on account of 
verbosity and heaviness. Many speakers do not mind im- 
pairing the sense of their words, in spite of fine language, 
by abstruseness. Their meaning will always be obscure, and 
their speech unprofitable, graceful but empty. The worst 
orator is he who is ready to jot down a sentence before he 
has settled its meaning, and, being enamoured with a certain 
expression, forces the sense towards it. Most objectionable 
is a person, affected, faltering in speech, wanting in earnest- 
ness, but full of self-admiration, eager to be called an orator, 
whilst laying claim to the title of an elegant writer. He fails 
to see the difference between relevant and irrelevant ex- 
pressions. In general, every subject, be it lofty or low, 
amusing or serious, has its rules as well as limits within 
which it must be kept. 

A person who reads the books of elegant writers, and 


copies the works of scholars in order to benefit by their 
contents, is on the right track, but he who studies them for 
their bulk in words is on the wrong track. His great desire 
is to exhaust the vocabulary in the futile endeavour to em- 
ploy the words on unfitting occasions. A poet once said to 
his colleague : " I am a better poet than thou." " How so ? " 
asked the other. " Because I say a verse and its brother, 
but thou sayest a verse and its cousin." The former is the 
result of training. The proficient succeed, the unskilled fail. 
One must put up with foolish or forgetful persons. Hearing 
words spoken can be both harmful and useful. To take the 
latter case first, these words linger in the ear, sink into the 
heart, and ripen in the breast. When one has become familiar 
with them, they bear fruit and yield a noble harvest, because 
they came forth without deceit, unguarded and unconstrained, 
neither do they betray poverty because they are not confined 
to one thing to the exclusion of another. Between a thing 
which (so to speak) builds a nest in man's breast, then lays 
eggs, hatches the young, and teaches them to spread their 
wings on one hand, and a preconceived idea clothed in 
energetic, but eccentric language there is a wide difference. 
A fluent speaker who feels himself safe in spite of indolence, 
relying on plagiarism and trickery, will fail to profit by them. 
He cannot bear to be reticent, scorn will overtake him and 
his evil ways will destroy him. 

As regards the harmful aspect of the matter, it consists 
of learning by heart words either from a book or by the ear, 
and subsequently assigning the meaning to each of them. 
This is a poor, backward attitude which wastes words, over- 
loads their meaning, and upsets their significance. Words 
of this kind obscure the speaker's mind, cause misunder- 
standing, and lay bare the disgust and aversion they produce. 
A person of this class provokes censure, and is objected to 
as a speaker. But he is to be congratulated, whose words 
are eagerly listened to, gladdening his own soul, although 
they are not laid down in writing. The best book is that 
which, the more it is read, the more it gains in attraction 
and fills its proper place. 

The hateful nature of sodomy is revealed in the fact that 
Allah offers no compensation in "the last world" for any 
desire to neglect propagation in this world, although He 

A volume of essays by A I Jahi% 207 

promises wine to those who eschew it here. He praises the 
celestial wine in the briefest terms, whilst expressing the 
fullest abhorrence to wine in Qoran LVI, 19. He means to 
convey that the wine of paradise does not intoxicate, and 
there is no overcrowding of men with men, or women with 
women. Propagation being excluded, men and women keep 
separate. As expressed in Qoran xcn, 3 Allah created men 
and women and placed between them the sources of mutual 
love and attachment. He joined men and women one to 
another in matrimony, but vice turned their relation upside 

A most eloquent and accomplished teacher was Abd Allah 
b. Al Moqaffa', benamed Abu 'Amr. He was a client of the 
family of Al Ahtam, and the foremost orator as well as author, 
translator and biographer. He was of generous nature and 
elegant and courteous. When he spoke in poetry, he could 
vie with a competitor without labouring to improve upon it 
in any way. He was also circumspect in transmitting the 
utterances of other persons without disclosing either deceit 
or trustworthiness. If you wish to examine this matter from 
the point of view of genuine dialecticians, see the last chapter 
of his epistle A I Hashimiyya, which you will find to be an 
excellent and popular statement and not easily exposed to 
adverse criticism. 

A person may do well in one or two branches of learning 
and think that he not only applies himself to it but that he 
enters deeply into it. This was the case with Al Khalll b. 
Ahmad who did well in grammar and prosody, and claimed 
to be proficient in dogmatic theology as well as in writing 
verse. But his ignorance was such that no one equalled him 
unless forsaken by God, who, however, never forsakes us. 
These two poets were incompetent in matters educational. 

The most intelligent person is the monarch, and whoever 
seeks intercourse with him must find the right way to present 
his plea. A monarch's favour towards his subjects is not more 
marked than the attachment of an owner to his cattle. Were 
it not for the monarch people would devour one another 1 , 
just as, were it not for the shepherd, wild beasts would tear 
his animals to pieces. 

1 See Pirqe Aboth, in, 2 ; Pray for the welfare of the government, since 
but for the fear thereof men would swallow each other alive. 


Do not interfere with the study of the books of Abu 
Hanlfa. Hinder not those who advise to train a lad with 
bankers, because this occupation combines writing, reckon- 
ing, and financial training. I say the same to those who call 
the Qoreish traders. He who compares the merchants and 
shopkeepers of Karaj, Ahwaz and Basra with the Qoreish 
makes a grievous mistake. The Qoreish are people whom 
Allah kept free from blemish, but allowed their originally 
fine constitution to deteriorate. If people knew their high 
station in commerce, they would notice the difference of 
their ways. Would they be guilty of infamy, such as that 
of the merchants of Aila and those people of Hira who hold 
up the wheat, their mean trade policy would be broken. 
Did not poets travel to the Qoreish, just as they did to 
great kings whose power they extolled ? They received the 
visitors of Allah hospitably, although they were travellers 
rather than agriculturists. Had they been possessed of a 
brilliant intellect, their genius would not have been impaired 
by something which debases a whole nation. Had their 
ways with the kings they visited on business been the ways 
of other merchants, they would not have paid homage to 
them, built cities for them and loved them. 

Since the Qoreish were brave and pious, they refrained 
from rapine and ravishing women, and did not bury their 
daughters alive. No captive woman was the mother of any 
of their children, nor did they permit a man to marry until 
he showed himself valiant in action and strong in his faith. 
When they took steps to build the Ka'ba, they did not spend 
money on it which they had inherited, or what they had 
received from their wives, lest it be mixed with funds earned 
by trade. Since they were travellers and depended on 
certain seasons and the establishment of cities, they were 
obliged to work for their living, held the 'tia/(Qor. cvi, i), 
and travelled to the kings with their wares. 

Those who maintain that courtiers meet with unpleasant 
experiences should consider that this happens to every 
traveller, and his luggage is exposed to dangers unless God 
protects him. Those who travel by sea are in great peril. 
Those who deal in food from Ahwaz run the greatest risk. 
People who hoist sail, undertake dishonest practices, or ex- 
pose themselves to wild beasts, deserve no pity. The best 

A volume of essays by Al Jahiz 209 

people to deal with are those who live on islands or on the 
shore of the sea. The glutton and the drunkard are most 
objectionable, and only he is fit to be entrusted with public 
affairs who has nothing to do with them. 

The trader is diffident and dons the cloak of his civility, 
whilst the courtier is overbearing, yet full of fear. He falls 
short on account of exaggerated gratitude and adulation 
towards the monarch. When he gains experience, his vision 
widens and enables him to learn how to ameliorate grievances, 
straighten what is crooked and to cultivate waste lands. 

The essay ends with the admonition to bear a pure love 
for "adab in order to elicit its hidden treasures even at the 
risk of material sacrifices, 


B. P. V. 


Bei den immer intensiver werdenden Beziehungen euro- 
paischer Volker zum islamischen Oriente und den wichtigen 
Entscheidungen, die von diesen Volkern getroffen werden 
mlissen, ist es wichtig dass wir die Seele des Orientalen 
kennen lernen, sein Erleben, Fiihlen, Wollen und Denken. 
Unser Verhalten zum Oriente wird dadurch wesentlich 
beeinflusst ; denn es ist ein grosser Unterschied ob wir uns 
im Orientalen einem Menschen gegeniibergestellt sehen, 
dessen Kultur wir in manchen Punkten bewundern und 
lieben und dessen sittliche Ideale wir achten konnen, oder 
ob wir in ihm nur einen solchen Menschentypus erblicken, 
der wie die Neger Afrikas, die Grundwerte des Menschen- 
lebens noch nicht erkannt hat und dem der Lebensinhalt 
eine Summe materieller, ausserer Handlungen und Bewe- 
gungen ohne geistigen Kern ist. 

Der Islam hatdieverschiedensten Beurteilungenerfahren. 
Er gait in seiner altesten Zeit (Johannes Damascenus) als 
eine christliche Seckte mit judischem Einschlag, im Wesent- 
lichem mitdemChristentume ubereinstimmend. In Laufeder 
Jahrhunderte wurde der Abstand dieser beiden Schwester- 
religionen, nicht zuletzt auch auf Grund politischer Ereignisse, 
grosser und grosser, so dass beide Religionen mehr und mehr 
die Fiihlung und das Verstandniss fiir einander verloren und 
sich Urteile iibereinander von Gefuhlsstimmungen diktieren 
liessen. Die Aufgabe des objektiv urteilenden Forschers 
ist es, sich von polemischen Stimmungen fernhaltend die im 
heutigen Islam tatsachlich vorhandenen Werte zu erfassen 
und zu wiirdigen. Die vorliegende Arbeit lasst das indi- 
viduelle, aussere Leben des Muslim mit seinen Sitten und 
Gebrauchen ausser acht, ebenso das soziale und politische, 
ferner von seinem inneren Leben das aesthetische und in- 
tellektuelle (Kunst und die Weltanschauung) um nur sein 
ethisches zu beriicksichtigen. 

Ebenso wie der Islam durch Vergeistigung iiberlieferter 
Formen seine Weltanschauung der modernen Zeit angepasst 

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 211 

hat 1 oder doch wenigstens Neigung zeigt, sich ihr anzu- 
passen, kann er auch seine Lebensanschauung (Ethik) weiter- 
entwickeln und sie den Forderungen der Neuzeit annahern. 
Dass dies in der Tat der Fall ist, haben die bekannten Studien 
liber die islamische Mystik in den letzten Jahren gezeigt 2 . 
Das hier zu behandelnde Problem lautet daher : enthalt 
die islamische Ethik Lehren und Satzungen, die unserer 
heutigen Gesinnungsethik gleichwertig sind, oder enthalt 
sie wenigstens Ansatze, die in der Richtung auf eine solche 
verinnerlichte Ethik der personlichen Uberzeugung und 
Gesinnung entwickelt werden konnten ? Diese Gedanken 
werden durch die Beantwortung anderer Fragen geklart : 
Hat der Islam den Wert und die Wtirde der menschlichen 
Personlichkeit erkannt ? Hat er solche Ideale aufgestellt, 
die den geistigen Werten den entschiedenen Vorrang vor 
den materiellen geben ? Lehrt er die allgemeine Menschen- 
liebe ? Solche und ahnliche Fragen wird man geneigt sein, 
mit dem Hinweis darauf zu beantworten, dass die Despotien 
des Orientes die Menschenwiirde immer mit Fiissen getreten 
haben, dass sie die menschliche Personlichkeit missachteten, 
den Armen und Schwachen unterdrlickten. Darauf ist zu 
entgegnen : Wir wollen unser Augenmerk darauf richten, 
ob vielleicht \mprivaten Leben hochste sittliche Ideale auf- 
gekeimt sind, trotzdem im politischen Leben die Verbrechen 
der Despotic das Aufbliihen solcher Ideale mit materiellen, 
brutalen Mitteln zu verhindern geeignet waren. Zudem 

1 Vgl. die Arbeiten des Verfassers : (i) Die kulturelle Entwicklungs- 
fahigkeit des Islam atif geistigem Gebiete (Bonn, Cohen, 1915). (2) Die 

islamische Geisteskultur (Leipzig, 1915) in Lander und Volker der Turkei, 
Schriften des Deutschen Vorderasienkomitees, hrsgeg. von H. Grothe. (3) Zur 
Weltanschauung des Orients, einige Gedanken zu mystischen Versen Askeris 
in der Zeitschrift Das neue Deutschland, hrsgeg. v. Graborvsky, 7, 272 ff., 
15 April, 1919. (4) Die mystische Weltanschauung nach A skeri : eine Studie 
ilber das liberale Monchtum im Islam in Beitrdge zur Kenntniss des Orients, 
J 5 3 2 ~5 X ( I 9 I 8). (5) Muhammed Abduh (1905), sein Leben und seine 
theologisch-philosophische Gedankenwelt : eine Studie zu den Reformbestre- 
bungen im modernen Egypten in denselben Beitragen, 13, 83-114; 14, 74- 
128. (6) Auch die mittelalterliche Weltlehre des Orients war bereits voll 
von idealen Gedanken. Derselbe : Die religiose Gedankenwelt der gebildeten 
Mushme im heutigen Islam (Halle, 1916). 

2 Die Werke von Nicholson, Macdonald, Goldziher u. and. sind zu 
bekannt, als dass sie einer besonderen Aufzahlung bediirften. Die fuhrenden 
islamischen Zeitschriften in Europa verfolgten in Einzelfragen die dadurch 
aufgeworfenen Probleme. 


212 M. HORTEN 

kommt es uns auf die Lehre, die theoretische Grundlage 
der Kultur an, die uns immerhin einige Hoffnung idealen 
Aufschwunges fur die Zukunft geben. Das Volk und die 
gebildeten Kreise des Orientes haben neben den Regierungs- 
kreisen ein Eigenleben gefuhrt und ihre eigene Kultur 
entwickelt. Die Quellen, die uns diese erschliessen, stromen 
ausserordentlich reichlich, so dass es nur die Schwierigkeit 
der Auswahl zu iiberwinden gilt. Die folgende Studie fusst 
auf der Auswahl von Prophetenspriichen, die Nabaham 
verfasste unter dem Titel Samail ar-rasul l . 

Das Problem stellt sich also nicht so, dass die Ethik der 
islamischen Philosophen, Theologen, gebildeten Laien, 
M ystiker zu untersuchen ware. Das in alien diesen Schichten, 
die aufs starkste von Christentum, Hellenismus und Buddh- 
ismus beeinflusst sind, die islamische Ethik das gewiinschte 
und von edlen Menschen erwartete Ideal erreicht, ist be- 
kannt. Es handelt sich darum, ob auch im breiten Volke 
solche Ideale vorhanden sind, die das Menschenleben auf 
das Geistige und den Altruismus einstellen, das Streben 
nach Materiellem und den Egoismus wie Utilitarismus iiber- 
windend oder doch massigend. 

Von den unendlich vielen Punkten, die das System der 
Ethik ausmachen, mogen folgende herausgenommen worden, 
die das Wesentliche beleuchten : (i) Personlichkeit und 
Menschen wiirde ; (2) die Reinheit der Absicht ; (3) der 
Heroismus im Beispiele des Propheten, in den Beziehungen 
des Menschen zu (a) Gott, (b) den Nachsten, und (c) sich 

1 Beirut, 1310= 1892, als Quelle analysiert in des Verfassers (i) Die 
religiose Gedankenwelt des Volkes im heutigen Islam (Halle, 1917, S. xxvi f. ; 
vgl. von deraselben Aus der Welt- und Lebensanschauung der turkischen 
fahrenden Sdnger in Der Neue Orient, 2, 143-48, November, 1917. Die 
turkischen Troubadours denken und empfinden wie die Monche des Islam. 
(2) Die sittlich-religiosen Ideale der Bektaschi-Monche nach Mahmud AH 
Hilmi, ebenda, i, 293 ff., Juni, 1917. (3) Die Geheimlehre der Jezidi, der 
sogenannten " Teufelsanbeter," ebenda, 2, 1050., April, 1918. (4) Die 
Geheimlehre der Drusen in Korrespondenzblatt fur Anthropologie, Ethnologie 
und Urgeschichte, Sitzung vom n Dezember, 1917; auch Sitzungsberichte 
der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft zu Bonn, 1917, S. 28-39 reich an 
gnostisch-mystischen Ideen. (5) Mystische Texte aus dem Islam. Drei 
Gedichte des Ibnu-l-^Arabi 11240 (nach Nicholson, Tarjumdn al-ashwdq], 
Bonn, 1912 in Kleine Texte fur Vorlesungen u. Ubungen,hrsgzg. v.Lietzmann, 
No. 105. (6) Monchtum und Monchsleben im Islam nach Scharani in 
Beitrdge tur Kenntniss des Orients, hrsgeg. v. Grothe, 12, 64-129 (1915). 

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 2 1 3 

selbst ; (4) die Skala der Lebensgiiter ; (5) Eigenschaften 
des Sittlichen im allgemeinen (a) Innerlichkeit (die Ethik 
des Islam ist eine Gesinnungsethik), (&) Ernst, (c] Einheit 
und Harmonic der Krafte. Dass die dem Propheten in den 
Mund gelegten Ausspruche nicht als historische Quelle 
gelten konnen, sondern nur nach ihrer inhaltlich-systema- 
tischen Seite in Betracht kommen, bedarf keiner besonderen 
Rechtfertigung 3 . 

Dass der Muslim Wiirde und Wert der menschlichen 
Person kennt und achtet, ergibt sich aus seiner Hochschatz- 
ung der Gerechtigkeit. Heisst es doch in einem bekannten 
Sprichworte : " Die Gerechtigkeit (insaf) ist die Halfte 
(nisf) der Religion." Der Sinn dieser Tugend besagt die 
" gleichmassige Verteilung" ohne Ansehung der Person. 
Der Machtige steht dem Schwachen, der Reiche dem Armen 
in seinen Forderungen auf Gerechtigkeit gleich, und wenn 
ein Muslim auch alle seine rituellen Pflichten zeitlebens 
treu erftillte, aber gegen seinen Nachsten ungerecht war, 
wird er am jiingsten Tage von der Himmelsbrucke in das 
Hollenfeuer gestossen 2 . In noch hoherem Masse ist die 

1 In einer umfassenderen Darstellung miissten noch eine grosse Anzahl 
anderer Probleme zur Sprache kommen, z. B., (i) die Einstellung des 
Muslims zu Welt und Leben, (2) die Motivationen der Handlungen, 
(3) das Pflichtbewusstsein, (4) Kriterien und Prinzipien des sittlich Guten, 
(5) Autonomie und Heteronomie (Gesetzlichkeit), (6) Sinn des ethischen 
Lebens, (7) ethische Werturteile und Wertempfindungen, (8) Auffassungen 
von Lohn und Strafe, (9) ethische Ideale, (10) die Tugendlehre, (n) das 
sittliche Verhaltnis zur Umwelt, (12) das System der ethischen Ziele 
(Gliickseligkeit Muhammad Gott). Dieser ganze Komplex ist in den 
Kahmen der Weltanschauung des Orientalen hineinzustellen und durch die 
Aufhellung des Wesens und der Grundgedanken zu einer klaren Einheit 
zusammenzufassen, die zugleich noch auf den gesamten psychischen 
Organismus zu beziehen ist (Erleben, Bewusstsein, Empfinden, Gefiihl, 
Vorstellen, Wollen, Denken). Durch diese Betrachtungsweisen wird uns 
letzthin die Eigenart der orientalischen Kultur und ihres Tragers, des 
orientalischen Menschentypus (seine Seelenform) verstandlich werden. 
In den Quellen die uns der Orient zur Verfiigung stellt, ist ein geradezu 
unerschopfliches Material fiir solche ethischen und kulturwissenschaftlichen 
Untersuchungen enthalten. 

2 Horten, Die religiose Gedankenwelt d. Volkes, 339, 20; 354, 10 u. ; 
279, 17; 285, 21 (ungerechtes Gut); 292, 6 u. (unbezahlte Schulden) ; 
298, 14 u., als Ideal symbolisiert in der "Wage der Gerechtigkeit," 339- 
348, u. der Gerichtsverhandlung am jungsten Tage, 346, 5 u., auch dem 
" Ausgleiche der Werke," 347. Auf den sechs unteren Bogen der Himmels- 
brucke wird der Muslim nach seinen rituellen Pflichten gefragt, auf dem 

214 M. HORTEN 

muslimische Nachstenliebe ein Gradmesser fur Menschen- 
achtung im Islam, da sie tiber den Kreis desstreng Gesetz- 
lichen hinausgreift und mehr als das Recht der Gerechtigkeit 
auf die Herzensbeziehungen des Menschen zum Menschen 
schliessen lasst. Die Religion des Islam zeigt sich hier in 
ihrem tieferen voluntarisch-sittlichen Erleben und in ihren 
Auswirkungen in den Handlungen des sozialen Lebens, 
zugleich aber auch in ihrer Hochwertigkeit als menschen- 
verbriidernde Macht. " Keiner ist in wahrem Sinne ein 
Glaubiger, bis er fiir seinen Bruder (Mitmenschen) das 
wiinscht (und zu..tun bestrebt ist), was er fiir sich selbst 
wiinscht." Das Ubel von Hass und Feindschaft zwischen 
den Menschen wird an seiner W^trzel gefasst. Wir sind 
nicht nur zu ausseren Handlungen der Nachstenliebe 
verpflichtet wie zur Armensteuer, sondern miissen unsere 
Gesinnung dementsprechend reinigen und heiligen : das 
selbstlose Wohlwollen gegen den Nachsten gibt dem auss- 
eren Werke erst seinen Wert und ohne dies ist das Wesen des 
wahren Islam undenkbar. In Folge dessen wird die selbst- 
lose Nachstenliebe schlechthin als das Wesen des Islam 
bezeichnet. Den Propheten (Sha'rani, Lavakih, Kairo, 1308, 
S. 71, 8) fragte man : " Welcher Islam ist der beste ?" (ob 
der hi. Krieg oder irgendein anderes gutes Werk). Der 
Prophet: " Spende jedem (Bediirftigen), sowohl den du 
kennst als auch den du nicht kennst, Speise und Gruss." 
Die Nachstenliebe in materiellen Giitern und in der Gesin- 
nung des Wohlwollens ist ebenso wichtig und ebenso allge- 
mein auszuiiben wie die Pflicht des Griissens, und dieser 
Heroismus ist identisch mit der edelsten Form des Islam 

In diesen Ziigen findet sich eine reine Menschenliebe 
ausgesprochen, die sich auf die erkannte Menschenwiirde 
als solche stiitzt, sich daher auf alle Menschen erstreckt, 
ohne sich konfessionell oder national einzuengen. Offenbar 
sprechen sich in solchen AussprUchen, die der heutige Islam 

siebenten, dem hochsten Bogen nach seiner Gerechtigkeit. Die Erfiillung 
der rituellen Pflichten schiitzt ihn also nicht vor der Verdammnis, wenn er 
sich durch Ungerechtigkeit verging. Die Frage nach dieser ist die letzte 
und wichtigste. Das Uberhandnehmen der Ungerechtigkeit wird als ein 
Zeichen des Herannahens des Weltendes, also des tiefsten Grades des 
sittlichen Verfalles angesehen (ebd. 303, i, 5). Das Idealreich am Ende 
der Zeiten wird das der Gerechtigkeit genannt (ebd. 307, 8u.). 

Entwicklungsfdhigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 2 1 5 

dem Propheten in den Mund legt, die er also als gottliche 
Satzung und Offenbarung empfindet, Stimmungen aus, die 
als Unterlage fur die hochsten sittlichen Ideale dienen 
konnen. " Der beste der Menschen ist, wer dem Nachsten 
am meisten nutzt und hilft " (153, 10). " Die Religion ist 
der gute Rat, den wir dem Nachsten erteilen" (153, 3 u.). 
Die uneingeschrankte Nachstenliebe wird daher als das 
Ausschlaggebende im Islam betrachtet, auf Grund dessen 
Gott die ewige Seligkeit verleiht (Ibnu-l-'Arabl, muhadarat, 
Kairo, 1306, 2, 178, 23): " Gott macht den reich, der auf 
ihn vertraut, und erlost den, der seinen Geschopfen Gutes 
erweist." Daher ist (151, 3 u.) "der Islam gleichbedeutend 
mit edlen ethischen Eigenschaften " (Selbstbeherrschung 
ebenso wie Selbstlosigkeit). Sie miissen sich besonders im 
Unglucke zeigen (154, 5): " Besuch' alle zwei oder drei 
Tage den Kranken ; dann mehrt sich die gegenseitige Liebe." 

Der Begriff der Absicht ist ein Kernpunkt der islami- 
schen Moral, die dadurch zeigt, dass sie eine Gesinnungsmoral 
ist. Die Absicht ist nicht nur eine rituelle in dieser hat 
man den Gegenstand der rituellen Handlung zu formulieren, 
die man vollziehen will sondern auch eine moralise he. In 
dem besonderen Gerichte, das gleich nach dem Tode statt- 
findet, tritt die Seele, die sich vom Korper getrennt hat, 
vor Gott mit den Worten 1 : " Ich komme zu Dir mit Dir 
selbst." Bei ihrem Handeln war die Seele von keinem 
andern als von Gott erfiillt. Nur Ihn erstrebte sie in ihrer 
"Absicht," indem sie sich von alien weltlichen und aussergott- 
lichen Zielen abwandte. Damit ist der bekannte Heroismus 
der Mystiker wesensgleich, der jede Spur von Egoismus und 
Weltlichkeit dem Polytheismus (shirk} gleichsetzt ; denn 
wahlt man etwas anderes als Gott zum Ziele seines 
Strebens, so setzt man ein Geschopf an der Stelle des hoch- 
sten Wesens oder einen zweiten Gott an die Stelle des 
ersten. Jeder Egoismus gilt also nach dieser extremen 
Formulierung als die grosste und unverzeihbarste Siinde, 
als der schlimmste Abfall von der wahren Religion. 

Der Heroismus ist der sicherste und tiefst sondierende 
Massstab einer Ethik, durch den ihre hochsten Ideale, inner- 
sten Motive, letzten Ziele, kennzeichnenden Eigenschaften, 

1 Ad-dourra al-fahira, la perle prtcieuse^ ed. Lucien Gautier (1878), 
S. 17, 2. 

2l6 M. HORTEN 

Wertungen bezuglich der unendlichen Skala der Lebens- 
gtiter, Kriterien des Guten, Prinzipien und Wesen am 
klarsten aufgedeckt werden. Der Heroismus ist die Bltite, 
die aus den geheimnisvollen Kraften der Gesinnung, des 
Erlebens, der Einstellung zu Welt und Menschenleben em- 
porgesprosst ist. Der Muslim iibertragt seine ethischen 
Ideale auf die Person Muhammads und gestaltet diese zu 
einem Spiegelbilde seines eigenen hochsten sittlichen 
Wollens und Strebens um, und diese Idealgestalt ist dann 
der Vorbild, dessen Nachfolge die grosse Lebenspflicht des 
Glaubigen ist (vgl. die Parallelbildung der Nachfolge 
Christi). Der Prophet war nach einer Aussage Alis (93, 10) 
der freigebigste, weitherzigste, wahrste, treuste, mildeste, 
selbstloseste Mensch, und nach Anas (93, 5) der gottes- 
furchtigste, edelste, mutigste, gerechteste, enthaltsamste 
Mann, geduldig in der Ertragung der Fehler des Nachsten, 
ein treuer Freund (94 u.), von gewinnendem Wesen (95, 4), 
voll Wohlwollen gegen seinen Diener (99, 7), nachsichtig 
(100, 10), leutselig, liebenswurdig, mitleidsvoll, bescheiden, 
ohne Stolz, Zorn, Hinterhaltigkeit (93, 7). In der Ver- 
sammlung konnte man ihn von den andern ausserlich nicht 
unterscheiden (119, i). Er ermahnte sie (120, 8): " Seid 
bescheiden, gerecht, nicht hochmlitig gegeneinander und 
bleibt treue Diener Gottes und unter euch B ruder." Taglich 
(i 14, 9) erkundigte er sich, ob ein Kranker in der Stadt sei, 
den er besuchen konne, ob ein Leichenbegangnis stattfmde, 
um sich ihm anzuschliessen, und ob jemand sich durch 
einen Traum bedriickt fiihle, um sich diesen erzahlen zu 
lassen. Sein selbstloser Edelsinn liess ihn keine Bitte 
Bediirftiger abschlagen (121, 10). Wenn er etwas nicht 
gewahren konnte, schwieg er, da er es nicht iiber sich brachte, 
nein zu sagen. Besitz der ihm zufiel verteilte er noch vor 
Sonnenuntergang (122, 6). Ein fuhlendes Herz hatte er 
fur Kinder (97, 8 ff., in, 6 u.). Mit ihnen war er der 
ergotzlichste Unterhalter und Scherzmacher. SogarGegner 
und Feinde suchte er durch Wohltaten zu gewinnen (vgl. 
das christliche "gliihende Kohlen auf dem Haupte des 
Feindes haufen "). Selbst nach der Niederlage von Uhud 
wollte er seinen Feinden nicht fluchen (101, i) : " Ich bin 
nicht gesandt worden," so sagte er, " um zu fluchen, sondern 
als Prediger und Zeichen gottlicher Barmherzigkeit," 

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 217 

Die hochsten Ideale sind fur den Muslim die religiosen, 
die kulminieren in der Liebe zu Gott (10, 2). Sie ist die 
Tugend, in der das Gliick der beiden Wohnorte (des Dies- 
seits und Jenseits) beruht. Daher sieht Gott (Ibnu-l-'Arabl, 
I.e., i, 101, 9 u., no, i u.) auf die Gesinnung, das Herz : 
" Die vorziiglichste Anrufung Gottes ist die des Herzens ; 
denn dieses ist der Ort, auf den Gott blickt" 

Abgesehen von der vertieften und durchgeistigten 
Religion ist es der Gedanke der selbstlosen Nachstenliebe, in 
der uns der Kern des islamischen Heroismus entgegentritt. 
Gott ist " der selbstlose Spender alles Guten " (avad), und 
daher ist " das selbstlose Geben " (gild) eine Tugend, in der 
der Mensch sich Gott zum Vorbilde nehmen muss. Ein 
Prophetenwort (152, 12) versichert uns, dass die heroische 
Nachstenliebe uns den Eintritt in das Paradies erwirkt : 
" Drei Dinge sind es, die bewirken, dass Gott den Menschen, 
der sie beobachtet, nur leicht zur Rechenschaft zieht und in 
das Paradies einfiihrt : wenn du (i) dem Gutes erweisest, 
der dir Boses zufiigte (dem etwas schenkest, der dir etwas 
geraubt hat), (2) dem verzeihst, der dir Unrecht zufiigte 
und (3) mit dem in Verbindung zu bleiben suchst, der sich 
von dir getrennt hat." Die Pflege der verwandtschaftlichen 
Beziehungen (silatu-l-rahimi} ist heiligste Pflicht, und diese 
bleibt auch dann noch bestehen, wenn die Gegenseite sich 
durch Abbruch dieser Beziehungen (kat'u-l-rahimi) ver- 
siindigt hat. In diesem Sinne versteht man auch das 
bekannte tiirkische Sprichwort : " Tu' das Gute und wirf es 
ins Meer. Wenn die Fische es nicht erfahren, so weiss es 
doch der Schopfer 1 ." Die Selbstlosigkeit in Bezug auf die 
diesseitigen Gliter wird als Gipfel ethischen Handelns 
empfunden. Die Hoffnung auf jenseitige Gliter tritt nicht 
als ein Abbruch an diesem Heroismus auf, wird nicht als 
verkappter Egoismus und Abfall vom Ideal empfunden. 
Dennoch wird auch hier noch eine Steigerung als moglich 
empfunden, in der der Gebende sogar sein jenseitiges Gliick 
fur den Augenblick ausser acht zu lassen scheint (durra, 94, 
3, 97). Am jiingsten Gerichte erscheint jemand vor Gott, der 
kein gutes Werk besitzt, auf Grund dessen ihn Gott in den 

1 Man hat (Der Islam, 6, 103 zu No. 156) eine literarische Abhangigkeit 
von Eccl. n, i betont, darf danach aber nicht den Sinn dieses Sprich- 
wortes im heutigen sittlichen Leben der Orientalen missverstehen. 

2l8 M. HORTEN 

Himmel aufnehmen kann. Mit der Erlaubnis Gottes darf 
er sich ein solches von anderen geben lassen, damit es den 
Ausschlag auf der Wage der Gerechtigkeit gebe. Er geht 
nun zu solchen, die reich an guten Werken sind, in der 
Hoffnung, von ihnen am ehesten ein solches zum Geschenk 
zu erhalten. Aber sie wollen ihm keines mitgeben. Er 
wendet sich dann zu den Armen, und es zeigt sich, dass 
auch im Jenseits die Reichen geiziger sind als die Armen. 
Jemand der nur ein einziges gutes Werk besitzt, tritt ihm 
dieses sein ganzes moralisches Besitztum ab, obwohl er sich 
dadurch der Gefahr aussetzt, selbst die ewige Seligkeit zu 
verlieren. Da lasst Gott beide in den Himmel eingehen. 
Ebenso entscheidet Gott liber den gegen seine Eltern un- 
gehorsamen Sohn, der sich anbietet, die Strafe seines Vaters 
zu tragen, damit dieser selig werde. Beide dlirfen das 
Paradies betreten. 

Am jiingsten Tage peinigt eine grosse Hitze die Men- 
schen, indem die Sonne mit ihrer Glut ihnen nahekommt. 
Der Thron Gottes sendet nun seine Schatten liber solche 
aus, die besondere gute Werke vollbracht haben, unter 
diesen liber einen solchen, der^^s-^/zWohltaten spendete, 
sodass seine Linke nicht wusste, was seine Rechte tat (christ. 
Einfl. Wolff, Muhammedanische Eschatologie, 70, 8). 

Eine selbstlose Nachstenliebe libt Muhammad nicht nur 
in diesem sondern auch in jenem Leben, indem er am 
jiingsten Tage durch seine Flirbitte den Verdammten das 
ewige Heil zu erwirken oder ihre Qual zu lindern sucht, 
selbst wenn sie Gegner und Feinde des Islamgewesen sind 
(Kommentar des Bagurl zur Burda des Buslri, Kairo, 1326, 
S. 21 u.). Wer (157, i) in grosszugiger Weise die Nach- 
stenliebe auslibte wird nur eine leichte Prufung vor Gott zu 
bestehen haben und in den Himmel eingehen. 

Gute und Wohlwollen gegenliber den Menschen ist 
daher ein Grundsatz des sozialen Verhaltens. " Gewinnet 
die Menschen durch den guten Charakter " (151, 10). " Ich 
bin gesandt worden," so sagte in vorbildlichem Sinne der 
Prophet (152, 4), " um die Menschen mit Gute zugewinnen." 
"Jedes gute Werk am Nachsten ist ein Almosen " (d. h. 
besitzt das hohe Verdienst eineseigentlichen Pflichtalmosens; 
J 55 5)- Daher haben wir die Pflicht, von dem Nachsten 
nur Gutes zu sagen : " Bewahre deine Zunge, es sei denn 

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 2 1 9 

im Guten " (i 50, 3). Da dem ausseren Verhalten das innere 
entsprechen muss, ist es eine grundsatzliche Forderung, 
Gutes liber den Nachsten zu denken^. Der Gedanke der 
feinen Rucksichtnahme gegen den Nachsten lasst sich eben- 
falls in diesen Rahmen stellen (Tausend und eine Nacht oft, 
Ibnu-l-'Arabi, I.e. i, 172,21): " Als Zeichen vollkommenen 
Glaubens gilt es, dass man sich nicht um das kiimmert, was 
einen nichts angeht." Man soil keinem lastig fallen. 

Die Menschen sollen eine Gruppe bilden, die durch die 
Liebe geeint wird, und von dieser gilt (155, 5) : " Eine Ver- 
sammlung von solchen, die sich lieben, wird nie zu enge." 
Dass diese Menschenliebe nicht nur den Muslimen gilt 
sondern alien Menschen, geht schon aus den genannten 
Texten und ihrem allgemeinen Sinne hervor, wird aber dazu 
noch aus solchen Prophetenausspruchen bestatigt, die das 
Wohltun gegen die eigenen Glaubensgenossen als die vor- 
ziiglichere Handlung hinstellen. Die Wohltat gegen die 
andersglaubigen wird also als eine gute Tat vorangesetzt, 
die nichts an ihrer Gute verliert, wenn eine andere Hand- 
lung besser ist (150, 5 u.) : " Die vorzuglichste Guttat ist 
eine Freude, die du einem Muslim bereitest." 

Der Heroismus auf individual-ethischem Gebiete ist 
ebenfalls im Islam mit aller Entschiedenheit vertreten 
worden. Die Selbstbekampfung ist die schwerste Pflicht 
nach den Worten des Propheten (150, 12): "Der gefahr- 
lichste (am scharfsten angreifende) Feind ist dein eigenes 
Ich, deine sinnliche Seele zwischen deinen beiden Seiten." 
Die Geduld ist als typische und heroische Tugend des 
Orientalen bekannt. Ebenso werden als religiose Pflichten 
empfohlen Niichternheit (Weinverbot), Bescheidenheit und 
Demut im Gliicke. Mit andern soil man sich beraten (155, 
i u.) und nicht in Selbstiiberschatzung nach eigenem Kopfe 
handeln. Falsches Gerede ist zu vermeiden und die Wahr- 
haftigkeit zu pflegen (150, 12; 154, i) : "Sag die Wahrheit, 
selbst wenn sie bitter ist." Die innere Wahrheit des ganzen 
Lebens als Ubereinstimmung von Gesinnung, Wort und 
Handeln ist anzustreben. " Keiner ist ein wahrer Gottes- 
glaubiger, bis bei ihm Herz und Zunge ubereinstimmt." 

1 In dem tezjlnu-l-varakat (jetzt Der Islam, 9) fol. 5, 2 wird der 'ihsanu- 
z-zanni als eine strenge Pflicht und darin von grosserer Strenge als das 
sittlich "Bessere" (ahsan) bezeichnet. 

220 M. HORTEN 

Die aussere Haltung muss diesem entsprechen : " Tadelns- 
wert ist die Kleidung, die der Welt, der Herrschsucht (41, 
i), Ruhmsucht und dem Stolze dient. " Wende dich," so 
sprach der Prophet (150, 8), "von den Genlissen der Welt 
ab ; dann wird Gott dich lieben." " Zufriedenheit ist ein 
unversiegbarer Schatz " (155, i). Die Steigerung dieser 
Geringschatzung der Welt zur Absage an sie und sogar 
Weltflucht wird dem Muhammad in den Mund gelegt (155, 
7) : " Sei in der Welt wie ein Fremder und Wanderer und 
rechne dich selbst zu den Bewohnern der Graber." 

Die Skala der Lebensguter, wie sie das Wertempfinden 
des Muslims aufstellt, gibt uns einen tiefen Einblick in sein 
Seelenleben, Welterleben und ethisches Bewusstsein, und 
zeigt uns auf diese Weise die Art des orientalischen Men- 
schentypus, zugleich auch auf seine letzten Zielsetzungen, 
die transzendente sind, hinweisend. Aufderhochsten Stufe 
dieser Leiter der Lebenswerte steht die Religion, und deren 
schonste Bliite ist die Mystik, in der die Religion und Gott 
die tiefsten Krafte des Menschen erfasst und ausgestaltet. 
An zweiter Stelle steht alles Ethische, auf das die Wissen- 
schaft ('Urn zumeist als Theologie verstanden), Kunst und 
die materiellen Gliter folgen. In der Lehre vom Mdrtyrer 
zeigt sich diese Stufenfolge. Der Muslim ist verpflichtet 
flir seinen Glauben alle Diesseitswerte hinzugeben. Auch 
die schiltische Lehre von der takljah (der ausserlichen 
Verleugnung des Glaubens trotz innerer Anhanglichkeit) 
widerspricht dieser Lehre nur scheinbar. Auch die Schiiten 
haben zahlreiche Martyrer. Dadurch ist erkennbar dass 
der Muslim seine Religion als einen Schatz betrachtet, der 
mit irdischen Giitern nicht verglichen werden kann und 
einer anderen Ordnung als diese angehort. Beide Reiche 
sind inkommensurabel. Dabei durchdringen die Jenseits- 
werte das Diesseitsleben und sollen es mit den Ausblicken 
auf jene hohere Ordnung beleben. Die Wlirde des Martyrers 
wird daher in iiberschwanglicher Weise hervorgehoben 
(Bagurl zu SanusT's Katechismus, oft) : seine Wunden duf- 
ten am jiingsten Tage wie Moschus ; flir ihn wird bestandig 
(nicht nur beim jiingsten Gerichte) Flirbitte eingelegt ; die 
Verwesung erreicht ihn nicht ; mit dem Propheten und 
grossten Heiligen hat er beim jiingsten Gerichte das Recht, 
Flirbitte bei Gott flir die Slinder einzulegen, usw. In alien 

Entwicklungsfdhigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 22 1 

solchen Urteilen zeigt sich ein Wertempfinden, dass der 
gesamten Lebensgiiterreihe des Irdischen das Jenseitig- 
Geistige, wie auf einer ganz anderen Ebene liegend, tiber- 
geordnet wird. Von den Diesseitsgutern werden solche 
vorgezogen und hoher bewertet, die den religiosen am 
nachsten verwandt sind und zu ihnen eine innere Zuordnung 

Die ausseren, zeremoniellen Handlungen, die der Aus- 
senstehende zuerst von Islam kennen lernt, sind in der 
sittlichenAuffassung des Muslim Nebensache im Vergleich zu 
den inneren Handlungen : der Richtung der Seele auf Gott 
und das Gute. Daraus ergibt sich zugleich der sittliche 
Ernst, der aus der Lebensauffassung des Muslim spricht. Die 
sittliche Gesinnung wird in vielen Prophetenausspriichen als 
Wesen des Glaubens bezeichnet, d. h. als das Heiligste, was 
der Muslim kennt. Schon die Freude am Guten und das 
Betriibtsein iiber das Bose gelten (156, 5 u.) als Hauptinhalt 
des Glaubens. Dieser besteht nach einer anderen Tradition 
(152, i) aus zwei Teilen, aus Dank gegen Gott und Geduld. 

Aus dem Gesagten ergibt sich die Einheit und harmo- 
nische Rhythmik der ethischen Krafte ; denn die Religion 
ist das einigende Band der moralischen Strebungen und 
Triebe, diezusammenfassendeKraftunddas allbeherrschende 
Motiv, das die Zielsetzungen einheitlich leitet. Diese in das 
ganze System der Handlungen eindringende und es durch- 
dringende Einheit ist der religiose Gedanke, der alle Ziel- 
setzungen auf ein transzendentes Gut richtet. Die irdischen 
Giiter werden danach beurteilt, ob sie von den jenseitigen 
ablenken dann sind sie bose oder zu ihnen fiihren dann 
sind sie gute. "Was wenig ist, aber geniigt, ist besser als 
das Uppige, das von Gott ablenkt " (155, 4u.). Indem die 
natiirlichen Tugenden unter religiosem Gesichtspunkte und 
als zum Wesen des Islam gehorig betrachtet werden, wird 
die ganze Sphare des Natiirlichen durch das Ubernatiirliche 
geheiligt : " Der Islam ist identisch mit edlem Ckarakter" 

OS 1 * 3 U -)-. 

Die Einheitlichkeit dieser sittlichen Ordnung ist ein 

Symbol und Ausdruck fur die Einheitlichkeit des Welter- 
lebens, das der Orientale besitzt. Seine Abgeklartheit, 
Ruhe und Beschaulichkeit fallen dem unruhigen und hastigen 
Abendlander auf. Diese innere Ruhe, die eine gewisse 



Uberlegenheit iiber die kleinen Ereignisse des Alltags 
bedeutet, wurzelt darin, dass der Orientale das Weltziel mit 
dem Lebensziele in Einklang bringt. Gott ist das Ziel der 
Welt und des Einzellebens. Jeder Muslim strebt nach der 
Vereinigung mit Gott (vusul) und dem Erschauen Gottes 
(ruj'ak). Der Vermittler ist die ins Ubernaturliche gestei- 

g^rte mystische Person Muhammads, die fur den einzelnen 
laubigen eine geistige Kraft bedeutet, eine Quelle von 
Hilfen und Gnaden, ein Zie/dem er sich nahern soil (8, 1 1). 
Dieses Streben ist Liebe. Die Liebe zu Gott, die das Grund- 
motiv alles Handelns ist, wird also geleitet durch die Liebe 
zur mystischen Person des Propheten (9, TO), und nach dieser 
bemisst Gott sogar die Art und Stufe der ewigen Seligkeit 
des Glaubigen (9, 14) : " Das ewige Gliick und die Wonne 
der Seligen wie auch ihre Stufen im Himmel werden be- 
messen nach der Grosse der Liebe die der Mensch dem 
Propheten weiht." 

In der islamischen Ethik offenbart sich ein Genius, dem 
es gelungen ist, die schweren Fesseln der Gesetzesreligion 
zu erleichtern und zu vergeistigen und der materiellen Aus- 
senwelt der Religion eine Innenwelt und eine Seele zu geben, 
und nach dieser Seele muss man Islam und Orient beurteilen. 
Die Erkenntnis dieser wird meines Erachtens nicht so sehr 
durch Herbeischaffung neuen Materials an Texten und 
Tatsachen gefordert werden als durch die kulturwissen- 
schaftliche und psychologische Durchdringung der bereits 
zuganglichen Materials. Die Ethik kann nur im Rahmen 
der Gesamtkultur des Orientes verstanden werden, denn der 
Orientale erlebt seine sittliche Lebensordnung als Teil der 
Ganzheit von Welt und Dasein, in der er gestellt ist. In 
seiner Weltanschauung sucht er alles in einem Bilde zu 
vereinigen, und aus diesem entnimmt er die Motive seiner 
Handlungen. So fiigt sich alles zu einer harmonischen Ein- 
heit, die freilich ihre Verschiedenheiten aufweisen wird nach 
Rassen,Zeiten, Provinzen und schliesslich Individuen, ferner 
nach politischen, sozialen, privaten und wirtschaftlichen 
Verhaltnissen. In dieser Untersuchung sollten nur die 
allg-emeinsten Zuge, Krafte, Lebenstendenzen und Lebens- 
gefiihle der islamischen Ethik an einzelnen Tatsachen des 
Orientalischen Geisteslebens nachgewiesen werden, damit 
man aus ihnen ihre Entwicklungsfahigkeit beurteile. Das 

Entwicklungsfahigkeit des Islam auf ethischem Gebiete 223 

Orientalische Lebenist inmittelalterlichen Formelnbefangen. 
Wenn sich nun herausstellt, das deren Geist mit dem unserer 
europaischen Kultur in wesentlichen Ziigen iibereinstimmt, 
so wird man ein inneres Verstandnis (trotz noch so starker 
ausserer Verschiedenheit) zwischen Orient und Okzident 
nicht fiir unmb'glich, ja sogar als wahrscheinlich und natur- 
gemass betrachten, unddamit ist der Begriff der " Entwick- 
lungsfahigkeit " gegeben. Wenn zwei Welten bestehen, die 
wie Morgenland und Abendland in ihren Tiefen so wesent- 
liche Fiihlung mit einander haben, wenn sie auch an der 
Oberflache verschiedene Formen zeigen, so muss es moglich 
sein, dass beide zu einer Verstandigung gelangen, und die 
wahren Fortschritte der Kultur, die nicht nur triigerische 
Aussenseite und Schein sind, wird der Orient als mit seinem 
VVesen iibereinstimmend erkennen und annehmen. 



'Awfl,ed. Browne, n, p. 397, and Dawlatshah, ed. Browne, 
p. 129, affirm in their biography of the Persian poet NizamI, 
that he left besides the famous Khamsa also a dlwan or col- 
lection of minor poems of which they give different specimens. 
The same thing is attested by the poet JamI in his Beharistan, 
ed. Schlechta-Wssehrd, p. 98, who cites the same^aWthat 
also is recorded by the former. Prof. Browne in discussing 
these testimonies (A literary history of Persia, n, p. 402) 
observes however with special reference to Dawlatshah: "but 
it must be remembered that there were several other poets 
of this name, whom this very inaccurate biographer is quite 
capable of confusing with the subject of the present notice. 
If such a dlwan ever existed in reality it appears long ago 
to have been lost and forgotten." 

We may safely agree with Prof. Browne in his verdict 
on the accuracy of Dawlatshah, but there remain the testi- 
monies of 'Awfl and JamI and above all that of NizamI himself 
(Laila u Majnun, ed. Bombay, p. 8) which was considered 
as decisive by Bacher in his well-known biography of the 
poet. He states therein expressly that he himself arranged 
his dlwan before the composition of the Laila u Majnun, 
i.e. before the year 584 (1188). The fact that the dlwan 
once existed is consequently beyond doubt, and that the above 
named biographers have derived their extracts from it is very 
probable. I f it yet existed in their life-time we should wonder, 
if no copy had been handed down to us. With a view to 
ascertain this question I examined the catalogues of Persian 
MSS published in Europe and found mentioned three copies, 
viz. two in the Bodleian Library at Oxford (Cat. nos. 6 1 8, 6 1 9) 
and one in the Prussian National Library at Berlin (Pertsch 
no. 69 1,2). From the description by the authors of the cata- 
logues it resulted that the work contained in these copies 
was the same, and those of Oxford being unaccessible to me, 
I solicited from the Director of the Berlin Library the loan 
of the MS in question. It is with much gratitude that I can 

Some remarks on the Diwan of Nizami 225 

record here that the MS was graciously sent to me to be con- 
sulted at leisure here at Utrecht. 

As to this MS, which belongs to the collection Sprenger, 
I have almost nothing to add to the description in the Berlin 
Catalogue. The volume contains first the dlwan of Zahlr ad- 
dm Faryabl ; that of Nizami written in a fine ta'lik character, 
quite different from that of the former part of the MS, occupies 
only 43 folia (fol. U5 b -i57 b ). There is neither introduction 
nor subscription ; the poems are arranged in the usual man- 
ner : kasldas, ghazals arranged alphabetically according to 
the rhyme words, kit* as and ruba'ls. The limited number of 
poems contained in the vol. confirmed at once the statement 
of 'Awfl and JamI that save for the mathnawis very little 
poetry has been handed down from Nizami, and proved that 
Dawlatshah, speaking of 20,000 verses, has grossly exag- 
gerated. But strange to say, the dlwdn does not contain the 
verses mentioned by the former, though those mentioned by 
the latter are to be found on fol. i36 a . It appears therefore 
that we have really before us the dlwan arranged by the poet 
himself about 584 (1188) and that the verses cited by 
'Awfi are missing in the dlwan because they were com- 
posed at a later date. However, this conclusion needs fuller 
probation, particularly because the first kaslda contains at the 
end a statement which is hardly consistent with this date, 
though it makes it not impossible. It runs as follows : 

The poem is accordingly a direct imitation of another com- 
posed by Kamal, by whom scarcely any other person can 
be meant than Kamal ad-din Isma'il IspahanI, who died at 
a much later date than Nizami, viz. in 1237. But as he was 
already among the panegyrists of the Khwarizmshah Takash 
(ti 199) a chronological difficulty need not be admitted, least 
of all, if the same poet is referred to by Nizami, Khusrau u 
Shlrln, ed. Bombay, p. 43, under the designation ^U* ^^\^. 
Kamal, it is well known, bore the surname ^jUJ! J^U.. F r 
the rest, no allusion whatsoever to known names or dates 
occurs in the poems that is inconsistent with the life-time of 
Nizami. The kasldas, not even amounting to a dozen, are 
not, as is frequently the case, panegyrics on some princes or 

B. P. V. 15 


emirs, but religious hymns with a more or less pronounced 
Sufi character. The same remark applies to the poems of a 
different kind, ghazals and ruba'ls occurring in the dlwan, 
that cited by Dawlatshah being really a very good specimen 
of the spirit that pervades this poetry. One single example 
bearing on the sense of JU^, occurring fol. i36 b , may there- 
fore suffice : 

JlU JU-fr jt 

The following, written on fol. i5i a , is more moralizing 

5 ' J 1 - 

After perusing these verses we may easily explain why the 
dlwan has never acquired the immense popularity of the 
poet'sjKhamsa and has been handed down only in a few copies. 
Nizami is, as Prof. Browne remarks, the acknowledged master 
of romantic mathnawl, he is perhaps equally great as a 
didactical poet, but he is not specially distinguished in other 

1 The dissimilarity of the rhyme-word is in this case not strictly regarded 
as a fault, ^ and yi being interchangeable. As to the vowel cf. the rhyme- 
word of the following verse and the example cited from Nizami himself by 
Vullers, Lex. pers. lat. I, 830*. 

Some remarks on the Diwan of Nizami 227 

forms of verse, such zs*kasidas,ghazals or ruba'ls, that make 
the contents of a dlwan. When he condescends to write 
panegyrics, e.g. in the dedications of his greater poems, he 
is nearly insupportable and addresses (Kkusrau u Shlrln, 
ed. Bombay, p. 10) to Kizil Arslan verses like this : 

for which he was severely criticized by a pedant who observed 
that the rhyme was deficient, as the last word should cor- 
rectly be pronounced haluk. The cow, replied our Sheikh, 
cares not for the rules of grammar. See the Nigaristan of 
Ghaffarl, ed. Bombay, 1275, p. 223. 

That the dlwan contains really the work of the great 
Nizami and not that of another poet of the same name is 
clear from the fact that not only his name, but also his 
domicile Ganja is occasionally mentioned in the poems. If 
not the work of him, it should possibly be considered as a 
forgery, but I see no indication why it should be such. There 
occurs absolutely nothing in the dlwan that may not have 
been said by Nizami. The spirit that pervades it is the same 
that is also conspicuous in his earliest work, the Makkzan 
al-Asrar, quite in accordance with the fact that both date 
from the time of his youth. What is the case with the printed 
edition published at Agra (1283), mentioned in the Oxford 
Catalogue and said there to be quite different from that which 
we possess in MS, I do not know, as I never saw the volume. 
If genuine, which appears very doubtful, it may contain a 
later redaction, as we have learnt from the extracts given by 
'Awfi and JamI that not all the poetry handed down from 
Nizami has been collected in the MSS of his dlwan. 

1 The Bombay ed. has oU. 




Un certain nombre de publications recentes relatives a 
Thistoire de TArm^nie ont attire 1'attention sur les petites 
dynasties musulmanes qui, voisines des pays habite's par les 
Arme'niens, n'ont vecu qu'en se reconnaissant vassales des 
Bouides d'abord, des Seldjouqides ensuite 1 . L'enchevetre- 
ment de ces Iitats feodaux est extreme, et leur histoire est 
obscure. On nous saura gre d'avoir rassemble ici un certain 
nombre de faits qui aideront a fixer des dates, et par suite a 
e*claircir un certain nombre de points, sur lesquels les donn^es 
des historiens arme'niens et byzantins sont insuffisantes. 

La dynastie des Mosafirides a regne" en Adherbaidjan 
dans la seconde moitie du X e siecle de 1'ere chretienne et la 
premiere moide* du XI e . Ellese compose de huit princes 2 , 
et fut renversee par les Seldjouqides en 1064. La table 
ge"ne"alogique suivante aidera a comprendre leur succession. 

i. Sallar Mohammed ben Mosafir ed-Deilemi. 


I I 

2. el-Marzoban I er . 4. Wehsoftdhan. 

I _ I 

| | | | 5- Ismail. 

3. Djestan. Ibrahim. Nagir. Kaikhosrau. 

6. el-Marzoban II. 


7. Ibrahim. 


8. Abou-<Jalih Djestan. 

1 Histoire universelle, par 6tienne Asolik deTardn, traduite de 1'armenien 
et annotee par Fr. Macler; Paris, 1917 (dans les Publications de 1'^cole 
des Langues orientales vivantes). J. Laurent, LArmenie entre Byzance et 
r Islam depuis la conquete arabe jusqu'en 886; Paris, 1918 (these de 
doctorat-es-lettres). Du meme, Byzance et les Turcs Seldjouddes dans 
1'Asie occidentale jusqu'en 1081 ; Paris, 1913 (these complementaire). 
J. de Morgan, Histoire du peuple armlnien\ Nancy Paris-Strasbourg, 1919. 

2 La liste en est donnee en marge du Ta'rtkh de Monedjdjim-Bachi, 
t. ii, p. 505. 

Les Mosdfirides de Adherbaidjdn 229 



Ce chef here"ditaire de la principaute' de Taram 1 dans les 
montagnes du Deilem portait le surnom de Sallar ou Salar, 
"ge'ne'ral 2 " qu'il tenait de ses ancetres 3 . Voici, pour les 
commencements de son pouvoir, ce que raconte Ibn-el-Athir 4 
sous I'anne'e 330 (941) : "L Adherbaidjan etait alors soumis & 
Daisam ben Ibrahim le Kurde 5 , ancien compagnonde Yousouf 
ben Abi 's-Sadj 6 , qui 1'avait servi et avait vu grandir son 
pouvoir au point de s'emparer de cette province : c'e"tait un 

1 Canton dans les montagnes qui dominent Qazwtn au nord, tres 
fertile, bien arrose, et couvert de villages florissants, au rapport de Yaqout, 
qui 1'avait traverse. Les Arabes ecrivent Tarm (cf. un vers de Motanabbi 
cite par Yaqout, et d'apres lui par Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire de la 
Perse, p. 392; voir aussi Istakhri, p.- 204; Ibn-Hauqal, pp. 267, 268; 
Maraud, t. i, p. 195, et t. ii, p. 202), mais ils connaissent 1'ancienne 
orthographe persane taram, Barbier de Meynard, op. laud., p. 131 ; 
Moqaddesi, pp. 51, 355, 360 (vocalise ici tdrim). Les Persans modernes 
appellent cette region Taramein, "les deux Taram," 1'inferieur et le superieur 
(Hamd-ullah Mostaufi, Nozhat el-Qoloub, ed. Le Strange, p. 65 ; cite par 
Barbier de Meynard, id. op., p. 392, note i). (Jani' ed-Daula Hasan-Khan, 
dans son Mir' at el-boldan, t. i, p. 334, indique ces differentes graphics. 

2 Forme dialectale pour ser-dar le groupe rd devient / gemine ou avec 
allongement de la voyelle precedente comme dans sard>sal. Cf. F. Justi, 
Iranisches Namenbuch, p. 280. 

3 En 316 (928) nous trouvons Sallar, fils d'Aswar, comme seigneur de 
Chamiran, forteresse du Taram (Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 142 ; Mas'oudi, 
Prairies tfor, t. ix, p. 16). Asfar ben Chiroye, officier gilani de la suite 
du Samanide Nac,r, fils d'Ahmed (Defremery, Samanides, p. 131 et suivantes) 
s'etait rendu impopulaire par ses cruautes. II avait parmi ses meilleurs 
lieutenants Mardawidj ben Ziyar le De'ilemite, fondateur de la dynastie des 
Ziyarides, qu'il chargea d'une mission aupres de Sallar pour 1'inviter a lui 
obeir, mais Sallar et Mardawidj s'entendirent pour conspirer centre Asfar 
et marcherent sur Qazwin ou etait le gouverneur samanide, qui s'enfuit et 
ne tarda pas a etre tue (trois versions differentes sur les circonstances de 
sa mort dans Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 143). La forteresse de Chamiran est 
appelee Samiran par Yaqout, t. iii, p. 148 (cf. Barbier de Meynard, 
Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 318) ; G. le Strange, Eastern Caliphate, p. 226. 

4 Chronicon, ed. Tornberg, t. viii, p. 289 ; abrege dans Ibn-Khaldoun, 
Tdrikh, t. iii, p. 413 ; Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 64 et suiv. 

5 Daisam ben Sadalawaih (Sadaloye) dans Ibn-Hauqal, p. 236, ce qui 
prouve qu'a cote du nom musulman de son pere avait persiste son npm 

6 Sur ce prince voir Defremery, Memoire sur la famille des Sadjides, 
dans le Journal asiatique de 1847, P- 37 et suivantes du tirage a part. 

230 CL. HUART 

Kharidjite 1 ainsi que son pere, qui avait <te un adepte de 
Haroun ech-Chari (le Kharidjite) 2 ; quand celui-ci fut tue", il 
s'enfuit en Adherbaidjan et y epousa la fille d'un chef des 
Kurdes de cette province ; il en eut Daisam. Se joignant 
alors a Ibn Abi 's-Sadj, il s'e"leva, sa situation grandit ; il 
progressa au point de posseder 1' Adherbaidjan apres Yousouf 
ben Abi 's-Sadj 3 . La plus grande partie de ses troupes etait 
composee de Kurdes, sauf quelques petits groupes de 
Deitemites, provenant de Farmed de Wouchmgir 4 , qui 
1'avaient accompagne en Adherbaidjan, 

" II arriva ensuite que ces (mercenaires) Kurdes devin- 
rent forts, preponderants, et dominerent certaines de ses 
forteresses et des regions de ces pays ; il jugea a propos de 
s'appuyer contre eux sur les De"ilmites, dont il chercha a 
augmenter le nombre 5 ; parmi eux se trouvaient Qa'louk ben 
Mohammed ben Mosanr, 'All ben el-Fadl 6 , et d'autres. 
Daisam les couvrit de bienfaits, arracha aux Kurdes les 

1 Chart, pi. chorat. Sur ce surnom des Kharidjites, voir Motahhar ben 
Tahir el-Maqdisi, Livre de la Creation, t. v, p. 142. 

2 Ce chef Kharidjite, surnomme el-Waziqi, entra a Mossoul et y fit la 
priere solennelle en 272 (885), puis il fut vaincu par el-Mo'tadid en 283 
(896). Cf. Tabari, Annales, iii, pp. 2108, 2149. 

3 Ibn-Khaldoun, t iii, p. 413, a ici un passage qui ne se trouve pas 
dans Ibn-el-Athir a cet endroit : " Es-Saikari, lieutenant de Wouchmgir dans 
le Djabal ('Iraq-'adjami) vint en Tannee (3)26 et le vainquit (c'est a dire 
Yousouf) en Adherbaidjan ; puis il se rendit aupres de Wouchmgir et lui 
garantit 1 obeissance [ainsi que la remise d'] une [certaine] somme, en lui 
demandant des renforts qu'il lui envoya sous la forme d'une armee de 
Dei'le'mites qui le suivirent ; es-Saikari le vainquit, le chassa, et regna dans 
le pays." C'est le resume de ce qu'a ecrit Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 261, ou 
Tornberg a imprime ^jJ d'apres une note marginale ; le texte du MS. 
U porte igjX*~JI, lec^on voisine de celle d'Ibn-Khaldoun. Ibn-Isfandiyar, 
p. 217, Zehir-ed-din, p. 175, et Ibn-Miskawaih, Tadjarib el-omam, t. vi, p. 3, 
ont aussi Lachkari. 

4 Frere de Mardawidj, fondateur de la dynastie des Ziyarides. Cf. 
A. Querry, Le Cabousname ou Livre de Cabous (Paris, 1886), p. vi ; 
Defremery, Samanides, pp. 252, 253; P. M. Sykes, A History of Persia, t. ii, 
p. 92 ; P. Horn, Geschichte Irans, pp. 564, 565 \ Ibn-Isfandiyar, History of 
Tabaristan, trad. Browne, p. 217. 

B ^v^ *^i jd>.<l3. Ibn-Khaldoun, fa. tit., a^oJbjJI <J> jJS5Clwl3. Ibn- 
Miskawaih (t. vi, p. 65) se sert de 1'expression^JbjJt Sji& >* ^^jb> Q u i est 

6 Ibn-Miskawaih (t. vi, p. 65) ajoute Asfar ben Siyadouli. 'Ali ben 
el-Fadl ^$+*)\ etait un general de Bodjkem que celui-ci avait chasse de 
son armee pour un acte qui lui avait deplu. 

Les Mosdfirides de r Adherbaidjdn 231 

territoires ou ils s'etaient arroge" la preponderance, et fit 
arreter un certain nombre de leurs chefs. 

" II avait pour ministre Abou '1-Qasim 'Ali ben Dja'far, 
un indigene 1 ; ses ennemis le d^noncerent ; Daisam lui fit 
peur, et il s'enfuit dans le canton de Taram aupres de 
Mohammed ben Mosafir ; arrive aupres de celui-ci, il vit 
que ses deux fils, Wehsoudhan et el-Marzoban, s'e"taient 
fach^s avec lui et s'e"taient empar^s de quelques-unes de 
ses forteresses 2 ; la cause de cette brouille e"tait les mauvais 
traitements que leur pere leur avait reserves 3 , ainsi qu'a 
d'autres. Ensuite 4 les deux fils incarcererent leur pere 
Mohammed ben Mosafir et firent main basse sur ses biens 
et ses tresors ; quant a lui, il resta seul, abandonne", sans 
argent ni bagages, dans une autre forteresse. 'Ali ben 
Dja'far s'etant rendu compte de la situation, se rapprocha 
d'el-Marzoban et se mit a son service ; il excita sa convoitise 
a 1'egard de I'Adherbaidjan, et lui garantit qu'il lui en facili- 
terait la conquete 5 et lui procurerait ainsi des sommes 
considerables dont il connaissait les modalit^s. 

1 Un des secretaires de 1'Adherbaidjan, dit Ibn-Miskawaih, loco laud. 

2 Seulement de la forteresse de Chamiran, sa residence, dit Ibn- 

3 Pour des difficultes peu considerables j~* v*"!; J**J ajoute Ibn- 
Miskawa'ih ; et cela, dit-il, a cause de son mauvais caractere 

4 Ibn-el-Athir resume par ce seul mot les details que Ton trouve dans 
Ibn-Miskawaih : " Wehsoddhan se facha centre lui et rejoignit son frere 
el-Marzoban, qui se trouvait dans une des forteresses de son pere dans le 
canton de Taram. Mohammed ben Mosafir comprit qu'il ne lui serait 
possible de se saisir de son fils qu'apres 1'avoir separe de son frere, et il 
ecrivit a el-Marzoban pour le mander aupres de lui. 'Je ne resterat pas 
dans la forteresse apres son depart,' lui dit Wehsoudhan. . . 'Sors avec moi/ 
lui repliqua el-Marzoban. Quand ils eurent fait une partie de la route, ils 
se saisirent d'un messager que leur pere envoyait secretement a la garnison 
de la forteresse, lui ordonnant d'arreter Wehsoudhan des le depart d'el- 
Marzoban, et de le surveiller, ainsi que le chateau. Ils s'etonnerent de ce 
fait, et le mecontentement les reunit centre leur pere. Arrives a la forteresse 
ou demeurait leur pere, il se trouva qu'il s'etait rendu dans une autre place. 
Ils informerent alors leur mere Kharasouye de la lettre envoy ee par leur 

pere ; celle-ci, qui etait une femme intelligente *}>, les aida a s'emparer 
du chateau ou se trouvaient les provisions et les tresors de leur pere. 
Quand Mohammed ben Mosafir apprit cela, il ne sut que faire et resta 
dans la forteresse ou il s'etait rendu, isole et prive de ses rich esses." 

5 Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 66. 

232 CL. HUART 

" El-Marzoban le prit comme ministre ; ce qui rapprochait 
ces deux personnages, en plus de ce que nous venons de 
mentionner, c'est qu'ils etaient tous deux Chi'ites. 'All ben 
Dja'far e"tait un missionnaire isma'ilien, et el-Marzoban e"tait 
fort connu pour sa qualit de Chi'ite 1 ; tandis que Daisam, 
comme nous 1'avons vu, e"tait Kharidjite et detestait 'All, de 
sorte que les Deilemites qui le servaient se d^gouterent de 

" 'All ben Dja'far entreprit de correspondre avec ceux 
dont il savait qu'ils se detachaient de Daisam, et chercha a 
se les attirer, de sorte qu'un grand nombre des compagnons 
de celui-ci re"ponderent affirmativement a ses ouvertures 
et que leurs cceurs se desaffectionnerent, en particulier les 

" El-Marzoban marcha sur TAdherbaidjan ; Daisam se 
porta a son rencontre ; quand les armees furent en presence, 
pretes a combattre, les Deilemites se joignirent a el- 
Marzoban 2 , suivis de beaucoup de Kurdes qui reclamerent 
une sauvegarde. El-Marzoban chargea contre les troupes 
de Daisam, qui s'enfuit, suivi d'une petite troupe, enArm^nie, 
ou il chercha refuge aupres de Hadjiq ben ed-Dirani 3 , a 
raison de I'amiti^ qui existait entre eux 4 ; le prince armenien 
le traita avec gnerosite\ Daisam recommen^a a entretenir 
de bons rapports avec les Kurdes, et ses compagnons lui 
sugg^rerent d'^loigner les Dell^mites a raison de 1'opposition 

1 El-Marzoban etait tenu par 1'engagement qu'il avait pris a 1'egard des 

Batiniyya^oTrtjJ b^st* (les Isma'iliens), de sorte qu'il lui permit de precher 

publiquement cette doctrine (Ibn-Miskawaih, toe. at.). 

2 Au nombre d'environ deux mille hommes (Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi, p. 67). 

3 Khatchik Gagik, roi du Vaspourakan (province de Van), re'gna de 914 a 
943. II e'tait ie fils de la soeur de Sembat I er , roi bagratide d'Ani, laquelle avait 
epouse Grigor Derenik (Asolik de Taron, Histoire, trad. Macler, p. 17, n. 2). 
Le surnom de son pere, lu detram, indiquerait queique fonction ecclesiastique 
dans un cloitre (de'ir) en Syrie, ce mot signifie " prepose d'un couvent " 
(Cuche), mais il est plus probable que c'est le surnom de son pere, Derenik, 
qui a e'te ainsi transforme par les auteurs arabes par fausse assimilation a 
un mot de leur langue. Ibn-Hauqal (Biblioth. geogr. ar., t. ii, p. 250) lit 
" Ibn-ed-Dirani, roi de Zawazan, de Van et de Wastan." II est devenu ed- 
Diwani dans 1'edition imprimee d'Ibn-Khaldoun, loc. cit. 

Apres avoir combattu son oncle Sembat dans les rangs des Musulmans, 
il avait ete installe sur le trone de Vaspourakan par Yousouf, frere d'Afchin, 
general du Khalife Moqtadir-billah. Cf. J. de Morgan, Histoire, p. 135 ; 
Asolik, trad. Macler, p. 17. 

Les Mosdfirides de r Adherbaidjdn 233 

que ceux-ci lui faisaient tant au sujet de la difference d'origine 
que de celle de religion; mais il ne les e"couta pas 1 ." 

Mis'ar ben Mohalhil, dont le re"cit nous a etc" conserv6 
par Yaqout, nous a transmis de curieux details sur les 
constructions entreprises par Mohammed ben Mosafir. 
"J 'arrivals dans la citadelle du roi du De"ilem, connue sous 
le nom de Samiran ; je n'ai Hen vu de mieux construit et de 
plus vaste, parmi les residences royales ; car on y compte 
plus de 2,850 palais et maisons de differentes dimensions. 
Son premier possesseur, Mohammed ben Mosafir, avait 
1'habitude, lorsqu'il voyait un travail bien execute" et solide, 
de s'informer du nom de 1'ouvrier ; il lui envoyait une somme 
d'argent pour le capter, et lui en promettait le double s'il 
voulait se rendre a sa cour. Lorsqu'il se 1'etait attache", il 
1'empechait de sortir de la citadelle pour le reste de ses 
jours. En outre, il prenait les fils de ses propres sujets et 
les employait a ces travaux. C'e"tait un prince riche et 
e"conome, qui e"pargnait sur ses defenses, bien qu'il possedat 
de gros revenus et des tresors considerables. A la fin ses 
enfants, mus par un sentiment de pitie a la vue de tous ces 
hommes qu'il traitait comme des captifs, se revolterent contre 
lui. Un jour qu'il etait a la chasse, ils fermerent les portes 
de la citadelle et refuserent de le recevoir ; il fut contraint 
de se retrancher dans un autre de ses chateaux-forts. Tous 
les ouvriers employe's par lui, au nombre de cinq mille 
environ, furent mis en liberte et repandirent les benedictions 
sur leurs liberateurs 2 ." 



" El-Marzoban 3 regna en Adherbaidjan et sa situation se 
maintint jusqu'a ce qu'il se brouilla avec son ministre 'Ali 

1 II reconnut, dit Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 67, la faute qu'il avait com- 
mise en augmentant le nombre des Deilemites ; un cadi eloquent lui avait 

conseille de ne pas enroler Ja^j^j *^l plus de cinq cents hommes [de cette 
origine], mais il lui avait desobei. 

2 Traduction de Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 319. 
C'est en 331 (943) que ce voyageur visita Samiran. Voir G. le Strange, 
Eastern Caliphate, p. 226. 

3 Mohammed ben Mosafir epousa la fille de Djestan ben Wehsoudhan, 
qui regna de 251 (865) a 304 (916), et appartenait a la dynastie des 

234 CL. HUART 

ben Dja'far pour les motifs suivants. Le ministre 1 suivait 
une mauvaise ligne de conduite a Tegard des compagnons 
d'el-Marzoban 2 , qui s'entr'aiderent contre lui ; il s'en apergut, 
et con^ut une machination contre el-Marzoban en lui faisant 
entrevoir les profits considerables qu'il tirerait d'une ex- 
pe"dition contre Tebriz : le prince lui adjoignit un corps de 
Deile" mites qu'il envoya contre cette ville 3 ; mais le ministre 
changea d'opinion a 1'egard des habitants de la cite et leur 
fit connaitre qu'el-Marzoban 1'avait envoye" pour s'emparer 
de leurs biens ; il leur persuada de mettre a mort les 
De"ilemites qu'ils avaient aupres d'eux, et d'ecrire a Daisam 
pour lui demander de venir les rejoindre. Us entrerent dans 
ces vues ; il I'^crivit a Daisam, et les habitants de la ville 
attaquerent brusquement les Deilemites et les massacrerent. 
" Daisam se mit en route pour Tebriz avec les troupes 
qu'il avait pu rassembler. El-Marzoban avait mal agi a 
1'^gard des Kurdes qui lui avaient demand^ sa sauvegarde; 
lorsque ceux-ci apprirent la marche de Daisam sur Tebriz, 
ils se joignirent a lui. A cette nouvelle, el-Marzoban se 
repentit d'avoir fache 'Ali ben Dja'far 4 , puis il rassembla ses 
troupes et se mit en route pour Tebriz ; une rencontre entre 
lui et Daisam eut lieu hors de la ville ; ce dernier fut mis 
en de"route, ainsi que les Kurdes qui 1'accompagnaient ; ils 
revinrent sur leurs pas et se fortifierent 6 dans Tebriz, ou ils 
furent assie"ges par el-Marzoban, qui se mit a entretenir une 
correspondance avec 'Ali ben Dja'far pour ameliorer la 
situation, en lui prodiguant des serments pour ce qu'il pourrait 
de"sirer. ' Je ne demande, parmi toutes ces offres,' repondit 

Wehsoudhanides ou Djestanides, dont on peut voir le tableau dans Stokvis, 
Manuel, t. i, p. 125. II eut d'elle el-Marzoban. 

1 Ce ministre avait pour secretaire un certain Abou-Sa'id 'Isa ben 
Mousa surnomme 'Iskoube, qui le denonQa et excita el-Marzoban a s'emparer 
de ses biens (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 68). 

2 Non tous ses compagnons, mais un certain groupe de sa suite, comme 
le dit Ibn-Miskawaih, loc. laud. 

3 Sous les ordres de Djestan ben Charmzan, de Mohammed ben 
Ibrahim, de Dekir (Dhekir?) ben Awresfanah, et du chambellan el-Hasan 
ben Mohammed el-Mohallebi, entoures de gens de confiance (Ibn- 
Miskawaih, loc. cit.). 

4 Et d'avoir ecout ses ennemis. II prit alors pour ministre Ahmed ben 
'Abdallah ben Mahmoud, le revetit d'une robe d'honneur et lui donna le 
titre d'el-Mokhtar (Ibn-Miskawaih, p. 69). 

5 Corriger \^ .am * du texte imprime en t^i 

Les Mosafirides de r Adherba'idjdn 235 

'Ali, 'que la se"curite et la resignation de mes fonctions.' 
Le prince, ayant accept^ ces conditions, promit de les exe" cuter 
sous serment. 

" Le siege ayant reduit Daisam a la gene, il quitta Tabriz 
pour Ard^bil 1 . 'All ben Dja'far rejoignit alors el-Marzoban, 
et ils se rendirent a Arde"bil en laissant des troupes pour 
continuer le siege de Tabriz tout en entreprenant celui 
d'Ardebil 2 . Quand le siege se prolongea, Daisam demanda 
la paix 3 et envoya des negociateurs a el-Marzoban a cet 
effet 4 ; celui-ci acquies^a a ses propositions : ils conclurent la 
paix et el-Marzobanentra a Ardebil, traita Daisam genereuse- 
ment et avec de grands honneurs, et fut fidele a ses promesses. 
C'est alors que Tut demoli le mur d'enceinte de la ville, pour 
punir les habitants d'avoir pris parti pour Daisam 5 . A partir 
de ce moment, le prone fut dit au nom d 'el-Marzoban dans 
toutes les mosquees de I'Adherbaidjan 6 . 

1 El-Marzoban n'osa pas le poursuivre immediatement, par crainte de 
le voir se retourner centre lui a la tete de ses mendiants ({a'dltkihi), pendant 
que les habitants de Tebriz feraient une sortie sur ses derrieres ; il remit 
cette operation a plus tard (Ibn-Miskawai'h, pp. 69-70). 

2 Avec la portion principale de 1'armee (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 70). 

3 Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 72. A la suite des intrigues d'Abou 'Abdallah 
Mohammed ben Ahmed en-No'aimi qu'il avait pris pour ministre a la place 
d' 'Ali ben Dja'far et qu'el-Marzoban avait mis dans ses interets en lui 
promettant le poste de vizir. D'ailleurs la place etait reellement reduite a 
la derniere extremite (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 7071). 

4 C'etaient les principaux et les notables de la ville. Sur le conseil 
d'en-No'aimi, el-Marzoban les fit arreter, de sorte que les habitants, se 
voyant prive's de leurs chefs, se souleverent et obligerent Daisam a faire la 
paix (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 71). 

5 Ibn-Hauqal, p. 237. Le geographic arabe nous a transmis des details 
curieux sur ce demantelement. " C'etait une muraille merveilleuse que le 
Sallar el-Marzoban fit detruire, apres avoir fait inscrire une exception dans 
la capitulation qu'il accorda aux habitants, et dont il s'autorisa pour cette 
demolition. L'operation fut effectuee par les negociants et les proprietaires 
de cette ville ; on vit des riches, vetus de leurs plus beaux vetements, saisir 
la pioche et travailler a cette ceuvre ; de meme les negociants transportaient 
la terre et les pierres dans leurs manteaux ou le pan de la mousseline de 
leurs turbans ; car on ne les laissait se livrer a cette operation que vetus de 
vetements somptueux de Merw et de ceux appeles monayyar, de sorte qu'ils 
s'en trouverent totalement depouilles et que toute trace en disparut, ayant 
etc reduits a la misere par le pillage de leurs biens, 1'exageration que Ton 
mit a les poursuivre, et leur dispersion dans les diverses regions, car ils 
etaient des fauteurs de rebellion et de troubles." Auparavant, les biens des 
notables avaient ete confisques, ce qui produisit des sommes enormes (Ibn- 
Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 71). 

6 Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 72. 

236 CL. HUART 

" Ensuite Daisam, peu rassure a l'e"gard d'el-Marzoban, 
lui demanda Fautorisation de retourner dans son chateau du 
canton de Taram pour y habiter lui et sa famille, en se con- 
tentant des revenus qu'il pourrait en tirer 1 , sans lui imposer 
autre chose ; el-Marzoban y consentit, et Daisam s'e"tablit 
avec sa famille dans son chateau." 

C'est pendant le regne d'el-Marzoban que les Russes 
firent l'expe"dition fameuse qui mit en leur pouvoir la ville 
de Berda'a 2 . Deja, en 301 (913), ils avaient dirige une 
premiere entreprise contre Ardebil 3 . En 332 (943-944), 
c'etait un ndib (lieutenant) d'el-Marzoban qui cornmandait 
la ville. " Les Russes, arrives par mer," dit Ibn-el-Athir 4 , 
"avaient remonte" le cours du Korr (Cyrus) jusqu'a Berda'a; 
le ndib s'etait porte a leur rencontre a la tete d'une armee 
de cinq mille hommes composee de De"ilemites et de volon- 
taires 5 ,mais les musulmans (volontaires) furent mis enderoute 
en un instant et les De"ile"mites massacres jusqu'au dernier 6 . 
Les Russes entrerent dans la ville et s'y comporterent bien ; 
mais la populace les attaquait a coups de pierres 7 et les 
injuriait, tandis que les gens raisonnables s'en abstenaient. 
Quand cette situation eut dure" quelque temps, les Russes or- 
donnerent a la population de sortir sous dix jours 8 , mais ceux 
seuls qui avaient des montures s'en allerent ; la plupart resta 
apres le delai imparti. Alors les Russes en massacrerent 
un grand nombre, firent prisonniers quelques milliers, ras- 
semblerent le reste dans la mosque"e cathedrale 9 en leur 

1 Trente mille dinars par an (Ibn-Miskawai'h, loco laud.). 

2 Sur cette ville, voir Le Strange, Eastern Caliphate^ p. 1 7 7 et suivantes ; 
Yaqoilt, t. i, p. 558 ; Encyclopedic de /'fs/am, t. i, p. 672. Nous neciterons 
que pour memoire Fr. Erdmann, Expeditio Russorum Berdaam versus^ im- 
prime a Kazan de 1826 a 1832, d'apres VIskender-ndme du poete persan 

3 Defremery, Sadjides, p. 46 du tirage a part. 
* T. viii, p. 308. 

6 Au rapport d'lbn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 100, ces troupes se composaient 
de 300 Deilemites, autant de fa'lotik et de Kurdes, et environ cinq mille 

6 Sauf les cavaliers, dit Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 101 [parce qu'ils purent 

7 Pour preter main-forte aux troupes du Sultan qui entouraient encore 
la ville (Ibn-Miskawaih, loc. laud.). 

3 Trois jours dans Ibn-Miskawaih, ibid. 

9 Dont ils ouvrirent les portes (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 102). 

Les Mosdfirides de r Adherbaidjdn 237 

disant de racheter leur vie. Un chre'tien 1 s'interposa et fixa 
une rangon de vingt dirhems pour chaque homme ; les gens 
raisonnables accepterent 2 ; quand les Russes virent qu'ils ne 
pouvaient venir a bout de ces gens, ils les massacrerent 
jusqu'au dernier; il n'en rechappa que ceux qui re"ussirent 
a fuir 3 . Les Russes reduisirent les prisonniers en esclavage 
et choisirent parmi les femmes celles qui leur plurent. 

"Apres que les Russes eurent agi comme nous venons 
de le dire, cela parut epouvantable aux musulmans ; ils se 
souleverent au son de la trompette ; el-Marzoban rassembla 
le peuple et Texcita a combattre ; le nombre de ceux qui se 
placerent sous ses ordres se monta a trente mille hommes. 
II partit a leur tete, mais il ne chercha pas a register aux 
Russes : il les attaquait tantot le matin, tantot le soir, et 
chaque fois il en revenait en de"route. Cela dura de nom- 
breux jours. Or les Russes s'^taient diriges du cote de 
Meragha et mangerent trop de fruits, de sorte que la 
dyssenterie les atteignit et que les maladies, suivies de mort, 
se multiplierent parmi eux. 

" Lorsqu'el-Marzoban vit que cette situation se pro- 
longeait, il eut recours a la ruse ; il combina une embuscade 
(de la fagon suivante) : il marcherait contre 1'ennemi avec 
ses troupes, puis reculerait devant l.ui, et au moment ou les 
soldats en embuscade se montreraient, il attaquerait de 
nouveau. II communiqua ce projet a ses compagnons et 
disposa I'embuscade, puis il se porta a la rencontre des 
Russes 4 et les attaqua ; ensuite el- Marzobanet ses compagnons 
reculerent, poursuivis par les Russes ; ils d^passerent [dans 
leur retraite] le lieu de I'embuscade ; les troupes continuerent 
a fuir, sans que personne s'occupat de son voisin. El- 
Marzoban a raconte lui-meme cette aventure : ' Je criai 
aux hommes de revenir a la charge, mais ils n'en firent rien, 

1 C'etait un secretaire de cette ville, nomme Ibn-Sam'oun (Ibn- 
Miskawaih, ibid.). 

2 Mais non les autres, qui accusaient Ibn-Sam'oun de les soumettre a 
la capitation. Le secretaire retira alors ses offres (Ibn-Miskawaih, ibid.). 

3 Par un conduit souterrain e'troit qui amenait 1'eau a la mosquee, ou 
encore ceux qui se racheterent en sacrifiant leurs tresors. Quand il ne resta 
plus rien a prendre dans les maisons ou les boutiques, les Russes remettaient 
a leur prisonnier un morceau d'argile scelle pour le mettre a 1'abri de toute 
revendication ulterieure (Ibn-Miskawa'ih, ibid.). 

4 Ils etaient a pied, et leur chef etait monte' sur un ane (Ibn-Miskawaih, 
p. 104). 

238 CL. HUART 

a cause de la peur qu'ils avaient des Russes. Je compris que 
si les hommes continuaient leur deroute, les Russes en 
tueraient la plus grande partie, puis se retourneraient centre 
1'embuscade, la decouvriraient et tueraient jusqu'au dernier 
ceux qui en faisaient partie. Je revins alors a la charge, 
suivi seulement de mon frere et de mon compagnon \_pdkib, 
son ministre] 1 , et je m'accoutumai a l'ide"e de perir martyr 
de la foi. A ce moment la plupart des Deilemites, pris de 
honte, se retournerent et chargerent ; nous bataillames avec 
les Russes et nous criames a Fembuscade le mot de ralliement 
convenu entre nous. Celle-ci sortit derriere 1'ennemi, et nous 
nous battimes pour tout de bon ; nous tuames beaucoup de 
Russes 2 , parmi lesquels leur chef: le reste se reTugia dans 
la citadelle de la ville, qu'on appelle Chahristan, ou on avait 
accumule des provisions considerables et ou ils avaient 
enferme leurs prisonniers, femmes et enfants, ainsi que leurs 
richesses.' El-Marzoban les assiegea et s'arma de patience. 
" La nouvelle lui parvint alors que Abou 'Abdallah el- 
Hoseln ben Said ben Hamdan, cousin de Na^ir-ed-daula 3 , 
avait e*te envoy e par celui-ci pours'emparerde 1'Adherbaidjan 
et etait deja parvenu a Salmas. El-Marzoban laissa des 
troupes 4 pour continuer le blocus des Russes, rejoignit le 
Hamdanide et lui livra combat ; puis la neige se mit a 
tomber, et les troupes du Hamdanide se debanderent, parce 
que le plus grand nombre entre elles se composait de 
Bedouins. Ensuite le Hamdanide regutune lettre de Nac^ir- 
ed-daula 1'informant de la mort de Touzoun 5 , lui faisant 
savoir qu'il avait 1'intention de se rendre a Bagdad 6 , et lui 
ordonnant de venir le rejoindre ; ce qu'il fit. 

1 Suivant Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 104, il etait suivi de son frere, de sa 
garde particuliere (kha^a) et de ses esclaves (ghilmari). 

2 Sept cents, dit Ibn-Miskawaih, loc. cit. 

3 Sur le fondateur de la dynastie des Hamdanides a Alep, voir Cl. Huart, 
Histoiredes Arabes, t. i, pp. 315, 316, 327, 328, 341. 

4 Cinq cents Deilemites, mille cinq cents cavaliers Kurdes, deux mille 
volontaires (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 105). 

5 Emir du Deilem devenu emir-el-omara, qui fit aveugler le Khalife 
el-Mottaqi et le remplac.a par el-Mostakfi (Cl. Huart, id. op., t. i, p. 315 ; 
Al-Fakhri, ed. H. Derenbourg, p. 385 ; trad. Amar, p. 492 et note 2. II 
mourut en 334 (945), non a Hit, comme le dit M. Amar, mais dans sa 
maison de Bagdad, au mois de Moharrem ; cf. Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 1 18). 

6 Pour y combattre Mo'izz-ed-daula qui venait de s'en emparer (Ibn- 
Miskawaih, ibid.). 

Les Mosdfirides de rAdherbaidjdn 239 

" Quant aux troupes d'el-Marzoban, elles continuerent 
d'assieger les Russes, de plus en plus la proie de la maladie. 
Lorsque ceux-ci enterraient un homme, ils d^posaient ses 
armes aupres de lui 1 ; les Musulmans, apres le depart des 
Russes [fouillerent les tombes et] se procurerent norme- 
ment de ces armes. Les Russes sortirent la nuit de la 
citadelle, apres avoir charge" sur leurs epaules les richesses 
et autres objets qu'ils voulaient emporter 2 , gagnerent les 
bords du Korr, s'embarquerent dans leurs navires et par- 
tirent. Les gens d'el-Marzoban furent impuissants a les 
poursuivre et a leur reprendre leur butin ; ils les laisserent 
aller, et Dieu purifia le pays de leur presence." 

En 337 (948), el-Marzoban se mit en marche vers Rei. 
" II avait appris, en effet, que les troupes du Khorasan 
menaient une expedition contre cette ville et que leur avance 
de"tournait loin de lui 1'attention de Rokn-ed-daula 3 . Ensuite 
il avait envoy^ un messager a Mo'izz-ed-daula 4 : celui-ci lui 
avait fait raser la barbe et 1'avait couvert d'injures ainsi que 
son maitre, car ce messager e"tait sot. El-Marzoban jugea 
1'injure grave et se mit a rassembler ses troupes ; un des 
generaux de Rokn-ed-daula 5 avait reclame sa sauvegarde et 
lui avait fait entrevoir la conquete de Rei, en 1'informant 
qu'il avait derriere lui d'autres generaux qui attendaient sa 
venue. Confirme" dans ses ambitions, il se trouva en outre 
que Nagir-ed-daula lui envoya un messager pour promettre 
de Faider et lui conseiller de commencer par Bagdad ; mais 
el-Marzoban fut d'un avis different. II fit venir son pere, 
ainsi que son frere Abou-Ma^our Wehsoudhan, et leur 
demanda conseil a ce sujet ; son pere lui deconseilla de songer 

1 Abou '1-Hasan Mohammed ben 'Abd el-Melik el-Hamdani (non el- 
Hamadhani comme le dit de Goeje dans sa preface de *Artb y Tabarl 
continuatus\ auteur d'un supplement aux Annales de Tabari conserve en 
manuscrit a la Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds arabe, N 1469, t. i (unique), 
f. 90 v, donne un recit tres abrege de ces evenements ; il ajoute pourtant 
ce detail, " qu'on enterrait avec le Russe sa femme, et son esclave s'il 
1'aimait." Cf. Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 106, 1. i. 

2 Ils brulerent le reste et emmenerent ce qu'ils voulurent de femmes et 
d'enfants (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 106). 

3 Frere de Mo'izz-ed-daula. 

4 Ahmed ben Bouye s'etait empare de Bagdad le n djoumada I 334 
(19 decembre 945), avait regu du Khalife le titre de Mo'izz-ed-daula, et 
etait devenu le veritable maitre du Khalifat. Cl. Huart, op. at., t. i, p. 315 ; 
Sykes, History of Persia, t. ii, p. 94. 

5 'Ali ben Djawanqoula; dans Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi, p. 174. 

240 CL. HUART 

a Re"i, mais il n'agrea pas cette maniere de voir ; lorsqu'il 
prit conge de lui, son pere se mit a pleurer : ' Ou te 
chercherai-je, mon cher fils, apres cette journ^e ? ' lui dit-il. 
El-Marzoban repondit: 'Ou dans le palais du gouverne- 
ment a Rei, ou parmi les morts.' 

" Informe" de cette attaque, Rokn-ed-daula e"crivit a ses 
deux freres 'Imad-ed-daula et Mo'izz-ed-daulapour re"clamer 
leur secours ; le premier lui envoya deux mille cavaliers 1 , et 
le second une armee sous le commandement de Subuk- 
Tegin, leTurc 2 , ainsi qu'un engagement, de la part du Khalife 
el-Moti'-lillah, promettant le gouvernement du Khorasan a 

" Quand 1'armee fut arrived a Dinawar, les Deilemites 
se revolterent contre Subuk-Tegin et entourerent de nuit sa 
tente ; mais il enfourcha un cheval de rechange (nauba) et fut 
sauv6 ; les Turcs se rassemblerent autour de lui, et les 
De'ile'mites reconnurent qu'ils n'etaient pas en force pour 
reussir ; ils revinrent a lui et le supplierent [de leur par- 
donner] ; il agre"a leurs excuses. 

" Rokn-ed-daula avait commenc^ a ruser avec el-Mar- 
zobin ; il lui avait ecrit avec soumission et en le couvrant 
d'honneurs ; il lui demandait de renoncer a son attaque, a 
la condition qu'il lui livrerait les villes de Zendjan, d'Abhar 
et de Qazwin. 

" Les envoyes allerent et vinrent a ce sujet jusqu'a 
1'arriv^e des renforts expe" die's par 'Imad-ed-daula et Mo'izz- 
ed-daula ; alors Rokn-ed-daula prit avec lui Mohammed 
ben ( Abd-er-Razzaq 3 , et el- Hasan ben el-Firozan 4 lui envoya 
des troupes sous les ordres de Mohammed ben Makan 5 . 
Lorsque le rassemblement fut nombreux, il fit arreter et 
incarce"rer un groupe de gne"raux qu'il soup9onnait, et partit 

1 Sous le commandement du chambellan Bars (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, 

P- 175)- 

2 Chambellan de Mo'izz-ed-daula (Defremery, Samanides, p. 255 ; Ibn- 
Miskawa'ih, loc. cit.\ 

3 Ce personnage s'etait re'volte contre Nouh le Samanide a Nichapour, 
dont il &ait probablement le gouverneur (Zhahir-eddin, ed. Dorn, p. 182, 
1. 14). 

4 General des Samanides, fils d'un oncle paternel de Makan et sa 
creature. (Cf. Defremery, Samanides, p. 250, n. 75 ; Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi, 
P- 35, 1- 7-) 

5 Sur ce personnage, chef des troupes de Khorasan, voir Defre'mery, 
Samanides, pp. 151, 152. 

Les Mosdfirides de F Adherba'idjdn 241 

pour Qazwin. El-Marzoban reconnut qu'il ne pourrait avoir 
raison de lui, mais il refusa de s'en retourner ; la rencontre 
eut lieu, 1'armee d'el-Marzoban 1 fut mise en de>oute, lui- 
meme fait prisonnier 2 et transport^ a Someiram 3 , ou il fut 
enferm^. Rokn-ed-daula s'en retourna, et Mohammed ben 
'Abd-er-Razzaq s'e"tablit dans les cantons de I'Adherbaidjan. 
"Quant aux compagnons d'el-Marzoban 4 , ils se rassem- 
blerent autour de son pere Mohammed ben Mosafir et le 
chargerent de les commander. Son fils Wehsoudhan s'enfuit 
d'aupres de lui et se reTugia dans une forteresse qui lui ap- 
partenait. Mohammed agit mal a 1'egard de Farmed, et les 
soldats voulurent le mettre a mort : il s'enfuit aupres de son 
fils Wehsoudhan qui le fit enfermer dans une prison e"troite 5 
oil il resta jusqu'a sa mort 6 . Wehsoudhan, embarrass^ dans 
ses affaires, appela [a son aide] Daisam le Kurde, parce que 
les Kurdes lui obe"issaient ; il lui donna des forces et 1'expedia 
contre Mohammed ben 'Abd-er-Razzaq 7 ; dans la rencontre 
qui eut lieu, Daisam fut mis en d^route ; Mohammed ben 
'Abd-er-Razzaq devint fort, s'^tablit dans les cantons de 
I'Adherbaidjan et y per^ut les impots ; puis il retourna a 

1 Elle se composait ce jour-la de cinq mille Deilemites, Gils et Kurdes 
(Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 175). 

2 Apres etre reste ferme au centre, les deux ailes etant en deroute, avoir 
vu tomber devant lui son beau-pere Beli-wedend Asfdjan ^jla^A*j! ju^ j^^j, 
et capturer 'All ben Micheki surnomme Bollat, Mohammed ben Ibrahim 
et un certain nombre de ses principaux lieutenants (Ibn-Miskawaih, loco 

3 Ville de T'lraq-'adjemi, situee a mi-chemin entre Chiraz et Ispahan, 
sur la limite de la province du Fars (Yaqout, dans Barbier de Meynard, 
Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 321). Ibn-el-Athir a passe sous silence tout un 
chapitre d'Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 176-178, ou celui-ci rapporte les paroles 
memes du vizir Abou '1-Fadl ben el-'Amid, charge de conduire le prison- 
nier a destination par la route d'Ispahan. 

4 lichappes au desastre, tels que Djestan ben Charmzan, 'Ali ben el- 
Fadl, Chah-Firouz ben Kurdoye, et deux mille hommes de troupe (Ibn- 
Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 178-179). 

5 La forteresse de Sisadjan ou il se trouvait lui-meme (Ibn-Miskawai'h, 
t. vi, p. 179), a seize parasanges d'Ardebil (Yaqout, dans Barbier de 
Meynard, Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 335; Igtakhri, p. 193; Ibn-Hauqal, 
p. 252). 

6 II mourut avant que son fils el-Marzoban s'echappat de sa prison de 
Someiram (Ibn-Miskawaih, ibid.). Get evenement est decrit en detail plus 

7 Nomme gouverneur de I'Adherbaidjan par Rokn-ed-daula (Ibn- 
Miskawaih, ibid.). 

B.P.V. 16 

242 CL. HUART 

R<i en 338 (949), entretint une correspondance avec Te'mir 
Nouh 1 , lui envoya des presents et lui demanda pardon ; 
celui-ci accueillit ses excuses et e*crivit a Wouchmgir de con- 
clure une treve avec lui, ce qui fut fait. Ensuite Mohammed 
retourna a Tous en 339 (950), lorsque Man9our s'en vint 
attaquer R&V 

En 341 (952) Daisam ben Ibrahim Abou-Salim s'enfuit 
de I'Adherbaidjan ; nous venons de raconter la conquete 
qu'il en avait faite. Quant a la cause de sa fuite, c'est que 
Rokn-ed-daula avait fait arreter un de ses gene"raux nomine" 
'Ali ben Micheki ; celui-ci s'^vada et gagna la montagne ; 
il y recruta des partisans, se rendit aupres de Wehsoudhan, 
fils d'el-Marzoban, et s'entendit avec lui ; ils se preterent 
un concours mutuel contre Dai'sam. Ensuite el-Marzoban, 
comme nous le verrons plus loin, s'empara de la forteresse 
de Some'iram ; des lettres, ou il annon^ait sa de'livrance, 
parvinrent a son frere et a 'Ali ben Micheki ; il e"crivit de 
meme aux Deil^mites pour les mettre de son parti. Or 
Daisam ne connaissait pas son evasion ; il pensait que 
Wehsoudhan et 'Ali ben Micheki le combattaient [seuls]. 
II avait un ministre connu sous le nom d'Abou-'Abdallah 
en-No'aimi; d^sireux de lui confisquer sa fortune, il le fit 
arreter, et prit pour secretaire un homme qui ^crivit a ce 
ministre ; celui-ci, usant de ruse, re"pondit affirmativement a 
tout ce qu'il demandait et le lui garantit au moyen d'une 
somme d'argent ; alors Dai'sam le mit en liberte, lui livra son 
secretaire et le re"tablit dans sa situation. Puis Daisam 
partit, le laissant a Ardebil comme son lieutenant pour y 
percevoir 1'argent qu'il lui avait prodigue. Apres cela en- 
No'aimi fit mettre a mort ce secretaire et s'enfuit, avec tout 
ce qu'il poss^dait, aupres d' *Ali ben Micheki. 

" Daisam etait dans les environs de Zendjan quand cette 
nouvelle lui parvint. II retourna a Ard^bil, mais les Deil6- 
mites essayerent de provoquer des troubles dirige"s contre 
lui, et il leur distribua les sommes d'argent qu'il poss^dait. 
La nouvelle lui etant arriv^e qu' 'Ali ben Micheki marchait 
sur Ard^bil a la tete d'une troupe peu nombreuse, il courut 
a sa rencontre ; dans la bataille qui fut livre"e, les Deitemites 

1 Nofih, fils de Na<gr, le Samanide. 

2 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, pp. 360-361. II s'agit de Mangotir, fils de Qara- 
Tegin, qui attaqua Re'i en 339. Cf. Defre'mery, Samanides^ pp. 147-148. 

Les Mosdfirides de PAdherbaidjan 243 

le quitterent pour se joindre a 'Ali ; Daisam, en de*route, 
s'enfuit en Armenie entoure d'un petit nombre de Kurdes. 
Les rois d'Arme'nie lui porterent quelque chose dont il se 

" La, il apprit le depart d'el-Marzoban, sorti de la forte- 
resse de Som&ram, pour Ardbil, sa conqute de 1'Adher- 
baidjan, et 1'envoi d'un corps expe"ditionnaire de son cote". 
Le sejour lui devenant impossible, il s'enfuit d'Arm^nie vers 
Mossoul et Bagdad, ou il arriva en 1'ann^e 342 (953) 1 . 
Mo'izz-ed-daula le regut avec honneur et le traita g6ne"reuse- 
ment 2 ; il sejourna aupres du Bouide, menant une vie 

" Puis sa famille et ses compagnons, rested en Adher- 
baidjan, lui e"crivirent pour re"clamer sa presence ; il partit 
de Bagdad en 343 (954), apres avoir demande" a Mo'izz-ed- 
daula le secours d'une armee ; mais celui-ci ne put acce"der 
a cette demande, parce que el-Marzoban avait fait la paix 
avec Rokn-ed-daula et avait meme Spouse sa fille ; il n'etait 
pas possible a Mo'izz de se mettre en opposition avec son 

" Dai'sam se rendit d'abord aupres de Nagir-ed-daula ben 
Hamdin a Mossoul, lui demandant un appui qui lui fut 
refus^ ; puis il alia trouver Se"if-ed-daula en Syrie, et il 
sejourna aupres de lui jusqu'en 344 (955). 

" II arriva qu'une groupe [de mecontents] se revolta 
centre el-Marzoban a Bab el-Abwab (Derbend) et que 
celui-ci se mit en marche pour le reduire. Alors un chef des 
Kurdes de 1'Adherbaidjan envoya [un messager] a Daisam 
pour lui demander de venir dans cette province pour le 
soutenir contre celui qui y re"gnait : en consequence, il s'y 
rendit et s'y empara de la ville de Salmas. El-Marzoban 
envoya contre lui un de ses gnraux qui le combattit ; mais 
les troupes de ce general se joignirent a celles de Daisam, 
et le general s'enfuit, tandis que Daisam entrait a Salmas. 

" Quand el-Marzoban eut termine 1'affaire de ceux qui 
s'etaient revokes contre lui, il revint en Adherbaidjan ; 
Daisam, ayant senti qu'il approchait, quitta Salmas et se 

1 Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi, p. 199. 

2 II lui conceda un fief rapportant cinquante mille dinars par an (Ibn- 
Miskawaih, ibid.}. 

1 6 2 

244 CL. HUART 

rendit en Arme'nie aupres d'Ibn-ed-Dirani 1 et d'lbn-Hadjiq 2 , 
parce qu'il avait confiance en eux : el-Marzoban ecrivit alors 
a Ibn-ed-Dirani en lui ordonnant de se saisir de sa per- 
sonne ; le prince arme'nien s'en deTendit d'abord, puis par 
crainte d'el-Marzoban, il fit arreter son hote ; el-Marzoban 
lui ordonna alors de le lui envoyer ; Ibn-ed-Dirani refusa 
d'abord, puis il fut contraint de le livrer. Une fois en 
possession de son ennemi, el-Marzoban lui fit crever v les 
yeux et le rendit aveugle, puis il le garda en prison. A la 
mort d'el-Marzoban, Tun de ses partisans mita mort Daisam 
par crainte des malheurs qu'il pourrait provoquer." 


" Nous avons parle" de la captivite d'el-Marzoban et de 
son emprisonnement a Someiram : voici comment il fut 
delivre 3 . Sa mere Kharasoye e"tait la fille de Djestan ben 
Wehsoudhan le roi ; elle re"unit un certain nombre d'individus 
pour travailler a sa de"livrance 4 . Ces gens se rendirent a 
Someiram en se faisant passer pour des negociants a qui el- 
Marzoban aurait pris des marchandises precieuses, sans 
qu'ils en eussent rec^u le prix. I Is entrerent en corres- 
pondance avec 1'administrateur de Someiram, connu sous 
le nom de Chir Asfar 5 , et lui firent connaitre I 1 injustice dont 
ils avaient a se plaindre de la part d'el-Marzoban ; ils lui 
demanderent de les mettre en rapports avec celui-ci pour 
qu'ils pussent discuter les comptes avec lui et pour recevoir 
de lui une lettre autographe, adresse"e a sa mere, anno^ant 
la remise des biens a leurs proprietaires. 

1 Khatchik Gagik, roi du Vaspourakan, dont il a etc question plus haut. 

2 S'il n'y a pas d'erreur dans le texte, ce serait un fils dudit Gagik. 

3 Tout d'abord, il s'e'tait refuse a prendre de la nourriture et de la 
boisson; Rokn-ed-daula, informe de la situation, ordonna de lui envoyer 
son cuisinier habituel, dans lequel il avait confiance ; une fois que celui-ci 
fut rendu a destination, el-Marzoban voulut se servir de lui pour s'echapper ; 
comme ce cuisinier etait un homme leger, il laissa transpirer son secret, et 
le gouverneur le fit pre'cipiter du haut des tours (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, 
p. 200). 

* C'etaient des individus qui s'etaient refugies aupres d'elle. Ibn- 
Miskawai'h donne les noms de deux d'entre eux, mais ils sont illisibles. 

5 C'est ainsi qu'ecrit Ibn-Miskawaih ; le Bechir Asfar d'Ibn-el-Athir 
provient d'une preposition malencontreuse qui s'est trouvee sous sa plume 
la premiere fois qu'il a cite ce nom, et que les copistes ont servilement 
reproduite les autres fois. 

Les Mosafirides de rAdherbaidjdn 245 

" Chir Asfar fut pris de compassion pour eux et leur 
facilita une entrevue. Us re"clamerent done leur bien a el- 
Marzoban qui nia d'abord ; puis 1'un d'entre eux lui fit un 
signe de 1'ceil ; il comprit, reconnut sa dette et leur dit : 
'[Laissez-moi] reflechir a ce qui vous appartient, car je n'en 
connais pas la quantiteV En consequence, ils sejournerent 
en cet endroit et prodiguerent 1'argent a Chir Asfar et a ses 
troupes, et leurgarantirent des sommes importantes qu'ils leur 
payeraient lors du reglement du compte avec el-Marzoban. 
Pour cette raison, ils se mirent a entrer dans la forteresse 
sans autorisation, eurent des entrevues frequentes avec le 
prisonnier, et lui firent parvenir des sommes provenant de 
sa mere, ainsi que des nouvelles ; ils apprirent aussi de lui 
quelle etait sa situation. 

u Or Chir Asfar avait un esclave imberbe, d'un beau 
visage, qui portait son bouclier et son javelot. El-Marzoban 
manifesta une violente passion pour ce jeune garden, et lui 
fit present de sommes considerables sur 1'argent provenant 
de sa mere ; il s'accorda avec lui pour ce qu'il desirait, et 
celui-ci lui fit parvenir une cotte de mailles et des limes avec 
lesquelles il lima ses fers ; puis el-Marzoban, cet esclave et 
les pretendus negociants venus pour le delivrer s'entendirent 
pour tuer Chir Asfar a un jour qui fut fixe Or Chir Asfar 
allait rendre visite a el-Marzoban chaque semaine, ce jour-la, 
pour 1'examiner, ainsi que ses chaines, et lui conseiller la 
patience, puis il s'en retournait. 

" Au jour fixe, un de ces negociants entra et s'assit aupres 
du prisonnier, tandis qu'un autre allait tenir compagnie au 
portier, et que le reste se tenait a la porte de la forteresse 
en attendant les cris [anno^ant la r^ussite de 1'entreprise]. 
Chir Asfar etant entre aupres d'el-Marzoban, celui-ci le 
traita aimablement, lui demanda de le relacher, el lui prodigua 
des sommes d'argent considerables et des fiefs en grand 
nombre, mais le gouverneur les refusa : 'Je ne trahirai 
jamais Rokn-ed-daula,' dit-il. Alors el-Marzoban, qui avait 
retire ses pieds des entraves, se leva et s'avan^a vers la 
porte ; il prit le bouclier et le javelot au jeune esclave, revint 
aupres de Chir Asfar et le tua, aide par le ne"gociant qui 
etait aupres de lui. De son cote, rhomme qui tenait com- 
pagnie au portier sauta sur celui-ci et le tua. Ceux qui 
attendaient a la porte entrerent aupres d'el-Marzoban, tandis 

246 CL. HUART 

que la garnison de la forteresse tait dispersee 1 . Entendant 
le bruit des voix, les soldats se rassemblerent, mais ils virent 
leur chef tu^, et ils implorerent la grace d'el-Marzoban, qui 
la leur accorda et les fit sortir de la forteresse. Ses partisans 
et d'autres encore se reunirent aupres de lui ; ses troupes 
devinreht considerables ; il sortit [de sa prison], alia rejoindre 
sa mere et son frere et reprit ses possessions, com me nous 
avons raconte" plus haut 2 ." 

En 346 (957) au mois de ramadan (novembre-decembre), 
el-Marzoban mourut en Adherbaidjan 3 . " Quand il fut sur 
le point de trepasser, il lgua son royaume a Wehsoudhan 
son frere, et apres celui-ci a son propre fils Djestan. II 
avait ordonne" pr^c^demment a ses lieutenants, gouverneurs 
de forteresses, de ne remettre celles-ci, apres sa mort, qu'a 
son fils Djestan, ou si celui-ci mourait, a son autre fils 
Ibrahim ; si ce dernier mourait, a un autre fils nomme' Nacjr 4 ; 
et enfin, s'il n'en restait aucun [a ce moment-la], a son frere 

" Quand il eut pris les dispositions testamentaires, dont 
nous venons de parler, en faveur de son frere, il lui fit con- 
naitre des signes convenus entre lui et ses lieutenants pour 
qu'il put entrer en possession des forteresses. A sa mort, 
son frere Wehsoudhan envoya aux lieutenants son cachet et 
les signes convenus ; mais les gouverneurs lui exhiberent le 
premier testament, et Wehsoudhan pensa que son frere 
1' avait trompe en cela 5 . II sejourna [d'abord] avec ses neveux, 
qui s'emparerent du pouvoir a son exclusion, puis il sortit 
d'Arde"bil a la maniere d'un fuyard pour se rendre a Tiram. 
Djestan prit en mains Tautorit^, et ses freres lui obeirent ; 
il choisit pour ministre Aboti-'Abdallah en-No'aimi ; tous 
les generaux de son pere vinrent le retrouver, sauf Djestan 

1 Et occupde k jouer au trictrac (Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 204). 

2 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, pp. 375-378. 

3 Cf. Abou'1-Fida, ed. de Constantinople, t. ii, p. 107. 

4 II avait un quatrieme fils nomme Kai-Khosrau ^.,>ai>,;g-, mais il 
n'avait pas fait mention de lui a cause de son bas age (Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, 
p. 220). 

5 II y avait un autre fait, passe sous silence par Ibn-el-Athir. Ibrahim 
etait marie a la fille de Walgin ben Khorchidh, grand personnage du 
Deilem, qu'el-Marzoban avait fait emprisonner a Ardebil; a la mort de 
celui-ci, 1'epouse d'lbrahim lui parla de son pere et 1'amena a se rendre en 
personne a Ardebil pour mettre le captif en liberte' sans 1'autorisation de 
Wehsoudhan, ce qui facha celui-ci (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 221). 

Les Mosdfirides de rAdherbaidjdn 247 

ben Charmzan, qui songea a s'emparer de 1'Armenie dont 
il etait le gouverneur. Wehsoudhan commen^a a semer la 
zizanie entre ses neveux et a les mettre en disaccord ; il 
excita centre eux leurs ennemis, jusqu'a ce qu'il atteignit 
son but et en fit mettre a mort plusieurs 1 ." El-Marzoban 
avait e"te conside>e par ses contemporains comme roi de 
I'Arm^nie, de 1'Arran et de I'Adherbaidjan ; c'est pourquoi 
le ge"ographe Ibn-Hauqal a r6uni ces trois provinces sous 
une meme rubrique 2 . 



" En 349 (960), parut en Adherbaidjan 3 Ishaq, Tun des 
enfants de 'Isa ben el-Moktafi-billah, qui se d6cerna le titre 
d'el-Mostadjir-billah et precha en faveur d'el-Mortada 4 , de 
la famille de Mohammed ; il revetit le froc des derviches, 
fit montre de justice, ordonna de pratiquer le bien et d'eviter 
le mal ; ses adeptes se multiplierent 5 . La cause de son 
apparition fut que Djestan, fils d'el-Marzoban, maitre de 
cette contree, abandonna la ligne de conduite de son pere 
dans le traitement de 1'armee, s'occupa de jeu et prit conseil 
aupres des femmes. Djestan ben Charmzan etait a Ourou- 
miyya ou il s'^tait fortifie, et Wehsoudhan a Taram excitait 
la discorde entre ses neveux. Ensuite Djestan ben el- 
Marzoban fit arreter son ministre en-No'aimi, lequel etait 
allie par manage avec le secretaire de Djestan ben Charmzan, 
qui se nommait Abou '1- Hasan 'Ob&dallah ben Mohammed 
ben Hamdoye ; celui-ci fut tres fache de 1'arrestation d'en- 
No'aimi, et il amena son maitre, Djestan ben Charmzan, a 
entretenir une correspondance avec Ibrahim ben el-Marzoban, 
qui etait en Arm^nie ; par cette correspondance, il lui faisait 

1 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, pp. 388-389. 

2 Ibn-Hauqal, p. 236. 

3 " Dans la region de 1'Armenie," dit Ibn-Miskawa'ih, t. vi, p. 234. Le 
nom d'lshaq ne se trouve que dans ce dernier auteur, et seulement a la 
p. 237, avant-derniere ligne. 

4 II preta serment a Rida, dit Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 394. 

5 II avait commence par se rendre dans le pays des Gils (le Gilan) et 
s'e'tait appuye sur une groupe de Deilemites Ma'ro&fiyya, Mosawwida et 
Sunnites, tous musulmans, qui se revolterent et marcherent sur 1'Adher- 
baidjan, ou il put s'emparer d'un certain nombre de villes, entre autres 
celles qui s'etaient placees sous la souverainete de Sallar le D^ilemite [c'est 
a dire Djestan]. Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 234-235. 

248 CL. HUART 

entrevoir le pouvoir. Celui-ci vint le rejoindre, et ils mar- 
cherent sur Meragha, dont ils s'emparerent. Quand Djestan 
ben el-Marzoban, qui s'e'tait rendu a Berda'a 1 , apprit cette 
nouvelle, il revint a Ardebil et envoya un messager au fils 
de Charmzan et a son ministre Abou '1-Hasan, il fit la paix 
avec eux et leur garantit la mise en liberte" d'en-No'aimi ; 
ceux-ci [en revanche] renonceraient a seconder les entre- 
prises d' Ibrahim, tandis que lui preterait son concours a 
Djestan ben Charmzan et au frere de ce dernier, Nifaq 
ben Charmzan 2 . Ceux-ci echangerent des correspondances 
et tomberent d'accord pour 1'attaquer. Puis en-No'aimi 
s'enfuit des prisons de Djestan ben el-Marzoban et partit 
pour Mouqan, d'ou il ^crivit au fils d' 'Isa ben el-Moktafi- 
billah et excita sa convoitise a Fendroit du Khalifat, lui pro- 
mettant de recruter des soldats pour lui et de le mettre en 
possession de 1'Adherbaidjan. Quand il fut assez fort, il 
marcha sur F'lraq; il avait avec lui trois cents hommes en- 
viron 3 . Djestan ben Charmzan le rejoignit, ce qui augmenta 
ses forces ; le peuple lui preta le serment d'allegeance, et son 
importance devint serieuse. Alors Djestan et Ibrahim, tous 
deux fils d'el-Marzoban, marcherent contre eux pour les 
combattre : quand ils se trouverent en presence, les troupes 
d'el-Mostadjir se debanderent 4 ; il fut fait prisonnier et 

1 Ibn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, p. 236. 

2 Ce nom n'existe pas : il est le resultat d'une inadvertance d'Ibn-el-Athir, 
car voici ce que dit le texte d'Ibn-Miskawaih : " Djestan ben Charmzan 
et son secretaire exciterent la convoitise de chacun des deux freres, c'est a 
dire Ibrahim et Djestan, tous deux fils d'el-Marzoban, [en leur faisant 
croire] qu'ils etaient avec lui, jusqu'a ce qu'ils eurent acheve la construction 
du mur d'enceinte d'Ouroumiyya et de la citadelle inaccessible a 1'interieur 
de la ville et eurent multiplie leurs efforts pour y re'unir des provisions et 
des armes. Alors les deux freres s'apergurent en meme temps de 1'intention 
du fils de Charmzan d'user d'hypocrisie (nifaq} et d'inimitie [a leur egard]." 
Cela change un peu le sens de la phrase suivante dans Ibn-el-Athir. 

3 C'etaient des Mosawwida (Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, p. 237). 

4 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, pp. 394-395. El-Hamdani, qui re'sume ces evene- 
ments en trois lignes, appelle cet aventurier Abou-Nacr ben el-Moktafi, 
f. 1 14 v. Ibn-Miskawaih donne le de'tail de la bataille : " Lorsque Djestan 
[ben Charmzan, qui commandait 1'armee de 1'anti-Khalife] eut range son 
armee, il s'avanga vers ses troupes en leur recommandant de ne pas quitter 
les rangs, de garder le bon ordre, et de ne pas charger avant qu'il leur 
en eut donne 1'autorisation. II y avait parmi elles el-Fadl ben Ahmed el- 
Karkani el Qahbatani; ce sont une categoric de Kurdes; avec Djestan 
[fils d'el-Marzoban] se trouvait une autre categoric de Kurdes nommes el- 
Hedamaniyya. Ceux-ci se porterent a la rencontre des premiers, et les 

Les Mosdfirides de F Adherbatdjdn 249 

execut^ ; on dit aussi qu'il fut tu pendant la bataille ; d'autres 
affirment qu'il mourut de mort naturelle 1 . 

" Quant a Wehsoudhan, lorsqu'il constata le dissentiment 
qui regnait parmi ses neveux, et qu'il vit que chacun d'eux 
ne s'occupait que de tromper son voisin, il 6crivit a Ibrahim, 
apres 1'incident d'el-Mostadjir, et le pria de venir le voir ; 
celui-ci lui rendit visite ; son oncle le traita ge"ne"reusement 
et le combla de presents de nature a le satisfaire. II crivit 
aussi a N^ir, son autre neveu, et chercha a le seduire ; 
celui-ci quitta alors son frere Djestan et partit pour Mouqan. 
Or les troupes jugerent que sa presence tait un bon moyen 
d'acquerir des richesses : la plupart d'entre elles abandon- 
nerent Djestan et allerent rejoindre son frere N^ir, de sorte 
que celui-ci, grace a leur presence, devint plus fort que son 
frere Djestan et put s'emparer d'Arde"bil 2 . 

"Apres cela, les soldats re"clamerent de Fargent a Na^ir, 
mais il ne put leur en donner. Son oncle Wehsoudhan cessa 
de lui fournir des secours ; il comprit alors que celui-ci le 
trompait ; il 6crivit a son frere Djestan, et ils firent la paix ; 
ils se reunirent, mais ils taient tous deux extremement 
depourvus d'argent et dans le trouble des affaires. Les chefs 
des diverses regions s'emparerent de ce qu'ils avaient sous 
la main ; Djestan et Na^ir furent contraints de se rendre 
aupres de leur oncle Wehsoudhan avec leur mere ; ils lui 
ecriverent a ce sujet, prirent de lui des engagements et enfin 
se rendirent aupres de lui. 

" Quand ils furent arrives, il rompit ses engagements, 
les trompa, fit arreter Djestan, Nicir, et leur mere, prit 
possession de I'arme'e, en donna le commandement a son fils 
Isma'il, lui confia la plus grande partie de ses forteresses, 
produisit ses richesses et satisfit les troupes. 

lignes de Djestan ben Charmzan furent enfoncees ; il quitta alors la place 
qu'il occupait avec les Deilemites pour reprocher a el-Fadl d'avoir desobei 
a ses ordres et le ramener vers lui ; mais il trouva qu'il s'etait eloigne, et il 
le suivit ; ses troupes ne douterent pas qu'il ne s'enfuit, et le suivirent, de 
sorte que la deroute devint certaine. Les Hedamaniyya et les soldats de 
Djestan et Ibrahim les poursuivirent, et Djestan ben Charmzan fut con- 
traint de se retirer a Ouroumiyya." 

1 "On ne sait pas ce qu'il advint de lui," dit Ibn-Miskawaih, /./. ; 
" toutefois j'ai entendu dire qu'il ayait etc tue ; j'ai entendu dire aussi qu'il 
etait decede' de mort subite dans sa prison." 

2 Djestan dut se refugier dans la forteresse de Biz (?), Ibn-Miskawa'ih, 
t. vi, p. 238. 

250 CL. HUART 

" Ibrahim 6tait parti pour I'Arm^nie ; il se prepara a 
disputer le terrain a Isma'il et a delivrer ses deux freres de 
la prison ou les tenait leur oncle Wehsoudhan. Quand celui- 
ci sut cela et constatait que le peuple se re"unissait autour de 
la personne de son neveu, il se hata de faire mettre a mort 
Djestan, Na$ir, et leur mere ; il ecrivit a Djestan ben 
Charmzan et lui demanda d'aller a la rencontre d' Ibrahim ; 
il lui fournit des renforts en hommes et des subsides en 
argent. Celui-ci agit en consequence, de sorte qu' Ibrahim 
fut contraint d'enfuir et de rentrer en Arme'nie. Le fils de 
Charmzan s'empara de son arm^e, de la ville de Me"ragha, 
ainsi que de celle d'Ouroumiyya." 



"En 355 (966), Ibrahim ben el-Marzoban fut mis en 
deroute et chasse de 1' Adherbaidjan a Rei. En voici la cause : 
lorsqu'Ibrihim fut mis en fuite par Djestan ben Charmzan, 
comme nous 1'avons dit, en 349, il se rendit en Armenie et 
commen^a a s'y preparer et a s'y equiper pour revenir en 
Adherba'idjan ; les rois d' Armenie etaient [alors] des Arme- 
niens et des Kurdes. II ecrivit a Djestan ben Charmzan et 
fit la paix avec lui. Un grand nombre de gens vinrent le 
rejoindre. II arriva qu' I small, fils de son oncle Wehsoudhan, 
mourut ; alors Ibrahim partit pour Arde"bil et s'en empara. 
Abou '1-Qasim ben Micheki se rendit aupres de Wehsoudhan 
et resta aupres de lui. 

" Ibrahim se mit en marche dans la direction de son oncle 
Wehsoudhan pour reclamer de lui la vengeance de la mort 
de ses freres ; son oncle eut peur de lui et partit, accompagne' 
du fils de Micheki, pour le Dtlem. Ibrahim s'empara des 
Etats de son oncle, fit battre (khabbata) ses partisans, et 
confisqua les richesses sur lesquelles il put mettre la main. 
Wehsoudhan rassembla des hommes, retourna a sa forteresse 
dans le Taram, et envoya Abou '1-Qasim ben Micheki, a la 
tete de troupes, dans la direction d' Ibrahim; une bataille 
formidable s'engagea ; Ibrihim fut mis en deroute; on le 
poursuivit, mais on ne 1'atteignit pas ; il continua de marcher 
seul jusqu'a ce qu'il arrivat a Ri aupres de Rokn-ed-daula, 
qui le traita genereusement ; celui-ci avait epouse" la soeur 

Les Mosdfirides de rAdherbaidjdn 251 

d' Ibrahim; il de"ploya une grande magnificence a son gard 
et lui fit des presents splendides 1 . 

" Cette meme anne"e, Ibrahim ben el-Marzoban 6tait 
avec Rokn-ed-daula et 1'aida a combattre ces Khorasaniens 
qui pillaient et ddvastaient le pays sous le pre"texte de lever 
des impots pour la razzia 2 . 

" Cette meme annee encore, Ibrahim revint en Adher- 
baidjan et reprit cette province. Lorsque Rokn-ed-daula se 
fut arret a la resolution de combattre les Khorasaniens, il 
e"quipa des troupes qu'il fournit a Ibrahim, en lui donnant 
com me compagnon \ostddk Abou '1-Fadl ben el- 'Amid 3 , 
charge de le ramener dans sa province et de disposer en sa 
faveur les chefs des diverses regions. Celui-ci 1'accompagna 
done, s'empara de la province, disposa en sa faveur le chef 
Djestan ben Charmzan et Famena a lui obeir, ainsi que 
d'autres chefs Kurdes; il le mit en possession du territoire. 

" Ibn-el-'Amid, en arrivant dans cette province, constata 
ses productions abondantes, Fampleur de ses eaux, et vit ce 
que cela rapportait a Ibrahim 4 ; mais il e"tablit que c'e"tait 
peu, a raison de sa mauvaise administration, et parce que 
tout le monde y prenait sa part (wa-tama'i 'n-ndsi fihi), le 
prince e"tant occupe* avec la boisson et les femmes. II fit 
connaitre la situation a Rokn-ed-daula et lui insinua de lui 
confier a lui-meme une partie de la province, moyennant le 
paiement de ce que le prince pouvait en tirer et percevoir ; 

1 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 420; Ibn-Miskawaih, t. vi, pp. 281-282. 

2 Ibn-Miskawaih, qui &ait alors le bibliothecaire du ministre Abou'l- 
Fadl ben el- 'Amid, donne des details curieux et precis sur cette attaque, 
t. vi, pp. 283-290. 

3 Celebre ministre de Rokn-ed-daula, surnomme le second Djahizh ; il 
fut un epistolier remarquable : on 1'appelait ostadh " le Maitre," et Ibn- 
Miskawaih ajoute a ce titre haqq an " reellement." On dit que le ministre 
Ibn 'Abbad re^ut le surnom de (J!ahib parce qu'il etait son compagnon 
habituel ; toutefois e9-(Jabi donne une autre explication. II a regu les 
louanges de Motenabbi. On a plac sa mort a Rei ou a Bagdad en 359 
(969) ou 360 (970). Cf. Defre'mery, Samanides, p. 258, note 92 ; Ibn- 
Khallikan, trad, de Slane, t. iii, p. 256 et suivantes; t. i, p. 213. El- 
Hamdani place sa mort a Rei en 360, f. 132 v, tandis qu'Ibn-el-Athir, 
t. viii, p. 446, le fait mourir a Hamadhan en 359 ; mais Ibn-Miskawaih, 
t. vi, p. 349, te'moin oculaire, donne la date precise : nuit precedant le 
jeudi, 6 gafar 360 (8 decembre 970) ; c'est, en consequence, le lieu et la 
date qu'il convient de retenir. 

4 Voir dans Ibn-Hauqal, p. 254, des renseignements interessants sur le 
montant des impots de la province en 344. 

252 CL. HUART 

car la situation ne se maintiendrait pas dans son e"tat actuel, 
et la province lui serait enleve"e. Rokn-ed-daula refusa 
[d'acquiescer a cette proposition] : ' Je ne veux pas qu'on 
medise de moi,' dit-il, ' et qu'on puisse pretendre que je veux 
tondre un h6te qui m'a demande ma protection/ II ordonna 
a Abou'1-Fadl de revenir et de remettre le pays a Ibrahim, 
ce qui fut fait ; puis Abou'1-Fadl raconta a Rokn-ed-daula 
ce qu'il avait vu, et le mit en garde contre la perte de la 
province. On sait cequi arriva : Ibrahim fut fait prisonnier 
et incarceTe" 1 ." C'est ce qui permit a Rokn-ed-daula de dire 
en 364 (974-975) : ' J'ai aide Ibrahim ben el-Marzoban, et 
je 1'ai retabli en Adherbaidjan ; j'ai envoye mon ministre et 
mes troupes a son secours, et je ne lui ai pas demande un 
seul dirhem : tout cela en vue de la bonne renomm^e et 
pour la sauvegarde de la ge"nerosite"V" 

En 379 (989), Fakhr-ed-daula, fils de Rokn-ed-daula, 
s'empara de Samiran, ou se trouvait un enfant en bas age, 
Nouh ben Wehsoudhan, qui etaitsous latutelle de sa mere ; 
le Bouide epousa celle-ci et devint ainsi maitre de cette cita- 
delle 3 . C'est vers cette epoque que la forteresse fut visite"e 
par Moqaddasi, qui 1'appelle Samiroum et a remarque ses 
murailles, ornees de figures representant des lions dores, le 
soleil et la lune 4 . 



L'histoire ne nous apprend rien ni sur la fin du regne de 
Wehsoudan, ni sur celui de son petit-fils et successeur el- 
Marzoban II, fils de cet Ismail qui mourut avant son pere 
Wehsoudhan. Nous passonsdirectement au regne d' Ibrahim, 
fils d'el-Marzoban 1 1, contemporain de Mahmoud ben Subuk- 
Tegin, qui avait re$u du Khalife le titre de Y^min-ed-daula 
et avait fonde la dynastie des Ghaznevides. 

" En 420 (1029), Ibrahim avait pour domaine [les terri- 

1 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 422, qui abrege le texte d'lbn-Miskawai'h, t. vi, 
pp. 293-294. 

2 Ibn-el-Athir, t. viii, p. 480. 

3 Yaqoftt, t. iii, p. 149; Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire de la Perse, 
P- 3i9- 

4 G. le Strange, Eastern Caliphate, p. 226 ; Moqaddasi, p. 360. 

Les Mosafirides de rAdherbaidjdn 253 

toires de] Serdjihan 1 , Zendjan, Abhar, Chehrizour 2 , et autres 
places, dont il s'^tait empar apres la mort de Fakhr-ed- 
daula le Bouide. Quand le sultan Mahmoud s'empara de 
Rei, il envoya el-Marzoban ben el-Hasan ben Kharanis, 
descendant des rois du Dilem, qui s'etait refugie" aupres de 
lui, vers le pays du Salar Ibrahim, pour le conque"rir. II s'y 
rendit, et chercha a gagner les Deile'mites ; certains d'entre 
eux eurent de 1'inclination pour lui. 

" II arriva que Mahmoud retourna au Khor^san ; alors 
le Salar Ibrahim partit pour Qazwin ou se trouvait 1'armee 
du sultan ghaznevide : il la combattit, tua un grand nombre 
de soldats : le reste s'enfuit. II avait etc aide dans cette 
operation par les habitants du pays ; il se rendit aussi dans 
un endroit pres de Serdjihan, entoure de rivieres et de 
montagnes ; il s'y fortifia. 

" Mas'oud, fils de Mahmoud, qui etait a Re"i, apprit ce 
qui s'etait passe; il partit en hate pour le rejoindre; il y eut 
entre eux des e'venements ou la victoire resta au Salar 
Ibrahim. Puis Mas'oud envoya des messagers a une groupe 
[de soldats] de 1'armee de celui-ci et chercha a les attirer a 
prix d'argent ; ils acceuillirent ses ouvertures et lui indi- 
querent le point faible du Salar, et ils conduisirent une partie 
de 1'armee de ce dernier dans un chemin encaisse, 
pla^ant derriere elle ; ils tomberent sur le Salar Ibrahim le 
i er ramadan pendant que Mas'oud 1'attaquait par devant 
alors que [les traitres] se trouvaient sur ses derrieres ; le 
Salar et ses partisans, troubles, s'enfuirent et chacun chercha 
un refuge [de son cote] ; Ibrahim se cacha dans un endroit 
qui fut denonce" par une femme preposee aux bagages 
(sawddiyya\ Mas'oud le fit prisonnier et 1'amena devant 
Serdjihan, ou se trouvait son fils, et il lui demanda de lui 
livrer la forteresse, mais il s'y refusa. Alors le Ghaznevide 

1 Place forte dans les montagnes du Dei'lem, dominant la plaine de 
Qazwin, ainsi que les villes de Zendjan et d' Abhar. Elle a e'te detruite par 
les Mongols, au rapport de Hamdullah Mustaufi. Cf. Barbier de Meynard, 
Dictionnaire de la Perse, p. 307 et note i ; Yaqout, t. iii, p. 70 ; Le Strange, 
Eastern Caliphate, p. 223. Cette forteresse formidable a ete ruinee par 
les Mongols et remplacee depuis par (Jain-Qal'a. Cf. Mustaufi, Nuzhat- 
el-Qploub, p. 64. 

2 Chehrizour est situee entre Irbil et Hamadhan, en plein Kurdistan. 
Elle parait assez eloignee des territoires occupes par les Mosafirides; sa 
mention est peut-etre le resultat d'une erreur. 



abandonna son attaque, prit possession de ses autres chateaux 
et territoires, ainsi que de ses richesses ; il attribua une 
certaine somme au fils etabli a Serdjihan, ainsi qu'aux chefs 
Kurdes des environs ; puis il rentra a ReK 1 ." 

En 427 (1036), 'Ala-ed-daula, battu par les troupes de 
Mas'oud le GhazneVide qui formaient la garnison d'Ispahan 
sous les ordres d'Abou-Sehl el-Hamdouni, le ministre, se 
refugia a Boroudjird et de la a Taram, ou le fils du Salar 
refusa de le recevoir: "Je n'ai pas la force," lui dit-il, " de 
m'opposer aux Khorasaniens (c'est-a-dire aux troupes du 
Ghaznevide)." Alors il renonga a son projet 2 . 

En 434 (1042-1043), Toghrul-beg le Seldjouqide, con- 
tinuant ses conquetes, envoya un message au Salar de Taram 
pour 1'inviter a le reconnaitre comme suzerain et lui demanda 
de lui envoyer deux cent mille dinars ; la situation fut e" tablie 
entre eux sur la base de la vassalite', moyennant le paiement 
de quelque argent 3 . 

En 438 (1046), Nagir-i Khosrau visita Chamiran. Le 
prince qui y regnait se nommait Djestan fils d' Ibrahim et 
portait le surnom d'Abou-Qalih ; les pieces officielles lui 
donnaient les titres de marzobdn du Deilem et de Gil des 
Gils. Le chateau e"tait occupe par une garnison de mille 
hommes pris dans les families les plus considerables du pays. 
La se"curite etait grande dans la region ou le prince possedait 
de nombreuses forteresses ; on n'osait y commettre de vols 4 . 

C'est la derniere fois que Ton trouve mentionn^s les 
Mosafirides ; ils se sont probablement maintenus dans leur 
territoire montagneux, mais ils ne jouent plus aucun role : 
les Seldjouqides ont constitue" un grand empire qui r^tablit 
encore une fois, pour quelque temps, Tunit^ de 1'Iran. 

1 Ibn-el-Athir, t. ix, pp. 262-263. 

2 Id. opus, t. ix, p. 304. 
8 Id. opus, t. ix, p. 348. 

4 Ch. Schefer, Voyage de Nassiri Khosrau, pp. 15-16. 



Abhar, 240, 253 

Aboii- 'Abdallah el-Hosein ben 
Sa'id ben Hamdan, cousin de 
Nagir-ed-daula le Hamdanide, 238 

Abou - Abdallah en - No'aimi, 
ministre de Dai'sam, puis de 
Djestan, 242, 246 

Abou '1-Fadl ben el-'Amid, 
ministre de Rokn-ed-daula, 251, 
252 Voir Ibn-el-'Amid 

Abou '1-Hasan 'Obeidallah ben 
Mohammed ben Hamdoye, secre- 
taire de Djestan ben Charmzan, 
247, 248 

Abou '1-Qasim 'All ben Dja'far, 
ministre de Dai'sam, 231, 232 

Abou '1-Qasim ben Micheki, 250 

Abou-Sehl el-Hamdouni, ministre, 

Adherbaidjan, 228-233, 2 3 8 > 

241-243, 246-248, 250-252 
'Ala-ed-daula, 254 
< Ali ben Dja'far (Abou '1-Qasim). 

ministre de Dai'sam, 231, 232, 235 
*Ali ben el-Fadl, chef de"ilemite, 

<Ali ben Micheki, general de 

Rokn-ed-daula, 242, 243 
Ardebil, 235, 236, 242, 243, 246, 

Armenie, 228, 232, 243, 244, 248- 


Armeniens, 228 
Arran, 247 

Bab el-Abwab (Derbend), 243 
Bagdad, 238, 239, 243 
Bedouins, 238 
Berda'a, 236, 248 
Boroudjird, 254 
Boui'des, 228 

(Ja'louk ben Mohammed ben 
Mosanr, chef deilemite, 230 

Chabristan, citadelle de Berda'a, 

Chamiran, 254 Voir Samiran 

Chehrizour, 253 
Chir Asfar, administrateur de 
Someiram, 244, 245 

Dai'sam ben Ibrahim (Abou-Salim) 

le Kurde, 229-232, 234-236, 


Deilem, 229, 233, 250, 253, 254 
Deilemites, 230, 232, 234, 236, 

238, 240, 242, 253 
Dinawar, 240 
Djestan ben Charmzan, 246-248, 

250, 251 
Djestan, fils d'Ibrahim (Abo<}- 

alih), 254 
Djest^n, fils d'el-Marzoban, 246- 

Djestan ben Wehsoudhan (de la 

dynastie des Wehsoudhanides), 


Fakhr-ed-daula, fils de Rokn-ed- 
daula, le Bouide, 252, 253 

Ghaznevides, 252 
Gil des Gils, 254 

Hadjiq ben ed-Dtran! (Khatchik 

Gagik, roi d' Armenie), 232 
Haroun ech-Chari (le Kharidjite), 

el -H 

asan ben el-Firozan, 240 

Ibn Abi 's-Sadj (Yousouf), 230 

Voir Yousouf 
Ibn-el-'Amid, ministre de Rokn- 

ed-daula, 251, 252 Voir Abou 

Ibn-ed-Dirani, 244 Voir Hd- 


Ibn-H^djiq, 244 
Ibn-Hauqal, cite, 247 
Ibrahim, fils d'el-Marzoban, 246- 

248, 250-252 
Ibrahim II, 252, 253 
'Imad-ed-daula le Bouide, 240 
Iran, 254 



'Iraq, 248 

Ishaq, fils d"Isa ben el-Moktafi, 
pre'tendant ail khalifat sous le 

Isma'il, fils de Wehsoudhan, 249, 

Ispahan, 254 

Kharasoye, mere d'el-Marzoban, 


Kharidjites, 230, 232 
Khorasan, 239, 240, 253 
Khoras^niens, 251, 254 
Korr (Cyrus), fleuve, 236, 239 
Kurdes, 230, 232, 234, 241, 243, 

250, 251, 254 

Mahmoud ben Subuk-Tegin, 

Ye'min-ed-daula, 252, 253 
Man9our, fils de Qara-Tegin, 242 
el-Marzoban, fils de Mohammed 

ben el-Mosafir, 231-247 
el-Marzoban II, fils d'lsma'il, 252 
el-Marzoban ben el-^asan ben 

Kharanis, 253 
Mas'oud, fils de Mahmoud le 

Ghaznevide, 253, 254 
Meragha, 237, 248, 250^ 
Mis'ar ben Mohalhil, cite, 233 
Mohammed ben 'Abd-er-Razzaq, 


Mohammed ben Makan, 240 
Mohammed ben Mosafir, 229, 

231, 233, 241 
Mo'izz-ed-daula le Bouide, 239, 

240, 243 

Moqaddasi, cite, 252 
el-Mortada, de la famille de 

Mohammed, 247 
Mosafirides, 228 
Mossoul, 243 
el-Mostadjir-billah, pre'tendant 

au khalifat, 247, 248, 249 
el-Moti'-lillah, khalife abbaside, 

Moiiqan, 248, 249 

Na9ir, fils d'el-Marzoban, 246, 249, 

N^ir-ed-daula le Hamdanide, 

238, 239, 243 

Na9ir-i Khosrau, cite, 254 
Nifaq ben Charmzan, 248 et note 2 
en-No'aimi, 242, 247, 248 Voir 

Nouh le Samanide, 242 
Nouh ben Wehsoudhan, 252 

Ouroumiyya, 247, 249 
Qazwin, 240, 241, 253 

Rei, 239-241, 250, 253, 254 
Rokn-ed-daula le Bouide, 239- 

243, 245, 250-252 
Russes, 236-239 

Sallar, ou Salar, 229 
Salmas, 238, 243 
Samiran, 233, 252 
Samiroum, 252 Voir Samiran 
Seif-ed-daula le Hamdanide, 243 
Seldjouqides, 228*, 254 
Serdjihan, 253, 254 ~ 
Someiram, 241244 
Subuk-Tegin le Turc, 240 
Syrie, 243 

Taram, 229, 231, 236, 246, 247, 

250, 254 
Tebriz, 234 

Toghrul-beg le Seldjouqide, 254 
Tous, 242 
Touzoun, 238 
Turcs, 240 

Wehsoudhan (Abou-Man9our), 
fils de Mohammed ben el-Mosafir, 
231, 239, 241, 242, 246-249, 250 
et suivantes 

Wouchmgir, frere de Mardawidj, 
230, 242 

Yaqout, cite, 233 et passim 
Yousouf ben Abi 's-Sadj, 229, 230 
Voir Ibn Abi 's-Sadj 

Zendjan, 240, 242, 253 


'The Persians,' says Herodotus, 'honor their birthday 
above all other days,' and it is a pleasure to join in honoring 
the birthday of my friend Edward G. Browne, whose 
scholarly work in the field of Iran has made him half a 

During my fourth visit to the country which is so dear 
to his heart, I spent a week once again at Hamadan. Amid 
the busy days devoted to work connected with the American- 
Persian Relief Commission, more than a year and a half 
ago, I found one forenoon free to devote to visiting the 
tomb of the poet Baba Tahir 'Uryan, 'the Naked' and half- 
mad dervish, whose quatrains in the earlier half of the 
eleventh century have made him noted as one of the pre- 
decessors of 'Umar Khayyam. For a knowledge of his 
verses and dialect we owe much to Professor Browne, as 
well as to Huart, Heron-Allen, Mrs E. C. Brenton, Mirza 
Mehdy Khan, and others. But I do not happen to know 
of any description of the tomb where the dust of Baba Tahir 
has rested for nearly a thousand years. 

I mounted my horse betimes in the morning and, accom- 
panied by a ghulam, cantered off to make a sort of pious 
pilgrimage to the tomb which lies near to the outskirts of 
the northwestern section of the city. As I rode along, there 
kept running through my memory some of Baba Tahir's 
quatrains which I had long ago jingled into verse because 
they caught my fancy on account of their simplicity. Among 
them I recalled these on love : 

I am your taper weeping tears of fire, 

What else save that is a heart burned by desire ? 

All night I burn, all day I mourn in grief, 
Such nights and days 'tis thou who dost inspire. 

Or again this to his sweetheart : 

Thy tangled locks stream o'er thy cheek with art 
Rose joined with jasmine never found apart. 

But when thou dost those tangled strands divide, 
Clinging to every strand thou'lt find a heart. 

B. P. v. 17 


And once more, those lines beginning Agar dil dilbarah 
dilbar, etc., playing throughout on 'heart' and 'sweetheart,' 
which may possibly have something of a Sufi tinge : 

If heart is sweetheart, what's my sweetheart's name ? 
And whence heart's name, if sweetheart be the same ? 

Heart and sweetheart blend all in one, I see ; 
Nor know I which sweetheart or heart to claim. 

Yet a touch of bitterness or disappointment mars the 
finer poetic strain of the following quatrain : 

Seven days blush tulips on the hilltop ledge, 
Seven days bloom violets on the streamlet's edge. 

This truth I shall proclaim from town to town : 
' Seven days can rose-cheeked damsels keep a pledge ! ' 1 

Musing thus as my horse ambled along I found myself 
unexpectedly at the tomb, which stands slightly above the 

There is nothing whatsoever impressive about the struc- 
ture. It is a low building of brick, fifty feet square and 
about fourteen feet high 2 . There was no imposing fa9ade 
or any evidence of the tomb's ever having been surmounted 
by a dome ; only a small cupola-like elevation, built of mud 
and brick, rose above the righthand edge of the roof, and 
served apparently for ventilation, while a low conical con- 
struction of clay was erected on the ground close by the 
righthand corner of the building. The double-arched portal, 
which served as an entrance, was flanked on either side by 
arched recesses in the wall, the one of which, to the right, 
had a small latticed window, the other, to the left, an iron- 
grated doorway. A scraggy tree in front offered the only 
semblance of shade. 

Passing around to the left side of the tomb, whose wall 
rested here on a basement of rough brickwork, as the ground 
sloped a little on this side, there were noticed five window- 
spaces. The one nearer to the front and the two which were 
nearer the rear were shielded alike by rather artistic iron 
gratings ; the two smaller ones in the middle were screened 
by a lattice of brick that admitted light into the interior. 

1 For the Persian text of the quatrains which are here rendered, see 
Heron-Allen, The Lament of B aba Tahir y nos. 52, 40, 31, 50, London, 1902. 

2 The measurements of the base, as I took them in inches, were : front 
600 in., sides 600 in., rear 450 in. ; thus the back is somewhat narrower 
than the front. 

A Visit to the Tomb of B aba Tahir at Hamadan 259 

Piercing the basement-wall itself was a low crumbling arch 
of brick, not more than two feet high exposed, that formed 
an opening through which one could peer down into the 
dark impenetrable recess where was once the grave over 
which the tomb was probably later erected. 

The rear of the building, which was slightly narrower 
than the front, had two wooden doors, one on the extreme 
right and one in the middle, with an iron-screened window 
between them and two similarly screened windows to the 
left of the middle door. A small flower-garden at the back, 
enclosed by a wooden railing, showed signs of attention 
being given to the place. 

The fourth side of the tomb had no windows, but three 
wooden doors, and at a distance of ten feet from the wall 
was built a low square structure that served as a room or 
1 pavilion ' for a dervish (ptaq-i darvlsh it was called). 
There were some unmarked graves on this side ; a few 
flowers and vines conveyed again the impression of a certain 
amount of care. A couple of hundred yards distant was a 
domed grave, the earthly tenant of which had lived some 
eight hundred years ago, as I understood, and was named 
Khoris ? (Khurah ?) ibn 'All, so far as I could catch the 

By this time the Mullah in charge of the tomb had 
arrived from his home, not far away, having been sent for 
by the attendants. He was a kindly-disposed man, of about 
forty-five, and immediately unlocked the iron-studded doors 
into the tomb itself, and I stood in a moment within the 
place hallowed by Baba Tahir's memory. 

The room was spacious, twenty-five feet square, and 
took up one half of the building ; the remaining half, to the 
right, was given up to an unoccupied chamber. The vestibule 
to the sanctum was a hallway, running parallel with the front 
as far as the wall of this chamber ; it measured twenty-five 
feet in length by nine feet eight inches in breadth, and the 
floor was covered over with matting. A lattice screen of 
wood 1 , to which were tied bits of rags and shreds of ribbons 
that pilgrims had attached as souvenirs or as talismans for 
luck, enclosed the sepulchral space where stood three sar- 
cophagi or cenotaphs made of gach. The eye, glancing 
upward, observed that the low vaulted roof, about thirteen 
1 This screen measured 70 in. high by 99 in. long. 



feet high, was covered with a dull plaster that showed in 
spots the brickwork underneath, and was supported by 
pointed archways in the walls, while some broad honeycomb 
designs in the plaster, together with seven small niches for 
effect, lent the only architectural decorative feature. A door 
into the empty chamber on the right let in additional light. 

Of the three sarcophagi, the one farthest to the right 
was a low cenotaph covered with an elaborately inscribed 
stone that bore the name Hajji Mlrza 'All. 

The middle oblong cenotaph of gach, undoubtedly 
directly over the grave itself, was that of Baba Tahir. It 
measured six feet nine inches in length, two feet ten inches 
in width, and one foot six and a half inches in height ; but 
there was no inscription giving the dead poet's name. On 
the top there was merely a box containing old copies of the 
Qur'an, and near this stood a common blue European lamp, 
probably of Russian make, such as would be used in the 
kitchen or bedroom of a farmhouse. That was all ! 

The third sarcophagus, the one close to the left, being 
only two feet away and matching it exactly in style though 
slightly smaller in size, had also an interest, because it was 
stated to be that of Baba Tahir's sister, Fatima Layla (here 
pronounced * Lill '). The base of a metal candlestick, from 
which the taper had disappeared, stood at the foot. 

A flood of light for the hour had now reached noon 
made the whole sepulchre bright and sunny. There was 
little suggestion of the ' narrow grave' (gur-i tang), with 
its 'pillow of brick, clay, or stone,' or any of the added 
gruesome accompaniments which Baba Tahir pictured all 
too graphically in a gloomy quatrain forecasting his final 
resting place 1 . Far be it from saying that the place * might 
make one almost in love with death,' as Shelley said of the 
resting place of Keats in the Protestant Cemetery at Rome ; 
but there was a marked simplicity in it all, suitable to the 
simplicity which characterized Baba Tahir's own verses. 

I mounted my horse once more and rode away, carrying 
with me these thoughts of the scene and living memories 
of the dervish quatrain-poet of nearly a thousand years ago. 

1 For this unpleasant quatrain see Cl. Huart, Nouveaux Quatrains de 
Baba Tahir 'Urydn, no. 8, in Spiegel Memorial Volume, p. 295, Bombay, 


The Tomb of Baba Tahir at Hamadan 

Baba Tahir's Sarcophagus 


We rely for our more intimate knowledge of Ancient 
Arabian civilisation upon two main sources, the traditions of 
the prophet collected by a host of men who made it their 
special profession, and in a higher degree the poems of the 
poets who flourished before the time of Muhammed and for 
about a century later. The interest in the latter died away 
at a fairly early date and became the field of labour for a 
rather limited number of philologists who collected and 
commented the poems. These commentaries together with 
the biographical literature connected with the life of the 
Prophet and the traditionists form the second basis for our 
knowledge of this civilisation which finally played such an 
important part in the history of the human race. 

While it became a practice for the traditionists to establish 
an unbroken chain of authorities down to the Prophet him- 
self, this was not done for poetry, except in a few cases, to 
judge from the collections of poems handed down to us, and 
we generally have to be content with the assertion that 
certain readings were those of al-Asma% Abu 'Amr ash- 
Shaibani, Ibnal-A'rabi, Muhammad ibn Habib, al-Mufaddal, 
Abu 'Ubaida and a few other grammarians. These gram- 
marians, though cited as final authorities, are frequently said 
to have collected the Dlwan or collection of poems of a 
certain poet; very seldom, however, we learn whence they 
collected these poems. At the time the grammarians took 
the older poets in hand, the taste for poetry had already 
changed considerably ; we can ascertain this with a fair 
amount of certainty from the style employed by the poets 
contemporary with them of whom I need mention only 
Abu Nuwas, Abu Tammam and al-Buhturi; in addition 
anthologies had come into fashion. The ancient poetry was 
at the turn of the 2nd century of the Hijra the field for 
word-hunters which laid the foundation for the Arabic 


dictionaries of the 3rd and 4th centuries, and it was the merit 
of these grammarians to have preserved so many ancient 
collections of poems which would otherwise have perished, 
as the interest which evoked this early poetry had faded 
away with the memory of those times. Had not these 
grammarians and their pupils put these diwans on paper, 
practically the whole of this poetry would have perished 
within a further fifty years. 

If we accept this assertion as substantially true, we must 
enquire how much of the older poetry had been preserved 
up to the time when the grammarians took in hand the work 
of collecting and commenting. The general character of the 
older Arabic poetry is such that the poems were composed 
for some specific purpose, in general the praise of the tribe 
of the poet ; in the later periods also of individuals. How- 
ever, we find among the most ancient poems already some 
which apparently were composed to display the poet's art 
in composing works of a literary style in which he employed 
high-sounding words and difficult rhymes, which no doubt 
met with applause as this style in certain directions grew 
into a mania for cramming a poem with so many unusual 
words that it became almost unintelligible to an ordinary 
audience ; the poets who might be cited as examples are 
Tirimmah, al-'Ajjaj and Ru'ba. 

The method for making a poem widely known was the 
recital of the poem by the poet himself or by one of his 
followers or pupils, called the carrier (Rawl) ; the poet him- 
self being " the one endowed with knowledge " (Sha'ir). 
We find frequent references in Arabic literature to the 
recital of the poems by the poets themselves, and I refer 
only to the account given in the Kitab al-Agham 1 of the 
recital of the Mu'allaqa by al-Harith ibn Hilliza before 
King an-Nu'man and that of the Burdah by Ka'b ibn Zuhair 
before the Prophet. I have, however, to go to later times 
to get a further glimpse into the activity of the poets and 
their manner of reciting. In the Kitab al-Faraj ba'd ash- 
Shidda of Tanukhi 2 the poet al-Buhturi relates that he re- 
cited to the caliph al-Mu'tazz some verses while the latter 
was in prison. These verses the poet had originally dedicated 
to Muhammad ibn Yusuf ath-Thaghrl, then in prison, and 
1 Agh. ix, 178. 2 Vol. i, 89-90. 

Writing for the preservation of Ancient Arabic Poetry 263 

now made al-Mu'tazz believe that they were composed for 
him. Al-Mu'tazz took the sheet of paper (**3pt) on which the 
poem was written and handed it to a servant who was present 
for him to keep in safety. Later, when he had obtained his 
freedom and become caliph, al-Mu'tazz was reminded of the 
poem and counting the verses rewarded the poet with one 
thousand dinars for each verse ; 6000 dinars for the six 

The poetess Laila al-Akhyaliyya 1 had a poetical quarrel 
with the poet an-Nabigha of the tribe of Ja'da and after the 
customary practice she attacked the tribe of the poet with 
her lampoons. They, therefore, held a public council and 
decided to lodge complaint against the offender with the 
ruler of al-Madina, by which probably the caliph 'Omar or 
'Othman is meant. This being reported to Laila she com- 
posed further verses as a complement to her satire in which 
she says : 

News has reached me that a tribe at Shauran is urging forward jaded 
riding camels. 

Night and morning is their embassy journeying with a sheet of writing 
to get me flogged. What a bad piece of work (on their part) ! 

It appears that the people who were to lodge the com- 
plaint brought the offending piece of poetry with them in 

Qaisaba ibn Kulthum as-Sakunl 2 , a South Arabian chief, 
while intending to perform the pilgrimage to the Ka'ba in 
the_time before Islam, fell into captivity amongst the tribe 
of 'Amir b. 'Uqail where he pined for several years. The 
poet Abut-Tamahan al-Qaini happened to pass one day the 
place where Qaisaba was kept in fetters, who learning that 
Abut-Tamahan was about to journey to Yaman, made him 
undo the covering of his saddle and wrote in Musnad or 
Yamanite script verses which finally led to his rescue and 

It may be considered that these instances are isolated, 
and that after all the poetry of the desert was handed down 
by oral tradition and that the poems were composed and re- 
membered first by the poet himself and finally transmitted 
by his Rawl and, when the latter had died, by his tribesmen 

1 Agh. iv, I34 7 " 11 . Goldziher, Hutai'a, p. 19. 

2 Agh. xi, 130-131. 


who had either an interest in the preservation of the poem 
or admired it for the beauty of the diction. 

But we can get a further insight that writing was not so 
uncommon in Arabia as is generally assumed ; if we read 
the verses of poets come down to us, we find there very 
frequent references to writing and I give in the following 
only a few typical examples ; also that the art of writing 
had already attained a certain degree of perfection and that 
the poets had a sense for the beauty of ornamental writing. 
We find also that the older poets are not unacquainted 
with the use of writing and shape of letters. 

The Rajaz poet Abun-Najm says 1 : 

I came from Ziyad like one who is bereft of reason, 
My legs tracing different characters, 
Writing on the road a Lam-Alif. 

The author of the Khizana tells us that the poet was 
blamed for revealing the fact that he knew writing, by whom 
he does not say, but probably by the grammarians who had 
put up the thesis that poets did not possess the knowledge 
of writing. 

Very frequently in the earlier verses of a long poem the 
poet describing the deserted homestead compares the traces 
with writing or even with illuminated title-pages such as 
he may have seen in copies executed for wealthy lovers of 

Abu Du'ad al-Kilabi says 2 : 

To whom belong the remains of a dwelling like the title-page of a book, 
in the low ground of Ufaq or the low ground of ad-Duhab ? 

Al-Akhtal has seen old manuscripts 3 : 

Just as if they were, through the length of time which has passed, 
decayed leaves of a book which are spread out. 

1 Khiz. i, 48, Shawahid Mughni 

J - Of 

2 Bekri us 14 

ylijjt oi* jl ipl oi* * V&M oi^> J& J 
3 Dlwan, p. 156. 4 


Writing for the preservation of Ancient Arabic Poetry 265 

Qais ibn al-Khatlm says 1 : 

Do you know the traces (of a dwelling) like the lines of gilded (parch- 
ments) ? 

the word madahib being explained as skins on which are 
lines of writing in gold. 

Here we have one kind of material used for writing upon, 
while in the following verse of Imru'ul-Qais we get acquainted 
with another kind. He says 2 : 

To whom belong the traces of a dwelling-place which I saw and which , 

filled me with sorrow, resembling the hand-writing of a book upon South 
Arabian palm-bast ? 

Al-BatalyosI 3 in his commentary informs us that the 'aslb 
is the bast of the date palm stripped off the leaves and he 
adds that the Muslims at the time of the Prophet were using 
palm-bast and flat stones for writing, while Imru'ul-Qais >f 
specially mentions palm-bast because the people of Yaman 
were accustomed to write their deeds and agreements upon 
this material. 

Hatim of Tayyi' 4 puts it even plainer that he himself and t 
his audience were acquainted with writing and mentions 
another writing material in the following verse : 

Do you know the traces of dwellings and a dilapidated camp-trench 
which is like thy handwriting upon thin leather scribed in lines? 

Frequently we find, however, reference made to writing in 
another script than Arabic, a fact which has been interpreted 
as an admission of the poet's inability to read or write. The 
comparison, however, in these cases is more subtle ; the poet 
cannot make out the meaning of the traces of the dwelling 
just as he is unable to read a foreign script. Instances of this 
manner of allusion to writing are the following. 

Ash-Shammakh a poet of early Islam says 5 : 

Just as a Jewish Rabbi in Taima' writes Hebrew with his right hand, 
then draws lines (for further writing). 

1 Dlwan, ed. Kowalski, No. 4, v. i. 

2 Dlwan, ed. Ahlwardt, 63, v. i. 

3 Ed. Cairo, p. 100. 

4 Dlwan, ed. Schulthess, 42, v. i 

5 Dlwan, ed. Cairo, p. 26. 7 

i J OOx 


But much earlier al-Harith ibn Hilliza refers to another 
type of writing 1 : 

Whose were those homesteads at al-Habs which are effaced till their 
visible traces look like parchment-deeds of the Persians ? 

But if I could above refer to the poetal-Buhturi reciting 
his poem from the written sheet, we are also told that the 
poet 'Uqaila ibn Hubaira al-Asadi 2 who lived to the time 
of Mu'awiya handed the caliph a sheet (a*5;) on which he 
had written his verses, which probably were too emphatic in 
their expression to be recited publicly. 

The poet Dur-Rumma when reciting his poems asks the 
listener to write them down, for he says : 

A book does not forget or alter words or phrases which have taken the 
poet a long time to compose. 

The text of his Diwan in the oldest manuscript goes 
back to the poet himself. 

We are further told 3 thatan-Nu'man ibn al-Mundir, king 
of al-Hira possessed a collection (Diwan) of the poems by 
celebrated poets in his praise and that of his family and 
that this collection finally got into possession of the Omayyad 
kings, or at least partly. 

In Sukkari's commentary to the poems of Zuhair ibn Abl 
Sulma and his son Ka'b we are told that the collected poems 
of the family of Zuhair were preserved among the Banu 
Ghatafan because they resided among this tribe, though 
belonging to the tribe of Muzaina. 

We get, however, more information in other quarters. 
Zubair ibn Bakkar relates 4 on the authority of a son of 
JanVa the daughter of al-Kuthayyir, who said that among 
the books of his father containing the poems of Kuthayyir a 
certain poem was found. 

Finally Farazdaq 5 tells us clearly that he possessed a 
copy of the Diwan of the poet Labld ; that is, at a time 
before the oldest grammarians who are credited with the 
collecting of the ancient poems. 

Still more important, however, is the fact that for all 
ancient poems we have a large number of various readings. 

1 Mufaddaliyyat, ed. Thorbecke, 26, v. i. 2 Khizana i, 343. 

3 Jumahl, Tabaqat, ed. Hell, io ls ff. 4 Agh. vm, 30 bottom. 

5 Naq&id) p. 200. i. 

Writing for the preservation of Ancient Arabic Poetry 267 

A great number of these variants are no doubt due to care- 
lessness in handing down, whether caused by errors of hearing 
or writing, but there are quite a number of readings which 
can only be due to different interpretation of the unpointed 
letters of the very defective older Arabic script. Unfor- 
tunately only very few of the ancient collections of poems 
so far published contain really old glosses at first hand to 
enable us to point out to students these very important 
readings. I do not refer to the variants caused by careless 
writing at later periods, but the variants quoted by the 
earlier grammarians in the commentaries to the poems 
edited. As examples I cite only the following, which could 
be increased considerably by systematically going through 
the Diwans edited up to the present. 

_ . * Off. rt,t 

Diwan 'Amir, ed. Lyall, 4, v. 2 Ojut and Uj-t 
7, v. 12 jL^Jt and 

Hudali poems, ed. Kosegarten, 20, v. 2 ^oJ^oJU and ^a 

s f f f 

21, v. 8 UAW and UJL and 

t- x 

21, v. 1 6 ^ti and 

t- x f. x 


21 v. 21 <UAJt and 

fix J 

22 v. 2 ^Jiwt and 

xxx xxx 

22, v. 12 tjlkutf} and ^Usuoj and 

xxO x x 

Diwan 'Amr b. Qaml'a, i, v. 10 1 j^J and tju.t 


Diwan Mutalammis, i, v. 4 ^LfcXo .and 

x x 

I have taken these passages at random, but in all cases 
it is impossible that the variants can be anything but different 
interpretations of the unpointed written text of the poems 
at a time before the commentators began to explain the 

I might even go further to suggest that the composition 
of poems and the art of writing were clearly connected, and 
probably the poet was also the person who wielded the magic 
art of writing. In addition, the very rhymes of most Arabic 
poems are more evident to the eye than to the ear. Some 
poets took a pride in composing poems rhyming upon a 


letter which occurs only rarely at the end of words, as poems 
rhyming upon the letters ^o b and j. 

The Diwan of Abul-Aswad ad-Du'ali contains a small 
poem, No. 20 in Reseller's edition 1 , rhyming upon the letter > ; 
against the poet Abul-Jarud who, we are told, was unable 
to answer with a poem upon the same rhyme. As Abul- 
Aswad's life extended well into the time before Islam, we 
must assume that his striving after unusual rhymes was 
nothing new. It also seems to me to prove that letters and 
not sounds played a great part in the art of poetry, and I 
consider the subject important enough to be followed up 
further, as we may get more insight into the civilisation of 
Arabia before Islam. 

I need hardly point out that frequent reference is made 
in ancient poems to deeds and treaties being drawn up in 
writing, also that from several poets we know that they 
were Rawls of older poets and, we might add, their pupils 
in this art. With the art of writing the pupil, if gifted, 
was also initiated in the art of poetry. This might also 
account to a great extent for the schematic trend of thought 
with its recurring comparisons of the same subjects. Ancient 
Arabic poetry as preserved to us was not the free effusion 
of the soul, it was practically without exception an artificial 
utterance of the mind, expressed more or less skilfully in 
accordance with the talent of the poet. 

1 W. Z. K. M. 1913, p. 382. 



Im Jahre 1918 sandte mir G. Jacob eine kleine 
armenisch-tiirkische Handschrift, die er seiner Erinnerung 
nach vor etwa zwanzig Jahren in Konstantinopel durch 
Vermittelung von Garabed Karakasch erhalten hat. Diese 
Handschrift ist ziemlich deutlich geschrieben; sie ist wohl 
um die Zeit, in der Jacob sich in Konstantinopel befand, 
aufgezeichnet. Da ihr Inhalt mir der Beachtung wert 
erscheint, teile ich hier den Text in Urschrift und Umschrift 
mit und fiige eine deutsche Ubersetzung hinzu. 

Der Text in armenischen Buchstaben ist eine genaue 
Wiedergabe des Originals, dessen Schreibweise ich in alien 
Einzelheiten beibehalten habe; der Aufzeichner ist nicht 
immer konsequent gewesen, so z. B. in der Anfugung 
enklitischer Worter wie dir und ki an das vorhergehende 
Wort, im Gebrauche von itmek und etmek> virmek und 
vermek u. a. m. Die Umschrift schliesst sich der Urschrift 
getreu an ; nur ein paar Mai habe ich eine Verbesserung 
angebracht und durch ( ) bezeichnet, wo mir der Aufzeich- 
ner sich verschrieben zu haben scheint. 

In der Umschrift habe ich dasselbe System befolgt 
wie in meiner Schrift Das Maler spiel (Sitzungsberichte der 
Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch- 
historische Klasse, Jahrgang 1918, 8. Abhandlung). Nach 
dem armenischen Alphabet geordnet wiirde es sich also 
folgendermaassen darstellen. 

u, a fi i jj p r 

l *u n k 

kg t-t 

< h m b HL. u 

i^g us o 

2T/ ^v ^il 


Das velare n, fur das im Maler spiel ein eigenes Zeichen 
gebraucht ist, wird hier einfach durch 'u n wiedergegeben. 
Der i-Nachschlag des arabischen kaf wird hier durch (j) 

j l u l' 
iT hit; h 

Y"*- ^ 

{||/i*_ ^utitj hnj}hplfuiui hui^nJh li'liiini'h 


1. Evlilerle bekjarlaryn evsafyn 
Sojle fikr ejlejub qyldym dasitan 
Iki qysmyn dahi dilerek affyn 
Bir hosga nazm He idelim bejan 

2. Evel evli idub bekjare itab 
Dedi ne bu halin ejle bir hesab 
Bir kerre dusunki ej hane harab 
Bu hale irtikjab idermi insan 


1. Der Ehemanner und der Ehelosen Eigenarten 
Habe ich mir so iiberlegt und ein Gedicht gemacht. 

Und indem wir auch beide Geschlechter um Verzeihung bitten, 
Wollen wir nun in einem hiibschen Liede erzahlen. 

2. Zuerst schalt der Ehemann den Ehelosen 

Und sprach: "Was ist das mit dir? Gib dir einmal Rechenschaft ! 

Denke einmal daran, du Heimloser, 

Darf ein Mensch sich durch einen solchen Zustand versiindigen ? ' 

Ein turkisches Streitgedicht ilber die Ehe 271 

3 *'|./?""Y* m fa in ji *lilf m/'fi u^ufliui njtn i// tin/ /i 

"^f 1 "l nt ~ mjii^lilruM mnn ^oltui Ll^olih Jutn 
l^ a on 

rjii/jifni l^l^^ll u^tflt %/* "if* 

3. Bekjar dedi ne dir bana bu azar 
Sucum bekjarlyksa sojle asikjar 
Lakin bu diinja dyr g(Jo)na g(jo)m var 
Her kes birer jola olmada revan. 

4. Evli dedi faqat bu jolun carpyq 
Hem emr-i httdaje dejil mutabyq 
Ger olmaq istersen hiirmete lajyq 
Bekjar qalma evlen ben gibi heman 

5. Bekjar dedi coq uzatma sozii kes 
Senin gibi sasqyn dejil dir her kes 
Bujola her kimki itm(e}zse heves 
Basy dertden helas olmamys biran. 

Der Ehelose sprach : " Was geht mich dieser Tadel an ? 
Wenn die Ehelosigkeit meine Schuld ist, so sage es klar ! 
Aber so geht's in dieser Welt, sie ist von mancherlei Art ; 
Ein jeder wandelt seinen eigenen Weg." 

Der Ehemann sprach : " Doch dieser dein Weg ist krumm. 

Auch dem Befehle Gottes entspricht er nicht. 

Wenn du einer Frau wert sein willst, 

So bleib nicht ehelos, sondern vermahle dich wie ich sofort ! " 

Der Ehelose sprach : " Rede nicht viel ! Halt ein mit den Worten ! 

Nicht jeder ist solch ein Narr wie du. 

Ein jeder, der diesen [meinen] Weg nicht begehrt, 

Dessen Haupt ist nicht einen Augenblick frei von Schmerz." 





6. Evli dedi bekjar olmagyla sen 
Sanki berimisin derd u beladen 
Lakin hie olmazsa bazy bazy ben 
Coluq cogugumla siirerim devran 

7. Bekjar dedi qary ekmek tuz ister 
Mesel dir her seji derler diiz ister 
Janylyb juz versen iki jilz ister 
Bojle dir ekseri tajfe-ji nisvan 

8. Evli dedi bu soz itmez bir pare 
Sen evel gojniini virub serdare 
Bir qanaat ehli qadyngyq are 
Az coq qysmetini verirjaradan 

6. Der Ehemann sprach : " Dadurch dass du ehelos bleibst, 
Bist du so etwa frei von Schmerz und Ungemach ? 
Aber ich wenigstens kann mir bin und wieder 

Mit Weib und Kind die Zeit vertreiben." 

7. Der Ehelose sprach : " Die Frau will Brot und Salz. 

Es gibt einen Spruch: 'Alles so sagt man will er recht haben; 
Wenn du aus Versehen hundert gibst, so verlangt er zweihundert.' 
So ist meistenteils die Zunft der Frauen." 

8. Der Ehemann sprach : " Diese Worte sind keinen Pfennig wert 
Vertraue du dich zunachst einem guten Freunde an 

Und suche ein geniigsames Frauchen ; 

Dann wird der Schopfer dir wenig oder viel zu Teil werden lassen." 

Ein turkisches Streitgedicht ilber die Eke 273 

9- ^\kgkuup tnljinji ufiir uljOa u^u/Utu 

u {oj'b ni - l l* li 

nunl^ifl^u fj/ 

I iiini ii[iliiiiiiilt oiuuia li in ilium /i it/tiiiiti/i' 

u utiiuntSu 

fyftiT fiugkufb 

9. Bekjar dedi bu s'oz bana birader 
Bilmis olki itmez zerreze eser 
Ol zengtri taqyb boinuma aher 
Gihany basyma idemem zyndan. 

i o . Evli dedi pekjanlysdyr efkjaryn 
Asia zyndan olmaz jurdu qararyn 
Hatda eger buldun ise ajaryn 
Evin gennet olur iste ol zeman 

ii. Bekjar dedi ben her seji sezerim 
Sanma evlenibde jurek uzerim 
Azade basyma serbest gezerim 
Istedijim jerde iderim iskjan 

9. Der Ehelose sprach : " Diese Worte machen auf mich, o Bruder, 
Wisse es, nicht den geringsten Eindruck ! 

Ich mag nicht jene Kette an meinen Hals legen und schliesslich 
Die Welt fur mich zum Gefangnis machen." 

10. Der Ehemann sprach : "Ganz falsch sind deine Sorgen : 
Keineswegs wird dein Haus und Heim ein Gefangnis. 
Ja sogar, wenn du das Rechte findest, 

So wird dein Haus zum Paradiese, siehe, zur selben Zeit ! " 

11. Der Ehelose sprach : " Ich durchschaue alles ; 

, Glaube nicht, dass ich durch Heirat [mein] Herz plage ! 
Frei, mein eigener Herr, ziehe ich dahin. 
An jeder Statte, die ich wiinsche, siedle ich mich an." 

B.P.V. 18 


12. ^ t //t uil^uti uiu^t ulfli 

/tuifyufh [fU 

// ///y^// 

inonpni, uinp uiififui 

12. Evli dedi bilsen sen bu lezzeti 
6ehenneme tergih idub genneti 

Jaryndan tezi joq heman nijeti 
Dejisilb tezewiig idersin inan 

13. Bekjar dedi senin dedijin lezzet 
En cogu alty aj surer nihajet 
JBal ajlary geciib sonra aqybet 
Game tebdil olur o hal nagehan 

14. Evli dedi sozun dogru dyr amma 
Bu hali bilerek genab-y mevla 
Size bir masumgyq (e)jlejub ihda 
Ikinizi dahi ejler saduman 

12. Der Ehemann sprach : " Wenn du diese Wonne kenntest, 
So wiirdest du der Holle das Paradies vorziehen 

Und noch vor morgen sofort den Sinn 
Andern und dich vermahlen, glaube es ! " 

13. Der Ehelose sprach : " Die Wonne, von der du sprichst, 
Geht in allerhochstens sechs Monaten zu Ende. 

Wenn die Honigmonde voriiber sind, dann schliesslich 
Schlagt jener Zustand plotzlich in Kummer um." 

14. Der Ehemann sprach : " Deine Rede ist wahr, jedoch 
Da Gott der Herr dies alles weiss, 

So macht er euch ein kleines Kindlein zum Geschenk 
Und macht euch so alle beide gliicklich." 

Ein tiirkisches Streitgedicht uber die Ehe 275 

uiuliuiuiU ri (ti'niiiii(i 111111111 

** 0Ul III III Jill It 

1 6. ^r vUi '' OUUi utut 

[l'll II Itl'l, It'll 

"|| in^ini ijutjiui Ofntujt P^UII 

uiuiifuiu ffauutb 

15. Bekjar dedi o derd cekilmez hele 
Cocu(q) aglar ider siibhedek nale 
Bir jandan qoparyr qary velvele 
Bu gajleje artyq sen olde dajan 

1 6. IZvli dedi gevri olsa da anyn 
Cekilir cun gilvesi dir hildanyn 
Bejiidiikge artar omril insanyn 
Vara vara olur taze Mr givan. 

1 7. Bekjar dedi faqat omrun hie olur 
Bir der iken iki olur uc olur 
Anleri beslemek gajet gilc olur 
Mesarifden g'ozun acamaz insan 

15. Der Ehelose sprach : " Die Qual ist doch unertraglich. 
Das Kind weint und schreit bis zum Morgen. 
Von einer Seite her erhebt die Frau ein Geheul. 
Gegen solch ein Elend wehre du dich dann nur ! " 

1 6. Der Ehemann sprach : " Wenn auch solch Ungemach besteht, 
So wird es ertragen, da [dies] die Gnade Gottes ist : 
Das Alter des Menschen nimmt zu, in dem Maasse, wie er heranwachst; 
Und er wird mit der Zeit ein frischer Jiingling." 

17. Der Ehelose sprach : " Dein Leben geht aber dahin. 

Wenn du meinst, es ware nur ems, so werden es zwei, ja drei. 

Die zu ernahren ist sehr schwer ; 

Da kann vor Ausgaben der Mann sein Auge nicht auftun." 

1 8 2 


1 8. 











fuiuli ^^o^u 


1 8. Evli dedi bu dedijin hata dyr 
Anlerin ryzgyny veren mevla dyr 
Bekjarlyq bunlardan beter beladyr 
Zira son deminde qalyr upurjan 

19. Bekjar dedi ben bir zeni nejlerim 
Giinde bes on tanesini pejlerim 
Nerde aqsam ande sabah ejlerim 
Sefa hususynda benim dir mejdan 

20. Evli dedi bojle qalmaz bu ejjam 
Bir giin hastelenub olursyn bi gjam 
Belki ol dem senin meskjanyn engam 
Ja han kosesi dir vejahod kulhan 

18. Der Ehemann sprach : "Was du da sagst, ist 
Wer ihren Unterhalt gibt, ist Gott der Herr. 

Die Ehelosigkeit ist ein schlimmeres Ungemach, als jene [es sind] ; 
Denn beim letzten Atemzuge bleibt [der Hagestolz] mutterseelenallein." 

19. Der Ehelose sprach : "Was soil ich mit einer Frau machen? 
Jeden Tag kann ich mir fiinf bis zehn von ihnen bestellen ! 

Wo ich den Abend [verbringe], dort verbringe ich auch den Morgen. 
Im Bereiche des Vergniigens da gehort mir das Feld." 

20. Der Ehemann sprach : "So bleibt es nicht immer. 
Eines Tages wirst du krank und ungliicklich. 
Vielleicht ist dann dein letzter Aufenthalt 

Entweder einer Herberge Ecke oder ein Aschenhaufen." 

Ein tiirkisches Streitgedicht iiber die Ehe 

21 ' G\jllU[l ill/, ill [i Ufty O^ " 


\\MJ_ uf 

onni_ tnuiiult 



21. Bekjar dedi ben ol sozlere ujmam 
Bilmedijim qusyn tiijlerin sojmam 
Sag basymy kitab altyna qojmam 
Bu jahsi halimi idememjaman 

22. Evli dedi jahsi jaman demisler 
Bu hususda cogu jalan demisler 
Disi qus dyr juva japan demisler 
Bu meselifikr et qyl vird-i zeban 

23. Bekjar dedi var git be hej divane 
Her vaqyt beladyr qary insane 
Bir kere diisiinki fejlesofane 

Hie qary qysmyna olur my guman 

21. Der Ehelose sprach : " Nach solchen Worten richte ich mich nicht. 
Einem Vogel, den ich nicht kenne, reiss ich die Federn nicht aus. 
Mein heiles Haupt lege ich nicht auf den Ehekontrakt. 

Dies mein schones Leben mache ich nicht zu einem elenden." 

22. Der Ehemann sprach : " Man redet [viel] Gutes [und] Schlechtes. 
[Aber] hieriiber pflegen die Meisten Liigen zu reden. 

' Der weibliche Vogel ist's, der das Nest baut,' so sagt man. 
An dies Sprichwort denk und das scharfe dir ein ! " 

23. Der Ehelose sprach : " Ach geh doch, o du Narr ! 
Jederzeit ist die Frau fur den Mann ein Ungliick. 
Denk doch nur einmal daran, ob den Philosophen 
Je nach dem Frauengeschlechte der Sinn steht ! " 


24. 1W//* Ul^Ulfl "ff'l_ uljOtjflL^UflL-. Ul l/tl/ fllillllfl 

25. *'!./? ^"Y* m^unfi utjtb^ 

26. \^*[b mljinfi uftunuj-fib <^u/^uj i^p "{[if 

i uhi__i 
///////// hp~ in hi ttb ^ onfiut^uftli 

24. Evli dedi bil sozunii a murdar 
Gumlesine birden ejleme azar 
Anlerin icinde ojleleri var 

Kim zaty melajyq dimemde sajan 

25. Bekjar dedi dinle a balqabagy 
Ojlesi dejildir qazyn ajagy 
Melajyq dejil a hatda bajagy 
Serlerinden qacar pabugsyz sejtan 

26. Evli dedi sydqyn haqqa ver bir jol 
Meraq itme sen tevekkul iizre ol 
Bir helal sud emmisini ara bul 
Qprqma itdijine olmazsyn pisman 

24. Der Ehemann sprach : " Bedenk was du sagst, du Schmutzkerl ! 
Tadle doch nicht alle auf einmal ! 

Unter ihnen gibt es manch eine der Art, 

Dass ich ihr Wesen als das eines Engels bezeichnen kann." 

25. Der Ehelose sprach : " Hore, o du gelber Kiirbis, 
So lauft der Hase nicht ! 

Nicht nur ein Engel, sondern sogar der Teufel 
Lauft vor ihrer Bosheit barfuss da von." 

26. Der Ehemann sprach : " Gib dem Rechte der Wahrheit die Ehre ! 
Sei nicht angstlich, fasse Gottvertrauen ! 

Geh hin, suche eine, die erlaubte Milch getrunken hat ; 
Fiirchte nicht, dass du dein Tun bereuest." 

Ein turkisches Streitgedicht uber die Eke 

2 J. ^I|.?^"Y uiljunfi y//yy/ 


\ M J 




ni tim ilium 



27. Bekjar dedi qary isini saglar 
Ojle soz sojler ki gijerin daglar 
Ajda bir fistanym joq deji aglar 
Sen insaf et buna dajanyrmy gan 

28. Evli dedi vaqa bu soz gercek dir 
Lakin esasyny bilmek gerek dir 
Qarylary kotu iden erkek dir 
Bunu teslim ider giimle aqilan 

29. Bekjar dedi gel hemefkjar olalym 
Vatyb bizim Bidarii bulalym 
Bu hususda bir nasihat alalym 
Zira milgerreb dir ol ehl-i ilrfan 

27. Der Ehelose sprach : " Die Frau setzt ihre Sache durch. 
Sie redet solche Worte, dass sie dein Herz zerreisst. 
Jeden Monat ruft sie weinend : ' Ich habe keinen Rock.' 
Sei doch gerecht : ' Kann die Seele solches ertragen ? J " 

28. Der Ehemann sprach : " In der Tat dies Wort 1st richtig. 
Doch muss man auch die Griinde davon erkennen. 
Wer die Frauen schlecht macht, das sind die Manner. 
Das geben alle Verstandigen zu." 

29. Der Ehelose sprach : " Komm, wie wollen uns verstandigen ! 
Wir wollen hingehen und unseren Bidari suchen. 

Uber diese Frage wollen wir guten Rat uns holen ; 
Denn erfahren ist jener Mann des Wissens. 



fUtn^ uiut[u[i ufn 

30. Ejilere asla bicilmez qyjmet 
Amma kotulerin geddine lanet 
Gerek qary gerek erkek nihajet 
Ikisinde dahi bulunur noqsan 

30. Den Guten wird nie [ihr] Wert verkiirzt ; 
Aber die Schlechten seien verflucht ! 
Sei es Frau, sei es Mann, im Grunde 
Finden sich doch auch bei beiden Mangel." 

Einegenauere Untersuchung liber Schrift, Sprache und 
Inhalt dieses Streitgedichts muss hier unterbleiben. Uber 
Schrift und Sprache des Armenisch-Tiirkischen vergleiche 
man die Studien zum Armenisch-Tiirkischen von F. von 
Kraelitz-Greifenhorst (Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserl. Aka- 
demie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-histo- 
rische Klasse, 168. Band, 3. Abhandlung, Wien 1912) sowie 
Teil ii meiner oben genannten Schrift Das Malerspiel. 
Die in unserem Streitgedichte vorkommenden Sprlich- 
worter und spriichwortlichen Redensarten, wie z. B. in V. 7, 
21, 22, 25, 26, miissten von einem genaueren Kenner des 
volkstlimlichen tiirkischen Sprach turns auf Herkunft, Form 
und Bedeutung untersucht werden. Der Fluch in V. 30 
" Aber die Schlechten seien verflucht," wortlich " Aber tiber 
der Schlechten Grossvater [sei] Fluch," ist wohl durch das 
Arabische beeinflusst. Verwiinschungen wie " Gott ver- 
fluche deinen Vater und deinen Grossvater," ja sogar auch 
" und den Grossvater des Vaters deines Grossvaters " sind 
miraus arabisch sprechenden Landern ganz bekannt. Hier 
deuten auch die arabischen Worter gedd und lanet darauf 
hin. Die gemeinen Fliiche des niederen tiirkischen Volks, 
die meist mit sikdim endigen, durften natiirlich in ein 
Gedicht, das zwareinige Schimpfworter enthalt (V. 24, 25), 
aber im allgemeinen die gute Form wahrt, nicht aufge- 
nommen werden; sie sind jedoch so bekannt, dass im 
Neuarabischen ein neues Verbum saktam "fluchen" daraus 
gebildet wurde, wie ich bei Schmidt- Kahle, Volkserzah- 
lungen aus Palastina, Gottingen 1918, S. 282, angemerkt 

Ein tiirkisches Streitgedicht uber die Eke 281 

Nur einige kurze Bemerkungen liber das Streitgedicht 
als solches und liber das Thema unseres dasitan mogen hier 
Platz finden. 

Wie Elbe" in seinem ausgezeichneten Aufsatze Oder 
persische Tenzonen (Verhandlungen des Flinften Interna- 
tionalen Orientalisten-Congresses, Berlin, 1882, Zweiter 
Theil, S. 48 ff.) nachgewiesen hat, stammt die literarische 
Ausbildung der munazarcf " Streitgedicht, Tenzone " aus 
Persien. Ihr erster und bedeutendster Vertreter war der 
altere Asadi, der Zeitgenosse Firdausl's ; uber ihn vgl. auch 
A Literary History of Persia from Fir daw si to Sa'di, 
by Edward G. Browne, S. 148 f. Es ist wahrscheinlich, 
dass Asadi der Erfmder dieser Literaturgattung ist. Natlir- 
lich kann er an arabische naqaid angeknlipft haben ; aber 
dies sind doch zunachst Dichterwettkampfe, wie sie aus 
alien Landern bekannt sind und wie sie auch heute noch im 
Orient vorkommen. Ein paar neuarabische Beispiele finden 
sich in meiner Neuarabischen Volkspoesie (Abhandlungen 
der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Got- 
tingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, Neue Folge, Bd. v, Nro. 3, 
1902), S. isof. ; sehr viele sind in meinen Tigre-Liedern 
enthalten (Publications of the Princeton Expedition to 
Abyssinia, Vol. in, iv, Leyden 1913-15). Andererseits sind 
Erzahlungen von Kampfen zwischen Tieren, Baumen, 
Naturgewalten im Orient auch wohl schon vor Asadi beim 
Volke beliebt gewesen ; diese Erzahlungen konnen auch 
eingestreute Verse enthalten haben. Ein Beispiel daflir 
aber aus ganz moderner Zeit ware etwa The Tale of the 
Ape and the Gazel in meinen soeben genannten Publica- 
tions of the Princeton Expedition, Vol. n, p. 28 f. Dort 
streiten sich Affe und Gazelle liber ihre Lebensweise, und 
nachdem die Gazelle die Trinkstellen des Affen kennen 
gelernt hat, ruft sie 

" May thy drink be bad, o Ab-Gaharu ! 
My drink is the breeze, the stormy wind, too." 

Der Affe aber antwortet 

" May thy drink be bad, o little gazel ! 
My drink is the spring, the pit and the well." 

In Geschichten wie dieser kann man primitive Vorstufen 
zu der literarischen munazara des Asadi erkennen. 

1 Arabisch auch mu l ataba, mufdhara und muhawara. 



Dieser verfasste seine Streitgedichte in der Form der 
qaslda. Darin folgte ihm Fahr ud-Dm (n. Jahrh. n. Chr.) 
dessen " Wettstreit zwischen Feder und Schwert " von Eth6 
a. a. O., S. 118 ff. veroffentlicht und ubersetzt wurde. Dies 
Thema scheint auch bei den Arabern frlih beliebt geworden 
zu sein; denn Ahlwardt flihrt in seinem Verzeichnis der 
Arabischen Handschriften der Kgl. Bibliothek zu Berlin, 
Bd. vn, S. 555, eine ganze Reihe von Bearbeitungen auf, 
deren eine, Nr. 8596, 2, bis ins n. Jahrh. n. Chr. zurlick- 

Uber den moglichen Zusammenhang des persischen 
Streitgedichts mit den Tenzonen des mittelalterlichen Eu- 
ropas, namentlich den prove^alischen und englischen, hat 
Ethe* auf S. 51 ff. gehandelt. Er hat dann aber auch die 
Weiterentwicklung des Streitgedichts innerhalb der per- 
sischen Literatur in meisterhafter Weise kurz skizziert. 

An diese Weiterentwicklung wird auch die Forschung 
liber die modernen tlirkischen und arabischen munazarat 
anzukniipfen haben. Wahrend aber im modernen Persien 
die selbstandige munazara Lieder in Mathnavl- Baits bevor- 
zugt, scheint die tlirkische und arabische, nach den mir 
bekannten Beispielen zu urteilen, solche in Strofengedichten 
gewahlt zu haben. Das Streitgedicht erfreut sich im 
modernen Orient noch immer grosser Beliebtheit. So habe 
ich in Cairo vier Streitgedichte in neuarabischer Sprache 
aufgezeichnet : i. Streit zwischen Katze und Mausen; 2. 
Streit zwischen Schuhmacher und Schulmeister; 3. Streit 
zwischen Eisenbahn und Telegraph; 4. Streit zwischen 
Telephon und Telegraph. Sie sind in kleinen meist schlecht 
lithographierten Heftchen in Agypten gedruckt; ich habe 
sie mir diktieren und erklaren lassen und hoffe sie mit 
meinen anderen Cairiner Sammlungen aJJI *lw &\ einmal zu 
veroffentlichen. Alle vier sind in vierzeiligen Strofen ge- 
dichtet ; Nr. i hat durchgehenden Reim jeder einzelnen 
Strofe, Nr. 2-4 haben die ubliche Form aaax, bbbx, cccx 
u.s.w., also dieselbe Form wie unser dasitan^. Nach meinen 

1 Das Streitgedicht von Schwiegermutter und Schwiegertochter, das ich 
im Journal Asiatique, Juli-August 1903, herausgegeben habe, ist nach 
demselben Prinzip gebaut, hat aber zwei Doppel verse als matta'-Strofe 
und dann Strofen zu je vier Doppelversen mit Innenreim. Uber Schwieger- 
mutter und Schwiegersohn in Abessinien vgl. auch Publ. Princet. Exped. 
Vol. n, p. 61. 

Ein tilrkisches Streitgedicht uber die Ehe 283 

Erkundigungen werden sie aber nicht mehr munazara oder 
ahnlich (s. oben S. 281) genannt, sondern einfach qissa 
" Erzahlung." 

Bei diesen neuarabischen Streitgedichten wird wie bei 
vielen Erzeugnissen der yolksttimlichen Muse kein Ver- 
fasser genannt. Aber die Uberschrift des tiirkischen dasitan 
gibt einen gewissen Bidari als Verfasser an. Diese Uber- 
schrift lautet Bidarinin. Evli He bekjaryn dasitany\ das 
kann nur ubersetzt werden " Von Bidari ein Lied liber den 
Ehemann und den Ehelosen." Zum Uberflusse steht als 
erste Zeile des Manuscripts noch in ungeschickter latei- 
nischer Schrift Dasitan. evli ilt Bdkiaren. p. Bidar. Also 
hat der Aufzeichner den Bidari als Verfasser angesehen. 
Ein solcher Dichter ist mir jedoch nicht bekannt geworden, 
und auch F. Giese teilte mir auf meine Anfrage mit, er 
kenne ihn nicht. Es ist daher moglich, dass der Aufzeichner 
aus Strofe 29 einen falschen Schluss gezogen hat. Er hatte 
dann angenommen, in dieser vorletzten Strofe habe der 
Verfasser sich genannt wie in den Ghazelen, und Strofe 30 
sei ein tag bait, dessen Bedeutung als " Zusatzvers nach 
dem Verse mit dem Namen des Verfassers " mir von 
G. Jacob mitgeteilt wurde. Auch Asadl hat im letzten 
Verse seiner Tenzone " Musulman und Parse " seinen 
eigenen Namen genannt, wie Ethe a. a. O., S. 67 u. 
bemerkt; aber er hat sich darin nicht selbst zum Schieds- 
richter gemacht. Und das hat nach dem Wortlaute von 
Strofe 29 Bidari getan, wenn er der Verfasser ist. So wird 
der " Streit zwischen Opium und Tabak," nach Ethe" S. 74, 
vom Dichter selbst dadurch geschlichtet, dass er beide als 
seine besten T roster und Sorgenbrecher mit gleichem Lob- 
preise uberschuttet. In den alteren Streitgedichten wird 
jedoch gegen Ende eine hochgestellte Personlichkeit als 
Schiedsrichter genannt und dann deren Lob gesungen. 
Dass nun in der Tat Bidari als Dichter des dasitan an- 
gesehen werden soil, darauf deuten noch zwei andere 
Momente: (i) die Form des Namens, der deutlich ein ta- 
hallus ist; (2) der Ausdruck "unser Bidari," den der Ehelose 
in seinem Schlussworte gebraucht, denn das kann wohl nur 
heissen "unser Dichter, der uns reden lasst." Wenn der 
gute Bidari sich selbst als ehl-i iirfan " Mann des Wissens " 
bezeichnet, so darf man es ihm wohl nicht weiter veriibeln. 


Er sprache dann in der letzten Strofe das versohnende 
Schiedsrichterurteil aus, dass die Guten gelobt, die Schlech- 
ten aber verwlinscht werden sollen, und dass die beiden 
Geschlechter eigentlich keinen Grund haben, sich eins iiber 
das andere zu iiberheben, da Manner sowohl wie Frauen 
ihre Mangel haben. Damit vergleiche man den Schlussvers 
von The Debate and Stryfe between Somer and Wynter 
(nach Ethe,' S. 57), wo der Sommer sagt: 

" Wynter by one assent our great stryfe let vs ceas, 
And together agre we, and make a fynall peas ; 
God that create this worlde and made bothe the and me, 
Let vs pray to hym to send vs a good ende. Amen for charite." 

Wenn wir so in der sprachlichen und dichterischen 
Form unseres dasitan ein echt morgenlandisches Gewachs 
erkannt haben, so deutet doch sein Inhalt auf moderne 
europaische Einfliisse, ebenso wie oben Eisenbahn, Tele- 
graph und Telephon. Das Problem der Ehe und der 
Ehelosigkeit ist hier zwar sehr naiv erortert, ohne eigentlich 
in die Tiefe zu gehen, aber doch so, dass die Gedankengange 
nicht etwa auf orientalisches Monchtum oder auf Geschichten 
wie die von Kamar ez-Zaman in 1001 Nacht, sondern auf 
verwandte Dinge im Leben der europaischen Volker weisen. 
Auch G. Hoffmann in Kiel sprach sofort eine ahnliche Ver- 
mutung aus, als ich ihm von dem Inhalte des Streitgedichtes 
erzahlte. Sogar ein drusischer Sanger im Libanon beruft 
sich auf das " frankische " Urteil iiber die Frauen; vergl. 
meine Neuarab. Volkspoesie, S. 151, Z. 11. Andererseits 
fiel mir in Cairo eine Posse in die Hande, die den Titel 
tragt ^5*^ 5*3 j>3l $ " Ich heirate nicht, wenn man mich 


auch hangen will," und die ihre Beziehungen zu Europa 
schon dadurch verrat, dass in der Einleitung von der 
Abstammung des Menschen vom Affen die Rede ist. 

Zum Schlusse spreche ich den Herren G. Jacob, R. 
Tschudi, H. Ritter und Nedjati Bey, durch die ich im Ver- 
standnis des tiirkischen Textes mehrfach sehr gefordert bin, 
meinen herzlichen Dank aus. Moge dieser Beitrag zur 
Festschrift fur einen englischen Gelehrten, der stets fur die 
Internationalitat der Wissenschaft und fur das Selbstbestim- 
mungsrecht der morgenlandischen Volker charaktervoll 
eingetreten ist, ein Zeichen der Hochachtung und Dank- 
barkeit fiir mannigfache Belehrung sein ! 



(rendered into English in the metre of the original) 

This interesting poem is one of the two, or according to 
others three, compositions which were considered by the 
ancient critics worthy to be ranked with those chefs d'ceuvre 
selected by Hammad ar-Rawiyah under the name of the 
Mu l allaqat, and superior to some of those included in the 
chosen seven. Its text, as translated, is that contained in my 
edition of Ten Ancient Arabic Poems, Calcutta, 1894. 

The poem must date from some time not long subsequent 
to the battle of Dhu Qar, which was probably fought about 
610 or 6 1 1 A.D., and is referred to in v. 62. Its object is to 
convey an angry rebuke to Yazld [b. Mus-hir] Abu Thubait, 
a chief of the tribe of Shaiban, one of the strongest and most 
celebrated divisions of the group of Bakr ibn Wa'il, who is 
accused of stirring up mischief between the author's tribe 
of Qais ibn Tha'labah and his own kin of Shaiban. The 
various tribes which constituted the Bakrite group were by 
no means always on friendly terms together; as noted below 
against v. 47, the Mufaddallyat contains two poems showing 
that a bitter quarrel, ending in bloodshed, had occurred 
between Shaiban and Yashkur. As to the facts of the dispute 
dealt with by al-A'sha the story given in the Aghani, viii, 100, 
on the authority of Abu 'Ubaidah, is as follows. A certain 
man of the family of Ka'b b. Sa'd b. Malik (al-A'sha's house) 
named Dubai', who was of weak intellect, killed a man named 
Zahir, belonging to the tribe of Dhuhl b. Shaiban. Yazld 
son of Mus-hir, chief of Shaiban, forbade his clansmen to 
slay Dubai' in requital for Zahir, but incited them instead 
to kill a chief of the house of Sa'd b. Malik. On this coming 
to the ears of al-A'sha, he composed this ode in reply. 

The poem follows the customary scheme of a qasldah. 
Of its sixty-four verses, only the last twenty-one treat of its 
main purpose. The introductory naslb is unusually long, 
eighteen verses. Then follows a section in which the poet 

286 C. J. LYALL 

gives a sketch of his own life and its ideals, w. 1932. 
A short section, which may perhaps have lost some verses, 
begins to treat of desert journeys and the merits of the 
poet's camel (w. 33-35), but is very soon broken off for the 
description of an approaching rainstorm, with a recital of 
the lands in al-Yamamah belonging to al-A'sha's tribe which 
its waters may be expected to invade. The pictures in each 
of these sections are of astonishing vividness and vigour, 
and the whole poem is full of individuality. The lady called 
Hurairah ("Kitten") is stupidly said by al-Yazldl 1 to have 
been a black slave-girl belonging to Hassan b. 'Amr b. 
Marthad. This is inconsistent with the first two words of 
v. 2, in which she is described as gharrau, far'd'u, "white 
and broad-browed, long-haired." Another statement, that of 
Abu 'Ubaidah, is that she was one of two singing-girls 
named Hurairah and Khulaidah, sisters, belonging to Bishr 
b. 'Amr b. Marthad, a cousin of al-A'sha's (seethe genealogical 
table in Mufaddt. ii, p. 166, and id. p. 216). It is quite 
possible that she may have been some ideal drawn by the 
poet out of his imagination. In v. 19 she is called Umm 
Khulaid, and the whole picture suits better a free-born Arab 
woman than a slave. 

The ode has been rendered into French by Silvestre de 
Sacy in vol. nof his Chrestomathie Arabe (1826), pp. 464 ff. 
A translation in German was promised by Prof. Geyer of 
Vienna in his Zwei Gedichte von al-A'sd (1905), but so far 
as I know has not yet appeared. Vv. 25-31 have been given 
an English form in Dr Nicholson's Literary History of the 
Arabs ( 1 907), p. 1 25. I am not aware of any other rendering 
in a European language. 

1. Good-bye, Hurairah ! the train of laden camels is sped : 

but canst thou bear a good-bye, O man that art but a man ? 

2. Clear-browed, long-haired, in her mouth the rows of teeth trim and white, 

full gently treads she, as one sore-footed limps through the mire. 

3. Straight on she walks when she goes some day to visit a friend, 

as moves a cloud in the sky no hurry, no, nor delay. 

4. Whenas she turns, thou mayst hear her trinkets tinkle and chime, 

as when the breeze with a gust sets rustling seed-pods of broom. 

1 Agh. viii, 79. 

The Mu'allaqah of Maimun al-A'sh& 287 

5. Not she a girl whose approach the neighbours like not to see, 

not one to spy on her folk and carry secrets abroad. 

6. When goes she forth to her friends, she rises languorously : 

but for the effort she makes it seems as though she would fall. 
8. Her girdle hangs slack and loose : elsewhere, well fills she her shift ; 
she moves to greet thee her waist seems almost ready to snap. 

10. Full-bodied, youth at its prime, her elbows well-clad and round, 

she steps as though over thorns her feet walked delicately. 

11. Whenas she rises, the waves of musk fill the ambient air, 

and from her sleeves, as she goes, the scent of zambaq is spread. 

12. No mead of those in the Upland, lush with upspringing grass 

a sea of green where the rain has quickened life to the full 

13. Its bloom laughs forth to the Sun, that joyful laughs in return, 

waist-high its fullness of blossom, rich with all at its best 

14. One day is sweeter than she in fragrance spreading around, 

nor is it fairer than she what time still evening falls. 

15. Unsought I fell to her charm: another man had her heart, 

not I; and his to another maiden straitly was bound : 

1 6. Another maid pined for him he would not give her a thought : 

for her a cousin had died from pangs of love unrepaid. 

17. And me there loves me a girl for whom no kindness I feel : 

so tangled love to us all ah, what is love but a plague ? 

1 8. Each one is bound by a spell, and dotes in vain on his fere : 

far off or near though he be, hunter and hunted are one. 


19. Hurairah will nought of me no, not so much as a word : 

ah, foolish one ! if she love not me, then whom should she love ? 

20. She saw, it seems, but a man weak-eyed, on whom there had played 

the guile of Fortune, and Time that brings all things to decay. 

21. Hurairah said, when I came to press my suit upon her, 

" Ah, woe upon thee, O man, and woe* from thee unto me! " 

22. Yea, if thou seest us unshod, bare-footed seeking thy door, 

'tis so with me and my like, now bare-foot, now fully shod. 

23. Sometimes I grasp at the moment when the master's asleep : 

sometimes he knows me at hand though warned, he cannot escape. 

24. Now lead I Lightness about it follows whither I go : 

now are my comrades the eager wanton servants of joy. 

25. Some morning early I seek the wineshop, close at my heels 

a cook, quick, nimble, adroit to set the feast in array, 

26. With youths like Indian blades keen-hearted well do they know 

that Death shall take everyone, bare-footed be he or shod. 

27. I pass to them basil boughs, on cushions lying reclined, 

and wine 'twixt acid and sweet its strainer never goes dry. 

28. No patience know they, but ever steadfast stick to the wine, 

their word nought but "Pour again!" however often they quaff. 

288 C. J. LYALL 

29. The wine is served by a boy who hands the glasses, alert, 

with knots of pearl in his ears, his shirt tucked up in his belt; 

30. A lute there answers the harp so seems it, waked by its note, 

what time a girl, loose of gown, trills forth her quavering song. 

31. There too are damsels who proudly trail skirts purfled with silk, 

and others walk mid the guests with wine-skins borne on their hips. 

32. Yea, all these things know I well, life's best of pleasure and play: 

from me seek learning of love long years have taught me its laws. 


33. Yea, many the desolate land, bare as the back of a shield, 

wherein one listened at night to booming voices of Jinn 

34. None travelled there in the days of summer burning with heat 

save those who, when they attempt a venture, think it out well 

35. Have I crost all its extent, my camel spare, strong and smooth 

of pace, fore-arms well apart from trunk, no ulcer to fear. 


36. Enough ! seest thou there beyond the cloud-mass heaped as we gaze, 

where in its sides fly the darts of lightning's flickering flame ? 

37. A mighty backing it has, a middle broad, full of play, 

and girded round with a belt of buckets charged with a flood. 

38. No pleasure holds me from watching grow its promise of rain, 

no glow and sweetness of wine, no business, little or great. 

39. Then, as they drank, to my fellows there in Durna I said 

well drunken had they "Behold! where falls the oncoming rain?" 

40. "Numar," they said, "then the Vale of al-Khal both will it fill: 

"al-'Asjadiyah, and then Abla, and then ar-Rijal; 

41. "With it as-Safhu will flow, then Khinzlr, then its rough plain: 

"ar-Rabwu and al-Hubal its waters next will invade; 

42. "Then last its flood shall bespread, and throughly soak all the ground, 

"the Meads where sand-grouse abound, the low hill covered with trees. 

43. "It waters thus all the lands for which its purpose was shaped 

" lands they no enemy seeks with troops of camels or horse." 

44. This message bear to Yazld, chief of the Sons of Shaiban, 

Abu Thubait "Wilt thou -not desist from slander of us? 

45. "Wilt thou not cease to assail our stock of honour and fame? 

" 'tis true, thy lies harm it not, while camels moan at their loads : 

46. "'Tis with thy tales as a buck that thrusts his horns at a rock: 

"no hurt he brings to the stone, but splits his horns in its stead. 

47. "Thou stirrest mischief between us and the House of Mas'ud 

"whenso we meet, till thou start death's work, then leavest the fray. 

48. "I think not, sure, if our hate grows fiercer, and if we seek 

"your help our cause to uphold, 'twill ever bring thee to fight. 

The Mu'allaqah of Maimun al-A'shci, 289 

50. "Thou shalt not sit at thine ease, War's blaze once lighted by thee, 

"safe from her fire, on thy knees seeking protection on High. 

51. "Yea, ask the Sons of Asad sooth, well they know of our ways, 

"and from them tale upon tale shall bring the truth to thine ears ; 

52. "And ask the Sons of Qushair and all 'Abdallah's kin, 

"and ask Rabl'ah of us, what manner fighters we be: 

53. "We rain our blows upon them until we slay the last man 

"in mellay fierce, whether wrong they wrought, or folly alone. 

54. "Yea, in Kahf's house, whensoe'er they rouse themselves for the fight, 

"and Jashirlyah, are those who know how war should be waged. 

55. "I swear by Him to whose House the camels hurry their steps 

"with pilgrim crowds, and the kine in herds are led to His shrine, 

56. "If ye have murdered a chief who never stood in your way, 

"we shall slay for him the like of yours, yea, even your best! 

57. "If thou art tried by our arms the day the battle is done, 

"thou shalt not find that we swerve from seeking blood to the full. 

58. "Will ye not cease from your strife? Nay, nought shall work such a cure 

"of wrong as wounds from a lance nor oil nor lint shall abate: 

59. "Until there lie on the ground a chieftain propped on his arm, 

"while women seek with their hands, bereaved, to shelter his head. 

60. "A blade from India smote him not in vain was its stroke, 

"or haply a shaft from al-Khatt, bright-headed, slender and straight. 

6 1. "Ye said, it seems, folk of ours, that you we never should fight. 

"not so! for men like to you are just the foes that we seek. 

62. "We are the knights of the Day of Hinw under the hot noon 

"around Futaimah: no sign of yielding gave we that day! 

63. "They said 'The spear-play!' we answered 'Even so is our wont : 

" 'or if ye call for the foot-fight, we are ready on foot: 

64. " 'We dye the limbs of the chief with streams of blood from his thigh, 

" 'and oft the bravest of men sobs out his life on our spears.'" 


v. 4. The word rendered " broom " is *ishriq, which is not really broom 
(in Ar. ratam\ but a species of Cassia, which Forskal found still retains 
this name in the Yaman. 

v. 7 is omitted, as not known to any of those who have handed down 
the poem except Abu 'Ubaidah : its substance is sufficiently given in v. 6. 

v. 9 omitted. 

v. ii. The perfume named zambaq is variously described. Here it is 
called " red," ward, which does not correspond with any of the equivalents 
given in Lane, s.v. Generally it is said to be oil of jasmine (LA 1 2, 2 and 12). 
It is admitted to be a foreign word : jasmine in Persian \sydsamin, ydsaman, 
saman, and its name bears no resemblance to zambaq. It is suggested that 
the word may be the Indian Champak, a flowering tree of the Magnolia 
family, with yellow fragrant flowers, which are used for the preparation 
of perfumed oils, employed in the toilet and in medicine (see Watt, 
Dictionary of Indian Economic Products, s.v. Michelia champacd). 

B. P.V. 19 

290 C. J. LYALL 

v. 12. "The Upland," al-Hazn (also Hazm), the high limestone steppe 
which extends over many parts of Arabia, and the winter and spring pasture of 
which (in favourable seasons) is much praised by the poets (see Mufaddt. ii, 
24, top). Here, having regard to the poet's native place (Manfuhah in 
al-Yamamah), it is probable that the steppe from Jabal Tuwaiq westwards 
towards at-Ta'if is meant. This is still called the Hazm, and was recently 
traversed by Mr H. St J. B. Philby, C.I.E. The richness of the vegetation 
produced by abundant winter and spring rain both in the steppe and in the 
sand-desert (Dahna) has often been remarked by travellers : see e.g. Philby 
(in Geographical Journal, March 1920, p. 163) "The delightful spring 
season of Arabia, when the desert is bright with grass and flowers." 

v. 1 8. The reading of Abu 'Ubaidah (and in part of al-Asma'l), Mah- 
bulun wa-muhtabilu, has been chosen for rendering in preference to that 
of the text. 

v. 27. " Basil boughs," qudubu-r-raihani\ this may mean either pieces of 
sweet basil, Ocimum basilicum, or sweet-scented flowers in general, such as 
myrtle, henna, etc., which were largely used to perfume the air at drinking 
feasts, and to twine round the vessels containing the wine. The explanation 
of the commentary, that the phrase is metaphorical and represents the inter- 
change of pleasant talk and repartee, does not seem probable. Al-A'sha has 
several pictures of wine-feasts in which flowers figure literally as adornments 
of the banquet. See Geyer, Zwei Gedichte v. al-A l sa, pp. 58 if., where there 
is a long list of flowers used to deck the feast, including roses, violets, 
mint (?), marjoram, myrtle, wall-flowers, lavender (?), lilies, sweet basil, 
jasmine, and narcissus. All these are cited by their Persian names: Horace's 
Persia apparatus persisted to al-A'sha's time. 

"Wine 'twixt acid and sweet," qahwatan muzzatan: mazazah is described 
as a flavour between sweet and sour. The " strainer," rawuq^ is the linen 
cloth tied over the spout of the flagon to strain the wine when poured out. 

v. 31. " With wine-skins borne on their hips": this is al-Asma'i's inter- 
pretation ; Abu 'Ubaidah thought that the l ijal, plur. of 'ijlah^ might refer 
to the women's hips, which were admired when round and prominent. 
Perhaps the skins held water and not wine, which would be drawn from the 
amphora, dann. It was mixed with water before being drunk. 

v. 33. For the drumming noise heard at night in the Desert, ascribed 
by the Arabs to the Jinn, see Mufaddt. ii, p. 276, note to v. 9. 

v. 39. Durna is said in the commentary to be one of the gates to Persian 
territory, some marches short of al-Hirah, where Yazld Abu Thubait 
(addressed in v. 44) lived. It is, however, quite clear from the following 
verses of the poem that this was not so. The names there mentioned, so far 
as they can be identified, are of places in al-Yamamah. The region is that 
described in Mr Philby 's paper in the Geographical Journal ion March 1920, 
or somewhere in its neighbourhood. Mr Philby notes the prevalence of 
floods, following heavy storms, in this tract, dominated by the mountain 
chain of Tuwaiq. Of the names contained in the passage, Numar is in 
al-Yamamah (Yaq. iv, 8i2 12 ): Batn al-Khalis not mentioned : al-'Asjadlyah 
is a water belonging to the Banu Sa'd (al-A'sha's family) also in al-Yamamah 
(Yaq. iii, 67 2 x ) : Khinzlr is said to be a mountain in the same tract (Yaq. ii, 
47 8 5 ) : al Abla is the name of a well (Yaq. i, 93 22 ) presumably in the same 
neighbourhood : ar-Rijal (pi. of rijlah, a torrent-bed) is in al-Yamamah 

The Mu'allaqah of Maimun al-A'shb 291 

(Yaq. ii, 75 5 6 ): ar-Rabwu is not located in Yaq. ii, 752": al-Hubal (linked 
with Khinzir in a verse of Labld's cited Yaq. ii, igS 20 ) appears to be a 
station on the road from al-Yamamah towards the lower land of Hajr. In 
Yaq. ii, 857, top, as-Safh, al-Hubal, and Raud al-Qata ("The Sand-grouse 
Meadows ") are all mentioned as on the road from Hajr to al-Yamamah. 
From this it is clear that al-A'sha's drinking-party at Durna was in his own 
home in the neighbourhood of Manfuhah, and could not possibly have been 
to the far North in the open plain of al-'Iraq in which Durna is said in the 
commentary to v. 39 to have been situated. The object of this recital of 
places belonging to al-A'sha's tribe, Qais ibn Tha'labah, is to bring the 
poem to the note of defiance, as appears from the second hemistich of 
v. 43 : then follows the angry message to Yazid, a chief of the Banu 
Shaiban, which occupies the rest of it. 

v. 45. " Assail our stock of honour and fame," l an nahti 'athlatina, lit. 
"from stripping the bark off our tamarisk- tree " : see Mufaddt. ii, p. 236, 
note to v. 4. " So long as camels moan at their loads," i.e. for ever ; 'atta is 
the verb used for the grumbling noise made by camels when being 
loaded up. 

v. 47. The House of Mas'ud was one of the chief families in Shaiban. 
There is in the Mufaddt. nos. Ixxxvi and Ixxxvii, mention made of 
a quarrel between this family and the Bakrite tribe of Yashkur, in which 
Qais son of Mas'ud was the chief actor. He was the father of Bistam 
b. Qais, a celebrated chief of the Banu Shaiban at the beginning of the 
Prophet's career. 

v. 49 is omitted, as a doublet of v. 27. 

v. 50. In this verse "War" is understood but not named, as often in 
the ancient poetry. "On thy knees seeking protection on High,"/a&ftftj 
it is probable that Yazid was a nominal Christian : we know that some 
members of his tribe were converts, among them Bistam b. Qais. 

v. 52. Qushair, a branch of 'Amir b. Sa'sa'ah. 'Abdallah, probably 
'Abdallah b. Kilab or 'Abdallah b. Abl Bakr b. Kilab, also families of 
'Amir. Rabf ah may likewise be the name of a sub-division of 'Amir, the 
ancestor of the great house of Kilab. It is scarcely likely that Rabl'at 
al-Faras, son of Nizar, a remote patriarch whose descendants in al-A'sha's 
time had long been settled in al-'Iraq, is intended. 

v. 54. "The house of Kahf," 'alu Kahfin, is said to be a family in the 
clan of Sa'd b. Malik b. Dubai'ah, of Qais b. Tha'labah, al-A'sha's kin. 
Al-Jashirlyah, according to" the commentary, is the name of a woman of 
'lyad, daughter of the celebrated chief Ka'b b. Mamah, who was also 
married into the family of Sa'd b. Malik. 

v. 55. "The kine," al-baqir. This mention by a poet of Ma'add of 
horned cattle as victims at the sacrifice in Mina near Mecca during the 
pilgrimage is, so far as I know, unique, the ordinary victims being camels, 
sheep and goats. Horned cattle are numerous in the more fruitful region of 
the Yaman, but in droughty Central and Northern Arabia they are so rare 
as to be practically non-existent 

v. 62. " The Day of al-Hinw " is the great battle of Dhu Qar, fought in 
A.D. 610 or 6n (after the call of the Prophet) by the tribes of Bakr ibn 
Wa'il against the Persians and their Arab allies, resulting in the complete 


292 C. J. LYALL 

defeat of the latter. For an account of the battle see Naqa'id^ pp. 638-648. 
Hinw was the place where the first encounter occurred, a night's journey 
from Dhu Qar proper. The accounts of the battle give the leading parts in 
it to Shaiban and 'Ijl: but al-A'sha, here and elsewhere, claims a share in it 
for his clan of Qais ibn Tha'labah. One of the features of the battle was 
that the women of the tribe, instead of being sent away to a place of safety, 
were retained in the midst of the fighting men. Futaimah, named in this 
verse, is said to have been Fatimah daughter of Hablb ibn Tha'labah, 
presumably the chief of the detachment of Qais which took part in the fight. 



The tribe of 'Adi 'bn Abd Manat, to which Ghailan 'bn 
'Uqba the poet belonged, was settled in Yamama, occupying 
a portion of the vastly more extended territory which their 
congeners the Tamim inhabited. Ghailan or as he is most 
usually called Dhu'r Rummah (the owner, or wearer, of 
the rope's-end) was probably born in the more southern 
portion of Yamama verging on the great central desert of the 
Dahna', and the greater portion of his short life must have 
been spent in this wild region. He appears to have been well 
acquainted with the oasis of Yabrin the furthest limit 
towards the great Dahna' in which life was possible and 
with the sand-hills lying between it and the more hospitable 
regions of Yamama. He was born in A.H. 78 and died in 
A.H. 117 (Aini i, 412) at the age of 40. It is known that 
he visited, even frequently, Basra and Kufa, and from various 
allusions in his poems and their glosses (Diw. i, i ; xli, 5 ; 
xxxii, 1 6) he is supposed to have extended his wanderings 
as far as Ispahan; as SuyutI, Shaw 52, even says that he died 
there, or "in the desert." As almost every anecdote related of 
him has at least two contradictory versions, it is only possible 
to construct a more or less conjectural account of his life. 
The earliest story told of him is that he was taken by his 
mother when he was a boy to visit the chief of his tribe 
al Husain 'bn Abda 'bn Nu'aim al Adawi, a man of some rude 
culture, with a view to his writing a charm to hang round her 
son's neck: the boy being subject to "terrors at night" (Agh. 
xvi, no; but Khiz. i, 5 1, "they were afraid of his eyes [being 
affected]" ; or *Iqd\\, 40, afraid of incipient disease [or even 

insanity] J~J\ o- **** LT^). This charm was suspended 
about the neck by a bit of rope and constantly worn by the 
lad, and when on a subsequent occasion he presented himself 
thus furnished before the Sheikh al Husain, this latter gave 
him the nickname of "wearer of the rope's-end" by which he 
was afterwards known. Dhu'r Rummah seems to have taken 
to the composition of poetry early, probably inspired thereto 
by the example of his three brothers, Hisham, Mas'ud and 


Khirfash all poets 1 . Dhu'r Rummah had the greatest re- 
putation of the four brothers, and it was complained of 
him that he annexed as his own some of their verse. This 
was not an unknown proceeding in those days and he was 
later in life to experience a similar fate at the hands of the 
arch-plagiarist al Farazdaq and what is more strange 
seems to have submitted with slight remonstrance to this 
high-handed treatment. (Agh. xvi, 1 6, Dzwdn al Farazdaq 
no. 313 in gloss and cf. Goldziher, Abh. 136 n. 5.) Of the 
ladye-loyes celebrated by Dhu'r Rummah we find Mayya, the 
wife of 'Asim the Minqari most frequently the subject of his 
praise. Fifty-five of his poems sing of her perfections, 
whilst Kharqa' is celebrated in only ten ; Umm Salim (or 
Umaima) in five ; and Saida, Bint Faddad and Ghal^b each 
in one. This devotion became proverbial ; he was called 
"Ghailan of Mayya "( l lqd\{, 40), and Hariri (conss. Derenb. i, 
322, I. Qut. 334) tells of "a heat to cause Ghailan to forget 
Mayya." Agh. (xvi, 1 14) gives the most probable account of 
his first meeting with Mayya, at a time when she was still 
unmarried, how that he, his brother Mas'ud and a cousin 
were seeking their strayed camels, travelling by night and 
consumed with thirst, and came to a large tent. Dhu'r 
Rummah was commissioned to ask for water from an old 
woman sitting under the tent-porch, who summoned a beauti- 
ful girl to come out and fill their water-skins. Dhu'r Rum- 
mah was at once overcome by her beauty, and having 
wrapped up his head, sat a little apart. Mayya then addressed 
him saying: "Your people have quite worn you out with 
travel, as I judge from your slender build and youth." 
Dhu'r Rummah then broke out into the verses (Diw. xxii, 
22-26) which he afterwards expanded into the whole poem 
as it now stands. And he says : "I continued afterwards for 
20 years to long for her in her various encampments" that 
is, almost to the close of his life. Another account of his first 
acquaintance with Mayya is told by ash Sharishi ( l lqd. ii, 40, 
where the account just given is also related). According to 
this, Mayya and her people were neighbours, in the lower 
grounds of the Dahna', of Dhu'r Rummah and his folk. 

1 So Agh. xvi, in, but Hamasa ii, 8 ^U^.. I. Qut. 336 calls his 
brothers Hisham, Aufa and Mas'ud ; but Aufa was a cousin ; he was Aufa 
'bn Dalham (Agh. xvi, in). 

A short account of Dhur Rummah 295 

Mayya being engaged in washing her own and the servant's 
clothes in a tattered tent, and being somewhat cticolletde, was 
spied upon by Dhu'r Rummah through a crack in the tent, 
with the result of making him deeply enamoured and after 
that he made her the subject of his verse. Agh. xvi, 1 10 
gives a third version of their first meeting: it is said that he 
was passing by Mayya' s tent and she was sitting by her 
mother's side and he asked her for water and her mother 
bade her to give him some. And another version is: "that 
his water-skins were rent and he saw her and said to her: 
'sew them up for me.' And she answered: 'by Allah! that's 
a fine request, for I am the Kharqa' (she who does no work 
with her hands, because of her estimation in the tribe).' And 
he said to her mother, 'command her to pour me out water!' 
And her mother said, 'rise, O Kharqa', and give him drink.' 
And she arose and brought him water. And about his flank 
was a bit of cord, or a rope's-end. And she said, 'drink, 
wearer of the cord! ' and he was nicknamed thus." He was 
also said (Agk. xvi, 1 10; I. Qut. 334; Muzhir ii, 221 ; 'Ainl i, 
414) to have received this nickname from his verse (Z)tw.xxn, 
8), where he describes a battered tent-peg, " shaggy, a rope-end 
its collar," in allusion, no doubt, to his uncouth appearance. 
The Arabs ever had the engaging habit of nicknaming their 
fellows, preferentially, after some deformity or defect. 

I. Qut. (335, 336) relates the story above given of his 
introducing himself to a Beduin girl with a request that she 
should sew up his damaged water-skins, only here he makes 
the heroine of the story a certain Kharqa', a daughter of the 
Banu '1 Bakka' 'bn 'Amir. There has been some confusion 
thus arising, leading to the supposition that there was but 
one Kharqa', and that she was Mayya. This is, however, dis- 
proved by the fact that in Diw. Ixx they are spoken of as 
distinct persons, and in Diw. Ixvi, 2 1 Dhu'r Rummah speaks 
of cheering up his companion by singing the praises of 
Kharqa' and of Mayya. 

A story is told (I. Qut. 335, and quoted from him Agh. 
xvi, 120), how that for a long time Mayya had never 
seen Dhu'r Rummah, and meanwhile she had heard his 
poems. And she vowed that she would slay a victim on the 
day that she saw him for the first time. And when she 
saw him an insignificant, swarthy man, she being of the 


most beautiful of the people she called out " contemptible ! 
hideous!" and she threw about the joints of the victim. On 
this Dhu'r Rummah remarked : 

" On the face of Mayya is a fair external surface, but below her garments is 
foulness, if it were only revealed." 

Whereupon the injured Mayya promptly stripped herself 
of her clothes and asked " can you see any defect that is by 
you to be dispraised ? " To this Dhu'r Rummah replied : 

" Don't you know that the taste of water may be fetid, whilst the colour of 
the water may be pure and clear 1 ?" 

And she said to him: "as to what lies below the garments, 
that you have seen and know what defects are there. And 
now it only remains that I should say to you 'come taste 
what is below that; and, by Allah! that you shall never taste." 
And he said : 

" Wasted is that song that so long continued, whose object was Mayya, and 
I have never yet mastered my heart's infatuation ! " 

(Kkiz. i, 52; Hamdani, 170; Hamdsa ii, 576; i, 679 (va- 
riant); I. Khali. Wiist. 534; 'Iqd ii, 40; L.A. () iii, 
434, etc.) 

It goes on to say that after this passage of arms matters 
were patched up between them and he reverted to his former 
love for her. Dhu'r Rummah always stoutly disclaimed the 
paternity of these verses, and it seems that in point of fact 
they are to be attributed to a servant-girl of Mayya's, 
Kuthaira who, possibly, owed her mistress some grudge. 
There is another account of the rupture between Mayya 
and Dhu'r Rummah related Agh. xvi, 119 in which Dhu'r 
Rummah breaks off with three verses the last of them being 
the second of those above given and the other two less bitter 
and even pathetic in tone. 

Another occasion on which Dhu'r Rummah met Mayya 
was when he was received as a guest one dark night by 
'Asim, her husband (Agh. xvi, 114). Dhu'r Rummah was 
greatly alarmed lest 'Asim should recognize him, and this 
eventually he did and promptly expelled his guest, leaving 
him out in the desert. Mayya, however, knew who he was. 
In the middle of the night Dhu'r Rummah began to shout 
out his verses (Diw. xlvii, 4) : 

1 There may be some allusion to this in the verses Dtw. v, 20-23. 

A short account of Dhur Rummah 297 

"O Mayya, will those days of ours at Dhu'l Athal ever return? or is there 
to be no recurrence of them?" 

The husband (naturally) very angry ordered Mayya, under 
threat of striking her with his sword, to get up and call 
out "On what days was I ever with you at Dhu'l Athal?" 
(in Diw. *-*pt ji). Dhu'r Rummah, much incensed, mounted 
his camel and rode off, purposing to transfer his love for 
her to some other object, meaning thus to anger Mayya. 
And he passed by Falj. There he met with Kharqa' and 
addressed to her two or three poems (there are ten in the 
Diwdn) "and it was not long before he died." Evidently, 
Dhu'r Rummah considered that he was taking a bitter re- 
venge on Mayya by depriving her of the distinction of being 
the object of a poet's love. 

Agh. xvi, 129 tells the story of a stolen visit paid by 
Dhu'r Rummah and his cousin 'Isma to Mayya in the 
absence of the men of her tribe. Mayya and her women set 
'Isma to recite Dhu'r Rummah's verses and the party had 
become very confidential, when suddenly news is brought of 
the return of the men of the tribe. On this Dhu'r Rummah 
and his cousin hurriedly (and very prudently) decamp. Dhu'r 
Rummah's partiality for other men's wives brought him 
occasionally painful experiences. 

Of Umm Salim, Saida, Bint Faddad, and Ghalab nothing 
is recorded. 

His professed love for Kharqa' has been, as we have 
just seen, attributed to pique. Another account (Agh. xvi, 
123) puts a rather less romantic complexion on this transfer 
of his allegiance. It is said that Kharqa', to whom he applied 
for a cure for an affection of the eyes, exacted for her fee 
"ten verses in which you shall vaunt my charms so that men 
shall desire me." Al-Quhaif had a similar request made to 
him by her, acceding to her request in the lines preserved 
(Hamdsa ii,375; Diwdn, Krenkow,/.^.^.^. for 1913, p. 352): 

" Kharqa' has written to me her request in order that Kharqa' may make 

me of those whom she beguiles, 
" And Kharqa' only increases in beauty and is imposing, though she live 

to the age of Noah." 

She lived to a vigorous old age, and being encamped on 
the direct pilgrim route and close to Mecca considered herself 
as one of the things to be visited by pilgrims making the Hajj, 



citing a verse of Dhu'r Rummah's to that effect (Agh. xvi, 
124; xx, 141): 

"To complete the Hajj the caravan should stop at Kharqa's tent, she having 
laid aside her veil." 

(To see a woman unveiled was not lawful during the per- 
formance of the Hajj.) 

Apart from his love affairs little is known of his life in 
the desert. He had a grievance against a certain 'Utaiba 
'bn Tarthuth relating to awell, for 80 years the property of his 
tribe and of which 'Utaiba had usurped possession (Diw. Ixii, 
35 sqq.). The matter was brought before Muhajir, then 
governor of Yamama, and apparently Dhu'r Rummah was 
successful in his claim. 

On one occasion, recorded Agh. xvi, 116, he and his 
troop were treated with marked inhospitality by a branch of 
the Imru'u'l Qais 'bn Zaid Manat, then settled at the village 
of Mar'a in Yamama. The whole party were refused shelter 
from the burning sun (Diw. Ixviii, vv. 78, 79, 80, 83) and 
were left without the offer of food. The resentment that 
this treatment excited in the poet led to his attacking the 
whole clan of Imru'u '1 Qais in several [eight] rather more 
abusive than satirical poems. On this, Hisham of that tribe 
replied, but handicapped by being merely conversant with 
the metre rajas and thus ex confesso unequal to cope with 
the qasidas of Dhu'r Rummah, he applied for help to Jarir, by 
the aid of whose vitriolic muse Hisham was said to have got 
the better of his satirist 1 . Later on, Jarir, being reconciled 
with Dhu'r Rummah and considering that there was no 
sting in his satire, offered his aid on the other side and 
supplied Dhu'r Rummah with the pungent verses Diw. 
xxvii, 17, 1 8, 19; which he incorporated into his poem. 
Al Farazdaq, hearing Dhu'r Rummah recite his latest satire 
with the addition of the borrowed verses, at once interrupted 
the satirist, saying: "these are not your verses, and he 
who said them was stronger in the jaws than you." As for 
Hisham, he was reduced to despair, beating his head, say- 
ing : "Jarir has slain me, Allah destroy him! and, by Allah, 
his poetry is such that a single drop of it introduced into the 
ocean would cloud it." (Agh. xvi, 117, 118; vii, 62, 63.) 

1 These are the verses Diw. Jarir ii, 184, cited Agh. xvi, 117; vii, 61. 
Dhu'r Rummah at once recognized the true author. 

A short account of Dhur Rummah 299 

Dhu'r Rummah likewise tried his hand at satire on al Hakam, 
Diw. vi, and on the poet ar-Ra'i and his son Jandal, 
Diw. xix, 5, 7. 

Although Dhu'r Rummah's life was mostly spent in the 
desert, as is evident from his poems, he frequently visited 
Basra and Kufa, where he was a "self-invited guest at men's 
tables and a haunter of marriage feasts" (Agh. xvi, 112). 
Doubtless he was poor. He was a failure as a panegyrist, 
and in consequence received but little reward from the 
patrons he flattered. His appearance is described at Kufa 
as that of "a Beduin Arab trailing his worn-out vesture" 
(Agh. x, 158). In spite of these visits, some sufficiently pro- 
longed, his real home was the desert. In Diw. Ixxxvii, 27 sqq. 
he says : 

" An old woman said, past whose door my steps took me every morning and 
evening as I came from my folk, 

And she knew my face and well-known name, because our absence from 
home had been a lengthened one 

' Have you a wife in this city ? or have you a law-suit in it, because of which 
I have seen you for the last year dwelling in Basra?' 

And I answered her : 'Nay! for verily my people and my herd are all neigh- 
bours to the sand-hills of the DahnaV " 

Again he says, Diw. xvii, 13: "Al 'Irsiq was never a home 
for my folk." Al Asma'i, Fuhulat, says : Dhu'r Rummah, 
though a Beduin, never wrote as one except in the poem in 
which this verse occurs meaning that this is the only 
place in which he declares that his folk had but slight inter- 
course with the Arabs of the settled district, and nowhere 
else is this exclusiveness openly avowed. I. Qut. 533 reports 
that Mayya said, " I have never met any of that (Dhu'r 
Rummah's) tribe except on camels." And as his life had 
been in the wilds, so his death and burial took place in the 
desert. There are many conflicting accounts of this. He was 
said to have died of small-pox (Agh. xvi, 127); or of a 
tumour, which burst (ibid.} ; or of starvation owing to his 
camel (on which was his whole provision of meat and drink) 
running away (Agh. xvi, 127); or at Hajr of disease (Agh. 
xvi, 127). Different versions of his last words are recorded 1 : 

1 As Suyuti, Shaw 52; I. Khali, De Slane, ii, 451; I. Qut. 334; 
T.A. (-jj) ii, 147. 


some spoken (Agh. xvi, 126) or found written 1 on his bow 
by the side of his corpse (Agh. xvi, 126). He was buried 
near Huzwa, in the Dahna' over against al Awa'is. The 
circumstantial account of his death and burial given Agh. 
xvi, 127 seems to bear the impress of truth. 

Dhu'r Rummah's reception by the poets of the settled 
districts was not very cordial. Jarir and al Farazdaq were 
notoriously jealous of him. Al Kumait on the contrary ad- 
mired him whole-heartedly (Agh. xvi, 112, 113; x, 158). 
At Tirimmah sneered at him (Agh. x, 158) for being an 
unsuccessful panegyrist. All, however, agreed in admiring 
his extraordinary command of the true Arabic speech and 
idiom, much of which had fallen into desuetude and was 
almost lost to them. As a poet they made fun of his slavish 
adherence to old discarded modes of expression his harp- 
ings on the vestiges of deserted encampments and tears over 
the now silent scenes of former love passages, and so on. 
Both Jarir and al Farazdaq remonstrated with him on this 
and ascribed to this wearisome monotony of treatment the 
fact that he was not reckoned among the Fuhul (of this Dhu'r 
Rummah was himself conscious). 

Abu 'Amr 'bn al 'Ala, whilst he reckoned him "the seal of 
the poets," meant no more by this than that there was no other 
successor to the great Beduin, desert-bred poets but Dhu'r 
Rummah either then extant, or likely to arise and these 
were the only poets he deigned to cite as authoritative (cf. 
Goldziher, Abh. 138 n. 3). As to the poetry itself, he was 
also the author of the disparaging and unsavoury criticism, 
"the poetry of Dhu'r Rummah is like the patches on a 
bride's face, or dung which has a sweet scent at first but 
soon reverts to the [true] smell of dung" (Agh. xvi, 1 1 5, etc.). 
Khiz. i, 52 explains the phrase fully and remarks that the 
patches when washed disappear, and al Asma'i says that " the 
poems of Dhu'r Rummah are sweet at first hearing, but when 
often repeated are weak, and there is no beauty in them." 
This is too severe a judgment. It is often stated (Agh. xvi, 
113; Khiz. i, 51, etc.) "that people in general never belittled 
his praises, except through envy, because he was superior to 
them, young as he was." This disparagement of some newly 

1 He confessed to being able to read and write (Agh. xvi, 121; I. Qut. 
334) but wished it kept a secret. See, however, gloss to Diw. Ixxv, 53. 

A short account of Dhur Rummah 301 

arisen poet on the ground of his youth a favourite one at 
that time I. Qut. considers unreasonable (6): "Every poet 
must have been a modern at one time!" According to I. Qut. 
(29) Dhu'r Rummah's strength lay "in similes ; in description 
of sand-hills, scorching afternoons and water-holes ; gad-flies 
and snakes," and again (41), "in describing rains he was pre- 
eminent." Ash Sharishi (Igd ii, 40) gives as his best subjects 
"deserted encampments, the wild bull-oryx, asses, hounds 
and deer." He was also esteemed for his amatory passages, 
but recognized to be a failure in satire and panegyric (Agk. 
xvi, 121). But at any rate he could say of himself (Diw. 
Ivii, 51, 52 sq.): 

" And never Allah be praised ! have I launched against any believing 

woman evil report entailing danger of hell-fire, 
Nor ever lauded any base man, to please him by my verse, that it might 

acquire gain." 

In all these judgments most moderns would probably agree 
with the verdict of his contemporaries and of the native 
writers on Belles Lettres. 

That a panegyrist should prove a failure does not affect 
or interest us much. We know that in his eulogy he has 
probably "lied like an epitaph" and the subject boring us, 
we are content to skip the laudatory passages. But what will 
always interest us are the poet's vivid descriptions of the 
incidents of the desert life as it existed more than a thousand 
years ago. The pictures drawn by Dhu'r Rummah have all 
the vividness of sketches taken from the life, and are the 
outcome of the personal experience of the poet. Kumait 
relates (Agk. xv, 125) that having once submitted some verses 
of his own to the judgment of Dhu'r Rummah, the latter 
remarked that Kumait had composed verse of which no man 
could say either that he had hit the mark, or had missed it- 
he had missed it, but not by much in fact, he had come 
quite close to it. Kumait asks, "do you know why this is so ?" 
On Dhu'r Rummah answering "no!" he says: "you de- 
scribe a thing which you have seen with your own eyes, 
whilst I describe a thing which has been described to me, and 
hearsay is not like seeing with your own eyes." 

But what all united in praising was his gift of finding and 
using similes. Just as Imru'u '1 Qais in the pre- Mohammedan 
times was, they said, the greatest master of simile, so they 


maintained that in post-Mohammedan times the pre-eminence 
in this respect lay with Dhu'r Rummah 1 . To us his use of 
simile does not seem particularly felicitous, nor always in the 
best of taste, and his poems are very much over-charged with 
this poetic grace. In one particular instance his comparison 
of Umm Salim to a gazelle not only generally but point by 
point (Diw. Ixxix, 44) was made cruel sport of by a hu- 
morous tailor of Mirbad 2 , who by means of a parody shouted 
out in the presence of Dhu'r Rummah put the abashed author 
to ignominious flight, nor did the crest-fallen poet ever venture 
to re-visit Mirbad till after the death of his persecutor (Agh. 
xvi, 1 1 8). These same unlucky lines led to his discomfiture 
on a second occasion and in a similar manner (Hariri, Deren. 
i, 323, n. ; Masdri'u 7 'Ushshdq, 235). His tormentor this 
time was a servant-maid. Dhu'r Rummah implored her to 
take his camel and all its furniture and in return to suppress 
her witty verses. This she promised him, and after accepting 
his bribe to silence, nobly restored it to him. The poet was 
obviously morbidly sensitive to ridicule, and easily abashed 
(Agh. vii, 61) although he was credited with considerable 
powers of retort (Agh. xvi, 113; Khiz. i, 52). He was 
thought to be more powerful in speech than in verse (Agh. 
xvi, 113), and most eloquent in converse (Agh. xvi, 122). 
As a versificator he was correct. He speaks in more 
than one place of the trouble he took over his verses. 
He lies awake inventing and polishing them. He says 
(Diw. Ivii, 48-50) : 

" And many a poem, quaint in phrase over it I have lain awake and kept 

it from both sinad and defect of sense. 
And I kept it correct and shaped out of it verses to which I reckon there 

are no models. 
New and strange [breathing of the desert, **]}*] In every region are 

they known. They say new things, originally.'' 

Again (Diw. xliii, 26, 27) he says : 

"There shall come to you from me eulogy and praise, correct in form 3 . 
Laborious was its original versification. 

1 He plumed himself on this gift. On one occasion (?Iqd ii, 41 ; Agh. 

xvi, 113) he said, "when I say &\=> ('as though') and cannot find a way 
out (i.e. a fit simile) may Allah cut out my tongue ! " 

2 A camel-market about 3 miles from Basra. 

, see Goldziher, Abh. 129. 

A short account of Dhur Rummah 303 

'Twas the taming of a restive creature. And every kind Qiqasida^ be it ever 
so indocile, easily do I curb its unbroken members." 

(Cf. Goldziher, A bh. 94 and also the story related Agk.x, 157.) 
Dhu'r Rummah once said : " Among my poems are those 
in which the expression was obedient to and aided me (such 
was Diw. Ixvi), and among them were those in which I had 
to exert myself and my soul laboured (for example, Z?fo/. Ixxv), 
and others again in which I was inspired by the poetic 
daemon (as Diw. i)." Of this last poem Jarir said (Agh. xvi, 
1 1 8) : ''how delighted I should be if this poem were mine! 
for verily in it his [Dhu'r Rummah's] Shaitdn was his 

To sum up: in the poems of Dhu'r Rummah are many 
tedious passages, but also much that is beautiful, and still 
more that is interesting. As to idiom and language, they are 
a mine to the lexicographer. 



In the course of editing the Galland and the Vatican MSS 
(hereafter G and V) of the Arabian Nights it has shown 
itself necessary to make some attempt towards an appraise- 
ment and genealogical classification of the other evidence, 
manuscript and printed. This investigation is not yet, by 
any means, complete ; but the time seems come for at least 
a preliminary statement of the results so far reached. It 
may, perhaps, lead other students of the subject to com- 
municate information as to MSS which are as yet unknown 
or insufficiently described and catalogued. 

In J.R.A.S. for 1909 (pp. 685-704) I dealt in detail 
with Habicht's edition (Breslau, 1825-38, completed by 
Fleischer, 1842-3), and there showed, from his MSS, that 
this was a recension which he had himself constructed, and 
that there existed no such thing as a Tunisian MS or re- 
cension. His edition must be resolved into its component 
parts, that is the different MSS which he used, and these 
must be referred to their places in the general classification. 
Habicht "wilfully created a literary myth and enormously 
confused the history of the Nights." 

Another divergent printed text, the classification of 
which has given much difficulty, is that commonly called 
" The I Calcutta," or " The Calcutta Edition of the first 
200 Nights" (Calcutta, 2 vols., 1814, 1818), I can now 
prove that it is a descendant of the Galland MS ; the proof 
will come below. 

All the other printed texts, with the exception of some 
separate stories and fragments, belong to the recension 
which Zotenberg, in the Notice prefixed to his " Histoire 
d' 'Ala al-Din," called "la redaction egyptienne" (hereafter 
ZER). He considered that the complete text " n'a re$u sa 
forme actuelle qu'a une poque assez recente" (p. 52/2I7 1 ). 

1 On p. 47/213, he says that all these MSS were transcribed at the 
beginning of the XlXth century, or the end of the XVIIIth, and that they 
all derive from one single, original text, " dont la redaction n'est peut-etre 
pas de beaucoup anterieure." 

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 305 

Of this recension the I Bulaq Edition (A.H. 1251, A.D. 1835) 
is, in general, the best representative; the II Calcutta 
Edition (1839-42) is often fuller, but it can be shown that 
the editors have expanded it from I Calcutta and from 
Habicht's Breslau text. We have therefore no assurance 
that a plus in it stood in the MS brought from Egypt by 
Major Turner Macan. It is demonstrable, also, that the 
different MSS of this recension differ in details among them- 
selves. Proof of this will come hereafter. 

I turn now to the MSS. To classify the MSS of a book 
like the Nights, or to begin a classification of them, it is 
necessary to find a passage of difficulty as to sense which 
seems to call for emendation. I think I have found such a 
passage in the Story of the Fisherman and the Jinni, which 
I printed fourteen years ago from G, in the Noldeke Fest- 
schrift (pp. 357-383). It will be remembered that that story 
breaks into two parts having only a most mechanical con- 
nection with one another. The first part posits a Jinni con- 
temporary with Solomon, imprisoned by him in a brass qum- 
qum, and thus cut off from all contact with the world, who 
knows about a certain enchanted lake with enchanted fish in 
it, near the sea-shore where he is himself fished up. These 
fish are white, red, blue and yellow and have a covenant 
with a beautiful damsel and with a black slave. If any one 
tries to cook them, then, at the moment when they are 
turned in the pan, either the damsel or the black slave 
appears which one comes seems to depend on whether the 
cook is a woman or a man and asks if they hold to the 
covenant. They reply, " Yes, yes, if ye do it again, we will 
do it again 1 , and if ye keep faith, we will keep faith ; and 
if ye desert, we have done likewise." Apparently this 
answer is displeasing, for the fish are then overturned into 
the fire and are burned black. Further, the fisherman gets 
only four fish at each cast of his net, and is warned not to 
cast more than once in a day. As a matter of fact he does 
so three times in one day and nothing happens. 

In the second part there is a lake with fish of four 
colours in it and there is a queen and a black slave. But 

1 Cf. a similar phrase in Nuzhat-al-absar wal-asma 1 , p. 25, 1. 14, of Cairo 
ed. A.H. 1305. In the printed forms of ZER this has been turned into a 
basit verse ; but in G V I Calcutta and Breslau it is plain prose. 

B.P.V. 20 


that is all. There is no covenant, no explanation of the 
cooking scenes, and the people are contemporaries of the 
fisherman and of his world. The first part has evidently a 
folk-lore motif, on which I will not enter now 1 ; the second 
part is a quite normal Muslim story of feminine depravity 
and enchantment. That the second part is the original 
ending of the first I cannot believe ; that original ending 
must have been lost, and I think that it is just possible that 
the second part was roughly adjusted to the first by a 
change in the nature of the enchantment. 

However all that may be, the join comes between the 
king's marching out with his army and court and finding the 
lake between the four hills, on the one hand, and the story 
told to the king by the young king of the Black Isles, on 
the other. At this story-telling "fault" I have chosen my 
test passage. The king determines to set out alone and 
investigate for himself the story which must lie behind the 
fish and the lake. He thus addresses his wazlr, in G 
(Night 20, vol. i, F. 27b ; p. 373, 11. 13 ff. in my print in the 
Noldeke Festschrift] : 



1 The nearest folk-lore parallel to it in my knowledge is what is called 
in Scottish Gaelic "Taghairm," probably meaning "spirit call." It con- 
sisted in roasting cats alive on spits, until the devil appeared and granted 
the wishes of those who dared so to force him. This parallel, I may say, 
was approved by the late Professor Chauvin, who wrote to me that he had 
always been puzzled by the story. On Taghairm see especially John 
Gregorson Campbell, Superstitions of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland 
(Glasgow, 1900), pp. 304 ff. and, also, Note 2T to Scott's Lady of the Lake. 
The story stimulated the imagination of later Muslim story-tellers ; I know 
several other forms of it, all derivative. It seems to have suggested, also, to 
Keats his " to draw | His magian fish through hated fire and flame " 
(Endymion, iii, 264-5). 

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 307 

I translate : " And to-morrow morning sit thou at the 
door of my tent and say to the Emirs, ' The King is indis- 
posed and commanded me not to permit any one to go in 
to him/ And let no one know that I am away and 
journeying ; but await me three days." Then the wazir 
accepted the command and said, " Hearing and obeying! " 
and he could not oppose him. Next, the Sultan put on his 
hizam and drew it tight upon him 1 and hung on him his 
royal sword and mounted on one of the hills surrounding 
.(lit., of) the lake until he was on its top. And he passed the 
rest of the night until dawn 2 . Then when the day had 
appeared, and shone out with its light and gleamed and was 
high and extended over the flat top of the hill, he looked, 
and lo ! there had appeared to him a blackness at a distance. 
So said the teller of the story. Then when he saw it he 
rejoiced at it and set out towards it... 3 

G was evidently written in Egypt, and Zotenberg in his 
Notice (p. 5/171) suggests for its date the second half of 
the XlVth century. Noldeke, in his review of Zotenberg 
in WZ., ii, pp. 168 ff., would make it even older ; but local 
Cairene references in it indicate a date considerably younger 
than even that assigned by Zotenberg. I hope to deal with 
these elsewhere in connection with the older history of the 
Nights. It was sent to Galland from Syria after 1700 ("II 
a fallu le faire venir de Syrie," Galland in the Dedicace to 
his first volume), and it was at the Syrian Tripoli in 
A.H. 955=A.D. 1548, as we learn from a note in it. The 
Patrick Russell MS and the William Jones MS, descen- 
dants of it, were brought from Aleppo in the XVIIIth cen- 
tury ; of them more hereafter. The Vatican MS (Cod. 
Vat. Ar. 782) divides into two parts ; the first extending to 

1 I have translated here rather pedantically because of the different 
reading, by error, I am sure, in V. On the hizam see Dozy, Vetements, 
pp. 139 ff. and Lane, Modern Egyptians, chap. I, with illustrations. 

2 I am quite aware that this is an uncommon use of $~A or L~o, but the 

context seems to require it. Cf. j*-JI ^^ = ^f J3j and ^^ for every 
kind of J^I1 . It may also be L5 for ^^ot . 

3 A comparison of this translation with Galland's French version will 
prove interesting. Galland evidently read ^^^o and that drove him to 
making the king come down from the hill again and walk on the plain. 
I do not think that any of the Arabic derivatives from G have adopted this 
method of escape. 

20 2 


F. 87 b inclusive is not directly from G; but from a some- 
what illegible descendant or collateral of G ; the second 
part is an immediate transcript of G and has a dated colo- 
phon saying that it was transcribed in Aleppo in A.H. 1001 
( = A.D. 1592-3). It is certain, therefore, that G was at 
Aleppo at that date. 

In V, Night 20, F. 41 b, the same passage runs : 

-JI JlSj j^l jjjyt J** ^tjl ttW ^lwlj ^Ij^ ^ <J?JJU,> 

O' >J <t*JU*j j 
Jt JLo. ju^l 

There are only two considerable differences here, both for 
the worse. I have already referred (p. 307, note i) to <uj^ 

instead of <*J^ after JLWJ. It seems due to an obscurely 
written MS ; but the <*-wU in G is very clear. The other, 
1^5^-95 instead of ^5 ^5, has had portentous consequences. 
Once start the king walking instead of passing the night 
quietly on the hill-top, and ZER ends by making him walk 
all that night, all the next day until the sun was too strong 
for him and all the second night until dawn. What was his 
guide as to direction we are not told. 

Nearest to G and V comes a MS in the library of the 
Academia de la Historia in Madrid. It belonged to the 
late Sr. Gayangos and now forms part of the Coleccion 
Gayangos in that library, Nos. XLix I&2 . It has been 
most kindly examined and described in detail for me 
by Professor Miguel Asin Palacios of the University of 
Madrid. It consists of 2 vols., forming vols. i and iii ; vol. i 
contains Parts i and n, and vol. iii, Parts v-vn ; vol. ii is 
lost. It is a modern MS of Christian origin and is not 
divided into Nights. Vol. i (Parts i and n) gives the tales 
in the order of G, down to the end of the Hunchback cycle. 

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 309 

Then comes Hikaya Juha. This is, in my knowledge, the 
only appearance of Juha in a MS of the Nights, although 
there is no reason why he should not so appear ; a Kitab 
Nawadir Juha is given in the Fihrist (p. 313, 1. 21) under 
the rubric of the Mughaffilin. See, too, Juha in the Qamus 
and Taj and in the Lisan (vol. xvii, p. 189) where his kunya 
is given as Abu-1-ghusn. For the more modern Juha see 
Rene" Basset's Iitude prefixed to Mouliras' "Fourberies de 
Si Djeh'a." Thereafter comes the story of Anls al-Jalls, in 
the middle of which the volume closes. The lost second 
volume contained Parts in and iv, but what stories can only 
be guessed. The third volume (Parts v-vn) contains the 
long romance of King 'Umar an-Nu'man and Sharr Kan, 
relieved in its dulness by several intercalated stories. In 
ZER the story of Taj al-Muluk, with that of 'Aziz and 
'Aziza and the story of the hashish eater in the bath are so 
inserted. Here, to the story of Taj al-Muluk is added that 
of Ghanim and Qut al-Qulub, and to the hashish eater, the 
Sleeper and the Waker. There follow ten pages of robber 
stories and five pages of the Beast Fables which come also 
in ZER. The volume closes shortly after the beginning of 
the story of the Son of Adam and the Beasts. 

It is plain that this MS does not belong to ZER, for 
there Ghanim follows Anls al- Jails, and thereafter comes 
immediately the romance of 'Umar an-Nu'man. Here a 
whole volume with two parts comes between. But that 
arrangement connects it with another class of MSS. In the 
Tubingen University Library there is a MS (No. 32) of 
this same romance of 'Umar, dated by Seybold ( Verzeichniss, 
p. 75) at latest at the beginning of the XVIth century. It 
consists of 209 leaves out of an original 219, numbered 286 
to 506. It professes to be a second volume (kitati) of the 
Nights, and Part (jus) vn to xm ; the Nights are 283-542. 
Seybold unfortunately does not state what are the inter- 
calated stones. Again, in the Rylands Library there is 
another MS of this romance (Arabic 706). Like the 
Tubingen MS it is very old and a large folio and has lost 
quite a number of its leaves. It begins on F. 31 (original 
numberings) in Part vi, Night 251 and ends on F. 263 in 
Part xii. The story of 'Umar an-Nu'man begins on F. 57 a, 
Night 281, and extends to the end of the MS ; it includes 


the stories of Taj al-Muluk and of Ghanim. The first part 
of the MS contains a story which I did not recognize when 
I examined it in Sept., 1914. 

I conjecture that these three MSS represent an early 
recension of the Nights in which the contents of G formed 
the first quarter and the story of 'Umar formed the second 
quarter of the whole ; it was earlier and quite different from 
ZER. The Christ Church MS mentioned by Jonathan 
Scott, in the preface to his edition of Galland (vol. i, p. x, 
ed. of 181 1) may also be of this recension. It is of the story 
of 'Umar and contains Part vm of the Nights : the Nights 
are not numbered. But I know no evidence which can 
decide whether, when G came from Egypt, it was part of 
such a complete recension, or whether it came as a frag- 
ment and this recension was a Syrian expansion. 

The treatment, as to intercalation, of the story of 'Umar 
is somewhat similar in the two Paris MSS, which Zotenberg 
described in his Notice, pp. 17/183 ff. and 21/187 ff- 

I give now the text of our passage in the Madrid MS 
(F. 49 a, 11. 3-9): 

* ^j^l o ^ 


Jl3 ! 

The Sultan draws his sword and mounts one of the hills. 

He walks (^+3) all that night until dawn. This is evidently 

derivative from G, by a scribe who abbreviates but also 
thinks for himself. I know no other version quite like it. 

It may be convenient to describe here, so far as I can, 
another MS of the Aleppo group although I cannot give its 
reading of our passage. It is well known that Sir William 
Jones possessed a MS of the Nights of considerable extent. 
He refers to it in the preface (p. iv) to his " Poems," pub- 
lished anonymously at Oxford in 1772 ; "the Arabian tales 
of A Thousand and one nights, a copy of which work in 

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 3 1 1 

Arabick was procured for me by a learned friend at 
Aleppo!' Dr Patrick Russell was at Aleppo from 1750 to 
1771 and may have been the "learned friend" in question. 
In Lord Teignmouth's Life of Sir William Jones there are 
other references to his study of the Nights, especially with 
the assistance of a native of Aleppo whom he met acci- 
dentally in London and took with him to Oxford ; see 
PP- 3 2 > 33 S 6 , in of the ed. of 1804. Extracts from his 
MS have appeared in Richardson's Grammar of the Arabick 
Language, pp. 200-209 (ed. of 1776); and in the 20 pp. 
printed by Joseph White, Laudian Professor of Arabic at 
Oxford from 1775 to 1814, as a specimen of a projected 
edition of the Nights ; see for this specimen Schnurrer's 
Bibl. Arabica, p. 487. From these it is evident that the 
MS was in substantial agreement, as to reading and division 
into Nights, with G, being closer to it than I Calcutta, to 
which I have already referred. Unfortunately this MS has, 
at present, been lost sight of. At the death of Sir William 
Jones in 1794 it did not pass to the India Office Library with 
his other oriental MSS, but was evidently retained by Lady 
Jones. At her death her library was sold at auction at 
Evans's, May loth, 1831, and this MS was bought by the 
Persian scholar Nathaniel Bland 1 . At his death in 1865 his 
oriental MSS were bought by the Earl of Crawford 
(D.N.B., Suppl. i, 216) and it might, therefore, be looked 
for in the John Rylands Library, Manchester ; but it is not 
there. In the auction catalogue it is described as a quarto, 
two vols. bound in one, containing 222 Nights. 

I have already referred, more than once, to the I Cal- 
cutta Edition (Calcutta, 2 vols., 1814, 1818 ; ii lithogr. ed. in 
one vol., Calcutta, 1829). The text of our passage runs in 
it (vol. i, pp. 124 f.): 

1 I am indebted for this clue to the sagacity and kindness of Mr 
William Roberts, the well-known bibliographer and authority on the history 
of art. The certainty with which he put his hand on the Evans' Sale Cata- 
logue in the British Museum Library seems to me as magical as anything 
in the Nights. 


3 ait *\ 

In the India Office Library there is a MS (Loth's Cata- 
logue, p. 243, No. 842) to which Zotenberg has already 
drawn attention as belonging to his oriental recension 
{Notice, p. 45/211) and as being in close agreement with 
I Calcutta (p. 50/216). That is exactly so. Part of our 
passage runs in that MS (F. 51, 11. 5-7) : 

(sic) 3t 3 lilj ^^iJt (sic) w^p 

The unity of the text here is evident and also that it is 
another attempt to make the story more probable. But 
there is another witness to this same type of text. In Sep- 
tember, 1914, I found, in the Ry lands Library, the first 
volume (Arabic 40) of Dr Patrick Russell's MS of the 
Nights. Dr Russell had entitled it, ''Arabian Nights, 
Book ist. 141 Nights." Dr Russell died in 1805 (D.N.B., 
xlix, 469), and this MS was bought by S. W. Lewin in 1827. 
Thereafter it was bought by Lord Lindsay and passed from 
him to the Rylands Library. It consists of 229 leaves and 
ends, in Night 141, in the story of the young man of Bagdad 
and the barber, with a long piece of verse spoken by the 
old woman who gets from him his secret that he has fallen 
in love with the judge's daughter. I Calcutta (vol. i, 
pp. ioof., Night 137) gives only four lines of this; but in 
G (Night 141, vol. ii, FF. 47 b, 48 a, b) there are 49 lines. 
In this MS (Night 20, F. 58a, b) our passage runs : 


Classification of some MS S of the Arabian Nights 313 

We have, therefore, three witnesses for a practically 
identical text, (i) A text printed in Calcutta in 1814-18, 
"under the patronage of the College of Fort William," and 
edited by "Shuekh Uhmud bin Moohummud Shirwanee 
ool Yumunee of the Arabic department" in that college. 
Edouard Gauttier refers to him in the preface (pp. xi f.) to 
his edition of Galland (Paris, 1822) as "Le Mollah Firouz." 
The Mulla expresses the opinion in a Persian note of intro- 
duction to his edition that the tales were written by a Syrian 
Arab for the instruction of Europeans who wished to learn 
Arabic. In this he follows an Arabic preface to (ii), the 
Russell MS. This MS was brought by Dr Russell from 
Aleppo where he was resident physician to the English 
Factory from 1750 to 1771. Thereafter he was in India, 
principally at Madras (1781-89) as botanist to the East 
India Company, (iii) The India Office Library MS came 
from the library of John Leyden, the friend of Sir Walter 
Scott. He reached Madras on the iQth of August, 1803, and 
remained there until 1805 ; he lived at Calcutta at different 
times, principally 1 806-10, and died at Java, August 28th, 
1811. He may have met Patrick Russell in London as he 
stayed there a few months studying oriental languages before 
sailing for India. Earlier still he had studied Arabic at 
Edinburgh during his vacations. Patrick Russell's letter to 
Sylvanus Urban (Gentleman's Magazine, February, 1799, 
pp. 91 f.) had drawn wide attention to his MS of the Nights 
and had shown also how much attention was being paid at 
the time to the general subject of the Nights. John Leyden 
must have been following all that. 

There can be no doubt that these three are connected 
and there can be no reasonable doubt that the Russell MS 
is the source of the other two. But exactly how, where and 
when these two were derived from the Russell MS is not so 
easy to decide. That I Calcutta is not based immediately 
on either seems certain. Its editor evidently intended to 
put one hundred Nights into each volume and he had diffi- 
culty in making out two volumes. Yet the India Office MS 
has 281 Nights and ends like G and V in the story of 
Qamar az-Zaman, and the one volume, so far found, of the 
Russell MS has 141 Nights, while, in his letter, Dr Russell 
says that his MS has 280 Nights. The editor of I Calcutta 


has had to pad out his first volume at the end with the story 
of the marriage of al-Ma'mun and Buran (Nights 94-100 ; 
PP- 398-43 ) ; the source of his text has not been deter- 
mined ; it is fuller than any other form of this story in the 
Nights. His second volume he has padded with the story 
of the Guile of Women (Nights 196-200; pp. 367-378). 
He then added for good measure Sindbad the Sailor, 
pp. 378-458, not divided into Nights. Guile of Women and 
Sindbad he got from Langles' edition, Les Voyages de Sind- 
Bdd le Marin, et la Ruse des Femmes (Paris, 1814) ; both 
are also in an appendix to Savary's Grammaire de la 
Langue arabe which was edited by Langles in 1813. That 
this was his source was stated by Gauttier in the preface to 
his edition of Galland (vol. i, p. xx) and De Goeje showed 
in his De Reizen van Sindebaad (De Gids, 1889, No. 8 ; 
and separately) that Langles and I Calcutta were of the 
same recension. But the Indian editor must have touched 
up the style and introduced slight modifications from the 
point of view of the teacher of Arabic. That was evidently 
his attitude, and I suspect that he so dealt with his whole 
book 1 . It becomes, therefore, very difficult to say whether 
any differences between the texts, of change, addition or 
omission, are due to this pedagogical attitude or to the MS 
which he used. It is plain, however, that his MS was defec- 
tive at the end of the Porter cycle of stories. I Calcutta 
omits entirely the second Lady (al-madruba), and an ending 
had to be invented. So the wronged sister (she of the dogs) 
disenchants the dogs at Harun's request (p. 302, 11. 5 ff. from 
below). With a view to this possibility she had learned and 
remembered the formula. Harun, Ja'far and Masrur (!) marry 
the three sisters. This does not give a high impression of 
the independent story-telling ability of the editor. At the 
end of the Hunchback cycle there is an equally strange 
addition. The Barber not only becomes a boon companion 
of the king but shows himself a magician and a poet 
(I Calcutta, vol. ii, pp. 186-188; Night 162 = G, vol. iii, 
F. 3b; Night 170). 

I now take up the question of the Habicht text or texts. 
In the Breslau edition, vol. i to the middle of p. 12 (1. 9) is 

1 So the young Fleischer thought in 1827. See his "Remarques 
critiques" on Habicht's first volume iny. A., vol. xi, p. 222. 

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 3 1 5 

the ordinary ZER text ; but there a text begins which is a 
descendant of G. But in G, in the story of the Merchant and 
the Jinni, the third Shaykh's story is omitted. That has been 
inserted here (p. 63, 1. 12 to p. 66, 1. i) from ZER. On the 
margin of V, at this point, there is a similar insertion but 
abbreviated. At the foot of p. 349 in Night 69 comes the 
end of the Porter cycle, and on p. 350 the story of the 
Apples begins. But I have already noted, in my article in 
J.R.A.S. (July, 1909, p. 690) on Habicht's recension, that 
Habicht's MS reckoned by me as ib and marked with 
Library No. ii, 17 is in two parts, coinciding with this 
division and change of story, and that the first part ends, in 
Night 69, with 

This part of the volume is in a small unidentified modern 
hand ; but the second part is a single gathering written 
by Habicht and evidently intended to bridge over to his 
MS volume ii, printed in Breslau, vol. ii. We have here, 
therefore, a MS, a descendant of G, with Nights numbered 
as in G, ending, like G, the Porter cycle in Night 69 ; but 
following that immediately with the story of the Daughter 
(i.e. female descendant) of the Kisra (Chauvin's No. 106). 

In A.H. 1115 (A.D. 1703-4) there was finished at Baghdad 
the transcription of a MS of the Nights in which the first 
69 Nights coincided with the first 69 Nights of G. There, 
then, followed the story of Harun ar-Rashld and the 
Daughter of the Kisra. Other stories followed in a sequence 
not found elsewhere. Apparently there had come to the 
transcriber a MS derived from the first 69 Nights of G, and 
he had continued it freely from other sources. For all this 
see Zotenberg's Notice, pp. 35/201 ff. This MS is now lost ; 
but was copied in Paris early in the XlXth century by 
Michel Sabbagh for Caussin de Perceval. It must have 
come into his possession after 1806, for in that year, the 
year of his edition of Galland's version, he evidently did not 
yet know it. This copy is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale 
(Fonds arabe 4678, 4679 ; Suppl. ar. 2522, 2523). In 1827 
it was used by Fleischer in his article already referred to 
in criticism of the first vol. of Breslau in J.A., vol. xi, 
pp. 2176. 


From the above it is highly probable that this Baghdad 
MS lies behind the first vol. of Breslau, and a comparison 
of our test passage makes it certain. It runs in Breslau 
(i, p. 1 1 6, 11. 1 1 ff.) : 

In Michel Sabbagh's transcript of the Baghdad MS 
(Night 20, F. 35b) the same passage runs : 


Another MS in the Bibliotheque Nationale is of the 
same type. It is Suppl. 1715 i, n (Nos. 3613-3614) and is 
described by Zotenberg in a note on p. 45/2 1 1 of his 
Notice. He considered it a modern copy, executed in 
Europe, perhaps by the Syrian monk Chavis. It reproduces 
the order of the above MS although the division into 
Nights is not exactly the same, and ends in the middle of 
the story of Gulnar of the Sea, omitting like G the third 
Shaykh's tale in the story of the Merchant and the Jinni. 
Our passage in it runs (Night 20, F. 35 a, b) : 

JU3 J** N)^bl aS**5 (sic) 
J>O"k *2L~ 

(Sk) d 

JUj -.jj otj UJL3 3^ JJU 

These three, then, are all descendants from G and are of 
one type. 

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 317 

The second part of the Breslau text is derived directly 
from G. It extends from Night 72 b to Night 208, Breslau, 
vol. ii, p. 4 to ^ in Breslau, vol. iii, p. 102, 1. 7. This in 
Habicht's MS (see my article on him m J.R.A.S., p. 691) is 
in the hand of Ibn Najjar, his Tunisian friend ; but is de- 
rived straight from G. Why Ibn Najjar sent a MS to 
Habicht, which he had copied from G, breaking off abruptly 
in the middle of the story of Anls al- Jails, I do not know ; 
but that is the fact. It may be proved thus. Zotenberg 
observed (Notice, p. 6/172) that one leaf was lost from G 
containing the greater part of Night 102, the whole of 
Night 103, and some lines of Night 104, and that at the 
foot of the preceding page (G, vol. ii, F. 2gb) and on the 
margin of the following page a few phrases had been inserted 
to fill the gap. These phrases are reproduced almost 
exactly in Ibn Najjar's MS and in Breslau (vol. ii, p. 123, 
1. 8, Ob to p. 124, 1. 15). Only I do not think, as apparently 
Zotenberg did, that they were suggested by the context. 
They seem to be derived from another recension ; it is 
noticeable that ZER has the same recension as G (on the 
evidence of V) had originally, but omits much of the verse. 

I now give the readings of a number of MSS which 
seem, so far as my present knowledge goes, to be isolated. 
The most remarkable of them, as to reading, is the Christ 
Church MS, at Oxford, No. 207 (Kitchin's Cat., p. 60), 
which is apparently the same as the C 20 referred to by- 
Jonathan Scott in the preface to his Arabian Nights, vol. i, 
p. x. Zotenberg (p. 45/21 1) reckons it in his oriental group 
and, according to Scott, it gives G's sequence of stories to 
the end of the Hunchback cycle ; but I do not know how 
the Nights are numbered. Our passage for the transcript 
I am indebted to the kindness of Professor Margoliouth 
runs in it : 

A) Ji* 

JU3 U a^LJ ^ 

$ AJ JUi 





This seems to me a derivative attempt to produce a smooth 
narrative in independent language. 

The Wortley- Montague MS in the Bodleian stands also 
by itself both in contents and in reading of this passage. 
To the end of the Porter cycle it has apparently the same 
division and numbering of Nights as G ; thereafter is chaos. 
It is a quite modern MS of the middle of the XVIIIth cen- 
tury (A.H. 1177/8) and shows that even at that date there 
was not any generally recognized recension of the Nights 
and that individuals had to form their own. The passage 
runs (vol. i, p. 89) : 

JLaJt J*.t 

iJu U 

I have extracts from two other MSS which are so abbre- 
viated that it is not worth while to transcribe them : the 
Ouseley MS in the Bodleian (Ous. 242 ; in Ouseley's Cat. 
No. 577) and a MS in the India Office Library, Loth 843. 

But the readings in a Paris MS are so individual that 
I give them although I cannot bring them into connection 
with any other MS. It is Suppl. arabe 1721 iv (Fonds ar. 
No. 3615 ; cf. Zotenberg, p. 49/2 is) 1 . Written at the begin- 
ning of the XVIIIth century, it came from Egypt and 
contains the first 210 Nights, agreeing with G in division 
and numbering of the Nights down to the end of the 
Hunchback cycle. Thereafter comes Anis al- Jails ; then 
Zadbakht ; then Sindbad. Our passage comes in Night 19 
on F. 29b : 


1 It may be worth noticing that on 1. 10 of this page Zotenberg, by a 
slip, has written "conte du Pecheur" instead of "conte du Marchand" 

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 319 

I pass now to the MS which connects best with ZER. 
It is the Reinhardt MS in the Strasbourg University Library 
in four vols., of which ii and iii are dated A.H. 1247. It will 
be remembered that I Bulaq appeared in A.H. 1251 (1835). 
The first 73 pages to the end of the Porter cycle and the 
division and numbering of the Nights on these pages are as 
in ZER, but thereafter we have an entirely separate recen- 
sion, containing some stories which elsewhere have not found 
their way into the Nights, e.g. Saif b. Dhl Yazan and Saif 
at-Tljan (Chauvin, Bibl. ar. iv, pp. 210-212). Our passage 
comes in Night 7 and I am indebted for the following 
transcript to the kindness of Professor Noldeke : 

This is almost verbatim what stands in I Bulaq (vol. i, 
p. 20) except that it omits about a line which tells how the 
king continued journeying a day and a second night. This 
may have dropped out through the repetition of the phrase 

I do not take space here to reproduce the printed texts 
of ZER. They divide under two types which can easily be 
linked up with the MS evidence. In the one I Bulaq, 
II Bulaq and the Cairo editions generally there is no 
mention of the king climbing a hill and the difficulty, which 
Galland removed by making him come down again, is not 
raised. This type says instead ^^ o-* J-^b, just as we have 
seen in Reinhardt. In one Paris MS (Fonds ar. No. 3606) 
neither this phrase nor mention of the hill occurs. The 
other type of text (II Calcutta, vol. i, p. 43 ; Bombay litho- 
graph, vol. i, pp. 33, 34 ; Salhani, vol. i, p. 39) follows the 
original tradition with JWJt J^t i^ v> J^-^j and makes no 
mention of coming down again ; the king walks on upon 
that hill for a day and two nights. This is also the reading 
in Wortley-Montague (vol. i, p. 89) and in two Paris MSS 
(Fonds ar. Nos. 3595 and 4675); in all these in Night 7. 
In this there is evidently such conscious editing as we have 
already seen in the Habicht text (and the Paris MSS 3613, 


4678) with its J*aJI O-* **> (t^ 1 ) v^ 1 AjkH &~*j. But it 

may be simple accident which makes the Christ Church MS 
and the Bodleian Ouseley 242 agree in substituting juu for 
fJ-k. It is plain, too, that at this point II Calcutta is more 
original than Bulaq, which is more drastically edited. The 
puzzle is that the Reinhardt MS should agree so closely 
with this edited Bulaq only in its first 73 pages. Its scribe 
evidently had no more of that recension, or of any recension 
except what he put together himself. 

Zotenberg's hypothesis of an Egyptian recension formed 
in the latter part of the XVIIIth century has been accepted 
above. It may now be in place to give some other evidence 
supporting it. The MSS and printed texts which, ex hy- 
pothesi, represent it are characterized by very long Nights. 
Thus, the test passage comes in it in Night 7, while in G it 
is in Night 20. But mingled with these long Nights are 
some which are very short, and it is worth while to consider 
whether behind this variation there lies a significant explana- 
tion. Further, the G recension when complete, if it was 
ever complete, would have amounted only to about vols. i 
and ii of II Calcutta. The first 170 Nights in G, to the end 
of the Hunchback cycle, take 278 pages in II Calcutta. A 
complete 1001 Nights of the length of these would, there- 
fore, have required about 1630 pages; but II Calcutta has 
in its four vols. 2972 pp. and its first two vols. have together 
1608 pp. Therefore, ZER, as contrasted with the G recen- 
sion, has been greatly expanded by additions. 

In the first 349 pages of II Calcutta are only 44 Nights. 
These are occupied by stories which take 200 Nights in 
G from the beginning to the end of the Hunchback cycle 
(Nights 1-170) plus Ams al-Jalis (Nights 201-229) with 
the addition of Ghanim which is not in G and which has six 
Nights (39-44) in II Calcutta. Thereafter in II Calcutta 
comes 'Umar an-Nu'man on 366 pp. and in 101 Nights; 
then Beast Fables, 44 pages and six Nights ; then 'All b. 
Bakkar and part of Qamar az-Zaman on 1 50 pages and in 
65 Nights close vol. i of II Calcutta. In G 'All b. Bakkar 
and the part of Qamar az-Zaman which survives (to first 
five lines on p. 832 in II Calcutta) amount to 38 Nights, 
and this portion is 30 Nights and 71 pages in II Calcutta. 

I interpret this irregularity in length of Nights by the 

Classification of some MSS of the Arabian Nights 321 

following hypothesis. In the recension immediately pre- 
ceding ZER there were originally 152 Nights up to the end 
of Ghanim, and Ghanim was followed immediately by 'All b. 
Bakkar. It was desired to lengthen, by the addition of 
'Umar and the Beast Fables, which seem frequently to 
follow 'Umar; see on this my article on Habicht mJ.R.A.S., 
July, 1909, p. 701. So the Nights up to the end of Ghanim 
were lengthened and reduced in number to 44. That set 
free 107-8 Nights. Of these 101 were given to 'Umar 
about 3^ pages to a Night and over the remainder the 
Beast Fables were spread, 7^- pages to a Night. But this 
means that the recension preceding ZER contained the full 
number of 1001 Nights ; as, otherwise, 'Umar could have 
been added at the end or in a gap. Also, it means that that 
recension did not already contain 'Umar, as we have evidence 
that some quite early recensions did. Also, this explains the 
double occurrence of what is essentially the same story in 
Taj al-Muluk and Ardashir ; the latter was already in the 
Nights when 'Umar was introduced bringing with it the 

It was a remarkable piece of luck which, at the beginning 
of the XVIIIth century played what is still the oldest 
known MS of the Nights into the hands of Galland, their 
first introducer to Europe. But a quite modern MS may 
carry a more complete tradition than one centuries older. 
It would, therefore, be unsafe to take G alone and disregard 
all others, and I already possess evidence that even ZER 
contains elements which had been lost in the ancestry of G ; 
or, otherwise expressed, that ZER goes back to a more 
complete text of the G recension. But upon that and upon 
some other questions of relationship I am not yet in a 
position to make a complete statement. 

. Finally, it is a pleasant duty to thank a number of 
scholars, besides those specially mentioned above, for much 
help in examining MSS inaccessible to me here; they are 
M. H. Ananikian, T. W. Arnold, A. G. Ellis, I. Guidi, 
Sir Charles Lyall, F. Macler, L. Massignon, B. Meissner, 
R. A. Nicholson, C. F. Seybold, W. H. Worrell. 


B. P. V. 



The word which has become familiar in the form Caliph 
had a history before Islam. It is in form the abstract noun 
of a verb ^yr\, which means in Assyrian much the same as 
the Greek Svvew, to don, get into, in Hebrew and Aethiopic 
to pass on or over, in Aramaic and Arabic to come after or 
in lieu of. Its abstract noun naturally therefore in Assyrian 
means indutus, a putting-on, hence a garment ; and this 
appears to be the sense of the Hebrew HS^H (used in the 
plural) suit of clothes. In Psalm cii. 27 this word is derived 
from the sense to pass away. "As a vesture thou shalt cast 
them off (DSP^nn) and they shall pass away" (ififrrv). Now 
"a passing away" does not seem to be as suitable a phrase 
for a garment as "a putting on"; whence it might seem 
that the succession of ideas (represented in the different 
languages) was put on (Assyrian), pass through or away 
(Hebrew and Aethiopic) ; enter (Assyrian), come after or 
instead of (Aramaic and Arabic). 

How much the Hebrew usage differs from the Arabic 
may be illustrated by the gloss quoted from a Midrash on 
Proverbs xxxi. 8, which explains c^Spl 01 as " tne sons of 
the dead man who has passed away" PjSnfc?, where the Arabic 
verb would be applied to the son who comes after, not to 
the father who has gone on before. In consequence of this 
sense of coming after, the root is a fertile source of proper 
names both in Aramaic and Arabic. The form wX. is often 
found, meaning "the father's substitute"; so the son of a 
qadl is told "Your father was a support to us, and you, thank 
God, are his khalaf (substitute) 1 ." The form khallfah is 
also used as a proper name in early times 2 . 

In the inscription Glaser 618 of the year 543 A.D. khallfah 
occurs (line 1 1) meaning " viceroy " with the verb istakhlafa 
" appoint as such " ; (line 36) in the plural khalaif meaning 

In the Qur'an the word occurs with both its regular 

1 Nishwar of Tanukhi (in the press), p. 137. 

2 See Indices to Kamil of Mubarrad, etc. 

The sense of the title Khallfah 323 

plural i^AS^U. and that which it takes in imitation of mascu- 
line words pUX*. ; a synonym is w*Uz. .o and the text wherein 
this occurs (Ivii. 7) is of some use for ascertaining its sense : 
A** ij^iU^^o ^o^*- U- t^jut. This evidently means spend of 
that whereof God has put you in possession, and if we should 
add, as the commentators do, after other people, the sense 
does not seem to gain thereby. In two cases the form .UU. 
seems to mean successors, vii. 67 where after the people of 
Noah, and 7 2 where after 'Ad follow ; the same sense 
apparently belongs to the form ^'^U. in x. 15 and 74, where 
some predecessors are mentioned ; but in xxxv. 37 He it is 
who has made you U&y^. in the earth, and xxvii. 63 and 
makes you *UU. of the earth, ii. 28 When thy Lord said to 
the Angels : Verily I am about to place on the earth a 3A^ , 
xxxviii. 25 O David, verily we have set thee as a AAJU. on the 
earth, so judge between mankind with right, some word like 
"possessor" or perhaps "heir" would be more suitable. In- 
deed in this last passage it is difficult to get clear of the 
notion potentate which afterwards became associated with 
the word. 

I n the classical literature the word can be used for substi- 
tute in any sense. The hands of the Banu Yazdad according 
to Buhturl are Caliphs (substitutes) for the rain-bringing 
constellations 1 . Abu Nuwas was induced by his youth to 
become the Caliph of someone's husband, i.e. commit adul- 
tery 2 . Most frequently however the word is used for the 
deputy of some official. The Caliph himself may have a 
Caliph ; when the 'Abbasid Caliph lived in Samarra, there 
was a <j-*uj>)t j~t>\ AAJU. in Baghdad 3 . Viziers and the like 
often had "Caliphs," who discharged some of their numerous 
duties for them, or represented them when they were away 
from the court. 

The basic tradition for the employment of the name to 
designate the Moslem sovereign is quoted by Badr al-Zaman 
Hamadhani in his Rasail*. When the Apostolate came to 
an end, and the Sovereignty (Imamate) came in, the honour 
fell to the latter. Abu Bakr was addressed: Caliph of the 
Apostle of God ; God made the Caliphate the badge of Abu 

i. 74, ed. Const. 2 Cairo, 1898, p. 311. 

Tabari iii. 1410. 4 Beyrut, 1890, p. 289. 

21 2 


Quhafahs family, and no one except the representative of 
that J ami ly received the title; then Abu Bakr appointed as 
his Caliph (successor] ' Umar. A man addressed him as Caliph 
of God. He said : God confound you 1 ! That is God s prophet 
David. The man then addressed him as Caliph of the Apostle 
of God. 'Umar said : That is your departed master (Abu 
Bakr]. Then the man addressed him as Caliph of the Caliph 
of the Apostle of God. 'Umar said : That is my right title, 
only this is too long. 'Umar proceeded to style himself Prince 
of the Believers. 

The passage indicates that the name Caliph allowed of 
three interpretations, Successor to the Prophet, Successor to 
the Throne (i.e. follower of the last sovereign), and Viceroy 
of God. To the ordinary Moslem the name meant nothing 
more than Sovereign ; hence they speak of the Caliphate of 
the Moslems*, our Caliph, their Caliph, Caliphs as opposed 
to Commoners, precisely as kings are opposed to them 3 ; the 
vizier Ibn al-Furat is said to have governed in the style of 
a Caliph 4 . 

Abu Bakr is called the Caliph of the Apostle of 'God 'in 
a deed purporting to be drawn up by Khalid b. al-Walid, 
cited by Abu Yusuf 5 . There is a tradition that he substituted 
the form khalifah, mean ing "the worthless," but this tradition 
is evidence that the title was given him. The chief use of 
this interpretation is made by Sufis, e.g. Ibn 'Arabi in the 
Fusus al-Hikam*, whose purpose it is to show that the Sufi 
qutb is the substitute for God on earth, whereas the recognized 
Caliphate is a lieutenancy of the Apostle ; since all that is 
in the power of the recognized Caliph is to apply a Code 
which he has received from an Apostle, whereas the Lieu- 
tenant of God receives orders from the same source as that 
whence the Apostles drew. 

In an oration ascribed by Jahiz to Abu Bakr 7 the Caliph- 
ate is said to be of the Prophetic office, and Ibn Zubair is 
said to have termed it " Inheritance of the Prophetic office 8 ." 

1 <UJt wlUJU.; the play cannot be easily reproduced. 

2 Tabari iii. 1489, 5. Jahiz, Bayan i. 179. Tabari iii. 1633, n. 

3 Buhturl i. 241 o^hikj A$~> ^.c. ii. 95 l^^Jloj Ad^w. 

4 Miskawaihi i. 13 (in the press). 

5 Kitdb al-Khardj, Cairo, 1306, p. 84, 13. 

6 Ed. Cairo, 1309, pp. 311 foil. 

7 Bay an ii. 21. 8 Ibid. i. 202. 

The sense of the title Khallfah 325 

The interpretation successor of the last sovereign is sug- 
gested by the form mustakhlaf, " person chosen to succeed," 
which 'Abbasid poets use as the equivalent of khalifah for 
metrical reasons. Thus Abu Tammam speaks of the eighth 
mustakhlaf^, Buhturl of the tenth mustakhlaf' \ meaning 
"appointed in due succession." In one anecdote the word 
means "pretender," implying improper appointment 3 . Per- 
haps the only occasion whereon this sense has entered into 
political controversies was in the negotiations between the 
Persian ruler Ashraf and the Porte in 1727, when in the 
treaty of peace it was agreed that The grand Signior shall 
be acknowledged head of the Musselmen and the true successor 
of the Caliphs*. It is well known that the old line of Caliphs 
in the East terminated somewhere ; the question was whether 
the Ottoman Sultan was their proper successor. 

It is perhaps surprising that the question of continuity in 
the succession of Caliphs meets us so rarely. Abu Tammam 
and Buhturl start their lists from the first 'Abbasid, Saffah ; 
the interval between the Prophet's death and his accession 
is usually neglected. Buhturl has a theory that the Prophet's 
uncle 'Abbas was his wast, or legatee, which he expresses 
in the following verse : 

He reproduces ' 'Abbas the Prophet's uncle and his legatee in what he says 
and does*, 

referring to Mutawakkil. 'Abbas appears indeed to have 
possessed the kingly gift of rainmaking ; but such rights to 
the Caliphate as he may have had were ordinarily based on 
the Law of Inheritance, not on this theory that he was the 
wasl, a name which is often applied to 'Ali. 'Ali indeed (as 
apart from Fatimah) could only inherit as wast, which implies 
the theory of successive appointment. This was often inter- 
preted as the communication of mysterious knowledge for 
the conduct of affairs ; and this theory too is adopted by 
Buhturl, who explains Mutawakkil's wise government in 
this way : 

1 Beyrut, 1889, p. 141. 2 ii. 185. 

3 Nishwar, p. 74. 

4 J. Hanway, The Revolutions of Persia, 1762, ii. 253. 


taught us the Practices and guidance of the Prophet, and hast 
judged amongst us by the Revealed Book ; a right which thou didst inherit 
from the Prophet ; and guidance is only inherited by one appointed in due 
succession from an Apostle^. 

The mode wherein the 'Abbasids worked 'AH into their claim 
on this principle was to make the Prophet hand over these 
mysteries to 'AH, who handed them to his son Mohammed 
Ibn al-Hanafiyyah, who handed them to the representative 
of the line of 'Abbas, with whose descendants they remained. 
Possession of knowledge of this sort would certainly re- 
quire a continuous chain ; where Abu Tarnmam enumerates 
the series ending with Wathiq, he starts with Saffah 2 . Con- 
tinuity of possession would also be desirable in the case of 
the insignia of the Caliph, enumerated by Buhturi as the 
Sword, Turban, Seal, Cloak, Staff and Throne 3 . Of these 
personal possessions probably the Seal (khatani) was the 
most important 4 ; the first business of a Caliph when in- 
stalled was to secure it 5 . By the Throne (sarzr) probably 
the minbar is meant 6 . According to Samhudi, however, 
when Mu'awiyah tried to remove the mm&arfrom Medinah 
miracles occurred which frustrated the project 7 ; but such an 
object would be likely to exist in duplicate. It is probable 
that all these objects have been repeatedly renewed, since 
several of the Caliphs perished in circumstances which left 
little chance of their preservation. Mas'udl has a story ac- 
cording to which Marwan the last of the Eastern Umayyads 
buried some of them the Cloak, the Rod and the Seal (?) 8 
lest they should fall jnto 'Abbasid hands ; a slave revealed 
the hiding place to 'Amir b. Isma'il, the slayer of Marwan. 
The slave thought that if they were lost, the heritage of the 
Prophet would be missing. Muqtadir at the time of his 
death had the Cloak and Rod on his person 9 ; his body was 
stripped. Mas'udi did not know whether they had been 

1 i. 9. 2 Beyrut, 1889, p. 293. 

3 ii. 240. l Ta'awldhi 149, 30. 

5 Miskawaihi i. 290. 6 Ta'awidhi 409, 30. 

7 Cairo, 1285, p. 120. 

8 Ed. B. de Meynard, vi. 77. The word^-osi^e must be corrupt. 

9 Miskawaihi i. 265. 

The sense of the title Khallfah 327 

rescued or not. As has been seen, the Caliphs of the sixth 
century possessed them all. 

The third theory that the Caliph is God's deputy appears in 
its crudest form in the question asked by Khalid b. 'Abdallah 
QasrI 1 (ob. 126): Which is the more honourable, the messenger 
whom a man sends on an errand or the person who takes his 
place with (his khallfah with) his family? His idea was to 
show that the Umayyad Hisham was superior to the Prophet. 
This interpretation is found in a letter of the Umayyad 
Yazld b. al-Walld 2 , where the Caliphs are called the Caliphs 
of Allah. Jahiz 3 mentions the formula O Caliph of Allah 
among the proper forms of address to a Caliph, and accord- 
ing to him 'Ata b. Abl Saifl the Thaqafite in his consoling 
words to Yazld son of Mu'awiyah on the death of the latter 
said Thou hast lost the Caliph of Allah and been given the 
Caliphate of Allah*. This is also found in 'Abbasid accession 
oaths 5 . In poetry the formula is very common, and khallfah 
of the Rahman is at times substituted for it 6 . 

Since it seems certain that the interpretation Lieutenant 
of God was approved by Umayyad princes, it may be sug- 
gested that it was due to Umayyad needs. The transference 
of the Islamic capital to Damascus from Medinah, where a 
Successor of the Prophet was naturally established, may well 
have produced a change in the interpretation of the title. 
Mu'awiyah's claim, if based on the text of the Qur'an (xvii. 
35), was to be Sultan ; as such he was not Mohammed's 
deputy, but God's. 

According to Ibn Khaldun 7 this interpretation though 
permitted by some jurists was rejected by the majority 
(jumhur\ It was the official interpretation at the Mamluk 
court, where the shadowy 'Abbasid was styled The khallfah 
of Allah in his earth, the son of the uncle of the Apostle, 
Prince of Messengers, and heir of the Caliphate from him*\ 
according to this the Prophet himself was a Caliph. 

That the Caliphate terminated with the rise of the Umay- 
yad dynasty is expressed in the tradition that the Prophet 

1 Aghanimx. 66. 2 Tabari ii. 1843, 20. 

8 Livre de la Couronne, p. 86. 4 Bayan ii. 103. 

5 Tabari iii. 1475, T 7 5 J 5 6 5> J 3- 6 Buhturi ii. 146. 

7 Prolegomena, Cairo, 1284, p. 109. Cf. Mawaqif, ed. Soerensen, p. 297. 

8 Zubdat Kashf al-Mamalik, ed. Ravaisse, p. 89. 


said The Caliphate after me will be thirty years ; then it will 
become a kingship^. The successor of the Prophet should 
clearly be a king-priest of Medinah, where the Prophet had 
discharged those functions ; when the centre of the empire 
was removed to a distance, the continuity was broken, and 
it was natural that the sense attaching to the title should 
undergo a change. That the 'Abbasids thought of them- 
selves as successors to the old Persian kings appears very 
clearly from the Taj of Jahiz ; and as " Sultans of the 
World 2 " they might well regard themselves as lieutenants 
of God. And those astute Sultans, such as Mu'izz al-daulah 
and afterwards Baibars, who maintained Caliphs to whom 
they allowed no power, perhaps found the interpretation 
Lieutenant of Allah less dangerous than Successor to the 
Prophet. Complete delegation of powers could more easily 
be associated with the former sense than with the latter. 

1 Nasafi, Bahr al-kalam, p. 93. 2 Ta'awldhi 445, 24. 




La publication magistrale du Mostazhirl de Ghazall 
par Goldziher a ramene" Tattention sur les Qarmates. Les 
recherches de Casanova sur leurs calculs astrologiques font 
desirer une mise au point des travaux de Goeje sur leur 
histoire, et une reprise des etudes de Dieterici sur leur 
philosophic syncretiste ; il est a souhaiter que Griffini nous 
donne bientot Tune et 1'autre. II n'existe actuellement aucune 
esquisse bibliographique sur 1'ensemble de la question : ni 
Sacy, ni Wlistenfeld, ni Goeje, ni Browne n'en ont prepar 
le cadre. C'est cette lacune que nous voudrions voir 

Nous definissons "qarmate*? largo sensu, 1'ample mouve- 
ment de reforme et de justice sociales qui a e"branl tout le 
monde musulman au IX e siecle de notre ere, pour avorter 
avec la proclamation du fondateur de la dynastie "Fatimite 2 " 
en 297/910 a Mahdlyah. Ce mouvement a e"te caracterise", 
au point de vue scientifique, par la diffusion d'un vocabulaire 
technique hell^nistique (ecrits pseudo-herm^tiques et sa- 
beens) ; au point de vue politique, par la propagation d'une 
conspiration rigoureusement secrete en faveur du legitimisme 
alide ismaelien ; au point de vue religieux, par 1'emploi 
d'une catechese methodique, adaptee a toutes les confessions, 
a toutes les races et a toutes les castes, fondee sur la raison, 
la tolerance et I'egalit^ ; avec un rituel de compagnonnage, 
qui, favorisant Tessor du mouvement des corps de metiers et 
des " universit^s," a gagn^ 1'Occident ou il a fait clore les 
compagnonnages et francma^onneries europdennes 3 . 

1 Appellation populaire, contemporaine et concrete; de preference a " batint" ^pithete 
de theologie, et a " ismaelien" Etiquette politique shi'ite. L'etymologie meme du mot 
qarmate reste obscure ; c'est peut-etre 1'arameen ''qourmata," traduction de 1'arabe taORt, 
nom du 6 e grade initiatique (cfr. R. P. Anastase, in Machriq> x, 18, p. 857). 

2 Dont la legitimite (batard ou imposteur) parait etre restee suspecte aux vrais Qarmates 
jusqu'au bout. A 

3 On a pu constater que les signes de reconnaissance taient les memes, dans 
1'^cossisme et chez les Druzes. 

330 Louis MASSIGNON 

Sont exclues syst^matiquement de cette esquisse 1 : les 
ouvrages reTerant uniquement : a 1'histoire interieure de la 
dynastie Fatimite, au Maghreb et en Egypte : et a I'histoire 
locale des Druses, des Assassins (da'wak jadldak] et des 
Horoufls, sectes initiatiques issues du grand mouvement 




(a) Textes strictement qarmates. (b) Textes apparentes. 

(a) Textes strictement qarmates: 

1. Abou'l Khattab Mohammad-b. Abi Zaynab al Asadi al 
Koufi, mort vers 145 heg., traditionniste imamite notoire, denonce et 
exclu com me faussaire (Nisa'i, ap. Ibn al Jawzl, mawdou'dt, et SoyoutI, 
la' alt). Disciple de I'imam Ja'far, qui I'excommunie 2 ; il fonde une secte 
dont le caracteristique est une discipline du secret beaucoup plus stricte 
que la taqiyah shl'ite ordinaire, autorisant le parjure du rdivl*' y ce qui 
decida Shafi'I, qui admet le temoignage des heretiques en matiere de tradi- 
tions, a exclure les seuls Khattabiyah*. II edite sur la cabale alphabetique, 
un Kitab al jafr, qu'il dit tenir de Ja'far (Ibn Hazm, in Friedlander, n, 
1 06; Baghdad!, farq, 240; Hajji Khallfah, Kashf al zonoun, n, 603; cfr. 
Casanova, ap. JAP, 1916). II commente le Qor'an dans un sens allegorique 
(ta'wtl). Refute vers 190 par 1'imamite Ibn Rabah (Tusy's list, 46). Execute 
a Koufah. 

2. Abou Shakir Maymoun-b. al Aswad al Makhzoumi al 
Makki 5 , mort vers 180. Client des Al al Harith-b. abl Rabl'ah al Makhzoumi 
(Dhahabi, ftidal, n, 81). Disciple d' Abou'l Khattab (fihrist, i, 186). 
Auteur du Kitab al mizan, analyse ap. Ibn al Athlr (Kami!, vm, 21). 
^diteur probable du Kitab al sifat attribue a 1'imam Baqir 6 (extr. in 
ShahrastanI, milal, n, 29; cfr. la risalah ila Jabir-b. Yaztd Jofi, cite'e par 
Salisbury, JAOS, 1851, 259 seq. et 300). 

1 Sont abregees : (a) toutes les references peuvent etre completees en consultant 
Brockelmann, Gesch. Arab. Lit.} (b) toutes les citations des auteurs mentionnes dans la 
liste III. 

2 Cfr. Friedlander, II, 90, 96; Khounsari, rawdat, n, 234; Ibn al Da'I, tabsirah, 

3 Pour dejouer la police 'abbaside, car la dynastie 'abbaside, issue elle-meme de la 
conspiration kaysanite (Rawandite, Mas'oudi, morouj, VI, 58), savait le peril politique 
des societes secretes. Voir la formule du serment ap. Ghazali, mostazhiri, 54 (cfr. Bagh- 

I,yJzr^, 288-290; Iji, mawdqif, 350). 

4 Qasimi, majmou' 1 motoun osouliyah, 65. 

5 On en a fait le fils de Bardesane (sic), ou d'un certain Sa'id Ghadban. 

6 Moghirah pretendit aussi editer ses oeuvres (f 119, Friedlander, II, 80). 

Esquisse d'une bibliographic Qarmate 331 

II soutint a Basrah, centre les hanefites, que le Qor'an est une Emanation 
divine increee 1 . Poursuivi par la police 'abbaside, il se retire d'abord a 
Jerusalem 2 , ou il passe pour un homme pieux, mais aussi pour un alchimiste 
suspect. II serait alle ensuite en Tabaristan, se consacrer a 1'education du 
pretendant Mohammad-b. Isma'il 3 qu'il dit lui avoir ete confie par son 
grand-pere rimam Ja'far, et qui adopte son fils 'Abdallah-b. Maymoun 4 . 

3. 'Abdallah-b. Maymoun al Qaddah al Makki, mort en prison 
a Koufah vers 2io 5 . Mohaddith imamite estime et reconnu (Tusy's list, 
197), ce que le poete al Ma'arr! avait deja releve' avec ironie (ghofran, 156 ; 
cfr. fihrist, 220). Les traditionnistes sunnites 1'ont critique: suspect selon 
Bokhari, exclu par Abou Hatim, Abou Zor'ah, Ibn Hibban (Dhahabl, mizan 
al i'' tidal, s.v.). Raw! de Ja'far, et de Talhah al Hadrami (f 152), il a pour 
rawls quatre imamites cites ap. Tusy's list. II passait pour s'attirer des 
disciples au moyen de jongleries (Mohammad ibn Zakarya 6 , makharlq al 
anbiya, ap. Nizam al Molk, siyaset name, XLVII; Jawbarl, Kashf al asrar, 
MS Paris 4640, f. TO). 

4. Dindan Abou Ja'far Ahmad ibn al Hosayn ibn Sa'id al 
Ahwazi, mort vers 250, a Qomm. Mohaddith imamite connu, a tendances 
extremistes ( Tusys list, 26). Non pas "complice" d"Abdallah ibn Maymoun 
(fihrist, i, 1 88 ; farq, 266), mais son disciple, probablement indirect (son 
pere mourut en 230, Tusy's, 104): il convertit a la secte les Kurdes du 
Badln, Khorramites jusque-la (farq, 268, 266); il ecrit le Kitab al ihtijaj, 
edite par Mohammad ibn Hasan al Saffar, qui vecut sous le XI e imam. 
Ce personnage ne fait peut-etre qu'un avec le numero suivant. La nisbah 
"DindanI" est donnee a Zikrawayh par Baghdad! (farq, 267). 

5. Ahmad Ibn al Kayyal [al Khaslbi], mort vers 270? Missionnaire 
qarmate, puis chef de secte; se pretend fils d'imam, et passe pour descendre 
d'Ibn Maymoun al Qaddah ; peut-etre est-ce le " grand-oncle " du Fatimite 
(Sharaf 'All, riyad, p. 301); auteur d'une serie d'ouvrages philosophiques 
fort importants, dont Shahrastan! (milal, n, 17-21) a donne des extraits ; le 
medecin RazI les refuta (fihrist, 300); leurs textes arabes et persans sub- 
sisterent longtemps (Ibn Kamalpasha, firaq dallah, in fine) j ils suggerent 
une influence hindoue. 

6. 'Abdan, mort en 286, chef de la propagande qarmate en 'Iraq. 
Ecrit huit opuscules, dont le fihrist donne les titres (i, 189). Ses balaghat 
saba\ instructions pour les sept degres d'initiation, sont cites par Nizam 
al Molk (siyaset name, trad. p. 286) ; comp. les neuf degres d'initiation, 
cent ans apres, au temps d'al Mo'izz : tafarros, ta'ms, tashklk, ta^liq, rabt, 
tadlls, tdsls, khal^, salkh (cfr. Sacy, Druzes, i, 7 4*-! 60*; Baghdad!, farq, 
286-287; Ghazali, mostazhirl, ed. Goldziher, pref. pp. 40-41). 

7-10. Banou Hammad, Ibn Hamdan, Ibn Nafis, Hasana- 
badhi : propagandistes secondaires, au IV e siecle, dont le fihrist (Lc.) cite 
les ceuvres. 

1 Longue et curieuse notice du kharijite mzabite 'Abd al Kafi Tina'outi (Dalil li ahl 
al 'oqoill, MS coll. Motylinski). 2 Sacy, Druzes, i, 440. 

3 Dont Texistence est confirmee par ce fait, qu'une secte speciale, les Mobdrakiyah^ 
soutint ses pretentions a 1'imamat, sans se confondre avec les Ismaeliens (Goeje, 206 ; 
Baghdad!, farq, 47) (Nizam al Molk, I.e.}. 

4 Cfr. Rashid al Din, jami'-al tawarikh (Blochet, Messianisme, 89). 

5 Jawbarl dit explicitement : " sous al Ma'moiln." Casanova 1'a prouv^, centre Goeje. 

6 =RazI? Cfr. infra, No. 5. 



11. Abou Hatim ('Abdal Rahman?) al Warsnam al RazI, 

apotre du Dei'lem. Ecrit al Zayyinah, al Jam? (fihrist, I.e. ; cfr. Griffini, 
I.e., p. 87). 

12. Bandanah Abou Ya'qoub al Sijzi, execute en 331, en 
Turkestan. Ecrit Asas al da'wah, tctwll al share??, kashf al mahjoub 
(Blrouni, Hind, 32; Baghdad!, farq, 267). 

13. Abou 'Abdallah Mohammad-b. Ahmad al Nasafi al 
Baradha'i, execute en 331. Ce propagandiste, dont 1'activite a ete 
decrite par Nizam al Molk (siyaset name, Chap. XLVII), ecrivit al 
Mahsoul (farq, 267, 277). 

14. Ibn Masarrah, mort en 319. Celebre philosophic andalousien 
(Asin Palacios, Abenmasarra, Madrid, 1913). 

15. 'Obaydallah ibn Hosayn al Qayrawam, ne 259, mort 321. 
C'est le fondateur de la dynastie fatimite. 

On lui a attribue une lettre dogmatique adressee a Abou Tahir Solayman 
al Qarmati sous le titre "#/ siyasah, wa al baldgh al akyad, wal namous al 
a'zam" (extr. ap./#/y, 278, 280-282 : cfr. Maqrlzl, s.v. mahwil). Quoique 
de Goeje en ait fait etat, j'avoue qu'elle m'apparait d'un cynisme rare. 

16. Al No'man ibn Abi Hamfah Mohammad ibn Mansour 
ibn Ahmad ibn Hayyoun al Tamimi, ne 259, mort a 104 ans en 363. 
Qadi des qadis fatimite, de rite malekite (cfr. Gottheil, JA OS, xxvn, 217). 
Ecrit la version officielle des origines de la dynastie sous le titre iftitah al 
da'wah al zahirah (ou ibtida al da'wah al 'obaydtyah) dont un curieux 
fragment sur la vocation d'Ibn Hawshab, conserve par Maqrlzl, a ete 
traduit par Quatremere (JAP, 1836, pp. 122, 130) (cfr. Brockelmann, 
GAL, i, 188). 

17. Mansour al Yaman, apotre au Yemen. 

18. Ja'far-b. Mansour al Yaman, taUlfat (Griffini, p. 87). Ecrit 
vers 360 le tdwll alfara?id= MS Leyde 1971 (Goeje). 

19. Ma*add-b. Isma'il al Mo'izz lidln Allah, mort en 365, 
Khalife fatimite : Risalah au qarmate Hasan (ap. Maqrlzl, itti'az, 134-143). 
Monajat (prieres), ap. Guyard, N.E. MSS, xxn, i, 224-229. Risalah 
maslhiyah, de Tan 358, MS Paris 131. 

20. Missionnaires de Hakim autres que Hamzah Dorzl : Hamid al 
Dm, et 'AH ibn al Walid (Griffini, p. 87). ' 

21. [anonyme]: dostour al monajjimln, MS Paris 5968 (Goeje). 

22. Tala'i ibn Rozziq, mort en 505, Caire. Ecrit al Mimad 
(Brockelmann, n, 70). 

23. Conference contradictoire en 543 a la cour fatimite, au Caire (MS 
Caire, vi, 129). 

24. Hasan ibn al Sabbah, fondateur de la da i wah jadldah 
(Alamout). Sesfosou/ arba^ah ont ete inseres, sans le dire, par Shahrastanl, 
milal, ed. Caire, au t. n, pp. 47-155 (glose de Jamal Qasiml). 

25-30. Shaykh al Sharaf 'Obaydalli, mort au VI e siecle. Ge'ne'a- 
logiste de souche fatimite, defend 1'authenticite de la genealogie de ses 
ancetres dans un opuscule conserve a Leyde (MS 686, voir Goeje, p. 9, et 
Arendonk, xm), et cite par Maqrlzl (itti'az, 7); son opinion a ete suivie 
et defendue par deux autres genealogistes, Ibn Malqatah al 'Oman, 

Esquisse d^une bibliographic Qarmate 333 

et Abou 'Abdallah al Najjari; tandis que les deux freres Mohammad 
et Hasan al Mobarqa' (zeidites), Ibn Khida' et Shibl ibn Takin 
refusaient de prendre parti (I.e., 7-8). 

31. Abou'l Barakat-b. Boshra al Halabi : sar&ir al notaqa ; 
majalis (Griffini). 

32. [anonymes au Yemen]: liste ap. Griffini, I.e., 86-87. 

33. Diya al Dm, au Yemen, ecrit en 1169 (= 1756) (Griffini). 

(b) Textes apparent^. 

D'autres textes leur sont etroitement apparentes au point de vue du 
vocabulaire philosophique et theologique : 

1. Les textes relatifs au roman syncre'tiste des Sabeens, mythe qui 
parait avoir joue en Orient au IX e siecle de notre ere, pour la diffusion de 
la conspiration sociale qarmate, le meme role que le mythe des "Rose- 
Croix" de Valentin Andreas (1616) a joue en Occident au XVII e et 
XVIII e siecles pour la propagation de la francma^onnerie. 

Le premier auteur de ce roman parait etre un Kharijite du Fars, Yazid 
ibn Abi Obaysah, qui annonga la prochaine revelation de la religion 
universelle, "des vrais Sabeens" (non ceux de Wasit, ni de Harran) 
(Baghdad!, farq, 263; Shahrastam, milal, i, 183). II y aurait a revoir au 
point de vue qarmate cette curieuse et abondante litterature (cfr. les 
"nouveaux documents harraniens" publ. par Goeje et Dozy (Congres 
Orientalistes Leide, n, 285). 

2. Les traductions d'ecrits hellenistiques d'alchimie et d'astrologie 
attribues a Hermes, Agathodemon, Jamasp, et dont les recherches de 
Blochet ont montre 1'importance: ce sont des ecrits "sabeens" (cfr. Ikhwdn 
al Safd, iv, 296). 

3. Des textes mystiques comme les 'Hal al 'oboudiyah de Tirmidhi 
(t 285) et les 27 Riwayat publiees en 290 par al Hallaj (f 309), qui sont 
peut-etre identiques au Bay an public en 290 par un certain *' Ghiyath " 
(Nizam al Molk, siyaset name, Chap. XLVii) 1 . 

4. Des dlwans poetiques comme ceux d'Ibn Hani (cfr. Kremer, 
ZDMG, xxiv, 481) et d"Omarah du Yemen (ed. Derenbourg, 1897). 

5. Des encyclopedies scientifiques comme les ceuvres de Nasiri 
Khosrau (Sefer Name, etude d'Ethe, Congres de Leide, 1883, pp. 169- 
237; et surtout Zad al mosdfirln, MS Paris 2318), et surtout comme les 
Rasa'il Ikhwan al Safa, cette ceuvre maitresse, dont la compilation, 
d'apres le patient calcul recemment etabli par Casanova, daterait des 
alentoursde 45o 2 ; cfr. le Dabistan de Mobed Shah(Mahmoud Fani), 
compile sous Akbar ; et le Desatir. 

6. Les textes noseyrls et druzes (bibliographic dans Dussaud ; et 
Seybold, ed. du Kitab al dawtiir}. 

7. II ne faut pas omettre le type de naskhi des calligraphes qarmates, 
et 1'ornementation decorative a polygones fermes si caracteristique de 
1'architecture fatimite. 

1 Voir aussi 1'ecole mystico-qarmate d'Espagne, Ibn Barrajan, Ibn al 'Irrif et Ibn 
Qasyl (Kb-a? al na'layn], maitres directs d'Ibn 'Arabi. 

2 Cependant, Tauhldl ^414) la connaissait deja, selon Bahbaham (MS Lond. Add. 
24,411, f. i82 b ). 

334 Louis MASSIGNON 


(a) Notices polemiques. (b) Legendes occidentaks. 

(c) Annalistes et geographes. 
(a) Notices polemiques ; et htrtsiographies : 

1. Qodamah ibn Yazid al No'mani, ouvrage perdu. 

2. ['AH] Ibn 'Abdak al Jorjani, imamite: fils d'un chef de secte 
etudie par MohasibT (makdsib}, et Malati (tanblh, MS Damas. tawhld 59); 
sur un de ses descendants, voir Sam'anI (ansdb, s.v. 'Abdakl) ; ouvrage 

3. Abou'l Hasan ibn Zakarya al Jorjani, ouvrage perdu. 

4. Had! ila al Haqq, mort en 299; imam zei'dite au Yemen: bawar 
al Qardmitah, cite ap. Arendonk, 278. 

5. Ibn al Monajjim, dlwan (poemes) : Sacy, i, 439. 

6. Abou 'Abdallah Mohammad ibn 'AH Ibn Rizam al Ta'i 
al Koufi, se trouvait a la Mekke en 317 (Ibn al Qarih, risdlah, p. 550); 
et a Bagdad en 329, comme ndzir al mazdlim : extraits ap. fihrist, i, 188; 
SabT, p. 317. 

7. Abou Ja'far al Razi al Kalbi, ouvrage perdu. 

8. Kolini, mort en 328: radd l ala al Qardmitah (Tusy's list, p. 327) : 

9. 'Abdallah-b. 'Omar Hamdani, zeidite : ecrit vers 330 la bio- 
graphic de rimam Nasir lil Haqq (cfr. ici Arendonk, /.*., 303). 

10. Mas'oudi, mort en 345 : tanblh wa ishraf, trad. Vaux, 502 : cite 
les Nos. 1-3, 6-7. 

1 1. Abou Hatim-b. Hibban al Bosti, mort en 354 : ft* I Qardmitah 
(Goldziher, No. 3, p. 15). 

12. Abou'l Hosayn Mohammad al Malati, mort en 377: tanblh 
wa radd, pp. 3338 : de ma copie personnelle (notice detaillee). 

13. Fanakhosrou, prince Bowayhide : declaration lue a Damas en 
360 sur la fausse genealogie des Fatimites : d'apres des temoignages 
qarmates (Goeje) (Defremery, JAP, 1856, n, 376). Ibn al No'man, qadl 
fatimite, y repond 1 . 

14. Abou'l Hosayn Mohammad Akh Mohsin Ibn al 'Abid 
al Sharif al Dimishqi, mort vers 375 (genealogie ap. Maqrlzl, itti'dz, 
e'd. Bunz, p. u): pamphlet sur commande "en 20 Korrds" juge severe- 
ment par Maqrlzl (moqaffd, trad. Quatremere, JAP, 1836, p. 117), analyse 
par Nowayrl et Maqrlzl (itti l dz, n): public presque in extenso par Sacy 
\Druzes, \, 191-202). 

15-16. Abou Bakr ibn al Tayyib al Baqillani, mort 403; 
ash'arite, malikite : Koshouf asrdr al Bdtinlyah, cite ap. Abou Shamah 
(rawdatayn}, Ibn Taghribirdl (nojoum, n, 446), et probablement recopie' 
dans'Baghdadi (farq), ed. Badr; cfr. Sacy, i, 439. 

17. Ibn Motahhar al MaqdisI, bad' wa tdrlkh, ed. Huart. 

18. Ibn Babouyeh, mort 381 ; imamite : Ptiqdddt; cfr. Fried- 
lander, s.v. 

1 Cfr. aussi Al Sharif al Hashimi, vers 380. 

Esquisse d'une bibliographic Qarmate 335 

19. 'Abd al Jabbar al qadl al Basri, mort 414; mo'tazilite : 

tathblt al nobouwah, cite par Abou Shamah (Ibn TaghribirdI, I.e.). 

20. Hamzah Dorzi, sirah mostaqlmah bi shan al Qaramttah, texte 
druze, no. n de la liste Sacy: e"crit en 409; publ. " Moqtabas," 1910, v, 

21. Moqtana', druze, e'crit en 430 : al safar iltil sadah (adresse aux 
qarmates de 1'Ahsa). 

22. 'Ali-b. Sa'id al Istakhri, mo'tazilite: vers 430: radd (Ibn 
TaghribirdT, n, 2). 

23. Abou'l Qasim Isma'il-b. Ahmad al Bosti, zei'dite, ecrit vers 
430: Kashf asrdr al Batiniyah, MS Griffini (I.e., p. 81). 

24. Thabit-b. Aslam, mort en 460; grammairien : radd (Soyouti, 
boghyah, 209). 

25. Declarations publiques des Alides de Bagdad : en 402 1 et 442 
(Goeje). Sur celle de 402, revoir MaqrizI, tfti'dz, p. n (cfr. Defremery, 

JAP, 1860, p. 148). 

26. Ibn Sina (Avicenne): al dorr al nazim, MS Leyde 958, p. 42 
(Defremery, I.e., 167). 

27. Ibn Hazm, mort en 459; zahirite. (i) fisal (cfr. Friedlander). 
(2) jamahir fl ansab al mashahir (cite MaqrizI, itti l dz, 7-8). 

28. Ibn Waki', malikite,, disciple de Sahnoun (id.). 

29. Nizam al Molk, mort en 486 : siyaset name, ed. et trad. Schefer, 
1893, Chap. XLVII. 

30. Abou Hamid al Ghazali, mort en 505 : mostazhirl, ed. Goldziher 
(signale par Wiistenfeld): comp. ses mawahim al Batiniyah (SobkT, iv, 
1 1 6), hojjat al Haqq, mofassal al khilaf, jadawil, qistas (cit. ap. son 
monqidh, ed. Caire, pp. 26-27). 

31. 'Abd al 'Aziz ibn Shaddad al Himyari, emir zei'rite, mort 
vers 509 : aljam 1 we? I bay an fl akhbar Qayrawdn (cfr. Quatremere, JAP, 
1836, 131-134, n.; Sacy, i, 440, n.; Fagnan, 47, n. i, donne la date 540). 

32. Ibn al Da'i al Razi, imamite: tabsirat al i awdmm (cfr. Schefer). 

33. Abou'l Qasim 'AH al Abyad (al Sharif) (ap. Ibn al Athlr, 
Kdmil, vm, 27). 

34. Shahrastam, milal wa nihal, e'd. Cureton, trad. Haarbriicker. 

35. Abou Shamah, 1'auteur des Rawdatayn : Koshouf ma kanoti 
''alayhi Banou l Obayd min al kofr wdl kidhb wdl makr wdl kayd (cfr. 
MaqrizI, moqaffa}. 

36. Ibn Hanash, zeidite, mort en 719: qati l ah (cfr. Griffini, 81). 

37. Ibn Taymiyah, hanbalite, mort en 728 : fatwas (ap. tafslr al 
kawakib, MS Damas, 26 vols.; cfr. Salisbury, et Guyard, JAP, 6 e serie, 
xvni, 158). 

38. Ahmad Rashid, trfrlkh-i- Yemen (en turc), 1291 (he'gire). 

(b) Legendes ocddentales : 

i. Legende de la conversion de Mohammad ibn Isma'Il; proprieties 
irlandaises de Pastorini (Taylor, p. 200). 

1 Celle de 382 parait un dedoublement de celle-ci (Fagnan, /.^., p. 64, n.). 

33 6 Louis MASSIGNON 

2. Legende " De Tribus Impostoribus 1 ." La premiere redaction 
de ce blaspheme celebre contre " les trois imposteurs, le berger (Mo'ise), 
le medecin (Jesus) et le chamelier (Mohammad)" apparait dans la lettre 
d"Obaydallah a Abou Tahir Solayman al QarmatI (1318/932), citee par 
Baghdad! (farq, 281) et par Nizam al Molk (siyaset name, trad. Schefer, 
Chap. XLVII, p. 288). Deux siecles plus tard elle circule en Occident, et 
finit par etre attribute a Frederic II (Ep. Gregoire IX ad Mogunt. archiep. 
an. 1239: Alberic, Chron., s.a. 1239; Chron. August., s.a. 1245; comp. 
d'Argentre, Coll.judic. de novis erroribus, 1724, i, 145; Huillard-Breholles, 
Hist. dipl. Frederic II, v, 339; Cantinpre (XIII 6 siecle) de Apibus, XLV, 5; 
le livre " de tribus impostoribus" public en 1753 est un faux moderne 2 

(c) Annales historiques generates (sub anno 289-291, 299, 301, etc.) et 

gtographes : 

1. Ibn al Jarrah (Mo-b. Dawoud), 1 296/908, trfrikh (extr. ap. Tabari, 
I.e., in, 2124, 2217), interrogatoires des Qarmates pris en 291. 

2. Tabari (f 310), ta'rlkh, in, 2124, 2130; 2214, 2246. 

3. Souli (t 334)> awraq, MS Kratchkovsky, extr. ap. 'Arib QortobT, 
silah, ed. Goeje. 

4. Mas'oudI (f 346), tanblh, morouj. 

5. Ibn Ha^vqal, masalik, ed. Goeje, pp. 21-23, 210 seq. 

6. Thabit Ibn Sinan al Sabi (t 366), tdfikh, extr. ap. Ibn al JawzT 

7. Mosabbihi (f 420), tdrikh Misr. 

8. Ibn Miskawayh (f 421), tajarib, ed. Gibb Memorial. 

9. Moqaddasi, ed. Goeje, BGA, p. 237. 

10. Ibn al Nadim al Warraq,/^m/, ed. Fliigel, i, 186 seq. 

11. al Birouni, athar, ed. Sachau. 

12. Ibn Zoulaq, itmam akhbar omara Misr HI Kindt, cfr. Gottheil, 
JAOS, xxvin, 1907 (Maqrlzl, itti^dz, 92). 

13. 'Idhari, al bay an al moghrib, ed. Dozy. 

14. Sam'ani (t 562), ansab, eU phot. Gibb Memorial, s.v. "qarmat." 

15. Mohammad ibn ^Ali ibn Hammad (t 617), tdrlkh, trad. 
Cherbonneau,/^/ 3 , 1852, n, 477 seq.; 1855, 529 seq. 

1 6. [Qayrawani], kitab al l oyoun, pro-fatimite, ^crit avant 626 [ed. 
Goeje, Fragm. Hist. Arab.~\. 

Et les grands recueils posterieurs : Ibn al Jawzi (montazam), Ibn al 
Athir (kamil), Sibt Ibn al Jawzi (mir'at), Ibn Khallikan (wafayat), 
Ibn Tiqtaqa (fakhrl, 356), *Ata Jowayni (jihan gosha), Nowayri 
(trfrlkh), Ibn Fadl Allah (masfi&A), Ibn Shakir al Kotobi, Safadi, 
4 Ayni ( l iqd), Ibn Khaldoun (moqaddamat, et Hbar, t. iv), Ibn Taghri- 
birdi, Mostawfi, etc. 

1 Hammer (LGA, IV, 197) avait pressenti cette origine. Cfr. RHR, 1920. 

2 ]idite par " Philomneste junior" (Brunei) a Paris, 1861 ; et par " Alcofribas Nazier,' r 
Londres, 1904, avec bibliographic critique. 

Esquisse dune bibliographic Qarmate 337 

II faut mettre hors de pair Dhahabi, dont le tdrlkh al islam et le 
mizan al i'tidal ont une documentation de premier ordre, et Maqrizi, 
dont les khitat (s.v. mahwiiy et les solouk sont assez brefs, mais dont le 
moqaffa (etudie par Quatremere, JAP, 1836, p. 113 seq.) et Vitti'&z (<*ditd 
par Bunz) sont des recueils de sources fondamentaux. 

Enfin une ceuvre recente, d'inspiration ismaelienne, Riyad al janan de 
Sharaf 'All ibn 'Abd al Wall, e'ditee en 1316/1898 a Bombay chez 
Jlvakhan (voir pp. 301-302). 

(a) Recherches historiques. (b] Documents contemporains. 

(a) Recherches historiques : 

1 . R(ousseau), Mtmoire sur les trois principales sectes du musulmanisme 

2. Sacy,>ntzes, 1838; oh. JAP, 1824 (iv), et Chrest. arab., n, 95, 135. 

3. Quatremere, JAP, 1836. 

4. Hammer, Geschichte der Assassinen ; cfr. aussi Literaturg. der 
Araber, et Myst. Baphom. revelat. ap. Fundgruben des Orients, vi, 3-120 
(inscriptions qui seraient a reetudier). 

5. N. C. Taylor, History of Muhammedanism, i e ed. 1834, 2 e 1839, 
pp. 200, 209. 

6. Defremery, JAP, 1849 ( XIII P- 5 1 ), 1856 seq., 1860. 

7. Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen. 

8. Salisbury, JAOS, 1851 (n, 259, 300), 1852 (in, 167). 

9. Amari, Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia, 1858, n, 114, 115, n.: ou 
il denonce, un peu durement, 1' " incredibile semplicita" de Maqrizi et de 
Sacy: pensant que tout le mouvement qarmate n'a ete qu'un effort vers 
Patheisme et le libertinage. 

10. Dozy, Histoire des musulmans d'Espagne, in, 8. 

11. Wiistenfeld, Geschichte der Fatimiden. 

12. Kremer, Gesch. der herrschenden Ideen des Islams. 

13. Goeje, Memoire sur les Carmathes..., i e ed. 1862, 2 e ed. 1880; 
Fin des Carmathes de Bahrayn, JAP, 1895. 

14. Kay, Carmathians (ap. Yemen, its early medieval history, London, 
1882, pp. 191-212). 

15. Schefer, Chrest. per sane, 1883: i, 163-170 (trad, du siydset 
name), 177-182 (trad, du tabsirat al 'awdmm). 

16. Guyard (St.), ap. Not. et Extr. MSS B.N., xxn, i, 1874. 

17. Blochet, Le messianisme dans r hettrodoxie musulmane, 1903; 
Etudes sur l y esote'nsme musulman, 1910 seq. 

18. Browne (E. G.), Literary history of Persia, i, 411 ; n, 197 seq. 
Ses recherches sur les Horoufis sont a consulter egalement. 

19. Casanova,/^/ 5 , 1898, p. 151 seq. (cfr. 1915, pp. 5-17); qui 
signale les MSS Slane 2304, 2309. 

1 Cfr. Sacy, Druzes, II, 493, d'apres Maslhi et Ibn al Towayr. 
B.P.V. 22 

338 Louis MASSIGNON 

20. Max von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf, 

21. Is. Friedlander, Heterodoxies... Shiites, ap. JAOS, xxvm 
(1907), xxix (1908). 

22. Asm Palacios, Abenmasarra y su escuela, Madrid, 1913. 

23. Ign. Goldziher, Vorlesungen uber den Islam, 1910, pp. 247255; 
introduction au kitab al mo'ammarln d'al Sijistani, pp. 67-89, ou I'mfluence 
fatimite (qarmate, plutot) sur la formation des corporations est indiquee : 
sujet capital dont les materiaux sont encore a reunir ; Streitschrift des Gazali 
gegen die Batiniyya-Sekte = edition du Mostazhiri de Ghazali, 1916. 

24. E. Fagnan, ap. "Centenario Amari," 1910: n, 35-114: reedition 
corrigee et annotee de la trad, du moqaffa de Maqrlzi par Quatremere. 

25. C. van Arendonk, De opkomst van het Zaidietische..., 1919, 
pp. 109-114, 216-227, 302-306. 

26. E. Griffini, Die jilngste ambrosianische Sammlung..., ap. ZDMG, 
LXIX, 1915 : pp. 80-88 et pis. XVII et XVIII (deux types d'e'criture secrete 

(&) Documents contemporains (sur les centres proto- et neo-ismaeliens : 

En Dellem : communautes neo-ismaeliennes pres d'Alamout et Roudh- 
bar. Et aussi a Choughan (cfr. RMM, xxiv, 202-218). 

En Afghanistan et Turkestan : les hautes vallees occidentales du 
Pamir, jadis evangelisees par Nasiri Khosrau, restent en majorite peuplees 
de neo-ismaeliens ; ils debordent jusqu'a Gilgit (Inde) cfr. Bobrinskoi, et 
V. Minorsky, Ahlt Haqq, ap. RMM, XLI, 69; et Ivanow, JRAS, July 

Dans MInde: communaute proto-ismaelienne des Bohoras du Gujrat 
(cfr. RMM, x, 468); Dawoudiyah; et neo-ismaeliens, clients de 1'Aga 
Khan, expulse du Kerman au XIX e siecle (cfr. RMM, i, 49 seq.). II y en 
a encore, au S.E. de Moltan, centre primitif de la secte. 

Au Yemen : Beni-Yam du Nejran ; et enclave du Harraz. Leurs chefs, 
les Makramls, ont essaye de faire revivre en Ahsa (Bahrein) le qarmatisme: 
au XVIIP siecle : il y subsiste encore (tous neo-ismaeliens). 

En Syrie : la secte persiste en son lieu d'origine meme, a Salamia, dans 
le Jabal A'la, avec le culte de la vierge sacre'e, " Rawdah " (cfr. Bliss, 
Religions of Syria, 1912, p. 311); et elle conserve, a 1'ouest de 1'Oronte, 
vingt villages avec Masyad, 1'ancien castel des Assassins (neo-ismaeliens). 

En Maghreb : on a cru relever certains vestiges de 1'initiation qarmate 
dans une tribu berbere (zenete) au sud-ouest d'Oujda : les Zkara (voir 
discussion de la these de Moulieras, Paris, 1905). 

En Afrique orientate : il y a des emigrants Bohoras a Tile Maurice ; et 
des neo-ismaeliens a Zanzibar (RMM, n, 373). 

OTTIGNIES, PARIS, 19191920. 


(Eine angebliche Schrift des Ibn 'Abbas] 

W. Ahlwardt's in 10 stattlichen Banden vorliegendes 
"Verzeichnis der arabischen Handschriften " der Berliner 
Staatsbibliothek wird immerdar ein bewundernswertes Zeug- 
nis bilden fur den entsagungsvollen Fleiss, die erstaunliche 
Literaturkenntnis und die scharfsinnige Kombinationsgabe 
des Verfassers. Eine weitergehende Beriicksichtigung der 
Handschriftenkataloge der anderen europaischen und orien- 
talischen Bibiotheken hatte den Wert und die Bedeutung von 
Ahlwardt's Werk noch gesteigert. Aber auch so, wie er 
vorliegt, ist der 10 bandige Katalog nicht nur ein unentbehr- 
liches Hilfsmittel fur die Benutzer der reichen arabischen 
Handschriftenschatze der Berliner Bibliothek, er bildet viel- 
mehr dariiber hinaus eine reiche Fundgrube fur einen jeden, 
der sich mit der im einzelnen noch immer viel zu wenig 
erforschten arabischen Literaturgeschichte beschaftigt. 

Bei einer so umfassenden Arbeit, wie Ahlwardt sie auf 
sich genommen hat, sind Versehen im einzelnen unver- 
meidlich gewesen. Naturgemass wird in schwierigeren Fallen, 
in denen der Name des Autors in einer Handschrift nicht 
angegeben oder falsch angegeben ist, jemandem, der eine 
einzelne Handschrift langer studieren kann, ihre Bestim- 
mung besser gelingen, als dem Verfasser des Katalogs, der 
jedem einzelnen Manuskript vergleichsweise nur geringere 
Zeit widmen konnte. Eine so dankenswerte Aufgabe also 
eine zusammenfassende Behandlung von Versehen und Un- 
genauigkeiten in Ahlwardt's Handschriftenverzeichnis bilden 
wiirde, so wiirde sie der monumentalen Bedeutung dieses 
Werkes keinen Abtrag tun. 

Indem die folgenden Ausfiihrungen Ahlwardt's Angaben 
iiber die von ihm als Nr. 683 bezeichnete Berliner arabische 
Handschrift erganzen und berichtigen, bilden sie zugleich 
einen Beitrag zur Geschichte der Koranexegese und zur 
altesten arabischen Literaturgeschichte uberhaupt. 

22 2 


In Nr. 683 behandelt Ahlwardt 1 den 16. Teil (fol. 93- 
101) der Sammelhandschrift Codex Petermann n 405. Er 
ftihrt zunachst den (von spaterer Hand geschriebenen) 

Titel (fol. 93 a) an : ^U* v>jt <j* ^\ J\jJtt\ ^j* und teilt 
dann den Anfang der Handschrift mit (nach dem Bismillah) 

Alsdann fahrt Ahlwardt in seiner Beschreibung fort : " Eine 
dem Ibn 'Abbas (d. h. Abu'l 'abbas 'abdallah ben el'abbas 
elhasimi) f 68/687 zugeschriebene Erklarung auffalliger und 
seltener Ausdriicke des Qoran mittelst Versstellen aus den 
altesten Dichtern, deren Namen jedoch bisweilen nicht 
genannt werden. Nach der Vorbemerkung richtet ^ *Jti 

J^j^t der mit io^ O^ s ***^ zu ihm gegangen ist und die 
Meinung hat, er verstehe nichts davon die Fragen liber 
bestimmte Qoran-Ausdriicke an ihn und erhalt dann die 
kurze Erklarung derselben nebst einem Belegverse. Diese 
Bemerkung findet sich auch in dem 36. c>3 des o^^' von 

Essojuti. So zuerst : 

Dann wird immer (statt der Frage) bloss fortgefahren 
Die so zuerst erklarten Worter sind 4 : 

zuletzt erklart: < 


1 I Band, p. 271. 

2 So Ahlwardt; die Handschrift hat Uv^ ^ L5^' wobei sich die 
Eulogie wie haufig auf Ibn 'Abbas und seinen Vater bezieht. 

3 So Ahlwardt mit unserer Handschrift. Es ist dafiir j->J>fr zu lesen ; 
vgl. weiter unten. 

4 Bei den folgenden Worten andere ich die Schreibweise von Ahlwardt 
und gebe sie so, wie sie entsprechend dem Korantext in der Hand- 
schrift tatsachlich stehen. 

5 Sure 70. 37. 6 Sure 5. 39. 7 Sure 5. 52. 8 Sure 6. 99. 

* $ * 

9 Sure 7. 25 ; ed. Fliigel. UL^j Baidawi z. St. gibt Iwbj^ als Variante an. 

10 Sure 3. 140. n Sure 9. 121. 12 Sure 6. 113. 

Die Berliner arabische Handschrift Ahlwardt, No. 683 341 

Dass ein Werk des im J. 68 H. in Ta'if verstorbenen Ibn 
'Abbas auf uns gekommen sein sollte, ware auch dann sehr 
unwahrscheinlich, wenn man uberhaupt annehmen diirfte, 
dass Ibn 'Abbas, der in den meisten Korankommentaren als 
hauptsachlicher Gewahrsmann 1 zitiert wird, ein Werk ge- 
schrieben hat 2 . Mit Recht schreibt daher Brockelmann 3 : " In- 
wieweit aber der unter seinem Namen gehende Kornmentar 
(Berlin 732...gedr. Bombay 1302), den al-Kalbl redigiert 
haben soll...sowie das demselben zugeschriebene k. garlb 
alqor'an Berl. 683 wirklich auf ihn zuruckgehen, und wann sie 
ihre jetzige Gestalt erhalten haben, ist noch zu untersuchen." 

Wann das in der Berliner Handschrift 683 vorliegende 
kitab garlb al-qur'an seine jetzige Gestalt erhalten hat, lasst 
sich auf Grund der Handschrift selbst mit Sicherheit bestim- 
men. Die hier vorliegende Redaktion ist junger als as-Sujutl. 
Denn das ganze Werkchen ist nichts anderes als eine 
verkurzte Wiedergabe des betreffenden Abschnitts in as- 
Sujutl's Itqan 4 . 

In diesem Zusammenhang sei bemerkt, dass unter den 
1 8 kleinen Schriften, die in unserem Codex Petermann n 405 
enthalten sind, sich 6 Risala's des Vielschreibers SujutI be- 
finden. Sie sind iibrigens auf der Innenseite des vorderen 
Deckels von spaterer Hand aufgefiihrt. Dort wird auch die 
uns hier beschaftigende Handschrift als o!/*M vi^ ^f *M*v 
^e$~~X ^Uft CH j O^ bezeichnet. Das ist so nicht ganz 
richtig. Vielmehr ist unsere kleine Abhandlung junger als 
as-Sujutl und erst auf Grund seiner Zusammenfassung bear- 
beitet. As-Sujutl ist Iibrigens selbst zitiert, indem es was 
Ahlwardt entgangen sein muss gleich zu Beginn heisst (die 
Worte folgen unmittelbar auf die oben zitierten ersten Satze) : 
^U3^t ^y J13, d. h. (der nicht mit Namen genannte) SujutI 
sagt in seinem Buche al-Itqan. 

1 Cf. Ibn Hagar n, p. 807 ^U o^t &\j&\ oU*.>3^*3 und H. H. 
", 333 O^-^J' c^^j 2*y\ ^j ^\j&\ oU*-^> >*> 

2 Im Fihrist p. 35 werden 13 Werke bekannter Autoren iiber garlb 
al-qur'an aufgefiihrt. Erne Schrift des Ibn 'Abbas befindet sich nicht 

3 Arabische Literaturgeschichte I, p. 190. 

4 Merkwiirdigerweise ist das Ahlwardt entgangen, obwohl er vgl. weiter 
oben selbst bemerkt hat, dass die Angabe iiber den Besuch von Nafi* b. 
al-Azraq und Nagda b. 'Uwaimir bei Ibn 'Abbas "sich auch in dem 36. 
des o^^ von EssojutI findet." 


Der Verfasser unserer Handschrift hat nichts anderes 
getan, als die Einleitung und die Schlussausflihrungen von 
as-Sujuti zu kiirzen bezw. fortzulassen, und er hat den Text 
ferner dadurch vereinfacht, dass er eine bei as-Sujuti durch 
den ganzen Abschnitt bis zur Ermiidung sich wiederholende 
Wendung gestrichen hat. Bei as-Sujuti wird namlich bei 
alien 140 fremden Ausdrlicken aus dem Koran, liber die 
Nan' b. al-Azraq von Ibn 'Abbas 1 Auskunft erheischt, 
folgende Formel gebraucht : " Da sprach Nafi': Gib mir 
Auskunft liber das Wort Gottes : (folgt ein Ausdruck aus 
dem Koran). [Ibn 'Abbas] antwortete : Dieser Ausdruck 
bedeutet : (folgt ein bekannteres Wort zur Erklarung jenes 
Ausdrucks). Dasagte Nafi': Kennen denn die Araberjenen 
Ausdruck ? Er antwortete: Jawohl; hast Du denn nicht den 
(folgt der Name eines Dichters) sagen horen : (folgt ein Vers, 
in dem der schwierige Koranausdruck vorkommt)." Das 
hat der Autor unserer Handsch rift durch weg fortgelassen und 
sich mit der Aufzahlung der fremdartigen Koranausdrlicke 
und der Erklarungen unter Anflihrung der Belegverse aus 
der Poesie begnligt. Sonst aber stimmt unsere Handschrift 
von den unausbleiblichen Wortvarianten abgesehen 
wortlich mit dem Hauptstlick in dem betreffenden Abschnitt 
von as-Sujuti iiberein. 

Fortgelassen hat unserer Verfasser ferner die Einleitung, 
die sich im Itqan befindet, und die nicht nur liber as-Sujutl's 
Gewahrsmanner Aufschluss gibt, sondern auch dartiber 
hinaus von Interesse ist, indem sie uns zeigt, dass die Heran- 
ziehung der Poesie zur Erklarung seltener Koranausdriicke 
von verschiedenen Seiten als unzulassig bezeichnet worden 
ist. In dieser Einleitung 2 heisst es: " Abu Bekr b. al-Anbarl 3 
sagt : Von ' Genossen ' und ' Nachfolgern ' wird vielfach 
berichtet, sie hatten in bezug auf fremde und schwierige Aus- 
driicke im Koran die Poesie zum Beweise herangezogen. 
Eine Menge solcher, die kein Wissen besitzen, haben das den 
Grammatikern zum Vorwurf gemacht und gesagt : Wenn 
ihr dies tut, dann macht ihr die Poesie zur Grundlage flir den 
Koran, und wie sollte es erlaubt sein, dass man fur den Koran 

1 Siehe liber ihn weiter unten. 

2 Itqan, Lithog. Lahore 1280, p. 138. 

3 Offenbar in dem hinterher zitierten kitab al-waqf (walibtida'), (siehe 
Fihrist p. 75 ; Brockelmann i, p. 119). 

Die Berliner arabische Handschrift Ahlwardt, No. 683 343 

die Poesie zum Beweise heranzieht, wo diese doch im Koran 
und in der Tradition getadelt wird ? Die Sache verhalt sich 
aber nicht so, wie jene behaupten, dass wir die Poesie zur 
Grundlage ftir den Koran machen. Wir wollen vielmehr 
fremde Ausdrucke aus dem Koran durch die Poesie erklaren, 
weil Allah der Erhabene gesagt hat : * Wahrlich, wir haben 
ihn als einen arabischen Koran gegeben 1 ' und ferner gesagt 
hat: (Die Offenbarung geschah) 'in deutlicher arabischer 
SpracheV Ibn 'Abbas hat gesagt : Die Poesie bildet den 
'Diwan' der Araber 8 , und wenn uns ein Ausdruck aus dem 
Koran, den Allah in der Sprache der Araber offenbart hat, 
verborgen ist, dann wenden wir uns zu ihrem 'Diwan' und 
suchen aus ihm jenes Wort kennen zu lernen. Dann ftihrt 
er 4 auf dem Ueberlieferungswege liber 'Ikrima von Ibn 
'Abbas an, dass dieser gesagt habe : ' Wenn ihr mich nach 
einem seltenen Ausdruck im Koran fragt, so suchet ihn in der 
Poesie, denn die Poesie bildet den 'Diwan' der Araber 5 ."' 

Nachdem as-Sujuti dann noch eine weitere Ueberliefe- 
rung dafiir heranzieht, dass Ibn 'Abbas, wenn ernach Koran- 
ausdriicken gefragt wurde, "die Poesie zitierte," d. h. sie 
"als Zeugnis fur die Koran- Erklarung anfiihrte," fahrt er 
fort, Erklarungen dieser Art sein zahlreich von Ibn 'Abbas 
iiberliefert. Am geeignetsten aber einen vollen Ueberblick 
zu gewahren seien die Fragen des Nafi' b. al-Azraq 6 . " Einen 
Teil davon hat Ibn al-Anbarl in seinem kitab al-waqf und 
at-Tabaranl in seinem grossen Mu'gam ausgezogen. Ich will 

1 Sure 43. 2. 2 Sure 26. 195. 

3 vjjOt oW> >*&' In diesem Zusammenhang diirfte das Wort dlwan 
als "Sammlung" zu fassen sein. Der Sinn ist jedenfalls : in der Poesie ist 
der gesamte Sprachschatz der Araber enthalten. 

4 Namlich Abu Bekr b. al-Anbarl. 

5 Dass sich Ibn 'Abbas, dessen Lebensbeschreibung iiberhaupt recht 
wunderhaft gestaltet und dessen Gelehrsamkeit iiber die Massen gepriesen 
wird, auch mit Poesie beschaftigt habe, wird vielfach berichtet. So heisst 
es von ihm im Usd al-gaba in, p. 193, er habe sich immer einen Tag aus- 
schliesslich mit fiqh beschaftigt, einen mit Korandeutung, einen mit den 
magazT, einen mit der Poesie, einen mit den ajjam al-'Arab. Ibn Hagar H, 
p. 809 : " Die Gelehrten des fiqh sassen bei ihm (Ibn 'Abbas) und die 
Gelehrten des Koran wie die Manner der Poesie." H. H. I, p. 109 : Wenn 
Ibn 'Abbas miide war der Unterredung mit den Schiilern, sagte er : Bringet 
die Diwane der Dichter herbei (*tjJfcJt O-Ols* '>>U). [Zu der oben 
beriihrten Frage vgl. jetzt Goldziher, Die Richtungen der islamischen 
Koranauslegung, Leiden 1920, p. 70.] 


es hier vollstandig anfuhren, damit man daraus Nutzen 
ziehe." Nachdem er dann noch seinen bis auf Ibn 'Abbas 
zuriickgehenden Isnad mitgeteilt hat, fahrt as-Sujuti fort: 
" Wahrend 'Abdallah b. 'Abbas im Vorraum der Ka'ba sass, 
umgaben ihn die Menschen, um sich von ihm den Koran 
erklaren zu lassen. Da sprach Naf? b. al-Azraq zu Nagda b. 
'Uwaimir 1 : Wir wollen zu jenem gehen, der sich erkiihnt, 
den Koran zu erklaren usw." Hiermit beginnt vgl. oben 
der Text unserer Handschrift. 

In den Schlussausfiihrungen im 36. nau' des Itqan 2 sagt 
as-Sujuti: "Das ist das Ende der Fragen des Nafi' b. 
al-Azraq. Ich habe einiges wenige von ihnen fortgelassen 3 , 
etwas mehr als 10 Fragen. Das sind bekannte Fragen, die 
grosse Gelehrte vereinzelt mit verschiedenen Isnaden auf 
Ibn 'Abbas zuriickfuhren." Schliesslich bemerkt as-Sujuti 
noch einmal, was er schon in der Einleitung gesagt, dass 
Abu Bekr b. al-Anbari in dem kitab al-waqf walibtida' und 
at-Tabaranl in seinem grossen Mu'gam Stlicke daraus 
angefiihrt hatten. 

In der Berliner Handschrift 683, die iibrigens laut 
Unterschrift im Safar 1060 H. ( = 650 n. Chr.) geschrieben 
ist, liegt also kein Werk des Ibn 'Abbas vor, sondern ein 
recht spates Schriftchen 4 , eine etwas verkiirzte Wiedergabe 
von einer Zusammenstellung von auf Ibn 'Abbas zuriickge- 
fiihrten Traditionen, die as-Sujuti auf Grund seiner Kolleg- 
hefte und der Werke von Abu Bekr, b. al-Anbari und 
at-Tabaranl im Itqan gegeben hat. 

Auch betreffs des den Namen des Ibn 'Abbas tragenden 
Korankommentars lasst sich die von Brockelmann auf- 
gestellte Frage, wann er seine jetzige Gestalt erhalten habe, 
beantworten. Dariiber sollen Ausftihrungen an- anderer 
Stelle Aufklarung geben. 

1 Beide kommen wiederholt bei Tabari vor (s. den Index daselbst). 
Beide zugleich z. B. n, 517. Der Vater des Nagda heisst bei Tabari 
durchgangig 'Amir, nicht 'Uwaimir. 

* Ed. Lahore p. 149. 

3 Der Schreiber unserer Handschrift hat alles bis hierher wortlich 
iibernommen. Nur fahrt er nach den Worten "Ich habe einiges davon 
fortgelassen " fort : " weil in dem Exemplar, von dem ich abgeschrieben 
habe, einige Blatter durch Regen beschadigt waren." 

4 As-Sujuti ist i. J. 911 H. (= 1505 n. Chr.) gestorben. Der Kompilator 
unserer Risala muss also in der zweiter Halfte des 10. oder der ersten Halfte 
des ii. islamischen Jahrhunderts gelebt haben. 



Nel 1890 Th. Noldeke,* nei suoi Beitrdge zur Gesch. 
des Alexanderromans^, pp. 16-17, era venuto all' inattesa 
conclusione che il Pseudocallistene siriaco, anziche derivare 
dal testo greco, era stato tradotto da una versione pehlevica, 
la quale naturalmente non poteva essere posteriore al vn 
sec. d. Cr. La grande importanza di questa scoperta fu 
rilevata da S. Fraenkel 2 : " war doch bis jetzt noch 
keine Spur davon bekannt, dass die Perser auch griechische 
Werke iibersetzen 3 . Das giebt einen ganz neuen und un- 
geahnten Einblick in die Culturverhaltnisse des Sasaniden- 
reiches. Derm es ware doch wohl mehr als seltsam, wenn 
diese persische Uebersetzung des Pseudocallisthenes ein 
Erzeugniss einer ganz vereinzelten Privatliebhaberei ge- 
wesen ware. Vielmehr muss man dann wohl annehmen, 
dass so wie dieses Buch auch andere (vielleicht auch 
wissenschaftliche ?) Werke iibertragen wurden...." 

In questi brevi appunti mi propongo d' indicare tre casi 
di opere scientifiche greche passate agli Arabi per trafila 
pehlevica, benche manchi ogni notizia diretta delle rispettive 
traduzioni pehleviche 4 : \ Agricoltura di Cassiano Basso, le 
'A*/#oXoyiai astrologiche di Vezio Valente, i Jlapa^areX- 
\ovra rot? Se/caz/ots dell' astrologo Teucro Babilonese. 

1 In : Denkschriften d. kais. Akad. d. Wissenschaften zu Wien^ philos.- 
hist. CL, 38. Bd., 1890, 5. Abh. 

2 Nella lunga recensione del lavoro del Noldeke, nella ZDMG 45, 
1891, 313. 

3 Al Fraenkel sembra essere sfuggita T attestazione (forse esagerata) che 
sotto Cosroe I (Anusarwan, 531-579 Cr.) erano state tradotte in persiano 
(pehlevico) opere filosofiche d' Aristotele ed alcuni dialoghi platonici: 
Agathias Scholasticus (ca. 580 Cr.), Hist., n, 28 (Patrol. Graeca vol. 88, 
col. 1389). Inoltre cfr. il passo del Kitab an-nahmutan tradotto alia fine 
del presente lavoro. 

4 Ed infatti non si trova alcun cenno di queste opere nei lavori del 
West e dell' Inostrancev sulla letteratura pehlevica. 

346 C. A. NALLINO 

I. L? Agricoltura di Cassiano Basso Scolastico. 

Recent! lavori di J. Ruska 1 hanno definitivamente sta- 
bilito che noi possediamo in arabo due diverse redazioni dei 
Geoponica di Cassiano Basso Scolastico 2 , ossia: 

A. La versione dal "greco-bizantino" (al-lisanar-rumi) 
fatta da Sirgis ibn Hiliyya ar-Rumi ( = Sepyios vios 'HXiov), 
lo stesso che nel 212 eg. (827-828 Cr. ; non 214) tradusse 
dal greco in arabo T Almagesto. Questa versione, intitolata 
al-filahak ar-rumiyyah " L' agricoltura greco-bizantina," si 
trova ms. a Leida, cod. Warner. 414 (CataL m, 211-213, 
nr. 1277); inoltre, cosa sfuggita al Ruska, fu stampata al 
Cairo 3 col titolo: Kitab al-filahah al-yunaniyyah* talif 
a/-fayfasuf....Qustus ibn Luqa ar-Rumi targamat Sirgis ibn 
Hlba 5 ar-Rumi, Cairo, tip. wahbiyyah, ramadan 1293 eg. 
[ = sett.-ott. 1876], in-8, 10+149 pp. Infine 2 mss. sono 
nella moschea az-Zaytunah di Tunisi 6 . 

1 Cassianus Bassus Scholasticus und die arabischen Versionen der 
griechischen Landwirtschaft (D. Isl. } v, 1914, 174179). Weinbau und 

Wein in den arabischen Bearbeitungen der Geoponika (Archiv f. d. Gesch. 
d. Naturwissenschaften u. d. Technik, vi, 1913-14, 305-320). Brevissimo 
sunto : Die Geoponika in der arabisch-persischen Literatur (Verhandl. d. 
Gesellsch. deutscher Naturforscher und Aerzte, 85. Versamml. zu Wien 
vom 21. bis 28. Sept. 1913. Leipzig 1914, n. T., 2. Halfte, pp. 336-337). 

2 Vissuto nel sec. vi o vn d. Cr. II vecchio argomento per porlo in 
modo sicuro nel vi sec. era basato sopra 1' erronea congettura che il suo 
traduttore Sirgis ibn Hiliyya fosse il famoso siro Sergio di Rhesaina 
(t 536 d. Cr. ?), e che quindi si trattasse di versione in siriaco od in 

3 Indicata nel CataL period, de livres orientaux della casa E. J. Brill 
di Leida, nr. i (1883), p. 10, nr. 51 (con 1' errore di stampa 1393 per 
1293); usata da M. Steinschneider, Die arabischen Uebersetzungen aus dem 
Griechischen, Philosophic 6 (30), pp. 14-15 (Beihefte zum Centralblatt fur 
Bibliothekswesen, xu, Leipzig 1893), con 1' errore di stampa 1298 per 

4 Cosi soltanto nel frontispizio posto dallo stampatore; invece nella 
prefazione dell' opera e nei titoli di ciascuno dei 12 guz' si ha giustamente 
ar-rumiyyah, come nel ms. Leidense, in HH ecc. 

5 Cosi, per UU (Hiliyya, 'HAias), anche a p. 2 (prefaz.) 619 (titolo del 
2 guz'). II CataL period. Brill : " Halba." 

6 Deduce questo dal seguente avviso pubblicato sulla 4 a pag. della co- 
pertina dell' opera Mechra El Melki, chronique tunisienne . . .par Mohammed 
Seghir Ben Youssef, de Beja,...traduit par V. Serres et Moh. Lasram, 
Tunis 1900, e relative alle "publications de MM. V. Serres et M. Lasram": 
" En preparation. Traite d'agriculture de Kastos, traduit du grec en arabe 
par Serdjes ben Helia ; texte arabe inedit public d'apres deux manuscrits 

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 347 

B. La versione anonima dal "persiano" (al-forisiyyaK)\ 
in persiano il libro era intitolato Warz-namah " Libro del- 
1' agricoltura" (ossia, come spiega il traduttore nella prefazione, 
in arabo Kitab az-zar'). Da oltre un secolo si conoscevano 
2 mss. di questa versione : uno a Leida (cod. Warner. 540 ; 
Catal. m, 213, nr. 1278) finito di copiare nel safar 563 eg. 
(nov.-dic. 1167); 1' altro ad Oxford, ove il libro porta il 
titolo, difficilmente autentico, di Kitab al-bara'ah fl ' l-filahah 
wa 'z-zira'ah (cfr. Biblioth. Bodlej. codd. mss. orient, cata- 
logus, Pars I [ed. J. Uri, 1787], p. 113, nr. 439). II Ruska 
ha scoperto i libri 3-9 di questa versione in un ms. acefalo 
e monco di Gotha (catal. Pertsch, iv, 138, nr. 2120), ove il 
titolo era Kitab al-fallahln "II libro degli agricoltori " ; 
invece gli e sfuggito che un esemplare complete si trova 
anche a Berlino (catal. Ahlwardt, v, 484, nr. 6204), in un ms. 
copiato circa il 450 eg. (1058 Cr.), ed erroneamente intito- 
lato " L' agricoltura d' Ibn Wahsiyyah." E da notare che 
anche 1' originale traduzione "persiana" sembra essere stata 
anonima 1 . 

Tanto la redazione A quanto la redazione B sono divise 
in 12 sezioni (guz] o libri ; invece varia rnoltissimo il 
numero dei capitoli (bad) delle singole sezioni 2 , sovra tutto 
nella sez. iv (73 capp. in A, 1 18 in B) e nella ix (7 in A, 22 
in B). La redazione B offre un testo piu ampio di A. 

Infine e da tenere presente 1' importante risultato a cui 
e arrivato il Ruska, Weinbau, pp. 308, 318-319. fe noto che 
i Geoponici greci a noi giunti, e, con il titolo TT/H yewpyias 
e/cXoyat, attribuiti a Cassiano Basso Scolastico, rappresentano 

de la Bibliotheque de la Grande-Mosquee de Tunis, et traduction frangaise. 
(Le texte grec original est perdu, et Ton ne connaissait jusqu'ici que le 
titre et quelques fragments de la traduction arabe.)" I due traduttori 
igrioravano dunque P esistenza dell' ediz. cairina; sembra che 1' opera 
annunziata come in preparazione non sia mai uscita. 

1 Nell' esemplare ms. di Haggi Hallfah della Bodleiana (secondo E. B. 
Pusey, Bibl. Bodl. codd. mss. orr. Cat., Pars n [1835], p. 582), e detto che 
autore della versione persiana fu Zakariyya' Darwls ibn 'All. Questa 
notizia, affatto inverisimile e dovuta senza dubbio a qualche confusione, 
non si trova nelle edd. di HH, s. v. " Kitab" (ed. Fliigel, v, 132, nr. 10,377; 
ed. Cstnpli 1311 eg., n, 293), e neppure nel ms. leidense di HH. 

2 Secondo il Ruska, Weinbau, 307, le sez. xi e xn di B (secondo il 
ms. Leida) avrebbero rispettivamente 4 e 10 capp. Invece la descrizione 
Ahlwardt del ms. di Berlino (pure redazione B) da rispettivamente 14 e 31 

348 C. A. NALLINO 

un testo rimaneggiato, fatto mettere insieme da Costantino 
VII Porfirogenito (912-959 Cr.). Ora A e B rappresentano 
due redazioni greche piu antiche di quella a noi giunta. 

Che cosa si deve intendere per quella " lingua persiana " 
(farisiyyak) dalla quale fu tradotta in arabo la redazione B ? 

Se si considera, da un lato, che una copia della traduzione 
araba (ms. Berlino) e gia del 1058 Cr., e dall' altro lato che 
la redazione greca che sta a base di B e piu antica di quella 
fatta nella i a meta del sec. x per Costantino Porfirogenito, 
e chiaro che la versione "persiana " deve risalire ad eta non 
posteriore al sec. vm o ix, ossia deve risalire ad un' epoca 
nella quale non e possibile pensare all' esistenza di prose 
scientifiche m persiano propriamente detto, cioe in persiano 
moderno. E necessario dunque concludere che quella lingua 
farisiyyak sia il pehlevico ; ed allora e necessario anche am- 
mettere che il testo " persiano" non sia posteriore al sec. vn 
d. Cr., essendo da escludere che dopo di esso, ossia mezzo 
secolo dopo la conquista araba della Persia, si pensasse 
ancora a tradurre in pehlevico testi profani greci 1 . 

Questa origine pehlevica ci da la chiave per comprendere 
come sia accaduta la, trasformazione araba del nome 
Scolastico (^xoAacrri/cos " avvocato"). II nome Cassiano 
(Kao-cricu/os) e stato ridotto dagli Arabi a ^*^A~A Qustus 

(varr. >j*^*~* Festus, ^>^^ Qastutus\ in seguito a co'r- 
ruzione grafica di ^^yt^l Qasyanus favorita da confusione 
con il nome cristiano Ux~3 Qusta (diffuse tra Arabi cristiani) 2 
e con quello del medico greco Festo, noto agli eruditi arabi 3 . 
Quindi di solito il nome dell' autore dei Geoponica e Qustus 
ar-Rumi. Ma talvolta a Qustus si trova aggiunto ibn... 
(" figlio di..."), e, al posto dei miei puntini, un nome varia- 
mente corrotto, cioe: 

1 Cfr. le considerazioni di Th. Noldeke, Beitr. z, Gesch. des Alexander- 
romans, p. 17. 

2 Appunto per confusione con il notissimo scrittore e traduttore arabo- 
cristiano Qusta ibn Luqa al-Ba'labakki (sec. ix Cr.), il frontispizio posto 
dallo stampatore all' ed. Cairo da come autore dell' Agricoltura Qustus ibn 
Luqa. Per analogo errore HH, /.<:., pone Qusta ibn Luqa al-Ba'labakki fra 
i traduttori arabi dell' "Agricoltura greco-bizantina." 

3 II nome Cassiano era famigliare presso i Siri, i quali lo scrivono 
. m n 1 1 . mo %ODQJ_-CQJD , -<y>n i rnn o (Kocrcriavos) ; quindi la 

corruzione ^^Jsu-3 non pu6 essere nata nella scrittura siriaca. 

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 349 

HH e ms. Leida A ^C^y^t ed. Cairo 
_ f 'IX^tjy^l 

ms. Leida B -L ~ " -T\ ms. Berhno 


ms. Oxford AJbCwt^yCwl 

II Ruska, Cassianus, pp. 176-177, conoscendo solo le 
forme date dai 2 mss. di Leida, afferm6 giustamente che 
questo presunto nome del padre di Cassiano era null' altro 
che la trascrizione dell' epiteto Sx^acm/co? " avvocato " ; 
ma suppose che la forma fondamentale fosse (senza punti 
diacritici) UC^t;wt, da correggere in -Xjiw^Xwl (iskulastlkya), 
e concluse : " Sie weist auf eine syrische Vorlage hin, die 
\\ QI fccnNonm] gelautet haben mag bei Payne-Smith sind 
andere Transkriptionen gegeben und scheint damit zu- 
gleich fiir eine altere syrische Uebersetzung zu zeugen." 

L' ipotesi del Ruska urta contro parecchie difficolta. 
Prima di tutto essa sostituisce arbitrariamente la al ra 
attestato unanimemente da tutte le varianti. In secondo 
luogo essa prende come base la forma terminante in I*, che 
si trova una sola volta nel solo ms. B di Leida, mentre tutte 
le altre numerose volte la finale e A. In terzo luogo suppone 
che il presunto originale siriaco avesse reso crxoXaort/co's, 
ben noto ai Siri, aggiungendovi la desinenza -aya degli 
aggettivi relativi ; cosa inverosimile 7 ; e suppone anche 
(cosa non meno inverosimile) che il traduttore arabo, anzich6 
renderla con la corrispondente desinenza araba -I, 1' avesse 
conservata meccanicamente, scrivendola -ya. Infine, per 
giustificare il secondo arabo (^), il Ruska e costretto a 
supporre un impossibile ^ (k) siriaco per il greco K, ed 
inoltre a pensare che il r greco fosse stato trascritto in 
siriaco con L (t, arabo c>) anziche con 4 ( arabo k) 8 . E 
sarebbe anche poco probabile che un antico traduttore arabo 

1 Soltanto nei titoli di ciascuna delle 12 sezioni 

2 Soltanto a pag. 19, nel titolo della sez. n. 

3 Solo nel titolo della sez. in (Ruska, Cassianus, p. 176). 

4 Solo nel titolo della sez. iv (Ruska, /.<:.). 

5 Nella breve introduzione. 6 Nel titolo delle sez. in e iv. 

7 II vocabolo o-xoAao-Ti/co? nel senso di "avvocato" era famigliare ai 
Siri, che lo adoperavano di solito nella forma eskoltstlqa (con t 4) d 
eskblastlqa (con /; solo eccezionalmente con / L). Occorre appena ri- 
cordare le norme costanti seguite dai Siri nel trascrivere i vocaboli greci : 
X = 3 (k, k h ),K = >(q\ r = 4 (/), = L(f, t*}. 

8 Cfr. la nota precedente. 

350 C. A. NALLINO 

dal siriaco avesse introdotto, in un caso come questo, la 
parola ibn "figlio di..." fra i due nomi propri. 

La misteriosa forma araba si spiega invece assai bene se 
si suppone ch' essa derivi da un originale pehlevico, ove la 
straordinaria ambiguita della scrittura doveva rendere im- 
possibile il leggere con sicurezza nomi propri stranieri 1 . 
Siccome ^ e K diventano entrambi k nelle trascrizioni 
pehleviche, cr^oXacrrtfco? doveva essere trascritto regolar- 

mente Skolastikos Jt3)&j^j*i,t))Aju ove yj si puo leggere 

la e ra, ] si puo leggere v, n, u, o, u, ed A) s si puo con- 
fondere con JJ a (iniziale), a (media), h. Si comprende quindi 
facilmente che il traduttore arabo potesse leggere Skura- 
stiknh e quindi scrivere in caratteri arabi, secondo le norme 
fonetiche arabe, *&z~>\jj~,\ Iskurastlkinah. 

Anche 1' inserzione di ibn "figlio di..." tra i due nomi si 
spiega assai bene con la doppia funzione del pehlevico i (>), 
che si adopera tanto per unire 1' aggettivo messo in ap- 
posizione al sostantivo (come sarebbe stato il caso del greco 
Kaoro-taz/o5 a^o^aa-TiKcs), quanto per esprimere " figlio di..." 
nelle serie genealogiche. II traduttore arabo 1' interpreto 
nel secondo senso, e cosi si ebbe Cassiano "figlio di 
Iskurastlkinah?" che, divulgato dalla redazione araba B 

1 Basti ricordare, p. es., che 1' illustre pehle vista E. W. West, nel 
tradurre le epistole di Manusclhar (n, ii, 9-11), aveva parlato di tavole 
astronomiche (zlK) di Satvahartin, Avenak e Padramgos, e solo piu tardi 
(Pahlavi Texts, vol. iv [=The Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxxvn], 
pp. xlvi-xlvii), si accorse che la vera lettura sarebbe stata : Shatro-ayaran, 
Hindtik) Ptolemeos. A proposito di questo ultimo nome mi sia permesso 
osservare che la lettura Ptolemeos, basata sul greco nroAe/xatos, non sembra 
esatta, poiche la trascrizione pehlevica, che non indica mai la a breve, 
avrebbe certamente indicate la prima o e la prima e della parola, se Y avesse 

presa dal greco. Invece il pehlevico ha "(j Y 6 i ^ 

Pdrmgos oppure Ptlmyus', sicche il nome sembra derivare dalla forma 
araba Batlamyus, nel qual caso rimarrebbe escluso che il sacerdote zoroas- 
triano Manusclhar, ca. 880 d. Cr., usasse le tavole di Tolomeo in greco od 
in una traduzione pehlevica dal greco. Per il zik-i-satroayaran cfr. la mia 
nota ad al-Battani, Opus astronomicum, Mediolani Insubrum 1899-1907, 
vol. i, p. 218, n. 4. 

2 fe noto che simili equivoci sono frequenti negli scrittori arabi a 
proposito di nomi propri pehlevici nei quali la i e semplice unione gram- 
maticale del nome di persona con T aggettivo patronimico. P. es. in 
al-Gahiz e nel libro di Kalllah e Dimnah il famoso ministro sasanide 
Buzurgmihr-i-Buhtakan (" B. il discendente di Buhtak") e chiamato 

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 35 1 

(fatta sul pehlevico), passo poi anche eccezionalmente in 
alcuni mss. della redazione A (fatta sul greco). 

La traduzione di Sergio figlio d' Elia, ossia A, e con- 
siderata da HH come la migliore di tutte) CM> p~^^ J**>t 

l*j). Non e impossibile che Sergio abbia avuto gia sott' 
occhio la traduzione B, e da questa abbia derivato i sinonimi 
persiani che egli, in parecchi luoghi, pone accanto ai nomi 
greci di piante 1 . 

II. L 1 astro logia di Vezio Valente*. 

Nel Kitab al-Fihrist composto intorno al 380 eg. da 
Ibn an-Nadlm, p. 269 ed. Flugel, si legge a proposito di 
Vettius Valens (Ouertos OvctX^s), il noto astrologo fiorito 
intorno alia meta del n sec. d. Cr. : " Falls il greco-bizantino 
(ar-Rumi). [Scrisse] libro .j#N 3 che fu commentato 

da Buzurgmihr...." Sa'id al-AndalusI (f 462 eg.), Tabaqat 
al-umam ed. Cheikho, Beirut 1912, p. 41 ( = al-Masriq, xiv, 
1911, 582), parlando dei Caldei (Kaldaniyyun) dice: " Fra 
i loro dotti e Walls, autore del Kitab as-suwar* e del libro 
...jjjJt 5 composto intorno alle nativita, alle loro * revolu- 

tiones' ed all' introduzione a cio. Egli fu re."- Ibn al-Qiftl 

([646 eg.), Tdrlh al-hukama ed. Lippert (1903) p. 261 

= ed. Cairo (1326 eg.) p. 172, in un articolo indipendente da 

quello del Fihrist, scrive: "Falls 1' egiziano, detto talvolta 

Buzurgmihr ibn al-Buhtakan. Cfr. altro esempio in Th. Noldeke, Das 
iranische Nationalepos (Grundr. der iran. Philologie, n, 1896-1904), 
p. 136, n. 5. 

1 P. es. HI, 6 (ed. Cairo, p. 25), in, 18 (p. 32), iv, 43 (p. 57), iv, 64 
(p. 66), iv, 65 (p. 67), iv, 67 (p. 67), v, 58 (p. 91), v, 62 (p. 92), v, 70 
(P- 95) v > 74 (p- 96), v, 76 (p. 98). 

2 Gran parte delle cose che qui seguono furono gik esposte nelle mie 
lezioni sui primordi dell' astronomia araba, tenute nell' Universita Egiziana 
del Cairo, nel 1911; v. C. A. Nallino, l llm al-falak, tdrihuhu l inda 'l-'Arab 
fl'l-qurun al-wusta^Q\n& 1911-12, pp. 192-196. Ma poiche solo pochissimi 

esemplari di questo libro sono stati messi in circolazione (la massima parte 
e chiusa nei magazzini dell' Universita Egiziana), non e inutile riprendere 
qui 1' argomento. 

3 Cosi il ms. di Leida; varr. *-j^jJt, >>* t ^*x>JI. 

4 Questo libro sui Trapavar^XXovra non figura nelle liste delle opere di 
Valente contenute nel Fihrist ed in Ibn al-Qiftl. Probabilmente e con- 
fusione con il libro omonimo del " caldeo " Teucro. 

5 Cosi 2 mss.; un terzo ha -JufJb (cfr. la tavola delle varianti, p. 102). 

352 C. A. NALLINO 

Walls il greco-bizantino,...e autore del libro, famoso fra i 
cultori di quest' arte [astrologica], intitolato ^-jujJt greco- 
bizantino, e commentato da Buzurgmihr." 

Le notizie del Fihrist e d' Ibn al-Qiftl erano note da 
molti anni agli studios! europei, senza che alcuno di questi, 
eccettuato H. Suter 1 , tentasse di spiegare il titolo misterioso 
del libro, e di fissarne V esatta lettura. 

La traduzione araba del libro di Valente commentato dal 
persiano Buzurgmihr sembra aver avuto una notevole dif- 
fusione fra gli astrologi arabi, benche" sia ora completamente 
perduta. Avendo avuto occasione, nel settembre 1891, di 
esaminare a Monaco di Baviera il ms. unico dell' opera 
astrologica al-Mugni del cristiano Ibn Hibinta 2 , vi ho no- 
tato le citazioni seguenti 3 : fol. 15 v. ^JJI &A=> ^J jv+**jj4 J^h 
J^UM *j --; f. 1 8 r. juHNM v^ ^;v^h>; f- 27 r. 
jv*.jjJ ^UJI j-ju^t v l ^> v-*-^ jt*; f. 32 v. e 38 v. 
; f- 107 v - ^-M" -J^t ^ ^.j ; f. 108 v. v-^Lo 
; f. 122 r. ^UM ^^)\ ^U^ ; f. 154 r. 
Jui^t A3I ^.-.^^o-iJt A^ j^} U 

J U. Dalle quali citazioni si desume, fra le 
altre cose, la preziosa notizia che 1' originate del commento 
di Buzurgmihr era in "persiano" (farist), ossia inpeklevico, 
e che quindi nel nome misterioso del libro dobbiamo vedere 
1' articolo arabo al- seguito da un vocabolo pehlevico. 

La forma ^.jujj^l usata da Ibn Hibinta e quella che sta 

alia base delle varie e strane corruzioni del nome ricorrenti 
nella versione latina del Kitab al-bari' fl ahkam an-nugum 
di Abu '1-Hasan 'All Ibn Abl 'r-Rigal, "Albohazen" dei 

1 H. Suter, Das Mathematiker-Verzeichniss im Fihrist (Abhandl. z. 
Gesch. der Mathematik, vi. Heft, Leipzig 1892), p. 65, n. 188 : " Ich 
vermuthe, dass das unter Valens angefiihrte Buch az-Zabradsch heissen 
sollte az-Zairdscha." II Suter ripete questa sua congettura nella sua re- 
censione dell' ed. Lippert di Ibn al-Qiftl (Biblioth. Mathem. hrsg. von 
G. Enestrom, HI. Folge, 4. Bd., 1903, p. 297). 

2 II libro fu composto dopo il 329 eg. (940 Cr.) ; cfr. le mie osservazioni 
ad al-Battanl, Opus Astronomicum^ i, p. Ixvi. 

8 Nel ms. mancano quasi tutti i punti diacritici (quindi 
li ho suppliti, conservando inalterati soltanto p-jujj^l, ^^JbCo e 
(cfr. piu avanti il nr. m). 

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 353 

nostri scrittori medioevali, composto fra il 428 ed il 459 eg. 
(10361062 Cr.) in Tunisia 1 . Le citazioni sono le seguenti: 
Lib. iv, cap. 4 (ed. Venezia 1485, fol. 58 r., col. a\ edd. 
Basilea, p. 149, col. b)\ "Et dicit ille qui fecit \\brum yndidech 
et qui fuit ex fortibus: quando ambo luminaria fuerint..." 
(si tratta della determinazione dell' " alcochoden," ossia 
kathudah, oi/coSecrTror^s). Lib. iv, 10 (Ven. 67 r., col. a; 
Bas. 176, col. a): "Dixit sapiens qui fecit librum nominatum 
enzirech\ quod signa solis sunt masculina..." (si tratta di 
determinare il " significator " della nativita, ossia dalil, 
d^e'r^s). Lib. vii, 102 (Ven. 128 r., col. a\ Bas. 347-348): 
" Et dicitur in libro endemadeyg persarum : et quando pars 
fortunae fuerit in aliqua nativitate a fortunis..." (si tratta di 
determinare il tempo in cui si compiranno gli eventi indicati 
dal " significator " della nativita). Lib. vn, 102 (Ven. 128 r., 
col. b\ Bas. 348, col. b\. " Hoc est illud quod dixit ille qui 
fecit librum endemadeyg persarum " (argomento come il 
precedente). Lib. vm, 35 (Ven. I49v.-i5or. ; Bas. 404- 
405): " Et dicit ille qui fecit librum andilarech prosu* quod 
invenit in libro chronicarum mundi quod signum mundi est 
aries et planeta eius est sol : et ascendens eius est cancer et 
iupiter in eo. Et 3 postea diviserunt 7 climata per 7 planetas 
et per 12 signa. Unde babylonia iovis et arietis; et romania 
libre et saturni..." (segue questa corografia astrologica, per 
cui ogni regione e posta sotto \ influenza speciale di un dato 
pianeta e di un dato segno zodiacale). . 

1 II testo arabo e inedito; la traduzione latina (fatta intorno al 1256 Cr. 
da Egidio de Tebaldis e Pietro de Regio sopra una versione spagnuola) e 
stata stampata cinque volte: Venezia 1485, 1503, 1523; Basilea 1551 e 
1571. Le due edd. di Basilea si corrispondono esattamente anche nel 
numero delle pagine e delle righe ; esse furono curate da " Antonius Stupa 
Rhaetus Praegallensis," il quale si bas6 sulla stampa di Venezia 1523, ma 
ripulendo il barbarissimo latino dei due traduttori medioevali che invece era 
stato conservato nelle tre edd. venete. lo riferisco i brani secondo 1' editio 
princeps del 1485 (Pracclarissimus liber completus in iudiciis astrorum: 
quern edidit Albohazen Haly, films Abenragel). 

2 A questo brano accennb incidentalmente O. Loth, Al-Kindi ah 
Astrolog (Morgenlandische Forschungen, Festschrift... H. L. Fleischer... 
gewidmet, Leipzig 1875), p. 288, n. 4, con V ipotesi: "In dem letzteren 

Theile des Wortes ist wohl ^j(* /Hj^ o ^ er \J*J^\ zu erkennen (tarech 
fur larech zu lesen) ? " 

3 Qui lo Stupa inserisce " quod," riferendo giustamente tutto il discorso 
all' autore del libro andilarech prosu. 

B.P.V. 23 

354 C. A. NALLINO 

Dunque non solo abbiamo in Albohazen la conferma 
esplicita dell' origine " persiana " del libro tradotto in arabo, 
ma anche abbiamo la prova di tale origine persiana/^/^z^tf ; 
infatti la predetta corografia astrologica (opera evidente- 
mente del commentatore Buzurgmihr) nomina in tutto 38 
regioni, delle quali 6 sono terre limitrofe all' impero dei 
Sasanidi 1 , e le rimanenti 32 (in massima parte riconoscibili 
anche attraverso le forme assai alterate della versione latina) 
sembrano essere tutte province del dominio sasanidico. 
Inoltre questo Buzurgmihr 2 doveva scrivere il suo com- 
mento verso la fine dell' eta dei Sasanidi od ai primordi 
della conquista araba della Persia, poiche nel lib. iv, cap. i 
(Ven. 56 v., col. a\ Bas. 145) si legge la seguente profezia 
relativa alia detronizzazione di Ardaslr [III] 3 e al declinare 
della religione zoroastriana : " Dixit expositor*: vocavit me 
rex civitatis nostrae: et una ex mulieribus suis pepererat 
filium: et fuit ascendens libra .8. gradus terminus mercurij : 
et fuerunt in eo iuppiter et venus: mars et mercurius: et 
convenit ibi una societas astrologorum : et quilibet eorum 
suam opinionem dixit: ego tacui. Rex dixit mihi quid 
habes quod non loqueris : cui respondi : date mihi spacium 
trium dierum : quoniam si films vester transiverit tertiam 
diem: erit de ipso miraculum magnum: et quando natus 

1 Romania, India, Azyud (cioe as-Sind), Alhege9 (al-Higaz) et tota terra 
Arabiae, Turchia (cioe bilad at-Turk, il Turkestan centrale), post Turchiam 
(ma wara at-Turk). 

2 & impossibile, per ora, sapere se questo e il nome vero dell' astrologo 
commentatore di Vezio Valente, oppure se e uno pseudonimo scelto per far 
credere che autore fosse il sapiente e semi-leggendario Buzurgmihr, ministro 
di Cosroe I Anusarwan (che regn6 531-579 Cr.). 

3 Ardaslr (in arabo anche Azdasir) III, dopo poco piii di ij anno di 
regno, fu detronizzato ed ucciso da Sahrbaraz il 27 apr. 630. L' ultimo re 
sasanide, Yazdagird III, sali al trono verso la fine del 632; con la battaglia 
di Nihawand (21 eg., 642 Cr.) perdette definitivamente il regno, e, dieci 
anni dopo, mori assassinate nella Persia settentrionale (31 eg., 651-652 Cr.). 

4 Non esito ad identificare questo "expositor" (al-mufassir) con 
Buzurgmihr, interprete o commentatore di Vezio Valente. Si noti che, 
parlando del libro di quest' ultimo, il Fihrist e Ibn al-Qifti usano appunto 
1' espressione: "wafassarahu Buzurgmihr " ; inoltre Sa'id al-AndalusI, 
p. 1 6 ult. (ed. Cheikho = al-Masriq, xiv, 1911, 579 ult.) dice dei Persiani : 
" I Persiani (al-Furs) hanno libri ragguardevoli sull' astrologia giudiziaria, 
fra i quali : un libro sulle figure dei gradi della sfera celeste [= ra TrapavareX- 
Xovra] attribuito a Zoroastro; il Kitdb at-tafslr ; il libro di Gamasp, assai 
ragguardevole." Questo K. at-tafslr e verisimilmente 1' opera di Buzurgmihr. 

Tracce di op ere greche giunte agli Arabi 355 

completas habuit .24. horas: posuit se ad sedendum et 
locutus fuit et fecit signa cum manu : et rex multum ex- 
pavescit inde : et ego dixi possibile esse quod diceret aliquam 
prophetiam vel aliquod miraculum. Et rex ivit ad natum et 
nos cum eo ad audiendum quod diceret : et infans dixit, 
Ego sum natus infortunatus 1 : et natus sum ad indicandum 
amissionem regni afdexit et destructionem gentis almanaf, 
et statim cecidit natus et mortuus est 2 ." 

Finalmente e da notare un passo del cap. xiv dell' India 
di al-Blruni (ed. Sachau, London 1887, p. 75): 
JjtjL, ^~t j*jS* [j^=]^ 

0^3 ^iJULoJt Jojj o^JL> aXo*, che il Sachau 
nella sua versione (London 1888, i, 158) traduce: " Further 
the Hindus have a large book on the science of the astro- 
logy of nativities called Sdrdvali, i.e. the chosen one, similar 
to the Vazidaj (= Persian guzida ?), composed by Kalyana- 
Varman, who gained high credit for his scientific works."- 
Questo passo ci da la chiave per stabilire 1' esatta lettura ed 
il significato del nome misterioso del libro del quale ci stiamo 
occupando ed al quale evidentemente al-Blruni allude: ossia 
^.JujJt al-Bizldag, trascrizione del pehlevico vizid h ak = \o 
scelto. A sua volta questo nome pehlevico non e che la 
traduzione del titolo dell' opera di Vezio Valente : 'Av0o- 

Come si e visto sopra (pp. 351-352), Sa'id al-AndalusI 
aveva caratterizzato esattamente 1' opera, dicendo che essa 
riguardava "le nativita, le loro ' revolutiones' e 1' introduzione 

1 Cos! le edd. ; ma bisogna leggere " informatus " (cioe : gia formato, 
ben formato come un giovane), come risulta dal senso e dal testo arabo 
citato nella nota seguente. 

2 Per caso le prime e le ultime parole di questo brano sono riferite nel 
testo arabo (ms. dell' India Office) da M. Steinschneider, Vite di mate- 
matici arabi tratte da un' opera inedita di Bernardino Baldi, con note, Roma 
1874, p. 92: ^XJU JtjjJ U^U OjJj......l3jJb ^UU ^Uo >-^>Jt Jtf 

J15 C^^ljJ o' ^ ^^ cH^W 1 OW >***5 j-^^)t (Questa 

citazione si trova solo nell' ed. 1874; manca in quella del 1873, che e 
riproduzione esatta del lavoro dello Steinschneider, quale era apparso nel 
Bullettino di bibliografia e di storia delle scienze matematiche e fisiche, v, 
nov.-dic. 1872, pp. 427-534). Come si vede, il testo arabo dice soltanto : 
" la cessazione del regno di Ardasir e I 3 indebolirsi (o : 1' estinguersi) dei 
fuochi dei Magus (Zoroastriani)." Le parole seguenti dell' arabo (" E gli 
dissi che Zoroastro aveva detto ") mancano nella vers. latina. 


356 C. A. NALLINO 

a [tutto] cio." Invece il Fihrist ed Ibn al-Qiftl hanno erro- 
neamente distinto il Bizidag dal libro sulle nativita 1 e dalla 
introduzione all' astrologia, dividendo cosi un' opera sola in 
3 opere diverse. 

Dai passi del Bizidag riferiti da Ibn Hibinta e da 
Albohazen risulta che 1' opera di Buzurgmihr, piu che un 
commento alle *A.v6o\oyiai di Valente, ne fu un rimaneggia- 
mento o adattamento, con aggiunte di vario genere. Dal 
suo libro deriva anche la citazione di " Herfeiomoor" (ossia 
Buzurgmihr) relativa alia iv " casa celeste/' che ricorre 
nella traduzione latina del libro ebraico di Ab h raham ben 
'Ezra (f 1167 Cr.) sulle nativita 2 . 

III. / irapavoiT.\\ovra di Teucro*. 

Attingendo evidentemente a fonti diverse, 1' autore del 
Kitab al-Fihrist, seguito poi da Ibn al-Qiftl, nomina, fra 
i personaggi celebri dell' antica Babilonia, Tlnkalus ^>lCuj 4 
e Tmqarus ^^^LJo, entrambi i quali sarebbero stati fra i 7 
sacerdoti preposti ciascuno ad uno dei 7 templi dedicati ai 
singoli pianeti 5 , ed entrambi avrebbero composto un libro 
astrologico ; quello di Tlnkalus si sarebbe intitolato " Libro 
dei 'decani' e dei 'fines' 6 ," quello di Tmqarus " Libro delle 
nativita secondo i 'decani' ed i 'fines' 7 ." 

1 L' astrologo [persiano, della fine dell' eta sasanidica ?] al-Andarzagar, 
nel suo libro sulle nativita, scriveva a proposito di Vezio Valente : " I suoi 
10 libri sulle nativita abbracciano la forza di tutti i libri [degli altri autori]; 
se alcuno pronosticasse cosa non risultante da questi suoi libri, io non 
crederei mai ch' essa fosse accaduta o fosse per accadere" (cit. in Ibn 
al-Qiftl, ove il nome dell' astrologo e storpiato in jj^t, che il Lippert, 
negli indici, legge al-Aydugur). Su al-Andarzagar v. il mio l llm al-falak, 
pp. 211-213. 

2 Liber Abraham ludei de nativitatibus^ Venetiis 1485, fol. b 3, v. 
(in altra ediz. : Ger^etomoor). Cfr. M. Steinschneider, Zur Gesch. der 
Uebersetzungen aus dem Indischen^ ZDMG 24, 1870, 386, n. 103 (ove 
" Bereiomoor " e errore di stampa). 

3 Cfr. il mio l llm al-falak, pp. 196-205, e qui sopra p. 351, nota 2. 

4 Varr. ^^JlLj, ^^=> C~j, ^^X^. Ibn al-QiftT sceglie la forma 
Tlnkalus^ aggiungendo : " si dice anche Tankalusd ; ma la prima [forma] 
e piu corretta." 

5 Fihrist 270 e Ibn al-Qiftl ed. Lippert 218 (ed. Cairo 148) dicono che 
Tmqarus era preposto al tempio di Marte ; Fihrist 238 dice che Tlnkalus 
era preposto al tempio di Giove e Tmqarus a quello di Marte. 

6 Fihrist 270; Ibn al-Qiftl 105 (ed. Cairo 74). 

7 Fihrist 270; Ibn al-Qiftl 218 (ed. Cairo 148). 

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 357 

Negli altri scrittori arabi sembra mancare ogni accenno 
a Tlnqarus. Invece Tinkalus e citato come autorit^ in 
astrologi del in e iv sec. eg. (ix e x Cr.), ossia in Abu 
Ma'sar ed Ibn Hibinta, come vedremo piii avanti. Dopo 
il iv sec. eg. la forma Tlnkalus sembra scomparire com- 
pletamente dall' uso degli astrologi, ed essere sostituita 
dalla forma Tankalusa, la quale ha origine dall' " Agricoltura 
Nabatea," che il falsario Abu Talib Ahmad ibn al-Husayn 
az-Zayyat (nel 318 eg., 930 Cr.) immagino tradotto in arabo 
nel 291 eg. (904 Cr.) da Ibn Wahsiyyah sopra un originale 
nabateo, frutto della sapienza degli antichi Babilonesi. Nella 
prefazione di quest' opera e detto che Ibn Wahsiyyah aveva 
tradotto 4 libri dal nabateo in arabo : il Libro di Dawanay 
babilonese intorno alia cognizione dei segrett della sfera 
celeste e dei giudizi [astrologici fondati] sugli avvenimenti 
(hawadif) degli astri ; il Libro dell' agricoltura nabatea ; il 
Libro dei veleni di Suhabsat e Yarbuqa; il Libro di Tanka- 
lusa al-Babill al-QufanP sulle figure dei gradi della sfera 
celeste e su cio ch' esse indicano riguardo agli eventi 
(ahwal} dei nati in esse. 

Questo libro di Tankalusa non tardo ad essere messo 
in circolazione, forse per opera dello stesso Abu Talib az- 
Zayyat, cosicch^ se ne conservano ancor oggi almeno 3 mss. 2 
oltre ad una traduzione persiana. L' autore e citato p. es. 
nella Saflnat al-ahkam di an-NasIrP, sotto la forma U>ULi3 
t 4 , e nel commento di Naslr ad-din at-TusI 

1 Di solito il nome nell' Agricoltura Nabatea ed altrove e scritto 
Quqanl; Th. Noldeke, Noch Einiges iiber die a Nabataische Landwirth- 
schafi" (ZDMG 29, 1875, 449), ha mostrato che si tratta di aggettivo 
derivato da Qufa, 1' attuale 'Aqar Quf, a circa 10 km W di Bagdad. 

2 0A in, 81, nr. 1047), ove & titol 

Pietroburgo (Inst. des langues orient., Cat. mss. arabi nr. 191, 2), ove il 
titolo e >JUUJI p* j^a .j Jjb J*t ,> ^^ (sic) l^Jl~u *->\&> 

*Ujk*Jt j.c. J^.1 U ^JU IjJLS^ ^*^3> Firenze (Bibl. Laurenziana, nr. 
312 del Catal. Assemani). 

3 H. Suter, Die Mathematiker u. Astronomen der Araber, Leipzig 1900, 
p. 114, nr. 270, ritiene probabile ch' egli sia identico ad Abu '1-Hasan 'All 
ibn an-NasIr, uno dei piu famosi astrologi egiziani della fine del v e del 
principio del vi sec. eg. (xi-xn Cr.). 

4 Ahlwardt, Verzeichniss d. arab. Hss. zu Berlin, v, 294, nr. 5895. 

358 C. A. NALLINO 

(f672 eg., 1274 Cr.) al 95 aforismo del Kap-rros o Centi- 
loquium attribuito a Tolomeo 1 ; F opera sua fu compendiata 
dal famoso teologo, filosofo e cultore di scienze occulte Fahr 
ad-dm ar-RazP, f 606 eg., 1210 Cr. HaggI Hallfah in, 
223, nr. 5045 (ed. Cstnpli 1311, I, 490) conosce il nostro 
libro nella forma : aU,y,&3 ^U^M ^f ^JUU)t ^ ; ed altrove 
(v, 247, 10877 = Cstnpli n, 332) attribuisce a Tankalusah 
un commento (sark) al Kanz al-asrar wa dahair al-abrar* 
del mitico Hermes al-Haramisah, riguardante il modo di 
conoscere 1' avvenire mediante le lettere dell' alfabeto ed 
i quadrati magici (awfdg}\ 

II Chwolson, persuaso che le presunte traduzioni dal 
nabateo fossero veramente resti genuini dell' antica lettera- 
tura babilonese, si occupo a lungo del libro di Tankalusa 
sulle figure dei gradi della sfera celeste, secondo il ms. di 
Leida 5 , e cere 6 di dimostrare ch' esso era stato compos to, 
al piu tardi, nel i sec. d. Cr. H. Ewald, in una recensione 
del lavoro del Chwolson 6 , si avvicina all' ipotesi del Saumaise 
riferita qui sopra (p. 358, n. i), e ritiene che il libro arabo di 
Tankalusa il babilonese sia la traduzione del libro greco, 

1 Cl. Salmasii de annis climactericis et antiqua astrologia diatribae, Lugd. 
Batavor. 1648, praefatio fol. c 3, v. : " Interpres quoque Nasirodinus 
Thusius, ad eum locum notat, In libro qui adscribitur Tenkeluxae Baby- 
lonio, i<W^ l^JiX^o, scriptum extare cum quovis gradu ascendente, 

similique modo ab Indis allegari ...... Iw^Jl&j autem sive Tenkelus ille 

Babylonius quern memorat Nasirodinus, is omnino est qui Tempos Ba/3v- 
Aawos Graecis vocatur, et fortasse in scriptis Graecorum perperam hodie 
legitur Tewpos pro Tev/cepos idque deflexum ex illo nomine Babylonis 

2 Nell' elenco degli scritti di Fahr ad-din ar-Razi presso Ibn Abi 
Usaybi'ah n, 3O 12 : U^Jbo^ ^.AZSs (il Miiller non indica varianti) ; in Ibn 
al-Qiftl ed. Lippert, 292, 1. 22 (ed. Cairo 191, 1. 4 d. C.) : 

A torto il Catal. di Leida (in, 81, nota) identifica il Kanz al-asrdr con 
il libro di Tankalusa sulle figure dei gradi della sfera celeste ; 1' argomento 
delle due opere e completamente diverso. 

4 Un trattatello di chiromanzia esistente a Berlino (Ahlwardt HI, 572, 
nr. 4258) e attribuito ai dotti "indiani" Tumtum e Tankalusa. 

5 D. Chwolson, Ueber die Ueberreste der altbabylonischen Literatur in 
arabischen Ueber setzungen, St. Petersburg 1859, 196 pp. (= Memoires 
presentes a TAcad. Imper. des Sciences de St.-Petersbourg par divers 
savants, t. vm, pp. 329-524). Le p. 130-164 (^458-492) riguardano il 
libro astrologico di Tankalusa. 

6 Nelle Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 1859 (a me inaccessibili). 

Jracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 359 

ora perduto, che Teucro Babilonese aveva composto su TO, 
TrapavareXXovTa rots Se/ca^ots, ossia sulle figure (rappresen- 
tanti costellazioni diverse da quelle dell' Almagesto) che 
sorgono all' orizzonte di un dato paese insieme con ciascuno 
dei 36 " decani " (Se/caz'oi, TrpocrcoTra, " facies ") nei quali 
1' eclittica e divisa. A. von Gutschmid 1 , riconoscendo il 
carattere apocrifo della presunta letteratura arabo-nabatea, 
ritiene che Tankalusa sia " ein entstellter Griechischer 
Name," ma nega ch' esso corrisponda a TevKpos per due 
ragioni (p. 82): i. che la r greca "sonst nicht durch o 
ausgedriickt zu werden pflegt"; 2. che 1' astrologo Teucro 
Babilonese e il Tmq arus del Fihrist, distinto da Tmkalus. 
Secondo il von Gutschmid Tankalusa, storpiatura di Tln- 
kaliis, rappresenterebbe un altro nome greco (OeayyeXos o 
eo/cXos o evtfoXos). Infine egli da grande importanza ad 
una notizia trovata dal Chwolson alia fine d' un ms. della 
traduzione del libro di Tankalusa in persiano (moderno) ; 
e 1' aggiunta di un lettore il quale dice: " Nella cronaca di 
JJ>AJ sta scritto che questo libro fu composto 80 anni prima 
dell' egira 2 ," il che ci porterebbe al 542 d. Cr., durante il 
regno di Cosroe I Anusarwan 3 . Quindi conclude (p. 88) : 
" Ich glaube also, dass das Griechische Original des Thin- 
kelus friihzeitig, eben in jenem Jahre 542, in das Persische 
ubersetzt und diese Uebersetzung von Spateren geradezu 
fur das Original gehalten worden ist : alle jene Angaben 
liber Thinkelus durften aus Persischen Quellen geflossen 
sein." Ma lascia in sospeso la questione dei rapporti fra 
il libro persiano di Tlnkalus e quello pseudo-nabateo di 
Tankalusa (pp. 88-89). 

1 Die Nabataische Landwirthschaft und ihre Geschwister (ZDMG 15, 
1861, i-no; ristampato nei Kleine Schrifien, Leipzig 1889-91, n) ; 
cap. xxii : "Das genethlialogische Buch des Thenkelosha" (pp. 79-89; 
cfr. 1 08). 

2 Chwolson, I.e., p. 132 (=460): ^U^^t A^ jJt AllJ ^j-o ^j\j j^ 

djci AZw^J {& ^j-^^j' j+~*4 J^> J^A. II Chwolson, a ragione, insiste 
sulla poca fiducia che merita questa notizia, nella quale ^j>^> sembra 
essere strano errore per ij>*b. Negli Annali d' at-Tabarl non si trova 
menzione di Tankalusa ecc. 

3 " Der bekanntlich viele Griechische und andere Biicher ins Persische 
iibersetzen Hess" (p. 88). Probabilmente il von Gutschmid aveva presente 
il passo di Agathia (da me citato qui sopra, p. 345, n. 3), il quale tuttavia 
accenna solo a traduzione d' opere nlosofiche greche. 

360 C. A. NALLINO 

M. Steinschneider 1 , d' accordo con il Renan 2 e contro il 
Gutschmid, identifica a ragione i due personaggi Tlnqarus 
e Tlnkalus del Fihrist (e d' Ibn al-Qiftl); considera il nome 
Tankalusa come inventato da Ibn Wahsiyyah; lascia incerto 
se si debba ritenere che Ibn Wahsiyyah abbia usato o non 
un libro tradotto dal greco in arabo sotto il nome di Tln- 
qarus = Teucro ; ed osserva che la questione potrebbe forse 
essere risolta se si studiasse la storia delle figure dei " decani" 
presso gli Arabi, notando anche che Abu Ma'sar nel suo 
Intro duct orium vi, 2, indica quelle figure secondo i Greci, 
i Persiani, gl' Indiani. 

La via additata dallo Steinschneider fu seguita solo nel 
1903, quando Fr. Boll 3 raccolse da parecchi mss. greci 
numerosi frammenti del libro perduto di Teucro (i sec. Cr.) 
sui TrapavaTeXXovra, e pubblico inoltre 4 F inedito testo arabo 
del suddetto capitolo dell' Introductorium magnum d' Albu- 
masar o Abu Ma'sar (f 272 eg., 886 Cr.). In questo sono 
descritte le figure delle costellazioni che sorgono con i decani 
o si trovano in essi, secondo 3 sistemi (mad/tab) : dei Greci 
(al- Yunan ; sono le figure accolte dall' Almagesto), dei 
Persiani (al-Furs] e degl' Indiani. Abu Ma'sar aggiunge 
piu volte che il sistema dei Persiani e quello di Tlnkalus 
(^^l&jJ, var. ^^AX^J). II confronto con i frammenti greci 
di Teucro ha mostrato al Boll il loro completo accordo con 
quello che Abu Ma'sar riferisce secondo i Persiani e Tln- 
kalus ; T identita di quest' ultimo con Teucro e dunque sicura. 

Assodato questo punto fondamentale, mi pare che sia 
lecito dedurne le conseguenze seguenti : 

i. II libro di Tankalusa sui TrapavaTeXXovTa, giunto 
fino a noi come tradotto da] nabateo in arabo, ed analizzato 
dal Chwolson, e una falsificazione da considerarsi come 
degna compagna dell' Agricoltura nabatea; il falsario si e 
contentato di sfruttare la rinomanza di Tlnkalus, al cui nome 
ha voluto dare un aspetto arcaico babilonese trasformandolo 

1 Die arabischen Uebersetzungen aus dem Griechischen, 137 : Teukros 
(ZDMG 50, 1896, 352-354). 

2 Sur rdge du livre intitule" : Agriculture nabatlenne (Mem. de 1'Acad. 
des Inscr., t. xxiv, i e p., 1861). 

3 Sphaera. Neue griechische Texte und Untersuchungen zur Gesch. der 
Sternbilder, Leipzig 1903. 

4 Boll, Sphaera, pp. 490-539. Abu Ma'sar dichiara di scrivere il suo 
libro nel 1161 di Du '1-qarnayn (cioe 234-235 eg., 849 Cr.). 

Tracce di op ere greche giunte agli Arabi 36 1 

in Tankalusa. II libro di Teucro-Tlnkalus descrive soltanto 
le figure (non tolemaiche) delle costellazioni ascendenti 
insieme con ciascuno dei 36 decani nei quali 1' eclittica e 
divisa (3 decani di 10 per ciascun segno zodiacale); invece 
Tankalusa immagina assurdamente di descrivere per cias- 
cuno dei 360 gradi dell' eclittica le figure che ascenderebbero 
contemporaneamente ad essi 1 , ed a tale scopo inventa con 
grande minuzia descrizioni del tutto fantastiche, le quali non 
hanno alcun rapporto con il sistema ragionevole di Teucro- 

2. II fatto che, per Abu Ma'sar, il sistema di Trapava- 
reXXovra di Tinkalus e il sistema dei Persiani (opposto a 
quello dei Greci e degli Indiani), e che inoltre Abu Ma'sar 
deriva dal libro di Tinkalus alcuni nomi persiani di costella- 
zioni, prova che questo libro di Tinkalus non era stato 
tradotto dal greco, ma dal persiano. Se poi si tiene conto 
che Abu Ma'sar componeva la sua opera nell' 849 d. Cr., 
e evidente che il libro persiano di Tinkalus non poteva essere 
scritto se non in lingua pehlevica. 

L' esistenza di questa traduzione pehlevica dei Trapava- 
reXXoi/ra di Teucro-Tlnkalus e accertata anche per altra 
via; giacche uno dei passi d' Ibn Hibinta, da me riferiti qui 
sopra (p. 352), ossia quello del f. 154 r. del ms. di Monaco, 
mostra che Buzurgmihr, il commentatore pehlevico del 
Bizldag di Vezio Valente, gia conosceva e citava il libro di 
Tinkalus il Babilonese 2 . 

Finalmente F origine pehlevica del testo arabo ci da 
anche la chiave per comprendere F origine della forma Tin- 
kalus, che altrimenti non sarebbe spiegabile. Secondo le 
regole solite di trascrizione dei nomi stranieri nelF eta sasani- 
dica, Teu/c/309 doveva essere scritto in pehlevico Tewkros 

Vj) V^ 

, dove y puo essere letto ew, w, vi, In, ril, ne ecc., 

1 Si noti che questa particolarita esisteva anche nel libro di Tankalusa 
usato da Naslr ad-din at-TusI, come risulta dal passo del Saumaise riferito 
da me qui sopra, p. 358, n. i. 

2 Disgraziatamente nel 1891 trascurai di copiare per intero quel brano 
del f. 154 r., cosicche mi e impossibile di stabilire se il libro di Tinkalus, 
da Ibn Hibinta messo a confronto con la citazione fattane da Buzurgmihr, 
sia il libro autentico di Teucro-Tlnkalus oppure quello spurio corrente 
sotto il nome di Tankaiusa. 

362 C. A. NALLINO 

ed Y essere letto ro, Id, ru, lu ecc. Si comprende quindi 
agevolmente come sia nata la lettura Ttnk(a)lus, seguita 
dal traduttore arabo, dall' autore del Fihrist ecc. 

L' altra forma Ttnqarus, ricorrente nel Fihrist ed in 
Ibn al-Qiftl, e da costoro (come poi dal von Gutschmid) 
ritenuta nome d' un personaggio diverso da Tinkalus, 
sembra, a primo aspetto, potersi collegare direttamente con 
TevKpos ; infatti la r greca e conservata, e le consonant! 
T e K sono rese rispettivamente con t (non /) e q (non /), 
appunto secondo le regole seguite dai traduttori siriaci ed 
arabi nel trascrivere i nomi greet. Invece rimane inspie- 
gabile la sostituzione di in ad ev 5 anche supponendo che la 
n sia un errore grafico nato nei mss. arabi ; rev da un Arabo 

sarebbe stato certamente trascritto >, e da un Siro in una 

delle forme seguenti : o- o OCJL o o|^. Tutto si spieghe- 
rebbe bene se si ammettesse che 1' arabo Ttnqarus derivi 
da una trascrizione siriaca del nome pehlevico, letto Tln- 
karus ; la sostituzione di t e q al pehlevico / e k, insolita in 
arabo, e invece regolare in siriaco. 

Questi sicuri indizi di traduzioni d' opere scientifiche 
dal greco in pehlevico meritano forse di essere messi in 
rapporto con un passo del libro astrologico arabo Kitab an- 
nakmut&n 1 ft ' l-mawaltd, composto da Abu Sahl al-Fadl 
ibn Nawbaht (f ca. 200 eg., 815 Cr.), passo conservato nel 
Kitab al-Fihrist, ma, se non m' inganno, sin qui trascurato 
dagli studiosi europei. L' autore prima narra (Fihrist p. 238 
lin. 9-239 lin. 23) che la conquista d' Alessandro Magno 
smembro 1' impero persiano e fece scomparire la scienza 

1 Cos! e vocalizzato il nome in tutti i mss. del Fihrist (ed. Fliigel, 
p. 238 lin. 9 e le note n, 238). Ignore che cosa esso significhi, oppure se 
esso debba ritenersi (come e forse probabile) un nome proprio ; insostenibili 
sono tutte le spiegazioni finora proposte dal Fliigel (note al Fihrist, n, 239; 
dall' aramaico nehdmd^d "Trostungen und dann das zukiinftige Leben..."), 
dal Clermont-Ganneau (Comptes-rendus Ac. Inscr. 1907, 483-484 *= ^rw7 
d'archeol. orient., vm, 1907; corruzione del persiano nuhtdq u les neuf 
voltes celestes"; cfr. RSO n, 1908, 478), dal Suter (Mathematiker- 
Verzeichniss im Fihrist, 1892, p. 28; Mathem. u. Astronomen der Araber, 
1900, p. 5; recens. d' Ibn al-Qiftl ed. Lippert, in Biblioth. Mathem., 3. 
Folge, 4. Bd., 1903, p. 297; corruzione di an-numuddr " oroscopo"). A 
torto il Lippert nella sua ed. di Ibn al-Qifti, p. 255 (e quindi anche 1' ed. 
Cairo p. 169) ha 

Tracce di opere greche giunte agli Arabi 363 

dall' 'Iraq; poi dice che Ardaslr figlio di Babak 1 ristabili 
1' unita del regno, ed aggiunge (p. 239 lin. 23-31): " Egli 
mando a cercare nel paese degli Indiani e dei Cinesi i 
libri ch' erano presso di loro, e cosi pure nel paese dei 
Rum ; fece copiare quelli che erano capitati a loro, unendovi 
poi i pochi resti che erano rimasti nell' 'Iraq; cosi riunl i 
libri ch' erano separati e mise insieme quelli ch' erano 
dispersi. Lo stesso fece, dopo di lui, suo figlio Sapore 
[I, regno 241-271 Cr.]; cosicche tutti quei libri vennero 
trascritti in persiano, a quel modo che [li] avevano [com- 
posti] Hermes babilonese, il quale fu re d' Egitto, Doroteo 
Sidonio (^^>^t cr>>Htf>; cfr. ZDMG 46, 1892, 743), Codro 
( ? u*3J^ 5 ) greco della citta di Atene (cr-^t) famosa per la 
scienza, Tolomeo alessandrino e Frmasb 1' indiano. Questi 
libri furono spiegati ed insegnati alia gente, cosi come erano 
stati desunti da tutti i libri la cui origine era dalla Babilonia. 
Poi, dopo di loro due [Ardaslr e Sapore], Cosroe [I] Anu- 
sarwan [531-578 Cr.] li riuni, li mise insieme e se ne servi, 
per F inclinazione e 1' amore ch' egli aveva verso la scienza. 
Gli uomini d' ogni tempo e d' [ogni] eta hanno esperienze 
nuove e scienza rinnovata intorno alia potesta (>**) degli 
astri e dei segni zodiacali, alia quale [potesta] per ordine di 
Dio altissimo e affidato il governo del tempo " 

Come si vede, al-Fadl ibn Nawbaht, d' origine persiana, 
allude essenzialmente a traduzioni pehleviche d' opere 

1 Ossia Ardaslr I, che regn6 226-241 Cr. 



In August, 1920, I was asked to examine and report on 
a beautifully written and almost unique 1 Persian manuscript 
containing the Kulliyydt of Pir Jamal, which had been brought 
from Isfahan by Hajji Abdu '1-Majid Belshah and is now 
in the India Office Library. It is a volume of 1518 pages 
of folio size ; and as it remained in my hands for a few days 
only, my acquaintance with it is necessarily slight. The 
following details, however, may be worth publishing, for in 
the case of an unknown author I venture to think that even 
the most inadequate notice is better than none. 

Jamalu'ddin Ahmad Ardistani, generally called Pir 
Jamal, was a native of Ardistan, a considerable town lying 
to the north-east of Isfahan 2 . That he was an eminent 
Sufi appears from the fact that he gave his name to an 
order of dervishes the Pir Jamaliyya. His Shaykh and 
murshid was Murtada 'All Ardistani, a pupil of Shaykh 
Muhammad of Zuwara 3 , and he traced his spiritual pedigree 
through Najibu'ddin Ali b. Buzghush of Shiraz, Shihabu'- 
ddin Suhrawardi, and Ahmad Ghazali to Ma'nif Karkhi. 
Another silsila (given in the Bustdnu ' l-siydha^] leads back 
to Fakhru'ddin 'Iraqi, the author of the Lama'dt, whose 
teacher, Baha'u'ddin Zakariyya of Multan, was a pupil of 
Shihabu'ddin Suhrawardi. As Pir Jamal died in A.M. 
A.D. 1474-5, he must have been contemporary with 

Jami (ob. A.H. 898). It is mentioned in the Ustilu ' l-fustil, 
on the authority of " a certain book," that he was martyred 
(shahtd shud\ 

1 There is a less complete copy in ProTessor Browne's collection. 

2 These particulars are derived from the Tardiqu 'l-haqaiq by Ma'sdm 
'All Shah al-Ni'matu'llahi al-Shirazi (Teheran, A.H. 1319), vol. ii, p. 159. 

3 Zuwara or Uzwara is near Ardistan. See G. le Strange, The Lands of 
the Eastern Caliphate, p. 208. 

4 By Ibn Iskandar Zaynu l-'Abidm Shirwani Ni'matu'llahi. This work 
is described by Rieu in his Suppl. to the Cat. of Persian MSS. in the 
British Museum, No. 140. 

Pir Jamdl 365 

The contents of the India Office MS. are as follows : 

I. Mirdtu 'l-afrdd (pp. 1-128). A large number of 
risdldt in prose and verse addressed to his disciples on 
points of Sufi doctrine and the interpretation of verses of 
the Koran. On p. 127 the writer describes a vision of 
angels which he saw on the 8th of Muharram, A.H. 877. 

II. Kanzu 'l-daqdiq (pp. I29-I75) 1 . 

III. Mishkdtu 'l-muhibbin (pp. 175-179). 

IV. Kitdb-i Rtik al-quds (pp. 179-297). A long math- 
nawi in three parts, dealing with the Shari'at, the Tariqat, 
and the Haqiqat. Each part is associated with one of the 
Shaykhs in the author's silsila. Shihabu'ddin Suhrawardi 
represents the Shari'at, 'Abdu 's-Salam Kamii (or Kamusi) 
the Tariqat, and 'AH Ardistani (who invested Pir Jamal 
with his own khirqa, i.e. appointed him to be his successor) 
the Haqiqat. This mathnawt was finished in A.H. 865. 

V. Tanbihu 'l-'driftn (pp. 297-369). 

VI. Mahbtibu 'l-siddiqin (pp. 369-487). This mathnawi 
is mentioned by Hajji Khalifa (ed. Fliigel v, 418), who says, 
perhaps correctly, that it is j$^lsu. He adds that it forms 
part of the Kitdb kashf al-kuntiz. No work bearing that 
title occurs either in the India Office MS. or in the list of 
Pir Jamal's writings in the Tard'iqu ' l-haqd'iq ; but the 
Tar. mentions a Sharhu 'l-kuntiz, which may be the work 
referred to by Hajji Khalifa. 

VII. Kitdb-i ma'ltimdti asrdri 'l-qultib wa-mafkumdti 
anwdri ^l-ghuyub (pp. 488493). 

VIII. Kashfu 'l-arwdh (pp. 493-608). 

IX. Qissai Ayytib (pp. 608-614). 

X. Baydn-i haqd'iq-i ahwdl al-Mustafd (pp. 6141285). 

The subject of this great mathnawi is the Life of the 
Prophet, regarded as the perfect model for mystics. Many 
prose passages are interspersed. Probably the title given 
above, which occurs on p. 713, is no more than a description 

] Nos. II to XII are mathnawis. 


of the poem. The whole work is divided into seven parts, 
each being entitled separately as follows : 

1. Misbdhu ' l-arwdh (pp. 614-713). 

2. Ahkdmu 'l-muhibbin (pp. 713-762). 

3. Nihdyatu 'l-hikmat (pp. 763-852). 

4. Biddy atu 'l-mahabbat (pp. 852-900). 

5. Hiddyatu ' l-ma'rifat (pp. 900-1015). 

6. Fathu ' l-abwdb (pp. 1015-1159). 

7 . Sharhu ' l-wdsilin (pp . 1159-1285). 

XI. Mihr-afruz (pp. 1285-1293). The India Office 
MS. gives the title as v>^' jv*, which I have corrected in 
accordance with the Tard'iqu "l-haqd'iq. 

XII. Kitdb-i Mathnawiyydt (pp. 1294-1313). This 
consists of a number of risdlas. It begins with an explanation 
of some verses in the Gulshan-i rdz of Mahmud Shabistari 
(812-13, 815, and 19 in Whinfield's edition). Verses by 
Nizami and 'Attar are also explained. 

XIII. Kitdb-i Qasd'id (pp. 1314-1327). 

XIV. Kitdb-i Tarkib-band (pp. 1327-1339). This 
includes several examples of the tarji'-band. 

XV. Kitdb-i Ghazaliyydt (pp. 1339-1373). In his 
ghazals the author uses the takhallus Jamali. 

XVI. Kitdb-i Rubd'iyydt (pp. 1377-1427). 

XVII. A mathnawi vt which I have not been able to 
ascertain the title (pp. 1428-1435). 

XVIII. The Sixth Book of the Mathnawioi Jalalu'ddin 
Rumi (pp. 1437-1518). 

The list in the Tard'iqu 'l-kaqd'iq, though admittedly 
incomplete, adds five more titles, viz., (i) Istiqdmat-ndma, 
(2) Ntir 'aid nur, (3) Ndzir u manzur, (4) Miftahu 'l-faqr, 
(5) Sharhu 'l-kunuz. On the other hand, it does not include 
No. IX, while the seven parts of No. X are (perhaps 
rightly) reckoned as independent poems. 

Judging from the few passages that I have read, I am 
not inclined to believe that Pir Jamal is an author of great 
originality. Nevertheless, his works the mathnawis in 

Ptrjamdl 367 

particular comprise a vast quantity of material for the 
study of Siifism in the I5th century and might repay a 
careful examination. 

The following is a translation of the passage in which 
he describes his vision of the angels : 

"On the eighth night of the holy month Muharram in the year 877, 
being in ecstasy I saw that over against the house where this faqir (Pir 
Jamal) and his friends live, the sky was cloven and angels came forth, so 
many that they stood between the heaven and the earth all the way from 
East to West, chanting in unison, with voices sad and sweet, a verse of the 
sublime Koran, namely, In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate: 
they upbraid thee with their having embraced Islam. Say, * Do not upbraid 
me with your having embraced Islam. Nay, it is God who upbraids you, 
inasmuch as He led you to the Faith. If ye speak truly (God has bestowed a 
favour on you) 1 .' Then this host of angels vanished, and a multitude as 
great as the first came forth, chanting with a louder voice the verse Say, 
4 O my servants who have trespassed against yourselves, do not despair of the 
mercy of God. Verily, God forgiveth all sins, for He is the Forgiving, the 
Merciful*.' Then those also departed, and another host came forth, chanting 
with a voice louder than that of the former twain the verse ' We are your 
friends in this life and in that which is to come: therein shall ye have what- 
soever your souls crave, and therein shall ye obtain whatsoever ye desire*? 
After they had chanted these verses, the Presence whose light fills the 
world, he that is the First and the Last upon him be blessing and peace ! 
came forth from the cleft in the sky and took his abode in the place of 
which there has been mention already. 

Now I will explain these happenings and interpret this experience. 
Hearken, that thou mayst come to life from the state in which thou art to- 
day ; and God bless the unlettered Arabian Prophet, Mohammed, and his 
family, and grant him peace ! 

O my brother, know the meaning of the Greater Punishment, as dis- 
tinguished from the Lesser. When the sins of a man are not pardoned, at 
once he is delivered into the hands of punishment in such wise that he is 
cast into a pit, which they call the Everlasting, whence he never can escape, 
or a mountain is dashed against his head and he is made naught, or he is 
transformed into a wild beast or some animal. But if it be ordained that 
his punishment shall pass, this is the Lesser Punishment, and the sinner is 
punished in such wise that they keep him at the bottom of a terrace and 
pour over his head an ass-load of straw mixed with earth, so that he is 
begrimed with dust ; yet at last he can be cleansed from that defilement, 
and 'tis well, for grievous is the punishment of him who is made naught or 
raised again in a foul shape. 

O dear friends, watch your eyes and ears and hands and hearts, and live 
as though ye were dead ! And to those who love (God) these two punish- 
ments which have been explained seem of little account, for the retaliation 
(qisds) on those who love (God) is that they are rejected and disregarded 
(by the Loved One). The thing that has caused the lover to be rejected is 

1 Koran, xlix, 17. 2 Koran, xxxix, 54. 3 Koran, xli, 31-2. 


raised (on the Day of Judgement) in a horrible shape, and he and it are 
annihilated together. That horrible shape seizes its fellow with its teeth ; 
and its teeth are like those of a wild beast. Beware, and a hundred times 
beware, lest ye be occupied with yourselves and with a thing that is not 
pleasing unto God. To know this (Divine) pleasure and displeasure is a 
hard matter. Therefore do not step aside from the Way of that sovereign 
Presence (Mohammed), who is the First and the Last." 

The collection of rub&iyydt more than a thousand in 
all begins with several in which God is praised. These 
are followed by a series (arranged from t to ^ in alphabetical 
order) in praise of Mohammed. In many of them the Prophet 
is addressed as the Logos, e.g. 

O thou who art the soul and the soul of soul and the Beloved, 
And O thou who art all beauty and loveliness, both manifest and hidden ! 
Thou art the Tablet and the Pen and sight and perception and letters, 
The desire of heart and soul and the meaning of the Koran. 

Pir Jamal places 'All on a level with Mohammed and 
extols him in similar terms. 

Mohammed is the beginning and 'Ali is the end, 

Mohammed is the storm and 'All is the calm. 

The Divine verses (of the Koran) are from the mouth of our Messenger : 

O friend, know that 'Ali is the core of the message. 

Know that Mohammed and 'Ali are equals, 

Ever partaking of one morsel with two mouths. 

That is to say, the abundant grace which is always coming from God 

They drink together, and draw the veil over themselves. 

The author's nom de plume, Jamali, occurs in several 
quatrains. One gives the date A.H. 864 : 

Ptr Jamdl 369 

Two others celebrate a certain Ruzbihan, who was evidently 
a mystic of the same period. Afdal probably Afdalu'ddin 
of Kashan (ob. A.H. 707) is twice mentioned. He seems 
to be the author of the first of the three following rubd'is, 
while the second is Pir Jamal's variation of it. 

Rubfris are seldom characteristic, and so far as I can 
judge, those of Pir Jamal have no extraordinary merit ; but 
1 will conclude this article with a few selected specimens. 

O Master, know that the Greatest Name (of God) is Love ; 
The most noble is Love, because the most ancient is Love. 
The instruction of teachers and the perception of intellects 
And the Holy Spirit and Jesus the son of Mary is Love. 

Do not wish ill to any one, O man of good nature, 

Whether they be people of the cell (Christian ascetics) or of the synagogue. 

What a bad place is a bad thought ! Hell springs from it ; 

Know that the joys of Paradise are from good thoughts alone. 

B. P. v. 24 



There are a hundred volumes of doctrine and one plain word, 
O Master who art of Moses' religion and O eloquent Shaykh ! 
When there is meeting and vision and love and pain, 
Where are Gabriel's verses (the Koran) and the Messiah's Gospel? 

Far be intelligence from my head and from my door, 

Inasmuch as the eye of intelligence is very blind. 

Not that Intelligence, the light of whose light is a candle to the heart, 

But that intelligence which is like an ant in a cave. 

Thou art thine own barrier (prison). Arise quickly and depart ! 
That is to say, death to self (/and) is the life (baqa) of the dervish. 
If dervishhood consisted in (garments of) wool and felt, 
Goats and sheep would be the leaders of the Siifis. 

Obey Mohammed and be a happy Necessitarian, 
Do no harm in the world secretly or openly. 
If thou wilt put these two qualities into practice, 
Death, life, and suffering let them be or let them not ! 


We desire not Paradise with the ascetic whose breath is cold ; 

Give us the hot breath of the sinner and Hell ! 

To the drunken lover and the ragged libertine 

One can declare the mystery of heart and love and Friend. 

3 * >-> j^ 3 

In the school of the heart there is no need for speech, 
There are no works, no recollection or repetition. ' 
He who is not always drunk and sleepless 
Is not admitted to the audience-chamber of my Beloved. 



Im Agamemnon des Aeschylus (Wilamowitz, 717 ff., 
Kirchhoff, 691 ff.) heisst es : 

Str. 0p\lfV 8e XeOI>T09 l- 

viv 80/1019 dydXaKTOi/ ov- 

iv /BiOTov TrporeXeiois 720 


TToXe'a 8* ecr^' e^ dy/cdXais 



re yaar/oos i/ay/cats. 

ro Tryoos TOKewv, yapw 
drats 730 

SCUT' d/ceXeucrros e 
atjLtari 8 s ol/cos <f>vp6r) 
afjia^op dXyo? oi/crai5, 
/xeya crt^os TrokvKTovov * 
e/c #eoi) 8' iepevs rt? a- 735 


1 Im iiberlieferten Text entsprechen Strophe und Antistrophe einander 
metrisch bis ins Kleinste, nur dass z;. 729 das von Wilamowitz durch Tpo^vcnv 
ersetzte rpo<^as nicht stimmt (ob da vielleicht auch Tpo<f>a<s ^ra^i^v in 
Frage kommen konnte, mogen Kenner entscheiden) und dass er, gewiss 
mit Recht, in #. 730 !> eingesetzt hat. Die noch von Kirchhoff aufgenom- 
mene Conjectur Ae'ovra a-iviv ^.717^ zerstort nicht nur die metrische Ent- 
sprechung, sondern giebt auch einen verkehrten Sinn, denn das noch 
nicht entwohnte Lowenjunge, das mit den Kindern spielt und von seinem 
Pfleger auf den Arm genommen wird, ist noch kein "Schadiger" wie der 
erwachsene Lowe (oriVriys bei Homer), tm ist, so weit ich sehe, ein bloss 
poetischer Ausdruck, und zwar fur Sohne vornehmer Abkunft, passt also 
trefflich fur das Junge des Konigs der Tiere. Die Etymologic ist dunkel. 
Mehrere moglich scheinende sind doch bedenklich. Fiir unzulassig halte 
ich die Zusammenstellung mit sskr. sunu, die Ciirtius, Grundziige der 
griech. Etymologic* ', 390 und Leo Meyer, Griech. Etymologic, ii, 6obieten. 



Das iibersetzt Wilamowitz sinngemass, aber frei, rhyth- 
misch, aber ohne dem Schatten nachzujagen, das Versmass 
wiederzugeben : 

Es zog einmal ein Mann 

ein Lowenjunges, Saugling noch, sich auf. 

Wie war das Kleine zahm, 720 

der Kinder Spielgesell', der Greise Lust. 

Oft schaukelt er's im Arm, 

als war's ein Kind. Da leckt' es seine Hand 

und blickte fromm, und wenn es hungrig war, 

so wedelt'.es und bat. , 725 

Doch als es alter ward, 

da zeigte sich die eingeborene Art. 

Was war der Pflege Dank ? 

Es schuf das Mahl sich in der Lammer Mord. 730 

Die Herde lag zerstort, 

der Hof voll Blutes, das Gesinde schrie : 

erwachsen war des Hauses Hollengast 

ein grimmig reissend Tier. 735 

Nun legt Aristophanes in den " Froschen " 1431, 1433 
(Suss) beim Wortgefecht zwischen Aeschylus und Euripides 
jenem folgende Verse in den Mund : 

OV XP*J XfolTOS (TKV^VOV iv TToXei Tp<f)lV 
T}V 8' iKTpd^'T) TIS TO19 T/OO7TCHS V7TrjpTLV l . 

Diese Worte sind mit Unrecht mehrfach als echte 
Fragmente des Aeschylus angesehen worden. Aristophanes 
wendet sie ausdrlicklich auf Alcibiades an, allem Anschein 
nach mit den oben angefuhrten Versen des grossen Tragikers 
spielend wie vorher mit solchen des Euripides. Denn dass 
Aeschylus zweimal davor gewarnt hatte, einen jungen 
Lowen aufzuziehen, ist doch recht unwahrscheinlich. Die 
Zugabe des Komikers ist lv TroXei, wodurch eben das Gleich- 
niss die Beziehung auf die Politik erhielt. An sich liegt es 
ja besonders fern, dass ein Lowe in einer Stadt aufgezogen 

1 v. 1432 fjLa\L(Tra ficv Xeovra fj.rj V rroXct Tpc'<eii> kann nur jemand 
eingeschoben haben, der die unnotige Lehre einscharfen wollte: ''aber 
erst recht keinen erwachsenen Lowen!," jedoch keines selbststandigen 
poetischen Ausdrucks fahig war. Plutarch, Alcibiades 15, hat den Vers 
allerdings schon, lasst dagegen den ersten (1431) weg. Er oder sein 
Gewahrsmann fiihlte vielleicht, dass beide nicht neben einander stehen 

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raubtiers 373 

wiirde 1 . Und bei TTO'AIS dachte der Zuhorer gleich an den 

Der zum Sprichwort 2 gewordene Vers 

ov xpr) Xeoz>TOS <TKvp,vov Iv TroXet rpec^eti/ 

kam mir plotzlich in den Sinn, als ich vor einiger Zeit bei 
einer neuen Durchlesung von Firdausl's Shahname die Stelle 
las, wo Konig Afrasiyab in Bezug auf den ihm von dem 
treuen Plran zur Aufnahme anempfohlenen fliichtigen per- 
sischen Prinzen Siyawush sagt (Vullers-Landauer 588, w. 
1205-7, Macan 423, 8-10): 

Aber ich habe einen Spruch vernommen, mit dem die Einsicht iiberein- 

stimmt : 
So du das Junge eines gewaltigen 4 Lowen aufziehst, wirst du es, wenn es 

erst scharfe Zahne kriegt, biissen. 
Wenn es sich mit Kraft und Kralle 5 erhebt, wird es gerade mit dem 

Erzieher gewaltsam anbinden. 

Und ebenso sagt Zavare zu seinem Bruder Rustam, dem 
grossten aller Heroen, als dieser auf Bitte des sterbenden 
Isfandiyar, den er, durch seine Ehre gezwungen, im Kampfe 

1 Darauf hat mich mein Freund und bis zur Auflosung unsrer Univer- 
sitat College Ed. Schwartz brieflich aufmerksam gemacht. Beilaufig be- 
merkt, haben die streitenden Dichter in den ihnen in den " Froschen " 
beigelegten Aeusserungen iiber den eben so genialen wie ehrgeizigen und 
gewissenlosen Alcibiades beide Recht. Trotz des Sieges bei den Arginusen 
war es ja damals fur Athen ebenso bedenklich, ihm ganz zu Willen zu sein 
(rot? [avrou] rpoTrots vTnypcreti/) wie ihn ganz von sich zu stossen. 

2 Paroemiographi graeci, ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, ii, 167. Der 
Spruch stand wohl schon in weit alteren Sammlungen als der des Macarius. 

3 Die wenigen, fiir den Sinn gleichgiiltigen uns bekannten Varianten 
lasse ich in beiden Stiicken weg. Wesentlich anders kann auch der Urtext 
iiberhaupt nicht ausgesehen haben. Nur ware eigentlich fiir 3 nach einem 
Vocal immer 3, fiir d und A. aber ^^ und (^^ zu schreiben. 

4 Das beliebte Epitheton des Lowen bedeutet eigentlich "mannlich," 
steht dann aber fiir " stark, heldenhaft." Dass es hier nicht sexuell zu 
nehmen ist, versteht sich von selbst, denn das Junge hat ja immer auch 
eine Mutter. 

5 So wortlich. Das heisst, " begehrt er, nachdem er Kraft gewonnen, 
nach Kampf." 


hat toten miissen, bereit ist, dessen Sohn Bahman zur 
Erziehung zu iibernehmen (Macan, 1222, 9-11) : 

Hast du nicht von einem Kenner den Spruch gehort, den er aus den 

Worten der Alten vortrug 1 ? 
" So du das Junge eines gewaltigen Lowen aufziehst, bekommt es scharfe 

Za'hne und wird mutvoll. 
Wenn es dann das Haupt erhebt und Jagdbeute sucht, geht es zuerst 

auf den Erzieher los." 

Genau an den entsprechenden Stellen (Afrasiyab zu 
Plran und Zavare zu Rustam) finden wir bei Firdausi's 
Zeitgenossen Tha'alibl in dem uns erhaltenen Teile seines 
arabischen Werkes, welches die, grosstenteils mythische, 
Geschichte des persischen Reiches von den Urkonigen bis 
zu den letzten Sasaniden enthalt 2 : 

(S. 205) 

Aber ich fiirchte, dass das Lowenjunge zum Lowen heranwachsen und 
sich dann bemiihen werde, seinen Erzieher umzubringen. 


(S- 375) >+ 

O mein Bruder, du hast nicht recht getan, Bahman von seinem 
(sterbenden) Vater zu iibernehmen, da er das Junge eines Lowen ist, dessen 
Blut du zu vergiessen iibernommen hattest. Ich fiirchte gar sehr, dass er 
unserm Hause den Untergang bringen werde. 

Diese Stellen sind den oben angefuhrten des Shahname 
so ahnlich, wie man es von einem sich gern kurzer fassenden, 
aber doch deutlich redenden Prosaiker nur erwarten kann. 
Doch hat Tha'alibi, der zwischen 1007 und 1020 schrieb, 
nicht aus dem grossen Epos seines alteren Zeitgenossen 
geschopft, denn, so viel er auch sachlich und nicht ganz 
selten, wenn man von dem Unterschied der Sprache absieht, 
fast wortlich mit ihm ubereinstimmt, so hat er doch, wie 

1 Hier wohl besser die Variante, " den Gedachtniss hat." 

2 Hg. von dem hochverdienten Zotenberg. 

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raubtiers 375 

Zotenberg in seiner Einleitung im Einzelnen darlegt, neben 
manchen anderen, uns zum Teil noch erhaltenen, Quellen, 
besonders gerade die Hauptquelle des Dichters stark benutzt. 
Es macht nichts aus, ob Tha'alibi das Werk selbst vor sich 
hatte, oder ein anderes es ihm vermittelte. Doch ist ersteres 
wahrscheinlicher. Jenes ist, wie ich in meiner Abhandlung 
"Das iranische Nationalepos 1 " glaube fest gestellt zu haben, 
die Geschichte des persischen Reichs vom Anfang bis zu 
seinem Untergang durch die Araber, die der Statthalter von 
Firdausi's Vaterstadt Tos im Jahre 957/8 von einigen zoro- 
astrischen Gelehrten zusammenstellen Hess. Das Werk war 
in neupersischer Sprache, aber seine Quellen waren mittel- 
persisch und natiirlich in den wunderlichen Pehlevi Charak- 
teren geschrieben, die nur der lesen konnte, der sie durch 
besonderes Studium gelernt hatte, also nicht leicht ein als 
Muslim aufgewachsener, sondern nur gelehrte Zoroastrier 
oder solche, die im gereiften Alter aus der nationalen Religion 
zum Islam ubergegangen waren. Von seinen Quellen war 
die wichtigste das " Konigsbuch " Chodhainama(k) Shak- 
ndme,das erst am Ende der Sasanidenzeit abgeschlossen war, 
aber sich wieder auf altere Darstellungen stiitzte. Wir 
dlirfen als sicher annehmen, dass das Gleichniss vom jungen 
Lowen, das seinem Erzieher und Pfleger den Tod bringt, 
an den beiden Stellen der mythischen Geschichte, wo es 
FirdausI wie Tha'alibl haben, schon in einem Pehlevi Werke 
des 7 ten oder 6 ten Jahrhunderts stand. 

Kaum denkbar ist, dass dies eigentiimliche Gleichniss bei 
Persern und Griechen selbststandig zu Tage getreten ware. 
Freilich bringt bei jenen der herangewachsene Lowe seinem 
Wohltater direct (Rustam) oder indirect (Afrasiyab) den 
Tod, bei Aeschylus aber Schafen und vielen anderen Wesen, 
ohne dass der Erzieher selbst genannt wiirde, aber dieser 
Unterschied hat doch wenig zu bedeuten 2 . 

1 Im Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. [Neue Bearbeitung, Berlin 
und Leipzig, 1920.] 

2 Ganz anders ist es, wenn ein der gemeinmenschlichen Ethik ange- 
horender, nahe liegender Satz sich einmal bei einem Griechen und einem 
Perser fast wortlich gleich findet, wie bei Hesiod, Opera et dies 309 (als 
Schluss einer Lobrede auf den Fleiss) : 

epyov 8' o8ei/ ovetSos dtpyi-r) Se T* ovetSos 
und bei dem reichen und vornehmen Nasiri Chosrau (1004-1088) : 


Da das Gleichniss auf griechischem Boden wenigstens 
ein Jahrtausend friiher erscheint als auf iranischem, und in 
wie vollendeter Form !, dachte ich anfangs dass es von dort 
nach dem fernen Osten gewandert sei. Aber Schwartz 
mochte lieber glauben, dass dieser au>o9, der wie der alvos 
von dem Habicht und der Nachtigal (Hesiod, Op. 200 ff,) 
und der vom Fuchs und Adler (Archilochus 67 [Hiller] ; 
nach andrer Zahlung Si) 1 , mit einem Unheil endet, im 
europaischem Griechenland nicht wohl entstanden sei ; da 
sei der Lowe ja immer ein Fabeltier gewesen 2 . Im vorderen 
Kleinasien gab es freilich in der Homerischen Zeit noch 
Lowen, aber spater auch dort kaum mehr. Und so ist 
Schwartz geneigt, die Wanderung des Gleichnisses vom 
Osten ausgehn zu lassen, woher ja auch die asopischen 
Fabeln zu den Griechen gekommen sind, so unsicher deren 
specielle Heimat ist. Es kamen dann wohl nur weiter ostlich 
liegende Gegenden in Betracht, denen im Altertum der 
Lowe aus dem Leben recht bekannt war und zum Teil noch 
ist. Die Vermittlung hatten, denkt Schwartz, ionische \6yoi 
gegeben. Das lasst sich wohl horen. Ob dabei die Tierparke 
der Perser in Betracht kamen, ist mir nicht so wahrscheinlich 
wie ihm. 

Leider fehlen uns alle Mittelglieder. Hatten wir von 
Sammlungen aramaischer Sprichworter und Fabeln mehr 
noch als einige diirftige Reste, so fanden wir darin vielleicht 
etwas, das uns iiber diese Frage Licht gewahren konnte 3 . 

"und Erwerb der Hand (durch Handarbeit) ist durchaus keine Schande" 
(ZDMG, xxxiv, 670). Beilaufig bemerkt, haben nachher die hoher gebil- 
deten griechischen Stadter, die auf den /?ai/av<ros tief herabsahen, diesen 
Worten des alten Bauernpoeten schwerlich beigestimmt. 

1 Jener ist Aesop 9 (Halm), dieser ist eb. 5 wiedergegeben. 

2 Die Kiinstler, die das Lowentor in Mycenae erbauten, werden aller- 
dings noch Lowen in ihrer Heimat gesehen haben, aber wie viel alter ist 
deren Zeit als die der griechischen Poesie, und wie wenig Verbindungen diir- 
fen wir zwischen der mycenischen und der griechischen Cultur annehmen ! 

3 In den Paroemiographi graeci, ii, p. 503 wird zum Sprichwort AeW TYJV 
Tptxa, oi/os TOI> ftiov erzahlt, die Karthager hatten einen Lowensaugling 
gefangen, gezahmt, und durch fiir Lowen ungewohnliche Nahrung so weit 
gebracht, dass er als Lasttier wie ein Esel durch die Stadt gehen musste ; 
dann hatten sie ihn aber wegen der Unnatiirlichkeit (7rapavo/ua) getotet, 
da er ja von Haus aus ein rvpai/i/o? und nur durch Ungliick ein tSia/n?? ware. 
Ob in diese alberne Geschichte, die noch dazu gar nicht zu dem Sprich- 

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raubtiers 377 

Wir haben aber noch ein ahnliches Gleichniss, worin an 
der Stelle des Lowen der Wolf steht. Junge Wolfe sind ja 
wirklich zahmbar 1 , doch mag es vorkommen, dass ein solcher 
" Hauswolf" unter Umstanden trotzdem ein Scnaf zerreisst 
und frisst. Hier scheint also eine Umbildung des alten alvos 
vorzuliegen. Das Epigramm, Anthol. Pal. ix, 42, leider ein 
dSeorTroro^, lasst das Schaf, durch dessen Milch der kleine 
Wolf aufgefiittert wird, selbst reden : 

TOV \VKOV ef i8ion> ju,ao>z> rpe(f>a) OVK eWXoucra, 

dXXa p cb>ay/caei 7rot/>teVo9 d<f>pocrvvrj. 
av^rjOels 8* UTT' e/xov /car' e s /x,oO TraXi Qrjpiov corral' 

rj X^P 1 ** clXXafcu TJJV <^vcriv ov Su^arat. 

Von den entsprechenden arabischen Versen kenne ich 
drei Texte : den in den ij'jU^tj ^>wU*^J! von Ibrahim ibn 
Muhammed al-Baihaql, geschrieben zwischen 908 und 932 
(ed. Schwally) 132 ; den in den etwas alteren, falschlich dem 

Gahiz (t 869) zugeschriebenen jtjco'^ ^U^oJI (ed. van 
Vloten) 40; und den von Damirl in seinem 1371 geschrie- 
benen Tierbuch s.v. ^5* (in der Ausg. Bulaq 1284) i, 488, 

den oW^l ^*^ des Ahmed ibn Husain al-Baihaql entnom- 
menen. Der letztere, den wir den jiingeren BaihaqP nennen 
wollen, beruft sich fiir die Verse auf den beriihmten alten 
Philologen Asma'I (t83i), der sie aus Arabien mitgebracht 
habe. Dabei ist etwas verdachtig, dass er das in ihnen 
erzahlte Ereigniss wirklich erlebt haben soil ; aber dass er 
die Verse von Arabern gehort habe, ist damit nicht ausge- 
schlossen. Wir kommen bald auf Aehnliches zuriick. Und 
dieser fiir uns spatest bezeugte Text, der bei Damirl, ist im 
Ganzen der beste, und es wird genugen, dass ich ihn ohne 
die fiir den Gesammtsinn meist gleichgultigen Varianten 
gebe 3 . 

wort passt, durch irgend welche Vermittelungen die Aufziehung des jungen 
Lowen aus dem Gleichniss des Aeschylus geraten sei, mag dahin stehen. 
Die wirkliche Bedeutung des Sprich worts kann doch wohl nur sein : " ein 
Mensch der sich im Aeusseren als ein L6we,imLeben aber als einEsel zeigt." 

1 Brehm, Tierleben*, ii, 28ff. 

2 Die beiden BaihaqI brauchen nicht zu einer Familie zu gehoren ; der 
Name besagt nur, dass sie aus der Stadt Baihaq sind. 

3 Zwei dieser Verse in Sa'dl's Gulistan, i, 4 (ed. Sprenger, p. 29) kommen 
hier nicht in Betracht. Ich wiirde mich iibrigens nicht wundern, wenn sich 
die Verse auch noch in andern uns erhaltenen arabischen Werken fanden. 




- c c 

Du hast mein Schafchen zerrissen 1 und mein Herz betriibt, wahrend du 

doch ein Pflegling unsers Schafes warst. 
Mit seiner Milch wurdest du ernahrt und unter uns aufgezogen : wer hat 

dir denn mitgeteilt, dass dein Vater ein Wolf war ? 
Wenn die Natur schlecht ist, so hilft dabei nichts der Wohlgesittete. 

Man beachte dasfabula docet am Schluss der griechischen 
wie der arabischen Verse. In welchem litterarischen Zu- 
sammenhange die einen mit den andern stehn, mochte ich 
nicht entscheiden, aber dass sie nicht ganz selbstandig sind 
ist doch so gut wie sicher, und es ist auch durchaus wahr- 
scheinlich, dass wir in ihnen eine Umbildung des Lowen- 
gleichnisses haben. Fur dessen Heimat wird damit allerdings 
nichts bestimmtes erreicht, denn der griechische Epigram- 
matiker kann die Geschichte vom Wolf ebenso gut in Europa 
wie in Aegypten, Syrien, Mesopotamien oder Babylonien 
kennen gelernt haben. Und seine Zeit ist ganz unsicher. 
Die arabische Verse sind wohl aus dem 8 ten Jahrhundert, da 
schon ihre Nachbildung (von der Hyane) aller Wahrschein- 
lichkeit nach in dieses gehort (s. unten S. 3/9). 

Jiinger als alle diese Texte ist aber, wenn nicht alles 
triigt, der hebraische \mjalqitt Shim'onl (13 Jahrhundert), 
cap. 523, aus dem NtDIT DH11P1 rh# aufgenommen. Denn 
die hochste Autoritat auf diesem Gebiet, Zunz 2 , halt dies 
Werk, aus dem nur noch Fragmente, eben im Jalqut, er- 
halten sind, fur spater als das Nin DHTin H^K, dessen Ab- 
fassung er etwa urns Jahr 900 ansetzt. Dieser Text lautet 
nach der ed. princeps : 

hw nn^ nii N^D ny^ UN nyn n^n^ nyrb 

Dnyn p ip^D n^ni \hy 
h Dinn x 

1 Eigentlich, " ihm den Bauch aufgerissen." 

2 Gottesdienstliche Vortrdge der Juden 2 , 265. 

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raub tiers 379 

imm PM nan rrn SHJP JV:D vS 

2 oinn 

Ein Gleichniss von einem Hirten, der sein Vieh in einem Walde 
weidete. Der fand ein Wolfjunges, erbarmte sich seiner und saugte es mit 
Ziegenmilch. Da kam sein Camerad 3 , sah ihn und sprach zu ihm : "tote 
es ; du sollst kein Mitleid mit ihm haben, sonst mochte es dem Vieh Schaden 
zufiigen." Allein er horte nicht auf ihn. Als der Wolf aber gross geworden 
war, sah er da ein Lamm, so totete er es, (sah er) einen Bock, so frass er 
ihn. Da sprach jener : " hab' ich dir nicht gesagt : habe kein Mitleid ? " 

Der oben genannte jiingere BaihaqI giebt nach Damlri 
s.v. ~ (Ausg. Bulaq 1284) ii, 90 an, dass Abu 'Obaida 
(t gegen 825) dem Yunus ibn Hablb (1778) auf die Frage 
nach dem Ursprung der sprichwortlichen Redensart j**?i,=> 

>U ^t, "wie der, welcher der Umm 'Amir (d. i. der Hyane) 4 
seinen Schutz gewahrt," eine Geschichte erzahlt habe, die 
sich also, gleich der auf Asma'I zurlickgefiihrten, auf zwei 
hochberiihmte Philologen stiitzen soil. Ihr Inhalt ist fol- 
gender : Eine von einer Jagdgesellschaft verfolgte Hyane floh 
ins Zelt eines Beduinen, und dieser nahm sie als seinen Cast in 
seinen Schutz und drohte den Verfolgern mit WafTengewalt, 
wenn sie den nicht anerkannten. Als sich diese daher zuruck- 
gezogen hatten, gab er der Hyane zur Erholung sowohl 
Kameelmilch wie Wasser 5 . Als er aber einschlief, sprang 
sie auf ihn los, riss ihm den Leib auf, trank sein Blut, 

1 So : ob der Text ganz in Ordnung, ist mir nicht recht sicher. 

2 Dr Ginsburger erklarte mir richtig das D1PIH fcO aus dessen mehr- 
fachen Vorkommen in den Stellen des Deuteronomiums, auf welche das 

Gleichniss bezogen wird. D1HH /S am Schlusse zeigt den iiblichen Pro- 
hibitivausdruck. Ich verdanke die Kenntniss dieser Stelle meinem Freunde 
S. Landauer, der mir schrieb, dass Dr Horovitz in Breslau sie sich einmal 
bei der Lectiiredes Gulistan (s. oben S. 377) notiert habe. Dr Ginsburger 
hatte die Giite, mich die mir von Landauer angegebene Stelle in dem der 
Strassburger Bibliothek gehorenden Exemplar der ed. princeps des Jalqut 
einsehen zu lassen. 

3 Das ist doch wohl die Bedeutung. Vrgl. das im Syrischen ganz 
gewohnliche Olkl* ^-Lr} "sein Namensgenosse." Oder ist es "der Herr 
seines Geschaftes," d. h. der Besitzer der Herde ? 

4 Im Arabischen haben manche Tiere neben ihren eigentlichen Namen 
auch solche mit Abu, " Vater," oder Umm, " Mutter," zusammengesetzte 
Namen, wie das bei den Menschen Sitte war und ist (s.g. Kunya). 

3 Wasser ist in den Wiistenlandern ein kostbares Getrank ! 


verschlang seine Eingeweide und lief dann fort. Aber ein 
Vetter des Umgebrachten, der bald darauf ins Zelt trat und 
seinen Zustand sowie dessen Ursache erkannte, verfolgte 
die Hyane, totete sie und machte die unten folgenden 
Verse. Es ist nun wohl denkbar, dass die beiden Philologen 
diese Verse wirklich gekannt haben, zumal wir keinen genii- 
genden Grund haben, die Angabe zu bezweifeln, dass der 
Chalif Ma'mun (813-833) den ersten derselben einmal 
citierthabe (Baihaqi, ed. Schwally, 180), aber die Erzahlung 
darf man ihnen eben so wenig zutrauen wie dem Asma'I die 
Wolfsgeschichte. Passen doch die Verse schon durchaus 
nicht in den Mund des Rachers. Von diesem und von der 

Rache iiberhaupt sagt denn der als Quelle von Ps. Gahiz 40 
und dem alteren Baihaqi I32 1 angefiihrte Sufyan (ion 
'Uyaina t8i4) auch gar nichts. Er giebt sonst dieselbe 
Geschichte, jedoch mit einigen Abanderungen. So ist der 
torichte Gastgeber ein alter Mann (den wir uns vielleicht 
wegen seiner Altersschwache eher als Angriffsziel der Hyane 
denken sollten). Er ernahrt das magere Tier langere Zeit, 
bis dieses, dadurch zur Vollkraft gelangt, den Schlafenden 
anfallt und umbringt. Die Verse werden da einfach einem 
Anonymus "dem Dichter" zugeschrieben. Aber auf jeden 
Fall ist die Erzahlung, wie so oft, auch hier erst aus den 
Versen entstanden, und sie sind wieder erst zur Erklarung 
der sprichwortlichen Redensart gemacht worden, und zwar 
so unpassend, wie das bei der Deutung von Sprichwortern 
nicht selten geschieht. Kein Beduine wiirde je eine Hyane 
in sein Zelt oder iiberhaupt in seinen Schutz aufnehmen, 
noch wiirde eine Hyane in ein Zelt fliehen. Die Redensart 
bedeutet: " wenn jemand einem unzuverlassigen Menschen 
vollstandigen Schutz gewahrt, so dass er ihn gegen jede 
gewaltsame Antastung sicher stellen oder schlimmstenfalls 
wie seine nachsten Blutsgenossen rachen muss, dann ist er 
so unverstandig wie einer, der eine Hyane aufnahme." 
Vielleicht geht das sogar urspriinglich nur auf die Veracht- 
lichkeit des feigen Raubtiers und des mit ihm verglichenen 
Menschen, nicht auf deren Gefahrlichkeit. Der Fall ist als 
rein hypothetisch, in Wirklichkeit undenkbar aufgefasst. 
Die Verse nehmen das aber schon anders. Die Erzahlung 

1 Bei ihm kommt der erste Vers auch 180 vor. 

Das Gleichniss vom Aufziehen eines jungen Raub tiers 381 

ist das Letzte in dieser Reihe. Auch von jenen habe ich je 
einen Text aus den oben genannten drei Werken vor mir, 
halte aber wieder fur unnotig, die Varianten anzufuhren bis 
auf eine, welche den Sinn betrifft. Ich gebe auch hier den 
Text Damlrl's : 

Und wer Unwiirdigen Wohltaten erweist, dem geht's wie dem, welcher 

der Umm 'Amir Schutz gewahrte. 
Er bewirtete sie, als sie seine Nahe als Schiitzling aufgesucht hatte 4 , lange 

mit der reichlichen Milch seiner Milchkameele 
Und sattigte sie ; aber als sie ganz voll geworden war, zerriss sie ihn mit 

Zahnen und Krallen. 
Sag' also den Wohltatern : " das ist der Lohn dessen, der einem Unwiir- 

digen andauernd wohltut" 

Diese Verse, die ja auch mit einem fabula docet enden, 
sind doch gewiss denen iiber den Wolf nachgebildet, wie sie 

denn auch bei Ps. Gahiz und dem alteren BaihaqI zusam- 
menstehn. So hatten wir auch hier eine schwache Verbin- 
dung mit dem im Chorlied des Aeschylus ausgefiihrten 
Gleichniss vom Lowen. 

1 So besser als das von den Handschriften gegebene 

2 Ps. Gahiz <ulu C-v.U. 


3 Vrgl. Chansa ( Beirut 1888)35, 7 vom 

4 Also nach dem besseren Text kommt die Hyane wenigstens nicht in 
die Wohnung, sondern begniigt sich mit der Nahe des Menschen. Die 
Lesart des Ps. Gahiz hat dagegen : " als sie sich in seinem Tor gelagert 

STRASSBURG, Februar 1920. 



Freund Landauer machte mich noch aufmerksam auf 
eine Stelle des Wayiqra Rabba, 19 (gegen Ende), die, wie 
ich darauf gefunden habe, auch in Levy's Worterbuch s.v. 
TO angefuhrt wird : 

nDDi PIM nnN hy wz zbib wi ^ ^inn uh wi rtaa ats ^ 

4< Ein gutes Junges von einem schlechten Hunde zieh 
nicht auf; wie viel weniger ein schlechtes Junges von einem 
schlechten Hunde." Landauer mochte in der ersten Halfte 
dieser Stelle einen Auslaufer des alten Gleichnisses sehen, 
in der zweiten die Anwendung auf einen besonderen Fall. 


In his learned work, Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus 
(1856), Chwolson has collected most of what Arab sources 
offer us in illustration of this kind of religion, and with great 
lucidity elicited the principal lines of its development as 
read by him. His work has been more than fundamental 
and his points of view are still upon the whole accepted by 
students of the subject. His results may be stated briefly in 
the following items : 

(1) According to the Refutation of Heresies, which was 
thought in Chwolson's time to derive from Origenes, but 
which is now ascribed to Hippolytus (ob. 235), a man named 
'H\xacrcu came from Parthia with a book that had been 
revealed by an angel, and gave it to a man named Soy&cu. 
This name implies the sect of the Sabians who are identical 
with the Mandaeans (Chwolson has Mendaiten). 

(2) About this sect the Fihrist says : "In the swampy 

regions about Wasit and Basra is found a sect <U. ixpjl, 

'those who wash themselves,' whose founder was called 

I, i.e. el Hasaih (Elhasaih)." 

(3) These Sabians ( = Mandaeans = Elchasaeans) are 
identical with jj^LoJt mentioned Sur. 2, 59, 5, 73, 22, 17. 
As Norberg and Michaelis have surmised, this name derives 
from the Aramaic yi : to dip, baptize. 

(4) Out of their circle arose the Manichaeans, Manl's 
father Futtaq (Chwolson : Fonnaq) having settled among 
them while his wife was pregnant. 

(5) According to the Fikrist the Harranians adopted the 
name "Sabians" in the year 830 under Ma'mun in order to 
be acknowledged as one of the recognized religious com- 
munities of Islam. As the stars played a very great part in 
their religion, " Sabians" came to be a name for star- worship- 
pers, and later on for heathens generally. 

The first two items depend on the passage in the Fihrist. 
It runs thus: " Al-mugtasila. These people live in great 
numbers in the regions of the swamps ; they are the Sabians 
of the swamps. They profess that people are to wash them- 
selves, and everything they eat. Their head is called 


and it is he who founded their religion. He maintains that 
the two principles of existence are the male and the female, 
and that the herbs belong to the male principle, whilst the 
mistletoe belongs to the female, the trees being its roots. 
They have some detestable axioms that can only be called 
nonsense. He (w* 8 ^) had a disciple named Sham'un. They 
(the mugtasila) agreed with the Manichaeans with regard 
to the two principles, but otherwise their religions differ. 
Among them are some who worship the stars up to the 
present day " (Fihrist, ed. Fluegel, p. r * . ). 

Further the Fihrist says about the mugtasila : " Mam's 
father Futtaq visited a heathen temple. A voice told him to 
abstain from meat, wine, and marriage, and this was repeated 
several times. And when Futtaq had learnt this, he joined 
some people who lived in the regions of Dastumisan, and 
who are called al-mugtasila\ and in those regions and the 
swampy districts the remnant of them live up to our days. 
And they embraced the creed (^jbju)) that Futtaq was 
ordered to adopt" (p. *TA). Dastumisan is just the region 
about Wasit, Basra, and Ahwaz (Yaqut n, ovt). Thus the 
mugtasila were ascetics like the Manichaeans. Characteristic 
of them was the prohibition against marriage and the use of 
meat and wine ; washings of themselves and their food ; 
worship of the celestial bodies ; and speculations about the 
male and female principles. But of the Mandaeans, who are 
known from their own literature, we know that they set 
marriage high, and that they ate meat, whereas we know 
nothing at all about the above-mentioned speculations. Thus 
they have only the washings in common with the mugtasila, 
but this is a practice found with many gnostic sects. The 
identification of the Mandaeans and the mugtasila must 
therefore be given up, as has been already shown by Noldeke 
(Gott. gel. Anz. 1869, i, 484 ff. ; cf. Brandt, Elchasai, 
Leipzig, 1912, pp. 141-144). 

But the same is true of the identification with the 
Elchasaeans. The Elchasaeans cannot be Mandaeans. As 
shown by Pallis in his Danish work on the Mandaeans 
(1920), these worshipped the fire, which is an evil element 
with the Elchasaeans. And they cannot be identical with 
the mugtasila, as they do not prohibit marriage. In his work 
on Elchasai Brandt has in fact given up this identification, 

The Sabians 385 

but he still maintains that the mugtasila bear the name of the 
Elchasaeans, which they are then supposed to have assumed 
later on in history. Even this link must be broken. The name 
Elchasaeans is written in different ways ; the various forms 
are quoted by Brandt. Hippolytus writes 'HX^ao-at, Epi- 
phanius 'HXfcu; the adherents he calls 'EX/cecratot ; according 
to Eusebius, Origenes calls them 'EX/cecrcurai. None of these 
forms, no more than the Semitic form found withTheodor bar 
Khuni, 'Elkasa or 'Elkesa (Pognon, Inscriptions mandattes 
des coupes de Khonabir( 1 898), pp. 122,3), can give the Arabic 
form ,<j~aJt, or as it is also written -~xJt. Brandt sees the 

difficulty of the identification (op. laud. p. 8), and yet he 
insists on it (p. 146), although he is also aware that the two 
sects have really nothing in common. Such has been the 
influence of Chwolson's hypothesis. It is stated as a fact in 
most works touching these questions. 

The Mandaeans and the mugtasila are thus two different 
sects, and the Elchasaeans are identical with neither of them. 
Concerning the mugtasila we learn from the Fikrist that the 
Manichaeans rose out of their ranks, and agreed with them 
in the fundamental principles. The few characteristics stated 
about them seem also to connect them closely with the 
Manichaeans. Now we are told in other sources that ManI 
got his doctrines from the Daisanites, and differed only 
little from them (Shahrastam, ed. Cureton, * seq., transl. 
Haarbriicker, i, 296). This statement is supplemented by 
the Fihrisfs telling us that the Daisanites lived in the 
swampy districts, which have been referred to as the home 
of the mugtasila. It is therefore probable that al-mugtasila 
were a sect closely related to the Daisanites. This is the 
more probable, as, according to the Fikrist (p. rrA seq.) the 
Daisanites were divided into several sects. 

Of Bar Daisan we do not know much positively, but his 
adherents seem to have had a certain importance. They are 
mentioned together with the Marcionites and the Mani- 
chaeans as heretics, and Ephraim the Syrian wrote against 
them. The above-mentioned Theodor bar Khuni tells us 
that Bardaisan like Valentinos professes that there are 300 
male and female worlds begotten by the father of all (op. 
laud. pp. 1 1 6, 169). This agrees with the speculations of the 
mugtasila. Like the Christians, the Muslim historians mention 

B. P. v. 25 


Bardaisan together with the Marcionites and the Mani- 
chaeans. Al BirunI says, " Ibn Daisan and Marqiun be- 
longed to those who believed in and listened to the words of 
'Isa, and they took part of this, and part of what they heard 
from Zaradusht, and from both these creeds they each 
invented a religion (^AJ^C), which embraced the profession 
of the eternity of the two fundamental principles ; and each 
of them issued a gospel ascribed to the Messiah, and 
declared everything else to be false. And Ibn Daisan be- 
lieved that the light of God had come to live in his heart. 
Yet the difference is not so great as to remove them and 
their followers from the Christian community, and their 
gospels are not in all respects different from that of the 
Christians ; but in both are found additions and omissions ; 
only God knows" (Chronol. orient. Volker, ed. Sachau, p. r - v, 
7-12). In another place he also says something like this 
about Marcion, Ibn Daisan, and Man! (p. rr ? 9-12). 

Thus these sects point out the Messiah as their founder. 
Would it be a too daring hypothesis on these grounds to read 
the difficult name in the Fikrist *~~*iJ\ ? While BirunI says 
that Daisanites, Marcionites and Manichaeans founded 
their creeds upon the Messiah, thereby giving another 
picture of him than the Christians, the Fihrist would then 
say that this sect gives its founder the name of Messiah. 
His disciple Sham'un might then be Simon Magus. These 
suggestions are however of less importance here. The main 
point is that matters are much more complicated than sup- 
posed by Chwolson. The Mandaeans are only one of the 
many sects that flourished in Mesopotamia at that time, 
and they are not even among the gnostics mentioned in 
the Fihrist. 

But in this way the whole basis for the identification of 
the Sabians of the Koran with the Mandaeans crumbles 
away ; for nothing suggests that this sect was of any special 
importance in Western Arabia. >A*&\ are mentioned in the 
Koran together with Jews and Christians. (2, 59, 5, 73) 
and Magians (22, 17), as people who believe in God. Before 
the time of Mohammed the word must have had a meaning 
that connects it closely with his doctrines otherwise he 
would not be able to use it in this way. The Prophet himself 

is called a Sabian, and Uo is used about those who go over 

The Sabians 387 

to Islam (Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiistenfeld, rr*, 9, 14, 19; 
Buhari, ed. Krehl, i, \\, 9, 20; *v,5;ii, *\\, I7;<*A>Y, 19;*, i, 
etc., see alsoWellhausen,7?^/flrfl.//^., 2 ed.pp. 236seq.). 
Sprenger identified the Sabians with the Hanifs, and 
everything seems to show that he was right. They too are 
people who believe in God, neither Jews nor Christians ; 
the nearest model for the believers, as Abraham himself was 
&amf(Sur. 2, 129, 3, 60, 89, 10, 105, 30, 29, etc.; cf. Ibn 
Hisham, ^, n; Buhari, i, t% 61). A so strongly empha- 
sized religious community could not fail to be mentioned in 

the three places where o&l* are mentioned. 


The etymology of W* is dubious. The explanation of 
the Arab philologists, "to go over from one religion to 
another," is founded on the Koran and tells us nothing. 
Since the appearance of Chwolson's work the European 
philologists generally derive it from the Aramaic jnv ; this we 

have in ~o in the meaning, "to dye" ; but W is supposed 
to derive from the meaning, "to dip, baptize," which would 
correspond to the Aramaic usage. But in that case we should 
expect a form derived from the reflexive, as Uo is always 
intransitive, " become a Sabian." Sabi'un is derived from the 
verbal form ; it cannot be derived from sebl'ayya, which is, by 
the way, never found. Possibly it might be related to the Syrian 
fba, "to want, to be glad or grateful, assensit" But we shall 
not get far along these lines. For the present we must bear 
in mind that sabiun and hanlfzxz. used about a creed related 
to Jews and Christians, and yet different from them. 

As we have seen, the author of the Fihrist used the 
word "Sabians" about a gnostic community, which he called 
"the Sabians of the Swamps." This implies that there are also 
other Sabians. Especially he dwells upon the Harranians, 
but several others are mentioned by the Islamic authors. 
Chwolson has collected these records with great diligence, 
but he arranges them chronologically according to their 
authorities, and in this way he gives a false idea of the age 
of the sources ; it was before the days of hadit criticism. 
All the sources date from the loth century A.D. 

One of the oldest is Mas'udl. He mentions the follow- 
ing kinds of Sabians in the Tanblh (Bibliotheca Geo- 
graphorum Arab., ed. de Goeje, vm) : 

(i) The kings of Rum belonged to UiaJI and 



before they became Christians (\ 4; * re, 17). Oaisar Filip- 
pos (Arabs) went over to Christianity, and left the creeds 
of the Sabians, which he had hitherto embraced (* rr, 5 seq.). 
Julianus was secretly a Sabian. When he became emperor, 
he apostatized from Christianity, destroyed the churches, 
re-erected the statues which the Sabians put up as images 
of the highest substances and the celestial bodies, and he 
punished with death those who did not come back to ala^aJI. 
And those who came back to a^^a^Ji began to throw incense 
(oW* = Xt/Sai'os) on the fire and to eat of the sacrificial victims 
of pU-oJt and the like ( \ * , 9-15). 

(2) The Sabians of the Egyptians, who honour Hermes 
and Agathodaimon as their prophets, and whose remnants 
in this time are the Sabians of the Harranians (*% 20; 
M\ 16). 

(3) The followers of Zaradusht formerly embraced the 
creed of the Hanifs, i.e. the Sabians, which was preached by 
Budasp to Tahmurat (<*, 15 sqq.). 

(4) In one place Mas'udl speaks about the different views 
of the intelligible world, and here he mentions the Indians 
and the ancient astrologers and the adherents of the two 
principles, and the corresponding allegorists of our days, and 
the Hanifs and Chaldaeans, i.e. Babylonians, whose remnants 
at the present day live in the swampy districts between 
Wasit and Basra in some villages there, and who turn to the 
North pole and the polar star in prayer; and al^uJI, i.e. the 
Sabians of China and others, who follow the doctrines of 
Budasp ; and the common Greeks, who turn to the East 
in prayer ; and the Sabians of the Egyptians, whose remnants 
in our days are the Sabians of the Harranians, and who 
turn to the South in prayer ; it is their qibla, and they turn 
their backs to the North, and they abstain from much food 
which the Sabians of the Greeks ate (p. \^\ ). 

This statement harmonizes with that given by Mas'udl 
in his Murug al-dahab (ed. Barbier de Meynard, i, 73 ; n, 1 1 1 ; 
in, 348 ; iv, 44 seq.). The other authors of the loth century 
quoted by Chwolson agree with this. Amongst these we shall 
only mention Istahrl, who says that the Sabians had built the 
great mosque of Damascus (Bib 1. geogr. i, y* , 3), a statement 
which is also found in other authors (see Chwolson, i, 489). 
To the sources quoted by Chwolson may be added al-Birum. 

The Sabians 389 

Like Masu'dl he mentions Sabians from Central Asia, in- 
fluenced by Budasp and the Harranians(Sachau's ed. pp. r . t- 
r-v). But the real Sabians are "those who were left of the 
captives in Babylon, who were carried there from Jerusalem 
by Buhtunussar. When they had stayed for some time in the 
country and grown accustomed to the land of Babylon, they 
did not want to go back to Syria, but preferred staying in 
Babylon, and they did not adhere to their religion, but 
listened to the doctrines of the Magians and adopted (^1 l^li) 
some of them. Their religion became a mixture of that of 
the Magians and Judaism, as was the case with some of 
those who were carried from Babylon to Syria, namely those 
who are called Samaritans. Most of these are found in the 
district of 'Iraq, and they are the real Sabians. They live 
scattered, not in a body, and they are not found in countries 
to which they specially belong, as opposed to other countries. 
To this may be added that they do not agree upon any single 

confession (J^-), inasmuch as (read ^^J^) their religion 

is not based upon a firm pillar, either revelation or inspira- 
tion, or_the like. They derive their origin from Enosh b. 
Shit b. Adam. The name is also used about the Harranians, 
who are the remains of people belonging to the ancient 
western religion, having parted from it when the Greek 
Romans had become Christians. And they derive their 
origin from Agathodaimon and Hermes and Walls and 
Maba and Siwar, and they profess their prophethood, and 
the prophethood of similar men among the wise. This name 
is better known as a designation for them than for others, 
though they were not called so until the reign of the 'Ab- 
basides in the year 228/830, in order that they might be 
included among the community of those from whom the 
name was taken, and to whom protection (iijJl) was given. 
Formerly they were called Hanlfs, and idolaters, and Har- 
ranians" (p. r * A, cf. c (.). In another place Blrunl says about 
the Manichaeans that in his days they live in great numbers 
outside the area of Islam, among the Turks, in China, and 
in India, but in Islam only scattered, except in Samarqand, 
where they are called Sabians (p. r i). 

None of these authors uses " Sabians" as a special name 
of a single, definite sect. It is a common name of a number 


of sects that are scattered about the countries. Even the 
Mesopotamian Sabians, who are supposed to be the original 
ones, do not form a single sect, but a number of sects 
"Sabian" is a word for gnostic. When Biruni believes that 
they owe their origin to a mixture of Judaism and the 
religion of the Magians, this is certainly an imperfect, but 
still a quite intelligible view of the origin of gnosticism. 
Gnosticism is a collective designation of those forms of 
religion into which the religions of antiquity developed. A 
characteristic feature of it is dualism, the craving for the 
release of the soul from this evil world to a higher world, to 
which it belongs. What is said about the Greek emperors is 
quite consistent with history. Julian was a gnostic, namely a 
Neoplatonist, and it is quite intelligible that Buddhism with 
its ascetic tendency and craving for release may be reckoned 
in this category. When the Harranians are thought to be 
connected with Egypt, this is also correct, as shown by the 
Hermes literature. The word " Sabians" comprises all forms 
of gnosticism, both the one that had quite given up the old 
worship, and the one that like Julian's embraced most of the 
old forms. Therefore the word is synonymous with the 
designation wi~^-. 

Hanif cannot very well be anything but the Syrian 
hanfa, heathen. This word is used to translate "EXX^^es, John 
vii. 35 ; Acts xviii. 4, 17, etc. (vid. Payne Smith, s.v.). In the 
same way the Arabic <Ju*- is used about heathens, e.g. about 
the Philistines against whom Saul and David fought(Ya c qubl, 
ed. Houtsma, i, s 4 infra ; r, 8, 3 infra] cf. Buhl, En- 
cyclopaedia of Islam, s.v.). But in the days of Islam the old 
paganism had disappeared, and was only found in some 
form or other as gnosticism in the widest meaning of this 
word 1 . The words hanlf and Sabian stand thus in the 
same relation as " Hellenistic" and "gnostic" in our usage. 
We have seen that Mas'udl uses the two words quite 

Can this be owing to the fact that the Harranians had 
fraudulently usurped the name of Sabians, as Chwolson 
believed ? Chwolson's view assumes that " Sabians " originally 
designates a single community, the Mandaeans, but we have 

1 Ya c qubl also tells us that the Philistines were U^. and worshippers of 
the celestial bodies like all Hellenistic heathens. 

The Sabians 

seen that we do not find it in this sense, but only as a more 
comprehensive term for gnostic sects, to which of course the 
Mandaeans also belonged. Thus the Harranians' adoption of 
the name is not a forgery. They were fully entitled to adopt 
a name that was used about kindred communities, as when 
a community that had formerly been called Hellenistic would 
call itself gnostic. 

If we suppose that this was already the meaning of 
"Sabian" and "Hanif" in the time of Mohammed, the various 
statements of the Koran become intelligible. That Moham- 
med was under gnostic influence appears, among other 
things, from his docetic view of Christ (Sur. 4, 156). It is 
an all but obvious conclusion that the Hanlfs whom he sets 
up as a model, and who are also called o^^ were the repre- 
sentatives of some kind of gnosticism, which maintains that 
man is to seek 3j.*$\ and not UJjJt, a form of religion that 
differs from Judaism and Christianity, but yet is closely allied 
to both. At any rate it must have been strictly monotheistic, 
and most likely it has supplied the Prophet with the subjects 
of many Prophetic legends. 



In the year 1912 Mr A. G. Ellis 1 purchased from Messrs 
Quaritch in London a Persian MS in large octavo size and 
comprising 125 folios in elegant nesta'tig writing on thick 
yellowish paper. The MS dates from about the fifteenth 
century, and was presumably bound at about the end of the 
eighteenth or beginning of the nineteenth century for a 
European who stamped on the back the title " Buhr Unsab" 
On a flyleaf probably contemporary with the present binding 
of the MS there is a note written by a Persian which, while 
it contains much that is true, is at the same time misleading. 
The following is a translation of this note : 

" The Kitdb-i Bahr-i Ansdb was compiled in twelve years at Ghaznin by 
Mubarak Shah 2 Siddiqi, known as Fakhr-Mudir, who desired to lay it before 
Sultan Shihab-ud-Din Ghiiri in Lahore : but owing to the departure of the 
Sultan for Ghaznin (which he had made his Capital), and to the murder of 
the Sultan on the way thither at a place called Damyak, this could not be 
done. As soon as Sultan Qutb-ud-Din Ai-Beg heard of the news of the 
Sultan's murder he marched from Delhi to Lahore, and by the intermediary 
of the famous general Asad-ud-Dawlah, Sayyid ar-Rijal Ulugh Dad Beg 
'Ali Muhammad Abu'l-Hasan, the work was laid before Sultan Qutb-ud-Din, 
who duly commended it, and ordered his scribe to prepare a very fine and 
rare copy in nestcfliq on Wasli paper. 

Now it would seem from the style of writing of the Katib that this [MS] 
is the selfsame copy which was written by the command of Sultan Qutb-ud- 
Din for the Royal Library : and God knows best whether this is correct." 

The writer of the Persian note displays his ignorance 
when he says the copy made for Qutb-ud- Din's Royal Library 
was written in nesta l ltq, for in 1206 A.D. this form of writing 
had not yet been invented : and, seeing that Mr Ellis' MS 
is written in an elegant nesta'liq, it cannot be the copy 
referred to. 

1 I take this opportunity of expressing my grateful thanks to Mr Ellis 
for lending me this MS and giving me an opportunity of studying its 

2 The author of the Arabic History of Gujarat tells us that Mubarak 
Shah was a title conferred on the Head Farrash. A Farrash with this title 
is mentioned in the Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri (see Raverty's Trans, p. 659). 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubarak Shah 393 

Now with regard to the identity of this work and its 
author, the references I found in other histories were not 
quite convincing, and it seemed at first as if it were a question 
of mere coincidence. 

Let me quote these two references : 

(1) Ibn-ul-Athir mentions among the various occurrences of the year 
A.M. 602 that "in this year in the month of Shawwal died Fakhr-ud-Dfn 
Mubarak Shah ibn Abu'l-Hasan al-Marv-ur-Riidhi, who wrote good poetry 
in Persian and Arabic. He was held in great esteem by Ghiyas-ud-Din the 
Great, lord of Ghazna, Herat and other towns. He owned a guest-house in 
which there were books and chess boards. There the learned perused the 
books and the ignorant played chess." 

(2) Minhaj Siraj Jiizajani in the sixteenth " Tabaqa " of his Tabaqdt-i- 
Ndsiri makes several allusions to a certain Fakhr-ud-Din Mubarak Shah of 
Marv-ur-riidh (obviously the man referred to by Ibn-ul-Athir) and tells us 
that in A.M. 602 he saw in the Library of a royal princess a copy of 
the genealogical work composed by this Fakhr-ud-Din. There are three 
references to the work 1 and on each occasion an expression 2 is used which 
might lead one to suppose that the genealogies were in verse, and this was 
the interpretation put on it by Raverty. 

I am now convinced that Raverty was wrong, and that 
Mr Ellis' MS contains a copy of the work seen by Juzajani 
in A.H. 602. It did not at first occur to me that it is almost if 
not quite inconceivable that an accurate genealogy could be 
written in verse ; and secondly the expression of the original 
quoted above though used technically for " composing" 
verses could be applied equally well to the " arrangement" of 
genealogical tables. 

There is a second passage in Ibn ul-Athir (Tornberg, 
vol. xii, p. 10 1 Cairo xn, p. 64) which evidently refers to 
our author : 

" In the year A.H. 595 Ghiyas-ud-Din abandoned the Karrami heresy, 
and became a Shafi'ite : and this was due to the presence at his court of a 
certain individual known as Fakhr Mubarak Shah, who wrote verses in 
Persian and was learned in many sciences. This man introduced to Ghiyas- 
ud-Din, Shaykh Wahid-ud-Din Abu'1-Fath Muhammad Ibn Mahmiid al- 
Marv-ur-rtidhi, the Shafi'ite lawyer, who expounded to the king the Shafi'ite 
tenets, and explained to him the error of the Karrami sect. And thus the 
king became a Shafi'ite and built Shafi'ite schools, and in Ghazna he built 
them a mosque and provided for their welfare. In consequence of this 
the Karramis did their best to injure Wahid-ud-Din, but God did not 
permit their machinations to succeed." 

1 See Text, Bibliotheca Indica, pp. *A and . 

394 E. DENISON Ross 

The Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri (see Raverty 's Trans, p. 384) 
gives a totally different story of the king's conversion, and 
does not mention that Fakhr Mubarak Shah played any 
part in the matter. 

The same Mubarak Shah is probably referred to in the 
following passage in the Habib us-Siyar (Bombay edition, 
vol. n, p. 155) : 

" Among the poets was Mubarak Shah Ghiiri who is the learned author 
of al-Madkhal al-Manz&m ft Bahr-in-Nujiim^ a work on Astronomy. He 
was a contemporary of Ghiyas-ud-Din and wrote elegant verses in his 

This extract from the Habib us-Siyar refers to the year 
A.H. 599. 

The identity of the book being thus established there 
remains only the discrepancy regarding the author's father, 
for Ibn-ul-Athir calls him the son of Abul-Hasan ; and in 
the full genealogy which he gives of himself Fakhr-ud-Din 
calls his father Mansiir, and there is no Abul-Hasan in the 
whole tree. Allowing Ibn-ul-Athir or his text to be in error, 
the identity of the author is otherwise established. Jiizajani 
says the copy he saw was dedicated to Ghiyas-ud-Din 
(Raverty says some MSS read here Mu'izz-ud-Din, which is 
of course the correct reading, though he has himself adopted 
the reading Ghiyas-ud-Din), whereas the present copy was 
dedicated to Outb-ud-Din. We know from the author that 
he intended to present his book in 602 to Mu'izz-ud-Din 
who was murdered before he had a chance of doing so 
and consequently presented it to his successor Qutb-ud- 
Din. The Ellis MS represents a copy of the special copy 
made for Qutb-ud-Din's Library. Fakhr-ud-Din makes no 
reference to 'Ald'-ud-Din Husayn Jahdnsuz, in whose name 
according to Juzajani the work was originally composed. 
The title of the work is nowhere given. The author speaks 
of it as the Shajara or the Shajara-i Ansdb. The title on the 
cover and in the Persian flyleaf Bahr-i Ansdb seems to be a 
later invention. There is a tantalising note in Raverty, p. 301, 
which says : " One historian quotes a portion of Fakhr-ud- 
Din's work, but it is too long for insertion here." I have been 
unable to trace the historian in question. 

There is an 'unwdn on folio i b which contained a super- 
scription in blue ink; this has been erased, but judging by 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubdrak Shdh 395 

the vowel points which are partly preserved it was merely 
the "Bismillah" in decorative naskh. 

I hope ultimately to be able to publish the complete 
translation of this work with notes. The transcript is far from 
perfect and in connection with the names of places and 
peoples much study is required before a correct reading can 
be established. My object in presenting this summary 
account of the Ellis MS is to call attention to this interesting 
work which has now been rescued from oblivion. Although 
this little history has become so rare, copies of it must have 
existed in India in the sixteenth century as it is quoted as 
an authority by Ferishta. 

The principal details into which enquiry remains to 
be made are : 

(i) The long list of Turkish tribes, p. xxiv. 

(ii) The Indian peoples or pjaces mentioned in connection 
with the Gukars, p. xi, and the Indian contingent, p. xii. 

(iii) The Genealogical tables. 

i b-38 b. Introduction. 

39 a. Blank page originally intended to contain a map of China, 

Turkestan, and Mawara-un-Nahr. 
3 95-48 a. Dibacha. 
48 b-49 a. Genealogy of the Prophet not set out in tabular form. 

49 b. Blank Perhaps left blank out of deference to the Prophet. 

50 a. Beginning of the Genealogical Trees of the famous people of 

the World in tabular form, from Adam to Seth, followed by 
five folios of prose narrative, which ends abruptly on folio 
55 b in the middle of the story of 'Uj and his destruction by 
Moses and the Israelites. Some folios of the original are pro- 
bably missing here. 
56a-i24b. Sixty-eight genealogies endingwith the Muliik-i-Jibal or Ghiirids. 

The opening words on fol. i b are as follows : 

J*** Ola^Ao # jt 0,^3 j&\ *> 

396 E. DENISON Ross 

fol. 3 a. Beginning of definitions of the Seven Climes. 
fol. 5 a. A digression containing many quotations from the Qpr'dn written 
in red ink, each of which is carefully translated into Persian, 
regarding the establishment of Islam in the world. 

fol. 12 b. Contains the first reference to the reigning dynasty and points 
out how in the seventh century of the Hijra, Mu'izz-ud-Dm over- 
threw the malignant Ghuzz who had got the upper hand in the 
kingdom of Ghazna. 

The following is an abridged translation of the succeed- 
ing folios, in which only immaterial details and pious vows 
after personal names have been omitted. 

In the seventh century the world was in a state of dis- 
order, and a tribe called the Ghuzz, who were robbers, 
destroyers and rebels, had gained the upper hand over the 
kingdom of Ghaznin, so that the real inhabitants of the 
country, in order to escape from their tyranny, fled, leaving 
behind them their goods and chattels and homes. In that 
century there appeared a king of an ancient stock, a lord of 
the happy conjunction, the blessed Martyr Mu'izz-ud-Din 
Muhammad ibn Sam, the Helper of the Commander of the 
Faithful, may God cover him with his mercy and give him 
a dwelling in the midst of Paradise, who overthrew those 
evildoers, and (13 a) captured the Capital Ghaznin where he 
established himself. It is because the Capital Ghaznin is the 
finest in the world, and had been the seat of great and just 
kings that he selected it ; and from the banks of the Jaihun 
at Tirmidh up to the shores of the Muhit ocean came under 
his sway. 

He embellished the world with Justice, and made it 
flourish by his goodness, and smoothed the Government and 
Administration by means of wise enactments. He engaged, 
as prescribed by the Sunna, in Holy Wars, and overthrew 
the Infidels, the Carmathians, the Evil Doers, and the 
Assassins. And through him the world enjoyed Peace ; 
dangerous and impassable roads became safe, and by day 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubdrak Shdh 397 

and by night traders and merchants began to arrive con- 
tinuously bringing much money and merchandise from 
distant parts. And they used to import precious wares and 
rare clothes, the like of which no one had ever seen. Under 
the shadow of the justice, protection and encouragement 
bestowed (13 b) by that just monarch, any persons who had 
not had among their antecedents or relations a scamp of a 
Hindu or a fool (long-eared one), might become the possessor 
of troops of slaves of all kinds, stables and herds of horses, 
strings of camels. And some became cavalry leaders and 
generals and had their own drums and banners and tents and 
governorships. And no one dared to take in anger or by 
force so much as a bunch of herbage or a blade of grass or a 
silver dirham : nor to quarter himself on a peasant. The door 
was closed to tyranny and opened to justice and security. 

In addition to all these blessings God further bestowed 
on that just king a fortunate and successful slave in the person 
of Qutb-ud-Din, who, with his liberality and generosity and 
openhandedness (14 a) made slaves of a thousand free men. 
And no king ever had such a slave, nor has any one seen the 
like. And the first of the blessings which God bestowed on 
this slave was that in his youth, before they brought him from 
Turkestan to the Capital of Islam, he fell in Nishapur into the 
hands of the learned Imam, deeply versed in science, exceed- 
ingly pious, gifted and religious, a descendant of the learned 
Imam Abu Hanifa. Indeed he was a second Abu Hanifa of 
his own age. His name was Qazi Fakhr-ud-Din Kiifi. 
Qutb-ud-Din studied the Qordn in the house of the Imam, 
and under the blessing of his guidance became a Qordn- 
reader and made a name for himself in religious matters. 

The Turks were noted for their skill in games, and 
running and playing draughts and chess, while he became 
famous for reading the Qor'dn\ and by the blessing of his 
Qor'anic studies, fortune and wealth and friendship (14 b) 
turned a favourable eye on him, and thus he passed from the 
house of that honoured learned Imam into the service of the 
Great Just Monarch. And the King of Islam regarded his 
service as blessed (mubdrak), and every day his influence in 
the state increased. And since the victorious Sultan (may 
God illumine his proof) observed with his kingly perspicacity 
the qualities of good fortune and the signs of good luck on 

398 E. DENISON Ross 

his forehead, he cherished him like a beloved son and took 
immense pains to train him. He made him Commander in 
Chief of Kuhram, and the first beginning of his good fortune 
was from Kuhram. And this was a very good omen. And 
the Prophet (on whom be peace) was fond of omens (fdl), 
and when he asked a man his name or any other question, if 
the name was a good one or the reply he heard was good, 
he used to say : "We have taken yourfd/ from your mouth 
is the explanation of the fdl" Fdls are from God and 
auguries (tiro) are from Satan. 

(15 a) As the beginning of his fortunes was from Kuh- 
ram it signified that "All the mountains (Kuk) of gold and 
silver and ' favour ' of Hindustan, which are the treasuries of 
the Kings and Rais of India, have become obedient (Rdm] 
to your desires. Profit well by it as you please and spend it." 
And indeed it was so. And this good luck happened to him 
in 588, and in that same year he defeated the army of Kolah 
and captured the Rai of Ajmir, 14 elephants fell into his 
hands, he conquered the forts of Delhi and Rantambhur, he 
carried off four golden melons weighing 300 maunds. He sent 
all four golden melons to the Sultan (Mu'izz-ud-Din) and the 
Sultan of Islam sent one of them to Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din. 
Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Din gave orders for^ it to be taken to 
Herat, and to make out of it a Mosque (Adhina) and ( 1 5 b) a 
dome and a Maqstira (holy of holies), so that whoever should 
pray in that Mosque or recite the Qordn, or study, or con- 
template, whatever reward that person should earn, so much 
reward should go to the treasury of that King. 

In the year 590 was the victory over Rai Jit Chandra 
(see Raverty, p. 470) and the capture of 100 elephants. 
So much spoil was taken that it passes mortal comprehension. 

In the year 591 was the capture of Ajmir. In the year 
592 the King of Islam went to Gwalior and in his service 
Qutb-ud-Din conquered Thankiri. In 593 he conquered 
Nahrawala, and the army of Islam brought away spoils 
chiefly in red gold and cash. And he distributed all the spoil 
among the soldiers. He brought away 32 incomparable 
elephants, and sent them to the Sultan. In 594 he captured 
the fort of Budi'iin, and destroyed the idol temples of 
Benares. (See Raverty, p. 521.) 

(16 a) In 595 he seized Antarwal (j\jjZ&) and conquered 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubdrak Shah 399 

Kanauj and took the province of Siroh. In 596 he captured 
Malwa and the surrounding country. In 597 he captured 
Gwalior, and took much booty. In 598 he presented himself 
before the Sultan of Islam and requested that just as he had 
brought Hindustan under the submission to the Sultan of 
Islam, he might also bring Khorasan into subjection to the 
lofty banner of the King of Islam. But the King of Islam 
fully realised that the affairs of Hindustan would not prosper 
without the presence of the hero of Hind, and that on account 
of his absence troubles would arise, as the distance would be 
great between them, and he ordered him to turn back. 

In 599 he conquered Kalinjar and took countless booty. 

(16 b) In 600 he conquered Budiir, and in 60 1 he waited 
on the Sultan of Islam at Barshur, where the Sultan had 
returned safely from Khwarazm and Andkhui after receiving 
a wound in his eye. He had the honour of waiting on him, 
and after receiving marks of favour returned to his head- 
quarters Delhi, where he devoted all his attention to the 
government of the province, the raising of an army and 
the ordering of the troops. And from the day when his 
fortunes began up to the time of writing he has given such 
evidences of bravery and good leadership, that they have 
become proverbial. And although all the victories which 
God caused him to win are clearer than the sun, and well 
known to all the world : nevertheless it must not be forgotten 
how much was due to the care and assistance of the General 
Husam-ud-Din Ahmed 'AH Shah, who was the slave and 
officer of the King of Islam, and was never absent from his 
stirrup, and was present at these victories and battles. 
Indeed all the generals of this Court were gifted, brave and 
noble, and each was distinguished for his courage, and 
received an ample share of the fortune and prosperity of the 
King of Islam, who by his patronage and favour made each 
and all famous. To some (17 a) he gave high commands, 
body guards, pavilions, drums, standards and districts, and 
each performed fine acts of service, and was duly praised : so 
that by the help of God and under the encouraging glances of 
the Emperor the Kingdoms of Hindustan were conquered 
and the whole country subdued up to the shores of the ocean 
and up to the rising sun. 

(17 b) And powerful Infidels and mighty Rais with their 

4oo E. DENISON Ross 

numerous elephants and armies were overthrown, and some 
were taken captive and converted to Islam, so that Infidel 
towns became Muhammadan, and in the place of idols, God 
was established ; temples became Mosques and Schools and 
Monasteries, and every year so many idolatrous men and 
women were brought within the fold of Islam, and acknow- 
ledged the Unity of God and practised Muhammadanism 
and became worthy of Paradise ... and every child born 
of them sings the praises of God and obeys Him, and reads 
the Qordn and studies science.... 

And in 602 the King came to Hindustan and assembled 
the armies of that country and proclaimed a Holy War 
against the Gukars, the Siyahs 1 , and the people of Mt. Jud, 
who had for a long time been preparing for war. (i8a) 
And on account of the masses of warriors and strong places, 
and the quantities of arms and armour, the armies of Islam 
caused them no anxiety and carried no weight ; and they 
boldly practised highway robbery and killed Musulmans, and 
behaved in an unseemly way, so that owing to their evil 
deeds the country was on the verge of ruin, and the in- 
habitants were fleeing from their houses and hearths. And 
most of the highways were blocked with the traffic, and the 
Moslems were in despair. However, God most high vouch- 
safed (18 b) victory and conquest to a King and an Army of 
Islam, which made an enduring mark on the history of the 
world, and overthrew 200,000 evil infidel Moslem-killing 
highwaymen. They carried captive their wives and children 
and countless booty fell into their hands, ( 1 9 a) such as had 
never been taken during 200 years, consisting of fabulous 
quantities of gold and silver and cash, and goods and cloths, 
and horses, camels, cattle and goats, etc. 

This world-conquering warrior of Hind received the title 
of Malik, and was nominated heir apparent to Hindustan, 
and from the Gates of Marshuk to the limits of Hind was 
given to him and he was* made supreme ruler. He (Mu'izz- 
ud-Din) left him (Qutb-ud-Din) his lieutenant in the Capital 
of Hindustan, and sent him back to Delhi, as all the world 
knows, whilst he himself returned to Ghaznin. And when he 

1 I have left untranslated the following names in the MS : <J W* > 
jjL^a., O !/*>*> O^>^> O^^' an d O 1 ^^*!;- $ ee Raverty, op, cit. 
pp. 481 seq. note. 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubarak Shah 401 

arrived at Damyak he fell a martyr, as had been decreed 
from all Eternity, and joined his God. May God most high 
show mercy on him, and cause the great and just Malik to 
be the heir to his prosperity. 

(iQb) By this terrible catastrophe the world was left 
without a protector and shepherd and was thrown into a state 
of confusion and disorder 

When the news reached the great Malik in Delhi, he was 
absent from the town but he immediately returned to the 
Capital and lamented as was fitting on the death of such a 
ruler, and did not go out for several days, nor hold any court 
nor transact any business, neglecting everything (20 a) on 
account of this calamity which affected all the world equally. 

When the inspiration of God most high, Who is the 
Instructor of the lords of fortune, directed that the King- 
doms of Hindustan should mourn and that he (Qutb-ud-Din) 
should set about administering the affairs of all the people- 
especially the people of Lahore 1 , the centre of Islam in Hind 
and the second capital of Ghazna, towards whom the late 
Emperor had shown special favour he having cast a good 
day and hour by the horoscope set out from Delhi to Lahore 
in the hot season, and the troops on account of the heat, and 
the horses and camels from the want of water and grass, 
suffered greatly on the road. However, since his object 
was the protection of the country and the welfare of its 
inhabitants, he made light of the heat and discomfort : and 
on Tuesday the i ith of Dhi'l-Qa'da 602 A.H. (20 b) the high 
banner arrived in the village of Dddyamuh outside Lahore, 
and there the King encamped. All the people of that 
country, Qcizis, Imams, Sayyids, nobles, officers, agents, 
soldiers, merchants, strong and weak, rich and poor, came 
out to receive him, and made (21 a) rejoicing, giving thanks 
to God that although a bright Sun had been eclipsed, a 
brilliant new moon had arisen ; and though a large tree had 
fallen in the garden of Conquest, a strong new fruit-bearing 
Sapling had sprung up in its place (and so forth). (21 b) In 
short they welcomed Qutb as undisputed successor to the 
throne of Mu'izz, and on Tuesday the I7th of the same 
month at an auspicious hour Qutb-ud-Dfn Ai-Beg entered 
the Royal Palace. 

1 Lahore is always written Luhaur in the MS. 
B. P.V. 26 

402 E. DENISON Ross 

He ruled so well that one might (22 a) have thought he 
had always been a king. And in spite of the large number of 
troops collected round his banners consisting of Turks, 
Ghuris, Khurasanis, Khaljis and the Hindustan contingent... 1 
no one dared to take by force a blade of grass or a morsel of 
bread, a goat from the desert or a bird from the sown, or to 
billet himself on a peasant. The King put into practice all the 
excellent customs established by his master and protector, 
the late Sovereign. 

And the first gracious act he performed for the people of 
that town was to secure all Musulman property to its owners, 
and to see that all taxes other than those ordained by the 
Holy Law should be abolished, namely one fifth (22 b). And 
according to the Sharfat in some cases it was one tenth and in 
others half a tenth, and he gave orders for tawqi's to be drawn 
up, and saw that every one had a copy. And he had them 
taken to the outlying districts and villages. Thus the Musul- 
mans were made happy and contented and offered up prayers 
for the stability and endurance of this rule. The King further- 
more did away with a great illegal practice (muhdas) : for the 
Prophet said, "The best of arrangements is the middle way and 
the worst are innovations." An innovation is a custom which 
is instituted according to the pleasure of some individual but 
is outside the Shari'at and has never been practised before. ... 

(2 3 a) And he secured the continuance of other salaries and 
endowments to which the learned, the lawyers, the natives, 
the saints and pious persons were entitled. He gave large 
sums from his private purse for these objects, and made 
charitable bequests to widows and orphans, which please 
God may long remain established. 

Now all the Turks in spite of their good demeanour and 
good fortune have been endowed with these same laudable 
qualities, (23b) and all Turkestan has by virtue of this circum- 
stance become great and prosperous. And there is no race 
among the masses of unbelievers who have been converted to 
Islam which do not hanker after their homes and mothers and 
relations indeed they are slow to accept Muhammadanism 
in their hearts, and many turn renegade and revert to un- 

1 I have left untranslated the following passage : 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubarak Shah 403 

belief. Except only the Turks who when they are converted 
(24 a) become such staunch Moslems that they forget hearth 
and home and relations : and no one has ever seen a Turk 
who turned renegade from Islam. 

Our Author next poses the following- problem. If any 
one should ask " What is the cause of the honour and fortune 
that fall to the lot of the Turks?" the answer is: It is 
common knowledge that all races and classes, while they 
remain among their own people and in their own country, 
are honoured and respected ; but when they go abroad they 
become miserable and abject. The Turks on the contrary, 
while they remain among their own people and in their own 
country, are merely a tribe among other tribes, and enjoy no 
particular power or status. But when they leave their own 
country and come to a Muhammadan country (the more 
remote they are from their own homes and relatives the 
more highly are they valued and appreciated) they become 
Amirs and Generalissimos. 

Now from the days of Adam down to the present day, no 
slave bought at a price has ever become a king except among 
the Turks; and among the sayings of Afrasiyab, who was a 
king of the Turks, and was extraordinarily wise and learned, 
was his dictum that the Turk is like a pearl in its shell at the 
bottom of the sea, which becomes valuable when it leaves the 
sea, and adorns the diadems of kings and the ears of brides. 

(24 b) And if the Turks have no rank, nobility or position 
of their own, this is also a source of pride, for the King of 
Islam (Qutb-ud-Din) may God glorify his victories is a 

Turkestan is the most extensive country on the face 
of the earth ; on the East is China, on the West Rum, on 
the North the Wall of Yajiij and Majuj, on the South the 
Mountains of Hindustan where the snow falls. 

He next proceeds to enumerate the rare and precious 
products of Turkestan. 

Tartar musk. 
Tibetan musk. 

Khotan musk. 

Rich cloths from China, etc. 



5) Qunduz (beaver). 

(6) Riibah (fox). 

26 2 

404 E. DENISON Ross 

(7) Yilghari ? 

(8) Bartas (fur). 

(9) Samiir (grey sable). 

10) Saghur (? Saghri horse leather). 

n) Qaqum (ermine). 

12) Sinjab (grey squirrel). 

(13) Ghajgau (Tibetan ox). 

(14) Khadang (poplar tree). 

15) Tiiz (a tree). 

1 6) Khutii (horn). 

17) Sagag ? 

(18) Baz (falcon). 

(19) Shamin ? 

(20) Yashm (agate). 

(21) Fine horses. 

(22) Bisrak camels. 

(23) Bukhti camels. 

(24) Wild camels. 

And in the country of the Toghuzghuz which is the 
original home of the Turks, there is a king, on the roof of 
whose palace there is a golden furnace (tanntir) [i.e. a stupa] 
of great height and covered with various precious stones. 
This stupa is visible from a distance of five miles. A tribe of 
that country worships this stupa and all the kings in China 
reverence it for China is regarded as a part of Turkestan. 

In one part of Turkestan there is a forest called the 
forest of Lura ; its inhabitants are wild men and do not mix 
with other men, and the traders, who take cotton and other 
goods there, place them in a desert spot which has from time 
immemorial been the place of buying and selling, and then 
withdraw to a distance. The wild men, on their part, bring 
their own goods and place them near the goods of the 
merchants. If the bargain seems suitable they leave their 
own goods and take away those left by the traders. But if 
it does not seem suitable, they leave some of their own 
goods, and pick up the goods of the traders and place them at 
a distance from their own, and withdraw. When a merchant 
sees this from a distance he goes up and adds something to 
his stock and again withdraws. Then the wild man comes 
back, and if he is satisfied he takes the trader's goods and 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubarak Shah 405 

leaves his own : and then both parties go away, without their 
exchanging a single word. 

Our Author next describes another forest also containing 
wild men with strange habits. 

He goes on to speak briefly of the Slavs and the Russians, 
as do all the early geographers. He further tells us that 
besides the Musulmans there are four (MS says "three") 
classes in Turkestan the Jews, the Christians and the 
Zoroastrians and the Buddhists, and most of them re- 
cognise the Creator, And they know about the Prophets 
and those matters in which one ought to believe although 
they do not believe in them themselves. And if they did not 
know about them they would not have names for them in 
their language. 

Thus Khuda = Tangri [God]. 

Khudawand = /dfc or Ulugh Tangri [Lord]. 

Rasul = Yalavach [the Prophet]. 

Paighamber = Saghchi [Prophets]. 

fn Jahan = ^z/ aj'un [this world]. 

An Jahan = ol aj'un [the next world]. 

Ruz-i Qvy&m'd&^ulughgun [the Day of Judgment], 

Bihisht= Uchmaq or Uchmakh [Paradise]. 

Duzakh = Chamnkh or Tamukh [Hell]. 

Hasht Bihisht = 6V&> Uc&mat\theS Paradises]. 

Haft Duzakh= Yeti Tamukh [the 7 Hells]. 

Hisab = Saqish [calculation, reckoning]. 

There are other things by reason of which the Turks 
hold pre-eminence over other peoples. One is that after the 
Persian language none is finer and more dignified than 
Turkish. And now-a-days the Turkish language is more 
popular than it ever was before. This is due to the fact 
that the majority of Amirs and Commanders are Turks. 
And it is the Turks who are most successful and most 
wealthy ; and so all have need of that language. And the 
highest nobles are in the service of the Turks under whom 
they enjoy peace, prosperity and honour 

And again the Turks have got books and an alphabet 
and they know magic and astrology. They teach their 
children writing. 

And their scripts are of two kinds, namely Soghdian 

406 E. DENISON Ross 

and Toghuzghuz (29 a). Now Soghdian has 25 letters, and 
there are three letters which do not occur in their alphabet, 
namely sdd, zd and ghayn. It is written from right to left and 
most of the letters do not join one another and their form is 
as shown below. 

[This page is given in photographic reproduction in the 
Journal Asiatique, Mai-Juin 1913, L'alphabet Sogdien 
d'apres un te'moignage du xm e siecle.] 

The Toghuzghuz alphabet has 28 letters, and is written 
from right to left. (29 b) The letters do not join with one 

Here follows a list of the letters and a specimen of the 
way in which they write: Bismilldhir-Rahmdnir-Rahim, 
which in the present copy is valueless. 

The Turks also compose verses, both qasidas and rub&is. 
The following rubd'i is quoted in order to show that 
their poetry scans and has sense, with interlinear Persian 
rendering (30 a) : 

The Khazars also have an alphabet, which is derived 
from that of the Russians and a branch of the people 
of Rum who live near them employ this writing, and they 
call Rum Rus. It is written from left to right. The letters do 
not join one another. They have only 22 letters. Here 
follows a third table, the letters represented being 

a, b, j, d, h, w, z, h, t, y, k, 1, m, n, s, gh, f, q, r, sh, t, th. 

Most of these Khazars who use this writing are Jews 
(30 b). Now the Turks consist of many tribes, most of whom 
live in the plains, and have pasture grounds, but they do not 
remain in one spot for their flocks except in winter when 
snow covers the ground. 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubdrak Shah 407 

If any one should wish to learn about all the Turkish 
tribes, it would be impossible, but the following list gives the 
names of some of the best known sub-divisions 1 . 

Names of the various Turkish tribes : 


jp Turk 


jji. Khazar 


^JUj Yimak 


jj^.tp Qara Khazar 


*W QygV 


JUJ^. Qipchaq 


iJ/3 Kharluq 


( ^2\ ? Altay (?/// numeral 


Jr>- Chigil 



juoJt ? Imir 


OU- ? Giigat 


9J;a Kharluq 


JUa^j Bichanak 


JUS Qynaq 


J^l ? Oghul 


i5*L> Yaghy 


JU~ ?Satyq(? proper name) 

j j 


JyL, ? Salur 


<Jj~* ? Sutuq (? same as 

No. 31) 


*JU- Khalach 



jU5 Tatar 


jt Oghuz 


jll5!^5 Qara Tatar 


Ua*. Khyta 


^^UUS Qangly 


^l^ see No. 16 

" * 


}-j\*t ? Barghu (? Mongolian 


^jjl Urus (Rus) 



^ Qay 


ji Ghuz 


Ol)3^ Oran 


j^itjj ? Qara Ghuz 


^^aLj ? Tokhsin 


j^jJu Taghuzghuz 


*Z~3 Tiibat 


Lfri-l Yaghma 


C*%jj|^5 Qara Tiibat 


^^Jstjl ? Oragir 



21. . 

y*iUi PSaqlab 


J^S PQayq 

22. , 

.m QS Kamichi 


jALo Salghar 




^)lo^ Kimak 


j^Jj ? Yazar 

1 I have thought it worth while to give this list as it stands reserving 
for a future occasion a detailed examination, giving in this place only some 
of the more obvious identifications. 

408 E. DENISON Ross 

45. j&># PDukiir 55- jU*\ Afshar 

46. jjb Bayundur 5 ^ j>& ? Bakriz 

47. jyjU.^ Ala Yuntlyq 57. ^ i& Bakdali 

48. j$>\ ? Ui'ghur or Oghuz 58. "LSI 

49. J>" ? Tughraq ^ 

50. OU Bayat 6o 

51. Up>3 Tuturgha 61. j 

5 2 - o!/^i 62. duaji 

53- c&J-' 63. J*~b Basmil 

54. >^W 5/V for Yabghu * ? 64. ^Uwjj Jt Barskhan 

"Now I have described all the peculiarities and wonders 
of Turkestan, in order that all may realise the superiority of 
the Turks, and I have enumerated the various tribes of the 
Turks, because if all these tribes were to know of the noble 
virtues and laudable qualities of our great and just King 
(Qutb-ud-Din),they would immediately set out for his mighty 
court which is the Qibla of the destitute, and enjoy the privi- 
lege and happiness of kissing his hand, and their eyes would 
shine on beholding his imperial glory: for it is as if the Sun 
of happiness shone forth from his blessed forehead. 

For it is fitting that all the Chiefs of Turkestan should 
come and do honour to him at his court, and make the thresh- 
old of his imperial palace their pillow, and become by his 
favour the foremost chiefs in the world. They would, more- 
over, convince themselves that his valour and bravery are 
such that if Rustem were alive, he would have been his 
chamberlain." And so forth for several pages in regard to 
Qutb-ud- Din's valour. 

He next praises his generosity which won for him the 
nickname of Lakh-Bakhsh (or the bestower of millions). In 
proof of the King's leniency and justice he tells us that since 
the King came to the throne no Musulman had received death 
by his command. He would not tolerate the shedding of 
Musulman blood even if a man committed a serious crime. 

1 Cf. >cl$> in Khazd'in ul-'ultim, quoted by Schefer, Chrestomathie 
Persane, vol. i, p. 12. 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Dtn, Mubdrak Skdh 409 

Our Author proceeds to discuss the quality of mercy ; 
this and similar reflections occupy many pages till we suddenly 
come up to a blank page which in the original contained a map 
of Turkestan. It is a matter of great regret that the (fol. 39 a) 
copyist did not take the trouble to reproduce this map, which 
must have proved of considerable interest. 

The rest of the MS is occupied by the Dibacha, foil. 
39 b to 48 a, summarized below, and by the genealogical 
trees, foil. 48 b to 1 24 b. The Author's own tree occurs on 
fol. no a. 


(39b) The least of suppliants and the meanest of servants, 
the weakling Muhammad ibn Mansur ibn Sa'id ibn Abi'l- 
Faraj ibn al-Jalil ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Nasr ibn Khalaf ibn 
Ahmad ibn Shu'ayb ibn Talha ibn 'Abdallah ibn 'Abd-ar- 
Rahman ibn Abi Bakr as-Siddiq at-Taymi al-Qurashi entitled 
Mubarak Shah and commonly known as Fakhr-Mudir, who 
is the author and producer of these trees and genealogies, 
says that his reason for extracting and collecting these 
genealogies was as follows : 

From the time of the irruption of the Ghuzz down to the 
capture of Khurran Malik and the conquest of Lahore, 
Fakhr-Mudir had been in constant attendance on Ghiyas- 
ud-Din. During this time he had lost sight of his own 
genealogical tree: but on the conquest of Lahore (in A.H. 580, 
A.D. 1 184) the documents connected with the properties and 
waqfs of his ancestors were sent for, and his genealogy again 
came to light, and as he claimed descent from the family of 
the Prophet, he resolved to draw up complete trees of his 
ancestors, beginning with those of the Prophet of Islam and 
of the ten Companions, for whom places in Paradise had 
been guaranteed. He speaks feelingly of the days and nights 
of strenuous labour which this cost him ; but in the process 
he seems to have caught the genealogical fever and imposed 
upon himself the task of working out the trees of all the 
various famous men and dynasties of Islam. He tells us he 
spent twelve years in collecting these materials and another 
year in deciding how he should arrange his tables, and in 
copying them out. When he had revised his draft three 

410 E. DENISON Ross 

times, he first showed his work to his father, who was one of 
the learned men of his day. His father was delighted with 
his son's performance and declared that for thirty years he 
had himself contemplated undertaking a similar work, but 
had never had the courage to set about it. He said to his 
son : "Now you have performed a wonderful feat, but to 
what purpose ? For there is no one to-day who can appreciate 
it or realise the trouble it has cost you. Some will say : 
' What is this you have done?' while envious men will say : 
' What is the good of this ? ' However, pay no attention to 
such jealous fools, for had they been alive all the great 
savants of Ghazna who were my teachers would have been 
warm in their praises. I refer to such men as Qdzi '1-Quzat 
'Izz-ud-Di'n 'Omar, Khwaja Imam Bdkirji, Khwaja Imam 
Mu'ayyad, Khwaja Imam ^St/aJ (?), Sayyid Imam Muham- 
mad Abul-Futiih, Khwaja Imam 'All Shddan, Khwija'AH 
Mukhaffaf, Khwaja Imam Zard'ifi, Qzi Imam Ahmad Yiisuf 
Isra'il, Khwaja Imam Qasim Muhammad Nishdpuri, Qazf 
Mahmud Istawfi and Khwaja Imam Muhammad Ilyas. Take 
care now of what you have done and see that it does not fall 
into the hands of unworthy persons : for during the six 
hundred years of the existence of Islam no one had done 
anything of the kind. The race of benevolent princes, 
generous ministers and noble-minded commanders has not 
however quite died out, and haply your great work may meet 
with the encouragement it deserves from such a one." 

It was not until the autumn of 602 (A.H.) when the late 
king Mu'izz-ud-Din arrived in Lahore that some of the 
nobles and chamberlains saw this book and mentioned it 
to the Sultan saying: "A certain person (45 b) has drawn 
up some rare and wonderful genealogies, the like of which 
has never been seen." "The Sultan thereupon sent for the 
author and said : " Bring me the genealogies you have drawn 
up that I may examine them." 

Fakhr-Mudir replied that he could not show his book to 
the Sultan except with the permission of the famous vezir 
Mu'ayyid-ul-Mulk. Here follows (46 a) a page of narrative 
which, thanks no doubt to faulty copying, is hardly intel- 
ligible. The purport of it all, however, seems to be that 
Fakhr-Mudir went to obtain this permission from the vezir, 
and that the vezir, being at the time very busy with the affairs 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubarak Shah 4 1 1 

of state and in a bad temper, came near to punishing Fakhr- 
Mudir for his importunity, and Fakhr-Mudir, being a cautious 
man, did not try again. Shortly after this the Sultan set out 
for his capital (Ghazna) and on the way thither fell a victim 
to the assassin's hand at a place called Damyak. 

When Qutb-ud-Dm soon after this calamity entered Lahore 
in victorious state and took up his residence in the imperial 
palace, and when his generals and nobles had quartered them- 
selves in various parts of the town, (46 b) Fakhr-Mudfr 
became acquainted with certain leading men, and one of 
them informed Mubdriz-ud-Dawlah Ulugh Dad Beg Toghrul 
Tegm 'Ali Hasan of this genealogical work, who expressed 
a desire to see it. When he had examined it he was highly 
pleased and said that such a work had never been seen or 
heard of. He said the King must certainly see it and was 
convinced that when His Majesty had done so, he would 
reward the author suitably, and would probably order a 
special copy to be made for the Royal Library. 

(47 a) In the meantime the book had also been seen by 
Husam-ud-Dawlah Zayn-al-Umara Ahmad 'All Shah, and 
these two great men may they long continue to ornament 
the King's court ! agreed upon the following plan for 
bringing the book to the King's notice. 

On Fridays the King was wont to go out to the hunting 
box of Asad-ud-Dawlah Ulugh Dad Beg 'All Muhammad 
Abu'l- Hasan, and it was agreed that on Friday when he 
alighted at that place, and from thence went to pray, they 
should present the author and show the King the genealogies. 

Thus Fakhr-Mudir had the honour of becoming ac- 
quainted with His Majesty and of doing homage. The King 
made the author sit down and all the trees from the genea- 
logies of the Prophet, and the Khalifs down to those who 
came after them were read aloud to the King. The King 
expressed great pleasure at seeing the work and ordered a 
special copy to be prepared for the Royal Library. 

Fakhr-Mudfr concludes this Dibacha with the following 
remarks : 

" The King's wishes have been carried out and the new 
copy has been presented to him. I trust that when his august 
eye falls on it, the work may be honoured by his kingly 
glances, and that I may myself be the recipient of favourable 

4i2 E. DENISON Ross 

patronage and gracious rewards, and thus be glorified above 
my contemporaries and equals. So may God grant it ! " 

In conclusion I wish to call attention to two important 
dates which have been the subject of much discussion among 
historians and are now in my view finally settled by this little 
MS, namely: 

(1) The capture of Delhi by Qutb-ud-Din in A.H. 588 
(A.D. 1192). 

(2) The entry of Qutb-ud-Din into Lahore and his 
assumption of the throne of the Muslim Empire in India, 
which extended over nearly the whole of Hindustan proper, 
Sind and Bengal in A.H. 602 (A.D. 1206). 

With regard to the date of the capture of Delhi, there is 
under the arch of the eastern entrance to the Qutb Mosque 
an inscription saying : Qutb-ud-Din Ai-Beg conquered this 
fort, and built this mosque in the course of the year A.H. 587 
(or 9) [A.D. 1191 (or 93)]. The reading of the unit has been 
much debated, the written numerals in Arabic for seven and 
nine being very similar. General Cunningham was for read- 
ing nine, while Sir Syed Ahmad and Mr Thomas wished to 
read seven : and a number of Indian historians have given 
587 as the date of the capture of Delhi by Qutb-ud-Din. The 
author of this little manuscript gives 588 (see p. 398) as the 
date of the capture, and I think his authority as a con- 
temporary in the service of Qutb-ud-Din equal at least 
to that of any other. [The Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri and the Arabic 
History of Gujardt^, which is most accurate, also give 588.] 
My opinion is that the date on the Mosque should be read 
589 A.H. and that it has reference only to the building of the 
Mosque, though the capture of the fort is mentioned in the 
first place. 

The second date is not so important, but at any rate it 
should dispose of a doubt which has hitherto existed owing 
to conflicting statements of other historians (see Tabaqdt-i- 
Ndsiri, Raverty's Trans, p. 481). In 602 there was a formid- 
able rising of the Gukars, and Mu'izz-ud-Din, who had been 
absent on a somewhat disastrous expedition in Khorasan, 
called up Qutb-ud-Din with his Hindustan army, and it 
appears from various accounts that until the arrival of 

1 An Arabic History of Gujardt, ed. by E. Denison Ross, John Murray 
(Indian Texts Series), vol. n, p. IA*, line 20. 

The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-Din, Mubdrak Shdh 4 1 3 

Qutb-ud- Din's army the fate of the day had been in the 
balance. The best account of these events is given in a 
compilation known as the Tdrikh-i-Alft. Great doubt has 
always existed as to the occasion on which Qutb-ud- Din 
received the title of Malik and was made heir to the throne 
of Hindustan, and also as to the movements of Qutb-ud-Din 
between this victory over the Gukars and his accession in 
Lahore after the assassination of Mu'izz-ud-Din (see note in 
Raverty, p. 534). The Arabic History of Gujardt 1 says : 
" After the death of Mu'izz-ud-Dfn, Qutb-ud-Din wrote to 
the late Sultan's nephew Mahmud begging him to occupy 
the throne at Ghazna, and when he replied that he would be 
content with what he possessed of his father's kingdom, 
Qutb-ud-Din begged that he might be his viceroy in India. 
To this Mahmud agreed and conferred on him the title 
Sultan Qutb-ud-Din and up to that date he had been 
known as A'i-Beg Shal, and he sent him a royal canopy." 
We now know from the circumstantial account given by 
Fakhr-Mudir, that Qutb-ud-Din returned to Delhi in the 
interval, and that he reached Lahore from Delhi on the 
nth of Dhi'l-Qa'da, 602, and ascended the throne six days 
later, Tuesday, the i;th Dhi'l-Qa'da. Major Raverty, after 
weighing all the evidence, decides for 603 as the date of 
Qutb-ud- Din's accession (p. 525). There is further dis- 
crepancy regarding the day of the month and of the week. 
I think here again Fakhr-Mudir's words may be taken as 
final, for he was in all probability himself present on the 

1 Vol. ii, p. IA, line 3 seq. 



Sachau's gehaltvolle Abhandlung Zur Ausbreitung des 
Christentums in Asien (Berliner Akademie, 1919, 80 S.), 
konnte des naheren als Ubersicht liber die nestorianischen 
Kirchenprovinzen (Metropolitien, Hyparchien)und Bistiimer 
des Ostens nach syrischen und arabischen Quellen bezeich- 
net werden. S. 58 werden die 7 Bistiimer der Persis (urA 
Pars, ^jU Far(i)s, Farsistan) aufgefiihrt: (i) Rew Ardasir, 
arab. Resahr, die exzentrische Metropolis ganz im Westen 
der Persis, an der Grenze gegen die Kirchenprovinz Susiana 
(^Uwj^i. Huzistan). (2) Istahr-Persepolis im Zentrum. (3) 
Darabgird im Slidosten. (4) Ardasirhurra = Gor (j$.) = Firu- 
zabad (sudlich von Siraz). (5) Bih-sapur, arab. Sabur, 
"gegenwartig bezeichnet durch ein Trummerfeld im Nord- 
westen der Stadt Kazerun": die neueren Karten, z. B. 
Andree u. a. bezeichnen es als Ort, nicht als Ruine, Schah- 
pur. (6) Maskena dhe Kurdu, Kurdensiedlung (nicht naher 
zu bestimmen). (7) Die Insel Kis, der Siidkiiste Persiens 

Dazu setzt Sachau S. 59, 1-3 noch die Notiz: " Elias 
Gauhari [der nestorianische Metropolit von Damascus in 
seiner um 893 D. verfassten arab. Collectio canonum\ erwahnt 
als Bistiimer der Persis ausser den hier aufgefiihrten Nrn. 2, 
3, und 5 noch Schiriz (1. Slraz), Karman, olh^' c-uj^^o, und 
die Insel Socotra." 

Da es ein irgend entsprechendes oW^ und COJL^ nicht 
giebt, sind wir auf Konjekturen angewiesen. Wollten wir 
zunachst in der Nahe des gerade vorher genannten, offenbar 
als Dependenz der Persis gedachten Kerman bleiben, so 
mochte man fiir oW- und wojtj-e an Verderbnis aus den 
alten Stapelplatzen oW-j*^ Siregan, arab. sanft oVj*^ 1 al 

s b s 

Siragan und t**>ji Bardasir, siidwestlich der Hauptstadt 
Kerman der ostlich von Farsistan liegenden Provinz 
Kerman (Caramania) denken; vgl. dazu Guy le Strange, 

Die Namen der 2 Bistiimer Sirdn und Mrmdit 4 1 5 

The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, pp. 300-303. Etwas 
ferner lagen schon die 2 siidostlichern Etappen: Giruft 

*z**j*** und Narmaslr j-^Up. Am persischen Golf dagegen 
konnte man an die etwa passenden Handelsemporien der 
Persis und Kermans denken: Siraf ^!/*- und Hormuz >JA 
(J^OJA). Am allerbesten aber stimmen graphisch und sach- 

x t J 

lich, wenn wir zwischen Kerman und Socotra \^^^ in weitem 
Bogen nach Indien ausgreifen zu den syrischen Thomas- 
christen der Kiiste von Malabar (arab. j W*), die Konjekturen 
jtjUw Sendan nordlich von Bombay und c^ju>^ = 

Serendib = Ceylon (o%*)- Zu Sendan und Serendlb- 
Ceylon vgl. Merveilles de tlnae (Leide, 1883), Index und 





The author. His life. 

One of the most brilliant figures in the literary history 
of the Umaiyad Spain is that of Ahmad b. Muhammad b. 
*Abd Rabbihi, with the kunya of Abu 'Umar 1 . He was 
born in A.H. 246/860 in Cordova and died in the same city 
at the advanced age of about 82 (lunar) years 2 in A.H. 328/940* 
of paralysis, which attacked him several years before his 
death 4 . He was descended from a client of Amir Hisham 
b. 'Abd al-Rahman (r. 172/788-180/796). He probably 
lived the early years of his life in poverty and obscurity, but 
rose by dint of his learning and character to a position of 
great eminence 5 . He was not only a poet but a scholar well- 
versed in religious and secular sciences 6 . He had studied 
theology as Ibn al-Faradi tells us with such learned doctors 
as Baqi b. Makhlad 7 (t 276), Ibn WagMah 8 (f 286) and al- 
Khushani 9 (t 286), and like most of his countrymen was of 
the Maliki persuasion. It seems, however, that what attracted 
him most was poetry and not theology 10 . 

1 So in Humaidi (Bodleian MS Hunt 464) and most of the printed 
sources. In a note prefixed to a British Museum MS of 'Igd, Add. 18,502, 
he is called ^^c- #\, as also in Matmah al-Anfus, Cairo edition of A.H. 

1325, p. 58* seq., but the form j^ #\ occurs in a verse of a contemporary 
(Maqqari, Leiden ed. 11, 2oo 4 ). Only once in the 'Igd (i, 220 3 ) have I 
found him called <UJt ju* ^jl. So also in Ibn Khaldiin, Muqaddima 
(Cairo edition of 1327, p. 690*). 

2 Cf. Matmah, 60 " (= Yaqiit, Irshdd, n, 69 15 ). 

3 Ilumaidi, fol. 43. Yaqiit (Irshdd, vi, 2, 67') gives 348 as the date of 
his death, but that seems to be an error of the scribe or misprint, and the 
same applies to Ibn al-Faradi (i, 37, No. 118) where 382 is given instead 
of 328. Cf. Bughyat al-Wu'dt, i6i 18 . 

4 Ibn al-Faradi, l.c.\ Ibn Khallikan, Cairo edition, i, 33. 

5 Yaqiit, I.e. 

6 He is often called 'al-Faqih' in l lqd. Cf. also Matmah al-Anfus, p. 58. 

7 For him see Yaqiit, o.c. p. 368. 

8 Humaidi, 40 b 2 ; Ibn Farhiin's al-Dibdj, Cairo, 1329, p. 239. 

9 For him see Bughyat al-Wu l dt, 67 13 . 
10 Yaqiit, Lc. 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 4 1 7 

Ibn ( Abd Rabbihi as a poet. 

He was the laureate of the Umaiyad kings of Spain and 
he wrote panegyrics in praise of every one of the four 
during whose reigns he lived, from Amir Muhammad 
(r. 238-273) to 'Abd al- Rahman III (r. 300-350)'. These 
poems of his probably represented the hostile attitude which 
the Umaiyads in general had towards 'Alf, for al-Maqqari 
(Leiden ed. i, 808) refers to a rajaz poem of his in which 
the early Caliphs were mentioned and in which he counted 
Mu'awiya as the fourth orthodox Caliph and entirely omitted 
'AH. Another poem of his in praise of al-Mundhir b. Mu- 
hammad (r. 273-275) is said to have greatly offended the 
Fatimid al-Mu'izz li-din Allah and called forth a reply from 
his court-poet Abu '1- Hasan 'All b. Muhammad 2 . 

He must have been a prolific poet, for al-Humaidi had 
seen a collection of his verse in more than twenty parts, and 
this not necessarily complete. His Diwan 3 is lost but over 
1350 of his verses are preserved in al-'Iqd* y including one 
long poem in rajaz (345 verses) celebrating the martial deeds 
of 'Abd al-Rahman during the first 22 years of his reign 
(end of Vol. n) 5 . Such a large number of his own verses 

1 Ibn al-Faradi. One long and several small poems of his in praise of 
'Abd al-Rahman III are preserved in the 'Iqd. See for example edition 
of 1321, i, 35, n, 307 seq. (=i, 33, n, 286 in ed. of 1305 called B and 
i, 42, n, 362 in ed. of 1293 called C in the following pages). 

2 Ibn Khallikan. His attacks on the 'Abbasids are referred to by Ibn 
Sharaf of Qairuwan (d. A.M. 460). See Rasdil al-Bulaghd, p. 251. Cf. Haji 
Khalifa (ed. Fliigel), iv, 232. 

3 It presumably existed in the time of Ibn Khallikan, v. his article on 
our author. 

4 Some 93 more are to be found in other sources. Matmah has 27 
(pp. 58 16seq ", 6o 18 ; repeated by Yaqut, Ibn Khallikan and Maqqari). 
Tabaqdt al-Umam of Ibn Sa'id has 14 (pp. 64", 79 1 ) and Ibn Khallikan 
(p. 33 14 ) 2. The Yatimat al-Dahr contains about 60 verses not quoted in 
the 'Jqd, viz. all the citations in Yatima, i, 360, 361 (except 11. 12-13), 3 6 3> 
and also 434 2 and two half-verses on 425. Tha' alibi had perhaps not seen 
the ''Iqd, for he notices the author twice, once as Ay JUP ^j ju-t (i, 360) 
and again as dj> ju ^ Jua.o ^ J^*.t (i, 412) as if they were two 
persons ! 

6 This is an important poem. Even apart from its historical value, 
it is interesting for the student of Arabic poetry, as it is one of the few 
narrative poems in the language. The chronicle of events given in the 
poem is valuable as coming from a contemporary who was living at the 
court. It differs in several instances from that adopted by Ibn Khalddn and 
others and supplements the narrative given by the historians (including Dozy). 

B. P.V. 27 


he introduced into the book in order to show " that the 
Maghrib too, in spite of its remoteness and though cut off 
from the centres of Arabic learning, was gifted with poetry 
as with prose" (^Iqd, Introduction to Vol. i), and he oc- 
casionally stops to compare his own verses with those of 
the best poets of Arabic in the East, sometimes writing in 
the same metre and rhyme. 

He seems to have handled all the usual themes of Arabic 
poetry, viz. panegyric, elegy, asceticism, love, descriptions, 
etc., etc. 1 He had also written folk-songs of the type called 
muwashshah (cf. M. Hartmann, Das arabische Strophen- 
gedicht, das MuwasZah, Weimar, 1897, P- 2 3) after learn- 
ing the art of writing them from the inventor of the type, 
Muqaddam b. Mu'afa al-Fariri or al-Qabri (Hartmann, o.c. 
p. 71), a poet of the court of the Umaiyad Amir 'Abdallah 
b. Muhammad (r. 275-300), but none of these poems of 
the master and the pupil reached the later generations 2 . 
Towards the end of his life he wrote certain poems of an 
ascetic and moral nature which he called al-Mumahhisdt 
(''the nullifying ones"). By these he sought to nullify the 
effect of the love poems in the same metre and rhyme, 
which he had written in his earlier days. For a specimen 
see Matmah, 6i 5 ( = Yaqiit, Irshdd, 2, 68 7 ; cf. 72*). 

It is said that al-Mutanabbi as a young man 3 heard 
some verses of Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi recited, and exclaimed : 
"Assuredly 'Iraq will come to thee crawling!" Ibn Khal- 
likan also praises the beauty of his ideas and says that his 
verses are " well-written " (jJ!*.) 4 . 

Judging from the specimens of his verse which have 
come down to us, he must no doubt have possessed a great 
deal of technical skill in his art. His verse has a remarkable 
flow and natural grace, its various parts are well-balanced, 
his similes are pretty, his rhymes clever. His imitations 

1 Specimens of all these are found in the l lqd. 

2 Cf. Ibn Khaldiin, Muqaddima, 690. 

3 Al-Mutanabbi died in A.C. 965 and Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi in 940. The 
anecdote and the poem are found in Matmah, 59, Yaqiit, 71 and Maqqari, 
n, 382. The poem (found in 'Iqd, in, I47 7 ) is ascribed in Yatima, i, 364 to 
'Abd al-Malik b. Sa'id al-Muradi. It is possibly placed wrongly through a 
scribal error. 

4 See also Ibn Sharafs remarks on Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi as a poet in 
Rasffil al-JSulaghd, p. 251. 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 419 

often surpass the originals in beauty of form and in scope. 
Nor is he devoid of a certain type of humour. But in the 
range of his ideas he does not on the whole differ very 
much from his predecessors or contemporaries of the East : 
his observations are more or less of the same type and 
exhibit the same characteristics. Any striking originality 
of ideas is, as a rule, not met with in his pages. In fairness 
to him, however, it must be said that what we have is only 
a small fraction of his work and that too, in general, of a 
fragmentary character. 

It was not only as a poet but also as a prose-writer that 
his countrymen looked upon him as one of their best repre- 
sentatives, if not the best 1 . His title to fame will rest on his 
great prose compilation, the l lqd al-Farid*. 

Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi as an 'Adib. The 'Iqd. 

This work, as is well known, consists of 25 books, each 
subdivided into two parts, and covers more than a thousand 
large pages in the printed edition of A.H. 1321 (generally 
35 lines to the page). It deals with the whole range of 
topics with which the student of 'adab was expected 
to be acquainted. It is a work of encyclopaedic nature 
dealing with the Arabian conception of government, war, 
deputations, proverbs, elegies, genealogies, speeches, geo- 
graphy, history, including the battle-days of the Arabs, 
music, medicine, witticisms, etc., etc. Each of these topics 
is subdivided into a large number of headings, under which 
the author arranges his stores of information. But for the 
introductory remarks at the beginning of each chapter and 
occasional observations, the author as a rule has little to say 
himself. All his energy is concentrated on the selection, 
sorting and arrangement of the vast materials available to 
him 3 . These selections 4 were often made from anthologies 

1 Cf. Ibn al-Faradi, I.e. ; Ibn Hazm quoted by al-Maqqari, n, 130. 

2 According to Haji Khalifa, v, 302, no. 11065 he had written another 

prose work called 

3 Cf. '/?</, i, 3 2 : *tj3t o- 3>^ ''**" Uj.. jUrfJ oUU *-3 J 

Varying in length from, say, a quarter of a line to several pages. 



already existing 1 , but, as the author explains, he found that 
they had grown too numerous, and taken individually were 
too imperfect, to satisfy the student 2 . Hence he set himself 
the stupendous task of compiling a book of selections, prose 
and poetical, which would be truly comprehensive and which 
would include " most of the ideas used by the scholar and 
the man of the street, the prince and the plebeian 3 ." He 
laid under tribute the whole mass of Arabic literature, 
including translations from Greek, Persian, and Sanskrit, 
and not omitting even the Christian and Jewish writings 4 . 
In doing this he sometimes transferred to his own pages, 
with or without alteration, whole chapters and even whole 
books of other writers usually without acknowledgement 5 . 
He omitted the ' chain of authorities/ he explains 6 , for the 
sake of brevity and because the utility of what he wanted to 
communicate did not depend on the authorities who had 
handed it down. 

Whether we accept or reject his explanation, the fact 
remains that through him have been preserved, wholly or in 
part, a number of books that are otherwise lost, e.g. Abu 
Ubaida's book on the Battle-days of the Arabs, which, as 
al-Qalqashandi (Subh al-a'shd, i, 393) tells us, has for the 
most part been incorporated in the 'Iqd\ also the Book of 
Proverbs by Abu 'Ubaid. The same is true of certain works 
of al-'Asma'i, Ibn al-Kalbi, Ibn Qutaiba, etc., etc., and 

1 One of these undoubtedly was the l Uytin al-Akhbdr of Ibn Qutaiba, 
as Brockelmann has pointed out, and possibly our author was referring to 
it when he spoke in his Introd. (i, 3) of the anthology which he found "was 
not comprehensive'' enough. It is also a fact that the plan of the l fqd was 
suggested by the l Uyun, 7 out of its 25 books having the same titles as in 
the ' Uytin. But the actual quotations from the ' Uytin form only a small 
fraction of the books that are common to both. The first 20 pages of the 
'Igd, Kitdb al-Sultdn^ when compared with the corresponding book of the 
1 Uyun, give only about i6/ of matter borrowed from that book. 

2 *Iqd, Introd. to Vol. i. 3 Ibid. 

4 There are 4 quotations from the New and 9 from the Old Testament 
in Vol. i alone. On i, 238 ( = B 222, C 292) he quotes an Aramaic sentence 
in the original. 

5 E.g. the whole of the iSjIj^l v^> <7 ^> i 65-67 ( = B 61-63, C 80- 
83) is taken almost verbatim from the Kdmil of al-Mubarrad, pp. 578, 585, 
649, 68 1 and 688. Only in some 40 cases in Vol. i does the author name 
the book which he is quoting. But the name of the author or chief narrator 
is in many cases appended to the citation. 

6 l lqd, Introd. to Vol. i. 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 421 

particularly of the writers quoted in the historical portions 
of Vols. ii and HI such as al-Mada'inf, al-'Utbi, al-Riyashf, 
al-Zubair b. Bakkar, Ibn Abi Shaiba and others, our author 
frequently quoting original documents in extenso. 

Curiously enough the book contains very little from the 
Spanish authors and poets. The story of the disappoint- 
ment of the Sahib Ibn 'Abbad on seeing the book is well 
known 1 . Similarly al-Tamimi in a letter to Ibn Hazm 
(Maqqari, i, 109) blames the author for not giving in his 
book any information about his own native town. 

The latest date mentioned in the book, as far as I have 
noticed, is A.H. 363 (^Iqd, in, 49; cf. also n, 169) in con- 
nection with the abdication 2 of the 'Abbasid Caliph al- 
Muti', but that must have been the work of a later writer 
who wished to make this section up-to-date. I think it is 
significant that the author brings his poem on the wars of 
'Abd al-Rahman III (end of Vol. n) to a close with the 
events of 322. In any case, if we accept the usual date of 
the author's death, viz. 328 which there is nothing serious 
to challenge we find that the 'Iqd was compiled by the 
author in the later part of his life ; at least he was adding 
to it in his old age. There is a reference to 'Abd al- 
Rahman III as <UUt CH* j**\s in 'Iqd> i, 35 26 and to his title 
of v>~5*M ***\ m n > 38 7 - These titles the prince assumed 
in A.H. 3i7 = A.D. 929 (cf. Spanish Islam, the tr. by F. G. 
Stokes of Dozy's famous Histoire, p. 423). If further proof 
were necessary, it is afforded by the author's ripe scholarship 
and amazingly extensive reading, to which every page of 
the book bears testimony. 

The book was twice abridged in later times, first by 
Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. 'Abd al-Rahmdn al-Wadiyashi(?) 
al-Qaisi (fA.H. 570) and again by the author of the Lisdn 
al-'Arab (fA.H. 71 1) 3 . These abridged editions seem to 
have been lost. In modern times an abridged edition of the 
book has been published in Egypt to serve as a school text. 

1 See Yaqtit, o.c. p. 67. 

2 The date of his death has dropped out from the text. 

3 See Bughya 182, 106. 


Ibn 'Abd Rabbihis description of the Har amain. 

It is out of the geographical section 1 of the 'Iqd a 
section which is otherwise rather unusually scrappy, brief, 
and unsystematic that I have selected the following de- 
scription of the Haramain or the Two Sanctuaries of Islam. 
The description is very detailed and full the fullest avail- 
able for those centuries, with the exception of Azraqi's. 
But the special interest of the passage lies in the fact that 
the author is writing from personal knowledge. There is an 
incidental reference 2 to an observation of his own relating 
to the pigeons of the Haram, which shows that he had 
actually visited 3 the places he was describing. There are 
also several references in it to places in Cordova which 
further support this conclusion. We have thus in him a 
predecessor and a compatriot of Ibn Jubair giving us like 
him one of the best descriptions of the sacred mosques. 

The date of Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi's pilgrimage must be 
placed earlier than A.H. 317/929, the year in which the 
Carmathians removed the Black Stone (they returned it 
after more than 20 years), for the author describes that 
stone as if he had seen it. A more definite date it is not 
possible to fix, but as in 317 the author was about 7 1 , 
perhaps we should not be far wrong in placing the date 
in the last quarter of the third century of the Hegira era. 

The language used by the author in this description is 
of considerable philological interest, as it gives us several 
instances of the usages of words peculiar to the Maghrib. 
I have therefore added a Vocabulary, mainly to draw atten- 
tion to the references, for in several instances the dictionaries 

1 According to Yaqiit, o.c. p. 67 this section came at the end of the 
book. In the printed edition it forms part of the third book from the end. 
This is the only instance in which the present arrangement of the book 
differs from that of the days of Yaqiit. 

2 There is very little autobiographical material in the l lqd. On n, 1 1 
seq. he mourns the loss of a highly educated son whose name seems to be 
Ab\i Bekr Yahya. There are a number of other minor incidents related, 
e.g. on i, 82*. 

3 It is strange that al-Maqqari does not include him in the 5th chapter 
of his Introd. in the list of the Spanish- Arabian scholars who had travelled 
in the East, although he mentions on I, 538 the name of a grandson of our 
author among them. For the reference in question see l lqd^ HI, 298 25 , B about 
281, C 364. 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 423 

are of no help and the meaning can only be guessed from 
the context 1 . I have also added a few brief notes, for what- 
ever they are worth 3 . 

Following these descriptions in the original is a section 
devoted to the mosque in Jerusalem. Being pressed for 
space I have omitted that section : moreover Le Strange has 
already utilized it fully in his Palestine under the Muslims. 

It need hardly be added that a good plan of the sanc- 
tuaries as is given in Rihlat al-Hijdziyya of al-Batnunf (often 
quoted in the following pages as al-Batnunf) would be 
helpful in following the description. 

A. Description of the Sacred Mosque (of Mecca). 

Ibn <Abd Rabbihi's <Iqd al-Fartd, in, 297, i 3 . 

The court of the Mosque is big and broad. In length it 
measures from the Banu Jumah Gate to the Banu Hdshim 
Gate 4 ', which latter is opposite to the house of Al-' Abbas 
b. 'Abd al-Muttalib 5 , 404 cubits, and in breadth from the 
Safd Gate to the Ddru l-Nadwa* (the Council Chamber), 
measured along the eastern front of the Ka'ba 304 cubits 7 . 

1 In some instances the explanation given is merely tentative. 

2 Dozy in the notes stands for his Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes. 

3 Edition of A.H: 1321 = p. 362 of the edition of A.H. 1293 and p. 280 
of the edition of 1305. 

4 I.e. from the north-east to south-west (roughly speaking). The name 
Babu Bani Jumah seems to have been given up at an early date, e.g. Nasir 
Khusrau does not mention it. The quarter of Mecca occupied by the Band 
Jumah was the lower and southern part of the valley of Mecca, called 
al-Masfala (Bekri, i55 ls ). Considerable changes were made in this Gate in 
A.H. 306-7 (Azraqi, 327 seq.). The Band Hashim Gate is also called Babu 
'All according to Batnuni, p. 98, but it appears from Nasir Khusrau's Sefer 
Nameh (Paris, 1881, p. 70, bottom) that Babu 'All corresponds with the 
present Babu '1- 'Abbas ; cf Azraqi, 324, bottom. 

5 The house of al- 'Abbas is located by Azraqi (446) between al-Safi 
and al-Marwa close to the pillar of al-Mas'a, 

6 Apparently the Babu '1-Nadwa is meant and not Daru '1-Nadwa, cf. 
Ibnu'l-Faqih (a contemporary author), p. 2 1 13 , and N4sir, 7o 3 . The Daru '1- 
Nadwa is said to have been built by Qusaiy b. Kilab and used as a council- 
chamber by Quraish. Later, it was sold to Mu'awiya, who converted it into 
a Government House (Baladhuri, 52). It was in the north-west of the Ka'ba 
and was demolished in A.H. 281 and changed into a mosque. The site 
corresponds to the Musalla '1-Hanaff to-day (Batnuni, 95). 

7 The area of the mosque is given by Ibn Khurdadhbih (p. 132) as 370 
by 315 cubits. 


It has three covered galleries surrounding it on all sides (sic), 
opening into each other. They are included in the measure- 
ment given above 1 . Their ceiling is gilded and they are 
supported on columns (297, 5) of white marble numbering 
50 counted from east to west along the court, in its length, 
and 30 in its breadth. The distance between every two 
columns is about 10 cubits. The total number of columns in 
the Mosque is 434*, each column is 10 cubits long and 3 cubits 
in circumference 3 . Of these, 320 columns have gilded capitals. 
The whole of the enclosing wall of the Mosque is ornamented 
with mosaics on the inside 4 , and its gates are supported on 
marble columns varying in number between four, three and 
two. The number of gates is 23*. They have no doors 6 (?). 
Ascent to them is by means of a number of steps. 

Description of the Ka'ba. 

(297, 10) The Holy House of God is in the middle of 
the Mosque. Its height in the time of Abraham (on whom 
be peace) is said to have been and God knows best 
9 cubits, its length at the base 30 and its breadth 22 cubits, 
and it had 3 roofs. Then Quraish built it in the Jahiliyya 
(pagan times) and though they restricted themselves to the 
foundations laid by Abraham they raised its height to 
1 8 cubits and diminished its length at the base by 6 cubits 
and a span 7 , which space they excluded towards the Hijr. 
When Ibnu '1-Zubair demolished the Ka'ba he restored it to 
the foundations of Abraham and raised it to the height of 
27 cubits. He also opened in it two doors, one to the east for 
entrance and one to the west for exit. It remained so until 

1 ^3^3 if referring to l^jjU-j seems to be redundant ; if it goes with 
Of3, the pronoun can only refer to OlL*}Jb. 

2 A contemporary of the author (Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2i 15 ) gives the number 
of columns as 465. 

3 Cf. Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2i 15 ; Azraqi, 3 2o 2 . 

4 Probably the same mosaics as were brought by Ibnu '1-Zubair from 
San 'a, Murtij, v, 192. 

5 Cf. Azraqi, 323 18 , where the total is given as 23, but his actual total 
should be 24, as in Ibnu'l-P'aqih, 2i 17 . 

6 The exact sense of Ghalaq is not clear ; see Vocabulary. Cf. Gl. Ibn 
Jubair s.v. Nasir (p. 7o 14 ), who visited Mecca more than a century later, 
found that the Gates, which then numbered 18, had no doors. But the 
other meaning suggested in the Vocabulary is also possible. 

7 Cf. Azraqi, 104 seq., H5 3 19 ; Ibnu '1-Faqih, 20; Ma^drif, 278*. 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 425 

he was killed (297, 15). When Al-Hajjaj gained mastery 
over Mecca he applied to 'Abdu '1-Malik b. Marwan for per- 
mission to demolish that portion which Ibnu '1-Zubair had 
added to the Ka'ba from the Hijr. This permission the 
Caliph granted. So Al-Hajjaj restored the building to the 
foundations of Quraish 1 , and closed up the western door, 
though he did not diminish anything from the height of the 
building 2 . 

The measurement of its southern side to-day, from the 
A swad corner to the Yemenite is 20 cubits ; of its northern* 
(read ^y^aJl) side from the 'Iraq corner to the Syrian and 
this is the side which is adjacent to the Hijr 21 cubits ; of 
its eastern side from the 'Iraq corner to the one in which is 
set the Black Stone, 25 cubits ; of its western side from the 
Yemenite corner to the Syrian corner 25 cubits 4 . 

(297, 20) Running around the whole of the House with the 
exception of the Aswad corner is a plastered structure 5 , in 
height about the length of the forearm 6 , and nearly as much 
broad. It is intended to protect the House from torrents of 
rain water. 

The door of the House is to the east and is a man's 
height from the ground. Its length is 6 cubits and 10 fingers ; 
its breadth 3 cubits and 18 fingers. It is made of teak wood, 
the thickness of each leaf being 3 fingers 7 . On the outside 
it is plated with gold 8 , on the inside with silver 9 . Each leaf 
has six cross-pieces and they have two hooks or staples into 

1 Cf. Azraqi, 138 seq.; Ibnu '1-Faqih, 20, middle; Baladhuri, 46 seq. 

2 I.e. the height continued to be 27 cubits; cf. Ibn Khurdadhbih, i33 2 . 

3 Read /J^aJt for .-.^ifcJt, cf. Ibn Jubair, i go 4 and note c. For this 

use of ^^Jt cf. 'Iqd, 297^ 298 30 , 299". On 3oo r - n too aLI has to be 

read for <Lj^aJI, and ^5>aJ! for 

4 Cf. Ibn Khurdadhbih, I32 4 ; Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2O 16 . Ma '4rif(2 78 4 ) gives 
the area of the Ka'ba as 490 square cubits. 

5 See Azraqi, 217"; Batniini, io5 3 . 

6 More exactly "the bone of the forearm." 

7 Cf. Azraqi, 216. The doors in his time were those that ^.UjLaJl had 
supplied, ibid. i46 3 . *" 

8 The doors were first plated with gold during the reign of Wali'd I, 
and again during the reign of Muhammad b. al-Rashid, Azraqi, 146 seq. 

9 According to Azraqi, p. 144", before Ibnu '1-Zubair's time the Ka'ba 
had a door of one leaf. He made it of two leaves. 


which a golden lock is fixed 1 . Its hdjibs (?) are all cased with 
gold plates with the exception of the right one, for the rebel 
'Alid 2 removed its gold when he obtained mastery over 
Mecca, and it has since been left in that condition. 

(297, 25) Under the upper lintel is another one covered 
with gold plate, and the two leaves are behind it, and the 
lower lintel is covered over with silk brocade down to the 
ground. The space between the Aswad corner and the door 
is 5 cubits 3 or thereabouts. This is the Multazam as is stated 
on the authority of Ibn 'Abbas. 

The Black Stone is placed at the height of two blocks of 
stones from the ground. These stones have been scooped 
out to insert the Stone, and the third one projects above the 
other two by two fingers. The Stone is smooth, of banded 
onyx-like structure, and there is on it an intensely black spot 
of the size of the bent hand. Its sides are held fast by silver 
nails 4 . It has cracks and on a part of it is a silver plate 
which one would take to be a splinter split off from and used 
for repairing it (297, 30). The blocks of stone of which the 
Aswad column is made are slightly coarser and bigger than 
our stones 8 . 

The House has two roofs 6 , one above the other, which 
are pierced with 4 apertures 7 , one opposite the other for 
light. The lower roof is supported on 3 rafters of teak wood 8 
ornamented and covered with gold plate. Inside the House, 
and set in the western wall opposite to the gate at the height 
of 6 cubits from the floor, is the onyx stone, with black and 

1 Cf. Nasir, 72, middle. 

2 This is perhaps Husain b. Hasan al-Talibi, mentioned by Azraqi on 
147, bottom. He obtained mastery over Mecca in A.H. 200. Cf. Ibn 
Khaldiin, Muqaddima, p. 309. 

3 Nasir (72*) says it is 4 cubits. 

4 This must relate to the condition of the stone before A.H. 317, the year 
in which the Carmathians carried it away. The stone was cracked in a fire 
which had burnt the Ka'ba during the time of Ibnu '1-Zubair; cf. Azraqi, i4o 8 . 

5 The significance of ' our stones ' is not clear to me. 

6 According to Ibnu '1-Faqfh (24 21 ) the Mosque of Medina too was JUx*, 
i.e. had a double roof. It appears from the remarks of Burton (i, 207, 
note 2) that the roof of the Ka'ba is still double as of old. 

7 Cf. Azraqi, 205. Nasir, 72^, found them covered with glass. 

8 Cf. Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2o 20 ; Nasir, 72 22 . Cf. Batniini, 106, bottom, who 
gives us to understand that the columns which are now to be seen in the 
Ka'ba are the same old ones. 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 427 

white bands on it. It is 12 fingers by 12 in size and is 
encircled by a ring of gold 3 fingers in thickness. It is related 
that the Prophet (may God bless and save him) kept it in a 
line with his left eye-brow, when he prayed inside the House 1 . 

The Hijr is to the north of the House and is enclosed 
from the 'Irdqian to the Syrian corner by a low curved wall 
of which the extremities are about 2 cubits apart from the 
adjacent corners (of the Ka'ba), the openings being meant 
for entrance (298, i) and exit. The distance between the 
middle of the Hijr on the curved wall and the House is about 
the same as between the two corners (of the Ka'ba) 2 . The 
height of this wall is half the height of a man. It is cased 
all over with marble and the interstices are filled with lead. 
The floor of the Hijr is paved with marble and the rain-spout 
discharges itself into it, the qibla of the area being in the 
direction of the spout. 

The rain-spout is placed on the wall of the Ka'ba in the 
middle of it, and projects from it about 4 cubits. Its breadth 
as well as the height 3 of its sides is 8 fingers and it is covered 
all over with plates of gold 4 . The plates are fixed (298, 5) 
with nails having golden heads. 

The whole of the House is covered (with curtains) with 
the exception of the Aswad corner, for the curtain leaves an 
opening there up to the height of a- man and half as much 
again. When the annual Pilgrimage approaches, the Ka'ba 
is covered with the Qabati cloth which is a kind of white silk 
brocade of Khurasan. That covering is kept on it as long as 
the people are in a state of "ihrdm, but when they quit that 
state, namely on the Day of Sacrifice, the House quits that 
state too and (a curtain of) red silk brocade of Khurasan is 
then put on it. This curtain has circles, wherein are inscribed 
(formulae in) praise and magnification of God and referring 
to His Might and Majesty. It remains so covered until the 
next year; then the covering is removed as I have described. 
When the coverings become too many and therefore dangerous 
for the House on account of their weight, some of them are 

1 Cf. Azraqi, 206, top. 

2 I.e. 21 cubits, cf. 297". Ibn Khurdadh. (133*) gives the circumference 
of the Hijr as 50 cubits. 

3 L^* before <CJtw seems to be an error for $. 

4 Cf. Nasir, 73". 


removed and appropriated by the ministers of the House, 
viz. the Banu Shaiba 1 . 

(298, 10) An Egyptian has related that he was present 
when the House was exposed in the year 65 A.H. ; he noticed 
that its cement consisted of saffron and of frankincense, and 
a narrative has also been related on the authority of a 
Meccan, who traced it up to the learned doctors of that city 
through an uninterrupted chain of transmitters, to the effect 
that they examined the Black Stone at the time when Ibnu 
'1-Zubair pulled down the House and extended it. They 
measured its length and found it to be 3 cubits 2 . They also 
found it of an intensely white colour 3 except on the external 
side. Its blackness is said to have been due and God knows 
best to the touches and kisses it has received from the 
Pagan Arabs and to (their) smearing of it with blood 4 . 

The Mag dm 5 is to the east of the House at 2 7 cubits from it, 
and the face of him who prays behind it, turning towards the 
House, is directed to the west and the 'Irdq corner is to his 
right and the door (of the Ka'ba) (298, 15) and the Black Stone 
are to his left. According to the report of one who has seen 
it, it is a stone of irregular shape about a cubit in length and 
nearly as much in breadth. It has the impression of the foot 
of Abraham (on whom be peace) of the length of a fore- 
arm. The Stone is placed on a raised platform lest a torrent 
of rain-water wash it away 6 . At the annual Pilgrimage it is 
covered with a perforated iron case 7 to keep the hands off it. 

All round the House are (?) 8 large iron pillars of a rect- 
angular shape. The shafts as well as the capitals of these 
pillars are gilded, and on them light is made at night for 

1 See Batniini, 135, middle. 

2 Cf. Ma<-drif, 278 2 . The stone is there said to be of the same length 
as the breadth of the wall of the Ka'ba, which can be calculated as 3 \ cubits 
in the following manner. The length of the western wall according to our 
author is 25 cubits from the outside, from the inside it is 18 cubits (Ibnu '1- 
Faqih, 20 18 ). The breadth of the two adjacent walls is therefore 7 cubits. 
For other traditions as to the length of the stone, see Azraqi, 15 1 20 
(= Nasir, 72 2 ), 144 10 ; Mas'udi (al-Tanbih\ 386 5 . 

3 Cf. Mishkdt, Bk II, ch. iv, pt 2 ; Azraqi, 15 1 3 . 

4 Azraqi, i53 4 , gives a different reason. 

5 Cf. Nasir, 7 4 13 . 

6 Cf. Azraqi, 275. 

7 Azraqi, 279', speaks of a teak-wood case. 

8 Cf. Nasir, 75 3 . The word after )\$~ seems to me to be corrupt. 

A * Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 429 

the benefit of those performing the Tawaf or walk round 
the Ka'ba. The distance between each column and the 
House is nearly the same as between the Maqdm and the 
House (i.e. 27 cubits). 

Zemzem is to the east of the Aswad corner at the distance 
of about 30 cubits from it. It is a wide well, its sides being 
of stone and (298, 20) the top having a ring of wood. Its 
roof, which is arched and ornamented with mosaic-work 1 , 
rests on four angles; every one of which is supported on two 
marble columns under it contiguous to each other. The space 
between every two angles is closed with wooden balustrades 
of red wood up to the door which is on the eastern side. 
Running round the whole of the arched roof is a veranda-like 
structure (for shade). To the east of Zemzem is a big room, 
the roof of which is also arched and ornamented with mosaic- 
work. It is kept locked. Further east is another big room, 
square (or rectangular) in shape with three vaults, and having 
a door on each side 2 . 

The pigeons of the Mosque are numerous and so tame 
that one nearly treads on them. They are of the colour of 
our domestic pigeons, but stronger. Not one of them sits 
(298, 25) on the House, or flies over it 8 . Indeed this struck 
me as strange (and I watched them) and observed that in 
ascending in their flight just when they were about to fly over 
the House they dived downwards and reached a point lower 
than the House, then proceeded on to its right or left 4 . Their 
dung (read tySp) is visible on the building in the Mosque 
with the exception of the Holy House of God, for that is 
clean, having no trace (of it) in or upon it. And Glory 
is to Him Who has magnified it (the House) and made 
it clean and holy, and He is exalted with supreme exaltation. 

Between the Safd Gale, which is to the south of the 
House and the Safa, is the thoroughfare which is situated in 
the bed of the water-course. f Beyond the thoroughfare is a 
wide space occupied by petty merchants. Then one reaches 
Al-Safa at the foot of the Abu Qubais mountain. It is sur- 
rounded by buildings on all sides except the one from which 

1 The mosaics were set in A.H. 220, Azraqi, 301 8 . 

2 Cf. Nasir, 74, bottom. 

3 Cf. Ibriu '1-Faqih, 19'; Batnuni, 146" seq.; Burton, n, 175. 

4 Cf. Ibn Jubair, 99 8 . 


you ascend upon it. The ascent is by means of 3 (298, 30) 
stone steps 1 . Standing on Al-Safa and turning to the north, 
one sees the House through the Safa Gate. Al-Marwa is 
towards the east of the Mosque, between east and west 2 
(i.e. north) of Safa. This also is surrounded by buildings 
except in the direction from which one ascends upon it ; 
also excepting part of the upper Al-Qusur. Between it 
(Al-Marwa) and the Holy Mosque is the " Narrow Lane." 
If one stands on the Marwa and turns to the House opposite 
to the gap, one sees the water-spout and the adjacent portions 
of the House. 

The distance 3 between Al-Safd and Al-Marwa is the 
distance between Bdbu 'l-Sand'a* and the Congregational 
Mosque* (of Cordova). He who courses between the two 
(hills) goes on descending from Al-Safa and proceeding 
towards Al-Marwa at a walking pace through the street, 
which is the bed of the water-course, with Al-Qusur (?) to 
his right and the Mosque to his left. Then the bed of a 
water-course (sic) comes in front of him ; when he descends 
in it he trots until he comes out of it at the other end. 

The street has two green boundary pillars on the two 
sides of the water-course (299, i), one, which is the first, 
behind the Safe Gate contiguous to the enclosing wall (of the 
Haram), the other in front of it, and at a distance from the 
wall 5 . These pillars have been put up in order that the limit 

1 Cf. Azraqi, 350". 

2 With this curious expression cf. ibid. 296: 

3 Azraqi (35o 8 ) gives this distance as 766 J cubits, and Batndnf (p. 175, 
note i) as 420 metres. 

4 One of the gates of the palace at Cordova: see Maqqari, i, 245 5 . 
For the Jami 4 of Cordova see ibid. (Index). 

5 Rather vague. It seems that not very much earlier than the time of 
our author the first pillar of the Mas l d was situated within the minaret at 
the S.E. corner of the Mosque and the second, "the Green pillar," at the 
'Abbas Gate of the Mosque. Opposite each of these, on the other side of 
the depression, were two more pillars (cf. Azraqi, 394 seq., and Burton, 
n, 288). Batniinf, 174 (bottom), speaks of two 'alams 70 metres apart. 
Apparently the limits of the Mas'd have varied at times: cf. Ma'drif, 278 3 

[where && (<>^) jb is to be taken as situated opposite to the S.E. minaret 
(Azraqi, 35O 12 ) and ^a*s ^j\ jJL> as the site later occupied by Daru '1- 
Qawarir (Baldhauri, 50), i.e. between the Babu '1-Salam and Babu '1-Nabi 
(Azraqi, 324 7 )j. The present limits of the Mas l d are Babu '1-Baghla to a 
place near Babu 'Ali (Batntini, /.<:.), that is, much less extensive. 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 431 

of the valley in which one has to go at a trotting pace may 
be understood thereby. 

Mind is a village in the east of Mecca slightly inclined 
to the south, outside the Haram (holy) territory, about a 
league from it. In it there are edifices and watering places. 
The first thing which one meets on going out of Mecca to it 
after the Day of Sacrifice in the days of Tashriq is Jamrat 
al*Aqaba. In Mind there is a mosque bigger than the 
Congregational Mosque of Cordova. It is called the Mosque 
of Khaif. It has four covered galleries about the Mihrdb 
(the prayer niche) extending breadthwise (299, 5). Its roof 
is of palm branches and its columns plastered over with 
gypsum. The pulpit is on the left of the Mihrdb and the door 
from which the Imam goes out is to its right. In the middle 
of the court of the Mosque is a minaret 1 , with a porch running 
all round it. 

Al-Muzdalifa, also called Al-Mash'ar al-Hardm, is 
situated between Mind and 'Arafa. It is about two leagues 
from Mina. Its mosque is plastered over with gypsum, with 
no structure in it except the surrounding wall, which contains 
the Mihrdb. The door from which the Imam goes out is to 
the right (i.e. of the MihrdK] and the middle of the court of 
the Mosque 2 . . . . No one dwells in it. 

'Arafa is to the east of Mina at two leagues from it. No 
one lives there (either), nor is in it any edifice except the 
watering places and the subterranean conduits in which water 
flows. In its mosque there is no building (299, 10) except the 
enclosing wall containing the Mihrdb. The halting-place of 
the people on the Day of 'Arafa is at 'Arafa on the mountain 
and at its foot in its vicinity. The mountain is situated to the 
north-east of the Mosque, and at the halting-place of the 
Imam in it flowing water is to be found. The prayer niches 
of Mind, 'Arafa and Al-Muzdalifa are directed towards the 

B. Description of the Mosque of the Prophet 
(may God bless him and save him). 

Its galleries are in the south running from east to west. 
Every row of its colonnades has seventeen columns, the space 

1 Cf. Azraqi, 408 6 . 

2 There seems to be a gap after 



between each pair being large and wide. The columns in the 
southern galleries are white, being covered with plaster and 
very lofty. /The remaining columns are of marble. The 
plastered columns have (299, 15) large square bases and 
gilt capitals with decorated gilt cornices (?) on which rests the 
roof. The roof also is decorated and gilded. In the front of 
the MtArddand in the middle of the galleries is a gallery which 
is gilt all over. The galleries from the side of the court are 
crossed in order to reach the one atthe J/#r^, but this gallery 
cannot be crossed further (to somewhere else). In the gallery 
adjacent to the Mikrdb a great deal of gilding has been 
done. In the middle of it is the roof of the shape of a huge 
shield (but) concave like a mother-of-pearl shell. The 
southern wall of the Mosque has a marble wainscotting on 
the inside from its base up to a man's height. Joined to this 
is a convoluted ornamental cordon of marble of the thickness 
of a finger. Above this is another wainscotting narrower 
than the first (299, 20), painted with a bright red unguent 
called khaluq\ then another like the first one, and containing 
fourteen gilt and decorated windows running in a line from 
east to west, of the size of the windows in the Cathedral 
Mosque of Cordova. Above this is another wainscotting also 
of marble, containing an azure space (?) on which are in- 
scribed five lines in gold, in thick letters as big as a finger, 
out of the chapters of the Qur'an called Qisar-al-Mufassal. 
Above this is another wainscotting like the first, i.e. the 
lowest, in which there are shields of gold, with decorations. 
Between each pair is a column from which branch out 
branches of gold. Above this is another narrow wainscotting 
of marble, with ornaments. In breadth it is of about the 
length of the forearm. It has branches and leaves of gold 
in bold relief: in the middle is a square (or rectangular) 
(299, 25) mirror said to have been once the property of 
'Ayesha 1 (may God be pleased with her). 

The Vault of the Mikrdb. It is of a v^ery large size, and 
has bands, some gilt, others dark brown and black. Under 
the vault is a niche (?) of gold, with decorations, under which 
are octagonal gold plates in which is a piece of onyx stone 
nailed to the wall, of the size of a baby's head. Lower down, 
reaching to the ground, is a wainscotting of marble, painted 

1 Cf Ibn Jubair, i 9 4 10 . 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Isldm 433 

with khaluq. In it is the peg on which the Prophet (may 
God bless and save him) supported himself while rising from 
his prostrations, in the first Mihrdb. Such is the tradition 
and God knows best. To the right of the Mihrdb is a door 
for the Imam to come in or go out. To the left is another 
small door in shape like a grating and (299, 30) made firm 
with cross-pieces of iron. Between these doors is a fine 
level walk. 

The Balustrade (al- Mag sura} 1 . It extends from the 
western wall adjoining the Gate to the vestibule (al-Fasl) 
adjoining the eastern wall. From this vestibule one can 
ascend to the roof of the Mosque. The balustrade is an 
ancient structure simply constructed. It is crenellated and 
has four doors. Outside it, but not far from it and to the 
right of the Mihrdb, is an underground passage 2 to which the 
descent is by steps which lead to the house of 'Umar b. al- 
Khattab (may God be pleased with him). 

The Pulpit. It is to the right of the Mihrdb at the 
beginning of the third gallery from the Mihrdb within a 
Rawda (?) of which the floor is of marble, and which has an 
enclosure of the same material. It has steps and at its top a 
board has been nailed so that no one may occupy the place 
which the Apostle of God (may God bless him, etc.) used to 
occupy 3 on it. (300, i) It is simply constructed, without 
ornament or fineness of workmanship such as is found in the 
pulpits of these our times. And the palm-tree trunk 4 is in 
front of the pulpit. To the east of the pulpit is a case with 
which the seat of the Prophet (may God bless him, etc.) 
is covered. 

The grave of the Prophet (may God bless him, etc.\ It is 
to the east of the Mosque at the end of its roofed portion in 
the south, adjacent to the court. Between it and the eastern 
wall is a distance of about 10 cubits 5 . It is surrounded by a 
wall which is nearly 3 cubits lower than the roof. It has six 
corners and is cased in a wainscot of marble, up to more than 
a man's (300, 5) height. The surface above this height is 
plastered with khaluq. 

1 Cf. Ibn Jubair, 193'; Burton, i, 314, note i. See also Vocabulary s.v. 
- Cf. Ibn Jubair, 193". 

3 Cf. Ibn Jubair, 192 16 . 

4 Cf. Wafd al-Wafd of Samhiidi, i, 274 seqq. 

5 The distance in Burton's plan (facing i, 308) is 20 ft. 

B. P. v. 28 



The Apostle of God (may God bless him, etc.) has said : 
" Between my grave and my pulpit is a meadow of the 
meadows of Paradise and my pulpit is at the Gate of the gates 
of Paradise." At the roof of the Mosque, opposite to the grave, 
is a portion which is walled in so that nobody may tread over it. 

The northern (read a*3>aJI) and western galleries are 
four in number, opening into each other, some being higher 
than the others. In their length along the court, from south 
to north there are eighteen columns. The arches of the 
Mosque above the courtyard are covered on all sides up to 
the tops of the columns with carved pieces of wood. The 
Mosque has three minarets 1 , two in the south and one in the 
east. The walls of the Mosque are all decorated on the inside 
(300, 10) from end to end with marble and gold and mosaic- 
w>rk. It has eighteen gates 2 , of which the lintels are gilded. 
They are big gates without doors (?) ; four on the north 3 
(read o^aJI), seven on the east, and seven on the west. 

The floor of the court of the Mosque is gravelled 4 and has 
no mats. The enclosing wall of the Mosque is decorated 
on the outside with tufa and so are the pointed ornaments 
with which the walls are surmounted. 

It behoves him who enters the Mosque to come first to 
the Rawda (lit. Meadow), about which the Prophet has said 
that it is a meadow of the meadows of Paradise. He should 
there perform the prayers of two prostrations, then go to the 
grave of the Prophet (may God bless him, etc.) from the 
front (300, 15), turn his back to the south (the Qibla] and 
face the grave He should then bless the Prophet (may God 
bless, etc.) and Abu Bakr and 'Umar (may God be pleased 
with them both). He should not cling to the grave 5 , for that 
indeed is an act of the ignorant and is looked upon with dis- 
approval. After doing this he should turn to the south (the 
Qibla) and pray to God as he may, after blessing the Prophet 
(may God bless him, etc., and make us know him and grant 
us his intercession with His grace). 

1 Cf. Ibn Jubair, 195". 

2 Ibn Jubair, i95 4 , makes them 19 gates, as he includes the southern 
one, which our author has excluded. In the days of Ibn Jubair only 4 
doors were left open. 

3 Cf. Ibn Jubair, i 9 s 12 . 

4 According to Ibnu '1-Faqih (24 18 ), 'Umar I was the first person to 
gravel the Mosque. 5 Cf. Burton, i, 305, bottom. 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Islam 435 

Ju.t J^.1 was cwered with >, said of the surface of a wall cased with 

marble, 299 18 . 
jj\ jtjt wainscot, 299 seq. 


pigeon-turrets, 29%*. A^^JI >&U*- domestic turtle-doves, 
ibid. Cf. ^5^!>J >*U*- in Dozy s.v. ffjj . 

. In the context ^gS 22 ) applied to a structure surrounding 
the arched roof of a building. Cf. Lisdn, xin, 54*, aJLbJjl 
aJl^xJI JaOJ ^ cJUaCwt jud^ ^ 45-> *Usu>. Cf. 
Jawaliqi 29 9 , with note. 

Jxlb iff^f a gallery or portico, a covered nave in a mosque (Gl. Ibn Jubair), 
299 16 seq. Called Jjljj by Nasir Khusrau. PL oU*})b, 297* 
et passim. 
I (pi. of *5U1 or flJI) hucksters, petty merchants (Dozy), 298*. 

j<? for the protection of a relic, 3oo 2 , 298" (in this instance 
a perforated iron one). Cf. Dozy s.v. 

G ' J 

<ujj (pi. of u*j3) ornamental shields on a wall, 299. 

aLj written in bold characters (inscription) = JaJLc , 299. 

dJjUbUJI coll. the pagan Arabs. See Lane s.v. 

apparently columns and not beams are referred to, though this 
sense is unsupported, 297 31 . Or possibly the word is a corruption 
ofjt^L, cf. Ibnu '1-Faqih, 2o 20 . 

the north, 2^, 299", 3oo 8 . Also L5 *>., 297 s4 . 
piece of wood over the lintel of a door-frame (Lane). The 
author speaks of the w^J^. of a single door and distinguishes 
^fclaJI by implication fromj-^*s)t ^-UJ!, 297^. 

an enclosed space, access to which is prohibited to the public 


X i 

an enclosed space to the north of the Ka'ba and included in /'/, 
297^ seq. 


curved wall, 298 1 ^w. 

W x 

/^.) pi. of ^i-, arches, 300". See Dozy s.v. 

^ mother-of-pearl shell, 299 18 . 



aL* simple, without ornament (Dozy), 300 1 . Also ^J.^1 3 

2Q9 32 . 

unguent red and yellow in colour (here used for painting 
walls of rooms), 299 20 ' 27 , 3oo 5 . 

inted with khaluq, ibid. 
brown, dark-brown (in Maghrib), 299 26 . See Dozy s.v. 


* applied to the shddhrmvdn around the Ka'ba, 297^; also to 
the seat on a pulpit, 299 35 . 

delicacy (of workmanship), 300 1 . 

* circles, or spaces surrounded by circular lines, 298', 299 s5 . 


J capitals of columns, 297 7 , 298 18 , 299 15 . 

* x 

/laving a head (of nails), 298 5 . 

<:#/, ^^e/ of stone (?), 298 15 . 
block of marble, 2<$&. 

x Ox S ' " 

(P^- f OJJJ or ^j^j) ^^ or apertures in the roof, 297 30 . 
(?), 299 s4 . 

^ underground passage, 299. See Dozy s.v. 
<?</, 299 17 ; pi. Ol^l^w, 299 15 . 
w<^ 297*. See Lane s.v. 
azure, sapphire-blue (Dozy), 299 21 . 
wj (sic leg.) balustrade, 298^ (Gl. Ibn Jubair). 

X J Ox 

w/? //^ chess-board (from -j-JjJkw), i.e. in the form of a 
gratng, 2^. 

^/ beautiful of columns, 299 14 . 
.^ splinter of stone, 297 29 . Cf. Azraqi, I44 8 . 

(?), 299 20 ' 26 . 

a convoluted cordon (of marble in the context), 299 19 . 
roof, 299 31 . Cf. Dozy s.v. 
<Llx)t M^ upper or lower piece of wood in a doorway, 297^. 
tne cross-pieces of a door, 297**, 299 30 . 
^ breadthwise, 299 4 ' 12 . 

^ j/fl//? (of a door) in which the lock is fastened, 297. Not 
found in the dictionaries in this sense. 

A Description of the Two Sanctuaries of Isldm 437 

a bar of lead filling the interstices between two stones in a 
building, 298*. Cf. Ibn Khurdaolhbih, 162" where 5j^t 
jujLaJI are spoken of. See also Lane s.v. 
JaJU- JxJl = jj^a*.* (q-v-\ of bold letters in an inscription. 

JJU ijte, a great door (?), as in Lane s.v., or perhaps, as in Azraqf 216?", 
a fastening for the door, 297, 300". Cf. Gl. Ibn Jubair s.v. 

space (here between columns), 299". 
between houses, 298 s2 . 

vestibule, ante-chamber, 299^ &>. The ordinary word for it 
is ^joAll, see Dozy s.v. and Nasir Khusrau, 8, bottom. 

^UUiJ! explained by the author as ^JUlji. ^^jl jyWi>> 298, 
though ordinarily applied to fine white linen. 

299 2 " 12 , 300 7 - 15 . 

southern^ 298^ 299^, 3Oo 3 . OwjJt ^^Ju yb, 29S 28 . See 
Dozy s.v., and for the development of this meaning of the word, 
Batniini, p. 259. 

in front, 2gg is . 

90. I 

^j.5 an arched roof, 298^, 2^$* seq.\ pi. *L5|, 298^; of an arched 
shape, 298 20 - 22 . 

3 (pi. of l3 ?) the sides of a well, 298 19 . Cf. Lisdn, vi, 380*. 
jjJL* grand (Dozy), 29S 23 , 299 25 . 

the balustrade in the mosque of Medina, 299^ seq. Cf. 
Dozy s.v. and see also p. 433, note i. 


oS certain ^>^?r/ chapters of the QuSdn (viz. ch. 99 or 


93 to the end), 299 22 . 
jot.5 ji^l^S &ww of columns, 299". 

ftlS ground floor, 29 y 32 , 298^ the /<?#*/ ^ r^r/ of a mosque, 300". 

(Dozy), 3oo 12 . Cf. Ibn Qutaiba, Ma l drif, 279. 
(pi. of >>) windows, 299 20 . 

covered, cased (with marble), said of a wall, 300*. 

covered (with stone, gold plates), said of a wall and a spout, 
29S 2 - 4 . 

<^ frankincense, olibanum, 2<fi. See Dozy s.v. 
v>p were held together (of the sides of a broken stone), 297 28 . 



said of a convoluted cordon at the top 

was turned (with 
of a wainscot, 29Q 19 . 

about) nearly ', 298", 3oo 3 et passim ; something like ', 29S 22 . 

cement^ material with which stones are held together ; 
Cf. Ibn Khurdadhbih, 162". 
# raised platform for supporting a sacred stone ^ 298 16 . 

cornices (?), 299 15 . 

of galleries opening into each other, 297 4 , 300'. Cf. 
"! i ^^f and Ibn Jubair, 90'. 
those parts (of columns) 0# which arches rest^ 3Oo 7 . 

6 x 

, 298 31 . Is it^oJJb houses, walls, trees thrown downt 

(it) caused (some one) anxiety ; struck (some one) as strange 
and made him observe it carefully, 29S 25 . 

middle, 298 1 . 

/Vz /^ middle, 299 16 . 



The declaration, issued by Sherif al-Huseyn ibn 'Ali ibn 
Muhammad ibn 'Abd-al-Mu'in (June 1916), of his inde- 
pendence from his Turkish sovereign, his assumption of the 
title of "King of the Hijaz " or " King of the lands of the 
Arabs," rumours current about his aspiration after the 
Khalifate of Islam, the fact that councils said to represent 
the populations of Syria and of Mesopotamia elected the 
sons of al-Huseyn, Faysal and 'Abdallah, as kings of those 
countries all these circumstances roused an uncommon 
interest in the Holy Land of Arabia and the Sherifate of 
Meccah, generally objects of little attention and gross mis- 
conceptions in Europe, and even in many Muhammedan 

Al-Huseyn is the 36th lineal descendant of the Prophet's 
daughter Fatimah, whose offspring is counted by hundreds 
of thousands. His 2Oth ancestor, Qatadah, was the first 
member of this branch of the Holy Family who took pos- 
session of Meccah in one of the first years of the 1 3th century, 
whereas other branches of the 'Alid house had disputed with 
each other for authority over the Sacred Town (i.e. the 
monopoly of unscrupulous exploitation of its sanctuaries) 
down from the middle of the roth century. 

More than ninety " sons of Qatadah" ruled Meccah and so 
much as variable fortune allowed them of the rest of Western 
Arabia between 1200 and 1920 A.D. Even Muhammedans, 
accustomed though they are to obey unjust governments, 
would not have acquiesced in the tyranny of these 4< lords of 
Meccah" but for the bigoted respect paid to the blood of the 

Al-Huseyn, who endeavoured until 1914 to defend the 
Ottoman interests against rebels in Arabia, owed to the Great 
War an opportunity of shaking off the Turkish yoke. At 
once he became conscious of his duty to do away with the 
intolerable heresies of the Young-Turks, the men of " Union 
et Progres," in whose hands the so-called Khalif of Islam 


had become a mere tool since the year 1908. For himself 
al-Huseyn claimed no higher title than that of " Deliverer 
(munqid] of the Arabs," including the inhabitants of Syria 
and Mesopotamia as well as those of the Arabian Peninsula, 
leaving it to the Arabs, and in general to the Muslims, to 
draw whatever consequences, they might wish from the 
benefits which he bestowed upon them. 

However this may be, al-Huseyn widened the scope of 
the Sherifate far beyond Meccah or even the Hijaz. For 
seven centuries the Beni Qatadah spent their lives in a rarely 
interrupted mutual struggle for the lion's share of the sacred 
booty granted them, in their opinion, by Allah, without 
aiming at any influence on the course of events in the 
Muhammedan world at large. Nobody can predict whether 
the pan-arabic or pan-islamic policy of al-Huseyn will prove 
a blessing or a disgrace to his family. The founder of the 
dynasty, Qatadah himself, would hardly have approved of 
such experiments. 

All Muslim historians agree in describing Qatadah as a 
gallant warrior, a despotic ruler, who feared Allah a little and 
cared for no one else in heaven or on earth, and a poet of 
some merit. Some authors say expressly that he did not 
care for the Khalif, pretending to have by birth more serious 
claims to the Khalifate than the Abbasid an-Nasir, practi- 
cally a powerless instrument in the hands of soldiers of 
inferior descent. But this was mainly an expression of proud 
contempt, not involving any political pretension. It had no 
more serious meaning than epithets like that of amir al- 
mumimn, sultan al-ward, khalifat al-isldm, etc., liberally 
dispensed to ruling Sherifs by their court-poets, who lived at 
their cost. 

There is one poem of Qatadah, consisting of five verses, 
quoted partly or completely in a great number of annals and 
other works, in which he expressly professes his principle of 
political isolation. The fact that induced Qatadah to make 
this poetical declaration is differently related. In any case 
it was his answer to an urgent invitation of the Khalif to 
come and visit Bagdad, an invitation said to have had some 
connexion with rude acts of violence committed by the Sherifs 
and their slave-soldiers against the pilgrims of Iraq and their 
escort, commanded by a high-commissioner of the Khalif. 

QcUddaKs policy of splendid isolation of the Hijdz 44 1 

The text of the poem given here is mainly that of the 
Mandih al-Karam, a history of Meccah written 1684 A.D. 
by as-Sinjari, of which I brought the first and, as far as 
I know, hitherto unique copy to Europe 1 . The copy is far 
from being correct, but as-Sinjari represents the genuine 
Meccan tradition, and therefore his readings are preferable 
to those related by authors living outside Arabia, even when 
these may be deemed more elegant. 

The same text as as-Sinjarl's occurs in the Khuldsat al- 
kaldm = Khul. by Ahmad Zenl Dahlan (Cairo, 1 305 H., p. 23) 
and, with slight variants, in the 'Umdat at-tdlib 'Umd. 
(2nd ed. Bombay, 1308 H., p. 121). In the footnotes I give 
some variants from the Tctrikh of Ibn Khaldun = /. J O. 
(Bulaq, 1284 H., vol. iv, p. 105), from Ibn al-Athir, ed. 
Tornberg = LA. (vol. xn, p. 263) and from Abu'1-fida = A.F. 
(ed. Constantinople, 1286 H., vol. n, p. 137). These three 
historians quote the verses 25 only. 

tit J*l*J-a ^*=> tjj 2 

J **+ 3 

V^'t 4 
131 U^ 5 

Vs. i. l Umd. Ojl*. 3)3, but in marg. oj^- L5^i so ^ n ( 
Mana!ih\ - 

Vs. 2. I.Kh. yk.....> Ji 

I. A. j^fj ^j^t O^ W^ L5^l3- ^^ J>?-..; 
A.F. ly^h.;,^ J^-o? and the rest as in I.A. 

Vs. 3. I.Kh. Uj^ ^^ v*j+)\ i)^JU JlaJ ; I.A. the same with 
and the 2nd hemistich: *jj l >^J^a l o.U lykwj ^5^^- 

Vs. 4. ' Ww^. V^^ an d ^W* 1 -* V instead of ^ l^ I- A - and A - F - Uo^U- ^yt^l ^ Uyi C-**J V*^-^ LKh - the same with ^P 1 
instead of U^t . I.Kh. *>~bj) instead of *3p. 

Vs. 5. Instead of ^=3j-j c^j' ^y I-Kh. has ***; J^ ^, A.F. and 
I.A.SjJb J> ^*. 

1 See my Mekka, Volume i, preface p. xv. 


1. My own country is most dear to me, however ungrateful it may be, 
even if I should be left naked and hungry in it. 

2. My hand, when I stretch it out, is like a lion's paw, with which I am 
doing my business on the day of battle ; 

3. Kings are used to kissing its back, while the inside offers a spring 
[of benefaction] to people starving from famine. 

4. Am I to leave it to chance and to try to get a substitute in its stead? 
I were a fool indeed, if I did ! 

5. I am like musk, able to spread its perfume outside your dominion 
only, but with you I should lose all my strength. 

The author of the Manaih, as-Sinjari, points to the fact 
that these verses are not in the full sense a product of 
Qatadah's genius, the Sherif having imitated the model of 
an ancient poet, quoted in an anecdote occurring in Ibn 
al-Jauzi's Kitdb al-Adkiyd' and running as follows : Ahmad 
ibn al-Khasib summoned one of his managers of landed 
property, suspected of fraud, intending to put him into prison. 
The dishonest trustee was warned and fled, whereupon Ibn 
Khasib tried to catch him by means of friendly letters, swear- 
ing to him that there was no need whatever of fear and inviting 
him urgently to come back. The suspected one sent him in 
answer three verses, quoted by him, if as-Sinjari is right, 
from a poet of older times. This story is given indeed, almost 
in the same wording as the Manaih has it, in the Cairo 
edition of the Kitdb al-Adkiyd" (1304 H., p. 48). The verses 
follow here according to the text of the Manaih, with a 
couple of variants from the Cairo edition (C.) : 


Vs. i. C. ^XJI instead of aJI. Vs. 3. C. lyJ U^U. instead 

As-Sinjari relates two different statements as to what 
happened between the Khalif an-Nasir and the Sherif Qata- 
dah: one derived from a work called allj! ****.:)! and ascribed 
j*-Jt, the other from 'Abd al-Qadir at-Tabari's 
The title of the latter is given elsewhere as 5^ 
>o 43^Lj|, but I have found no copies of it mentioned 
as existing in libraries. Al-Mayurqi and his Tuhfah are not 
known to me even by name except from the Mand'ih, which 
makes a frequent use of both these historical works. 

Qatddati s policy of splendid isolation of the Hijdz 443 

According to as-Sayyid al-Mayurqi, Qatadah proceeded 
to Nejef on his way to Bagdad, but changed his mind when 
he saw, in the stately procession sent by the Khallf to meet 
him, a lion in chains. " I do not want," he said, " to enter a 
country, where lions are kept in chains," and he returned to 
Meccah without delay, reciting the verses quoted afterwards 
by most writers who devote a couple of pages to his memory. 

In 'Abd al-Qadir at-Tabari's version Qatadah never in- 
tended to comply with the invitation of the Khalif. A year 
after the ill-treatment of the Iraq pilgrims' caravan by 
Oatadah's troops, the amir of the hajj(of 619 A.H.) brought rich 
presents in money and precious garments from the Khallf to 
the Sherif, pretending that the Khalif felt no anger against 
him and ascribing the disorder of last year to irresponsible 
Sherifs and slaves. At the same time he urgently enjoined 
Qatadah to visit the Khalif, the intimacy of their mutual 
relations requiring such politeness, and nothing adding so 
much to a man's glory in this world and in the other as 
kissing the threshold of the Lord of the Believers. Qatadah 
asked for a short delay in order to consider what he should 
answer. He called his nearest relations together, explained to 
them the deceitful character of the amir's speech and con 
tinued thus : "O you sons of the Glorious Lady (Fatimah) ! 
Your glory until the world's end is in your being neighbours 
of this Building (the Ka'bah) and in your living together in 
its valley. Take a firm resolution from this day not to com- 
mit any mischief against those people, then they will pay 
respect to you from temporal and eternal motives without 
being able to seduce you by their wealth or their numbers 1 , 
for Allah has granted security to you and your country by its 
isolation and by making its access impossible save with the 
utmost exertion." 

Let this speech be historical or fictitious, in any case it is 
a valuable complement to Qatadah's poem. Both together 

1 The sentence "take... numbers" is an attempt at translation of an 
inaccurately related text, known to us through as-Sinjari alone. If once we 
get a copy of at-Tabari's book, we may be able to reproduce the remarkable 
speech of Qatadah more exactly. The dubious sentence as given in the 
Manftih is : 


most clearly depict the attitude of the Sherifate of Meccah 
towards the rest of the Muhammedan world from Qatadah's 
time down to the 2oth century. 

Qatadah's advice not to commit any more acts of violence 
against the pilgrims protected by plenipotentiaries of the 
Khalif was continuously neglected, but the other part of his 
political testament, his warning against meddling with the 
world outside the Hijazandhis injunction to put full confidence 
in the protection of the power of his family in this country, 
rendered inhospitable by Heaven and by nature, was recog- 
nized by all his descendants as the leading principle of the 
politics of his house and was strictly observed by them until 
the day of the foundation of the "Hashimite dynasty" 
so the adherents of al-Huseyn ibn 'Ali like to call it the 
very name of which recalls the memory of the glorious 
beginning of the Abbasid Khalifate, and which made its 
entrance into the international world by sending a deputy 
to the Peace Conference. 

LEIDEN, July 1920. 


This brief glossary is composed of a number of lexico- 
graphical notes which supplement in different ways the 
information available in the existing Arabic dictionaries. 
Naturally the explanations given are in some cases only 
tentative. In the absence of definite statements by lexico- 
graphers or others and in default of the help of analogy 
the meaning of a word can only be inferred from its context. 
I f the word is known only from a single passage, it may be 
impossible to ascertain its precise signification, since more 
than one meaning may be appropriate. If several passages 
can be compared there is an increased probability, though 
of course no certainty, of reaching a definite conclusion. 

With regard to the abbreviated titles of books, it will, I hope, be 
sufficient to state that Adhkiya? = Kitab al-Adhkiya? by Ibn al-jauzl (Cairo, 
1304), Bayan = al-Bayan wdl-tabyin by al-Jahiz (Cairo, 1332), Farajal- 
Faraj ba'd al-shiddah by al-Tanukhi (Cairo, A.D. 1903-4), Hayawan = Kitab 
al-Hayawdn by al-Jahiz (Cairo, 1325), lyas = BadcCi 1 - al-zuhur by Ibn lyas 
(Bulaq, 1311-14), Muhabbar = Kitab al-Muhabbar by Muhammad ibn 
Hablb (British Museum MS), Rasctil= Majmu'at Rastiil by al-Jahiz 
(Cairo, 1324). Tuhfat al-majalis is the work of al-Suyutl published at 
Cairo in 1326. Mufld al- l ulum is the work which was described by 
Brockelmann in his Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur, Vol. I, p. 499, 
and which was published at Cairo in 1323/1906. 

\$\. Modern Arabic writers use this word in the sense of "whether" 
in indirect questions: e.g. al-Bayan (the Cairo periodical), 
December 1917, p. i7 18 : 

Sirr al-najah (Dr Y. Sarruf s translation of Smiles's Self-Help^ 
pub. Beyrout, 1884), p. 210 : 

(in the English original " and not knowing whether India was 
lost or held"). The particle &\ is similarly used: cf. al-Bata- 
num's al-Rihlah al-Hijaztyah (2nd ed. Cairo, 1329), 106, 4 a. f.: 

446 C. A. STOREY 

European influence (cf. French st, English z/") may be responsible, 
at least in part, for the currency of this usage at the present day, 
but it is noteworthy that, as Dr R. A. Nicholson has pointed 
out, 131 appears to be used in this sense in the Kitdb 

22 5 18 : 

j| JU 

If the indirect question is governed by a preposition, the word 
U is inserted between the preposition and lij, e.g. Sirr taqaddum 
al-Inkiliz al-Saksuriiyin (translation of A quoi tient la suptriorite 
des Anglo-Saxons? by Ed. Demolins, Cairo, 1329), p. 44 : 

The expression 4JJ1 ^ ^.1 (cf. TabarT glossary s.v. ^y) occurs in 
Muwashsha (Cairo, 1324), 12' : 

cf. tf/tf. i6 5 : rC.^.. 4ji.t CUJ 

1 "by the time that," "before," e.g. Bayan, i 58 4 : 

U CJIS ^^ C^to- *^ ly) J13 

Faraj, i i53 20 : A man who has spent a sum of money entrusted 
to him by a Khurasan! about to start on a pilgrimage says : 

AIM b .ij ot U t-I^O) JUJt tj 

72 20 : 

al-dunyd waH-dm (Cairo, 1328), I46 14 : 
U OA*.J jljT oix> C^Aft U juu j^JI 

Lexicographical Jottings 44 7 

al ~ fsha rah, vid. infra]. 
Von Kremer in his Beitrage zur arabischen Lexikographie 
mentions the word f-b/i* [with ha* not kht?\ which he trans- 

lates " Betriiger, Schwindler," and gives a reference to Musta- 
/ra/(Cairo, 1268), n s6 ls . The procedure of a swindler of this 
type is described in the Kitdb al-Ishdrah ild mahdsin al-tijdrah, 
p. 54, 6 a. f. (see Dr H. Fitter's translation in Der Islam, Bd. 
vn (1916), pp. 1-91). 

v denom. from ^ytJ, "to be troubled by mosquitoes," Haya- 
wan, v i2o 8 . 

e\JJ " masonry," "stonework," al-Rihlah al-Hijdzlyah, 106, 4 a. f. 
(cited supra s.v. lit), io5 3 . 

The Lisan al-^Arab (v I24 16 ) explains the word ^>-^ as follows: 

The explanation of the To/ al- l arus is practically the same. 
In al-Faraj ba l d al-shiddah, n I29 15 , we read as follows : 

Finally we have a passage in the Kitdb al-Hayawdn, Vol. I, 

p. 7 1 penult. : ^> [prob. a corruption o 

lJ [read 

Perhaps it may not be too hazardous to infer from these 
passages that the word was a term applied to the offspring of 
mixed marriages between Muhammadan sailors, settlers etc 
and Indian women. There is a possibility that it may be con- 
nected with the Hindi word besar, " a mule." 

n "to train," Hayawdn, v 66 8 : 

448 C. A. STOREY 

"to extirpate," lyas, in 95 ult. : 

JI SpU-, ii 5 14 , 28, 2 a. f. 
In ii 8, 4 a. f. we have ^LJU^ ij*UJt V^IUI j^-o ^JJt 

v c. ace. pers. "to attack," "to overcome" (of fits of fainting, 
disease etc.) as also ^L^.3, Muruj al-dhahab^ i 220 : 

2Lft <CJUU^3 rt^,a> IS! ^ 

(cf. the parallel passage, Aghanl, xv i2 5 : 

Jamharat ashlar al- l Arab (Cairo, 1330), 2i9 u : 

(cf. Muwashsha, 2o 9 : 

"the office of chamberlain" (^A^U.), lyas, n 6o 10 , 93 26 , 
2 , in 73 penult, etc. 

, see s.v. Sj 


L*. . This word is applied to various things which are placed 
between two other things and fill up the whole or part of the 
intervening space. In Hayawan^ v I22 19 , it is used of the 
medial legs of a locust : 

"ill-feeling," "grudge," lyas, in 49 6 : 
. a-JUa 

^/^. 75 14 , 79, 5 a. f., i i38 18 , 205, 3 a. f., 228 9 , n 37 12 . The 
plural ^-A-Jt Js^Ja&- occurs in lyas, i ng 15 . 
Von Kremer (Beitrage, p. 44) gives 

, Fehde, Kampf. Aghany, xvi, 49, Z. 9. 

In this passage, however, OLU. is probably a corruption of 
OteU*' (see Lane s.v. and compare Abu Hatim al-Sijistanfs 
Kitab al- Wasaya (Cambridge MS), fol. 79 a : 

Lexicographical Jottings 449 

" aside, apart, at some distance, from him" (like 

4*U ^u*-U and 4*U ^a*>; cf. Lane and, for the latter, Faraj, 
ii 185, 3 a. f., i88 3 '"), Muhabbar, 79 a 4 : 

iv ^ ...' ***! "he disheartened him," Muhadarat al-abr&r 
(Cairo, 1324), n 230: 

s&jj* JUS &* ^JLX^ JLJ*\ A^l LT 
"apart from," "not to mention," lyas, HI 48" : 

so 15 , 10 1 17 etc. 

iv ou-Jt i^^l*.!. The tradition mentioned by Lane will be found 
in Ibn Hisham, 44Q 5 . Lane's translation should be deleted, 
since the context shows that Ju-JI oUU.t has the same 
meaning as ^4*.Jt ^Jt juj oLU.1. 

' S 

. This irregularly formed nisbah occurs in ubh al-A l sha, 
vn i26 13 : 

lyas, in 2 7 16 : 
(Persian) "a pass." Abu 'l-Fida? (Cairo, 1325), iv 3, 5 a. f.: 

"* " 
v denom. from ^jA3, "to become an atheist," Jahiz, Rastfil, I30 2 . 

j * 

j. The statement that vj is always followed by a verb in the 
perfect (cf. Wright, n 2146, Reckendorf, 144) needs modifi- 


cation, since sentences of the type LJJ w^ v J ^JL^P ^j are not 
very rare (several instances will be found in the section of 
Maidam containing proverbs beginning with the letter rd'). 

Jy-9 "simple," "not compound," Hayawan, v 33*: 

iv "to cause to lie down," like ^01, Sukkardan al-Sultdn, 126*: 

<<a hybrid," Hayawan^ \ 65, 66, io5 3 . 
" a travelling merchant," ^Va^ al-Isharah ila mahasin 
al-tijarah (see supra s.v. -^Jj^), 4O 4 , 51'. 

B.P.V. 29 

450 C. A. STOREY 

- Cf. Dozy s.v. ueWjU- Kitab al-Isharah, 8 6 : 

(See Dr H. Ritter's translation in Der Islam, Bd. vn (1916), 
P- 5 2 -) 

. ii c. acc. " to carry on," "continue," Da&il al-tyaz (Cairo, 1331), 
I34 3 : 

"the inscription on a coin," Adhkiyd\ 52 1 : 

"simplicity," "ingenuousness," "guilelessness." Yahya 
b. 'Adi in his Tahdhib al-akhldq (Cairo, 1913), p. 27, gives the 
following definition : 

i^]L> by itself is also used in this sense, e.g. Hayawdn^ 1 48, 3 a.f.: 

ioo 13 : 

p,-i>. <5^J' L/**^ " to some extent, somewhat," Ibn Khaldun, Muqad- 
dimah (ed Quatremere), Notices et Extraits, xvn i 346*: 

334 13 - 

o. i This verb is frequently followed by J in the same sense as 

e.g. Hisham, i; 12 : ly) t^j^-od lyJ ^-cJb ^^3^0^, Naq&id, 
666 2 , Shu'dra 1 al-Nasranlyah, 173 penult, etc. 

Ju*a>. 3ju^o <{ a redjtjt," Buhturi, Dlwdn (Constantinople, 1300),! I09 2 : 

Faraj, n Sg 9 : 


Lexicographical Jottings 451 

*JLo. v Irshad al-arlb, \ 28o 12 : J^UjJI <j'$^> ^ f ^^ u^ ^ t * ie 
duty of examining and correcting the letters drafted by the 
wjU^, cf. Subh-al-a'sha.) i 113. 

in Hayawan, \ 85 2 , is a corruption of rt'ypt?, since it is the tiger 
that, according to Aristotle, is one of the parents of the 
Indian dog. 

C%f*i is used of earthenware as well as of metal vessels, e.g. Tuhfat al- 


"a wide, a far-reaching, claim," lyas, in 83, 6 a. f.: 

Daltfil al-?jaz, io6 10 : 

Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddimah (ed. Quatremere), Notices et Extraits, 
xvi i 38 15 : 

- Noteworthy is the use of this preposition in al-Imdmah 
w<Jl-siyasah (Cairo, 1325), n i68 16 : 

.I b <J J15 

v "to enjoy oneself," "to lead a pleasant life," Ibn al-Muqaffa', 
al-Adab al-kablr (Cairo, 1331), 23': 

The plural ,j** is sometimes used of the eyes of a single person, 
e.g. BaihaqI, Mahasin (ed. Schwally), 645 13 : 

SuyutI, al-Ashbdh wdl-naza'ir^ i 2 10 : 

U JU. 

29 - 2 



" m tne presence of," Muhabbar, 76 b ult. : 

, Adhkiyd\ 52 16 : 
J13 A^ ^J JA ^JlkU JUs lt^ t^Jlw U J15 

iv c. U "to plagiarise." Yatimat al-dahr^ I Q2 1 

JU5 ^i 

JumahT, Tabaqat al-shu l ara\ I47 21 , Irshad al-arib, vi 474 4 , 
Mehren, Zte Rhetorik der Araber^ 23i ia . 

3 in the sense of Sj.5 J-o^ (cf. Faraj^ n 75, 8 a. f.), Farcy, n 
134, 8 a. f.: 

jjuJJ J^ J^xJ ^ ^ U JJLfr Ul C 
ibid. i79 9 . 

tj " immediately," "at once" (like jj*)\ ^ and 
which Dozy mentions), /aM al-Qarib (ed. van den Berg), 318, 
Kashf al-mukhabbd (by Ahmad Faris, Constantinople ed.), 204. 

i ^t ^-J " to divide into " (cf. Dozy) is common . ^.t^*** occurs 
in the same sense, Nithar al-azhar (Constantinople, 1298), 
I45 6 : 

151 penult.: 

-/Wa' (by Husain Wall, Cairo, 1322), 
lj [i.e. the word 5 

/^/^. 1 4 1 4 , 239. 

. Instances of the uncommon use of ^) with the pronouns are Ul=>, 

Muwashsha (Cairo), 124 ult., ^^JJl^D, Ibn Hisham, 68 1 4 , 

j&r** Kit&b al-lsharah ila mahasin al-tijarah, 65, 5 a. f. 

. i c. ^.U pers. a to learn the art of writing from," Irshad al-arlb, 
in 156". 

c. %A pers. "to send a letter by the hand of," Ya'qubl, i i77 4 , 
Bundari, Hist, of Saljuqs (Cairo, 1318), 35 ult. 

Lexicographical Jottings 453 

vin "to enlist," Hayawan, I 94": 

No grammarian or lexicographer, so far as I know, has 
recorded the use of lJLr to introduce sentences which in 
English would begin with "the more," "the less," etc. [I^atin 
QUO...CO]. Dr Paul Schwarz in his pamphlet entitled Zum 
Verstandnis des Makrlzl (Leipzig u. Berlin, 1913), pp 5-6, 
drew attention to this fairly common usage, and his remarks need 
only to be supplemented by references to a number of other, 
including some earlier, instances [cf. op. cit. 5^: " Nach einem 
wahrscheinlich jiingeren Sprachgebrauch, den ich erst fur das 
vierte Jahrhundert d. H. belegen kann, entspricht lJL-> un- 
serem deutschen 'je mehr '..."]. These instances are as 
follows -.Bayan, I 7 12 : j^t J&> ^1 ^tJUl O^> UA>> 
ibid, i 42 19 , i so 12 , i i66 15 , Hayawan, in i28 3 , iv 74 penult., 
81, 4 a. f.: ^^t ^ O>*> o-~" ^ ^>*-*> U^, 
ibid, iv i22 7 , v 22 3 , 39, 8 a. f., 5 a. f., 88 14 , 129 penult, 144, 
4 a. f., vi 6 13 : U^ft j*\ AJ iyl=> ^>^\ r ^\ ^\=> UJL^, 
78 penult., Bukhala\ 44": <J> C* ^> jl^l ^o^J^> U>^==>3 
V^t ji^t, Jahiz, ^^V/ (Cairo, 1324), 13, 6 a. f., 64, 7 a. f., 
162, 3 a. f. Muwashshd (Cairo), n6 2 , Kitab al-Luma^ 7i 18 , 
Ibn Hindu, al-Kalim al-ruhamyah, 117: 

al-dunya wdl-dln (Cairo, 1328), 29 15 , I96 12 , Mufld 
al-'ulum (Cairo, 1323), i 4 o 13 : o& J^h^ ^ O^ UJ^>^ 
j^^-t AJ^J, al-Isharah ila mahasin al-tijarah, 22 2 , 24 16 : 

al-Itqan (Cairo, 1317), i 137, 5 a. f., Kashf al-mukhabba\ 17 7 2 . 
In Kashkul (Cairo, 1316), p. n8 17 , much the same sense is 

6 * 

expressed by means of ,>* 

cf. Mufid al- l ulum, 271*. Similarly U J^ in the nominative 
occurs in Suluk al-malik fl tadblr al-mamdlik (Cairo, 1329), if: 

Another method of expressing this idea is noted in Socin's 
Arabische Grammatik (7th ed. Berlin, 1913), p. i4 8 ' " Durch 
zwei im Genetiv von Elativen abhangende Satze mit U wird 

454 C. A. STOREY 

unser *je desto' ausgedriickt wie (sic) 

X XJ 0<* . . X X J X 

*L)J>M O>^ to O-*' 'J e mem " das Volk in Furcht ist, desto 
sicherer sind die Wezlre V Other instances of this construction 
are Ibn al-Muqaffa', al-Adab al-saghtr (Cairo, 1912), 42*: 

Vu o^ to vyi jtjt AJ^ 

Jahiz, Rastiil, 1 1 ult. : 


al-Luma l , 65* : 

Ibn Hindu, al-Kalim al-ruhariiyah (Cairo, 1318/1900), 

j*$ L5 3 ^ && U ^^ *** L5 3 C^^ 1 0^! 
Kashkul, IO2 23 , *^4/ al-adab wd l-siyasah (Cairo, 1318), I76 15 

U JJI N)l^>bUiJt ^ yCi U 

v c. U 3 or L5 Xc, like ^y ^>j (cf. Dozy) "to be in charge of," 
Zubdat Kashf al-mamalik, 134, lyas, I 220 2 , u 8o 18 , 141, 6 a. f., 
20 1 7 , in 4 3 etc. 

The information given by Dozy and von Kremer can be supple- 
mented from Jahiz, Rastiil, 8o 10 : 

^ [i.e. the Indians] ^3 

is frequently used in the sense *' much more " or " much 
less" according to the context, e.g. Biruni, India, n 17 : 

Hamasah (Bulaq, 1296), I 137, Hayawan, iv 30 ult, Dald'il 
al-i'jdz, 196" etc., etc. 


^ vJU U3 is used in a similar sense, e.g. Bayan, i 8 16 , 
Hayawan, u 64 5 , in 130 ult., iv 6o 3 , Daltfil al-i'jaz, 215* etc., 

J.J. JJ, nom. unit. AJLJ (s.v.l.), "shell-fish," Hayawan, iv i5 16 : 
iJtjuo^l o>. ^y ^JJt v<r r fc JJl y^ JJJI 
fi iv I39 8 . 

Lexicographical Jottings 455 

"excrement," Mufid al-'ulUm (Cairo, 1323), 98', 380*: 

I^J ^JtfJl i*U*J Jl ^^4 til frilly 

Jjj. ii "to suppose," "to assume hypothetically," Ibn Abl Usaibi'ah 
(Cairo, 1299), i 6 6*, 7", 7 16 - 

-j "irregular," BatanunI, al-Rihlah al-Hijaztyah, 105, 

. If Jjb introduces an indirect question which is governed by a 
preposition, the word AJ! is inserted between the preposition 
and ^JA, e.g. Mufid al-'-ulum^ 92*: 

SuyutT, al-Ashbah wa'l-naza'tr, II i66 6 : 

Jju > ^1 ^ o^UJI 

. ii c. ace. and ^1 , " to ascribe, to attribute a thing to," ffayawan, 

i 7 10 : 

- Dozy gives two equivalents for this phrase : 
(i) autrefois, anciennement, dans les siecles passes, (2) depuis 
un temps immemorial. 

Instances which may be translated on the lines of Dozy's 
first explanation are Faraj, n 41 ult. : 


j^ JfbU ^ ^^J S^JI 
gayawan, v I42 4 : 


Bukhalti, 24 1 . 

In the following passages the sense seems to be "throughout 
the ages " : 
gayawdn, in 44 7 : 

n> n 2i 2 : 

456 C. A. STOREY 

Ifayawan, I 35 10 : 

(^ JA O- -Ul^ l O] 

Daltiil al-i l jaz, 7 14 : 

J -5 

In Jahiz, Rasa'il, 101 ult. : 

and Ifayawari) iv io6 3 : 

a*t g ^-^^ 

we have two instances which show how the phrase can refer 
both to long and to short periods. 

i ^^aJI IJAO^. This phrase was not the invention of Freytag, 
as Dozy supposed. It occurs in Ibn Hisham, 836": 

(cf. ibid. 679 10 and Hamasah (Bulaq ed.), I iQi 10 ). 
i c. ^jXfr " to apply to, be applicable to, refer to," Jahiz, Bay an, 

io6 3 : 

ibid. 1 1 3 s2 , Rasail, i73 7 etc. 

So ^^Xft 4*53! = "he applied it to," Hayawan, i i66 14 , 
iv 2 8 16 . 



18, 8-25 

In the first part of the i8th Sura Mohammed alludes, in 
a characteristically cryptic way, to the Seven Sleepers of 
Ephesus, Christians who took refuge in a cave, at a time of 
severe persecution, and after being walled in by their pursuers 
slept there for about two hundred years, at the end of which 
time they were awakened and came forth. 

It is plain that Mohammed has heard the story recently 
and been interested by it ; that he has tried to tell it for the 
edification of his followers, but has been embarrassed by the 
questions of certain unbelievers, who very possibly knew 
the story better than he did. He accordingly produces a 
"revelation, "in which he tiptoes around the story, incidentally 
giving his divine authority for refusing to answer foolish 

In verse 8 he introduces the subject with the question, 
"What think you of those associated with the cave and with 
al-Raqlml Was not their experience a wonderful sign?" 
What the word raqlm means here has been an unsolved 
mystery. Some commentators explain it as the name of the 
mountain in which the cave was, others regard it as the 
name of the valley below. Others, starting from etymology, 
suppose it to designate a tablet or scroll, something inscribed 
(verb ^3j), which may have been put up over the mouth 
of the cave in which they lay. But the popular explanation, 
approved by the majority of native commentators (always 
with express caution, however), is this, that^yi is the name 
of the dog that accompanied, the sleepers, mentioned in 
verses 17 and 21. This explanation is intrinsically most 
unlikely. " Raqlm" is all but impossible as a name; more- 
over, Mohammed could hardly have chosen the form of words 
which he uses, if this had been his meaning. The dog him- 

458 C. C. TORREY 

self was U^&\ ^-.lo, or one of "those of the cave," and 
he plays no important part in the story in any of its forms. 
It is true that Mohammed shows some interest in this dog, 
and it is therefore no wonder that his oriental followers, with 
their love of the whimsical, and their own interest in domestic 
animals, should have given the preference to this explanation 
of the strange word. But very few scholars, either oriental 
or occidental, have expressed themselves as really persuaded. 

The second of the passages in which the dog is mentioned 
is interesting as exhibiting Mohammed's somewhat anxious 
eagerness to show himself well acquainted with the legend. 
Verse 21 : "They will say, Three, and the fourth was their 
dog; others will say, Five, and the sixth was their dog (guess- 
ing wildly [or, as the Arabic might be rendered, 'throwing 
stones in the dark ']) ; still others will say, Seven ; the eighth 
was their dog. Do thou say, My Lord knows best how many 
there were, and very few others know." It is plain that the 
Prophet felt " shaky " as to some details of the story ; yet it 
is quite evident on the other hand that he had heard it in a 
complete version, and knew it well. There was indeed varia- 
tion in the versions current at that time as to the number of 
the sleepers ; for example, a Syriac manuscript of the 6th 
century gives the number as eight (Wright's Catalogue of 
the Syriac MSS in the British Museum, 1090). 

There is, however, one important and constant feature of 
the legend, apparently omitted in the Koranic version, which 
is perhaps really present here in a curious disguise. In all 
the extant ancient versions of the tale, the tyrant who was 
the author of the persecution, before whom the seven youths 
appeared and from whom they fled to their cavern, is the 
emperor Decius. He is made very prominent in the story, and 
his name occurs many times. See for instance the texts 
published in Guidi's important monograph, I Sette Dormienti 
di Efeso, where the name Decius is found (repeatedly in each 
case) in two Coptic (Sahidic) versions, pp. 5 ff., 13 f. ; three 
Syriac versions, 18 ff., 24 ff., 36 ff. ; two Ethiopic versions, 
66 f., 87; and two Armenian versions, 91, 96 ff. In two 
Syriac manuscripts the name is miswritten as Duqs, or 
Dukus, and in still other ways, and in the Christian Arabic 
version printed by Guidi (51 ff.) the form is Decianus 
; but such occasional corruptions count for nothing. 

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 459 

The ordinary way of writing the name Decius in Aramaic 
would be D'pT, 00^.1, and this is the orthography which 

occurs uniformly in the oldest and best Syriac texts, as 
in the version of this legend in Land's Anecdota Syriaca, in, 
87, 6, 10 ; 90, 12; 91, 3; 93, 7, etc., and in the version 
published by Guidi, 36, 2 a f. It is therefore a tempting hypo- 
thesis, and to me at least it seems very probable, that when 
Mohammed's informant, who read or narrated to him this 
legend of the Seven Sleepers, saw in the text before him the 
name *p "* t? ~] he read it D'pn instead of D'pT Not only 

the Hebrew characters, but also the Aramaic characters of 
that time and region, could very easily be ambiguous, as any 
extensive table of ancient Semitic alphabets will show 1 , and 
the coincidence appears too striking to be accidental, in view 
of the supporting circumstances. 


24, 60 

A considerable part of Sura 24 is taken up with prescrip- 
tions concerning decent behaviour. Mohammed and his 
immediate circle of followers have been greatly disturbed by 
the Ayesha scandal, and in dealing now with this most 
important matter the Prophet takes occasion also to lay down 
rules in regard to general considerations of chastity, modesty, 
and allied subjects. According to his mental habit, illustrated 
in a multitude of Koranic passages, he passes abruptly from 
one subject to another, and occasionally returns again sud- 
denly to a theme which he had previously discussed and 
seemingly finished. 

Inverse 27 Mohammed introduces the subjectof intruding 
on the privacy of men or women but especially women in 

1 For the Hebrew characters, see Euting's Tabula Scripturae Hebraicac 
(accompanying Chwolson's Corpus Inscriptionum Hebraicarum), cols. 
67-83, 5th and 6th centuries A.D. ; and for the Aramaic, Euting's Tabula 
Scripturae Aramaicae, 1890, cols. 41-53, and also 33-40. The ambiguity 
might have occurred in any one of several varieties of the West-Semitic 
script of about Mohammed's time; but it is perhaps most probable that the 
document in question was written in Hebrew characters. 

460 C. C. TORREY 

their own houses or apartments. He then goes on to speak, 
in verse 31, of the duty of believing women to avoid uncover- 
ing themselves before those who are not members of their 
families. These are matters which lingered in his mind, for 
he returns to them in this Sura and also treats them, in this 
same order, in Sura 33. The translation (24, 27 ff.) : "O ye 
who believe ! enter not into other houses than your own, 
until ye have asked leave and have saluted its people. That 
is better for you ; perhaps ye will be mindful. 28 And if ye 
find no one therein, enter not until permission is given you; 
if it is said to you, 'Go back/ then go back. That is more 
decent behaviour on your part ; and God knows what ye do. 
29 It is no trespass for you to enter uninhabited houses, if ye 
have need to do so ; God knows what ye reveal and what ye 
conceal. 30 Say to the believers that they should restrain 
their eyes and guard their chastity. That is more decent 
behaviour for them ; verily God knows what they do. 
3 1 And say to the believing women that they should restrain 
their eyes and guard their chastity ; they should not display 
their ornaments, except those which are outside; they should 
pull their veils over their bosoms and not show their 
ornaments, except to their husbands or fathers, or their 
husbands' fathers, or their sons, or their husbands' sons, or 
their brothers, or their brothers' sons, or their sisters' sons, 
or their women, or their slaves, or the male attendants who 
are incapable, or to children who do not notice women's 

In Sura 33, 53 ff. he brings forward the same two closely 
related subjects, in a looser and less concise mode of pre- 
sentation : " O ye who believe ! enter not into the houses 
of the prophet, unless permission is given you, to partake of 
food, without awaiting his convenient time. When ye are 
bidden, then enter ; and when ye have partaken, then dis- 
perse ; without being familiar in conversation, for this would 
annoy the prophet and he would be ashamed for you ; but 
God is not ashamed of the truth. And when ye ask them 
(the prophet's wives) for anything, ask it from behind a 
curtain ; that is purer for your hearts and for theirs.... 
54 Whether ye reveal a thing or conceal it, verily God 
knows all things. 55 It is no trespass for them (the wives 
of the prophet) to show themselves unveiled to their fathers, 

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 46 1 

or their sons, or their brothers, or their brothers' sons, or 
their sisters' sons, or their women, or their slaves ; but let 
them fear God, verily God is witness over all.... 590 thou 
prophet! say to thy wives and thy daughters, and to the 
wives of the believers, that they should let down their veils 
over them. That is more likely to make them understood 
aright and to protect them from annoyance ; God is for- 
giving and merciful." 

The way in which the one of these two passages parallels 
the other is very noticeable ; presumably the passage in 
Sura 33 is the older of the two. As has already been 
remarked, Mohammed returns again to these subjects farther 
on in Sura 24, namely at verse 57: "O ye who believe! let 
your slaves and those of you who have not reached puberty 
ask permission of you (before coming into your presence) at 
three times in the day : before the prayer of dawn, and when 
ye put off your garments at mid- day, and after the evening 
prayer ; three times of privacy for you. It is no trespass for 
you or for them, after these times, when you are going about 
from one to another. Thus God makes clear to you the 
signs, and he is knowing and wise. 58 But when your 
children arrive at puberty, then let them ask leave of you, as 
did those before them. Thus God makes clear to you his 
signs, and he is knowing and wise. 59 As for those women 
who are past childbearing and have no hope of marriage, it 
is no trespass for them if they put off their garments, but in 
such a way as not to display their ornaments ; yet if they 
abstain from this, it is better for them ; and God both hears 
and knows." 

The next verse is commonly rendered, and the text 
seems to require that it be rendered, as follows: 60 "It is no 
sin for the blind, nor the cripple, nor the sick, nor for you 
yourselves, to eat in your own houses, or in those of your 
fathers, or your mothers, or your brothers, or your sisters, or 
your uncles on the father's side, or your aunts on the father's 
side, or your uncles on the mother's side, or your aunts on 
the mother's side, or in those houses of which ye possess the 
keys, or in the house of your friend ; there is no trespass for 
you in eating either together or separately." 

In spite of all attempted explanations of the first part of 
this verse, the fact remains that "the blind, the cripple, and 

462 C. C. TORREY 

the sick" have nothing whatever to do with this prescription 
in regard to eating. Goldziher, in his Vorlesungen uber den 
Islam, 33 f., in expressing his conviction that some passages 
in the Koran have been misplaced with very disturbing 
result, points to this clause at the beginning of 24, 60 as the 
outstanding example. He proceeds (p. 34) : "Jedoch bei 
naherer Betrachtunggewahrenwir, dassder in diesemZusam- 
menhange fremdartige Passus aus einer anderen Gruppe 
von Verordnungen hierher verschlagen wurde. Er bezieht 
sich ursprimglich nicht auf Teilnahme an Mahlzeiten ausser 
dem eigenen Hause, sondern auf die an den kriegerischen 
Unternehmungen des jungen Islams." He then points out 
that these same words, " There is no compulsion for the blind, 
nor for the cripple, nor for the sick," are found also in 48, 1 7, 
where the Prophet, after threatening those who hold back 
from the warlike expeditions of the Muslims, makes this 
exception in favour of those who are effectually hindered by 
physical disability, and he draws the conclusion that the 
phrase has somehow been taken from 48, 1 7 and forced into 
this context in 24, 60 where it is now so disturbing: " Dieser 
Spruch ist nun als fremdes Element in jenen anderen Zusam- 
menhang versprengt worden und hat augenscheinlich die 
Redaktion des Verses beeinflusst, dessen urspriinglicher 
Anfang nicht in sicherer Weise rekonstruiert werden kann." 
Goldziher is certainly right in holding that the clause, as 
it has traditionally been understood both by Arab com- 
mentators and by occidental scholars, is out of place and 
inexplicable, but it cannot be said that he has accounted for 
its presence in Sura 24. It is hardly conceivable that either 
Mohammed or any one of his followers should have intro- 
duced here purposely the exception as to participants in the 
holy war, for it is not merely isolated from every context 
dealing with that subject, but as it stands it quite plainly 
means something else. On the other hand, no theory of the 
accidental transfer of the clause to this place could be made 
to seem plausible. But we are not reduced to any such desper- 
ate straits as Goldziher's suggestion would imply. Is not the 
solution of the difficulty rather this, that the troublesome 
clause is to be connected with the preceding context, and 
that the dispensation in favour of "the blind, the lame, and 
the sick" refers to the regulations regarding modesty with 

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 


which the Prophet has been so variously busied ? We have 
seen how, in each place where he treats of these matters, he 
makes some provision for the natural exceptions, those 
members of the family to whom the freedom of the house 
must of necessity be given, or who cannot be held under the 
same restriction as others in regard to privacy and the 
exposure of their persons in clothing and unclothing them- 
selves ; not making the same exceptions in each case, but 
giving utterance to them as they happen to occur to him. 
In 33, 55 he excepts (of course) the nearest members of the 
family, and adds, that the women of whom he is speaking 
have no need to be careful about unveiling or unclothing 
themselves before other women or before their own slaves. 
In 24, 31 he makes similar exceptions (but in considerably 
different terms, showing that he had not formulated the 
matter carefully for himself), and adds to the list eunuchs and 
children. And finally, in the passage under discussion, 24, 
57 ff., he mentions as exceptions the slaves and children, and 
then adds, that the restrictions do not apply in their strin- 
gency to women who have passed the age of marriage. To 
this he further adds as an afterthought (if I am right), that a 
similar liberty is to be allowed to the members of a household 
who are under serious physical disability. The justice of this, 
even its necessity, is quite obvious. 

The one objection which could be urged is the abruptness 
of the transition from the first clause of verse 60 to the passage 
which immediately follows, treating of a different subject but 
in its grammatical construction a continuation of the closest 
description. But this sudden and unexpected leap is, I would 
contend, thoroughly characteristic of Mohammed's mental 
habit. The verse granting dispensation to old women is 
brought to an end with the usual rhyming appendix ; a new 
verse is then begun as follows : 

fs o t 

" Upon the blind, the cripple, and the sick there is no strict 
prohibition. Nor is there (such prohibition) upon you your- 
selves, against your eating in your own houses, or the houses 
of your fathers," etc. This is the mental habit essentially 

464 C. C. TORREY 

dramatic of him who composed the oft-quoted verse 1 2, 29, 
in which the transition is equally unexpected and even more 
abrupt, taking place, as in the present instance, in the middle 
of a sentence. Other illustrations of the same general 
character will occur to all those who are familiar with the 
Koran. As for the verbal agreement of the clause with 48, 
17, this is by no means the only instance in which Moham- 
med repeats an extended phrase in widely different contexts. 

3. " His MOTHER is HAWIYA" 
101, 6-8 

In an essay entitled "Eine Qoran- Interpolation" con- 
tributed to the Noldeke Festschrift, i, 33-55, August Fischer 
attempts to demonstrate that the last two verses. 7 and 8, of 
Sura 101 are a later interpolation. He returns to the subject 
in the Z.D.M.G., vol. 62 (1910), 371-374, bringing some 
additional evidence in support of his contention, which he 
regards as sufficiently established. Goldziher, in his Vor- 
lesungen uber den Islam (1910), 33, refers to this demonstra- 
tion of Fischer's in a way that seems to show that he regards 
it as conclusive. Any modern critical edition of the text of 
the Koran, he says, "wird...auf Interpolationen (vgl. August 
Fischer, in der Noldeke Festschrift, 33 ff.) ihr Augenmerk 
richten mlissen." 

The matter is one of considerable importance for the 
early history of the Koran, inasmuch as interpolations in the 
sacred book (excepting those made by Mohammed himself) 
have not hitherto been demonstrated in a convincing way. 
Fischer's examination of the evidence is in some particulars 
very thorough, and makes a first impression of being ex- 
haustive. He has failed, however, to take into account one 
or two factors of capital importance, as I shall endeavour 
to show. 

Sura 101 is one of the most vigorous and picturesque of 
Mohammed's early utterances, a veritable gem. It is a terse 
characterization of the coming Dies Irae, when the last hour 
strikes, in the universal crash of dissolving heavens and 
earth, and the just and unjust of mankind are sent to the 
abodes they have deserved. It also has the external 
appearance of being a very characteristic specimen of the 

Three Difficult Passages in the Koran 465 

Prophet's peculiar rhetoric. It begins and ends with brief, 
exclamatory phrases, while the middle portion is made up of 
slightly longer sentences. There are two rhymes, of which 
the principal is the "asonante" termination with the vowels 
a-i-ah, the woeful ah! in particular, with its voiced h, being 
just suited to the theme. This rhyme, after appearing in 
verses i and 2, is replaced by another in the purely descrip- 
tive verses 3 and 4, and is then resumed in 5-8. The text 
of these last four verses reads as follows : 



Ox x Of 

4UA U Jtjil Uj V 

This is ordinarily translated somewhat as follows: "5 Then 
as for the one whose balances are heavy, he (enters) into a 
joyful life ; 6 but as for him whose balances are light, his 
abode is the pit. 7 And how dost thou know what this is? 
8 A raging fire ! " 

The starting point of Fischer's argument is the difficult 

phrase at the end of verse 6, a^l* a^l*. He urges, very justly, 
that the current renderings (similar to the one just given) are 
more than questionable. AJ^IA (without the article !) ought 
not to be rendered " the pit." There is indeed a well-known 
Arabic noun appearing in a variety of forms, of which this 
is one, meaning " pit, abyss, precipice," and the like; but 
there are good reasons why we cannot believe that Moham- 
med is using it here. He could not have omitted the article, 
in such a context, unless he intended Hawiya as a proper 
name, and it seems quite