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^ht Hakljift ^atht^. 


Since the publication of our last Report we have had to 
deplore the loss of Sir Henry Yule, for many years President 
of the Society. Besides the works he edited for our series, 
(Marvels described by Friar Jordanus ; Cathay and 
THE Way Thither, 2 vols.; and the Diary of William 
Hedges, 3 vols.), he revised and assisted in several of our 
recent volumes. His learning in all that concerned the 
geography of the East and his remarkable memory made his 
work very valuable. 

Shortly before his death he sent for Mr. Clements Mark- 
ham, and expressed the wish that he should succeed him in 
the office of President. Mr. Markham kindly consented to 
undertake these duties, and was duly elected at a meeting 
of Council on November 27th, 1889. A graceful compliment 
was thus paid to one who has worked more for the Society 
than anybody else during the many years he held the post 
of Honorary Secretary. 


We have also to mention with sincere recjret the death of 
Mr. P. A. Tiele, of Utrecht, who, upon the decease of the 
late Dr. Coke Burnell, completed the editing of Linschoten's 


The Congress of Orientalists, held at Stockholm and 
Christiania in 1889, afforded an opportunity to our Council 
of presenting a set of the Society's works to King Oscar II, 
Honorary President of that Congress. His Majesty was 
graciously pleased to accept this gift, and to express his 
satisfaction in adding these books to his Eoyal Library. 

The destruction by fire of the Toronto University, when 
the whole of its valuable collection of books was entirely 
destroyed, led to an appeal being made to the learned 
Societies in this and other countries to come forward with 
gifts of their publications. The Council of the Hakluyt 
Society, recognising the claims so worthy an object had upon 
its generosity, and taking into consideration that this Univer- 
sity was among the oldest of its subscribers, authorised the 
presentation of a set of its works to the Eestoration Com- 
mittee. This was accordingly done, and a grateful acknow- 
ledgment has been received by the Hon. Secretary. 

The Council is glad to be able to announce that the 
following works have been undertaken : A new edition (the 
first being out of print) of Sir E. Schomburghk's Ealeigh*s 
Empire of Guiana, edited by Mr. Everard Im Thurn, of 
British Guiana; The Letters of Pietro della Valle, 
transcribed from the early English version by G. Havers 
(1665), and edited by Mr. Edward Grey, late of the Indian 
Civil Service; The True History of the Conquest of 
New Spain, by Bemal Diaz, translated from the Spanish 
and edited by Bear- Admiral Lindesay Brine ; The Voyage 
OF Ulrich Schmidt to La Plata, translated from the 
original German edition (1567) ; and the Commentaries of 
Cabeza de Vaca, Governor of the Province of La 
Plata, translated from the original Spanish edition (Valla- 
dolid 1555) — the two last edited by Don Luis L. Dominguez, 
Argentine Minister to the Court of St. James's, are in progress — 

and the Voyage of FRAN901S Leguat to the Island of 
EoDftiGUEZ, edited by Captain S. P. Oliver (nearly ready). 

The following Members retire from Council : 
Mr. Cecil S. Foljambe, M.P., 
Mr. E. BuRNE Jones, A.R.A., and 
Mr. Tyssen Amherst, M.P. 

The following are elected in their place : 
Professor R B. Tyler, D.C.L, 
Dr. Egbert Brown, M.A., Ph.D., and 
Mr. E. A. Petherick. 

The Statement of Accounts shows a balance of 
£235 16s. llrf. The number of Subscribers is 278. 

N.B. — The election of Mr. Markham to the Presidency 
leaves another vacancy on the Council not yet filled. 








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Cfie l^afelugt Society. 




No. LXXX. 











By albert gray, 



By H. C. r. BELL, 











CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., C.B., F.R.S., Presidekt. 



LoBD ABERDARE, G.C.B., P.R.S., late Pbbs. R.G.S. 



ROBERT BROWN, Esq., M.A., Ptt.D. 



R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A. 

E. a. PETHERICK, Esq. 

Admibal Sir F. W. RICHARDS, K.C.B. 


ERNEST SATOW, Esq., CM.G., Minister Resident in Uruguay. 

S. W. SILVER, Esq. 


Prof. E. B. TYLOR, D.C.L. 

Sib CHARLES WILSON, R.E., K.C.B., K.C.M.G., F.R.S., D.C.L.,and LL.D. 

E. DELMAR MORGAN, Honobabt Sbcbbtaby. 


(Part II.) 

Addenda et Corrigenda 

Headings of Chapters 

Voyage : Part the Second (continued) 

Treatise of Animals, Trees, and Fruits 

Advice for the Voyage to the East Indies 

Dictionary of some Words of the Maldive Language 



Appendix : — 

A. Early Notices of the Maldives - - - 423 

B. Notices of the Exiled Kings of the Maldives - - 493 
c. The History of Kunh^li, the Great Malabar Corsair - 509 

D. List of Kings of the Maldive Islands since the Conver- 

sion to Mahomedanism . - - 528 

E. Dedicatory Epistle to M. Guillaume - - - 535 
General Index . . . . . 537 


Porte Beucheresse, Laval - - . . 339 

Maldive Chart of the Coasts of South India and Ceylon 

to face page 423 

Attack on Male by the Portuguese under Dom Ferreira Belliago 

in 1631 (from the Resende MS.) - to face page 507 

Kottakkal, the Town and Fortress of Kunhali, the Malabar 

Corsair (from the Resende MS.) - to face page 510 


VOL. I. 

P. 160, Note 1, for "a.d. 1677" read "a.d. 1585-6". 

P. 347, Note 2. Here and elsewhere the 11th Decade of De Couto is referred 
to. As is well- known, this Decade is lost, and the reference should be to 
the volume substituted from contemporaneous sources by the editor of 
the edition of 1778. (See also vol. ii, p. 509, note 1.) 

P. 22, line 12 fron^ bottom, after "Father'*, read **by name Gaspar Aleman". 


P. 305, line 17 from top, after "Corbin", read "a man of St. Malo'*. 

P. 306, line 8 from top, after " When", read " after six. days'*. 

p. 322, line 13 from bottom, for "the Bay", read "this condition". 

P. 324, line 16 from top, after "sons", read "the one 25 and the other 20 

years of age". 
P. 332, first line, the text reads "Teretra", f or " Terceira'*. 
P. 336, line 11 from top, for " being", read " lying". 
P. 348, line 2 from top, for "wherein to", read "whereinto". 
P, 355, Heading to Chap. V, for " Mush'\ read " Nutrnegs", 
P. 363, Note 1, for ''inda", read "inda", 
P. 369, Note 2, for *^ aha-gahd", read "ahu-gaha*\ 
P. 372. This chapter is not numbered in the original text. 
P. 406, Note 1, for " 1821", read " 1835-6". 
P. 407, line 23 from top, for **furana*\ read "furdnd". 

„ „ 28 from top, for '^gahd'*, read "gaha'\ 

„ „ 33 from top, for " nahat", read " nahai". 

„ „ 34 from top, after " mute", read " with sound of short i\ 

,, „ 4 from bottom, for " elipan^% read ** dipdn^*. 
P. 408, line 10 from top, after " vahare"^ read " also vdre^\ 

„ „ 12 from top, for " visdri'*, read " visarf*. 

„ „ 16 from top, for " rce'\ read " rce'\ 

„ „ 19 from top, for ^Wcebaga", read " rS-bcU/e". 

„ „ 23 from top, for " maddhyama*\ read ** madhyana". 

„ „ 18 from bottom, for " iy6'\ read **iy^\ 

,, ,, 8 from bottom, for " Aditiya^\ read " Aditiya". 
P. 409, line 4 from top, after ^^eli-vcW\ read *' eli-vechckd'\ 

„ „ 6 from top, after *' r^-vdd'\ read " rce-vejja and rd^-vcckchd". 


P. 409, line 25 from top, for/' raji/a", read *'r(ijya^\ 

„ „ 26 from top, for " Ao", read " k6'\ 

„ „ 15 from bottom, for " miripoenna" , read " miripcen". 

„ „ 11 from bottom, for "varu-diya*\ read " rcehi-diyd". 

„ „ 9 from bottom, for " mucU-kard'*, read " mndu-kara'\ 
P. 410, line 22 from bottom, for "bakalayd", read " bakalaydy a bandy-legged 


„ „ 20 from bottom, for '*miyd", read " mii/a'\ 

„ ,f 19 from bottom, after "civet-cat", read '*cf. Sin. yabciduva". 
P. 411, line 6 from top, after *^ karM\ add in last col. "cf. Sansk. ndriJcda 
and ndlikera". 

„ „ 16 from bottom, for " pcBntcJtxirtn", read *^ pccnidodan**. 

„ „ 9 from bottom, for " naran-gedi^\ read " mfran-gedi\ 

„ „ 5 from bottom, for ** ran*\ in last col., read " ran'*. 
P. 412, first line, last col., add " cf. Sansk. tamard'\ 

„ line 17 from top, for *' niangi^\ read " nangi^\ 

„ „ 19 from top, last col., insert ** cf. Sin. Ambu". 

„ „ 20 from top, after ^*pirimV* add " also pur is". 
P. 413, line 3 from top, for " kdlldy kelldj keUC\ read " kolld, keUa, kclV\ and 

dde rest of note. 

„ „ 7-8 from top. Sin. tamun prop. = themselves. 

„ line 17 from bottom, for "^rodrd'*, read " raudrd'\ 

„ „ 12 from bottom, for "Wa8tadu^\ read ^'Wastddu" 
P. 414, line 9 from top, for '* Ilismini'*, read " IIamini'\ .' 

„ „ 21 from bottom, for '*anr/a", read " an(/a^\ ' 

, ,,16 from bottom, for " vedi", read " vedC\ 
P. 415, line 7 from top. Sin. petta^leaf or slice. 

„ „ 11 from top, for "ntfat'\ read '''• n&fai'\ 

„ „ 20 from bottom, in 3rd col., iov"diit'\ read "(/<a'". 

„ „ 4 from bottom, for " heart", read *' breast". 
P. 416, line 3 from top, for " puduvcC\ read " pudura'\ 

„ „ 6 from top, after " Jmda'\ read " also hita'\ 

„ „ 15 from top, for *'pUi'\ read *'pili". 

„ „ 15 from bottom, add "also Sin. kittan'\ 
P. 417, line 14 from top, for " f/6ma'\ read ^^ ffoma". 

„ „ 19 from top, dele *' Cf. Sin. kasdy sulphur". 

„ 21 from top, add "also Sin. nw«, quicksilver". 
„ 17 from bottom, in last coL, read "Sin. nii/amuvd, pilot'*. 
P. 418, line 4 from bottom, for " taU", read " plough'*. 
P. 421, for ** eka-vU ", read '"ekd-vis". 

„ „ " ba-vis^\ read " bd-vis". 

„ „ " ona-tiris^\ read " ona-tirls", 

„ „ " et'tiris^*, read " et-tiris*'. 

„ against 42, read " ba-ydlis", then "etc." 

„ against 47, read "hat-dlis*\ 
P. 444, Note 1, for *' KotU'\ read ''Koue\ 

P. 509, Note 1, for "the above reference is", read "the subsequent refer- 
ences are". 


(Part TI.) 


Return of the Author. — The Island of Diego Rodrigue sighted. 
— Fearful storm. — Pitiable Occurrences. — The land of Natal. 
— The Cape of Good Hope. — Tempests and calms - 289 


The Island of Saint Helena; a description thereof, and what 

befell us there - - - - - 296 


Departure from Saint Hplena. — Accident to the ship. — A French 

Diver. — Arrival at Brazil, and loss of the ship - - 303 


Of Brazil, and the singularities thereof, and what befell during 

the sojourn of the Author there - - - 309 


Departure from Brazil ; of Fernambuq ; Islands of the A9ores ; 
Brelingue in Portugal ; great storm ; the Islands of Bayonne ; 
journey to St. James ; return of the Author, and his arrival 
in France - - - - - 327 



Of Elephants and Tigers - - - - 343 


Of Crocodiles and Turtles - - - - 347 


Of the, Fish of the Indian Sea, and more particularly those of the 

Maldives - - - - - 349 



Of Parrots, and a wondrous Bird that is bred in China - 352 


Of Pepper and Ginger, Mace and Nutmegs, Cloves and Cinnamon 355 


Of Anil or Indigo, Musk, Ambergris, Ben join, Sandal, and Aloes- 
wood - - - - - - 359 


Of Tamarinds, Cassia, and Mirabolans - - - 361 


Of the Arbre Triste, Ebony, Betel, and the Cotton- tree - 362 


Of Bananas, or Indian Figs and Pine Apples - - 364: 


Of Darions, Ramboutans, Jacks, and Mangos - - 366 


Of numerous Trees and Plants that grow at the Maldives - 367 


A most particular description of the admirable tree that bears the 
Indian nut, called Cocos, and alone produces all commodities 
and things necessary for the life of man - - 372 

Advice to those who would undertake the Voyage to the East 
Indies. The order and police observed by the French in 
their navigation, the great faults and excesses committed by 
them, with examples thereof, and a word of caution against 
theUke - - - - - - 387 

Dictionary of some Words of the Maldive Language - - 405 





Return of the author. — The idand of Diego Rodrigue sighted. — 
Fearful storm.— FHiable occurrences. — The land of Natal. 
— The Oape of Good Rope. — Tempests and calms. 

, INE or ten days after leaving port we sighted 
three sail coming from the direction of Arabia 
towards the Maldives; we were then in the- 
latitude of the head of these islands, which 
is about 8 degrees this side the line toward the north. 
The Portuguese, at sight of these vessels, took fright, 
believing them to be Hollanders. Nor were we our- 
selves without grave qualms, being in the company of 
these fellows, some of whom said that if the sail proved to 
be Hollanders they should throw ua overboard ; others, how- 
ever, with more pity, said that it was no fault of ours. 
Those who had been in the Hollanders' hands, and had been 
badly treated, as the majority had, were so much the more 
incensed against us, and were with difficulty appeased. 
In the event, we failed to make out what the ships were, 
though I judged they belonged to the Maldives, and were 
coming from Arabia, or perhaps were Arabs going to Sunda, 
VOL. II. — 2. B 


Sumatra, and Java. And so the Portuguese were again at 
ease, and we also. 

On the 15th March 1610 we sighted the island of Diego 
Rodrigue} which is at the altitude of 20 degrees south of the 
equinoctial line, and about 40 leagues east from the island 
of St. Lawrence. We sighted it at break of day; it is 

While in view of this island we experienced so heavy and 
violent a storm that we could hardly carry our lower sails. 
The wind was dead against us and drove us on the island, so 
that we had some difficulty in weathering it. And much 
did we apprehend to meet our end there, and with good 
reason, seeing that the sea was so heavy and tempestuous, 
the wind so violent and contrary, and we driven so close 
upon an unknown island. Most of the shrouds both of the 
mainmast and of the foremast began to give, thereby causing 
us great anxiety, for these shrouds are the cordage and 
tackling that hold and stay the mast, which without 
them would not stand upright and steady a single hour. In 
this storm a good mariner fell overboard, and it being im- 
possible to save him, he was drowned. 

The storm, after raging for the space of five days, at length 
passed away and left our ship leaking badly. Our master, 
fearing that as we coasted the land of Natal and rounded 
the Cape of Good Hope we should meet other storms, 
as is usual in those parts, ordered all the cannon, as also the 
boat, to be taken below, and the ship to be girt with cables 
in three places, viz., at the poop, midships, and bows. These 

1 Diego Rodriguez, in lat. 19° 41' S., long. 63° 23' E., is now a British 
possession, as a dependency of Mauritius ; pop. in 1881, 1,436, chiefly 
descendants of slaves. It is chiefly famous as the habitat of the 
extinct bird, the solitaire {Pezophaps soUtarius), which died out with 
its Mauritius cousin, the dodo, about the end of the seventeenth century. 
The only representation of it is in a cut in Leguat, a copy of which is 
given in the Encyc. Brit. (9th edition, art. " Birds'*). Recently a good 
many skeletons have been discovered in the limestone. 


cables grip the ship all round on the outside and under the 
keel, and, being brought up, are joined with two or three 
turns and then made fast by capstans: they hold the 
vessel well together. It is with these cables belayed to the 
anchors that the vessel rides when at anchor : this method 
of lashing the ship is called Vater} Some days after this 
storm an Indian Metice lady, the wife of a Portuguese lord, 
who was also on board, a handsome woman aged about 
thirty, was brought to bed ; both she and her child died, and 
got no other burial but to be cast overboard. Soon after I 
saw another piteous accident befall one of the apprentices, 
who was, one fine day, as usual on the main-top. There 
being a heavy swell but no wind, the vessel was rolling from 
side to side as though she would capsize, and this poor boy, 
in a heedless moment, falling upon the deck was dashed to 
pieces and killed in a moment. 

At length we skirted the land of Natal, and met with no 
storm until on the 8th of April 1610 we sighted the Cape of 
Good Hope. 

As we neared the Cape it became bitterly cold, with much 
snow, frost, and thick fogs. These caused us intolerable 
distress, for we had been so long in India that we had 
forgotten what it was to be cold ; moreover, we had only light 
garments of cotton and silk, with nothing to keep out the 
cold and rain; and the seas so continually and in such 
volume swept in upon us that frequently I was as thoroughly 
soaked as if I had just emerged from the deep sea: and 
though these cold and wet garments chilled us to the bone, 
we had to let them dry upon us. Nor had I a place to get 
under cover, nor any change of clothes or linen. At times 
indeed we got fairly warmed by working at the pumps and the 
buckets, and by doing other services ; otherwise we had died 
of cold. Nor had we too much to eat — that is, we foreigners ; 

1 Perhaps the Fr. bateVy to put a pack-saddle on an animal; the 
word is not given in JaPs Oloss. Naut. 

B 2 


on the other hand, in the matter of thirst we were a trifle 
better oflf in the cold weather, for the water was like ice to the 
mouth and teeth, and so far was better to the palate. But I 
cannot describe all the hardships and misery we endured in 
that Cape passage. Among others, one day, near the Cape, 
a strong and violent gale struck us and split our great yard 
in twain: this gave us much trouble and labour, for the 
Portuguese are not properly equipped with rigging, materials, 
or with good tackling, or with ropes and other furniture, 
as are the French and Hollanders, so that when any accident 
happens to their ships they are grievously thwarted. 

During this gale also there fell out a great quarrel and 
dispute, for it being resolved to jettison all boxes, baggage, 
and goods that were on deck, so as to lighten the ship and 
save us from peril, they began with the first and nearest that 
came to hand, whereupon arose such an uproar and mutiny 
among the ship's company that they came to blows with their 
cutlasses, and the captain was at length constrained to lay 
mady by the heels and put them in irons. This storm lasted 
well-nigh two whole months, which time we took to double 
the Cape, accompanied with many other misfortunes and 
hardships. When we first sighted it, if the fair wind had 
continued for but six hours more, we should have doubled it 
with good success ; but, when quite close to it, we were driven 
far away. Thus we remained till the end of May, unable to 
make headway against the heavy gales and contrary winds 
during all that time. The cause of this misfortune was that 
we were too late in leaving Goa, it being customary always 
to set out towards the end of December or beginning of 
January. Verily we were in dire peril, for gales so. heavy 
and furious, and of so long duration, had never been seerf 
before, as one of our pilots said who had made the voyage 
many a time. Our great yard was broken asunder twice, 
our sails were torn more than thirty times, and three 
mariners and two slaves fell overboard and were drowned. 


The ship was so shattered by the sea and leaked in such 
sort that for the remainder of the voyage we could not leave 
the two pumps night or day. And even so, the sea came in 
in such quantity that we could not manage to empty her 
with the buckets, though every one, even the captain, worked. 

In this extremity, being without remedy, the captain, 
gentlemen, and merchants took counsel and resolved to 
return to India, seeing we could make no way, and that the 
King of Spain forbade any to tarry there attempting to double 
the Cape after the 20th of May. But the master-pilots, 
mariners, and other sailors were not of this thinking, saying 
that our ship was not fit to return and repass the Natal 
coast, where storms are constant. Upon which advice we took 
resolve to hold on and, awaiting the mercy of God, to battle 
with the sea. We had on board a goodly number of officers 
of ships which had been captured or lost, and these preferred 
rather to die than to return to India, and of the same mind 
were we ; indeed, the general voice was to get to Portugal or 
perish in the attempt. Another argument was that it is 
impossible for the great Portuguese ships, on account of their 
size, to take the land at the Cape of Good Hope, as do the 
smaller vessels used by the French and Hollanders in their 

Then did another grievous mischance befall us : for, being 
quite close to the shore, a calm overtook us, in such wise that 
our sails served us nought to get us back into the deep sea. 
So were we borne by the current toward the shore and within 
a great bay, called by the Portuguese Unseada, or, as we say, 
ance} We were then so close to the shore that we saw no 
prospect of being able to get out or to double the two head- 
lands, and our only hope was in the mercy of God and in 
the compassion of the inhabitants. Everyone got his arms 
and other things ready, with the intention of attempting to 
reach the land in case the vessel broke up : which event the 

1 Fr. anse^ a little bay or creek. 


savage natives all along the shore awaited in keen expectation, 
and I believe all the composition we should have been able 
to make with them would have been to be a meal for them, 
so eagerly, to judge from their appearance, did they await us. 
The crowd on the beach was vast beyond counting. There- 
upon, however, it pleased the Divine goodness to save us 
from this peril by means of a little wind which then arose 
and carried us outside the bay, and so preserved us and our 

The coast of this Cape is very dangerous by reason of the 
contrary winds that vessels usually encounter. You see 
great and high mountains all of bare rock, with precipices, 
and lofty peaks which seem to touch the clouds. 

The first sign of the Cape on coming from India is that, at 
thirty or forty leagues from land, you see a vast number of 
sea-wolves moving in bands ; also numbers of great birds, 
white, like swans, but with the tips of the tail and wings 
black, and on that account called by the Portuguese Man- 
auas de Vellado, that is, " velvet sleeves".^ These wolves 
and birds are, as it were, the sentinels which God has been 
pleased to place there, as also are the Tromlas, or reeds, 
whereof I have spoken elsewhere.^ The poor mariners are 
much consoled thereby, for these animals never fail to come 
and salute the vessels. And when they are seen, the lead is 
at once taken in hand and sounding proceeds without ceasing 
until the Cape is sighted. Also, when the Portuguese mari- 
ners think themselves near, incontinently they run to get 
ready their lines for the fishing: for it is impossible to 
conceive a greater quantity of fish than exist in this sea, all 
excellent and of all kinds, amongst them one called Cauallo. 
They cast their lines sometimes to the depth of 80 and 
100 fathoms to catch these fish ; and on this occasion some 
were caught that four men could hardly carry. This Cape 

» See vol. i, p. 21. 2 See vol. i, p. 20. 


of Good Hope is called the Lion of the Sea, because it is so 

This Cape, or rather that of the Needles {Aiguilles), which 
projects still farther, is at 35 degrees from the equinoctial 
line towards the Antarctic Pole ; that which is properly called 
the Cape of Good Hope, is at 34^ degrees. The people which 
inhabit this coast, and as far as Mozambic, are exceeding 
brutish and uncivilised, utterly dull and without intelligence, 
black and misshapen, with no hair upon their heads, and 
with eyes always bleared. 

They cover their shame with beasts' skins in their natural 
state. Their backs are covered with a* large whole skin, 
joined at the neck in front ; from it hang the beasts' tails in 
such wise that from a distance the men themselves seem to 
have tails. The women have long breasts, and dress in the 
same style. They eat human flesh and beasts' flesh all raw, 
also guts and entrails without washing them, like very dogs, 

The men have no other arms but certain sharp javelins 
with iron heads. For the rest, they live without law or 
religion, and just like beasts. 

At length, having endured the travail of so many storms, 
it pleased God to send us a favouring wind, that so, on the 
last day of May 1610, we had the good fortune to double 
the Cape. On the morrow, finding we had passed it, we 
indulged the hope of reaching Portugal and returning to the 
Indies no more : for on the return voyage none entertain 
this hope till they have passed the Cape, ever expecting to 
be obliged to retrace their way; and in like manner do 
those proceeding from Portugal to the Indies. On that day, 
in token of our rejoicing, we sang a Mass with a Te Deum, 
so to render thanks to God. And on the Sunday following 
was represented a very pretty comedy that had been got 
ready and rehearsed during the voyage from Goa to the 
Cape, to be played when we passed it ; thus had we good 
entertainment for three days after passing the Cape. 


It was indeed an almost impossible and unhoped-for 
event for a ship to pass the Cape so late in the season on 
the return voyage ; and had not a fair wind come we had 
met our deaths there without hope of safety, for it was 
altogether out of the question to return to India, or to sur- 
vive that passage of Natal, with a ship leaking as did ours. 
Three days later — that is, about the 5th of June — a council 
was assembled to determine whether we ought to make straight 
for Portugal, that is, if we had fresh water enough, and if our 
ship was fit for the voyage, or whether we should go to St. 
Helena or the Kingdom of Angola in Africa for refreshment. 
At length, after much discussion, it was resolved to make 
land at St. Helena for refreshment and for refitting the ship. 
That island was the nearest land, and the wind was fair for 
reaching it, though it was distant from the Cape 600 leagues. 
Another reason was that it lay on our way, whilst Angola 
did not. 

This resolution taken, a fear arose lest we should meet 
the Hollanders at this island ; wherefore all the cannon that 
had been put below were remounted and the ship put in 
order for fighting. We had in all forty pieces of heavy iron 


The Island of Saint Helena ; a description thereof ^ and what 

befell us there. 

On the 25th of the same month of June we arrived at 
the island of St. Helena, where we found no ships, but only 
some letters in the chapel, left by the three other carracks 
that had passed there in company. We also found some 
letters left by a caravel sent by the King of Spain to get 
news of us; having given up hope of our coming, she had 
gone home. 


On landing, I was astonished to find in what state the 
chapel was, for when I passed there on my way to the 
Indies, as I have related above,^ this chapel was adorned 
with a fair altar and handsome images and pictures, while 
above in front was a fine large cross of freestone, white as 
marble and well carved, which the Portuguese had brought 
from Portugal.^ Now on my return all had been broken by 
the Hollanders, who touch there frequently, because the 
Portuguese used to take away all the drawings, letters, and 
writings that the Hollanders had left there, on which account 
the latter left a note for the Portuguese to this effect: 
" Leave our drawings, writings, and notes, and we will leave 
yours" ; but the Portuguese consented not thereto, and so, out 
of the hatred these nations have for one another, everything 
is broken and spoiled, and even the greater part of the trees 
have not been spared.^ 

We repaired afresh the door of the chapel and the altar, 
and replaced the ornaments. Then, having taken in water 
and refreshments, and refitted our ship as best we could, we 
re-embarked after a sojourn of nine days. We were much 
afraid that our ship was shattered and had bad leaks, 

1 Vol. i, p. 18. 

2 This cross was probably sent out to replace the one destroyed by 
Cavendish's men in 1588. Linschoten (ii, 253) relates that the English- 
men " beate downe the Alter and the Crosse that stoode in the Church, 
and left behind them a Ketle and a Sword, which the Portingales at 
our arrival found there. Yet could they not conceive what they might 

3 Mr. A. Wallace attributes the denudation of the island principally 
to the goats, which cut off all the young seedlings and thus prevent 
the natural restoration of the forest. This destruction was aided by 
the reckless waste of the native red-wood and ebony. In 1810 
the island was so denuded that English, American, and Australian flora 
had to be introduced. These importations have had the effect, in 
Sir J. Hooker's opinion, of rendering it impossible to restore the 
native flora, which exists only in the inaccessible heights. {Island 
Life, pp. 282-6. See also *S^^ Helena, by J. C. Melliss, London, 
1875, 8vo.) 


although she was not making so much water. The cause of 
that was that the leaks were stopped with sand, and we were 
afraid lest, when she got out into deep sea and began to 
strain, the leaks would reopen and we should thus go to the 
bottom. Nevertheless, in this state of fear and uncertainty, 
we made up our minds to weigh anchor and set sail for 
Portugal, as our resolution was ; but, as it pleased God, we 
were hindered therein by a strange misfortune that befell 
us, as I shall describe hereafter. 

But before leaving the island of St. Helena I will tell 
what I learnt more particularly of it on my return voyage ; 
for on my first voyage we had not the same leisure or oppor- 

This island is, as I have already remarked, at some 600 
leagues from the Cape of Grood Hope, in a westerly direction, 
and some sixteen degrees beyond the equinoctial. It is very 
diflBcult to fetch on the way to India, and many have sought 
it in vain : for they take not this route on the voyage to the 
East, but only on the return, wherefore it was a mere chance 
that we fell in with it on our voyage out, and the Portuguese 
and Hollanders were much surprised. It was also contrary 
to the opinion and notions of our pilot ; for, when we got 
close upon it, our general asked him if he had ever been 
there before, and being answered yes, inquired in what road- 
stead he ought to cast his anchor. The pilot did not know 
where he was, and the information was got from his valet, 
a Hollander lad, who had also been there. This caused our 
general to have great distrust of this pilot, as being a bad 
bargain, and this afterwards proved to be too true. And all 
the while he had his wages of 100 crowns a month, his 
bellyful at the captain's table, and his allowance of bread 
and a quart of -wine a day, with a valet that was rated and 
fed as a mariner; besides all he had already cost for his keep- 
ing at St. Malo, for six or seven months, him and his wife.^ 

1 This bad bargain was an Englishman. (See vol. i, pp. 49, 79.) 


This shows how carefully the pilots should be chosen for so 
important a voyage. 

But to return to this island ; — it has a very good roadstead, 
and ships, even carracks, can approach quite close to the 
land. The island is about five or six leagues in circuit. The 
air is good and healthy, the water very excellent, descending 
from the mountains in many abundant streams that fall into 
the sea. On the heights of the mountain are many ebony 
and red-wood trees. There are many sorts of animals, such 
as goats, hogs, white and red partridges, wood-pigeons, 
turkeys, pheasants,^ etc. Of fruits there are lemOns, oranges, 
and figs in great quantity. All around the island there is 
an abundant fishery ; among others is one sort of fish called 
by the Portuguese Queualo, which is of the shape of our 
breams ; it is salted and pickled for use at sea. There are 
also plenty sea-eels, and of many kinds. 

When the Portuguese approach this island they prepare 
their lines for a general fishing ; and while some go a-fishing 
others go a-hunting on the mountain, and so they lack not 
flesh nor fish. The flesh cannot be kept for long in salt; 
but must be eaten promptly, or carefully protected from the 
flies, otherwise it is soon all covered with worms. Some of 
us that knew not this, and laid some pieces of meat aside 
for an hour or two, found them afterwards all full of worms. 
Fish, however, keeps well in salt. 

All the island is surrounded by great rocks against which 
the sea ever beats furiously, and chiefly when the tide rises ; 
and there are some grottoes, too, where the water is thus 
driven in and from time to time spouts out from a higher 
vent, and sometimes it is long ere it is spurted forth ; so it 
befalls that, while it is held there, the sun, which is continu- 
ally beating on the rocks, forms a very white and excellent 
salt ; no great quantity, indeed, but enough for the nonce. 

^ The partridge is the Caccdbis chidlar (Gray) ; the pheasant, P. 
orquatus; the turkey, Meleagris gallopavo (Ldnn.) {MellisSj pp. 94, 95.) 


This island is exceeding small, but has great commodities, 
and is very convenient for the East India voyage, which it 
were very difficult, nay, almost impossible, to make without 
fetching it. So I think that God has been pleased to fix it 
in this place as a halfway house in the midst of the great 
ocean, that so we should give to all the Indian peoples a 
knowledge of the faith, and obtain knowledge of all the 
wondrous things to be seen in those far-distant lands. To 
this end has Providence bestowed upon it all that is best of 
air, earth, and water ; and nowhere in the world, I believe, 
will you find an island of its size to compare with it. 
Before the Portuguese went to the Indies there were in this 
island no animals nor fruits, but only fresh water, and the 
trees which the soil naturally produces. 

The island is very dry of itself, yet it rains often. The 
mountains are exceeding high and difficult to climb, and 
were it not that the vast number of goats and pigs, by 
trampling, wear the hill-sides into paths, it would be impos- 
sible to ascend, and still more to descend. I have often 
seen men in such difficulties that they cried pity, and but 
for timely succour had never been able to get away. In the 
valleys the heat is excessive, while on the mountain-tops, by 
reason of the chilling winds, it is wondrous cold. We were 
constrained to get to the lee of the wind, and to make fires, 
though the sun was at the time right overhead. Most fre- 
quently we had to ascend crawling upon hands and knees, 
and to descend sliding on our backs. But for these diffi- 
culties there had remained no animals in the place, for all 
the passing ships would have taken what they listed, and 
the Hollanders, now that they go there regularly, would 
soon make a clean sweep. The consequence is that now 
fruits are found only by chance, and most of the trees are 
broken down or cut to pieces: for the passing ships take 
away the fruits, though still in flower, on the plea that 'tis 
better thus than to leave them for the Hollanders and 


English ; which peoples act in like sort toward the Portuguese. 
So is the land changed since others than the Portuguese 
have resorted there. It was a wondrous fair prospect at the 
time of our arrival in 1601, compared with the stene of 
ruin — to wit, of the chapel and the cross, the trees and cottages 
— that met my eyes on my return in 1610. Now there is no 
cultivation of fruits ; and whereas in former days I observed 
infinite store of mustard, now there is hardly any at all. 
The Portuguese are wont to leave their sick there, and at 
present the Hollanders do the like. Provisions are left for 
them, such as biscuit and other ship's victuals ; as for flesh 
and fish, they have no lack. The animals have become, so 
used to it, that when they see the ships come in they all 
go off to the mountains, and when they see them depart 
they return to the valleys, and especially to that where the 
chapel is, which is the fairest and most spacious ground, and 
has always some plants growing, which they come to eat. 
The men that are left to sojourn there then catch these 
animals in this crafty wise : these gardens are enclosed with 
walls and doors, which they leave open, and, when the animals 
have entered, a man concealed at a distance draws a cord 
fastened to the door and shuts them in : thus they catch as 
many as they please and let the rest go. These sick folks 
remain there till other ships come and take them off, for 
without fail they recover their health in that excellent 
climate, nor has a single man been known to die there, so 
far as I could learn. But they must not leave there any 
except the sick, the King of Spain having expressly for- 
bidden it, for fear lest they should make themselves masters 
and take possession of the island : which would in truth be 
a grievous hardship to the poor voyagers that come there 
worn out with the travail of ship-life ; for either they would 
find no refreshment and no materials for their refitting, or 
else they would have to pay dearly for the same, and so they 
would be obliged to leave part of the profits of their voyage 


behind them there. I have heard the Portuguese tell how 
that once upon a time a certain hermit took up his abode 
there for some years, but the King of Spain ordered that he 
be brought back to Portugal, because he drove a great trade 
in goats' skins, having killed so great a number that in time 
he had certainly cleared the island.^ They told me also 
that at another time two men and two women, all of them 
slaves, escaped and hid themselves in this island, and were 
there a long while ere they could be found, for when they 
saw any ships in the ofi&ng they went and hid themselves in 
the boskiest and most inaccessible places. There they 
increased and multiplied even to the number of twenty, and 
made the island one great waste ere they could be caught ; 
but at last they were taken, and since then there has been 
no inhabitant. When the vessels arrive there all go ashore, 
some to the chase, some a-fishing, others to get water, to 
wash linen, to gather fruits, herbs, mustard, etc., everyone for 
himself. Mass is celebrated every day, and every man 
receives the sacrament. All that land there out of conceit 
cut their names on the bark of a fig-tree, which endure as 
long as the tree itself; the letters are scored across each 
other sometimes half a foot in length. Some of these inscrip- 
tions are of the years 1515 and 1520.^ 

Two Portuguese men and two slaves along with an Indian 
woman of our ship had made a secret design to remain at 
this island, and had even got ashore all their baggage, and 
had concealed themselves in the mountains, with some pro- 
vision of arquebuses, ammunition, and fishing-lines, but they 
were discovered and brought back to the ship. 

^ Linschoten says this hermit sold at least five hundred or six 
hundred skins a year. 

2 All this description of St. Helena follows closely that of Linschoten, 
which Pyrard or his patrons must have read. 



Departure from Saint Helena. — Accident to the ship. — A 
French diver. — Arrival at Brazil, and loss of the ship. 

On the point of our departure from the island of St. 
Helena an accident happened that was like to ruin us. We 
had weighed our anchor at the shore end, and were about to 
weigh that toward the sea, when by ill-luck this latter was 
found to be fouled with an old cable which had been at the 
bottom of the sea a long while. This cable had been left, 
as was said, by some Hollander ships : it caused our anchor 
to run along its whole length, while we thought it was still 
holding to the bottom, and so the mischief arose. 

The consequence was that the more force we applied the 
nearer our ship approached the shore. This we did not 
notice till we were quite close in ; then the captain, perceiv- 
ing the cause, gave order to cut the cable forthwith, and to 
leave the anchor behind and to set sail at once. The foresail 
and spritsail were immediately set ; but this we had hardly 
managed ere the wind, which had tUl now been off shore, 
suddenly changed, and, coming from the sea, drove the ship 
on the gi*ound, where she lay bedded in shallow water for 
the space of five hours. "We were at our wits' end, especially 
when we saw some of the planks and boards of our hull 
come off, and, indeed, we gave ourselves up for lost. How- 
ever, we lightened the ship of the fresh water we had obtained 
at the island, and of some other things of small value, and 
then sent some anchors far out to sea, so as to work the ship 
out by hauling. So, after many prayers to God, and after 
much travail, at length she began to float, and was worked 
out to sea. 

They had brought to the foot of the mainmast the image 
of Notre Dame de Jesus, from whom the ship was named. 


and all the company invoked her with prayers. The Fran- 
ciscans, too, that were on board brought the image of St. 
Francis and his girdle, and so, after much hard work and 
easing the ship, we began to take heart. There were many 
who said they had observed a fish all the time at the rudder, 
and that as soon as the image and girdle of St. Francis were 
brought it made off. Some did therefore believe that St. 
Francis had done this miracle ; others, however, held that it 
was Notre Dame de Jesus ; but in this dispute I thought 
our preservation was due to the hand of the Almighty 

Meanwhile the ship was making much more water than 
usual, and we doubted whether we ought not to remain at 
the island : and what is more, we had no fresh water, nor 
any casks to obtain it withal. Hereupon a council being 
assembled, it was settled that we should remain, discharge 
the ship on the island, and make a pinnace of the galion, 
which was to make for the Bay de Todos Santos, on the Brazil 
coast, with some of our crew ; they were to look out for other 
ships and get them to come and take oflf the rest of us, and 
the merchandise, cannon, and furniture of the carrack, which 
was to be left where it was. But at a subsequent council 
it was resolved to venture to reach the said Bay of All Saints, 
which is the capital town of Brazil, and where the Portuguese 
viceroy resides, a distance of 550 leagues. 

This resolution taken, it was deemed unadvisable to leave 
behind a little image in relief of the child Jesus, which a 
Portuguese gentleman had presented to the chapel of the 
island. Everyone said that had been the cause of our mis- 
fortune, and that the image of Our Lady, which we had, was 
not willing to leave her son behind her. Having determined 

1 P. Delia Valle relates that when he was on a Portuguese ship, 
wanting a good wind, the sailors, as was their last resort in such circum- 
stanceSy bound the image of St. Anthony, as it were to imprison him 
till he should grant their prayer. 


to fetch it, they set out with the cross and banner, chanting 
hymns and litanies, and made procession all round the 
chapel : then, before coming on board, they made another 
procession all round the vessel with the boat. In the 
chapel they left only the pictures of Our Lady and of St. 

To return to our mishap, T must add that during our 
travail we had to get a man who could dive, and the captain 
sang out that if there were any that could and would do it, 
he would give him a hundred cruzados, and a certidon or certi- 
ficate to be further recompensed by the king. But although 
some made the attempt, none could do it, for it was necessary 
to remain a long while under the water, and to go right 
under the ship seven or eight fathoms and more ; and also it 
was very cold, seeing the sun was in the tropic of Cancer, 
which is the winter in those parts. There was, however, 
one man, the carpenter of our ship, the Gorhin, who had 
shared my fortunes, that essayed to attempt it, though he did 
not believe he could succeed. The captain and chief officers 
made him many fair promises. Whereupon, seeing he could 
no longer refuse, and having already given some proof of his 
skill, he went several times under the ship and discovered 
her leaks, finding that many of the planks and boards of her 
outer sheathing were burst and useless. And though he 
reported some to be held by only one or two bolts, he judged 
that the keel (the most important part of the ship) was 
nowise damaged. All were well pleased to have found such 
a man, and made much more account of him than before. 

For the rest, we believed that God had inflicted this trouble 
upon us to save us from a greater. For if our ship had 
not taken the ground, we had set out for Portugal, and been 
swamped, by reason that the rudder was but barely fixed, as was 
discovered during that survey. Of the nine bolts and hinges 
by which it was fixed, six of the most necessary were broken 
or loose, so that, had we encountered but a moderate gale 

VOL. II. — 2. c 


we should have been lost. The rudder had been thus badlv 
injured by the storms at the Cape of Good Hope. When its 
condition was discovered, we had to unfix it with great 
trouble, which was all we could do with the two capstans 
and all hands, so heavy and unwieldy was it. By good 
fortune, some suitable bolts and hinges were found handy ; 
for the Portuguese carry no armourer or blacksmith as we 
do. When it was mended and refitted, a collection was made 
throughout the ship on behalf of our St. Malo diver ; he got 
no money, but Indian merchandise, such as cotton, cloths, 
and cinnamon, amounting in all to twelve or fifteen crowns* 

All this done, and the ship being refitted, after a delay of 
ten days since the accident, we took in as much fresh water 
as we could, and at length set sail from St. Helena, with the 
intention to make straight for Brazil. It was now the 14th 
of July, and by God*s grace we had the wind fair, otherwise 
we had without doubt been lost. We were also obliged to 
tow our boat or galion behind us with a heavy cable, though 
this is against the ordinances of the King of Spain, and indeed, 
except for taking in water and refreshments at St. Helena, 
they would have left it at Goa. The custom and the ex- 
press orders are to sink it, or break it up at that island, 
because sometimes the boat is the cause of a vessel's loss, 
inasmuch as it makes the captains, officers, and chief men 
of a ship careless, out of the confidence they have of escap- 
ing in the boat, as soon as they see the ship in danger, 
instead of using all their energies to save the ship. We 
thus made a good voyage from St. Helena to the land of 
Brazil, crossing over in about twcBty-four days : yet was it 
not without much fear and apprehension, for we never left 
the pumps the whole time, so shattered and leaky was our 

On the 8th August we began to sight the coast of Brazil, 
which is very white, like sheets, or bleached cloths, or 


snow ; wherefore the Portuguese call it the land of sheets. 
When we first sighted it we were yet twelve leagues off. 

On the 9th of the said month we cast anchor at four 
leagues distance from the entrance of the bay, which we 
dared not enter, as we did not know it, our pilot saying he 
had never been there. The galion was therefore despatched 
with seven or eight hands to give word of our coming to the 
viceroy, and to get pilots to take us in. Meanwhile, as we 
awaited the return of the galion, the cable of our anchor by 
misfortune broke through wearing upon a rock in the sea ; 
the wind was then from the sea, and was like to drive us 
ashore, and we were in great peril. As soon as it was per- 
ceived that we were nearing the shore, we set sail, and thus 
got out to sea again, and there awaited the gallon's return. 
The following night we saw signal-fires, which were to inform 
us that three caravels were on their way to succour us with 
refreshments, and pilots to take us in. When these at length 
arrived we were all greatly rejoiced, seeing it was now six 
months since we had left Goa, and we were accordingly 
utterly exhausted with the labours of the sea. There remained 
of our company about 550 persons, men and women, whereof 
the most part were sick. 

On the 10th, in the morning, we entered the bay on the 
north side. On the shore on the right-hand is a fortress 
and a fine church of St. Anthony, where are a number of 
monks, whom we saluted with a volley of cannon. The 
entrance of the bay is about ten leagues in width. About 
midway across is a little island, four leagues or so in circuit, 
and vessels can enter on either side of it. We took the 
northern course, the safer of the two, and proceeding up 
three leagues we cast anchor, and again with our cannon 
saluted the town and the viceroy, whereto the viceroy 
responded with a salute of all his cannon. This was followed 
by much cannonading and fireworks, wliich lasted all the 

night long. 

c 2 


The next day, the 11th, the Council ordered that the ship 
be got nearer in, because we were not safe where we were, 
both on account of the English and Hollanders, and of the 
weather ; wherefore we weighed our anchors, so as to get 
nearer the town; and while we were under sail, the viceroy and 
some of the chief men of the town were coming to visit us. 
But just as they were about to board us, by mischance our 
ship took the ground on one of the many sand-banks which 
are a great danger in this bay. This we could not have 
foreseen, though we had two good pilots of the country. 

There appearing no means whatever of saving the ship, 
although we worked hard for the space of six hours, we were 
advised, in order to save the merchandise and the company, 
to cut down the mainmast, which was done forthwith. The 
viceroy incontinently despatched thirty or forty caravels and 
other small craft, which clustered round the carrack, to 
receive the company and the goods. When the goods were got 
into the caravels, and the ship thus lightened, she began to 
float, and approached within cannon-shot of the town, which 
is called Sainct Salvador, 

Meanwhile our ship was in worse state than ever, and 
was making water at such a rate that there was no hope of 
moving her from where she was, still less of getting her to 
Portugal So it was resolved to discharge her entirely, and 
to land the remainder of the goods. Upon our arrival, a 
despatch caravel had been sent off to Lisbon, to take the 
news of our coming to Brazil, and the condition we were in. 
Whereupon the King of Spain sent out a number of galions 
and caravels to bring home all the cannon and munitions of 
war, along with the crew and merchandise, for it was found 
that the ship was useless by reason of the heavy storms she 
had encountered, let alone the fact that she had taken the 
ground two or three times, and had her mainmast cut. Our 
French carpenter did good service also on this occasion, for 
he was required again to dive in order to get the cables 


down to the bottom of the sea, so as to recover the anchors, 
rudder, and other things needed : for this service the viceroy 
gave him fifteen crowns, and told him if he went to Portugal 
he would get the equivalent of 150 crowns : to ensure which 
the viceroy and the captain gave him a certidon or certificate. 
They told us that had he been a Portuguese he would have 
got more than 300 ducats, and would, moreover, have obtained 
an office on board a Portuguese ship bound for India. 

As soon as we set foot on land in this bay, and at the ciiy 
of S. Salvador J my companions and I sought the viceroy, 
and showed him our passport, granted by the viceroy and 
the Viador de fasienda of Goa ; on sight whereof he received 
us with much courtesy, and bade us come and eat, drink, 
and sleep at his house. This we did, and, fortunately for us, 
this viceroy had a Florentine maitre d'hdtel who had been 
in Paris, and proved a good friend to us all the time we 
were there. But I will postpone for the next chapter all 
that I remarked of this land of Brazil during our sojourn 


Of Brazil J and the singularities thereof , and tvhat befell during 

the sojourn of the Author there. 

The Bay of All Saints in Brazil is 50 or 60 leagues broad, 
situate in the altitude of 13 degrees from the equinoctial 
toward the south. In this bay are many little islands; 
among others, one they call Vlsle des Frangois, because the 
French were the first to discover Brazil, and here they 
retired for security from the ambuscades of the savages. 

Into this bay fall many fine rivers, which are navigable 
far inland for boats and barques, and serve to supply the 
country with commodities. 


The city of St. Salvador^ is high-pitched on the summit 
of a mountain of difficult ascent, which on the seaside is 
sheer. Everything brought to the town or exported in gross 
has to be raised or lowered by a certain engine. No waggons 
are used, because it were too troublesome and expensive, 
whereas by this machine the cost is slight. 

At the foot of this mountain, for more than a quarter of 
a league, are well-built houses on both hands, forming a long 
and handsome street, well crowded with all manner of 
merchants, craftsmen, and artisans. There also are the 
cellars and warehouses for the receipt and despatch of mer- 
chandise, whether of the king or of private persons. And 

1 The following description of modern Bahia is perhaps the best com- 
mentary on the above : — 

" Along the shore is the Cidade Baixa, or lower town, the more 
ancient portion of the city. Here are the lofty stone houses of the old 
colonists, with antique churches of massive and quaint architecture. 
. . . The lower city is built on a naiTow strip of land along the water at 
the foot of a steep black cliff some 240 feet high. One great street 
stretches along the beach, known as the Pray a ; it is four miles long, 
with a tramway running down its entire length. This Praya presents 
a very animated appearance, for here are the huge stores, magazines, 
and warehouses, and along the quays are moored the native craft, 
the queerest imaginable, with their gaudy paint, lofty sterns, strange 
rig, and semi-nude negro crews. . . . Behind this Praya, as I said, rises 
a cliff, not a smooth bare cliff, but rugged, with quaint houses let 
into it, and rich vegetation filling every crevice. On the summit of 
this cliff is the plain, on which is built the Cidade Alta, or upper 
city, with its narrow streets, nearly each with its tramway-line, its 
broad squares, and the cathedral. A steep road winds from the Praya 
to the upper city ; but there is also another means of ascent pre- 
pared for an indolent population, that will not walk ten yards if such 
exertion can be avoided. From the sea an imposing-looking tower is 
observable, built from the lower town to the upper, along the cliff-side, 
and terminating in a broad platform on the summit. This is the 
Elevator, or parafusa^ as it is called, being merely one of our now 
common hydraulic hotel-lifts on a large scale. A smart Yankee hit 
upon this speculation, and it has proved successful." (E. F. Knight, 
Ci'uise of the Falcon, pp. 57-8.) Pyrard shows that the smart Yankee's 
notion must be considerably antedated. 


by this engine whereof I have spoken the merchandise is 
raised up into the town, according as it is sold for distribu- 
tion. To lift a cask of wine costs 20 sols, and the same to 
lower it : that is, 40 sols a turn ; for every time a cask or 
other weighty thing is raised, another of the same weight is 
lowered. It is like the two weights that ascend and descend 
in a well, and is in the fashion of a crane. 

The city is walled and well built ; it is a bishopric, and 
contains one college of Jesuits^ (besides others in the 
country), a monastery of Franciscans, another of Bene- 
dictines, another of Carmelites : all these have handsomely 
built churches. Great numbers are continually converted to 
the Christian religion, albeit they are not so firm in the faith 
as are the East Indians after their baptism, but remain as 
fickle and hare-brained as before. 

There is a hospital in the town, ordered after the manner 
of Spain and France. Also a Misericordia, and a very fine 
cathedral church or Assee, with a dean and canons, but no 
Inquisition,^ for which cause there are there great numbers 
of Christianos nuevos — that is, Jews, or Jews turned Christian. 
It was said the King of Spain desired to establish it, whereat 
all these Jews took great fright. For the rest, the Portu- 
guese in Brazil conduct themselves in all respects as in 
Portugal, and not as in the East Indies. The King of 
Spain maintains in the town of St. Salvador three companies 
of infantry of 100 men each, whereof one is on guard 
every day at the residence of the viceroy, or Governor of 

The coast of Brazil extends about 800 or 900 leagues. It 
is a rough and savage country, well-nigh all covered with 
woods ; and even about and around the towns it is all forest, 
swarming with apes and monkeys, which work much mis- 
chief ; also other animals and birds. 

^ Now used as a hospital 

2 Bahia largely owed its prosperity to this fact. 


The soil is unfruitful, and suffices not to maintain the 
Portuguese, all kinds of provisions being imported from 
Portugal, the Azores, and the Canary Islands ; insomuch 
that, were it not for the quantity of sugar made in Brazil, 
it were useless to live there. The pound of sugar is sold 
there at two sols six deniers ; and what in the way of pro- 
visions or clothes we can buy in France for five sols, is worth 
forty in Brazil. The country's riches lie j)rincipally in sugars, 
wherewith, as I have said elsewhere, the Portuguese lade 
their ships. I believe there is no place in all the world 
where sugar grows in such abundance as there. In France 
we hear only of the sugars of Madeira and of the island of 
St. Thomas ; but these are nothing in comparison with that of 
Brazil, for in the island of Madeira there are but seven or 
eight sugar-engines, and but four or five in St. Thomas. 
There is indeed a large quantity refined in those two islands, 
being carried there for the purpose. But in 150 leagues of 
the coast of Brazil there are to my knowledge nearly 400,^ 
and the whole coast is nearly 800 leagues. Yet is not all the 
rest of the coast like these 150 leagues, whereby I mean 
from 25 leagues this side of Fernamhuq to the distance of 
25 leagues beyond the Bay a de Todos Santos. Each of these 
engines or mills turns out yearly about 100,000 arrohes of 
sugar (an arrobe weighs 32 pounds, and four arrobes go to a 
quintal, which fetches 15 francs on the spot). It is sold to 
us in France for Madeira sugar, and is as good ; but it is 
refined and made into shape here, it having been necessary, 
in order to pack it in chests, to break it up and pound it ; 
whereas, as loaf, it could not be packed, and half had been 
lost. For these reasons it is refined afterwards. Neverthe- 
less, the sugar itself, if brought over in loaf, would be better, 
being purer, for the refiners here add an equal portion of 
alum and lime. 

^ liOpez Vaz, some twenty years before this, states that there were 
forty sugarmills in the town of Bahia itself. 


From these countries the Portuguese export silver, sugar, 
conserves, and comfits, both dried and liquid, of oranges, 
limes, citrons, and other fruits, chiefly green ginger, whereof 
there is marvellous plenty in those parts ; but it is forbidden 
to dry it or import it to Spain otherwise than as a conserve, 
for the reason stated elsewhere. Also from thence is brought 
balsam and jpetun} which the Portuguese call tabaquo, but 
no Brazil-wood: for this the King of Spain retains to him- 
self, as I have said, because, owing to the unwholesomeness 
of the country for residence, he draws no subsidies there- 
from. His farmers collect all that wood and send it across 
here. There is vast store of it there, yet none durst traffic 
in it ; for if any quantities, great or small, were found in a 
ship, the whole ship would be confiscated, unless it were 
bought of the king or were being carried under a licence in 

This Brazil is so sorry a country that it would be impos- 
sible to reside there for long but for the traffic in sugar and 
wood ; and even the making of the sugar entails great toil 
and trouble. The Portuguese, admitting that the French 
were the first discoverers and settlers, say that they could 
not put up with it, life being there too full of hardship and 
toilsome labour for men who like to have their tables spread 
for them. Yet of the Portuguese themselves the most part 
there are exiles, bankrupts, or convicts. When the King of 
Spain builds a town there, for the space of sixty years he 

^ The Brazilian word for tobacco. Burton {Hans Stade^ Hak. Soc., 
p. 147) says it is properly written Fty or Pyt^ma : it appears as Bittin 
in Uans Stade, Betum in Damiao Goes, and Betume in Piso. As will be 
seen from the text, Pyrard uses it as the word which his readers will 
understand, while tabaquo is cited as Portuguese and foreign. It bade 
fair to become naturalised in French. Thus Scarron writes : 

" S'il avait I'haleine importune 
Comme d'un homme qui petune." 

It still survives in Breton as butun: otherwise the name has been 
assigned to the well-known plant, the petunia. 


levies no dues, subsidies, or imposts upon any manner of 
merchandise sold retail in the country. Moreover, the sites 
for their mansions cost them nothing, for they pay neither 
rent nor tax. Imports and exports pay but three per cent., 
and all goods, whether sugars or fruits, the produce of the 
country, pay only the tithe, which the King of Spain has 
obtained of the Pope for the following cause.. Spme countries 
are rich and others poor : thus the ecclesiastics would be in 
the one case rich and in the other poor, though their cures 
might be the same.^ Wherefore they are all paid alike, that 
is, according to their rank and office, so that none hath 
ground of complaint. 

In no country that I have seen is silver so common as in 
this land of Brazil ; it comes from the river of la Plata, 500 
leagues from this bay. You never see small money there, 
but only pieces of eight, four, and two reals ; also of one 
real, which is worth five of pur sols. They bring these 
pieces ^ five sols and of six blanks to Portugal to sell there 
for small money, and make profit thereby. There they use 
little other money than silver. 

The Portuguese lack men to people this land of Brazil ; 
they hold all the coast, along which are a number of towns, 
fortresses, and noble mansions, and about 20 or 30 leagues 
of the country inland. Some of the lords have great 
domains, with many sugar-mills, 'which the King of Spain 
has given them in recompense for some particular service. 
These domains carry with them a title of some dignity, such 
as baron, count, etc. The said lords demise these lands to 
others, who are willing to live upon them and plant the 
sugar-cane, on condition of bringing the cane to the mills or 
engines of the said lords, and receiving its price. They also 

1 A different reason is assigned by the Carmelite Philippus a Sanctiss. 
Trin. : " In India the king collects the tithe through his ministers ; for 
inasmuch as the greater part of his subjects are Gentiles, the king's 
officers can perform that task more easily than the ecclesiastics." (French 
trans., p. 284.) 


give them licence to cut timber for the use of the mill- 
furnaces, and pay them the same price as if it had been got 
elsewhere. They build fine mansions on their domains, with 
gardens and all manner of fruit-trees, and rear much cattle, 
poultry, etc., as do our farmers here. They also plant rice, 
millet, maize, the Mandoc root, batatas, and other vegetables. 
For the rest, the revenues of Brazil are more than sufficient 
to maintain all the garrisons, the viceroy, governors, captains, 
soldiers, and judiciary — indeed, all the royal officers ; nor is 
there any need to send money from Portugal for these pur- 
poses. On the contrary, the King of Spain draws large 
annual profits as well from the Brazil-wood as from dues on 
sugars and other merchandises. 

The Brazilians and likewise the Portuguese there, for their 
sustenance (inasmuch as bread is very scarce and dear, and 
flour has to be imported ready-made from Portugal) make a 
kind of flour of the root of a tree called Mandoc^ which they 

1 The well-known cassava-plant {Manihot utilissimd). The reference 
in the text to the nutritive and poisonous qualities of this plant will 
best be explained by a description of its preparation by the Indians of 
Guiana. The roots are first peeled and then scraped upon a grater. 
The cassava then, in the form of pulp, is collected and placed in a 
" matapie", or cassava-squeezer, which hangs from the roof. This is a 
cylinder eight feet long and five or six inches in diameter, made of closely 
woven strips of pliant bark. Through a loop at the lower end of the 
*' matapie" is thrust a heavy pole, one end of which is allowed to rest 
on the ground, fastened by a heavy stone ; the other end, passed through 
the loop, being in air. A woman then sits upon the raised end of the pole, 
and by her weight stretches the " matapie'* downwards. The pressure 
thus exercised forces the poisonous juice of the cassava through the walls 
of the "matapie''. This juice, collected in a pot on the ground, is boiled, 
and becomes cassareep^ a thick, treacle-like liquid which is no longer 
poisonous. The cassava, now dry and free from juice, is taken from 
the '* matapie", broken into a sieve and sifted, so that it becomes a 
coarse flour. This is either wrapped in leaves and put away for future 
use, or is at once made into bread. W^hen made into thin cakes, done 
upon a griddle or flat plate, and then sun-dried, the cassava bread is 
described, by the traveller from whom this account is borrowed, as 
having the flavour of freshly-gathered nuts. (E. F. im Thurn, Among 
the Indians of Guiana, London, 1883, 8vo., pp. 260-2.) 


eat and live upon ; it eats well erummed with meat, being like 
dried chestnuts bruised. I have lived upon this fare in lieu 
of bread for six months — that is, in the country and aboard 
ship — on my return home, when we had no other biscuit. 
This root has a strange property : eaten in a dry powder it is 
very wholesome, whereas eaten green it will kill you. There 
is such store of it that they lade cargoes of it for the king- 
dom of Angola, on the Guinea coast, whence come the slaves 
for the West Indies. 

As for flesh, the commonest is pork, which is exceeding 
good, so much so that the physicians order it for the sick 
rather than mutton, chicken, or other. For all that, living 
is vastly dear in Brazil. A pound of pork costs 10 sols, of 
beef 7 sols 6 deniers, of mutton 10 sols; a fowl like ours 
a crown. There are numbers of turkeys,^ which the Portu- 
guese call Perou ; they cost two crowns apiece. You get a 
couple of eggs for five sols, and a pot of Canary wine for 40. 
They make also a cheap kind of wine from the sugar-cane, 
but that is only for the slaves and natives. There is abun- 
dance of fruit, such as oranges, lemons, bananas, cocos, etc. 

The Portuguese have fine gardens well stocked with excel- 
lent vegetables, such as lettuces, cabbages, capital melons, 
cucumbers, radishes, etc. The vine does not succeed there, 
because of the innumerable ants which eat the fruit. There 
is a kind of rice, like maiz or Turkey wheat^ ; but it is only 

^ In orig. pouUes dVnde. The Portuguese is Peru. The turkey is 
an American bird. Our name ** turkey" is as erroneous as the names 
given in other languages than ours to maize (see below) ; but De Can- 
dolle {Orig. of Cult. Plants^ Intern. Sc. Ser., p. 889) goes too far in 
ascribing a similar error to the French " poule d'lnde": has he for- 
gotten that there are two Indies ? 

2 No doubt maize itself : the passage is curious as showing the effect 
of an erroneous nomenclature. Maize — the plant as well as the name 
— is indigenous to America, and was unknown in Europe before the 
discovery of the New W^orld. It was introduced into the several 
countries of Southern Europe and took divers names, the most wide- 
spread being that given by the French, bU de Turquie. The first 


given to cattle. The Spaniards in the West Indies do not so, 
for they mix it with corn and make bread of it. There is a 
very profitable fishery of whales, from which oil is drawn in 
such great abundance that they lade ships with it and drive 
a very great commerce therein. 

The Brazilian natives who live among the Portuguese 
subsist more upon fish than on aught else. They do but 
little in the way of hunting, the country being so woody and 
full of wild beasts that they seldom venture there for fear of 
being eaten. 

The country is thickly peopled ; the natives are of middle 
stature, big-headed, large-shouldered, and of a reddish 
complexion. The women are equally well-proportioned; 
they wear the hair long, whereas the men wear theirs short. 
The men have no pride in beards, wherefore the women pluck 
them out for them. They go as naked as when they came 
from their mother's wombs : naked are they born, naked they 
live, and naked they die ; only their private parts they cover. 
Such as are in the service of the Portuguese wear a white 

They have neither flax nor silk. Be it added, that they 
have all things in common, having no property of patri- 
monial lands. Nor have they any form of marriage, all 
manner of lewdness being permitted ; and it is the women 
that are most addicted to lechery. They can have as many 
wives as they list, and in their intercourse are regardle^ of 
kinship, and that as publicly and shamelessly as if they 
were brute beasts. This I heard from residents in the 
inner country, for those that live among the Portuguese are 

occurrence of this name is in Ruellius, De NaL Stirpium (1536). By 
the end of the century people had grown up to regard it as Turkish 
wheat ; and Pyrard, when he goes to Brazil, finds **a kind of rice like 
maiz*\ De Candolle notes some of the other erroneous assignments 
of origin : thus, in Lorraine, maize is called Roman corn ; in Tuscany, 
Sicilian corn ; in the Pyrenees, Spanish corn. In Sicily, as in England, 
it is more correctly called Indian corn. 


more civilised. They have no temples or religion, worship- 
ping neither god nor idol. They carry on no commerce, nor 
are acquainted with money. Yet are they given to war, for 
their arms using bows and arrows and massive clubs of 
Brazil-wood, wherewith they slay one another, tearing the 
flesh of their enemies, and roasting and eating it as dainty 
food; and white men's flesh they relish more than others. I 
have heard it said by some that were baptised (a great 
number having been converted by the Jesuits), that they 
had eaten many men, and that the most delicate parts were 
the hands and feet.^ 

The Portuguese never go without the towns save with 
arms, for fear of meeting these savages in the forests. 
These people live long by reason of the excellent air ; 'tis 
said they live to full 150 years. They are also very healthy ; 
you never see any sick, and when any fall ill they cure 
themselves with the juice of certain herbs which they know 
to be suitable to them ; nor have they any physicians or 

All about this bay they are much subject to the small-pox, 
but, forasmuch as they possess the Gayac,^ which promptly 
cures them, they think little of this ailment. 

1 For a similar statement see Hans Stade, Journal^ p. 93, where 
Burton quotes a horrible anecdote from Vasconellos (i, § 49). In 
modgrn times the same appears in St. John's Hayti, or the Black 

2 Much the same account gf the Brazilians was given a hundred 
years before Pyrard's time : — ** Women and men appear either entirely 
naked or clad with interwoven leaves and the feathers of birds of 
various colours. They live together in common, without any religion 
or king. They are continually at war among themselves. They eat 
the human flesh of captives. They exercise so much in the salubrious 
air that they live more than one hundred and fifty years. They are 
rarely sick, and then they cure themselves solely with the roots of 
plants." (Note on Ruysch's map contained in Ptolemy's Geography , 
Rome, 1508, quoted in Weise's Discoveries of America^ 1884, p. 216.) 

3 Gaiacum officinale^ L. 


There is another malady, called by the Portuguese Bische} 
which causes headache and pains in the limbs, resulting, if 
not promptly remedied, in an ulcer at the anus, and in death. 
When one is seized with it, forthwith for remedy he applies 
a quarter of a lime or citron to that part three or four times, 
and so cures it speedily. One of my companions fell ill of 
this complaint, and cured himself with this recipe. 

There come also a manner of worms^ on the feet, which 
with time grow as big as the tips of the fingers ; and if they 
be not extracted, produce large ulcers and gangrene, but 
without pain. I have seen some lose their feet by them, yet 
are they easy to extract if one knows the method. For this 
cause every four days everyone examines his feet and casts 
out these creatures. They live on the ground, and attach 
themselves to the feet of such as go barefooted, who are the 
most liable ; for these worms leap like fleas and bite folk's 
legs. I was myself much afflicted with them, and bear 
their marks on my legs and feet to this day. 

The property whereof the Portuguese in Brazil make most 
account is that of slaves from the coast of Africa and the 
East Indies, because they durst not attempt to escape, seeing 
they would be caught and eaten by the natives of the 
country. The natives are not at all prized as slaves, inas- 
much as they work neither well not willingly. It is a great 
pleasure on feast-days and Sundays to see all the slaves, 

1 In this paragraph he seems to be describing dysentery, though the 
name seems to belong to the next. Vieyra thus explains the Port. 
hicho: — " A worm : also a small insect in Brazil, as big as a flea, bred 
in the dust, which creeps in between the nails and the flesh of the feet, 
etc., and, if not taken out immediately, grows as big as a pea, and is 
then very troublesome to get out." He may, however, have intended 
to use the Port, bichoca^ '' a boil, a blotch" (Vieyra). 

2 This is the far-famed jigger or chigoe {Pulex penetrans). A recent 
traveller describes the swelling caused by tlie flea, which increases 
with eggs, as about the sizejof a pea ; further, that it is easily extracted 
by raising the skin and pulling it out with a needle. (E. F. im 
Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana ^ 1883, p. 153.) 


men and women, assembled, dancing and enjoying them- 
selves in the public places and streets, for on those days they 
are not subject to their masters. But I need say no more of 
the characteristics of this country, both because I have 
already* spoken of it in the chapter of the Portuguese traffic 
there, and because it has been much written of by our own 
countrymen who have visited it.^ 

I must, however, describe how, at the time of our arrival, 
all the Portuguese were in great fear and trembling on 
account of the report that our King Henry the Great was 
preparing a naval armada, most of the vessels of which were 
being equipped in Holland to make war upon them. The 
alarm reached not only to the Bay of All Saints, but to all the 
other places of the Indies where were any subjects of the 
King of Spain. And wonderful it was to observe the great 
esteem wherein our king was held of all brave men of war, 
and the admiration they had for his consummate valour and 
other qualities. But, to our misfortune, at the beginning of 
September arrived a small vessel despatched express from 
Seville, bearing the sad and deplorable news of the disas- 
trous death of our most great and noble king, whom God 
absolve.^ By this news the Portuguese were put again at 
their ease, and told us the news in a style of mockery, as 
though they despised us, while we knew not what to think 
or believe. Yet did others make demonstration of great 
sorrow, and the brave captains and soldiers and all men of 
judgment said that he was a great loss, for that he was the 
bravest and most valiant prince in the world ; and, indeed, 
the Jesuits and other ecclesiastics in their sermons and ser- 
vices bade all the people to pray for him, saying that he was 
a most Christian and Catholic king.^ 

1 Probably referring to the works of Leiy and Thevet. 

2 Henry IV was assassinated by Ravaillac on the 14th May 1610. 

3 The praise bestowed upon Henry IV by the Jesuits after his death 
may be ascribed to the liberty which he had given them shortly before 


I found also in Brazil a Frenchman named Julian Michel, 
a native of Nantes, a very rich merchant, and a man of 
intelligence. He was in partnership with a Portuguese, who 
had, either by purchase or favour, obtained the right of whale- 
fishery for seven years in this bay. It is the richest in the 
matter of oil in the whole world, and is a very great busi- 
ness.^ This French merchant was attired as a Spaniard, and 
passed for such, having been well received at the court of 
the King of Spain, to whom he had been sent as ambassador 
by Monsieur de Mercure during the League. Afterwards he 
had taken up his residence at Bilbao in Biscay, and I think 
^it was in return for his . good services to the king that he 
had this grant of the fishery ; for so far from such a licence 
being given to French, English, Hollanders, or other 
foreigners, they are even prohibited from navigating those 
seas under pain of death. Thus, then, did these partners 
carry on the fishery, which is a pretty sight to see, for their 
liberty to hunt and catch the whales extends over all the 
coast near the town. One day, amongst others,- one of these 
great whales, seeing its little one caught, came with such 
fury against the fishers and their barque, that she capsized 
it entirely, and so saved her young, while the men with 
difficulty escaped. I had never believed this animal to be 
possessed of this temper, astuteness, and skill. The profits 
of this fishery consist of the oil extracted from the whales, 
for none of the flesh of this fish is eaten, save that of the 
little ones, which is very delicate. 

For the purpose of this fishery, every year come two ships 
of Biscay with some Basque men, who are reputed to be 

to teach in Paris, and also to his having written an autograph letter to 
the Pope (July 1609), demanding the canonisation of Loyola Francis 
Xavier (see Cretineau-Joly, iii, p. 152, where the letter is given). These 
acts, again, are probably due to his having had a Jesuit at his elbow 
during his latter years (see Motley, Un. Neth.^ vol. iii). 

1 At the end of the seventeenth century it was rented by the Crown 
for 30,000 dollars (Watson, Sp, and Port. America, ii, 119). 

VOL. II. — 2. D 


best for this work. When we arrived there one of the two 
ships that had come that year had left the Bay two months 
before, and we found there only the smaller one, whereof 
most of the crew were from Bayonne and other places in the 
Basque country of France. I made great friends with them, 
and went to visit them often. As for M. Julian Michel, he 
lived in the town during the fishing, just like a burgher of 
the place. Each of these ships had a captain who was in 
command for the voyage. One night, the captain, who hap- 
pened to be there, was minded to weigh anchor and set sail, 
though his ship was but half laden with whale-oil. He was 
going to start secretly, without cocket or passport of the viceroy, 
which is contrary to the ordinance, and entails confiscation 
and corporal punishment. The occasion of this conduct was 
that he had a secret treaty with a merchant, who was to sell 
and deliver him a large quantity of red wood, that being 
expressly prohibited, and was to load it at a place 200 leagues 
to the south of the Bay. But the viceroy got wind of it, 
and straightway sent overland to seize the ship and take all 
the men prisoners. This was done ; the ship was brought back 
to the Bay, where the captain and chief ofiicers were cast into 
prison in irons. The vessel was dismantled of all her rigging 
and apparel, and was still in the Bay when we left. Many 
of these prisoners and others that were at liberty gave me 
letters to bring to their kindred and friends, if peradventure 
I should happen to pass through their country, or meet with 
any that were to do so ; this I did, as I shall relate hereafter. 
Julian Michel was not made prisoner with the others, for 
he disavowed the captain, saying that he had not acted upon 
his orders. He treated us with great courtesy and much 
kindness, and when we were ready to embark, he made us 
presents of some provisions, such as meal of mandoc, and 
among other things some salt beef from the river of La 
Plata, than which no meat can he more rich, tender, or 
better flavoured. The oxen are the finest and largest in 


existence ; they come from Peru. A large trade is done in 
their hides, and the herds are so vast, that most of them are 
killed for the hides alone. They salt the flesh, cutting it in 
broad but thin strips, of the tliickness of two inches at most. 
After being in the salt it is taken out without washing, and 
well dried in the sun, and in this condition will keep for long 
without spoiling, provided it be kept dry ; for if allowed to 
get wet without being thoroughly dried again in the sun, it 
goes bad and breeds worms. 

While I was in this Bay I made the acquaintance also of 
a Frenchman, a native of Provence, near Marseilles, who was 
servant to one of the greatest lords of the country, called 
Mangue la hotte^ that being the name given him by the 
negroes of Angola, meaning the great and valiant captain, 
because he had been viceroy. In a war against these 
negroes this lord had quitted himself so valiantly that he 
was greatly feared among them. He was also said to be 
worth more than 300,000 crowns, drawing large revenues 
from many sugar-mills which he had. This Frenchman who 
lived with him was a musician and player of instruments, 
and that lord had engaged him to teach 20 or 30 slaves, who 
together made a concert of voices and instruments whenever 
required. This lord prayed and besought me to remain with 
him, promising me an appointment of 100 crowns and good 
provisions, if only I would take command of a certain 
number of slaves at their work. He also said that a year 
later he was going to Portugal, and indeed was building a 
very fine large vessel of 500 tons burthen for the purpose. 
He was also making a collection of all the strange animals 
and other rareties he could find, to make a present to the 
King of Spain. Among others, he had two of the animal 

1 Mr. Rivara thinks that the person here referred to was perhaps 
Joao Furtado de Mendo9a, who was governor of Angola from 1594 to 
1602. I do not understand the meaning of the sobriquet. 



called emifre} whereof I make mention in my treatise of 
animals. I should willingly have accepted his conditions, 
but the mischief is, that after one is engaged with these lords, 
when one wants to come home they will not allow you. 

I also met there an innkeeper and his wife, natives of the 
ditch of Nantes. They were well disposed towards us, but 
themselves were by no means well off : they kept a tavern 
and sold goods. They lost no opportunity of assisting us so 
far as their means permitted. They had been in Brazil 
upwards of 35 years, and were of great age. There were 
other Frenchmen resident here and there about the country. 

Now having discussed sufficiently of this Bay, I must not 
forget to say a word about the viceroy, who was so good and 
gracious a friend to us, as indeed to every one he was a most 
kindly and courteous gentleman. This lord was a widower, 
and had with him his two sons, who were both held in high 
esteem. The father was called Bon Francisco de Menaissa. 
While I was there his elder son was found abed with a 
Portuguese lady and surprised by the husband, who wounded 
him slightly ; he, however, escaped. The wife had five or 
six sword-cuts, which, strange to say, did not prove mortal. 
I know not how the affair ended. 

Nor must I forget to mention an adventure that befell 
myself there. One day, as I was walking in the town quite 
alone,' habited in silk in the Portuguese mode of Goa, which is 
different from that of the Portuguese of Lisbon and Brazil, 
I met a slave girl, a negress of Angola, who, without further 
introduction or ceremony, bade me follow her with all 
assurance, saying she would lead me to a kindly gentleman 
who desired to speak with me. Thereupon, I paused to 
reflect awhile whether I ought to go, and trust to her words. 
At length I resolved to follow her and see what transpired. 
She led me by a thousand turnings and windings of the 

^ The zpbra. 


narrow lanes, every step increasing my fear and raising in 
ine a resolve to go no further. She, however, gave me 
courage, and at length brought me to a large and handsome 
house, nobly furnished and carpeted, where I saw none but 
a young Portuguese lady, who gave me a warm reception, 
and incontinently bade prepare an agreeable repast. Seeing 
that my hat was but a sorry one, she took it off my head 
with her own hand, and gave me a new one of Spanish wool, 
with a handsome cord, and made me promise I would come 
and see her again, for that she would assist me and provide 
me with amusement so far as she could. The which I failed 
not to do, and went to see her often while I was there, and 
she did me a thousand good offices. 

I made the acquaintance and friendship also of another 
young Portuguese lady, a native of Porto in Portugal, by 
name Marie Mena, who kept one of the best taverns in the 
town, and I lacked not meat and drink, for she gave me both 
when I was in need, with her husband's knowledge, supply- 
ing me with money to pay over to her. She called me her 
" Camarade". I made her presents of the little store I had 
brought from the Indies ; such things they highly esteem in 
those parts, more so than at Lisbon itself. The women there 
are far more affable and friendly towards strangers than the 
men, who are usually exceeding jealous. 

I will now relate another affair that befell us there. As I 
have said, the viceroy, on our first arrival, bade us come for 
our victuals and bed to his house, which we failed not to do for 
some ten or twelve days. But seeing that we were not well 
accommodated there, and had bad sleeping-room, we spoke 
to that Italian of Florence who had the control of the 
house, and he ordered a woman who lived hard by the 
viceroy's mansion to take us in. Thither we caused to be 
conveyed all our baggage and the small store of provisions 
that remained to us, amongst others two large parcels, of 


Indian rice, of the description called Girasal} which is 
small, but the best in the world. This had been given us by 
the master pilot of our ship for our assistance on the 
voyage ; each parcel weighed full one hundred pounds. 
Nevertheless, we used to go for our meals at the viceroy's 
house when we were so minded. This woman, our hostess, 
having a great fancy to possess this rice, which is greatly 
valued there, would not let us take it with us when we were 
about to leave, saying that she had bought it for a certain 
price — half, indeed, of what it was worth — and wanted us to 
pay at that rate ; but we refusing, and she insisting to the 
contrary, we were constrained to carry our complaint to the 
OydoTy or town's magistrate. Everyone said we should take 
nothing by going to law with this woman, for that she was 
in great credit and favour by reason of certain good offices 
rendered by her to the viceroy, his sons, and others, in their 
amours. Nevertheless, these availed her not against our 
word. She was adjudged to restore us our rice, and to pay 
the costs. This she promptly did without more ado, out of 
fear lest she should be attached and taken before the magis- 
trate, who knew full well what trade she had been driving. 
In this afifair we had some good friends, who recounted to the 
Oydor all the life of this good lady, and he forthwith sent 
one of his officers with us to see the judgment carried out. 

The Portuguese of this country also showed me a gallows- 
tree, upon which, some years before, thirteen Frenchmen had 
been hanged. They were men of Eochelle, who were taken 
with their ship. One of the captains was named Pain de 
mil, and the other Brifaut. I saw there also an Englishman 
that was seized with them, who was led to the gallows 

^ This rice is mentioned by Linschoten as being of the best quality. 
'* It is broght in round bundels, wrapped in strawe, and bounde about 

with cordes This rice is better then that which commeth not in 

Fardens, and is called Girasall Rice, which is the best, and beareth the 
highest price.' ' Dr. Burnell notes that it is the Mahr. jiresal = cummin 
(like) rice, so called from its smell {Linsch.^ i, 245). 


with the rope round his neck ready to be hung with the rest, 
but was spared because the Frenchmen protested that he 
had been forced to come with them, having been taken at 
sea in an English ship : as indeed the truth was. This 
Englishman was worth more than a thousand crowns, and 
lived with a Portuguese lord, whom he served at his sugar- 


Departure from Brazil ; of Fernamhuq ; Islands of the 
Aqores ; Brelingue in Portugal ; great storm ; the islands 
of Bayonne ; journ^ey to St. James ; return of the Author, 
and his arrival in France. 

At length, when I had been in Brazil for the space of two 
months, and was longing to return to Portugal, three brave 
and gallant Portuguese gentlemen, who bore me much affec- 
tion, promised to get me on board with them. These three 
gentlemen were a certain Don Fernando de Sylva de 
Mena,issa (who had been, as I have already said, general of 
the galiots of the North at Goa^), and his two brothers-in- 
law, who had been on board the same ship with me, the 
one^ having been captain and governor of the island and 

1 See p. 264. This is the captain who captured one of the Hectofs 
boats at Surat with seventeen Englishmen, and who on that occasion 
exchanged eloquent messages of defiance with Capt. Williaux Hawkins 
(Hawkins' Voy., p. 393). 

2 His name was Pedro Alvarez de Abreu. Tidor6 was captured by 
Van der Hagen on the 19th May 1605, after several unsuccessful 
assaults, in which the Portuguese fought with determined valour. The 
fort was finally taken by reason of the explosion of the magazine by a 
Dutch shell, seventy lives being lost by this accident {Rec. des Voy., 
pp. 79-85). Prior to the siege, Middleton had been the guest of Capt. 
de Abreu, and on the surrender interceded effectually with V. der Hagen 
for the lives of the prisoners (Middleton's Voyage, Hak Soc). The 
Dutch captain promised to send them to the Manillas. De Abreu, 


fortress of Tidore, when the Hollanders took it (and they 
hold it still) ; the other, being younger, had only had com- 
mand of a galiot. 

During the voyage these three lords had often given me 
testimony of their great affection, and all the way from Goa 
to Brazil had frequently assisted me in little ways, such as 
with clothes and wine, and many a time had we foregathered 
for a chat. And even in Brazil I considered myself as one 
of their household, their house being op^n to me at all 
hours, when I cared to go there. 

They had chartered a caravel to carry them, their suite, 
baggage, and merchandise, straight to Portugal, to obtain 
there of the King of Spain the rewards and recompense 
due for their good service in the Indies, with the inten- 
tion afterwards to return there, for they were all married 
in India. 

I had been looking for some favourable opportunity of 
returning, but the difficulty was that a passage costs in all 
more than a hundred or a hundred and twenty livres ; and 
our carrack being lost, I had no further claim upon the 
ship's officers — as, indeed, my passport stated ; so that every 
person had to shift for himself. At this juncture these 
kindly gentlemen offered to pay my passage, which was ten 
crowns, and to feed nie at their table free of all charge. With 
these assurances, when the caravel was ready I was about 
to embark with my baggage, but the master of the vessel 
refused to take me, saying he had once carried a French- 
man who had been taken in a Hollander prize, and this 
Frenchman had been more trouble than all the rest, 
wherefore he had made an oath he would never carry 
another. Hereupon a great dispute arose between the vice- 
admiral and the master on account of me. For the viceroy 

after his return to Portuguese India, and before leaving with Pyrard, 
was captain of the fort of Mombasa {Bocarro^ p. 112). What is known 
of his further history appears below. 


had sent the vice-admiral to get me taken on board, and 
these gentlemen had spoken to the viceroy, who was of the 
same mind and intention, and had themselves done what 
they could in the matter. But the misfortune was that it 
was already night, and the vessel was all ready to sail. 
The vice-admiral told him angrily that he was sorry these 
gentlemen should go with a fellow that would never come 
safely to port. In short, he used dire threats of what would 
befall if he ever showed face again in that bay. Yet this 
refusal of the master was my salvation ; for when T arrived 
in Portugal, the first news I got was that these three poor 
lords had been taken with the caravel by the pirates and 
carried to Barbary.^ I'his intelligence caused me the utmost 

^ These unfortunate gentlemen were probably ransomed in ordinary 
course. Pedro Alvares de Abreu, alone of the three (his brother not 
being identified), can be traced after this point in the official documents. 
On the 13th March 1613 the king despatches an alvard to the viceroy, 
in which he recites that Pedralvares de Albreu, "fidalgo of my 
house", who served the office of captain of Tidore at the time of its 
loss, when the fortress was destroyed by the explosion of the gunpowder 
magazioe while besieged by the Hollanders and Ternatese, and was 
oblige to retire without any receipts from his franchise of cloves and 
other things to which he was so entitled. The king therefore directs 
that the viceroy shall supply him " with two covered galiota, staunch 
and capacious, equipped with soldiers and mariners, and provided with 
all necessaries for the voyage, and supplied with all the apparel of war, 
offensive as well as defensive, at the cost of my treasury, in which 
galiots he may go, or which he may send to the Moluccas to obtain all 
the cloves due to him under his franchise for all the time during which 
he served the office of captain of Tidore." He does not seem to have 
gone out to India in 1613, for the alvard is endorsed with a further 
order, dated the lOth March 1614, directing that he is to be supplied 
with these galiots at the first monsoon after he reaches India. Of the 
same date (lOth March 1614) are two other alvards. The first, after 
reciting de Abreu's services as above, proceeds : — '* I am pleased to 
direct that in case of his not entering upon the captaincy of the fortress 
of Chaul, to which I have appointed him, he may bequeath it to any 
one legitimate son or daughter, that is, to whomsoever she may marry, 
to serve the said office for the term of three years, upon any vacancy, 
among those appointed before th<i 8th April 1611, the date of his 


regret and sorrow, by reason of the good friendship they 
bore me. 

Frustrate in this quarter, and in great trouble for my 
return home, I had the good fortune to meet with two 
Flemings, naturalised Portuguese, who were also glad enough 
to find us. They were in partnership, and possessed a very 
fine hulk built at Dunkirk, whose arms she bore ; she was 
of 250 tons burthen. They asked us if we had a mind 
to go with one of them, for the other was remaining at St. 
Salvador. This proposal we gladly accepted, offering to go 
as the other sailors, but without wages. We considered our- 
selves lucky enough to be allowed to work t)ur passage ; 
while they were pleased to have found us, for we supplied 
them with three hands without pay. When we were thus 
come to terms, they bade us get our passport and license 
in writing from the viceroy. This obtained, we went on 
board the hulk, which was laden with sugar, and well 
equipped with cannon and all other provision of arms and 
munitions. We numbered about sixty persons on board, in- 
cluding my two companions and myself, and also the Fleming, 

nomination ; provided, however, such person be satisfactory to me or 
to my viceroy of India." He is also to have the habit of Christ, with 20 
mil-reis allowance ; he must, however, proceed to India by the ships of 
this present year, and not otherwise ; if he wills the office to a son, that 
son must .be fit for the office, and must prove the bequest, producing 
the will ; if to a daughter, the person she is about to marry must, 
before the marriage, present himself before the President and Coun- 
cillors (of the India Council) and prove his fitness for the office, and 
after the marriage, must prove the marriage according to the form of 
the Sacred Council of Trent. The second alvard authorises de Abreu, 
in case he leaves no legitimate issue, to bequeath the office to whomso- 
ever he will, on condition of paying his debts. The nominee must, 
however, be a fidalgo, and approved by the king. De Abreu did not, 
in fact, proceed to India till 1616, on the 19th March of which year 
the king gave him a letter of recommendation to the viceroy, requesting 
the latter (besides obeying his orders as to the galiots) to employ de 
Abreu in any services, as occasion may offer (Arch. Port. Or.^ Fasc. 6, 
Nos. 208, 321, 322, 416). 


who bad been in our carrack. We left the Bay on the 7th 
October, 1610. 

We had the wind contrary at the first, whereby we were 
delayed five-and-twenty hours ere we could double the Cape 
of St. Augustine, which is 100 leagues from the Bay, in the 
altitude of eight degrees south of the equinoctial. On the 
3rd November we doubled the Cape in great peril, because 
of the shallows and reefs, which we approached quite close. 
The same day we sighted the town of Fernambuq,"^ which 
belongs to the Portuguese of Brazil : it is a very well-built 
town, and has some fine churches. 

Two days afterwards we observed a caravel under sail, 
which put all our people in great fear, as they believed she 
was a pirate, wherefore we all assumed our arms ; afterwards, 
however, she was discovered to be a Portuguese. 

The fifth of December we re-crossed the equinoctial line, 
coming toward the Arctic Pole. I have crossed it ten or 
twelve times during my voyage. 

On the 25th of the same month we began to see floating on 
the sea some goymoUy or green moss, which the Portuguese 
call Sargasso? This herb grows at the bottom of the sea, 
and is a sign continually seen in those parts : the whole 
ocean is covered with it, and is as green as a meadow. It 
begins at the 21st degree, and extends to the 30th. 

On the 5th January 1611 we sighted the Agores,^ amongst 

1 Pernambuco. " It is the greatest town in all that coast", says Lopez 
Vaz in 1586, "and hath above three thousand houses in it, with seventy 
Ingenios for sugar, and great store of Brasill-wood, and abundance of 
cotton, yet are they in great want of victuals, for all their victuals come 
either from Portugal or from some places on the coast of Brasill" 
(Hakluyt, iii, 787). It is the chief town of the province of the same 
name, and has a population of nearly 40,000. 

2 Floating seaweed (fucus natavs), which covers a large area of the 
Atlantic, off the current of the Gulf Stream. 

3 The Azores first appear on the Genoese map of 1351, now in the 
Laurentian Library at Florence. They were effectually rediscovered, 
or rather " found", by the navigators of Prince Henry in 1432. The 


others the islands of Corbo, Flores, and Terceira, which is the 
chief one, in the altitude of 39^ degrees : here we began to 
feel the cold, to us a strange sensation. 

On the 15th January we descried the coast of Portugal 
at Brelingue} a place eight or ten leagues north of Lisbon ; 
this was in the morning at day-break. We thought we were 
still sixty leagues off, because the wind was from the south, 
and it blew a strong gale. 

Our design was to enter at Lisbon, but we could not by 
reason of the contrary winds ; whereupon arose a great 
debate between the captain and a Jew merchant, or, as the 
Portuguese would call him, Ghristiano Nuevo (the ship was 
a Flemish hulk of 250 tons, as already described). The 
captain was a Hollander that had his residence at Lisbon, 
and was in partnership with another Hollander, to whom 
belonged the greater part of the goods. The Jew had more 
than 100,000 crowns' worth of merchandise, most of it his 
own, the rest put in his care by the principal merchant and 
others. There was also another Jew on board as rich as he, 
and four or five other Jew merchants. The profits they make 
after being nine or ten years in those lands are marvellous, 
for they all come back rich : many of these new Christians, 

first two discovered were Santa Maria and San Miguel (from which we 
have our St. Michael oranges). The third, thus named Terceira, was 
originally called the Island of Jesu Christo ; its town Angora ('* bay") 
is the capital of the group. The other islands are Graciosa, Sao Jorge, 
Fayal, Pico, Corvo, and Flores. On the rediscovery they were named 
las ilhas dos Agores^ the ** kite islands", from the number of those birds 
seen there. Terceira, Fayal, and Pico were colonised under grants from 
the Duchess of Burgundy, to whom the king had assigned them, by 
emigrants from Flanders, and the whole group thus got the name of 
the Flemish Islands, which has given rise to the erroneous statement 
that the first discoverers were from the Low Countries (Major's Prince 
Henry the Navigator, pp. 130-7). The Azores are still a Portuguese 
possession, and have a population of about 250,000. 

1 The Berlingas Islands in our charts, and by our sailors known as 
the Burlings. Their light is well known to all ships coasting Portugal. 


Jews by race, but baptised, being worth sixty, eighty, and 
even over a hundred thousand crowns ; yet are they slightly 
esteemed withal. It was, indeed, long since a vessel had 
arrived with so rich a freight as this had. So, being in view 
of Brelingue, we determined to make it, the contrary wind not- 
withstanding. We were thus tacking about continually, now 
to landward, now to seaward, when suddenly a violent squall 
overtook us, the wind being contrary, and we close ashore. 
This put us in great fear, insomuch that the Jew merchant 
came and said to the captain that, with such weather and 
wind, there was no likelihood of reaching Lisbon. The cap- 
tain in reply bade him give him an act signed under his hand, 
containing a promise that he would bear his share of all 
expenses, damage, interest, and risks attending the delay ; 
otherwise he (the captain) would remain out at sea where the 
weather was fine enough, and would await the subsiding of 
the storm and a fair wind. The merchant refused to give 
this assurance, and desired him to steer a course for the 
Bayonne Islands, which were distant some eighty leagues, 
off Galicia. So saying, he took the helm himself, and brought 
her round before the wind, whereupon arose a mighty conten- 
tion, with much abuse and hard words on both sides ; but 
at length peace was made, and the merchant signed the act, 
and we stood away for the Bayonne Islands off Galicia. Me- 
thinks the storm had most to do with appeasing their choler. 
We took about five days from Brelingue to these islands, 
the gale heavy all the while, nay, rather increasing. Here- 
upon another mischance befell us, to wit, our vessel began to 
make water in such sort that it could not possibly be kept 
down, and we were driven so close in shore that we were in 
double apprehension. One day, among others, some of the 
mariners led us to believe we were on the right side of 
the bay, and said they knew it well : which belief was like to 
ruin us ; for, as we were standing a course right up it with 
the wind fair, and quite close ashore, we found it was not the 


bay. It was a very miracle that saved us, for the wind was 
from the sea, and we were so close ashore that we had great 
difficulty in doubling the point and getting out. I believe 
more than 1,500 crowns' worth of vows were made, which 
were afterwards duly paid. The principal merchant made 
one of 800 cruzados : to wit, 400 for an orphan girl to marry 
withal, and 400 for a lamp and other utensils for a shrine of 
Our Lady that is hard by. As soon as he set foot on land he 
sought out an orphan girl, and fulfilled his promise to her, as 
also to the churchwardens of the said church. Many others, 
too, did the like ; nor did any fail therein, according to his 
means and the extent of his vows. It is a custom of the 
Portuguese, when they are in peril, to make these vows ; but 
the worst of it is that it makes them indolent and careless 
about working stoutly to save their lives. 

In short, from Lisbon to these islands, we thought we 
were lost more than ten times on account of the unseaworthi- 
ness of our ship and the proximity of the shore, towards 
which the sea- wind was driving us with such violence that 
it tore all our sails : in such extreme peril was I placed at 
the end of my ten years' voyage. So indeed it oftens hap- 
pens that, after many long, distressful, dangerous voyages, 
men come to be lost at the very port, as has been seen in the 
case of many viceroys, who, after tlieir endless course of lar- 
ceny and robbery in the Indies, at length. come to be lost 
at the very port of Lisbon, themselves and all their gains. 

When we were at last on the point of entering the bay of 
the Bayonne Islands,^ on the coast of GaUcia, we met a small 
vessel on the same course, the sight of which gave us great 
fear and apprehension, though we were well equipped with 
cannon and arms, and numbered sixty men ; for I may say 

^ Islas de Bayona, at the entrance to the Bay of Vigo, which they 
protect as a breakwater, so called from the town of Bayona on the 
mainland. More properly they are called the Cies^ Ciccas^ the Cicae 
of Pliny. 


with truth that the Portuguese are not men of valour on the 
sea, nor, for the matter of that, on land either. They are 
good merchants, mariners, and pilots, and that is all. I am 
sure fifteen or twenty Frenchmen, English, or Hollanders 
could easily have taken us ; and the vessel was worth more 
than 500,000 crowns. The day before, a cruizer had taken a 
caravel in the same place, and when we entered the two were 
at anchor there together, the caravel discharging. They 
were, however, on the one side, while we passed to the other 
and made for the town. There are three or four little towns 
in this bay.i 

Thus happily landed, the 15th of January 1611, 1 remem- 
bered the vow I had made while yet in the Indies (as 
already told^), to wit, that if God gave me grace to come 
again to Spain, I would make the pilgrimage of St. James in 
Galicia. To this end did I continually with stout heart offer 
my prayers to God while at sea, and that it might please Him 
I should land at any other place than Lisbon, for the certain 
fear I had lest we should be held prisoners there. Indeed, all 
the other foreigners that had come from the Indies had been 
given in charge to the captains of the ships by the Viceroy 
of Goa ; yet, forasmuch as our ship was lost in the Bay of All 
Saints, our captain was no longer responsible for us, and we 
were free. Nevertheless, had we landed at Lisbon, we should 
have been arrested as prisoners all the same. But the 
Divine Providence was pleased to bring us in safety to these 
Bayonne Islands, where, casting anchor, we found a number 
of French ships riding there for purposes of traffic. As soon 
as their crews were aware of our arrival, they all came out of 
wonder to see us, and it was then we learnt all that had passed 
in France. It was now ten years since we had had certain news. 

We went ashore, and spent some days in refreshing our- 

1 It does not appear whether he landed at Bayona, Vigo, or at 

2 See vol. i, p. 310. 


selves with the French and Portuguese there, and then bade 
good-bye to the Portuguese of our ship, returning them our 
thanks, and especially to the captain, who out of kindness 
gave me some pieces of money. I then resolved to accom- 
plish my vow, so, leaving there my two companions, who 
were unwilling yet to leave the place, and whom I have 
never seen again, I took my journey straight for St. James, 
which is ten leagues off, passing by the way the town of 
Ponte-Yedra} a handsome and busy place. 

There were some vessels of Bayonne and St. Jean de 
Lutz^ being at anchor at the time, and I then remembered 
that I had some letters of my countrymen who were detained 
at the Bay of all Saints in Brazil. I got information of tlie 
various persons to whom the letters were addressed, and by 
good fortune meeting them there, delivered to them the 
letters, and told them all the news of their friends, whereof 
they were exceeding glad. They gave me good cheer on 
board their ships, keeping me to spend the night ; and on the 
morrow, after good entertainment, they made me presents of 
some money, and came to escort me a full quarter of a league 
out of the town. I then took my leave, thanking them 
warmly for the benefits and honour I had received of them, 
and then took my way towards Camjpostell(^ to pay my vow ; 

A Pontevedra, a picturesque old town, now of 21,000 inhabitants, at 
the head of the next ria, or bay, north of that of Vigo. 

2 Bayonne and St. Jean de Luz, the French towns of the department 
of the Basses Pyrenees. 

3 The bones of St. James were discovered near the site of the present 
city in a.d. 835 by Bishop Theodomir, and a cathedral-shrine was 
finished in 874. Compostella (Jaoom' hospitella) rapidly became one 
of the two or three chief places of pilgrimage in Christendom. In the 
Maritime Ordinances of Trani (a.d. 1063) it is mentioned along with 
the Holy Sepulchre and Rome. With Englishmen it was the favourite 
foreign pilgrimage, *' k Saint James en pelerinage ou k aucun autre 
lieu" (Black Book of the Admiralty , Rolls Series, i, 157). It was one of 
the chief places on the Wife of Bath's list : — 

" At Rome sche hadde ben, and at Boloyne, 
In Galice at seynt Jame, and at Coloyne." 

(Chaucer, Prol., 467.) 


I arrived there by God's grace the same day, and remained 
three days performing my devotions. There I met the 
Fleming or Hollander of whom I have already spoken some- 
what, that came with us from Goa. I found him in the 
hospital grievously sick ; but seeing me, he determined to 
take courage and try to come with me to France. Never- 
theless, we had not marched a quarter of a league out of the 
town, when he was constrained out of weakness to halt and 
return, and I have not heard any news of him since. 

Having thus paid my vows to St. James, I went to la 
Corugne, or Crugne} one of the best towns and seaports in all 
the coast of Galicia, a distance of ten leagues, there to endea- 
vour to get a passage to France. 

After a sojourn of three days at this place, I found 
no opportunity or means of taking ship, but got word that 
at a little port about ten leagues off, between Gorugne and 

ITie cathedral above-raentioned was destroyed by the Moor Al-Manstir 
in 997 ; the present one dates from 1078. It is a very fine church, 
built on the model of St. Sernin at Toulouse, and probably by the 
same architect. The exceptionally grand west door is figured in 
Street's Gothic Architecture in Spain, and is represented by a cast in 
the South Kensington Museum. The objects of the pilgrimage were 
the statue of the saint, and the box which was supposed to have con- 
tained his bones ; but for centuries the relics themselves had disap- 
peared. In 1884 a workman discovered some bones, which have been 
authenticated by the Committee of Relics at Rome as those of the 
Apostle ; but it may be feared that the shrine, though thus supple- 
mented, will not again attract any such stream of pilgrims as in the 
ages of faith when the box sufficed. 

* La Coruna, in French Corogne, in English Corunna, but in Eliza- 
bethan days " the Groyne". Few regions are so notable in English 
history as this corner of Spain. At Corunna John of Gaunt landed to 
claim the Castilian crown ; and Philip II embarked to marry our 
English queen. From this port the Armada sailed in July 1588; 
nine months later the tables were turned, and Corunna was destroyed 
by Drake and Norris. Vigo and Finisterre recall the victories of Rooke 
in 1702, and of Hawke and Anson in 1747. Lastly, the retreat and 
death of Sir John Moore at Corunna in 1807 gave to that town an 
English fame whi6h poetry has rendered imperishable. 

VOL. II. — 2. E 


another town called Betance^ there was a small Eochelle 
barque of 35 tons, laden with oranges, and ready to sail. I 
took the road forthwith ; but, on arriving at the place, found it 
quite otherwise, for the barque was not half laden, nor was she 
fully so for twelve days thereafter. However, seeing no other 
means, I resolved to waii, praying the master to give me a pass- 
age when he should go. This he promised most willingly, 
regretting that he could not leave for fifteen days. This 
news afflicted me sorely on account of the expense, my purse 
having but small store of money. Yet was it well for me 
that living was not so dear there as in a big town, and also 
that at the time there was one of the greatest catches of 
fish I have ever seen, chiefly sardines of the finest and 
largest description, insomuch that you got them for almost 
nothing ; for a sou I got more than I could eat in a wtiole 
day. Moreover, I used frequently to go with the skipper to 
the country, and accompanied him in his buying and col- 
lecting of oranges and lemons. We went twice or thrice to 
Betance together, and he would not have me pay for any- 
thing when in his company. 

I also lodged with a kind host and hostess, who treated 
me with much civility, and did not make me pay half the 
cost of my living. Having thus waited ten or twelve days, 
I was one evening notified by the master of the barque 
that he would be ready to take me on board the following 
day, and that I should make some provision for my victuals, 
for as to my passage, he would take nothing. When he 
heard all my adventures and fortunes he was much pleased 
at this rencontre. Having thus embarked, we had the wind 
so fair that w^ were but six-and-thirty hours in crossing 
over to Eochelle, where, thanks to God, we happily arrived 
the 5th of February. Then praising God with all my heart, 
I had assurance of seeing once again the land of France, 
for which I had prayed with so much desire. The master 

» Betanzos. 


who gave me this passage was named Jean Arnoul, and was 
of the island of Oleron.^ He deemed himself lucky to 
have brought me, and gave me good cheer at La Rochelle, 
willing not that I should take lodging elsewhere than at his 
house, and took great pride in showing me the sights of the 
town, and presenting me to his friends, who greatly caressed 
me and did me much 'honour. After some days I bade him 
farewell, and took the road to the town of Niort,* where the 
fair must be held. Here I met with many merchants of my 
native place, which is the town of Laval in Brittany, and 
thither 1 returned with them the 16th day of February, 
in the year 1611, for -wliich God be praised I 

1 A. small iBtund opposite the mouths of the Cbarente and Seudre, 
chiefly famous for its ancient maritime couit. which gave its Dame to 
the celebrated code of mediEeval sea-laws known as the " Laws of 
Oleron". The aarliest known manuscript (early 14th cent.) is pre- 
BerTcd in the Guildhall archives of the City of London. (See the laws 
theiDBelveB, in the Black Book ofihe Admiralty, Rolls Series.) 

* On the river Sevre, chief town of the department of the DeuK 

Zouaiigc A Dieu. 

Porta Benoharewo, Laval. 




Treatise and Description of the animals, trees, 

and fruits of the East Indies, observed by 

the Author. 

Although niaDj have written amply of the nature, forms, 
and habits of many animals to us unknown, and of the trees 
and fruits of tlie East Indies ; nevertheless, having seen and 
known them so thoroughly and for so long, and having 
handled them not once but countless times, and having 
lived upon them, I have felt myself constrained to put in. 
writing the results of my long experience, assuring myself 
that none, perhaps, will have observed their nature with the 
same particularity. 


Of the Elephants and Tigers, 

The elephant is the largest of all animals, with the most 
judgment and intelligence ; one might even say he possesses 
the use of reason ; he is also of vast profit and service to man. 
If it be desired to mount him, this animal is so supple, 
obedient, and disciplined to the service of man, to wit, of 
such as he is willing to serve, that he will bend low and 
himself assist one to mount with the aid of his trunk. 

This animal loves of all things to be praised and caressed ; 
this done, he is humble and obedient; nevertheless, his 
strength is so great that without experience none can know 
it. I have seen one with his tusks carry two metal cannons, 


tied and bound round about with ropes, and weighing each 
three thousand weight. He lifted them all alone, and carried 
them some 600 paces. I have also seen an elephant draw ships 
and galleys ashore, or launch them afloat.^ These elephants 
are of a wonderful nature, seeing they will obediently do 
whatever they are required, provided only they be treated 
with kindness. 

Throughout all the Malabar country, and even in the realm 
of Dealcan or Decan, I have remarked that only the Nairs 
tame and train this animal ; and at Calecut I have seen little 
Nair boys caressing little elephants, and leading them hither 
and thither, and so becoming familiar with them. Only 
Nairs control them, give them their food, and lead them 
about the town or elsewhere, and none others would dare to 
come near them. Led by his Nair, no animal is more 
docile or tractable ; he does all that is told him, caresses any 
one pointed out to him, admits all sorts of persons to mount 
him, extends his trunk, which serves him as a hand, and assists 
them to mount, or, in the case of a child, lifts it with his 
trunk and places it on his back. Bub if the Nair is not 
there, none is so bold as to touch him ; such a one he 
would kill. On his nose he carries a great trunk, which is 
very long and like a gut (boyau), which he sways about ; it 
serves him for a hand to convey his food to his mouth, and 
for other uses ; yet is it so strong that with it he will seize 
a man, lift hijn high in air, and then dash him to the 
ground ; thus indeed are malefactors executed at Calecut.^ I 
was also told of one at Goa that some time ago killed many 

^ Varthema, a century before this time, describes the beaching of 
vessels at Cannanor : *' They put tie side of the vessel foremost, and 
upder the said ship they put three pieces of wood, and on the side 
next the sea I saw three elephants kneel down and with their heads push 
the ship on to dry land" (p. 127). 

2 The employment of elephants as executioners dates from very early 
times. Tennent quotes 3 Maccabees^ v, 42, and ^lian, Hist. Anim.^ 
viii, 10. 


persons in this manner as he went about the town, although 
he had a conductor ; and, indeed, I have seen some that could 
not be approached, though they had their Nairs : these were 
of a more cruel nature. 

When they lead them to war, they attach to their trunks 
a sword, wherewith they strike their enemies. I have seen 
some with these swords attached for parade, and they 
brandished them about in furious style.^ These animals eat 
no flesh, not even when wild, but live onlv on branches and 
leaves of trees, which they break off with their trunks, and 
they will chew even thick wood. In captivity they are more 
delicate in their living, and must have their rice well cooked, 
and served with butter and sugar, and made up into big 
balls; they require full a hundred pounds of rice. a day, 
besides leaves of trees, chiefly of the Indian fig, which we call 
BananeSy and the Turks^ Plantenes, The reason why only 

1 This was a very ancient practice ; but we have no good testimony 
as to the dexterity of these armed trunks. Mas'ddi (lOth century) 
says that the Prince of Mansura, south of the Indus, " maintained 
eighty elephants trained for war, each of which bore in his trunk 
a bent scymitar, with which he was taught to cut and thrust at all 
confronting him. The trunk itself was effectively protected by a coat 
of mail, and the rest of the body enveloped in a covering composed jointly 
of iron and horn." The Russian, Nikitin, thus writes of the Deccan ; 
'* Elephants are greatly used in battle. The men on foot are sent first, the 
Khorassanians being mounted in full armour, man as well as horse. Large 
scythes are attached to the trunks and tusks of the elephants, and the 
animals are clad in ornamental plates of steel. They carry a citadel, 
and in the citadel twelve men in armour, with guns and arrows" 
(India in Ibth Century ^ iii, 12). 

2 1 cannot account for this notion. The word *' plantain" is the 
Spanish platano or plantano ; while the Turks, in all probability, know 
the fruit by its Arabic name, mauz, whence its botanical generic Musa, 
Col. Yule remarks (Gloss.y s. v. Plantain), that many authors have dis- 
tinguished the banana and the plantain, identifying the former with the 
smaller fruit, the Musa paradisaica^dmd. the latter with the larger, the Musa 
sapientum ; but this distinction cannot be supported. The name banana 
(and Indian fig) was applied to all varieties of the Musa, as well by 
the Portuguese as by most Oriental travellers of the 16th and 17th 


kings keep them is because of the cost of their maintenance,^ 
and in the keeping of many is shown their magnificence and 
power ; for this animal is of great service, even in war. I 
have seen a number in possession of the King of Calecut. 
The King of Bengala has 10,000 ; and the Grand Mogor, 
otherwise called Acoubar (which means " the Great King^'), as 
I heard from many Indians and others who had been at his 
court, maintains as many as 30,000.^ 

Further, it is a remarkable fact that this animal never 
covers the female, in whatever heat he be, while any one is 
by. Some will have it they have no joints in their legs,^ and 
that they never lie down ; but this is false, for they bend 
themselves and lie down at their pleasure. I need say no 
more, i^eeing that many have already written of them. 

Of tigers there are a vast number in the Indies ; indeed, they 
are commoner than wolves here. It is a most ferocious and 
mischievous animal, which will not flee from men except 
they be in great numbers, but, on the contrary, will pursue, 

centuries: 'plantain' was more general in the Spanish West Indies. 
Curiously enough, * plantain' is the common word in Anglo-India, pro- 
bably because English connection with the West Indies preceded that 
with the East ; while * banana' is now the prevailing term in the London 
fruit market. The plant is of Asiatic origin ; but the statement of its 
existence in Peru before the Conquest, made by so high an authority as 
Garcilasso, has given rise to some doubt. The subject is discussed by 
De Candolle {Origin of Cult. Plants, pp. 304-311). 

^ Emerson Tennent says that an ordinary elephant engrosses the 
attention of three men, and that the daily cost of his keeping amounts 
to about 35. ^d. (Ceybn, ii, 396). 

'^ See vol. i, p. 327, and above, p. 251. 

3 This fallacy, as Sir Thomas Browne says, is *' not the daughter of 
latter times, but an old and grey-headed erroiu*, even in the days of 
Aristotle" (De Anim., lib. ii, c. i), who got it from Ctesias. The text 
above shows that the notion was still current, requiring personal testi- 
mony to confute it. About the same time Shakespeare is only half 
convinced — 

** The elephant hath joints ; but none for courtesy : 
His legs are for necessity, not flexure.'' 

{TroiJus and Cressida^ Act ii, sc. 3.) 


attack, and devour them. The kings take great pleasure 
in hunting tigers, both for the purpose of ridding the country 
of them and saving the poor people, and also because therein 
are the valour and bravery of their noblesse shown forth 
and proved. The Nayres are continually hunting them, 
engaging them with sword and buckler ; nor is this without 
danger, for the beast is bold and savage. The Nayres having 
slain him, drag him before the king with great honour and 
triumph. I have seen many bring their spoil before him 
thus, and many too that were grievously wounded in the 
encounter.^ These tigers are of the height of a mastiff, but 
longer, with big heads resembling that of a cat. The skin is 
passing fair, all marked with white, black, and red. They 
live by hunting their prey, and are especially fond of fowls. 

Of Crocodiles and Turtles, 

There are vast numbers of crocodiles in the rivers of the 
Island of St. Lawrence, of the Bengal coast, the Malabar 
country, and of Guinea and Angola. 

The crocodiles live in fresh water ; they are of great size, 
and being covered with scales, are therefore very diflficult to 
kill, but the belly is tender and easy to pierce. They have 
an odour of musk, as we perceived from those we killed at 
the Island of St. Lawrence^ ; for as soon as they were struck 
all the air was, as it were, perfumed with musk, and even the 
banks had the same odour. They who have eaten the flesh 
say it is very delicate and good ; but, for my part, I never 
tasted it, and had no fancy to try it.^ The mouth is garnished 
with very sharp teeth, those of the lower jaw overlapping and 

* See vol. i, pp. 382, 400. 2 See vol. i, p. 37. 

3 " To my taste", says Sir S. Baker, *' nothing can be more dis- 
gusting than crocodile flesh. I have tasted almost everything, but 


transpiercing the upper jaw, which is all marked with the 
cavities wherein to the teeth pass, and it is the upper jaw that 
works. ^ 

The turtles float on the surface of the water in order to 
bask in the sun ; some are of such a size that the shell of one 
would suffice to roof a little hut or cot, and to cover ten or 
more persons sitting.^ There are vast numbers of them at 
the Maldives, and some little islands you may see inhabited 
by no other animals than these great turtles, but covered 
with them. On our arrival at the Maldives we caught a great 
one with 500 or 600 large eggs, like yellow hen's eggs. We 
boiled them in fresh water, and ate them ; indeed, we lived 
upon them for three or four days, our company numbering 
forty persons, and with nothing else to eat. The flesh is very 
rich and delicate, like veal ; but as we ate it without bread, 
salt, or other dressing, many fell sick, and for my case, I w^as 
very ill, vomiting continually, and sometimes spitting blood.^ 
The islanders make use of the shell for their bucklers and 
other utensils and commodities. 

At the Maldives there is another smaller kind,* but even 

these are three or four feet in diameter, more or less. The 

shell is brown, part of it running to black, part to red, very 

smooth and shining, and so wonderfully patterned that when 

polished it is an article of great beauty. The reason why it 

is greatly sought after by all the kings, lords, and rich people 

in the Indies, and chiefly by those of Cambaye and Surat, is 

that it is made into boxes and caskets garnished with gold 

and silver, also into bracelets and other ornaments.^ It is 

although I have tasted crocodile, I could never succeed in swallowing 
it. The combined flavour of bad fish, rotten flesh, and musk is the 
carte de diner offered to the epicure." 

1 This is an old belief — unfounded, of course. 

2 This is the loggerhead turtle (Couaiiea olivacea), Maldive nummbi. 
As to its size, see Teunent's Ceylon^ ii, 190. 

3 Repeated from vol. i, pp. 65, 6Q. 

^ Probably the hawksbill turtle {Caretta imhricata), which supplies the 
tortoiseshell of commerce. ^ ISee above, p. 248. 


found only at the Maldives and at the Philippines or 
Manillas, and is one of the most valued articles of merchandise 
exported thence. The nature of this animal and its tenacity 
of life are indeed remarkable ; for the islanders, when they 
catch one, put it near the fire, and then take off the shell, 
separating it from the turtle in pieces, the largest being the 
best, and fetching the best prices. They do not remove the 
whole in one piece, as in the case of the common tortoises. 
Next they put back the turtle all alive into the sea, where 
it grows a fresh shell, it being prohibited to kill them.^ 
Furthermore, they never eat any kind of tortoise, because, say 
they, this animal has some kind of conformity and kinship 
with man.2 


Of the Fi^li of the Indian Sea, and more jparticulaTly those 

of the Maldives. 

The sea under the Torrid Zone bears some strange fish, very 
different from those of our seas. Amongst others, strange to 
say, are certain fish that eat and devour men. At the Maldives 
are many of these, for they love the shallow water there, and 
roam in great numbers. The fish is very large, nine or ten feet 
in length, and big in proportion, i,e. more than a man's armful ; 
it has no scales, but is covered with a kind of hide of a dark 
hue, albeit white under the belly, though not of the same 

^ '*lf taken from the animal after death and decomposition, the 
colour of the shell becomea cloudy and milky, and hence the cruel 
expedient is resorted to of seizing the turtles as they repair to the shore 
to deposit their eggs, and suspending them over fires till heat makes 
the plate on the dorsal shields start from the bones of the carapace, after 
which the creature is permitted to escape to the water." (Tennent, 
Ceyhn, ii, 190.) 

2 This is not quite true of the Maldivians ; Mr. Bell informs me that 
they eat certain varieties. 


thickness or toughness as that of the whale. The head is 

round, high, and somewhat broad, garnished with a number 

of great pointed teeth set in many rows. The inhabitants of 

the Maldives are much incommoded by these animals, for 

they come and devour them as they fish and bathe, or, at 

least, dock their arms or legs. You see there many of the 

people that have lost a leg or an arm, or a hand, or have been 

wounded elsewhere in their bodies by the bites of these fish. 

I have seen many at the Maldives thus maimed; indeed, I have 

seen some of these fish caught with whole limbs of men in 

their bellies. Every day some accident happens, because it 

is the usual custom of the people to bathe and wash in the 

sea. One day I was like to have been seized by them as I 

passed from one island to another by a narrow ferry. The 

Maldivians have assured me that these fish go in troops, and 

have many a time attacked little boats and fishers* wherries, 

and capsizing these, have devoured the men. This never 

happened while I was there, but every one described the 

affair as a thing certain : they say that God sends these 

animals to punish them for their sins. They call these fish 

Paimones} There is also another smaller kind, called by the 

Portuguese Tuberous,^ which have the head broad and round, 

the mouth exceedingly large, with a number of teeth in 

several rows, and also covered with a skin instead of scales, 

just like the former ; they also eat human flesh, and devour or 

maim such as they find bathing or swimming in the sea. 

They are found in all those seas, and sometimes follow ships 

in search of their prey, even eating shirts and sheets that are 

left to soak in the water. And it is a wondrous thing to 

relate that they have always about them certain little fish of 

a dark skin, and rough under the belly, which by means of 

this roughness fasten themselves to the tuberon, and cannot 

be eaten by him. 

1 M. femunu; see vol. i, p. 96. 

2 Port, tuhei'do^ M. miyaru. Sir R. Hawkins gives a good description 
of the "shark or tiberune" {flaicTc, Voy.^ pp. 2.00-1). 


The Maldives abound in fish more than any place in the 
world. The natives are exceedingly dainty, and eat only the 
best and most delicate, despising the rest. There is a little 
fish about a foot or thereabouts in length, square at the four 
corners, and covered with a shell of one piece, so hard that it 
requires a hatchet to break it, with only the point of its tail 
turned back to serve it for a helm ; the shell is of a yellowish 
• colour, and marked with dark stars. On this score some call 
it the star-fish.^ It is the most delicate eating imaginable ; 
the flesh is white, firm, and without any bones. You would 
say it was chicken, so good is it. You see there, too, many rays 
of vast size, some from six to seven feet broad ; the natives, 
however, take no count of them, and never eat them, consider- 
ing this fish not to be good. I have, however, eaten it, and 
found it as good as it is here. But, as I have said, they are 
so dainty and nice, and have so abundant a supply, that they 
disdain to eat most of the fish that are like ours, finding them 
not good enough for their tastes. The larger rays, however, 
they skin, and with the -dried skin, after it is well stretched, 
they make their drums, using none other.^ A number of 
their fishes have a hard shell ; thus there are crustaceans of 
all sorts, and some of great size ; some I have seen whose 
shells blazed out into divers colours, and were very beautiful 
to see.^ Of these there is one kind like that called by the 
sailors crahes, which abounds at the Maldives, and is of extra- 
ordinary size ; it frequents both sea and land, where it hollows 
out great holes for its retreat. I have seen some with claws 
bigger than the two fists. Some islands are full of them, to 
the great annoyance and inconvenience of the inhabitants, 
who often get wounds through being caught in their claws ; 
and in some of the islands none durst go about at night, 
because these creatures are then abroad, and^ swarm every- 

^ Probably one of the skates or rays (M. madi^ Sin. madu), 

2 The Maldive tari or tambourine is still made of this skin. Mr. Bell 
has given a specimen to the Colombo Museum. 

3 The Maldives, like the Laccadives, are a ''perfect paradise for 
crabs'*, as Mr. Allen Hume says in Strat/ Feathers^ iv, p. 435. 


where. Thus did it happen to me once to be wounded by 
them as I was walking about by night. The people suffer 
annoyance also from another large fish/ all covered with hard, 
pointed spikes like awls, four inches in length ; nor is there 
any part of its body that is without them. When the people 
go a-fishing betimes, one treads upon one of them, and runs 
his feet upon these spikes, the wounds of which are con- 
sidered venomous. 

The sea in those parts is full of vipers or sea serpents,^ 
which bite those they meet. As for flying fish,^ they are 
met with everywhere under the Torrid Zone, and chiefly near 
the equinoctial line. Besides those I saw at sea during our 
voyage, I have seen many at the Maldives ; but having spoken 
of them in my relation of our voyage, I will not repeat here 
what 1 have there written. 

Moreover, I have been astonished to see so many different 
kinds of fish to us unknown, small and great, and of all 
shapes, whereof some are attired in gaudy colours, others 
glitter as if they were covered with gold ; in short, a diversity 
so multitudinous that one can only wonder and confess that 
the marvels of our Creator are more apparent in the sea than 
in any other portion of His handiwork. 


Of the Parrots^ and a ivondrous Bird that is hred in China. 

All India, Africa, Brazil, and the islands adjacent there- 
to abound (amongst many other sorts of birds) with vast 
numbers of parrots of all kinds. Some are of a grey and 

1 The sea-hedgehog, M. Kadu-hurafati (Kada = sea; burafati = any- 
thing with points that turns round, e.g.^ a weathercock). 

2 Mr. Bell, in his Report, mentions two kinds, Hydrophis spiralis 
(M. fen-harufd) a.nd Pelamis hicolor (M. mdi'idd\ as being much dreaded 
by the natives. ^ See vol. i, p. 9. 


violet plumage : these are found in the island of St. Lawrence, 
and are good eating, of the same flavour as wood pigeons ; we 
ate many of them during our sojourn there.^ The largest 
green parrots brought home here come from Guinea, Cape 
Verd, and Brazil. Those of the Indies are green too, but 
smaller, more tractable, and speak passing well There is 
another kind, very large and all white. You see also little 
parrots no bigger than sparrows. In Brazil, some are all 
red, some all yellow, and of many other single colours : these 
are all much bigger than the others. As for herons, they 
frequent the sea, and are to be seen in great numbers under 
the Torrid Zone. 

While I was at the Maldives a bird landed upon one of the 
islands, of prodigious form and size. This bird is three feet 
in height, the body exceedingly thick, more than a man could 
embrace ; the plumage is all white, like a swan's ; the feet 
are flat, as with birds that swim ; the neck is half a fathom, 
and the beak half an ell in length ; at the end of the beak 
above is a kind of crooked hook; the lower jaw is much 
larger than the upper, and has a large pocket depending 
therefrom, very capacious, and of a yellowish golden colour, 
like parchment. The king was greatly astonished to think 
whence this animal could have come, and what was its 
nature, and inquired of all who had come from foreign parts, 
but none could resolve the matter. At length arrived cer- 
tain strangers, who informed him that this animal was 
peculiar to China, being bred only there, and that the 
Chinese use it for catching fish, inasmuch as this animal 
swims in the water like other water-fowl, and for long whiles 
at a time. It catches fish industriously, filling the great creel 
or pocket which hangs beneath its beak, and is so large and 
capacious as to carry therein many fish of two feet in length 
each. The king hearing of this bird, wondered exceedingly 
how it was possible for it to have come alone from China, a 

1 See vol. i, p. 37. 
VOL. IL — 2. F 

354 ZEBRAS. 

distance of more than 1,200 leagues. He then wished to see 
it tried, and sometimes had its neck tied and bound round, 
leaving only enough room for breathing, so that it should 
not swallow the fish, but should come back with its pocket 
full : this is the artifice employed in China. I have seen it 
in this manner go into the sea for a long space, and return 
laden with fish. It used to go out to sea for a considerable 
time, sometimes remaining away a whole day, which leads 
me to believe it not impossible that it had come from China, 
for it loves the sea and tarries there a long time, catching fish 
for its food. In addition to this, I have been assured by num- 
berless Indians of all parts that fowls of this kind are bred 
in China alone.^ 

In Brazil, on my arrival there, I saw two very rare 
animals. They were of the form, height, and proportions of 
a small mule, but not of the same nature, for this species 
of animal is distinct, engendering and bringing forth 
young after his kind. The skin is wondrously fair to see, 
being smooth and shiny like velvet ; the hair is shortj and, 
what is more strange, it is composed in bands of pure white 
and deep black, so orderly arranged, even to the ears, 
the tail, and other extremities, that one can only say of its 
whole aspect that the art of man could hardly effect the like. 
Moreover, this beast is very wild, and is never quite domes- 

1 Buff on refers to this passage, Hist. Nat, des Oiseaux^ ix, p. 171. 
With respect to the pelican fishing for its masters he quotes Labat 
(Nouv. Voy. aux iles d*Amerique^ torn, viii, p. 296), who states, on the 
authority of Father Kaimond, that the bird was so trained by the 
Caribs. There is no ground for discrediting Pyrard's testimony as an 
eye-witness, and there is no improbability in the fact. I am not aware, 
however, of any authority corroborating him as regards this use of the 
bird in China, where the employment of cormorants in the same 
capacity is common enough. Mr. P. L. Sclater, F.R.S., informs me that 
the bird described as visiting the Maldives was probably a P. onocro- 
talus^ which, as Jerdon states (Birds of India, iii, 856), " is a regular 
visitant to India during the cold weather, sometimes appearing in con- 
siderable flocks." 


ticated ; in the natural state they are passing savage, and 
devour men. They are called by the name given them in 
their own country, that is, esures} They are bred at Angola, 
in Africa, whence they had been brought to Brazil to be 
afterward presented to the King of Spain ; they were taken 
quite young and small, and had been tamed a little ; never- 
theless, there was but one man who tended them, or durst 
approach them. In fact, just a little while before my arrival, 
one of them, that had by chance got loose, killed a groom, 
and would have devoured the body, had it not been torn 
from between his teeth. The keeper, too, showed me a 
number of marks where they had bitten him, though they 
were tied with a very short halter. The skin of this animal 
is certainly one of the most beautiful things imaginable. 


Of Pepper and Ginger, Mace and Music, Cloves and 


Pepper^ grows in abundance at Cochin, Calecut, Cananor, 
Barcelor, and all along the Malabar coast. It is thence only 
the Portuguese take it, and none others dare buy it in those 
parts. There is also great store of it in the islands of Sumatra 
and Java, whence the Arabs and all other Indians, and latterly 

1 Probably for sevres = zebres. The word zebra is said by Littre to 
be of Ethiopian origin. 

2 These paragraphs on the varieties of pepper are very accurate. 
Both black and white pepper are obtained from the same climbing 
plant, Piper nigrum, which is indigenous in Malabar. The white is 
obtained by removing the dark outer layer of pericarp, thereby de- 
priving it of a part of its pungency (Yule, Gloss.). As to long pepper, 
which is the fruit-spike of the shrubs Piper offidnarum and Piper 
longum, see above, vol. i, p. 328. In the African trade it seems to have 
gone under the name of manigmta (see above, p. 221). 



the Hollanders, English, and others that voyage thither, in 
despite of the King of Spain, supply themselves withal ; it 
is bigger and heavier than that of Malabar, and the Indians 
prize it more ; the Portuguese, however, boast theirs to be the 
best, saying it has more strength. There are three kinds, 
black, white, and long. The long grows in Bengala, Brazil, 
and Guinea. 

The black and white pepper (these being the same) comes 
from a plant or tree like ivy, which is planted at the foot of 
another tree ; as it grows it entwines itself and climbs up to 
the top of the tree, just like the vine, the hop, the ivy, or any 
other climber. The leaf resembles that of the orange. The 
fruit grows in little bunches, rather long, in fact, resembling 
red currants. At first it is green, when nearly ripe it 
becomes red, and when dried, black. It is gathered in the 
months of December and January. 

Ginger^ is commoner than pepper, and is found all over 
India, also in Brazil and at the island of St. Lawrence. I 
have not been at any place in the Indies that I did not find 
ginger. The King of Spain prohibits the export of it in 
bulk, because otherwise it would interfere with the sale of 
his pepper, inasmuch as many would content themselves 
with the former. It is a root that grows in the ground like 
the iris plant. The Indians make of it a great variety of 

1 The root of Zingiber officinale j the word being the Arabic zdnjalnl 
(Yule, Gloss.). The cultivation of this plant was very wide-spread in 
the old world even in classical times, but it does not seem to have been 
found in its wild state. De Candolle, curiously, does not discuss the 
plant at all in his Origin of Cult. Plants. It was introduced into Brazil 
after the discovery, and, as stated above (p. 313), throve greatly there. 
The apprehension that the export of ginger would interfere with the 
eale of pepper is curious. The reason was that the virtues of both 
were similar, Paludanus observing of pepper, " it warmeth the mawe, 
and consumeth the cold slymenes thereof"; and of ginger, " it heateth 
a cold mawe, and is good against humours" (Linschoten^ ii, pp. 75, 80). 



Nutmegs^ and mace grow only in the island of Banda, 
which is distant twenty-four leagues from the Moluccas, but 
in such quantity there that this island supplies the world. 
The nutmeg ripens thrice a year, namely, in April, August, 
and December, the April crop being the best. The tree is 
most like the peach ; the fruit is covered with a rind or very 
thick skin ; when ripe it opens like a nut,' and the nutmeg 
is discovered with another rind, which is the mace : this is 
of a red colour, but as it dries it comes away, and the colour 
turns to orange. This mace is of great virtue in fortifying 
and warming the stomach, in expelling wind, and in digesting 

Cloves^ grow only at the Moluccas. The leaves of the 
tree resemble those of the laurel ; the wood, and even the 
leaves, have almost the same taste as the fruit, or but slightly 
different. All around the tree grows no other herb, because 

the roots are so hot that they attract all the humidity. This 


is proved by placing a sack of cloves over a vessel full of 
water ; the water is consumed and diminished, while the 
cloves are increased in bulk. 

While the flower of the clove is blooming it is white ; 
then it turns to yellow, and at length to red, and it is then 
the clove is begotten in the flower, and the scent is strongest 
and best. The odour is the sweetest and most delightful 
that can be imagined ; and one standing within the full force 
of these flo\yers would say the whole air was perfumed with 
the scent. 

1 The nutmeg does grow at the Moluccas, but not so luxuriantly ns 
at Banda. 

2 Caryophyllus aromaticiis, L. The clove is probably indigenous in 
the Moluccas, where alone it was found to exist three centuries ago (De 
Candolley p. 161). It is curious that this spice seems not to have been 
known to the Romans, nor to any Europeans till the discovery of the 
Moluccas by the Portuguese. The clove itself is the calix or flower- 
bud of the plant. 


When the clove is ripe it falls to the ground. They 
are gathered and steeped in sea-water, then dried upon 
wicker-trays under which fire is placed, the fumes turning 
the clove black, which before was red. 

Cinnamon grows only in the island of Ceylon, and there in 
so great abundance that the most part of the country is 
covered with it,^ as ours here is with underwood and forest. 
The tree is like the olive, the leaves like those of the laurel ; 
it bears a white flower, and a fruit like a ripe olive. It has 
two barks; the first is worthless, the second is the true 
cinnamon, which is stripped on the tree, and allowed to dry 
there ; afterwards, when dry, it is gathered. In other two or 
three years it grows again, without the tree suftering any 

This tree will not grow without being planted. In that 
country is so great a store of cinnamon that a pound of it 
is worth on the spot no more than six deniers. 

1 A mistake : the cinnamon (Cinnamonum zeylanicum) grows only 
on the western coast of Ceylon, between Chilaw and Matura, and 
chiefly in a small area around Colombo. The author probably argues 
from what he saw of the cinnamon gardens of Colombo. For a full 
account of the history of cinnamon as an article of commerce, see 
Fltickiger and Hanbury, Pharmacogrdphia^ p. 467. 

2 This may have been the former method of gathering the bark, but 
it is not the modern practice. The finest growth of bark is that of the 
younger shoots of about three years. The branches of this age are 
lopped, and the bark then removed in strips (see full accounts of the 
cultivation and preparation in Percival's Ceylon^ p. 340 ; Cordiner, 
Ceylon^ ii, p. 405 ; Thunberg, Travels, iv, pp. 194-204). 



Of Anil or Indigo y Musk, Ambergris, Benjoin, Sandal, and 


The Anil, otherwise called Indigo} is found only in the 
kingdom of Cambaye and Surat.^ It is a herb that grows 
like rosemary, and comes up from seed ; when gathered it is 
dried, then steeped and dried again several times until it 
becomes blue. It is greatly prized as a dye, and is one of 
the best commodities of the Indies. 

Ambergris^ is produced from the sea, and chiefly under the 
Torrid Zone ; I have seen great quantities of it at the Mal- 
dives, where it is found on the sea-beach. None of the 
natives of the countries visited by me know for certain 
whence it comes or how it grows. It is only known that it 
comes from the sea. 

Musk* comes from China alone. It proceeds from a little 
animal of the size of a cat. To get the musk they kill this 
animal, and beat it all over in its skin, and so let it rot ; 
when rotten they make little purses of the skin, and fill 
them with the flesh, minced small, and thus seU it. The 
Chinese drive a great trade in this commodity, but they mix 
and adulterate it, like everything else that comes from their 

1 Anil is the Portuguese ndme, from the Ar. al nil^ which itself is the 
Sansk. nila, " blue". Indigo is from the Greek ^IvhtKov^ and the Latin 
Indicant^ probably through the Italian (see Yule, Gloss. ^ under both 
names). The native place of the cultivated variety (Indigpfera tine- 
toria) is unknown, several wild species being found in India, but not in 
the parts where the former is cultivated. {De Candolle, p. 136.) 

2 Incorrect : much was then, and is still, grown in Agra province. 

3 See vol. i, p. 229. 

* The musk deer (Moschus moschiferus) is found in the Himalayas and 
northwards to Tartary, at a high elevation, generally over 8.000 feet. 
(Yule, Gloss.) It is at least as large as a roebuck. The process de- 
scribed is also quite erroneous. 


hands. Wherefore it is never seen in its pure and natural 

Civets^ are found in great quantity throughout all the 

Benjoin^ proceeds, like every other gum, from a very lofty 
tree ; it is highly aromatic. It is produced chiefly at Malacca 
and in Sumatra. 

White SandaP is a tree that grows in the Indies, and in 
great abundance at the island of St. Lawrence ; red sandal 
is also found there. The Indians use it to rub their bodies, 
to give them a pleasant scent, and to refresh the skin when 
they are hot. The tree bears no fruit. 

There are two sorts of aloes-wood* in the Indies ; one the 
Indians call Calamha, the other Garoa, They use these 
woods to rub their bodies, and for perfumes. 

^ Viverra Indica, 

2 A kind of incense derived from the resin of Sty rax benzoin. The 
name is a corruption of the Ar. luhdn-jdwi^ Java frankincense. Another 
common form was benjamin. (Yule, Gloss,) 

3 White sandal is the fragrant wood of the Santalum alburn^ L. The 
old English name was Sanders wood. It is doubtful whether the red 
sandal of the middle ages was a variety of the Santalum^ or was another 
species, the Pterocarpus santalina, a South Indian tree of inodorous 
wood, to which the term '*red sandal" has also been applied. The 
latter wood was used largely for its colouring properties. (Yule, 

* The eagJe wood of commerce. Calamba or Calambak is given by 
Crawf urd as Javanese, but probably belongs to the language of Champa 
(or S. Cochin-China), from the kingdom C^awipa, whence the wood was 
obtained. This is the finest kind. The name garoa seems to come through 
the Malay gdhru^ from the Sansk. ayuru. The Malayalam form is a7il, 
whence the Portuguese aguila^ which led to aquila, and finally to the 
French bois d'aigle^ and the Eng. eagle- wood. The best incense is ob- 
tained from the wood of the Aloexylon agallochum in a diseased condition. 
(Yule, Gloss,, under names " Aloes", " Champa", " Calambac", and 
^* Eagle- wood".) 



Of Tamarinds, Cassia, and 3Iirabolans. 

There are tamarinds^ everywhere in India in great quan- 
tity ; the trees are very high, like pear-trees, and higher, with 
a fruit resembling a peascod, which the Indians use for ver- 
juice to put in soup ; the wood they burn. It is also highly 

The cassia-tree^ resembles the pear-tree, but with a longer 
leaf ; it bears a yellow, sweet-smelling flower. It blooms in 
the month of September, then it produces long cods of a green 
colour, which blacken as they ripen. The Indians make 
small account of it. It grows of itself without being sown 
or tended. When the cassia is ripe — that is, in the month of 
January — it falls ; and at this season the people abstain from 
eating the flesh of animals such as cows and sheep, which 
then causes fluxes and dysenteries, by reason of the laxative 
powers of the cassia, which these beasts eat, finding it lying 
on the ground. The Dealcan country is fuU of it ; I have 
seen it only round about Goa. 

In the Indies are also found mirabolans,^ which are like 
plum-trees ; there are great numbers at Cochin and Calecut. 
The fruit also is like a plum ; it is very delicate, and is made 
into conserves and comtits. 

1 Tamarindus indica, L. The word is the Ar. tamar-uH-Hind, " date 
of India". 

2 i.e., here Cassia fistula, 

3 A name applied to a number of nuts or kernek used from very 
early times for medicinal purposes. Mirabolans are now used chiefly 
for dyeing and tanning. As to the different products to which the 
name was applied, and the early authorities, see De Orta, Coll , f. 148 ; 
Yule, Gloss, \ and Linschoten, ii, 123. 



Of the Arbre Triste, Ebony y Betel y and the Cotton-tree, 

That tree called Triste,^ which is produced in the East 
Indies, is so named because it blooms only by night. As 
the sun sets you see no flowers upon the tree, then, half-an- 
hour after the sun is below the horizon, the tree flowers all 
over ; and when the sun rises, incontinently all the flowers 
fall off, nor does one abide. The tree is of the size of a 
pear-tree ; the leaf resembles that of the laurel, save that it 
is somewhat slashed. The seeds are useful for soups, for 
they colour it like saffron ; and the water distilled from the 
flowers is useful against the eye-disease. 

The ebony-tree is of the size of the olive, having a leaf 
of the form of sage, and bearing a white flower like a rose. 
The wood is exceeding hard ; it is found in great quantity 
at Mozambic,^ and that is the best ; also at the island of St. 
Helena, but there it is not so good, being full of knots. 

Betel is a plant set at the foot of other trees, which it 
clasps like as does pepper or ivy : the leaf is about as big as 
that of the rib-wort {'plantain) yhxii harder and thicker, and full 
of little nerves or filaments. There is great store of it in the 
East Indies, and chiefly at the Maldive islands, for there they 
cultivate it with extreme care. The Indians make great use 
of it, everybody chewing this leaf almost perpetually : they 
mingle it with a little lime (in default of oyster or other sea 
shell), which they call onny? and a fruit they call arequa^ in 
order to temper its bitterness. It is this which causes the 

' See vol. i, p. 411. 

2 The Portuguese therefore called it pdo de Mozambique (see above, 
p. 224). 

3 Maldive uni^ Siti. hiivu^ the chunam of India. 
* The seed of the Areca catechu palm. 


red colour produced in the chewing. They say they use it 
for their health, and that they could not otherwise live/ 
for that this leaf is hot, and aids digestion ; wherefore they 
chew it at all hours, having some of it in their mouths at 
all times, except when they sleep. Moreover, it is of good 
taste and pleasant odour, and perfumes the breath ; in such 
wise, that a man would not kiss a woman unless her mouth 
savoured of betel, nor would a woman a man. In truth, its 
odour is pleasant and agreeable ; and, furthermore, it pro- 
vokes and incites the passions of love.^ And though it is 
thus hot, nevertheless it is refreshing to the mouth, quenches 
the thirst, and saves them from continually drinking, whereto 
the great heat would otherwise compel them. Having sucked 
the juice, they spit out the remnant. I made use of it 
while I was among them, and found it salutary. It dries 
the brain and the evil humours of the body. Also it pre- 
serves the teeth so well, that I never knew one that used it 
who liad toothache, or had lost a single tooth ; it makes the 
teeth as red as coral, indeed, but that they deem a beauty.^ 
They think so much of it, that were one to enter a house with- 
out being offered some betel, he would take it for an affront 
and a disgrace ; and so, when friends meet by the way, out of 
politeness and in token of good will, they offer one another 
betel. In a word, at all feasts, banquets, and rejoicings, it 
is the first and chiefest item of all good cheer, as good wine 
is with us. 

1 Probably the Maldivians' own words, just as the Sinhalese would 
say, bulat nokaevot inda hae, " one couldn't live without chewing betel". 
Linschoten says that the Portuguese ladies expressed themselves to the 
like effect (ii, 64). 

2 So De Orta, f. 37c/. 

3 Mr. Bell informs me that the Siuhalese have a proverb, Gilimalet 
aeti data suddo, " even in Gilimale (a village famed for its betel) there 
are people with white teeth", as we speak of every flock having its black 


The plant which bears the cotton is of the height of rose- 
trees here. The leaf is like that of the maple, the flowers 
like rose-buds. Within the flower, as it fades, expands a 
pod, which throws out the cotton, and amid this is the seed, 
which the people sow as we do in nurseries, thus getting a 
continual supply of cotton, wherewith they make their 
cloth, having no other material, neither flax nor hemp, as 
we have here. And of these cotton cloths they make no 
account except of the very finest. There is also another kind 
of cotton^ that comes from a tree larger than the preceding, 
like an ash ; this tree produces certain pods full of cotton, 
which, by reason of its short staple, is good for nothing but 
to make pillows for their beds. 


Of Bananas, or Indian Figs and Pine Apples, 

The banana is a tree nine to ten feet high, very common 
in India, and wondrous tender, like a cabbage-stalk, and yet 
' as big as a man's thigh. It is all covered with several 
sheathings one over the other, like our leeks ; when these 
are removed the heart remains, of the thickness of the arm, 
which is used for making soup ; the leaves are of an ell and 
a half in length and half an ell in width. The Gentile 
Indians use these leaves in place of table-cloths and plates 
in taking their meals, and the same leaves never serve twice. 
The fruit is very delicate and precious ; little children are 
fed upon it as pap. Each tree produces but once, and is 
then cut down ; but soon it casts forth new shoots, each of 
which produces the same fruit once a year. The tree exists 
in great quantity. The fruit grows in a bunch containing 

^ The silk cotton-tree {Bombax Malabaricum), Hind, semal. 


as many as 200 or 300 ; each is as thick as the arm, and a 
foot long, and very good and well-flavoured to eat ; it is to be 
got at all seasons ; at first it is green, afterwards it becomes 
yellow, and* then is ripe. The Maldivians have large 
orchards full of it. 

Pine-apples^ grow upon a very low plant which never 
exceeds three or four feet in height. Beneath it is like a 
bush; the leaves are narrow, long, and pointed, and 
spread out all round. The fruit resembles an artichoke, or 
rather a pine-cone, save that it is somewhat bigger. When 
the fruit is ripe it is yellow; the inside is very tender and very 
good to eat. Atop of the fruit is a bunch of leaves, which 
if planted produces new fruit, and this may be left fifteen 
days out of the earth without decaying, by reason of its 
great power of keeping moist. If, after cutting the fruit, 
you leave the knife without wiping it, it will become 
all rusty in a single night, so biting and penetrating is the 
juice. Some Indians betimes make of it a kind of wine like 
our cider, but better, being stronger and more exhilarating. 

1 He does not seem to be aware that the pine-apple was a recent im- 
portation into India from America. The name Ananas^ by which the 
Portuguese introduced it (probably, as Col. Yule says, from the Bra- 
zilian nana), has been naturalised in all the Indian dialects, as well as 
in all European languages, except English, although Thomson did his 
best : — 

" Witness, thou best Anana, thou the pride 
Of vegetable life, beyond whate'er 
The poets imaged in the golden age." (Summer.) 



Of Darions, Eamboictans, Jacks, and Mangos. 

The Darion-tree^ nearly resembles a pear-tree in size ; the 
fruit is as big as a melon. The Indians esteem this fruit to 
be one of the best and daintiest in the Indies. To those 
who are unaccustomed to it, it is disagreeable, having a stink 
like that of our onions, but the taste is far more excellent. 

Eamboutans^ are fruits with a thorny husk like the chest- 
nut. Their colour is red, the inside of the size of a walnut, 
furnished with a kernel like an almond and of similar taste ; 
over this is a flesh or pulp of a very agreeable taste, which 
melts in the mouth. This fruit is greatly esteemed in the 

The Jaques^ is a tree of the height of a chestnut, which 
produces a fruit as big as a pumpkin. It is attached all 
round the trunk of the tree, not at the end of the branches, 
as all other fruits are; at a distance one might say they 
were big pumpkins fastened to the tree. The outside is like 
a pine-cone of a yellow colour. When ripe it is very sweet 
to the taste, yet over-laxative. Within and about the fruit, 
in place of a nut or pip, you find a number of chestnuts as 
good and tasty as those of France ; and these, contrary to 
the nature of the fruit, are of a binding quality. So that 

1 The Durian is a native of the Malay peninsula and islands. The 
lovers of this extraordinary fruit are generally at a loss to describe its 
virtues to those who have not tasted it : it is a combination of all the 
most excellent flavours in the world. Its enemies have less difficulty 
in expressing their opinions: it is like rotten onions, rotten eggs, 
carrion, etc. 

2 Nephelium longana, the Malay ramhutan. It is commonest in the 
Malay countries, but grows well in Ceylon. 

3 Full notes on the jack (Port, ^aca, from the Malayalan chakka) will 
be found in Yule's Glossai-y. 


after having eaten some of the fruit, in order to avoid evil 
effects, one has but to eat a raw and uncooked kernel. 

Mangos grow in trees which are of the height of walnuts 
in these parts, albeit the leaves are smaller and narrower. The 
fruit is of the shape of plums, as big as the fist. Within is 
a stone which is not by any means easily separated from the 
fruit ; when ripe the latter is yellow. There are vast quanti- 
ties of this fruit in the Indies, not however at the Maldives.^ 
While they are still green the natives salt them as we do 
olives, and thus are they kept the year round. For this fruit, 
like the jaques, ramboutans, darions, and pine-apples, has its 
certain season, and does not bear all the year round, like the 
banana and countless others. 


Of numerous Trees and Plants that grow at the Maldives, 

The Maldives are very fertile in all manner of fruits, and 
beside those already described, which grow there, are many 
others, whereof I should wish to mention some, as well 
because they are altogether alien to the species here, as that 
I have myself made use of them and observed them more 
narrowly at the Maldives than elsewhere. I would not say 
that some of them may not grow elsewhere in India, nor that 
I may not have seen them there. 

In the first place, I did much marvel to observe the 
very remarkable nature of a kind of root, peculiar to the 
Maldives, which they use much with their food, and dress 
very cunningly. It grows as big as a man's thigh. It is 
sown and cultivated ; and what is astonishing is, that they 
cut the root alone into a number of exceeding small pieces 

1 Mr. Bell says this is not quite accurate ; though scarce, the mango 
is not unknown at the Maldives. 


and plant these, insomuch that it grows not from seed but 
from a morsel of the root — a strange fact, and contrary to the 
nature of other plants.^ 

There are many sorts of trees, some bearing fruits, others 
only flowers. Among those bearing fruits are cocos, bananas, 
pomegranates, limes, and orange. Of trees less known that 
bear fruit, here are some observed by me. There are, for 
example, moi*anque gasts? as they are called in their language ; 
it is a very great tree, with extensive branches and leaves 
quite round and small ; the fruit is of the form of long bean- 
pods. The leaves and fruit serve to season their broth, and 
they are tasty enough. 

The tree called congnar^ is another, with widely extended 
branches. Its leaves are round, with little spikes ; the fruit 
is like small plums, and very delicious eating. It is much 
esteemed at the Maldives, and even at Goa. This tree bears 
fruit at all times, and, just as with oranges, you see it in 
flower as well as with fruit, some just set, some half ripe, and 
others ripe, all at the same time. 

The papos^ is of middling height, with leaves like the fig ; 
its fruit grows like the cocos, not attached to the branches 

1 The reference is to the Maldive httala (Sin. hiritala)^ the yam 
{Dioscorea oppositifolia), Ibn Batuta refers to its great value as a diet 
of the islands (see below, App. A). The flour made from this yam is 
referred to above (vol. i, p. Ill) as itelpoul (= hitala-fu). Pyrard's 
astonishment at the method of growing the yam seems to show that he 
had never seen the potato, though it had been introduced into France 
some years before he left. 

2 M. mor agar gas (the muraga-tree) ; Sin. mora (the Asclepias acida). 

3 M. kunndru^ the Sinhalese masan {Zizyphus jujuha), 

* The papaya op papaw (Carica Papaya, L.). This nasty, insipid 
fruit, which in taste bears no comparison with the melon, is a native of 
America. The name is said by Oviedo to be Cuban ; it travelled to 
most countries of the East Indies with the fruit, but at the Maldives, as 
Mr. Bell informs me, its name is fain. Linschoten (ii, 35) says that 
** this fruit at the first for the strangeness thereof was much esteemed, but 
now they account not of it". 


like other trees, but proceeding from the summit of the 
trunk at the spring of the branches. The fruit is very like 
the fig, only much bigger, of the size of a melon, which it 
resembles inside, having divisions marked on the rind, the 
seeds in the same place, and a very similar taste. When 
green, they use it in their broth as they use the pumpkin. 
The Portuguese gix)w some of it, and esteem it to be very 

There is another tree of a strange nature, called Ambov} : 
it resembles a medlar. The fruit is like a white plum, and 
passing sweet and well-flavoured ; it has a stone like a big 
nut or filbert, which is good to the taste, but, if you eat 
ever so little of it, disorders the senses, and if you were to 
take much of it, would cause a strange sickness, leading to 
death. This I can well understand, for I happened, out of 
necessity, at the beginning of my residence at the Maldives, 
to taste it, and had my senses disordered thereby for the 
space of twenty -four hours. 

There is a tree called Ahegasts? producing a fruit which is 
left to the birds; the roots, however, the people use for dyeing 
a beautiful carnation colour ; and to get the roots they cut not 
down the tree, but only the roots on one side, and afterwards 
on the other, the tree being none the worse. 

The Macarequeav? is another fine tree, being both lofty 
and wide-spreading : it is also of great service. Its roots 
are above ground, long, thick, and of a polished surface ; the 
roots are run into the ground only by their tips, so that the 
tree seems supported on piles and arcades, and you can see day- 
light through them. When they want some wood of very fine 
grain they cut some of these roots, leaving the tree supported 

1 Apparently a misprint for jamboUy the jamboo or rose-apple (Eugenia 
jambosy L.) ; M. jabu, Mr. Bell considers that the author refers to a 
small species known at the Maldives Mjaburol. 

2 M. ahi-gas ; Sin. aha-gaha (Morinda citrofoUa), 

3 M. md'karhi'keyoy the Pandanus. 

VOL. II. — 2. (J 


on four only ; this does the tree no harm, for it incontinently 
puts forth others. The flower is a foot long, big, white, and 
bent back, and casts an excellent odour. The fruit is as 
large as a pumpkin, and quite round ; the rind is somewhat 
hard, and divided into partitions which reach the heart, in 
the manner of a pine-cone ; but the difference is that these 
portions are of fruit, and very excellent. It is of a deep 
carnation colour ; the bulk of the fruit is not eaten, but it is 
full of kernels, which are passing sweet and much better than 
those (of our pines) here. The leaves are an ell and a half in 
length, and a span broad. They divide them into two strips, 
and write upon them as upon parchment with ink. The 
timber is good for nothing, being too sappy, porous, and 
full of filaments. 

At the Maldives there is great store of the tree which the 
Portuguese call the wild Indian fig^; it has a leaf like a 
walnut, and bears a small fruit which is used for nothing 
save that they burn it and produce a dark oil, which they 
use to blacken their ships in place of pitch and tallow. 
What is wonderful in the nature of this tree is that the 
branches, after they have spread aloft, cast forth little roots 
at their ends; these bend naturally and enter the ground, 
whence they produce other branches, and so on to infinity, 
in such wise that this tree would soon fill a whole country 
unless it were cut down. The timber is used only for firewood. 

As for flowering trees, some are of great size, producing only 
flowers, which, however, are most sweet and odoriferous. Such 
is the Innapay^ the leaves of which the Maldivians bruise, and 
then rub upon their feet and hands to make them red, which 

^ M. nika ; Sin. nuga^ the banyan {Ficiis indicd). The Portuguese 
also called it arvore de rdiz^ " the tree of roots". The poetical desf»rip- 
tions of the banyan tree by Milton and others are given by Col. Yule 
in his Glossary, 

2 M. hmd {Lawsonia inermis). The innapa of the text is Jiind-fai^ hind 
leaf. The innamaus, below, is hind md = hina flower. It is the henna 
of writers on the East. 


they esteem a great beauty. This colour does not yield to 
any washing, nor until the nails grow, or a fresh skin comes 
over the flesh, and then (that is, at the end of five or six 
months) they rub them again. The flower is called Inna- 
maus; it is very small but of a strong smell. The same is 
true of the tree called Onnimaus} which bears no other fruit 
than white flowers of a very sweet and agreeable smell. They 
last but four-and-twenty hours upon the tree and then fall ; 
but the tree produces them unceasingly all the year round. 
There is another tree of a very singular nature ; it is called 
Iroudemaus^ which in their language means "sun-flower"; it 
comes out and appears only at the rising of the sun in the 
morning, and at sunset it falls, which is contrary to the 
nature of the "arbre triste". This flower is the most 
excellent of all, and has the best smell, and is ordinarily 
served to the kings and queens. There are endless other 
sorts of flowers that bloom at all seasons of the year, and 
of so excellent odour and perfume thac the best of ours, 
or of our neighbouring countries, are not to be compared 
with them ; the reason is that they are nigher to that which 
gives flowers their chiefest lustre; and this is more the 
case at the Maldives than elsewhere. The country folk there 
are exceedingly fond of flowers, binding them in their hair, 
and every day covering their beds and garments with them ; 
they are also wonderfully cunning in the making of pretty 
bouquets, chaplets, wreaths, and garlands. 

1 M. Uni-md, the flower of the uni tree. This tree is identified by 
Mr. W. Ferguson as the Guettarda speciosa, the St. Thom^ flower 

2 M. irude-md ; not, however, the Sin. suriya kdntd^ nor the " four 
o'clock flower" (Mirabilis jalappd)^ but one of the jasmines^ probably 
either Jasniinum grandiflorum, or Jasminum pubescens. 

Cr 2 



A most particular description of the admirable tree that hears 
the Indian nut, called Cocas, and alone produces all 
commodities and things nece^ary for the life of man. 

In all the Indies there is no tree which serves so many 
purposes of the nourishment and convenience of man as 
the tree which produces the cocos or Indian nut. 

The Portuguese call this tree Palmero} and the fruit Cocos} 
The Maldi\dans call it Roul^ and the fruit Car6,^ The 
Malabars call it Tengua^ and the Guzerats Narquilly,^ It 
grows only in countries that are within the two Tropics, 
because it requires nothing but a warm and humid soil ; and 
yet it is not found throughout the whole Torrid Zone, but only 
in certain places, where it is a marvel to see it growing all 
naturally and without cultivation^ ; and one of its chief 

^ More correctly palmeira, 

2 The origin of the word coco is involved in some obscurity. Col. 
Yule gives three choices, — (i) the Sp. and Port, coco, a mask or bogey : 
" e nds 08 Portuguezes, por ter aquelles tres buracos, Ihe pozemos o 
nome de coco : porque parece rosto de bugio ou d'outro animal", says 
Garcia de Orta (f . 666) : ** and we Portuguese, because of those 
three eyelets, give it the name of coco, as resembling the face of a 
monkey or other animal": this is the accepted Sp. and Port, deriva- 
tion, (ii) the old Sp. coca, a shell := Lat. concha and Fr. coque : this is 
Col. Yule's own suggestion, and, except as to gender, seems probable 
enough ; (iii) the ancient Egyptian kuku^ found by Goodwin as applied 
in particular to the fruit; this word seems to appear again in the 
KVKa^ of Theophrastus, applied to a palm of Ethiopia. 

3 M. ru\ Sin. ruk or ruka^ **tree"; the ordinary M. word for tree is 
gas (Sin. gaha)^ but the coconut is karhi-ru\ '* the nut-tree". 

* M. kdrhi, cf. Greek Kapvovi **nut"; Cosmas describes coconuts as 
Kapva *lvBiKa. 

^ Tam. tengku or tengka-maram {maram := tree). 

^ Sansk. narikela ; whence Pers. nargll, 

7 This may be so as regards the Maldives, but in Ceylon the coconut 
tree is rarely seen far from human habitations : — '* The natives have a 


places is the Maldives, where it is more abundant than in all 
the rest of the world together. Such, indeed, is its increase 
there that the natives have to cut it down to make room for 
their houses and buildings. Usually, they do not allow 
these trees to stand too close to their houses, both because 
the trees are frequently blown down by the wind, thereby 
ruining the houses and killing the occupants, and because 
great quantities of nuts are falling every day owing to the 
rats,^ and they often cause the death of men by reason both 
of the height of the tree and the weight of the fruit. I 
have seen a green fruit to weigh full six pounds. The rats 
attack them only when green, both because when dry they 
are too hard to gnaw, and because the cliief desire of these crea- 
tures is to drink the water. They are clever enough to make 
a hole on the upper side, so that the water shall not escape, 
and they make it of their own size, so that they can enter 
in to eat and drink. When the fruit is thus empty within, 
it rots and falls in such wise that in the uninhabited islands 
the ground is all covered with them ; for in inhabited places 
the people diligently collect them, when dry, for firewood, 
which purpose they serve better than any other wood. The 
people are much troubled by the destruction and ravages of 
these rats, and even more so by those of the bats whereof I 

superstitioD that the coconut will not grow out of the sound of the 
human voice, and will die if the village where it had previously thriven 
becomes deserted ; the solution of the mystery being in all probability 
the superior care and manuring which it receives in such localities" 
(Tennent, Ceylon j i, 119). The fact is, as De Candolie shows, that the 
coconut palm is not indigenous to India and Ceylon ; it was not known 
to the writers of the Mahavanso, In connection with this it may be 
noted that, thanks to this wonderful tree, the seaboard of Ceylon now 
supports a teeming population, whereas in the days of the Mahavanso 
the mass of the population was centred in the interior, where rice was 
the staple. 

^ The rats are a terrible plague at the Maldives and Laccadives. At 
the latter the islanders have instituted periodical rat-hunts (Allan Hume, 
Stray Feather? ^ vol. iv). 


have spoken, which are so big, and a great annoyance both 
in regard to this tree and to wine-jars, and other vessels used 
for catching and drawing the wine. These creatures will 
break and crack the vessels in their desire to drink the wine, 
most frequently spilling it entirely. The people are also much 
molested in all the islands by ants, which make their tunnels 
beneath these trees, traversing all the roots, and displenishing 
them of earth so much as to cause them to fall. 

This tree is loftier not only than any tree of these parts, 
but even than any of the Indian trees, being about twenty 
fathoms high.^ It is quite straight, without any branches up 
to the summit ; it is not of proportionate thickness, but very 
smooth, thicker towards the roots, and diminishing up to the 
top. I have never seen one quite straight, nor any but was 
without branches up to the top. It has but little root, and 
so has no strong foothold, and a high wind is sure to blow 
some down ; and, as I said, these sometimes fall upon the 
houses, in whose ruins the people within are overwhelmed, 
the houses being low and little able to resist so great a 
weight. The bark is light in colour, and the trunk very 
pithy, and full of filament. The timber is used for building 
houses, yet but half the tree can be used for the purpose, 
that is, the lower or thick half, for the rest is only pith, and 
too tender. Of the lower part of the tree where it is thickest 
a length of about three feet is cut, and then hollowed 
out to make buckets for keeping honey, water, and other 
commodities. The best of the timber is used for making 
ships, which are altogether composed of it ; no other is used, 
nor is a particle of iron employed. 

The branches are all aloft, in a bunch at the top of the 
tree. They are exceeding long, flat, and straight. The 
leaves grow equally on both sides, and close together, with 

1 The question as to the greatest height attained by the coconut palm 
has recently been raised in the Ceylon Observer ; the loftiest tree mea- 
sured was found to be 117 feet. 


only the interval of an inch between. They are half a 
fathom or more in length, finishing in a point, two inches 
broad on each side ; for they are folded in two at the middle, 
where there is a stalk of wood, very slender, but very strong, 
giving support to the leaf. They are of a white colour when 
tlie leaf first opens, afterwards they become green, and 
latterly, when dry, brown. The fruit never grows upon the 
branches, but only on the trunk of tlie tree at the spring of 
the branches. There it grows, and waxes in clusters, each 
cluster hanging from the tree by a stalk as thick as the 
arm, of a due length, and very strong. By this stalk hang 
the nuts or cocos, usually to the number of fifty or sixty, 
more or less; and what is more wonderful than all, the 
tree produces a cluster of cocos every month, in such wise 
that sometimes it is charged with ten or twelve clusters of 
nuts, some ripe, others half ripe, and others just beginning 
to set, all in the order of their growth ; and they become 
perfectly ripe in six months. Thus it has ripe fruit all the 
year round, and is always in season.^ 

This tree requires low, humid, and watery groimd, and 
marshy or sandy places ; wherefore it grows well at the 
Maldives, the ground being low, and water being found at 
three or four feet deep, so that these trees are always kept 
fresh and nourished. On the other hand, on the mainland 
it is some trouble to get them reared, and it is necessary to 
use water-channels, or to irrigate them by the hand-labour of 
slaves night and morning. For planting, the fruit must be taken 
when naturally ripe upon the tree, nor too much so, for if too 
ripe and dry, the water inside will have dried up ; and it is 

1 "The produce of the tree in full health and properly tended is 
much dependent on soil and climate. The average may be put down 
at 120 nuts in the twelve months, while in a low and sandy soil it will 
amount to 200, and when planted in gravel and laterite foundations not 
60 ; the most productive months are from January to June, that is for 
ripe nuts, the heat bringing them quickly to maturity" (All About the 
Coconut Palm^ Colombo, 1885, p. 27). 


the water alone which germinates, and not the kernel. The 
whole fruit must be laid in humid soil, with its shell and 
husk, and it suffices to cover it with earth. Without the 
husk the tree cannot possibly grow, because otherwise the 
earth would rot the shell ere the germ and root were 
nourished, and the plant had sprung above the ground. It 
bears fruit at six or seven years. They that would gather 
this fruit can, by rapping the fingers or other thing against 
the husk, judge in what condition it is, whether hard or soft, 
ripe or unripe. When it is becoming ripe the water joggles and 
stirs within, but when not ripe, or only beginning to ripen, 
the water gives no sound ; and in measure as it becomes over- 
ripe, the water dries up until it is exhausted ; the kernel 
then becomes hard and dry, and when pressed, no longer 
yields milk, but only oil, and separates from the shell. In 
place of being white within it then becomes of a leaden hue, 
while the outer surface turns brown like the shell. 

The trees growing near the close of the royal palace and 
other houses at the Maldives are ascended only by night : it 
is forbidden to do so by day, for the climbers would overlook 
the close, which hath not walls of the height of these trees. 
Indeed, the gatherers of this fruit, who are called Ravery} 
dare not climb them by day at any place where they could 
overlook the close of the humblest dwelling, ere they have 
first given a loud shout three times, standing at the foot of 
the tree. This is done for the sake of the women who 
bathe and wash themselves, all naked, in their ponds and 
in the closes of their houses. This rule is observed very 
strictly amojigst them, and it is forbidden to the ravery to 
climb the tree until the women have done their bathing and 
have withdrawn. 

Marvellous indeed are the commodities drawn from this 
tree, of which there is no morsel or particle but serves some 
use. The branches are split in two and are made into laths 

1 M. rd'Veri, ''toddy-men". 


for roofing the houses, and into close and well-fitted palisades, 
wherewith houses and gardens are enclosed. They are put to 
a thousand other uses which it were tedious to explain. 
With the leaves the houses are thatched ; they are used for 
lining and closing up all fences and houses, being very 
neatly sewn together and plaited over, with several rows of 
cord run along the whole length to keep them firm.^ No 
other material is used for their houses, fences, and screens ; 
and it resists water so well that not a drop passes through : 
it must, however, be renewed at the end of three years. While 
the leaf is still green it is used like paper for writing letters, 
missives, verses, and ballads, and then is neatly folded up ; 
this is done with knives and iron styles. Again, the leaves 
when dry are split into strips or tags, which are woven and 
interlaced in the fashion of a mat, exceeding well executed ; 
these mats, sewn one to another, are made into sails for 
ships of any size required, and throughout all the Maldives 
no other sails are used. The same mats serve as ordinary 
carpets for sitting upon the ground in the country manner, 
and throughout all the coast of Malabar the people use no 
other, because there they have not the proper reed, as at Gael 
and the Maldives, of which other mats, much handsomer and 
prettier, are made. Also with these leaves, used whole, the 
people fashion, in very cunning plaited work, all manner of 
baskets and scuttles, and a thousand other such manufac- 
tures, such as we here fashion of osiers or willow ; of the 
same they make sunshades or sombreros, and very pretty 
hats for use against the rain. I myself always wore the like. 
In short, these leaves, when young and white, are worked 
into a thousand things : being fashioned in birds, fish, and 
all other animals, such as we here frame by the artful fold- 

1 These are the well-known cadjans^ or plaited coconut leaves, which 
serve for walls, screens, cart shades, etc., in South India and Ceylon. 
At the Maldives, where they are called /an, they are still used for the 
sails of sea -going boats, as described by the author. 


ing of linen. When they would make a present of flowers, 
betel, or the like, they put this in a kind of basket 
made of these leaves very neatly. When it is required to 
take out the contents, they cut an opening with a knife and 
cast away the basket. The slender stick in the middle of 
the dry leaf becomes very hard, insomuch that of it they 
make besoms^ to sweep withal, and use none other. These 
slight stalks also serve to make boxes and cases ; they are 
plaited together, and are quite strong, and such boxes are 
fastened with lock and key. 

Of these stalks are also made the shafts of weapons, such 
as small spears, javelins, etc. ; they bind together the little 
stems, which are no thicker than an iron spike, and about a 
half fathom in length, packing them together to the required 
thickness, and placing them end to end to the required 
length.^ These sticks diminish in size from their thicker 
end, which is the lower end of the leaf, up to the point, 
which is no bigger than a little needle. They dispose these 
little sticks with such art, that the shaft constructed of them 
is no longer weak, nor stouter in one place than another. 
Next, when well polished, they cover these shafts with a 
varnish called by them Las? which they possess in all colours, 
adorning them with numberless figures and patterns at their 
pleasure ; these shafts are called Ziconti} They are of the 
thickness of a good-sized thumb, and are staunch and strong, 
yet will bend sooner than break. They are made as thick 
and long as required, and are also used for making bows. 
When these people want needles they use none other than 

1 These brooms are called in M. ilorhi-fati, and in Sin. ila pata, 

2 Mr. Bell writes : — " I wondered much at the pliancy of their longer 
javelins ; those used in the sports quivering strangely in the hand when 
ready for use." 

3 M. Id, Hind. Idkh, Sansk. IdJcshd, "lac", the resinous incrustation 
produced on certain trees by the puncture of the Lac insect, Coccus 
lacca (Yule, Gloss.), 

* Cf. Hind, senti, " javelin' . 


these little stems, fashioning and pointing them with their 

The nut is covered with a husk or shell ; some are of the 
size of a man's head, aifd some less. The husk has a yellowish 
hue over the green when it is ripe, and is three or four inches 
thick. This husk is composed of fibre, whereof they make 
their rope. They remove the husk when green, as we should 
that of a nut, and lay it to steep in the sea, covering it with 
sand. After it has been there for the space of three weeks 
they take it out and beat it with wooden mallets, such as we 
here use for flax or hemp. Thus, having separated the fibres, 
they expose it to the sun. Next, the women twist and spin 
it into rope with the hand on the naked thigh, for the men 
take no part in the labour of rope-making. The rope^ thus 
made serves for all uses, and none other is employed through- 
out all the Indies. The same husk, when dry, serves to 
caulk the ships withal. 

Of the same substance, too, are made matches for arque- 
buses ; it keeps alight well and makes good charcoal, better 
indeed than ours ; but in making matches it is prepared dif- 
ferently from the rope : for the husk or shell must be dried 
with the fruit, and not plucked green, nor steeped, nor 
beaten, and the fibre is spun and twisted with the whole of 
the rind, and very finely twined. It is of the colour of tan, 
wherewith leather is tanned ; and all about this fibre is a 
substance like sawdust. Moreover, in dwellings, at guard- 
houses, and elsewhere, they employ this dry husk for pre- 
serving fire, as it keeps alight for a long while, and a small 
spark applied to it will convey the fire, which will not go 
out so long as there is the least substance left. When they 
have made their match, they boil it with ashes, as we use 
here ; then they fold it together into thick hanks, like rings, 
of the thickness of an arm ; through these they thrust their 
arm when they are carrying their arquebuses. They never 

1 Coir-rope. 


cut it, but merely snuff it as it burns away, as we do candles. 
They use no other manner of match, either in these islands 
or elsewhere in India ; in some places, however, where cotton 
is common and cocos scarce, they make their matches of 

The nut, when separated from the husk, or, as we call it, 
" shelled", is still so big that, empty and cleaned out, it will 
hold two or three pints of water or other liquid ; for some of 
them are of divers smaller sizes, and the least are of the size 
of a lemon. 

The shell is exceeding hard, and as thick as two testoons, 
or a whit more. The Indians use it to make their porringers, 
pots, pints, and other measures, and also utensils such as 
spoons and the like. Moreover, of this shell they make 
charcoal for their forges, and use none other. 

All around the inside of this shell comes a thick and firm 
white substance, which is tasty like an almond, and very 
good ; they use it in divers ways. First, the Indians eat it 
as we eat bread along with other viands, whether flesh or 
fish. Next, from this same white stuff they extract a milk 
which is as sweet as our milk sugared, or rather as our milk 
of almonds. To obtain this milk they pound the kernel into 
meal, then strain and squeeze it ; the milk thus caused to 
flow is passed through a sieve. This milk is very laxative ; 
it is served with honey or sugar, and drunk fasting ; no other 
purgative is used. 

From this same milk oil is obtained, for when 
boiled it changes and thickens into oil; it is very 
good for frying, and no other is used by the people, 
whether for seasoning their meats or mixing with their 
sauces. The same is used for lamps, and not only at the 
Maldives, but throughout all the East Indies ; even the 
Portuguese use none other. It is also very good for wounds 
and ulcers, and is the principal recipe at the Maldives. I 
myself was cured by it. It is a sovereign remedy against the 


itch, which it consumes and causes to fall ofif a few days 
after it is rubbed on. The physicians and surgeons that are 
among the Portuguese use it with their medicines and 
unguents, though they might use that of Spain, holding this 
to be more medicinal and the best in certain ailments. This 
oil, when kept for about three months, thickens and congeals 
into a very white butter, though the oil was yellowish ; this 
butter is not, however, delicate or fit to be eaten with bread 
as ours is. They use it in the same manner as the oil, that is, 
melted, and thereby it loses not its savour. Moreover, with 
this squeezed kernel, or compressed white, after the extrac- 
tion of the milk, are made excellent comfits and conserves, 
prepared with the sugar that is produced from the same 

Inside the nut, and within this kernel or white, and at the 
very centre, is found a quantity of water, according to the 
size of the cocos : the largest have a good pint of very beau- 
tiful water, clear as that from the rock, and as good and of 
the same taste as sugared water, and the fresher the better. 
It is a very refreshing drink, principally when the fruit is 
half ripe ; but the wine made of it is very fiery. Finally, 
the entire cocos, comprised within the husk and shell, can 
be eaten as we should eat a sweet apple. 

When the tree begins to blossom and to put forth the 
bunch or cluster, a pod is produced, long and pointed, in the 
form of a gherkin, which, when fully extended, opens and 
expands into a yellow flower, and thence proceeds the fruit. 

This pod when dry falls to the ground, or is cut oiF, and 
made into charcoal for drawing, and also into boxes or pails, 
also into bushel measures; so indeed that there is no part of 
this tree but is put to some use ; even the flowers are made 
into most excellent conserves and comfits. 

This cocos yields another commodity, viz., a certain tissue^ 

* Sin. matulla^ a remarkable substance resembling coarse cloth or 
gauze, which arises at the base and outside of the fronds, especially in 


found at the base of the branches between the trunk of the 
tree and the fruit cluster. This tissue the Indians employ to 
make their sacks. Also, being of fine mesh, it is very proper 
for strainers to pass any liquids through. 

This tree also yields a liquor which serves in place of wine.^ 
For when you cut the thick spathe of the cluster, leaving it 
only of a foot's length, there drops therefrom a liquor passing 
sweet and luscious, just like hypocras, saving that it is quite 
fresh. At the Maldives this liquor that flows from these cut 
branches is drunk instead of wine — for they dare not drink 
the other sort ; but it will not keep sweet without turning 
sour for more tlian four-and-twenty hours. Each branch 
usually yields about a quart a day, though some will yield 
two or three or more, and this branch, dropping continually, 
lasts for the space of six months. To receive this liquor they 
attach a pot, also of cocos, to the branch or spathe, in such 
wise that the wind cannot carry the droppings away. 

With this liquor they make honey and sugar. They 
collect it in a pan and boil it with certain white porous 
pebbles that are found in the sea. When boiled for some 
time it becomes converted into honey, as excellent as ordinary 
honey, or, rather, as the finest syrup imaginable ; it is yellow 
like wax, but they make it clear or thick as they please.^ 

From this honey also is manufactured sugar, by boiling 
with other pebbles and then drying it : thus is produced a 
fine sugar, either white or candy, wherein is much traffic 

young trees. '* The length and evenness of the threads or fibres, the 
regular manner in which they cross each other at oblique angles, the 
extent of surface, and the thickness of the piece, corresponding with 
that of coarse cotton cloth, the singular manner in which the fibres are 
attached to each other, cause this curious substance, wove in the loom 
of nature, to represent to the eye a remarkable resemblance to cloth 
spun and woven by human ingenuity" (Ellis, Polynesian Researches). It 
is much used for sieves, and also in the South Sea for making 

^ Siira^ tdn, or ** toddy''. 

^ The Maldivians make their jaggery in this manner still. 

ARRACK. 383 

done, both at the Maldives and also at Gael and Ceylon. 
But this sugar is not by any means so white as cane sugar, 
though in some places it is whiter than at others. 

Also if of this liquor they desire not to make honey or 
sugar, they put it on the fire and make an excellent brandy, 
called by them Arac,^ which is quite as strong as ours here. 

This brandy, or arac, the Portuguese use for a beverage, 
but they add thereto raisins from Persia, putting about 30 
or 35 pounds of them in a cask, and mixing the whole to- 
gether to redden and sweeten it. The Portuguese drink no 
other wine, and call this vin de passe^ ; it is very good and 
cheap. Great lords sometimes drink Spanish wine, which is 
very dear out there. If vinegar be wanted, this liquor is left 
for ten or twelve days to turn sour, and the vinegar so made 
is as strong as the best we have here. 

Thus from the same tree can be obtained fruit and wine ; 
but, to say truth, the fruit is in that case neither so good 
nor so plentiful. Wherefore at the Maldives, where these 
trees are so numerous, they set apart certain of them solely 
for the production of wine ; and then, a single tree cannot 
have more than two or three of these distilling taps going 
at once. Nevertheless, some wine can be drawn from a tree 
which is left to bear fruit, but a small quantity only. 

The tree has yet another commodity, viz., tbat at the top 
it throws out a tender shoot^ about two or three feet long, 
which is very good eating, and as sweet as an almond. I have 
eaten it many a time. When the trees are felled for the 
purpose of building, this tendril is promptly cut, but never 
except then. 

Another extraordinary thing is, that when the cocos is ripe 

1 From Ar. 'arak^ ** perspiration". The toddy is twice distilled, 
givinjf one-eighth of its quantity in arrack. 

2 See above, p. 73, note. 

3 The so-called "coconut cabbage", M. ruk-kuriy Sin. jJoZ-Ja^fflr. 
When boiled it is very delicate, with a nutty flavour. The natives pre- 
serve it in vinegar and use it as a pickle. 


and dry, if you put it in some damp place, or in the ground, 
for the space of three weeks or a month, the water within 
forms itself into a kind of apple, yellow on the surface and 
white beneath^; this is as tender and sweet as can be, and 
melts in the mouth. The dainty and curious among the inhabi- 
tants eat this often, esteeming it most delicate fare, and even 
give it to their little children. This apple is the germ of the 
cocos, which would shoot forthwith and engender a tree were 
it left a while longer, for the kernel that is all around the 
shell in manner described has naught to do with the germi- 
nation of the cocos, but only the water within; this it is 
which furnishes the substance. The rest of the cocos rots, 
and is good for nothing more. 

Further, the natives make a sort of merchandise out of the 
fruit of the cocos, which finds a market all over India, and 
fetches a high price too ; they call it suppara,^ They take 
the fruit, break it in two parts, and dry it in the sun, which 
causes it to shrink mightily ; and it will thus keep as long as 
they wish. They pack it in sacks and send it to all parts. 
It is of good flavour, and serves for sauces and soups. It is 
carried in quantities to Arabia, and the oil extracted from it 
is much better and will keep longer than that drawn from 
quite fresh fruit. 

Black dyes are obtained from the sawdust of cocos ; it is 
steeped in the water and honey of this same tree, and left in 
the sun for some days ; a very black and excellent dye is 
thus produced.^ 

Of the stalks of the fruit are made paint-brushes for 

* M. mudi^ Sin. paela madS. 

2 Probably misprint for kuppara ; M. hifard, Sin. kopara^ Eng. 
copra. Ceylon exports annually about 60,000 cwts. of copra, and a 
small quantity is sometimes exported from the Maldives to Ceylon. 

3 Mr. Bell says they make two kinds — (a) bohi-deli, charcoal burnt 
from the soft shell, mixed with coconut oil, and used for painting boats, 
etc. ; (b) ndrhi'deU^ charcoal from the hard shell, mixed with water, and 
used as ink. 


painting their boats, galleys, temples, and houses, which are 
painted all over, but never (as I have said before) with the 
figures of men. 

I have oftentimes seen at the Maldives an infinite number 
of ships of 100 or 120 tons, built entirely of this timber, 
without any iron or other wood or material except what this 
tree produces. The anchors even are made of it, and are 
very excellent and handy. They have a cross-piece of wood 
of the same tree, hollowed out and packed with flints and 
little stones, and then firmly closed. This is to render the 
anchor heavier, so that it shall catch and keep a better hold. 
The planks are fastened with pins, and lashed and seamed 
within with cordage made of the fruit. Moreover, these 
ships, entirely built, fitted, and equipped with the timber or 
fruit of this tree, are loaded with merchandise proceeding from 
the same tree, to wit, cordage, mats, sails of cocos, comfits, 
oil, wine, sugar, and other goods, all the produce of this tree. 
And this is true also of the provisions of the ship, whether 
of meat or drink ; and whether the voyage be to Arabia, 800 
or 900 leagues distance, or to the coast of Malabar, Cambaye, 
Sumatra, or elsewhere. These vessels last four or five years, 
and with repairs and proper treatment will make many long 

To make their drums they hollow a trunk of this tree till 
it be quite thin ; then, when they have caught some of the 
fish, called by us the ray, which they never eat, they skin it, 
and cover their drums with the hide, as I have already said.^ 
These rays are the largest to be seen anywhere. 

They use this wood alpo as being the best for polishing and 
furbishing articles of i iron or copper, whether arms or 
household utensils. Th^ also employ powdered porcelain 
mingled with oil to scrub, clean, and polish their arms and 
other utensils. 

For the rest, I have yet to say that there are two sorts of 

1 See above, p. 351. 
VOL. n. — 2. H 

386 THE author's knowledge of the coco tree. 

these cocos trees ; the fruit of the one when young being 
sweet and tender as an apple, that of the other not so. The 
tender and sweet are very rare, and held in great esteem, but 
when they are ripe they are not so good as the others. 

I have given an extensive description of this tree, as being 
one of the greatest marvels of the Indies ; also because I 
sojourned five years at the Maldives, where it is the chief 
source of wealth, food, and all commodities, and where they 
are better experienced in drawing its produce and in apply- 
ing it to the divers petty amenities of life than elsewhere in 
India. Nor have I only seen all this a few times. I have 
eaten this fruit and lived upon it regularly. I myself pos- 
sessed a great number of trees, and those of the very best, 
and myself produced all these commodities which I have 
described. Wherefore, I have thought it not otherwise than 
proper that I should describe with all particularity that 
which I have learnt by an experience so long and so well 

Advice to those who would undertake the voyage 

to the East Indies. The order and police observed by 

the French in their navigation, the great faults and excesses 

committed by them, with examples thereof, and a 

word of caution against the like. 

Inasmuch as it is expedient and necessary for those who 
would undertake the voyage to the East Indies to know the 
proper times and seasons for setting out, both on the outward 
and the homeward voyage, the things whereof they ought to 
make provision, and the manner of their governance, whereby 
to avoid the accidents which hourly befall, as indeed I have 
myself experienced many and many a time — on these matters 
I will give a short discourse which may serve for a conclu- 
sion to my voyage, and will treat in some measure of the 
excesses and lack of order attending our navigation, and the 
means of remedying the same. I begin by saying that 
voyagers must above all things take care to set out in season 
in order to successfully weather the Cape of Good Hope and 
the coast of Natal, where the winds and storms are both very 
frequent and very dangerous, and the more so when the pas- 
sage of these regions is made out of season. 

It behoves them also to be provided with good and expe- 
rienced sea-pilots, who have made the voyage several times, 
and have a practical knowledge of it, for it is certain that if 
we had had a good pilot our voyage had come to happy issue. 
They must make choice of good ships that are inured to the 
sea, and have already made some voyages ; because, if on a 
long voyage any accident befalls a new ship that has not 
been proved at sea, it cannot be repaired. Further, for a 

II 2 


complete voyage there must be a company of four or five 
ships at the least, one of these to carry victuals, ship's utensils, 
and other furniture and material for the repair of the other 
ships in case of need, and to make fitting distribution of her 
men and provisions as occasion may require : when she is 
thus emptied she may be abandoned. Also it is very desir- 
able to have a small pinnace, which is of infinite service in 
approaching close to land and in reconnoitring. 

I have not found it of use to sheath the ship with lead as 
ours was. For although this may be good against worms, 
preventing them from piercing the timbers, yet for all that it 
clogs the vessel overmuch. The Portuguese use it only at 
the seams and joinings of the timbers. For this purpose tin 
would seem to me the most suitable.^ 

Moreover, it is requisite to make good provision of fresh 
water rather than wine, seeing the heat is so vehement that 
the drinking of wine rather enhances than quenches the 
thirst ; nevertheless, you must take some, and some brandy 
also, to drink when you approach the Cape of Good Hope, 
which is a cold neighbourhood, and also to keep for the return 
voyage when you begin to reach the altitude of Spain and 

1 The Portuguese had formerly used complete lead sheathing, but pro- 
bably it had been given up for economical reasons. Sir R. Hawkins 
has some interesting remarks on this subject {HawkM Voyages^ p. 203) : 
" In Spaine and Portingall, 8«)me sheathe their shippes with lead ; besides 
the cost and waight, although they use the thinnest sheet -lead that I 
have seene in any place, yet it is nothing durable, but subject to many 
casualties. Another manner is used with double plankes, as thicke 
without as within, after the manner of furring, which is little better than 
that with lead ; for besides his waight, it dureth little, because the 
worme in small time passeth through the one and the other. A third 
manner of sheathing hath been used amongst some with fine canvas ; 
which is of small continuance, and so not to be regarded. The fourth 
prevention, which now is most accompted of, is to burne the utter 
planke till it come to be every place like a cole, and after to pitch it ; 
this is not bad." He then describes the Chinese method of varnishing, 
a^d lastly the English mode, viz., by thin sheathing boards over layers 
first of tar and then of hair. The most approved modern sheathing is 
copper over felt. 


France. But it must be Spanish wine, for that of France 
will not keep under the Torrid Zone. We carried some that 
went bad before we reached the line. Then the candles to 
be carried must be of wax, for tallow melts, and olive oil 
must be carried for food, that being a most wholesome thing 
at sea, and at all times very useful for sauces and seasonings, 
while walnut oil should be carried for the lamps. 

Above all, the provisions and refreshments must be care- 
fully husbanded, for the reason that during this long and diffi- 
cult voyage many accidents and diseases befall, and amongst 
others scurvy. In this matter not a few of our men had a 
sad experience, who, in the space of three or four months 
they were at sea, had without consideration eaten and wasted 
all their provisions. And then, when sundry ailments over- 
took them, they had nothing left for their sustenance, where- 
fore did many die that could not eat of the ships victuals, 
which consist of salt meat, biscuit, and salt fish. 

Amongst other things it is necessary to be forewarned of 
the ailments which ordinarily occur on this voyage. The 
first is one very common under the Torrid Zone, and among 
the most cruel and painful, whether to witness or to endure. 
I speak with some knowledge, for I was twice attacked with 
it, the first time on the voyage out, when we reached the 
Island of St. Lawrence, and again at Goa, where it seized me 
when I was abed in the house of Don Diego Hurtado de 
Mendoza. This malady is a grievous pain in the stomach, 
which comes on only at night, but in manner so strange that 
one can hardly breathe, and the sufferer tosses and strains by 
reason of the extremity of the pain. It is most prevalent 
near the line, where the heats are the greatest and most violent; 
and yet it proceeds from cold, because the excessive heat of 
the day attracts all the natural heat of the body and causes 
it to exhale ; then as night falls it becomes so faint and 
feeble that without feeling the night chill coming on, one falls 
asleep at sunset, and then the ensuing cold is attracted to the 


mouth of the stomach, which is thereby incontinently swollen 
with these throes. This illness sometimes lasts twenty-four 
hours ; in my case the worst of the pain lasted only three or 
four hours. Yet does it make itself felt for three or four days 
thereafter, and the only remedy is heat, viz., by drinking good 
Spanish or Canary wine, or brandy, cinnamon water, or other 
ardent liquids. 

For a protection against this disease one must be clad 
warmly, and well covered at nights, and above all care must 
be taken not to sleep in the dews of sundown and night. 
The head must be swathed, the legs well and warmly enclosed, 
and the stomach in like manner. For this purpose they wear 
broad bands sufficient to cover the stomach, quilted and 
stuffed with cotton,^ and handsomely powdered with scents. 
It is indeed a strange thing that in the hottest places the 
body becomes quite cold and bereft of heat. 

Now with regard to another malady, called sciirhut by the 
Hollanders and the gum disease by the Portuguese ;2 we French 
call it " le mal de terre", I know not why, for it comes on at 
sea and is cured on land. It is a very common ailment in 
all parts of the voyage, and is contagious, even by approach- 
ing or breathing another's breath. It is ordinarily brought 
on by the great length of the voyage, and the long sojourn- 
ing at sea, and also by the want of washing and cleanliness, 
and of changing linen and other clothes ; by the sea air and 
water, by the corruption of the fresh water and the victuals, 
washing in sea water without washing afterwards in fresh ; 
by cold, and sleeping in the night dews, — all these cause this 
disease. Those attacked become swollen as by dropsy, and 
the swelling is as hard as wood, chiefly on the thighs and legs, 
cheeks and throat, all the surface being suffused with dark 
blood, of a livid and leaden hue, as though it were all 
tumours and contusions, rendering the muscles and nerves 

1 A description of the *' Cummerbund". 
^ Port. j\hd das gctif/icus. 


impotent and stiff. Besides this the gums are ulcerated and 
black, the flesh all swollen, the teeth displaced and loose, as 
though they had but a slight hold ; indeed, most of them fall 
out. Add thereto a breath so foetid and disgusting that one 
cannot approach ; it can be smelt from one end of the vessel 
to the other. The appetite is not lost, but the distress of the 
teeth is such that one can only eat slops, wherewith the ship 
is but ill furnished ; indeed, one becomes so famished and 
greedy that it would seem as if all the victuals in the world 
would not suffice to produce satiety. The discomfort is, in 
fact, greater than the pain, which is confined to the mouth 
and gums. So it is that full often a man dies at his talking, 
drinking, and eating, without knowledge of his approaching 
end. Then, too, this malady makes a man so opinionative and 
fractious that nothing pleases him. Some die in a few days, 
others endure a while longer ere they die. They become of 
a white or yellowish colour, and when first overtaken with 
the disease the thighs and legs are covered with little pustules 
and spots like flea-bites, which is the black blood issuing 
through the pores of the skin ; the gums begin to rise, and 
to become cancerous. The patient is subject to syncope, 
fainting, convulsions, and nervous swoonings. While we 
were at the Island of St. Lawrence there died three or four of 
our men of this malady, and when their heads were opened 
all the brain was found to be black, tainted, and putrified. 
The lungs become dry and shrunk like parchment that is held 
near the fire. The liver and spleen wax immoderately large, 
and become black and covered with apostumes full of the 
most loathsome matter. During this sickness a sore never 
heals or closes up ; on the contrary, it runs to gangrene and 
putrefaction. When a man is seized at sea, let him use 
what remedies he will, all are useless, and nothing avails but 
to get ashore wherever possible, and gain refreshment of 
sweet and fresh water and fruits, without which none can 
be cured, do what he will. It is a terrible thing to sec the 


big lumps of foul flesh that have to be cut from the 

Such are the maladies to which men are most subject on 
this voyage, and whereof they must be well advised so as to 
guard against them, or cure them as best they can. 

But it is especially necessary before setting out to make 
provision of orange and lemon juice in order to their pro- 
tection against this scurvy, because there is nothing more 
sovereign to resist it than the refreshments of the land, the 
which consist of fresh water, oranges, and lemons ; this I 
have observed and experienced many a time. 

Moreover, it behoves men to be sober as well in drinking 
as in eating, and when they happen upon some islands where 
they can obtain fresh viands, it is not good to eat overmuch 
thereof, nor even of the fruits. 

One must not sleep too much, for that is unwholesome, 
especially sleeping by day. Moreover, as I said before, there 
is a proper time and season for setting out, to wit, at the be- 
ginning of March, for if you do not get away then you will 
find calms at the equinoctial line, and currents at the coast of 
Guinea, which bring about the loss of the voyage, as indeed 
was our case, for we did not set out till the month of May, 
nay, till the 18th of that month, and so were delayed by 
contrary winds off Guinea for more than four months. Had 
we started sooner we had made the passage easily enough. 
The coast of Guinea is intemperate and unhealthy, and those 
that go to the Indies must take care not to get out of their 
course on the Guinea coast, for it is the most unhealthy place 
in the world, and very difficult to get out of by reason of the 
calms. Furthermore, as they near the Cape of Good Hope 
they will usually fall in with violent storms and contrary 

Likewise they must take warning not to touch land on this 

1 Compare Sir Richard Hawkins' account of scurvy and its prevention 
iu the Hawkins' Voyages^ pp. 138-42. 


side the Cape of Good Hope ; on the return voyage only it 
is customary to touch at the island of St. Helena. 

Coming home on the return voyage from the Indies, they 
must set out at the end Of December or beginning of January, 
so as to avoid the same perils, for it is most necessary to 
double the Cape of Good Hope at the beginning of May, or 
sooner if possible. We did not leave Goa till the end of 
January, and for this reason were nearly lost, being two 
months in sight of the Cape ere we could double it, and all 
the time buffeted by contrary winds. 

It were well also to have priests for the exercise of our 
religion, to console the sick, and to administer to them the 
Sacraments of the Church. 

I come now to the matter of our order and police in naviga- 
tion, to the great faults committed, as the same were observed 
by me in my voyage, and the means of remedying them. 

"When we set out from France we were two ships, whereof 
one was the Admiral, the other the Vice-AdmiraL The 
general of both was on board the Admiral, while his 
lieutenant-general commanded the other. The general had 
on board his own ship his own lieutenant, and the lieu- 
tenant-general had also his own lieutenant with him ; so 
that each vessel had her own captain and lieutenant ; add a 
pilot, a second pilot, a mate, a second mate, a merchant, a 
second merchant, a clerk, two surgeons, two pursers, two 
cooks appointed by the captain, and two chief stewards. 
There was also a master gunner, assisted by five or six 
gunners. Such are the persons in command and the officers 
of a French ship. 

The captain hath absolute command in all things; and 
the chief merchant hath power over the merchandise and 
trading only ; for the second is only for his assistance, and 
to take his place if peradventure he should die. For this 
cause there be always two for each office, this being wisely 
ordained as a provision for the supply of vacancies. Never- 


theless, there is no increase of pay hereby, but of honour 
only : for in our ships pay is never increased or diminished, 
and if a man should die the first day after going on board 
his heirs would be paid for the whole voyage. In our 
voyage wages were paid monthly, three months being 
advanced to each man before we sailed. The pay amounted 
to half as much again as the English or Hollanders (who 
observe the same order in their ships as we) give to their 

So then the captain has power over all, and the factor or 
chief merchant has control over the merchandise, having 
under him a clerk, who is appointed, according to maritime 
practice, by the lords or burgesses to whom the ship belongs, 
and so with the other officers. But this clerk hath not the 
same trust and power as on the Portuguese ships. He merely 
registers the merchandise laden upon and discharged from 


the ship in the way of traffic, and has no other office. As for 
the pilot, his office is only in what concerns the navigation, 
and he is not held in the same awe as are the Portuguese 
pilots. The mate has command over all the seamen, and the 
care of the ship, and all her utensils and victuals. This I 
have found a bad arrangement, inasmuch as he appoints 
pursers that are at his beck. 

The mate and second mate take a hand at jobs just like the 
mariners. There are also two stewards, chosen by the captain 
and the mate from among the best and most capable of the 
m.ariners. They are appointed to have charge of the ropes, 
sails, tackle, and other ship's furniture, and 'tis they who cut 
and mend all these when necessary. They are chiefs over all 
the seamen next after the mate and second mate, and are very 
necessary. They have command over all the young mariners 
and ship's boys, to whom they alone can give the lash. As 
for the surgeons and apothecaries, they have to do only what 
appertains to their own calling, having no rank in the ship's 
company like the other officers. For it is not with us as 


with the Portuguese, seeing that (with us) all the other men, 
whether gunners, pursers, cooks, coopers, carpenters, black- 
smiths, sail-menders, and others are rated as mariners, and 
do all the like work. For, saving the captain and his lieu- 
tenant, the merchant, the clerk, and the surgeons, all the 
others take their turn at the night watches and work like 
the rest, whatever their birth. I have seen many scions of 
good family that came to sea solely for their pleasure, and 
drew no pay, yet were liable to the same labour and fatigues 
as the rest. 

As for the pursers, there be two of them to assist each 
other, because they take night watches, and every four days 
serve out to each man a portion of bread, wine, and water, 
beginning with the captain, and ending with the boy or page, 
to all equally, viz., three pounds of biscuit, a pot of Spanish 
wine, and three pots of water only to each for four days. 
Other victuals are supplied by the two cooks to the whole 
company, the pursers distributing the same in platters 
equally, that is, on each platter a mess for six persons, and 
each one takes thence his own share of biscuit and drink. At 
the captain's table there is always something better and out 
of the ordinary. Also more than six persons are provided 
for at his mess, for all persons of honour and quality are 
received there. Neither the mate nor the pilot eats at the 
captain's table. Six persons of like quality are chosen to 
mess together. Such was our manner of living on board 
our ships ; but there was, as I found, one default amongst 
others, which was this, that the burgesses and owners of the 
ship ought to have appointed a superintendent of the pro- 
visions, who should be under the command neither of tlie 
captain nor of the mate ; inasmuch as they appointed to 
be pursers whom they would — ill-conducted fellows, who 
dared not refuse them anything they asked, for fear of being 
removed from their ottice. This was the cause that our 
victuals were full soon eaten up, and a clean sweep made of 

396 FRENCH " mess-mates". 

them, and every day arose perpatual bickorings aud quarrels 
on this subject. 

The next day after departure, the captain and mate call 
the whole ship's company to make the " mat^Jotage", that is, 
to arrange the seamen in pairs, like comrades on shore, 
beginning with the captain Q,xtd lieutenant down to the 
humblest boys; and thereafter these call each other only by the 
name of matelot} This " matelotage" consists in these succour- 
ing and aiding one another lik^ brother^, according to the 
custom of the sea, whensoever required. So, too, all the seamen 
are divided into two parties, th^ mate having one and the 
second mate the other, for purposes of relief. J or, when one 
party is asleep, the other is on watch, and does the work for 
the space of four or five hours. On board our French ships 
there is no difference between the several mariners, as with 
the Portuguese ; all are equ8^1, though there be some of 
greater age and capacity than others, yet is there no difference 
made in name or quality, save only that the former receive 
a higher wage. 

Further, I must in all candour mention one matter, which 
I have already touched, although it be little to the honour 
of the French, yet do I mention it as a warning, and to the 
end it may be corrected, and a better disposition made. It 
is this, that I have never seen mariners of such ill and vicious 
behaviour as ours. In our voyage the greater part of the 
officers and mariners were of St. Malo, and well-nigh all kins- 
men; notwithstanding which there was ordinarily naught but 
strife and quarrel betwixt them, nor did I ever see any two 
men bear to one another any goodwill, friendship, or respect. 
None was willing to obey those that were in command. To 
this add — and herein is my chief complaint — that they were 
the greatest swearers and blasphemers of the name of God 
anywhere to be met with ; insomuch that I ceased to feel 
surprise that our voyage succeeded so ill, seeing what great 

1 As our sailors say " messmate * and ** mate". 


sin was committed on bodrd our ships day by day. The 
greater part of them were drunkards and very gluttons, for 
they had been Well content to have eaten and drunk our 
whole substance in a single day, had that been possible, 
without any thought for the morrow. So it was that all 
the refreshments brought for their private use, to sustain them 
in sickness and necessity, were finished ere we had passed the 
Line ; and when they fell sick, they had not wherewithal to 
comfort them, except the common sea fare of healthy men. 
The most of these fellows, too, were altogether lacking in 
devotion, and observed neither Lent nor Vigils ; one would 
even rob another of his meat and drink. In good sooth, I 
candidly confess that I had rather make shift to do with the 
worst barbarians in the world than with them ; — men whom 
oftentimes in the height of a storm I have observed to swear 
and blaspheme more than before. Nevertheless, they are 
very good soldiers and mariners, and capable beyond all other 
nations of the highest enterprises ; albeit they will neither 
obey, nor deny their bellies aught, nor brook to be anywise 

All these things from the beginning gave me a bad opinion 
of the success of our voyage ; then, too, we delayed our 
departure too long, for in place of taking ship in the month 
of February, as arranged, we with difficulty got away at the 
end of May. This was a great fault, but the chiefest, and that 
which damnified us the most, was our long delay after 
doubling the Cape of Good Hope. Next, we did not take the 
course outside of the Island of St. Lawrence, the cause 
whereof was that we dallied too long with the Hollanders' 
ships. We had fine weather, and let the ships go at their 
will, for the most part under the lower sails ; whereas the 
Hollanders, better sailors than we, held always to their 
course along the coast of Africa, and we only followed them. 
For the space of three or four days the matter was who should 
give the best cheer, with braying of trumpets, bands of 


music, and volleys of cannon : all this was an affair of honour 
with the captains. The ship which had given the feast fired 
off all its guns by way of adieu, when any returned to his 
own vessel. The Hollanders told us it was them we had 
sighted on the coast of Guinea off Serseylyonne.^ In truth, 
it must be confessed they are worthier to make that voyage 
than we, for the French are more delicate, and less capable 
of fatigue, and worse husbands of their resources ; also they 
eat too much, whereas the Hollanders keep what little 
refreshment they have until they fall in with their friends, 
or fall sick, while our men never care to eat the ship^s victuals 
so long as they have any of their luxuries left. The 
Hollanders also make shift to do without wine, and drink 
water alone. Those we met had but one quart of wine in 
fifteen days, while we had four. Their biscuit was all black, 
while ours was like chapter-house bread. On this coast of 
Ethiopia we saw all night long many fires on the tops of the 
high mountains. 

But I must not forget to mention that when ships are 
sailing in company or meet one another at sea, and are yet 
afar off, and those on board cannot speak by word of mouth, 
this default may be supplied on both sides by the use of 
trumpets, whereby intelligence may be given as well as by 
the voice. This is observed only on the ships of the French, 
English, and Hollanders. 

But to return to the disorders of our voyage ; that which 
gave me the worst presage was, as 1 have said, the great 
sins Committed daily by our crew. The service of God 
was in nowise observed, as I have seen it observed as 
well among the Portuguese as the English and the 
Hollanders ; and even among the Indians, who are more 
observant of their religion than we of ours. Among us was 
nothing but quarrelling, even among our chief men ; as, for 
instance, between the captain and the chief merchant, who 

1 /.e., Sierra Leone. 


struck one another, and were for more than six months with- 
out speaking or eating together ; and but for the storm that 
overtook us off the coast of Natal, which aroused their con- 
sciences, I believe they would not have spoken during the 
whole voyage : and when they did so, it was not out of 
apprehension of death, though we saw that to be as near as 
well could be. All we could do was to crave pardon of God 
and man, and pump the ship free of water ; and for four days 
and four nights w^e were without sails, helm, and masts. 
But the cause of their being brought together again was that 
after the storm was over a council was held, and advice 
taken what we ought to do, and where we ought to go for our 
refreshment, and for the repair of the ship. To this council 
the merchant would not come ; whereupon the other officers 
took an attestation of the whole ship's company, to make their 
report of the matter on the conclusion of the voyage to 
the Honourable Company, forasmuch as a private quarrel, 
quoth they, ought not to prejudice the general concern, nor to 
prevent them from doing the duties of their offices. This 
brought about their reconciliation. 

Their quarrel arose out of nothing but the placing of a 
chest; for the captain's brother, seeing a place vacant, had his 
chest placed there without more ado, whereas the merchant's 
chest two days ago had been removed from the same spot, 
because, as I believe, it interfered with the whipstaff of the 
helm. Thereupon the merchant comes and removes the 
chest, and on his own authority replaces his own. Forthwith 
the two come to high words, and at length to blows, and with 
some difficulty they were separated. We being then at anchor 
at the island of Anobon, our captain straightway despatched 
our gallon to the Croissant to give word to Monsieur de la 
Bardeli^re of the occurrence, and begging him to come and 
restore order. This he did, and when he had heard the pleas 
on either part, and taken counsel thereupon with all the chief 
officers of the two vessels, he ordered the chain to be fetched. 


Hearing this, the merchant, without a word, ran to his cabin 
to prime and cock his pistol. When the chain was brought 
the general gave order that he be chained by the feet to the 
mainmast, which is the usual place for chaining misde- 
meanants ; but first that he should be straitly reprimanded 
for having dared to attack his captain. But as they went to 
seize him he presented his pistol ready cocked, protesting 
he would kill the first man that laid a hand upon him. 
Whereupon the general, in great wrath, vowed he would not 
take his departure till he should be seized ; but our captain, 
being of a mild and benign disposition, notwithstanding that 
he had been insulted, himself besought the general to pardon 
him, and so did both ships* companies. The general yielded 
to this request ; the merchant, however, was not appeased, 
for he was the proudest and haughtiest man I ever saw, and 
the most revengeful, and had quarrels with everyone. 

In short, to return to my discourse, it was very pitiable to 
see so much wrangling, to hear the utterance of so much 
blasphemy, and to witness so many larcenies and revengeful 
deeds as were done amongst us. Often out of revenge they 
would cast overboard one another's baggage by night, or cut 
the cords that kept their linen and shirts together; in a word, 
there was no wickedness or malice they were not guilty of. 
When one fell sick they mocked him with the utmost inhu- 
manity, and when one died they rejoiced, and, instead of 
praying God for him, said there would be so much victuals 
to spare. They even cursed the voyage, and all who had a 
hand in the undertaking : insomuch that I altogether de- 
spaired of any success to an enterprise wherein was neither 
law, nor discipline, nor fear of God. But if I may be per- 
mitted to make a conjecture of the sinister nature of days, I 
will mention what I observed, viz., that I left St. Malo on a 
Friday, and that I left Goa, the Maldives, St. Helena, and 
Brazil all on the same day, and not one of my voyages was 
fortunate, as I have already told. 


This was the first sea-voyage I ever made, and, as it 
proved in my case, it was a very luckless experience to have 
come across such barbarous, inhuman, and ill-conditioned 
fellows, for out of the whole crew of the Corbin I found not 
one that was courteous and gentle, or that had a spark of 
honour, except our captain, Du Clos Neuf, who was constable 
of St. Malo. He was a person of good morals, and very 
learned, especially in mathematics and in the knowledge of 
the globe and of sea-charts. In short, he manifested nothing 
of his St. Malo origin, yet was he quite unfit to make this 
voyage, and it was the first time he had been to sea. He 
was a man of letters, and had more of the mien of a courtier 
than of aught else. He was, indeed, too gentle and timid for 
a captain, and none of the St. Malo men, who, though they 
knew each other well, were quite without mutual respect, 
took any account of his orders. Neither of our captains had 
any authority from the king or the Court of Parliament to 
administer justice, therefore everyone encroached. Moreover, 
our captain was of a melancholic complexion, and somewhat 
delicate and weak in body, so that he was incapable of great 
fatigue, and had none of the qualities requisite in a soldier 
and a seaman. This may serve for an advertisement to all 
that would undertake great voyages, to choose their men well 
according to their qualities and natures. For it is necessary 
that the chiefs and leaders of such enterprises should be both 
well qualified and of good character ; and I know full well, 
by the ill-conduct and government of our voyage, how dearly 
we paid for default in selection of a captain. 

The captain must not only be a man of authority and of 
good birth, he must understand the sphere and navigation 
chart; he must be of soldierly temper, and of great en- 
durance; above all, he must have absolute power over all 
beneath him, even to condemn them to death. For if he be 
a son of the soil, and of humble condition, he will not be 
feared ; and if such an one attempts to inspire fear by use of 

VOL. II. — 2. I 


force, there will be risk of revolt. Next, the men whom he 
chooses must be of proper quality, not given to wine, nor 
mutinous, nor quarrelsome, for a single mutineer in a ship 
infects the whole crew. Next let him appoint for pursers trust- 
worthy men, and let him as little as possible hector his 
crew, especially those that hold responsible posts. Let him 
show favour to the well-deserving, and rather to good 
mariners than to good soldiers. To my knowledge, some of 
our men, in revenge for a single cuff which the mate gave 
to a Flemish gunner, made a plot, when we should be 
arrived at Sumatra, to lay a slow match to blow up all the 
powder in the ship before deserting; so they afterwards con- 
fessed to us, when we were wrecked at the Maldives. And 
notwithstanding that we were all in the like captivity, they 
spoke all the ill they could of us to the king of the Mal- 
dives, saying we were all robbers and pirates, and had 
brought them by force. This had not much effect, because 
the Maldivians could not have treated us worse than they 
did. But thus it is seen how the recklessness of a single 
man can sometimes ruin a whole community, and also how 
dangerous it is to give the command of a vessel to one that 
hath not skill to exercise it well. 

More than all, a good mariner cannot be too highly prized 
and rewarded, for he is seldom to be had. You will find 
plenty of raw hands, that is, fellows to haul on the ropes, 
but the mariners are they who rig and handle the ship, and 
are always ready to go aloft to the mast-heads. A good 
mariner is much more able to save a ship than a good 
soldier is. 

Finally, a captain ought to establish good order in his ship 
from the very first ; he should be careful above all that 
prayers be duly said, and to this effect should take with him 
some ecclesiastics (as I said before), and should require re- 
spect to be paid to them, for the seamen will tender respect 
and honour to none unless constrained thereto. He must 


also rigorously punish all thefts, and chiefly those of meat 
and drink, wherein great robberies are most commonly prac- 

Such are the disorders and troubles that most usually arise 
in our ships, and cause all our enterprises to succeed so ill. 
Let us, then, take warning to remedy the same, as, indeed, 
may easily be done by the means which I have described, so 
may these be of some material service to all who shall in 
the future undertake voyages of the like nature. 

God be 




In many parts of my book I have observed upon the diversity 
of languages which are current throughout the East Indies. 
I shall therefore content myself here, by merely repeating 
that about Goa and its neighbourhood, besides the Portuguese, 
which is the chief one in vogue, there is a native language 
called Canarine} Next there is the Malabar, which extends 
along the whole Malabar coast, from Ceylon and Cape Comory 
as far as Goa ; for on the opposite coast, toward the east, the 
language commonly spoken is that called Gazer ate,^ which 
extends far into the inner country of the mainland and the 
realm of the Grand Mogor. This language is also spoken in 
Cambaye, Bengal, Bisnagat, and elsewhere, differing only 
slightly in dialects and idioms. At Malacca there is a lan- 
guage called Mcdaye, which also prevails over a wide region, 
even to the Sunda Islands ; for example, Sumatra, the Javas, 
the Moluccas, etc. As for the Maldives, they have their own 
separate language, which is spoken only at those islands. 
The best is spoken in the northern islands near the king's 
court, for towards the south they speak somewhat more 
rudely, being more remote from the court, and from inter- 

1 More properly Konkani; the modern division of North Canara is 
part of the territory properly known as the Konkan, and the old Portu- 
guese called the natives of their territory, both those of Goa and the 
North (properly the Konkanis)^ and also those to the southward, in- 
discriminately Canarins. 

2 A mistake : the languages on the east coast are chiefly Tamil and 
Telugu. lie was probably thinking of Mahratti. 


course with other nations. Besides this vulgar tongue, they 
use also the Arabic language for the affairs of religion and 
matters of science, just as Latin is employed with us ; it is 
spoken and understood only by the priests and the learned. I 
might have made a complete dictionary of the native lan- 
guage, inasmuch as my long sojourn gave me a sufficiently 
large and exact acquaintance with it ; but in order not to 
weary my readers, I will content myself with giving here 
some of the principal and more necessary words, which may, 
I trust, satisfy the keenest curiosity.^ 

1 In the following vocabulary the modem forms and notes are, for 
convenience, placed side by side. The first two columns represent the 
text. The third column shows the words as now written and used. 
It will seen that, in many cases — such as Kaldge *'God", hulagu ** wind", 
kadu ** sea", etc. — the n of Pyrard's time is no longer written : it is, 
however, still sounded in speech, giving the consonant, which formerly 
followed it, a slight nasal tone. The cases where this pronunciation 
occurs will be found by reference to the words in the first column. 

The few instances in which Pyrard has misapprehended the exact 
meaning of words will be noted in the fourth column, where also are 
given the Sinhalese equivalents and some of the more obvious deriva- 

Some years ago, before I had the advantage of Mr. Bell's assistance, I 
published this vocabulary in the Journal of the R. Asiatic Society (N. S., 
vol. X, p. 173). In testimony of Pyrard's accuracy, I then supplied the 
modern equivalents from the vocabulary compiled by Lieut. Christopher, 
in 1821, and published in the J, R, A, 5., vols, v, vi. This list, which is 
fuller than Pyrard's, and the only other as yet published, should be re- 
ferred to by anyone desirous of further studying the Maldive dialect. As 
it coincides, with but few exceptions, with Mr. BelPs list of equivalents 
in the third column, it has been thought that special mention of it in the 
fourth column is hardly required except in cases of variance. 

Some valuable suggestions as to cognate Sinhalese words have been 
supplied by B. Gunasekara Mudaliyar, Chief Government Translator at 
Colombo, and F. M. Wikramaeinha, Assistant Librarian, Colombo 



Pyrard*! Voeftbnlary. 
God Calangue 










{iVa') Kaldge 









fur Ha 

Evil spirit 



Good deed 


















Law, religrion 



Understanding bouddy 

















Star of the 




Star of the 



South or S 







Out our ou 








Olangou hula^u 



Lit. the Great One ; perhaps 

the same word as catlans^ 

V. infra. 
Sin. and Sansk. swarga. 
Sin. naraka, 
Ar. rukf soul, spirit. " Angel" 

is erroneous ; the word is 

the Arabic equivalent of 

furana^ inf rsl. 
Ar. Shaitdn. 

Sin. pr6ta J goblin, sprite. 
Ar. iblis. 

Sin. and Sansk. dharmma. 
Perhaps the Sin. aluyamchd' 

ra, the observance during 

the morning watoh. 
Sin. pdpa. 
t mute. 

Sin. rihif wish or desire. 
Ar. din. 
Sin. buddhi 
Sin. prdna, 
Ar. dunyd. 
Sin. uda. above. 
Sin. iru. 
Sin. taru. 
Sin. gaha (N&m,) the North 

Sin. kdli {see Clough). 

Sin. nakat. In Maldive the 
final t is almost mute. 

Sin. uturu. 

Sin. dakunu, 

I.e., the sun-rise quarter. Iru , 
sun ; wdf coming. 

I.e.f the windward quarter ; 
cf. Sin. sulanga or hulanga^ 

Cf. Sin. eliya^ light, and 
pdna for pahana^ meaning 
also light or clear sight. 
The Sinhalese say elipan 
veld, " the light having 
appeared", i.^., when it is 






1 Vooabalary. 





fen or fen 

Sin. poen. 



bin or hin 

Sin. hima ; of. also Sin. gatn- 
bin, landed property. 




Cf. Tarn. kadaL 




Sin. vald. 




Sin. gigirif gigurUy or gigiru ; 
and guguranavd, to thunder. 




Sin. vidu. 




Sin. vahare. 




Sin. vd. 




Cf . Sin. vissdra or visdri, the 
region of the wind. 




Sin, pini. 




Sin. daval and davdla. 



rS or regadu 

Sin. ra. The Maldivians say 
ri^gadu, the night part (of 
the day), jnst as the Sin- 
halese use r€B-bdgay with 
the same meaning. 




Prob. meda iru, the middle 





me dan 















madam an 


Past time 


ihu duras 


paon duas 

fahu duvas 




























Sin. maddhyama (rdtriya)^ 
the middle (of the night). 

Cf. Pali aha • udana ; Sin. 
udisana^ morning. 

Perh.=Aarfl-in*, wasted sun ; 
cf. Sin. havasa or savasa. 

Sin. ada. 

Sin. iyS. 

Sin. iha or isa, before ; and 
davas^ days. Cf. also, Sin. 
ayUy past. 

Cf. Sin. pahu-dawas, the fol- 
lowing day, the morrow. 

A space of three hours ; Sin. 
ydma. An hour is sdya 
(Chi. 8ahddu\ Ar. sd'at. 

Sin. Aditiya, the Sun (God). 

Sin. Sdma or hdm^a, the Moon. 

Sin. Angaharuvd^ Mars. 

Sin. Buda, Mercury. 

Sin. Brihaspatiy Jupiter. 

Sin. Sikurd, Venus. 

Sin. Senasurdy Saturn. 

Sin. mdsa and masa. 



PyrftTd*! Voeabolftry. 

Clear aly 

Doll endiry 

'Tie day aly viligui 

Tis night 




















Sin. alu and eli^ light. 

Sin. andura. 

Cf. Sin. eli'Veld, and aluyam 

Cf. Sin. riB'Veld, The vejje 
here, and the vilijje of the 
foregoing expression, seem 
to be the past participle, 
corresponding to the Sin. 

Sin. divi. 

Sin. mara (n.), and maru, 
death (m.). 

Cf. Sin. bari in bari-kamaf 
inability, i «., sickness. 

Ar. hummd; but the word 
hun is also used (see vol. i, 
p. 83), which seems to be 
the Sin. una^ or huna. 



rarha or 

Beach or Sea- 

• atiry 















Sea- or Salt- 




Fredh water 



Scented water 














rarha or ra' Cf. Sin. rata. Sansk. roihtra, 
Cf . Sin. tira^ tera^ and addara. 

Ar. juzirat. 

Sin. rajya. 

Sin. ho and oyay river. Kdru 
is applied to any channel 
or drain. 

Sin. lunu. 

The Sin. use lunu-diya (diya 
=• water). 

Sin. miriptBnna {mihiri, or 
miyurUy sweet, and^cen). 

Sin. pini [pasn^y but here 
again the Sin. use diya. 

Sin. varu-diya. 

Sin. vcdi. 

Cf. Sin. kara in mUde-karaf 
and Tarn, karai. 

Perhaps connected with Sin. 
kcBpUy that which is cut off: 
cf. Lat. caputs Gr. ict^oA^, 
and English cape. The 
Maldivians use de-kafif two 
headlands, but not ek-kajt^ 
one headland. 




Pyrard'B Vocabulary. 
Trees gats 



























Ox : cow 













Sheep (m., 








zabade bi>U' 





















Sin. gas^ gasa, and gaha. In 
Maid, gas, sing, and pi., in 
Sin. only plural now. 

Sin. pila, tree, and pili^ 

Sin. mas. 

Cf. Sin. sivupdvdy quadruped. 

Sin. sinha. 

Sin. atd. 

Sin. otuvd ; Sansk. vtthaka. 

Sin. a^ and aswayd. 

Sin. geri. 

Sin. Urd. 

Sin. balu and balld. The na- 


gou balou is an amusing 
mistake. There were no 
dogs at the Maldives (see 
vol. i, p. 116), but the ex- 
pression nagu-balu, tailed 
dog (nagu =ta,il\ was and 
is still a term of abuse. 

Sin. balald: Sansk. bildla. 

Ar. bakara; but cf . Sin. baka- 
layaj a strange or distorted 

Sin. miyd. 

Lit. " civet-cat". 

Sin. vaga, 

Cf. ^in.pulliy the spotted one. 

Sin. kukulOf fowls, but kuku. 
Idj cock, and kikili, hen. 

Sin. scBvul. 

Sin. kdj the one that ca?u* ; 
though it may be ** the 
black one", from kalu^ 
black, the a being some- 
times lengthened in Sin. ; 
e.g.^ kdla-golayd, the nick- 
name of a black short man. 

Mr. Bell thinks this too is ono- 
matopoeic, and cites aVedda 
song, in which the cooing 
of doves is represented " ku- 
tvruriy kuturun kiyannan'\ 



Pyrard'B Vocabulary, 








Cooonut tree 



„ fmit 



„ timbei 

• ory 


„ leaves 



„ flower 



„ root 



„ top 







ma mouy 






lone acourou 








ponian hou 





Sin. gird, 

Cf. Sin. kana kokdy the paddy 
bird QZoxia orizivora'). 

Sin. ruk and ruka. 

Not the timber, but only the 
mid rib or stalk of the 

Sin. party leaves used for plait- 
ing or thatching. 

Sin. mala. 

Sin. viula. 

Sin. Imru. 

Sin. hakuru and sakuru. 

Sin. uk, sugar-cane, and saku^ 

Lit. salt-sugar. It is lump- 
sugar, with some salt mixed 
with it. 

The M. rd is sweet toddy ; 
the Sin. rd is fermented. 

Sin. miriSj chillies, gam-mirUy 

Lit. the sweet ffoni) bark 
(torhi). M./([mi=Sin. posni 
in pasnidodaUj sweet oran- 
ges. Pyrard inserts anbu, 
making it the bark of the 
sweet mango. 







Sin. kardbUy Tam. hardnpu. 




Sin. inguru. 




Sin. naran-gedi, Ar. ndranj. 




Cf. Hind.-Pers. lima. 




Pers. andr. 




Hind, khajur. 




rhan ran, ran Sin. rai^. 

rihi rihi Sin. ridi. 

oudu timara hudu'timara This is whitelead. Malay 

tim^y and Sin. and Maid. 

hudUy white. 



Pyrard's Vocabulary. 



callothimara kalu-timara 








tar as 








Man (m.) 






a o 




My son 



My daughter mandie 

'M.J wife amhye 

Husband pirU 

Full brother or heohande 



Father-in-law houn 
Mother-in-law housse 



firi {miha) 


Male relative 



Female relative 

) pauery 


















Elder brother 




Lead proper. Malay tima^ 
and M. and Sin. kalu, black. 

Sin. yakada. 

This is cast steel. 

A mixture of metals. 

Sin. 16, and Uha^ metal in 

The gold-like metal. 

Sin. pirimi. 

Sir., angana. 

Sin. daru. 

In the northern atolls they say 

mage darifvlu ; but ma^e 

futdvA still used in the south. 

Sin. mage put a ^ my son. 
Cf. Sin. mangi, younger sister: 

used to any young girl. 

Sin. pirimi. 

Lit. children of one womb. 
Half brothers and sisters on 
the father's side Skiedebadu, 

Cf. 'Kind. jamdH. 
' The ordinary expressions are 
ba/dkaligCy father-in-law, 
and mddditdf mother-in- 
law. The words given 
seem to be the P&li sajmra 
and sassH, 

Really sister's husband or 
wife's brother. 

Really brother's wife or hus- 
band's sister. 

Sin. bapa. 

In the southern atolls hdfd^ 
father's father, and mdfd, 
mother's father. 

Sin. ammd and ambd. 

In the southern atolls mdind 
— mother*s mother, and 
munnd, father's mother. 

Sin. Uli. 



Pynird'i Vocabulary. 
Elder sister dmtas 




Younger sister coeas 





Companions demitourou de-mituru 

Cf. Sin. kolld, kelld, helli. In 
both languages used irre- 
spectively of actual rela- 

Lit. "I" or " mine" = Sin. 
Cou ins-german de hee dedary de he de-dari Lit. the two children of two 

(elder) brothers, or brothers' 
children. The Sinhalese do 
not use this dual, but with 
them parents are called dc- 

The dual is much used in 
Maldivian. See foregoing, 
also de-mihun^ two men, 
de-diinij two birds. The 
islanders do not, however, 
use the singular dual of 
the Sinhalese, dennelt, a 
(party of) two persons. 
J/itttini — Sla. miturd. Chr. 
gives rahumaiteriy friend. 

I.e. J reconciled friends. Cf. 
Ar. mtisdlahu. Chr. gives 
m asalas « pleasure, amuse- 

Cf. Sin. rfldra, wrath ; rn- 
dui'u^ cruel. 

Cf . Sin. manika. A few per- 
sons, such as the Cazi, are 
styled manikU'fdnu. 

Cf . Sin. (Bduru. Wastadu (Ar. 
vjttdd') is also used. 



My master 













King raacan raskan This is probably not quite ac- 

curate. The ordinary term for king is rasge-fdnu {fdnu being 
merely honorific), which Christopher gives. The Sultan's 
letters to Ceylon use the word ras (=Sin. rajan^ rada), Busge 
is, therefore, genitival, ge being the genitive suffix common 
to Maldive and Sinhalese : rasge-fdnu is thus our " King's 
Majesty". Ras-kan would seem = Sin. raja-kama, king's busi- 
ness, government ; and Mr. Bell cites in favour of this view 
the following expressions used in the Sultan's letters : — 



Pyrard'B Vooftbnlary. Modem. Notes. 

raskamugai vadaigen innavd^ " he who is carrying on the 
government"; and DiveJii Rdji rashamu vadaigenvd, "he 
who is carrying on the government of the Maldive 
Queen renequilague rani-kilage- The kUa is probably of Per- 

(fdnu) sian origin. 



kald' (fdn% 

Cf . Pers. kaldn, great. 




Cf . Sin. Mceminif lady ; Sansk. 


kamini, woman. 




) Common to Pers., Hind., etc. 
) Orig. Ar. Sdhib^ companion. 







See vol. i, p. 58, note. 

Young lady 



Pers. bibi^ lady. 

Well-bom man 



„ woman 



Low-born man 
,, woman 



I I.e., without the honorific 
I suffix as in the preceding 
V terms. 




Pers. sarddr. 



hagu be- 

Chr. writes hanggube ; from 


Sansk. anga, an arm, a 
limb ; hence chatur-anga^ 
the four arms, an army. 







Cf. Sin. iHi. 





Cf. Sin. vedi. 


badi baise 



Sin. vedi'bet. 




The -tuva' is evidently the Sin. 

tuvakkuva, a gun. Mr. Bell 
suggests that the first syl- 
lable may represent kdla, 




• • 

Sin. undiya or undS. 




Port, langa. 





Sin. Jtuduva. 






Malay krijt. 




Sin. pihiya. 



Cf. Hind. 8enti, 

A person 


mihu ' 

Sin. minihd. 



bOj bolu 

Sin. olura^ but cf. hola 










Apparently = "head -tree"; 
Sin. isa^ head, and tura 

or turu^ tree ; cf, tard 
(Nam.), canopy. 




Sin. kampetta, ear « kana, 
pata^ or petta. 




Sin. bcsma, Sansk. bhamuka. 



Id ; Ulu 

Cf. Sansk. Ucana^ Pali Uch- 
ana, eyes. 




Sin. ncehcBy nahaya. 




I had interpreted naraualle 

as the "manly hair". Sin. 
nura^ male, and wdla, hair; 
bnt the more correct nura- 
vd contradicts this. More- 
over, Mr. Bell states that 
the latter means not the 
monstaches themselves, but 
the bare space betwixt 
them. The hair of the 
moustaches is matimag, lit. 
upper- {mati = Sm, viaUi^ 
beard {nias). 













Sin. dat» 




Sin. diva^ divu. 




Sin. kopula. 








Sin. kanda. 




Sin. at. 

Right arm 



Lit. the eating hand ; Sin. 
hanard^ to eat. 

Left arm 



Sin, vatnata {vama^ ata^. 

The side 



Pesh. Sin. kayS-bdge^ half or 
side of the body. 




Sin. emgili, anguli. 




Sin. niyapotu. 



han^ hai^ 

Sin. hama, pi. Juin. 




Sin. nahara. 




Sin. U. 




Sin. ura^ heart, and mati, 






Sin. buriya. 





Sin. bada. 




d'B Vocabulary. 







Sin. kakul, legs. 





Cf . Sin. puduva. 




Sin. pdj pay a, piya 




Sin. hada. 


























far (my 




























Pers. salfMdt, the syMatoun 
of Chancer) perhaps the 
origin of our "scarlet": it 
appears sometimes applied 
to silk and sometimes to 
woollen stuffs. See Yule, 
Oloss.y s. V. Sucldt^ and 
supra, vol. i, p. 244. 

Sin. pili. 

Sin. sudUf hudu. 

Sin. kalu. 

Sansk. haridu, yellow. 

Sin. rata, ratu, rat. 

Chr. gives hlu^ = nii, ; Sansk. 
nil. Mr. Bell says fehi = 
green, as applied to green 

Appareatly =» silk-thread. 

Sin. huya, thread. 

Sin. hapu. 

Sansk. kambala, the Anglo- 
Indian "oumbly", a coarse 
woollen blanket. See Yule, 
Oloss.y under this head. 

At. kattdn. Pers. hatd?i ("cot- 

Port, veludo. 

Cf. Tarn, kaohchai ; Chr. gives 

Ar. libds ; see vol. i, pp. 167, 

Sin. pay a, foot, and vahan, 

cover or dress. 
Sin. topiya, from Hind. topi. 

The fes is called tdkihd. 
Ar. ka}>d, and hence Port. 

cabaya. See vol. i, p. 372. 



Pyrard'a Vocabulary. 





eM; e" 

Sin. eJca^ and ^ as in i-siyah — 




Sin. deka. 




Sin. turta. 




Sin. hatara 




Sin. paha. 




Sin. hay a. 




Sin. hata. 




Sin. ata. 





Sin. nawaya. 




Sin. daha. 




Sin. ekoloha. 




Sin. dolmha. 


Note that they count np 

to twelve (as we do up to ten), then they go 

on by twelves, and their " hundred" is ninety-six, or eight times twelve.^ 




Sin. paswisi = 25. 




I.e.j three dozen. 




Sm, panas =50. 




I.e.j five dozen. 




I.e.j seven dozen. 




Sin. siya = 100. 

Thousand, or ten asm 


Sin. ddsa = 1,000. 

times ninety- 



Million, or ten 



Sin. laJcshaya = 100,000. It 

times a thou- 

may be noted, however, 

sand {sic) 

that in Malayand nearly all 

the languages of the Archi- 
pelago laksa means 10,000. 




Sin. gS. 




Ar. masjid? 




I.e., fry-house ; 'cf . Sin. hadi- 




Sin. dora. 

" Compound" 


(of a house) • 




Sin. pavura. 



Ar. nazel. 

1 See " Note on the Maldive Numerals", at the end of this Vocabulary. 

2 Col. Yule notes {Gloss, s, v. "Mosque") : " According to Pyrard mes- 
quite is the word used in the Maldive Islands. It is difficult to suppose 
the people would adopt such a word from the Portuguese (mesquita^. 
And probably the form both in east and west is to be accounted for by a 
hard pronunciation of the Arabic J as in Egypt now ; the older and pro- 
bably the most widely diffused." 

VOL. II. — 2. K 






Precious stones es 






























































Mariner calassir kaldsi 

Marine chart mouraban murubhd 
Cross-staff for pilagaha 

taking height 

of the stars. 
Ship ody odi 

Galley gourrdbe gurdhu 

Sin. cm; lit. **eyes". 
Pers. almds. 
Ar. yakat. 

Cf . At. akika^ bloodstone. 
I.e.j the "Persian" stone, as 
we call it the " Turkish".^ 
Sin. mutu, mutya^ ox muttika. 
Sin. mudu. 
Sin. valdf vala^ 

Cf. Sin. pattaf bandage, 

Sin. gdmaj cowdung ; see vol 
i, p. 229. 

Sin. and Sansk. histHri. 

Ar. and Pers. zabdd. 

** Incense." 

Cf . Sin. hasd, sulphur. 

Sin. rdha-diya^ lit. " moving- 

Ar. shalib. 

Sin. Sansk. tuttha^ tutthaka. 

Tam. samukkdf Sansk. chum- 

Lit. *' pilot-stone", but not 
used now. 

Prob. Sin. nasva^ ship, and Ar. 
emir, chief ; Chr. gives wi- 
yameng == mate or lieuten- 

Ar. KhaldH, . 

Chr. hasjild; thegaJia is tree 
or rod. 


naguilly nagili 

Cf . Tam. odam, 

Ar. Hind, ghurdb ; see vol. i, 
p. 312. 

Mr. Bell suggests = Sin. nan- 
gurama, anchor, or nagula, tail. It 
may, however, be ship-chain ; cf. 
Sin. ruBvay ship, and guilli, above 
translated necklet. 

1 This may probably be the original form; but /lroz<i=" victorious"; 
and that seems to be the transformed meaning. 



It is clear, from the numbers given above, that the Maldivians, on 
their separation from the Sinhalese, took with them to their islands 
the decimal system of notation. Their numbers, not only up to 10, 
but also beyond (ekolohe^ = eko-laha = 1 + 10, and dolohe* = do-laha= 
2 + 10, etc.), were the same as the Sinhalese, and the common inherit- 
ance of Aryan races. Since the separation, the remote situation of the 
islanders has enabled them to evolve for themselves a complete duo- 
decimal system, founded upon the words of the old decimal system. 
This native system, born of commercial convenience, after flourishing 
for several centuries, has in its turn been compelled to yield to the 
necessities of international intercourse, and a decimal system, in which 
the numbers after 10 are borrowed from the modern tongues of India, 
is said to be ousting the practice of counting by twelves. 

A perusal of the chapter on the art of counting, in Mr. Tylor's 
Primitive Culture^ shows clearly enough that if Nature had but endowed 
the human hand with an extra finger, the use of duodecimal counting 
would now be almost universal. As it is, digital counting obtained too 
strong a hold on the practice of primitive races to be displaced by a 
notation founded on the number " twelve", the advantages of which, in 
point of divisibility, would not become obvious until a race arrived at 
the commercial stage. The permanence of the decimal system is also 
largely due, no doubt, to the use of figures, or written symbols for num- 
bers, and more especially to the discovery of the cipher. When this 
stage was reached, and Yiumbers were employed in arithmetical calcula- 
tions for a large diversity of purposes, it was thenceforth impossible to 
alter the common use. 

The Maldivians, however, were favourably situated for Ynaking their 
gallant experiment in numbers. Their commerce consisted chiefly in 
cowries, their transactions in which would, in nearly all cases, be con- 
ducted orally. At an early period of their separate nationality they 
must have found the advantage of the number 12, though the growth of 
the new practice cannot be clearly traced. Ibn Batuta, our only 
Maldive authority before Pyrard, does not give us a list of numbers, 
and those stated may be inexact. Among them, however, is the word 
•* cotta" (catty), which, he says, meant a parcel of 24,000 cowries. This is 
an indication of the use of twelve in transactions, though we cannot tell 
whether, in the Moorish traveller's time, the number thirteen was repre- 
sented by 12 + 1, and no longer by 10 + 3. The title of the Sultan, 
as given by Pyrard (vol. i, p. 95), and evidently an ancient formula, 
shows the two systems in competition. He was called ** Sultan of 12,000 
islands and 13 atolls", the words being dolos assa ral (= 12,000 lands), 



and tera atholon (= 13 atolls). Now the assignment of the number 
12,000 to the Maldives is merely evidence of the prevalence of the num- 
ber 12, and indicative of a vast number, stated with conscious want of 
preciseness. The number tera^ on tbe other hand, is the old Sinhalese 
for 13 {tera or teles = 3'+ 10). It was probably obsolete in general 
usage in Pyrard's time, for the common word, as he intimates in his note 
following the number *' twelve" in the vocabulary, must have been the 
duodecimal dolos-eke\ 

Whatever were the steps in the transition, the duodecimal system, 
based on the decimal words,' attained its completion with some curious 
anomalies. The Maldivians were probably as unconscious that dolos 
was do-laha = 2 + 10, as are most Englishmen who use the word, that 
dozen is " duo-decim"; and they proceeded with their second dozen, 
dolos-eke\ dolos-de\ etc., just as we, if we were to adopt the same system, 
should probably S£^y *' dozen-one", " dozen-two", etc. The first anomaly 
comes at 24, which, if Sinhalese were followed, should be vm-hatara ; 
the word used is fassehe, which is the Sin. paswisi^ 25. The next comes 
at 48, for which fanas (Sin. panas^ i.e,y two more than the actual four 
dozen) = 50, was forced to do duty. So, too, 72 is represented by 
fdhiti (Sin. paha-hette =z76, i.e., three more than the actual six dozen), 
and 96 by hiya (Sin. siya ^ 100, i.e., four more than eight dozen). 
While thus 2, 4, 6, and 8 dozen are represented by the Sinhalese equi- 
valents of numbers greater than these by 1, 2, 3, and 4 respectively, 
the alternate dozens, 12, 36, 60, and 84 are represented by correct 
duodecimal words, dohhe* (twelve); tin-dolos (three diozeri) ^ fas-dolos (five 
dozen), and had-dolos (seven dozen). The best explanation of these 
anomalies which occurs to me is, that on the adoption of the duodecimal 
system, the decimal words for 100, and its quarterly subdivisions 25, 
50, and 75, had obtained too strong a hold to be easily displaced, and 
were accordingly transferred to the next respective multiples of twelve. 
The larger numbers, hds (960 or 1,000 = Sin. ddsa) and lakka^ which 
should be neither a million nor ten times 1,000, but 100,000, are neces- 
sarily somewhat indeterminate. 

'We now arrive at the third stage of the history of Maldive numerals. 
Modern commerce with the mainland of India, involving the greater use 
of accounts and written calculations, has, in quite modern times, caused 
a return to the decimal system. '* The inconvenient duodecimal mode 
of numeration", says Mr. Bell — though I would point out that its 
inconvenience arose solely from the use by other nations of the decimal 
system — " was formerly exclusively used by the Maldivians ; but though 
still in vogue here and there, it is gradually dying out, and rarely em- 
ployed in business calculations. Beyond 10 a modified form of the 
Hindiistdni decimal numeration is that in common use. Some confusion, 
however, arises from the co-existence of the two systems ; thus, fanas 



or fansds maybe either 48 or 50; hiya or sateka, 96 or \W^ (The 
Maldive Islands, p. 121). ^ The following list of the two sets of numbers, 
transcribed from a Maldive tartih, or commentary on the Kuran, is 
published by Mr, Bell in the J, R, A, S, (Ceylon Branch), vol. vii, pt. 
Ill, 1882 :— 






1 eke' 


38 T 


2 de' 



3 tine' 




4 hatare' 



5 faJie 





6 haye' 


7 Jiate' 



8 arhe' 



9 7iuvaye' 


10 dihaye' 


11 ekflloha' 


48 fafias J 

12 doloJte' 


49 fanas-elic' 


13 dolog-eke* 








































69 J 



23 J 


60 fasdolos 


24 faxsehi 


61 fasdolos-ehi* 


25 fassehi-eke' 



etc, ^ 

1 etc. 























et-tiris • 















35 J 


72 fdUti 

\ etc. 

36 tin-dolos 


73 fahlti-eke' | 

37 tin-dolos-eke^ 

74^ etc. 

75 •] 





^ When Mr. Bell says that the duodecimal system is rarely employed 
in business calculations, I take him to mean that this is so at business 
centres such as Mi\6, It is unlikely that the statement will hold 
good as to ordinary business among the islanders. A change of this 
magnitude is not likely to have fully developed in fifty years ; and as to 
the state of things in 1835, we have to note that Christopher remarks, 
" They reckon by dozens as we do by tens" (/. Bo, Geo, Soc, vol. i, p. 54), 
and makes no mention of a decimal system. 


















k ' 












95 J 

83 J 


84 had'dolos 


85 had'dolos-elte* 



86 ) etc. 


87 V 



1 J 







CO verers would be able to return to their villages on the change of the 
monsoon, bearing the intelligence of this strange cluster of islands, 
which, though presenting no attractions of an agricultural cha- 
racter, had riches of its own in fish, tortoise-shell, cowries, and 
ambergris. For a considerable time, it may be that the Galle 
fishern;ien made annual voyages, and maintained a dual home. 
If they sojourned at the Maldives for the period of a monsoon, 
the transportation of wives and families, which would be a con- 
dition of the system, would eventually lead to a permanent 
settlement of some portion at least of the adventurers. 

But whether we assume a single original occupation in force, 
or a gradual settlement such as is surmised above, we are met by 
an argument which seems to tell> if at all, in favour of the latter 
hypothesis. Neither the Mahavanso nor any other Sinhalese 
record as yet discovered throws any light upon the original occu- 
pation of the Maldives or .upon the early relations of the Mal- 
divians with their Sinhalese cousins.^ If the conquest had been 
effected by any warlike operations, it is only likely that the 


credit would have been attributed to the Sinhalese king of the 
period. On the other hand, we can imagine the gradual pro- 
gress of a fisher colony from occasional visits to a permanent 
settlement, and latterly to the status of a constitutional govern- 
ment. Nor, considering the distance of the atolls, the troubled 
condition of Ceylon arising from periodical invasion, and the 
bijou character of the new possession, need we feel any surprise 
that this distant colony was allowed to work out its destiny un- 
aided or unchecked by Sinhalese proconsuls. The Maldive tradi- 
tion, as recorded by Pyrard, was that the atolls were colonised 
from Ceylon some 400 years before his time, i.e., about the 
beginning of the thirteenth century a.d. No reliance can, 

1 " In the Sultan's palace at Mdle is said to be preserved a national 
record styled Tdrikho (Ar. tdrikh) or Muskuli foi^ in which all import- 
ant events and matters of State have been faithfully noted for cen- 
turies in the old Maldive character (dives akuru)^ in Arabic, and in the 
modem native character (gahali tandy^ {Bell, p. 41). These archives 
contain the list of the Sultans, which will be found on a subsequent 
page, but are believed to contain no information as to the pre- 
Mahommedan times. 


however, be placed upon this traditional date, in the face of 
the evidence of Ibn Batuta, who, in the middle of the fourteenth 
century, found the .present Maldivian race in full possession, 
with a well- developed and apparently ancient system of govern- 
ment. This traveller, as will be seen, while giving no tradi- 
tional account of the colonisation, records as a historical fact that 
the islands were converted to Muhammadanism at a period syn- 
chronising with that assigned by Pyrard to the original settle- 
ment. The probability is that the present race were the first 
colonists, but if we are right in assuming that the Maldives were 
peopled by a gradual emigration of Sinhalese, it will be impos- 
sible to do more than approximately suggest the period at which 
the discovery was made ; and that at which the Maldivians became 
independent of Ceylon in regard to population, government^ and 
religion. Now, if the indications of Buddhism which are already 
described^ are to be trusted — and I do not conceal my belief that 
an archaeological survey of the Maldives will furnish further reli- 
able evidences of the fact — we shall have to bear in mind that the 
Sinhalese themselves were only converted to Buddhism about the 
middle of the third century B.C. The conversion may have been 
rapid, but was probably not so rapid as the Sinhalese epics allege. 
If, therefore, the evidence justifies us in concluding that Buddhism 
flourished at the Maldives before the advent of Islam, either it 
was brought thither by the colonists, probably not before the 
first century B.C., or it was subsequently introduced by missionaries 
. from Ceylon. If the latter had been the case, it would pro- 
bably have been matter of record in the Sinhalese chronicles ; and 
on this point, as has been said, the chronicles are silent. It is, 
therefore, safe to assume that the emigration was not concluded 
until after Ceylon was wholly converted, and that the Buddhist 
religion was part and parcel of the civilization conveyed by the 
colonists beyond the sea. 

Of the notices extracted below, I do not myself regard any as fur- 
nishing clear proof of the peopling of the Maldives until we arrive 
at Suleiman, the Arab traveller of the ninth century. And if 

^ See vol. i, p. 123, note. 


subsequent investigation of the islands leads to the discovery of 
Buddhist remains, the character of those remains may afford evi- 
dence that the colonisation took place so late perhaps as the fourth 
or fifth century a.d. 

Peripius. 2. The author of the Periplus [a.d. 90?], in describing the 

trade of the Malabar coast, mentions " tortoise-shell, both that 
called Chrysonedotikey and the kind from the islands off Lim- 
urik^", the latter being the name given to Malabar, or a particular 
portion of it. 

Ptolemy. 3. Ptolemy {circa a.d. 150) says : — " Over against Taprobane lie 

a multitude of islands, said to number 1,378. The following are 
some of the names given: — Vangalia (or Yangana), Kanathra, 
AigidioTif Omeon^ Monachh, Amminej Garkos (or Karkos), Pkili- 
ku8 (or Fhelikus)j Eiren^, Kalaiadua (or Kalandradrua)^ Abrana 
(or Arand)y Bassa^ Balaka^ Alaha, Gumara, Zaha^ Bizala (or 
Zihala)^ Nagadiha (or Nagadena)y and SusuaraJ^ The position 
assigned to the islands named shows. that, according to his informa- 
tion, they lay round about Taprobane on all sides. Mr. Bell has 
bravely, and in some instances, I think, successfully, identified 
certain of these islands. In his view the list includes some of the 
• group off the north-west coast qf Ceylon, and some of the Lacca- 
dives, while none of the names can be satisfactorily assigned to the 
Maldives. The following suggestions have some appearance of 
probability : — Kanathra = Kavarathi ; Aigidion = Agathi, or 
perhaps Angediva ; Orneon = Underu ; Monachd = Minikai ; 
Ammin^ = Amini ; Kalaiadua = Karativoe. 

Ammianus 4. Ammianus Marcellinus (a.d. 320-390) records that in the 


year 362, ambassadors came to the Emperor Julian from the Divi 
and the SerendivL The passage* runs thus : — " Legation es undi- 
que solito ocius concurrebant ; hinc Transtigritanis pacem obse- 
crantibus et Armeniis, inde nationibus Indicis certatim cum donis 
optimates mittentibus ante tempus, ab usque Divis et Serendivis." 
The name Serendivi — a form so similar to the Serendih of the long 

1 Lib. xxii, c. 3. 


subsequent Arab period — is linked to it by the intermediary AmmiannB 
Sielediba of Cosmas. The Serendivi were no doubt the Sinhalese. 
But whether the Divi (Divi = Maid, divehi-mihun), "the 
islanders" (see above, voL i, p. 83), were the Laccadivians or the 
Maldivians, or both, or neither, must remain uncertain. 

5. Moses Chorenensis, on the supposed information of one Pappus mobob 
of Alexandria, writes^: — " Taprobane is the greatest of all islands Bis. 
.... it has also smaller islands round about it, to the number 

of 1,372." The number here is only six less than that given by 
Ptolemy, and is evidently a mere variation. 

6. F^h Hian, the Chinese traveller, who visited Ceylon early in Ftfh man. 
the fifth* century, adds to his description of the island the follow - 

ing2 : — " On every side are small islands, perhaps amounting to 
one hundred in number. They are distant from one another ten 
or twenty li^ and as much as two hundred IL All of them depend 
on the great island. Most of them produce precious stones and 
pearls." This passage has been taken to refer to the Maldives, 
but the small number, the allusion to pearls, and the depend- 
ence upon Ceylon, would seem more applicable to the islands at 
the north and north-west of Ceylon, in the neighbourhood of the 
pearl fishery. 

7. Cosmas the monk, sumamed Indicopleustes (a.d. 535.-550), coBmaa. 
who himself visited Ceylon, " called Sielediba by the Indians, and 
Taprobane by the Greeks," adds to his description^: "Round 
about it are a number of small islands, in all of which you find 
fresh water and coco-nuts (apyeWia ; corruption of Skt. ndrikeli, 
Pers. ndrgil). These are almost all set close to one another." 

This is a clearer reference to the Maldives, being somewhat 
more characteristic, and, except as to the "round about it", 

1 Geographia^ 367, Whiston's edition, London, 1736. 

2 See Beal's Buddhist Pilgrims, London, 1869, 8vo. 

3 Montfaucon, Collectio Nova Patrum, etc., vol. ii ; and see extracts 
in Yule's Cathay, p. clxvii. 



PaUadius. 8. Here may be entered a passage from the tract so-called of 
Palladius, De Bragmanihus^ a work of uncertain date and origin. 
'" This island (Taprobane) is the seat of the greatest Indian king, 
whom all the rest obey as satraps. So Scholasticus relates on the 
information of another, for he was not allowed himself to enter the 
island. Round about it (unless the report be false) lie a thousand 
other islands, through which the Red Sea flows. In these islands, 
which are called Maniolce, the magnet-stone which attracts iron is 
produced ; so that if any ship built with iron nails should approach 
these islands, it -will by the virtue of this stone be drawn thither 
and stayed in its course. Wherefore those who sail to Taprobane 


employ ships built with wooden bolts specially for this voyage." 
This tract, though perhaps not genuine, is no doubt very ancient, 
and gives one of the earliest references to the ships of southern 
Asia built without the use of iron. This phenomenon had to 
be explained, and the fable of the magnetic rock served this 

Suleiman. 9. The gap between Cosmas, the last of the classical autho- 
rities, in the sixth century, and the Arabs of the ninth, is still 
unbridged. In the collection of notes of Arabian travellers, pub- 
lished first by the Abbe Renaudot, and afterwards by Reinaud, 
occurs in tHe portion attributed to Suleiman a notice of the Sea of 
Herkend, which extended from the Dibajat,^ ^.6., the Maldives, to 
Sumatra^: — 

'* The third Sea bears the name of the Sea of Herkend. Between 
this sea and that called Al-larevy there are a vast number of 
islands, amounting, so it is said, to 1,900. These islands separate the 
two seas, Al-larevy and Herkend ; they are governed by a woman. ^ 
The sea throws up on the shore of these islands big lumps of 

1 Divehi-raja, "the island kingdom", the Maldivians' own name for 
the islands. 

2 See Reinaud, Relation des Voyages, etc.^ Paris, 1845, 12mo., pp. 4, 5. 

3 The Maldivians, like the Sinhalese, allowed females to succeed in 
default of male heirs. So far as is known, only three women have in 
fact ruled, but the phenomenon was so strange to the Arab traveller 
that he inferred a regular succession of females. It will be seen that 
Suleiman is followed by Mas'udi, and partly by Edrisi. 


amber : sooie of these pieces have the form of a plant, or nearly Suieimftn. 
so. Amber grows at the bottom of the sea like the plants ; when 
the sea is much disturbed, it throws up the amber in pieces like 
pumpkins or truffles. 

" These islands, which are governed by a'woman, are planted 
with coco-trees. The distance separating the islands from one 
another is two, three, or foiir parasangs. They are all inhabited, 
and all produce coco-trees. Their money consists of cowries. The 
queen stores these cowries in her treasuries. It is said that no 
people are so adroit as the natives of these islands. They make 
tunics woven of a single web, with sleeves, ornaments, and borders. 
They build their ships and houses, and load them with their pro- 
duce in like manner. The cowries come up to the surface of the 
water, lind contain a living creature. A coco-tree branch is thrown 
into the water, and the cowries attach themselves to it. The 
cowry is called Al Kahtadj, 

" The last of these islands is Serendib, in the Sea of Herkend ; 
it is the chief of all. To these islands is given the name Dihajdt, 
Over against Serendib is the pearl fishery." 

10. Abu'l Hasan Ali, called El Mas'udi, who himself visited Mas'udi. 
Ceylon in a.d. 916, gives a detailed account of the Maldives^ :^- 

" Between the third sea, or that of Herkend, and the Sea of Lar, 
there are, as has been said, a great number of islands, forming, as it 
were, a separate group. There are counted of them 2,000, or more 
exactly, 1,900. They are all very well peopled, and are subject to 
a queen : for from the most ancient times the inhabitants have a 
rule never to -allow themselves to be governed by a man. ' The 
amber (gris) found on these shores, thrown up by the sea, attains 
the size of large pieces of rock. Many navigators, and also the 
traders of Siraf and Oman, who have made the voyage to these 
islands, have assured me that the amber grows at the bottom of 
the sea, and is formed like the different kinds of white and black 
bitumen, as mushrooms and other substances of like sort. When 

1 Les Prairies cPOr, trad, par de Meynard at de Courteille, 2 vols., 
Paris, 1861 ; also in English, Meadows of Gold^ by Sprenger (Or. Trans. 
Fund), LondoD, 1841. 


Mas'adi. the sea is troubled, it throws up from its bosom fragments of 
rock and shingle, and at the same time pieces of amber. The 
inhabitants of these islands are all subject to one government. 
They are very numerous, and can put an innumerable army in the 
field. Each island is separated from its neighbour by a distance 
of a mile, or one, two, or three parasangs. Coco-nuts flourish 
there, but they ha^je not the date palm." 

[Here follows a discourse on the coco-tree.] 
" To return to these islands : there are none whose natives are 
more skilful artisans, in the manufacture of stuffs, instruments, 
ete. The queen has no other money but cowries, which are a 
kind of molluscs. When she sees her treasure diminishing, she 
orders her islanders to cut coco-branches with their leaves, and to 
throw them upon the surface of the water. To these the creatures 
attach themselves, and are then collected and spread upon the 
sandy beach, where the sun rots them, and leaves only the etnpty 
shells, which are then carried to the treasury. From these 
islands, which are known by the name oiDahihat,^ a large quantity 
of Zandj or coco is exported." 

Aibonmi. n. Albcruni^ (a.d, 1030) classifies the islands of the ocean 
which stretches from Africa to China in three gi'oups : — 

" The eastern islands in this ocean, which are nearer to China 
than to India, are the islands of the Zdhaj^ called by the Hindus 
Suvarna-Dvipa, that is, the gold islands. The western islands in 
this ocean are those of the Zanj (Negros), and those in the middle 
are the islands Ramm and the Diva islands, to which belong also 
the Kumair islands. It is peculiar to the Dtva islands that they 
rise slowly : first there appears a sandy tract above the surface of 
the ocean ; it rises more and more, and extends in all directions, 
till at last it becomes a firm soil, whilst at the same time another 
island falls into decay and melts away, finally is submerged, and 
disappears in the ocean. As soon as the inhabitants become aware 
of this process, they search for a new island of increasing fertility, 
transport there their coco-nut palms, date palnjs, cereals, and 

1 More probably Dihajdt. 

2 AlherunVs India^ by Dr. Edward C. Sachau (Triibner's Or. Series), 
London, 1888, 2 vols. 


household goods, and emigrate to it. These islands are, according Aiboruni. 
to their products, divided into two classes — the Diva Kildha^^ the 
islands of cowries, because there they gather cowries from the 
branches of the coco-nut palms, which they plant in the sea ; and 
Diva-Kanhdr^ the islands of the cords twisted from coco-nut fibre, 
and used for fastening together the planks of their ships.'* 

This is a very accurate description of the Maldives and Lacca- 
dives, the groups being distinguished by their chief exports. 

,12. Our next authority is Edrisi [a.d. 1099-1186]. His Edrisi. 
account, which is altogether compiled from previous authorities 
/and the information of others, is as follows^ : — 

" To this section belong the islands indicated in their place, 
amongst others, those called El Roihahat [read Dihajdt]^ which are 
very close to one another, and innumerable. The greater part of 
these islands are desert. The largest of them, however, which is 
called Jnheria, is flourishing and peopled with a great number of 
inhabitants, who cultivate both it and the neighbouring islands, M 
Comor, All the inhabitants of these islands are subject to a chief, 
who convokes them, and protects and defends them to the best of 
his power. Sis wife administers justice, and speaks in public un- 
veiled, after an established custom from which they never vary. 
The name of this queep is Demhera ; she wears for ornaments a robe 
of gold tissue, and on her head a crown of the same metal, enriched 
with pearls and precious stones. She wears gold slippers, such as 
none other may use under pain of having their feet cut off. This 
queen, on solemn feasts and other great occasions, appears in pub- 
lic, along with her maids of honour, with a great array of elephants, 
trumpets, and flags. Her husband and the viziers follow her at a 
certain distance. This queen has wealth deposited in cellars, to 
be distributed in due course to the poor of her dominions. No 

1 Or Kaudha, of. Hind. Kaudi^ Kauri, This passage is referred to 
above, vol. i, p. 237, but there the word is misprinted Kandha. 

2 This form, which appears also in Ibn Batuta and other Arab writers, 
is considered by Col. Yule {Gloss,^ s. v. Coir) to arise from some misread- 
ing of the Indian term, Malaya! . Kdyar. The explanation is correct, 
Kdyar being from Kayaru, to be twisted. 

3 Geographic d* Edrisi^ par P. A. Joubert, 2 vols., Paris, 1836. 


Edrisi. distribution of alms is made but in her presence and under her 
eje. * The inhabitants of the country suspend silk stuffs along her 
path, and at places which she is to pass, for she keeps up great 
state, as we have explained. The king and queen of these islands 
reside at Anheria, 

** The principal production of these islands is the tortoise-shell 
called zahly^ which can be parted into seven pieces, of which four 
weigh a mina, -that is, 260 drachmas. The heaviest weigh half a 
mina each! With these shells are made divers ornaments for the 
women's dress, also combs, seeing that it is thick, transparent, and 
very varied in colour. 

" The women of this island wear the- head uncovered and the 
hair plaited, and each of them uses ten combs (more or less) in her 
hair ; it is their principal adornment, as with the women of El 
Sahah, whose inhabitants are without religious belief, as we shall 
tell hereafter. , • 

" The islands known by the name M Roihahat [Dihajat] are 
■ peopled. They cultivate there the coco-tree and the sugar-cane. 
Commerce is carried on by means of shells. They are distant 
from one another about six miles. Their king preserves these 
shells in his treasury, and he possesses the greater portion of them. 
The inhabitants are industrious, adroit, and intelligent. They 
manufacture wide tunics, open at the neck and supplied with 
pockets. They build ships with very slender timber. Their 
houses and other important buildings are of very durable stone, 
but they also employ, in the construction of their dwellings, timber 
which comes over sea, and also scented woods. They say that the 
shells which compose the royal treasure are found on the surface 
of the water in calm weather. They throw into the sea pieces of 
coco-wood, and the shell-fish attach themselves thereto. They are 
called El Kendj [probably Kaudlia], In some of the islands is 
found a substance resembling liquid pitch-resin, which burns the 
fish at the bottom of the sea and is extinguished at the surface. 
The last of these islands is over against Serendib, on its most 
northern side, in a sea called Herkend." 

•^ Maid. KaJiahn, tortoise-shell. 


13. Marco Polo does not speak of the Maldives by name, but the Marco Polo, 
number which he assigns to the Indian islands collectively is 
evidently a mere variant of the Maldivians* traditional number of 

their own islands, of which Polo must have heard on the Malabar 
coast. Comparing Polo's few lines, and the equally vague notices 
of John of Montecorvino and Friar Jordanus (given below), with 
the accounts of Mas'udi and Edriai, we see that while the know- 
ledge of the Maldives attained by the Arab geographers and 
travellers had long been circumstantial, if not correct, that of the 
Christian travellers of this period showed no advance upon the 
information of Ptolemy. 

The passage from Polo^ runs as follows : — 

" You must understand that, in speaking of the Indian Islands, 
we have described only the most noble provinces and kingdoms 
among them ; for no man on earth could give you a true account 
of the whole of the Islands of India. Still, what I have described 
are the best, and as it were the Flower of the Indies. For the 
greater part of the other Indian Islands that I have omitted are 
subject to those that I have described. It is a fact that in this 
Sea of India, there are 12,700 Islands, inhabited and uninhabited, 
according to the charts and documents of experienced mariners 
who navigate the Indian Sea." 

14. John of Montecorvino, in a letter dated 22 Dec. (?) 1292, John of 
writes^:— ^^«o. 

" The state of things in regard to the Sea of India is this. . . . 
Traversing it towards the South there is no continent found but 
islands alone, but in that sea the islands are many, more than 
1 2,000 in number. And many of these are inhabited, and many 
are not. You can sail (upon that sea) between these islands and 
Ormes, and (from Ormes) to those parts which are called Minibar 
is a distance of 2,000 miles in a direction between south and 
south-east," etc. 

The latter portion of this passage is somewhat obscure, and the 

1 Book III, eh. xxxiv. 

2 For particulars of this traveller and the context, see Yule's Cathay , 
etc.^ p. 215.' 

VOL. II. — 2. L 



John of extract is of no value except as edving fresh currency to the 

Moutecor- r o o ^ 

^i^*'- traditional Maldive number, 12,000. 


FHar Jor- 

Ibn Batuta. 

15. In the geographical work of Prince Hayton, the Armenian,^ 
dictated to Nicholas Faulcon in 1307, occurs the following dubious 
reference to the Maldives : — 

** To the south the Ocean extends a great way, and there is 
found therein a quantity of islands, whose inhabitants are black. 
They go naked by reason of the heat, and in their folly worship 
idols. In these islands are found precious stones, pearls, gold, 
and many kinds of simples useful in medicine to the human race. 
In this region also is situate an island called Celan^'* etc. 

16. Friar Jordanus,^ who visited the east twice, viz., in 1321-3, 
and again after 1330, is as vague as the early classical geo- 
graphers : — 

" In this India be many islands, and more than 10,000 of 
them inhabited, as I have heard ; wherein are many world's 
wonders. For there is one called iSilem (Ceylon), where are 
found the best precious stones in the whole world, and in the 
greatest quantity and number, and of all kinds." 

17. With Abii Abd-Allah Muhammad, commonly called Ibn 
Batuta, the Moor of Tangier, we arrive at more interesting material. 
This prince of travellers was born at Tangier in 1304, and died at 
Fez in 1377. At the age of twenty he set out on his travels of 
thirty years, during which every part of the known East was 
explored. The following is a summary of his routes^: — ^ 

" From Tangier he travelled across Africa to Alexandra, and 
in Palestine, Syria, and Arabia : down to the east coast of Africa 
to Quiloa : across the Indian Ocean to Muscat, Ormuz, Kish, 
Bahrein and El Catif: through Central Arabia to Mecca and 
Jedda : and again in Egypt and Asia Minor, and across the 

1 Comprised in Recueil des divers Voyages CurieuXj Leyden, Vander 
Aa, 1729. 

2 Friar Jordanus, by Yule (Hak. See), p. 28. 

3 Abridged by Dr. Birdwood, in his Report on the Misc. Old Records 
in the India Office^ from Yule's Cathay. 


Black Sea to CafFa or Theodosia, and by Azov or Tana * on past ibn Batut». 
the hills of the Russians ' to Bolgar on the Volga — but not daring 
to penetrate further northwards into 'the land of Darkness*. 
Returning south to Haj-Tarkhan (Astrakhan) he proceeded in the 
suite of the wife of the Khan of Kipchak, the daughter of the 
Greek Emperor Andronicus, westward to Soldaia and Constan- 
tiniah (Constantinople), whence returning to Bolgar he travelled 
on eastward to Bokhara, and through Khorassan to Cabul, Multan, 
and Delhi, where he remained eight years (1334-42). Being sent 
on an embassy to China, he embarked at Kinbaiat (Cambay), and 
after many adventures at Calicut (where he was honourably received 
by the * Samari * or Zamorin) and Hunawar (Onore), at the Mal- 
dive Islands, and in Ceylon and Bengal, he at last took his pas- 
sage toward China in a junk bound for Java, as he calls it, but in 
fact Sumatra. Returning from China he sailed direct from the 
coast of Malabar to Muscat and Ormuz : and travelling by Shiraz, 
Bagdad, Jerusalem, Damascus, and for the fourth time to Mecca, 
Egypt, Tunis, at last reached Fez again, after an absence of half 
his life-time. Subsequently he spent six years in Spain, and 
Central Africa, where he was the guest of the brother of a country- 
man of his own from Ceuta, whose guest he had been in China. 
'What an enormous distance lay between these two?' he ex- 

Ibn Batuta visited the Maldives out of pure curiosity. He 
found himself, as he frequently did, quite at home among a 
Mahommedan people, and was pressed into their service as kdzL 
After a year-and-a-half at the Islands he crossed over to Ceylon, 
and thence to the Coromandel coast, whence, two years later, he 
returned to the Maldives to see a son who had been born to him 
after his departure. With perfect nonchalance he satisfies his 
sense of parental duty by a mere sight of his child, whose welfare 
he consults by leaving him with his mother, and proceeds to 
Bengal, concious that he will never see the boy again. 

His first visit to the Maldives extended from the beginning of 
1343 to the middle of 1344 ; his second took place about the end 
of 1346. 

Nothing seems to have been known in Europe of Ibn Batuta 



ibn Batuta. till the end of last century, when a copy of the work was obtained 
at Fez. At the beginning of this century a MS. was brought from 
the East, of which an abstract in Latin was published at Jena in 
1818 by Kosegarten. An incomplete Portuguese translation of 
the Fez MS. was issued by Moura in 1845. Dr. Lee*s translation 
(Or, Trans, Fund) was made from a short abridgment brought 
from the East by Burckhardt. On the French conquest of Algeria 
many texts were acquired, of which five are in the National Library 
at Paris. These have been collated in the edition of MM. Defrl- 
mery and Sanguinetti (4 vols., Paris, 1st edit, 1853-9 ; 2nd edit., 
1879), which is accompanied by a French translation, but with 
very inadequate notes. Other abridgments and extracts have 
been published in divers languages, for particulars of which 
the reader is referred to Col. Yule's Cathay^ p. 430. The 
passages dealing with the Maldives, which are given below, it is 
hoped, are fairly expressive of the author's narrative ; but it may 
be feared that certain of the Maldive names have been distorted 
by copyists, and I trust that the MSS. af Paris may some time or 
other be examined by some one competent to select the truest 

Ibn Batuta's account of the Maldives and his residence there is 
as follows^: — 

" I resolved to go to the Dhihat Almahal, of which I had heard 
much. Ten days after we had embarked at Calicut we arrived at 
the Dhibat Almahal islands. Dhihat is pronounced as the femi- 
nine of Dhih? These islands are among the wonders of the 
world : they number about 2,000.^ A hundred or less of these 
islands lie together in a circle in the form of a ring : the group 
has an entrance as to a harbour, and ships get through by that 
alone. When a ship arrives near one of these islands it must of 
necessity have a pilot from among its natives, so that it may reach 
the other islands under his guidance. They are so close to 

1 Voyages cPlhn Batoutah, par C. Defremery et le Dr. B. R. Sangui- 
netti,^Dd edit., torn, iv, pp. 110-85, 191-2, 205-6, 207-10. 

2 Arabic for '* wolf". It is really, of course, from the Sansk. dvipa, 
« island". 

3 V. 5., vol. i, p. 95. 



each other that the tops of the palms which grow on one seem to i^n Batuta. 
belong to its neighbour.^ If the vessel misses its way it cannot 
reach the islands, and is driven by the wind to MaHhar^ or to- 
wards Ceylon. 

"All the inhabitants of these islands are Musalmlins, pious and 
honest people. They are divided into regions or zones, each of 
which is ruled by a governor called KordHi? Among these zones 
the following are distinguished : 1st, the zone of JBdliMr ; 2nd, 
Kannal'ds ; 3rd, Mahal^ the province after which all the islands 
are called, and at which their sovereigns reside ; 4th, Tilddib ; 
5th, Kardidu; 6th, Tim; 7th, Tiladummati ; Sth, Haladummati, 
a name diftering from the preceding only by having for its first 
letter an h; 9th, BaraidH; 10th, Kandakal ; 11th, MolHh ; 12th, 
Suwaid. The last is the most distant of all.* All the Maldive 

1 So, too, more recent travellers : — " The Malabares say that hereto- 
fore they were joyn'd to the Continent, and were separated by the sea, 
which in some places hath left such narrow divisions that an active 
man might leap from one side to the other'* (Mandelslo's Travels into the 
Indies, 1639, lib. ii, 116; London, 1662). "But that which makes 
them so numerous is the multitudes of canals that divide them ; which 
are so narrow that the sprit-sails of the ships strike the leaves of the 
trees which are planted on both sides. And in some places a nimble 
man may leap into an island from the top of a bough that grows in 
another" {Collection of Voyages of the Dutch East-India Company, p. 
131 ; London, 1703). 

2 Coast of Coromandel. 

3 Below, p. 443, written (probably more correctly) Korduveii, though 
I suspect that in neither place has the best reading been given. The 
governor of an atoll is styled Atolu-veri or Vdru-veri ; the head-man of 
an island is Rarhu-veri. 

* On comparison of this list of the provinces or administrative atolls 
with that of Pyrard at vol. i, p. 99, and with the more correct names at 
p. 97, note, some diflSculties present themselves. The first observation 
to be made is that Ibn Batuta names twelve only, while the full num- 
ber is thirteen. He does not, however, intimate that his list is com- 
plete. From his closing his list with places most distant toward the 
South, he might seem to be naming the atolls in order from the North ; 
but as the most northern atoll, Tiladummati, comes only seventh in his 
list, it follows that the order of names, except in the case of the last, 
will not avail us in the process of identification. Coming now to the 
names themselves, we find only four to correspond palpably with the 


ibn Batnta. islands are destitute of grain, except that in the province oiSuwaid 
there is a cereal like the anly^ which is brought thence to Mahal,^ 
The food of the natives consists of fish like the lyroHn, which they 

atolls as named in later days, viz., Mohal (Male), Tilddummdti (Tila- 
dummati), Moluk (Mulaku), and Suwaid (Huvadu or Suadiva). Next 
we may observe that the Moorish traveller gives to his zones or pro- 
vinces the names of particular islands. Thus Kannalus, the second pro- 
vince, is the island at which he lands on both his visits to the Mal-^ 
dives (see below^), and may be identified with Kinalos in Malosmadulu 
atoU. Kardidu may be clearly identified as Karhidu (the Cardiva of 
our charts), the large solitary island which gives its name to the channel 
north of the Mdl6 atolls. TYm, which he visited after leaving Kannalun, 
and before reaching Mdl6, would seem to be IJtimu in Tiladummati 
atoll, the Oteeim of the charts ; but as to this two diflSculties suggest 
themselves — (i) that it lies far to the north of Kinalos, and would not 
be taken on the way to Mal6 ; (ii) that the atoll Tiladummati, in which 
it is, has already been named. Kandakal, the Kaindecolu of our charts, 
is Kedikolu in Miladummodulu atoll. There now remain the provinces 
named Bdlihur^ Tilddib^ Haladummati^ and Baraidu, The third of these 
has been, I think, satisfactorily identified by Mr. Bell with Haddum- 
mati, the first syllable being a contraction of Sin. liela^ ** white''. 
In confirmation it may be noted that this province was, during Ibn 
Batuta's visit, assigned as a place of exile, and we know from Pyrard 
that the southern atolls were always used as penal settlements. Bdlihur 
has beien identified by the French editors with Fadiffolu (the Pady- 
folo of Pyrard), and Baraidu with Fulidu (Pyrard's Poulisdous) ; but 
possibly better readings may produce more satisfactory conclusions. 
Tilddib may perhaps be miscopied ior Niiddib, and if this reading be 
adopted, the atoll intended to be referred to is probably Nilandu. 

Even if Ibn Batuta is mistaken in attributing the names Kannaliis, 
Kandakal, and Tim to atolls, he has probably named the most impor- 
tant islands in the atolls to which they belonged. In the earliest Euro- 
pean maps of the sixteenth century these names appear against the 
Maldive atolls (see the mappe vionde of Henry II of France, circa 1555, 
figured in the Encyc. Brit., 9th edition, art. " Maldives"), but whether 
intended for atolls or islands is uncertain. It ia difficult to say where 
the early European cosmographers got the Maldive names, though it is 
possible that Ibn Batuta's book may have been known in Spain and 

1 Either the fine grain known to the Sinhalese as tana hdl (Setaria 
Italica)j M. urd, or meneri {Panicum miliaceum)^ M. kudihai — both of 
which are found on the southern atolls. Some nacheri or kurakkan 
{Cynomrus corocaniis)^ M. himhi^ is grown on the northern atolls. 


call kulh almds. Its flesh is red ; it has no grease, but its smell ibn Batuta. 
resembles that of mutton. When caught at the fishing, each fish 
is cut up into four pieces, and then slightly cooked : it is then 
placed in baskets of coco leaves and suspended in smoke. It is 
eaten when perfectly dry. From this country it is exported to 
India, China, and Yemen. It is called kulh almas} 

" The Trees of the Maldives, — Most of the trees on these islands 
are coconuts : they furnish the food of the inhabitants along with 
the fish, of which mention has been made. The nature of the 
coconut is marvellous. Each of these palms produces annually 
twelve crops, one a month. Some are small, others large : many 
are yellow; the rest are green, and remain always so. From the fruit 
are obtained milk, oil, and honey, as we have said in the first part 
of this book. With the honey is made pastry, which they eat 
with the dried coconut. All the food made from the coconut, and 
the fish eaten at the same time, effect an extraordinary and un- 
equalled vigour in manhood. In this matter the inhabitants of 
the islands accomplish astonishing feats. As for me, I had in 
that country four legitimate wives, besides concubines. I visited 
them all every day, and spent the night with each in turn. I 
continued this course of life during the year and a half that I 
spent at the Maldives. 

" Among the remarkable trees of these islands are the jumHn? 
the lemon, the lime, and the colocasia. From the root of the 
last named, the natives prepare a flour with which they make a 
kind of vermicelli, and this they cook in coco-milk ; it is one of 
the most agreeable dishes in the world. I had a great taste for 
it and ate it often.^ 

" Of the Inhabitants of these Islands and some of their Customs : 
Description of their Dwellings. — The inhabitants of the Maldive 
islands are honest and pious people, sincere in good faith and of a 
strong will : they eat only what is lawful, and their prayers are 
granted. When one of them meets another, he says, * God is my 
lord : Muhammad is my prophet : I am a poor ignorant being.' 
In body they are weak and have no aptitude for combat or for war, 

1 M. kalu-hili-mas. ; v. .<?., vol. i, p. 190. 

2 Eugenia Jamhu. 3 y g.^ vol. i, p. 111. 


Xbn Batuta. and their arms are prayers. One day in that country, I ordered 
the right hand of a robber to be cut off; whereupon many of the 
natives in the audience-hall fainted away. The Indian pirates do 
not attack them, and cause them no alarm, for they have found that 
whoever takes anything of theirs is struck with a sudden calamity. 
When a hostile fleet comes to their shores, the marauders seize 
what strangers they find, but do no harm to the natives. If an 
idolater appropriates anything, if it be. but a lime, the captain of 
the idolaters punishes him and beats him severely, so much does 
he fear the results of such an action. Were it otherwise, certainly 
these people would be a most contemptible foe in the eyes of their 
enemies, because of the weakness of their bodies. In each of 
their islands there are fine mosques, and most of their buildings 
are of wood. 

" The islanders are good people : they abstain from what is foul, 
and most of them bathe twice a day, and properly too, on account 
of the extreme heat of the climate and the abundance of perspira- 
tibU. They use a large quantity of scented oils, such as sandal- 
wood oil, etc., and they anoint themselves with musk from Makda- 
shau.^ It is one of their customs, when they have said the morning 
prayer, for every woman to go to meet her husband or son with 
the colly rium box,- rose-water, and musk oil. He smears his 
eye-lashes with collyrium, and rubs himself with rose-water and 
musk oil, and so polishes the skin and removes from his face all 
trace of fatigue. 

" The clothing of these people consists of cloths. They wrap one 
round their loins in place of drawers, while on their backs they 
wear the stuffs called vdlydn,^ which resemble the ihrdm. Some 
wear the turban, others supply its place with a little kerchief. 
When any one meets the Kdz% or the preacher, he takes his 
garment off his shoulders, and uncovers his back, and so accom- 

1 Mdkdishu or Magadoxo^ on the Zanzibar coast, which Ibn Batuta 
had visited (tome ii, 181). 

2 A probable corruption of M. fUiya (of. Sin. pili^ "clothes''), the 
term for the waist-cloth worn by Maldivian women commonly, and by 
soldiers on special occasions. The Maldive equivalent for the ihrdm, 
the attire of the Muhaiiimadan pilgrims, is known as difju Ubds, 


panics the functionary, till he arrives at his place of abode. ibnBatuta. 
Another of their customs is this. When one of them marries, and 
goes to the house of his wife, she spreads cotton-cloths from the 
house-door to that of the nuptial chamber : on these cloths she 
places handfuls of cowries on the right and left of the path he has 
to follow, while she herself stands awaiting him at the door of the 
apartment. On his arrival she throws over his feet a cloth which 
his attendants take up. If it be the wife^ who goes to the hus- 
band's house, that house is hung with cloths, and cowries are 
placed thereon ; and the woman on her arrival throws the cloth 
over his feet. And this is also the custom of the islanders when 
they salute the sovereign; they must without fail be provided 
with a piece of cloth to cast down at the right moment,^ as we 
shall hereafter describe. 

'* Their buildings are of wood,^ and they take care to raise the 
floor of their houses some height above the ground, by way of 
precaution against damp, owing to the humidity of the soil. This 
is the method they adopt : they dress the stones, each of which 
is of two or three cubits long, and place them in piles ; across 
these they lay beams of the coco-tree, and afterwards raise the 
walls with boards. In this work they show marvellous skill. In 
the vestibule of the house they construct an apartment which they 
call mdlam^, and there the master of the house sits with his friends. 

1 It appears from this passage that the two kinds of Sinhalese mar- 
riage, bina and diga, were in vogue at the Maldives. Both forms are 
said to be recognised stiU. A bina marriage takes place when the bride 
has a house and lands of her own. The bridegroom is conducted to her 
house, which becomes the domicile of the couple. In Ceylon, a bina 
wife had, and still has, a position of much freedom and dignity ; she is 
mistress of the situation, and formerly could turn her husband out of 
doors at any time and in any weather. Thus, according to a Sinhalese 
proverbial saying, the whole **kit" of a bina husband consists of a talipat^ 
a chuk, and a lime — the talipat, or umbrella, to protect him from the 
rain, the chule, or torch, to light him on his way, and the lime-juice to 
protect his body, from the leeches. In a diga marriage, on the other 
hand, the husband, being owner of house and lands, is master of his 
wife also. 

2 Cf. vol. i, p. 57. « V. 5., vol. i, p. 118. 
* This term does not seem to survive. 


ibn Batuta. This room has two doors, one opening on the vestibule, by which 
strangers are introduced, the other on the side of the house by 
which the owner enters. Near the room in question is ajar full 
of water, a bowl called walendj^ made of the coconut-shell. It 
has a handle of [only] two cubits, wherewith to draw the water 
from the wells, by reason of their little depth. 

"All the inhabitants of the Maldives, be they nobles or the 
common folk, keep their feet bare. The streets are swept and 
well kept ; they are shaded by trees, and the passenger walks as 
it were in an orchard. Albeit every person who enters a house is 
obliged to wash his feet with water from the jar placed near the 
mdlaniy and rub them with a coarse fabric of lif^ placed there, 
after which he enters the house. Every person entering a mosque 
does the same. It is a custom of the natives when a vessel arrives 
for the kanddir,^ i.e., the little boats, to go out to meet it, manned 
by the people of the island, and bearing some betel and karanha^^ 
that is to say, green coconuts. Each presents some of these to 
whom he will of those on board the ship, and then becomes his 
host, carrying to his own house the goods belonging to him, as if 
he were one of his near relations. Any new-comer who wishes to 
marry is at liberty to do so. When the time comes for his 
departure he repudiates his w^ife, for the people of the Maldives do 
not leave their country. As for a man who does not mari-y, the 
woman of the house in which he is lodged prepares his food, 
serves it, and supplies him with provisions for his journey when 
he goes. In return she is content to receive from him a very 
small present. The revenue of the treasury, which is called 

1 The M. for these coconut bowls with long handles is ddni (as to 
u'alendj\ cf. Sin. valanda^ *' chatty"). They are regularly used by the 
islanders for drawing water. The ordinary coconut ladle or spoon 
they call udidi. 

2 Persian for the stipidse which envelope the base of the stalks of the 
date-palm leaves. Egyptian loofahs (the same word) are now sold in 
England for bath use. 

3 Plural of kundura. The old Portuguese historians speak of Maldive 
gundras^ and the Sinhalese still call a Maldive boat gundara^ and the 
Maldivians themselves yundara-kdrayd, the " gundara-men". 

* M. kw'uha ; S. kiinunha. 

. •^'.. ^^ 


bandar,^ consists in the right of buying a certain portion of all ibn Batuta. 
cargo on board ship, at a fixed price, whether the commodity be 
worth just that or more; this is called the bandar l^v;.^ The 
bandar has in each island a house of wood, called badjansdr,^ where 
the governor, the horduveri,^ collects all such goods ; he sells or 
barters them. The natives buy with chickens any pottery which 
may be brought ; a pot fetches five or six chickens. 

** Ships export from the islands the fish of which I have spoken, 
coconuts, fabrics, the wiliydn^ and turbans ; these last are of cot- 
ton. They export also vessels of copper,* which are very common 
there, cowries (wadd'),^ and coir (kanbar) ; such is the name of the 
fibrous husk which envelopes the cocotiut. The natives make it 
undergo a preparation in pits dug near the shore ; then they beat 
it with picks, after which the women work it into rope. This 

^ Pers. bandar, a landing-place or quay ; a harbour ; a seaport : pro- 
bably connected with bund (Hind, band), an embankment. In the 
sense of quay we have the well-known Apollo Bunder of Bombay ; in 
that of seaport, Bnnder Abbas in the Persian Gulf. The meaning given 
in the text, i.e., treasury, is probably derivative, the custom-house being 
usually at the quay-side ; if it is not so to be explained, we might be led 
to derive it directly from the Sansk. bhanddra, *' treasury". Ibn Batuta, 
however, subsequently uses the word with respect to Chilaw in Ceylon, 
which he calls Bandar Seludt, probably implying only that the place was 
a seaport. 

2 The system of raising revenue here described was in force in Pyrard's 
day, and is so still (see vol. i, p. 228). It seems to be identical in prin- 
ciple with the " culture system", employed by the Dutch in Java, where 
it is supposed to have been invented by one of the Dutch governors 
subsequent to the English occupation. 

3 Now called vdru-gi (see vol. i, p. 213, note). Bajansdr (for bagan- 
sdr) is evidently a form of the well-known word ha.nkshall, as it is 
called in Anglo-Indian talk. See above, vol. i, p. 85 ; vol. ii, p. 48. 

* Above spelt kordiii. 

6 It is hard to believe that ** vessels of copper" ever formed one of 
the genuine exports from the Maldives. A few old copper pots are 
occasionally sent over to Ceylon for repair. 

^ Evidently an Arabic corruption of Sansk. Kavadi; of. Sin. Kavadiya. 
The Kahtadj of Suleiman {v. s., p. 428), and the Kendj of Edrisi (p. 431), 
are to be similarly explained. The Sansk. Kavadi becomes in Hind. 
Kaudi or Kauri, hence our " cowry'*. 


ibn Bfttuta. cordage is used for joining the boards of their ships, «<nd is also 
exported to China, India, and Yemen. Kanbar rope is worth 
more than hemp. With this cord the (timbers of) ships are joined 
in India and Yemen, for the Indian sea is full of rocks, and if a 
ship joined with iron bolts strikes a rock, it is broken up ; but 
when it is fastened with this cord it has elasticity, and does not 

" The money of the islanders consist of wada\ This is the name 
of a mollusc, collected in the sea and placed in pits dug out on 
the beach. Its flesh decays and only the white shell remains. A 
hundred of them is called dya, and 700 fdl', 12,000 are called 
kotta^ and 100,000 hostH} Bargains are struck through the 
medium of these shells, at the rate of four hostH to a dinar of gold. 
Often they are of less value, such as twelve hostii to a dindr. 
The islanders sell them for rice to the jieople of Bengal, where 
also they are used for money. They are sold in the same way to 
the people of Yemen, who use them for ballast in their ships in 
place of sand. These shells serve also as a medium of exchange 
with the negroes^ in their native country. I have seen them sold, 
at Mdli and at JUjH? at the rate of 1,150 to a diu^r. 

" The Women of the Maldives, — The women of these islands do 
not cover the head : the sovereign herself does not so. They comb 
their hair and tie it up on one side.* Most of them wear only a 
cloth, covering them from the navel to the ground : the rest of 
the body remains uncovered. Thus attired, they promenade the 
markets and elsewhere. While I was invested with the dignity 
of Kdzi in these islands, I made efforts to put an end to this 
custom, and to compel the women to clothe themselves : but I 

1 Siya = M. likja, Sin. siya<i 100. Fdl = M. fdle, fd^ or fara^ Sin. 
para^ a bushel. Cotia = M. kotte ; of. Tarn, kaddu, a bundle. Bostu ^ 
M. hastd^ Pers. basid, a bag or sack. Cowries are still sold in the 
Islands by the hiya = 96 or 100, the fale = 1,000, and the kotte = 
12,000 {bdra-fd). 

2 In later days they were used in exchange /or the poor negroes ; see 
vol. i, p. 238, note. 

3 Two places in the Soudan, afterwards visited by the traveller. 

* Pyrard, on the contrary (vol. i, p. 108), mentions that this style 
distinguishes the men. 


could not succeed. No woman was admitted to my presence in ibnBatuta. 
the trial of a case, unless she had her whole body covered : but, 
beyond that, I had no power over the usage,* Some women wear, 
besides the cloth, chemises with short and full sleeves. I had 
some young female slaves whose dress was the same as that of the 
women of Delhi. These girls covered the head : but that dis- 
figured rather than embellished their appearance, as they were not 
used to it. 

" The ornaments of the Maldive women consist of bracelets : 
each has a certain number on both arms, indeed, so that the 
whole of the arm from the wrist to the elbow is covered. These 
trinkets are of silver : only the wives of the Sultan and his nearest 
relatives wear bracelets of gold. The Maldive women have also 
anklets, called by thom hdil,^ and collars of gold round the neck, 
called- basdarad,^ One of their curious customs is to engage them- 
selves as house servants, in consideration of a fixed sum, which 
does not exceed five pieces of gold. Their board is at the expense 
of those who hire them. They do not regard this as a disgrace, 
and most of the daughters of the inhabitants do it. You will find 
in the house of a rich man ten or twenty of them. The cost of all 
dishes broken by one of these maids is charged against her. 
When she wishes to go from one house to another, her new 
masters give her the amount of her debt, which she pays to the 
people of the house she is leaving ; her new masters thenceforward 
become her creditors.* The principal occupation of these hired 
women is to twist the kanbar, 

" It is easy to get married in these islands, owing to the small- 
ness of the dowry, as well as by reason of the agreeable society of 
the women. Most of them say nothing about a nuptial gift, con- 
tenting themselves with declaring their profession of the Musalmdn 

^ Pyrard (vol. i, p. 109) says that all women in his time carefully kept 
the breasts covered. It is still customary for the women in the remoter 
parts of Ceylon to go about their villages clothed only from the waist 

2 The mod. M. for anklet is takahoU. 

' The mod. M. hfattaru, 

* See Pyrard's account of this institution, vol. i, pp. 202-4. 


ibn Batuta. faith, and a nuptial gift in conformity to the law is given. When 
foreign ships arrive there the crews take wives, whom they repu- 
diate on their departure ; it is a kind of temporary marriage. 
The Maldive women never leave their country. I have not seen 
in the whole world any women whose society is more agreeable. 
Among the islanders, the wife entrusts to no one the care of her 
husband's service ; she it is who brings him his food, takes away 
when he has eaten, washes his hands, presents the water for his 
ablutions, and covers his feet when he wills to go to sleep. It is 
one of their customs that the wife never eats with her husband, 
and he does not even know what she eats. I married many wives 
in that country : some ate with me at my request, others did not ; 
and I could not succeed in seeing these take their food, and no 
trick on my part to get a sight was of any avail. 

" The story of the motive for the conversion of. the Inhabitants of 
these Islands to Isldm : Description of the Evil Spirits who formerly 
wrought them harm every month. — Trustworthy men among the 
inhabitants, such as the lawyer ^Iqa al-Yamaiii,^ the lawyer 
and schoolmaster ^Ali, the Kdzf ^Ahd Allah, and others, related 
to me that the people of these islands used to be idolaters, and 
that there appeared to them every month an evil spirit, one of 
the Jinn, who came from the direction of the sea. He resembled 
a ship full of lamps. The custom of the natives, as soon as 
they perceived him, was to take a young virgin, to adorn her, 
and to conduct her to a budkhdna,^ that is to say, an idol temple, 

1 /.e., Jesus of Yemen. 

2 Christopher gives hudu as the modern Maldive for "image" 
(/. R. A. 5., vol. vi, O. S., p. 57). The word was probably borrowed 
from the Persian bud or bod, an idol, which is probably taken from 
Budah. Bud'parast = idolater. The word bod, too, is a general term for 
an image with the Arab Oriental travellers, and may only indicate that 
the Buddhist parts of India were the first visited by the Arabs {Journ, 
As., 184:5, p. 167). Ibn Batuta elsewhere says that the Jama Masjid of 
Delhi was built upon the site of a former Budkhdna ; he does not 
therefore mean to imply here that the word was Maldive. As to the 
question whether Buddhism prevailed at the Maldives, see vol. i, p. 123, 
note. The Cretan sacrifice here described had of course no connection 
with Buddhism, and, likely enough, is mere legend : though it is pro- 
bable enough that the temple with which the legend was connected was 


which was built on the sea-shore and had a window by which she ibn Batuta. 
was visible. They left her there during the night and returned in 
the morning, at which time they were wont to find the young 
girl dishonoured and dead. Every month they drew lots, and he 
upon whom the lot fell gave up his daughter. At length arrived 
among them a Maghrabin^ Berber, called Ahu'lharakdt^ who knew 
by heart the glorious Kuran. He was lodged in the house of an 
old woman of the island Mahal, One day he visited his hostess 
and found that she had assembled her relatives, and that the 
women were weeping as at a funeral. He questioned them upon 
the subject of their affliction, but they could not make him under- 
stand the cause, imtil an interpreter, who chanced to come in, in- 
formed him that the lot had fallen upon the old woman, and that 
she had an only daughter, who was now about to be slain by the 
evil Jinni. Ahul-harakdt said to the woman : ' I will go to-night 
in thy daughter's stead.' At that time he was entirely beardless. 
So, on the night following, after he had completed his ablutions, he 
was conducted to the idol temple. On arrival there he set him- 
self to recite the Kurdn. Presently, through the window, be- 
holding the demon to approach, he continued his recitation. The 
Jinni, as soon as he came within hearing of the Kur^n, plunged 
into the sea and disappeared ; and so it was that, when the dawn 
was come, the Maghrabin was still occupied in reciting the Kuran. 
"When the old woman, her relatives, and the people of the island, 
according to their custom, came to take away the girl and burn 
the corpse, they found the stranger reciting the Kurdn. They 
conducted him to their King, by name Shanurdza,^ whom they 
informed of this adventure. The King was astonished : and the 
Maghrabin both proposed to him to embrace the true faith, and 
inspired him with a desire for it. Then said Shawdrdza to him : 
' Remain with us till next month, and if you do again as you have 
now done and escape the evil Jinni, I will be converted.* Where- 
fore the stranger remained with the idolaters, and God disposed 

1 /.€., of Maghreb ; the name given by the Arabs to the Moorish 
principalities of North- West Africa, nearly corresponding with what we 
now call Morocco. 

2 Cf. Sin. 51e«ara^,**King (Chief Commander) of the army", and Scne- 
viratna, " the gem-like General". 


ibn Batuta. the heart of the King to receive the true faith. He became Mus- 
salmdn before the end of the month, as well as his wives, children, 
and courtiers. At the beginning of the following month the 
Maghrabin was conducted again to the idol-temple ; but the Jinnf 
came not, and the Berber recited the Kurfin till the morning, 
when the Sultan and his subjects arrived and found him so em- 
ployed. Then they broke the idols, and razed the temple to the 
ground. The people of the island embraced Islam, and sent 
messengers to the other islands, whose inhabitants were also con- 
verted. The Maghrabin remained among them, and enjoyed their 
high esteem. The natives made profession of his doctrine, which 
was that of the Imdm Mdlik. Even at present they respect the 
Maghrabins for his sake. He built a mosque, which is known by 
his name. I have also read the following inscription graven in 
wood on the enclosed pulpit of the chief mosque : * Sultan Ahmed 
ShanHrdza has received the true faith at the hands of AhiVl-harakdt 
the Berber, the Maghrabin,' This Sultan assigned a third of the 
taxes of the islands as alms to travellers, in recognition of bis 
reception of IsUm through their agency. This share of tTie taxes 
still bears a name which recalls this event. 

** Owing to the demon in question many of the Maldive islands 
were depopulated before their conversion to IsUm. When I 
reached the country I was not aware of this matter. One night, 
while I was at one of my occupations, I heard of a sudden people 
crying with a loud voice the creeds, * There is no God but God', 
and * God is very great*. I saw children carrying Kurdns on their 
heads, and women rapping the insides of basins and vessels of 
copper.^ I was astonished at their conduct, and asked, * What is 
happening^' to which they replied, * Do you not see the sea?' Where- 
upon I looked, and saw, as it were, a kind of large ship, seemingly 
fdll of lamps and chafing-dishes. * That is the demon,* said they 
t > me ; ' he is wont to show himself once a month ; but when once 
we have done as you have seen, he turns back and does us no 

1 M. Koli ; see vol. i, p. 130. 

2 Vestiges of this romantic legend of their conversion still live in 
the traditions of the islanders. Intercourse with Persia has, however. 


" Of the Queen of these Islands, — One of the marvels of the i^n Batata. 
Maldives is that they have for their Sovereign a woman, by name 
Khadija^ daughter of the Sultan Jaldl uddin ^Omar, son of the 
Sultan Saldh uddin Sdlih al-hanjdli. The kingdom had at one . 
time been possessed by her grandfather, then by her father, and 
when the latter died, her brother, Shihdb vddiuy became King. 
He was a minor, and the Vizier *Ahd Jllah, son of Mohammed 
Alhadhrami, espoused his mother and assumed authority over him. 
He is the same personage who married th^ Sultana Khadija after 
the death of her first husband, the Vizier JamUl uddin^ as we 
shall describe hereafter. When Shihdb uddin attained full age he 
ousted his step-father, ^Abd Allah, and banished him to the islands 
of Suwaid, He was then left in sole possession, and chose as 
Vizier one of his freedmen, by name ^Ali Kalaki,^ whom he deposed 
at the end of three years and banished to Suwaid. It is related of . 
the Sultan Shihdb uddin that he consorted nightly with the wives 
of the public officers and with courtezans. On that account he 
was deposed and exiled to the province of Haladuteni^ ; some time 
afterwards one was sent thither who put him to death. 

" There then remained' of the royal family only the sisters of the 
deceased, Khadija, who was the eldest. Miry am, and Fathima, 
The natives raised Khadija to the throne, who was married to their 
preacher, JamUl uddin. The latter became Vizier and Prime 
Minister, and promoted his son Mohammed to the ofl&ce of Preacher 
in his own stead ; but orders were promulgated only in the name 
of Khadija. These are traced on palm leaves by means of an 
iron [style] bent down and resembling a knife. Only the Kurdns 
and scientific treatises are written on paper. The Preacher makes 

led them to assign to a Shaikh, Yusuf Shams-ud-dui of Talmz,' the 
honour which Ibn Batuta claims for a Maghrabin, and the votaries 
of Hazrat Mird Sahib for the Ndgiir saint (C. A. S. Journ.^ No. 24, 
pp. 125-36, 1881). Their first Royal convert to Islam the Maldivians 
commonly know as Darumavanta (^ S. Dharmmavanta, i.e., ** the Just") 
Rasgefdnu. The mosque he built still stands, and continues to bear 
his name. 

^ ^Ali Kaleye. The title KaUge-fdnu or Kaloge-fdnu (Pyrard, CaU 
logue) accrues by purchase, not by birth. 

2 Above spelt Ualadummati. 

VOL. II. — 2. M 


ibn Batuta. mention of the Sultana on Fridays and on other great days, in the 
following terms : ' God, succour Thy servant, whom Thou hast 
in Thy wisdom preferred before other mortals, and whom Thou 
hast made the instrument of Thy mercy towards all Musalmdns, 
namely the Sultana '^Aa</i;a, daughter of Sultan Jaldl uddin, 
son of Sultan Saldh uddin.' 

" AVhen a stranger comes among these people and repairs to the 
hall of audience, which is called ddrj^ custom requires that he 
should take with him two cloths. He makes obeisance before the 
Sultana, and throws down one of these cloths. Then he salutes her 
Vizier, who is also her husband, Jamul uddin, and throws down 
the other. The army of this Queen consists of about a thousand 
men of foreign birth, though some of them are natives. They 
come every day to the hall of audience to salute her and then go 
home. Their pay is in rice, supplied to them at the bandar every 
month. When the month is ended, they present themselves at 
the audience hall, and, saluting the Vizier, say, * Convey our 
respects (to the Queen) and inform her that we have come to re- 
quest our pay.' Thereupon the necessary orders are given in 
their favour. The K^zi and ministers, who among the people are 
entitled Viziers, also present themselves every day at the audience 
hall. Tbey make a salutation, and when the eunuchs have trans- 
mitted their respects to the Queen, they retire. 

" Of the Ministers and their conduct of Government, — The people 
of the Maldives call the Grand Vizier, the Sultana's Lieutenant, 
Kalaki^ ; and the Kazi, Faiidayarhdlu.^ All judgments are in the 
jurisdiction of the Kiizi : he is more highly esteemed by the people 
than all other men, and his orders are executed as those of the 
Sultan, and even better. He sits upon a carpet in the audience 
' hall : he possesses three islands,* whose revenue he places to his 

^ Ar. "house". 

2 7.6., Pyrard's Quilague ; v. «., vol. i, p. 210. 

3 I.e., Fadiydru Kaloge-fdnu, Pyrard's Pandiare. 

* CorreepoDding with nindagam lands in Ceylon, the tenure of which 
is thus explained in Sir J. D'Oyley's MS., ** Constitution of the Kand- 
yan Kingdom": ^^Nindogama, a village which, for the time being, is the 
entire property of the grantee, or temporary chief ; definitely granted 
by the king with sannas^ it becomes ^ararewy," etc. (p. 144). 


private account, after an ancient custom established by the Sultan ibQ Batuta. 
Ahmed Shanurdza, The Preacher is called. Handijari ; the Chief 
of the Treasury, Fdmelddri ; the Receiver-General of Revenue, 
Mdfdkalu; the Minister of Police, ^*^7iaya^;' and the Admiral, 
Mdndyak} All these have the title of Vizier. There is no prison 
in these islands : criminals are shut up in wooden houses built to 
contain the merchants' goods. Each one is placed in a wooden 
cell, as we have (in Morocco) for the Christian prisoners. 

" Of my arrival at these Islands, and of the vicissitudes which I 
experienced there. — When I came to this country I landed at 
the island Kannalus, which is fair to behold, and contains many 
mosques. I was lodged at the house of one of the most pious 
inhabitants. The lawyer ^Ali gave me a feast. He was a 
man of distinction, and had sons addicted to study. . I saw there 
a man named Mohammed, a native of Dhafdr-ul Humwdh, who 
entertained me and said to me, * If you set foot on the island of 
Mahal, the Vizier will forcibly detain you, for the people have no 
K4zi.'2 My intention at the time was to proceed from that country 
to Ma'bar,* to Serendib, to Bengal, and then to China. I had 
then arrived at the Maldives in a ship whose captain was ^Omar 
Alhinauri, who was of the number of virtuous pilgrims. When 
we had come into harbour at Kannaliis, he remained there ten 
days ; then he hired a little barque to take him thence to Mahal, 
bearing a present for the Queen and her Consort. I wished to go 
with him, but he said, * The barque is not big enough for you and 
your companions ; if you will embark without them, you are 
welcome.' I declined this proposal, and 'OTwar took his departure. 
But the wind played with him, and at the end of four days he 

1 As to these ministers, see vol. i, pp. 210-13, note, where the names 
are given according to the French editors' transliteration. 

2 Probably meaning no duly qualified Kazi ; the existing K4zi is 
mentioned below. 

3 The name of Ma'har ('* passage" or " ferry") was given to the Coro- 
mandel coast by the Arabs during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 
Col. Yule suggests that it referred to the communication with Ceylon, 
or, as is more probable, to its being at that age the coast most frequented 
by travellers from Arabia and the Gulf {Marco Polo, ii, p. 268). The 
tract of coast called Ma'har extended from Cape Comorin to Nellore. 

M 2 


ibn Batuta. came back to us, not without experience of travail. He made his 
excuses to me, and implored me to go with him, my companions 
and all. We set sail in the morning, and towards midday dis- 
embarked on a certain island ; leaving that, we passed the night 
at another. After a four days' cruise, we arrived at the province of 
Tim^ the governor whereof was one Hildl. He welcomed me, 
and gave me a feast ; and afterwards came to visit me, accompanied 
by four men, two of whom had on their shoulders a rod^ from 
which were suspended four chickens. The other two had a similar 
rod, to which were attached about ten coconuts. I was surprised 
that they thought so highly of these common objects ; but was 
informed that they do this as a token of consideration and 
respect. 2 

"After leaving these people we landed on the sixth day at the 
island of Othmdn^ a man of great distinction and rectitude. He 
received us with honour, and entertained us. On the eighth day 
we put into an island belonging to a Vizier named Talamdi. Pn 
the tenth, we at length reached the island of Mahal, where the 
Sultana and her Consort reside, and cast anchor in the harbour. 
It is a custom of the country that no one may disembark without 
the permission of the inhabitants.^ This was accorded to us ; and 
T then desired to betake myself to some mosque, but the slaves on 
the beach prevented me, saying, * It is necessary that you should 
first visit the Vizier.' I had requested the captain, when he should 
be questioned about me, to say, * I know nothing of him,' for fear . 
lest they should detain me ; for I was then unaware that some ill- 
advi€ted babbler had written out for them a full account of me, 
stating that I had been Kdzi at Delhi. On our arrival at the 
audience hall, we took our seats on benches at the third entrance 
door. The Kdzi *Iga aZ- Famor/ii came up and welcomed me, while 
I saluted the Vizier. The ship captain Ihrdhim^ brought ten 
pieces of worked stuffs, made a salute before the Queen, and threw 

1 M. dadimdru — the katliya of the Sinhalese. 

2 The Sinhalese penumkada, or pingo, of presents of sweetmeats, pro- 
visions, fruits, etc., is presented on like occasions. 

3 This rule is enforced to this day. 
* Above he is called ^Omar. 


down one of them ; then he bent the knee in honour of the Vizier, ibnBatuta. 
and threw down another, and so on to the last. He was questioned 
about me, and replied, *I know nothing of him.' 

" We were then presented with betel and rose-water, which is a 
mark of honour with them. The Vizier gave us lodging in a house, 
and sent us a repast consisting of a large bowl full of rice and 
surrounded with dishes of salted meats dried in the sun, chickens, 
melted butter, and fish. On the morrow I set out with the cap- 
tain and the Kdzi Uga al-Yamani to visit a hermitage situated at 
the extremity of the island, and founded by the virtuous Shaikh 
Najih} We retuiiied at night, and on the following morning the 
Vizier sent me some raiment, and a repast comprising rice, melted 
butter, salt, sun-dried meat, coconuts, and honey extracted from the 
same fruit, called by the natives korhdni^ signifying * sugar-water'. 
They brought me also 100,000 cowries for my expenses.* After 
ten days there arrived a ship from Ceylon, having on board some 
Persian and Arab fakirs who knew me and told the servants of 
the Vizier all about me. This enhanced the pleasure given by my 
coming. He sent for me at the commencement of Ramazdn. I 
found the Chiefs and Viziers already assembled ; food was served 
at the tables, each of which accommodated a certain number of 
guests. The Grand Vizier made me sit by his side, in company 
of the Kdzi '/9a, the ^dmelddri. Vizier or Chief of the Treasury, 
and the Vizier ^Omar the Deherd^ or General of the army. The 
dinner of these islanders consists of rice, chickens, melted butter, 
fish, salt, sun-dried meat, and cooked bananas. After eating, they 
drink some coco-honey mingled with aromatics, which facilitates 

" On the 9th of Ramazdn, the son-in-law of the Vizier died. His 
wife, the daughter of that minister, had already been married to 
the Sultan Shihdh uddin ; but neither of her husbands had co- 
habited with her, on account of her youth. Her father, the Vizier, 
took her back home, and gave me her house, which was an exceed- 

1 This old shrine {Nnjibu inisJcitu), it is said, may still be seen at Mal^. 

2 Probably ought to be hahurpani = Sin. hakuru, ** jaggery", pent, 
'' water" or " liquid", the former word appearing as acourou for *' coco- 
honey'', in Pyrard's vocabulary. 


ibn Batuta. ing fine one. I asked permission to entertain the fakirs on their 
return from visiting the Foot of Adam, in the island of Serendib. 
This he granted, and sent me five sheep, a rare animal with the 
islanders, having to be brought from Ma'bar, Malabar, or Makdashau. 
The Vizier sent me also rice, chickens, melted butter, and spices. 
I had all these carried to the house of the Vizier Sule'imdn, the 
Mdndyak, who took the greatest care in having them cooked, 
augmenting them in quantity, and sending me carpets and copper 
vessels. We broke the fast, according to custom, in the palace of 
the Sultana, with the Grand Vizier, and I requested him to permit 
some of the other Viziers to assist at my dinner. He said, * I will 
come myself too.' I thanked him and returned home ; but he had 
already arrived with the Viziers and grandees of the State. He 
seated himself in a raised pavilion of wood. All who came, 
whether Chiefs or Viziers, saluted the Grand Vizier, and threw 
down a piece of unworked stuff, in such numbers that the total 
reached to a hundred or thereabouts, all of which the fakirs appro- 
priated. Dinner was then served and eaten ; then the readers of 
the Kurdn gave a recitation with sonorous voice, which was fol- 
lowed by singing and dancing. I had a fire prepared, and the 
fakirs then entered and trampled it under foot ; some of them 
even ate the live embers, as one would devour sweetmeats, until 
the flame was ex.tinguished. 

" The Story of some of the Vizier^s benefactions to me. — 
When the night was ended the Vizier went home and I accom- 
panied him. We passed a garden belonging to the Treasury, and 
the Vizier said to me, * This garden is for you ; I will have a 
house built upon it to serve for your residence.' I praised his 
kind action, and made vows in his favour. Next day he sent me 
a young female slave, and his messenger said, ' The Vizier bids me 
say, if this girl pleases you she is yours ; otherwise he will send a 
Mahratta slave.' I liked the young Mahratta girls, so I replied, 
' I prefer the Mahratta.' The minister had one brought to me, by 
name Gulistdn, which signifies .' the flower of the garden'.^ She 
knew the Persian tongue, and pleased me highly. The Maldive 
inhabitants have a language which I did not understand. 

1 More exactly, " the parterre of flowers". 


** The next day, the Vizier sent me a young female slave from ibnBatuta. 
Coromandel, by name AnMri} On the following evening he came 
to my house with some of his servants, and entered, attended by 
two little boy slaves. I saluted him, and he asked me how I did. 
I made vows for his welfare, and thanked him. One of the slaves 
put before him a lokcha (or hokcha)^ that is, a kind of napkin, from 
which he drew some silk stuffs and a box containing pearls and 
trinkets. The Vizier made me a present of them, adding, * If I had 
sent these with the young slave, she would have said, " This is 
my property ; I brought it from the house of my. master." Now 
that the things belong to you, make her a present of them.' I 
addressed prayers to God for the minister, and rendered to him 
expressions of my gratitude, of which he was worthy. 

" Of the Vizier* s change of disposition towards fne ; of the project 
tvhich I formed to depart ; and of my continued sojourn at the 
Maldives. — The Vizier Suleiman^ the Mdndyak^ had proposed to 
me to espouse his daughter. I sent to ask the permission of the 
Vizier Jamul uddin to conclude the marriage. My messenger 
returned, saying, ' It does not please him; he wishes you to marry 
his own daughter when the legal term of her widowhood shall 
have expired.* I refused to consent to this union, fearing the 
sinister fortune attached to the daughter of the Vizier, since two 
husbands had already died without having consummated the 
marriage. In the midst of this a fever seized me, and I was very 
ill. Every person who goes to that island must inevitably catch 
the fever.3 I then made a firm resolve to get out of the country; 
I sold a portion of my trinkets for cowries, and chartered a ship to 
take me to Bengal. When I went to take my leave of the Vizier, 
the Kdzi came out to meet me, addressing me in these terms, 
* The Vizier,' said he, * bids me tell you this, " If you wish to 
go away, give us back what we have given you, and begone." ' I 
replied, ' With a part of my trinkets I have bought cowries ; do 
with them what you will.' In a little while the Kdzi returned to 

1 I.e., of the colour of ambergris. 

*^ If the latter be the correct reading, it is perhaps the M. burugd, a 
cloth sometimes worn over the face by Maldive ladies. 
•^ V. s., vol. i, p. 83. 


ibn Batata, me and said, * The Vizier says, " We have given you gold, not 
cowries.*' ' I replied, * Very well ; I will sell them and will pay you 
gold.' Accordingly, I sent to request the merchants to buy the 
shells from me. But the Vizier gave them orders not to deal 
with me ; for his design in so conducting himself was to prevent 
me going away from him. 

**Then he deputed one of his household, who had this conversa- 
tion with me, ' The Vizier bids me request you to remain with us, 
and you shall have everything you desire.' So I said to myself, 

* I am under their authority : if I do not stay with a good grace, 
I shall have to stay by constraint : a voluntary sojourn is prefer- 
able to that.* I therefore made' reply to the envoy, * Very well ; 
I shall remain with him.* The messenger returned to his master, 
\vho was delighted with my reply, and sent for me. When I 
entered his presence, he got up and embraced me, saying, * We 
wish you to remain with us, and you wish to go !* I made my 
excuses, which were accepted, and said, *If you wish me to stay, 
I will impose upon you certain conditions.' The Vizier replied, 

* We accept them : please to name them.' I answered, •' I am 
unable to walk on foot.* Now it is a custom of that country that 
no one rides on horseback save only the Vizier. So it was that 
when I had a horse given to me and was mounted, the whole popu- 
lation, men and children, began to follow me with astonishment, 
whereof I complained to the Vizier. Accordingly, a donkora was 
beaten, and it was proclaimed among the people that no one 
should follow me. The donkora is a* kind of copper basin, which 
is struck with an iron or hammer, and gives a* noise heard- afar.^ 
After it is struck, the 6rier makes then in public his proclama- 

*' The Vizier said to me, ' If you wish to ride in a palanquin, 
well and good : otherwise we have a horse and a mare : choose 
which of these animals you prefer.' I chose the mare, which was 
brought to me at once. At the same time some garments were 
brought to me. I said to the Vizier, * What shall 1 do with the 
cowries which I have bought?' He replied, * Send one of your 

^ Probably intended for koli^ **gong". The iron striker is called 


companions to sell them for you in Bengal.* * I will do so,' said ibn Batata. 
I, * on condition that you send someone to help him in the affair.' 
*I will/ he replied. So I despatched mj Abu Mahommed, 
son of Ferkdn, in whose company they sent one called the pilgrim 
^Ali. But it happened that a storm afose : the crew jettisoned 
the whole cargo, including even the mast, the water, and all the 
other provisions for the voyage. They remained for sixteen days 
without sail and rudder'; and after the endurance of hunger, 
thirst, and toil, they arrived at the island of Ceylon. In a year's 
time my comrade, Abu Mahommed^ came back to me. He had 
visited the Foot {of Adam), and he afterwards saw it again with 

" Account of the Festival in which I took part vrlth the Islanders. 
— The month of Rama;54n ended, the Vizier sent me some raiment, 
and we made our way to the place consecrated for prayer. The 
path which the minister had to traverse, between his residence 
and the place of prayer, had been decorated : stuffs had been 
spread, and cottas of cowries had been placed on the right and on 
the left. All the Emirs and grandees who had houses on the road 
had planted near them little coco-trees, arecas, and bananas. 
Ropes were strung from one tree to the next, and green nuts were 
suspended from the ropes. The master of each house was stationed 
at his gate, and when the Vizier passed, he threw before his feet 
a piece of silk or cotton. The slaves of the minister appropriated 
these, as well as the cowries placed by the way. The Vizier ad- 
vanced on foot, covered with an ample robe of goat's hair of 
Egyptian manufacture, and a larg^ turban. For a scarf he wore 
a kerchief of silk ; four umbrellas shaded his head, and sandals 
covered his feet. All his attendants, without exception, had their 
feet bare. Trumpets, clarions, and drums^ preceded him : the ' 
soldiers marched before and behind him, all shouting the cry, 
* God is very great ! ' until they were arrived at the place of 

" Prayer ended, the son of the Vizier preached : then was 

1 M. tdlafill ; dummdrhi ; hern. 

- Compare Pyrard's account of the festival at the close of Ramazan, 
vol. i, p. 1-10. 


ibn Batuta. brought a litter, which the Vizier mounted. The Emirs and the 
other grandees again saluted him, casting down pieces of stuffs, 
according to custom. Before this time the Grand Vizier used not 
to ride in a litter, for the Kings alone did so. The bearers then 
lifted it ; I mounted my horse, and we entered the palace. The 
• minister seated himself at a raised dais, having near him the 

Viziers and the Emirs. The slaves remained standing, bearing 
shields, swords, and staves.^ Food was then served, and after- 
wards areca-nuts and betel, after which was brought a Kttle dish 
containing sandal mokassiri? As soon as one party of the guests 
had eaten, they rubbed themselves with sandal. That day I saw 
upon one of their dishes a fish of the species of sardines, salted 
and raw, which had been sent as a present from Kaulam.^ This 
fish is very abundant on the Malabar Coast.* The Vizier took a 
sardine, and be^an to eat it, at the same time saying to me, * Eat 
some of that ; it is not found in our country.' I answered, 
' How can I eat it ? It is not cooked.' ' It is cooked,' said he. 
But I replied, * I know this fish well, for it abounds in my native 

" Of my Marriage, and of my nomination to the dignity of 
Kdzi. — On the 10th day of Shawwdl I agreed with the Vizier 
Suleiman Mdndyak or Admiral, that I should espouse his daughter, 
and I sent to request the Vizier Jamul uddin that the betrothal 
should take place in his presence at the palace. He agreed, and 
sent the customary betel, and also some sandal. The people were 
present for the ceremony. The Vizier Suleimdn delayed his 
coming. He was sent for : alid yet he came not. He was sent 
for a second time, but he excused himself on account of the illness 
of his daughter ; wherefore the Grand Vizier said to me in private, 
* His daughter refuses to marry ; and she is mistress of her own 
actions. But see ! the people are assembled: would you liketo 
espouse the step-mother of the Sultana, the widow of her father V 
(The Grand Vizier's son was then married to this woman's 

1 M. addana; kadi; dadi. 

2 The latter part of the word is perhaps the M. kasturi, " musk". 
" Quilon. 

^ It is probably i\\Q pesdie cnvallc of Pyrard ; see vol. i,pp. 388, 427. 


daughter.) I replied, * Yes, by all means.* He then convoked ibnBatuta. 
the Kdzi and the notaries. The profession of the Musalmdn faith 
was then recited, and the Vizier paid the nuptial gift. After some 
days my wife was brought to me. She was one of the best women 
who ever lived. Her good manners were such that when I became 
her husband, she anointed me with scented oils and perfumed 
my clothes ; during this operation she laughed, and allowed nothing 
disagreeable to be seen. 

" When I had married this lady, the Vizier constrained me to 
accept the functions of the Kdzi. The cause of my nomination 
was that I had reproached the Kdzi for taking the tenth part of 
inheritances, when he. made partition among the heirs. I said to 
him, \ You ought to have only a fee, which you should agree for 
with the heirs.* This judge did nothing rightly. After I was 
•invested with the dignity of Kdzi, I used all my eflforts to have the 
precepts of the law observed. Disputes are not settled in that 
country as in ours. The first bad custom which I reformed con- 
cerned the sojourn of divorced women at the houses of those who 
had repudiated them ; for these women did not cease to remain at 
the houses of their former husbands, until they got married to 
others. I forbade this to be done under any pretext. About five- 
and-twenty men were brought to me who had conducted them- 
selves in this sort. I had them beaten with whips, and had them 
marched through the bazars. As for the women, I compelled 
them to leave the homes of these men. Next I exerted myself to 
get prayers celebrated : I ordered some men to run down the 
streets and bazdrs immediately after the Friday's prayers. If any 
were discovered who had not prayed, I caused him to be beaten 
and marched through the town. . I compelled the Imams and 
Muazzins in possession of fixed incumbencies to apply themselves 
assiduously to their duties. I sent orders in the same sense to 
all the other islands. Lastly, I essayed to make the women clothe 
themselves, but in this I did not succeed. 

" Of the arrival of the Vizier 'Abd Allah, son of Mohammed 
Alhadhrami, whom Sultan Shihdh uddin had banished to Suwaid : 
account of what passed between us. — I had espoused the step- 
daughter of this personage, and I loved this wife very dearly. 


ibn Batuta. When the Grand Vizier recalled him to the Island of Mahal, I 
sent him presents, went to meet him, and accompanied him to the 
palace. He" saluted the'Grand Vizier, who lodged him in a magni- 
ficent house, and there I often visited him. It happened, when I 
passed the month of Ramazdti in prayer, that all the inhabitants 
visited me, except 'Abd- Allah. The Vizier Jamiil uddin himself 
came to see me, and ^ Ahd- Allah with him, but only bearing him 
company. Enmity arose between us. Afterwards, when I came 
out of my retreat, the maternal uncles of my wife, the step- 
daughter of *Abd-Allahy made a complaint to me. They were the 
sons of the Vizier JamUl uddin Assinjdri, Their father had ap- 
pointed the Vizier ^Ahd-Allah to be their guardian, and their 
property was still in his hands, although they had by the law 
emerged from wardship. They demanded his appearance in 
Court. It was my custom, when I summoned one of the contending 
parties, to send him a slip of paper, either with or without writing. 
On delivery of that the party repaired to the Court ; if he did not, 
1 punished him. In this way I sent a paper to ^ Ahd- Allah. This 
procedure raised his choler, and on account thereof he conceived a 
hatred for me. He concealed his enmity, and sent someone to 
plead for him. Some unseemly language was reported to me as 
having been used by him. 

" The islanders, both gentle and simple, were accustomed to 
salute the Vizier ^Abd- Allah in the same way as the Vizier Jamul 


uddin. Their salutation consists in touching the ground with the 
forefinger, then kissing it, and placing it on the head. I issued 
orders to the public crier, and he proclaimed in the Queen's palace, 
in the presence of witnesses, that whoever should render homage 
to ^Abd'Allah in like manner as to the Grand Vizier should incur 
severe chastisement. And I exacted from him a promise that he 
would not allow men to do so. His enmity against me was now 


increased. Meantime, I married another wife, daughter of a 
highly esteemed Vizier, whose grandfather was the Sultan Baud, 
the grandson of the Sultan Ahmed Shanwrdza.^ Then I married 

^ This relationship fixes approximately the date of Shanurdza and 
of the Mahommedan conversion, which may have been as early as 1200 
A.I)., but — allowing for early marriages — perhaps more probably about 
1220 or 1230 a.d. 


one who had been married to the Sultan Shihdh itddin, and I had ibn Batuta. 
three houses built in the garden which the Vizier gave to me. 
My fourth wife, the step-daughter of ^Abd-Allah, lived at her own 
house. She was the one of all my wives whom I cherished the 
most. Thus allied by marriage to the persons named, I was much* 
feared by the Vizier and the people of the island, by reason of 
their own weakness. False reports were spread concerning me and 
the Grand Vizier, in great part by the zeal of the Vizier ^AbJ- 
Allah, so that our estrangement became final. 

" Of my departure from these people, and of the motive thereof. — 
It happened that one day the wife of a certain slave of the late 
Sultan Jaldl uddin made a complaint of him to the Vizier, to the 
effect that he had an adulterous intrigue with one of the Sultan's 
concubines. The Vizier sent witnesses, who entered the girl's 
house and found the slave asleep with her upon the same carpet. 
Both were put in durance. In the morning, on being informed of 
this, I went to the audience hall and took my seat in my cus- 
tomary place. I made no reference to the affair. A courtier then 
approached me and said, * The Vizier requests to know if you 
have any business with him.* I replied, * No.' The design of the 
minister was that I should speak of the affair of the concubine and 
the slave ; for it was my invariable rule to decide every case which 
h"e put before me. But as I was showing him my dissatisfaction 
and dislike, I omitted to do so then. I went straightway to my 
own house and took my seat wh^re I delivered my judgments. 
Soon after came a Vizier, saying on behalf of the grand Vizier, 
' Yesterday, such and such occurred in the matter of the concu- 
bine and slave; judge both of them conformably with the law.' 
I replied, * It is a cause in which it is not fitting to deliver judg- 
ment save at the Sultan's palace.' I then repaired thither ; the 
people assembled, and the concubine and the slave were summoned. 
I ordered that both should be beaten for their intrigue ; then that 
the woman should be set at liberty and the slave kept in prison ; 
after which I returned home. 

" The Vizier sent several of his principal attendants to speak to 
me about setting the slave at liberty. I said to them, * Inter- 
cession is made with me in favour of a negro slave, who has 


ibn Batuta. violated the respect which he owed to his master ; while but yester- 
day you deposed the Sultan Shihdb uddin and slew him, because 
he entered the house of one of his slaves.' Thereupon I ordered 
the prisoner to be beaten with bambu switches, which produced 
more effect than the whip. I had him marched through the . 
whole island with a rope round his neck. The messengers of the 
Vizier went and informed him of what passed, whereupon he dis- 
covered great agitation and was inflamed with anger. He 
assembled the other Viziers, the chiefs of the army, and sent for 
me. I obeyed the summons. It was my custom to pay him 
homage by bending the knee j but this time I did not do so, only 
saying, * Peace be with you !' Then I said to those present, * Be 
ye witnesses that I resign my functions as Kdzi, because I am 
rendered powerless to exercise them.' The Vizier then beckoning 
to me, I went up and took a seat in front of him, and then I 
answered in terms yet more severe. After this rencontre, the 
Muazzin made the call to prayer at sun-down, and the Grand 
Vizier entered his house, saying, ' 'Tis said, forsooth, that I am 
sovereign ; but see ! I have sent for this man in order to vent my 
wrath upon him, and he dares to be angry with me/ I was only 
respected by these islanders for the sake of the Sultan of India, for 
they knew the position I occupied under him. Although they are 
far removed from him, they fear him much in their hearts. 

" When the Grand Vizier had returned to his house, he sent the 
deposed Kdzi, an eloquent speaker, who addressed me as follows : 
* Our master requires to know why you have violated, in the 
presence of witnesses, the respect which is due to him, and why 
you have not rendered him homage ? ' I replied, ' I saluted him 
only when my heart was satisfied with him ; but now that dis- 
satisfaction has supervened, I have renounced the usage. The 
salutation of Mussulmans consists only of the assSldm, and that I 
have pronounced.' Subsequently the Vizier sent this person a 
second time; he then sdid, * You have no other aim but that of 
leaving us ; pay the dowries of your wives, and what you owe to 
the men, and go when you will.' . At this speech I bowed, and 
went to my house and paid such debts as I had contracted. Up 


to this time the Yizier had given me some carpets and household i^^ Batuta. 
utensils, such as copper vessels, etc. He was wont to grant me 
anything I asked, loving me and treating me with all considera- 
tion ; but his disposition changed and he became inspired with 
fear of me. 

" When he heard that I had paid my debts, and that I was 
intending to depart, he repented of what he had said, and put oif 
granting me permission to go. I adjured him by the strongest 
oaths that I was under necessity to resume my voyage. I removed 
my belongings to a mosque upon the beach, and repudiated one 
of my wives. To another, who was with child, I gave a term of 
nine months, within which I might return ; in default she was to 
be mistress of her own actions. I took .with me that one of my 
wives who had been married to the Sultan Shihdh uddin, in order 
to restore her to her father, who dwelt in the island of Moluk, 
and my first wife, whose daughter was half-sister to the Sultana. 
I agreed with the Yizier ^Ornar, the Deherd, and the Yizier Hasariy 
the Admiral,^ that I should go to the country of 3fa^bar, the king 
of which was my brother-in-law, and that I should return with 
troops, to the end that the island might be reduced under his 
authority, and that I should then exercise the power in his n^me. 
I arranged that the signals between us were to be white flags 
hoisted on board the vessels. As soon as they should see these, 
those on shore were to rise in rebellion: I never had any such 
idea up to the day when I showed my displeasure. The Yizier 
was afraid of me, and said to the people, * This man is determined 
to get the Yizierate, whether I live or die.' He made many 
inquif-ies about me, and added, * I have heard that the King of 
India has sent him money, to use in raising trouble against me/ 
He dreaded my departure, lest t should return from the Coro- 
mandel Coast with troops. He bade me remam until he should 
get a ship ready for me : but I refused. 

** The half-sister of the Queen complained to her of the departure 
of her mother with me. The Queen wished to prevent her, but 
did not succeed. When she saw her resolve to go, she said to her, 

1 Above, he calls the mdtidyak, or admiral, by the name Suleiman. 


ibn Batata. < All the trinkets you possess were provided with money frora the 
custom-house. If you have witnesses to swear that Jaldl uddin 
gave them to you, good and well : otherwise restore them.' These 
trinkets were of considerable value ; nevertheless, my wife gave 
them up to these people. The Viziers and Chiefs came to me 
while I was at the mosque, and prayed me to come back. I 
replied to them, *. Had I not sworn, I would assuredly return.' 
They said, * Go then to some other island, so that your oath be 
kept, and then return.* 'Very well,* said I, to satisfy them. 
When the day of my departure was come, I went to bid adieu to 
the Vizier. He embraced me, and wept in such wise that his 
tears fell upon my feet. He passed the following night watching 
in the island, for fear lest my connections by marriage and my 
comrades should rise in rebellion against him. 

" At length I got away and arrived at the island of the Vizier 
, ^AIL My wife was in great distress, and wished to return. I 
repudiated her and left her there, and wrote this news to the 
Vizier, for she was the mother of his son's wife. I repudiated also 
the wife to whom I had fixed the term for my return, and sent for 
a slave girl I was fond of. Meanwhile, we sailed through the 
midst of the islands, from one group to another. 

" Of Women who have only one Breast^-^ln one of the islands I 
saw a woman who had only one breast. She was mother of two 
daughters, of whom one resembled her exactly, and the other had 
two breasts, only that one was large and full of milk, the other 
small and contained none. I was astonished at the conformation 
of these women. . ' ' 

" We arrived in course at another of these islands, which was 
small, and had a solitary house, occupied by a weaver, a married 
man and father of a family. He possessed small coco-trees, and 
a little barque, which served him for fishing and visiting the 
other islands when he wished ; on his islet were also small banana 
trees. We saw there none of. the birds of the continent, except 
two crows, which flew in front of us on our arrival and circled 
round our ship. I truly envied the lot of this man, and made a 
vow that if his island should belong to me, I would retire to it 
until the inevitable term should arrive for me. 


" I next arrived at the island of Moldk,^ where I found the ship ibn Batuu. 
belonging to the captain Ibrdkim in which I had resolved to sail 
to Ma'bar. That person came to visit me along with his com- 
panions, and they entertained me at a fine feast. The Vizier had 
written in my favour an order requiring them to give me at this 
island 120 bosiH of cowries, 20 goblets of atudn^ or coco-honey, 
and to add to that every day a certain quantity of betel, areca- 
nuts, and fish. I remained at MoMk 70 days, and married two 
wives there. Moluk is one of the fairest islands to see, being 
verdant and fertile. Among other marvellous things to be seen 
there, I remarked that a branch cut off one of the trees there, and 
planted in the ground or on a wall, will cover itself with leaves 
and become itself a tree.* I observed also that the pomegranate 
tree there ceases not to bear fruit the whole year round. The 
inhabitants of this island were afraid that the captain Ibrdhim 
was going to harry them at his departure. They therefore 
wanted to seize the arms which his ship contained, and to 
keep them until the day of his departure. A dispute arose on 
this subject, and we returned to Mahal, but did not disembark. 
I wrote to the Vizier informing him of what had taken place. He 
sent a written order to the effect that there was no ground for 
seizing the arms of the crew. We then returned to Moluk, and 
left it again in the middle of the month of Rabi the second of the 
year 745.* In the month of Shabdn, of the same year,^ died the 
Vizier Jumdl uddin. The Sultana was with child by him, and 
was delivered after his death. The Vizier *Abd Allah then took 
her to wife. 

1 Probably Fua Mvlaku Island, which lies detached a little S.E. of 
the centre of the Equatorial Channel (lat. 0° 17' S.) between Huvadii 
and Addd atolls. Ibn Batata had already '^ sailed through the midst 
of the islands, from one group to another." 

2 Above, at p. 22, coco-honey is called korbdni. ' 

3 There are considerable remains of temples on this island ; see above, 
vol. i, p. 124, note ; and below, the account of the visit of the brothers 
Parmentier in 1529. The tree indicated seems to be the Bo-tree ; were, 
then, the temples originally Buddhist? 

4 About the 26 th August, a.d. 1344. 
^ December 1344. 

VOL. II. — 2. . N 


ibn Batata. " As for US, we sailed on, though without an experienced pilot. 
The distance which separates the Maldives from the Coromandel 
Coast is three days* sail. We were for nine days under sail, and 
on the 9 th we made land at the island of Serendib." 

[Ibn Batuta landed in Ceylon at the port of Batthdla, somewhere 
on the N.W. coast, and thence, after successfully performing the 
pilgrimage to the sacred footprint of our father Adam, he took 
ship for the coast of Coromandel. At Devipatam and Madura he 
was the guest of a Mahommedan prince, Ghaiydth-ud-din, who died 
during the visit. This raja was succeeded by his nephew, Ndsir-ud- 
diriy whom Ibn Batuta had previously known as a domestic servant 
at Delhi. The traveller had exacted from the deceased prince the 
promise of a fleet wherewith to subdue his enemies at the Maldives, 
and this promise was renewed by his nephew. While the fleet 
was being equipped, Batuta was attacked by a serious fever, which 
made him anxious to get away from the country without delay. 
Regardless alike of his revenge and his matrimonial connections 
he took ship at Devipatam for Yemen, but got himself put ashore 
at Quilon, where he remained three months. He then embarked 
in another, which was attacked by pirates near Hundwar. He 
was robbed of the whole of his property, including some valuable 
gems presented to him by a raja in Ceylon, and even his clothes. 
He thus proceeds : — ] 

" I returned to Calicut and entered one of the Mosques. A 
lawyer sent me a suit of clothes ; the Kdzi, a turban ; and a 
merchant, another coat. I was here informed of the marriage of 
the Vizier 'Abd Allah with the Queen Khadija, after the death 
of the Vizier Jumdl uddin, and I heard that my wife, whom I had 
left pregnant, was delivered of a male child. It came into my 
heart to go back to the Maldives, but I feared the enmity which 
existed between me and the Vizier ^Abd Allah. In consequence, 
I opened the Kurdn, and these words appeared before me : * The 
angels shall descend unto them, and shall say. Fear not, neither 
be ye grieved.'^ I implored the benediction of God, took my 
departure, and arrived in ten days at the Maldives, and landed at 
the island of KannaMs. The Governor of this island ^Abd-al- 

1 Kurdn, Sur. xii, 30. 


'Aziz Al-Makdctshawi^^ welcomed me with respect, entertained me, ibn Batuta, 
and got a barque ready. I arrived in dtie course at Hololiy^ an 
island to which the Queen and her sisters resort for their diversion 
and for bathing. The natives term these amusements tetdjer (?), 
and they then have games on board the vessels. The Vizier and 
chiefs send offerings to the Queen of such things as are found in 
the island. I met there the Queen's sister, wife of the preacher 
Mohammed^ son of Jumdl uddin, and his mother, who had been 
my wife. The preacher visited me, and he was served with food. 
" Meanwhile, some of the inhabitants went across to the Vizier 
'Abd Allah and announced my arrival. He put some questions 
about me and the persons who had come with me, and w^as in- 
formed that I had come to take my son, who was now about two 
years old.^ The mother presented herself before the Vizier to 
complain of me, but he told her, * I will not prevent him taking 
away his son.' He pressed me to go to the island (Mdl^), and 
lodged me in a house built opposite the tower of his palace, in order 
that he might be aware of my estate. He sent me a complete 
suit of clothes, betel, and rose-water, according to custom. I took 
to him two pieces of silk to throw down at the moment of saluting 
him. These were received from me, with the intimation that the 
Vizier would not come out to receive me that day. My ^on was 
brought to me, but it seemed to me that it would be better for 
him to remain among the islanders. I therefore sent him back, 
and remained five days in the island. I thought it best to hasten 
my departure, and asked the usual permission. The Vizier sent 
for me, and I repaired to his presence. They brought to me the 
two pieces of stuff they had previously taken from me, and I cast 
them before the Vizier and saluted him in the customary way. 
He made me sit by his side and questioned me of my condition. 
I ate in his company and washed my hands in the same basin 
with him, which thing he does with no one. Betel was then 

1 i.e., of Makdashau, or Magadoxo. 

2 Probably Oluveli island in North M41^ atoll. 

3 The son of Ibu Batuta here spoken of was probably bom before the 
close of 1344. The traveller took his final departure from the Maldives 
about the close of the year 1346. 




ibn Batuta. brought, and T came away. The Vizier sent me cloths and bostiis 
of cowries, and conducted himself towards me in the most perfect 
way. I took my departure, and after a voyage of forty- three days 
we arrived at Bengal.'* 


18. For nearly a hundred yeara after the departure of Ibn 
Batuta nothing is recorded of the Maldives by traveller, friend or 
foe. De Barros' statement, that they were involved in the vassal- 
age to China, to which Ceylon is said to have been subjected for the 
first half of the fifteenth century, is confessedly founded upon a mere 
rumour.^ The next recorded allusion to the islanders, indeed, is 
against the hypothesis. In the year 1442 the traveller Abd-er- 
Razzak, in describing the various foreign merchants who frequented 
the great emporium of Ormuz, mentions those of " the islands of 
DiworMahdl"? Any suzerainty, therefore, to which the Chinese may 
have laid claim does not seem to have involved commercial monopoly. 

The presence of the Maldivians at Ormuz on the occasion of 
Abd-er-Razzak's visit is to be regarded not as a solitary venture, 
but rather as indicative of a regular trade. We learn from Ibn 
Batuta that in the preceding century the islanders conducted a 
regular trade with Arabia, probably at Aden, in dried fish, coir, and 
cowries. Their more valuable products, ambergris and tortoise- 
shell, were, as we have seen, well known in the markets of the 
East from an early period. During the fifteenth century Ormuz 
was the market at which were collected the most precious pro- 
ducts, suitable alike by their lightness and value for the long 
caravan journey through Persia and Syria to Europe. While, 
therefore, the Maldive coir and fish would find a ready sale as 
ship's provisions at such a port as Ormuz, we may conclude that 
the more substantial profits of the voyage proceeded from amber- 
gris and tortoise-shell. Other indications also point to regular and 
long-continued commerce with Persia. The silver coinage of the 

1 See De Barros' Asia^ Dec. Ill, liv. ii, c. i, p. 111. The Maldives 
were, however, regularly visited by the Chinese in this century, and 
are marked and described in Chinese charts of the time. See Mr, Phil- 
lips' paper in J. China Br. R. A, S.^ 1885 (vol. xx, N. S.). 

2 hidia in Fifteenth Cent. (Hak. Soc), i, 6. 

" '-liii 


Maldives, the larin^ was adopted from Persian use,* and probably Abd-er- 
for a long period the Persian coins taken in exchange for Maldive 
commodities were themselves current at the islands. It is also 
to be noted that the Maldivians of later days attributed, if not the 
introduction, at any rate the revival of the Mahommedan faith to 
the efforts of Persian missionaries. 

At the beginning of the next century the trade with Orrauz and 
Aden was at first thwarted by the- Portuguese blockade of Western 
India, and, as to Ormuz, finally closed by the capture of that port. 
Although Maldive trade was temporarily enhanced at subsequent 
times — during the first years of the sixteenth century, and again 
during the Portuguese occupation of the islands, — we may regard 
the latter half of the fifteenth century as the period at which it 
attained its highest point of normal development. 

19. The last glimpse of the Maldives before the irruption of Hieronimo 

° ^ ^ di Santo 

the Portuguese is afforded us by the Genoese merchant, Hieronimo stefano. 
di Santo Stefano, who, returning from Pegu and Sumatra on his 
way to Cambay in 1497, was forced by weather to take refuge at 
the Maldives. It is to be regretted that his six months' residence 
produced no better result than the following paragraph^: — 

" After being twenty-five days at sea in unfavourable weather, 
we reached certain islands called the Maldives, which are from 
seven to eight thousand in number, all desert,^ small and low, 
through which the sea for the most part enters, the space from 
one to another being about a mile and a half ; and there were 
seen in them an infinite number of people, all black and naked, 
but in good condition, and courteous. They hold the faith of the 
Moors, and have a chief who rules over the whole of them. There 
are trees growing there which produce the coco-nuts of large size. 
The people live on fish and a little rice, which they import. We 
were obliged to stay here six months to wait for favourable 
weather for our departure." 

1 See vol. i, p. 232. 2 Op, cit., iv, p. 8. 

3 The text reads dishahitate^ which may be a transcriber's error. Mr. 
Major translates as above, but *' desert" is almost as contradictory to 
the latter part of the sentence as '* uninhabited''. I am inclined to 
think the author wrote kabitate. 


ThePortu- 20. In the following year, 1498, Vasco da Gama arrived at 

Kuese irrup- o J » 

tion. Calicut by way of the Cape, an event which, happening almost 

simultaneously with the discovery of America, had the eflfect of 
removing the centres of trade and civilisation from the Levant to 
Western Europe. Down to this time the luxuries of the world 
were enjoyed by the cities of Bagdad, Damascus, Cairo, and Con- 
stantinople, which had now attained the highest pitch of wealth, 
refinement, and civilisation possible under Moslem conditions. 
The most opulent of European cities, Venice and Genoa, flourished 
mainly by retailing the surplus commodities of those great marts 
among the countries of the West. To have merely named the 
above half-dozen cities is sufficient to recall to our imagination 
the magnitude of the Eastern trade of those days as compared 
with anything that Western Europe could show. The wealth of 
the Mahommedan merchant cities arose chiefly from the fact that 
they collected and disseminated the whole export produce of 
India and the Far East. The bulk of this produce was sea-borne, 
and a few words, with a mere glance at the map, will serve to 
explain the mode in which the Portuguese struck for the prize 
which fortune now displayed to their avarice. 

The lines of maritime commerce from further India and China 
drew together until Ceylon was rounded, and then again diverged. 
Vessels bound for Aden and the Red Sea touched at Ceylon, the 
Maldives, or Calicut, thence striking across the Indian Ocean. 
The other main line proceeded by way of Calicut and the other 
flourishing ports of the Malabar coast to Cambay, and thence 
across to Ormuz. The produce carried by way of Aden was 
carried up the Red Sea to Jeddah, or further to Suez, for delivery 
to the merchants of Cairo. That landed at Ormuz, enhanced by 
the merchandise of all Western India, found its way to Bagdad or 
Damascus, and thence by the caravan routes to Europe. 

A first preliminary observation is that free trade prevailed : a 
second, that all nations seem to have had a hand in it, no one race, 
as in later days, doing a disproportionate shareof the carrying trade. 
" Calicut is a perfectly secure harbour", writes Abd-er-Razzak, 
whom we have already quoted, " which, like that of Ormuz, brings 
together merchants from every city and from every country : in 


it are to be found abundance of precious articles brought thither The Ponu- 

*■ guese irrup- 

from maritime countries, and especially from Abyssinia, Zirbad, 'io°- 
or Zanguebar : from time to time ships arrive there from the 
shores of the House of God [Mecca] and other parts of the 
Hedjaz, and abide at will, for a greater or longer space, in this 
harbour; the town is inhabited by infidels, and situated on a 
hostile shore. It contains a considerable number of Mussulmans, 

who are constant residents, and have built two mosques 

Security and justice are so firmly established in this city, that 
the most wealthy merchants bring thither from maritime countries 
considerable cargoes, which they unload, and unhesitatingly send 
into the markets and the bazaars, without thinking in the mean- 
time of any necessity of checking the account or of keeping 

watch over the goods When a sale is effected, they levy 

a duty on the goods of one-fortieth part : if they are not sold, 

they make no charge on them whatsoever At Calicut 

every ship, whatever place it may come from, or wherever it may 
be bound, when it puts into this port is treated like other vessels, 
and has no trouble of any kind to put up with."^ Of Ormuz the 
same traveller speaks with equal wonder : as a port " it has not 
its equal on the surface of the globe. The merchants of seven 
climates .... all make their way to this port." Among those 
mentioned are the merchants of Egypt, Syria, Turkistan, China, 
Java, Pegu, Bengal, the Maldives, Malabar, Cambay, and Zanzi- 
bar. " Travellers from all countries resort hither, and, in ex- 
change for the commodities they bring, they can without trouble 
or difficulty obtain all that they desire. Bargains are made either 
by money or by exchange. For all objects, with the exception of 
gold and silver, a tenth of their value is paid by way of duty.^ 
Persons of all religions, and even idolaters, are found in great 
numbers in this city, and no injustice is permitted towards any 
person whatever." 

This picture of Indian trade in the fifteenth century is here 

* India in the Fifteenth Century, i, pp. 13, 14. 

2 The Russian Nikitin justly thought this ten per cent, duty rather 
high {India in the Fifteenth Century^ iii, p. 19). There was, however, 
no favoured nation clause, and in effect it was not prohibitive. 


The Portu- introduced as being illustrative of the commercial world in which 

guese irmp- ^ 

^°^- the Maldivians moved and took their part. It will now be easy 

to understand what followed when the Portuguese swooped upon 
Calicut, and, by conduct not to be distinguished from common 
piracy, broke up link by link the commercial chain which had 
hitherto extended from Genoa and Venice to Malacca and Pekin. 

Active operations were begun by the second expedition which 
left Lisbon under Cabral, in March 1500. The Zamorin of Calicut 
declared against the invaders, and entered upon the long struggle 
for free trade and independence, which lasted throughout the 
Portuguese domination, and reduced Calicut to commercial insig- 
nificance. The rivalry which existed between the Zamorin and 
the Raja of Cochin led the latter to accord the Portuguese a 
favourable reception. A factory was established, and from this 
coign of vantage the Portuguese commenced to harry the seas of 
Western India. 

They found the largest share of the carrying trade in the hands 
of Mahommedans, to whom they transferred all the implacable 
hatred stored up in their European memories against the followers 
of the Prophet, and whom, regardless of race and distance, they 
designated by the common name of " Moors'*. Confiscation of 
goods and slavery were meted out to everyone seized on the 
immemorial route of Eastern commerce ; nor was any prior notice 
or proclamation deemed necessary to justify the capture. Natives 
of Calicut, as will be seen, were specially dealt with. 

The Maldivians got their first practical information of the new 
regime when, in the year 1503, four of their ships had the mis- 
fortune to be sighted by Chief Captain Vicente Sodre, then 
cruising oflf Calicut.^ 

" When he (Sodre) was oflf Calicut," Correa relates, *' he sighted 
four sail, which he overhauled and took. They proved to hegundras, 
barques of the Maldive Islands, at which is made the cairo rope 
which serves the ships of all India for cables and shrouds, besides 

* Vasco da Gama had just left for Europe after his second visit to 
India, and had appointed Sodre to carry on his work. The events at 
Calicut, preceding the episode of the Maldive ships, naay be read in 
Lord Stanley's Three Voyages of V. da GaniGj extracted from Correa. 


being of great use on shore. Gundras are built of palm-tiraber, The Portu- 

*• guese irrap' 

joined and fastened with pegs of wood without any bolts. The t^oD. 
sails also are made of mats of the dry leaves of the palm. These 
vessels were laden with cairo and caury^ which are small white shells 
found among the islands in such quantity that ships make their 
cargoes of them. In these a great trade is carried on with Bengal, 
where they are current as money. These gundras also carried 
some dried fish, called moxamay which consists of pieces of bonito 
fish dried in the sun, because there is no salt at these islands : yet 
are they made so dry that they never go bad. Such quantities of 
this, too, are made at the islands, that ships are laden with it ; 
there is no better victuals for sailors, and all seamen are pro- 
visioned upon it during their voyages. The vessels also carried 
good store of silks, both coloured and white, of divers fabrics and 
qualities, and many brilliant tissues of gold, made by the islanders 
themselves, who get the silk, gold, and cotton -thread from the 
numerous ships that pass among the islands on their way from the 
coast of Bengal to the Straits of Meca. These ships buy these 
stuffs from the islanders, supplying them in exchange with the 
materials whereof they are made. Thus are these islands a great 
emporium for all parts, and the Moors of India frequent them, 
bartering their salt and earthenware, which are not made at the 
islands, and also rice and silver. In these gundras were many 
Moors of Calicut, who had gone thither to purchase goods, and 
were bringing them back in the vessels chartered by them. 

" On the capture of the gundras the chief captain bade the 
several masters of them point out the Moors of Calicut, otherwise 
he would burn the whole of them together ; thereupon, in their 
fear, they did so. These were forthwith bound hand and foot, and 
placed in the hold of one of the gundras, which had been 
discharged of its cargo. Over them was heaped a quantity of ola,^ 
all the gundras being fitted with packing-cases of olas for carrying 

1 Malayal. o7a, Tarn, olei, the palm-leaf. Upon strips of the palmyra 
leaf all native letters, orders, and books are written, and these are in 
Anglo-Indian, as in Indo-Portuguese use, commonly called olas. Here, 
probably, ordinary coconut leaves are intended. See Yule, Gloss.^ s. v. 
'' Ollah". 


The Porta- the goods. Fire was then applied, which, with the aid of the breeze, 

raefie imip- ° *^^ ' 

tion, get the whole in a blaze. Some of the Moors took to the water, 

and succeeded in swimming ashore, and there related what had 
taken place. The Moors that were burnt numbered upwards of a 
hundred, and this event much increased the mischief at Calicut. 
As for the Moors of the islands that were in the other three gundnUj 
the chief captain warned them never again to go to Calicut, for 
that if ever they were found carrying any goods there, they would 
be burned alive. He then sent them in to Cananor in charge of 
one of the caravellas to be unloaded at the factory. With them 
he also sent his fleet factor, and also his clerk, who appraised and 
sold the whole cargo/' etc. 

Thus began Portuguese intercourse with the Maldives. In the 
same year a Portuguese ship was driven by stress of weather to 
one of the Maldives, where, in the course of a few days, many 
died through drinking stagnant water, and over-indulgence in the 
fruit and fish diet of the place. 

Up to this time the Maldives had not drawn upon them the 
personal attention of the Portuguese. The tactics of the Eastern 
traders now involved them in the general misfortune. Calicut 
being under blockade, the merchants were obliged to give Western 
India a wide berth. Thus, in 1506, the viceroy, Francisco de 
Almeida, " was informed that many ships from Pegu, Siam, and 
Bengal were passing through the Maldive Islands to Mecca. 
Therefore orders were given that Dom Lourengo [de Almeida, the 
viceroy's son] should proceed with the armada, and see what was 
going on at these islands, and whether ships could be seized."^ 
Louren9o set sail, but was carried by the currents to Ceylon, where 
he laid the foundation of the Portuguese connection with that 
island. The Maldive expedition was not carried out. 

The next mention of the Maldives is in the year 1509, when 
Affonso d'Albuquerque was repairing his fleet at Cochin, and sent 
orders to Cananor for a supply of coir. His information was that 
one Mamalle, a Moor of that place, " was trading with the Mal- 
dive Islands, under an agreement with the king of these islands, 

1 Lendait, torn, i, p. 643. 


whereby the latter sold his goods at fixed prices, the Moor sending J„®pf 'JJJ.„' 
rice, salt, and earthenware, which the islands lacked, and receiving ^^°°- 
in exchange coir, dried fish, cowries, and very fine silks. The Moor 
had his own factors there, and as the islands were distant only 
three days' sail from Cananor, he was gaining great profit. Owing 
to his said agreement the other merchants could not buy or sell, 
and thus the Moor Mamalle was called Lord of the Maldive 
Islands. All the coir for the use of the whole of India was bought 
from this Moor, and thus he was master of great wealth." 

Albuquerque sent for Mamalle, and ordered him to give up his 
trade with the islands, and to remove his factors from the place, 
"as the islands belonged to the King of Portugal, who would 
hinder no one from trading there". Mamalle not being convinced 
of the blessings of free trade, especially, perhaps, when preached by 
the Portuguese viceroy, begged earnestly to be allowed to keep 
his monopoly. He made the best terms he could, which were that 
he should deliver annually to the Portuguese factor at Cannanor 
1,000 ropes of fine and 1,000 of coarse coir, each weighing a 
quintal and a half, and that he should place no hindrance in the 
way of the Portuguese if they should visit the Maldives for pur- 
poses of trade. 

" The foregoing agreement," adds Correa, " was duly observed 
during the government of Alfonso d'Albuquerque ; but his suc- 
cessors, understanding how to profit themselves by the trade, gave 
it over to their servants and friends, and violated the contract. 
The ships and armadas sent by the factor of the King of Portugal 
reduced his profit to nothing, and did many robberies and mischief 
at the islands, as they are doing at the present day. These prac- 
tices have cost the king much expense. The coir has also cost 
him much money, and has not been got without many difficulties 
and the deaths of many Portuguese, as will be related.'* 

After the departure of Albuquerque the Maldives became the 
hunting ground of Portuguese pirates. In 1517 the third viceroy, 
Lopo Scares, was informed that one Jeronymo de Sousa 
was *' playing the pirate" at the Maldives. An expedition 
was accordingly sent under Dom Fernando de Monroys and 
and Joao Gon9alves de Castello Branco, with orders to capture or 


The Portu. kill the rebel. Whether they took Sousa or not does not appear : 
^^^^' Correa merely relates that when they got to the Maldives they 

turned pirates themselves, and seized two rich ships of Cambay, 
which were sailing under Portuguese passports. " What !" cried 
the master's of the captured vessels, " you dare to seize these ships 
that are at peace with you, and you observe not the promises 
made in your own passports !" 

In 1517, according to Faria, permission to build a factory was 
granted to the Portuguese . by the Maldive king ; and for this 
purpose the successor of Soares, Diogo Lopes de Sequeira, despatched 
an expedition in 1519, under Joao Gomes Cheiradinheiro, consisting 
of four small vessels carrying 120 men. This worthy also pro- 
ceeded to play the pirate ; for not only did he seize two rich 
ships of Tenasserin, the goods and crews of which he sold to the 
islanders, but he also harried the islanders themselves at his will. 
Collecting his booty, he landed at Mafacelou ( ? M^16), " where the 
king of the islands was dwelling", and there built himself a fort, 
into which he continued to draw compulsorily the produce of the 
islands, "spaying for it according to his pleasure." 

The Maldivians, in their distress, despatched a boat to Calicut 
to invoke the aid of Baleacem, a noted Malabar corsair. This 
personage was absent at the time, but the envoys found a friend 
in Pata-marakkar, formerly a merchant of Cochin, who, having had 
two ships seized by the Portuguese, had taken to buccaneering. 
Twelve Malabar pardos were soon collected, manned, and de- 
spatched . Guided by the Maldive boat, they fell upon the Portu- 
guese ships as they lay unmanned in the harbour, and then upon 
the fort, which was unprotected on the water-side. The islanders 
joined in the attack. with the fury of revenge, and, after a short 
struggle, every Portuguese was put to the sword. The whole 
booty, which was considerable*, was divided between the islanders 
jind their allies. 

Thus did the Maldivians regain the freedom of their territory. 
For the next thirty years no attempt was made by the Portu- 
guese to establish a fort at the islands, though they continued to 
be the resort of cruisers, whose captains, while affecting to inter- 
cept the merchantmen on their way to and from the Red Sea, 
employed their leisure in piracy among the atolls. 


In 1550 the abdicatioa of King Hassan, and his subsequent con- ThePortn- 

gaese irrup- 

version to Christianity, induced the Portuguese again to intervene ^o^ 
actively in Maldive affairs. From this point Pyrard himself takes 
up the thread of Maldive history. (See vol. i, p. 244.) 

21. There now remain three notices of the Maldives relating to Barbosa, 
the first half-century of the Portuguese period, the close of which 
will be assigned as the limit of this Appendix. The first of these 
is from the work of Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese soldier, who saw 
much service in various parts of the East between 1501 and 1517. 
The book^ deals but little with Portuguese affairs of State, and 
much with geography and native races ; the author, indeed, writes 
hardly at all as a soldier, and more as a gazetteer than a traveller. 
Every place of importance on the coasts between the Cape and 
China has its paragraph or chapter, and among these are — 

*' The Islands of Maldio. — Over against this land of further 
Malabar,^ forty leagues off, lies an archipelago of islands, said by the 
Moors to number 12,000. They begin opposite Mount Deli, at 
the shoals of Padua,^ and extend to the parts opposite Malaca. The 
first are four small and very flat islands called Maldiol^; these are 
peopled by Malabar Moors, and said to belong to the King of 
Cannanor.s They grow nothing but palm-trees, upon which the 
natives subsist, together with such rice as conies from Malabar in 
the ships which come there to load coir rope. [^Islands of Falan- 

1 Published in the Noticias das Nag, Ultramarinas, tom iii, p. 352, 
LisboD, 1812. This edition shows the various readings of Ramusio and 
of the Lisbon MS. 

2 He has just described Cape Comorin. 

3 Baixos de Padua^ in lat. 13° N. They are mentioned by De Barros 
(see below), and also in the Albuquerque Comm. (Hak. See), vol. iii, 
p. 55, and figured in the Map of F. Vaz Dourado, op, cit., vol. ii, p. 1. 

^ He misapplies the name to the Laccadives. 

* As they do still ; but see vol. i, p. 323. 

6 This passage is in Ramusio, but not in the Lisbon MS. It is 
evidently a paraphrase of the preceding paragraph by the Spanish 
translator whose text Ramusio used. Unfortunately, this has not been 
noted in the Hakluyt Society's translation of this work, and the 
author is thus made to describe two separate groups in strangely 
similar language ; whereas it is tolerably clear, if we omit this passage 
in brackets, that he regards the Laccadives and Maldives as one group, 


Barbosa. dura. — Over against Panani, Cochim, and Coulao (Quilon) are 
other islands, ten or twelve of which are inhabited by dusky 
Moors of small stature, who have a language of their own. The 
king, who is a Moor, has his residence at an island called Mahaldiu, 
To all these islands they give the name of Palandura. The 
natives do not bear arms, and are feeble folk, but very clever, and 
above all, great sorcerers. The king of these islands is elected by 
some Moor merchants, natives of Cananor, who change him at 
their will. The king of their choice pays them annually tribute 
of cordage, ropes of coir, and other produce of the place ; and 
sometimes these Moors themselves come and load their ships 
without bringing any money, notwithstanding which, the natives, 
willingly or unwillingly, are constrained to give them all they 
ask.] At these islands is much dried fish (moxama), which is ex- 
ported : as also some little shells, in which is great traffic with 
Cambay and Bengal, where they are used for petty cash, being 
considered better than copper. They make there also very rich 
cloths of cotton, silk, and gold, which fetch a high price among 
the Moors for their apparel, and .... [^The men of these 
islands wear very fine kerchiefs on their heads, so close-woven and 
beautiful that our workmen could not produce the like except 
with a wrong and a right side. In these islands, also, they collect 
tortoiseshell, which they call Alquama ; this they cut into very 
thin pieces, and export largely to the kingdom of Guzerat.] Much 
amber(gris) is also found at these islands, and in large pieces, 
some white, some grey, and some black. I asked many of these 
Moors frequently what this amber was, and whence it came. 
They deem it to be the droppings of birds, saying that in this 
archipelago are some uninhabited islands, on the rocks and reefs of 
which some big birds perch, and there void this amber ; there it 
is exposed to the action of the wind, sun, and rain, until by storm 

some of the more northerly islands of which were occupied by Mala- 
bars. With these he seems to include MiU (Mahal-diit)^ probably on 
account of the close commercial relations of that island with Cannanor. 
It will be seen below that De Barros follows Barbosa in all his mistakes. 
Palandura (or, as Lord Stanley reads, Palandiva) is unintelligible. 
1 In the Lisbon MS., but not in Ramusio. 


and tempest the sea sweeps over these rocks and reefs, and it is Barbosa. 
broken off in large and small pieces. Thence it floats on the sea 
till either it is found or cast up on some beach, or eaten by 
whales. They say that the amber found in the white state, which 
they call Ponambar, has been but a short time on the sea, and is 
by them esteemed the most precious. The grey has been a longer 
time in the water, and thence has this colour ; it also is considered 
very good, but not so good as the white. That which is found 
black and bruised they say has been eaten by whales, and thus 
has been turned black. Its nature is such that the whales cannot 
digest it, and therefore eject it whole. This kind is called Min- 
ambar, and is of less value among them. 

" In these islands of Maldio they build many large ships of 
palm-wood, held together with matting, because they have no other 
timber there. In these they voyage to the mainland. These ships 
have keels, and are of very considerable capacity. The islanders 
build also small rowing- crafts, like brigantines or fustas : these 
are of great strength, admirably built, and extremely light ; they 
serve chiefly for going from one island to another, though they 
are also used for crossing over to Malabar. 

To these islands come many ships of the Moors from China, 
Maluco, Peegu, Malaca, (Jamatra, Benguala, and Ceilam, in their 
passage to the Red Sea. Here they take in water, provisions, and 
other necessaries for the voyage. Sometimes they arrive in such 
battered condition that they hg^ve to be discharged and abandoned. 
Among these islands are lost many rich vessels of the Moors, 
which in their passage of the Ocean dare not make the coast of 
Malabar for fear of our ships. [^From these the inhabitants of 
the islands get much rich merchandise, which they sell to the 
Malabars who come there to load coir, as has already been 

22. Joao de Barros, the historian of Portuguese India, was a jdoBarroa. 
clerk or officer in the Casa da India^ or India Office, at Lisbon. 
He had never himself visited the East, as had Gaspar Correa, 
whose Lendas cover nearly the same period, and Diogo de Couto, 

1 In the Lisbon MS., but not in Ramnsio. 


J. de BarroB. his continuator.^ His materials were obtained in the course of 
his official duties. Uncorrected by personal observation, and lack- 
ing the picturesqueness of detail which Eastern experience im- 
parts to the narratives of the other historians, his work is of the 
greatest value as a compendium of the information about India 
possessed by the authorities at Lisbon in the middle of the 16th 
century. De Barros died in 1570. 

The expedition of Joao Gomes de Cheiradinheiro to the Mal- 
dives, which has been described above in the language of Oorrea, 
who was in India at the time, is more shortly and less correctly 
narrated by de Barros, but the opportunity is taken, by way of 
preface, to summarise all the information about the Maldives that 
was then current in Portugal. The passage here translated occurs 
in the 7th chapter of the 3rd book of the third Decada^ first pub- 
lished in 1563 : — 

" Inasmuch as Joao Gomes de alcuna Cheiradinheiro was the 
first to build a fort on the Maldive Islands, it will be convenient, 
before describing his actions, to give here a general account of 
these Maldive islands, which we have referred to so often. This 
name Maldiva, though it is the distinctive name of a single island, 
as we shall see, etymologioally is derived from the Malabar lan- 
guage, meaning 1,000 Islands — mal, a thousand, and diva^ islands 
— there being upwards of that number all in a string. Others 
say that this word Mai is the proper name of the chief island, at 
which resides the king who is lord of all : that one is commonly 
called Maldiva, as though one should say the island of Mai: and 
as it is at the head of the group,^ the rest are called after it. 

" This string of islands, which runs like an extended diadem 
over against the coast of India, begins at the flats which we call 

1 Correa's Lendas extend from the first voyages of Diaz and da Gama 
to 1550 ; de Barros* Decadas from 1497 to 1539 ; de Couto's Decadas 
from 1529 to 1600 ; Castanheda's History from 1497 to 1550 ; Faria y 
Souza's Asia Portugueza from 1497 to 1640. 

2 Either de Barros was quite mistaken as to the situation of Mdle, or 
believing the Maldives to extend to Java, as appears in the next sen- 
tence, he regards it as situate at the north end of the group. His 
observation below as to the language shows that he does not accurately 
distinguish the Maldives from the Laccadives. 


the shoals of Padua, in the neighbourhood of Mount Delij, and J.deBarros. 

ends at the land of Java and the coast of Sunda. This is seen 

in some of the sea charts of the Moors, for ours as yet describe 

them for only a distance of 300 leagues of their extent, beginning 

at those called by us the islands of Mamjille,^ from the name of a 

Moor of C§nnanor. This man was lord of the first section of 

them, distant from the Malabar coast abqut forty leagues, at the 

altitude of 12^ degrees north. The remainder, called Canda and 

AdH^ 300 leagues off, are in 7J degrees south. In the middle, as 

it were, of this 300 league diadem, is the capital island, Maldiva, 

as above stated, where resides the king, who is entitled lord of all 

the islands. The smaller islands are subordinate to the larger, so 

that some thirty or forty are governed by one, according to their 

situation : and this number of islands so grouped is called a jt>a- ' 

tdna,^ And although the king, who fs entitled lord of all, and 

the whole of the people are Gentiles, the governors are Moors — a 

circumstance which is a fruitful source of trouble; having secured 

the government of the mainland, by little and little, they have 

become lords of these islands too. They have managed this by 

first becoming farmers of the revenue on the mainland, and prin- 

1 In the map referred to in the previous note the island Mamale 
appears as one of the Laccadives. 

2 In the note in vol. i, p. 94, it is stated, perhaps hastily, that patana 
is Sinhalese. It is in common use in Ceylon (middle a short), as I there 
state, for an open patch or stretch of grass among the hills. Mr. 
]). W. Ferguson of Colombo, in reviewing that vol. in the Ceylon Ob- 
server, has called my attention to the question. He quotes from Clough, 
patauy '* a royal city, a town", and patana^ *' a town, a city, a seaport 
town", and other forms ; also from Childers' Pali Diet., pattanam, '*a 
port, a seaport"; He suggests that the Ceylon use for a stretch of grass 
arose from a mistake of Dr. Davy, who writes thus of Nuwara Eliya : 
'* We came to a great extent of open country . . . our guides called it 
Neuraelliya-pattan." Another suggestion, however, is that the word 
is a corruption of pittaniya, a meadow or lawn. All this is beside the 
question of the Portuguese application of paidna to an atoll. If it ever 
was so used by the Maldivians it is now obsolete : and if, as it seems, 
the middle a was long, it cannot be connected with the above Sinhalese 
words. It is used, as will be seen hereafter, by one of the Maldive exiled 
kings, but then only in a Portuguese document, for the wording of 
which he is perhaps not responsible. 

VOL. II. — 2. U 


J. deBarroB. cipally at the seaports. To thia farming of the revenue they have 
added the administration of justice, thus better securing the 
revenues of the prince of the country. This position the Moors 
have not as yet obtained so firmly in the islands as on the conti- 

"As regards their situation, though some of the larger islands are 
distant apart some five, ten, fifteen, or twenty leagues, the great 
majority are so close-set that they look like an orchard half in- 
undated by a flood, equal parts of which are visible and concealed; 
and you can leap from one to another without wetting the feet, 
or else swing across by means of the branches of the trees. The 
currents of water collecting in the channels are so strong th^t the 
natives, when overtaken by a tide, as sometimes happens, can- 
not make the crossing they desire. And while many of these 
channels are so deep as to carry very large vessels, yet are they so 
narrow in some places that the yards will strike the palm trees. 

" These palm trees do not yield dates, as do those of^Barbary 
and all Africa, but a fruit of the size of a man's head. Before 
reaching the kernel, it has two husks, after the manner of nuts. 
The first, although on the outside, is quite smooth; beneath this 
is another all of fibre, which excels the esparto. The rope made 
from this fibre supplies the whole of India, and chiefly for 
cables, because it is more secure and stands the sea better than 
any made from hemp. The reason is that it agrees with the salt 
water, and becomes so tough that it seems like hide, contracting 
and expanding with the strength of the sea ; so that a good 
thick cable of this rope, when the ship is standing at her anchor 
in a heavy gale and straining upon it, draws out so thin that you 
would think it could not hold a boat ; when the vessel is pitching 
in a mere swell, it keeps its usual thickness. This coir is also 
used instead of bolts, for such virtue hath it of swelling and 
shrinking in the sea that they join the timbers of their ships' ribs 
with it, and consider it quite secure. True it is, these ships are 
not sailed through the furious gales of the Cape of Good Hope. 
The islanders make their voyages in avoidance of the winds, navi- 
gating only in the summer time during the monsoons, which are 
seasons of fair winds, regular in their direction, for three months 


at -a time; when the winter comes round, they do not go to J.deBarros. 

" This profitable fruit hath another shell of very hard substance, 
on the surface of which are seen the traces of the fibres and 
threads of the outer husk ; it is like the pith of the cork tree, or, 
rather, like a nut shorn of its green shell. This shell, at the place 
where the fruit receives its vegetable nourishment — that is, at its 
lower end — is somewhat pointed, and resembles a nose between 
two round eyes. It is through these that the nut throws out its 
shoots when planted. Owing to this shape our countrymen call 
this nut Coco,^ the name given by women to anything used to 
frighten their- babes. This name has so stuck to it that no one 
knows it by any other. Its proper name, however, is Tangc} with 
the Malabars, and Narl^ with the Canarins. 

" The kernel within this second shell is about the size of a large 
quince, but of a diflferent appearance, resembling the filbert in 
its outer surface and inner substance ; it has, however, a hollow 
space within. It is of the same taste, but of greater bulk, and is 
more oily in its consistency than the filbert. Within the cavity 
is distilled some water, which is very sweet and cordial, principally 
when the nut is young. When the nut is planted, all this cavity 
in which the water was becomes a thick mass like cream, called 
lanha. It is very sweet and tasty, and better than almonds, when 
it thickens on the tree ; and as this fruit in its substance and 
edibility is very like the almond or filbert, so, too, its outer surface 
is fawn-coloured, and its interior white. 

" This nut and the palm which yields it have other profitable uses, 
ordained of God for the support and necessities of man, for besides 
those mentioned it supplies him with honey, vinegar, oil, and wine, 
and is itself a substantial food, either eaten alone or with rice, or 
served in other modes employed by the Indians in their cookery. 
Of the first outer husk is made coir, which, as we said, is in com- 
mon and universal use for the ships of the whole East, after being 
soaked, beaten, and twisted like hempen rope. The palm trees 
also are used for timber, logs, and tiles, for the natives cover their 
houses with the leaves, which prevent any water getting in ; these 

* As to these names, see above, p. 372, note, 



J. de Barros. also serve them for paper, and their palmitos^ put them in no need 
of the palmitos of Barbary. In short, when a man of those parts 
has a pair of these palm trees he has everything necessary for 
existence; and when they wish to praise one for his benefactions, 
they are wont to say, * He is more fruitful and profitable than a 
palm tree.' 

" Besides these trees, which in those islands grow aboveground, 
it seems their seed is endowed by nature with such virtue that it 
has produced in some places beneath the salt water another 
species,^ which yields a larger nut than the coco. The second 
shell of this nut is found by experience to be more efficacious 
against poison than the Bezoar^ stone, which also comes from the 
East, growing in the stomach of an animal called by the Persians 
Fazon, whereof we have treated at large in the chapters of our 
Commercio upon antidotes. 

"The commonest and most important merchandise at these 
islands, indeed, the cause of their being visited, is the coir ; with- 
out it those seas cannot be navigated. There is also a kind of 
shellfish, as small as a snail, but dififerently shaped, with a hard, 
white, lustrous shell, some of them, however, being so highly 
coloured and lustrous that, when made into buttons and set in 
gold, they look like enamel. With these shells for ballast many 
ships are laden for Bengal and Siam, where they are used for 

1 The inner rind of the palm. 

2 The coco de mer. See vol. i, p. 230. 

3 The word Bezbar is a corruption of the Persian pddzdr, ** poison 
antidote'*, of which de Barros' pazon is a corruption : the animal re- 
ferred to is the wild goat of Persia. For the history of the word see 
Yule's Glossary, and the New Eng. Diet. As an addition to the quota- 
tions given in these two works, I may observe that a false Bezoar stone 
gave occasion for tte establishment of one of the great distinctions in 
our common law, viz., between actions founded upon contract, and 
those founded upon wrongs : Chandelor v. Lopus was decided in 1604 
(reported in 2 Croke, and in Smith's Leading Cases). The headnote 
runs : " The defendant sold to the plaintiff a stone, which he affirmed to he 
a Bezoar stone, hut which proved not to he so. No action lies against him, 
unless he either knew that it was not a Bezoar stone, or ivarranted it to be 
a Bezoar stone.^^ Chandelor, who was a goldsmith, *' having skill in 
jewels and precious stones", had sold the worthless stone to Lopus for 
£100, a large sum in those days. 


money, just as we use small copper money for buying things of little J.fio Barrou. 
value. And even to this kingdom of Portugal, in some years as 
much as two or three thousand quintals are brought by way of 
ballast ; they are then exported to .Guinea, and the kingdoms of 
Benin and Congo, where also they are used for money, the Gentiles 
of the interior in those parts making their treasure of it. 

" Now the manner in which the islanders gather these shells 
is this : — they make large bushes of palm leaves tied together so 
as not to break, which they cast into the sea. To these the shell- 
fish attach themselves in quest of food ; and when the bushes are 
all covered with them, they are hauled ashore and the creatures 
collected. All are then buried in the earth till the fish within 
have rotted away. The shells (huzios as we, and Igovos as the 
negroes, call them) are then washed in the sea, becoming quite 
white, and so dirtying the hands less than copper money. In this 
kingdom (Portugal) a quintal of them is worth from three to 
ten cruzados, according as the supply from India is large or 

" These islands produce abundance of fish, of which great 
quantities of moxama are made. It is exported as merchandise to 
many quarters, and gives a good profit, as do also fish-oil, cocos, 
and jaggery, which last is made from the cocos in the same 
manner as sugar. 

" The fabrics made by these islanders are silk and cotton, and no 
finer stuffs are made in all those parts. The principal manufactory 
is at the islands Ceudv} and Cudu^ where there are said to be 
better weavers than in Bengal or Coromandel. Yet all the silk 
and cotton, of which those stuffs are made, come to them from 
abroad, the islands lacking both these commodities, and also rice, 
whereof their whole supply is imported. 

" They rear herds of sheep and cows,^ but not sufficient for the 
supply of butter, which is brought from Ceylon and other parts, 
and yields the carriers a good profit. 

" The people of these islands, with whom our countrymen have 

1 H awadu or Suadiva Atoll, which is still famed for its weavers, both 
of cloth and mats. (BelPs Report, p. 88 ; and above, vol. i, p. 241.) 

2 Probably a printer's mistake for Addu. 
^ See above, vol. i, p. 116. 


j.deBarroB. come into contact, are dull, feeble, and malicious — qualities always 
found together, not only in the human race, but also in the brute 
creation, wherein is verified the paradox that a weak intellect is 
crafty in mischief 

" The higher classes dress in silk and cotton ; the rest of the 
people make shift to weave themselves a clothing made from 
palmy leaves and herbs. They have a language of their own, 
though those nearest to the Malabar coast speak the language of 
that country ; this is so chiefly at Maldioa island, where the king 
resides, because it is frequented by so many Malabars." 

[The account of Joao de Cheira-Dinheiro at the Maldives, which 
here succeeds, has already been given above, at p. 476.] 

Th®^ 23. The description of the Maldives by De Barros has been 

Brothers •■■ '' 

Parmentier. advisedly placed in immediate sequence to the sketch of Portu- 
guese relations with the islands during the first half of the 
sixteenth century.. We are thus enabled to conclude this Appendix 
with a more pleasing episode in the history of their intercourse with 
European races. 

The voyage of the two French ships, the Pensee^ and the Sacre^ 
under the brothers Jean and Raoul Parmentier, has already been 
referred to in the Introduction to vol. i (pp. x, xi), as the second, 
if not the first, voyage made to the East by way of the Cape, in 
defiance of the Portuguese claims of exclusive right. Jean Parr 
mentier had already made long voyages, including (it seems 
certain) one to America. Besides being a classical scholar and a 
poet, he was also a first-rate seaman. The expedition was thus 
well planned, the ships well found, and the crews well handled. 
But for the sad death of the gallant and accomplished commander 
at Ticou, in Sumatra, it might have been hoped that Parmentier 
w^ould have roused his countrymen to further efforts, and have led 
to an earlier destruction of the monopoly in ocean routes. 

The French ships left Dieppe on the 28th March 1529. They 

1 The Pansy. 

2 Fr. and Port, sacre^ Eng. saker^ a peregrine hawk, falco sacer. 
This Lat. term is a misnomer, arising from a fancy that sacre was a 
transhition of the Gr. Upa^, It is really, as Dozy has pointed out, the 
Ar. (;aqr. 


rounded the Cape in safety, and towards the latter end of Sep- The 

^ "^ ^ Brothers 

tember were in the neighbourhood of the Maldives. Let the Parmentier. 
chronicler of the voyage now tell his own talei : — 

"On Sunday [19th September 1529] we made sail S.S.E. and 
S. with scant wind, believing these islands to be the archipelago 
near Calecut and Commori, which extends north and south. 

" Monday, the 20th September, in the morning, were sighted 
six or seven islands on the W., the S.W. and the S. On taking 
our altitude at noon, it was found to be half a degree to the south 
of the Line. We endeavoured to fetch one of these islands, but 
the wind was contrary, and obliged us to stand off. Yet did we 
cease not until the Friday following [September 24thj to tack, so 
as to come up with some of them : but, when we approached, we 
found no anchorage. Then came contrary winds and rain. At 
length we found one green island, well planted with palms, 
about a league in length. Jean Masson in our little boat went 
ashore, as did also the boat of the Sacre. The people of the 
island gave them a good reception and presented some of their 
palm-fruits and long figs,^ while the said Masson gave them some 
knives and mirrors, and other wares. They also gave him, as a 
present for the captain, a little chain artificially made of a siuglo 
piece, which was bent double ; and also sent to the captain, 
between two large leaves of trees, about two or three pounds of 
sugar-candy, called by them Zagre^^ and made of the same palms, 
and also a quarter or half hundred balls of thick black sugar, 
which is made from the same sugar-candy, and the husk or enve- 
lope of the substance whereof the said sugar is composed. 

** On the 25th died one of our mariners, by name Jean Franqoia, 
The same day our captain landed on the island with the two boats, 
well armed and equipped, and was honourably received by the 

1 The translation which follows is from the edition of M. Schefer, 
Paris, 1883. As will be seen, hia reading of some of the names differs 
from the earlier edition of the voya;ge published in 1832 by M. Estan- 
colin, in his Navigateurs Normands, and also from another copy, edited by 
M. Margry, in the Bulletin of the Soc. Normande de Geographie for 1883. 

2 Bananas, called by the Portuguese figos da India, 

3 Maid, sakuru or hakuru; u. s., p. 411. Estaucelin reads lagre^ and 
Margry sagre. 


Tbe chief or arch-priest of the island, who came towards him kneel- 

BrotherB *^ . ' 

Parmentier. ing as though he would kiss his hands, and presented a fine large 
•lemon, quite round, like a big orange. The captain hastened to 
raise and embrace him, and made him a present of two pairs of 
knives, which he esteemed highly. The islanders climbed a 
number of coco palm-trees, and gave our people to drink of the 
water. Two or three others presented a few of the island lemons 
to our captain. 

" In this islaiwi was a temple or mosque, a very ancient struc- 
ture, composed of massive stone. The captain desired to see the 
inside^ as well as the outside, whereupon the chief priest bade 
them open it and entered within. The work pleased him greatly, 
and chiefly a woodwork screen, of ancient mouldings, the best he 
had ever seen, with a balustrade so neatly turned that our ship's 
carpenter was surprised to see the fineness of the work. The 
temple had galleries all around, and at the end a secret enclosure 
shut off by a wooden screen, like a Sanctum Sanctorum, The 
captain bade them open it, to see what was within, and whether 
there were any idols there, but he perceived nothing but a 
lamp. formed of the coconut. The roof or vault of this temple 
was round in form, with a wainscoted ceiling covered with 
ancient painting. Hard by the temple was a piscina^ or lavatory, 
flat bottomed, and paved with a black stone like marble, finely 
cut with ancient mouldings, and having all the appearance of 
massive workmanship. In another place, a little apart, was a 
kind of square well or fountain, six or eight feet deep, having 
within it a number of poles, each with a gourd at the end, where- 
with the natives drew their water. This well also was flat bot- 
tomed, and paved with the same stone as the lavatory. In this 
island were many other similar fountains or wells, and also many 
small chapels and oratories in the same style as the great temple.* 

1 The only information as to remains at Fua Mulaku, the island re- 
ferred to (r. «., p. 490), is that given to Mr. Bell by resident natives, to 
the effect that there are still to be seen there "the jungle-covered ruins 
of a tope or (Idgahaj and amid these the stone image of a Buddha in the 
sthdnamudrd or standing position. This tope is described as resembling 
the solid hell-shaped ddgabatt, rising from platforms, usual in Ceylon'* 


" The dwelliner houses are quite small and miserably built : the The 

° ^ *' Brothers 

people are small and thin, and the only women our men saw were Parmentier. 
old and emaciated, bald and poor-looking creatures. There was 

{Report, p. 75). It will be noticed that Parmentier says nothing of the 
image, but, on the contrary, says that the building shown contained 
none. The temple to which the Frenchmen were admitted may have 
been originally a Buddhist vihdra adapted to Moslem use ; and so may 
the bathing-pond have been a Sinhalese poTcuna, such as may be seen 
in great perfection of workmanship at Anuradhapura. 

In further illustration of the objects of archaeological interest which 
may still be found at the Maldives, I will insert here an extract from a 
MS. relation at Batavia of the voyage of Frederick de Houtman in 
1598-9. The extract, headed ** Short account of the adventures of 
Frederick de Houtman bound for action'', was sent from Batavia by 
Mr. Van der Chys to Mr. Bell ; it is translated by Mr. F. de Vos, of 
Galle, and has been revised (through the kind intervention of Mrs. 
Clements Markham) by Col. Jansen, of the Hague. If the MS. in its 
entirety (of which I have 'as yet no information) is a relation of the 
whole voyage of F. de Houtman, it is interesting on grounds hereafter 
stated. However that may be, the extract, so far as it goes, runs 
thus : — • 

*• On the 1st June (1599) we fell among the Maldives .... the 
small island close to which we lay had many beautiful buildings, most in 
ruius, very artfully built after their fashion. There appeared to be all 
sorts of temples and altars, which were all there in that small space, 
fully from ten to twelve : among them one specially of an ancient 
structure, all of blue-stone (lazulite), and round it also mouldings, 
basements, capitals (pillars), friezes, and their groovings (tandeerzel), 
on the steps of the entrance breastways : and what surprised me most 
was that all this was put together without any lime or building 
material ; yet was everything so closely bound together by means of 
hewn grooves that the point of a knife could not be put between them, 
while at each corner a keystone held the entire work together. 

^^ Hound this temple was a rectangular wall, constructed with a 
broad walk around it, and outside this walk were also some walls built 
of stone which were dry, and among these one which appeared to be a 
tank. It was — feet measured round, entirely built of white stone, 
with stone steps leading to it. There was also hard by a crumbled 
pyramid, of which the basement or foundation was still to be seen. It 
was 12 feet square, and appeared to have been a beautiful work, for it 
seemed to have been made with mouldings round and hollow and square, 
with groovings all in proportion. 

'^ All the temples stood east and west, the entrance being at the east. 


The but little in the houses, whereby we judged that they had re- 

Parmentier. moved all their valuables, as also their young women and children, 

further into the interior of the island, fearing perhaps lest they 

I thought it must have been a sacred place, as all these buildings stood 
close to each other. Moreover, we found nowhere on the whole of this 
island any buildings used as houses or showing any signs of having been 
used as habitations," etc. 

If the island described is still uninhabited, there is good reason to 
hope that some of these interesting buildings may be preserved. It is, 
however, somewhat difficult — in the absence of any mention of names 
or bearings — to localise, much less to identify, the island. Some cir- 
cumstantial evidence regarding the voyage may be of assistance, and 
this gives a peculiar interest to the passage extracted. 

Frederick de Houtman left Flushing on the 15th March 1598, in com- 
mand of the LionesSj his brother Cornelis, the leader of the expedition, 
being on board the LioUj on which ship also sailed our famous sailor, 
John Davis, as pilot. 

Above, at vol. i, p. 31, I stated, before this extract came to hand, 
that no Dutch account of this voyage existed, and that Davis's letter to 
Lord Essex was the sole account of it extant. If the document from 
which the above passage is extracted proves to be a report of the 
voyage at large, that statement will no longer hold good. 

Now, as Davis also mentions the vi^it to the Maldives, we should be 
able to localise the island described by F. de Houtman, if only we 
knew that the two vessels were in company at the time. But neither 
Davis nor F. de Houtman refers to the other's ship while at the Maldives : 
and the evidence points to the fact that they were not at this time in 
company. From Davis's account we gather that the Lion merely stood 
off an island, that the crew did not land, but that the island was in- 
habited, inasmuch as a pilot was obtained at it. There is also some 
difference in dates, Davis stating ( Voyages, Bak. Soc, p. 138) that his 
ship arrived at the Maldives on the 23rd May 1599, and left the island 
at which the pilot was taken on the 27th, while on the 3rd June she 
was off the coast of Cochin. Our extract above puts the arrival of the 
Lioness at the uninhabited island on the 1st June. 

While, therefore, it seems that the two ships were not together at the 
Maldives, they may have been so nearly in company as to strike the 
same channel. As to the route of the Lion, Davis's letter leaves us in 
no doubt. In the passage of the channel he gives his latitude as 
4° 15' N., which identifies the channel as that of Kardiva. Possibly, 
therefore, F. de Houtman's island may be found somewhere on the 
borders of this channel. When the MS. in full comes to hand from 
Batavia, some reference to latitude in the context may decide. 


should be seized by force. This was probably done at the advice The 

•^ r J Brothers 

of the chief priest, who was a man of much discretion and know- Pannentier. 
ledge, as was seen by what ensued. For while we were there, a 
little strife • had arisen between the captain and the Portuguese 
sailors of the Sacre, the said Portuguese asserting to the mariners 
that this island was one of the Maldive islands. This, however, could 
not be so, for we were then at \ degree south, while the Maldive 
islands extend from the 7th to the 17th degree north of the 
equator: whereupon our captain told him that he was wrong. 
But the other, persisting in his opinion, said he was right, and 
proposed that they should enquire the fact of the chief priest, 
who replied that the name of the island was Moluque^ and that 
the Maldive islands were fully 200 leagues north of that island.^ 
Nevertheless, I have since seen in a Portugal chart that these 
islands south of the line are called Maldiva. Moreover, this chief 
priest showed the captain in what quarters lay the countries of 
Adam^ Persia, Ormus, Calicut, Zeilan,^ Moluque,^ and Sumatra, 
and proved himself to be both learned and well travelled. He 
was very devout, modest, and amiable, of middle height, white- 
bearded, apparently about 45 to 50 years of age ; his name was 
Brearou LeacaruS" Meanwhile, our people took supplies of water, 
and the captain paid the natives handsomely for their coco-nuts 
and long green figs, which were loaded in the boats. He then 
took his leave and withdrew his men to the boats in order to 
return to the ship, which was plying off and on, in default of any 

1 Fua Mulaku, a solitary island in 0° 17' S., not to be confounded 
with Mulaku Atoll, which is farther north. The chronicler above 
states that just before landing at this island they were in ^^ S. lati- 

2 The chief must have understood the Frenchmen to ask for the 
Mal^ Atoll. 

3 Estancelin and Margry read Dam, 

4 Estancelin and Margry read Zela, 

^ Probably the Moluccas; but Estancelin and Margry read Melaque, 
which would likely mean Malacca. 

6 Estancelin and Margry read Orquarou Leacarou. Neither seeins 
to be right. The second word, however, almost certainly should be 
TacaroUj for M. Takuru; see vol. i, pp. 96, 208. 


Brothere anchorage at the island. The people there call God Allah} The 
Parmentier. same evening after supper we sailed S.E. \ S., close-hauled to the 


" On the 26th our altitude, on being taken at noon, was found 

to be § of a deg. south/' etc. 

1 So Estancelin; Margry, however, states that the text reads Aillat. 




In the course of his narrative Pyrard makes reference on several 
occasions to the family of titular Kings of the Maldives who 
resided in India under Portuguese protection. By the aid of the 
Portuguese archives at Lisbon and Goa, supplemented by other 
authorities, we are enabled to follow the fortunes of these exiled 
royalties during the century which elapsed between the revolu- 
tion that cost them their throne and the death of the last repre- 
sentative of this legitimist line. They were in no sense Portu- 
guese captives, for the first exile lost his throne fairly enough in 
an internal revolution, and threw himself upon the protection of 
the Portuguese.- When he afterwards became a Christian and 
married a Portuguese wife, he forfeited any chances of restora- 
tion that might have been hoped from a counter-revolution. 
The Portuguese, after one endeavour to replace him, saw that it 
was impossible to impose a Christian king upon the Maldivians, 
and thereafter merely used the family claims as a lever to 
enforce the necessary supply of coir for their fleets. The indi- 
vidual princes on their part, eked out inglorious, and not always 
reputable, lives as pensioners in the foreign land of which by 
intermarriages they became half-citizens. Somewhat similar cases 
have occurred in the history of British India ; and the des^patches 
quoted before would probably find their counterpart in many 
filed in the Foreign Departments of our Indian Presidencies. 

Pyrard, whose account is founded upon the tradition of his 
time, relates that, about fifty years before, a certain King Hasan,^ 
being hard pressed by a rival, was " inspired of God to quit alU', 

1 According to tradition, still current, this Hasan, whose Maldive 
;iame was Hasan Dohidd Fdnind^ was the son of a Sultan Y lisub ; his 
rival's name was Ali. 


and secretly departed to Cochin with his wife and certain of his 
family. From the date of his conversion, which took place in 
1552, we shall be not far wrong in assuming that the revolution 
occurred in 1550 or 1551. When he became a Christian he was 
twenty years of age, a fact which seems to indicate that youth 
may have been his chief incapacity. However that may be, he 
was baptised a Christian under the name of Dom Manoel, and it 
is noteworthy that he was received into the Church by no less a 
personage than the Apostle of the Indies, St. Francis Xavier. 

The Jesuit historian Bartoli, one of th^ people of importance 
in their day with whom Mr. Browning has " parleyings", thus 
relates the conversion (Asia, iii, 201-2) : — " There sprang up, I 
know not why, between the Maldivians and their Lord, a youth 
of twenty years, discord and war, and he, finding himself unable 
to withstand the force of the conspiracy, saved his life, though he 
could not his kingdom, by flight to Cochin, where he trusted to 
obtain his re-instatement by aid of the Portuguese arms. The 
fathers received him into their house ; and, by the example of 
their living, which is ever a more potent influence than words, 
and by that which S. Francis Xavier, who opportunely arrived 
there, told him of God — and more, that which the saint told God 
of him, praying Him to give him that spirit whereby a new 
realm would be gained to the Church — at length the saint 
conquered, and having instructed him as far as needful in the 
divine mysteries, solemnly baptised him."^ Padre Lucena says 
that this conversion " filled with joy the whole of India, exciting 
hopes that after the head, all the members would be converted."* 

1 St. Francis arrived at Cochin from Malacca on the 24th January 
1552, and left for Goa at the beginning of February, and probably 
had little to do with the conversion and catechising of the Maldive 
king, which were managed by Padre Antonio Heredia (F. N. Xavier,' 
Res. Hist,, p. 175). Bartoli and other Jesuit writers, however, claim 
for the Apostle of the Indies the lion's share of the credit. Cr^tineau- 
Joly goes so far as to say that St. Francis succeeded where Heredia 
had failed {Hl9t. de la Conip, de Jesus^ i, 238). See also Bouhours, Vie 
de S. Franqois Xavier^ 1682, 4to., p. 462. 

2 Vida de Fran. Xav.^ lib. ix, c. 15. 


The Rev. H. Coleridge adds that " this king was a witness to one 
of Francis's miraculous elevations in the air while saying Mass" 
{Life and Letters of S. Franc. Xav,, ii, 65). It would seem that 
the king submitted to conversion as a means of gaining Portu- 
guese support, the Jesuits of Cochin promising their aid. " Some 
of the fathers," continues Bartoli, " were then ready to sail with a 
Portuguese armada, and with the converted king, to the Mal- 
dives, and, as soon as he. should be re-instated, to reduce the 
inhabitants to the Faith. But because in the interests of the 
Crown of Portugal it was not worth while to have these islands 
tributary, being poor in spices and gold, the Governors of India 
were not inclined to give the King effectual aid." The expedition 
was, nevertheless, sent, but on terms, as Pyrard states, that Dom 
Manoel should not accompany it. 

The first expedition was, as Pyrard relates, disastrous to the 
Portuguese: but in the second, probably about 1554, they took 
Mdle, after a battle in which the rival king Ali was slain. Ex- 
periencing the difiBculties attending the subjection of the whole of 
the scattered kingdom, they prudently assembled the chiefs for a 
conference, at which it was arranged that the islands should be 
governed by a native regent, who should be subject to the con- 
trol of the Portuguese commandant, and who should rule in the 
name of the exiled king, Dom Manoel. This condition of affairs 
was adhered to for upwards of ten years. At this period the 
Maldivians again rose in rebellion, and, under the leadership 
of the two noble brothers, the elder of whom was the father of 
the Sultan of Pyrard's time, succeeded, with the aid of a party of 
Malabars, in taking the Portuguese fort and putting its occupants 
to the sword {supra, vol. i, p. 248). 

During the ten years of Portuguese occupation it seems that 
Dom Manoel was enabled, by the treaty arrived at with the 
native chiefs, to exercise to some extent his sovereign rights. In 
the archives of Goa is still preserved a copy of certain letters 
patent granted by him to Manoel da Silveira d'Araujo, bestowing 
upon him the privilege of three voyages to the Maldives as chief 
captain. The document, including the titles of the grantor, is 
couched in the approved language of Portuguese officialism : — 


" Dom Mauoel, by the grace of God King of the Maldive islands, 
and of the three patanas of Cuaydu, and of the seven islands of 
PuUobay, of the conquest and navigation of all the coasts of 
Sumatra, and of the Strait of Manacuma, etc., — To all to whom this 
my letter shall be shown, I make known and give to understand 
that as of right I think fit and am hereby pleased to grant unto 
Manoel da Silveira d'Araujo, Cavalier fidalgo of the household of 
the King of Portugal, three voyages as chief captain to my 
Maldive islands, in like manner as to preceding chief captains, 
with the customary gains and profits thereof, which voyages he may 
enter upon after Jorge de Sousa Pereira, now captain of this city 
of Cochin, shall have made and concluded the two voyages which 
he purchased for money from Janebra de Torres, formerly wife of 
Bastiao Rebelo, and now with God, and which he shall have in 
precedence of all others. I think fit, therefore, that the said 
Manoel da Silveira shall have these three, which I now grant, 
before any other person to whom the like grant shall be made 
(saving only the two purchased by Jorge de Sousa from the said 
widow, the same being within my grant), having respect to the 
fact that he slew the robber of Baura,^ who assumed the title of 
king of the islands, and dispossessed me of my realm and estate, 
to which I should hardly have been restored, had not the said 
Manoel da Silveira killed him and dealt with him so valiantly as 
he did, as also all the rest concerned in the rebellion, whom also 
he slew : all which deeds cost him much trouble and blood of his 
own body with five deadly spear- wounds which crippled him, and 
which he received in battle with the said king and rebels : — as 
also for other services which he has done me and which I hope he 
may still in the future do. . . ." [He then proceeds to say that 
these three voyages and the two of Jorge de Sousa are to come at 
the end of the lease of the island trade which he has granted to 
one Anrique de Sousa, and concludes :] — "And I hereby command 
my regents and officers in the said islands that they receive and 
obey this letter without the exaction of any duty or tax whatever. 
Given in the city of Santa Cruz of Cochin under my seal. Ruy 

^ His rival Ali, who was a native or chief of the island JJdra, iu 
Tiladummati Atoll. 


Correa wrote this the twenty-fifth of June, in the year of the 
birth of our Lord Jesu Christ one thousand five hundred and 
sixty years." The document is approved, sealed, and registered 
by the Viceroy at Goa, under date 24th Sept. 1561.^ 

Pyrard states that when Dom Manoel fled to Cochin he took 
his Maldive wife with him, and that she too became a Christian. 
According to Bartoli, he married "a noble Portuguese lady", 
whose name does not transpire. Nothing more is heard of the 
Maldive wife, and, whether she had any children or not, it is 
probable that the only children recognised by the Portuguese 
were those of the second marriage. His family consisted of 
three sons. Dora Francisco, Dom Joao, and Dom Pedro, and some 
daughters. The eldest son, Dom Francisco, seems to have re- 
sided at Cochin with his father till about the 'year 1581. We 
learn from a despatch of the King of Spain to the Viceroy, date 
15th Feb. 1583,* that the Prince had written to request that his 
servants, Pero and Joao Garces, should be appointed respectively 
clerk of the factory and accountant of orphans at Cochin. The 
king directs that they should be so appointed for the space of 
three years from the next vacancies of those oflBces ; but this is 
to be done only if the appointments do not of light belong to the 
town, and in that case some similar offices may be given to the 
applicants. It was probably soon after that letter to the King of 
Spain, or about the year 1 582, that Dom Francisco proceeded to 
Europe, where he was stabbed to death in a street brawl at 
Lisbon,^ but, owing to the loss of most of the royal despatches 
prior to 1585, we are without information as to the circum- 

Dom Manoel seems to have made repeated requests to the 
King of Spain for his re-instatement,* but the viceroys set their 

1 Arch, Port. Or., Fasc. 5, No. 350. 

2 Op. cit., Fasc. 3, No. 2. 

3 Bartoli, loc. cit. ; Maffei (Hist. Ind., lib. xv ; F. de Sousa {Or. 
Conq.y C i, D i, § 67). The last-mentioned writer gives 1581 as the 
date of his death ; but this must be an error, as the India Office at 
Lisbon evidently believed him to be alive in Feb. 1583. 

* E.g.f Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 3, No. 9. 

VOL. II. — 2. P 


faces against any further expeditions to the islands, and seem 
not to have communicated to him the king^s replies to his letters. 
Thus, "ever hoping to regain his own, he lived and grew old in 
privacy at Cochin; and finally, after the disgraceful end of his 
son, who was stabbed to death at the Court of Spain, in great 
affliction died,"^ The death of Dom Manoel can only be ap- 
proximately fixed as having taken place in 1583. Assuming 
that Bartoli and Pyfard are right as to his age when he came to 
Cochin, he was but little over fifty at his death. Whatever be 
the exact date of Dom ManoeFs death, the news of it had reached 
Lisbon by the beginning of 1585, for on the 11th February of 
that year the King of Spain directs the viceroy, Dom Duarte de 
Menezes, to condole with the queen on the death of her husband, 
and to make proper provision for ber and her daughters.^ 

The heir-apparent, Dom Francisco, having been killed at Lisbon, 
Dom Manoel was now succeeded in the titular sovereignty of the 
Maldives by his second son, Dom Joao. This prince gave tbe 
Portuguese much trouble. In a despatch dated the 10th Jan. 
1587, the king thus addresses the viceroy: "I regret to be 
informed by your letter of the unruly behaviour of the King of 
the Maldives, and the trouble he has given in the city of Cochin, 
where he is. I recommend you to correct his follies as they may 
display themselves, and to give orders that he may gather his 
revenues, provided he pays into my treasury 500 hahars of coir, 
as his father always did. And as you say that it would be con- 
venient for my service to collect the revenues of these islands 
through the controller of the treasury at Cochin, and for me to 
pay to the king his share, you will inform me what amount of 
coir you have taken into my treasury for the use of the navy, as 
well as for the ships repaired there, for which compensation 
should be made to him."' 

Again, on the 28th Jan. 1588 : "The king of the islands, in a 
letter he has written to me, complains of the inhabitants of the 
city of Cochin as not paying him due respect; and as I am 

^ Bartoli, Asia, he. cit. 

2 Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 3, No. 9, § 22. 

3 Op. cit., No. 23, § 24. 



informed of his follies and unruly conduct, which perhaps may be 
the cause of his treatment, I r^ommend you to remedy this in 
such manner as may leave no ground for complaint, and to warn 
him as to his follies, so that he shall demean himself according to 
his duties. As to his applications, I gave orders last year, as 
well as this, that he must send them to you, that so, aided by 
your information, I may send such replies as may be conducive 
to my interests."^ 

As time went on the young prince did not improve his conduct, 
and on the 6th February 1589 the king writes as follows : — 

" I am informed by you that the King of the Islands has 
married a sister of Antonio TeiKcira de Macedo,^ who went from 
this kingdom in your company with the orphans, and that he has 
done so against your opinion : further, that owing to his excesses 
and misconduct in the married state, you did not give him the 
letter I directed to him by the armada of 1587, and that you 
thought it would be prejudicial to my service to correspond with 
him, unless he greatly mended his ways. In view of what you 
write I think it well done on your part not to have delivered my 
letter, and that you ought' to endeavour to train this king, who, as 
you know, is very young, in all the affairs of my service, and also 
in those which will be serviceable to himself, in order that he may 
know how to govern well."^ 

On the 22ud February of the same year, 1589, the king again 

1 Op, ciL, No. 34, § 12. 

2 This captain arrived at Goa in command of the Sta. Crvz in Sep- 
tember 1591 ; he returned in command of the same ship on the 10th 
January 1592, but was attacked at the Azores by the English ; his ship 
was burnt and the crew escaped on shore. He came out to India 
again in 1598, in command of the S. Christovdo^ and left in her again, 
early in 1594. She reached Mozambique with great difficulty, but being 
unable either to proceed or put back to India, she was abandoned, the 
crew being saved by another ship. Teixeira was then put in command 
of a new ship, built at Bassein, the Madre de Dios, wherein he left Goa 
on the 15th January 1595 : this was probably his last voyage, for this 
ill-fated vessel was lost near C. Delgado, on the coast of Mozambique, 
all except sixteen hands perishing in the sea or on the inhospitable 
shore. (De Couto, Dec. XI, ch. xiv, xxvii, xxxi, xxxiv.) 

3 Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 3, No. 57, § 22. 



writes : " The King oiT the Islands wrote by the ships of the past 
year, complaining that the Moors of Cannanor are absolute 
lords of the said islands, and that they gather their whole pro- 
duce : and that NicolUo Petro, the Controller of the Treasury of 
Cochin, did not answer his protests with becoming respect, and iu 
general complained that he was treated with scant courtesy. To 
this letter I thought it not fit to reply, seeing that you had 
informed me by letter of 23rd of November 1587 that he had 
married a sister of Antonio Teixeira de Macedo, who had gone 
from this kingdom in your company with the orphans, and was 
behaving in such manner and with such excesses that you had not 


thought it to my service to deliver to him the letter which I 
wrote to him that year. Wherefore I do not write to him by these 
despatches. And since I have already caused a despatch to be 
written to you requesting you to endeavour to train him in the 
affairs of my service, and the duties incumbent upon one in his 
position and of his name, I desire again to recommend this to you, 
and to request you to favour him when any reasonable opportunity 
occurs, at the same time giving him to understand that, owing to 
the bad reports which I have had of him, I do not think fit to 
reply to him, yet that I have given you instructions as above. "^ 

This letter of paternal instruction is followed by another on 
the 8th March of the same year : *' Dom Joao, King of the 
Maldive islands, has sent me a message to the effect that you 
have, in my name, awarded to Dona -Francisca de Vasconellos,* his 
wife, who proceeded from this kingdom as one of the orphans in 
the year 1584, a pension of 500 pardaos annually for her life, to 
be received by her out of th^ tribute of the islands, which he is 
obliged to pay into my treasury, with a declaration that you will 
get this award confirmed by me within three years. He begs me 
that, having respect to his marriage with the said Dona Francisca, 
I shall be pleased to confirm the same, and further to increase the 
pension by 200 cruzados annually, in order to enable his wife to 
maintain herself suitably to her position. Inasmuch as in your 

1 Arch. Port, Or., Fasc. 3, No. 62, § 10. 

2 She appears to have dropped the name of Vasconellos when she 
married : in one despatch the king calls her by both names. 


letters of the past year, 1588, you do not mention the letter 
which I directed to be written to you, as to his misconduct 
towards his said wife, and as to his behaviour not being conform- 
able to his duties and to the obligations of his rank, I deem it 
undesirable to yield to his request without information from you 
as to his present conduct; on receipt of such information I shall 
reply as befits my service. Until then, I think he should have 
the 500 pardAos which you have ordered to be paid for his wife^s 

There is no further reference to the Maldive family in the 
despatches until the 12th January 1591, by which time it seems 
the young princes had removed from Cochin to Goa. The king 
now writes to the viceroy, Mathias d'Albuquerque : " He (i.e., 
the preceding governor, M. de Sousa Coutinho) also writes that 
he had recently caused to be arrested at Goa the King of the 
Islands [Dom Joao] and the prince his brother [Dom Pedro] for the 
commission at Cochin and elsewhere of great crimes, meriting 
exemplary punishment, wherewith he has scandalized the whole of 
India ; and that for a long time that king had quitted liis wife ; 
and that when he [the governor] sought to proceed against them, 
and to carry into execution such judgment as the High Court 
(Bellagdo) of Goa should award, the judges intervened, saying that 
he could not do so before first giving me notice thereof, and that 
he therefore suspended proceedings until I gave such order as 
befitted my service: which was proper in consideration of the 
quality of the persons, — on which account, and on others, I approve 
of the suspension of execution on that king and his brother, 
although their misdeeds merit natural death, and I ordain that 
they be kept in prison separately and securely until my further 
pleasure be known, and that their indictments and the sentence 
upon them be sent to me with the despatches, that so I may see 
til em and give such order as befits my service. I also confirm to 
the wife of the said king the 500 parddos which the Viceroy Dom 
Duarte gave in my name, and direct you to give her as pension 
200 more, making in all 700 parddos a year on my account. This 

J Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 3, No. 64, § 9. 


I direct out of respect to tlje information which I have of her 
necessities and upon other grounds."^ 

What decision the Court of Spain, or, rather, the Casa 
da India, came to upon the case does not appear. By the 
next despatch referring to the princes, viz., that of 13th Feb- 
ruary 1597, it appears that during the intervening years they 
had been kept in honorary confinement at Go^, and that they 
were constantly demanding their freedom, and leave to return 
to Cochin. The King of Spain, however, directs that- they 
be kept at Goa under the immediate surveillance of the 
viceroy.^ The same orders are repeated in the despatch of 21st 
November 1598, addressed to the viceroy, Dom Francisco da 
Gama, wherein the king refers to the misdeeds of the brothers, 
formerly committed at Cochin, as having been " so outrageous 
and scandalous that it were better not to speak of them'*.' 

Owing, perhaps, to the hiatus which exists between the royal 
despatches contained in the Goa collection (Archivo Portuguez 
Oriental) and the Lisbon collection {Livro das Mongoes), now in 
course of publication, which commences with the year 1605, we 
cannot fix the date of the death of the titular king, Dom Joao. 
It had occurred before the beginning of 1606, when the Portu- 
guese, Dom Adrian de Gouveia, went to the Maldives : as we learn 
from Pyrard that this personage was the ambassador of the young 
king, Dom Filippe,* whom our traveller afterwards, 1608-9, met 
at Goa as a youth of fifteen. Gouveia's embassy bore no fruits, 
and its failure probably led the young king to write to the King 
of Spain a letter bearing date 18th December 1606, the con- 
tents of which we learn from the recital in the king's reply of 
10th December 1607 {Liv, das Mong, i, 147). He complains 
that the revenues from the islands, which in the time of his 
grandfather, Dom Manoel, and his father, Dom Joao, had 
amounted to 18,000 xeraphins, were now, owing to the negligence 
of the viceroys, reduced to 5,000 ; he begs the king to give him an 

1 Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 3, No. 76, § 21. 

2 Oj). cit., No. 244, § 10. 
» Op. cit., No. 365, § 29. 

4 See vol. i, pp. 293-4 ; vol. ii, p. 139. 



honorary office, with the pay thereof, in order to maintain his 
position, and asks for his retainers four habits of the Order of 
Christ, with such pension as may seem fit to the king; for a 
marriage portion to his sister Dona Inez, he asks one of the 
fortresses, Sofala or Ormuz.^ He further seeks that orders be 


given that no captain or vedor da fazenda or other officials of 
Cochin, or elsewhere in Malabar, " under pain of chastisement 
and suspension from office", be permitted to enquire into the 
merchandise brought from the islands by his vassals, and that the 
viceroy should equip an armada to bring the islands into greater 
obedience, that so he may acquire a greater revenue, and otherwise 
that he may be excused from further paying tribute under the 
treaty made with his grandfather. His mother, at the same 
time, in consideration of the services of her father, Jeronymo 
Teixeira de Macedo, asks for a voyage (^.e., the privilege of send- 
ing a ship on private account) from China to Japan. It is cha- 
racteristic of the failure of the Portuguese to administer India 
effectively from Lisbon in those days, that the king's reply, dated 
a whole year after the petition, is simply a request for information 
as to the facts and for the viceroy's opinion as to the best course 
to adopt, and an instruction to keep the exiled prince quiet in 
the meantime,^ 

The petition referred to was ultimately answered by the 
despatch of 4th November 1609, after the receipt of the requisite 
information from the Archbishop Menezes, then Governor of India. 
Dom Filippe is to get one habit of Christ, and therewith a pension 
of 150 parddos, payable out of the Courts of Ceylon. Dona Inez, 

1 See vol. ii, Introd., p. xxxi. 

2 The Casa da India at Lisbon had endeavoured to introduce the 
system maintained even in these more rapid times, in our India and 
Colonial offices, of requiring all letters and petitions to the Crown to 
come through the local government, by which they are forwarded home 
with all materials necessary for coming to a decision. But the Portu- 
guese officials of those days, as indeed the correspondence shows, could 
not be trusted as a channel of communication. Petitioners were obliged 
to send their requests direct, or as best they could, and the chances 
were that some eighteen months afterwards a despatch would arrive at 
Goa, asking for information. 


his sister, is to be married to a fidalgo of quality, and to have as 
her portion one of the Canara fortresses, that is to saj, her 
appointed husband is to have the captaincy of such fortress for 
three years. As to his complaints about the revenue, the king 
recommends that the vedor da fazenda at Cochin be directed to 
take from the Maldive consignments only so much coir as is 
required for the public service, and to leave all the rest to the 
king, Dom Filippe, and that the viceroy should write to Adar- 
rajao (Ali Raja of Cannanor) not to meddle with the islands and 
property belonging to Dom Filippe, and that if the viceroy thinks 
proper he may send two or three f vistas to induce greater 
obedience on the part of Filippe's vassals, who at the same time 
are to be coaxed to do their duty rather than punished, as the 
latter course would only have the eflfect of estranging them. 
Lastly, the pension of the queen-mother. Dona Francisca, is to be 
raised from 700 parddos per annum to 1,0.00, biit without the 
grant of a voyage.^ 

As has been said, Pyrard made the acquaintance of Dora 
Filippe and his mother while at Goa (1608-10). They were 
then lodged in a fine house near the Jesuits' College, where he 
frequently visited them and entertained them with his talk about 
the Maldives. At that time, he says, there was a lawsuit pending 
in the Courts of Goa between the young king and his uncle, Dom 
Pedro, who resided at Cochin. This prince was married to a 
half-caste lady of good bulh and considerable property ; so that 
he was well off, irrespective of his share of the Maldive tribute, 
which seems, however, to have been the subject of the litigation.- 

The king's despatch of November 1609 would, in ordinary 
course, arrive at Goa in May or June 1610, some months after 
Pyrard left. On being communicated to the young prince and his 
mother its terms were not acquiesced in. She pressed for the 
voyage to China, and he for a powerful armada to be sent to the 
Maldives. On these demands being made to Lisbon, the king 
replies on the 28th March 1612, that Dom Filippe is to have 200 

1 Ltv. das Mong, i, 261-64. 

2 V. 5., vol. i, pp. 293-4 ; Toi. ii, p. 139. 


milreis pension -with his habit of Christ ; that the fortress of 
Daman, instead of one of Canara, is to be given fur three years to 
the man who marries his sister, Dona Inez ; that the pension of 
Dona Francisca is to be paid in silk, as she requests ; that further 
pressure be put upon the Raja of Cannanor not to meddle with Donl 
Filippe's affairs; and that a trustworthy agent be sent to the de 
facto King of the Maldives to induce him, by threats of invasion, 
to a better fulfilment of the treaty ; and, finally, that the captains 
and officials of Cochin and Malabar are not to issue passports on 
their own account for trade to the Maldives, as, by the queen- 
mother's complaint, has been done.^ 

The forthcoming volumes of the Livro das Monqoes may give 
some further particulars of the life of the young half-caste king. 
Meantime, the next notice of him at present available is found in 
the letters of the Roman traveller, Pietro della Valle, j^ho, while 
at Goa in 1623, thus describes the feast of St. John the Baptist: — 

** The 24th June. For the feast of SI. John, according to 
annual custom, the Viceroy issued forth with many other Portu- 
guese gentlemen on horseback, in masquerading dress, but without 
masques, two and two attired alike, or three and three. After 
hearing Mass at the Church of St. John, they proceeded down 
St. John's Street, which they are wont to call La Carriera de* 
Cavalli, it being the finest open space in Goa. Here, after many 
companies of Canarin Christians had passed with their banners, 
drums, and arms, many of them leaping and playing along the 
street, with their naked swords in their hands, all being on foot, 
at length all the cavaliers on horseback ran two careers, one 
downwards from St. Paul's Church toward the city, the other 
upwards ; running matches, two and two or three and three, 
according to their similar attire, with their Moorish lances, and at 
last all came marching down from St. Paul in order. Which done, 
they all proceeded to the piazza of the Viceroy's palace, where the 
festival ended. 

" I went to see this sight in the said street of St. Paul, at the 

1 Livro das Mangoes^ ii, 258 ; Arch. Port. Or., Fasc. 6, No. 451, 452. 
It appears from the documents directing the investiture at Goa, that the 
prince was not admitted to the order of Christ till June 1618. 


house of one whom they call the King of the Maldlva ox Maladiva 
islands, which are an innumerable number of very small islets, 
almost all in one long, wide belt, joined together on the western 
side, not very far from the coast of India. Of these islands an 
ancestor of this man was actually kin'g, but being driven from his 
country by his own people, he betook him to the Portuguese, and 
became a Christian, in the hope of getting back to his own country 
and reigning there with their aid. But the Portuguese taking no 
steps in his behalf, he and his descendants remained thenceforth 
deprived of their kingdom, and with the empty title alone, which 
the Portuguese, having formed connections with them, still pre- 
serve to them ; and since a number of merchant vessels come from 
these islands to the Portuguese ports, they compel them to pay a 
little tribute, as it were, to their legitimate lord, who thus (albeit 
the harbour officials, through whom the transaction is necessarily 
conducted, appropriate more than one-half) draws at the present 
day about 3,000 crowns, and therewith supports himself. 

" Similar fortune has befallen many other princes in India, who, 
trusting to the Portuguese, have found themselves deluded. In 
this matter good policy has been but little observed by the Portu- 
•guese, because by this mode of conduct they have discouraged all 
the rest from having confidence in them ; whereas, had they 
assisted and protected them in earnest, as they ought and might 
easily and cheaply have done on many fair opportunities, they 
would at this day have had the fealty and love of all India ; while 
they themselves would in consequence, with the strength and aid 
of their friends, have been much more powerful than they are, and 
would have been incomparably more dreaded by their enemies."^ 

Dom Filippe seems to have gone on demanding from, the Court 
of Spain active support towards, not his reinstatement, but the 
more punctual and full payment of his revenues. At length, in 
1631, according to Resende,^ or more probably in 1632, according 
to the letters which, prior to the despatch of the armada, passed 
between the Maldive prince and the viceroy ,2 the Spanish govern- 

^ Pietro della Valle, Viaggi, parte 3a, Lettera iii (Brighton ed., vol. ii, 
p. 606). 2 Shane MS. 197, fol. 377. 

3 Given in the notes io'Livro das Mojigoes^ i, 148-54. 



ment ordered the viceroy to send a force to the islands.^ The 
armada, consisting of fifteen ships, under* the command of 
Domingos Ferreyra Belliago, the chief captain of Canara, was 
despatched in the month of April, and sailed direct for Male. 
" But the King of the Maldives was advised of the coming of the 
armada, and when it amved he was well fortified, and the only 
entrance to the island was stopped up with ships filled with stones, 
so that it was impossible for ships to enter by it, and more 
impossible to enter by any other way, because the whole island is 
encircled by rocks and reefs, as may be seen by the plan with the 
mode of the fortification. The said armada, for some days, fired 
upon it with cannon, and then seeing it was impossible to force an 
entrance, and that the time spent was all wasted, returned to 

Some member of the force made a drawing at Resende's request, 
and from that he prepared the coloured plan of which a copy is 
given opposite. Leave had been given to Dom Filippe to accom- 
pany this expedition, but he made various excuses, such as that he 
objected to be under the control of the chief captain, and that he 
could not bear to see the havoc that would be made among " his 
subjects" by the Portuguese soldiery.* 

The last mention of Dom Filippe is made by the bare-footed 
Carmelite monk, Philippus a Sancta Trinitate, who was at Goa, 
1631-1639 : — "He was of a middling colour, that is, somewhat 
dark and tanned, after the black skin of his father, with some of 
the whiteness of his mother. I have often visited and talked with 
him, and it was arranged that he should come to Europe with me, 

1 The year is given by Resende, both at fol. 377 and in the writing 
upon the Maldive plan, as 1631. On the other hand, there can be no 
doubt that the letters given in the Livro das Mongoes are correctly dated, 
and in them there is no mention of any expedition in the previous year. 

2 Resende MS., loc. cit, 

3 The documents given in the Liv. das Monq.^ i, 147, are as follows : — 
20 Jan. 1632 (Dom Filippe to the Viceroy) ; same date (Viceroy's reply) » 
24 Jan. 1632 (Dom Filippe to the Viceroy) ; same date (Viceroy's 
reply) ; same date (certificate of Izidoro de Lemos da Mesquita, Secre- 
tary of State, to the effect that permission to accompany the expedition 
had been given under proper conditions). 


for he believed that by his presence he could obtain of the King 
of Spain what he failed to get by letters, seeing, as he saw, that 
either the commands were not efficacious or that he was mocked 
in India. He had not much revenue, for only some of the islands 
persevered in acknowledging his sovereignty. He also died while 
yet young and unmarried, leaving as his successor q, nephew on his 
sister's side ; though his father's brother, in reliance upon the laws 
and customs of the kingdom and the acceptance of the people, 
claimed the throne as rightfully his. When I left Goa the law- 
suit was still afoot, and there was no settled* king of these islands."^ 

The end of the family of exiled Maldive kings is related by 
F. de Sousa^ : — "The last King of the Maldives was Dom Luis de 
Sousa,^ who, on the 9s2nd October 1653, attempted, with other 
fidalgos, to depose the Viceroy, Dom Vasco Mascarenhas, Conde 
de Obidos ; for which cause he was imprisoned at Mormugao until 
the 10th November 1655, in the viceroyalty of Dom Rodrigu Lobo 
da Silveyra, Conde de Sarzedas. For the same cause he was sent 
a prisoner to Portugal in the ship N'ossa S. da Graga, in the year 
1656. The ship was dismasted in a storm oflf the Cape of Good 
Hope ; it put back to Mozambique, but, before reaching port, the 
king was dead. He left no legitimate successor, and named the 
King of Portugal as his heir to the 11,000 islands." 

As has been stated above, we are without knowledge of the 
exact terms of the original treaty with the Maldives after the war 
described by Pyrard, and how far the Portuguese bound them- 
selves to active support of the exiled king ; but it would seem 
from the foregoing summary that the treatment of the exiled 
family at Cochin and Goa, for more than a century, was on the 
whole marked with forbearance and humanity. 

1 Lat. ed., 1649, p. 98 ; Fr. ed., 1652, p. 226. 

2 Oriente Conquistaclo, C. 1, D. 1, p. 67. 

3 Probably the son of the fidalgo who married Dom Filippe's sister, 
Dona Inez. 




Although the story of Kunhdli, as shortly given by Pyrard,^ is 
generally accurate, it differs in some respects from the fuller 
account given by the official historian, De Couto, and from that of 
Faria y Souza, and, as will naturally happen when a narrative is 
compiled from the reminiscences of casual informants, the dates 
are sometimes wrong. The detail in which De Couto recounts 
the operations against the great corsair attests the importance 
attributed by the Portuguese to the reduction of the fortress, and 
Pyrard's episodical account, in like manner, shows how the story 
of the brave Kunhdli was in everyone's mouth, and how, with all 
his cruelties and robberies, he had achieved the posthumous fame 
of a hero. It may be advisable, therefore, to supplement the 
traveller's narrative with a resume of this episode in Portuguese- 
Indian history, so far as it can be traced in the writings of the 

During the viceroyalty of Dom Antonio de Noronha (1571-3) 
Kunhdli* the elder (uncle of the great corsair), who was then a 

^ The 11th Decada of De Couto being lost, the above reference is to 
the substituted volume compiled from contemporary historians by the 
editor of the Lisbon edition of 1778. The topographical information 
given below as to the condition of the Kunhali's fort at the present 
day, and the details of the family, are drawn from notes of Mr. W. 
Logan, which he courteously wrote at Mr. Bell's invitation, having 
taken the trouble to visit the place for the purpose. 

2 See vol. i, pp. 351-56. 

3 See De Couto, Dec. XI, cap. xiii, xiv, xxxv ; Dec, Xll, liv. i, cap. 
i-iii, vii-x, xvii, xviii ; liv. ii, cap. ii-x ; liv. ill, cap. xi ; liv. IV, cap. 
i-xi ; Stevens' Faria y Souza^ vol. iii, pp. 96-116. 

* Kunhali, i.e., Kurihi^ a youth, a term of endearment, a title as here, 
and ^Ali, It is a title, not a proper name. This Mappilla family set 


native of Kurichchi,^ cast his eyes upon the neighbouring port of 
Putu pattanam^ as a place well adapted for a rover's stronghold. 
The permission of the Samorin was obtained, and Kunhd,li, with 
his kindred and associates, proceeded to build the fortress, after- 
wards known as **Kunh41i's fort", and, according to Pyrard, Mar- 
caire coste (Mdrakkdr Kottd.y 

Shortly before reaching the sea the Kotta river takes a turn to 
the north, then again to the west, forming a peninsula of low-lying 
sand-dune, on which the fort was built. The mouth of the river, 
at the time of which we are speaking, was, at the point of the 
peninsula, guarded by the fort. That mouth is now silted up with 
sand, and the river finds its exit further south, through what was, 
in the Portuguese times, a salt-marsh. The fort and town stood 
only fifteen or twenty feet above the water's edge. De Couto 
describes the river as being a musket-shot wide in one place, and 
of volume sufficient to bear catures for three leagues up the coun- 
try, and almadias much further. 

The fortress, as described by De Couto, was square, each side 

apart from the common stock two portions for the support of two 
sthdnams or dignities. Kunhali was the title of the head of the family 
(muppa sthdnam) ; Kutti assan {Kutti^ child -|- Hassan) that of the 
second in rank (ehtma sthdnam). The original family-house was at 
Kollam (Pyrard's Coluotte, from the inflected form Kollaita). They 
moved up the coast to Trikkodi, probably about the year 1525. 

1 Commonly called Coriche, a place on the sea-shore, two miles north 
of Trikkodi, in Meladi Amsam, Kurumbranad taluk. 

2 The town of Putu pattanara ('*new town") was at the mouth of the 
K(5tj:a river on its northern bank. This was a place of great trade in 
early times, and the Portuguese gave its name to the river. De Couto 
probably speaks in general terms when he says that the fort was built 
here. It was actually built on the southern bank of the, river mouth, 
and as the fort {Kotta) became more famous than the opposite town, it 
in time gave to the river the name which it has since borne. Dr. Bur- 
nell {Linsch.^ i, 73) erroneously identifies Kunhdli's fort with Wadda- 
kuray ( Vadakarei), which, as its name implies, was on the north bank. 

3 /.6.,the Mdrakkar'R fort, Mdrakkdr ^ Mdrggakkdran^ from Mdrgya, 
*'a way or law", and Kdran, *' a doer". The town was called Kdttakkal, 
and the family name became Kdttdl (corruption of Kottayil^ "of or belong- 
ing to the Fort"). Kdttakkal is in the Tringngal Desan^ of Meladi Am- 
sam, in Kurumbrandd taluk. 


Abranches against Kunhdli. Furtado, on approaching Ceylon 
found a fleet of Kunhdli, of twenty-one galleys, under Cutimuza,^ 
the nephew of Kunhdli, " lording it over the whole Coromandel 
coast", as the historian expresses it. A battle was fought off the 
island Karativu, in which the corsairs were totally defeated, 
Cutimuza himself escaping on shore.^ 

Alvaro de Abranches meanwhile proceeded to the Malabar coast. 
At or before his arrival there, a Jesuit, Francisco da Costa, then a 
captive at Calicut, represented to the Samorin the advantages of a 
Portuguese alliance for the suppression of Kunhdli. D. Alvaro 
was communicated with ; the matter was referred to the viceroy, 
and at length a treaty was concluded, in pursuance of which all 
the Portuguese captives at Calicut were liberated, the Jesuits had 
free leave to preach in the Calicut dominions, and the Samorin 
himself laid the foundation of a Catholic church !* 

What happened between 1591 and 1597 does not clearly appear. 
The Portuguese were much occupied during this period with the 
vsrar in Ceylon, and also on the Mozambique coast; and the next 
mention we have of the affairs of Kunhdli is a repetition of the 
treaty negotiations a short time before the arrival of the viceroy, 
Francisco da Gama, when D. Alvaro de Abranches again appears 
as the Portuguese representative. 

Francisco da Gama, Conde de Vidigueira, who arrived at Goa 
on the 22nd May 1597, and assumed office as sixteenth viceroy, 
was the grandson of the great Vasco, and a young man of thirty- 
one years of age. Faria y Souza says, and De Couto his official 
apologist admits, that he was unpopular from the first. The 
causes assigned are, first, that he was distant and haughty in his 
bearing, as, for instance, that he attended church concealed behind 
a curtain ; secondly, that he was severe towards his official sub- 
ordinates. It must, however, be pleaded on his behalf that he 
succeeded a notoriously lax governor, Mathias de Albuquerque, 
who " could not believe any man capable of lying'*. Da Gama's 
unpopularity pursued him to the close of his viceroyalty ; but the 
fact that his government was on the whole deemed meritorious is 

1 The Cousty Mousaez of Fyrard. 

2 Dec, Xly cap. xiii. ^ d^c^ xI, cap. xiv. 


proved by his being, at a later period, appointed to a second term 
of office.^ 

Preparation was at once set on foot for several expeditions, and in 
particular an armada was equipped for the attack upon Kunhdli, in 
conjunction with the Samorin's land forces. The viceroy appointed 
to the command of this armada his own brother, Dom Luiz da 
Gama, a young man of thirty, already nominated to the govern- 
ment of Ormuz. This appointment was received with open dis- 
content among the Portuguese captains, but is defended by 
de Couto. 

The despatch of this fleet was delayed, first, by the news which 
then arrived at Goa of the fateful appearance of the Dutch on 
the Mozambique coast, and, afterwards, by the capture by the 
Malabars of two ships, under Simao de Abreu de Mello, off Cape 
Jaquete in the North. These ships were attacked by eight prahus, 
and, after a desperate encounter, the Portuguese were slain to a 
man. Both events were received with consternation at Goa, and 
necessitated the immediate despatch of a squadron to avenge the 
disaster in the North, and another to protect Malacca and the 
Archipelago, which were truly surmised to be the goal of the 

Luiz da Gama did not leave Goa till the 13th November 1597, 
and then with a fleet diminished to the extent of the above-men- 
tioned squadrons. He proceeded to Calicut, and there held a con- 
ference with the Samorin. The raja had to decide between 
supporting the Portuguese arms against his own vassels and race, 
a course which would probably lead to his own subjection to 
Portugal, or to witness the further growth of Kunhdli's power, 
which along the whole coast was already overshadowing his own. 
He accordingly tried to better the terms previously made ; in con- 
sideration of his assistance he demanded of Luiz da Gama a sum of 
30,000 patagoeSf some companies of Portuguese soldiers, and half 
the spoil. On being reported to Goa, these terms were deemed to 
be inadmissible, and the Samorin's good faith being impeached, he 

1 His first viceroyalty ended 25th Dec. 1600 ; his second extended 
from the 19th Dec. 1622, to the end of Jan. 1627. 

VOL. II. — 2. Q 


was declared an enemy, and the whole Malabar coast was laid 
under blockade. Liiiz da Gama himself returned to Goa in April 

The Samorin now altered his mind, owing, as it is said, to fresh 
presumption on the part of Kunhdli, and to the persuasion of a 
Jesuit, P. Antonio, and declared himself ready to give active aid 
with his land forces. The viceroy forthwith ordered fresh ships 
to be equipped, and amongst others caused six boats, specially 
adapted for work on the Kotta river, to be built at Bassein. 
Twelve ships were sent to supplement the blockading fleet, and 
towards the end of 1598 the Samorin was encamped outside Kun- 
hdli's fort with a large army. 

In December, Luiz da Gama again left Goa with three galleys 
and twenty fustas, which, added to the eighteen ships already at 
Kottakkal,' and the six river boats from Bassein, contained a force 
of about 1,500 men. At this juncture Archbishop Menezes was 
leaving Goa on his celebrated mission to the Malabar Christians, 
and he was requested by the viceroy to call at Kottakkal and to take 
counsel with the fleet and report the state of affairs. In January 
a council of the captains was held, at which the archbishop was 
present, and a vote was taken to attack the fort from the river by 
means of the boats. The results of the council were communi- 
cated to Goa, and were there approved. The archbishop pro- 
ceeded to Cochin, whence he despatched three or four more ships 
to the assistance of the fleet, and did further service in restraining 
the Raja of Cochin from an invasion of the territories of an ally 
of the Samorin, which was intended to break the alliance of the 
latter with the Portuguese. 

All was ready for the attack on the 3rd March 1599. Three 
hundred Portuguese, under Belchior Ferreira, were sent to join the 
Samorin, who was encamped on the landward side of the fortress ; 
while Luiz da Sylva, a great and experienced captain, was assigned 
to lead the attacking force of six hundred Portuguese against the 
river front. The 4th March was passed in confession and prepara- 

1 The fort (and town) of Kottakkal is erroneously named Cu7i7iale by 
de Couto, and Cognialy by Pyrard. 


tion. It was now found that obstructions had been placed in the 
river channel by Kunhdli, and after great efforts a narrow space 
was cleared, but only sufficient to allow one boat to pass. Doubts 
were entertained of the success of the plan adopted by the Council 
and endorsed at Goa, and on the night of the 4th some five 
or six captains sought an interview with the commander and 
induced him to advance the force under Luiz da Sylva, not 
by boats up the river, but by land from the Ariole^ side, whence 
it was to cross by rafts {jangddas) to beneath the fort. 

On that night a meteor was seen in the sky, which was deemed 
of evil presage to the Portuguese, and of good augury for Kun- 
hdli. A fire-signal for the combined attack from the laud and 
river sides had been arranged, but by mistake it was given soon 
after midnight instead of shortly before dawn. Belchior Ferreira 
and his three hundred men, along with six thousand Nairs of the 
Samorin's army, accordingly rushed to the attack without their 
scaling-ladders and other engineering implements. Luiz da Sylva 
crossed the river by the aid of sixty boats. His instructions were 
to extend his force round the base of the fort, and so to join 
hands with Belchior Ferreira. The besieged were, however, 
ready, and opened a heavy fire upon the landing parties. A 
disaster which gave special poignancy to the memories of that day 
came upon the Portuguese at this early hour, for among the first 
to fall was the gallant leader, Luiz da Sylva himself, who had 
hardly set foot on land when he was shot through the head. Two 
other captains who succeeded to the command soon after shared 
his fate. The force never got into formation, each party being 
separately engaged. Some rushed back to the boats, and, over- 
crowding them, met their deaths by drowning, though a few suc- 
ceeded in swimming across the river or down to the fleet. Those 
for whom this mode of flight was impossible kept up a desperate 
resistance till noon, by which time the flower of the Portuguese 
army was destroyed. Belchior Ferreira, meanwhile, had delivered 
his attack in good order, but at length, seeing the day was gone, 

1 A small territory under a raja on the right bank of the river in- 
land. It is mentioned by Pyrard {supra, vol. i, pp. 348, 352). 

Q 2 

TjIO the history of kuniialt, 

withdrew to Ins camp. All this time the obstructions in the 
river, and the deficiency of boats, had kept Luiz da Gama a mere 
spectator of the scene, unable either to direct or to succour. We 
have, from de Couto, a picture of him standing knee-deep in the 
mud of the river bar, endeavouring to embark succours in the 
boats, while ever and anon his attempts thus to rally his forces 
were frustrated by the sight of the fugitives, some in boats, some 
swimming down the river, and all shouting, "Treason! Treason!" 
The body of the brave Luiz da Sylva had been got into a boat, 
wrapped in his flag, which a captain had torn from its standard, 
in order to conceal the fact of his fall. This manoeuvre, however, 
only added to the disorder of the soldiery, who found themselves 
of a sudden, an(J at the critical moment of the attack, without a 
competent leader and without colours. Thus ended the gravest 
disaster which had as yet befallen the Portuguese arms in India. 
De Couto gives along list of noble fidalgos who fell that day, sacri- 
ficed by the incapacity of their leaders ; and though he confidently 
asserts that the total loss was 230 men and no more, his own 
story of the events of the fight gives colour to the statement of 
Pyrard that the loss amounted to no less than 500 lives. It is 
further stated by de Couto, who talked the matter over with 
Kunhdli and his lieutenant, Chinale, when they were in the Goa 
prison, that the loss of the besieged exceeded 500 men. 

The sorrow and vexation of Luiz da Gama at the death of his 
brave captain and the miscarriage of the whole enterprise were 
unbounded. His next measures, however, were dictated by good 
sense and humanity. Leaving a small force to blockade the fort 
under Francisco de Sousa, and despatching the body of da Sylva to 
Cannanor, where it was temporarily interred with all available 
pomp,^ he withdrew his shattered forces to Cochin, where the 
wounded received attention at the hospital and in the houses of 
the citizens. 

The blockading force w^as insufficient, and Kunhdli, who had 
thirteen galeots ready for action in his port, might easily have 
forced a way to sea, had not de Sousa, by a skilful ruse, led him 

1 It was afterwards conveyed to Portugal. 


to believe that he was reinforced. The Samoriu, on his side, said 
to have been at the head of 20,000 men, now thought he had an 
opportunity of seizing the fort by a coup de main^ but the attempt 
proved fruitless. 

The news of the disaster was not long in reaching Goa. ** The 
Count Admiral (the Yicero}') was awaiting the news from Kottakkal 
with intense interest, when a rumour began to circulate that D. 
Luiz da Gama was lost with all his men. He concealed his great 
sorrow without appearing sad or melancholy in the presence of 
the people, because the news was not yet certain ; when on the 
15th of March the certainty came by letters from the Chief Captain, 
brought by the D. Luiz Lobo. This caused so great a shock in 
the city that men rushed forth like madmen from their houses 
to hear the truth, while the women crowded the windows, shriek- 
ing for news of their husbands, sons, and brothers." The viceroy 
maintained his composure with great courage, and called his 
council to meet him three days later, when the first paroxysms of 
sorrow should have subsided. When the meeting took place, 
the viceroy's first proposal was that he should be allowed to go 
against Kuuhdli in person, and he expressed his confidence that 
he would succeed in capturing the fortress and restoring the 
credit of the State. Whether from disbelief in his capacity, or, 
as they alleged, because the viceroy's presence was required at the 
capital, the council voted against the project, and it was then 
unanimously decided that the blockade should be strictly main- 
tained (it being known that the besieged were in want of supplies), 
that so the Samorin would be held steadfast in continuing the 
siege by land. Thus it was hoped at the close of the south-west 
monsoon, when active operations could be resumed, the be- 
leagured fort would be half conquered by starvation. A fresh 
treaty of alliance was then drawn up and sworn between the 
Samorin and Luiz da Gama at Cochin.^ The unfortunate Luiz 
da Gama returned to Goa, and his brother was, no doubt, 
glad enough to get him forthwith shipped off to Ormuz, the 

1 Tlie articles of this treaty are given at length by de Couto {Dec. 
A7/, liv. II, cap. x). 


captain of which fortress had lately died. His enemies, how- 
ever, did not let him rest there ; his misconduct of the expeditiou 
was made the ground of a legal charge, which, after such adjourn- 
ments and delay as are usual in State trials, resulted in an 
unvalued acquittal. 

During the next few months preparations went busily forward 
at Goa. The annual armada arrived from Portugal with a large 
complement of raw recruits. " There were men enough," says 
Faria y Souza, "but they wanted a commander: neither was 
such a one wanting, but that the envy of the Portuguese 
endeavoured to rob Andr^ Furtado of that glory, or rather their 
country of that advantage."^ Andr^ Furtado de Mendo9a was 
accordingly appointed to the post of chief captain of Malabar, but, 
whether from jealousy of this great soldier, or merely from a 
desire to retrieve his family honour, F. da Gama, at a council 
held in November, again pressed his claim to lead the army in 
person. The Archbishop and a majority of the council strongly 
opposed, and the fleet departed under its nominated leader. Fur- 
tado's force consisted of two galleys, twenty-two ships, five mari' 
chuas, and eight pericheSy which, with a contingent from the 
Northern ports, and the blockading squadron already at the Kotta 
river, amounted to three galleys and fifty- four other ships, with a 
complement of about 2,000 men. 

Furtado himself arrived at the Kotta river early in December, 
in advance of some portion of the expeditionary force. On the 
16th the allied commanders held a ceremonial meeting at Kurichchi 
(Coriche), the ancestral home of Kunhdli's family, both Furtado 
and the Samorin being accompanied by large bodies of troops, who, 
drawn up in crescent formation around the place of meeting, fired 
salvos of artillery and musketry. The Samorin conducted Fur- 
tado to the seats prepared for them, and there, after the usual 
formal compliments, " they spoke of the mode of conducting the 
war, which the Samorin promised to prosecute with redoubled 
courage and vigour. He also told the chief captain that as soon 
as Kunh^li saw the power of the armada then at hjs river, and 

1 Stevens' Faria y Sousa, iii, p. 113. 


learnt that he (Furtado) was its captain, a general so renowned 
and feared by the Moors, forthwith he sent word to offer to capitu- 
late on condition that his life and those of all the Moors with him 
should be spared, and that he, the Samorin, should come to the 
gate of the fortress to receive his surrender, and thus secure him 
from violence at the hands of his Nairs : all which he had con- 
ceded with the intention of putting him to death as soon as he 
got him into his hands : because this is the proper policy 
in dealing with traitors, especially when they are such that it is 
impossible to expect that they will act otherwise on every avail- 
able occasion. And that at the time fixed for the surrender, he 
(the Samorin) sent his fencing- master with some Nairs to receive 
Kunhali, but the latter seeing that he, the Samorin, was not there 
in person, that being a bad sign, sent out his Moors to the Nairs, 
between whom there arose a great strife, followed by a sharp con- 
flict, in which many were wounded on both sides, and that now 
there was no confidence between them. Therefore it was neces- 
sary to continue the war against that tyrant, for which purpose he 
offered everything needful so far as his kingdom could afford, and 
that as an earnest of his goodwill and faith he would give whatever 
hostages the chief captjiin should require, because everything 
must be done according to his opinion and wishes. Andre Fur- 
tado de Mendo9a thanked him for his offers, and made other 
suitable offers in return, whereupon they parted, the Samorin 
adding that he would send the Padre Francisco Rodrigues and his 
liegedores to his (Furtado's) galley, so that with them he might 
draw up such capitulations as he might deem necessary." 

Tiie first indication that Furtado was a party to the treachery 
and duplicity of the Samorin appears from the fact that he listened 
to the above speech of his ally without amazement or resentment; 
the second is the somewhat remarkable omission, in the settled 
capitulations (given in full by de Couto), of all mention of the 
mode in which the person of Kunhdli was to be disposed of. One 
article, indeed, provided that the fortress is to be destroyed, and 
that the Samorin was to have one-half of all the money, merchandise, 
ships, artillery, and other arms which might be taken as loot ; 
but, to judge from what followed, it would seem to have been 


recognised that the iutentious of the parties with regard to Kun- 
h£li himself were better to be understood than expressed. 

Although Furtado himself had arrived in December, his entire 
force was not collected around the doomed fortress till the middle 
of February 1600. Meanwhile, in January, another cause of delay 
had arisen in the departure of the Samorin to attend a festival at 
Calicut. Time, however, was on the side of the besiegers, and 
desertions from the famine-stricken garrison began to be frequent. 
Although food was thereby saved to the remaining garrison, 
Furtado rather encouraged these desertions. As a commander he 
was careful of his men's lives, and as he felt assured of his chief 
prey, he desired to minimise his loss of life in case the capture 
should come about by assault. 

During the absence of the Samorin, Furtado was by no means 
idle. His first task was to make a complete reconnaissance of 
the town from the landward side, for which purpose he landed on 
the shore to the south of the town, and marched on foot a distance 
of three leagues to the Samorin's camp. He then commenced 
active operations by taking measures to clear the river channel. In 
order to protect his boats engaged in this operation, he effected a 
landing on the northern or Ariole bank, and took up entrenched posi- 
tions at several points, from which with heavy artillery he was able 
to bombard the town itself. In response to this move, Kunhdli 
then advanced his works to the sands on his side of the river, but, 
before this counterwork could be made secure, Furtado crossed 
over and took it, throwing in a garrison of 300 men, who defied 
all attempts of the besieged to retake it. Meanwhile the heavy 
artillery on the Ariole bank, after playing for five days upon the 
bastion which guarded the town, had effectually destroyed it, and 
thus laid open the bazaar to assault. At this juncture the 
Samorin again appeared on the scene. 

About the same time, viz., the beginning of March, letters 
arrived from the viceroy expressly forbidding the commander to 
attempt the town by assault ; but Furtado, in view of the dubious 
conduct of the Samorin, foresaw that this might lead to difficulties, 
and, in case the garrison was in any way relieved, the capture 
might be delayed till after the coming monsoon. He therefore 


laid the viceroy's letter before his council, and deliberately 
obtained their vote to disregard the Goa instructions and to sanc- 
tion an immediate assault. 

As soon as the Samorin returned Kunhdli began to open nego- 
tiations with him, accompanying his petitions with rich presents. 
It was agreed between them that, on his delivering himself and 
250 of his men into the hands of the Samorin and Belchior 
Rodrigues, their lives should be spared. Whether this Portuguese 
captain was a party to these capitulations does not appear : but it 
is the fact that when Kunhdli and his 250 followers came out of 
a stockade to present themselves to the Samorin, the Portuguese, 
under Rodrigues, took advantage of them, and rushing in, set fire 
to the stockade, and all the houses and ships that were in or 
about it. Kunhdli, believing that the Samorin had deceived him, 
retired within his fort. 

The final assault on the town was ordered for the 7th March. 
F.da Sousa was to lead the attack on the Eastern wall with 400 men. 
A. Rodrigues Palhota was to assault the bastion on the river bar 
with 600 men, while Furtado himself was to join the Samorin on 
the land side, and with 1,200 men to overawe his wavering allies 
and carry the place. The Calicut Nairs, to the number of 6,000, 
responded to the call with some misgiving, their prince having 
promised quarter to the besieged. The town was soon taken, and 
its bazaars burnt. The fortress, or citadel, now alone remained, in 
which Kunhdli still stood at bay, supported by a mere handful of 
starved retainers. 

So far as the narrative of de Couto enables us to judge of the 
motives of the chief participators in the bad business which was now 
to be transacted, it appears that the Samorin desired the death of 
Kunhali, who, whether as vassal or rebel, wielded a power on the 
coast inconsistent with his own. On the other hand, Kunhali and 
his adherents were Moplahs, and thus connected by the ties of 
religion and blood with a large and powerful section of the 
Samorin's subjects, who were regarding the affair with half- 
disguised sympathy towards the besieged. Had the Samorin ob- 
tained possession of Kunhali's person, he would have had some 
difficulty in knowing what to do with him, for to put to death 


the stoutest opponent of the Portuguese would have endangered 
his own throne. He could not depend on his own men to fight 
well enough to please the Portuguese, and if they did not, he 
feared that the Portuguese would take the whole spoil. He was, 
therefore, anxious to bring about a surrender, and while he would 
attain that end by promising quarter to Kunhali, at the same time 
promising the Portuguese to deliver him over to them, he would 
save his credit with his own subjects by arranging that at the sur- 
render the Portuguese should make a show of seizing Kunhali by 
force. As for the Portuguese, it is sufficiently apparent that 
they were determined upon the death of the great corsair who 
had so long defied them, but were willing to accomplish that end 
by participation in the treachery of the Samorin, rather than ex- 
pose their troops to the risks of an assault in which they might be 
deserted by their half-hearted allies. Their conduct in the 
matter would have extorted the warm approbation of their late 
master, Philip IT. 

How the event was in fact brought about had better be told in 
de Couto's own words : — '' In his extremity of want Kunhdli sent 
envoys to the Samorin, heartily beseeching him to have mercy 
upon him, and inquiring whether, if he should deliver himself up, 
the Samorin would promise to spare the lives of him and his 
followers : this the Samorin conceded, and the agreement was 
ratified by the olas of the parties. This negotiation the Samorin 
communicated to the chief captain (Furtado), begging him to 
confirm it, in which case he (the Samorin) would promise to give 
over to him Kunhali and some of his captains. Furtado made 
answer that Uis Uighness should act as he proposed, and that he was 
quite satisfied.*^ Some days now elapsed during which the Samorin 
seems to have been seeking means of avoiding the 4meute of his 
own troops which he expected would accompany the surrender of 
the brave man to whom he had made a worthless promise of life. 
At length, Furtado having threatened an assault, the Samorin 
and Kunhdli arranged for the surrender to take place on the 16th 
of March. 

On this day the Portuguese and Calicut forces were drawn up 
opposite to each other. Down the broad way thus formed by the 


allied forces the remnants of the garrison marched forth. ** First 
came 400 Moors, many of them wounded, with their children and 
wives, in such an impoverished condition that they seemed as 
dead. These the Samorin bade go where they pleased. Last of 
all came Kunhdli with a black kerchief on his head, and a sword 
in his hand with the point lowered. He was at that time a man 
of fifty, of middle height, muscular and broad-shouldered. He 
walked between three of his chief Moors. One of these was 
Chinale, a Chinese, who had been a servant at Malacca, and said 
to have been the captive of a Portuguese, taken as a boy from a 
fusta, and afterwards brought to Kunhdli, who conceived such an 
affection for him that he trusted him with everything. He was the 
greatest exponent of the Moorish superstition and enemy of the 
Christians in all Malabar, and for those taken captive at sea and 
brought thither he invented the most exquisite kinds of torture 
when he martyred them. 

" Kunhdli walked straight to the Samorin and delivered to him 
his sword in token of submission, throwing himself at his feet 
with much humility. Some say that the Samorin, inasmuch as he 
had promised him life, had secretly advised the Chief Captain, 
when Kunhdli should deliver hirfiself up, to lay hands upon him, 
as though he were taking him by force ; and so the Chief Captain 
did. For, as the Samorin was standing by him, Andre Furtado 
advanced, and, seizing him by the arm, pulled him aside ; while 
the other gave a great lurch so as to get free. As he was then at 
the brink of a hole, the Chief Captain was in risk of falling therein, 
had not his arm been seized by Padre Fr. Diogo Horn en, a 
Religious of the Order of the Glorious Father S. Francisco, who 
stood on one side ; Diogo Moniz Barreto, who was on the other, 
fell into the hole and skinned all his leg.*' 

A tumult now arose among the Nairs, which the Samorin with 
difficulty suppressed. In the midst of it, Chinale and Cotiale, the 
pirate -chief's nephew, and the other captains, attempted to 
escape, but were seized and manacled by the Portuguese soldiery. 
Kunhdli himself was led off under a strong guard to the Portu- 
guese lines. Furtado, after entering the fort hand-in-hand with 
the Samorin, prudently gave up the place to be sacked by the 


Nairs, and so diverted their minds from conscientious scruples. 
In return for this concession, a trivial one, as it turned out that 
all the valuables had been made away with, the Samorin gave 
over to the tender mercies of the Portuguese, besides the chief 
prisoner, forty of his chief adherents, all of whom afterwards 
suffered death in Goa prison by order of the viceroy. The artil- 
lery was divided between the captors, according to the previous 
engagements. Furtado's last act was to utterly destroy the fort, 
not leaving one stone upon another, and to burn the town, bazaars, 
and mosques to ashes. 

On Saturday, the 25th March, Furtado set sail for Goa, and on 
his way put in to Cannanor. Here he was met by letters from the 
viceroy requiring him to proceed with his whole force to the de- 
struction of Quilon, in the south. The enemies of da Gama suggest 
that he was animated by jealousy, and intended to deprive Furtado 
of his triumphal entry into Goa. A. council of war was held, at 
which the captains unanimously refused to proceed to Quilon, 
and, for the second time in the course of the same expedition, the 
viceregal commands were set at naught. 

On the 11th April Furtado appeared off the bar of Goa. Here 
he wrote to the Viceroy annourfting his arrival, explaining that 
the condition of his fleet prevented him from proceeding forthwith 
to Quilon, but offering to proceed thither as soon as it could be 
refitted. Da Gama, though he may well have been jealous of one 
who had succeeded where his own brother had failed, was suffi- 
ciently prudent to conceal any such feelings, and himself directed 
tlie municipality to make preparations for the triumphal reception 
of the conqueror. A deputation of vereadores or aldermen waited 
upon him at Pangim and requested him to remain there for three 
or four days, until the preparations were complete. 

A question now arose as to the part to be taken by Kunhali. 
Tlie Viceroy, being informed that Furtado intended to have his 
illustrious captive marched in front of himself in the procession, 
requested the Archbishop, who was about to visit Furtado at 
Pangim, to state that this course would be inconvenient and con- 
trary to precedent, all former captains, on like occasions, having 
sent their captives into the city from the bar before making their 


own entry. To this Furtado replied that he would bring him to 
the quay, where the prison authorities should take him in charge. 
" This matter arranged, the armada made its entry all decked 
with flags, accompanied by many other boats from the city, and 
from Bardes, which were so decorated with branches of trees that 
the river was almost encumbered with them. In the middle way 
came the ships, firing their guns amid much noise of instruments, 
as well martial as of lighter sorts, such as drums, fifes, bagpipes 
and trumpets. Before mooring in front of the gallery of the vice- 
roy (from which point to the Cathedral, where they were to go in 
procession to give thanks to Our Lord for His mercy in giving the 
victory which had been obtained over Kunhdli, the whole city was 
covered with green trees- and branches, while at the city gates 
stood the vereador and the Archbishop in expectation), one of 
the ships of the armada advanced forward, conveying a servant of 
Andr6 Furtado, who, by his orders, landed on the quay four or 
five Moors, whom the mob there and then stoned to death, in de- 
fiance of all the authorities could do." The viceroy, fearing an 
outbreak when Kunhdli himself should appear, sent the chief police 
magistrate (Ouvidor Geral do Crime) to Furtado*s ship, with autho- 
rity, as soon as the latter should land, to take Kunhdli secretly off 
to the prison. To this demand Furtado made a reply which he 
desired to be conveyed to the viceroy, but the magistrate " behaved 
with so scant courtesy that, without returning to the Viceroy with 
Furtado's answer, he insisted upon compliance with his order." 
Furtado allowed his prisoner to be carried off, but he showed 
his indignation by refusing to land at the quay, or to take any 
further part in the triumph, and by proceeding to disembark 
privately at Madre de Dios, further up the river. De Couto says 
that he imagined, without any good cause, that the viceroy, out 
of envy, did not want to see him enter the city with his illustrious 
prisoner before him. The viceroy, on learning the cause of Fur- 
tado's behaviour, warmly reproved the magistrate for his discour- 
teous conduct, and suspended him from office for two months. 
The people also were highly indignant at the treatment the 
popular hero had received, and the triumph for which the city 
had made so much preparation came to an abortive end by the 


mob tearing down all the decorations and erections that had been 
set up. The religious ceremony of thanksgiving was performed 
some considerable time afterwards, when the excitement of the 
people had subsided, but it is not stated whether Furtado took 
any part in it. 

The captives remained some time in Goa prison.^ The delay in 
the proceedings against them was caused by a sudden illness of 
the viceroy. His first act on his convalescence was to send word 
to the judges to sentence Kunhdli ofiF-hand, but though a fair 
trial was never contemplated, the judges preferred to mask the per- 
fidy of the State with the semblance of a legal process. A formal 
indictment was prepared, upon which Kunhdli was sentenced to 
be beheaded, his body to be quartered and exhibited on the beach 
at Bardes and Pangim, and his head to be salted and conveyed to 
Cannanor, there to be stuck on a standard for a terror to the 
Moors. Before his end, he " was many times invited and entreated 
to seek entrance within the fold of Our Lord Jesus Christ, by 
many of the Religious of all the Orders, who laboured heartily to 
gain that soul, and add it to the flock of the Lord. Kunhdli, 
however, refused to yield." At the execution, which was carried 
out on a scaffold raised in the large square in front of the vice- 
regal palace, and in view of an immense crowd of citizens, Kunhdli 
bore himself with a dignity and courage which won the respect of 
his pitiless foes. 

After some days Chinale was brought forth to share the fate of 
his leader. As the pious historian puts it, " a better lot awaited 
him," inasmuch as, before his execution, he yielded to the per- 
suasion of the Fathers and became a Christian, and was baptised by 
the name of Bartholomew. After this ceremony, at which he 
*' shewed pleasure and good will, he was conveyed to the scaffold, 
accompanied by the Holy Misericordia, and by the orphan children 
who were praying to God for him ; and his body was buried in 
consecrated ground." Kunhdli's nephew, and all the rest of the 
forty prisoners given over by the Samorin, some others of whom 
became Christians, were likewise put to death, " and not one that 
was taken escaped." 

* More than for two days, as Pyrard was informed. 


" So did the governor and rabble go hand in hand in murder 
and breach of faith,** is the final comment of Faria y Souza. 

By the murder of Kunhdli and the destruction of his fortress, 
the privateering of the Malabars was no doubt for some time 
checked,^ but the description of Pyrard and other travellers bears 
witness to the burning hatred of the Portuguese which pervaded 
the whole coast, and awaited only the advent of the Dutch and 
English to become a destroying flame. More than fifty years later 
a rock off the shore, perhaps that called in English times " Sacri- 
fice Rock", was still known as " Kunhdli's Rock",^ and the Kotta 
river long continued to be the principal nest of the corsairs, who, 
friendly to the Dutch and English, continued to work havoc upon 
the waning commerce of Goa. The Malabar pirates were not finally 
extirpated until far on in the British period, when they had become 
pests indeed ; but in their long struggle with the Portuguese it is 
impossible not to regard them as, to some extent, fighting the battle 
of free trade against monopoly, the battle of the whole coast 
against the Portuguese marts, and from this point of view to deny 
a certain measure of consideration, and even of sympathy. This 
sympathy may more freely be extended to Kunhdli himself, notwith- 
standing his cruelties, which are probably much exaggerated by 
the Portuguese, as to one who, after a prolonged siege, the first 
stage of which closed with his conspicuous victory, was, at 
length, treacherously murdered in defiance of a well -understood 

The fame of Kunhdli is still preserved in the neighbourhood of 
the Kotta river. The natives there tell that he was taken captive 
by the Portuguese and made a martyr (sahtd) at Goa. In a build- 
ing which is said to contain the ashes of his uncle and his mother, 
is pointed out a memorial tomb erected to the memory of the 
great corsair.^ 

1 TAv. das Mong.j i, p. 26. Doc. 6 Mar. 1605. 

2 See P. Vicenzo, lib. iii, cap. v, and lib. v, cap. i. 

3 In the Jamdt Mosque, about one hundred yards from the fort, is 
carefully preserved an encaustic tile, said to have been taken in the 
loot of a Portuguese church, and now the sole remaining trophy of the 
wars with the Portuguese. The tile has a cream-coloured ground, and 
in the centre an ornamental design in different shades of blue, still 
brilliant in colour. 



The following list has been extracted from the Tdrikhj or " Chro- 
nicles" of the Kings of the Maldives, which, as above stated 
(vol. i, p. 309), have been kept for many centuries at M416. The 
work of extraction has been done by one of the Naibs, a man of 
intelligence and conversant with Arabic, under the direction of a 
near relative of Ibrahim Didi, the Prime Minister. 

The Naib informs Mr. Bell that he has done his best to obtain 
with accuracy the dates of the succession of each Sultan and the 
length of his reign, but he admits that there may be some mis- 
takes, inasmuch as the present Tdrikh, which is about 150 years 
old, is only a copy of a preceding one, which itself was probably 
a copy of one still earlier, and so on. 

Even to us, whose knowledge of Maldive dynasties is confined to 
a few short periods of the national history, several errors appear 
on the surface ; but these appear to be mere errors of detail, acces- 
sions being misdated by a few years. They may, perhaps, be due 
to the recopying above referred to; or, again, the record may have 
been left unsupplied during years of trouble, after which the pre- 
cise year was forgotten. Inasmuch, however, as we find in the 
list all the names of kings of whom we have extrinsic information, 
we must regard the record as on the whole trustworthy, and as a 
quite remarkable proof of the continuity of Maldive civilisation 
and government. 

The number of Maldive monarchs since a.d. 1 141, here appear- 
ing as eighty-six, should properly be reduced, Nos. 30, 40, and 
44 being represented as reigning during two distinct periods, 
and Nos. 19 and 50 during three. Moreover, the Tdrikh enters 
princes-consort as separate kings, see Nos. 20, 22, 25, 27. 


The date of accession in each case has been converted from a.h. 

to A.D. 

The Tdrikh is said to record distinctly the accession of the first 
Moslem Sultan as having taken place in a.d. 1141, and his con- 
version to Mahomedanism twelve years later, in 1153. This date, 
if reliable, puts the conversion about fifty years earlier than the 
date suggested above at p. 460. But it is probable that in successive 
copyings of the Tdrikh more errors may have accumulated than in 
the later parts of it ; and in particular it is to be noted that Sultan 
Ddiid (No. 16) is here entered as the grandson of No. 12, while 
Ibn Batuta (v. »., p. 460) states that he was grandson of the first 
convert. The Moorish traveller, indeed, is not to be implicitly 
trusted in matters of genealogy. The date given to Ddiid, 130 J, 
corroborates his story to this extent, that the traveller may well 
have married that Sultan's grand-daughter in 1341, but he maybe 
wrong in asserting that Ddud was grandson, being, perhaps, a 
remoter descendant, of the first converted king. 

Maldivb Kings. 

«j. AcceBslon. Eelgned. 

^°* A.D. Yra. Mns. 

1 1141 Muhammad-ul-ddili , . . 25 — 

2 116|^ Muti Kalaminja^ [Nos. 1 and 2, sons of 

sisters] . . , .19 — 

3 118A 'Ali . . . . 8 — 

4 119f Dinai Kalaminja [son of Fahihiriy^ Mavdki- 

lage] . • . .7 — 

5 119f Dihai Kalaminja [son of Fahihiiiyd Mavdki- 

lage] , . . .15 — 

1 This is the Sultan whom Maldive tradition, now at least, regards as 
the first convert to Mahomedanism, and to whom is given the title 
Darumavanta {Dharmmavanta), *'the religious", "the just". If he be 
not identical with Ibn Batuta's "Ahmed Shanuraza", I should be in- 
clined to trust Ibn Batuta, whose account of the inscription in the 
mosque is circumstantial {v. 5., p. 448). The Tdrikh fixes the date of 
the conversion at the year 1153-4. 

2 The honorific kalaminja is stated to imply more than our " royal 
highness'', viz., descent from royalty through both parents. 

VOL. II. — 2. R 



Yrs. Mns. 

















6 121f Vadi Kalaminja [son of Fahihiriyd Mavdki- 

lage] .... 

7 123f — Kalaminja [son of Fahihiriyd Mavdki- 

lage] .... 

8 125|^ Hudai Kalaminja [son of Hiriyd Mavdkilage] 

9 126f Aim Kalaminja [son of Hirati Kabddikilage] 

10 126f Hili Kalaminja 

11 I26i — Kalaminja 

12 126f Muhammad-udii Kalaminja 

13 I27i 'Ali Kalaminja [son of No. 12] . 

14 128|^ Yusub Kalaminja [younger brother of No. 13] 

15 129|. 1 [son of No. 14] . 

16 130i D4ud2 [sonofNo. 14] . 

17 130f Umaru-viru3 .... 

18 134^ Shihab-ud-din* [son of No. 17] . 

19 134|- Malaka Rehendi Kambddikilage^ [daughter of 

No. 17] . . . . 17 — 

1 The course of succession from this point down to No. 23 being so 
fully corroborated by Ibn Batuta, we can have no difficulty in supply- 
ing this vacancy from his narrative, by the name Salkh-ud-dm S^lih-al- 
Banj^i, the father of No. 17 and the grandfather of No. 19 (v. s., p. 449). 

2 Ibn Batuta married the great-granddaughter of this Sultan in 
1343 or 1344 (v. s.^ p. 460). Thus, either he succeeded somewhat late in 
life, or, as seems probable from the erroneous date given to No. 19, his 
accession is here post-dated. Possibly he ought to be No. 16, as Ibn 
Batuta seems to imply that J&Ul-ud-din *Omar immediately succeeded 
Sal4h-ud-dfn (v, 5., p. 449). 

3 The Jaldl-ud-dm 'Omar of Ibn Batuta (?;. «., p. 449), Umaru being 
the Maldivian form of 'Omar. 

* Ibn Batuta, who here corroborates the Tdrikh satisfactorily, says 
he succeeded as a minor, and that the Vizier Abd' Allah espoused his 
mother and governed in his name. The same vizier afterwards married 
the daughter and became Sultan No. 22. Shihab-ud-din, who seems to 
have misbehaved himself, was deposed, exiled, and afterwards put to 
death (v. s., p. 449). 

* The Khadija of Ibn Batuta {v. s., p. 449), the name here given 
being probably her Maldivian name. As Ibn Batuta found her on the 
throne in a.d. 1343, her date of accession should be some half-dozen 
years ante-dated. All we know of this queen will be found in Ibn 
Batuta's account. 



ig-Q Accession. 

A. I/, 













Muhammad JamiP [husband of No. 19] 
Malaka Rehendi KambMikilage^ [No. 19] 
Abdallah Kilage^ [husband of preceding] 
Malaka Rehendi Kambddikilage [No. 19] 
Malaka radafati Kambddikilage* [daughte 

of No. 17] 
Muhammad^ [husband of No. 24] 
Malaka ddyin Kambddikilage [daughter of 

No. 25] . 
Abdullah [husband of No. 26] 

Ibrahim [son of No. 29] 

Is4 [younger brother of No. 33] 
Ibrdhim [No. 30] 
Usmdn [son of No. 29] 
Muhammad 41im [son of Hdzin (Bodu bad^ri) 

Yusub] . , . . 


Trs. MD£i. 

1 — 

10 — 
3 — 

3 — 

— 4 

4 — 

10 — 

— 4 




— 11 

1 Jamtil-ud-clin, according to Ibn Batuta. The entry of this vizier- 
consort as a separate Sultan seems to imply that queens of the Maldives 
ceased both to reign and to govern on their marriage. See also Nos. 
22, 25, and 27. But this is not confirmed by Ibn Batuta, who says dis- 
tinctly that orders were promulgated in the name of the queen, and it 
seems that in the mosque service she alone was prayed for by name 
(v. 5., pp. 449-50). 

'^ If the date of re-accession here given is intended to coincide with 
the death of No. 20, it is wrong by some nineteen years, Jumdl-ud-dm 
having died in December 1844 (v. «., p. 465). 

3 Here the discrepancy amounts to twenty- eight or twenty-nine 
years, Ibn Batuta representing this vizier as marrying the queen forth- 
with on the death of her previous consort. 

* As the Tdrxkli states this queen to be sister of the preceding queen, 
she may be identified with one of the two sisters mentioned by Ibn 
Batuta under their Arabic names Maryam and Fdtimah (v. «., p. 449). 

* Son of No. 20, according to Ibn Batuta, married to one of Queen 
Khadija's sisters (v. s.^ p. 467). 







Trs. Mns 


142^ Yusub [son of No. 29] . 

. 23 


144|. Abu Bakr [son of No. 29] 



144| Haji Hasan [son of No. 39] 

. 25 


146f Sayyid Muhammad 




1461- mji Hasan [No. 40] . 




146|^ Muhammad [son of No. 40] 

. 13 


US^ Hasan [son of No. 43] . 




148^ Umaru [son of No. 38] . 



148|- Hasan [son of No. 45] . 




1486 Hasan [No. 44] 

, 4 


14«g Sheikh Hasan [nephew of No. 39] 

, 1 



149i Ibrahim [son of No. 46] 



149|- Muhammad [son of No. 45] 



149f Yiisub [son of No. 45] . 




149f 'Ali 




149| Muhammad [No. 50] . 

. 15 



15;g Hasan [son of No. 511 




151i Sherif Ahmad-ul-Makk^i 

. 2 



151A 'AH . . . . 



15 If Muhammad [No. 50] . 




1521 Hasan [son of No. 57] . 



154f Muhammad . . . . 




155f Hasan2 . . . . 



155i Abii Bakr . , , . 




155| 'A 113 



155f Andiri-Andiri ^ 



157f Muhammad Takuruf4n-ul-dlam^ . 



} An Arab, who perhaps was appointed to the olfice of Kkzi, and 
then seised the government. 

2 This is Pyrard's Assan, who on abdication and flight to Cochin 
became Dom Manoel, the first of the line of titular Christian kings. 

8 The rival of Hasan, slain by the Portuguese. 

4 The interim half-caste governor under the Portuguese. The 
Tdrikh does not call him " Sultan", but " Captain", and adds after his 
name, Nasora [? Nazarene]. 

^ The elder of the two brothers who threw off the Portuguese 







158|- Ibr^himi [sou of No. 64] 

159|- Husain Faraud^ri kilage^ 

16i§ Muhammad Imdd-ud-din^ 

164f Ibrdhim Iskandar [son of No. 67] . 

168f Muhammad [son of No. 68] 

169^ Muhammad Moyiddiu [nephew of No. 68] 

169i Muhammad Shams-ud-din al-Hamdvi^ 

169| Muhammad [son of Hdji 'Ali] 

170^ 'Ali 

1 70i Hasan [son of No. 73] . 

Ibrdhim Mulhir-ud-din . 

Muhammad Imdd-ud-din^ 
172^ Ibrdhim Iskandar [son of No. 76] 
17|^ Muhammad Mukarram Imdd-ud-din [sou of 

No. 76] . . 

1 76^ [Mal^ taken by the Malabars ; Interregnum of 

six years.] 
17|^ Gh4zi Hasan Izz-ud-diu 

Trs. Mns 

. 14 


. 22 


. 29 


. 39 


. 4 
. 1 



• 8 



. 17 


. 29 


2 10 

7 — 

1 The Sultan of Pyrard's time. If the term of his reign is correct, 
his accession is antedated some eight years. 

2 The date here is wroDg by about eight years. Ibrahim was killed 
in February 1607. It is somewhat difficult to explain from Pyrard's 
narrative who this No. 66 was, for the traveller states, on reports which 
reachtd him at Goa, that after the Bengal invasion four chiefs struggled 
for the throne, and that their pretensions were at length suppressed 
by Ali Raja of Cannanor, who placed Ranabaderi Takuru, otherwise 
called M4filaf urhi Rasgefdnu, on the throne as his vassal (v. «., vol. i, pp. 
320-1). But according to Mr. Bell's information the Maldivian archives 
do not acknowledge that this prince ever ruled the Maldives as a whole, 
and, accordingly, he does not appear in this list. It would seem pro- 
bable, therefore, that this No. 66 was the son of the chief called by 
Pyrard Pammedery Calogue (vol. i, p. 255), which son was a distin- 
guished person in Pyrard's time, and very friendly towards him. 

3 Described as the son of a daughter (Amind) of a daughter 
(Mary am) of 'All, the elder brother of Muhammad (No. 64). 

4 This king, like No. 55, was an Arab, of Hamavi in Yemen. 

^ His date of accession is probably 1704, as he died late in 1721, 
having reigned seventeen years. 


fj Accession. Beigned. 

" ' A.D. Yrs. Mns. 

80 176|- Muhammad Ghiyds-ud-din [son of No. 77] . 7 — 

81 177f Muhammad Shams-ud-din^ . . — — 

82 Muhammed Muiz-ud-din [son of No. 79] . — — 

83 177| Haji Hasan Nur-ud-din [son of No. 79] . 21 — 

84 179f Muhammad Muin-ud-din [son of No. 83] 37 — 

85 183f Muhammad Imdd-ud-din [son of No. 84] . 49 — 

86 188i Ibrahim Nur-ud-din [son of No. 85] . — — 

^ The Fdruna Kalegefanaoi Christopher {Trans, Bo. Geo, Soc, i, p. 
73); but he is said to have been the son of a youDger brother of No. 79, 
and therefore was cousin, not uncle (as Christopher says), of Nos. 82 
and 83. 



Prefixed to the Treatise of the Animals^ Trees, and Fruits, in 
a portion of the 3rd Edition of the original Voyages} 




In his Council of State and Privy Council, and First President in his 

Court of Money. 


/ may thank God for this, among other things, that 
after so many ills and calamities suffered in my voyage to the 
Indies, he hath vouchsafed to me one blessing on my return 
home, namely that I have thus had the opportunity of 
acquaintance with many persons distingtiished for honour 
and merit Among whmn you are one of the first, for, being 
endowed with a mind inclined to all things praiseworthy and 
of good report, you have not only taken pleasure and com- 
mended the recital of my story which I made to you, but also 
have prompted and encouraged me to commit the same to 
ivriting, and approved the publication thereof What is more, 
you have of your grojce given me such assistance in my extreme 

^ It is in Mr. Bell's, but not in my copy. A transcript reached me 
after the sheets comprising the Treatise were already printed off. It 
adds another name to the list of Pyrard's patrons. 


misery and affiiction that I can say that, after God, yon are 
the cause that I still live and breathe. This hath rendered me 
under such obligations to yon that I could never acquit myself 
therein, did yoto not deign to accept my gratitude, goodwill, and 
affection in your service, the which I am, resolved to testify in 
all places and at all times. Wherefore I offer to you this little 
treatise which I have separated from the rest of my stoi^, to 
the end that here may appear to better advantage and with less 
confimon the rarities and singularities of those distant parts 
whereto my fortune hath led me. Herein, too, will he seen the 
admirable effects of God's providence, which hath with such 
diversity distributed the good things of his favour, according 
to the diversity of countries. May it please you, therefore, to 
accept in good part this offering of mine, as proceeding frm^i 
one who heartily, as well as ,by duty and obligation, acknow- 
ledges himself, 


Your very humhle and obedient servant, 



Abd-er-Razzak, his reference to the 
Maldives, ii, 468 

AbedcUles (AbdaUak), ascetics, i, 842, 

Alexis (Abyssinia), ii, 236 

Ablutions, i, 128, 131; during Rama- 
dan, 135 ; before and after meat, 
149, 172 ; on entering mosque, 174 

Abrolhos, i, xxi, 18, 19; ii, 197 

Abd Abd-Allah Muhammad. See 
Ibn Batuta. 

Abd'l-barakat, the Maghrebin apos- 
tle, n, 447, 448 

Abyssinia, u, 236 

Achin, Maldive boats carried to, i, 
256, 257 ; two ships of, met by the 
Dutch, 278 ; men of, taken in Crois' 
santf 291; ship of, wrecked at Mal- 
dives, 294; presents sent to Sultan 
of, 296 ; description of, n, 158 ; 
embassy to Holland, 159 

AcouraZy i, 210, 214 

Acrobats at Calicut, i, 366, 867 

Acuna, Pedro de, ii, xv 

Adam's Peak, pilgrimage to, u, 454, 
457, 466 

AdoumatiSy atoll, I, 99, 300 

Addu, atoll, i, 97, 99; ii, 481; chan- 
nel, I, 103; ruins at, i, 124 

Admiraly or flagship, i, 290; n, 393 

Adulteration, of sugar, ii, 312; of 
musk, 359; general practice of the 
Chinese, i5. 

Adultery (punishment of), i, 205 

Afeon, I, 450. See also Opium. 

Agalapula backwater, i, 359 

Agoaday fort, ii, 29, 30, 31 

AgoadaSy watering-places, ii, 30 

Agra, II, 251 
VOL. II. — 2. 

Ag^ulhas, Cape, i, 21, 22; n, 295 

Agy (hadji), i, 165 

Ahegaita {M. ahi-ga8)y a tree, n, 369 

Akbar, ii, 250, 252 

Alas (yams), i, 112 

Alas Alas aquehavy i, 131 

Albacores, i, 9, 189 

Albenmi quoted, n, 430 

Albuquerque, Affonso de, bust of, n, 

51 ; his treaty with Mamale, 474, 

Alcatif (carpet), n, 102, 103 
Alcazar-quivir, battle of, n, xix, 278 
Alcoran. See Kuran. 
Aleman, Father Caspar, ii, 22, 269 
Aleppo caravans, ii, 245 
Alexander VI, Pope, i, ix 
Alfandega (custom-house), at Cale- 

cut, I, 361, 365, 402, 422; at Goa, 

n, 48, 177, 247 - 
Alfange (scimitar), i, 43 
Ali, King of the Maldives, i, 245 ; n, 

532; dea*.h of, i, 246; n, 496; son 

and daughter of, i, 251 
Ali Raja, of Cannanor, i, 277, 820, 

321; 444, 445; n, 504 
Aljabey prison at Goa, ii, 18 
All Souls* Day, celebration, u, 97 
AUo (slaves), i, 202 
Almedia, a kind of boat, i, 389, 401, 

421, 422 
Almeida, Dom Louren9o de, n, 474 
Almsgiving, i, 139, 145, 157 
Aloes wood, i, 335 ; n, 237, 360 
Alparcas (sandals), i, 376 ; u, 132 
Alquama (tortoiseshell), ii, 478 
Alqueire, a Port, measure, ii, 218 
Alum, rock, II, 247 
Aluya (Spanish white), n, 175 




Aly alas Mahomedin, a cry, i, 148 

Aly Pandio Atacourou, chief of island 
Fehendu, I, 64 ; his boat stolen, 67 

Ambassadors, to Maldives from 
Goa, I, 293, 294; at Goa,i, 332 ; n, 
27, 134, 135 ; Portuguese, at Deccan 
court, 134 ; Persian ambassador to 
Europe, 277 

Ambergris, i, 229 ; n, 359 

Anibou {ior jambu% n, 369 

Amboyna, n, v, xvi, xxxiv, 166, 

Amjian, i, 450. See Opium. 

Ammianus Marcellinus, quoted, n, 

Amigos, n, 128 

Anapoute iringuaf I, 273 

Anb^ri, name of a slave, ii, 455 

Ance (bay), n, 293 

Andoue (rice), i, 112 

Angola, n, 197; trade with, 218-221; 
silver mine, 219; endeavour to join 
with Mozambique, 219, 235 ; ques- 
tion of making for, 296 

Anil (indigo), n, 246, 359 

Anly, a kind of grain, ii, 438 

Annohom (*' Good New Year"), n, 98 

Annobom, island, i, xx ; arrival and 
adventures at, 13-17 ; trade of, n, 

Antennes (yards), i, 63 

Antonio, Padre, a Jesuit, n, 514 

Antonio, Dom, pretender, n, 278 

Aphion^ I, 195 ; and see Opium. 

ApontadoTj ii, 42 

Apothecary, at Goa hospital, ii, 6-9 

Apprentices, on carracks, n, 187, 

Aquiry (madrepore), I, 97 

Arab prisoners at Goa, n, 24 

Arabia, Maldive boats carried to, i, 
257 ; large ships of, 258 

Arabic language, i, 122 ; letters, 184 

Arack, i, 358 ; ii, 73, 383 

Arakan, i, 326, 327 

Arbalestey i, 10 

Arbor tristis, i, 411; ii, 362 

Arch of the Viceroys, n, xxxviii, 47 

Archbishop of Goa, his house, ii, 
53. See Menezes 

Archives, of the Maldives, i, 309; ii, 

Archivo PorttLguez Oriental ^ n, xxiii, 
cited passim 

ArcOf a coin, ii, 68 

Areca, in Ceylon galley, i, 299-301 ; 
abundance of, in Ceylon, ii, 141 ; 
used with betel, 362 

Ari, atoll, i, 97, 99 

Ariole. See Auricle, 

Armadas of the North and South, i, 
439, 440; n, 116, 117, 205; advance 
pay to the soldiers of, 122 

Armenians, at Goa, ii, 36 

Arms worn at the Maldives, i, 197 ; 
practice in use of, 187 •; masters- 
in-arms, 187, 268 ; assault at, 269; 
must be left behind at Mdl^, 276 

Arms (coat of), of Portugal and Por- 
tuguese India, i, 439 ; ii, 3 ; of 
Spain, II, 3 

Amoul, Jean, a ship captain, n, 339 

Aroba, a Port, weight, n, 194 

Arosbay, n, 164 

Arquebuses, manufacture of, in Cey- 
lon, n, 142 

Arsenal of Goa, n, 40-42 

Ascension^ ship, i, xiii, 45 ; n, 265 ; 
crew of, n, xviii, xix, 265 

Ashes, human, use of, i, 390 

Assa (" permit me"), i, 175 

Assan, king. See Hassan. 

Assan Quilogue, See Hassan Kilage- 

Assant Caounas Calogue, a commis- 
sioner, I, 69; gives Pyrard lodging, 
77; referred to, 276, 287; death, 
289; son referred to, 313; his three 
sons, 318 

Assee. See Si. 

Assegais (javelins), i, 38 

Astrolabe, i, 10 

Astrology, at the Maldives, i, 186, 
187, 319; by the Nairs, 382 

Ataide, Dom EstevSo de, ii, 225-228, 
234, 235 



Atolls, group of Maldive islands, i, 
93, 197; meaning of word, ib. ; 
description of, 94, 99-103 ; names, 
97, 99 ; openings in, 101-103 ; each 
governed by a Naib, 198; revenue 
collectors of, 200 

Atolu-veri, I, 223 

Atudn (? jaggery), II, 465 

Aualu. See AvU. 

Aug^ustinians. See St. Augustine. 

Auiards (porches), i, 404 

Auriole (or Ariole)^ territory and 
people in Malabar, i, 348, 352, 353; 
II, 515, 520 

Australia, discovery, i, x 

Auto da /^, described, ii, 95 

Av'd (half-cooked paddy), i, 379 

Awnings, i, 12 

Azevedo, Dom Hieronimo de, ii, 

Azores, exports to Brazil, ii, 216 ; 
wine, %b.', sighted, 331 

Bacalor, ii, 273 

Bachian, island, ii, 166 

Badara (Vadakkara, or Wadda- 
kurray), i, 336, 338, 369 ; arrival 
and reception at, 344-348 ; the 
raja's palace, 346 ; raja intends ex- 
pedition to Maldives, 348 ; Portu- 
guese beaten at, 349 ; author's 
nightmare at, 396 ; a man of, at 
the Goa galleys, ii, 45, 46 

Badjansdr, u, 443 ; and see Banque- 

Bahia, ii, 197; arrival of author at, 
307-309 ; description of, 309-311 ; 
elevator, 310 ; no inquisition at, 
311; sugar mills of, 312 

Bahrein, island, ii, 239 

Bail, II, 445 

Baixos de Judia (Europa shoals), ii, 

Bnjns, II, 103, 112 

Balagate or Ballagate, ir, 79, 133, 

Baleacem, a corsair, ii, 476 

Bdli, island, n, 165 

Ball games. See Football. 

Balsam, from Brazil, n, 313 

Bamboos, i, 329-331 ; n, 22, 45 

Banana, i, 16, 113 ; price of fruit, 117; 
leaves of, used as plates, i, 70; food 
for elephants, ii, 345 ; general de- 
scription of tree, 364, 365 

Banda, island, ii, 167 

Bandar^ u, 443, 450 

Bandicoy, vegetable, ii, 9 

Bandos (island), i, 85, 118, 267 

Banguenim, fountain of, ii, 7, 71, 
72, 101 

Banquesalle (warehouse), i, 85, 267, 
281; 11,48 

Bantam, description of, ii, 160-164 

Banyan tree, ii, 370 

Banyans (Hindu traders), i, 364; at 
Calicut, 407 ; at Goa, ii, 38 ; at 
Cambay, 249 

Baptism of native converts, ii, 60, 

Bdra island, ii, 496 

BaratiUa (petty auction), ii, 69 

Barato (misprinted Barbo), ii. 111 

Barbers at Goa, n, 70 

Barbosa, Duarte, his account of the 
Maldives, n, 477-479 

Barcelor, i, 369 ; ii, 259, 273 

Bardeliere, Michel Frotet de la, cap- 
tain of the Croissant, i, xiv, 3, 5-7; 
blamed, 23 ; visits the Corbin, 43 ; 
death of, 290 

Bardes, n, 30, 135 

Bargaining, silent, n, 178 

Baroso, Antonio, ii, 281 

Barre {barra)j river bar, at Cochin, 
I, 437; II, 29 ; at Goa, ib.; of 
Surat, 106 

Barricades, i, 6 

Barros, J. de, his DecadaSy ii, xxiii ; 
his description of the Maldives, n, 

BartoH, quoted, ii, 494 

Basaruco, coin, n, 33, 68, 69, 71, 72, 

Basdarad (necklets), ii, 445 



Bassein (Wasdi), stone brought from, 
n, 63, 257; ships buUt at, 182 ; 
tunber, 257 

BastingueSy i, 6 

Batatas (putatos), n, 315 

Bathing, ceremonial, i, 174 ; at Goa, 
TI, 115 

Bats, I, 115 ; ii, 373 

Battas, of Sumatra, i, 297 

Batthdla, port of Ceylon, ii, 466 

Batuta. See Ibn Batuta. 

Bayona islands, n, 333-335 

Bayonne, sailors and ships of, ii, 
322, 336 

Bazar, at Calicut, i, 402 ; at Canna- 
nor, 448 

Bazar do peixe, at Goa, ii, 44 

Bazar gramde, ii, 48 

Bazar pequeno, ii, 54 

Beards, how worn at the Maldives, 

Beche demer, i, 63 

Beds, at the Maldives, i, 222 

Behigue (sailing with wind and cur- 
rent), I, 257 

Bell, Mr. H. C. P., his Report on the 
Maldives, i, xliv, cited pasiim 

Belliago, Dom Ferreira de, com- 
mands expedition against Maldives, 

Benedictines, monastery atBahia, n, 

Bengal, a merchant of, i, 259j a ship 
of, at the Maldives, 297; expedi 
tion to the Maldives from, 310 
320, 325 ; description of, 326-336 
king of, 326, 327; war with Mogul 
ib.; export of rice, ib.; character 
istics of people, 329, 332-334 
pottery, bamboos, ib.; elephants 
rhinoceros, and unicorns, 331 
slaves, 332; religion, 333; drunken 
ness, 334 ; Portuguese in, ib.; am 
bassador at Goa, 332 ; women of, 
ib.; dress of natives, 333,334 

Benjamin (benzoin), ii, 169, 360 

Bergeron, Pierre, i, xxxiv-xl 

Berlingas islands (Burlings), n, 332, 

Betance (Betanzos), ii, 338 
Betel, chewing, i, 71, 149, 174 ; n, 

135 ; strengthens the gums, I, 183 ; 

used by the king, i, 223 ; used by 

Goa ladies, n, 113 ; general de- 
scription of, II, 362, 363 
Bezoar stone, n, 484 
Big^on, Jerome, i, xxxiv, xxxv 
Bimby (a grain), i. Ill 
Biron, Due de, death, i, 290 
Biscay, galions of, n, 180, 182 ; 

ships used in whale fishery, 3 4 
Bische Q Port. bicM) ii, 319 
Biscuit, mode of swearing on, i, 279 
Bishops in Port. India, n, 26, 27 
Blanks (French coin), n, 73, 130, 

Bleeders, ii, 70 
Bleeding, not resorted to by natives, 

Bl^rancourt, Pyrard at, i, xxxv 
Bo-trees, at Maldives, i, 124 
Boats, cleanliness of, i, 178 
Boat-stealing, i, 79, 87 
Bode ta Courou, title of a king, i, 251 
Bolarmeny, i, 376; ii, 27, 63 
Boly (cowry), i, 78, 157, 228, 236, 

240, 438 ; spelt also Bolits, i, 299 ; 

and BoUiSy i, 250; and see Cowries. 
Bom Jesus, church and college of, 

at Goa, II, 54, 59, 97 
Bom JesuSf carrack, i, 367 ; n, 263 
Bonitos, I, 9, 189 
Bonne guerre^ terms of capitulation, 

n, 193, 200, 208 
Borneo, ii, 168, 169, 175 
Bostu (measure), i, 237; n, 444, 465, 

Boubou (lady), i, 259 
Boues, a fruit, ii, 9 
Bouseruque, See Basaruco, 
Boy, Anglo-Indian use of term, ii, 

45, n. 
Boye (Port, boy), ii, 44, 45 
Bracelet, a badge of office, at the 




Maldives, i, 189, 269 ; in Malabar, 
Bradshaw, Samuel, his account of 

the UnioyCs voyage, i, 45, ii, 264 
Brahmans, i, 871; marks and cha- 
racteristics of, 372-374 ; influence 
of, used against the Portuguese, 
374, 375; customs of, 376-379 

Brato (cockroach), ii, 286 

Brazil, produces no wine or wheat, 
II, 216 ; times for voyages from, 21 7 ; 
no foreigners trade with, 218 ; 
slaves of, compared with Afiican, 
221 ; appearance of, 306 ; descrip- 
tion of, 311-320; import and ex- 
port duties, 314 ; silver, ib.\ mode 
of life in, 314-317; revenues of, 

Brazil wood, ii, 216, 217 

Brazilians, conversion of, u, 311 ; 
described, 317, 318 

Brearou Leacaru (?), ii, 491 

Bri^re, M. Louis, i, xlviii 

Brifaut, a Frenchman, ii, 326 

Brokers, sworn, at Goa, ii, 177 

Brothels, none in Port. India, ii, 

Buddha's tooth, ii, 145 

Buddhism, at the Maldives, traces 
of, 1, 123, 174 

Budkhdna, n, 446 

Buffaloes, ii, 45 

Burgonets, ii, 127 

Burial, at the Maldives,!, 156-161; 
in Malabar, 394 ; at sea, French 
mode of, ii, 202 

Buttoncauters, i, 182 

Buzios (shells, i.e., cowries), i, 237, 
238 ; n, 485 

Byhis (ladies), I, 217 

Cahaya, i, 372, 373 
Cabexa de las Ilhas, i, 98 
Cabo, fort, II, 29 
Cacouue (crab), l, 97 
Cadamosto, his discovery of C. Verd 
islands, i, 8 

Cadjans, ii, 377 

Cady^ I, 138, 199 ; see also Pandiare 

and Kazi 
CaeUe (Kdyal), ii, 108, 377, 383 
Caerden, P. van, i, xiii 
Caes da Santa Caiherina, ii, 44 
Caffres, of Ethiopia, i, 307; at 
Cochin, I, 427; at Goa, ii, 3, 17, 22; 
excellent slaves, 221, 222; descrip- 
tion of, 232 ; stink of, tb. ; war 
with Portuguese, n, 234 
Cafila, fleet under convoy, i, 438 ; ii, 

Cahoa. See Coffee. 
CairOy I, 250, 285 ; ii, 108 ; and see 

Cajus (fruit), I, 328 
Calamba {lignum aloes), i, 335 ; ii, 

Calans (princes), I, 209, 271 
Calbalolan (burial), i, 156 
Caldera, Dom Francisco de, ii, 278 
Calico, I, 371 

Calicut, P. embarks in ship of, I, 326; 
Dutch frequenting, ib.; arrival at, 
I, 361; custom-house at, 362-3; 
crowded population, 366 ; acrobats 
at, ib.] Portuguese driven out of, 
874, 375 ; relations with Portu- 
guese thereafter, 405 ; freedom of 
religion at, 390, 404, 405 ; descrip- 
tion of the country, 399 ; of the 
city, 401-407; church at, 406 ; ad- 
ministration of justice, 407; palace 
at, 409-411, 413-414; daily market, 
411, 412 ; mint, 412 ; secretariat, 
413 ; in 15th century, n, 470-472 
Calin, also callin and caMy (Malay 

tin), I, 235, 441; n, 68, 176 
CaUo, I, 218 

Cologne {or CaUogue\ i, 56, 69, 217 
Camara da cidade (town hall), ii, 53 
Camara presidial, ii, 49 
Camarade, ii, 325 
Cambalis, ll, 240 

Cambay, ship of, i, 301, 302; 
visited by P., ii, 23 ; tortoiseshell 
manufactures, ii, 248, 348 ; trade 



of, II, 245-249 ; people, language, 

etc., 250 
Cambe (tortoiseshell), i, 240, 285 
Camenaz (princesses), i, 209 
Camlets, of Persia and Ormuz, ii, 

Campbell, Capt. C, i, 83 
Camphor, ii, 169 
Campo do pago, ii, 49 
CamulOf I, 218 
Camullogues, I, 217 
Campveer, i, 22 

Canada (pint measure), ii, 73, 194 
Canarese {i.e., Konkdni) language, 

II, 405 
Canarins, one turns Mussulman, i, 

302, 303; description of, 375, 376 ; 

of Goa, II, 28, 35 
Canary Islands, i, xx, 7; exports 

to Brazil, n, 216 ; wine, 316 
Canboi BouhoUy a Bengali woman, i, 

Candis cacan, I, 145 
Candou, i, 103, 247; and see Chan- 
Candou (wood), used for raising 

stone, etc., i, 119-122 ; for coffins, 

Candouepatis (raft), i, 67, 122, 191 
Canda,, islands, n, 481 
Cangdotte {Kdnyirdtu or Cassergode), 

a Malabar port, i, 344 
Cannanor, raja of, welcomes Mal- 

dive prince, i, 277 ; expedition to 

and partial conquest of M., 320, 

321; suzerainty over Minicoy, 323; 

over the Laccadives, 324 
Cannanor, a Malabar kingdom, i, 

369 ; description of, i, 443 446; 

relations of Mahommedans and 

Nairs at, 444; Portuguese fort at, 

445 ; II, 259 
Cannibalism, ii, 318 
Cannon, of the CorhiUy the object of 

the Bengal invasion, I, 317, 325 
Canton, i, 335 

Caparou (Kafir or infidel), i, 261 
Cape of Good Hope, i, 20, 21 ; u. 

291-295 ; a Portuguese Lethe, ii, 
Capitdo M&Tf of Goa, ii, 16, 33 ; of 

armada, ii, 118, 200 
Capitulation, terms of {})onne guerre), 

II, 193, 200, 208 
Capon (funeral money), i, 157 
Captain of a Portuguese ship, 

powers of, ii, 188, 189 
Captivos, II, 90 

Capucines, monastery of, ii, 31, 33 
Carans (secretary), i, 210, 214 
Caravels, as despatch boats, ii, 180, 
189 ; chiefly used for W. Indies, 
215 ; tonnage of, ib. 
Carceres (prisons of the Inquisition) 

n, 18 
Cardaen, P. van, ii, 29, 225 
Cards, games of, ii. 111 
Car4 (coco-nut), i, 113 ; n, 372 
Caridou {Karhidu or Kardiva), island 

and channel, I, 130 
Cariuadiri (small-pox), i, 181 
Carmelites, monastery at Bahia, ii, 

Carpets, of Bengal, i, 328 ; of Per- 
sia, u, 239; of Cambay, 248 
Carracks, description of,n, 180-184; 
how manned and officered, 184-197; 
berths sold, 185 ; service in, more 
esteemed than in other ships, 1 86 ; 
number of crew, 186, 187; prisons 
on, 191 ; kitchens and fires, 192 ; 
silver only exported on behalf of 
king, 193, 211 ; provisioning of, 
194 ; pay and profits of officers 
and men, 195; filthy condition of, n, 
xxxiii, 196; religious rites onboard, 
197; rules as to touching land on 
voyage, 197; times of departure 
and arrival, 197-199 ; captains de- 
cline to sail together, 200 ; crews 
often unpaid, 201; tonnage of, 208; 
offices on, given to widows and 
orphans, 196, 209 ; goods carried 
on behalf of private merchants, 
211 ; foreigners sometimes get 
aboard, 212 ; must make for Cochin 



or Quilon, 213 ; sometimes laden 
at Cochin, ih. ; overtaken at Mo- 
zambique, 226. See also names of 
particular carracks. 
Cartas (passports), ii, 205 
Carts, use of, at Goa, n, 63 
Casa da Indian ii, xxiii; n, 119, 212 
Casa do Arcehispo, ii, 53 
Casado, n, 125 

Cassergode. See Cangelotte, 
Cassia, ii, 361 
Cassin TacouroUj i, 275 
Caste, remains of, at Maldives, i, 

114, 170 
Castello Branco, JoSo de, n, 475 
Castici (pure Portuguese born in 

India) n, 38 
Castilian captnin, n, 21 
Castille, arms of, u, 3 
Castro, Joao de, n, xxiii ; his cruel- 
ties, xxvi, xxvii ; memorial of his 
triumph, ii, 13 
Castro, Martim Affonso de, Viceroy, 
I, 375 ; proceeds to Achin and 
Malacca, n, xvi, 152, 266 ; death, 
xvii, 2, 155 ; failure of attack on 
Achin, 160 
Catel, island, u, 166 
CathecuminoSf ii, 60 
Cathedral of Goa, ii, 53 
Catherina, Donna, ii, xiii 
Catibe (priest), I, 70, 110, 125, 127, 
212 ; may be also Naib, 186 ; of 
the King's island, 131-133; of 
other islands, I, 198 
Cats, at the Maldives, i, 116 
Caty (bill-hook), i, 79 
CaMCwy (weddings), I, 150 
Caury (cowry), i, 438 
Cauuery (sorcery), I, 180. See also 

Cavalleyro FidalguOf n, 120 
CavaUo, a fish, so called, i, 388, 427; 

II, 127, 294, 299 
Caz (itch), I, 181 
Cenes (or Seine), Father Jean de, 

II, 36, 270 
Cemetery of the French, i, 34 

Certidon (Port, certidao), ii, 123, 305, 

Ceylon, Maldives colonised from, i, 
105, 266 ; a ship of, 299-301 ; her 
cinnamon, 320 ; visited by P., ii, 
xiii, 23, 140 ; description of, 140- 
145 ; people, 142 ; precious stones, 
Chaa (Shah), ii, 253 
Chagas^ As^ carrack, ii, xx, 182, 183 
ChagOS (archipelago), referred to, i, 

60, w; I, 296, 297 
Chains, silver waist, i, 164 
Chdliyam, i, 368, 423-425 
Chaly. See Ch41iyam. 
Cham, Great, of Tartary, n, 251 
Ohamy, a ship captain, i, 278 
Changngdtam (guides), i, 340 
Channels of the Maldives, i, 99-104 
Chandelor v. Lopus, case of, ii, 484 
Chajpins (or chopins ; Ital. cioppino)^ 

n, 102, 104 
Chapter-bread, n, 286, 398 
Charms, use of, i, 178-180 
Ghartican, See Chittag^ong. 
Charts, Maldive, I, 65, 99 
Chatigam. See Chittagong. 
Chaul, erroneous reference to, i, 327 ; 
referred to, ii, 2; described, ii, 
256-258 ; Englishmen at, 265 
Chaydes (martyrs), i, 161, 319 
Cheraffes (shroffs), ii, 67 
Cherife, i, 272, 304, 365 
Chersonese, Golden, n, 233 
Cherufins. See Xerafim. 
Chess, I, 418 

Chetils (or chatie)^ applied to mer- 
chant ships, I, 345 ; n, 117 
Chigoe, n, 319 
China, wares of, i, 329 ; goods for, 

shipped at Goa, n, 175 
China-root, i, 182 ; ii, 13 
Chinale, lieutenant of Kunhdli, n, 

516, 523, 526 
Chinese, said to have peopled Mada- 
gascar, I, 38 
Chinese at Bantam, ii, 163 ; cunning 
rogues, 171 



Chittagong (CharUcan), expedition 
from, to the M., i, xxv, xxvi, SI Oct 
seq. ; arrival of P. at, 326 ; raja of, 
ib., 333 ; departure from, 336 

Cholera, ii, 13 

Chomhais (Chombaye), i, 336, 338, 
344, 345 

Christ, Order of, ii, 503, 505 

Christian king of the Maldives, i, 57; 
his factor at Mdl^, 85, 260 ; re- 
venues of, 200 ; government in 
name of, 247; reference to, in 
treaty, 250 ; gave one-third of his 
revenue to Portugal, 250 ; his Por- 
tuguese ambassador, 293, 294 

Christmas, celebration of^ at Goa, 
II, 97, 98 

Christopher, Lieut., his visit to the 
Maldives, I, xliv ; death, xlv-vi ; 
description of a funeral, IS'S 

Chudders, i, 222 

Chunan (chunam), n, 135 

Church-going at Goa, ii, 101-104 

Cinco Chagas, church of, n, 41 ; car- 
rack, so named, see Chagas. 

Cingala (Sinhalese), captain, i, 300, 

Cingalla (Sinhalese), characteristics 
of, n, 142 

Cingallea (Sinhalese), i, 267 

Cinnamon in Ceylon galley, i, 299- 
301, 320 ; grows wild in Ceylon, 
II, 141, 143; description of, 358 

Circumcision, i, 128-130; day of the, 

Cisdy (cook), i, 1 73 

Civet, II, 172, 360 

ClerigoSj ii, 96 

Clerk, ships', n, 187, 188, 394 

Cloves, II, 166, 167, 357 

CohoUy mas (fish), I, 190, 194 ; ii, 

Cochin, a ship of, at MdM, i, 78; buys 
salvage of Corhiriy 80 ; carracks load 
and discharge at, II, 213; relations 
of , with Calicut, 369 ; suflfers aflfronts 
from the Portuguese, 375 ; a cap- 
tain of, and his family, i, 428 ; 

prison of, 429-432 ; description of 
country and city, 433-438; formerly 
subject to Calicut, 434; two towns 
of, 434, 436 ; port closed by sand, 
437; trade with Bengal in cowries, 

Cochin, Bishop of, ii, 27 

Cock, sacrifice of, i, 178, 180; medi- 
cal use of liver of, 181 

Cock-fighting, n, 54 

Cockroaches, ii, 286 

Cocks, Richard, n, xx 

Coco, origin of name, n, 372, 48S * 

Coconut, abundance of, at Maldives, 
I, 113 ; uses of, ih.; n, 324 et seq. ; 
price of, 1, 117; drinking the young, 
I, 172; general description of tree, 
etc., n, 372-385 ; description of, by 
Ibn Batuta, n, 439 ; by de Barros 
482. Sea-coconut, see Coco-de- 

Coconut cabbage, n, 383 

Coco-de-mer, i, 230-232 

Coco-sugar. See Jaggery. 

Coco- wine, i, 71 ; arid see Arack 
amd Toddy. 

Coffee, drunk at the Maldives, i, 172 

Cognialy. See Kunhdli. 

CoUan (Quilon),!, 369, 370 ; n, 107 

Coin, of the Maldives, i, 232 ; of 
Portuguese India, n, 68, 69 

Coir, dues of, i, 228, 250 ; trading 
in, 285 ; mode of preparation, n, 
379 ; described by Batuta, 443, 444 

Colchas (coverlets), ii, 247 

CoUo madous atolL See Koluma- 

Colombo, n, 143 

Coluotte (Kollam), i, 360 

Coly (bell), i, 130, 138 

Combolly masse, i, 194 ; and see Co' 
holly mas. 

Comedy, performed on doubling the 
Cape, II, 295 

Commeres (Port. com^dres),ny 100 

Communion, ticket or token for, ii, 

Comorro Islands, i, xxiii ; anival 



at, 42 ; description of natives. 42- 

Companions of Pyrard, i, 91, 92 n.; 
the three surviving, at time of 
Bengal invasion, 313 ; remain at 
Moutingu^, 346; one goes to Kotta. 
kal, 346, 347; Hollander remains 
at Calicut, 421, 424 ; the French 
carpenter, n, 305, 306, 308, 309 

Compasses, three on carracks, ii, 

Comperes (Port, compadres), n, 100 

Compostella, author's vow to make 
pilgrimage to, i, 310 ; performed, 
1, 335-337 

Confession, a public, i, 295 

Congnare (a tree), n, 368 

Congo, trade with, n, 221 

Conrart, founder of French Academy, 
I, xxxiv 

Consent f ship, I, xiii 

Consettf S.S., wrecked on the Mal- 
dives in 1880, I, 106 

Constable (or master gunner), u, 

Contador, n, 42 

ContretddoTf n, 172 

ConversOf an erroneous term, ii, 189, 

ConveZf mid-ship deck, n, 189 

Convicts, of Portugal sent out as 
colonists to Angola, ii, 218 ; garri- 
son Ceylon, ii, 143 

Copper cups, i, 172 

Copra, u, 384 

CoqueteeSf I, 240 

Coral, black, i, 232 

Corbin (ship), i, xiv, xv; summary of 
voyage, xx-xxiii ; tonnage, etc., 2 ; 
accident to, 5; misconduct of crew, 
5, 27, 55, 62 ; n^ 898-403 ; chief 
merchant of {see Moreau) ; condi- 
tion of, at Madagascar, 40 ; total 
crew of, ib. ; runs aground at the 
Maldives, 51 ; fortunes of the ship- 
wrecked crew, 56 et seq, (see special 
references, 91, 92 n.); cannon of 

VOL. II. — 2. 

the, 58, 325 ; silver of, 60 et seq., 
72 ; ensign of the, 220 ; carpenter 
of, II, 304, 306, 308, 30^ 

Coriche, ii, 510, 518 

Corpses, Portuguese fable as to float- 
ing, II, 202 

Corpus Christ!, anticipated in India, 
II, 35 

Correa, Bras, ii, xx, 279 

Corunna, ii, 837 

Corvo, island, u, 332 

Cosmas, quoted, n, 427 

Costa, Francisco da, n, 512 

Coste, I, 347, 357, 358, 359 ; and see 
Marcaire Costi and Kunhldi. 

CotignatSf ii, 261 

Cotta^ a measure, i, 287 

Cotton bought raw and worked up 
by Maldivians, i, 241 ; export from 
Bengal, 2^8 ; cotton trees, ii, 364 

Cotton cloths, use of, as hangings, 

I, 146, 222; dues of, i, 228; 
fineness of Bengal, 328 

Coudan, See Quilon. 

Couesme (Cuama, i.e., the Zambesi), 

II, 223-235 

Covlombin (a low caste), I, 387; ii, 35 

Coulon, his part in the voyages of 
Le Blanc, i, xxxix 

Couroan. See Kuran. 

Cousty Hamede, a Malabar, i, 339, 
349 ; n, 108 ; his brother, ii, 46 

Cousty Moussey (or Cvtimuga), i, 352, 
355 ; n, 512 

Coutinho, Dom Diogo, ii, 241, 262 

Coutinho, Dom Pedro, n, 241, 242, 

Couto, Diogo de, his description of 
the Samorin, i, 415; hia Decadas, 
II, xxiii; his Soldado Pratico, 
xxix ; on Portuguese gunners, 193; 
his account of siege of Kdttakkal, 
n, 509-527 ; visits Kunhfli in 
prison, 516 

Cowries, export of, from Maldives, 
I, 78, 236-240 ; ii, 484, 485 ; values 
^f, I, 236, 237; scattered at fune- 




rals, I, 157; dues of, i, 228 ; mode 
of collection, i, 236, 237; as orna- 
ments for furniture, l, 240 ; trade 
from Cochin to Bengal, 438; use 
in W. Africa, ii, 219 ; mention by 
early travallers, li, 429-432, 443, 

Co^vs, at the Maldives, i, 116 ; n, 

Crabs, i, 97; ii, 351 

Cranganor, ii, 259 

Criadas (female servants), li, 103 

Criados (servants), ii, 89, 90 

Crignon, Pierre, poet, i, xi 

Cris,i, 164; ii, 162, 170 

Crocodile, musk smell of, i, 37, 38 ; 
II, 347; in Ganges, i, 336; descrip- 
tion of, II, 347 

Croisade (Southern Cross), i, 9 

Croissant (ship), i, xiv, xv; summary 
of voyage to Maldives, xx-xxiii ; 
tonnage, etc., 2; off Natal, 26 ; 
arrival at St. Augustine's Bay, 30 ; 
refitting there, 40 ; loses her boat, 
48, 49; subsequent fortunes of, i, 
290, 291; at St. Helena, ii, 109 

Cross of solid gold, ii, 69 

Crows, 1, 115 

Cruzado, ii, 83 

Cuama (Zambesi), n, 233-235 

Cunat, quoted, i, 3, 7 

Currents, at the Maldives, i, 101, 

Dabul, II, 256, 259 

Bdhard, i, 210, 211, 213 

Daman, ii, 256 

Damascus raisins, ii, 261 

Ddr, II, 450 

Darada Tacourou, i, 270 

Darumavantaf n, 449 

Basoure (?), i, 442 

Dates, of Socotora, ii, 237 

Datura, use of, in India, ii, 113, 114 

Daugim, fort, ii, 33 

Dauphin, birth of (Louis XIII), i 

Davis, Captain John, i, 31 ; ii, 490 

Dead-pays, ii, 42 

Dealcan. See Deccan. 

Debt slavery, i, 202-204 ; described 
by Ibn Batuta, ii, 445 

Deccan, kingdom of, ii, 24, 25, 32, 
131 ; king of, besieges Goa, 132, 
134 ; treaty with Portuguese, 133 ; 
no extradition between Goa and, 
133 ; description of, 133, 134, 136; 
ambassador at Goa, 134, 135 ; war 
with Great Mogul, 134 ; princes of, 
at Goa, 135-138; elephants, dia- 
monds, etc., 1 36 ; dress of natives, 

D^kerdy i, 210 ; ii, 453 ; and see 

Demy tengue (half tanga), i, 432 

De La Croix. See La Croix. 

Delhi (spelt Dirly), ii, 251 

Deli, Mount, ii, 477 

Delia Valle, Pietro, quoted, ii, 505 

Denis, Ferdinand, mistake as to 
Pyrard, l, xviii 

Deos de Misericordia^ ii, 100 

Desamhargador M&r, ii, 49 

Destrappes, Leonard, Archbishop, i, 


Deuanits (sergeants), i, 139, 150, 201, 
206, 212 

Devil, author of sickness, i, 180 ; 
worship of, ih. 

Devil- dancers, i, 395 

Dharmapdla, king of Ceylon, ii, 

Dhihat Almahalf Ar. name of Mal- 
dives, II, 436 

Diamonds, of the Deccan, ii, 236 

Dice, use of, at Goa, ii, 111 

Bida (flag), i, 129 

Diego de Roys, supposed islands, i, 
xxiii, 49 

Diego Rodriguez (island), errone- 
ously called de Roys, i, 50; sighted, 
II, 290 

Dieppe, i, x 

Digga tree, bark of, i, 121 

Dishes, banana leaves used for, i, 
170 ; wooden, 171 



Diu, II, 23 ; described, 254, 255 

Diu matil (Friday), i, 130 

Dlvandurou (Laccadive islands), i, 
323-325 ; a ship of, ii, 108 

Dives (islander), I, 83 

Dives (islands), i, 117 

Divorce, i, 153-155 

Dogs, hatred of, i, 116 

Dombe. See Domburgh. 

Domburgh, Martin, a factor, wrecked 
at the Maldives, I, 292 ; met at 
Cochin, 430 ; mysterious death, n, 

Dominican monk, i, 441, 442, 451 

Dominicans, church of, ii, 49, 71 

Donkora, ii, 456 

Donny (bird, and name of boat), I, 86 

Dorados (Bsh), i, 189 

Dorimenaz (general of militia), i, 210, 
211, 214, 273 

D'Oyly, Sir J., quoted, i, 203 

Dragon, ship, ii, 237 

Draff ons (heavy squalls), i, 11 

Drinking, mode of, in India, i, 378, 
410,411; ir, 72, 73 

Drug, which kills on a day certain, 
II, 129 

Drums, how made at Maldives, ii, 

Dugong, I, 47 

Dunkirk, author ships in vessel of, 
II, 330 

Dupleix, I, xi 

Duret, Charles, dedication to, ii, xliii 

Durian tree, ii, 366 

Durries, ii, 248 

Dutch (or Hollanders), interdicted 
from Lisbon trafl&c, I, xii ; fleets 
of, xiii; nine ships met, 5-7; crui- 
sers off Galle, 278; two Dutchmen 
come to Maldives, 281; frequent 
Calicut, 326; confused with French 
and English, 337, 347; thirteen 
ships at Calicut, 364; at Cannanor, 
448; policy in the East, n, xxxv; 
blockade Goa, ii, 29 ; capture part 
of C. de Feira's fleet, 86; incidents 
of war with Portuguese, 148-150 ; 

relations with Achin, 158, 159 ; at 
Bantam, 164; traffic between India 
and the islands, 171 ; give good 
terms of capitulation, 149, 193, 
200; effect of, on Portuguese, 201, 
207, 208 ; six ships blockade Goa, 
207 ; sieves of Mozambique, 225- 
229 ; attack Ormuz ship, 261 

Dutroa. See Datura. 

Du Vair, G. Bishop, i, xxx ; dedica- 
tion to, liii 

Du Val, P., editor of 4th edition, i, 

Dyes, used at Maldives, i, 241, 242 ; 
made from coconut, ii, 384 

Ears, extension of, for ornaments,!, 
167, 384, 419 

Ear-rings, i, 167 

Earthenware of the Maldives, i, 

Earthly Paradise, i, 835 ; ii, 140, 

Easter, celebration of, at Goa, ii, 98 

Eau-de-vie (arack), i, 358 

Ebony, of Mozambique, n, 224 ; 
generally, 362 

Ecclesiastics, in India, ii, 95, 96 ; 
on board P. ships, 127, 187; not 
allowed to return, 187, 284 

Eclipse of the sun, i, 308 

Edrisi, quoted, n, 431 

Edwardes, Sir H., i, xlvi 

Elephantiasis, i, 392 

Elephants of Bengal, i, 331 ; white, 
333 ; at Calicut, 400 ; at Goa, ii, 
41 ; description of, 343-346 

Elevator, at Bahia, ii, 310 

Elizabeth, Queen, her death re- 
ferred to, I, 278, 290 

Ellattdr (river), i, 359 

Elmina, fort, ii, 221, 222 

£mir-el-Bahr. See Mirvaires. 

Endequery, i, 210, 213 

Enganado el Rey, ii, 212 

English, first voyages of discovery, 
I, xii ; confused with French and 
Dutch, 337, 347; position in the 



Far East, it, xvii ; in India, xxxvi ; 
some at Goa, 36 ; proud as com- 
pared with Dutch, 107; called 
Kings of the Sea, 203 

Englishmen referred to (see Pilot, 
Wickham, Stevens, Hawkins, 
Lancaster, Middleton); one put 
to death by the Portuguese, ii, 
106; crew of ffector referred to, ib.; 
a gunner of the Croissantyl07 ; num- 
ber of, at Goa, n, xviii, 269; some 
made prisoners at Lisbon, 276 ; a 
traveller from Tartary, 278 ; one 
nearly hanged at Bahia, 326, 327 

English ships, at Comoros, i, 45 ; 
at Socotora, n, 237 

Enseada (bay), n, 293 

Escritorios, ii, 177 

Escuderi FidcUguo, ii, 120 

Esdru (fencing-master), i, 268 

Esperes (small cannon), ii, 183 

Esquif (bed), ii, 4 

Essomerique, i, x 

Estancelin, quoted, i, x, 2 

Esteres (mats), i, 391; ii, 103, 237 

Esure (zebra), ii, 324, 355 

Ethiopian coast, i, 25 

Eunuchs, references to, i, 173, 332 

Europa shoals, n, 199 

Exports, to India and profits on, ii, 
211; to Brazil, 216 

Eyes, ailments of, I, 181 ; putting 
out of, n, 137, 242 

Fddifolu (Padypojo) atoll, i, 97, 99 

Faenza, i, 170 

Fah Hian, quoted, ii, i27 

Fdl, a number or measure, i, 237 ; ii, 

False money, reference to charges of 
possessing, in France, i, 231; pass- 
ing of, by Europeans in the East, 
II, 159 

Palmddari (treasurer), ii, 451 ; and 
see Pamrmdery, 

Pdmuderi. See Pammederi/. 

FandayarkalUf ii, 450 ; and see Pan- 

Farangui (Franks), i, 183, 243 ; n, 

Farangui haescour (syphilis), i, 182 

Farhindf i, 210 ; and see Parenas, 

Faria y Souza, Manoel, historian, ii, 
618 ; comment on execution of 
Kunhdli. 527 

Fayance. See Faenza. 

Fehendu (island), author taken to, i, 

Feira, Conde de, appointed viceroy, 
II, XX ; dies on the voyage, 85, 86, 
267,275; fleet of, 86 

Felidu {Poulisdon) atoll, i, 97, 99 ; 
channel, 104 

Fencing, i, 141 

Fencing-masters, i, 268-270, 380, 

Fendu (island). See Fehendu. 

Femambucque. See Pemam- 

Fernando, Manuel, n, 129, 283 

Ferreira, Belchior, n, 514, 515 

Ferreyra Belliago, Domingos, com- 
mands expedition to Maldives, u, 

Festivities, on passing the Abi^lhos, 

Fever, the Maldive, i, 82, 83, 180- 
181, 267 

Feynes, Henri (Count de Monfart), 
II, XX, 279, 280 

Fiance^ ii, 100 

Fidalgo, ii, 78, 120 

Fiddlgo de la Ca^a del Rey nosso 
Senor, 11, 120 

Figs, Indian, bananas so called, i, 

Filippe, Dom, exiled Maldive prince, 
I, 294 ; n, 138, 139, 502-508 

Finisterre, Cape, i, 291 

Fire, mode of generating, i, 122 ; re- 
gulation of, on ships, ii, 192 

Fish, at the Maldives, modes of fish- 
ing, I, 189-194 ; fish kraal, 192- 
194 ; greatly eaten at Goa, u, 105 

Fish-kraal, i, 192-194 

Fishes for splicing masts, H, 183 



Fishing, modes of, at Maldives, i, 

Flemings on board the French ships, 
I, xiv, xxvii ; a gunner, 29 ; a 
truant, 39 ; survivors at Mdl6, 78, 
80 ; escape and death of four, 85- 
87; a clever wood-carver, 91 ; two, 
at Bahia, 330 

Flemings, some at Goa, n, 36 

Flemish hulks, i, 5 ; ii, 184 

Florentine, at Bahia, n, 309, 325 

Flores, island, n, 332 

Flour, exported from the Azores, ii, 

Flying-fish, i, 9 ; ii, 352 

Flying-foxes, i, 115 ; ii, 373 

Football, 1, 137, 138, 187 

Formosa, bay, i, 23 

Fortaleza dd vice Rey^ La, n, 47 

F<mgon8f ships' kitchens, ir, 192 

France, neglect of navigation, i, 1 ; 
talk about, with Maldive king, 77, 
242, 243 ; Samorin asks about 
king of, I, 363 ; treaty with Spain, 
n, 23 

Franciscans, royal treasury at con- 
vent of, II, 50 ; convent of, 53 ; 
baptism in church of, 61 ; two em- 
bark without leave, 284 ; invoke 
St. Francis, 304; monastery at 
Bahia, 311 

Francisco, Dom, Maldive prince, 
death of, II, 497 

FranqoiSj Isle de, at Bahia, n, 309 

Francois, Jean, n, 487 

Franqui (Franks ), i, 183, 243 ; n, 

French, confused with English and 
Dutch, I, 337, 347 

Frenchmen, some at Goa, n, 36 ; in 
Brazil, 321-324; thirteen hanged 
at Bahia, 326 

French ships, promotion in, i, 15 ; 
messmates in (see Messmates) ; 
manning and equipment of, n, 393- 

Frif/ates, li, 118 

Friday, celebration of, i, 130-134, 

224, 225 ; no business done on, 
175 ; an unlucky day, ii, 400 

Frotet. ^ee Bardeli^re. 

Frotet de la Landelle, i, 3 

Fua Mulaka island, ruins at, i, 
124; n, 488-491 

Fuladu island, i, xxiii; landing at, 
55 ; party left at, 59 ; their condi- 
tion, 61-68 

Funeral ceremonies at the Maldives, 

I, 156-161 ; in Malabar, 394 
Furadi. See Pouraddi, 
Furtado, JoSs, a captain, i, 423 
Furtado de Mendo^, Andre, leads 

expedition against Kunhdli, i, 354; 
n, 518-526 ; his expedition to the 
Moluccas in 1601; ii, xv ; becomes 
Governor of India, xvii, 267 ; 
career of, xix ; victories in Ceylon, 
145, 512; his defence of Malacca, 
151, 152 ; quarrel with Coutinho, 
242 ; activity, 268 ; petition in his 
favour, 271 ; appointed general of 
homeward fleet, 273-276; general 
sorrow at departure of, 276; death, 
Furtado de Mendoga, Diego, 
nephew of the preceding, n, 268, 

Galetaire^ a kind of bonnet, n, 112 
Galicia, i, 310 ; n, 333, 335 
Gallon of the Corbin, i, 53 56 ; 
orders as to, on Portuguese ships, 

II, 306 

Galiots, of the Malabars, I, 341, 342; 
one runs through a Portuguese 
fleet, 345; Portuguese oarsmen of, 
II, 117 

Galle, Dutch ships off", i, 278; ii, 146, 
148 ; doubling, i, 325 ; a Portu- 
guese fort, n, 143 

Galley slaves, ii, 45, 46 

Galleys, rowed by convicts, ii, 117 

GallOTVS, at Cochin, i, 427; at Goa, 
II, 56; at Bahia, 326 

Gama, Francisco da, viceroy, i, 353 ; 
causes memorial arch to be built. 



II, xxxviii; character, 512 ; receives 
news of his brother's defeat, 517; 
conduct at Furtado's triumph, 

Gama) Luiz da (misspelt Louya de 
Ous7nan)y his expedition against 
Kunhali, i, 353-354 ; ii, 513, 518 

Gama, Vasco da, note on his first 
landing-place in India, i, 360; re- 
ferred to, II, xxxii; statue of, 

Game, an island, i, 250 

Gaming-houses, n. Ill, 112 

Qandoyre (palace), I, 218, 219; also 
written OandJiouere^ 316 

Ganya. See Gang^es. 

Ganges, i, 335, 336 

Gardafui, Cape, n, 236 

Oargoidettes (goglets), i, 329 ; ii, 74 

Garie, Jean (? Garcia), i, 334 

Garoa (aloes wood), n, 360 

GaSf an exclamation, I, 197 

Gaspar Dias, fort, ii, 25, 32 

Gaspard Aleman, Father, ii, 22, 269 

Gaut or Gaux (a weight), I, 189, 286 

GayaCj n, 318 

Germans, some at Goa, ii, 36, 51 

Genm (Ormuz), ii, 238 

Gilolo, island, n, 166 

Ginger, Bengal, i, 328; of Brazil, 
n, 217, 313 ; competes with pepper 
in market, 217, 356 ; generally, 

Girasaly a kind of rice, ii, 326 

Glass, Venetian, i, 43 

Gleau (whip), I, 307 

Goa, soil red, i, 376; n, 27; hospital, 
I, 451 ; administration of, ii, xi, 
xii; inscription over gate, 3 ; com- 
mon ailments at, 11; prisons of, 
18 ; description of, 24 et seq.; river, 
24, 28, 31, 32 ; proverb as to Lis- 
bon and, 26 ; suffragan bishop of, 
ib. ; forts of, 29-33 ; parishes of, 
33 ; permits for the mainland, ib.; 
passages, 33, 34; inhabitants classi- 
fied, 35-39; waUs of, 39; esplanades 
and quays, 40-48; galleys, 45; palace 

(see Viceroy); streets, 51, 52, 57 ; 
churches, 32, 41, 49, 51, 53-61 ; 
celebration of capture of, 54; build- 
ings, 63 ; condition of, m rains, 63, 
64; markets, 69, 178; water-supply, 
70-72 ; farmers of the revenue, 74, 
174, 178; wealth of, 105; gaming 
saloons. 111, 112 ; life of soldiers 
at, 128-131 ; sieges of, 132-133 ; 
trade with Far East, 173-177 ; is 
the entrepot for the whole East, 
213; language spoken about, 405 

Godam (wheat), i, 112 

Goidti, island, i, xxiii 

Gold, not exported from the Mal- 
dives, I, 242 ; worth less in India 
than in Spain, n, 69 ; brought 
from Far East, 176 ; of Sofala and 
the Zambesi, 233 

Gold, ornaments, worn by king 
only, I, 164 ; and by women, 167, 

Gomen (ambergris), I, 229 

Gomes Cheiradinheiro, Joao, u, 
476, 480, 486 

Gonville, Paulmier de, i, x 

Gonvllle, Abbe' Binot Paulmier de, 

I, X 

Gouia. See Gouveia. 

Gouldrins (coverlets), ii, 4 

Gourabe (galley), i, 312 

Gouradou (island), i, 256, 257, 259, 

Gourmet, a ship's apprentice, ii, 187 

Gouveia, Dom Adrian de, ambassa- 
dor to Maldives, i, 293, 294; n, 139, 

Goymxm (Sargasso weed), n, 331 

Gram, referred to, n, 79 

Grande, Ruo, u, 55 

Grass-silk, i, 328 

Gravestones, at the Maldives, i, 159 

Grooms, at Goa, skill of, u, 79 

Grotius, I, ix, X, 3 

Grout, Fran9ois, captain of the 
Corbin, i, xiv, 8 ; particulars of bis 
family, ihr, quarrel with chief mer- 
chant, I, 17; n, 898 ; falls sick at 



Madagascar, i, 34 ; dies at M^le, 59, 
78 ; inhuman treatment of, on 
deathbed, 87; character of, ii, 398- 

Grout de St. Georges, i, 3 

Guardian, a ship's officer, ii, 187, 
189, 192 

Gu6 (house), I, 315 

Guinea, i, 10 

Guise, Due de, i, 430 

Gulistdn, name of a slave, it, 454 

Gundara-karayd^ the Maldives so- 
called by the Sinhalese, I, 83 

Gundura, ii, 442, 472 

Gunners, incompetence of Portu- 
guese, II, 193 

Guzerat captain, dies, i, 299 

Guzerati people, ii, 249 ; language, 
II, 405 

Gymnosophists, i, 379 

Haddummati {Adcmmatis) atoll, i, 

97, 99, 300 
Ilad^giri (an officer of state), I, 210 

21 1 ; and see Endequery. 
Hag en, Steven van der, I, 277 1 364 ; 

n, XV, xvi, 29 
Hair- oils, used at the M., i, 107 
Hajji, privileges of, i, 165 
Hakurd (an officer). See Acouraz. 
Holy. See Alt. 

Hammocks, beds like, at the Mal- 
dives, I, 222 ; in India, ii, 248 
Hang^gs, silk and cotton, i, 221, 

Harmansen, W., i, xiii, 7 
Hasan, king of the Maldives, i, 244, 

245 ; II, 477, 493, 532 ; see also 

Hassan kilage-fdnu, rebellion of, i, 

247-250; becomes joint king, i, 

249; death, 252 
Hawkins, William, i, xiii ; n, 253, 

263, 264 
Hayton, Prince, quoted, n, 434 
Jlcctor, ship, I, xiii ; at Socotora, li, 

237; crew of, at Qoa, n, xviii, 237; 

how they were kidnapped, n, 263, 

Heemskerk, J. van, i, xiii, xx, 7 

Henry IV, news of death of, ii, 320 

Herons, n, 353 

Hidalcan. See Deccan. 

Hieronimo di Santo Stefano visits 
Maldives, n, 469 

Hilaire, Father, a Jesuit, i, 420, 426 

Hitadii, island, i, 300 

Hollanders mentioned, chief car- 
penter of the Corbin^ i, 28 ; a 
jeweller at Qoa, ii, 95. See Dom- 

Hdoli^ island, ii, 467 

Homan (fever), i, 180 

Homo branco, ii, 12, 121 

Honore. See Onor. 

Honorifics, in use at Goa, ii, 82 

Honrado^ ll, 120 

Hooks, fish, form of, i, 189 

Horses, at Goa, n, 67, 75, 79; broken 
in the Deccan, 136 ; export from 
Ormuz, II, 239 

Horta (garden), il, 28, 110 

Hospital, at Goa, i, 451; n, xi, xii ; 
inscription over gate, 3 ; descrip- 
tion of, 3-15; administered by the 
Jesuits, 6 ; number of inmates, 7, 
8 ; number of deaths, 11; property 
of the sick, ib. ; none except Por- 
tuguese men admitted, 12 ; vice- 
roy's physician appointed to charge 
of, 14 

Hospitals for natives and women, 
n, 15 

Hottentots, observed, n, 294 ; de- 
scribed, 295 

Houssains Caca, a Malabar, i, 268 ; 
put to death, 271 ; had taken part 
in conspiracy, 275-276 

Houtman, Cornelius de, i, xiii 

Houtman, Frederik de, his sojourn 
at the Maldives, ii, 489-490 

Huadiva or Huvadd (atoll). See 

Huet, Bishop of Avranches, i, xxxiv- 



ffuhtru. (Friday.) Sec Oucourou, 
Hulks, I, 5 
Hypocras, ii, 382 

lader (chudders), i, 222 

Ibn Batuta, quoted, summary of his 
travels, ii, 434-435 ; editions of his 
book, 436 ; his description of the 
Maldives, n, 434-468 ; names of 
islands, 437; his marriages at, 439, 
455, 468, 460 ; appointed kdzi, 459; 
quarrels with ministry, 460-464 ; 
leaves Maldives, 466; returns, 466, 
467; final departure, 468 ; sultanls 
named by, 529, 531 

Ibrahim, king of the Maldives, pro- 
mise to send the crew to Achin, I, 
59, 64, 66, 78, 81 ; anger towards 
his brother-in-law, 69; inquisitive- 
ness of, 77, 224, 242-244; provides 
drugs for the sick, 84 ; care for 
Pyrard, 85, 89; fond of fishing, 
188, 224 ; dress of, 222, 223 ; 
royal insignia, i, 223 ; mode of eat- 
ing, 224 ; artistic taste, ih. ; his 
guards, i6. ; puts to death the 
young Mestif , 255 ; as a trader, 
228; his genealogy, 244-256; 
not a warrior, 252, 256 ; frequent 
conspiracies against, 255, 266 ; 
attempts to murder a pilot, 262; 
and marries his wife, ih.\ marries 
his nephew's wife, 263 ; favours a 
young Malabar, 268-271 ; receives 
his nephew into favour, 271-273 ; 
devices to capture ship, 286-289 ; 
cruelty towards Guzerati sailors, 
293 ; pride towards ambassador 
from Goa, 294; sends presents to 
Achin, 296; conduct of the in- 
vasion, 312 ; death, 314 ; burial, 
318, 319; place in list of kings, ii, 

Ibrahim Callane (nephew of the 
king), I, 271 ; received into favour, 
273 ; abducts a wife, 273, 315; 
conducts exchange of hostages, 288; 
drowned, 314, 315 

Ibrahim, lord of Tnladu Island, i, 

IffovoSf African name for cowries, n, 

Images, Portuguese use of, n, 303, 

India (meaning Western India), i, 

334; n, 256 
India, languages of, n, 405 
India, Portuguese, arms of, i, 439 ; 

II, 3j sketch of history of, n, xxiv- 

xxxiv, xxxvi, xxxvii ; reasons for 

maintaining dominion, 88 
India voyage, seasons to be observed, 

II, 386, 393 ; equipment necessary 

for, 386-388, 392 
Indian fig, i.e., banana, n, 345, 364 
Indian fig, wild (i.c., banyan), n, 370 
Indian ships believed to be larger 

than European, i, 258; description 

of, ib.; built by Europeans, n, 181 
Indian soldiers at Goa, ii, 125 
Indigfo, II, 246, 359 
Indus, I, 336 
Inez, Dona, Maldive princess, ii, 503, 

605, 508 
Infanticide at the Maldives, i, 264 
Jnnamatis, flower, n, 371 
Irman (bathing), i, 174 
Innapa, tree, i, 169 ; n, 370 
Inquisition of Goa, prisoners of, n, 

18; house of the, 52, 53 ; its pro- 
cedure, 92-95 ; condemns prince of 

Ormuz, 244 
Inscriptions at the Maldives, i, 125, 

Iris plant, ginger compared to, ii, 

Irmanos (of the Misericordia), ii, 20 
Irmanos em armas, ii, 204 
Iroudemaus (a jasmine), n, 371 
Isa-al- Tamani, a lawyer and vizier, 

n, 446, 452, 453 
Ispahan, ii, 279 
Itadou. See Hitadd. 
Italians at Goa, ii, 36, 51; are the 

best received in P. India, 212 
Itch, i, 181 



ItelpQul{A kind of flour), i, 111 
Ivory, trade at the Congo, it, 221 ; 
from Mozambique coast, 224 

Jack tree, ii, 366 

Jackals in Malabar, i, 400 

Jacobins. See Dominicans. 

Jaggery (coco- sugar), a drink made 
of, I, 172 ; preparation of, li, 382, 

Jambu-tree, ii, 369, 439 

Jamul uddin, a vizier, ii, 449, 455 

Jangddas (rafts), II, 615 

Jangay (Nair guides), i, 339, 359 

Japan, trade with, ii, 170-179 ; silver 
of, 174 

Japanese, at Goa, ii, 38 ; assist in 
defence of Malacca, 152 ; women 
whiten their bodies, 175 

Java, II, 160 

Jeannin, President, i, xxix 

Jehangir, Emperor, ii, 250, 253 

Jerid, game of, referred to, li, 101, 

Jesuits named. See Seine, Stevens, 
La Croix, Trigaut, Ricci. 

Jesuits, at Calicut, l, 405, 406; per- 
suade P. to go to Cochin, 420 ; of 
the Cochin college, 433 ; had a col- 
lege at Cannanor, 445 ; conflict 
with archbishop, II, 18 ; their 
churches and colleges at Goa, 54, 
55, 58-63, 90, 97; none but Portu- 
guese can become, 61 ; keep the 
patents of succession, 77 ; as 
apothecaries, 83 ; disputes with 
archbishop, 92 ; conduct towards 
Dombui-gh, 109 ; at the Mogul 
court, 252 ; at Bahia, 311 

Jesuit Father, appointed to super- 
intend foreign and native Chris- 
tians, II, xi, 20, 22 

Jew, a wandering, I, 283-285 

Jews in Bengal, i, 333 ; at Calicut, 
407 ; of Cochin, 435 ; called New 
Christians, ll, 93, 311; great num- 

VOL. II. — 2. 

bers at Bahia, 311; Jew merchants 

on board ship, 332, 333 
Jigfgfer, II, 319 
Joao, Dom, exiled Maldive prince, I, 

294 ; II, 497-502 
Joguies (Hindu ascetics), i, 343, 378 
John of Montecorvino, quoted, ii, 

Johore, Raja of, alliance with Dutch, 

II, 151, 152 
Jordanus, Friar, quoted, ii, 434 
Juan, Don, king of Ceylon, ii, 144- 

Judia, Baixos da (Europa shoals), ll, 

Jiijii (in the Soudan), ii, 444 

Kabtaj, i, 237; and see Cowries. 

KanddiTf li, 442 

Kanbar (coir), il, 443-445 

KannaluSj island, ii, 451, 466 

Karamba (young coco-nut), ii, 442 

Karativu, sea-fight off, ii, 512 

Karhidu {Caridou), island and chan- 
nel, I, 103 

Katu (a billhook). See Caty. 

Kauri. See Cowries. 

KAyal, ii, 108 

Kazi, n, 440, et seq. 

Keeling, voyage, i, xiii 

Kenj, 1, 237 ; n, 432; and see Cowries. 

Khadija, queen, ii, 449 et seq. 

Killing animals, mode of, at the 
Maldives, i, 173, 174 

King of Spain, draws no profit from 
India, ii, 88 ; not mentioned in 
India, 205 ; considers question of 
abandoning India, 210, 211 ; edict 
against foreigners, n, 272 

King of the Maldives, is absolute, 
I, 197; ennobles whom he will, 
209, 215 ; sells titles of dignity, 
217 ; his palace, i, 218-222 ; royal 
insignia, i, 223 ; revenues, i, 227 
See also Ibrahim 




King of the Sea (a divinity wor- 
shipped), I, 176; (a fish), i, 192 

Kingfs of the Sea, applied to the 
Dutch, II, 149, 203 ; and to the 
English, 203 

Knives worn at the Maldives, i, 163, 

Kolumadulu (CoUo madous) atoll, i, 

Konkani language, ii, 405 

Korhiini (? Hakurpani)^ ir, 453 

Kwdui or Korduveri, ii, 437, 443 

Koita, a measure, it, 444 

Kotta, fort. See Marcaire 6'os^^and 

Kotta, river, 348 

Kottakkal, fortress of Kunhdli, 
visited by Pyrard, i, 349; then con- 
dition of, 356 ; negotiations with 
Dutch as to, ib.\ referred to, l, 426; 
described, ii, 510. See also Kun- 
hdli, Marcaire Costi. 

Ktdb-almas, ii, 439; and see CohoUy 

Kunappa Bandar, ii, 144 

Kunhdli (spelt Oojnialy), Malabar 
corsair, shares booty, i, 346 ; his- 
tory of, I, 350 356 ; ii, 509 et seq.; 
description of his fortress, l, 350, 
351; II, 509, 510 ; pictures of his 
achievements, i, 351; revolts 
against Samorin, i, 352 ; his victory 
over L. da Gama, i, 353, 354 ; ii, 
514-517; conquered by Furtado, 
I, 354-356 ; ii, 518-523 ; death, i, 
356; II, 526 ; his son, l, 357; re- 
ferred to, II, 448 ; fame of, ll, 527 

Kuran, i, 130, 1S4, 186, 199 ; ii, 447, 

Laccadives, i, 323-325 ; belong to 
Cannanor, 445; barque of, arrives 
at Goa, II, 108 ; referred to, ii, 

La Croix, Father Etienne de, ii, 

xii, xix, 22, 23, 36, 271, 281 
La Fontaine, quoted, ir, 87 n 
Layoaf pcnd at Goa, ii, 35, 56 

Lahore, it, 251 

Lancaster, James, i, xiii, 284 

Lanha, ll, 483 

LarinSy description of, I, 232-234 ; 

fish-hook, form of, 234 ; as used in 

India, li, 68, 69 ; is made of the 

best silver, ii, 174 ; brought from 

Ormuz, II, 239 
Las (lac), ii, 378 
Lascar (seamen), i, 438; ii, 3 
ZascaWis (soldiers), I, 438 ; ii, 117 
Laugfhter, an indiscretion, i, 385 
Launching^ ships, ceremonies at, i, 

178 ; lucky days for, 187 
Laval, share in expedition, i, xiv, 2; 

description of, xv ; a young man of, 

26 ; author's return to, il, 339 
Le Blanc, Vincent, his voyages, i, 

xxxix ; quoted, i, 297 
Le Fort, Guyon, i, xxi, 30, 31 
Le'ddo (spelt Laylon), street at Goa 

II, 52, 64, 69 
Lentils, ii, 126 
Leper hospital at Goa, ii, 55 
Lerma, Duke of, ii, xxx, xxxiii 
Liard (copper money), i, 61 ; ii, 237 
Lihasse, i, 372 
Lif, II, 442 
Lime, made from shells, i, 122; used 

with betel, ii, 362 
Linhares, Conde de, it, 71 w: 
Linschoten, influence traced in Py- 

rard's book, i, xli, 335 
Livros das Monroes, ii, xxiii, cited 

Lizards, great, at Madagascar, i, 35 
Lobo, Dom Luiz, ii, 517 
Long ships, ii, 118 
Louesme, i, 12, 27, 54 
Louis XIII, birth of, i, 290 
Love-making among the Maldivians, 

I, 138 
Lusson, Guillaume, dedication to, ii, 

Luteranos, I, 422, 425, 429, 451 ; ii, 

Luzon, II, 171 
Lyrourij a fish, n, 438 



Ma'bar (Coromandel coast), ii, 437, 
451, 454 

Macao, ii, 172, 173 

Macarequeau (the Paudanus tree), II, 

Mace, II, 167, 169, 357 

Maconnodou, island, I, 76 

Madagascar, sighted, i, 26 ; arrival 
at, 29 (and see St. Augustine's 
Bay) ; description -of , 36 ; strange 
habit of cattle, 37 ; considered the 
greatest Indian island, ii, 168 

Madeira, sugar of, ii, 312 

Madre de I>ios, fort at Goa, ii, 33, 

Madre de Dios^ carrack, I, xii 

Madrepore, i, 96, 97 

Madura, island, ii, 164 

Mae dau da eUe (captain of king's 
ships), I, 90 

Mafacelou (?) island, ii, 476 

Mafai and MafdcaloUj I, 210; and see 

Magadoxo, ii, 440 

Magicians, i, 298, 319 

J/aAftZ (MdM), II, 438,447 

Mahomet, visitation of sepulchre of, 
I, 143, 165, 336; miracle of, 145 

Mahomet, Maldive King, i, 251 

Mahommedanism, date of conver- 
sion of Maldives to, i, 266 

Mahommedans, difficulty of con- 
verting, II, 252 ; see also Maldives 
and other titles 

Maize, ii, 316 

Makian, island, i, 1 66 

Makunudu, island, i, 76 

Malabar, extent and kingdoms of, 
I, 369 ; distinctions of the people, 

Malabars, assist the Maldivians, i, 
247, 248 ; il, 476 ; no nobility 
among, 337; i.e., Mahommedans, 
as distinguished from Nairs, i, 340, 
341, 385, 444 ; relations with the 
Nairs, 340, 341 ; piratical traffic, 
342 ; war with Portuguese, 444- 

450 ; II, 204 ; attacks upon the 
Cambay fleet, ii, 246, 255 

Malacca, description of, ii, 150, 1 55, 
156; besieged by Dutch, 151, 152 ; 
sea-fight off, 152-155 ; besieged by 
king of Achin, 160 

Malacca, bishop of, ii, 27 

Malacca cane, i, 330 

Malailli, island, i, xxiii ; arrival and 
adventures at, 42-48 

Mdlam (a vestibule), ii, 441 

Malay language, ii, 166, 405 

Malays, wrecked at Maldives, quar- 
rel described, i, 294-296 ; their 
disregard of life, 295 ; race and 
language, ii, 156, 405 

Maldiva (M^l^), ii, 481 

Maldives (i) The Name, i, 95 ; ii, 

(ii) The Islands, description of, 

I, 93 et seq.; distance from Spain 
and India, ih. ; number of, 95 ; in- 
crease and decrease of, 96; number 
of, inhabited, 97; trading between, 
11^; external trade, 241,242; ii, 
468 ; no walled towns, i, 118 ; 
buildings, 118, 124, 126 ; popula- 
tions over forty governed by a 
Catibe, 198 ; invasion of, i, 310- 
320 ; civil war at, 320 ; Batuta's 
names of, ii, 437; vegetables, fruits, 
and trees, i, 111-114 ; ii, 365, 367- 
385. See also Atolls, and names 
of islands. 

(iii) Government of the realm, 

I, 197; never goes to females, sed 
qu., I, 320 ; ii, 451, 528 ; of the 
atolls, 1, 198; revenue officers, 200 ; 
the high officers of state, I, 210- 
215; II, 450, 451; offices of Sin- 
halese origin, i, 211, 212 ; depart- 
mental government, I, 212, 213 ; 
militia, i, 215-217 ; revenues and 
taxation, I, 227-232 ; mode of trad- 
ing with strangers, i, 300 ; list of 
kings, II, 528 et seq, 
— (iv) PEoriiE, dislike of melan- 



choly, I, 74 ; expert uavigators and 
swimmers, 100, 101 ; appearance 
and character, 105, 106, 169, 195; 
compared with Sinhalese, 105, 169 
n.; dress, 105, 109, 161-169 ; dif- 
ference between north and south, 
105, 122, 123; hair- dressing, 106- 
111, 164, 167 ; craftsmen collected 
in different islands, 114; freedom 
of women, 168 ; indolence of, 
117, 305; lewdness, 151, 195, 
304, 305-307 ; education, 184- 
186 ; skill in manufactures, 188, 
195 ; ranks and dignities, 208- 
218 ; women keep their own rank 
on marriage, 209 ; children take 
status of mother, 209, sed qucere, 
208 n. ; princes of the blood 
royal, 209 ; personal names, 217; 
dress and habits of king's wives, 
226, 227 ; hatred of the Portu- 
guese, 251; Ceylon origin of, 266 ; 
II, 423-425 ; contact with Por- 
tuguese, II, 472-476 
Maldives (v) Religion, i, 123 et aeq.; 
mosques, 124-128 ; indications of 
preceding Buddhism, 123 ; belief 
in a flat world, 127; ablutions, ib.; 
Friday observances, 130-134 ; new 
moon, 134 ; Ramadhan, 134-140 ; 
the minor festival, 140 ; sacrifice, 
140-141; the greater Beiram, 143 ; 
the Poycacan^ 143, 144 ; festival in 
June, 144 ; the Candis cacan^ 146 ; 
Moolids, 146-150 ; devil worship, 
180 ; legend as to conversion, ii, 

(vi) Law, of wreck (sec Wreck); 

boat-stealing, I, 79, 87; legal pro- 
cedure, 198-207 ; jurisdiction of 
l^aibs, 198, 199 ; of the Paudiar, 
199; of the Moucouris, ih,; writs 
used, 201; appeal to the king, 199, 
201, 202; mode of pleading causes, 
201, 202 ; debt-slavery, 202-204 ; 
crimes, 204-207; king heir to dead 
captain, 267-8, 281, 299; and to for- 
eigners, 286 ; and to his own 

officers, 289 ; confession exacted, 
295, 296 ; punishment of women 
for intercourse with unbeliever, 
303 ; for abominable crime, 306 ; 
punishment of theft, 307 

Maldives (vii) Fishery, abundance 
of, 1, 117, 240 ; popularity of sport, 
188 ; modes of fishing, 189-194 ; 
mode of cooking fish, 188 ; dis- 
tribution of catch, 191 

(viii) Navigation, charts, 65, 

99 ; sails of coco-fibre, 64 ; skill 
of the natives, 100, 101 ; they 
never navigate by night, 100 ; 
use the compass only for long 
voyages, 100, 104 ; launching 
ships, 178 ; boats kept scrupu- 
lously clean, ih. ; superstitions, 
178 ; burial at sea, 161 

(ix) Manners and Customs, re- 
ception of persons of distinction, 
I, 70-72 ; mode of saluting the 
king, 77; necessity of attending 
court, 89 ; importance of receiving 
the king's bounty, 89, 215 ; love- 
making, 138; colouring the feet 
and hands, 169 ; at meals and 
entertainments, 170-173 ; killing 
animals, 173 ; bathing, 174, 196; 
exchanging betel, 174; passing in 
front of a person, 175 ; swinging 
the legs, 175; meeting or touching 
another when on a journey, 175 ; 
or going fishing, ih.\ nursing of 
babes, 183, 184; modesty among 
kindred, 196 ; mode of paying 
visits, 196, 197 ; respect paid to 
birth, 209 ; customs at Durbar, 
220, 221 ; how the king walks 
abroad, 225 ; honorifics, use of, 
226 ; visits to ladies, 227 ; gal- 
lantries, 305; number of wives, 
305 ; II, 432 ; fondness for flowers, 
I, 108, 147 ; II, 371; laxity of 
divorce, i, 153-155 ; ii, 459 

(x) Language, i, 122; alphabets, 

I, 184, 185 ; different forms of 
writing, ih.\ numerals, i, 95 ; ii, 



417, 421; systems of notation, il, 
419-422; houorifics, I, 219, 223, 
226 ; dictionary of, ii, 405-418 

Mdl6, atoll, I, 97, 99 

Mdl^, capital island of the Maldives, 
I, 57, 117; water bad, 118; har- 
bour, 121; exempt from taxation, 
169 ; streets not paved, 225 ; Por- 
tuguese fort at, 246 ; Ibu Batuta 
at, II, 449 et seq.; Portuguese at- 
tiickson. II, 476, 506, 507 

MaU-divar ( Maldivians), i, 83 

MdU ons (Mftle fever), i, 83 

M<'de-ragyA (Maldive kingdom), l, 83 

Mdli, a place in the Soudan, ii, 444 

Malicut. See Minicoy. 

Mdlik, the Imam, ii, 448 

Malik of Chaul, ii, 258 

Mdlosmadulu {Malos madou) atoll, 

I, 97, 99, 103 

Mamale, of Cannanor, ii, 474, 475, 
481; islands named after, i, 323 ; 

II, 481 

Mamelucos, of Brazil, ii, 39 

Manacuma, ii, 496 

Manatee, i> 47 

il/ana^a^ (admiral), I, 210, 212; li, 

Manaye QuUague (a queen), conspiracy 

of, I, 255 
Manchoue (manchua), a kind of barge, 

I, 342 ; II, 42, 90, 110, 118, 276, 

283, 518 
Mandioc, I, 379 ; ii, 218, 315, 316, 

Mandovi, river of Goa, ii, 24, 28 
Manet, quoted, i, 3 
Man^alore, king of, sends ship to 

the Maldives, i, 277 ; fort at, ii, 

Marv/as (mangos), ii, 126 
Manias de ve-udo (velvet sleeves), 

birds, so-called, i, 21 ; ii, 294 
Mango, II, 126, 367 
Mangue la boUe, name given to a 

Portuguese governor, ii, 323 
Manmssay name of a Banytin, i, 365, 

421, 423 

Maniguette (long pepper), il, 221 

Manila, u, 171, 172 

Manile (bracelet), i, 377 

Manji. See Manchoue. 

Manoel. Dom, ex-king of the Mal- 
dives, his letters patent, i, 90, 296; 
notice of his life in India, ii, 493- 

Manpas (chancellor), I, 210, 211, 

Mansaus (cloaks), ii, 240 

Mantes (mantles), il, 103 

Manuel de Christ, Fr., a Domini- 
can, I, 451 ; 11, 2 

Mdrakkdr. See Marcaire. 

Maravedis, ll, 119 

Marcaire (Mdrakkdr), i, 350, 357, 365 

Marcaire Cost6 (Mdrakkdr Kotta), the 
fort of Kunhdli, l, 347, 348 ; aiul 
see Kunhiii. 

Marchpanes {vnassepain'), n, 98, 101 

Margon (MargSo), ll, 270 

Marie de Medici, dedication to, i, 
xxix, XXX 

Marie Mcnxt^ a Portuguese lady, ii, 

Marignolli, John of, quoted, i, 11 

Mariners, distinguished from sol- 
diers, II, 184, 185 ; status of, 190, 

Marmelades, n, 240, 261 

Marriagfe, at the Maldives, i, 150 ct 
seq.; three wives allowed, 151; im- 
pediments to, 152; divorce, 153; 
re-marriage, 153-155 ; among the 
Nairs, 392-394 ; at Goa, ii, 100, 
101; Ibn Batuta on, ii, 439, 441, 
445 ; Sinhalese kinds of, ii, 182 

Martaban, jars of, i, 259 ; timber of, 
II, 182 

Martin, Fran9ois, chronicler of the 
voyage of the Croissant , l, xiv; 
his book, 2 ; quoted, 7, 62, 80, 290, 

Mas Bandery (finance minister), i, 
210, 214 

Mas Yda (Greater Beiram), I, 143 

Mascarenha, the brothers, ii, 155 

*■■ - 



MaspUldspoury (island), i, 275 
Mass, cuHtom at elevation of host, 

II, 99 ; celebration of, on carracks, 

Masson, Jean, ii, 487 
Mas'udi, quoted, ii, 427 
Masulipatam, i, 294 ; ship of, i, 

Matalief, Cornelia, i, xiii; his siege 

of Malacca and sea-fight, ii, 151- 

Mata vaca, slaughtering-place, ll, 56 
''Matar, Matar," i, 422 
Mate, duties of, u, 189, 394 
Mate, of the Corbin, taken to Mdl^, 

I, 57 ; escape of, 66, 67 ; effect 
thereof, 78, 81 ; subsequent for- 
tunes of, 80, 87; death at Quilon, 

II, 107 
Matelot, II, 396 

Matelotof/em (provisions), ii, 181, 274, 

Mathematics, study of, i, 186 
Mats (rush) of the Maldives, i, 241, 
283; II, 377; of Mozambique, ii, 
232; of Socotora, ii, 237; of Gael, 
n, 377 
Maulude (festival), i, 146-150 
Maurice, Count, referred to, i, 363, 

Mayo, island, i, 7 

Mayor (^M&r), used of a mere super- 
intendent, II, 41 
Meal-Khan, story of, ii, 135 
Meau, island, ll, 166 
Mecca, pilgrimage to, i, 110, 143 
Medina, pilgrimage to, i, 110 
Medupiry, a sham husband, i, 154 
Melinde, i, 23; ii, 106,230 
Mello, Garcia da, ii, 21 
Mcnatcs (washermen), ii, 71, 72 
Menezes, Fr. Aleixo, archbishop, ii, 
xix; governor, 2, 266; visits Cabo 
as a health resort, 31, 90; alms- 
giving and emoluments, 89, 90 ; 
his part in death of prince of Or- 
muz, 91 ; dignity and state, 90 ; 
returns to Portugal, 91 ; C(»ntlict 

with the Jesuits, 92 ; assists in 

siege of Kunhdli, 514 
Menezes, Dom Francisco de, captain 

of Cochin, i, 428 ; name given, 440 
Menezes, Dom Francisco de, gover- 
nor of Brazil, ii, 308, 309, 324- 

Menezes, Dom Francisco de, general 

of fleet, II, 2 
Menezes, Dom Manoel, ii, 272, 277 
Mercoeur, Due de, ii, 229, 321 
MeHgne (Port. meirinho\ a sergeant 

or gaoler, i, 427; n, 16, 19, 20, 42, 

Mesquitc. See Mosques. 
Messmates, system of, on French 

ships, I, 25, 75 ; n, 396 
Mestar Cof/nialyj a Malabar of Mou- 

tiwjui, I, 339, 355 
Mestii^o. See Mestifa. 
Mcstifs (Portuguese half-castes), i, 78, 

240, 373, 374; story of the young 

mestif, I, 253-255; his son, 314; at 

Goa, II, 38 ; woman on carrack, 

Metempsychosis, i, 379 
Metifs and Metiz, See Mcstifs, 
Meuuare (prepared ambergris), i, 229 
Michel, Julian, ii, 321, 322 
Middleton, Sir H., voyage, i, xiii ; 

II, xvii 
Miladummadulu {MiUa douemadouc) 

atoll, I, 97, 99 
Militia of the Maldives. Sec Sol- 
Millet, 1,111 

Mina (Elmina), fort, ii, 221, 222 
Mlnambar (black ambergris), ii, 479 
Minicoy, island, i, xxvi, 322, 323 ; 

Buddhist remains at, l, 124 
Mirabolans, i, 399 ; ii, 361 
Miru Jiaharu. Sec Mirvaircs. 
Mirvaircs (Emir-el Bahr), i, 90, 210, 

Misdouc Quila{/ue, revolt at, i, 252 
Misericordia, fraternity of, at Goa, 

II, 10, 20, 46; church and house of, 

51, 64; at Bahia, ii, 311 



Mocquet, Jean, ii, xx, 274, 275 
Model boats, sacrifice of, i, 177 
Moet ol (i.e., Datura), ii, 114 
Mogor, i.e., the Great Mogul, I, 327 ; 

war with King of Bengal, ib. ; 

suzerainty over Cambay, il, 246, 

249; and over Chaul, 258; account 

of, II, 250-253 
Mor/or, meaning territories of the 

Mogul, I, 258, 278 ; ii, 250 
Moyos, the Arakanese, i, 326 
Moluccas, II, XV, xvi, 166, 167 
Mombasa, ii, 236 
Moncadon (Port, mocaddo), il, 117 
MoKulou (mundu), a turban, I, 449 
Money, practice of clipping, i, 61 ; 

of the Maldives, 232-240 ; of Goa, 

II, 67-69 
Monfart, Count de (H. de Feynes), 

II, XX, 279, 280 
Mongoose, i, 116 
Monkeys of Madagascar, i, 35, 37 ; 

of Malabar, 401 
Monomotapa, ii, 219, 233 
Monroys, Dom Fernando de, it, 475 
Monsoons, written monsons, i, 257; 

monssons, moesons, and muessons, 

280 ; II, 175, 235 
Montaire, a kind of bonnet, il, 112 
Montecorvino, John of, ii, 433 
Montesquieu, quotes Pyrard, i, 89 
Moon, feast at new, i, 134 
Moranque gasts (muraga tree), ll, 3G8 
Mordesin (cholera), ii, 13 
Moreau, Christofle, chief merchant, 

I, 4; quarrel with captain, i, 17; ii, 

Morfie (Port, inarfim, ivory), ii, 221 
Morigoran, island, il, 166 
Moses Chorenensis. ii, 426 
Mosques, at the Maldives, i, 124- 

128 ; sittings in, 125, 126 ; in 

Malabar, 396, 397 
Mosquitos, i, 36, 116 
Mosso da Camera and M. do Servicio, 

II, 120 

Moaso Fidalguo, li, 120 
Moucheron, voyage, i, 30; ii, 158 

Moucois, I, 385-388, 397; religion of, 
389 ; separate temples of, 397 

Moucouris (doctors), I, 199 

Moudins (incumbents of mosques), I, 
125, 127, 131, 212 

MouhamedeCaca, a Bengal merchant, 
I, 269 ; his wife's intrigue, 260, 
261 ; his subsequent marriage, 262, 

Moul (a measure), i, 86 

Mountebanks, i, 343 

Mourningf, no special garments for, 
I, 160 

Mouscovlits (elders), I, 70, 79, 199, 
200, 213, 214, 215, 254 

Mouscovly auare (headman of parish), 
I, 200 ; and see preceding. 

Mousseliman (Mussulman), i, 261 

Moussey Caca, a Malabar of Mou' 
tinguS, i, 339 

Moutingu4 (Muttungal), Malabar 
port, arrival of P. at, i, 336 ; king 
of, a Nair, 337; description of re- 
sidence of, 337-343 ; mentioned, 

Moxama (dried fish), n, 473, 478, 485 

Mozambique, not touched except of 
necessity, n, 197 ; description of, 
223-235 ; sieges of, xxi, 225-228 ; 
trade with Goa, 224, 231, 235 

Mugg, the (king of Arakan), i, 326 

Muhammad Takurti-fdnu, rebellion 
of, I, 247-250 

Mukkavar. See Moucois. 

Mulaku {Molucque) atoll, i, 97, 99 

Mulaku (island), ii, 465 

Mulaku, Fua (island). See Fua 

Mvlastre (Mulatto), I, 307; ii, 222 

Mulatto, a thief, story of, i, 307, 308 

Mulattos at Goa, ii, 38 

Murder, at the Maldives, i, 206 

Musk (deer), n, 359 

Muttungal, i, xxvi ; and see Man- 

Naibs, I, 110 ; may be also Catibes, 
186 ; chiefs and judges of atolls, 



198 ; residence in their atolls not 

obligatory, 212 
Naicles {Naiks\ n, 42 
Nairs, act as guides, i, 339 ; cha 

racter of, I, 340 ; drunkenness, 

358 ; reserve towards strangers, 

359 ; distinguished from Malabar 
Mahommedans, 371 ; descrip- 
tion of, 380-386 ; pride towards 
lower castes, 382 ; polyandry, 384 ; 
customs, 390-394 ; act as judicial 
referees, 407 

Najib, mosque and shrine of, n, 453 
Namandd (ceremonies), I, 127, 133 
Names given haphazard, i, 303 
Nantes, natives of, ii. 324 
Ndo8 de carreira (carracks), n, 180 
NarquiUy (coco-tree), ir, 372, 483 
Natal, storm off, i, 26-28 ; passed 

homeward bound, ii, 291 
Nature worship, i, 175-178 
Navie (a galiot), n, 117 
Navires (Portuguese galiots), i, 345 ; 

n, 118 
Navis d'armade (navios de armada), 

men-of-war, i, 438 ; ii, 118 
Navis de Chetie (navios de Chatins), 

merchantmen, i, 438 ; ii, 118 
Ndyar, the, or governor of Calicut, 

Ndyars. See Nairs. 
Nazareth, carrack, ii, 280 
Needles, Cape. <SeeAgulhas. 
Negra da Guinea, ii, 66 
Negro, Rio (the Zambesi), ir, 233 
Negroes, as slaves, ii, 66; smell, ib.; 

see also Slaves and Slave Trade. 
Nek, Van, at Amboyna in 1599, ii, 


Netherlanders. See Dutch. 
Netherlands, independence of, i, xi 
Ne'^v Christians, name applied to 

Jews, II, 93, 311; applied to native 

converts, i, 406 ; n, 99 
Nicote, a Portuguese renegade, i, 

Nightmare, Pyrard's, i, 396 
Nilandu, atoll, i, 97, 99, 252 

Niort, town, ii, 339 

Noort, Oliver van, the circumnaviga- 
tor, I. xiii; II, xiii 

Noronha, Dom Henrique de, ii, 154 

North-west Passage, i, x, xiii 

Nossa Sehora da Grai^, Augustinian 
church at Goa, n, 67 

Nossa Seflora da Penha de Franca, 
carrack, n, 276 

Nossa Seflora da Piedade, carrack, n, 

Nossa Senora da /Serra, church at Goa, 

Nossa SeHora da Gtutdaloupe, fort, n, 

Nossa Senora de Jesus, carrack, P. 
embarks in, ii, 281 ; condition on 
departure, 283 ; number of crew 
and passengers, 284; roll-call, 287; 
lashed with cables, 291 ; rounding 
the Cape, 291-294; great yard 
breaks, 292 ; councils held, 293, 
296; condition at St. Helena, 297; 
grounding at, 303-306 ; arrival at 
Bahia, 307 ; reduced number of 
crew, 307 ; discharged and aban- 
doned, 308 

Nossa Senora do Cabo, chapel, ii, 31 

Nossa Seflora do Monte, church at Goa, 
n, 72 

Nossa Seflora do Monte do Carme, car- 
rack, II, 277 

Nossa Senora do Rosario, church at 
Goa, n, 58 

Nova, Jo5o de, discoverer of St. 
Helena, i, 18 

Nutmegs, ii, 167, 169, 357 

Oath, taken on biscuit, i, 279 
Ocean routes, exclusive rights in, i, 

ix ; II, 202, 206 
Odican anpou (boat-stealing), i, 79 
Ody (barque), I, 70 
O'jate fjourahe (royal galley), i, 312 
Ola (strip of palm-leaf), ir, 473, 522 
Oleron, island, ii, 339 
Onnimaus, a flower, li, 371 
On/ny (lime), ii, 362 



Onor (HuniCwar), ii, 259 

0ns (fever), i, 83 

Ont cory or oncory (spleen-disease), i, 
84, 182 

Ophir, site of, ii, 233 

Ophthalmia, i, 181 

Opium, I, 195, 405 ; great traffic in 
India, ii, 247 

Ormuz, English assist at capture of, 
II, xxxvi ; description of, n, 238- 
324 ; trade of, 239, 240 ; proverb 
as to, 240 ; profits of captains of, 
241 ; Maldivians at, 468 

Ormuz, prince of (Turun Shah), n, 
91, 92, 243-246 

Orphan girls, retreat for, ii, 52 

OHa (garden), n, 28, 110 

Ou du ad (white umbrella), i, 256 

Ouadou. See Suadiva. 

Oucourou (Friday), i, 130, 131 

Oucourou misquitte (Friday, or chief 
mosque), i, 72 

Oura (millet), i, 111 

Oussaint Ra/namcundy Cdlogue (a lord), 
I, 69 

Outisme, island. See UHmu. 

Ouvidor (magistrate), i, 428 ; ii, 19, 

Oxen, at the Maldives, i, 116 

Oydor da cidade (Span. = Port, ouvi- 
dor), I, 428 ; n, 19, 326 

Oyster-shells, used for window- 
panes, II, 15, 163 

OyiMrou, See Currents. 

Padoes (Malabar boats), i, 325, 342, 

345, 346, 347, 356, 357 
PadroadOf of the see of Goa, n, 26 
Padua, shoals of, n, 477, 481 
PadypoLo atoll. See Fddiffolu. 
Padzdr (Bezoar), ii, 484 
Pae do8 ChristdoSy priest overseer of 

converts, n, xi, 20, 22 
Pag^es, on board P. ships, n, 127, 

Pagoda (= temple), i, 414, 419 
Pagoda {= idol), i, 333, 414 

VOL. II. — 2. 

Paimones (sharks), i, 96 ; ii, 350 
Pain de mil (a Frenchman), ii, 326 
Paindou^ (island). See Fehendu. 
Pairaus, Malabar galiots, so called by 

Portuguese, I, 345 ; ii, 117 
Paland/u7'a or Palandiva (?), ii, 479, 

Palanquins, ii, 3, 45, 75 
Palladius, quoted, ii, 428 
Palmero, n, 28, 372 
PalmitOy II, 484 

Pammedery, i, 210, 211, 212, 255 
Pan de Mozambic (ebony), ii, 224 
Panan (fanam), a gold coin, I, 350, 

365, 412 
Panana (fniit), i, 16 
Panany, town, i, 398, 409, 413 
Pandanus tree, i, 369 
Pandiaref chief priest of the Mal- 
dives, 1, 110, 125 ; and chief justice, 
199 ; preaches, 133, 137; religious 
ecstasy, 148; one who had a hun- 
dred wives, 155 ; as one of the 
ministers, 210, 211 ; mentioned 
by Ibn Batuta, ii, 450 et seq. ; one 
who was a sherif, 272, 304, 308 ; 
another married to a sister of chief 
queen, 276 ; goes to Arabia and 
dies there, 277, 308 ; name applied 
to a Calicut noble, i, 365 
Pandoro (Port, pdo de oro), gold 

ingots, II, 176 
Pangfim, now Nova Goa, n, 26, 31 ; 
incoming viceroy tarries at, 32, 76, 
Panguaye (pa/ngaie), i, 53 
Panihan (fencing-master in Malabar), 

Papaya tree, ii, 368 
Paper imported from China, n, 177 
Papos. See Papaya. 
Parable, of the flies, n, 87 
Pardo (paru), a galiot, I, 345 
Parasoles, n, 45 
Parcintes (jprecintos), II, 248 
Parddo (Port, coin), I, 446 ; n, 6, 11 
17, 20, C6, 83, 235 




Parenae tacourou, revolt of, I, 256, 

Parenas (an officer of state), r, 210, 

Parmentier, Jean and Raoul, i, x, 

xi, 2 ; their visit to the Maldives, 

II, 486-492 
Parrots, at Madagascar, i, 35, 37; 

generally, n, 352, 353 
Partisans, ii, 68 
Pasme. See Pepper. 
Passages (Port, passos), at Goa, ii, 

25 ; permits at, 33 ; difficulty of 

evading, 132 
Passes (raisins), ii, 73, 261, 383 
Passports, system of Portuguese, 

II, 206, 207 
Paste, a dress of, i, 165 
PasUques (water-melons), I, 33, 399, 

Pastia (prayer = Ar. f^tihah), i, 130 
Pata-marakkdr, a corsair, ii, 476 
Patdna, name for atoll, i, 94; ii, 481, 

Pattimdr (a boat), i, 342 
Paulo, Dom, mistake for Pedro, I, 

Pavois (screens), i, 6 
Pazon, II, 484 
Pearl fishery, of Ceylon, ii, 143; of 

Persian Gulf, ii, 239 
Peas, from China, ii, 247 
Pedro, Dom, exiled Maldive prince, 

I, 294; n, 139, 497, 501 
Pedroso. See Poderoso. 
Pegfu, timber of, n, 182 
Peiresc, collector of notes for Le 

Blanc's voyages, i, xxxix 
Pelican, a, visits the Maldives, n, 

353, 354 ; used for fishing, ib, 
Pelmirinho velho (old pillory), ii, 56 
Pemtm^ser^ (debt -slaves), i, 203, 204 
Peng^uins, i, 16, 97 
Pensie^ ship of Parmentier, i, x ; ii, 

Peon. See Pion. 

Pepin, lieutenant of Corhin, i, xix, 
xxi ; death, 19 

Pepper, drink seasoned with, i, 172; 
black and white, i, 328 n.; of Mala- 
bar, 400; of Cochin, 433, 437, 438; 
II, 213, 273 ; of Achin, n, 157 ; 
generally, ii, 355, 356 

Pepper, long, i, 328 ; ii, 221, 356 

P6rau, Abb^, his Life of Bignoriy i, 

PeripluSf quoted, n, 426 

Pemambuco, n, 197, 331 

Permi (tiurkeys), ii, 316 

Perrier (small cannon), i, 23 ; ii, 183 

Persia, relations with Maldives, ii, 

Persia, king of, relations vdth Mogul, 
n, 253 

Persian ambassador to Spain, ii, 277 

Persian carpets, n, 128 

Petun (tobacco), n, 313 

Pezo (peso), n, 48 

Phcmans. See Pa/nan. 

Phxire masse (reef fish), i, 194 

Philip II, policy as king of Portugal, 
I, xi, xii 

Philippe, Bom. See Filippe. 

Philippine Islands, ii, 171, 172 

Philippus a Sanct^ Trinitate, 
quoted, n, 507, 508 

Pig's bristles, i, 244 

Pillory, n, 55, 69 

Pilory viejo (old pillory), ii, 69 

Pilot, of the Corhiuy i, xv, xxiii, 13 ; 
plot and death, 78, 79 ; status of 
Portuguese, ii, 189; of French, ii, 
394, 395 

Pineapples, i, 328 ; n, 365 

Pinguy (penguins), i, 16, 97 

Pinnace, timber brought for build- 
ing, I, 49 ; uses of, ib. 

Pion (orpeon), I, 428, 440; ii, 16 

Pirates, Malabar, their ports, i, 337- 
344 ; acknowledge the Samorin, 
338, 348 ; distribution of their 
prizes, 342 ; system of watch- 
towers, 344; take great booty, 345; 
conduct of expeditions, 346, 347; 
hatred of the Portuguese, 347, 349; 
have their own kings besid*^** b^' 



vernor from Calicut, 350 ; revenge 
for death of Kunhdli, 356 
Pitourou, I, 139 
Place Royale, of Paris, referred to, 

Plantain (i.e., ribwort), II, 362 
Plantenes (plantains), ii, 345 ; see also 

Plata, Rio de la, ii, 219, 220; beef 

and hide trade of, 322, 323 
Pol Po! I cry of, I, 383 
Poderoso, Pedro de, i, 441 ; ii, 2 
Poecaca, a rich merchant, i, 285 
Poison, slow-timed, ii, 129, 275 
PollouoySy fabulous island, i, 296-299 
Polo, Marco, quoted, ii, 433 
Polyandry, among the Nairs, i, 384 
Pomegfranates, i, 328 
PonamhaVy il, 479 

Poniembous Thory (cinnamon), i, 301 
Pontador. See Apontador, 
Pontevedra, ii, 336 
Porcelain, vessels of, i, 170, 224 ; 
II, 79; imported from China, ii, 176 
Pork, of Brazil and Mozambique, ii, 

231, 316 
Porpoises, i, 9 

Porto Grande (Chittagong), i, 326 
Porto pequeTio (Sdtgftuw), i, 326 
Portugfal, India governed from, ii, 3; 
lack of timber, ii, 181; times for 
setting out from, 197 ; period of 
subjection to Spain, n, xxvi 
Portuguese, policy of, i, ix, 375 ; 
conduct at Annobom, 14-17; 
treachery towards other Euro- 
peans, 44; expeditions to the Mal- 
dives, I, 160, 245-247, 250 ; pro- 
sperity of Maldives under, 247 ; 
terms of treaty, 251; passports of, 
referred to, i, 250; in Bengal, 334; 
hatred of Malabars towards, 347, 
349 ; expeditions to Badara, 349 ; 
first expedition against Kunhdli, 
352-354 ; second, and capture of 
fort, 354-356 ; plot against Pyrard 
at Calicut, i, 365 ; encroachments 
at Cochin, 375; driven out of Cali- 

cut, 405 ; relations thereafter, ih. ; 
fatal policy in Ceylon, ii, xiii, xiv ; 
resume of first hundred years in 
India, xxiv-xxix ; only married P. 
allowed from Goa to mainland, 34; 
engage but little in trade, 74; mar- 
riage ceremonies, 100, 101; church - 
going, 101-104 ; pastimes, 115 ; 
levies of, for service in India, 118- 
120 ; their wars in Ceylon, 147; 
assumption of names and titles, 
120, 121, 193 ; losses at hands of 
Dutch and English, 201, 203; have 
ceased to fight, 207, 208; hatred of 
Spain, 212; in Brazil, characterised, 
313 ; their irruption into India, 
470-472 ; first contact with Mal- 
dives, 472-477 ; garrison extermi- 
nated, 476; expedition in 1632, 
506, 507 

Portuguese factor, at Calicut, issues 
passports, i, 405 

Portuguese fortresses in Ceylon, n, 
143; in Western India, ii, 254, 256- 

Portuguese ladies, relations with 
female slaves, ii, 67; how they go 
to church, 102-104; painted, 103, 
113 ; dress of, 112, 113 

Portuguese lords at Goa, keep open 
house, II, 23, 130 

Portuguese ships, one at Mdl^, i, 78, 
239; one wrecked at the Maldives, 
I, 253; one captured by the Dutch, 
I, 292; II, 262 J afterwards wrecked 
at the Maldives, ih. ; pictures of, ii, 
60; description of, 180-184; lack of 
timber in Portugal, 181 ; sheath- 
ing of, 180, 305 ; loss of ships and 
lives on Indian voyage, ii, 184, 208, 
209; no private ship goes to India, 
208 ; mode of lashing ship in storm, 
291. See also Carracks, Gallons, 

Portuguese soldiers, n xxviii, 
xxix ; how enrolled, ii, 118; titles 
and dignities, 119, 121 ; highest 
allowance for voyage, 1 20 ; status 



' and duties on carracks, tb.f 184, 
185 ; assumption of titles by low- 
born, 120, 121, 193, 200 ; unre- 
strained in India, 121, 122 ; pay for 
service on armadas, 122 ; numbers 
never published, i6.; large propor- 
tion are exiles, 1 24 ; boys shipped 
at Lisbon, ib.; distinction of mar- 
ried and unmarried, 125 ; number 
in Goa, ib. ; how enlisted for ser- 
vice, 126 ; equipment of, 127; life 
at Goa, 128-131; of the unmarried, 
129, 130 ; vainglory of, 130; night 
marauding, 131; few return, ib,; in 
Ceylon, 143 

Portuguese treaties with Indian 
princes, n, 204-206 

Potatos (batatas), ii, 315 

Potosi, mountain, n, 220 

Pottery of the Maldives, i, 170 ; 
of Bengal, 329 

Poua (areca), I, 301 

Potia Molucque, atoll. See Fua Mu- 

PottZocfow (island). See Fuladu. 

Poulia, caste, i, 386 

PouliscUyus atoll. See Felidu. 

Poultry at the Maldives, r, 115 ; 
black, at Mozambique, ri, 230 

PouradcU (stranger), i, 83 

Pouy tallan, a crime, i, 304 

Poycacan (festival), i, 143, 144 

PrdhHy native vessel, i, 345 

Pregodro (written Pregonneur\ a 
crier, ii, 65 

Prester John, ii, 236 

Priests, want of, on voyage, r, xv ; 
natives can become, ii, 61, 96; how 
paid in India, 96 

Principe, Ilha do, ii, 221 

Printing in India, ii, 211 

Proverbs, as to Goa, ii, 26 n.; as to 
India, il, 196 ; as to Ormuz, li, 240 

Psalms of David, i, 148 

Ptolemy, quoted, n, 426 

Pulayar. See Poulia. 

Pullobay (islands), I, 296 ; ll, 496 

Puntador (=apontador), ll, 42 

Pursers, on French ships, ii, 395 

Pyjamas, ii, 112 

Pyrard, Fran9ois (the author), birth 
and youth, i, xvii ; office in Corbin, 
xix, XX ; summary of vol. i, xx- 
xxviii ; chronology of voyage (vol. 
i), I, xlix ; motive in embarking, 4; 
opinion of his fellows, 5 ; health 
and sickness during the voyage, i, 
35, 64 ; II, 389 ; takes order from 
captain, i, 51; taken to Fehendu, 59; 
treatment there, 62-69; learns the 
Maldive language, 64, 73, 81; visits 
his companions at Fuladu, 65; sick- 
ness from eating turtle, 66; his 
special friend, 75, 87; arrives at 
M^6, 76; his fever, 82-85; taken to 
Bandos, 85 ; a second attack, 89 ; 
summoned before council, ib. ; 
favour with the king, 91 ; engages 
in traffic, 92, 93; suffers from 
night-blindness, 181 ; discourses 
about France, 243, 244 ; visits 
Gur^ii, 257,258 ; meets a Dutch- 
man, 282 ; acts as factor for mer- 
chants, 286 ; friendship with Assant- 
Caounes, 287-8 ; meets Domburgh 
at Mdl6 and Cochin, 292-3 ; his 
dream, 310 ; dangers during the 
invasion, 311-314; addressed by 
the king, 312; bequeaths his 
property, 313; consoles the queen, 
316, 317; well treated by the in- 
vaders, 317; embarks in invaders* 
fleet, 320; arrival at Minicoy, 322; 
and at the Laccadives, 324; arrival 
at Chittagong, 326 ; reception by 
raja, ib. ; departure from Bengal, 
326, 336 ; arrival at Moutingu6, 
336 ; leaves for Calicut, 339, 343 ; 
visits Badara, 344-348; also Kottak- 
kal, 349, 356 ; Coluotte (Kollam), 
360 ; arrives at Calicut, 360 ; 
visits the Samorin, 362-365; lodged 
in the alfandega, ib.; resides eight 
months at Calicut, 366; his night- 
mare, 396 ; his favour at the Cali- 
cut court, 420 ; departure from 



Calicut, 421 ; kidnapped by the 
Portuguese, 422 ; lands in the 
. Chaliyam territory, 425; arrives at 
Tanur, ib. ; brought to Cochin, 
427; interview with captain of 
Cochin, 428; lodged in theTronco, 
429 ; released, 433 ; delivered to 
Portuguese fleet, 440 j miseries of 
voyage to Goa, 441-443, 451; arri- 
val at Cannanor, 443 ; at Goa, 451; 
in the Goa hospital, ii, x-xii, 2, 5, 
15-17 ; in prison, 17-23 ; visits 
Ceylon, ii, xiii, 140; Malacca, 150 ; 
Bantam, 160; Tuban, 164; Madura, 
164; B^i, 165; Ternate, 167; 
Banda, ib. ; visits Diu and Cam bay, 
II, xii, 249 ; returns to Goa, xvii, 
179, 261; pressed to go to Africa, 
235, 272 ; and to the North, 269 ; 
and to China, 272 ; again impri- 
soned, 269 ; released, 271 ; gets 
license to depart, 272, 273 ; taken 
before viceroy, 273 ; takes ship, 
281; robbed, 282; treatment on 
board, 283-287 ; sufferings near the 
Cape, 291 ; taken before governor 
at Bahia, 309; adventures at Bah ia, 
324-326 ; gets passage in Flemish 
hulk, 330; lands at Bayona islands, 
335 ; pilgrimage to Compostella, 
336 ; visits Corunna, 337; arrival 
at La Rochelle, 339 ; and returns 
to Laval, ih.; his latter days and 
death, I, xxviii-xlii 
Pyrard (his book), four editions, i, 
xxviii-xxxi ; abridgements, xxxii ; 
question as to authorship, xxxiii- 
xli ; title- page of 2nd edition, Ii ; 
scheme of division, ii, ix 
Pyrard (Pierre), brother of above, i, 

xvii, xviii 
Pyrau, Abb6 Duval, i, xviii 
Pyraux, Claude, confused with Py- 
rard, I, xix 

Queen, of Minicoy, i, 323 
Queens of the Maldives (wives of 
(Sultan), inquisitiveness of, i, 77 ; 

dress and habits of, i, 226 ; a 
foreign queen, I, 258 ; the pilot's 
wife, 262, 264 ; the chief queen, i, 
58, 263, 264; the Bengal mer- 
chant's wife, I, 265 ; her conspira- 
cies, I, 274-277; the queens during 
the invasion, 312, 315, 316 

Queens of the Maldives in their own 
right, errors of author, i, 320, 321 ; 
see also Khadija. 

Queimadas, Islas> ii, 214, 284 

QueUa or quela (bananas), i, 113, 188, 

Quenuery (sorcery), i, 274 

Qu^rard, M., i, xxxiii, xxxvii 

Queualo, fish, ii, 299 ; and see Ca- 

Quiauany (readers), i, 158 

Quicksilver, ii, 177 

Quilague, i, 56, 210, 250 

QuiUa panis (parasitical worms), i, 

Quilon, written Cmlan, i, 80; n, 107; 
Couelan, n, 198 ; Coulan, ii, 259 ; 
Kavlam, ii, 458; intended siege of, 
II, 524 

Quinces, preserved, ii, 261 

Machil, II, 143 

Raignolles. See Reinol. 

Rain, contrivances for catching, 

Raisin wine, n, 73, 286 

Raiso (reis), ii, 119 

Raja Sinha, of Ceylon, ii, 143 

Raniy ship, i, xxi, xxii, 30 

Ramadhan, celebration of, i, 134- 
143 ; close of, 140 

Rambutan fruit, ii, 366 

Ramos, Cabo de, ii, 214 ; is the 
northern boundary of Malabar, ib. 

Ramusio, i, xi 

Ranabandery Tacourou, brother of 
chief queen, I, 58 ; incurs king's 
anger, 69 ; jealousy of king's 
nephew, 273 ; figure and accom- 
plishments, 274; escapes to Arabia, 
277; afterwards becomes king, ib.. 



321 ; taken prisoner by invaders, 
320 ; not entered in list of kings, 
II, 633 

Rans (jointure), I, 151, 152 

Rans bandery (treasurer), I, 210, 214 

Ransom, of Portuguese not allowed 
on part of state, ii, 46 

Rape, punishment of, i, 205 

Jiasquan (king), I, 208 

Rats, at the Maldives, i, 116; ii, 373 

Rattans, i, 207, 331 

Ravery (toddy drawers), ii, 376 

Ray, fish, ii, 351 

Reals, Spanish, i, 235 

Red DrcLgoUy ship, i, xiii 

Red dye, i, 169 

Red wood. See Brazil- wood. 

Reindy a newcomer from Europe, ii, 

Religfion, practice as to exercise of, 
at Goa and in Deccan, ii, 133, 134 

Renches (bunks), n, 283 

Renderes (Port, rendeiros), ii, 174, 

RenequiUague (queen), i, 208 

Resende, Pedro B. de, his Livro do 
Estadoj etc., ii, xxxix 

Revenge^ ship, ii, xx 

Rhinoceros, i, 331 

Riheira das galdSy ii, 45 

Ribeira Orande, ii, 40-44 

Ricci, Father, ii, 37 

Rice, not grown at the Maldives, i, 
112; mode of cooking, ib.\ abund- 
ance in Bengal, 327; imports of, to 
Goa, II, 8 

Riens, Maldive measure, i, 86 

Ring, silver, as badge, i, 189 

Ringworm, i, 181 

Rivara, J. H. da Cunha (of Goa), 
his Portuguese edition of Pyrard, 
I, xxxii ; his Archivo Portuguez, il, 
xxiii ; both works cited, passim 

Rochelle, La, ii, 339 

Roda, coin, I, 439 n. 

Rodet. See Ramadhdn. 

Rodet piUauay, feast at close of Ra- 
madhdn, I, 137 

Rodrigfues, Belchior, ii, 521 
Rodrig^es Palhota, A., ii, 521 
Rodrig^e, Simon, his intrigue and 

death, i, 260, 261 
Rodriguez, island, ii, 290 
Rodriguez, Dom Pedro (a Spaniard), 

II, 22 
Roll of Portuguese, sent out an- 
nually to India, ii, 120 
Ropemakers, ii, 187; and see Trin- 

Rosary, Church of the, ii, 58 
Rosnans (eye-ailment), i, 181 
RosquUkos (sweetmeats), ii, 98, 101 
Rotan (rattan), i, 207, 331 
Rouen, a Jesuit of, ii, 22 
R&id (coco-tree), n, 113; ii, 372 
Round ships, ii, 118 
Roys, Diego de, supposed islands. 

See Diego de Roys. 
-Rita direitaj street at Goa, ii, 51, 52, 

Rua do8 ChapdUiros, street at Goa, 

n, 55 
Rua Grande, street at Goa, ii, 55 
Rudders, removal of, to prevent 

escape, i, 286 

Sabatz, i, 312 

Sacauest (law), I, 201 

Sacre, ship of Parmeutier, i, x ; ii, 
486 ct seq. 

Sacrifice Rock, ii, 527 

Saffron, i, 411 

Sagou (sago), ii, 166 

Sailor's breeches, ii, 127 

St. Anthony (of Padua), church at 
Goa, II, 58 ; image of, 304 ; church 
at Bahia, 307 

St. Augustine, convent of, ii, 57, 58 

St. Augustine's Bay, arrival and 
adventures at, i, xxi, xxii, 30 et seq. ; 
sickness at, 34 ; description of ani- 
mals and people, 36-39 ; escape of 
sailors at, 39 ; plot to kidnap 
natives at, 41; departure from, i^. 

St. Braz, fort, ii, 32, 33 



St. Catherine, quay of, ii, 44; bust 
of, on arch, 47; cathedral of, 53 ; 
chapel of, 54 ; patroness of Goa, 


St. Dominic. See Dominicans. 

St. Francis of Assisi, church at 
Goa, II, xxxvii, 53 

St. Francis Xavier, reference to his 
letters, n, xxvii, xxviii ; shrine at 
Goa, xxxviii, 62, 63 ; baptised the 
Maldive king, 494, 495 

St. Genois, Baron de, mistake as to 
Pyrard, i, xviii 

St. Georg^e, island at Mozambique, 
II, 230 

St. Helena, I, xxi ; arrival and so- 
journ at, 17, 18 ; on homeward 
voyage, n, 296-304 ; chapel used as 
post-office, I, 18; ii, 296, 297; de- 
scription of, 298-302 

St. James, feast of, ii, 50 ; see also 

St. Jean de Luz, town, ii, 336 

St. John, a square at Cochin, i, 427 

St John Baptist, fort, ii, 32, 33; 
church and street, 505 ; festival at 
Goa, ib, ; feast of, i, 144 ; ii, 56, 

St. Joseph, church, ii, 33 

St Lawrence. See Madagascar. 

St Lazarus, leper hospital, ii, 55 ; 
campo, 55, 95 

St. Louis of France, chapel at 
Goa, n, 56 

St Malo, expedition leaves, i, xiii, 
xiv, 2, -6 

St Martin, church of, in Goa hospi- 
tal, n, 12 

St Monica, convent at Goa, ii, 58 

St Paul, Jesuit church and college 
at Goa, n, 22, 55, 59, 62, 96, 505 ; 
feast of conversion of, 60, 61 

St Roch, church at Goa, ii, 58, 61 

St Salvador, ii, 309 ; and see 

St Thomas (the Apostle), church of, 
at Goa, n, 55 

St. Thomas, island, ii, 221, 312 

St. Thomas Aquinas, convent, 58 

St. Vincent, river, ii, 223 

Sola chs bragas, prison at Goa, ii, xi, 
xu, 18-23 

Sedan d lescon, I, 133 

Saldanha Bay, i, 22 

SaUam AlecoUj i, 70 

Salle {Sola das bragas"), n, 18-23 

Salsette, ii, 135 ; college, 269 

Salt -fish, diseases attributed to, i, 

Saluat, 1, 130 

Samorin of Calicut( written ASamory), 
supremacy over pirate ports, i, 338, 
348 ; joins Portuguese in attack 
upon Kunhdli, 353 ; refuses to re- 
strain the pirates, 356 ; receives 
Pyrard, 362-365 ; hasty temper of, 
366, 367 ; his nephew creates an 
affray, 368; expels the Portuguese, 
374, 375 ; greatness of, 408 ; de- 
scription of him and his palace, 
409-411, 413-418 ; his queen, 418, 
419 ; warns P. as to the Portu- 
guese, 421 ; anger towards Jesuits 
and Portuguese on capture of P., 
424; II, 108; claims prisoners from 
Goa, II, 107 

San LazarOf Campo de, ii, 95 

San Thome^ a gold coin, ii, 69 

Sandal-wood, red and white, ii, 360 

Sandals, only worn by the king, i, 

Sangradores (bleeders), ii, 70 

Santiago, city and shrine. See Com- 

Santiago, fort at Goa, ii, 32, 33, 55 

Santiago (called S. Jacques)^ island 
at Mozambique, n, 230 

Santo AlbertOj carrack, ii, 280 

Sarbatane, ii, 165 

Sardare (captain), i, 254 

Sargasso weed, ii, 331 

Sdtgdnw port, i, 326 

Scarlet (cloth), i, 57 ; red, 244 ; 
violet, II, 263 

Schefer, Ch., i, xi, 2 

Scurvy in the ships at Madagascar, 



I, 31, 34 ; on Portuguese carracks, 

n, 199; generally, 389, 390-392 
Si (cathedral), at Goa, ii, 53, 96 ; at 

Bahia, 311 
Sea, king of the, worshipped, i, 176; 

a fish so called, 191, 192 
Sea slugs. See B6che de men 
Sea-urchins (sea chestnuts), i, 343 
Seal (or sea-wolf), i, 244 
Sebastian, king, ii, xix, 267, 278 
Seine, Jean de. Father, ii, 36, 270, 

Selden, John, i, x 
Serra, church of the, ii, 61; retreat 

for orphan girls, 52 
SemuU. See Circumcision. 
Shdhdsh. See Sabatz. 
Shah of Persia, ii, 253 
Shakld. See Chaydes. 
Shanurdza, Maldive king, ii, 447 
Sharks, i, 96 ; ii, 349, 350 
Sharpeigh, voyage of, i, xiii 
Sheathing of ships, n, 183, 306, 388 
Sheep, difference between those of 

Comorro and Madagascar, i, 46 ; 

rare at the Maldives, i, 116; ii, 454, 

Sherif. See Cherife. 
Shihdb uddin, a sultan, n, 449, 463, 

Ships, Indian built, i, 258 ; round 

and long, n, 118 ; contrast of ships 

of Latin and Teutonic races as to 

cleanliness, 196; equipment of, for 

Indian voyage, 387-393. See also 

English, French, Dutch, and 

Portuguese ships. 
Shroffs (money-changers), n, 67 
Siam, timber of, ii, 182 
Siare, i, 176 
Sidi. See Cisdy. 
Sierra Leone, i, 10 
Silent bargaining, n, 178, 179 
Silk, bought raw and worked up by 

Maldivians, i, 241; of Bengal, 328; 

grass silk, ib. 
Silveira d'Aranjo, Manoel, grant to, 

495, 496 

Silver, valued at Madagascar, i, 33; 
secreted from the 6br6m, 60 et seq. 
72, 81 ; of E. and W. Indies, n, 
174; high value in India, 193; ex- 
ported to India by King of Spain, 
211; mines of Monomotopa, 219 

Sinhalese, described, ii, 142-148 

Slya (100), as a measure of Cowries, 

Slaves at Maldives, condition of, i, 
202 ; in Bengal, 332 ; in Brazil, 
n, 319; at Goa, exported to Portu- 
gal, II, 39 ; market for, 65 ; condi- 
tion of, 65-67, 115; an orchestra of, 

Slave trade, use of cowries in, i, 238 ; 
of Bengal, 332; between Africa and 
Brazil, ii, 218-223 ; between Mo- 
zambique and Goa, 224 

Small-pox, I, 181 

Snake-charmers, i, 378 

Snakes not killed in Malabar, i, 400; 
water- snakes at the Maldives, i, 
116 ; II, 352 

Socotora, island, ii, 236, 237 

Sodr^, Vicente, ii, 472 

Sofala, endeavour to join dominion 
with Angola, ii, 219, 235; descrip- 
tion of, 232, 233 

Soldado, II, 128. See Portuguese 

Soldiers at the Maldives, i, 215-217; 
receive cotton cloths, i, 228 ; in 
Portuguese India. See Portu- 
guese soldiers. 

Solomon, king, ii, 233 

Sdteras, ii, 128 

Sombreros^ ii, 45, 64, 75, 92 

SompaSf I, 316 

Sophy (Shah of Persia), ii, 253 

Sorberiana, quoted, i, xix, xxxiii 

Sorcerers at the Maldives i, 274; in 
Malabar, 395 

Sorcery, i, 181, 187, 274 

Souadou (atoll). See Suadiva^ i, 90, 
97, 103, 122, 247 

Sousa, Francisco de, n, 516, 521 

Sousa, Jeronymo de, ii, 475 



Soiisa, Dom Luis de, Maldive prince, 

n, 508 
Soutes (bunkers), i, 60 
Southern Cross, i, 9 
Spain, not mentioned in India, i, 438, 
439; II, 205; period of Portuguese 
subjection to, ii, xxvi 
Spaniards, not well received in India, 
II, 22; few or none there, 36, 212 ; 
at Manila, etc., 171-173; prohibited 
from trading with India, 202 ; hated 
by the Portuguese, 212 
Spicy breezes, ii, 170 
Spleen, disease of, i, 84, 182 
Spilbergen, Joris van, i, xiii, xx ; 
his ships sighted off Guinea, 10 ; 
met at the Cape, 22-23; his account 
of the French ships, 23-24; one of 
his ships at Madagascar, 30; lands 
at Batticoloa, ii, xiii ; his ships re- 
ferred to, 397, 398 
Spoons, not used in India, i, 171, 

378 ; n, 121 
Sports, athletic, i, 141-143 
Starfish, n, 351 
Stevens, Father Thomas, ii, xix, 269, 

Stewards, on carracks, ii, 192 
Strappado, ii, 188, 189, 287 
Suadiva CSuadou), atoll, i, 97, 271, 
312 ; exiles to, 90, 255 ; inhabited 
islands, 97 ; channel, 103 ; differ- 
ence of speech, 122, 123; rebellion 
centres at, 247 ; fort at, 250 ; 
weavers at, i, 241 ; n, 485 
Sugar, of China, ii, 177 ; Bengal, 
Cambaye, etc., i, 328 ; of Brazil, 
n, 216, 217, 312-315 ; mills in 
Brazil, 221 ; adulteration of, 312. 
See also Jaggery. 
Suleiman, traveller, quoted, ii, 428 
Sultan, title used by king of the 
Maldives, i, 95; sovereigns entitled 
to be called, 245 
Sumatra, reached by Parmentier in 
1526, I, xi; by Houtman in 1596, 
xiii; description of, ii, 157-160 

VOL. II. — 2. 

Sunda, referred to, i, 327, 328 ; use 

of the name, ii, 157, 166, 168 
Suppnra (copra), ii, 384 
Sura (toddy), ll, 35 
Surat, river of, i, 336 ; ii, 106 
Susauj ship, i, xiii ; referred to, ii, 

SyMeCj practice of, i, 378, 394 
Swiss, deserter, n, xxi, 229 
Swords, struck to avert storm, i, 11 
Sylva, Luiz da, killed at Kunhdli's 

fort, I, 353 ; ii, 514-516 
Sylva de Menezes, Dom Fernando 
da, referred to, ii, 264; kindness to 
the author, 327, 328 ; captured by 
Barbary pirates, 329 
Syphilis, i, 182-183 ; n, 13 

TahaquOy ii, 313 

Tdbiran (Tambardn), i, 415 

Tabriz, Persians from, i, 160 

Tabu, at the Maldives, i, 57 

Tacourou. See Takuru. 

Tagals of the Philippines, their 

writing, i, 185 
Takuru, i, 58, 217 
Talachchenor, or Ndyar of Calicut, 

Tallemant des R6aux, his Histori- 

etteSy I, xxxv-xl 
Tamarinds, ii, 361 
Tanga (coin), ii, 21, 68, 69 
Tanur (spelt Tananor), a ship of, i, 

266-268 ; ii, 252; kingdom of, 369; 

arrival of P. at, 425 
Tapestry, silk and cotton, i, 221, 

TarapiRy (trumpets), i, 131 
Tarent or Tar ens (tdran, tara), silver 

coin, I, 344, 387, 412 
TdrUcho (national record), i, 309 ; ii, 

Tartar, the Great, ii, 251 
Tartars, i, 266 

Tauarcarr^ (coco-de-mer), i, 230-232 
Tauide (charms), i, 178 




Tavora, Ruy Lorenzo de, viceroy, n, 

xviii, 77, 78, 242, 271 
Taxes, exemption from, i, 169 
Te Deuniy sung at Goa, i, 356 ; on 

doubling Cape, ii, 296 
Teixeira de Macedo, Antonio, ii,. 

499, 500 
Tenasseritn, misapplied to Ceylon, 

II, 140 
Tengua (Tarn., tengha)^ coconut, ii, 

372, 483 
Tennis, not played at Goa, ii, 112 
Terceira, island, ii, 332 
Ternat6, island, ii, xv, xvi, 166, 167, 

Terre sigiU^e, i, 329, 376 ; ii, 27 
Terreiro dos gaUos^ ii, 54 
Terreiro grander ii, 48 
Testoon, ii, 174 
Thawry (large boiats), i, 389 
Theft, punishment at the Maldives, 

I, 205, 307 

Tibao, Sebastian, i, 334 

Ticou, in Sumatra, i, x 

Tidor6, island, ii, xv, xvi, 166, 167 

Tigers, in Malabar, i, 382, 400 ; in 

the Deccan, ii, 136 ; described, 

346, 347 
Tilladummati, atoll, i, 98, 99 
Tissuary, the name of Goa island, 

II, 25 

Tithes, in India taken by the king, 
n, 96 

Tiua (Tivar), i, 386, 387 

Tobacco, of Brazil, ii, 313 

Tdni. See Tonny. 

Tonny (boat), i, 389 

Toothache, unknown at the Mal- 
dives, I, 183 

Tortoiseshell, i, 240, 241, 285; ii, 
1 72, 34 8 ; cruel method of obtaining, 
II, 349 ; Cambay trade in, ii, 478 

Touladou (island), i, 73 

Trade routes, Portugal and India, i, 
197-201 ; India, Malacca, and China, 
etc., 170, 173-177 ; Spanish Ame- 
rica and Philippines, 170-175 ; 
Portugal and Brazil, 215-218 ; 

Brazil and Angola, 218 ; East 

Africa and Goa, 223-225, 231, 235- 

237 ; Ormuz and Goa, 238-241 ; 

Cambay and Goa, 245; at end of 

16th century, 470-472 
Travados (squalls), I, 12, 48 
Treasure trove, i, 229 
Trigaut, Father, n, xix, 36-38, 270, 

Trinqueres (ropemakers), ii, 187, 191 
Trombas (reeds), i, 20 ; ii, 294 
Tronco, of Cochin, i, 429-432 ; of 

Goa, II, 18, 24, 49 
Trumpets, for use at sea, ii, 398 
Tuban, ii, 164 
Tuberons (Port., tiiherdo)^ a kind of 

shark, ii, 360 
Turacun, island, i, 322 
Turbans, i, 165 
Turk, the Grand, ii, 253 
Turk captain, i, 278 
Turkey carpets, ii, 239 
Turkeys, ii, 316 
Turtle, sickness from eating, i, 65-66; 

II, 348; different kinds of, ii, 347 
Turun Shah, ii, xxii, 91, 92, 243- 

Twelfth Night, i, 24; ii, 98 

Ulcers, mode of curing, i, 182 
Umbrella, mark of royalty, i, 223 ; 

(white), I, 256 
Unicorns, in Bengal, i, 331 
Union (ship), i, xiii ; at the Comor- 

ros, 45 J referred to, ii, 106, 264 
Utimu (island), i, 322; ii, 437, 438, 


Vadakkara. See Badara. 

Vara de Jtisticia, i, 428 

VaricoVy i, 153; and sec Divorce. 

Varuery (revenue collector), i, 200, 

Varuge (storehouse), i, 213 
Vasconellos, Dona Fraucirfca de, ii, 

Vatcr, II, 291 



Vaypin. See Vypeen. 

Vedon d RouespoUf i, 71 

Ved(yr da fazenda (spelt viador de 
fasiendaj etc.), ii, 19, 21 ; his pre- 
cinct and duties, 40, 41; frauds, 43; 
pays the soldiers, 126; at Cochin, 

Vdarmas (admiral), i, 90, 210, 211, 
213, 214, 254 

Venetian glass, i, 43 

Venetians, formerly many at Goa, ii, 
36 ; sequins, 69 

Ventanea (windows), ii, 115 

Verd, Cape, islands, i, xx, 7 ; ii, 222 

Verhoeven, P. W., i, xiy, 364; ii, 
xxi, 226 

Fias de successao, ii, 77 

Viceroy, term used indiscriminately, 
II, 23; palace of, ii, 47, 49-51 ; pri- 
son of, 49; the portraits of the 
viceroys, ib. ; succession and as* 
sumption of office, 76, 81 ; power 
and dignity of, 77, 78, 211, 212 ; 
reserve of, 78, 82 ; pay and emolu- 
ments, 83 ; almsgiving, 84 ; his 
three years of office, 85-88; parable 
of the flies, %7 

Victualler, want of, i, xv ; ii, 388 

Vigia, vigia / ll, 19 

Vinho de passaa (raisin wine), ii, 73, 

Vinterrif coin, I, 439 n. 

Vitr6, share in expedition, i, xiv, 2 ; 
ship's clerk from, 87 

Voulos (ablutions), i, 174 

Vows made at sea, ii, 334 

Voyages, grant of, ii, 173 

Vypeen, island, at Cochin, i, 436 . 

Wadd (cowries), i, 237 ; ii, 443, 444 
Walendj, ii, 442 

War, king of, worshipped, i, 178 
Water, mode of keeping on board 

ship, I, 258 
Wax-cloth, for covering ships, i, 


Weert, Sibalt de, i, xiii ; ii, xiii, 146, 

Wells, at the Maldives, i, 98 
Whales, fishery at Brazil, ii, 317, 

321, 322 
Wheat, not grown at the Maldives, 

I, 112 
Whip, carried before the Pandiare, 

I, 199 ; used for scourging, 205 

Whirlpool, I, 104 

Whisties, silver, i, 33; ii, 192 

Wickham, Richard, i, 45 ; ii, xviii, 

xix, 264, 265, 269 
WUiydn, ii, 440, 443 
Willekens, a Flemish pilot, i, 24, 25 
Wimala Dharma, king of Ceylon, 

II, 144 

Windowpanes, of oyster-shells, ii, 
15, 63 

Winds, king of the, i, 175-178 

Wine, used in India, ii, 73 ; of the 
Azores, 216; of the Canaries, 316, 
390; how far a necessary provision, 

Winter (i.e., the rainy season in 
India), i, 64, 104; ii, 34 

Woman with one breast, ii, 464 

Worms (parasitical), i, 181 

Wreck, law of, at the Maldives, i, 
xxiv, 54, 62, 267-268,294; at Cali- 
cut, 404 

Wrecks at the Maldives, a Portu- 
guese ship, I, 252; a ship of Sunda, 

Writs, legal, used at the Maldives, i, 
201, 207 

Xavier. See St Francis Xavier. 
Xerafim, gold coin, ii, 69 

Yams, 1,112; ii, 367, 368 
Ybrahim. See Ibrahim. 
Yduj festival, i, 140, 157 
Young, Lieut., residence at the Mal- 
dives, I, xliv, xlv