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\
\im
SttNFORD -VHWERSnT- UBiRARY
1
\-A ■)
(
T he War
in the
■*»►-— ^
^^^
JAPAH,
cHmA,
AND COREA.
A complete history' of the War: Its causes and results;
its campais^ns on sea and land ; its terrific fights,
grand victories and overwhelming defeats.
#
^i^
With a preliminary account of the customs, habits
and history of the three peoples involved. Their
cities, arts, sciences, amusements and literature. ''
BY
TRUMBULL WHITE,
Late Correspondent of the ••North China Dally News." and the ••Kobe Herald.*'
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
JUlilUS i^UMPHI mATUMOTO, A. m.
OF tok:o, japan.
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS BY
TEITOKU MORIMOTO, J. C. FIREMAN,
and others.
• ••
J. H. MOOKE & CO.,
578038
Copyrighted, 189B, by
TRUMBULL W H IT H
• •• •
*•• • •
• • • • •
• • • •
• •
•• ••
fc «
*••
PREFACE.
SoMB striking act in a man^s career is necessary to attract gen«
eral attention to him* The one who move^ along through his
path in life doiug nothing out of the ordiuary, will win few
glances from the public, and little will the world notice his exist-
ence. Worthy of the worthiest he may be, but if he does nothing
to demonstrate it, how shall the world know his merit or his
strength? But with all this true, it does not follow that it is
man's duty to seek an occasion to advertise these qualities. Only
when the necessity for action arises, then should he act, and then
will the world know what his ability and character are*
The same is true as to the nations of the earth. Those years
during which they move onward in their national life and history
in peace and quietness, however full of latent strength they may
be, are not the ones which command the attention of the eyes of
the world. It is the year of supreme test, of struggle, moral or
physical, that furnishes crucial testimony what the nation really
is. War is always a curae unless it be waged to advance justice
and assure more worthy peace. But if such a war be necessary,
the progress of it, the results, and the lessons they teach are essen-
tial to the student of humanity, in whatever quarter of the globe
the battles are.
China, Japan and Corea are a strange trinity to most of us in
the western world. Separated from us by long distances and by
immense differences in race, in language, in religion, and in cus-
^ms, they have been known here only through the writings of
the comparatively few travelers who exchange visits. Of late
years, it is true, the hermitages of the Orient have been opening
to freer intercourse, trade and treaties have multiplied, and
students have come to us for the knowledge we could give them.
But there was needed a great movement of some sort to awaken
the Orient from its centuries of slumber, and to make known to
us the truth of eastern affairs. Nothing could do this as the War
in tnc East has done. We can study its conduct and its results if
(6)
6 PREFACE.
we will, in a way to teach us more of the characteristics of the
three nations than we could learn in any other way.
Tt has been the object of the author in the present volume, to
record the facts of the war and its preliminaries so clearly that
every seeker for knowledge might trace the lessons for himself.
To justify this effort, it is necessary to say no more than that the
conflict involves directly nations whose total population includes
more than one-fourth of the human race. And the results will
affect the progress of civilization in those countries, as well as the
commercial and other interests of all the European and American
nations.
Invertebrate China,- with scorn of western methods, and com-
placent rest in the belief that all but her own people are bar-
barians, had to face an inevitable war with Japan, the sprightly,
absorbent, adaptive, western-spirited, whose career in the two
score years since her doors were opened to the call of the American
Perry has been the marvel of those who knew it. And the con-
flict was to be on the soil of the Hermit Nation, Corea, " the Land
of Morning Calm," for centuries the land of contention between
"the Day's Beginning" and "the Middle Kingdom."
It is to record the history and description of these realms and
peoples in sufficient detail to make plainer the facts of the war
that the preliminary chapters are written. The work must speak
for itself. The importance of the subjects included in the volume
must be the explanation of any inadequacy of treatment.
Tbumbull Whitb.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PART L CHINA, THE CELESTIAL KINGDOM.
OHAPTEB I.— History from the Earliest Times to First Oontaot
with European Civilization • • • •
CHAFIER n.— History from First CoDtact with European Civ
iiization to the Outbreak of the War with Japan .
CHAPTER ni.— The Chinese Empire, its Geography, (Govern
ment, Climate, and Products • • . •
CHAPTER IV.— The Chinese People, their Personal Character
istics, Manner of Life, Industries, Sooial Customs, Art,
Science, Literature, and Religion
S3
71
99
135
PARTIL JAPAN, THE ISLAND EMPIRE.
CHAPTER v.— History from the Earliest Times to First Contact
with European Civilization •• ... 187
CHAPTER VI.— History from First Contact with European Civ-
ization to the Present Time— How the United States
Opened Japan to the World • . • • .223
CHAPTER VII.— The Japanese Empire, its Geography, €k)vem-
ment, Climate, and Products ..... 265
CHAPTER VIII.— The Japanese People, their Personal Charac-
teristics, Manner of Life, Industries, Social Customs,
Art, Science, Literature, and Religion ... 285
PART III. COREA, THE HERMIT NATION.
CHAPTER IX. — Histoiy from the Earliest Times to the
Present ........ :Jt?7
CHAPTER X.— The Kingdom of Corea, its Geography, Govern-
ment, Climate, and Products ..... 372
C7)
8 TABLE OF CONTENTS-
CHAPTER XI.— The Coreans aad how they Live, their Per-
soDal Characteristics, Industries, Social Customs, Art,
Science, Literature, and Religion . . . .391
PART IV. THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA.
CHAPTER XII.— Causes of the War, Condition of the Three
Nations at the Outbreak of Hostilities, and the Prepara-
tions for the Impending Struggle .... 419
CHAPTER XIII.— How the Conflict Began. The First Overt
Acts of Offense, the Sluicing of the Kow- shing, and the
Formal Declarations of War by the Rulers of Japan and
China . . . . , . . .437
CHAPTER XIV.— From Asan to Ping- Yang. Tlie Campaign in
the North of Corea During August and Early Sep-
tember ........ 467
CHAPTER XV.— On Land and Sea. The Assault on Ping- Yang
by the Japanese, and the Flight of the Chinese. Battle
off the Yalu River, the First Great Fight Between Mod-
ern Battle Ships, and its Lessons . . . . 481
CHAPTER XVI.— The Advance into China. Japan's Forward
Movement across the Yalu River. Li Hung Chang Los-
ing his Influence in Chinese Affairs . . . .507
CHAPTER XVir —Review of the State of the Conflict and the
Lessons to be Learned by the Aspect of Affairs at the
First of November ...... 543
CHAPTER XVIII.— Preparing to Attack Port Arthur. Ad-
vance Movements on the Kwang Tung Peninsula . 5C2
CHAPTER XIX.— Port Arthur. Successful Assault on the
Chinese Stronghold. Barbarity to the Wounded and
Prisoners on Both Sides. Horrible Mutilation and
Brutality ........ 683
CHAPTER XX.— From Port Arthur to Wei-hai-wel. China's
Offer of Peaoe. Envoy Rejected. .... 611
CHAPTER XXI.— The Expedition to Capture Wei-hai-wei and
its Success. Admiral Ting's Suicide ... 629
CHAPTER XXII.— The End of Hostile Operations. Capture of
Niuchwang and Hai-chow ..... 643
CHAPTER XXIII.— The Negotiations for Peace. Terms of the
Treaty. Probable Results of the War ... 656
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIOIS.
Battle Field of Ping-TaDg,
Battle of the Yalu,
The Fight of Ping- Yang,
Chinese Musician,
Chinese Idea of Creation,
Emperor Shun Plowing,
View from Summer Palace, Peking,
Chinese Temple,
Image of Confucius, .
Manchoorian Ministers,
Great Wall of China,
Buddhist Priest,
Chinese Archers,
Chinese Writer,
Chinese Cannoniers, •
Ancient Chinese Arch,
A Chinese Lodging House,
Chinese Priest,
Man of Swatow,
Chinese Paper-Maker,
Chinese Peasant, Peiho District,
Battle of Crickets,
Chinese Mandarin,
Gate at Peking,
Opium Smokers,
Chinese Miners,
Chinese Farm Scene,
Chinese Tea Farm, .
Chinese Street Scene,
Chinese Farmer,
An Imperial Audience,
Preparation of Vermicelli,
Chinese Ladies,
Palanquin of a High Official,
The Governor of a Province,
Punishment by the Gangue,
Flogging a Culprit, .
Outsidf* Peking, ....
Discipline on the March in the Chinese Army,
A Typhoon,
Bandaging the Feet, .
The Seat of the War,
The Punishments of Hell,
Chinese Cart, .
School Boy,
Chinese School, . .
Chinese Engineers Laying a Military Telegraph,
Chinese School Girl, .
PAOI
Frontispiece.
21
28
32
35
36
37
42
46
48
60
52
57
59
64
65
71
75
76
79
82
85
87
89
92
101
108
109
111
113
117
119
122
125
126
130
131
134
143
150
151
156
158
162
163
164
165
167
(9>
10
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Chinese Artist, ....
Ohinere Barber, ....
Porter's Cliair, ....
Ohinese Emperor, King of Corea, and Chinese Officials
Buddhist Temple, ....
Temple of Five Hundred Gods, at Canton,
Japanese Musician, ....
The Mikado and his Principal Officers, .
Japanese God of Thunder, .
Japanese God of Hiding,
Japanese Peasantry, ....
Japanese God of War,
Tokio Types and Costumes,
Japanese Musician, ....
Japanese Silk Spinner,
Colossal Japanese Image, .
JapaneseFemale Types,
Shinto Temple, . • • .
Japanese God of Wind,
Daimios of Japan. .....
Sketch Showing Development of Japanese Army,
Buddhist Priest, ....
Japanese Junk, V . . •
Ola Time Japanese Ferry, .
Scenes of Industrial Life, .
Japanese Bell Towers,
Image of Buddha, ....
Japanese Samurai or Warrior of the Old Time,
Japanese General of the Old Time,
Japanese Bridge, ....
Baptism of Buddha, ....
Woman of Court of Kioto, .
Chinese Coolie, ....
Japanese Gymnasts— Kioto,
Formosan Type, ....
Entrance to Nagasaki Harbor,
Fuji-yama, .....
Japanese Idols, ....
Japanese Jugglers, ....
Japanese Court Dress, Old Style, .
Council of War on a Japanese Battle-Ship,
Dressing the Hair, ....
Child Carrying Baby,
The Chinese Fleet at Wei-hai-wei,
Japanese Bath, ....
Japanese Couch, ....
Sketches in Japan and Corea,
Geisha Girls Playing Japanese Musical Instruments,
Japanese Alphabet, New,
Japanese Alphabet, Old,
Shinto Priest, .....
Japanese Troops Landing at Chemulpo, •
Street Scenes, .....
The Ainos, .....
Bats as Bice Merchants, . . •
Corean Landscape, ....
Raw Levies for the Chinese Army, •
Pagoda at Seoul, • • • •
Oorean Soldiers, • • • •
168
169
171
175
178
181
184
187
180
190
192
I9fi
198
199
200
205
207
209
211
212
213
215
218
220
221
229
232
233
234
235
240
249
254
256
258
261
267
272
277
281
284
287
291
293
296
299
304
307
308
309
311
813
316
319
321
324
326
333
834
List OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
11
t
Piffhting Before the Gate of Seoul,
Old Man in Corea, ....
Coast Near Chemulpo,
Coreao Mandarins, ....
Colossal Coi-ean Idol— Un-jin Miriok,
Map Showing Japan, Corea and Part of China,
Corean Bull Harrowing, ....
Corean City Wall,
Chinese Protected Cruiser Chih-Yuen,
Gate of Seoul, ......
Naval Attack on the Chen- Yuen Before Chemulpo,
Corean Magistrate and Servant,
Japanese Naval Attack on Forts at Wei-hai-wei,
Statesman on Monocycle, ....
Corean Brush Cutter, ....
Porters With Chair
Japanese Warship, " Yoshino,
Corean Boat, ......
The Battle at Asan, .....
Corean Eggseller, .....
Japanese soldiers Descending from the Castle at Fenghwang
Corean Band of Musicians, ....
Japanese Coolies Following the Army, .
Japanese Army at Chiu-lien-cheng,
The Corean Regent, .....
Corean Natives Viewing Japanese Soldiers,
Sinking of the Eow-shmg, ....
Mr. Otori Before the Commissioners,
Japanese Army on the March, . • •
Procession in Seoul, .....
After the Battle. .....
The Attack on Ping- Yang, ....
Opening the Gates at Ping- Yang, .
Fighting at Foochow; ....
Capture of Ping-Tang, ....
First Sight of Ping-Yang
Battle of the Talu— Sinking of the Ohih-Yueny .
Bringing in the Wounded, ....
The Mikado Reviewing the Army,
Corean Police Agent, . , • .
Japanese Kitchen in Camp, . . . ,
Japanese Soldier Saluting a Field Cemetery, •
Crowd in Tokio Looking at Pictures of the War,
Japanese Ambulance. Officer,
Chinamen Mutilating Remains of Japanese Soldiers,
ThePing-Yuen
The Yosnino, ......
Japanese Advance at the Crossing of the Yalu River,
The Matsusima, .....
H. Sakomoto, ......
Japanese Infantry Attacking a Chinese Position,
Pnncipal Street of Mukden,
Chinese Troops Trying to Save Their Artillery,
Transporting Chinese Troops,
Japanese Military Hospital,
Review of Chinese Troops at Port Arthur,
Japanese Soldiers Digging Well, .
Coustantine von Hannecken, . •
The Attack on Port Arthur, . •
336
387
842
847
858
868
876
876
877
381
384
387
390
393
894
395
399
403
405
407
412
413
418
421
424
427
432
484
486
439
441
448
464
463
469
473
476
478
480
481
482
484
485
487
488
489
494
496
497
498
605
509
612
613
515
518
521
526
527
12
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONlS.
f *
Surrender of Chinese General and Staflf, .
Map of Territory Adjacent to the Mouth of the Talu,
Japanese Array Crossing the Yalu on a Pontoon Bridge,
The Japanese at Port Arthur, ....
Sinking of the Eow-shing, .....
Naval Skirmish July 25th, .....
Routed Chinese Flying Before the Victorious Enemy,
Skirmish on July 27th, .....
Before the Wall of Seoul, .....
Japanese Cavalrymen, .....
Port Arthur— Transports Entering the Inner Harbor,
Cheneral Nodzu, ......
Chinese Earthworks, .....
View of Talien-wan Bay, .....
Port Arthur— Japanese Coolies Removing Chinese Dead,
Japanese Skirmishers before Port Arthur,
Retreat of Chinese Soldiers After the Fall of Port Arthur,
Jufianese Soldiers Removing Dead Bodies,
Japiiuese Attack on Port Arthur, ....
The Attack on Kinchow, .....
Port Arthur from the Bay, .....
Japanese Soldiers Mutilating Bodies,
Marshal Oyama, ......
Chang Yen Hoon ......
Distant View of Wei-hai-wel and its Surroundings,
Admiral McClure, ......
Japanese Soldiers Escorting Chinese Prisoners, .
Chmese Soldiers on the March, ....
Chinese Soldier Laden with Provision, . • •
Gap in the Great Wall at Shan-hai-kwan, • •
533
535
537
540
547
548
549
551
552
558
560
562
564
565
569
577
580
681
587
589
593
599
603
610
630
639
640
645
649
653
INTRODUCTION.
Thb unexpected news of war between the Mikado's Empire and
the Celestial Kingdom has startled the whole world. Thereby
considerable light was thrown upon the Oriental world.
Japan, up to a very short time ago, through the pen and tongue
of poets and artists, who have visited this land, has been thought
to be merely a country of beautiful flowers, charming madem-
oiselles, fantastic parasols, fans and screens. Such misrepresenta-
tion has long impressed the western mind, and the people hardly
imagined Japan as a political power, enlightened by a ])erfect
educational system and developed to a high pitch of excellence in
naval and military arts.
The war in the East is certainly interesting from more than one
point of view. Viewing it from the humane standpoint, Japan is,
indeed, the true standard-bearer of civilization and progress in the
far east. Her mission is to enlighten the millions of slumbering
souls in the Celestial Kingdom, darkened for generations. Polit-
ically, she, with her enterprising genius, youthful courage and
alert brain, as well as the art and science of civilization, has lifted
herself into the ranks of the most powerful nations of the earth,
and compelled the whole of the western powers to reckon her as a
•• living force," as she has proved her right to a proud place among
the chief powers of the world. Commercially, she has demon-
strated herself the mistress of the Pacific and Asiatic Se<is.
From the outbreak of the war all the civilized nations, except
England, have sympathized with Japan, especially the people of
America have given a strong moral support to Japan, not because
this country is the warmest friend of Japan, but becjiuse Japan is,
to-day, the propagandist of civilization and humanity in the far
east.
At the beginning of the hostilities a majority of the people had
an erroneous idea that the overwhelming population and resources
(13)
14 tNtRODUCtrOJf.
of China would soon be able to crush the Island Empire of Japan ;
but they overlooked the fact that in our day it is science, brains
and courage, together with the perfected organization of warfare
that grasp the palm of victory. Thousands of sheep could do
nothing against a ferocious wolf. So the numerical comparison
has but little weight.
Some sagacious writer compared Japan to a lively swordfish
and China to a jellyfish, being punctured at every point. Truly
Japan has proved it so.
From the sinking of the Kownshing transport, up to the present
time, Japan has an unbroken series of victories over China. At
the battle of Asan she gained the first brilliant victories and
swept all the Chinese out of Corea, and at Ping-Yang, by both
tactics and superb strategy, crushed the best army of China, which
Li Hung Chang brought up to the greatest efficiency, by the aid
of many European officers, as if it had been an egg shell. Again,
at the mouth of the Yalu River, she gained a brilliant naval vic-
tory over China, by completely destroying the Ping -Yang
squadron. Once more on the land the Japanese army stormed
Port Arthur, the strongest naval fort, known as the Gibraltar of
China.
All these facts are viewed with amazement by the eyes of the
world. For all that the people know about Japan and the Japa-
nese is that the people of Japan are very artistic, as the producers
of beautiful porcelain, embroidery, lacquer work and all sorts of
artistic fancy goods, and they wonder how it is possible that such
an artistic people as the Japanese could fight against sober, calm
Chinamen. But such an erroneous notion would soon vanish if
they came to learn the true nature and character of the Japanese.
More than once the world has seen that an artistic nation could
fight. The Greeks demonstrated this long ago, and the French in
the latter times have shown a shining example. Japan is reck-
oned as one t)f the most artistic people in the world, as the pro-
ducer of beautiful things, as the lover of fine arts and natural
beauties. The Japanese have proved the same as what the ancient
Greeks and modern French have shown. The history of Japan
reveals the true color of the Japanese as brilliant fighters and
a warlike nation. " In no country," says Mr. Rogers, " has mili-
INTRODUCTION. 16
tary instinct been more pronounced in the best blood of the peo-
ple. Far back in the past, beyond that shadowy line where
legend and history blend, their story has been one of almost con-
tinual war, and the straightest path to distinction and honor has,
from, the earliest times, led across the battle field. The states-
men of Japan saw, as did Cavour, that the surest way to win the
respect of nations was by success in war."
The ancestor of the Japanese people, who claim to have de-
scended from high heaven, seems to have been the descendant of
the ancient Hittites, the warlike and conquering tribe once
settled in the plain of Mesopotamia. The Hittites, so far as our
investigation is concerned, extending their sway of conquest
towards the north-eastern portion of Asia, must have, at last,
brought the Japanese family to the island of Japan. As they
settled on the island, they found it inhabited by many different
tribes ; but they soon vanquished them and established the ever-
lasting foundation of the Mikado's Empire, which they called the
"Glorious Kingdom of Military Valour." The first Mikado was
Jimmu, whose coronation took place two thousand five hundred
and fifty-four 3'ears ago, long before Alexander the Great thought
he had conquered the world and Julius Ciesar entered Gaul. The
present Mikado is the one hundred and twenty-second lineal
descendant of the first Mikado Jimmu. The unbroken dynasty of
the Mikado has continued for twenty five centuries. The people
are brave, adventurous and courageous. Fanatical patriotism
for country and strong loyalty towards the Mikado are essential
characteristics of the Japanese people. And all these tend to
form the peculiar nationality of Japan. Since the establis?hment
of the Mikado's Empire their land has 4iever been defiled by in-
vaders and they have never known how to be subject to a foreign
yoke. The history of Japan is the pride of the Japanese people.
The Japanese, in an early time, have displayed their superior
courage and distinguished themselves from the rest of the Asiatic
nations in the point of military affairs.
In the year A. D. 201 the Empress Jingo, the greatest female
character in the Japanese history, undertook a gigantic expedi-
tion to the Asiatic continent. She assembled an immense army
and built a great navy. Placing herself as the commander-in-
16 INTRODUCTION.
chief of the invading army, she sailed for the continent. Her
victory was brilliant. Corea was at once subjected without any
bloodshed. Long since the Japanese power was established on
the Asiatic continent.
Again in the sixteenth century, ambitious Taiko, who is
known as the Napoleon of Japan, undertook a great continental
expedition, to show the military glory of Japan before the world.
He found Japan too small to satisfy his immoderate ambition, and
sent word to the emperor of China and the king of Corea that if
they would not hear him, he would invade their territory with his
invincible army. It was his plan to divide the four hundred prov-
inces of China and eight provinces of Corea among his generals in
fiefs, after conquering them. So he assembled his generals and
fired their enthusiasm, recounting their exploits mutually achieved.
All the generals and soldiers were delighted with the expedition.
Fifty thousand samurai were embarked for the continent and sixty
thousand reserve was kept ready in Japan as re-enforcement.
The Japanese army was everywhere victorious. After many
battles fought and fortresses stormed, the entire kingdom of Corea
was subdued. The capitol was taken, the king fled. The em-
peror of China sent an army forward against the Japanese and a
severe battle was fought. The victorious Japanese were on the
point of invading China, when in 1598, the death of Taiko was
announced and the Japanese government ordered the invading
army to return home. Peace was concluded. Thus the conquest
of China was frustrated.
The invasion of the Mongolian -Tartars is the most memorable
event in Japanese history, which excited the utmost patriotism
and valour of the nation. The dangers and glories at this time
will never be forgotten by the Japanese.
In the thirteenth century, Genghis Khan, who is now identified
as Minamoto Yoshitsune or Gen Gi Kei in Japanese history,
who left Japan for Manchilia, began his sway of conquest in
Mongolia. The conquest of the whole earth was promised him.
He vanquished China, Corea and the whole of Central and
Northern Asia, subjected India and overthrew the Caliphate of
Bagdad. In Europe, he made subject the entire dominion of
Russia and extended the Mongolian Empire as far as the Oder
INTRODUCTION. 17
and the Danube. After his death the Empire was divided among
his three sons. Kublai Khau received as his share North-eastern
Asia. He had completely overthrown the Sung dynasty of
China and founded the Mongolian dynasty. He placed the
whole of Eastern Asia under his yoke, and then sent envoys to
Japan, demanding tributes and homage. The nation of Japan
was indignant at the insolent demand, for they were never accus-
tomed to such treatment, and dismissed them in disgrace. Six
embassies were sent and six times rejected. Again, the haughty
Mongolian prince sent nine envoys, who demanded a definite an-
swer from the Japanese sovereign. The Japanese reply wus
given by cutting off theii* heads.
At the sight of imminent foreign invasion, the Japanese were
in a great hurry to prepare for war. Once more, and for the
last time, Chinese envoys came to demand tribute ; again the sword
gave the answer. Enraged, the great Mongolian prince prepared
a gigantic armada to crush the island of Japan, which had re-
fused homage and tribute to the invincible conqueror. The
army, consisting of one hundred thousand Chinese and Tartars
and seven thousand Coreans, aided by thirty-five hundred of
armed navy, that seemed to cover the entire seas, sailed for the
invasion in August of 1281. The whole nation of Japan now
roused with sword in hand and marched against its formidable
foe. Re-enforcements poured in from all quarters to swell the
host of defenders. The fierce Mongolian force could not effect
their landing, but were driven into the sea as soon as they
reached the shore. Aided by a mighty typhoon, before which
the Chinese armada was utterly helpless, the Japanese fiercely
attacked the invaders and after a bloody struggle, they succeeded
in destroying the enemy's war ships, and killing all or driving
them into the sea to be drowned. The corpses were piled on the
shore or floating on the water so thickly that it seemed almost
possible to walk thereon. Only three out of hundreds of thou-
sands of invaders, were sent back to tell their emperor how the
brave men of Japan had destroyed their armada.
The courage of the Japanese is fully manifested in these great
events. Many ambitious men, seeking for military glory, have
expatriated themselves from their own native lands, and gone oft
18 INTRODUCTION.
to the less warlike countries of Asia, where they found them-
selves by their distinguished courage and military genius, kings,
ministers and generals.
The Japanese seamen have long been renowned for their ad-
venturous spirit and audacity. Trading ships of Japan, in the
remotest ancient age, are said to have sailed around the Persian
Gulf, beyond the Indian seas. It is said that at the beginning of
the fourteenth century a Japanese junk had discovered tlie
American Pacific sea-coast, now known as the regions of Oregon
and California. For a long time the Japanese pirates were the
mistress of all the eastern seas. China, Siam, Birmah and the
southern islands had paid tribute to them. The name of the
Japanese was, indeed, the terror of the Oriental world, just as
the northmen had been the object of dread to the southern
Europeans.
A policy, that was adopted by the Japanese people in the seven-
teenth century, was an injurious one for its national development.
Up to this time, foreign intercourse was free and commerce flour
ished. Nagasaki, Hirado, Satsuma, and all western seaports were
the cosmopolitan cities, where all European and Asiatic trades-
men were found crowded. Unfortunately these foreigners were
sources of vice. The avarice and extortion of the foreign
traders ; bitter sectarian strife between Dominicans, Franciscans
and the Jesuits ; and the most cruel intolerance and persecution
by the Catholic people, which were vices unknown to the Japa-
nese mind ; political-religious plots of the Christians against the
Japanese government ; the slave trade carried on by the foreign
merchants, and the like events, disgusted the Japanese authority,
and forced theiu to believe the exclusion of the vicious foreigners
was absolutely necessary to the welfare of Japan. Thus the
Japanese resolved to expel all foreigners out of the islands.
Tokugawa, the founder of Tai Kun shogunate, vigorously en-
forced this principle and carried it so far that all the Roman
Catholics both native and foreign were extinguished and all
foreign merchants except a few Dutch, were expelled out of the
country. The policy of the Tokugawa Government not only
excluded tlie foreigners but also kept the natives at home. No
foreigners (except the Dutch) were allowed to peep in this for-
INTRODUCTION. 19
bidden land and no native was permitted to leave his own
country. Thus it was cut off from all the rest of the world.
Japan furnishes different varieties of productions, which can amply
supply all the needs of the nation without any inconvenience;
hence commercial intercourse with foreign lands, was not abso-
lutely necessary. In the course of time she had forgotten all
about the outside world and so the world neglected her.
The people, however, enjoyed a profound peace by this policy.
Ignoring the rise and fall of other nations, the people in this
ocean guarded paradise, cultivated arts and learning and devel-
oped their own civilization, which is quite different from what
we call now the civilization of the nineteenth century. While
thus she was enjoying tranquility and cultivating the arts and
learning in a secluded corner of the earth, in the western na-
tions, endless struggles and everlasting contests completely rev-
olutionized the old phases of the earth. The peace and culture
of two centuries and a half, which Japan has enjoyed, exalted
her to the certain state of civilization. But her isolated condi-
tion and tranquility lacked the systematic development of army
and navy and the arts of international negotiation, Avhich are the
weapons vitally important in order to stand on the field of
struggle for existence.
Suddenly this tranc^uility that has continued for two hundred
and fifty years, was broken, when in 1853, the war ships of Com-
modore Perry appeared in the Bay of Yeddo. This event threw
into great confusion and panic the whole nation. Japan had no
navy and no army to fight with the foreign intruders, nor had
she the art of diplomacy, with which to consult in regard to the
protection of Japan's interest. Japan stood then with her naked
civilization against the armed civilization of Europe. She was
forced to make a disadvantageous treaty with the European and
American states at the cannon's mouth. In this treaty she con-
ceded her sovereign right to the western people who live in the
realm.
Thus Japan entered, infamously, the group of the civilized
world. She saw at once that the western nations were far in ad-
vance of her in the art of war and diplomacy, that they have learned
from the constant struggle of the past three centuries, while she
20 INTRODUCTION.
was devoted to arts and learning. She perceived that the soK^alled
civilization of the 19th century is but a disguised form of barbar-
ism of iron and fire, covered with comity and humanity, and that
to exist in the field of struggle for existence she must adopt the
same means by which the European nations stand. Hence the
whole nation of Japan, since the intercourse with tlie western
people, has struggled, with the utmost energy, to adopt what is
called the 19th century civilization.
In 1868 a revolution took place, from which the New Japan
suddenly emanated. The French Revolution did not cause greater
changes in France than the Revolution of 1868 in Japan. The
old feudal regime, in full force, was castaway. The social system
was completely reorganized. New and enlightened criminal and
civil codes were enacted ; the modes of judicial procedure were
utterly revolutionized ; the jail system radically improved ; the
most effective organization of police, of posts, of railways, of tele-
graphs, telephones and all means of communication were adopted;
enlightened methods of national education were employed ; and the
Christian religion was welcomed for the sake of social innovation.
The most complete national system of navy and army, after the
modern European model, was achieved. The sound order of the
imperial government, financially and politically, were firmly estab-
lished ; the most improved and extended scheme of local govern-
ment was put into operation, and the central government was or-
ganized according to the pattern of the most advanced scale. The
imperial constitution was promulgated, and the Imperial Diet, con-
sisting of two houses — the House of Lords and House of Com-
mons—elected by popular votes, was founded. Freedom of
thought, speech and faith was established; the system of an influ-
ential press and party rapidly grew up. Now the monarchial ab-
solutism of the Mikado's Empire is replaced by a government by
parliament and constitution.
Such is the progress which Japan has achieved in the past twen-
ty-five years. This progress must not, by any means, be taken as
strange. The Revolution of 1868 also, must not be imagined as
the birthday of the Empire of the Rising Sun. Those who do not
know the true condition of the Japanese before the Revolution,
and who observe superficially the phases of modern Japan, havo
INTRODUCTION. 28
often said that the Japanese are merely imitating western civiliza-
tion without any idea of understanding it. This a gross mistake.
The Revolution of 1868 is merely a moment of transition when
Japan adopted the western system. The Japanese miud was fully
developed and enlightened, at the time when they came in contact
with foreigners, to fully grasp western civilization. Mentally,
the Japanese people were so enlightened as to be able to digest
European science and art at one glance. As a clever writer has
said : ^^ It must be clearly understood that like a skillful gardener,
who grafts a new rose or an apple upon a healthy and well-estab-
lished stock, so did Japan adopt the scientific and civil achievement
of the west to an eastern root, full of vigorous life and latent
force.*' For these causes we have no reason to wonder at the rapid
progress which the Japanese have made in the past twenty-five
years. And by all these facts, we have no reason to wonder how
the colossal Celestial Empire, that was thought by the Europeans
invincible, came to ask the mercy of Japan.
The collision between Japan and China, though it was thought
strange to those who are not familiar to eastern affairs, is not a
surprising matter to the person well acquainted with Asiatic poli-
tics. Japan had predicted, long ago, that the inevitable conflict
of the two powers in the Orient must come sooner or later, and
the nation has been long prepared for to-day. She has perceived the
weakness and corruption of the Celestial Empire, while the Eu-
ropean diplomats were dazzled, in the court of Peking, by an out-
ward appearance of unity, power, and majesty that the huge Mid-
dle Kingdom maintained for centuries. She knew quite well that
the lack of national spirit and effective system of government,
hatred of races, depravity of the officers, ignorance of the people,
corruption of naval and military organization and constant mat
administration of the Manchoorian government dominated the
stupid empire, whose people still proudly style their country the
" Flowery Kingdom, in the Enlightened Earth."
The Japanese, as they are polite and artistic, are by no means
a blood-thirsty race; nay, far from that. But the present war is in
an inevitable chain of circumstances. For a long time the Jap-
anese and Chinese were not good friends, they hated each other,
as much, if not more than the French and the Germans do to-day.
2
24 INTRODUCTION.
Since Japan came in contact with the Europeans, she adopted,
with the most marvelous activity, the western methods which have
completely revolutionized the nation in a quarter of a century,
while China maintained her regime and looked upon all western
arts and science with utmost hatred and contempt. So she re-
garded Japan as the traitor of Asia. Naturally Japan represented
the civilization and progress in the far east ; and China ultra-con-
servatism. It was long expected that the collision of these two
antagonistic principles must come. And so it has now come.
Moreover, the goal of Japan was, as the leading spirit of Asia, to
exalt herseff among the first-class powers of the civilized world.
But China, up to a very short time ago, pretended to be the mis-
tress of Asia. Thus they envied each other, and conflict of the
two powers for supremacy became inevitable. The first collision
between Japan and China came in 1874, with the question of the
Liu Kiu Islands, which China abandoned for Japan, then the
Formosa expedition provoked serious trouble between the two
countries. In both cases Japan came off successful in the end.
Again there were collisions in Corea, just as Rome and Carthage
met in Sicily. Corea has for a long time, paid tribute both to
Japan and China, yet neither had any definite sovereign right
over Corea, but mere suzerain powers. In 1875, the Japanese
government abandoned all her ancient, traditional suzerain rights
in Corea, and concluded a treaty which recognized Corea as an
independent State, enjoying the same sovereign powers as Japan.
Soon after, the United States, England, France, Germany and
Russia followed Japan's example. This friendly act of Japan by
which she introduced Corea as an independent State among
civilized nations, was a terrible blow to China, who still had the
intention of claiming her traditional suzerainty over Corea. It
must be remembered that the permanent neutrality of the Her-
mit Kingdom is of vital importance to the prosperity and safety
of the country of the Rising Sun. It is evident from this point
of view that Japan can never permit the Chinese claim of suze-
rainty, nor Russian aggression in Corea.
From the time that Japan recognized Corea as an independent
nation, she made great efforts for the progress of Corea. Many
Cor^an students were educated and many Japanese, sent there as
INTRODUCTION. 26
instructors and as advisors, assisted the advancement of her civ-
ilization. Japan has never failed to show her friendly sympathy
towards Corea, for the progress and welfare of Corea as a firm in-
dependent state, has great bearing upon Asiatic civilization, and
upon the safety of Japan itself.
While Japan was using her best efforts as the sincere friend of
Corea, China constantly and secretly intrigued with the Corean
government and the conservatives, in order to restore her old
suzerainty and to annhilate Japan's influence in Corea. In 1882,
an insurrection, instigated by the Chinese officers, broke out in
Seoul. It was directed chiefly against the Japanese, as the pro-
moters of foreign intercourse. The mob attacked the Japanese
legation and several members were murdered. The Japanese
minister and his staff escnped to the palace to find refuge, but
found there the gates were shut against them, then they were
obliged to cut their way through the mob and run all night to
Chemulpo, where they were rescued by an English boat and re-
turned to Japan. The insurrection was suppressed by a Chinese
force and a number of the leaders were executed. The Corean
government consented to pay a sum of $500,000 as indemnity,
but this was subsequently forgiven to Corea in consequence of in-
ability to pay it. There were already existing in Corea two
parties, that is, the progressive and the conservative. The former
party represented civilized elements and the spirit of Japan, while
the latter represented the majority of the officers and it was sup-
ported by the Chinese government. These two parties were bitter
enemies and struggled for supremacy.
Since the rebellion of 1882, Chinese influence in Corea rapidly
increased, consequently the conservative spirit predominated.
Two yeare later, the leaders of the progressive party undertook a
bold attempt when they saw that their party influence was wan-
ing. During a dinner party to celebrate the opening of the new
post-office, a plan was made to murder all the conservative leaders
who had dominant influence in the government. They partly
succeeded in the attempt. The revolutionary leaders proceeded
to the palace, secured the person and the sympathy of the king,
who sent an autograph letter to ask the Japanese minister for the
protection of the royal palace. Thereon, tlie Japanese minister
26 INTRODUCTION.
guarded the palace for a few days with his legation guard of one
hundred and thirty Japanese soldiers. In the meantime the Chi-
nese force in Seoul, two thousand in number proceeded to the
palace, and without any negotiation or explanation fired upon the
Japanese guard. The king fled to the Chinese army and the
Japanese retired to the palace of tlieir legation which they found
surrounded by the Chinese army. They abandoned the spot, find-
ing it impossible to maintain the legation without any provisions,
fought their way to Chemulpo, where they found their way to
Japian. Many Japanese were killed in this event. The Japanese
government demanded satisfaction from China on account of the
action of the Chinese soldiers. The convention of Tien-tsin, after
long negotiation between Count Ito, the present premier of Ja-
pan and Li Hung Chang, the viceroy of China, was concluded.
The main points of the Tien-tsin treaty were three : (1) that the
king of Corea should provide a sufficient force to maintain order
in future, to be trained by officers of some nation other than China
or Japan ; (2) that certJiin internal reforms should be made ; (3)
that if necessary to preserve order and protect their nations either
Japan or China should have the right to dispatch troops to Corea,
on giving notice each to the other, and that when order was re-
stored both forces should be withdrawn simultaneously.
The event of 1885 completely extinguished the Japanese in-
fluence and established the Chinese authority in Corea. The
Chinese minister in Seoul got complete possession of the Corean
government, entirely crushed the revolutionary party and organ-
ized an ultra-conservative government and appointed ministers at
his will. Japan's influence in Corea has been almost nill during
the past ten years, for she has been very busy with her internal
reorganization and has not had much time- to look after Corea.
Two prominent leaders of the revolutionary party fled to Japan
on account of the failure of the coup d' dtat of 1885, where they
found their asylum. The Chinese and Corean governments dis-
patched missions to demand the extradition of these unfortunate
l)olitical reformers, but Japan was firm in her refusal, on the
ground of the ethics of international law. The Corean govern-
ment, sanctioned by that of China, at once began to take meas-
ures to effect the removal of these ruined leaders by other pro-
INTRODUCTION. 29
oesses. OflScial assassins followed their footsteps for ten years in
vain. But at last they succeeded in murdering Kira-ok-Kiun,
one of those reformers, and most barbarous cruelties were com-
mitted by the Chinese and Corean authorities. The murder of
Kim-ok-Kiun excited great sympathy from the Japanese pub-
lic. Many a time China and Corea cast disdain and contempt
upon Japan's name. Many a time the political and commercial
interest of Japan were impaired by them. Yet Japan forgave
their insolence with generous heart.
The progress of the late rebellion in Corea was beyond her
power to check. A state of perpetual anarchy seemed to prevail.
Insolent China seemed to be using the Corean mobs for her own
advantage, and directly against Japan's interests. China, ignor-
ing the treaty of Tien-tsin in 1885, sent troops to Corea. Japan
no longer lightly viewed China's insolence and Corean disorder.
Japan's ardent need to take a decided step in Corea, at this
moment seemed a more cogent one in the commercial point of
view than her political interest. The greater part of the modern
trade of Corea has been created by Japan and is in the hands of
her merchants; the net value of Corean direct foreign trade for
1892 and 1893 together was $4,240,498 with China, while $8,306,-
571 with Japan. Hence the interest of Japan is twice that of
China. In tonnage of shipping the proportion is vastly greater
in favor of Japan. Her tonnage in 1893 was over twenty times
that of China, as the exact figures show : tonnage — China, 14,-
376 ; Japan, 304,224. Thus Japan's economic interests in Corea
are decidedly greater than any other nation's.
Immediately after China sent troops to Corea, Japan, also, sent
her force, to preserve her political as well as economic interests,
and determined not to draw back her troops until Corea should
restore the sound order of society and wipe out the Chinese
claim of Corean suzerainty, for so long as Chinese influence pre-
dominates in Corea, any thoughts of her advancement are hope-
less. For a long maladministration of the Li government had
weakened the Hermit Kingdom. The country is no more than a
desert and its people are plunged in the most miserable poverty
of any in the poverty-stricken east. The Japanese government
proposed to the Chinese government according to the Tien-tsin
80 INTRODUCTION.
treaty, a measure of internal reform for Corea, which was rejected
with insult by the Chinese authority.
At first Japan had, by no means, any intention to make war
with China, but she was forced by her to enter the struggle. She
has never infringed' the ethics of international law, nor the comity
of nations. It was China that provoked the eastern war, now^
raging in the Orient, but not Japan ; the true idea of Japan, in the
war, is, by conquest, to put the blame on China for refusing to
adhere faithfully to the spirit of her treaties and for trying to
keep Corea in barbarism, and for endeavoring to stop the progress
of civilization in Eastern Asia. Her mission in the east is to
crush the insolent and ignorant self-conceit of the Peking govern-
ment and to reform the barbarous abuses of the Corean adminis-
tration- Therefore Japan fights to-day for the sake of civilization
and humanity.
After the eastern war was declared, four months had hardly
passed, until the fighting power and the economic resources of the
Chinese Empire were destroyed and exhausted. China was
forced to beg the mercy of Japan. The banner of the " Rising
Sun " is now triumphant. Japan dictating the terms of peace,
signifies the beginning of a better era for benighted China and the
preservation of permanent peace in the Orient.
Julius Kumpei Matumoto, A. M.,
Tokio, Japan.
China
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF CHINA FROM THE EARLI-
EST TIMES TO FIRST CONTACT WITH
EUROPEAN CIVILIZATION.
Origin of Chinese People— Legends— Golden Age of Chiua— Beginnings of Auttientic
History— Dynasty of Cliow— Cultivation of Literature and Progress— Music, Slavery, House-
hold Habits Three Thousand Ifears Ago— Confucius and his Work— First Emperor of
China— 13urniug of BooIks— Han Dynasty— Famous Men of the Period— Paper Money and
Printing— Invasions of Tartars and Mongols— Sung Dyna^sty- Literary Works^Famous
diinei^e Poet— Literature, Law and Medicine— Kublai Khan-Ming Dynasty— Private
Library of a Chinese Emperor— Founding of tlie Present Dynasty— Connection Between
Chinese History and the Best of the World.
Obscurity shrouds the origin of the Chinese race. The
Chinese people cannot be proved to have originally come from
anywhere beyond the limits of the Chinese empire. At the
remotest period to which investigations can satisfactorily go back,
without quitting the domain of history for that of legend, we
find them already in existence as an organized, and as a more or
less civilized nation. Previous to that time, their condition had
doubtless been that of nomadic tribes, but whether as immigrants
or as true sons of the soil there is scarcely suflBcient evidence to
show. Conjecture, however, based for the most part upon
coincidences of speech, writing or manners and customs, has
been busy with their ultimate origin ; and they have been vari-
ously identified with the Turks, with the Chaldees, with the
earliest inhabitants of Ireland, and with the lost tribes of Israel.
The most satisfactory, however, of recent conclusions, based
on most careful investigations are as follows : The first records
we have of them represent the Chinese as a band of immigrants
settling in the north-eastern provinces of the modern empire of
China and fighting their way amongst the aborigines much as the
Jews of old forced their way into Canaan against the various
tribes which they found in possession of the land. It is probable
that though they all entered China by the same route they
separated into bands almost on the threshold of the empire, one
(83)
84 WHENCE CAME THE PEOPLE OF CHINA?
body, those who have left us the records of their history in the
ancient Chinese books, apparently following the course of the
Yellow river, and turning southward with it from its northern-
most bend, settling themselves in the fertile districts of the
modern provinces of Shan-hsi and Honan. But as it is believed
also that at about the same period a large settlement was made
as far south as Anam of which there is no mention in the books
of the northern Chinese, we must assume timt another body
struck directly southward through the southern provinces of
China to that country.
Many writers answer the question that arises as to whence
these people came, by declaring that research directly points to
the land south of the Caspian sea. They find many reasons in
the study of languages which furnish philological proof of this
assertion. And they affirm that in all probabih'ty the outbreak
in Susiana of possibly some political disturbance in about the
24th or 28rd century B. C, drove the Chinese from the land of
their adoption and that they wandered eastward until they
finally settled in China and the country south of it. Such an
emigration is by no means unusual in Asia. We know that the
Ottoman Turks originally had their home in northern Mongolia,
and we have a record of the movement at the end of last century
of a body of six hundred thousand Kalmucks from Russia to the
confines of China. It would appear also that the Chinese came
into China possessed of the resources of western Asian culture.
They brought with them a knowledge of writing and astronomy
as well as of the arts which primarily minister to the wants and
comforts of mankind.
According to one native authority, China, that is, the world
was evolved out of chaos exactly 3,276,494 years ago. This
evolution was brought about by the action of a First Cause or
Force which separated into two principles, active and passive,
male and female. Or as some native writers explain it, out of a
great egg came a man. Out of the upper half of the egg he
created the heavens and out of the lower half he created the
earth. He created five elements, earth, water, fire, metal and
wood. Out of the vapor from gold he created man and out of
vapor from wood he created woman. Traditional pictures of
CHINESE LEGENDS OF THE CREATION OF THE WORLD. 85
this first man and first woman represent them wearing for dress,
girdles of fig leaves. He created the sun to rule the day, the
moon to rule the night, and the sLars. Those who care to go
deeper into these traditions than the limits of this work permit
will find ample material for interesting research in the analogies
to Christian history.
These principles, male
and female, found their
material embodiment in
heaven and earth and
became the father and
mother of all tilings, be-
ginning with man, who
was immediately asso-
ciated with them in a
triumvirate of creative
powers. Then ensued
ten immense periods,
the last of which has
been made by some
Chinese writers on
chronology to end
where every sober his-
tory of China should
begin, namely, with the
establishment of the
Chow dynasty eleven
hundred years before
the birth of Christ.
During this almost im-
measurable lapse of
time, the process of
development was going on, involving such discoveries as the pro-
duction of fire, the construction of houses, boats and wheeled ve-
hicles, the cultivation of grain, and mutual communication by
means of writing.
The father of Chinese history chose indeed to carry us back to
the court of the Yellow Emperor, 6. C. 2697, and to introduce
OaiNKSS IDEA OF CREATION.
36 THE GOLDEN AGE OF CHINA, LONG AGO.
us to his successors Yno ainl Shim and to the great Yu, who by
his engineering skill liad drained away a terrible inundation
which eome have sought to identify with Noah's flood.
This flood was in Shun's reign. The waters we are told rose to
so great a height that the people had to betake themselves to the
mountains to escape death. Most of the [irovuices of the existing
empire were inundated. The disaster arose, as many similar dis-
asters, though of less magnitude, have since arisen, in consequence
of the Yellow river bursting its bounds, and the great Yu was
appointed to lead the waters back to their channel. With unre-
mitting energy he set about his task, and in nine years succeeded
in bringing the river under his conti-ol. During this peri(»J so
absorbed was he in his work, that we are told he took heed ueithei
;-t =:^-=^^^
M.
^S^W^
\]mimY^iSj^'^wm\^^^^^
w
— -^Jt^^,^— ^- T>^- N5> -■■
^^
—
EMl'EUOR 8IIUN I'LOWINQ,
of food nor clothing, and that thrice he passed the door of his
house without once stopping to enter. At the completion of his
labors he divided the empire into nine instead of twelve provinces,
and tradition represents him as having engraved a record of his
toils on a stone tablet on Mount Heng in the province of Hoopih.
As a reward for the services he had rendered for the empire, he
was invested with the principality of Hea, and after having
occupied the throne conjointly with Shun for some years he suc-
ceeded that sovereign on his death in 2308 B. C.
But all these things were in China's "golden age," the true
record of which is shrouded for us in the obscurity of centuries.
"=""■ >'-MMf. fn , „Kn
BEGINNINGS OF AUTHENTIC CHINESE HISTORY. 39
There were a few laws, but never anv occ isioii to exact the
penalties attached to misconduct. It was considered superfluous
to close the house door at night, and no one would even pick up
any lost property that lay in the high road. All was virtue,
happiness and prosperity, the like of which has not since been
known. The Emperor Shun was raised from the plow handle to
the throne simply because of his filial piety, in recognition of
which wild beasts used to come and voluntarily drag his plow for
him through the furrowed fields, while birds of the air would
hover round and guard his sprouting grain from the depreciations
of insects.
This of course is not history ; and but little more can be said for
the accounts given of the two dynasties which ruled China be-
tween the "golden age " and the opening reigns of the House of
Chow. The historian in question had not many sources of
information at command. Reside tradition, of which he largely
availed himself, the chief of these was the hundred chapters that
had been edited by Confucius from the historical remains of those
times, now known as the " Book of History." This contains an
unquestionable foundation of facts, pointing to a comparatively
advanced state of civilization, even so far back as two thousand
years before our era; but the picture is dimly seen and many of
its details are of little practical value. This calculation declares
that with Yu began the dynasty of Hea which gave place in 1766
B. C. to the Shang dynasty. The last sovereign of the Hea line,
Kieh Kwei, is said to have been a monster of iniquity and to have
suffered the just punishment for his crimes at the hands of T'ang,
the prince of the state of Shang, who took his throne from him.
In like manner, six hundred and foity years later. Woo Wang,
the prince of Chow, overthrew Chow Sin, the last of the Shang
dynasty, and established himself as the chief of the sovereign
state of the empire.
It is only with the dynasty of the Chows that we begin to feel
ourselves on safe ground, though long before that date the Chinese
were undoubtedly enjoying a far higher civilization than fell to
the share of most western nations until many centuries later.
The art of writing had been already fully developed, having
passed, if we are to believe native researches from an original sys-
40 RISE OF THE DYNASTY OF CHOW.
tem of knotted cords, through successive stages of notches on
wood and rude outlines of natural objects down to the phonetic
stage in which it exists at the present day. Astronomical obser-
vations of a simple kind had been made and recorded and the
year divided into months. The rite of marriage had been sub-
stituted for capture ; and although cowries were still employed and
remained in use until a much later date, metallic coins of various
shapes and sizes began to be recognized as a more practicable
medium of exchange. Music, both vocal and instrumental, was
widely cultivated ; and a kind of solemn posturing filled the place
that has been occupied by dancing among nations farther to the
west. Painting, charioteering and archery were reckoned among
the fine arts; the crossbow especially being a favorite weapon
either on the battle field or on the chase. The people seem to
have lived upon rice and cabbage, pork and fish, much as they do
now ; they also drank the ardent spirit distilled from rice vulgarly
known as " Samshoo " and clad themselves in silk, or their own
coarse home stuffs according to the means of each. All this is
previous to the dynasty of Chow with which it is now proposed to
begin.
The Chows rose to power over the vices of preceding rulers,
aided by the genius of a certain duke or chieftain of the Chow
state, though he personally never reached the imperial throne.
It was his more famous son who in B. C. 1122 routed the forces
of the last tyrant of the semi-legendary period and made himself
master of China. The China of those days consisted of a number
of petty principalities clustering round one central state and thus
constituting a federation. The central state managed the common
affairs, while each one had its own local laws and administration.
It was in some senses a feudal age, somewhat similar to that
which prevailed in Europe for many centuries. The various
dukes were regarded as vassals owing allegiance to the sovereign
at the head of the imperial state, and bound to assist him with
money and men in case of need. And in order to keep together
this mass, constantly in danger of disintegration from strifes
within, the sovereigns of the House of Chow were forever
summoning these vassal dukes to the capital and making them
renew, with ceremonies of sacrifice and potations of blood, their
FORMATION OF THE EMPIRE. 41
VOWS of loyalty and treaties of alliance. At a great feast held by
Yu after his accession, there were, it is said, ten thousand princes
present with their symbols of rank. But the feudal states were
coDBtantly being absorbed by one another. On the rise of the
Shang dynasty there were only somewhat over three thousand,
which had decreased to thirteen hundred when the sovereignty of
the Chows was established.
The senior duke always occupied a position somewhat closer
to the sovereign than the others. It was his special business to
protect the imperial territory from invasion by any malcontent
vassal; and he was often deputed to punish acts of insubordina-
tion and contumacy, relying for help on the sworn faith of all the
states as a body against any individual recalcitrant. Such was
the political condition of things through a long series of reigns
for nearly nine centuries, the later history of this long and
famous dynasty being simply the record of a struggle against the
increasing power and ambitious designs of the vassal state of
Chiug, until at length the power of the latter not only outgrew
that of the sovereign state, but successfully defied the united
efforts of all the others combined together in a league. In 403
B. C. the number of states had been reduced to seven great ones,
all sooner or later claiming to be "the kingdom," and contending
for the supremacy until Chin^ put down all the others and in 221
B. C. its king assumed the title of Hwang Ti or emperor and
determined that there should be no more feudal principalities,
and that as there is but one sun in the sky there should be but
one ruler in the nation.
It is interesting to glance backward over these nine hundred
years and gather some facts as to the China of those days. The
religion of the Chinese was a modification of the older and sim-
pler forms of nature worship practised by their ruder forefathers.
The principal objects of veneration were still heaven and earth
and the more prominent among the destructive and beneficient
powers of nature. But a tide of personification and deification
had begun to set in and to the spirits of natural objects and in-
fluences now rapidly assuming material shape had been added the
spirits of departed heroes whose protection was invoked after
death by those to whom it had been afforded during life.
42
CHABACTERISTICS OF THE CHOW DYNASTY.
The sovereign of the Chow dyoasty worshipped in a building
which they called " the hall of light," which also served the pur-
pose of an audience and council chamber. It whs I12feetHquare
and surmounted by a dome; typical of heaven above and earth
beneath. China lias always been remarkably backward in
architectural development, never having got beyond the familiar
roof with its turned up cornurs, in which antiquaries trace a
CHINESE TEMPLE.
likeness to the tent of their nomad days. Hence it is that the
"hall of light" of the Chows is considered by the Chinese to
have been a very wonderful structure.
Some have said that the Pentateuch was carried to China in
the sixth century 6. C, but no definite traces of Judaism are
discoverable until sevenil centuries later.
The Chow period was pre-eminently one of ceremonial ob.serv-
CULTIVATION OF LITERATURE AND PROGRESS. 43
ances pushed to an extreme limit. Even Confucius was unable
to rise above the dead level of an ultra formal etiquette, which
occupies in his teachings a pl^^ce altogether out of proportion to
any advantages likely to accrue from the most scrupulous com-
pliance with its rules. During the early centuries of this period
laws were excessively severe and punishments correspondingly
barbarous ; mutilation and death by burning or dissection being
among the enumerated penalties. From all accounts there
speedily occurred a marked degeneracy in the characters of the
Chow kings. Among the most conspicuous of the early kings
was Muh, who rendered himself notorious for having promulga-
ted a penal code under which the redemption of punishments was
made permissible by the payment of fines.
Notwithstanding the spirit of lawlessness that spread far and
wide among the princes and nobles, creating misery and unrest
throughout the country, that literary instinct which has been a
marked characteristic of the Chinese throughout their long his-
tory continued as active as ever. At stated intervals oflBcials, we
are told, were sent in light carriages into all parts of the empire
to collect words from the changing dialects of each district; and
at the time of the royal progresses the oflBcial music masters and
historiographers of each principality presented to the ofiicials
appointed for the purpose, collections of the odes and songs of
each locality, in order, we are told, that the character of the rule
exercised by their princes should be judged by the tone of the
poetical and musical productions of their subjects. The odes and
songs as found and thus collected were carefully preserved in
royal archives, and it was from these materials, as is commonly
believed, that Confucius compiled the celebrated "She King" or
" Book of Odes."
One hundred years before the close of the Chow dynasty, a
great statesman named Wei Yang appeared in the rising state of
Cli'in and brought about many valuable reformations. Among
other things he introduced a system of tithings, which has en-
dured to the present day. The unit of Chinese social life has
always been the family and not the individual ; and this states-
man caused the family to be divided into groups of ten families
to each, upon a basis of mutual protection and responsibility.
44 THE CHINESE THREE THOUSAND YEARS AGO.
The soil of China has always been guarded as the inalienable
property of her imperial ruler for the time being, held in trust by
him on behalf of a higher and greater power whose vice-regent
he is. In the age of the Chows, land appears to have been culti-
vated upon a system of communal tenure, one-ninth of the total
produce being devoted in all cases to the expenses of government
and the maintenance of the ruling family in each state. Copper
coins of a uniform shape and portable size were first cast, accord-
ing to Chinese writers, about half way through the sixth century
B. C. An irregular form of money, however, had been in circu-
lation long before, one of the early vassal dukes having been
advised, in order to replenish his treasury, to " break up the hills
and make money out of the metal therein ; to evaporate sea
water and make salt. This," added his advising minister, " will
benefit the realm and with the profits you may buy up all kinds
of goods cheap and store them until tlie market has risen ; estab-
lish also three hundred depots of courtesans for the traders, who
will thereby be induced to bring all kinds of merchandise to your
country. This merchandise you will tax and thus have a suffici-
ency of funds to meet the expenses of your army." Such were
some of the principles of finance and political economy among
the Chows, customs duties being apparently even at that early
date a recognized part of the revenue.
The art of healing was practised among the Chinese in their
prehistoric times, but the first quasi-scientific efforts of which we
have any record belong to the period with which we are now
dealing. The physicians of the Chow dynasty classify diseases
under the four seasons of the year — headaches and neuralgic
affections under spring, skin diseases of all kinds under summer,
fever and agues under autumn, and bronchial and plumonary
complaints under winter. The public at large was warned against
rashly swallowing the prescriptions of any physician whose family
had not been three generations in the medical profession.
When the Chows went into battle they formed a line with the
bowman on the left and the spearman on the right flank. The
centre was occupied by chariots, each drawn by three or four
horses harnessed abreast. Swords, daggers, shields, iron headed
clubs, huge iron hooks, drums, cymbals, gongs, horns, banners and
MUSIC, SLAVERY, HOUSEHOLD HABITS. 46
Streamers innumerable were also among the equipment of war.
Quarter was rarely if ever given and it was customary to cut the
ears from the bodies of the slain.
It was under the Chows, a thousand years before Christ, that
the people of China began to possess family names\ By the time
of Confucius the use of surnames had become definitely estab-
lished for all classes. The Chows founded a university, a shadow
of which remains to the present day. They seem to have had
theatrical representations of some kind, though it is difficult to
say of what nature these actually were. Music must have already
reached a stage of considerable development, if we are to believe
Confucius himself, who has left it on record that after listening
to a certain melody he was so affected as not to be able to taste
meat for three months.
Slavery was at this date a regular domestic institution and was
not confined as now to the purchase of women alone ; and whereas
in still earlier ages it h<ad been usual to bury wooden puppets in
the tombs of princes, we now read of slave boys and slave girls
barbarously interred alive with the body of every ruler of a state,
in order, as was believed, to wait upon the tyrant's spirit after
death. But public opinion began during the Confucian era to
discountenance this savage rite, and the son of a man who left
instructions that he should be buried in a large coffin between
two of his concubines, ventured to disobey his father's commands.
We know that the Chows sat on chairs while all other eastern
nations were sitting on the ground, and ate their food and drank
their wine from tables; that they slept on beds and rode on horse-
back. They measured the hours with the aid of sun dials; and
the invention of the compass is attributed, though on somewhat
insufficient grounds, to one of their earliest heroes. They played
games of calculation of an abstruse character, and others involving
dexterity. They appear to have worn shoes of leather, and stock-
ings, and hats, and caps, in addition to robos of silk ; and to have
possessed such other material luxuries as fans, mirrors of metal,
bath tubs, and flat irons. But it is often difficult to separate
truth from falsehood in the statement of Chinese writers with re-
gard to their history. They are fond of exaggerating the civiliza-
tion of their forefathers, which, as a matter of fact, was sufficiently
46 CONFUCIUS AND HIS WORK.
advanced to command admiration without the undesirable coloring
of fiction they have thus been tempted to lay on.
Of the leligions of the Chinese we will speak in a succeeding
chapter, but it must be said here that during the Chow dynasty
was born the most famous of Chinese teachers, Confucius. He
was preceded about the middle of the dynasty by Lao-tzu, the
founder of an abstruse system of ethical philosophy which was
destined to develop into
tb© Taoism of today.
Closely following, and
partially a contemporary,
came Coufucius,"a teacher
who has been equalled in
his influence upon masses
of the human race by Bud-
dha alone and approached
only by Mahomet and
Christ." Confucius de-
voted Ills life chiefly to
the moral amelioration of
liis fellow men by oral
teaching, but he was also
an author of many works.
A hundred years later
came Mencius, the record
of whose teachings also
forms an important part
of the course of study of a
modern student in China,
K OF CONFUCIUS. ^"3 P^*' thcoiy was that
the nature of man is good,
and that all evil tendencies are necessarily acquired from evil
communications either hy heredity or association. It was during
this same period that the literature of the Chinese language was
founded. Of tliis subject, and some of the famous works, more
will he said in a succeeding chapter devoted to literature and
education.
In their campaign against the prevailing lawlessness and
MANrHOORI^N MI\r<;lFRS
WHAT THE REST OF THE WORLD WAS DOING. 49
violence, neither Confucius nor Mencius was able to make any
headway. Their preachings fell on deaf ears and their peaceful
admonitions were passed unheeded by men who held their fiefs
by the strength of their right arms, and administered tlie affairs
of their principalities surrounded by the din of war. The feudal
system and the dynasty of the Chows were tottering when Con-
fucius died although it was more than two hundred years after
when Ch'in acquired the supremacy.
The nine centuries covered by the history of the Chows were
full of stirring incidents in other parts of the world. The Trojan
war had just been brought to an end and JEneas had taken refuge
in Italy from the sack of Troy. Early in the dynasty Zoroaster
was founding in Persia the religion of the Magi, the worship of
fire which survives in the Parseeisra of Bombay. Saul was made
king of Israel and Solomon built the temple of Jerusalem. Later
on Lycurgus gave laws to the Spartans and Romulus laid the first
stone of the Eternal City. Then came the Babylonic captivity,
the appearance of Buddha, tlie conquest of Asia Minor by Cyrus,
the rise of the Roman Republic, the defeats of Darius at Marathon
and of Xerxes at Salamis, the Peloponnesian War, the retreat of
the Ten Thousand, and Roman conquests down to the end of the
first Punic war. From a literary point of view the Chow dynasty
was the age of the Vedas in India ; of Homer, ^schylus, Herod-
otus, Aristophanes, Thucydides, Aristotle and Demosthenes in
Greece ; and of the Jewish prophets from Samuel to Daniel ; and
of the Talmud as originally undertaken by the scribes subsequent
to the return from the captivity in Babylon.
It has been stated that the imperial rule of the Chows over the
vassal states which made up the China of those early days, was
gradually undermined by the growing power and influence of one
of the latter, the very name of which was transformed into a by-
word of reproach, so that to call a person "a man of Ch'in" was
equivalent to saying in vulgar parlance, " He is no friend of
mine." The struggle between the Ch'ins and the rest of the
empire may be likened to the struggle between Athens and the
rest of Greece though the end in each case was not the same.
The state of Ch'in vanquished its combined opponents, and finally
established a dynasty, shortlived indeed, but containing among
go
TitE FIRST EMPEROR Of CHINA.
the few rulers who sat upon the tlirone, only about fil'ty yeara In
all, the name of one remarkable man, the first emperor of the
united China.
Ou the ruins of the old feudal system, the landmarks of which
his three or four predecessors had succeeded in sweeping away,
Hwang Ti laid the foundations of a coherent empire which was
ORE AT WALL OF
to date from himself as its founder. He sent an army of 300,000
men to fight against the Huns. He dispatched a fleet tn search
for some mysterious islands off the coast of China ; and this ex-
pedition has since been connected with the colonization of Japan.
He built the Great Wall which is nearly fourteen hundred miles in
length, forming the most prominent artificial object on the sur&ce
tHE BURNING OF THE BOOKS. 61
of the earth. His copper coinage was so uniformly good that the
cowry disappeared altogether from commerce with this reign. Ac-
cording to some, the modern hair pencil employed by the Chinese
as a pen was invented about this time, to be used for writing on
silk; while the characters themselves underwent certain modifi-
cations and orthographical improvements. The first emperor de-
sired above all things to impart a fresh stimulus to literary effort;
but he adopted singularly unfortunate means to secure this de-
sirable end. For listening to the insidious flattery of courtiers, he
determined that literature should begin anew with his reign. He
therefore issued orders for the destruction of all existing books,
with the exception of works treating of medicine, agriculture and
divination and the annals of his own house ; and he actually put
to death many hundreds of the literati who refused to comply
with these commands. The decree was obeyed as faithfully as
was possible in case of so sweeping an ordinance and for many
years a night of ignorance rested on the country. Numbers of
valuable works thus perished in a general literary conflagration,
popularly known as " the burning of the books ; " and it is partly
to accident and partly to the pious efforts of the scholars of the
age, that posterity is indebted for the preservation of the most
precious relics of ancient Chinese literature. The death of Hwang
Ti was the signal for an outbreak among the dispossessed feudal
princes, who, however, after some years of disorder, were again
reduced to the rank of citizens by a successful peasant leader who
adopted the title of Kaou Ti, and named his dynasty that of Han,
with himself its first emperor.
From that day to this, with occasional interregnums, the empire
has been ruled on the lines laid down by Hwang Ti. Dynasty
has succeeded dynasty but the political tradition has remained un-
changed, and though Mongols and Manchoos have at different
times wrested the throne from its legitimate heirs, they have been
engulfed in a homogeneous mass inhabiting the empire, and in-
stead of impressing their seal upon the country, have become but
the reflection of the vanquished. The stately House of Han ruled
over China for four hundred years, approximately from 200 B. C.
to 200 A. D. During the whole period the empire made vast
strides towards a more settled state of prosperity and civilization.
S2
HISTORY OF THE HAN DYNASTY.
altbougli there were constaDt wars with the Tartar tribes to the
north and the various Turkish tribes on the west. The communi-
cations witli the Huns were particularly close, and even now
traces of Hunnish influence are discernible in several of the
recognized surnames of the Chinese. This dynasty also vit-
nessed the spectacle, most unusual in the east, of a woman
wielding the imperial sceptre ; and hers was not a reign calcu-
lated to inspire the people of China with much faith either in the
virtue or the administrative
abilityof the sex. In Chinese
history however, her place is
that of the only female sover-
eign who ever legitimately
occupied the throne.
It was under the Han
dynasty that the religion of
c\ Buddha first became ^nown
to the Chinese people, and
Taoism began to develop
from quiet philosophy to
foolish superstitions and
practices. It was also dur-
ing this period that the Jews
appear to have founded a
colony in Honan, but we
cannot say what kind of a
reception was accorded to
the iiew faith. In the glow
of early Buddhism, and in
the exciting times of its subsequent persecution, it is probable
that Judaism failed to attract much serious attention from the
Chinese. In 1850 certain Hebrew rolls were recovered from the
few remaining descendants of former Jews ; but there was then
no one left who could read a word of them, or who possessed any
knowledge of the creed of their forefathers, beyond a few tradi-
tions of the scantiest possible kind.
But the most remarkable of all events connected with our
present period, was the general revival of learning and author-
BimDHIBT PRIEST.
FAMOUS MEN OF THIS PERIOD. 63
ship. The Confucian texts were rescued from hiding places in
which they had been concealed at the risk of death ; editing com-
mittees were appointed, and immense efforts made to repair the
mischief sustained by literature at the hand of the first emperor.
Ink and paper were invented and authorship was thus enabled to
make a fresh start, the very start indeed, that the first emperor
bad longed to associate with his own reign, and had attempted to
secure by such impracticable means. During the latter portion
of the second century B. C, flourished the *' Father of Chinese
History." His great work, which has been the model for all sub-
sequent histories, is divided into one hundred and thirty books,
and deals with a period extending from the reign of the Yellow
emperor down to his own times. In another branch of literature,
a foremost place among the lexicographers of the world may
fairly be claimed for Hsu Shen, the author of a famous dic-
tionary. Many other celebrated writers lived and prospered dur-
ing thp Han dynasty. One man whose name must be mentioned
insured for himself, by his virtue and integrity, a more imper-
ishable fame than any mere literary achievement could bestow.
Yang Chen was indeed a scholar of no mean attainments, and
away in his occidental home he was known as the "Confucius
of the west." An officer of government in a high position,
with every means of obtaining wealth at his command, he lived
and died in comparative poverty, his only object of ambition being
the reputation of a spotless official. The Yangs of his day grum-
bled sorely at opportunities thus thrown away ; but the Yangs of
to-day glory in the fame of their great ancestor and are proud to
worship in the ancestral hall to which his uprightness has be-
queathed the name. For once when pressed to receive a bribe,
with the additional inducement tliat no one would know of the
transaction, he quietly replied — " How so ? Heaven would know ;
earth would know; you would know and I should know." And
to this hour the ancestral shrine of the clan of the Yangs bears
as it name "The Hall of the Four Knows."
It was in all probability under the dynasty of the Hans that
the drama first took its place among the amusements of the
people.
It is unnecessary to linger over the four centuries which con-
64 AbVANCK IK THE TRANSITIONAL l^ERIOD.
nect the Hans with the T'angs. There was not in them that dis-
tinctness of character or colierency of aim which leave a great
impress upon the times. The three kingdoms passed rapidly
awaj', and other small dynasties succeeded them, but their names
and dates are not essential to a right comprehension of the state
of China then or now. A few points may, however, be briefly
mentioned before quitting this period of transition. Diplomatic
relations were opened with Japan ; and Christianity was intro-
duced by the Nestorians under the title of the "luminous teach-
ing." Tea was not known in China before this date. It was at
the close of this transitional period that we first detect traces of
the art of printing, still in an embryonic state, and it seems to be
quite certain that before the end of the sixth century the Chinese
were in possession of a method of reproduction from wooden
blocks. One of the last emperors of the period succeeded in
adding largely to the empire by annexation toward the west.
Embassies reached his court from various nations, including
Japan and Cochin China, and helped to add to the lustre of his
reign.
The three centuries A. D. 600-900, during which the T'angs
sat upon the throne, form a brilliant epoch in Chinese history,
and the southern people of China are still proud of the designa-
tion which has descended to them as " men of T'ang." Emperor
Hsuan Tsung fought against the prevailing extravagance in
dress; founded a large dramatic college; and was an enthusias-
tic patron of literature. Buddhism flourished during this period
in spite of edicts against it. Finally, it gained the favor of the
emperors and for a time overpowered even Confucianism. It
was during the reign of the second emperor of the T'angs and
only six years after the Hegira that the religion of Mahomet first
reached the shores of China. A maternal uncle of the prophet
visited the country and obtained permission to build a mosque
at Canton, portions of which may perhaps still be found in the
thrice restored structure which now stands upon its site. I'he
use of paper money was first introduced by the government
toward the closing years of the dynasty ; and it is near to this
time that we can trace back the existence of the modern court
PAPER MONEY AND PRINTING. ^5
circular and daily record of edicts, memorials, etc., commonly
known as the Peking Gazette.
Another unimportant transition period, sixty years in duration,
forms the connecting link between the houses of T'ang and
Sung. It is known in Chinese history as the period of the five
dynasties, after the five short-lived ones crowded into tliis space
of time. It is remarkable chiefly for the more extended practice
of printing from wooden blocks, the standard classical works
being now for the first time printed in this way. The discredit-
able custom of cramping women's feet into the so-called " golden
lilies " belongs probably to this date, though referred by some to
a period several hundred years later.
It has been said before that the age of the T'angs was the age
of Mahomet and his new religion, the propagation of which was
destined to meet in the west with a fatal check from the arms of
Charles Martel at the battle of Tours. It was the age of Rome
independent under her early popes ; of Charlemagne as emperor
of the west; of Egbert as first king of England; and of Alfred
the Great.
The Sung dynasty extended from about A. D. 960 to 1280.
The first portion of this dynasty may be considered as on tlie
whole, one of the most prosperous and peaceable periods of the
history of China. The nation had already in a great measure
settled down to that state of material civilization and mental
culture in which it may be said to have been discovered by
Europeans a few centuries later. To the appliances of Chinese
ordinary life it is probable that but few additions have been made
even since a much earlier date. The national costume has indeed
undergone subsequent variations, and at least one striking
change has been introduced in later years, that is, the tail, which
will be mentioned later. But the plows and hoes, the water
wheels and well sweeps, the tools of artisans, mud huts, junks,
carts, chairs, tables, chopsticks, etc., which we still see in China,
are doubtless approximately those of more than two thousand
years ago. Mencius observed that the written language was
the same, and axle-trees of the same length all over the empire ;
and to this day an unaltering uniformity is one of the chief char-
acteristics of the Chinese people in every department of life.
56 INVASTOKS or THE TARTARS AND MONGOLS.
The house of Sung was not however without the usual troubles
for any length of time. Periodical revolts are the special feature
of Chinese history, and the Sungs were hardly exempt from them
in a greater degree than other dynasties. The Tartai-s too, were
forever encroaching upon Chinese territory and finally overran
and occupied a large part of northern China. This resulted in an
amicable arrangement to divide the empire, the Tartars retaining
their conquests in the north. Less than a hundred years later
came the invasion of tlie Mongols under Genghis Khan, with the
long struggle which eventuated in a complete overthrow of both
the Tartars and the Sungs and the final establishment of the
Mongol dynasty under Kublai Khan, whose success was in a
great measure due to the military capacity of his famous lieuten-
ant Bayan. From this struggle one name in particular has sur-
vived to form a landmark of which the Chinese are justly proud.
It is that of the patriot statesman Wen T'ien-hsiang, whose
fidelity to the Sungs no defeats could shake, no promises under-
mine; and who perished miserably in the hands of the enemy
rather than abjure tlie loyalty which liad been the pride and
almost the object of his existence.
Another name inseparably connected with the history of the
Sungs is that of Wang An-shih who lias been styled " The Inno-
vator " from the gigantic administrative changes or innovations
he labored ineffectually to introduce. The chief of these were a
universal system of militia under which the whole body of citizens
were liable to military drill and to be called out for service in
time of need ; and a system of state loans to agriculturists in order
to supply capital for more extensive and more remunerative farm-
ing operations. His schemes were ultimately set aside through the
opposition of a statesman whose name is connected even more closely
with literature than with politics. Ssu maKuang spent nineteen
years of his life in the compilation of '' The Mirror of History," a
history of China in two hundred and ninety-four books, from the
earliest times of the Chow dynast}' down to the accession of the
house of Sung.
A century later this lengthy production was recast in a
greatly condensed form under the superintendence of Chu Hsi,
the latter work at once taking rank as the standard history
CHINESE AUCHERS,
LITERARY WORK OF THE SUNG DYNASTY. 59
of China to that date. Chu Hsi himself played in other ways
by far the most important part among all the literary giants of
the Sungs. Besides holding, during a large portion of his life,
high official position, with an almost unqualified success, his
writings are more extensive and more varied in cliaracter than
those of any other Chinese author ; and tlie complete collection
CIKNESB WHITER.
of his great philosophical works, pnhlished in 1713, fills no fewer
than sixty-six books. He introduced interpretations of the Con-
fucian classics, either wholly or partially at variance with tliose
which had been put forth by the scholars of the Han dynasty
and received as infallible ever since, thus modifying to a certain
extent the prevailing standard of political and social morality.
80 A FAMOUS CHINESE POET.
«
His principle was simply one of consistency. He refused to in-
terpret certain words in a given passage in one sense and the
same words occurring elsewhere in another sense. And this
principle recommended itself at once to the highly logical
mind of the Chinese. Chu Hsi's commentaries were received
to the exclusion of all others and still form the only author-
ized interpretation of the classical books, upon a knowledge of
which all success at the great competitive examination for
literary degrees may be said to entirely depend.
It would be a lengthy task to merely enumerate the names in
the great phalanx of writers who flourished under the Sungs and
who formed an Augustan Age of Chinese literature. Exception
must however be made in favor of Ou-Yang Hsiu, who besides
being an eminent statesman, was a voluminous historian of the
immediately preceding dynasties, an essayist of rare ability, and a
poet ; and of Su Tung-p'o whose name next to that of Chu Hsi
fills the largest place in Chinese memorials of this period. A
vigorous opponent of "The Innovator," he suffered banishment
for his opposition ; and again, after his rival's fall, he was similarly
punished for further crossing the imperial will. His exile
was shared by the beautiful and accomplished girl " Morning
("louds," to whose inspiration we owe many of the ehiborate
poems and other productions in the composition of which the
banished poet beguiled his time; and whose untimely death of
consumption, on the banks of their favorite lake, hastened the poet's
end, which occurred shortly after his recall from banishment.
Buddhism and Taoism had by this time made advances toward
tacit terms of mutual toleration. They wisely agreed to share
rather than to quarrel over the carcass which lay at their feet;
and from that date they have flourished together without prejudice.
The system of competitive examinations and literary degrees
had been still more fully elaborated, and the famous cliild's primer,
the "Three Character Classic," wliicli is even now the first step-
ping stone to knowledge, had been placed in the hands of school
boys. The surnames of the peoijle were collected to the number
of four hundred and thirty-eight in all; and although this was
admittedly not complete, the great majority of those names which
were omitted, once perhaps in common use, have altogether disap-
LITERATURE, LAW, AND MEDICINE. 61
peared. It is comparatively rare nowadays to meet with a person
whose family name is not to be found within the limits of this
small collection. Administration of justice is said to have flour-
ished under the incorrupt officials of this dynasty. The func-
tions of magistrates were more fully defined ; while the study
of medical jurisprudence was stimulated by the publication of a
volume which, although combining the maximum of superstition
with the minimum of scientific research, is still the officially
recognized text book on all subjects connected with murder,
suicide and accidental death. Medicine and the art of healing
came in for a considerable share of attention at the hands of the
Sungs and many voluminous works on therapeutics have come
down to us from this period. Inoculation for small -pox has been
known to the Chinese at least since the early years of this
dynasty if not earlier.
The irruption of the Mongols under Genghis Khan, and the
comparatively short dynasty which was later on actually estab-
lished under Kublai Khan, may be regarded as the period of
transition from the epoch of the Sungs to the epoch of the Mings.
For the first eighty years after the nominal accession of Genghis
Khan the empire was more or less in a state of siege and martial
law from one end to the other ; and then in less than one hundred
years afterwards the Mongol dynasty had passed away. The
story of Ser Marco Polo and his wonderful travels, familiar to
most readers, gives us a valuable insight into this period of brill-
iant courts, thronged marts, fine cities, and great national wealth.
At this date the literary glory of the Sungs had hardly begun
to grow dim. Ma Tuan-lin carried on his voluminous work
through all the troublous times, and at his death bequeathed to
the world '* The Antiquarian Researches," in three hundred and
forty -eight books, which have made his name famous to every
student of Chinese literature. Plane and spherical trigonometry
were both known to the Chinese by this time, and mathematics
generally began to receive a larger share of the attention of
scholars. It was also under the Mongol dynasty that the novel
first made its appearance, a fact pointing to a definite social ad-
vancement, if only in the direction of luxurious reading. Among
62 KUBLAI KHAN AND HIS REIGN.
other points may be mentioned a great influx of Mohammedans,
and consequent spread of their religion about this time.
The Grand Canal was completed by Kublai Khan, and thus
Cambaluc, the Peking of those days, was united by inland water
communication with the extreme south of China. The work
seems to have been begun by the Emperor Yang Ti seven cen-
turies previously, but the greater part of the undertaking was
done in the reign of Kublai Khan. Hardly so successful was the
same emperor's huge naval expedition against Japan, which in
point of number of ships and men, the insular character of the
enemy's country, the chastisement intended, and the total loss of
the fleet in a storm, aided by the stubborn resistance of the Jap-
anese themselves, suggests a very obvious comparison with the
object and fate of the Spanish Armada.
The age of the Sungs carries us from a hundred years previous
to the Norman Conquest down to about the death of Edward III.
It was the epoch of Venetian commerce and maritime supremacy;
and of the first great lights in Italian literature, Dante, Petrarch
and Boccacio. English, French, German and Spanish literature
had yet to develop, only one or two of the earlier writers, such
as Chaucer, having yet appeared on the scene.
The founder of the Ming dynasty rose from starvation and ob-
scurity to occupy tlie throne of tlie Chinese empire. In his youth
he sought refuge from the pangs of hunger in a Buddhist monas-
tery ; later on he became a soldier of fortune, and joined the
ranks of the insurgents wlio were endeavoring to shake off the
alien yoke of the Mongols. His own great abilities carried him
on. He speedily obtained the leadership of a large army, with
which he totally destroyed the power of the Mongols, and finally
established a new Chinese dynasty over the thirteen provinces
into which the empire was divided. He fixed his capitol at Nan-
king, where it remained until the accession of the third emperor,
the conqueror of Cochin China and Tonquin, who transferred the
seat of government back to Peking, the capitol of the Mongols,
from which it has never since been removed.
For nearly three hundred years, from 1370 to 1650, the Mings
swayed the destinies of China. Their rule was not one of unin-
terrupted peace, either within or without the empire ; but it was
FOUNDING THE MING DYNASTY. 65
OD the whole a vise and popular lule, and the period which it
ooTers is otherwise notable for immense literaty activity and for
oonuderable refinement in manners and material civilization.
From without, the Mings were oooBtantly harra&sed hj the
eDoro8ohment8 of the Tartars ; white from within the ceaseless
intrigaiog of the eunaohs was a fertile cause of trouble.
Chief amoDg the literary achievements of this period, is the
ANCIENT CHINESE ARCB.
gigantic encyclopedia in over twenty-two thousand books, only
one copy of which, and that imperfect, has survived out of the
four that were originally made. Allowing fifty octavo pages to
a book, the result would be a total of at least one million one
hundred thousand pages, the index alone occupying no fewer
than three thousand pages. This wonderful work is now probably
rotting, if not already rotted beyond hope of premier vation, in
4
66 A CHINESE EMPEROR'S PRIVATE LIBRARY.
some damp corner of the imperial palace at Peking. Another im
portant and more accessible production was the so-called ^^ Chinese
Herbal.'' This was a compilation from the writings of no fewer
than eight hundred preceding writers on botany, mineralogy,
entomology, etc., the whole forming a voluminous but unsci*
entific book of reference on the natural history of China.
Shortly after the accession of the third emperor, Yung Lo, the
imperial library was estimated to contain written and printed
works amounting to a total of about one million in all. A book
is a variable quantity in Chinese literature, both as regards num-
ber and size of pages ; the number of books to a work also vary
from one to several hundred. But reckoning fifty pages to a book
and twenty or twenty-five books to a work, it will be seen that
the collection was not an unworthy private library for any em-
peror in the early years of the fifteenth century.
The overthrow of the Mings was brought about by a combina-
tion of events of the utmost importance to those who would un-
derstand the present position of the Tartars as rulers of China.
A sudden rebellion had resulted in the capture of Peking by the
insurgents, and in the suicide of the emperor who was fated to be
the last of his line. The imperial commander-in chief, Wu San-
kuei, at that time away on the frontiers of Manchooria engaged in
resisting the incursions of the Manchoo-Tartars, now for a long
time in a state of ferment, immediately hurried back to the
capitol but was totally defeated by the insurgent leader and once
more made his way, this time as a fugitive and a suppliant, toward
the Tartar camp. Here he obtained promises of assistance
chiefly on condition that he would shave his head and grow a tail
in accordance with Manchoo custom, and «ngain set off with his
new auxilliaries toward Peking, being reinforced on the way by a
body of Mongol volunteers. As things turned out, the com-
mander arrived in Peking in adv<ince of these allies, and actually
succeeded with the remnant of his own scattered forces in routing
the troups of the rebel leader before the Tartars and the Mon-
gols came up. He then started in pursuit of the flying foe.
Meanwhile the Tartar contingent arrived and on entering the
capitol the young Manchoo prince in command was invited by the
people of Peking to ascend the vacant throne. So that by the
FOUNDING OF THE PREgtNT RULING DYNASTY. 67
time Wu San-kuei reappeared, he found a new dynasty already
established and his late Manchoo ally at the head of affairs. His
first intention had doubtless been to continue the Ming line of
emperors ; but he seems to have readily fallen in with the arrange-
ment already made and to have tendered his formal allegiance on
the four following conditions :
That no Chinese woman should be taken into the imperial se-
raglio; that the first place at the great triennial examination for
the highest literary degrees should never be given to a Tartar ;
that the people should adopt the national costume of the Tartars
in their everyday life ; but that they should be allowed to bury
their corpses in the dress of the late dynasty ; that this condition
of costume should not apply to the women of China who were not
to be compelled either to wear the hair in a tail before marriage
as the Tartar girls do, or to abandon the custom of compressing
their feet.
The great Ming dynasty was now at an end, though not destined
wholly to pass away. A large part of it may be said to remain
in the literary monuments. The dress of the period survives
upon the modern Chinese stage ; and when occasionally the alien
yoke has galled, seditious whispers of ** restoration " are not al-
together unheard. Secret societies have always been dreaded and
prohibited by the government ; and of these none more so than
the famous " Triad Society," in which heaven, earth, and man are
supposed to be associated in close alliance, and whose watchword
is believed to embody some secret allusion to the downfall of the
present dynasty.
In the latter part of the sixteenth century, the civilization of
western Europe began to make itself felt in China by the advent
of the Portuguese, and this matter will be returned to in the fol-
lowing chapter.
In other parts of the world, eventful times have set in. In
England we are brought from the accession of Richard II. down
to the struggle between the king and the commons and the ulti-
mate establishment of the commonwealth. We have Henry IV.
in France and Ferdinand and Isabella in Spain. In England,
Shakspeare and Bacon; in France, Rabelais and Descartes: in
Germany, Luther and Copernicus ; in Spain, Cervantes ; and in
68 IN OTHER PARTS OF THE WORLD.
Italy, Galileo,Machiavelli andTasso; these names to which should
be added those of the great explorers, Columbus and Vasco de
Cxama, serve to remind one of what was meanwhile passing in the
west.
PROM FIRST CONTACT WITH EUROPEAN CIVILIZA-
TION TO THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR.
How the Western Nations Formed the Acquaintance of China— First Mention of the
Orient by Grecian and Roman Historians—Introduction of Judaism— Nestorian Itf issionaries
Bring Christianity— Marco Polo's Wonderful Journey— Roman Missionaries in the Field—
DIssentions among Christians Discredit their Wortc— Worlc of the Jesuits— The Dynasty of
the Gbings— Splendid Literary Labors of Two Emperors— Englands First Embassy to
China— The Opium War— Opening the Ports of China— Treaties with Western Nations— The
Tal-Ping Bebellion—The Later Years of Chinese History.
The works of several Greek and Roman historians, principally
those of Ptolemy and Arian, who lived in the second century,
contain references of a vague character to a country now generally
believed to be China. Ptolemy states that his information came
from the agents of Macedonii^n traders, who gave him an account
of a journey of seven months from the principal city of eastern
Turkestan, in a direction east inclining a little south. It is
probable that these agents belonged to some of the Tartar tribes
of Central Asia. They represented the name of this most eastern
nation to be Serica, and that on the borders of this kingdom they
met and traded with its inhabitants, the Seres. Herodotus speaks
of the Isadores as a people in the extreme north-east of Asia.
Ptolemy also mentions these tribes as a part of Serica and under
its sway. Ammianus Marcellinus, a Roman historian of the
fourth century, speaks of the land of the Seres as surrounded by
a high and continuous wall. This was about six hundred years
after the great wall of northern China was built. Virgil, Pliny,
Ricitus and Juvenal refer to the Seres in connection with the
Seric garments which seem to have been made of fine silk or
gauze. This article of dress was much sought after in Rome by
the wealthy and luxurious, and as late as the second century, is
said to have been worth its weight in gold. From the length and
description of the route of the traders, the description of the
mountains and rivers which they passed, the character of the
people with whom they traded and the articles of traflBc, the evi-
dence seems almost conclusive that the nation which the Greeks
and Romans designated by the name of Serica is that now known
(71)
72 INTERCOURSE WITH WESTERN NATIONS.
to* us as China. The particular countries visited by the caravans
which brought the silk to Europe, were probably the dependencies
or territories of China on the west, or possibly cities within the
extreme north-west limit of China proper.
The introduction of Judaism into China is evidenced by a
Jewish synagogue which existed until quite recently in Kai-fung-
foo, a city in the province of Honan. Connected with this
synagogue were some Hebrew manuscripts, and a few worshippers
who retained some of the forms of their religion, but very little
knowledge of its real character and spirit. There is a great deal
of uncertainty as to when the Jews came to China, though they
have, no doubt, resided there for many centuries.
Nestorian missionaries entered China some time before the
seventh century. The principal record which they have left of
the success of their missions is the celebrated Nestorian monu-
ment in Fengan-foo. This monument contains a short history of
the sect from the year 630 to 781, and also an abstract of the
Christian religion. The missionaries of this sect have left but few
records of their labors or of their observations as travelers, but
the churches planted by them seem to have existed until a com-
paratively recent period. Tlie Romish missionaries who entered
China in the beginning of the fourteenth century, found them
possessed of considerable influence, not only among the people,
but also at court, and met with no little opposition from them in
their first attempts to introduce the doctrines of their church. It
seems to be true that during the period of nearly eight hundred
years in which Nestorian Christianity maintained its foothold in
China, large numbers of converts were made. But in process of
time the Nestorian churches departed widely from their first
teachings. After the fall of the Mongolian empire they were cut
off from connection with the west, and not having sufficient
vitality to resist the adverse influences of heathenism the people
by degrees relapsed into idolatry or took up the new faiths that
were introduced.
The first western writer, whose works are extant, who has given
anything like full and explicit explanation respecting China is
Ser Marco Polo. He went to China in the year 1274, in company
with his father and uncle, who were Venetian noblemen. At this
SER MARCO POLO'S JOURNEY TO CHINA. 73
time, the independent nomad tribes of central Asia being united
in one government, it was practicable to reach eastern Asia by
passing through the Mongolian empire. Marco Polo spent
twenty-four years in China, and seems to have been treated
kindly and hospitably. After his return to Europe he was taken
prisoner in a war with the Genoese, and during his confinement
wrote an account of his travels. The description he gives of the
vast territories of China, its teeming population, and flourishing
cities, the refinement and civilization of its people, and their
curious customs, seemed to his countrymen more like a fiction of
fairyland than sober and authentic narrative. It is said that be
was urged when on his death bed to retract these statements and
make confession of falsehood, which he refused to do. He was
undoubtedly one of the most remarkable travelers of any age.
During the period of the Mongolian empire which compre-
hended under its sway the greater part of Asia from China on the
east to the Mediterranean on the west, an intense desire was
kindled in the Roman church to convert this powerful nation to
its faith. Among the first and the most noted of the missionaries
sent to China at this time, was John of Mount Corvin, who
reached Peking in 1293. He was afterward made an archbishop.
From time to time bishops and priests were sent out to re-enforce
this mission, but they met with indifferent success ; and when the
Mongols were driven from China the enterprise was abandoned
as a complete failure. After the fall of the Mongolian empire,
direct overland communication with eastern Asia was interrupted,
and for about two hundred years China was again almost com-
pletely isolated from the western world.
The use of the magnetic needle, and improvements in naviga-
tion, made a new era in intercourse with the Orient. It is sup-
posed that the first voyage from Europe to China was made by a
Portuguese vessel in 1516. From this period commercial inter-
course with China became more frequent, and various embassies
were sent to the Chinese court by different nations of Europe.
Unfortunately the growing familiarity of the Chinese with west-
ern nations did not increase their respect and confidence in them.
This was due partly to the servility of most of the embassies to
Peking, but principally, no doubt, to the want of honesty and
74 DISSENTIONS BETWEEN THE SECTS.
the general lawlessness of most of the traders from the west.
The consequence was that the Chinese became desirous of re-
stricting foreign intercourse, and exercising as strict surveillance
over their troublesome visitors as possible.
Immediately after connection was established between Europe
and the far east by sea, another and a more successful effort was
made by the Roman church to propagate its faith in the Chinese
empire, this being coincident with the growth of the exchange of
business. Francis Xavier, in his attempt to gain an entrance
into the country, died on one of the islands of the coast in 1552.
Toward the close of the Sixteenth century the Portuguese ap-
peared upon the scene, and from their ** concession " at Macao, at
one time the residence of Camoens, opened commercial relations
between China and the west. They brought the Chinese, among
other things, opium, which had previously been imported over-
land from India. They possibly taught them how to make gun-
powder, to the invention of which the Chinese do not seem, upon
striking a balance of evidence, to possess an independent claim.
About the same time Rome contributed the first installment of
those wonderful Jesuit fathers whose names yet echo in the em-
pire, the memory of their scientific labors and the benefits they
thus conferred upon China having long survived the wreck and
discredit of the faith to which they devoted their lives. At this
distance of time it does not appear to be a wild statement, to as-
sert that had the Jesuits, the Franciscans, and the Dc^minicaus
been able to resist quarreling among themselves, and had they
rather united to persuade papal infallibility to permit the incor-
poration of ancestor-worship with the rites and ceremonies of the
Romish church, China would at this moment be a Catholic coun-
try and Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism would long since
have receded into the past.
Of all these Jesuit missionaries, the name of Matteo Ricci
stands by common consent upon the long list. He established
himself in Canton in the garb of a Buddhist priest in 1681. He
was a man of varied intellectual gifts and extensive learning,
anited with indomitable energy, zeal and perseverance, and great
prudence. In 1601 he reached Peking in the dress of a literary
gentleman. He spent many years in China. He associated with
DISSENTIONS BETWEEN THE SECTS. 76
the highest personages in the laud. He acquired an unrivalled
knowledge of the book language, and left behind him several
CUINESE PRIEST.
Taluable treatises of a metaphysical and theological character,
vritten in such a polished style as to command the recognition
76 BEGINNING OP THE EEIGNING DYNASTr.
and even the admiration of the Chinese. One of his most inti-
mate friends and fellow workers was the well-known scholar and
statesman, Hsu Kuang-chi, the author of a voluminous com-
pendium of agriculture, and joint author of the large work
which introduced European astronomy to the Chinese. He waa
appointed by the emperor to co-operate with other Jesuit mis-
siitnarles in reforming the national calendar, which had gradually
reached a stage of hopeless inaccui'acy. He wrote independently
several small scientific works ; also a severe ciitioism of the
Buddhist religion, and finally, not least in importance, a defense
of the Jesuits, addressed to the throne, when their influence at
court had begun to excite envy
and distrust. Hsu Kuang-chi
forms the sole exception in the
history of China of a scholar and
a man of means and position on
the side of Christianity.
The age of the Chings is the
age in which we live, but it is not
I so familiar to some persons as it
ought to be that a Tartar and not
a Chinese sovereign is now seated
on the throne in China. For some
time after the accession of the
first Manchoo emperor, there was
considerable friction between the
two races. Tlie subjugatiou of
the empire by the Manchoos was
followed hy a military occupation of the country, which survived
the original necessity, and has remained part of the system of
government until the present day. The dynasty thus founded,
partly by accident as it seems, as was related in the last chapter,
has remained in power through the entire period of intercourse
with western nations. The title adopted by the first emperor of
the line was Shun-che. It was during the reign of this sovereign
that Adam Schaal, a German Jesuit, took up his residence at
Peking and that the first Russian embassy, 1656, visited the cap-
ital. But in those days the Chinese had not learned to tolerate
MAN OF SWATOW.
THE GREATEST OF THE CIIING RULERS. 77
the idea that a foreigner should enter the presence of the Son of
Heaven unless he were willing to perform the prostration known
as the Ko-t*ow, and the Russians not being inclined to humor
any such presumptuous folly left the capital without opening
negotiations.
Of the nine emperors of this line, from the first to the present,
the second in every way fills the largest space in Chinese history.
Kang Hi, the son of Shun-che, reigned for sixty-one years. This
sovereign is renowned in modern Chinese history as a model ruler,
a skillful general and an able author. During his reign Thibet
was added to tlie empire, and the Eleuths were successfully sub-
dued. But it is as a just and considerate ruler that he is best re
membered among the people. He treated the early Catholic
priests with kindness and distinction, and availed himself in many
ways of their scientific knowledge. He promulgated sixteen
moral maxims collectively known as the " Sacred Edict," forming
a complete code of rules for the guidance of every day life, and
presented in such terse, yet intelligible terms, that they at once
took firm hold of the public mind and have retained their position
ever since. Kang Hi was the most successful patron of literature
the world has ever seen. He caused to be published under hit*
own personal supervision the four following compilations, known
as the four great works of the present dynasty : A huge thesaurus
of extracts in one hundred and ten thick volumes ; an encyclopedia
in four hundred and fifty books, usually bound in one hundred and
sixty volumes ; an enlarged and improved edition of a herbarium
in one hundred books ; and a complete collection of the important
philosophical writings of Cliu Hsi in sixty-six books. In addition
to these the emperor designed and gave his name to the great
modern lexicon of the Chinese language, which contains over
forty thousand characters under separate entries, accompanied
in each case by appropriate citations from the works of authors
of every age and every style. The monumental encyclopedia
contains articles on every known subject, and extracts from all
works of authority dating from the twelfth century B. C. to that
time. As only one hundred copies of the first imperial edition
were printed, all of which were presented to princes of the blood
and high officials, it is rapidly becoming extremely rare, and it is
78 HEARING MODERN TIMES.
not unlikely that before long the copy in the possession of the
British museum will be the only complete copy existing. A cold
caught on a hunting excursion in Mongolia brought his memorable
reign of sixty-one years to a close, and he was succeeded on the
throne by his son Yung Ching.
The labors of the missionaries during the years of this last reign
have been effective in establishing many churches and bishoprics,
and in making many thousands of converts. But the suspicions
in the minds of the Chinese rulers that the Christians were
leagued with rebels, as well as the controversies between the
different sects, antagonized the authorities. Under the third
Manchoo emperor, Yung Ching, began that violent persecution of
the Catholics which continued almost to the present day, and in
the year 1723 an edict was promulgated prohibiting the further
propagation of this religion in the empire. From this time the
Roman Catholics were subjected to this persecution except for a
few alternate periods of comparative toleration. They have re-
tained their position in the face of great difficulties and trials, and
since the late treaties with China the number of their converts
has rapidly increased.
After a reign of twelve years, Yung Ching was gathered to his
fathers, having bequeathed the throne to his son Kien Lung. This
fourth emperor of the dynasty enjoyed a long and glorious reign.
He possessed many of the great qualities of his grandfather, hut
he lacked his wisdom and moderation. His generals led a large
army into Nepaul and conquered the Goorkhas, reaching a point
only some sixty miles distant from British territory. He carried
his armies north, south, and west, and converted Kuldja into a
Chinese province. But in Burmah, Cochin China, and Formosa
his troops suffered discomfiture. During his reign, which ex-
tended over sixty years, a full Chinese cycle, the relations of his
government with the East India Company were extremely unsat-
isfactory. The English merchants were compelled to submit to
many indignities and wrongs ; and for the purpose of establishing
a better international understanding Lord Macartney was sent by
George III. on a special mission to the court of Peking. The
ambassador was received graciously by the emperor, who accepted
the presents sent him by the English king, but owing to his
l^-^Ff
MONUMENTAL LITERARY LABORS. 81
ignorance of his own relative position, and of even the rudiments
of international law, he declined to give those assurances of a
more equitable policy which were demanded of him.
Like his illustrious ancestor, Kien Lung was a generous patron
of literature, though only two instead of five great literary monu-
ments remain to marl^ his sixty years of power. These are a
magnificent bibliographical work in two hundred parts, consisting
of a catalogue of the books in the imperial library, with valuable
historical and critical notices attached to the entries of each ; and
a huge topography of the whole empire in five hundred books,
beyond doubt one of the most comprehensive and exhaustive
works of the kind ever published. Kang Hi had been a volumin-
ous poet ; but the productions of Kien Lung far outnumber those
of any previous or subsequent bard. For more than fifty years
this emperor was an industrious poet, finding time in the intervals
of state duties to put together no fewer than thirty-three thousand
nine hundred and fifty separate pieces. In the estimation however
of this apparently impossible contribution to poetic literature, it
must always be borne in mind that the stanza of four lines is a
favorite length for a poem and that the couplet is not uncommon.
Even thus a large balance stands to the credit of a Chinese em-
peror, whose time is rarely his own, and whose day is divided with
wearisome regularity, beginning with councils and audiences long
before daylight has appeared. We gain a glimpse into Kien
Lung's court from the account of Lord Macartney's embassy in
1795, which was so favorably received by the venerable monarch
a short time previous to his abdication, and three years before his
death, and forms such a contrast with that of Lord Amherst to
his successor in 1816. In 1796, at the age of eighty-five years,
Kien Lung abdicated in favor of his fifteenth son who ascended
the throne with the title of Kea King.
During the reign of Kea King, a second English embassy was
sent to Peking, in 1816, to represent to the emperor the unsatis-
factory position of the English merchants in China. The envoy.
Lord Amherst, was met at the mouth of the Peiho and conducted
to Yuen-ming-yuen or summer palace, where the emperor was re-
siding. On his arrival he was oflBcially warned that only on con-
dition of his performing the Ko-t'ow would he be permitted to
82 PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES AT WORK.
behold "the dragoii.counteDance." This of course was impoa
CHINESE FEASANT, PEIBO DI8TR10T.
sible, and he consequently left the palace without having slept a
night under its roof.
PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES AT WORK. 88
Meanwhile the internal affairs of the country were even more
disturbed than the foreign relations. A succession of rebellions
broke out in the western and northern provinces and the sea-
boards were ravaged by pirates. While these disturbing causes
were in full pluy the emperor died, in 1820, and the throne de-
volved upon Tao Kuang, his second son. It was during the
reign of Kea King that Protestant missionaries initiated a syste-
matic attempt to convert the Chinese to Christianity ; but the
religious toleration of these people, which on the whole has been
a marked feature in their civilization of all ages, had been sorely
tried by the Catholics and but little progress was made. In an-
other direction some of the early Protestant missionaries did
great service to the world at large. They spent much of their
time in grappling with the difficulties of the written language ;
and the publication of Dr. Morrison's famous dictionary and the
achievements of Dr. Legge were the culmination of these labors.
Under Tao Kuang both home and foreign affairs went from
bad to worse. A secret league known as the Triad Society,
which was first formed during the reign of Kang Hi, now as-
sumed a formidable bearing, and in many parts of the country,
notably in Honan, Kwang-hsi, and Formosa, insurrections broke
out at its instigation. At the same time the mandarins continued
to persecute the English merchants, and on the expiration of the
East India Company's monopoly iu 1834 the English government
sent Lord Napier to Canton to superintend the foreign trade at
that port. Thwarted at every turn by the presumptuous obsti-
nacy of the majidarins. Lord Napier's health gave way under the
constant vexations connected with his post, and he died at Macao
after but a few months' residence in China.
The opium trade was now the question of the hour, and at the
urgent demand of Commissioner Lin, Captain Elliot, the super-
intendent of trade, agreed that all opium in the hands of English
merchants should be given up to the authorities. On the 3rd of
April, 1839, twenty thousand two hundred and eighty-three
chests of opium were, in accordance with this agreement,
handed over to the mandarins, who burnt them to ashes.
This demand of Lin's, though agreed to by the superin-
tendent of trade, was considered so unreasonable by the English
84 OPIUM TRADE AND THE WAR.
government that in the following year war was declared against
China. The island of Chusan and the Bogue forts on the Canton
river soon fell into the English hands, and Commissioner Lin's
successor sought to purchase peace by the cession of Hong Kong
and the payment of an indemnity of $6,000,000. This conven-
tion was, however, repudiated by the Peking government, and it
was not until Canton, Amoy, Ningpo, Shanghai, Chapoo and
Chin-keang Foo had been taken by the British troops, that the
emperor at last consented to come to terms, now of course far
more onerous. By a treaty made by Sir Henry Pottinger in
1842 the cession of Hong Kong was supplemented by the open-
ing of the four ports of Amoy, Foochow Foo, Ningpo, and
Shanghai to foreign trade, and the indemnity of $6,000,000 was
increased to $21,000,000.
Without noticing the other points at issue and the merits of
the dispute concerning them, it is considered by the world at
large that one of the blackest pages in the records of the history
of civilization is that which tells of the forcing of the opium
traffic upon the Chinese by Great Britain. The Chinese people
were making most strenuous efforts to abolish the traffic in
opium and the habit of its use, which had been introduced from
India, and which was rapidly becoming the curse of the nation.
But for commercial motives, in this Victorian age of civilization,
England sent to force compliance with the demand of her mer-
chants in China that the sale of the drug be legalized. The
rapid spread of the use of opium among the hundreds of millions
of Chinese, dating from this time, may be charged against En-
gland, in the long account which records the oppression and the
shame of her dealings with whatever eastern nation she has
played the game of war and colonization and annexation.
Death put an end to Tao Kuang's reign in 1850, and his fourth
son, Hien Feng, assumed rule over the distracted empire which
was bequeathed him by his father. There is a popular belief
among the Chinese that two hundred years is the natural life of
a dynasty. This is one of those traditions which are apt to
bring about their own fulfilment, and in the beginning of the
reign of Hien Feng the air was rife with rumors that an effort
was to be made to restore the Ming dynasty to the throne. Om
HOW THE TAI-PING REBELLION BEGAN.
87
such occasions there are always real or preteiided scions of the
required family forthcoming. And when the flames of rebellion
broke out in Kwang-hsi a claimant suddenly appeared under the
title of Teen-tih, " heavenly virtue," to head the movement. But
he had not the capacity required to play the necessary part, and
the affair languished and would have died out altogether had not
a leader named Hung Sew-tseuen arose, who combined all the
qualities required in a leader o£ men, energy, enthusiasm, and
religious bigotry.
As soon as he was sufficiently powerful he advanced northward
into Honan and
Hoopih, and cap-
tured Wdo-chang
Foo, the capital of
the last named
province, find a
city of great com-
mercial and strate-
gical importance,
situated as it is at
tiie junction of the
Han river with the
Chiang. Having
made this place
secure lie advanced
down the river and
made himself mas-
ter of Gan-ting and
the old capital of the empire, Nauking. Here in 18fi2 he estab-
lished his throne, and proclaimed the commencement of Tai-
ping dynasty. For himself he adopted the title of Teen-wang, or
" heavenly hing." For a time all went well with the new dynasty.
The Tai-ping standard was carried northward to the walls of
Tien-tsin and floated over the towns of Chin-lceaug Foo and
Soochow Foo.
Meanwhile the imperial authorities had by their stupidity raised
another enemy against themselves. The outrage on the English
flag perpetrated on board the Chinese lorcha " Arrow," at Canton
88 CHINA AT WAR WITH ENGLAND.
in 1857, having been left unredressed by the mandarins, led to
the proclamation of war by England. Canton fell to the arms of
General Straubenzee, and Sir Michael Seymour in December of
the same year, and in the following spring the Taku forts at the
mouth of the Peiho having been taken. Lord Elgin, who had in
the meantime arrived as plenipotentiary minister, advanced up
the river to Tien-tsin on his way to the capital. At that city,
however, he was met by imperial commissioners, and yielding to
their entreaties he concluded a treaty with them which it was
arranged should be ratified at Peking in the following year.
But the evil genius of the Chinese still pursuing them, they
treacherously fired on the fleet accompanying Sir Frederic Bruce,
Lord Elgin's brother, proceeding in 1860 to Peking, in fulfillment
of this agreement. This outrage rendered another military ex-
pedition necessary, and in conjunction with the French govern-
ment, the English cabinet sent out a force under the command
of Sir Hope Grant, with orders to march to Peking. In the sum-
mer of 1861 the allied forces landed at Peh-tang, a village twelve
miles north of the Taku forts, and taking these intrenchments in
the rear captured them with but a trifling loss. This success
was so utterly unexpected by the Chinese, that leaving Tien-tsin
unprotected they retreated rapidly to the neighborhood of the
capital. The allies pushed on after them, and in reply to an in-
vitation sent from the imperial commissioners at Tung-chow, a
town twelve miles from Peking, Sir Harry Parkes and Mr. Loch,
accompanied by an escort and some few friends, went in advance
of the army to make a preliminary convention. While so engaged
they were treacherously taken prisoners and carried to Peking.
This act precipitated an engagement in which the Chinese were
completely routed, and the allies marched on to Peking. After
the usual display of obstinacy the Chinese yielded to the demand
for the surrender of the An-ting gate of the city. From this
vantage point Lord Elgin opened negotiations, and having secured
the release of Sir Harry Parkes and the other prisoners who had
survived the tortures to which they had been subjected, and hav-
ing burnt the summer palace of the emperor as a punishment for
their treacherous capture and for the cruelties perpetrated on
them, he concluded a treaty with Prince Kung, the representative
PUNISHMENT FOR TREACHERY. 89
of the emperor. By this instrument the Chinese agieed to paj a
war indemnity of $8,000,000 and to open six other porta in China,
one in Formosa, and one in the island of Hainan to foreign trade,
and to permit the representatives of the foreign governments to
reside at Peking.
Having thus relieved themselves from the presence of a foreign
foe, the authorities vero able to devote their attention to the
suppression of the Tai-ping rebellion. Fortunately for them-
selves, the apparent friendliness with which they greeted the
90 CHINESE GORDON AND HIS WORK.
arrival of the British legation at Peking enlisted for them the
sympathies of Sir Frederic Bruce, the British minister, and in-
clined him to listen to their request for the services of an English
oflScer in their campaign against the rebels. At the request of
Bruce, General Staveley selected Major Gordon, since generally
known as Chinese Gordon, who was killed a few years ago at
Khartoom, for this duty. A better man or one more peculiarly
fit for the work could have been found. A numerous force
known as " the ever victorious army," partly officered by foreign-
ers, had for some time been commanded by an American named
Ward and after his death by Burgevine, another American. Over
this force Gordon was placed, and at the head of it he marched in
conjunction with the Chinese generals against the Taipings.
With masterly strategy he struck a succession of rapid and tell-
ing blows against the fortunes of the rebels. City after city fell
into his hands, and at length the leaders at Soochow opened the
gates of the city to him on condition that he would spare their
lives. With cruel treachery, when these men presented them-
selves before Li Hung Chang to offer their submission to the em-
peror, they were seized and beheaded. On learning how lightly
his word had been treated by the Chinese general, Gordon armed
himself, for the first time during the cami)aign with a revolver,
and sought out the Chinese headquarters intending to avenge
with his own hand this murder of the Tai-ping leaders. But Li
Hung Chang having received timely notice of the righteous anger
he had aroused took to flight, and Gordon, thus thwarted in his
immediate object, threw up his command feeling that it was im-
possible to continue to act with so orientally-minded a colleague.
After considerable negotiation however, he was i^ersuaded to
return to his command and soon succeeded in so completely crip-
pling the power of the rebels that in July ISGi, Nanking, their
last stronghold, fell into the hands of the imperialists. Teen-
wang was then already dead, and his body was found within the
walls wrapped in imperial yellow. Thus was crushed out a
rebellion which had paralyzed the imperial power in the central
provinces of the empire and which had for twelve years seriously
threatened the existence of the reigning dynasty.
Meanwhile in the summer following the conclusion of the
OPIUM SMOKERS.
MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH CATHOLICS. 93
treaty of Peking, 1861, the enii>eror, llieii Feng, breathed his labt
ut Jehol, an event which was in popuhir belief foretold hy the
appearance of a comet in the early part of the summer. He was
succeeded to the throne by his only son, a mere child, and the ofl-
spring of one of the imperial e(»ncubines. lie adopted the name
of Tung Chih. On account of his youth the administration ol
affairs was placed in the hands of the two dowager empresses, the
wife of the last emperor and the mother of the new one. These
regents were aided by the counsels of the boy emperor's uncle,
Prince Kung.
Under the direction of tliese regents, though the internal
affairs of the empire prospered, the foreign relations were dis-
turbed by the display of an increasingly hostile spirit towards
the Christian missionaries and their converts, which culminated
in 1870 in the Tien-tsin massacre. In some of the central prov-
inces reports had been industriously circulated that the Roman
Catholic missionaries were in the habit of kidnapping and mur-
dering children, in order to make medicine from their eyeballs.
Ridiculous as the rumor was, it found ready credence among the
ignorant people, and several outrages were perpetrated on the
missionaries and their converts in Kwang-hsi and Sze-chwan.
Through the active interference, however, of the French min-
ister on the spot, the agitation was locally suppressed only to be
renewed at Tien-tsin. Here also the same absurd rumors were
set afloat, and were especially directed against some sisters of
charity who had opened an orphanage in the city.
For some days previous to the massacre on the 21st of June,
reports increasing in alarm reached the foreign residents that an
outbreak was to be apprehended, and three times the English
consul wrote to Chung How, the superintendent of the three
northern ports, calling upon him to take measures to subdue the
gathering passions of the people wliicli had been further danger-
ously exasperated by an infamous proclamation issued by the
prefects. To these communications the consul did not receive
any reply, and on the morning of the 21st, a day which had ap-
parently been deliberately fixed for the massacre, the attack was
made. The mob first broke into the French consulate and while
the consul, M. Fontanier, was with Chung How endeavoriiig to
94 PUNISHMENT OF THE MURDEREBtS.
persuade him to interfere, two Frenchmen and their wives, and
Fatlier Chevrien were there murdered. While returning the
consul suffered the same fate. Having thus whetted their taste
for blood, the rioters then set fire to the F*rench cathedral, and
afterward moved on to the orphanage of the sisters of mercy.
In spite of the appeals of these defenseless women for mercy, if
not for themselves at least for the orphans under their charge,
the mob broke into the hospital, killed and mutilated most shock-
ingly all the sisters, smothered from thirty to forty children in
the vault, and carried off a still larger number of older persons
to prisons in the city, where they were subjected to tortures of
which they bore terrible evidence when their release was at
length affected. In addition to these victims, a Russian gentle-
man with his bride, and a friend, who were unfortunate enough
to meet the rioters on their way to the cathedral, were also mur-
dered. No other foreigners were injured, a circumstance due to
the fact that the fury of the mob was primarily directed against
the French Roman Catholics, and also that the foreign settle-
ment where all but those engaged in missionary work resided,
was at a distance of a couple of miles from the city.
When the evil was done, the Chinese authorities professed
themselves anxious to make reparation, and Chung How was
eventually sent to Paris to offer the apologies of the Peking cab-
inet to the French government. These were ultimately accepted ;
and it was further arranged that theTien-tsin prefect and district
magistrate should be removed from their posts and degraded, and
that twenty of the active murderers should be executed. By
these retributive measures the emperor's government made its
peace with the European powers, and the foreign relations again
assumed their former friendly footing.
The Chinese had now leisure to devote their efforts to the sub-
jugation of the Panthay rebels. This was a great Mohammedan
uprising which dated back as far as 1856 and which had for its
object the separation of the province of Yun-nan into an inde-
pendent state. The visit of the adopted son of the rebel leader,
the sultan Suleiman, to England, for the purpose of attempting
to enlist the sympathies of the English government in the Pan-
thuy cause, no doubt added zest to the action of the mandarins,
EMPEROR RECEIVES THE MINISTERS. 95
who after a short but vigorous campaign, marked by scenes of
bloodshed and wholesale carnage, suppressed the rebellion and
restored the province to the imperial sway.
Peace was thus brought about, and when the empresses handed
over the reigns of power to the emperor, on the occasion of his
marriage in 1872, tranquility reigned throughout the eighteen
provinces. The formal assumption of power proclaimed by this
marriage was considered by the foreign ministers a fitting oppor-
tunity to insist on the fulfillment of the article in the treaties
which provided for their reception by the emperor, and after
much negotiation it was finally arranged that the emperor should
receive them on the 29th of June, 1873.
Very early therefore on the morning of that day, the ministers
were astir and were conducted in their sedan chairs to the park
on the west side of the palace, where they were met by some of
the ministers of state, who led them to the "Temple of Prayer
for Seasonable Weather." Here they were kept waiting for
some time while tea and confectionery from the imperial kitchen,
by favor of the emperor, were served to them. They were then
conducted to an oblong tent made of matting on the west side
of the Tsze-kwang pavilion, where they were met by Prince
Kung and other ministers. As soon as the emperor reached the
pavilion, the Japanese ambassador was introduced into his pres-
ence and when he had retired the other foreign ministers entered
the audience chamber in a body. The emperor was seated facing
southward. On either side of his majesty stood, with Prince
Kung, several princes and high officers. When the foreign min-
isters reached the center aisle they halted and bowed one and all
together ; they then advanced in line a little further and made a
second bow ; and when they had nearly reached the yellow table
on which their credentials were to be deposited they bowed a
third time ; after which they remained erect. M. Vlangaly, the
Russian minister, then read a congratulatory address in French,
which was translated by an interpreter into Chinese, and the
ministers making another reverence respectfully laid their letters
of credence upon the yellow table. The emperor was pleased to
make a slight inclination of the head towards them, and Prince
Kung advancing to the left of the throne and falling upon his
96 CEREMONIES OF THE RECEPTION.
knees, had the honor to be informed in Manchoo that his majesty
acknowledged the receipt of the letters presented. Prince Kung,
with his arms raised according to precedent set by Confucius
when in the presence of his sovereign, came down by the steps on
the left of the desk, to the foreign ministers, and respectfully re-
peated this in Chinese. After this he again prostrated himself,
and in like manner received and conveyed a message to the effect
that his majesty hoped that all foreign questions would be satis-
factorily disposed of. The ministers then withdrew, bowing
repeatedly, until they reached the entrance.
Thus ended the first instance during the present century of
Europeans being received in imperial audience. Whether under
more fortunate circumstances the ceremony might have been re-
peated it is difficult to say, but in the following year the young
emperor was stricken down with the small-pox, or ** enjoyed the
felicity of the heavenly flowers," and finally succumbed to the
disease on the twelfth of January, 1875. With great ceremony
the funeral obsequies were performed over the body of him who
had been Tung Chih, and the coffin was finally laid in the imperial
mausoleum among the eastern hills beside the remains of his pred-
ecessors. His demise was shortly afterwards followed by the
death of the girl empress he had just previously raised to the
throne.
For the first time in the annals of the Ching dynasty, the
throne was now left without a direct heir. As it is the office of
the son and heir to perform regularly the ancestral worship, it is
necessary that if there should be no son, the heir should be, if
possible, of a later generation than the deceased. In the present
instance this was impossible, and it was necessary therefore that
the lot should fall on one of the cousins of the late emperor.
Tsaiteen, the son of the Prince of Chun, a child not quite four
years old, was chosen to fill the vacant throne, and the title con-
ferred upon hiui was Kuang Su or '* an inheritance of glory."
Scarcely had the proclamation gone forth of the assumption of
the imperial title by Kuang Su, when news reached the English
legation at Peking of the murder at Manwyne, in the province of
Yun-nan, of Mr. Margary, an officer in the consular service who
had been dispatched to meet an expedition sent by the Indian
MURDER OF AN ENGLISH EXPLORER. 97
government, under the command of Colonel Horace Browne, to
discover a route from Birmah into the south-western provinces
of China. In accordance with conventional practice, the Chinese
government, on being called to account for this outrage, attempted
to lay it to the charge of brigands. But the evidence which Sir
Thomas Wade was able to adduce proved too strong to be ignored
even by the Peking mandarins, and eventually they signed a con-
vention in which they practically aclcnowledged their blood guilti-
ness, under the terms of which some fresh commercial privileges
were granted, and an indemnity was paid.
At the same time a Chinese nobleman was sent to England to
make apology, and to establish an embassy on a permanent footing
at the court of St. James. Since that time the Chinese empire
has been at peace with all foreign powers until the eruptions of
the recent months. There have been some narrow escapes from
war with the European countries holding possessions on the
southern Chinese border, but serious results have not followed.
Ministers have been maintained in China by the western nations,
and by China in the western capitals.
Under the child Kuang Su, who came to the throne in 1875,
we have seen the completion of Chinese re-conquests in Central
Asia and the restoration of Kuldja by the Russians. For many
years the progressive party in the nation's councils, under the
leadership of Li Hung Chang, Viceroy of Chihli, gradually ap-
peared to gain ground, amply posted as the court of Peking was
in the affairs of western countries. Even the old conservative
party, of which the successful and the aged general Tso Tsung-
tang was the representative, has vastly modified its tone in the
last twenty years.
It is true that the short experimental line of railway which had
been laid down between Shanghai and Wusung was objected to,
and finally got rid of by the Chinese government; but the reason
for this apparently retrograde step arose out of the not very
scrupulous means employed by the promoters of the scheme, and
out of the very natural dislike of an independent state to be
forced into innovations for which it may not be altogether pre-
pared. Since that time several telegraph lines have been con-
structed, beginning with the first one between Peking and
98 CHINA'S SLOW PROGRESS.
Shanghai, which formed the final connecting link between the
capital of the Chinese empire and the western civilized world.
The freedom of residence has been greatly extended to foreigners
living in China. Travel has become safer, and popular hatred
towards foreigners not as apparent. Slow as it has been to take
effect, nevertheless the influence of closer association with western
civilization has made its impress on the Chinese nation, and the
extreme conservatism in many details has been compelled to
waver. The stories* of the war which are to follow will indicate
much of the characteristics of the later day history of the empire.
THE CHINESE EMPIRE.
Origin of the Name of China, and What the Chinese Call their Own Conntry— Depend-
encies of the Empire— China and the United States in Comparison—Their Many Physical
Similarities— Mountains and Plains— The Fertile Soil— Provinces of China— Rivers and
Lakes— Climate— Fauna and Flora— Industries of the People— Commerce with Foreign %
NationiH-The Cities of China— Forms of Oovemment and Administi-ation.
Until recent years the word China was unknown in the empire
which we call by that name, but of late it has become more
familiar to the Chinese, and in certain regions they are in fact
adopting it for their own use, owing to the frequency with which
they hear it from the foreigners with whom they are doing busi-
ness. The name was no doubt introduced in Europe and America
from the nations of Central Asia who speak of the Chinese by
various names derived from that of the powerful Ching family,
who Jbeld sway many centuries ago. The names which the
Chinese use in speaking of themselves are various. The most
common one is Chung Kwo, the " Middle Kingdom." This term
grew up in the feudal period as a name for the royal domain in
the midst of the other states, or for those states as a whole in the
midst of the uncivilized countries around them. The assump-
tion of universal sovereignty, of being the geographical center
of the world, and also the center of light and civilization that
have been so injurious to the nation, appear in several of t\^
most ancient names. In the oldest classical writings the country
is called the Flowery Kingdom, flowery presenting the idea of
beautiful, cultivated, and refined. The terms Heavenly Flowery
Kingdom, and Heavenly Dynasty are sometimes used, the word
heavenly presenting the Chinese idea that the empire is estab-
lished by the authority of heaven, and that the emperor rules by
divine right. This title has given rise to the contemptuous
epithet applied to the race by the Europeans, " The Celestials."
The Chinese empire, consisting of China proper and Man-
chooria, with its dependencies of Mongolia, I-li and Thibet, em-
braces a vast territory in eastern and central Asia, only inferior
(99)
100 DEPENDENCIES OF THE CHINESE EMPIRE.
in extent to the dominions of Great Britain and Russia. The
dependencies are not colonies but subject territories ; and China
proper itself indeed, has been a subject territory of Manchooria
since 1644.
China proper was divided nearly two hundred years ago into
eighteen provinces ; and since the recent separation of the island
of Formosa from Fu-chien, and its constitution into an independ-
^ent province, we may say that it now consists of nineteen.
These form one of the corners of the Asiatic continent, having
the Pacific oceun on the south and east. They are somewhat in
the shape of an irregular rectangle, and including the island of
Hainan lie between 18 and 49 degrees north latitude and 98 and
124 degrees east longitude. Their area is about two million
square miles, while the whole empire has an area more than twice
that large.
In giving a correct general idea of China one cannot perhaps
do better than to institute a comparison between it and the
United States, to which it bears a striking resemblance. It occu-
pies the same position in the eastern hemisphere that the United
States does in the western. Its line of sea coast on tlie Pacific
resembles that of the United States on the Atlantic, not only in
length but also in contour. Being found within almost the same
parallels of latitude, it embraces almost the same variety of
climate and production. A river as grand as the Mississippi,
flowing east, divides the empire into nearly two equal parts,
which are often designated as "north of the river" and *' south
of the river." It passes through an immense and fertile valley,
and is supplied by numerous tributaries having rise in mountain
ranges on either side and also in the Himalayas on the west. The
area of China proper is about two-thirds that of the states of
the American union.
The resemblance holds also in the artificial divisions. While
our country is divided into more than forty states, China is
divided into nineteen provinces. As our states are divided into
counties, so each province has divisions called fu and each fu is
again divided into about an equal number of hien. These divis-
ions and subdivisions of the provinces are generally spoken of in
English as departments or prefectures, and districts, but they are
ClilNKSK MIXKRS.
CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES. 108
much larger than our corresponding counties and townships.
And similarly to our own system of government, each of these
divisions and subdivisions has its own capital or seat of civil
power, in which the officers exercising jurisdiction over it reside.
The outer dependencies of the Chinese empire are comparatively
sparsely populated, and in this work, when China, without spec-
ification, is mentioned, it is intended to refer to the eighteen
provinces exclusively, which include the vast proportion of the
population, intelligence and wealth of the empire.
As to the physical features of China proper, the whole terri-
tory may be described as sloping from the mountainous regions
of Tliibet and Nepaul towards the shores of the Pacific on the
east and south. A far extending spur of the Himalayas called
the Nanling, or southern range, is the most extensive mountain
system. It commences in Yun-nan, and passing completely
through the country enters the sea at Ningpo. Except for a few
steep passes, it thus forms a continuous barrier that separates the
coast regions of south-eastern China from the rest of the country.
Numerous spurs are cast off to the south and east of it, which
appear in the sea as a belt of rugged islands. On the borders of
Thibet to the north and west of this range, the country is mount-
ainous, while to the east and from the great wall on the north to
the Po-yang Lake in the south, there is the great plain comprising
an area of more than two hundred thousand square miles and
supporting in the five provinces contained in it more than one
hundred and seventy-five million people.
In the north-western provinces the soil is a brownish colored
earth, extremely porous, crumbling easily between the fingers,
and carried far and wide in clouds of dust. It covers the sub-soil
to an enormous depth and is apt to split perpendicularly in clefts
which render traveling difficult. Nevertheless by this cleavage
it affords homes to thousands of the people, who live in caves ex-
cavated near the bottom of the cliffs. Sometimes whole villages
are so formed in terraces of the earth that rise one above another.
The most valuable quality of this peculiar soil is its marvelous
fertility, as the fields composed of it require scarcely any other
dressing than a sprinkling of its own fresh loam. The farmer in
this way obtains an assured harvest two and even three times a
• •
.. ..• > • .•• ': ••• •••. •>
••: •• : • • .• : : . : ••• : ; •• •••
^' ' • :\ /:•.:• ..- •.•••••
•
104 MOUNTAINS, PLAINS AND PROVINCES.
year. This fertility, provided there be a sufficieut rainfall, seems
inexhaustible. The province of Shan-hsi has borne the name for
thousands of years of the " granary of the nation," and it is, no
doubt, due to the distribution of this earth over its surface, that
the great plain owes its fruitfulness.
Geographically speaking the arrangement of the provinces of
China is as follows: On the north there are four provinces,
Chihli, Shan-hsi, Shen-hsi, and Kan-su; on the west two, Sze-
chwan, the largest of all, and Yun-nan ; on the south two,
Kwang-hsi and Kwang-tung; on the east four, Fu-chien, Cheh-
cliiang, Chiang-su, and Shan tung. The central area enclosed by
these twelve provinces is occupied by Honan, An-hui, Hoopih,
Hunan, Chiang-hsi, and Kwei-chau. The latter is a poor prov-
ince, with parts of it largely occupied by clans or tribes supposed
to be the aborigines. The island of Formosa, lying off the coast
of Fu-chien, ninety miles west of Amoy, is about two hundred
and thirty-five miles in length, fertile and rich in coal, petroleum,
and camphor wood. The first settlement of a Chinese population
took place only in 1683, and the greater part of it is still occupied
by aboriginal tribes of a more than ordinary high type. The
population of these provinces is immense, but the various esti-
mates and alleged censuses fluctuate and vary so much that it is
impossible to give a definite number as the total. It is a safe
estimate however to say that the population of the Chinese empire
approximates four hundred million, or considerably more than
one fourth the population of the world, and nearly as much as the
total of all Europe and America.
One of the most distinguishing features of China is found in
the great rivers. These are called for the most part *'ho" in the
north and "chiang" (kiang) in the south. Two of these are
famous and conspicuous among the great rivers of the world, the
Ho, Hoang-ho, or Yellow River, and the Chiang, generally mis-
named the Yangtsze. The sources of these two rivers are not
far from one another. The Ho rises in the plain of Odontala,
which is a region of springs and small lakes, and the Chiang from
the mountains of Thibet only a few miles distant. The Ho pur-
sues a tortuous course first to the east and north until it crosses
the great wsiil into Mongolia. After flowing a long distance
TWO GREAT RIVERS QF CHINA. 106
northward of the Mongolian desert, to the northern limit of Shen-
hsi, it then turns directly south for a distance of five hundred
miles. A right angle turns its course again to the eastward and
filially north-eastward, when it flows into the Gulf of Pechili in
the province of Shan-tung. Tlie Chiang on the contrary turns
south where the Ho turns north, and then after a general course
to the eastward and northward, roughly paralled with its fellow,
flows into the Eastern Sea, not far from Shanghai.
Both rivers are exceedingly tortuous and their courses are only
roughly outlined here. Almost the very opening of Chinese
history is an account of one of the inundations of the Ho River,
which has often in course of time changed its channel. The
terrible calamities caused by it so often have procured for it the
name of "China's sorrow." As recently as 1887 it burst its
southern bank near Chang Chau, and poured its mighty flood with
hideous devastation, and the destruction of millions of lives, into
the populous province of Honan. Each of these rivers has a
course of more than three thousand miles. They are incompar-
ably the greatest in China, but there are many others which
would be accounted great elsewhere. In connection with inland
navigation must be mentioiied the Grand Canal, intended to con-
nect the northern and southern parts of the empire by an easy
water communication ; and this it did when it was in good order,
extending from Peking to Hankow, a distance of more than six
hundred miles. Kublai Khan, the first sovereign of the Yuan
dynasty, must be credited with the glory of making this canal.
Marco Polo described it, and compliments the great ruler for the
success of his work. Steam communication all along the eastern
seaboard from Canton to Tien-tsin has very much sui)er8eded the
use of the canal and portions of it are now in bad condition, but
as a truly imperial achievement it continues to be a grand memo-
rial of Kublai.
Th(i Great Wall was another vast achievement of human
labor, constructed more than two thousand years ago. It has
been alleged a myth at some times, but its existence has not been
denied since explorations have been made to the north of China
I^roper. It was not as useful as the canal, and it failed to answer
the purpose for which it was intended, a defense against the in-
106 CHINA'S WONDERFUL GREAT WALL,
cursions of the northern tribes. In 214 B. C. the Emperor Che
Hwang Ti determined to erect a grand barrier all along the
northern limit of his vast empire. The wall commences at the
Shanhsi pass on the north coast of the Gulf of Pechili. From
this point it is carried westward till it terminates at the Chia-yu
barrier gate, the road through which leads to the " western re-
gions." It is twice interrupted in its course by the Ho River, and
has several branch and loop walls to defend certain cities and dis-
tricts. Its length in a straight line would be one thousand two
hundred and fifty-five miles, but if measured along its sinuosities
this distance must be increased to one thousand five hundred. It
is not built so grandly in its western portions after passing the
Ho River, nor should it be supposed that to the east of this point
it is all solid masonry. It is formed by two strong retaining
walls of brick rising from granite foundations, the space between
being filled with stones and earth. The breadth of it at the base
is about twenty-five feet, at the top fifteen feet, and the height
varies from fifteen to thirty feet. The surface at the top was
once covered with bricks but is now overgrown with grass. What
travelers go to visit from Peking is merely a loop wall of later
formation, enclosing portions of Chihli and Shan-hsi.
China includes many lakes, but they are not so commanding in
size as the rivers. There are but three which are essential to
mention. These are the Tung-ting Hu, the largest, having a cir-
cumference of two hundred and twenty miles, about in the center
of the empire ; the Po-yang Hu, half way between the former
and the sea ; and the Tai Hu, not far from Shanghai and the
Yang-tsze River. The latter lake is famous for its romantic
scenery and numerous islets.
The peculiarities of climate along the Chinese coast are due
in great measure to the northern and southern monsoons, the
former prevailing with more or less uniformity during the winter,
and the latter during the summer months. These winds give a
greater degree of heat in summer and of cold in winter than is
experienced in the United States in corresponding latitudes. At
Ningpo, situated in latitude 30, about that of New Orleans, large
quantities of ice are secured in the winter for summer use. It is,
however, very thin measured by what we think proper ice for
CLIMATE OP CHINA. 107
perservation. In this part of China snow not infrequently falls
to the depth of six or eight inches, and the hills are sonietiraes
covered with it for weeks in succession. In the northern prov-
inces the winters are very severe. In the vicinity of Peking, not
only are the canals and rivers closed during the winter, but all
commerce by sea is suspended during two or three months, while
in the summer that part of China is very warm. The period of
the change of the monsoon, when the two opposite currents are
struggling with each other is marked by a great fall of rain and
by the cyclones which are so much dreaded by mariners on the
Chinese coast. The southern monsoon gradually loses its force
in passing northward, and is not very marked above latitude 32,
though its influence is decidedly felt in July and August. With
the exception of the summer months the climate of the northern
coast of China is remarkably dry ; that of the southern coast is
damp most of the year, especially during the months of May,
June, and July.
In different parts of the country almost every variety of climate
can be found, hot or cold, moist or dry, salubrious or malarial.
The ports which were at first opened as places of residence for
foreigners were unfortunately among the most unhealthful of the
empire, not so much from the enervating effects of their southerly
latitude as from their local miasmatic influences, being situated
in the rice-producing districts and surrounded more or less by
stagnant water during the summer months. Under the later
treaties which opened new ports in the north, as well as interior
cities, foreigners have been permitted to live in regions whose
climates will compare favorably with most parts of our own
country. The Chinese themselves consider Kwang-tung, Kwang-
hsi, and Yun-nan to be less healthful than the other provinces ;
but foreigners using proper precautions may enjoy their lives in
every province.
The Chinese are essentially an agricultural people, and from
time immemorial they have held agriculture in the highest esteem
as being the means by whicli the soil has been induced to supply
the primary wants of the empire, food. Of course the climate
and the nature of a district determine the kind of farming appro-
priate to it. Agriculturally China may be said to be divided
108
WHEBE FOREIGNERS LIVE.
into two parts by the Chiang. South of tliat river, speaking
generally, the soil and climate point to rice aa the appropriate
crop) while to the north lie vnat plaius which aa clearly are best
designed for growing wheat, bmley, oats, Indian corn and other
cereals. Culinary or kitchen herbs, iiiushrooius, and aquatic veg-
etables, with ginger and a variety of other condiments, are every-
where produced and widely utied. From Formosa there comes
sugar, and the cane tbrivea also in the southern provinces.
\;#4^^^^a|
^^r:^~.^y<:fT^^
CHINESE FAHM SCENE.
Oranges, pomegranates, peaches, plantains, pineapples, mangoes,
grapes, and many other fruits and nuts are supplied in most
markets. The cultivation of opium is constantly on the increase.
Of course the use of tea as a beverage is a national characteris-
tic. The plant does not grow in the north, but is cultivated ex-
tensively in the western provinces and iu the southern. Tlie hi-
fusion of the leaves was little if at all drunk iu ancient ii'mes, but
now its use is universal. Fu-chieu, Hoopih, and Hu-nau produce
110 ANIMALS WILD AND DOMESTIC.
the greater part of the black teas ; the green comes chiefly from
Cheh-chiaug and Au-hui ; both kinds comes from Kwang-tung and
Sze-chwan. Next to silk, if not equally with it, tea is China's
most valuable export. From rice and millet the Chinese distill
alcoholic liquors, but they are very sparingly used and it is a com-
pliment to the temperate inclinations of the people, that immedi-
ately upon the opening of tea houses many years ago, the phices
for selling liquor found themselves empty of business and were
soon compelled to close.
Birds and animals are found in great variety, though the coun-
try is too thickly peopled and well cultivated to harbor many
wild and dangerous beasts. One occasionally hears of a tiger
that has ventured from the forest and been killed or captured, but
the lion was never a denizen of China and is only to be seen
rampant in stone in front of temples. The rhinoceros, elephant,
and tapir are said still to exist in tlie forests and swamps of Yun-
nan ; but the supply of elephants at Peking for the carriage of
the emperor when he proceeds to the great sacrificial altars has
been decreasing for several reigns. Both the brown and the
bhick bear are found, and several varieties of the deer family, of
which the musk deer is higlily valued. Among the domestic
animals the breed of horses and cattle is dwarfish and no attempts
seem to be made to improve them. The ass is a more lively
animal in the north than it is in European countries or America,
and receives much attention. About Peking one is struck by
many beautiful specimens of the mule. Princes are seen riding
on mules, or drawn by them in handsome litters, while their at-
tendants accompany them on horseback. The camel is seen only
in the north. Many birds of prey abound, including minos,
crows, and magpies. The people are fond of songbirds, especially
the tl)rusli, the canary, and the lark. The lovely gold and silver
pheasants arc well known, and also the mandarin duck, the em-
blem to the Chinese of conjugal fidelity. Many geese too are
reared and eaten, while the ducks are artificially hatched. The
number of pigs is enormous and fish are a plentiful supply of
food.
The people are very fond of flowers and are excellent gardeners,
but their favorites are mostly cultivated in pots instead of in beds.
AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS.
118
Silk, liaen, and cottOD furnish abundant provision for t)ie
clothing of the race. China was no doubt the original home of
silk. The mulberry tree grows everywhere and silk worms
flourish as widely. In all provinces some silk is produced, but
the best is furnished from Kwang-tung, Sze-chwan, and Cheh-
chiang. From the twanty-thii-d century B. C. and earlier, the
care of the silk worm and the spinning and weaving of its produce
have been the special work of women. As it is the duty of the
sovereign to turn over a few furrows in the spring to stimulate
the people to their i^cultural tasks, so his consort should per*
CHINESE FARMKS.
form an analogous ceremony with her silk worms and mulberry
trees. The manufactures of silk are not inferior to or less brill-
iant than any that are produced in Europe, and nothing can ex-
ceed the embroidery of the Chinese. The cotton plant appears to
have been introduced some eight hundred years ago from Eastern
Turkestau and is now cultivated most extensively in the basin of
the Chiang River. The well known nankeen is named for Kan-
king, a center for its manufacture. Of woolen fabrics the pro-
duction is not large, but there are felt caps, nigs of camels hair
and furs of various kinds.
114 MINERAL HESOURCKS.
While the Chinese have done justice to most of the natural
capabilities of their country, they have greatly failed in develop-
ing its mineral resources. The skill which their lapidaries display
in cutting the minerals and jewels is well known, but in the
development of the utilitarian minerals they have been very
negligent. The coal fields of China are enormous, but the major-
ity of them can hardly be said to be more than scratched. Im-
mense deposits of iron ore are still untouched. Copper, lead, tin,
silver, and gold are known to exist in many places, but little has
been done to make the stores of them available. More attention
has been directed to their mines since their government and com-
panies began to have steamers of their own and a scheme has been
approved by the government for working the gold mines in the
valley of the Amoor River. With the government once conscious
of its mineral wealth, there is no limit to the results which it may
bring about.
The commerce of China with the western nations has been con-
stantly on tlie increase for many years. The number of vessels
entering and clearing at the various treaty ports is now between
thirty thousand and thirty-five thousand annually, and the value
of the whole trade, import and export, approximates $300,000,000
annually. Of course the two principal exports are tea and silk.
About half of the trade is done by means of vessels under the
British flag, and nearly half of the remainder are vessels of
foreign type, but owned by Chinese and sailing under the Chinese
flag.
The capitals of the different divisions of the empire are all
walled cities, and these form a striking feature of the country.
There are important distinctions between the cities of the third
class, most of which are designated as hien, a few as cheo and
others as ting. Though varying considerably in size, these diflfer-
ent cities present nearly the uniform appearance. They are sur-
rounded by walls from twenty to thirty-five feet in height, and
are entered by large arched gateways which open into the
principal streets and are shut and barred at night. These walls
are from twenty to twenty-five feet thick at the base and some-
what narrower at the top. The outside is of solid masonry from
two to four feet thick, built of hewn stone, or bricks backed with
THE CITIES OF CHINA. 115
earth, broken tiles, etc. There is generally a lighter stone facing
on the inside. The outside is surmounted by a parapet with em-
brasures generally built of brick.
The circtiinferences of the provincial cities vary from ciglit to
fifteen miles; those of the fa cities from four to ten miles, and
those of the hien cities from two or three to five miles. Some of
the larger and more important cities contain a smaller one, with
its separate walls, enclosed within the larger outside walls. This
is the Tartar or military city. It is occupied exclusively by
Tartars with their families, forming a colony or garrison, and
numbering generally several thousand soldiers. In times of in-
surrection and rebellion the emperor depends principally upon
these Tartar colonies to hold possession of the cities where they
are stationed. In such emergencies the inhabitants of these en-
closed Tartar cities, knowing that their lives and the lives of their
families are at stake, defend themselves with great desperation.
The provincial capitals contain an average population of nearly
one million inhabitants ; the fu cities from one hundred thousand
to six hundred thousand or even more, while the cities of the
third class, which are much more numerous, generally contain
several tens of thousands. The most of these towns of different
classes have outgrown their walls, and frequently one-fourth or
even one-third of the inhabitants live in the suburbs, which in
some cases extend three or four miles outside the walls in differ-
ent directions. Property is less valuable in these suburbs, not
only because it is removed from the business parts of the city,
but also because it is more liable to be destroyed in times of re-
bellion. All the names to be found on even our largest maps of
China, are the names of walled cities, and many of those of the
third class are not down for want of space. The total number
of these cities is more tlian one tliousand seven hundred. From
the number and size of the cities of China it might be inferred
that they contain the greater portion of the inhabitants of the
empire. This is however by no means the case. The Chinese
are mainly an agricultural people and live for the most part in
the almost innumerable villages which everywhere dot its fertile
plains. A detached or isolated farm house is seldom seen. The
country people live in towns or hamlets for the sake of society
116 CHARACTERISTICS OF CHINESE VILLAGES.
and mutual protection. Most of the cities, even the smaller
ones, have thousands of these villages under their jurisdiction.
In the more populous parts of China will frequently be found,
within a radius of three or four miles, from one hundred and fifty
to two hundred of these villages.
The estimate of population made on a previous page gives an
average population of about three hundred persons to the square
mile, while that of Belgium and some other European countries
is greater. Perhaps no country in the world is more fertile and
capable of supporting a dense population than China. Every
available spot of ground is brought under cultivation, and nearly
all the land is made use of to provide food for man, pasture fields
being almost unknown. The masses of China eat very little
animal food, and what they do eat is mostly pork and fowls, the
raising of which requires little or no waste of ground. The
comparatively few horses and cattle and sheep which are found
in the country are kept in stables, or graze upon the hill tops, or
are tethered by the sides of canals. Taking these facts into con-
sideration, that an extended and exceedingly fertile country un-
der the highest state of cultivation, is taxed to its utmost ca-
pacity to supply the wants of a frugal and industrious people, the
estimate of population need not excite incredulity.
Nearly all of the cities marked on our maps of the coast of
China, are now open ports for traffic and residence of foreigners.
The most northerly of these is Niuchwang and the most south-
ern Pak-hoi, while between these familiar names are those of
Canton, Swatow, Amoy, Foochow, Ningpo, Shanghai, Tien-tsin
and several others. Interior cities that have been opened to
foreigners include a number on the Chiang River, the one farthest
inland being I-chang. Peking is also apcessible to foreigners ;
and several ports on the islands of Hainan and Formosa are
opened by treaty. The population of these cities cannot be told
with much exactness, as the Chinese census can scarcely claim
accuracy. But the largest cities, such as Canton and Peking, are
generally credited, in common with several others even smaller,
with passing the million mark.
The Chinese government is one of the great wonders of history.
It presents to-day the ^ame character which it possessed more
118 THE GOVERNMENT OF CHINA.
tlijin three thousand years ago, and which it lias retained ever
since, during a period which covers the authentic history of the
world. The government may be described as being in theory a
patriarchal despotism. The emperor is the father of his people,
and just as in a family the father's law is supreme, so the emperor
exercises complete control over his subjects, even to the extent of
holding, under certain recognized conditions, their lives in his
hands. But from time immemorial it has been held by the high-
est constitutional authorities that the duties existing between the
emperor and his people are reciprocal, and that though it is the
duty of the people to render a loyal and willing obedience to the
emperor, so long as his rule is just and beneficent, it is equally
incumbent upon them to resist his authority, to depose him, and
even to put him to death, in case he should desert the paths of
rectitude and virtue.
As a matter of fact however, it is very difficult to say what ex-
tent of power the emperor actually wields. The outside world
sees only the imperial bolts,' but how they are forged or whose is
the hand that shoots them none can tell. The most common
titles of the emperor are Hwang-Shang, ''The August Lofty
One,'* and Tien-Tsz, " The Son of Heaven." He lives in unap-
proachable grandeur, and is never seen except by members of his
own family and high state officers, save once a year when he gives
audience to few foreign diplomats. Nothing is omitted which
can add to the dignity and sacredness of his person or character.
Almost everything used by him or in his service is tabooed from
the common people, and distinguished by some peculiar mark or
color so as to keep up the impression of awe with which he is re-
garded, and which is so powerful an auxiliary to his throne. The
outward gate of the palace must always be passed on foot, and the
paved entrance walk leading up to it can be used only by him.
The vacant throne, or even a screen of yellow silk thrown over a
chair, is worshipped equally with his actual presence, and an im-
perial dispatch is received in the provinces with incense and pros-
tration.
The throne is not strictly and necessarily hereditary, though
the son of the emperor generally succeeds to it The emperor
appoints his successor, but it is supposed that in doing so he will
•
120 POSITION OF THE EMPEROR.
have supreme regard for the best good of liis subjects, and will be
governed by the will of heaven, indicated by the conferring of
regal gifts, and by providential circumstances pointing out the in-
dividual whom heaven has chosen. Of course in the case of un-
usually able men, such as the second and fourth lyjlers of the
present dynasty, their influence is more felt than^that of less
energetic rulers ; but the throne of China is so hedged in with
ceremonials and so padded with official etiquette that unless its
occupant be a man of supreme ability he cannot fail to fall under
the guidance of his ministers and favorites. In governing so
large a realm, of course it is necessary for the emperor to delegate
his authority to numerous officers who are regarded as his agents
and representatives in carrying out the imperial will. What they
do the emperor does through them. The recognized patriarchal
character of the government is seen in the familiar expressions of
the people, particularly at times when they consider themselves
injured or aggrieved by their officers, when they are apt to say,
'* A strange way for parents to treat their children."
The government of the empire, omitting the regulation of the
imperial court and family, or the special Manchoo department, is
conducted from the capital, supervising, directing, controlling the
different provincial administrations, and exercising the power ot
removing from his post any official whose conduct may be irregular
or dangerous to the state.
There is the Grand Cabinet, the privy council of the emperor,
in whose presence it meets daily to transact the business of the
state, between the hours of 4:00 and 6:00 A. M. Its members are
few and hold other offices. There is also the Grand Secretariat,
formerly the supreme council, but under the present dynasty very
much superseded by the Cabinet. It consists of four grand and
two assistant grand secretaries, half of them Manchoos and half
Chinese. The business on which the Cabinet deliberates comes
before it from the six boards or Luh-pu. These are departments
of long standing in the government, having been modeled on
much the same plan during the ancient dynasties. At the head
of each board are two presidents, called Shang-shu, and four vice-
presidents called Shi-lang, alternately a Manchoo and a Chinese.
There are three subordinate grades of officers in each board,
GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES. 123
with a great number of minor clerks, and tlieir appropriate de-
partments for conducting the details of the general and peculiar
business coming under the cognizance of the board, the whole
being arranged in the most business-like style.
The six boards are respectively of Civil OflBce, of Revenue, of
Ceremonies, of War, of Punishments, and of Works. In 1861
the changed relations between the em]>ire and foreign nations led
to the formation of what may be called a seventh board styled
_ •
the Tsung-li Yamen, or Court of Foreign Affairs. There is also
another important department which must be mentioned, the
censorate, members of which exercise a supervision over the
bi)ard, and are entrusted with the duty of exposing errors and
crimes in every department of government. Distributed through
the provinces they memorialize the emperor on all subjects con-
nected with the welfare of the people and the conduct of the
government. Sometimes they do not shrink even from the dan-
gerous task of criticising the conduct of the emperor himself.
The different boards are all charged with the superintendence
of the affairs of the eighteen provinces into which the empire is
divided. Fifteen of these provinces are grouped into eight vice-
royalties, and the remaining three are administered by a governor.
Each province is autonomous, or nearly so, and the supreme
authorities, whether viceroys or governors, are practically inde-
pendent so long as they act in accordance with the very minute
regulations laid down for their guidance. The principal function
of the Peking government is to see that these regulations are
carried out, and in case they should not be to call the offending
viceroy or governor to account. Below the governor-general or
governor of a province, arc the .lieutenant-governor, commonly
called the treasurer, the provincial judge, the salt-comptroller,
and the grain-intendant. The provinces are further divided for
the purposes of administration into prefectures, departments, and
districts. Each has its oflScers, magistrates, and a whole host of
petty underlings. The rank of the different ofBcials in these
provinces is indicated by a knob or button on the top of their
caps. In the two highest it is made of red coral ; in the third it
is clear blue ; in the fourth it is lapis lazuli ; in the fifth of crys-
tal ; in the sixth of an opaque white stone ; and in the three
124 EXTORTION OF THE OFFICIALS.
lowest it is yellow, of gold or gilt. They also wear insignia or
badges embroidered on a ^quiiic patch in the front or back of
their robes, representing birds on the civilians and animals on the
military officers.
Each viceroy raises his own army and navy, which he pays, or
sometimes unfortunately does not pay, out of the revenues of the
government, lie levies his own taxes, and except in particular
cases is the final court of appeal in all judicial matters within
the limits of his rule. But in return for this latitude allowed
liim, he is held personally responsible for the good government
of his territory. If by any chance serious disturbances break
out and continue unsuppressed, he is called to account, as haviug
by his misconduct contributed to them, and he in his turn looks
to his subordinates to maintain order and execute justice within
their jurisdiction. Of himself he has no power to remove or
punish subordinate oflicials, but has to refer all complaints against
them to Peking. The personal responsibility resting upon him
of maintaining order makes him a severe critic on those who
serve under him, and very frequently junior officials are im-
peached and punished at the instigation of their chief. Incapable
and unworthy officials, constant opium smokers, those who mis-
appropriate public money, and those who fail to arrest criminals,
are those who meet swift punishment. On the whole the con-
duct of junior officials is carefully watched.
As has been already said, the aflfairs of each province are ad-
ministered by the viceroy, or governor, and his subordinates, and
speaking generally their rule is as enlightened and as just as
could be expected in an oriental country where public opinion
finds only a very imperfect utterance. OflBcial purity and justice
must be treated as comparative terms in China. The constitu-
tion of the civil service renders it next to impossible that any
office holder can be clean-handed. The salaries awarded are low,
out of all proportion to the necessary expenses pertiuning to the
offices to which they are apportioned, and the consequence is that
in some way or other the officials are compelled to make up the
deficiency from the pockets of those subject to them. As a rule,
mandarins seldom enter office with private fortunes, and the
wealth therefore, which soothes the declining years of veteran
126
EXTORTION OF THE OFFICIALS.
officials, may be fairly assumed to be ill-gotten gain. There are
laws against these exactions, aid very often some magistrate is
degraded or executed for levying illegal assessments. The im-
munity which some mandarins enjoy from the just consequences
of their crimes, and the seventy with which the law is vindicated
TBK OOVERNOa OF A PBOVINOX.
in the cases of others for much lighter offenses, baa a sinister as-
pect. But in a system of which bribery and corruption practi-
cally form a part, one need not expect to find purity in any direc-
tion. And it is not too much to say that the whole civil service
is, judged by an American standard, corrupt to the core. The
people however are lightly taxed and they readily submit to lim-
FEW MANDARINS ARE REGRETTED. 129
ited extortion so long as the rule of the mandarin is otherwise
just and beneficent. ^
How rarely does a mandarin earn the respect and affection of
the people is obvious from the great parade which is made on the
departure from their posts of the very occasional ofiBcials who
are fortunate enough to-liave done so. Archdeacon Gray relates
that during his residence of a quarter of a century at Canton he
only met one man who had entitled himself to the regret of the
people at his departure. When the time came for this man to
leave the city, the people rose in multitudes to do him honor and
begged for him to return if he could. A somewhat similar scene
occurred at Tien-tsin in 1861, on the departure of the most be-
nevolent prefect that the city had ever seen. The people accom-
panied hiin beyond the gate on his road to Peking with every
token of honor and finally begged from him his boots, which they
carried back in triumph and hung up as a memento in the temple
of the city god. Going to the opposite extreme, it sometimes
happens that the people, goaded into rebellion by a sense of
wrong, rise in arms against some particularly obnoxious man-
darin and drive him from the district. But the Chinese are
essentially un warlike, and it must be some act of gross oppres-
sion to stir their blood to fever heat.
A potent means of protection against oppression is granted to
the people by the appointment of imperial censors throughout
the empire, whose duty it is to report to the throne all cases of
misrule, injustice, or neglect on the part of the mandarins which
come to their knowledge. The same tolerance which is shown
by the people towards the shortcomings and ill deeds of the
oflBcials, is displayed by these men in the discharge of their
duties. Only aggravated cases make them take their pens in
hand, but when they do, it must be confessed that they show
little mercy. Neither are they respectors of persons ; their lash
falls alike on all from the emperor on his throne to the police-
runners in magisterial courts. Nor is their plain speaking more
amazing than the candor with which their memorials affecting
the characters of great and small alike are published in the Pe-
king Gazette. The gravest charges, such as of peculation, neg-
lect of duty, injustice, or incompetence) are brought against
7
180
CRUELTIES IN THE COURTS.
mandai'iiiu of all ranku and are opeuly published in tiie official
paper. i
In the administration of justice the sjiine lax morality as in
other branches of governnient exists, and bribery is largely le-
sorted to by litigants, more especially in civil cases Aaaiule
money in excess of the legal fees has in the first instance to be
paid to clerks and secretaries before a case can be put down fur
hearing, and a decision of the presiding mandarin is t( o often in-
fluenced by the sums of money which £ud their way iiito his
PUNISHMENT BY THE OANOUK
purse from the pockets of either suitor. But the greatest blot on
Chinese administration is tlie inhumatiity shown to both culprits
and witnesses in criminal procedure. Tortures of the most pain-
ful and revolting kind are used to extort evidence, and punish-
ments scarcely more severely cruel are inflicted on the guilty
parties. Flogging with bamboos, beating the jaws with thick
pieces of leather, or the ankles with a stick, are some of the pre-
liminary tortures applied to witnesses or culprits who refuse to
give the evidence expected of them. Further refinements of
HORRORS OF PUNISHMENT.
131
cruelty are reserved for liurdened offeudere by means of which
iiiSuite pain and often permanent injury are inflicted.
It follows as a natural cousequence that in a country where
torture 13 thus resorted to the punishments inflicted on criminals
must be proportionately cruel. Death, the final punishment, can
unfortunately be inflicted in various ways and a sliding scale of
capital p bl e ts s sed by tl e CI ese to m rk tl e r sense
uf the V ry g heiious ess of mu derous crimes For parncide,
matiicide a d wholesale murders the usual eentence is that of
PLOQOINO A CTLPaiT.
Ling che, or " ignominious and slow death." In the carrying out
of this sentence the culprit is fastened to a cross, and cuts varying
in number, at the discretion of the judge, from eight to one hun-
dred and twenty are made first on the face and fleshy parts of the
hody, next the heait is pierced, and finally when death has been
thus caused, the limbs are separated from the body and divided.
During a recent year ten cases in which this punishment was in-
flicted were reported in the official Peking Gazette. In ordinary
oases of capital punishment execution by beheading is the com-
182 HORRORS OF PUNISHMENT.
mon mode. This is a speedy and merciful death, the skill gained
by frequent experience enabling the executioner in almost every
case to perform his task with one blow. Another death which is
less horrible to Chinamen, who view any mutilation of the body
as an extreme disgrace, is by strangulation. The privilege of so
passing out of the world is accorded at times to influential crimi-
nals, whose crimes are not of so heinous a nature as to demand their
decapitation ; and occasionally they are even allowed to be their
own executioners.
Asiatics are almost invariably careless about the sufferings of
others, and the men of China are no exception to the rule. It is
almost impossible to exaggerate the horrors of a Chinese prison.
The filth and dirt of the rooms, the brutality of the jailers, the
miserable diet, and the entire absence of the commonest sanitary
arrangements make a picture which is too horrible to draw in
detail.
Chinese law-givers have distinguished very markedly between
crimes accompanied and unaccompanied with violence. For
offenses of the latter description, punishments of a comparatively
light nature are inflicted, such as wearing a wooden collar, and
piercing the ears with arrows, to the ends of which are attached
slips of paper on which are inscribed the crime of which the cul-
prit has been guilty. Frequently the criminals bearing these
signs of their disgrace are paraded up and down the street where
their offense was committed, and sometimes in more serious cases
they are flogged through the leading thoroughfares of the city,
[)receded by a herald who announces the nature of their mis-
demeanors. But to give a list of Chinese punishments will be to
exhaust the ingenuity of man to torture his fellow creatures.
The subject is a horrible one and it is a relief to turn from the
dingy prison gates and the halls of so-called justice.
After this review of the impersonal, and the material, and the
official character of the Chinese empire as a nation, let us now
turn to the more personal consideration of the people themselves,
their chfinicteristics, and their manner of life and thought.
OUTSIDE I'EKING.
From a Slttlch.
THE CHINESE PEOPLE.
SoYerity of the Jodgment of Americans and Chinese Against One Another—Each Bees
the Worst Side of the Other— OharacterLsttcs of the Chinese, Their Physique, Temperament,
and Morals— Tests of Intellectuality— Marriage Customs of the Chinese— The Engagement—
The Wedding Ceremony— The Position of Women— Concubinage— Divorce— Family Kelation-
shlps— Dress of Men and Women— Distorted Feet versus Queues-Chinese Houses and Home
Life— Children- Education and Schools— National Festivities— Music and Art— Chinese
Religions— Language and Literature.
In treating of the personal characteristics and customs of the
Chinese people it is the desire of the writer to get away from the
hackneyed descriptions of pigtails, shaven heads, thick soled
shoes, assumption of dignity and superiority, and great ignorance
concerning many subjects with which we are familiar, which
usually mark the pages of articles and books concerning this race.
The Chinaman is believed by many to be the personification of
stupidity, and many writers who wish to make readable matter
gladly seize upon and exaggerate anything which can be made to
appear grotesque and ridiculous. It would be but a poor answer
to these views to say that they correspond remarkably with those
which the Chinese entertain of us. They also enjoy a great deal
of pleasantry at our expense, finding it almost impossible to re-
gard otherwise than as ludicrous our short cropped hair, tight fit-
ting, ungraceful, and uncomfortable looking clothes, men's thin
soled leather shoes, tall stiff hats, gloves in summer time, the
wasp-like appearance of ladies with their small waists, our remark-
able ignorance of the general rules of propriety, and the sti-ange
custom of a man and his wife walking together in public ! These
views we can afford to laugh at as relating to comparatively
trivial matters, but they think they have the evidence that we
are also inferior to them in intellectuality, in refinement, in civili-
zation, and especially morals. It is evident that one party or the
other has made a serious mistake, and it would be but a natural
and reasonable presumption that both may have erred to some
extent. We should look at this matter from an impartial stand-
point, and take into view not simply facts which are compara-
(185)
136 CHINA VERSUS THE UNITED STATES.
tively unimportant and exceptional, but those which are funda*
mental and of widespread influence, and should construe these
facts justly and generously. We should take pains not to form
the judgment that because a people or a custom is different from
our own it is therefore necessarily worse.
There are many reasons why unfair judgments have been
formed by us against the Chinese and by the Chinese against
Europeans and Americans. Each nation is apt to see the worst
side of the other. It so happens that the Chinese who have
come to America are almost all from the southern provinces and
from the lower classes of the worst part of the empire. We have
formed many of our impressions from our observation of these
low class adventurers. They on the other hand have not received
the treatment here which would cause them to carry back to
China kindly opinions of Americans.
In China the same or similar conditions have existed. In the
open ports, where a large foreign commerce has sprung up, an
immense number of Chinese congregate from the interior. Many
of them are adventurers who come to these places to engage in
the general scramble for wealth. The Chinamen of the best class
are, as a matter of fact, not the most numerous in the open ports.
Moreover foreign ideas and customs prevail to a great extent in
these foreign communities, and the natives, whatever they might
have been originally, gradually become more or less denational-
ized, and present a modified type of their race. The Chinese be-
ing every day brought into contact with drunken sailors and un-
scrupulous traders from the west, new lessons are constantly
learned from them in the school of duplicity and immorality.
The Chinese of this class are no fitting type of the race. It is an
accepted fact that the great seaports of the world, where inter-
national trade holds sway, are the worst centers of vice, and no
estimate of a people formed from these cities can be just.
. The Chinese as a race are of a phlegmatic and impassive tem-
perament, and physically less active and energetic than European
and American nations. Children are not fond of athletic and
vigorous sports, but prefer marbles, kite flying, and quiet games
of ball or spinning tops. Men take an easy stroll for recreation,
but never a rapid walk for exercise and are seldom in a hurry or
RACIAL CHAKACtPMUSTICS OF THK CHINESE. IS?
excited. They are also cljuracteristically timid and docile. But
while the Chinese are deficient in active courage and daring, they
are not in passive. resistance. They are comparatively apathetic
as regards pain and death, and have great powers of physical en-
durance as well as great persistency and obstinacy. Physical
development and strength and longevity vary in different parts
of the empire. In and about Canton, as well as in most parts of
the south, from which we have derived most of our impressions
of China, the people are small in stature ; but in the province of
Shan-tung in the north, men varying in height from five feet
eight inches to six feet are very common, while some of them are
considerably taller. In this part of China too, one frequently
finds laborers more than seventy years of age working daily at
their trades, and it is not unusual to hear of persons who have
reached the age of ninety or more.
The intellectuality of the Chinese is made evident by so many
obvious and weighty facts, that it seems strange that persons of
ordinary intelligence and information should ever have ques-
tioned it. We have before us a system of government and code
of laws which will bear favorable comparison with those of
European nations, and have elicited a generous tribute of admira-
tion and praise from the most competent students. The practical
wisdom and foresight of those who constructed this system are
evidenced by the fact that it has stood the test of time, enduring
longer than any other which man has devised during the world's
history ; that it has bound together under one common rule, a
population to which the world affords no parallel, and given a de-
gree of prosperity and wealth which may well challenge our won-
der. It is intelligent thought which has given China such a
prominence in the east and also in the eyes of Christendom. She
may well point with pride to her authentic history reaching back
through more than thirty centuries ; to her extensive literature,
containing many works of sterling and permanent value ; to her
thoroughly elaborated language possessed of a remarkable power
of expression ; to her list of scholars, and her proficiency in belles-
lettres. If these do not constitute evidences of intellectuality, it
would be difficult to say where such evidences could be found, or
188 LACK OF MODERN KNOWLEDGE.
on whcit biisis we ourselves ^will rest our claim of intellectual
superiority.
China has been so arrogant and extravagant in her assumptions
of pre-eminence, that we have perhaps for this very reason been
indisposed to accord to her the position to which she is fairly en-
titled. It should be remembered, that ignorant until recently of
western nations, as they have been of her, she has compared her-
self simply with the nations around her, and a partial excuse for
her overweening self conceit may be found in the fact that she
only regarded herself as the nations with which she is acquainted
have regarded her. She has been for ages the great center of
light and civilization in eastern Asia. She has given literature
and i-eligion to Japan, to Corea, and to Manchooria, and has been
looked up to by these and other smaller nations as their acknowl-
edged teacher. The Japanese have produced no great teachers
or sages which they would presume to compare with those of
China ; and it is clearest evidence of their acknowledgment of the
literary superiority of the Chinese that they use Chinese classics
as text books in their schools much as we do those of Greece and
Rome. It is true that the Chinese know hardly anything of the
modern arts and sciences and that there is no word in their lan-
guage to designate some of them ; but how much did our ancestors
know two hundred years ago of chemistry, geology, philosophy,
anatomy, and other kindred sciences. What did we know fiftv
yeai-s ago of the steamboat, the railroad, and the telegraph? And
is our comparative want of knowledge a few years ago and that
of our ancestors to be taken as evidence of inferiority of race and
intellect? Furthermore, if we go back a few hundred years we
are apt to find many things to establish the claims of the Chinese
as a superior rather than inferior race. There are excellent
grounds to credit the Chinese with the invention or discovery of
printing, the use of the magnetic needle, the manufacture and use
of gunpowder, of silk fabrics, and of chinaware and porcelain, and
there seems no doubt that the Chinese discovered America from
the westward, long before the discoveries of Europeans.
Intellectnal power manifests itself in a variety of ways, and
glaring defects are often found associated in the same individual
with remarkable powers and capabilities, as particular faculties
MORALITY OF THE CHINESE. 189
both of raind and body are often cultivated and developed at the
expense of others. Chinese education has very little regard to
the improvement of the reasoning powers, and Chinese scholars
are deficient in logical acumen and very inferior to the Hindoos
in this respect ; but in developing and storing the memory they
are without a rival. Again their system of training effectually
discourages and precludes freedom and originality of thought,
while it has the compensating advantages of creating a love of
method and order, habitual subjection to authority, and a remark-
able uniformity in character and ideas. Perhaps the results
which they have realized in fusing such a vast mass of beings
into one homogeneous body, could have been reached in no other
way.
The morality of the Chinese presents another subject scbout
which there is a wide difference of opinion. It may be a matter
of interest and profit to turn for a moment to the views which
the Chinese generally entertain of our morality, and their reasons
for these views. They are all familiar with the fact that foreign-
ers introduced opium into China, in opposition to the earnest and
persistent remonstrances of the Chinese government ; that out of
the opium trade grew the first war with China ; and that when
the representatives of Christian England urged the Chinese gov-
ernment to legalize the trade and make it a source of revenue,
the Chinese emperor replied that he would not use as a means of
revenue that which brought suffering and misery upon his people.
The Chinese form their opinions of western morality to a great
extent from the sailors on shore-leave at the open ports, and
these men are proverbially vicious under such circumstances.
For years foreigners of this class have commanded many of the
piratical fleets on the coasts of China, and foreign thieves and
robbers have infested many of the inland canals and rivers. In
business dealings with strangers from western lands the natives
find that duplicity and dishonesty are not confined to their own
people. Replying to our criticism of the system of concubinage,
the Chinese point to the numerous class of native women in the
foreign communities, fostered and patronized by foreigners alone,
who appear in the streets with an effrontery which would be re-
garded as utterly indecent and intolerable in most Chinese cities.
140 TWO ENGLISH OPINIONS.
The large importation from Europe of obscene pictures which are
offered at every hand, is another fact which the educated Chinese
cites in answer to criticisms of his people's morality.
On the general subject of morality and Chinese moral teach-
ing, two quotations from the writings of eminent Englishmen
who lived in China for many years are pertinent. Sir Jolin
Davis says : " The most commendable feature of the Chinese
s)'^stem is the general diffusion of elementary moral education
among the lower orders. It is iu the preference of moral to
physical instruction that even we might perhaps wisely take a
leaf out of the Chinese book, and do something to reform this
most mechanical age of ours." The opinion of Thomas Taylor
Meadows is thus expressed : ** No people whether of ancient or
modern times has possessed a sacred literature so completely ex-
empt as the Chinese from licentious descriptions and from every
offensive expression. There is not a single sentence in the whole
of their sacred books and their annotations that may not when
translated word for word be read aloud in any family in En-
gland."
It must be acknowledged that the Chinese give many evidences,
not only in their literature, but also in their paintings and sculp-
ture, of a scrupulous care to avoid all indecent and immoral asso-
ciations and suggestions. In referring to the above peculiarity
of Chinese views and customs, these remarks are not, of course,
concerning the private lives and practices of the people, but of
their standard of propriety and of what the public taste requires,
in objects which are openly represented to be seen and admired
by the young and old of both sexes.
The government of the empire is modeled on the government
of a household, and at the root of all family ties, says one of the
Chinese classics, is the relation of husband and wife, which is as
the relation of heaven and earth. Chinese historians record that
the rite of marriage was first instituted by the Emperor Fuh-he,
who reigned in the twenty-eighth century B. C. But before
this period there is abundant evidence to show that as amongst
all other peoples the first form of marriage was by capture. At
the present day marriage is probably more univei*sal in China
than in any other civilized country in the world, for it is regarded
PRELIMINARIES TO MARRIAGE. 141
as something indispensable and few men pass the age of twenty
without taking to themselves a wife. To die without leaving be-
hind a son to perform the burial rites and to offer up the fixed
periodical sacrifices at the tomb, is one of the most direful fates
that can overtake a Chinaman, and he seeks to avoid it by an
early marriage.
Like every other rite in China that of marriage is fenced in
with a host of ceremonies. In a vast majority of cases the bride-
groom never sees his bride until the wedding night, it being con-
sidered a grave breach of etiquette for young men and maidens
to associate together or even to see one another. Of course it
does occasionally happen that either by stealth or chance a pair
become acquainted; but whether they have thus associated, or
whether they are perfect strangers, the first formal overture must
of necessity be made by a professional go-between, who having
received a commission from the parents of a young man, proceeds
to the house of the young woman and makes a formal proposal
on behalf of the would-be bridegroom's parents. If the young
lady*s father approves the proposed alliance, the suitor sends the
lady some presents as an earnest of his intentions.
The parents next exchange documents which set forth the
hour, day, month, and year when the young people were born,
and the maiden names of their mothers. Astrologers are then
called in to cast the horoscopes, and should these be favorable
the engagement is formally entered into, but not so irrevocably
that there are not several orthodox ways of breaking it oflf. But
should things go smoothly, the bridegroom's father writes a
formal letter of agreement to the lady's father, accompanied by
presents, consisting in some cases of sweetmeats and a live pig,
and in others of a goose and gander, which are regarded as em-
blems of conjugal fidelity. Two large cards are also prepared
by the bridegroom, and on these are written the particulars of
the engagement. One is sent to the lady and the other he keeps.
She in return now makes.a present to the suitor according to his
rank and fortune. Recourse is then again had to astrologers to
fix a fortunate day for the final ceremony, on the evening of
which the bridegroom's best man proceeds to the house of the
lady and conducts her to her future home in a red sedan chair,
142 DESCRIPTION OP THE WEDDING CEREMONY.
accompanied by musicians who enliven the procession by wedding
airs. At the door of the house the bride alights from her sedan,
and is lifted over a pan of burning charcoal laid on the threshold
by two " women of luck," whose husbands and children must be
living.
In the reception room the bridegroom awaits his bride on a
raised dais, at the 'foot of which she humbly prostrates herself.
He then descends to her level, and removing her veil gazes on her
face for the first time. Without exchanging a word they seat
themselves side by side, and each tries to sit on a part of the
dress of the other, it being considered that the one who succeeds
in so doing will hold rule in the household. This trial of skill
over, the pair proceed to the hall, and there before the family
altar worship heaven and earth and their ancestors. They then
go to dinner in their apartment, through the open door of which
the guests scrutinize and make their remarks on the appearance
and demeanor of the bride. This ordeal is the more trying to
her, since etiquette forbids her to eat anything, a prohibition
which is not shared by the bridegroom, who enjoys the dainties
provided as his appetite may suggest. The attendants next hand
to each in turn a cup of wine, and having exchanged pledges, the
wedding ceremonies come to an end. In some parts of the coun-
try it is customary for the bride to sit up late into the night an-
swering riddles which are propounded to her by the guests ; in
other parts it is usual for her to show herself for a time in the
hall, whither her husband does not accompany her, as it is con-
trary to etiquette for a husband and wife ever to appear together
in public. For the same reason she goes to pay the customary
visit to her parents on the third day after the wedding alone, and
for the rest of her wedded life she enjoys the society of her hus-
band only in the privacy of her apartments.
The lives of women in China, and especially of married women,
are such as to justify the wish often expressed by them that in
their next state of existence they may be born men. Even if in
their baby days they escape the infanticidal tendencies of their
parents, they are regarded as secondary considerations compared
with their brothers. The philosophers from Confucius downward
have all agreed in assigning them an inferior place to men.
THE POSITION OF WOMEN. 146
When the time comes for them to marry, custom requires them
iu nine cases out of ten, as we have seen, to take a leap in the
dark, and that wife is fortunate who finds in her husband a con-
genial and faithful companion.
There is but one proper wife in the family, but there is no law
against a man's having secondary wives or concubines ; and such
connections are common enough wherever the means of a family
are sufficient for their support. The concubine occupies in the
family an inferior position to the wife, and her children, if she
has any, belong by Ijivv to the wife.
There are seven legal grounds for divorcing a wife : disobedi-
ence to her husband's parents ; not giving birth to a son ; Disso-
lute conduct; jealousy; talkativeness; thieving, and leprosy.
These grounds however may be nullified by "the three considera-
tions : " If her parents be dead ; if she has passed with her hus-
band through the years of mourning for his parents ; and if he
has become rich from being poor.
So many are the disabilities of married women, that many girls
prefer going into nunneries or even committing suicide to trust-
ing their future to men of whom they can know nothing but from
the interested reports of the go-between.
The re-marriage of widows is regarded as an impropriety, and
in wealthy families is seldom practiced. But among the poorer
classes necessity often compels a widow to seek another bread
winner. Some, however, having been unfortunate in their first
matrimonial venture, refuse to listen to any proposal for a re-mar-
riage, and like the young girls mentioned above seek escape by
death from the importunities of relatives who desire to get them
off their hands. A reverse view of matrimonial experiences is
suggested by the practice of wives refusing to survive their hus-
bands, and putting a voluntary end to their existence rather than
live to mourn their loss. Such devotion is regarded by the people
with great approbation and a deed of suicide is generally per-
formed in public and with great punctiliousness.
The picture here given of married life in China has been nec-
essarily darkly shaded, since it is, as a rule, only in its unfortu-
nate phases, that it affords opportunity for remark. Without-
doubt there are many hundreds of thousands of families in China
146 HOME LIFE OF WOMEN.
which are entirely happy. Happiness is after all a relative term,
and Chinese women, knowing no higher status, are as a rule con-
tent to run the risk of wrongs which would be unendurable to an
American woman, and to find happiness under conditions whicli
are fortunately unknown in western countries.
The family tie in China is strong and the people are clannish.
They seldom change their place of residence and most of them
live where their ancestors have lived for many generations. One
will frequently find the larger portion of a small village bearing
the same name, in which case the village often takes its name
from tlie family. Books on filial piety and the domestic relations
recommend sons not to leave their parents when married, but to
live together lovingly and harmoniously as one family. This
theory is carried out in practice to some extent, in most instances.
In the division of property some regard is had to primogeniture,
but different sons share nearly equally. The eldest simply has a
somewhat larger portion and certain household relics and valu-
ables.
The position of woman is intermediate between that which she
occupies in Christian and in other non-Christian countries. The
manner in which they regard their lot may be inferred from the
fact related on a previous page, that the most earnest desire and
prayer in worshipping in Buddhist temples is, generally, that they
may be men in the next state of existence. In many families
girls have no individual names, but are simply called No. One,
Two, Three, Four, etc. When married they are Mr. So-and so's
wife, and when they have sons they are such-and-such a boy's
mother. They live in a great measure secluded, take no part in
general society, and are expected to retire when a stranger or an
acquaintance of the opposite sex enters the house. The claim of
one's parents and brothers upon his affections is considered to be
paramount to that of his wife. A reason given for this doctrine
in a celebrated Chinese work is that the loss of a brother is irrep-
arable but that of a wife is not. Women are treated with more
respect and consideration as they advance in years; mothers are
regarded with great affection and tenderness, and grandmothers
are sometimes almost worshipped. It must be further said that
the Chinese have found the theory of inferiority of women a very
STYLE OF MEN'S DRESS. 141
difficult one to carry out in practice. There are many families ia
which the superiority of her will and authority is sufficiently
manifest, even though not cheerfully acknowledged.
The rules and conventionalities which regulate social life are
exceedingly minute and formal. Politeness is a science, and
gracefulness of manners a study and discipline. The people are
hospitivble and generous to a fault, their desire to appear well in
these respects often leading them to expenditures entirely dis-
proportionate to their means.
When under the influence of passion, quarrels arise, the
women resort to abuse in violent language, extreme in proportion
to the length of time during which the feelings which prompted
them have been restrained. Men bluster and threaten in a man*
ner quite frightful to those unaccustomed to it, but seldom come
to blows. In cases of deep resentment the injured party often
adopts a mode of revenge which is very characteristic. Instead
of killing the object of his hate, he kills himself on the doorstep
of his enemy, thereby casting obloquy and the stigma of murder
on the adversary.
In matters of dress, with one or two exceptions, the Chinese
must be acknowledged to have used a wise discretion. They
wear nothing that is tight fitting, and make a greater difference
between their summer and winter clothing than is customary
among ourselves. The usual dress of a coolie in summer is a
loose fitting pair of cotton trousers and an equally loose jacket;
but the same man in winter will be seen wearing quilted cotton
clothes, or if he should be an inhabitant of the northern provinces
a sheepskin robe, superadded to an abundance of warm clothing
intermediate between it and his shirt. By the wealthier classes
silk, satin, and gauze are much worn in the summer, and woolen
or handsome fur clothes in the winter. Among such people it is
customary except in the seclusion of their homes, to wear both
in summer and winter long tunics coming down to the ankles.
In summer non-official Chinamen leave their heads uncovered,
but do not seem to suffer any inconvenience from the great heat.
On the approach of summer an edict is issued fixing the day
upon which the summer costume is to be adopted throughout the
empire, and again as winter draws near, tlie time for putting on
148 WOMAN'S DRESS.
winter dress is announced in the same formal manner. Fine
straw or bamboo forms the material of the summer hat, the out-
side of which is covered with fine silk. At this season also the
thick silk robes and the heavy padded jackets worn in winter are
exchanged for light silk or satin tunics. The winter cap has a
turned-up brim and is covered with satin with a black cloth lin-
ing, and as in the case of the summer cap a tassel of red silk
covers the entire crown.
The wives of mandarins wear the same embroidered insignia
on their dresses as their husbands, and their style of dress as
well as that of Chinese women generally bears a resemblance to
that of the men. They wear a loose fitting tunic which reaches
below the knee, and trousers which are drawn in at the ankle
after the bloomer fashion. On state occasions they wear a richly
embroidered petticoat coming down to the feet, which hangs
square both before and behind and is pleated at the sides like a
Highlander's kilt. The mode of doing the hair varies in almost
every province. At Canton the women plaster their back hair
into the shape of a teapot handle, and adorn the sides with pins
and ornaments, while the young girls proclaim their unmarried
state by sutting their hair in fringe across their foreheads after a
fashion not unknown among ourselves. In most parts of the
country, flowers, natural when obtainable and artificial when not
so, are largely used to deck out the head dresses, and consider-
able taste is shown in the choice of colors and the manner in
which they are arranged.
Thus far there is nothing to find fault with in female fashions
in China, but the same cannot be said of the way in which they
treat their faces and feet. In many countries the secret art of
removing traces of the ravages of time with the appliances of the
toilet table has been and is practised ; but by an extravagant
and hideous use of pigments and cosmetics, the Chinese girl not
only conceals the fresh complexion of youth, but produces those
very disfigurements which furnish the only possible excuse for
artificial complexions. Their poets also have declared that a
woman's eyebrows should be arched like a rainbow or shaped
like a willow leaf, and the consequence is that wishing to act up
to the idea thus pictured, China women with the aid of tweezers
Compression op woman-s feet.
161
remove all the liairs of their eyebrows which straggle the least
out of the required line, and when the task becomes impossible
even with tlie hetp of these instruments, the paint brush or n
stick of charcoal is brought into requisition. A comparison of
one such painted lily with the natural healthy complexion, bright
eyes, laughing lips, and dimpled cheeks of a Canton boat girl, for
example, is enough to vindicate nature's claim to superiority over
art a thousand fold.
But the chief offeose of Chinese women is in their treatment of
BANSAOtm) THE FEET.
their feet. Various explanations are current as to the origin of
the custom of deforming the women's feet. Some say that it is
an attempt to imitate the peculiarly shaped foot of a certain
beautiful empress ; others that it is a device intended to restrain
the gadding about tendencies of women; but however that may
be, the practice is universal except among the Manchoos and the
Hakka population at Canton, who have natuial feet. Tlie feet
are first bound when the child is about five years old and the
muttcles of locomotion have consequently had time to develop.
152 ORIGIN OF THE QUEUE.
A cotton bandage two or three inches wide is wound tightly
about the foot in different directions. The four smaller toes are
bent under the foot, and the instep is forced upward and back-
ward. The foot therefore assumes the shape of an acute triangle,
the big toe forming the acute angle and the other toes, being
bent under the foot, becoming almost lost or absorbed. At the
same time, the shoes worn having high heels, the foot becomes
nothing but a club and loses all elasticity. The consequence is
that the women walk as on pegs, and the calf of the leg having
no exercise shrivels up. Though the effect of this custom is to
produce real deformity and a miserable tottering gait, even
foreigners naturally come to associate it with gentility and good
breeding, and to estimate the character and position of women
much as the Chinese do, by the size of their feet. The degree of
severity with which the feet are bound differs widely in the
various ranks of society. Country women and the poorer classes
have feet about half the natural size, while those of the genteel
or fashionable class are only about three inches long.
Women in the humbler walks of life are therefore often able to
move about with ease. Most ladies on the other hand are practi-
cally debarred from walking at all and are dependent on their
sedan chairs for all locomotion beyond they own doors. But
even in this case habit becomes a second nature and fashion
triumphs over sense. No mother, however keen may be her
recollection of her sufferings as a child, or however conscious she
may be of the inconveniences and ills arising from her deformed
feet, would ever dream of saving her own child from like imme-
diate torture and permanent evil. Further there is probably less
excuse for such a practice in China than in any other country, for
the hands and feet of both men and women are naturally both
small and finely shaped. The Chinese insist upon it that the
custom of compressing women's feet is neither in as bad taste nor
so injurious to the health as that of foreign women in compress-
ing the waist.
The male analogue of the women's compressed feet in the shaven
forepart of the head and the braided queue. The custom of thus
treating the hair was imposed on the people by the first emperor
of the present dynasty, in 1644. Up to that time the Chinese
FOOD AND HOW IT IS EATEN. 168
had allowed the hair to grow long, and were in the habit of
drawing it up into a tuft on the top of the head. The introduc-
tion of the queue at the bidding of the Manchoorian conqueror
was intended as a badge of conquest, and as such was at first un-
willingly adopted by the people. For nearly a century the
natives of outlying parts of the empire refused to submit their
heads to the razor and in many districts the authorities rewarded
converts to the new way by presents of money. As the custom
spread these bribes were discontinued, and the converse action of
treating those who refused to conform with severity, completed
the conversion of the empire. At the present day every China-
man who is not in open rebellion to the throne, shaves his head
with the exception of the crown where the hair is allowed to grow
to its full length. This hair is carefully braided, and falls down
the back forming what is commonly known as the ^^ pig tail."
Great pride is taken, especially in the south, in having as long
and as thick a queue as possible, and when nature has been nig-
gardly in her supply of natural growth, the deficiency is supple-
mented by the insertion of silk in the plait.
The staff of life in China is rice. It is eaten and always eaten,
from north to south and from east to west, on the tables of the
rich and poor, morning, noon, and night, except among the very
poor people in some of the northern non-rice producing provinces
where millet takes its place. In *all other parts the big bowl of
boiled rice forms the staple of the meal eaten by the people, and
it is accompanied by vegetables, fish and meat, according to the
circumstanoes of the household. Among many people, however,
tiiere is a disinclination to eat meat, owing to the influence of
Buddhism. The difference in the quality and expense of the food
of the rich from that of the poor, consists principally in the con-
comitants eaten with the rice or millet. -The poor have simply a
dish of salt vegetables or fish, which costs comparatively little.
The rich have pork, fowls, eggs, fish and game prepared in
various ways.
Before each chair is placed an empty bowl and two chop-sticks,
while in the middle of the table stands the dishes of food. Each
person fills his basin from the large dishes, or is supplied by the
servantSi and holding it up to his chin with his left hand he
154 FOOD PRODUCTS OF CHINA.
trausfers its contents into his mouth with his chop-sticks with
the utmost ease. The chop-sticks are held between the first and
second, and the second and third fingers, and constant practice
enables a Chinaman to lift up and hold the minutest atoms of
food, oily and slippery as they often are, with the greatest ease.
To most foreigners their skillful use is well nigh impossible. To
the view of the Chinese the use of chop-sticks is an evidence of
superior culture ; and the use of such barbarous instruments as
knives and forks, and cutting or tearing the meat from the bones
on the table instead of having the food properly prepared and
severed into edible morsels in the kitchen, evidences a lower type
of civilization.
The meats most commonly eaten are pork, mutton, and goat^s
fiesh, beside ducks, chickens, and pheasants, and in the north
deer and hares. Beef is never exposed for sale in the Chinese
markets. The meat of the few cattle which are killed is disposed
of almost clandestinely. There is a strong and almost universal
prejudice against eating beef, and the practice of doing so is de-
claimed against in some of the moral tracts. Milk is hardly used
at all in the eighteen provinces, and in many places our practice
of drinking it is regarded with the utmost disgust.
It must be confessed that in some parts of the country less
savory viands find their place on the dinner table. In Canton,
for example, dried rats have a recognized place in the poulterers'
shops and find a ready market. Horse flesh is also exposed for
sale, and there are even to be found dog and cat restaurants.
The flesh of .black dogs and cats, and especially the former is
preferred as being more nutritive. Frogs form a common dish
among the poor people and are, it is needless to say, very good
eating. In some parts of the country locusts and grasshoppers
are eaten. At Tien-tsin men may commonly be seen standing at
the corners of the streets frying locusts over portable fires, just
as among ourselves chestnuts are cooked. Ground-grubs, silk-
worms and water-snakes are also occasionally treated as food.
The sea, lakes, and rivers abound in fish, and as fish forms a
staple food of the people the fisherman's art has been brought to
a great degree of perfection. The same care as in the production
of fish is extended to that of ducks and poultry. Eggs are arti-
FUNERAL CEREMONIES. 157
ficially hatched in immense numbers, and the poultry markets
and boats along the river at Canton are most amazing in their
extent.
The funerals of grown persons, and especially of parents, are
as remarkable for burdensome ceremonies, extravagant manifesta*
tions of grief and lavish expense, as those of children are for
their coldness and neglect. Candles, incense and offerings of
food are placed before the corpse, and a company of priests is
engaged to chant prayers for the departed spirit. An abundance
of clothing is deposited with the body in the coffin and various
ceremonies are performed during several days immediately after
that, and on every subsequent seventh day, closing with the
seventh seven. When the coffin is carried out for burial, men
and women follow in the procession clothed in coarse white gar-
ments, white being used for mourning.
Inasmuch as the coffin must remain in the hall for forty-nine
days, naturally they are prepared with a great deal of care. Very
thick planks are used in its construction, cut from the hardest
trees, caulked on the outside and cemented on the inside, and
finally varnished or lacquered. Sometimes a coffin containing-
a body is kept in the house for a considerable length of time
after the forty-nine days have expired, while arrangements are
being made for a burying place and other preliminaries are
attended to. The lids being nailed down in cement they are per-
fectly air-tight.
The notions which Chinamen entertain concerning the future
life rob death of half its terrors and lead them to regard their
funeral ceremonies and the due performance of the proper rites
by their descendants as the chief factors of their future well
being. Among other things the importance of securing a coffin
according to the approved fashion is duly recognized, and as men
approach old age they not infrequently buy their own coffins,
which they keep carefully by them. The present of a coffin is
considered a dutiful attention from a son to an aged father.
The choice of a site for the grave is determined by a profes-
sor of the " FungShuy " superstition, who, compass in hand, ex-
plores the entire district to find a spot which combines all the
qualities necessary for the quiet repose of the dead. When suoh
158
CURIOUS BURIAL CUSTOMS.
a fovored spot has been discovered a priest is called in to detei^
mine a lucky day for the burial. This is by no means an easy mat-
ter and it often happens that the dead remain unburied for
months or even years on account of the difficulties in the way of
TUE PUNISHMKNT8
■From Chinege drawings.
choosing either fortunate graves or lucky days. The ceremonies
of the interment itself and of mourning that follows are most
elaborate in character, and too much involved for detailed descrip-
tion here.
CURIOUS BURIAL CUSTOMS. 169
But univei'sal as the practice of burying may be said to be in
China there are exceptions to it. The Buddhist priests as a rule
prefer cremation, and this custom, which came with the religion
they profess from India, has at times found imitators among the
laity. In Formosa the dead are exposed and dried in the air;
and some of tlie Meaou-tsze tribes of central and southern China
bury their dead, it is true, but after an interval of a year or
more, having chosen a lucky day, they disinter them. On such
occasions they go accompanied by their friends to the grave, and
having opened the tomb they take out the bones and having
brushed and washed them clean they put them back wrapped in
cloth.
The necessity in the Chinese mind that their bones must rest
in the soil of their native land with their ancestors, has made to
exist some peculiar practices among the colonizing Chinese in the
United States and other countries. The bones of those who die
thus far away from home are carefully preserved by their coun-
trymen and shipped back, sometimes after many years, to find a
resting place in the Middle Kingdom.
It is a curious circumstance that in China where there exists
such a profound veneration for everything old, there should not
be found any ancient buildings or old ruins. That there is an
abundant supply of durable materials for building is certain, and
for many centuries the Chinese have been acquainted with the
art of brick making, yet they have reared no building possessing
enduring stability. Not only does the ephemeral nature of the
tent, which would indicate their original nomadic origin and rec-
ollection of old tent homes, appear in the slender construction of
Chinese houses, but even in shape they assume a tent-like form.
Etiquette provides that in houses of the better class a high wall
shall surround the building, and that no window shall look out-
ward. Consequently streets in the fashionable parts of cities
have a dreary aspect. The only breaks in the long line of dismal
wall are the front doors, which are generally closed, or if not,
movable screens bar the sight of all beyond the door. Passing
around one such screen one finds himself in a court-yard which
is laid out as a garden or paved with stone. From this court-
yard one reaches, on either side, rooms occupied by servants, or
160 PLAN OF THE HOUSES.
directly in front, another building. Through this latter another
court-yard is reached, in the rooms surrounding which the family
live, and behind this again are the women's apartments, which
not infrequently give exit to a garden at the back.
Wooden pillars support the roofs of the buildings, and the in-
tervals between these are filled up with brick work. The
window-frames are wooden, over which is pasted either paper or
calico, or sometimes pieces of talc to transmit the light. The
doors are almost invariably folding doors ; the floors either stone
or cement; and ceilings are not often used, the roof being the
only covering to the rooms. Carpets are seldom used, more
especially in southern China, where also stoves for warming pur-
poses are known. In the north, where in the winter the cold is
very great, portable charcoal stoves are employed and small chaf-
ing dishes are carried about from room to room. Delicate little
hand-stoves, which gentlemen and ladies carry in their sleeves,
are very much* in vogue. In the colder latitudes a raised plat-
form or dais is built in the room, of brick and stone, under which
a fire is kindled with a chimney to carry off the smoke. The
whole substance of this dais becomes heated and retains its
warmth for several hours. This is the almost universal bed of
the north of China. But tlie main dependence of the Chinese for
personal warmth is on clothes. As the winter approaches garment
is added to garment and furs to quilted vestments, until the
wearer assumes an unwieldy and exaggerated shape. Well-to-do
Chinamen seldom take strong exercise, and they are therefore
able to bear clothes which to a European would be unendurable.
Of the personal comfort obtainable in a house. Chinamen are
strangely ignorant. Their furniture is of the hardest and most
uncompromising nature. Chairs made of a hard black wood,
angular in shape, and equally unyielding divans, are the only
seats known to them. Their beds are scarcely more comfortable,
and their pillows are oblong cubes of bamboo or other hard
material. For the maintenance of the existing fashions of female
head dressing, this kind of pillow is essential to women at least,
as their hair, which is only dressed at intervals of days, and which
IS kept in its shape by the abundant use of bandoline, would be
crushed and disfigured if lain upon for a moment. WpmeOi
FURNISHINGS OF THE HOUSES. 161
therefore, who make any preteusion of following the fashion, are
obliged to sleep at night on their backs, resting the nape of the
neck on the pillow and thus keeping the head and Iiair free from
contact with anything.
The ornaments in the houses of the well-to-do are frequently
elaborate and beautiful. Their wood carvings, cabinets, and
ornamental pieces of furniture, and the rare beauty of their
bronzes and porcelain, are of late years well known and much
sought for in our own country. Tables are nearly uniform in
size, furnishing a seat for one person on each of the four sides,
and tables are multiplied sufficiently to accommodate whatever
number requires to be served. When guests are entertained, the
two sexes eat separately in different rooms, but in ordinary meals
the members of the family of both sexes sit down together with
much less formality.
The streets in the towns dififer widely in construction in the
northern and southern portions of the empire. In the south they
are narrow and paved, in the north they are wide and unpaved,
both constructions being suited to the local wants of the people.
The absence of wheel traffic in the southern provinces makes
wide streets unnecessary, while by contracting their width the
sun's rays have less chance of beating down on the heads of
passers and it is possible to stretch awnings from roof to roof. It
is true that this is done at the expense of fresh air, but even to
do this is a gain. Shops are all open in front, the counters form-
ing the only barrier. The streets are crowded in the extreme,
and passage is necessarily slow.
This inconvenience is avoided in the wide streets of the cities
of the north, but these streets are so ill kept that in wet weather
they are mud and in dry they are covered inches deep in dust.
Of the large cities of the north and south Peking and Canton
may be taken as typical examples and certainly, with the excep-
tion of the palace, the walls, and certain imperial temples, the
streets of Peking compare \ery unfavorably with those of Canton.
The walls surrounding Peking are probably the finest and best
kept in the empire. In height they are about forty feet and the
same in width. The top, which is defended by massive battle-
ments, is well paved and is kept in excellent order. Over eacl>
162
HORRORS OF INFANTICIDE.
gate JB built a fortified tower between eighty and ninety feet
bigh.
The power of a Chiuese father over bis children ie complete
except that it 6to[>s short with life. The practice of gelling chil-
dren is common, and though the law makes it a punishable offense,
should the sale bo effected against the will of the children, the
prohibition is practically ignored. In the same way a law exists
making infanticide s crime, but as a matter of fact it is never
acted upon-; and in some parts of the country, more especially in
CHINESE OART.
the provinces of Chiang-hsi and Fu-chien, this most unnatural
offense prevails among the poorer classes to an alarming extent.
Not only do the people acknowledge the existence of the practice,
but they even go the length of defending it. It is only however
abject poverty which drives parents to this dreadful expedient,
and in the more prosperous and wealthy districts the crime is
nlmost unknown. Periodically the mandarins inveigh against the
inhumanity of the offense and appeal to the better instincts of
the people to put a stop to it ; but a stone which stands near a
HORRORS OF INFANTICIDE.
168
pool outside the city of Foochow bearing the inscnption, '* Girls
may not be drowned herei" testifies with terrible emphasis to the
futility of their endeavors.
The large number of cast-a-way bodies of dead infants seen in
many parts of China is often regarded, though unjustly, as evi-
denue of the prevalence of this crime. In most instances, however,
it really indicates only the deniiil of burial to infants. This is
due, at least in many places, to the following superstition : When
they die it is supposed that their bodies have been inhabited by
the spirit of a deceased creditor of a previous state of existence.
The child during its sickness
may be cared for with the
greatest tenderness, but if it
dies parental love is turned
to bate and resentment. It
is regarded as an enemy and
intruder in the family who
has been exacting satisfaction
for the old unpaid debt ; and
having occasioned a great
deal of anxiety, trouble, and
expense, has left nothing to
show fur it but disappoint-
ment. The uncared for and
uncofEned little body is cast
away anywhere ; and as it is
carried out of the door the
house is swept, crackers are
fired, and gongs beaten to
frighten the spirit so that it may never dare enter the house again.
Thus do superstitions dry up the fountains of natuial affection.
The complete subjection of children to their parents is so
firmly imbued in the minds of every Chinese youth, that resist-
ance to the infliction of cruel and even unmerited punishment is
seldom if ever offered, and full-grown men submit meekly to be
flogged without raising their hands. The law steps in on every
occasion in support of parental authority. Filial piety is the
leading principle in Chinese ethics.
164 SCHOOL LIFE OF THE CHILDREN.
School life begins at the age of six, and among the wealthier
olasseis great care is shown in the choice of master. The stars
having indicated a propitious day for beginning work, the boy
presents himself at school, bringing with him two small caudles,
some sticks of inceuse, and some paper money, which are burnt
at the shrine of Confucius, before which also the little fellow
prostrates himself three times. There being no alphabet in
Chinese the pupil has to plunge at once into the middle of things
and begins by learning to read. Having mastered two elementary
books, the next step is to the " Four Books." Then follow the
"Five ClassicB," the final desire of Chinese learning. A full
CHINESE SCHOOL.
comprehension of these Four Books and Five Classics, together
with the conimentiiries upon them, and the power of turning this
knowledge to account in the shape of essays and poems, is all
that is required at the highest examination in the empire. This
course of instruction has been exactly followed out in every
school in the empire for many centuries.
The choice of a future calling, which is often so perplexing in
our own country, is simplified in China by the fact of there being
but two pursuits which a man of respectability and education
can follow, namely the mandarinate and trades. The liberal
professions as we understand them are unknown in China. The
CHOICE OP* A VOCATION.
167
judicial Bystem fuibiJs the existence of the legal profession ex-
cept in the case of ofBeial secretaries attached to the mandarinB'
courts; and medicine is represented by charlatans wlio prey on
the foliios of tlieir fellowiueii and dispense ground tiger's teeth,
snake's skins, etc., in lieu of drugs. A lad, or his parents for
him, has therefore practically to consider whether he should
attempt to compete at the general competitive examinations to
qualify him for office, or whether he should embark in one of the
numerous mercantile concerns which abound among the money-
making and thrifty Chinese.
The succession of examinations leading np to the various hon-
orary degrees and official
positiona, are complicated
and exacting. The suc-
cessful candidates have
great honor attached to
them, and are the promi-
nent and successful people
of the empire. These ex-
aminations are open to
every man in the empire of )
whatever grade, unless he
belong to one of the fol
lowing four classes, or be
the descendant of one such
within three generations;
actore, prostitutes, jailers,
and executioners and ser-
vants of mandarins. The theory with regard to these people is
that actors and prostitutes heiiig devoid of all shame, and execu-
tioners and jailers having become hardened by the cruel nature of
their offices, are unfit in their own persons or as represented by
their sons to win posts of honor by means of the exiiniinations.
The military examinations are held separately, and though the
literary calibre of the candidates is treated much in the same
way as at the civil examinations, the same high standard of
knowledge is not required; but in addition skill in archery and
in the use of warlike weapons is essential. It is illustrative of
168
TEACHEfiS AND SCHOLARS.
the but^kwardness of the Chinese in warlike methods, that though
they have been acquainted with the use of gunpowder for some
centuries, they revert in the examinatioii of military candidates
to the weapons of the ancients, and that while theoretically they
are great strategists, strength and skill in the use of these
weapons are the only teats required for commissions.
Persons of almost every claas and in almost every station of
life make an effort to send their boys to school, with the hope
that they may distinguish themselves, be advanced to high posi-
tions in the state, and
reflect honor upon their
families Of those who
compete for literary
honors a very small
proportion are success-
ful m attaining even the
first degree, thougli
some strive for it for a
hfetime These unsuc-
cessful candidates and
the graduat«s of the first
and second degrees,
form the miportant class
of htenry men scattered
throughout the empire.
The large proportion of
this class are compara-
tively poor, and their
services may he ob-
tained for a very small
remuneration Tliey are emploj ed to teach the village schools.
Rich families ni different neighborhoods often assist in keeping
up the school for the credit of the village, and opportunities for
obtaining an education are thus brought within the reach of all.
Graduates of the first and second degrees, generally have the
charge of more advanced pupils, and many are engaged as tutors
in private families, commanding higher wages. They are also em-
ployed as scribes or copyists, and to write letters, family histories.
CniNESE ARTIST
BUSINESS AND THE TRADES.
169
genealogies, etc. In the larger cities schools are established by the
government, and in many places free schools are suppoited by
wealthy men, but these institutions do not seem to be popular
ami are not Jloiirisliiiig.
Thougli trade practically holds its place as next in estimation
to the luandarinate, in tlieory it should follow both the careers of
husbandry and of
the mechanical
arts. All land is
held in free-hold .
irofa the govern- |
ment, and princi-
pally by olftns or
families, who pay
an annual tax to
the crown, amount-
ing to about one-
tenth of the pro-
duce. As long as
this tax is paid '
regularly the
owners are never
dispossessed, and
properties thus re-
main in the hands ,
of clans and fami-
lies for many gen- I
orations. In order
that fiirming oper-
atiojis shall be
properly conduct-
ed, there are estab-
lished in almost every district agricultural boards, consisting ot
old men learned in husbandry. By these veterans a careful
watch is kept over the work done by the neighboring farmers,
and in the case of any dereliction of duty or neglect of the pre-
scribed modes of farming, the offender is summoned before the
district magistrate, who inflicts the punishment which he con-
CUINESB BABBBR.
170 MODES OF TRAVEL.
siders proportionate to the offense. The appliances of the
Chinese for irrigating the fields and winnowing the grain are
excellent, but those for getting the largest crops out of the land
are of a rude and primitive kind.
Among their artisans the Chinese number carpenters, masons,
tailors, shoemakers, workers in iron and brass, and silversmiths
and goldsmiths, who can imitate almost any article of foreign
manufacture; also workmen in bamboo, carvers, idol makers,
needle manufacturers, barbers, hair- dressers, etc. Business men
sell almost every kind of goods and commodities wholesale and
retail. Large fortunes are amassed very much in the same way
and by the same means as are now in our own country. The
wealth of the rich is invested in lands or houses, or employed as
capital in trade or banking, or is lent out on good security, and
often at a high rate of interest.
Traveling in China is slow and leisurely, and the modes of it
vary greatly in different parts of the empire. In many of the
provinces, especially along the coast and in the south, canals take
the place, for the most part, of roads. In the vicinity of Ningpo
the country is supplied with a complete network of them, often
intersecting each other at distances of one or two miles or less.
Farmers frequently have short branch canals running off to their
houses, and the farm boat takes the place of the farm wagon.
Heavy loaded passage or freight boats ply in every direction.
The ordinary charge for passage is less than one-half a cent per
mile. The boats are admirably adapted to the people and circum-
stances, being built for comfort rather than for speed. These
water courses then, with the rivers which are so numerous, fur-
nish the most general way of traveling throughout the empire.
In the north, where the country is level and open, the existence
of broad roads enables the people to use rude carts for the con-
veyance of passengers and freight. Mules are used for riding
purposes, and palanquins borne by two horses, or sedan chairs
carried by two coolies, are popular ways of traveling. The sea-
going junks are very much larger than the river craft, and differ-
ent in construction. The best ones are divided into water tight
compartments and are capable of carrying several thousand tons
HOLIDAYS AND AMUSEMKNTa 171
of cargo. They are generally three-roasted and carry huge sails
made of matting.
Although the Chinese have the compass, they are without the
kiiowleilge necessary for taking nautical observations, so they
either hug the land or steer straight by them copass until they
reach some coast with which they are familiar. In these circuni-
atances it is easy to understand why the loss of junks and lives on
the Chinese coast every year is so great. The immense number
of people who live in boats on the rivers in southern China,
render the terrible typhoons which sweep the sea and land espec-
ially destructive. For the most part these boat-people are not of
Chinese origin hut are remnants of the aborigines of the country.
That the race has ever survived is a constant wonder, seeing the
hourly and almost momentary danger of drowning in which the
children live on board their boats. The only precaution that is
ever taken, even in the case of infants, is to tie an empty gourd
between their shoulders, so that should they fall into the water
they may be kept afloat until help comes. They are born in
their boats, they marry in their boats, and die in their boats.
The Chinese calendar and the festivities that accompany differ-
ent seasons and anniversaries, are peculiarly interesting and
different from our own, but space forbids any detailed account of
them. The four seasons correspond to ours, and in addition to
9
172 HOLIDAYS AND AMUSEMENTS.
the four seasons the year is divided iuto eight parts called
^^joiuts/* or divisions, aud these are again subdivided into six-
teen more called "breaths," or sources of life. There are forty
festivals of China which are celebrated with observances generally
throughout the empire and are considered to be important. They
do not occur at regular intervals, and there is no periodical day
of rest and recreation corresponding at all to our Sunday. The
festivities of the new year exceed all others in their prominence
and continuance, and in the universality and enthusiasm with
which they are observed. " The Feast of Lanterns " and " The
Festival of the Tombs " are two of the most interesting of Chinese
festivals. The ninth day of the ninth month is a great time for
flying kites. On that day thousands of men enjoy the sport and
immense kites of all grotesque shapes fill the air. Theaters are
very common in China, but the character and associations of the
stage are very diflferent from those of western lands and are very
much less respected. Actors are regarded as an inferior class.
Females do not appear upon the stage, but men act the part of
female characters. Gambling is very common in China and is
practiced in a variety of ways. Its ill eflfects are acknowledged,
and there are laws prohibiting it, but they are a dead letter.
There are many kinds of stringed and reed instruments used by
the musicians of China. Bells, also, are very numerous, and ex-
cellent sweet toned bells are made. A careful watch is kept over
the efforts of composers by the imperial board of music, whose
duty it is to keep alive the music of the ancients and to suppress
all compositions which are not in harmony with it. It is difficult
for western ears to find anything truly beautiful in Chinese
music.
The medical art of China is not of a sort to win much admira-
tion from us. The Chinese know nothing of physiology or an-
atomy. The functions of the heart, lungs, liver, kidneys, and
brain are sealed books to them and they recognize no distinction
between veins and arteries and between nerves and tendons.
Their deeply rooted repugnance to the use of a knife in surgery
or to post-mortem examinations prevents the possibility of their
acquiring any accurate knowledge of the position of the various
organ9. They consider that from the heart and pit of the stomacb
MEDICAL PRACTICE. 173
all ideas and delights proceed, and tliat the gall bladder is the
seat of courage. Man's body is believed to be "composed of the
five elements, fire, water, metal, wood, earth. The medical pro-
fession in China is an open one, for there are no medical colleges
and no examination tests to worry the minds of would-be practi-
tioners. Some doctors have prescriptions as valuable and of the
same sort as those prepared from herbs and vegetables by many
an old woman in our own country settlements. On the other
hand, some of the most ridiculous remedies are given, such as
tiger's teeth, gold and silver leaf, and shavings of rhinoceros
horns, or ivory. Fortunately for the people imflammatory
diseases are almost unknown in China, but small-pox, consump-
tion, and dysentery rage almost unchecked by medical help; skin
diseases are very prevalent, and cancer is by no means uncommon.
Of late the practice of vaccination has begun to make its way
among the people.
There are hosts of superstitions among the Chinese people, and
their beliefs regarding spirits and the influence of the dead, of
sorcerers, and of devils, are myriad. These superstitions pervade
every rank of society, from the highest to the lowest. The
general term applied to the whole system of superstition and luck
is fung-shwuy, and the practitioners and learned men in this
science are called upon to determine what action shall be taken
in all sorts of circumstances.
There are benevolent societies in China corresponding in
variety and almost in number to those of Christian lands. There
are orphan asylums, institutions for the relief of widows, and for
the aged and infirm, public hospitals and free schools, together
with other kindred institutions more peculiarly Chinese in their
character. In some parts of China schools for girls exist, taught
by female teachers. In most places, however females are seldom
taught letters, and schools for their benefit are not known.
Foreigners in establishing them invariably give a small sum of
money or some rice for each day's atteiultince, and it is thought
that these schools could not be kept together in any other way.
The Chinese describe themselves as possessing three religions,
or more accurately three sects, namely, Joo keaou, the sect of
scholars « Fub keaou, the sect of Buddha; and Tao keaou, the
174 CONFUCIANISM.
sect of Tao. Both as regards age and origin, the sect of scholars,
or as it is generally called, Confuciiiuism, represents pre-eminently
the religion of China. It has its root in the worship of Shang-te,
a deity associated with the earliest traditions of the Chinese race.
This deity was a personal god, wlio ruled the affairs of men, re-
warding and punishing as appeared just. But during the troub-
lous times which followed the first sovereigns of the Chow
dynasty, the belief in a personal deity grew dim, until when Con-
fucius began his career there appeared nothing strange in his
atheistic teacliings. His concern was with man as a member of
society, and the object of his teaching was to lead him into those
paths of rectitude which might best contribute to the happiness
of the man, and to the well-being of the community of which he
formed a part. Man, he held, was born good and was endowed
with qualities, which when cultivated and improved by watchful-
ness and self-restraint, might enable him to acquire godlike
wisdom. In the system of Confucius there is no place for a
personal god. Man has his destiny in his own hands to make or
mar. Neither had Confucius any inducement to offer to en-
courage men in the practice of virtue, except virtue itself. Ke
was a matter of-fact, unimaginative man, who was quite content
to occupy himself witli the study of his fellow men, and was dis-
inclined to grope into the future. Succeeding ages, recognizing
the loftiness of his aims, eliminated all that was impracticable and
unreal in his system, and held fast to that part of it that was true
and good. They clung to the doctrines of filial piety, brotherly
love, and virtuous living. It was admiration for the emphasis
which he laid on these and other virtues, which has drawn so
many millions of men unto him and has adorned every cit}'^ of the
empire with tenples built in his honor.
Side by side with the revival of the Joo keaou, under the in-
fluence of Confucius, grew up a system of a totally different
nature, which when divested of its esoteric doctrines and reduced
by the practically minded Chinamen to a code of morals, was
destined in future ages to become affiliated with the teachings of
the sage. This was Taoism, which was founded by Lao-tzu, who
was a contemporary of Confucius. The object of his teaching
was to induce men, by the practice of self-abnegation, to reach
CHlNEbE LMPLROR KING Ot COKEA, AND CHlNLiL Oi:VVi-Vis.Us
TAOISM. 177
absorption in something which he called Tao, and which bears a
certain resemblance to the Nirvana of the Buddhists. The
primary meaning of Tao is " the way," " the ])ath," but in Lao-tzu
philosophy it was more than the way, it was the way -goer as well.
It was an eternal road ; along it all beings and things walked ; it
was everything and nothing, and the cause and effect of all. All
things originated from Tao, conformed to Tao, and to Tao at last
returned. It was absorption into this "mother of all things"
that Lao-tzu aimed at. But these subtilties, to the common
people were foolishness, and before long the philosophical doc-
trine of the identity of existence and non-existence assumed in
their eyes a warrant for the old Epicurean motto, " Let us eat
and drink, for to-morrow we die." The pleasures of sense were
substituted for the delights of virtue, and to prolong life the
votaries began a search for elixirs of immortality, and charms.
Taoism quickly degenerated into a system of magic. To-day the
monopoly which Taoist priests enjoy as the exponents of the
mysteries of nature, inherited from the time when they sought
for natural charms, makes them indispensably necessary to all
classes, and the most confirmed Confucianist does not hesitate to
consult the shaven followers of Lao-tzu on the choice of the site
for his house, the position of his family graveyard, or a fortunate
day for undertaking an enterprise. Apart from the practice of
these magical arts, Taoism has become assimilated with modern
Confucianism and is scarcely distinguishable from it.
The teachings of Lao-tzu bore a sufficient resemblance to the
musings of Indian sages, that they served to prepare the way for
the introduction of Buddhism. A deputation of Buddhists ar-
rived in China in the year 216 B. C, but were harshly treated,
and returned to their homes without leaving any impress of their
religion. It was not until some sixty years after Christ, in the
reign of the Emperor Ming Ti, that Buddhism was actually in-
troduced. One night the emperor dreamed that a monster golden
image appeared and said, *' Buddha bids you to send to the west-
em countries to search for him and to get books and images."
The emperor obeyed, and sent an embassy to India which re-
turned after an absence of eleven years bringing back images, the
sacred writings, and missionaries who could translate these
178
BUDDHISM.
scriptures into Chinese. Thus was iiitruduced into Cliina the
knowledge of that system which in purity and loftiness of aim
takes its place next to Christianity among the religions of the
world. From this time Buddhism grew and prevailed in the
land.
The Buddhism of China is not, however, exactly that of India.
The Chinese believe In a material paradise, which is obviously
r
r
^.
1
:1^
^:n.'^^^
^^^HEHH
ppiUiMP ^^
___
?f::£\m'.-
^Eiil^m
M
M" ' :
3=»Il^-a
^^^^Sj^H^hjUk
m
BDDDUIST TEMPLE.
inconsistent with the orthodox belief in Nirvana. Like the other
faiths of China, orthodox Buddhism could not entirely satisfy
the people. Like the Jews of old they were eager after signs,
and self interest made their spiritual rulers nothing loth to grant
them their desire. From the mountains and monasteries came
men who claimed to possess the elixir of immortality, and pro-
UNION OF THREE FAITHS. 179
claimed themselves adepts in witchcraft and sorcery. By magic
incantations they exorcised evil spirits, and dissipated famii.e,
pestilence, and disease. By the exercise of their supernatural
powers they rescued souls from hell, and arrested pain and death.
In the services of the church they added ritual to ritual. By
such means they won their way among the people, and even
sternly orthodox Confucianists make use of their services to
chant the liturgies of the dead. But while superstition compels
even the wise and the learned to pay homage to this faith, there
is scarcely an educated man who would not repudiate a sugges-
tion that he is a follower of Buddha; and though the common
people throng the temples to buy charms and consult astrologers,
they yet despise both the priests and the religion they profess.
But Buddhism has after all been a blessing rather than a curse
in China. It has to a certain extent lifted the mind of the peo-
ple from the too exclusive consideration of mundane affairs, to
the contemplation of a future state. It has taught them to value
purity of life more highly ; to exercise self-constraint and to for-
get self; and to practise charity towards their neighbors.
It will be seen that no clearly defined line of demarcation sep-
arates the three great sects of China. Each in its turn has bor-
ro^ved from the others, until at the present day it may be doubted
whether there are to be found any pure Confucianists, pure
Buddhists, or pure Taoists. Confucianism has provided the
moral basis on which the national character of the Chinese rests,
and Buddhism and Taoism have supplied the supernatural ele-
ment wanting in that system. Speaking generally then, the re-
ligion of China is a medley of the three great sects which are
now so closely interlaced that it is impossible either to classify
or enumerate the members of each creed. The only other relig-
ion of importance in China is Mohammedanism, which is confined
to the south-western and north-western provinces of the empire.
In this faith also the process of absorption in a national mixture
of beliefs is making headway. And since the suppression of the
Panthay rebellion in Yun-nan, there has been a gradual decline in
the number of the followers of the prophet.
The speech and the written composition of the Chinese differ
more than those of any other people. The former addresses it-
180 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE.
self, like all other languages, to tlie mind through the ear; the
latter speaks to the mind through the eye, not as words but as
symbols of ideas. All Chinese literature might be understood
and translated though the student of it could not name a single
character. The colloquial speech is not difficult of acquisition,
but the written composition is slow of learning by foreigners.
"Pidgin English" is a mixed Chinese, Portuguese and English
language, which is a creation of the necessities of communication
between Chinese and foreigners at the open ports, while neither
party had the time or means or wish to acquire an accurate
knowledge of the language of the other. " Pidgin " is a Chinese
attempt to pronounce our word business, and the materials of the
lingo are nearly all English words similarly represented or mis-
represented. The idiom on the other hand is entirely that of
colloquial Chinese. Foreigners master it in a short time so as to
carry on long conversations by means of it, and to transact im-
[)ortant affaii*s of business. This jargon is passing away. Chinese
who know English and English who know Chinese are increasing
in number from year to year.
In the first two chapters, containing a sketch of Chinese his-
tory, mention has been made of the greater literary works pro-
duced in the early centuries of the empire ; and the calamity of
the burning of the books has been described. Of the famous
classics which are yet cherished we will not speak again here.
After the revival of literature, and the encouragement given to
it by the successors of the emperor who destroyed the libraries
of the empire, the tide has flowed onward in an ever-increasing
volume, checked only at times by one of those signal calamities
often overtaking the imperial libraries of China. It is note-
worthy that however ruthlessly the libraries and intellectual cen-
ters have been destroyed, one of the first acts of the successful
founders of succeeding dynasties has been to restore them to
their former completeness and efficiency.
The Chinese divide their literature into four departments,
classical, philosophical, historical and belles lettres. The ^^ nine
classics,*' of which we have already spoken as being the books
studied by every Chinese student, form but the nucleus of the
immense mass of literature which has gathered around them.
POSSIBILITIES OF CHINA. 181
The bistorical literature of China is the most important branch
of the national literature. There are wotka which record the
purely political events of each reign, as well as those on chronol-
ogy, rites aud music, jurisprudence political economy, state sac
nfices, astionomy, geography, and recoids of the neighboring
countries On drawing, painting and medicine much has been
wntten Poems, novels, and roinaiices, dramas, and books
wntten in the colloqual style, are frequent in the ChineBe Iiterar
TEMPLE OF FIVE HCNDRED ODDS, AT CANTON.
ture. There is no more pleasant reading than some of their his-
torical romances, and some of the best novels have been trans-
lated into European laiiguages. There is, however, considerable
poverty of imagination, little analysis of character, and no inter-
weaving of plot in the fiction.
The glance that we have taken at the habits and customs of
life among the Chinese people, shows that while they lack many
of the things that we have been taught to believe essential to
182 POSSIBILITIES OF CHINA.
civilization, they nevertheless are equipped with many good
things. They have the same human instincts, and are ready and
able to absorb learning with great rapidity, when once they be-
come convinced of the value of it. It is their conservatism and
their belief that they are the only truly civilized people in the
world, while all others are barbarians, that has made them so
slow to adopt any of the better things of western civilization.
The war which this work records may prove to be the most
efifective means that could possibl}' have been devised to awaken
China from the sleep of centuries, and convince her of the value
and eflScacy of western methods. If this prove true, a descrip-
tion of China written a generation in the future may have to de-
scribe the things here related as existing conditions, to be histor-
ical facts after twenty years.
Japan
JAPANESE MUSICIAN.
THE MIKAUO AND Ills FKINCll-AL OfUCERR.
HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAPAN FROM THE EARI^I-
EST TIMES TO FIRST CONTACT WITH
EUROPEAN CIVILIZATION.
The Oldest Dynasty In the World and Its Records—The First Emperor of Japan— Some
of the Famou-s Early Kulers— Invasion and Conquest of Corea by the Empress Jingo— How
Civilization Came from <;ort'a to Japan— Tlie Rise of the Dual System of OoTernment—
Mikado and SIiokuu— Expulsion of the Hojo Dynasty of Slioguns— The Invasion of the
Mongol Tartars— Annihilation of the Armada— Corruption of tlie Shogun Rule— Growth of
the Feudal System-Another Conquest of Corea— Founding of the Last Dynasty of Shoguns
—Advance of Japiin in the Age of Hideyashi.
•
In a historical sketch of the life of a nation wliich counts
twenty five centuries of recorded history, but the briefest out-
line can be given. The scope of such a work as this does not
admit of minute historical details. When it is said that tradi-
tions exist carrying back the history for a number of years which
requires several hundred ciphers to measure, the eflfort to relate
even an outline becomes almost appalling. Until the twelfth cen-
tury of our era, Europe did not know even of the existence of
Japan ; and the reports which were then brought by Marco Polo,
who had learned of the island empire of Zipangu from the
Chinese were as vague as they were enticing. The successes of
the Jesuit missionaries led by Xavier, and tlie commercial inter-
course established by the Portuguese in the latter part of the
16th century, and by the Dutch somewhat later, promised to dis-
close the mysteries of the far Pacific empire ; but within a few
generations these were more hopelessly than ever sealed against
foreign intrusion. Only forty years ago the United States of
America knocked at the door of Japan, met a welcome under
protest, and the country began to open to western civilization.
Even yet the great mass of the people of our own country have
far from a right conception of the ancient civilization which has
for ages prevailed in these islands of the Pacific.
The Japanese imperial dynasty is the oldest in the world.
Two thousand five hundred and fifty-four years ago in 660 B. C,
(187)
188 Tin: oldest dynasty in the world.
the sacred histories relate that Jimmu Tenno commenced to
reigu as tlie first Mikado, or Emperor of Japan. The sources of
Japanese history are rich and solid, historical writings forming
the largest and most important divisions of their voluminous
literature. The period from about the ninth century until the
present time is treated very fully, while the real history of the
period prior to the eighth century of the Christian era is very
meagre. It is nearly certain that the Japanese possessed no
writing until the sixth century A. D. Their oldest extant com-
position is the " Kojiki," or " Book of Ancient Traditions." It
may be called the Bible of tlie Japanese. It comprises three
volumes, composed A. D. 711-712, and is said to have been
preceded by two similar works about one hundred years earlier,
but neither of these have been preserved. The first volume
treats of the creation of the heavens and earth, the gods and
goddesses, and the events of the holy age or mythological period.
The second and third give the history of the mikados from the
year I (660 B. C.) to the year 1280 of the Japanese era. It was
first printed in the years A. D. 1624-1642. The "Nihongi"
completed A. D. 720 also contains a Japanese record of the
mythological period, and brings down the annals of the mikados
to A. I). 699. These are the oldest books in the language. They
contain so much that is fabulous, mythical or exaggerated, that
their statements especially in respect of dates cannot be ac-
cepted as true history. A succession of historical works of
apparent reliability illustrate the period between the eighth and
the eleventh centuries, and still better ones treat of the mediaeval
period from the eleventh to the sixteenth century. The period
from 1600 to 1853 is less known than others in earlier times,
because of mandates that existed forbidding the production of
contemporary histories.
Whatever may be the actual fact, Jimmu Tenno is popularly
believed to have been a real person and the first emperor of
Japan. He is deified in the Shinto religion, and in thousands of
shrines dedicated to him the people worship his spirit. In one
official list of mikados he is named as the first. The reigning
Emperor refers to him as his ancestor, from whom he claims
unbroken descent as the 123rd member of this dynasty. The
FIRST EMPEROR OF JAPAN.
189
seveuth day of April is fixed as the anniversary of his asceiiaioQ
to the throne and that day is a national holiday on which the
birth, the accession and death of this national hero are still
annually celebrated. Then one may see flugs flying from both
public and private buildingSi and hear the reverberations of a
royal salute fired by the ironclad navy of modern Japan from
Krupp guns, and
by the military in
French uniforms
from Remington ,
rifles. The era of g
Jimmu is the start-
ing point of Jap-
anese chronology, I
and the year I of |
the Japanese era is I
that upon which 4
he ascended the 1
throne at Kasliiwa-
vara.
In the beginning
there existed, ac-
cording to one in-
terpretation of the
somewhat perplex-
ing Shinto mythol-
ogy, chaos, which
contained the (
germsofall things.
From this was
evolved a race of
heavenly beings and celestial " Kami" of whom Izimagi, a male,
and Izanami, a female, were tlie last individuals. Other authori-
ties on Shinto maintain that infinite space and not chaos existed
in the beginning; others again tliut in iJic begiiniing there was
one god. However, all agree as to the appearance on tlie scene
of Izanagi and Izanami, and it is with these we are here con-
CLTiied; for by their union were produced the islaiidg of Japan,
JAPAWESE OOD OF THUNDER,
celestial " Kail
190
JAPANESE ACCOUNTS OF THE CEEATION.
and among their childreD were Amaterasu, the sun goddess, and
her younger brother, Suaanoo, afterward appointed god of the
sea. On account of her bright beauty the former was made
queen of the sun, and had given to her a share on the goveru-
ment of the earth. To Ninigi-no-mikoto, her grandson, she
afterward consign-
ed absolute rule
over the earth,
sending him down
by the floating
' bridge of heaven
upon the summit
of the mountain
Kirisbima-yama.
He took with him
the three Japanese
regalia, the sacred
mirror, now in one
_rv '^'y^'^MPIIBHIJF^^^^ ^f the Shinto
riH^ i^^^^^^BvvUl^H^'^^^Kw. shrines of Ise; the
V* t J^ V^igg^^Bfia^^fcaai^^^^^ sword, now treas-
Si^^^Sf^^^^K^^^'^^ "''^'1 ^^ ^^ temple
j~^r^ \{ ^TW^^^^RBbII^ of Atsuta, near
Nagoys; and the
ball of rock crys-
tal in possession
of the emperor.
On the accomplish-
ment of the de-
scent, the sun and
the earth receded
from one another,
and communica-
tion by means of
the floating bridge ceased. Jimmu Tenno, the first historic
emperor of Jnpan, was the great grandson of Ninigi-no-_mikoto.
According to the indigenous religion of Japan, therefore, a
religion which even iiiuce the adoption of western civilization has
JAPANESE OOD OP aiDINO.
JAPANESE I'EASANTRY.
SACREDNESS OP THE MIKADO. 193
been patronized by the state, the mikados are directly descended
from the sun goddess, the principal Shinto divinity. Having re-
ceived from her the three sacred treasures, they are invested with
authority to rule over Japan as long as the sun and moon shall
endure. Their minds are in perfect harmony with hers ; there-
fore they cannot err and must receive implicit obedience. Such
is the traditional theory as to the position of the Japanese emperors,
a theory which was advanced in its most elaborate form, as
recently as the last century, by Motoori, a writer on Shinto, which
of late years has no doubt been much modified or even utterly
discarded by many of the more enlightened among the people.
Even yet, however, it is far from having been abandoned by the
masses.
The mikados being thus regarded as semi-divinities, it is not
surprising that the very excess of veneration showed them tended
more and more to weaken their actual power. They were too
sacred to be brought much into contact with ordinary mortals,
too sacred even to have their divine countenances looked upon by
any but a select few. Latterly it was only the nobles immediately
around him that ever saw the mikado's face ; others might be
admitted to the imperial presence, but it was only to get a glimpse
from behind a curtain of a portion of the imperial form, less or
more according to their rank. When the mikado went out into
the grounds of his palace in Kioto^ matting was spread for him
to walk upon ; when he left the palace precincts he was borne in
a sedan chair, the blinds of which were carefully drawn down.
The populace prostrated themselves as the procession passed, but
none of them ever saw the imperial form. In short, the mikados
ultimately became virtual prisoners. Theoretically gifted with
all political knowledge and power, they were less the masters
of their own actions than many of the humblest of their subjects.
Although nominally the repositories of all authority, they had
practically no share in the management of the national affairs.
The isolation in which it was deemed proper that they should be
kept, prevented them from acquiring the knowledge requisite for
governing, and even had that knowledge been obtained, gave no
opportunity for its manifestation.
From the death of Jinimu Tenno to that of Kimmei, in whose
10
194 THE REIGN OF THE GOOD SUJm.
reign Buddhism was introduced, A. D. 571, there were thirty
mikados. During this period of one thousand three hundred and
thirty-six years, believed to be historic by most Japanese, the most
interesting subjects are the reforms of SujinTeuno, the military
expeditions to eastern Japan by Yamato-Dake, the invasion of
Corea by the Empress Jingo Kogo, and the introduction of
Chinese civilization and Buddhism.
Sujin-or Shujin, B. C. 97-80, was a man of intense earnestness
and piety. His prayers to the gods for the abatement of a plague
were answered, and a revival of religious feeling and worship
ensued. He introduced many forms in the practices of religion
and the manners of life. He appointed his own daughter priestess
of the shrine and custodian of the symbols of the three holy
regalia, which had hitherto been kept in the palace of the mikado.
This custom lias continued to the present time, and the shrines of
Uji in Ise, which now hold the sacred mirror, are always in charge
of a virgin princess of imperial blood.
,The whole life of Sujin was one long effort to civilize his half
savage subjects. He regulated taxes, established a periodical
census, and encouraged the building of boats. He may also be
called the father of Japanese agriculture, since he encouraged it
by edict and example, ordering canals to be dug, water courses
provided, and irrigation to be extensively carried on.
The energies of this pious mikado were further exerted in de-
vising a national military system whereby his peacably disposed
subjects could be protected, and the extremities of his realm
extended. The eastern and northern frontiers were exposed to
the assaults of the wild tribes of Ainos, who were yet unsubdued.
Between the peaceful agricultural inhabitants and the untamed
savages a continual border war existed. A military division of
the empire into four departments was made, and a shogun or
general appointed over each. The half subdued inhabitants in
the extremes of the realm needed constant watching, and seem to
have been as restless and treacherous as the Indians on our own
frontiers. The whole history of the extension and development
of the mikado's empire is one of war and blood, rivalling that of
our own country in its early struggles with the Indians. This
constant military action and life in a camp resulted, in the course
THE GREAT EMPRESS JINGO. 195
of time, in the creation of a powerful and numerous military class,
who made war professional and hereditary. It developed that
military genius and character which so distinguish the modern
Japanese and mark them in such strong contrast with other na-
tions of eastern Asia.
Towards the end of the first century A. D., Yamato-Dake, son
of the emperor Keiko, reduced most of the Ainos of the north to
submission. These savages fought much after the manner of the
North American Indian, using their knowledge of woodcraft most
effectually, but the young prince with a well equipped army em-
barked on a fleet of ships and reaching their portion of the island,
fought them until they were glad to surrender.
It was in the third century that the Empress Jingo invaded and
conquered Corea. In all Japaaese tradition or history, there is
no greater female character than this empress. She was equally
renowned for her beaut}% piety, intelligence, energy and martial
valor. To this woman belongs the glory of the conquest of
Corea, whence came letters, religion and civilization to Japan.
Tradition is that it was directly commanded her by the gods to
cross the water and attack Corea. Her husband, the emperor,
doubting the veracity of this message from the gods, was forbid-
den by them any share in the enterprise.
Jingo ordered her generals and captains to collect troops, build
ships, and be ready to embark. She disguised herself as a man,
proceeded with the recruiting of soldiers and the building of
ships, and in the year 201 A. D. was ready to start. Before
starting. Jingo issued these orders for her soldiers : " No loot.
Neither despise a few enemies nor fear many. Give mercy to
those who yield but no quarter to the stubborn. Rewards shall
be apportioned to the victors, punishments shall be meted to the
deserters."
It was not very clear in the minds of these ancient filibusters
where Corea was, or for what particular point of their horizon
they were to steer. They had no chart or compass. The sun,
stars and the flight of birds were their guide. None of them be-
fore had ever known of the existence of such a country as Corea,
but the same gods that had commanded the invasion protected
the invaders, and in due time they landed in southern Corea.
196
INVASION AND CONQUEST OF COREA.
Tlte king of tliis part of the country had Iieard from hie messen-
gors of the oomlng of a strange fleet from the east, and terrifled
exclaimed, "We never knew there waa any country outside of
us. Have our gods forsaken us ? "
It was a bloodless invasion, for there was no fighting to do.
The Coreaus came holding white flags and surrendered, offering
to give up their treas-
ures. They took an
oath to become hostages
and be tributary to
Japan. Eighty ships
well laden with gold
and silver. :irliules of
wealih, silks and jire-
. cious goods of all kiiid»,
and eighty hostage^:,
men of high families,
were given to the ctin-
querors. The stay of
tlie Japanese army in
Corea was very brief,
and tlie troops returned
in two months. Jingo
' was, on her arrival, de-
livered of a son, wlio in
the popular estimation
of gods and mortals
holds even a higher
place of honor than his
mother, who is believed
to have conquered
southern Corea through
the power of her yet
unborn illustrious offspring. The motive which induced the
invasion into Corea seems to have been mere love of war and
conquest, and the Japanese still refer witli great pride to this,
their initial exploit on foreign soil.
The sou Ojin, who became the emperor, was, after his death,
JAPANESE OOD OF WAS.
TOKIO— rVPF D C:)SIU\IES
CONTINENTAL CIVILTZATION REACHES JAPAN. 1)19
deified and worshipped as the god of war, Haehimaii, and down
through the centuries he has beeu worshiped by all classes of
people, especially by soldiers, who offer their prayers and pay
their tows to him. Ojin was also a man of literary tastes, and it
JAPANESE MUSICIAN.
was during bis reign tliat Japan began to profit from the learning
of the Coreans, who introduced the study of the Chinese lan-
guage, and indeed the art of writing itself. During the immedi-
ately succeeding centuries various emperors and em2)resses were
200 CONTINENTAI, CIVIMZATION REACHES JAPAN.
emitietit for their zeal iu encouraging the arts of peace. Archi-
tects, painters, physicians, musicians, dancers, chrouologitits, arti-
sans and fortune tellers were brought over from Corea to instruct
the people, but not all of these came at once. Immigration was
gradual, but the coming of so many immigrants brought new
blood, idcnd, methods and improvements. Japan received from
China, through Corea, what she has heen receiving from America
and Eurn[»e for the last forty yeai-s — a new civilization. The
records report the ariival of tailors in 283 and hoi-ses in 284 from
Corea to Japan. Tn 285 a Corean scholar came to Japan, and re-
siding at the court, instructed the mikado's son in writing. In
462 mulberry trees
were planted, to-
gether with the silk
worm, for whose sus-
tenance they were
implanted, from
Chinaor Corea. And
this marks the begin-
ning of silk culture
in Japan. When in
^ 652 the company of
*^ doctors, astronomers
and mathematicians
carae from Corea to
live at the Japanese
court, they brought
with tlieni Buddhist missionaries, and this may be called the intro-
ducticiti nf cotitiuental civilization. Beginning with Jingo, tliere
seems to have poured into the island empire a stream of immi-
grants, skilled artisans, scholars and teachers, bringing arts, litera-
ture and religion. This was the first of three great waves of
foreign civilization in Japan. The first was from China, through
Corea, in the sixth ; the second from western Europe in the fif-
teenth century; the third was from America, Europe and the
■world, in the decade following the advent of Commodore Perry.
In the eighth century, during the greater part of which the
capital of the country was the city of Nara, about thirty miles
JAPANESE SILK SPIN NEB.
NOBLE FAMILIES BEGIN TO RISE. 201
from Kioto, Japan had largely under the governraent of empresses
reached a most creditable stage of progress in the arts of ])eace.
Near the close of the eighth century the emperor Kuwammu took
up his residence at Kioto, which until 1868 remained the cajiital
of the country, and is even now dignified with the name of Saikiyo,
or "Western Capital." Here he built a palace very unlike the
simple dwelling in which his predecessors had been content to
live. It had a dozen gates, and around it was reared a city with
twelve hundred streets. The palace he named " the Castle of
Peace," but for years it proved the very centre of the feuds which
soon began to distract the country. This did not happen however
until some centuries after the death of Kuwammu. But even
after his time there were not wanting indications that the control
of affairs was destined to slip into the hands of certain powerful
families at the imperial court.
The first family to rise into eminence was that of Fujiwara, a
member of which it was that got Kuwammu placed upon the
throne. For centuries the Fujiwaras controlled the civil affairs
of the empire, but a more important factor in bringing about the
reduction of the mikado's power and the establishment of that
strange system of government which was destined to be so char-
acteristic of Japan, was the rise into power of the rival houses of
Taira and Minamoto, otherwise called respectfully Hei and Gen.
This system of government has almost always been misunderstood
in America and Europe. Two rulers in two capitals gave to for-
eigners the impression that there were two emperors in Japan, an
idea that has been incorporated into most of the text books, and
encyclopedias of Christendom. Let it be clearly understood how-
ever that there never was but one emperor in Japan, the mikado,
who is and always was the only sovereign, though his measure of
power has been very different at different times. Until the rise
and domination of the military classes, he was in fact, as well as
by law, supreme.
With the feuds of Hei and Gen commences an entirely new era
in the history of the country, an era replete with tales alike of
bloodshed, intrigue and chivalry. We see the growth of a feudal
system at least as elaborate as that of Europe, and strangely
202 BIRTH OF FAMILY FEUDS.
enough, assuming almost identical forms, and that during the same
period.
The respective founders of the Taira and Minamoto families
were Taira Takamochi and Minamoto Tsunemoto, two warrioi*s
of the tenth century. Their descendants were for generations
military vassals of the mikado, and were distinguished by red and
white flags, colors which suggest the red and white roses of the
rival English houses of Lancaster and York. For years the two
houses served the emperor faithfully; but even before any
quarrel had arisen between them, the popularity of the head of
the Minamoto clan, with the soldiers with whom he had been
placed, so alarmed the emperor Toba (1108-1124, A. D.) that he
issued an edict forbidding the Samurai, the military class, of any
of the provinces, from constituting themselves the retainers of
either of these two families.
It was in the year 1156 that the feuds between the two houses
broke out, and it arose in this way. At the accession of Go-Shir-
akawa to the throne in that year, there were living two ex-em-
perors who would seem to have voluntarily abdicated ; one of them,
however, Shutoku, was averse to the accession of the heir, being
himself anxious to resume the imperial power. His cause was es-
poused by Tameyoshi, the head of the Miiiamoto house, while
among the supporters of Go-Shirakawa was Kiyomori, of the house
of Taira. In the conflict which followed, Go-Shirakawa was success-
ful, and immediately thereafter we find Taira Kiyomori appointed
Daijo-Daijin, or prime minister, with practically all political power
in his hands. On the abdication within a few years of the mikado,
the prime minister was able to put whatever member of the im-
perial house he willed upon the throne ; and being himself allied
by marriage to the imperial family, he at length saw the accession
of his own grandson, a mere babe. Thus, to use the term con-
nected with European feudalism of the same period, the mayor of
the palace virtually, though not nominally, usurped the imperial
functions. The emperor had the name of power but Kiyomori
had the reality.
But this state of matters was not destined to last long. The
Minamotos were far from being finally quieted. The story of
the revival of their power is a romantic one, but we cannot dwell
ROMANCE AND HISTORY COMBINED. 203
upon it. It was in the battle of Atiji that Kiyomori seemed at
length to have quelled his rivals. Yoshitomo, the head of the
Miuamoto clan was slain in the fight, but his beautiful wife
Tokiwa succeeded in escaping with her three little sons.
Tokiwa's mother, however, was arrested. This roused the
(laughter to make an appeal to Kiyomori for pardon. She did
so, presenting herself and children to the conqueror, upon whom
her beauty so wrought that he granted her petition. He made
her his concubine, and not withstanding the remonstrances of his
retainers, also spared the children who were sent to a monastery,
there to be trained for the priesthood. Two of these children
became famous in the history of Japan. The eldest was
Yoritomo the founder of the Kamakura dynasty of shoguns, and
the babe at the mother's breast was Yoshitsune, one of the
flowers of Japanese chivalry, a hero whose name even yet
awakens the enthusiasm of the youth of Japan and who so im-
pressed the Ainos of the north whom he had been sent to subd ue,
that to this day he is worshiped as their chief god. A Japanese
has even lately written a book in which he seeks to identify
Yoshitsune with Genghis Khan.
It is unnecessary to dwell on the circumstances which brought
Yoritomo and Yoshitsune into note ; how the two brothers raised
the men of the eastern provinces, and after a temporary check at
the pass of Hakone, succeeded in utterly routing the Tairu
forces in a dreadful battle, half by land and half by sea, at the
straits of Shimonoseki. Suffice it to say, that Yoshitsune having
been slain soon after a famous victory, through the treachery of
his brother Yoritomo, who was jealous of his fame and popu-
larity, that warrior was left without a rival. Yoritomo received
from the emperor the highest title which could be conferred
upon him, that of Sei-i-tai-shogun, literally *' Barbarian-subjuga-
ting great general." This title is generally contracted to shogun,
which means simply general. Thus appointed generalissimo of
all the imperial forces, he looked about for a cit}' which he might
make the center of his power. This he found in Kamakura about
fifteen miles westward of the site of the modern Yokohama.
Thus before the close of the twelfth century was founded that
system of dual government which lasted with little change until
204 ORIGIN OP THE SYSTEM OP DUAL GOVERNMENT.
the year 1868. The Mikado reigned iu Kioto with the authority
of his sacred person undisputed ; but the shogun in his eastern
city had really all the public business of the country in his own
hands. It was he who appointed governors over the different
provinces and was the real master of the country ; but every act
was done in the name of the emperor whose nominal power thus
remained intact.
Yoritomo virtually founded an independent dynasty at
Kamakura, but it was not destined to be a lasting one. His son
Yoriye succeeded him in 1199, but was shortly afterwards
deposed and assassinated ; and the power though not the title of
shogun passed to the family of Yoritomo's wife, that of Hojo,
different members of which swayed the state for more than a
century.
After a checkered career of various shoguns of the Hojo
family, their tyranny became supreme. None of the family ever
seized the office of shogun, but in reality they wielded all and
more of the power attaching to the office. The political history
of these years is but that of a monotonous recurrence of the
exaltation of boys and babies of noble blood to whom was given
the semblance of power, who were sprinkled with titles and
deposed as soon as they were old enough to be troublesome. In
an effort made by the ex-emperor Gotoba to drive the usurping
Hojo from power the chains were riveted tighter than ever.
The imperial troops were massacred by the conquering Hojo.
The estates of all who fought on the emperor's side were con-
fiscated and distributed among the minions of the usur^^ers. The
exiled emperor died of a broken heart. The nominal Mikado of
Kioto and the nominal shogun at Kamakura were set up, but the
llojo were the keepers of both. The oppression, the neglect of
public business and the carousals of the usurpers became intoler-
able. Armies were raised spontaneously to support the emperor
and the Ashikaga leader in their revolt against the existing evils.
All over tlie empire the people rose against their oppressors and
massacred them. The Hojo domination which had been par-
amount for nearly one hundred and fifty years was utterly
brv»keu.
Th« Hojo have never been forgiven for their arbitrary treatment
OPPRESSIONS Of TITK USURPING HOJOS.
205
of the Mikii'los. Every obloqiij' is cast upon them by Jajiaiiese
historians, dramatists, puets and novelists, and yet there is an-
other side to the story. It must be conceded that the Hojos were
able rulers and kept order mid peace in the empire for more than
a century. They encouraged literature and the cultivation of the
arts and sciences. During their period the resources of the
country were developed, and some branches of useful handicraft
and fine arts were brought to a perfection never since surpassed.
To this time belongs the fa- , ^
mous image carver, sculptor
and architect, Unkei, and the
lacquer artists who are the
"old masters" in this branch
of art. The military spirit
of the people was kept alive,
tactiua were improved, and
the tnelliods of governmental
admiiiistrati< >n s i ni p 1 i fi e d.
During this period of splen-
did temples, monasteries,
pagodas, colossal images and
other monuments of holy
zeal, Hojo Sadatoki erected a
monument over the grave of
Kiyoraori at Hingo. Hojo
Tukimune raised mid kept in
reiidiness a permanent war
fund su that the military ez-
[tenses might not interfere
with the revenue reserved
for ordinary government expenses. To his invincible counige,
patriotic pride, mid indomitable energy are due the vindication of
the national honor and the repulse of the Tartar invasion.
During the early centuries of the Christian era, Japan and
China kept up friendly intercourse, exchanging embassies on vari-
ous missions, but chiefly with the mutual object of bearing con-
gratulations to an emperor upon his accession to the throne. The
civil disorders in both countries interrupted these friendly tela-
COLOSSAL JAPANESE IMAOE FIFTT FEET
206 FRIENDSHIP OP CIimA AND JAPAN.
tioiis in the twelfth century, and communication ceased. When
the acquaintance was renewed in the time of the Hojo it was not
on so friendly a footing.
In China the Mongol Tartars had overthrown tlie Sung dynasty
and had conquered the adjacent country. Through the Coreans
the Mongol emperor, Kublai Khan, at whose court Marco Polo
and his uncles were then visiting, sent letters demanding tribute
and homage from Japan. Chinese envoys came to Kamakura,
but Hojo Tokimune, enraged at the insolent demands, dismissed
them in disgrace. Six embassies were sent, and six times re-
jected. An expedition from China consisting of ten thousand
men was then sent against Japan. They landed, were attacked,
their commander was slain, and they returned, having accom-
plished nothing. The Chinese emperor now sent nine envoys to
announce their purpose to remain until a definite answer was re-
turned to their master. They were called to Kamakura, and the
Japanese reply was given by cutting oif their heads. The Jap-
anese now began to prepare for war on land and sea. Once more
Chinese envoys came to demand tribute. These were decapi-
tated. Meanwhile the armada was preparing. Great China was
coming to crush the little strip of land that refused homage to the
invincil)le conqueror. The army numbered one hundred thousand
Chinese and Tartars, and seven thousand Coreans in ships that
whitened the sea. They numbered three thousand five hundred
in all. It was in July, 1281, that the sight of the Chinese junks
greeted the watchers on the hills of Daizaifu. Many of the junks
were of immense proportion, larger than the natives of Japan had
ever seen, and armed with the engines of European warfare which
their Venetian guests had taught the Mongols to construct and
work. The naval battle that ensued was a terrible one. The
Japanese had small chance of success in the water, owing to the
smallness of their boats, but in personal valor they were much
superior, and some of their deeds of bravery are inspirihgly inter-
esting. Nevertheless the Chinese were unable to effect a landing,
owing to the heavy fortifications along the shore.
The whole nation was now roused. Re-enforcements poured in
from all quarters to swell the hosts of defenders. From the mon-
asteries and temples all over the country went up unceasing
JAPANESE FEMALE TYPES.
JAPAN REFUSES TRIBUTE TO CH[NA.
prayer to the gods to ruin their enemies and save the land of
Japan. The emperor and ez-eniperor went in solemn state to the
SHINTO TEHPIA
chief priest of Shinto, and writing out their petitions to the gods
sent bim as a messenger to the ahrines of Ise. It is recorded as a
210 INVASION AND DEFEAT OF THE CHINESE.
miraculous fact that at the hour of noon as the sacred envoy
arrived at the shrine and offered a prayer, the day being perfectly
clear, a streak of cloud appeared iu the sky that soon overspread
the heavens, until the dense masses portended a storm of awful
violence. One of those cyclones called by the Japanese tai-fu, of
appalling velocity and resistless force, such as whirl along the
coast of Japan and China during late summer and early fall of
every year, burst upon the Chinese fleet. Nothing can withstand
these maelstorms of the air. We call them typhoons. Iron steam-
ships of thousands of horse power are almost unmanageable in
them. The helpless Chinese junks were crushed together, impaled
on the rocks, dashed against the clifiFs or tossed on land like corks
on the spray. Hundreds of the vessels sank. The corpses were
piled on the shore or floating on the water so thickly that it
seemed almost possible to walk thereon. The vessels of the sur-
vivors in large numbers drifted or were wrecked upon Taka
island, where they established themselves and cutting down trees
began building boats to reach Corea. Here they were attacked
by the Japanese, and after a bloody struggle, all the fiercer for tbe
despair on the one side and the exultation on the other, were all
slain or driven to the sea to be drowned except three, who were
sent back to tell their emperor how the gods of Japan had de-
stroyed their armada.
This was the last time that China ever attempted to conquer
Japan, whose people boast that their land has never been defiled
by an invading army. They have ever ascribed the glory of the
destruction of the Tartar fleet to the interposition of the gods of
Ise, who thereafter received special and grateful adoration as the
guardian of the seas and the winds. Great credit and praise were
given to the Lord of Kamakura, Hojo Tokimune, for his energy,
ability and valor. The author of one native history says, " The
repulse of the Tartar barbarians by Tokimune and his preserving
the dominions of our Son of Heaven were suflBcient to atone for
the Climes of his ancestors."
Nearly six centuries afterward when " the barbarian " Perry
anchored his fleet in the bay of Yeddo, in the words of the native
annalist, '* Orders were sent by the imperial court to the Shinto
priest at Ise to offer up prayers for the sweeping away of the bar-
RULE OF THE ASHIEAGA FAMILT. 211
barisns." Millions of earnest hearts put up the same prayers their
fathers had ofifered fully expecting the same result.
To this day the Japanese mother hushes her fretful infant by
the question, "Do you think the Mongols are coming? " This is
the only serious attempt at invmion ever made by any nation upou
the shores of Japan.
The internal his-
tory of Japan dur-
ing the period of
time covered by
the actual or n
iiial rule of the
Ashikaga family,
from 1336 until^
1573, except
very last years of
it, is not very at-
tractive to a for-
eign reader. It ia
a confused picture
of intestinal vi-ar.
It was by fnul
nteans that Ashi-2
kaga Takugi, one
of the generals who
overthrew the
Hojos, attained the
dignity of shogun,
and a period of
more than two
centuries, during
, . , ! . , f JAPANESE OOD OP THE WIND.
which his descend-
ants held sway at Kamakura, was characterized by treachery,
bloodshed and almost perpetual warfare. The founder of this
line secured the favor of the mikado Go-Daigo, after he was re-
called from exile, upon the overthrow of the military usurpation.
Ashiki^a soon seized the reins in his own hands. The mikado
fled in terror, and a new mikado wiis declared in the person of
212 EISE AND I'EIiFECTION OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM.
another of the royal family. Of course this man was willing to
confer upon Ashikiiga, his supporter the title of shogun. Kama-
kura again became a military capital. The duarchy was restored,
and the war of the northern and southern dynasties began, to last
fifty-six years.
The act by which more than any other the Ashikagas earned
the curses of posterity, was tlie sending of an embassy to China in
1401, beariug presents, acknowledging in a measure the authority
of China, and accepting in return
the title of Nippon O, or king of
Japan. This which was done by
Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, the third of
the line, was an insult to the
national dignity for wliich he has
never been forgiven. It was a
needless humiliation of Japan to
ht'r arrogant neighbor and done
only to exalt the vanity and glory
' the usurper, who, not content
^with adopting the style and equip-
age of the mikado, wished to be
called a king and yet dared not
usurp the imperial throne.
Japan of all the Asiatic nations
: .seems to have brought the feudal
system to the highest state of per-
fection. While in Europe the na-
tions were engaged in throwing
off the feudal yoke and inaugurat-
ing modern government, Japan
was riveting tl\e fetters which stood intact until 1871. The
daimios were practically independent chieftains, who ruled their
own provinces asihey willed; and the more ambitious and power-
ful did not hesitate to make war upon the neighboring clans.
There were on all sides struggles for pre-eminence in which the
fittest survived, annexing to their own territories those of the
weaker class which they had subdued. Nor was it merely rival
clans that were disturbing the country. The Buddhist clergy
'^Y'd.
DAIMTOB OP JAPAN.
SKETCH SHOWING DEVELOPMENT OF THE JAPANESE ARMY
FROM 1867 TO THE PRESENT.
lUisE AND PERFECTION OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 216
hdd acquired immense political influence, which they were fai
from scrupulous iu using. Their monasteries were in many cases
castles, fiom which themselves living amid eveiy kind of luxurj'.
fJ
" ■*«
^^
mm
^^«
W"i
M^i
4"^/4
^
Im
mi
BUDDHIST PRIESTS.
they tyrannized over the surrounding country. The history of
these often reads strikingly like that of the corresponding insti-
tutions in Europe during the middle ages ; indeed the luerarchical
11
216 THREE GREAT MEN AND THEIR CAREERS.
as well as the feudal development of Europe and Japan have
been wonderfully alike.
Probably the three names most renowned in Japan are No-
bunaga, Hideyoshi and lyeyasu. The second and third of these
were generals subordinate to the first, who deposed the Ashikaga
shoguns, persecuted the Buddhists, encouraged the Jesuits, and
restored to a great extent the supremacy of the mikado. The
Buddhists look on this leader us an incarnate demon sent to de-
stroy their faith. He was a Shintoist, with bitter hatred for the
Buddhists, and never lost an opportunity to burn property of his
enemies or butcher priests, women, and children of that faith.
These who have just been named, by their prowess and the
strength of their armies, rose to highest positions among the dai-
mios.
When these three great men appeared, the country was in a
most critical state. The later Ashikaga shoguns had become as
powerless as the mikado himself in the management of affairs.
Nobunaga first rose into note. By successive victories, he became
ruler of additional provinces, and his fame became so great that
the emperor committed to him the task of tranquilizing the
country. He deposed first one usurping shogun and then anotlier,
and thus came an end to the domination of the Ashikagas. No-
bunaga was now the most powerful man in the country, and was
virtually discharging the duties of shogun though he never ob-
tained the title. Hideyoshi became virtual lord of the empiie,
after the assassination of Nobunaga. He rose from the ranks of
the peasants to the highest position in Japan under the emperor.
Having in connection with Nobunaga and lyeyasu reduced all the
Japanese clans into subjection, he looked abroad for some foreign
power to subdue.
The immoderate ambition of Hideyoshi's life was to conquer
Corea, and even China. Under the declining power of Ashikaga,
all tribute from Corea had ceased and the pirates who ranged tlie
coasts scarcely allowed any trade to exist. We have seen how it
was from Corea that Japan received Chinese learning and the arts
of civilization, and Coreans swelled the number of Mongol Tar-
tars who invaded Japan with the armada. On the other hand
Corea was more than once overrun by Japanese armies, even
CONQUEST OF COllEA BY HIDEYOSHL 217
partly governed by Japanese officials, and on different occasions
had to pay tribute to Japan in token of submission. Japanese
pirates too were for six hundred years as much the terror of the
Chinese and Corean costs as were the Danes and Norsemen of the
shores of the North Sea. The discontinuance of the embassies
and tribute from Corea, thus afforded the ambitious general a pre-
text for disturbing the friendly relations with Corea, by the dis-
patch of an embassador to complain of this neglect. The behav-
ior of this embassador only too clearly reflected the swagger of
his overbearing lord, and the consequence was an invasion of
Corea.
Hideyoshi promised to march his generals and army to Peking,
and divide the soil of China among them. He also scorned the
suggestion that scholars versed in Chinese should accompany the
expedition. Said he, *^ This expedition will make the Chinese use
our literature." Corea was completely overrun by Hideyoshi's
forces, although the commander himself was unable to accompany
the expedition, owing to his age and the grief of his mother.
Further details of this invasion will be found lat^r in the histori-
cal sketch of Corea. It may be said here however, that the con-
quest terminated ingloriously, and reflects no honor on Japan.
The responsibility of the outrage upon a peaceful nation rests
wholly upon Hideyoshi. The Coreans were a mild and peaceable
people, wholly unprepared for war. There was scarcely a shadow
of provocation for the invasion, which was nothing less than a
huge filibustering scheme. It was not popular with the people or
the rulers, and was only carried through by the will of the mili-
tary leader. The sacrifice of life on either side must have been
great, and all for the ambition of one man. Nevertheless, a party
in Japan has long held that Corea was by the conquests of the
third and sixteenth centuries a part of the Japanese empire, and
the reader will see how 1772 and again in 1775 the cry of " On to
Corea " shook the nation like an earthquake.
After the deaths of Nobunaga and Hideyoshi, Tokugawa lyey-
asu was left the virtual ruler of Japan. At first he governed the
country as regent, but his increasing popularity awoke the jeal-
ousy of the partisans of Hideyori, the son of Hideyoshi, who was
nominated as his successor, as well as of Nobunaga's family.
218 YEDDO BECOMES THE SEAT OF THE SHOGDllf.
These combined to overthrow him, and the consequence was the
great battle of Sekigahara, fought in 1600, in which lyeyasu came
off completely victorious. Three years later, he was appointed
by the emperor shoguu. Like Yorotoino he resolved to select a
city as the center of liis power, and that which seemed to him
most suitable was not Kamukura, which ere this had lost much of
its glory, but the little castle town of Yeddo, about thirty-five
miles farther north. Here he and his successors, and the dynasty
he founded, swayed the destinies of Japan from 1608 until the
raatoration in 1868.
JAPAMESS JUNK.
It is not difScult to account for the tone of adniiration and
pride with which a modem Japanese speaks of "The age of
Taiko." There are many who hold that Hideyoslii, or Taiko,
was the real unifier o£ the empire. Certain it is thjit he origi-
nated many of the most striking forms of national administra-
tion. In his time the arts and sciences were not only in a very
flourishing condition, but gave promise nf rich development. The
spirit of military enterprise and internal national improvement
was at its height. Contact with the foreigners of many nations
awoke a spirit of inquiry and intellectual activity ; hut it was on
POSITION OF JAPAN AT THIS PERIOD.
221
tiie seas that geniua aod restleEU activity found their moat con-
geDial field.
Thia era 13 marked by the highest production in marine archi-
tecture, and the extent and variety of commercial enterprise.
The ships huilt in this century were twice the size and vastly the
superior in model of the junks that uow bug the Japanese shores
or ply between China and Japan. The pictures of them pre-
SCENES OF INDDBTRIAL LIFE. {From a Japanese Alhvm.)
served to the present day, show that they were superior in size to
the vessels of Columbus, and nearly equal in sailing qualities to
the contemporary Dutch and Portuguese galleons. Thej were
provided with ordnance, and a model of a Japanese breech-load-
ing cannon is still preserved in Kioto. Ever a brave and adven-
turous people, the Japanese then roamed the seas with a freedom
^S2 POStttON Ot .tAPAJJ AT ThIS l^ERTOD.
that one who knows only of the modern bound people would
scarcely credit. Voyages of trade, discovery or piracy have been
made to India, Siam, Birmah, the Philippine Islands, Southern
China, the Malay Archipelago and the Kuriles, even in the fif-
teenth century, but were more numerous in the sixteenth. The
Japanese literature contains many references to these adventur-
ous sailors, and when the records of the far east are thoroughly
investigated, and this subject fully studied, very interesting re-
sults are apt to be obtained showing the widespread influence of
Japan at a time when she was scarcely known by the European
world to have existence.
HISTORICAL SKETCH I^ROM THE COMING OF THE
FIRST EUROPEAN TRAVELERS TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
A New Dynasty of Shoguns— Mendez Pinto's Visit— Arrival of the Jesuit Missionaries-
Kind Reception of Christianity— i^uarrels Between the Sects— Beginning of Christian Per-
secution—Expulsion of the Missionaries— Torture and Martyrdom— The Massacre of Shim,
abara— Expulsion of all Foreigners— Closing the Door of Japan— History of the Last 8ho-
gunate— Arrival of Commodore Perry's Fleet— Tlie Knock at the Door of Japan— An Era of
Treaty Making— Rapid Advance of Western Manners and Ideas in Japan— Attacks on For*
eigners— The Abolition of the Shogunate— Japan's Last Quarter Century.
Hitherto we have seen two readily distinguishable periods in
the history of Japan, the period during which the mikados were
the actual as well as the nominal rulers of the empire ; and the
period during which the imperial power more and more passed
into the hands of usurping mayors of the palace, and the country
was kept in an almost constant ferment with the feuds of rival
noble families which coveted this honor. Successively the
power, although not always the title, of shogun, had been held
by members of the Minamoto, Hojo, Ashikaga, Ota and Toyo-
tomi families. With lyeyasu we pass into a third period, like the
second in that the dual system of feudal government still pre-
vailed, but unlike it in that it was a period of peace. Much
strife had accompanied the erection of the fabric of feudalism,
but it now stood complete. The mikado in Kioto and the
daimios in their different provinces, alike ceased to protest
against the dual administration. Within certain limits they had
the regulation of their own affairs; the mikado was ever rec-
ognized as the source of all authority, and the daimios in their
own provinces were petty kings ; but it was the shogun in Yeddo
who, undisputed, at least in practice, whatever some of the more
powerful daimios may have said, swayed the destinies of the em-
pire.
Let us now note the policy which the Shoguns adopted towards
the foreigners who as missionaries or merchants had found their
(223)
224 THE BEGINNINGS OF EXPLORATION.
way to Japaa, and the course of settlement and trade of
foreigners.
It seems now certain that when Columbus set sail from Spain
to discover a new continent, it was not America he was seeking,
but the land of Japan/ Marco Polo, the Venetian traveler, had
spent seventeen years, 1275-1292, at the court of the Tartar
emperor Kublai Khan, and while in Peking had heard of a land
lying to the eastward, called in the language of the Chinese, Zip-
angu, from which our modern name Japan has been corrupted.
Columbus was an ardent student of Polo's book, which had been
published in 1298. He sailed westward across the Atlantic to
find this kingdom. He discovered not Japan, but an archipelago
in America on whose shores he eagerly inquired concerning Zip-
angu. Following this voyage, Vasco de Gama and a host of
other brave Portuguese navigators sailed into the Orient and
came back to tell of densely populated empires enriched with the
wealth that makes civilization possible, and of which Europe had
scarcely heard. Their accounts fired the hearts of the zealous
who longed to convert the heathen, aroused the cupidity of
traders who thirsted for gold, and kindled the desire of monarchs
to found empires in Asia.
Mendez Pinto, a Portuguese adventurer, seems to have been
the first European who landed on Japanese soil. On his return
to Europe he told so many wonderful stories that by a pun on
his Christian name he was dabbed "the mendacious." His nar-
rative was, however, as we now know, substantially correct.
Pinto while in China had got on board a Chinese junk, com-
manded by a pirate. They were attacked by another corsair, their
pilot was killed, and the vessel was driven off the coast by a
storm. They made for the Liu Kiu Islands, but unable to find a
harbor, put to sea again. After twenty-three days' beating
about, they sighted the islands of Tanegashima and landed. The
name of the island, " island of the seed," was significant. The
arrival of these foreigners was a seed of troubles innumerable.
The crop was priestcraft of the worst type, political intrigue, re-
ligious persecution, the inquisition, the slave trade, the propaga-
tion of Christianity by the sword, sedition, rebellion, and civil war.
Its harvest was garnered in the blood of sixty -thousand Japanese.
FIRST ARRIVAL OF KUROPEANS IN JAPAN. 225
The native histories recount the first arrival of Europeans in
1542, and note that year as the one in which fire-arms were first
introduced. The pirate trader who brought Pinto to Japan
cleared twelve hundred per cent, on his cargo, and the three Por-
tuguese returned to China loaded with presents. The new
market attracted hundreds of Portuguese adventurers to Japan,
who found a ready welcome. The missionary followed the mer-
chant. Already the Portuguese priests and Franciscan friars
were numerous in India. Two Jesuits and two Japanese who
had been converted at Goa, headed by Xavier, landed at
Kagoshima in 1549. Xavier did not have great success, and in a
short time left Japan disheartened. He had, however, inspired
others who followed him, and their success was amazingly great.
The success of the Jesuit missionaries soon attracted the
attention of the authorities. Organtin, a Jesuit missionary in
Kioto, writing of his experiences, says that he was asked his name
and why be had come to Japan. He replied that be was the
Padre Organtin and had come to spread religion. He was told
that he could not be allowed at once to spread his religion, but
would be informed later on. Nobunaga accordingly took counsel
with his retainers as to whether he would allow Christianity to be
preached or not. One of these strongly advised not to do so, on
the ground that there were already enough religions in the coun-
try, but Nobunaga replied that Buddhism had been introduced
from abroad and had done good in the country, and he therefore
did not see why Christianity should not be granted a trial.
Organtin was consequently allowed to erect a church and to
send for others of his order, who, when they came, were found
to be like him in appearance. Their plan of action was to care
for the sick, and so prepare the way for the reception of Christi-
anity, and then to convert every one and make the thirty-six pro-
vinces of Japan subject to Portugal. In this last clause we have
an explanation of the policy which the Japanese government
ultimately adopted towards Christianity and all foreign innova-
tions. Within five years after Xavier visited Kioto, seven
churches were established in the vicinity of the city itself, while
scores of Christian communities had sprung up in the south-west.
226 ftAPlD PltOGUESS OF CHRlSTIANltt.
In 1581 there were two hundred churches and one hundred and
fifty thousand native Christians.
In 1583 an embassy of four young noblemen was dispatched by
the Christian daimios to the pope to declare tliemselves vassals
of the Holy See. They returned after eight years, having had au-
dience of Phillip II. of Spain, and kissed the feet of the pope at
Rome. They brought with them seventeen Jesuit missionaries,
an important addition to the list of religious instructors. Spanish
mendicant friars from the Philippine Islands, with Dominicans
and Augustinians, also flocked into the country, teaching and
zealously proselyting. The number of "Christians" at the time
of the highest success of the missionaries in Japan was, according
to their own figures six hundred thousand, a number that seems
to be no exaggeration if quantity and not quality are considered.
The Japanese less accurately set down a total of two million
nominal adherents to the Christian sects. Among the converts
were several princes, large numbers of lords, and gentlemen in
high official positions, and beside generals of the army and
admirals of the navy. Churches and chapels were numbered by
the thousand, and in some provinces crosses and Christian shrines
were as numerous as the kindred evidences of Buddhism had
been before. The methods of the Jesuits ai)pealed to the
Japanese, as did the forms and symbols of the faith, but the
Jesuits began to attack most violently the character of the native
priests, and to incite their converts to insult their gods, burn .the
idols and desecrate the old shrines.
As the different orders, Jesuits, Franciscans and Augustinians
increased, they began to clash. Political and religious war was
almost universal in Europe at the same time, and tlie quarrels of
the various nationalities followed the buccaneers, pirates, traders
and missionaries to the distant seas of Japan. All the foreigners,
but especially Portuguese, then were slave traders, and thousands
of Japanese were bought and sold and shipped to China and the
Philippines. The sea ports of Hirado and Nagasaki were the
resorts of the lowest class of adventurers of all European nations,
and the result was a continuous series of uproars, broils and
murders among the foreigners. Such a picture of foreign influ-
ence and of Christianity as the Japanese saw it was not calcu-
FRIGHTFUL PfiRSECUTtOK OF THE CIlftlSTIANS. 227
lated to make a permanently favorable impression on the Japanese
mind.
I^atterly Nobunaga had somewhat repented of the favor he had
shown to the new religion, though his death occurred before his
dissatisfaction had manifested itself in any active repression*
Hideyoshi had never been well disposed to Christianity, but other
matters prevented him from at once meddling with the policy of
his predecessors. In 1588 he ventured to issue an edict com-
manding the missionaries to assemble at Hirado, an island off the
west coast of Kiushiu and prepared to leave Japan, and the
missionaries obeyed, but as the edict was not enforced they again
returned to the work of evangelization in private as vigorously as
ever, averaging ten thousand converts a year. The Spanish
mendicant friars pouring in from the Philippines, openly defied
Japanese laws. This aroused Hideyoshi's attention and his decree
of expulsion was renewed. Some of the churches were burned.
In 1596 six Franciscan and three Jesuit priests with seventeen
Japanese converts were taken to Nagasaki and there burned.
When Hideyoshi died, affairs seemed to take a more favorable
turn, but only for a few years. lyeyasu was as much opposed
to Christianity as Hideyoshi, and his hatred of the new religion
was intensified by his partiality for Buddhism. The new
daimios, carrying the policy of their predecessors as taught them
by the Jesuits, but reversing its direction, began to persecute their
Christian subjects, and to compel them to renounce their faith.
The native converts resisted, even to blood and the taking up of
arms. The idea of armed rebellion among the farmers was some-
thing so wholly new that lyeyasu suspected foreign instigation.
He became more vigilant as his suspicions increased, and resolving
to crush this spirit of independence and intimidate the foreign
emissaries, met every outbreak with bloody reprisals.
lyeyasu issued a decree of expulsion against the missionaries in
1600, but the decree was not at once carried into effect. The
date of the first arrival in Japan of Dutch merchants was also
1600. They settled in the island of Hirado. In 1606 an edict
from Yeddo forbade the exercise of the Christian religion, but an
outward show of obedience warded off active persecution. Four
years later the Spanish friars. again aroused the wrath of the
228 HORRORS OF THE PERSECUTION.
government by defying its commands and exhorting the native con-
verts to do likewise. In 1611 lyeyasu obtained documentary p:-oof
of what he had long suspected, the existence of a plot on the part
of the native converts and the foreign emissaries to reduce Japan to
the position of a subject state. Fresh edicts were issued, and in
1614 twenty-two Franciscan, Dominican and Augustinian friars,
one hundred and seventeen Jesuits and hundreds of native priests
were embarked by force on board junks and sent out of the
country. The next year the shogun pushed matters to an ex-
treme with Hideyori, who was entertaining some Jesuit priests,
and laid siege to the castle of Ozaka. A battle of unusual
ferocity and bloody slaughter raged, ending in the burning of the
citadel and the total defeat and death of Hideyori and thou-
sands of his followers. The Jesuit fathers say that one hundred
thousand men perished in this brief war.
The exiled foreign friars kept secretly returning, and the shogun
pronounced sentence of death against any foreign priest found
in the country. lyemitsu, the next shogun, restricted all foreign
commerce in Nagasaki and Hirado ; all Japanese were forbidden
to leave the country on pain of death. Any European vessel
approaching the coast was at once to be referred to Nagasaki,
whence it was to be sent home ; the whole crew of any junk in
which a missionary should reach Japanese shores were to be put
to death ; and the better to remove all temptation to go abroad,
it was decreed that no ships should be constructed above a cer-
tain size and with otlier than the open sterns of coasting vessels.
Fire and sword were used to extirpate Christianity and to
paganize the same people who in their youth were Christianized
by the same means. Thousands of the native converts fled to
China, Formosa and the Philippines. The Christians suffered all
sorts of persecutions and tortures that savage ingenuity could devise.
Yet few of the natives quailed or renounced their faith. They
calmly let the fire of wood, cleft from the crosses before which
they once prayed consume, them. Mothers carried their babes to
the fire or the edge of the precipice rather than leave them behind
to be educated in pagan faith. If any one doubt the sincerity
and fervor of the Christian converts of to-day, or the ability of
the Japanese to accept a higher form of faith, or their willingness
**■ l*-^'
THE SIEGE AND MASSACRE OF SHIMABARA. 231
to suffer for what they believe, he has but to read the accounts of
various witnesses to the fortitude of the Japanese Christians of
the seventeenth century.
The persecution reached its climax in the tragedy of Shima-
bara in 1637. The Christians arose in arms by tens of thousands,
seized an old castle, repaired it and fortified it, and raised the flng
of rebellion. The armies of veterans sent to besiege it expected
an easy victory, and sneered at the idea of having any cliflBculty in
subduing these farmers and peasants. It took two months by
land and water, however, of constant attack before the fort was
reduced, and the victory was finally gained only with the aid of
Dutch cannon furnished under compulsion by the traders of
Deshima. After great slaughter the intrepid garrison surrend-
ered, and then began the massacre of thirty-seven thousand
Christians. Many of them were hurled into the sea from the top
of the island rock of Takaboko-shima, by the Dutch named
Pappenberg, in the harbor of Nagasaki.
The result of this series of events was that the favorable policy
adopted by lyeyasu in regard to foreign trade was completely
reversed. No foreigners were allowed to set foot on the soil of
Japan, except Chinese and a few Dutch merchants. Tlie Dutch
gained the privilege of residing in confinement on the little island
of Deshima, a piece of made land in the harbor of Nagasaki.
Here under degrading restrictions and constant surveillance lived
less than a score of Hollanders, who were required every year
to send a representative to Yeddo to do homage to the shogun.
They were allowed one ship per annum to come from the Dutch
East Indies for the exchange of the commodities of Japan for
those of Holland.
Says Doctor GrifBs in his study of this era of Japanese history,
"After nearly a hundred years of Christianity and foreign inter-
course, the only apparent results of this contact with another
religion and civilization were the adoption of gunpowder and
fire-arms as weapons, the use of tobacco and the habit of smok-
ing, the making of sponge cake, the naturalization into the lan-
guage of a few foreign words, the introduction of new and
strange forms of disease, among which the Japanese count the
scourge of the venereal virus, and the permanent addition to
232 A CEXTURY OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS EFFECTS.
that catalogue of terrors which priest and magistrate ii] Asiatic
countries ever hold as welcome, to overawe the herd. For cen-
tut'ies the mention of that name would bate the breatii, blanch
the cheek and smite witli fear as with an earthquake shock. It
was the synomyn of sorcery, sedition, and all that was liostile to
the purity of the home and the peace of society. All over the
empire, in every city, town, village and hamlet; by the roadside,
ferry or moutitaiu pass ; at every entrance to the capitol, stood the
public notice boards on which with prohibitions against the great
crimes that disturbed the relations of society's government was
one tablet written with a deeper brand of guilt, with a more hid-
eous memory of blood, with a more awful teiroi' of lorture, than
wiien the like superscription was iiffixed at the top of a cross that
stootl between two thieves on a little hill outside Jerusalem. Its
daily and familiar sight startled ever and anon the peasants who
clasped hands and uttered a fresh prayer ; tlie Bonze, or Buddhist
priest, to add new venom to his maledictions ; the magistrate to
ENGLISH EFFORTS TO OPEN TRADE. 233
sfaalte his head; and to the mother a ready word to hush the
trying of her fretful babe. That name was Christ. So thor-
oughly was Christianity or the " corrupt sect " supposod to be
eradicated before the end of the seventeenth century, that its
existence was historical, remembered only as an awful scar on the
national memory. No vestiges were supposed to be left of it, and
no knowledge of its tenets was held save by a very few scholars
in Yeddo, trained experts who were kept as a sort of spiritual
blood hounds to scent out the
adherents of the accursed
creed. It was left to our day
since the recent opening of
Japan, for them to discover
that a mighty fire had been
smoldering for over two cen-
turies beneath the ashes of
persecutions. As late as 1829
seven persons, six men and an
old woman, were crucified in
Ozaka on suspicion of being
Christians and communica-
ting with foreigners. When
the French brethren of the
Mission Apostoliqueof Paris
came to Nagasaki in 1860,
Ihej foimd in the village, j^^,^^, ,^„„^, ,,,„„„„, „„„^
around them over ten thou- old timb.
sand people who held the
faith of their fathers of the seventeenth century.
The Portuguese were not the only race to attempt to open a
permanent trade with Jiipan. Captain John Sails, with three
ships, left England in Apiil, 1611, with letters fi-oni King James
I. to the " Emperor " (shognn") of Japan. Landing at Hirado he
was well received, and e.stablished a factory in charge of Richard
Cocks. The captain and a number of the party visited Yeddo
and other cities and obtained from the shogun a treaty defining
the privileges of trade, and signed Minamoto lyeyasu. After a
tour of three months Saris arrived at Hiradn ngnin, having
y/^«
234
PERIOD OF THE LAST SHOGUNATB.
visited Kioto, where he saw the splendid ChristiaD churches and
Jesuit palaces. After discouraging attempts to open a trade with
Siam, Corea and China, and hostilities having broken out hetween
them and the Dutch, the Ktiglish abandored the prefect of pet-
mauent trade with Japan, and all subsequent attempts to reopen
it failed.
Will Adams, who was an English pilot, and the first of his
nation in Japan, arrived in 1607
and lived in Yeddo till he died
thirteen yeara later. He rose
into favor with the shoguns and
the people by tlie sheer force of
a manly, honest character. His
knowledge of shipbuilding,
mathematics, and foreign affairs
made liiin a very useful ninn.
Although treated with kindness
and honor, he was not allowed
to leave Japan. He had a wife
and daughter in England.
Adams had a son and daughter
born to him in Japan, and there
are still living Japanese who
claim descent from him. One of
the streets of Yeddo was named
after him, and the people of that
street still hold an annual cele-
bration on the fifteenth of June
in his honor.
The history of the two centuries and a half that followed the
triumphs of lyeyasu is that of profound peace and stern isolation.
We must pass rapidly in review of them. This great shogun
took pains to arrange the empire after the appointment to the
office, in such a way that the shnguna of the Tnkugawa familj<
the dynasty which he founded, should have strictest power and
most certain descent. His sons and daughlcrs were married
where they would be most powerful in influence with the great
families of daimios. It must not be forgotten that lyeyasu and
E QENERAL OFTUE OLD IIME. '
{From a Aahve Drawn}'/.)
GREAT IMPROVEMENTS IN THE EMPIRE. 286
Iiig Buccessor were both in theory and in reality vassals of the
emperor, though they assumed protection of the imperial person.
Neither the shogun nor the daimios were acknowledged at
Kioto as nobles of the empire. The lowest kuge, or noble, was
above the shogun in rank. The shogun could obtain his
appointment only from the mikado. He was simply the most
powerful among the daimios, who had wou that pre-emiDence by
JAPANEBK BBIDGK.
the sword, and who by wealth and power and a skillfully wrought
plan of division of land among the other daimios was able to
rule.
In 1600 and the years following, lyeyaau employed an army of
three hundred thousand laborers in Yeddo improving and building
the city. Before the end of the century, Yeddo had a population of
more than half a million, but it never did have, as the Hollanders
guessed and the oid text books told us, two million five hundred
12
286 GREAT IMPROVEMENTS IN THE EMPIRE.
thousand souls. Outside of Yeddo the strength of the great
unifier was spent on public roads and highways, post stations,
bridges, castles and mines. He spent the last years of his life
engaged in erasing the scars of war by his policy of conciliation,
securing the triumphs of peace, perfecting his plans for fixing in
stability a system of government, and in collecting books and
manuscripts. He bequeathed his code of laws to his chief
retainers, and advised his sons to govern in the spirit of kindness.
He died on the eighth of March, 1616.
The grandson of lyeyasu, lyemitsu, was another great shogun,
and it was he who established the rule that all the daimios should
visit and reside in Yeddo during half the year. Gradually these
rules became more and more restrictive, until the guests became
mere vassals. Their wives and children were kept as hostages in
Yeddo. During his rule the Christian insurrection and massacre
at Shimabara took place. Yeddo was vastly improved, with
aqueducts, fire watch towers, the establishment of mints, weights
and measures. A general survey of the empire was executed ;
maps of various provinces and plans of the daimios^ castles were
made ; the councils called Hiojo-sho (discussion and decision), and
Wakadoshiyori (assembly of elders), were established and Corean
envoys received. The height of pride and ambition which this
shogun had already reached, is seen in the fact that in a letter of
reply to Corea he is referred to as Tai Kun, (" Tycoon "), a title
never conferred by the mikado on any one, nor had lyemitsu any
legal right to it. It was assumed in a sense honorary or meaning-
less to any Japanese, unless highly jealous of the mikado's sover-
eignty, and was intended to overawe the Coreans. The approxi-
mate interpretation of it is " great ruler."
Under the strong rule of the Tokugawa shoguns, therefore, the
long distracted Japanese empire at length enjoyed two-and-a-half
centuries of peace and prosperity. The innate love of art, litera-
ture, and education, which almost constant warfare had prevented
from duly developing among the people, had now an opportunity
of producing fruit. And as it had shown itself in former inter-
vals of rest, so was it now. Under the patronage of lyeyasu vwas
composed the Dai Nihon Shi, the first detailed history of Japan.
Tsunayoshi, his successor, 1681 to 1709, founded at Seido a Con-
UNDER THE TOKUGAWA SHOGUNS. 287
faoian university, and was such an enthusiast for literature that
he used to assemble the princes and high officials about him and
expound to them passages from the Chinese classics. Yoshimune,
another shogun« was much interested in astronomy and other
branches of science, beside doing much to improve agriculture.
Legal matters also engaged his attention ; he altered lyeyasu's
policy so far as to publish a revised criminal code, and improved
the administration of the law, forbidding the use of torture except
in cases where there was flagrant proof of guilt. He built an astro-
nomical observatory at Kanda and established at his court a pro-
fessorship of Chinese literature.
lyenori, shogun from 1787 to 1838, threw the classes of the
Confucian university open to the public. Every body from the
nobility down to the masses of the people began to appreciate
literary studies. Maritime commerce within the limits of the
four seas was encouraged by the shogun*s government, regular
service of junks being established between the principal ports.
Nor must it be forgotten that to the Tokugawas is due the
foundation of the great modem city of Yeddo with its vast fortifi-
cations and its triumphs of art in the shrines of Shiba and Uyeno.
It was at this period too that the matchless shrines of Nikko were
reared in memory of the greatness of lyeyasu and lyemitsu. The
successors of the former, the shoguns of the Tokugawa dynasty,
fourteen in aU, were with one exception buried alternately in the
cemeteries of Zozoji and Toyeizan, in the city districts of Shiba
and Uyeno.
But throughout all this period of peace and progress the light
of the out'Cr world was excluded. The people made the best use
of the light they had, but after all it was but dim. The learning
by rote of thousands of Chinese characters, and the acquisition of
skill in the composition of Chinese and Japanese verse, were
little worthy to be the highest literary attainments possible to the
most aspiring of the youth of Japan. In the domain of art there
was more that was inviting, but scientiQc knowledge was tantaliz-
ingly meagre and that little was overlaid with Chinese absurdities.
When we consider that the isolation of the country was due to
no spirit of exclusiveness in the national character, that indeed it
was the result of a policy that actually went against the grain of
238 AMERICA KNOCKS AT THE DOOR.
the people, how many restless spirits must tliere have been during
these long years, who kept longing for more light. Fortunately
there was one little cliink at Deshima, in the harbor at Nagasaki,
and of this some of the more earnest were able to take advantage.
Many instances are recorded and there must be many more of
which we can know nothing, of Japanese students displaying the
truest heroism in surmounting the difficulties that lay in the way
of their acquiring foreign knowledge. Let us now see how there
came at length an unsettled dawn, and after the clouds of this
had cleared, a dazzling inpouring of the light.
It was the American Union whicli opened the door of Japan to
western civilization. It had been desired by all of the European
nations, as well as by the United States, to obtain access to
Japanese ports. Supplies were frequently needed, particularly
water and coal, but no distress was ever considered a sufficient
excuse for the Japanese to permit the landing of a foreign vessel's
crew. Shipwrecked sailors frequently passed through seasons of
great trial and danger, before they were restored to their own
people. Even Japanese sailors who were shipwrecked on other
shores, or carried out to sea, were refused re-admission to their
own country when rescued by foreigners.
Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry of the American navy,
urged upon President Millard Fillmore the necessity and possi-
bility of making some sort of a treaty with the exclusive empire.
It was decided that the most effective way to advance this desire
was to sail into the bay of YeJdo with a squadron sufficient to
command respect. A fleet was assigned to the undertaking,
under the command of Perry, and the American vessels sailed
away to the Orient to rendezvous at the chief city of the Liu Kiu
islands, Napha. From Napha the fleet sailed for Japan, the
Susquehanna, the flagship, the advance of the line of the ships of
seventeen nations.
It was on the seventh day of July, 1853, under a sky and over
a sea of perfect calm, that the four American warships appeared
off Uraga in the Bay of Yeddo. Without delay the officials of
Uraga emphatically notified the " barbarian " envoy that he must
go to Nagasaki, where all business with foreigners had to be
done. The barbarian refused to go. He informed the messengers
BAI'TISM OK UL'UUIIA.
JAPAN'S DOOR HALF AJAR. 241
that he was the bearer of a letter from the President of the United
States to the Emperor of Japan ; that he had sailed as near as
possible to the destination of the letter and would now deliver it
and continue it on its way by land, but he would not retrace his
path until the letter was delivered. The shogun lyeyoshi on re-
ceiving information of such decision, was exceedingly troubled
and called his officials to a council. Alarm was wide spread, and
it was ordered that strict watch should be kept along the shore to
prevent the barbarian vessels from committing acts of violence.
During the eight days while Commodore Perry's fleet was wait-
ing in the Bay of Yeddo, the boats of his ships were busily engaged
in taking soundings and surveying the shores and the anchorage.
No sailors were permitted to land, and no natives were molested.
Every effort was made to indicate to the Japanese the desire for
a peaceful friendship.
A learned Chinese scholar was sent by the shogun to Uraga,
who acted as an official and eminent interpreter in an interview
with the American envoy. Continued councils were called by
the shogun, not only of his chief officers but of the daimios, the
nobles, and the retired nobles of Yeddo. The citizens of Yeddo
and the surrounding villages were in great tumult, fearing that
there would be a war, for which the country was totally unpre-
pared. Meanwhile the envoy was impatiently demanding an
answer. At last, after eight days, the patience and the impa-
tience, combined with the demonstrations made by the vessels of
the fleet, which were highly impressive to the Japanese who had
never seen a steamboat, won success for Commodore Perry's
message. A high Japanese commissioner came to Uraga, pre-
pared a magnificent pavilion for the ceremonies, and announced
himself ready to receive the letter to the emperor. With great
pomp and ceremony the Americans landed and in this pavilion
with proper formalities, delivered the letter and presents from the
president. Then having, for the first time in history, gained
several important points of etiquette in a country where etiquette
was more than law or morals, the splendid diplomat and warrior
Ferry sailed away with his fleet July 17, 1868.
It was in response to a temporizing policy on the part of Japan,
and to the good judgment and careful decision of Commodore
242 JAPAN TAKES TIME TO THINK.
Perry, that the fleet sailed away without demanding an immediate
reply to his letter. The American envoy was informed that in a
matter of so much importance a decision could not be at once
reached, and that if he now left, he would on his return get a
definite answer. No wonder there was commotion. The nine-
teenth century had come suddenly into contact with the four-
teenth. The spirit of commerce and the spirit of feudalism, two
great but conflicting forces, met in their full development, and
the result was necessarily a convulsion. We are hardly surprised
to hear that the shogun died before Commodore Perry's return,
or that during the next few years the land was harassed by earth-
quakes and pestilences.
Perry's second appearance was in February, 1854, this time
with a much larger fleet. A hot debate took place in the
shogun's council as to the answer that should be given. The old
daimio of Mito, the head of one of the three families, which,
forming the Tokugawa clan, furnished the occupants of the
shogunate, wanted to fight and settle the question once for all.
" At first," he said, " they will give us philosophical instruments,
machinery and other curiosities ; will take ignorant people in ;
and trade being their chief object they will manage to impoverish
the country, after which they will treat us just as they like, per-
haps behave with the greatest rudeness and insult us, and end by
swallowing up Japan. If we do not drive them away now we
shall never have another opportunity."
Others gave contrary advice, saying, " If we try to drive them
away they will immediately commence hostilities, and then we
shall be obliged to fight. If we once get into a dispute we shall
have an enemy to fight who will not be easily disposed of. He
does not care how long he will have to spend over it, but he will
come with myriads of men-of-war and surround our shores com-
pletely ; however large a number of ships we might destroy, he is
so accustomed to that sort of thing that he would not care in the
least. In time the country would be put to an immense expense
and the people plunged into misery. Rather than allow this, as
we are not the equals of foreigners in the mechanical arts, let us
have intercourse with foreign countries, learn their drill and
tactics, and when we have made the nation as united as one
SIGNING OP THE FIRST TREATY. 248
family, we shall be able to go abroad and give lands in foreign
countries to those who have distinguished themselves in battle."
The latter view carried and a treaty with the United States
was signed on the thirty-first of March, 1854. Now be it ob-
served that the shogun did thi^ without the sanction of the
mikado, whom indeed he had never yet consulted on the matter,
and that he subscribed himself Tai Kun, (** Tycoon,") or great
ruler, a title to which he had no right and which if it meant any-
thing at all involved an assumption of the authority of supreme
ruler in the empire. This was the view naturally taken by
Perry and by the ambassadors from European countries who a
few years later obtained treaties with Japan. They were under
the impression that they were dealing with the emperor; and
hearing of the existence of another potentate living in an inland
city, surrounded with a halo of national veneration, they con-
ceived the plausible but erroneous theory that the tycoon was
the temporal sovereign, and this mysterious mikado the spiritual
sovereign of the country. They little dreamed that the so-called
tycoon was no sovereign at all, and that consequently the treaties
which he signed had no legal validity.
The shogun could ill afford thus to lay himself open to the
charge of treason. From the first there had been a certain class
of daimios who had never heartily submitted to the Tokugawa
administration. The principal clans which thus submitted to the
regime under protest against what they considered a usurpation,
an encroachment on the authority of the mikado, whom alone
they recognized as the divinely appointed ruler of Japan, were
those of Satsuma, Choshiu, and Tosa. As the years of peace cast
their spell over the nation, making the people forgetful of war
and transforming the descendants of lyeyasu into luxurious
idlers, much more like impotent mikados than successors of the
energetic soldier and law-giver, their hopes more and more arose
that an opportunity would be given them to overthrow the
shogunate and bring about the unification of the empire at the
hands of the mikado. Their time had now come. The shogun
was enervated and he had so far forgotten himself as to open the
country to foreign trade, without the sanction of the *^ Son of
Heaven." It was this illegal act of the shogun that precipitated
244 THE TREATY WAS TREASON.
the confusion, violence and disaster of the next few years, reach-
ing ultimately in 1868 to the complete overthrow of his own
power and the restoration of the mikado to his rightful position
as actual as well as nominal ruler of the empire.
Fearing the consequences of the illegal act into which he had
been driven, the shogun lost no time in sending messengers to
Kioto to inform the mikado of what had happened and seek his
sanction to the policy adopted. It was plead in excuse for the
course of conduct, that affairs had reached such a condition that
the shogun was driven to sign the treaty. The emperor in great
agitation summoned a council. The decision was unanimous
against the shogun's action, and the messengers were informed
that no sanction could be given to the treaty. Tlie next import-
ant step was not taken until July, 1858, when Lord Elgin arrived
with propositions on the part of Great Britain for a treaty of
amity and commerce. He was unaccompanied by any armed
force, and brought a steam yacht as a present from Queen Vic-
toria to the tycoon of Japan.
A few months later treaties were entered into with all the
leading powers of Europe, but if there was a political lull be-
tween 1854 and 1858, the poor Japanese had distractions of a
very different kind. From a violent earthquake and consequent
conflagration, one hundred and four thousand of the inhabitants
of Yeddo lost their lives. A terrific storm swept away one hun-
dred thousand more, and in a visitation of cholera thirty thou-
sand persons perished in Yeddo alone. Moreover, just when the
treaties were being signed, the shogun lyesada died, '* as if," says
Sir R. Alcock, " a further victim was required for immolation on
the altar of the outraged gods of Japan."
The political tempest tliat had been gathering now swept over
the nation. For the next ten years there was so much disorder,
intrigue, and bloodshed, that Japan became among the western
nations a byword for treachery and assassination. Defenseless
foreigners were cut down in the streets of Yeddo and Yokohama
and even in the legations. Twice was the British legation
attacked, on one of the occasions being taken by storm and held
for a time by a band of free-lances. No foreigner's life was safe.
Even when out on the most trivial errand, every foreign resident
YEARS OP VIOLENCE AND DISASTER. 246
was accompauied by an armed escort furnished by the shogun's
government. It is needless to give an account of all the different
assassinations^ successful or attempted^ which darkened the
period. The secretary to the American legation was cut down
near Shiba, Yeddo^ when returning from the Prussian legation
with an armed escort; a Japanese interpreter attached to the
British legation was fatally stabbed in broad daylight while
standing at the legation flagstaff; one of the guard at the same
legation murdered two Englishmen in the garden and then com-
mitted suicide ; an Englishman was cut down on the highway
between Yokohama and Yeddo by certain retainers of the daimio
of Satsuma, whose procession he had unwittingly crossed on
horseback ; and these were not all.
It is not a satisfactory answer to say that hatred of foreigners
was the leading motive that inspired all these acts of violence.
This was no doubt more or less involved, but the true explana-
tion is to be found in the hostility of the mikado's partisans to
the shogun's government. All possible means were taken to
thwart the shogun and bring him into complications with the
ambassadors at his court. Every attack on a foreigner brought
fresh trouble upon the Yeddo government and hastened its col-
lapse. Long before foreigners arrived, the seeds of revolution
had sprouted and their growth was showing above the soil. It is
to the state of political parties and of feudalism at this epoch in
Japanese history, and not to mere ill will against foreigners, that
this policy of intrigue and assassination must be ascribed.
It would take too long to discuss all the complications of this
period and to inquire, for instance, how far when the Japanese
government failed to arrest and execute the murderer of Mr.
Richardson, the British were justified in demanding an indemnity
of $500,000 from the shogun and $125,000 from the daimio of
Satsuma, or in enforcing their demands with a threatened bom-
bardment of Yeddo and an actual bombardment of Kagoshima.
It is out of our scope here to inquire into the shelling of the
batteries of the daimio of Choshiu, at Shimonoseki, in turn by
the Americans, British, French and Dutch, the men of Choshiu
having fired upon some Dutch, American, and French vessels that
had entered the straits against the prohibition of the Japanese.
246 HARD TIMES FOR THE SHOGUN.
An iudemnity of $3,000,000 was also exacted and distributed
among these nations.
Such stern measures doubtless appeared to the foreign ambas-
sadors necessary to prevent the expulsion or even the utter ex-
termination of foreigners. Whether their policy was mistaken
or not, certain it is that they can have had no adequate concep-
tion of the difficulties with which the shogun had to contend.
The position of that ruler was one of such distraction as might
well evoke for him the pity of every disinterested onlooker. Do
as he would, he could not escape trouble ; on the one side were
the mikado's partisans ever growing in power and in determina-
tion to crush him, and on the other were the equally irresistible
foreigners with their impatient demands and their alarming
threats. He was as helpless as a man between a wall of rock
and an advancing tide.
The internal difficulties of the country were increased by dis-
sensions which broke out in the imperial court. The clans of
Satsuma and Choshiu had been summoned to Kioto to preserve
order. For some reason the former were relieved of this duty,
or rather privilege, and it therefore devolved exclusively upon the
Choshiu men. Taking advantage of their position, the Choshiu
men persuaded the mikado to undertake a progress to the province
of Yamato, there to proclaim his intention of taking the field
against foreigners ; but this proposal roused the jealousy of the
other clans at the imperial court, as they feared that the men of
Choshiu were planning to obtain possession of the mikado's per-
son and thus acquire pre-eminence. The intended expedition
was abandoned, and the men of Choshiu, accompanied by Sanjo,
afterward prime minister of the reformed government, and six
other nobles who had supported them, were banished from Kioto.
The ill feeling thus occasioned between Choshiu and Satsuma,
was fomented by an unfortunate incident which occurred at
Shimonoseki early in 1864. The former clan recklessly fired
upon a vessel, which being of European build they mistook for a
foreign one, but which really belonged to Satsuma. Thus
Choshiu was in disfavor both with the shogun and with the
mikado, and in this year we have the strange spectacle of these
two rulers leaguing their forces together for its punishment
ABOLITION OF THE SHOGUNATES. 247
August 20» 1864, the Choshiu men advanced upon Kioto, but
were repulsed with much slaughter, only however after the
greater part of the city had been destroyed by fire. The rebell-
ion was not at once quelled ; indeed the Choshiu samurai were
proving themselves more than a match for the troops which the
shogun had sent against them, when at length the imperial court
ordered the fighting to be abandoned. Simultaneously with the
Choshiu rebellion the shogun had to meet an insurrection by the
daimio of Mito, in the east. His troubles no doubt hastened his
death, which took place at Osaka in September, 1866, shortly be-
fore the war against Choshiu terminated. Then there succeeded
Keiki, the last of the shoguns.
It should be noted, however, that before this the mikado's
sanction had been obtained to the foreign treaties. In Novem-
ber, 1865, British, French, and Dutch squadrons came to anchor
off Hiogo, of which the foreign settlement of Kobe is now a
suburb, and sent letters to Kioto demanding the imperial con-
sent. The nearness of such an armed force was too great an
argument to be withstood, and the demand was granted. Little
more than a year after his accession to the shogunate Keiki re-
signed. In doing so he proved himself capable of duly apprecia-
ting the national situation. Now that foreigners had been ad-
mitted, it was more necessary than ever that the government
should be strong, and this, it was seen, was impossible without
the abolition of the old dual system. He had secured the
mikado's consent to the treaties, on the condition that they
should be revised, and that Hiogo should never be opened as a
port of foreign commerce.
But the end had not yet come. On the same day when the
shogunate was abolished, January 3, 1868, the forces friendly to
the Tokagawas were dismissed from Kioto, and the guardianship
of the imperial palace was committed to the clans of Satsuma,
Tosa, and Geishiu. This measure gave Keiki great offense, and
availing himself of a former order of the court which directed
him to continue the conduct of affairs, he marched with his re-
tainers and friends to Ozaka and sent a request to the mikado
that all Satsuma men who had any share in the government
should be dismissed. To this the court would not consent, and
248 IMPERIALISM IN THE ASCENDANT.
Keiki marclied against Kioto with a force of thirty thousand men,
his declared object being to remove from the mikado his bad
counselors. A desperate engagement took place at Fushimi, in
which the victory was with the loyalists. But this was only the
beginning of a short but sharp civil war, of which the principal
fighting was in the regions between Yeddo and Nikko.
The restoration was at last complete. Proclamation was made
" to sovereigns of all foreign nations and their subjects, that per-
mission had been granted to the shogun Yoshinobu, or Keiki, to
return the governing power in accordance with his own request ; "
and the manifesto continued : '* henceforward we shall exercise
supreme authority both in the internal and external affairs of the
country. Consequently the title of emperor should be substituted
for that of tycoon which had been hitherto employed in the
treaties." Appended were the seal of Dai Nippon, and the signa-
ture of Mutsuhito, this being the first occasion in Japanese history
on which the name of an emperor had appeared during his life-
time.
With the triumph of the imperial party one might have ex-
pected a return to the old policy of isolation. There can be no
doubt that when the Satsuma, Choshiu, and other southern clans
commenced their agitation for the abolition of the shogunate,
their ideas with regard to foreign intercourse were decidedly
retrogressive. But after all, the leading motive which inspired
them was dissatisfaction with the semi-imperial position occupied
by the upstart Tokugawas ; to this their opposition to foreigners
was quite secondary. It so happened that the Tokugawa shoguns
got involved with foreigners, and it was so much the worse for
the foreigners. To go deeper, what was at the bottom of this
desire was the overthrow of the shogunate. Doubtless their
patriotism, what they had at heart, was the highest welfare of
their country, and this they believed impossible without its unifi-
cation. Their primary motive then, being patriotism, we need
not be surprised that they were willing to entertain the notion
that perhaps after all the prosperity of their country might best
be insured by the adoption of a policy of free foreign intercourse.
This idea more and more commended itself, until it became a
conviction ; and when they got into power they astonished the
RADICAL CHANGES BY THE MIKADO. 251
world by the thoroughness with which they broke loose from the
old traditions and entered upon a policy of enlightened reforma-
tion. To the political and social revolution which accompanied
the restoration of the mikado in 1868, there has been no parallel
in the history of mankind.
One of the first acts of the mikado after the restoration, was
to assemble the kuges and daimios and make oath before them
^^ that a deliberative assembly should be formed, and all measures
be decided upon by public opinion ; that impartiality and justice
should form the basis of his action ; and that intellect and learn-
ing should be sought for throughout the world in order to estab-
lish the foundations of the empire." In the mid-summer of 1868,
the mikado, recognizing Yeddo as really the center of the nation's
life, made it the captial of the empire and transferred his court
thither ; but the name Yeddo, being distasteful on account of its
associations with the shogunate, was abolished, and the city re-
named Tokio, or *' Eastern Capital." At the same time the an-
cient capital Kioto, received the new name of Saikio or " West-
ern Capital." For the creation of a central administration, how-
ever, more was necessary than the abolition of the shogunate and
the establishment of the mikado's authority. The great fabric
of feudalism still remained intact. Within his own territory
each daimio was practically an independent sovereign, taxing his
subjects as he saw fit, often issuing his own currency, and some-
times even granting passports so as to control intercourse with
neighboring provinces. Here was a formidable barrier to the
consolidation of the empire. But the reformers had the courage
and the tact necessary to remove it.
The first step towards the above revolution was taken in 1869,
when the daimios of Satsuma, Choshiu, Hizen, and Tosa ad-
dressed a memorial to the mikado requesting his authorization
for the resignation of their fiefs into his hands. Other nobles
followed their example, and the consequence was the acceptance
by the mikado of control over the land and revenues of the dif-
ferent provinces, the names of the clans however being still pre-
served, and the daimios allowed to remain over them as governors,
each with one-tenth of the former assessment of his territory as
rental. By this arrangement the evil of too suddenly termina*
252 ANNIHILATING FEUDALISM.
ting the relation between the clans and their lords was sought to
be avoided, but it was only temporary ; in 1871 the clan system
was totally abolished, and the country redivided for administra-
tive purposes, with officers chosen irrespectively of hereditary
rank or clan connection.
But the payment of hereditary pensions and allowances of the
eX'daimios and ex-samurai proved such a drain upon the national
resources that in 1876 the reformed government found it neces-
sary to compulsorily convert them into capital sums. The rate
of commutation varied from five years' purchase in the case of
the largest pensions, to fourteen years' in that of the smallest.
The number of the pensioners with whom they had thus to deal
was three hundred and eighteen thousand four hundred and
twenty-eight. The act of the daimios in thus suppressing them-
selves looks at first sight like a grand act of self-sacrifice, as we
are not accustomed to see lauded proprietors manifesting such
disinterestedness for the patriotic object of advancing their coun-
try's good. But the vast majority of daimios had come to be
mere idlers, as the greater mikado had been. Their territories
were governed by the more able and energetic of their retainers,
and it was a number of these men that had most influence in
bringing about the restoration of the mikado's authority. Intense
patriots, they saw that the advancement of their country could
not be realized without its unification, and at the same time they
cannot but haVe preferred a larger scope for their talents, which
service immediately under the mikado would give them. From
being ministers of their provincial governments, they aspired to
be ministers of the imperial government. They were successful ;
and their lords, who bad all along been accustomed to yield to
their advice quite cheerfully, acquiesced when asked for the good
of the empire to give up their fiefs to the mikado. One result
of this is that while most of the ex-daimios have retired into
private life, the country is now governed almost exclusively by
ex-samurai. Such sweeping changes were not to be accomplished
without rousing opposition and even rebellion. The government
incurred much risk in interfering with the ancient privileges of
the samurai. It is not surprising that several rebellions had to
be put down during the years immediately succeeding 1868.
THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN JAPAN. 263
Dr. William Elliot GriflBs, in his exhaustive and interesting
work, " The Mikado's Empire," discusses at length the change of
Japan from feudalism to its present condition, the abolition of
the shogunate, and the rebellions that followed that event. He
declares that popular impression to be wrong which suggests
that the immediate cause of the fall of the shogun's government,
the restoration of the mikado to supreme power, and the aboli-
tion of the dual and feudal systems, was the presence of foreign-
ers on the soil of Japan. The foreigners and their ideas were
the occasion, not the cause, of the destruction of the dual system
of government. Their presence served merely to hasten what
was already inevitable.
The history of Japan from the abolition of feudalism in 1871
up to the present time, is a record of advance in all the arts of
western civilization. The mikado, Mutsuhito, has shown himself
to be much more than a petty divinity, a real man. He has
taken a firm stand in advocacy of the introduction of western
customs, wherever they were improvements. The imperial navy,
dockyards, and machine shops have been a pride to him. He has
withdrawn himself from mediaeval seclusion and assumed divinity,
and has made himself accessible and visible to his subjects. He
has placed the empress in a position like to that occupied by the
consorts of European monarchs, and with her he has adopted
European attire. In the latter part of June, 1872, the mikado
left Tokio in the flagship of Admiral Akamatsu, and made a tour
throughout the south and west of his empire. For the first time
in twelve centuries the emperor of Japan moved freely and un-
veiled among his subjects.
Again in the same year Japan challenged the admiration of
Christendom. The coolie trade, carried on by Portuguese at
Macao, in China, between the local kidnappers and Peru and
Cuba, had long existed in defiance of the Chinese government.
Thousands of ignorant Chinese were yearly decoyed from Macao
and shipped in sweltering shipholds, under the name of "passen-
gers." In Cuba and Peru their contracts were often broken,
they were cruelly treated, and only a small portion of them re-
turned alive to tell their wrongs. The Japanese government
had with a fierce jealousy watched the beginning of such a
254
DESTROYING THE COOLIE TRADE.
traffic OQ their own shores. In the last days of the shogunate,
coolie traders came to Japan to ship irresponsible hordes of
Japanese coolies and women to the United States. To their
everlasting shame, be it said some were Americans. Among the
first things done by the mikado's government after the restora-
tion, was the sending of an
official who effected the joyful
delivery of these people and
tlieir return to their homes.
So the Japanese set to work
tu destroy this nefanous traffic.
Tlie Peruvian ship Maria Luz,
loaded with Chinese, entered
the port of Yokohama. Two
fugitive coolies in succession
swiun to the English war ship
Iron Duke. Hestring the pite-
ous story of their wrongs, Mr.
Watson, the British chargfi
, d'affaires, called tlie attention
of the Japanese authorities to
these illegal acts in their waters.
A protracted enquiry was in-
stituted and the coolies landed.
i Tiie Japanese refused to force
I them oa board against their
j will, and later shipped them to
I China, a favor which was grate*
I fully acknowledged by the
I Chinese government. This act
of a pagan nation achieved a
grand moral victory for the
world and humanity. Within
four years the ooolie traffic,
which was but another name for the slave trade, was abolished from
the face of the earth, and the coolie prisons of Macao were in ruins.
Yet the act of freeing the Chinese coolies in 1872 was done in
the &ce of clamor and opposition, and a rain of protests &om
CHINESE COOUE.
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IN CONTACT WITH WESTERN NATIONS. ik)7
the foreign consuls, ministers, and a part of the press. Abuse
and threats and diplomatic pressure were in vain. The Japanese
never wavered, but marched straight to the duty before them, the
liberation of the slaves. The British chargd and the American
consul. Colonel Charles O. Shepherd, alone gave hearty support
and unwavering sympathy to the right side.
During the same year, 1872, two legations and three consulates
were established abroad, and from that time forward the number
has been increasing until the representatives of Japan's govern-
ment are found all over the world. Scores of daily newspapers
a,nd hundreds of weeklies have been furnishing the country with
information and awakening thought. The editors are often men
of culture or students returned from abroad.
The Corean war project had, in 1872, become popular in the
cabinet and was the absorbing theme of the army and navy.
During the Tokugawa period Corea had regularly sent embassies
of homage and congratulation to Japan ; but not relishing the
change of affairs in 1868, disgusted at the foreignizing tendencies
of the mikado's government, incensed at Japan's departure from
Turanian ideals, and emboldened by the failure of the French
and American expeditions, Corea sent insulting letters taunting
Japan with slavish truckling to the foreign barbarians, declared
herself an enemy, and challenged Japan to fight. About this
time a Liu Kiu junk was wrecked on eastern Formosa. The
crew was killed by the savages, and, it is said, eaten. The Liu
Kiuans appealed to their tributary lords at Satsuma, who referred
the matter to Tokio. English, Dutch, American, German, and
Chinese ships have from time to time been wrecked on this can-
nibal coast, the terror of the commerce of Christendom. Their
war ships vainly attempted to chastise the savages. Soyejima,
with others, conceived the idea of occupying the coast, to rule
the wild tribes, and of erecting light houses in the interests of
commerce. China laid no claim to eastern Formosa, all trace of
which was omitted from the maps of the " Middle Kingdom."
In the spring of 1873, Soyejima went to Peking and there, among
other tilings granted him, was an audience with the Chinese em-
peror. He thus reaped the results of the diplomatic labors of
half a century. The Japanese ambassador stood upright before
13
258 - AN EXPEDITION TO FORMOSA.
the " Dragon Face " and the " DiagiJii Throne," robed in the
tight black dress-coat, trousers, and linen of western civilization,
bearirig the congiatniations of the }'oung mikado of the "Sun-
rise Kingdom" to the youthful emperor of the "Middle King-
dom." In the Tsnng-li Yanien, Chinese responsibility over
eastern Formosa was disavowed, and the right of Japan to chas-
tise the savages granted. A
Japanese junk was wrecked
on Formosa, and its crew
stripped and plundered while
Soyejima was absent in China.
This event piled fresh fuel on
tl e flames of the war feeling
) ow popular even among the
irmcd classes.
Japan at this time had
to struggle with opposition
witllin.and without, to every
I love in the direction of ad-
V ncement in civilization.
S ijb GiifDs, " At home were
the stolidly conservative
peasiintry backed by ignor-
ance, superstition, priest-
craft, and political hostility.
On their own soil they were
fronted by aggressive foreign-
ers who studied all Japanese
questions through the spec-
tacles of dollars and cents
FOKM..SAN TYPE. ^j,J ^j.,Jg_ ^,jj ^,,^^3 Jip]^.
inatists too often made the
principles of Shylock their system. Outside the Asiatic nations
beheld with contempt, jealousy and alarm the departure of one of
their number from Turanian ideas, principles, and civilization.
China with ill-concealed anger, Coroa with open defiance taunted
Japan with servile submission to the 'foreign devils.'
" For the first tiuie the nation was represented to the world by
WHAT THE EMBASSY ACCOMPLISHED. 269
an embassy at once august and plenipotentiary. It was not a
squad of petty o£Scials or local nobles going forth to kiss a toe,
to play the part of figure-heads, or *stool-pigeons, to beg the
aliens to get out of Japan, to keep the scales on foreign eyes, to
buy gun-boats, or to hire employees. A noble of highest rank,
and blood of Immemorial antiquity, with four cabinet ministers,
set out to visit the courts of the fifteen nations having treaties
with Dai Nippon. They were accompanied by commissioners
representing every government department, sent to study and re-
port upon the methods and resources of foreign civilizations.
They arrived in Washington February 29, 1872, and for the first
time in history a letter signed by the mikado was seen outside of
Asia. It was presented by the ambassadors, robed in their an-
cient Yamato costume, to the President of the United States on
the 4th of March, Mr. Arinori Mori acting as interpreter. The
first president of the free republic, and the men who had elevated
the eta to citizenship stood face to face in fraternal accord. The
one hundred and twenty-third sovereign of an empire in its
twenty-sixth centennial saluted the citizen ruler of a nation
whose century aloe had not yet bloomed. On the 6th of March
they were welcomed on the floor of Congress. This day marked
the formal entrance of Japan upon the theater of universal his-
tory."
In its subordinate objects the embassy was a signal suqcess.
Much was learned of Christendom. The results at home were
the splendid series of reforms which mark the j^ear 1872 as
epochal. But in its prime object the embassy was an entire
failure. One constant and supreme object was ever present, be-
yond amusement or thirst for knowledge. It was to ask that in
the revision of the treaties the extra-territoriality clause be
stricken out, that foreigners be made subject to the laws of
Japan. The failure of the mission was predicted by all who
knew the facts. From Washington to St. Petersburg point-blank
refusal was made. No Christian governments would for a mo-
ment trust their people to pagan edicts and prisons. While
Japan slandered Christianity by proclamations, imprisoned men
for their beliefs, knew nothing of trial by jury, of the habeas
corpus writ, or of modern jurisprudence ; in short while Japan
260 R£B£LLION STAMPED OUT.
maintained the institutions of barbarism, they refused to recog-
nize her as a peer among nations.
At home the watchword was progress. Public persecution for
conscience' sake vanished. All the Christians torn from their
homes and exiled and impiisoned in 1868 were set free and re-
stored to their native villages. Education advanced rapidly, pub-
lic decency was improved, and the standards of Christendom
attempted.
While in Europe Iwakura and his companions in the embassy
kei)t cognizant of home affairs. With eyes opened by all that
they had seen abroad, mighty results, but of slow growth, they
saw their country going too fast. Behind the war project lay an
abyss of ruin. On their return the war scheme brought up in a
cabinet meeting was rejected. The disappointment of the army
was keen and that of expectant foreign contractors pitiable. The
advocates of war among the cabinet ministers resigned and re-
tired to private life. Assassins attacked Iwakura, but his injuries
did not result fatally. The spirit of feudalism was against him.
On the 17th of January, the ministers who had resigned sent
in a memorial praying for the establishment of a representative
assembly in which the popular wish might be discussed. Their
request was declined. It was officially declared that Japan was
not ready for such institutions. Hizen, the home of one of the
great clans of the coalition of 1868, was the chief seat of dis-
affection. With perhaps no evil intent, Eto, who had been the
head of the department of justice, had returned to his home
there and was followed by many of his clansmen. Scores of
officials and men assembled with traitorous intent, and raised the
cry of " On to Corea." The rebellion was annihilated in ten
days. A dozen ringleaders were sent to kneel before the blood
pit. The national government was vindicated and sectionalism
crushed.
The Fi)rmosan affair was also brought to a conclusion. Thir-
teen hundred Japanese soldiers occupied the island for six
months, conquering the savages wherever they met, building
roads and fortifications. At last the Chinese government in
shame began to urge their claims on Formosa and to declare t!ie
Japanese intruders. For a time war seemed inevitable. The
TH£ SATSUMA R£fi£LLlOK. 268
man for the crisis was Okubo, a leader iu the cabinet, the master
spirit in crushing the rebellion, and now an ambassador at Peking.
The result was that the Chinese paid in solid silver an indemnity
of $700,000 and the Japanese disembarked. Japan single-handed,
with no foreign sympathy, but with positive opposition, had in
the interests of humanity rescued a coast from terror and placed
it in a condition of safety. In the face of threatened war a nation
having but one-tenth the population, area, or resources of China,
had abated not a jot of its just demands nor flinched from battle.
The righteousness of her cause was vindicated.
The Corean affair ended happily. In 1876 Kuroda Kiyotaka
witli men of war entered Corean waters. Patience, skill, and
tact were crowned with success. On behalf of Japan a treaty of
peace, friendship, and commerce was made between the two coun-
tries February 27, 1876. Japan thus peacefully opened this last
of the hermit nations to the world.
The rebellions which we have mentioned were of a mild type
compared with that which in 1877 shook the government to its
foundations. In the limits of our space it is impossible to enter
deeply into the causes of the Satsuma rebellion. Its leader, Saigo
Takamori, was one of the most powerful members of the reformed
government until 1873 when he resigned as some of his prede-
cessors had done, indignant at the peace policy which was pur-
sued. A veritable Cincinnatus, he seems to have won the hearts
of all classes around him by the Spartan simplicity of his life and
the affability of his manner, and there was none more able or
more willing to come to the front when duty to his country called
him. It is a thousand pities that such a genuine patriot should
have sacrificed himself through a mistaken notion of duty.
Ambition to maintain and extend the military fame of his coun-
try seems to have blinded him to all other more practical consid-
erations. The policy of Okubo and the rest of the majority in the
cabinet, with its regard for peace and material prosperity, was in
his eyes unworthy of the warlike traditions of old Japan. But
we cannot follow out the story of this famous rebellion — ^how
Saigo established a private school in his native city of Kagoshima
for the training of young Shizoku in military tactics, how the re-
ports of the policy of the government more and more dissatisfied
264 THE SATSUMA REfeELLtOlf.
him, until a rumor that Okubo had sent policemen to Kagoshima
to assassinate him precipitated the storm that had beeu brewing.
This report was not supported by satisfactory. evidence, although
the Kagoshima authorities extorted a so-called confession from a
policeman. Okubo was too noble to be guilty of such an act. It
was only after eight months of hard fighting, during which
victory swayed from one side to another, and the death 6f Saigo
and his leading generals when surrounded at last like rats in a
trap, and the expenditure of over forty million yen, that the
much tried government could freely draw breath again. The
people of Satsuma believe that Saigo's spirit has taken up its
abode in tl)e planet Mars, and that his figure may be seen fhere
when that star is in the ascendant.
By tliis time railways, telegraphs, lighthouse service, and a
navy were well under construction in native works. Two
national exhibitions were held, one in 1877 and the second in
1881 ; the latter particularly was a pretentious one and a great
success. In 1879 Japan annexed the Liu Kiu islands, bringing
their king to Tokio, there to live as a vassal, and reducing the
islands to the position of a prefecture in spite of the warlike
threats of China. In the same year occurred the visit to Japan
of General Grant while he was on his tour around the world.
The famous American was entertained most enthusiastically by
the citizens of Tokio for some two weeks in July. The enthusiasm
awakened by his visit among the citizens was remarkable. Arches
and illuminations were on every hand for miles. The entertain-
ment provided by the Japanese for their distinguished guests at
any time is so unique when seen by western eyes that it is always
impressive and delightful.
LIMITS AND POSSESSIONS OF THE JAPANESE EM-
PIRE-
The Islands and their Situation— The Famous Mountain FuJI-yama— Rivers and Canals
—Ocean .Currents and Their Effect on tiie Japanese Climate— Japan not a Tropical Country
—Flora and Fauna— The Important Cities— Strange History of Yokohama— Commerce— Min-
ing-Agricultural Pro<iucts— Ceramic Art— Guvernment of the Realm.
The empire of Japan is a collection of islands of various dimen«
sions, numbering nearly four thousand, and situated to the east
of the Asiatic continent. Only four of these however, are of size
sufficient to entitle them to considerable fame, and around these
a sort of belt of defense is formed by the thousands of islets.
Dai Nippon is tlie name given by the natives to their beautiful
land, and from this expression, which means Great Japan, our
own name for the empire has been taken. Foreign writers have
very often blundered in calling the largest island Nippon or
Niphon. This more properly applies to the entire empire, while
the main island is named in the military geography of Japan,
Hondo. This word itself means main land. The other three im-
portant islands are Kiushiu, the most southeasterly of all ;
Shikoku, which lies between the latter and Hondo ; and Yesso,
which is the most northerly of the chain.
Japan occupies an important position on the surface of the
globe, measured by political and commercial possibilities. Its
position is such that its people may not unreasonably hope to
form a natural link between the Occident and the Orient. Lying
in the Pacific Ocean, in the temperate zone and not in the torrid,
as many have the thought, it bends like a crescent off the conti-
nent of Asia. In the extreme north, near the island of Saghalien,
the distance from the main land of Asia is so short that it is little
more than a day's sail in a junk. At the southern extremity,
where Kiushiu dniws nearest to the Corean peninsula, the distance
to the main land is even less. Between this crescent of islands
and the Asiatic main land is enclosed the Sea of Japan. For
more than four thousand miles eastward stretches the Pacific
Ocean, with no stopping point for steamers voyaging to San .
(265)
266 ISLANDS OF THE EMPIRE.
Francisco uuless they diverge far from their course for a call at
Honolulu.
The island connections of Japan are numerous. To the south
are the Liu Kiu islands, which have been annexed to Japan, and
still farther the great island of Formosa. To the north are the
Kurile islands, which extend far above Yesso and were ceded to
Japan by Russia in return for Saghalien, over which rule was
formerly disputed. The chain is almost continuous, although
broken and irregular, to Kamtchatka, and thence prolonged by
the Aleutian islands in an enormous semicircle to Alaska and our
own continent.
The configuration of the land is that resulting from the com-
bined effects of volcanic action and wave erosion. The area of
the Japanese islands is about one hundred and fifty thousand
square miles, or nearly as great as the New England and Middle
States. But of this surface ne&rly two-thirds consists of mountain
land, much of it still lying waste and uncultivated though appar-
ently capable of tillage. On the main island a solid backbone of
mountainous elevations runs through a great portion of its length,
with subordinate chains extending at right angles and rising again
in the other islands. The mountains decrease in height towards
the south and there are few highlands along the sea coast. The
range is reached by a gradual rise from the sea, until the back*
bone of the great island chain is reached. Japan rises abruptly
from the sea, and deep water begins very close to the shore, in-
dicating that the entire range of islands may be properly char-
acterized as an immense mountain chain thrown up from the
bottom of the ocean. The highest peak is Fuji-yama, which rises
to a height of more than twelve thousand feet above the sea. It
is a wonderfully beautiful mountain, and is the first glimpse that
one has of land in approaching Yokohama from the Pacific Ocean.
Of the position which this mountain occupies in the affections and
traditions of the Japanese, mention will be made in a later
chapter.
The islands forming the empire of Japan are comprehended in
these limits ; between twenty -four degrees and fifty-one degrees
north latitude, and one hundred and twenty-four degrees and one
hundred and fifty-seven degrees east longitude. That is, speaking
FUJX-YAMA.
267
roughly, it lies diagonally in and north of the Bubtropical belt,
and has northern points corresponding with Paris and Newfound-
land, and southern ones corresponding with Cairu and the
Bermuda islands; or coming nearer home, it corresponds pretty
nearly in latitude with the eastern coast line of the United States,
added to Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, and the contrasts of
climate in the latter island and in Florida are probably not more
remarkable than those which aie observed in the extreme northern
aad southern regions of Japan.
The most striking geograpiiical feature of Japan is the Inland
4 a f ■<
Sea, which is one of the beauties of the world. It is a long,
irregularly shaped arm of the sea, with tides atid rapid currents,
of variable width and no great depth, studded with innumerable
thickly wooded islands. It is the water area which separates
Hondo from Shikoku and Kiushiu, and is often spoken of as the
Japanese Mediterranean.
One or two of the rivers of Japan, such as the Sumida, on the
banks of which Tokio, 'the capital, lies, and which is about as
broad aa the East River between New York and Brooklyn, are
^8 fttVfiftS.
worthy of note. Here at the present time are situated several
ship yards, and many modern craft built in the American fashion
may be seen along the shore. Here it may be mentioned that any
particular appellation given to a river in Japan holds good only
for a limited part of its course, so that it changes its name per-
haps four or five times in flowing a few hundred miles. Indeed
the river which passes through the city of Ozaka changes its name
four times within the city limits. Most of the larger rivers in
the main land run a course tending almost north and south. The
general contour of the land is such that they must be short, but
this direction gives them the greatest length possible. There are
brief periods of excessively heavy rain, and they are often then in
fierce flood, carrying everything before them and leaving great
plains of water-worn stones and gravel around their mouths.
There are many picturesque waterfalls which attract travelers
and command the admiration of native artists and poets. The
rivers at a short distance from their outlets are rendered narvigable
chiefly by the courage and expertness of the boatmen, — who are
among the most daring and skillful in the world.
Till recently little has been done to deepen river channels or
protect their banks, except in the iiUerest of agriculture. In the
lower courses, where broad alluvial plains of great fertility have
been formed, they are frequently intersected by numerous shallow
canals, for the most part of comparatively recent excavation, but
some of them are many centuries old and these have been of im-
mense service in keeping up communication throughout the
country. In spite of their shallowness and rapid silting, some of
the rivers of Japan are capable of being improved so as to admit
of the passage of steam vessels of the largest size, and there are
fine natural inlets and spacious bays which form harbors of great
excellence.
The Japanese coast is usually steep and even precipitous. Its
chief natural features, such as sunken rocks, capes, straits, en-
trances to bays and harbors and the mouths of rivers are now
well marked with beacons or lighthouses of modern construction.
The tides are not great, and in Yeddo bay the rise is only about
four feet on an average. In spring tides it rarely exceeds six
feet, and in general the height of the flood tide is never very
GiLtAf 0C£A1^ CURRfiNtS. ^d
great. Niwigation in summer is somewhat dangerous and difS-
cult, owing to the mists and fogs which are deemed by its sailors
to be the great scourge of Japan. Indeed these malarious cloud
banks are probably as dangerous to the health of the landsmen as
they are to the safety of the mariner. While a large area of land
lying under shallow water, during rice cultivation, may have
some share in the formation of these dangerous mists, tliere is the
more general cause which is readily to be found in the ocean cur-
rents.
Japan occupies a striking position in these currents which flow
northward from the Indian ocean and the Malay peninsula. That
branch of the great Pacific equatorial current called the Euro
Shiwo, or dark tide or current, on account of its color, flows in
a westerly direction past Formosa and the Liu Kiu islands, strik-
ing the south point of Kiushiu and sometimes in summer send-
ing a branch up the Sea of Japan. With great velocity it scours
the east coast of Kiushiu and the south of Shikoku ; thence with
diminished rapidity it envelopes the group of islands south of the
Bay of Yeddo ; and at a point a little north of Tokio it leaves
the coast of Japan and flows northeast towards the shores of
America, ultimately giving to our own Pacific coast states a far
milder climate than the corresponding latitudes on the Atlantic
coast.
The yearly evaporation at the tropics, of fully fourteen or fif-
teen feet of ocean water, causes the great equatorial current of
tlie Pacific to begin its flow. When the warm water reaches the
colder waters to the northward, condensation of the water-laden
air takes place, with the resulting formation of great clbud banks.
The water appears to be of a deep, almost indigo-blue color,
whence the name given to the current by the Japanese. Fish
occur in great numbers where the Arctic current of fresher,
lighter, and cooler water meets the warm salt stream from the
south, amidst great commotion. The analogy of this great cur*
rent to the Gulf stream of the Atlantic is apparent, and there can
be no doubt as to its great influence on the climate of Japan. A
difference of from twelve to sixteen degrees may be observed in
passing from its waters to the cold currents from the north, and
the effect of this on the atmosphere is very marked. The sudden
270 JAPANESE CLIMATE.
and severe changes of temperature are often noticed on the
southern coast of Japan and even in Yeddo bay. They are evi-
dently due to eddies or branch currents from the great streams
of cold and warm water which interweave themselves in the
neighborhood.
In the island of Yesso, the most northerly of the large ones,
the extremes of temperature are nearly as great as in New En*
gland. In the vicinity of Tokio the winter is usually clear and
mild, with occasional sharp frosts and heavy falls of snow. In
summer the heat is oppressive for nearly three months. Even at
night the heat remains so high that sleep becomes almost impos-
sible, the air being oppressive and no breeze stirring. The great-
est heat is usually from the middle of June to early in September.
The cold in winter is much more severe on the northwestern
coast, and the roads across the main island are often blocked
with snow for many months. In Yokohama the snow fall is light,
not often exceeding two or three inches. The ice seldom exceeds
an inch in thickness. Earthquake shocks are frequent, averag-
ing more than one a month, but of late years there have been
none of great severity.
The winds of Japan are at all seasons exceedingly irregular,
frequently violent, and subject to sudden changes. The north-
east and easterly winds are generally accompanied by rain, and
are not violent. The southwest and westerly winds are generally
high, often violent, and accompanied with a low barometer. It
is from the southwest that the cyclones or typhoons almost in-
variably come. On clear and pleasant days, which in the neigh-
borhood of Yokohama prevail in excess of foggy ones, there is a
regular land and sea breeze at all seasons. The rainfall is above
the average of most countries, and about two-thirds of the rain-
falls during the six months from April to October.
The flora of Japan is exceedingly interesting, not only to botan-
ists and specialists, but to casual travelers and readers. The use-
ful bamboo flourishes in all parts of the land ; sugar cane and the
cotton plant grow in the southern part; tea is grown almost
everywhere. The tobacco plant, hemp, com, mulberry for silk-
worm food, rice, wheat, barley, millet, buckwheat, potatoes, and
yams are all cultivated. The beech, the oak, maples, and pine
FAUNA. 278
trees in rich variety ; azaleas, canielias, etc., grow in the forests.
Some of the more characteristic plants are wisteria, cryptomeria,
calceolaria and chrysanthemums. Various varieties of evergreens
are grown, and the Japanese gardeners are peculiarly expert in
cultivating these trees in dwarf forms of great beauty. Many
familiar wild flowers can be gathered, such as violets, blue-bells,
forget-me-nots, thyme, dandelions, and others. The woods are
rich in ferns, among which the ri)yal fern is conspicuous, and in
orchids, ivies, lichens, mosses and fungi. The beautiful locusts,
though imported, may now fairly be considered as naturalized.
There are many water lilies, reeds and rushes, some of which are
of great beauty ami others of utility.
The mammalia of Japan are not numerous. In ancient times,
before the dawn of history, two species of dwarf elephants ex-
isted in the plains around Tokio. There are many monkeys in
some parts, even in the extreme northern latitudes. Foxes
abound and are regarded with reverence. Wolves and bears are
destructive in the north. There are wild antelopes, red deer,
wihl boars, dogs, raccoons, badgers, otters, ferrets, bats, moles,
and rats ; while the sea is specially rich in seals, sea-otters, and
whales. Tlie country has been found quite unsuitable for sheep,
but goats thrive well, although they are not much favored by the
people. Oxen are used for draught purposes. Horses are small
but are fair quality, and the breed is being improved. The cats
are nearly tailless. The dogs are of a low, half-wolfish breed.
There are some three hundred varieties of birds known in Japan.
Few of them are what we call song-birds, but the lark is one
brilliant exception. Game birds are plentiful, but are now pro-
tected.
Insects are very numerous, as no traveler will dispute, and
Japan is a great field for investigation by entomologists. Locusts
are often destructive, and mosquitoes are a great pest. Bees, the
silk worm and the wax-insect are highly appreciated.
There are several kinds of lizards, a great variety of frogs,
seven or eight snakes, including one deadly species, and two or
three kinds of tortoise. The crustaceans are numerous and inter-
esting, and of fish there is extraordinary variety, especially those
found in salt water. Oysters and clams are excellent and plentiful.
274 JAPAN'S GREAT CITIES.
Let us now turn to the temporal a£Fairs of the people who dwell
in this island empire, their cities, their industries, and to their
government-
Japan like its oriental companion, China, is a country of great
cities, although the smaller empire has not so many famous for
their size as has China. With scarcely an exception these greater
cities are situated at the heads of bays, most of them good har-
bors and accessible for commerce. The largest of these cities, of
course, is the capital Tokio, which doubtless passes a million in-
habitants, although it is impossible that it should justify the
American tradition of not many years ago, that its numbers were
twice a million. Tokio, or the old city of Yeddo, is situated near
the head of Yeddo Bay, but a few miles from Yokohama, and but
little farther from Uraga where the first reception to Commodore
Perry was given. Among the other more important cities on the
sea coast are Nagasaki, Yokohama, Hakodate, Hiogo, Ozaka,
Hiroshima, and Kanagawa.
Nagasaki is situated on the southwest coast of the island of
Kiushiu, and is built in the form of an amphitheater. The Euro-
pean quarter in the east, stands upon land reclaimed from the
sea at considerable labor and expense. Desima, the ancient
Dutch factory, lies at the foot, and behind it is the native part of
the town. The whole is sheltered by high wooden mountains.
The city of Nagasaki was almost the first which attracted the at-
tention of foreigners, partly from its being already known by
name from the Dutch colony established there ; partly because it
was the nearest point to China and a port of great beauty ; and
also because before the political revolution which overthrew the
power of the shogunate, the daimios of the south were there en-
abled, owing to its distance from Yeddo, to transact foreign
affairs in their own way unmolested. This comparative import-
ance did not last long, for affairs soon began to be concentrated in
Yokohama, and the opening of the ports of Hiogo and Ozaka
further reduced it to a secondary rank among commercial towns.
It is still, however, a busy place and a great portion of the naviga-
tion of the Japanese seas passes by its beautiful port. But it is
not a town of the future, and will be supplanted in prosperity to
considerable extent by the more northern cities.
YOKOHAMA. 275
Vokoharaa, situated on the Gulf of Yeddo, owes its rise and im-
portance to the merchants who came to seek their fortunes in the
empire of the rising sun immediately after the signature of the
treaties which threw open the coasts of Japan to adventurous
foreigners. When Perry, with his augmented fleet, returned to
Japan in Februiiry, 1854, the Japanese found him as inflexibly
Arm as ever. Instead of making the treaty at Uraga he must
take it nearer Yeddo. Yokohama was the chosen spot, and there
on the 8th of March, 1854, were exchanged the formal articles of
convention between the United States and Japan.
By the treaty of Yokohama, Shimoda was one of the ports
opened to Americans. Before it began to be of much service the
place was visited by an earthquake and tidal wave, which over-
whelmed the town and ruined the harbor. The ruin of Shimoda
was the rise of Yokohama. By a new treaty Kanagawa, three
miles across the bay from Yokohama, was substituted for Shimoda.
The Japanese government decided to make Yokohama the future
port. Their reasons for this were many. Kanagawa was on the
line of the great highway of the empire, along which the proud
Daimios and their trains of retainers were continually passing.
With the antipathy to foreigners that existed, had Kanagawa
been made a foreign settlement, its history would doubtless have
had many more pages of assassination and incendiarism than did
Yokohama. Foreseeing this, even though considered by the
foreign ministers a violation of treaty agreements, the Japanese
government immediately set to work to render Yokohama as con-
venient as possible for trade, residence and espionage.
They built a causeway nearly two miles long across the lagoons
and marshes to make it of easy access. They built granite piers,
custom house and officers* quarters, and dwellings and store
houses for the foreign merchants. After a long quarrel over
which should be the city, the straggling colony of diplomats,
missionaries, and merchants of Kanagawa finally pulled up their
stakes and joined the settlement of Yokohama. Yokohama was
settled in a squatter-like and irregular manner, and the ill effects
of it are seen to this day. When compared with Shanghai, the
foreign metropolis of China, it is vastly inferior.
The town grew slowly at first. Murders and assassinations of
276 RISE OF THE CITY.
foreigners were frequent during the first few years. Diplomatic
quarrels were constaut, and threats of bombardment from some
foreign vessel in the harbor of frequent occurrence. A fire which
destroyed nearly the whole foreign town seemed to purify the
place municipally,- commercially, and morally. The settlement
was rebuilt in a more substantial and regular manner. As the
foreign population grew, banks, newspaper offices, hospitals, post-
offices, and consulate buildings reappeared in a new dignity. Fire
and police protection were organized. Steamers began to come
from European ports and from San Francisco. Social life began
as ladies and children came, and houses became homes. Then
came the rapid growth of society and the finer things. Churches,
theaters, clubs, schools were organized in rapid succession. Tele-
graph connection with Tokio, and thence around the globe, was
accomplished, and the railway system increased rapidly. Within
the thirty-five years of the life of Yokohama, it has grown from a
fishing village of a few hundred to a city of fifty thousand people.
Its streets are lighted with gas and electricity ; its stores are piled
full of rare silks, bronzes and curios. At present the foreign
population of Yokohama numbers about two thousand residents.
In addition to these the foreign transient population, made up of
tourists and officers and sailors of the navy, and the merchant
marine, numbers between three thousand and six thousand.
Several daily newspapers, beside weeklies and monthlies, printed
in English, furnish mediums of communication and news. Yoko-
hama has become and will remain the great mercantile center of
American and European trade in Japan.
Hiogo, or rather Kobe, as the foreign part has been called since
the concession, is near Ozaka, both towns being situated on the
inland Sea of Japan, near the south end of the Island of Niphon.
Kobe is a considerable foreign settlement, with many fine houses
and spacious warehouses. Ozaka, which contains more than half
a million inhabitants, is one of the chief trading cities of Japan,
and an immense proportion of the merchandise imported into the
empire passes through it.
The commerce between Japan and western nations, European
and American, increases year by year. England enjoys the
profits from more than half of the total interchange, the United
TRANS-OCEAJJIC COMMERCE. 279
States is second, with a large portion of the remainder, and the
rest of the commerce is divided among Germany, France, Holland,
Norway, and Sweden. It is impossible to obtain figures recent
enough to be a satisfactory index of the total volume of commerce
annually, but it is now very many millions of dollars a year.
Japan exports tobacco, rice, wax, tea, silks, and manufactured
goods, such as curios, bronzes, lacquer ware, etc. The principal
imports of Japan are cotton goods, manufactures of iron, ma-
chinery of all sorts, woolen fabrics, flour, etc.
Mining in Japan is seldom carried on by modern methods, and
the mineral wealth has not been developed as it will be within a
few years. In almost every portion of Japan are found ores of
some kind and there is scarcely a district in which there are not
traces of mines having been worked. No mines can be worked
without special license of the government, and foreigners are ex-
cluded from ownership in any mining industry. Japan seems to
be fairly well, though not richly, provided with mineral wealth.
The mines include those for gold, silver, copper, lead, iron, tin,
plumbago, antimony, arsenic, marble, sulphur, alum, salt, coal,
petroleum, and other minerals.
The annual export of tea amounts to nearly thirty million
pounds, of which considerably more than half is shipped from
Yokohama. All Japanese tea is green and the United States is
the chief customer for it.
The exact area of Japan is not known, though it is computed
at nearly one hundred and fifty thousand square miles, with a
population of more than two hundred persons to a square mile.
The number of acres under cultivation is about nine million, or
one-tenth of the entire area. Not one-fourth of the fertile portion
of Japan is yet under cultivation. Immense portions of good
land await the farmers' plow and seed to return rich harvests.
For centuries the agricultural art has been at a standstill. Pop-
ulation and acreage have increased, but the crop in bulk and
quantity remains the same. The true wealth of Japan consists
in her agricultural and not in her mineral and manufacturing re-
sources. The government and intelligent classes seem to be
awakening to this fact. The islands are capable of yielding good
crops and adapted to support the finest breeds of cattle. With
14
280 GOVERNMENT. OF JAPAN.
these branches of industry increased to the extent that they de-
serve, the prosperity of the empire will show constant increase.
The ceramic art of Japan and the art of the lacquer worker are
two that have helped to make Japanese wares famous in the
western world. The various wares of porcelain and faience are
made in Japan in quality and art inferior to none in the world.
Since the restoration to power of the mikado in 1868, the gov-
ernment of Japan has been growing nearer and nearer into the
forms of western monarchical governments. In a prior chapter
the promise of the young mikado to advance the freedom of his
people, and ultimately to adopt constitutional forms of rule, has
been quoted. In the later years he has been aiming for the ful-
fillment of this promise. Supporting him, the party of progres-
sionists, largely influenced by contact with European and Amer-
ican civilization, urge on every reform. The present government
is simply the modernized form of the system established more
than a thousand years ago, when centralized monarchy succeeded
simple feudalism. After the emperor comes the Dai Jo Kuan,
which is practically a supreme cabinet, and following this, three
other cabinets of varying powers and duties. The council of
ministers is made up of the heads of departments, the foreign
office, home office, treasury, army, navy, education, religion, pub-
lic works, judiciary, imperial household, and colonization. The
Dai Jo Kuan directs the three imperial cities and the sixty-eight
ken or prefectures. The provinces are now merely geographical
divisions.
In the course of the eflforts to bring the Japanese forms of gov-
ernment more into harmony with those of Europe and America,
many important changes have been made. A system of nobility
was devised, and titles were granted to those who were considered
to be entitled to them, whether by birth or achievement. The
four or five ranks included in this system closely follow the Eng-
lish models.
The judiciary, too, has been remodeled in many details to make
it approach the western system. The methods of procedure are
gradually conforming nearer and nearer to our own, as well as
the names and jurisdiction of the courts. The Japanese people
have been exceedingly anxious of late years to expunge the extra-
CONSTITUTION AND PAELIAMENT.
281
territori&Iity clsuse which appears ia the treaties with all western
nations. It provides, in effect, that offenses by a foreigner against
a Japanese shall be judged in a consular court presided over by
the consul of that country whence the foreigner comes. In othei
words, Japanese courts have no jurisdiction over the doings vt
JAPANESE COURT DHESS OLD STTLS.
foreigners hiiving consuls in that c nntry This provision has
become very obuoxioua to the Japi ese people placing them on
a level, as it does, with barbaric and sen barbaric countries,
where like provisions hold. 1 h h liat. been one of tl e potent fac-
tors ill influencing Japan to adopt western legal methods Recent
282 CONSTITUTION AND PARLIAMENT.
treaties which have been drawu with the United States and with
England provide that this clause shall be expunged, and if they
are finally agreed upon we may soon see Japan more absolutely
independent than she has yet been.
In 1890 a constitution was granted to Japan by the emperor,
and a few months later legislative bodies for the first time began
deliberation in Tokio. The powers of this parliament are con-
stantly increasing. The war between China and Japan has been
a strong influence to weld the people of opposing political faiths
into harmony, and in parliament conservatives and radicals alike
have risen in patriotism, and have been glad to cast votes for
every measure that would hold up the hands of those who were
bearing the battles. With a government drawing for itself lines
parallel with those of enlightened western nations, increasing the
freedom of its people, the power of the people's legislators, and
the honesty of the people's courts, Japan has every right to name
herself as worthy of a place in full brotherhood with the family
of civilized nations.
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE JAPANESE
PEOPLE.
Difference of Opinion as to the True Significance of Their Rapid Adoption of Western
Clfilization— Physique of Man and Woman— Two Great Classes of the Population— The
Samurai— The Agricultural Laborer— Wedding Ceremonies— Elopements— Japanese Babies
—Sports of Childhood and of Age— Dress of Man and Woman— Food— Homes of the People
—Family Life— Art, Science, Medicine, Music— Language and Literature— Religion.
In such a state of transition are the Japanese people them-
selves, as truly as the government, that it is difficult to describe
their personal characteristics. Diflferent observers reach different
conclusions as to their personality. One affirms that great quick-
ness of imitation and judgment in discovering what is worth imi-
tating, seem to be the prominent characteristics of the Japanese.
They want originality and independence of thought, and character
which accompanies it. The Japanese are not slow in adopting
the inventions of modern civilization, and even in modifying them
to suit their own convenience, but, says another observer, that
they will ever add anything of importance to them may be
doubted. The same is true in a political point of view. The
more enlightened of the Japanese are already beginning to recog-
nize the superiority of the European forms of government. The
upper classes are all sedulously imitating Paris and London
fashions of dress. In our own country we have seen the preva-
lence of an offensive Anglomania among certain classes of society
in the larger cities, but in Japan a corresponding mania for the
forms of western civilization has become almost universal, and is
reaching the real bulk of the nation. Such extraordinary capacity
for change may mark a versatile but unreliable race ; for it seems
hard to believe that a people who are parting with their ancestral
notions with such a total absence of any pangs of sorrow, will be
likely to adhere with much steadfastness to aneworder of things.
On the other hand, other students of this movement take it to be
only a most gratifying indication that Japan was a nation which
had outgrown its narrow limits of thought and learning, ready to
adopt whatever was good, and yearning for it when the oppor-
(286)
286 CHARACTERISTICS OP THE RACE.
tunity came, with a strength that made rapid assimilation of ideas
entirely proper, and no sign of instability. It is to be hoped that
the latter interpretation is the right one.
In moral character the average Japanese is frank, honest, faith-
ful, kind, gentle, courteous, confiding, affectionate, filial, and
loyal. Love of truth for its own sake, chastity, and temperance
are not characteristic virtues. A high sense of honor is cultivated
by the Samurai. In spirit the average artisan and farmer is lamb-
like. In intellectual capacity the actual merchant is mean, and
his moral character low. He is beneath the Chinaman in this re-
spect. The male Japanese is far less overbearing and more
chivalrous to woman than any other Asiatic. In political knowl-
edge, or gregarious ability, the countryman is a baby and the city
artisan a boy. The peasant is a pronounced pagan, with supersti-
tion ingrained into his inmost nature. In reverence to elders and
to antiquity, obedience to parents, gentle manners, universal
courtesy, and generous impulses the Japanese are the peers of
any and superior to many peoples of Christendom. The idea of
filial obedience has been developed into fanaticism and is the
main blot of paganism and superstition.
The Japanese in physique are much of the same type as the
Spaniards, and inhabitants of the south of Prance. They are of
middle or low stature. The men are about five feet six inches in
height or a trifle less on an average, while the women rarely ex-
ceed five feet. When dressed the Japanese look strong, well pro-
portioned men, but when in the exceedingly slight costumes
which they very often are pleased to adopt, it is then apparent
that though their bodies are robust their legs are short and slight.
Their heads are somewhat out of proportion to their bodies, being
generally large and sunk a little between the shoulders, but they
have small feet and delicate hands. The resemHance the
Japanese bear to the Chinese is not nearly as marked as popular
opinion would have it. The faces of the former are longer and
more regular, their noses more prominent, and their eyes less
sloped. The men are naturally very hirsute, but they never wear
beards. Their hair is glossy, thick, and always black. Their
eyes are black, their teeth white and slightly prominent. The
shade of their skin is totally unlike the yellow complexions of the
JAPANESE I'HYSIQtIE.
287
Chinese; in some cases it is very swarthy or copper colored, but
the most usual tint is an olive browu. Children and young people
have usually quite pink coniplexious.
The women follow the Chinese type a little closer. The eyes
are narrower and sloped upward, and the head is small. Like
the men their hair is glossy and very black, but it never reaches
the length of American women's hair. They have clear, some-
times even perfectly white skin, especially among the aristocracy,
oval faces, and slender, graceful forms. Their manners are
peculiarly artless and simple. But the harmony of the whole is
spoiled in many instances by an ugly depression of the chest,
which is sometinjes observed
in those who are otherwise
handsomest and best formed
About the end of the eighth
century a reform was insti
tuted in the militarj s^stem
of the empire, which had be
come unsatisfactory and de
fective. The court decided
that all those among the iich
peasants who had cipicity
and were skilled in archery
and horsemanship, should
compose the military class,
and that the remainder the
weak and feeble, should con-
tinue to till the soil and ipply
themselves to agriculture
This was one of the most
significant of all the changes in the history of Japan. Its fruits
are seen to-day in the social constitution of the Japanese people.
Though there are many classes, there are but two great divisions
of the Japanese, the military and the agricultural.
This change wrought a complete severance of the soldier and
the farmer. It lifted up one part of the people to a plane of life
on which travel, adventure, the profession and pursuit of arms,
letters, and the cultivation of honor and chivalry were possible,'
DBBSBINO THt HAIR.
288 CASTE m JAPAN.
and by which that brightest type of Japanese men, the Samurai
was produced. This is the class which for centuries has monopo-
lized arms, polite learning, patriotism, and intellect of Japan.
They are the men whose minds have been open to learn, from
whom sprung the ideas that once made and later overthrew the
feudal system, which wrought the mighty reforms that swept away
the shogunate in 1868, and restored the mikado to ancient power,
who introduced those ideas that now rule Japan, and sent their
sons abroad to studv the civilization of the west. To the
Samurai Japan look^ to-day for safety in war and progress in
peace. The Samurai is the soul of the nation. In other lands the
priestly and the military castes were formed, in Japan one and
the same class held the sword and the pen ; the other class, the
agricultural, remained unchanged.
Left to the soil to till it, to live and die upon it, the Japanese
farmer has remained the same to-day that he was then. Like the
wheat, that for successive ages is planted as wheat, sprouts,
beards and fills as wheat, the peasant with his horizon bounded by
his rice fields and water courses or the timbered hills, his intellect
laid away for safe keeping in the priest's hands, is the son of the
soil. He cares little who rules him unless he is taxed beyond the
power of flesh and blood to bear, or an overmeddlesome oflBcial
policy touches his land to transfer, sell or divide it. Then he
rises to rebel. In time of war he is a disinterested and a passive
spectator and he does not fight. He changes masters with
apparent unconcern. Amidst all the ferment of ideas induced by
the contact of western civilization with Asiatic within the last
four decades, the farmer stolidly remains conservative. He knows
not nor cares to hear of it and hates it because of the heavier
taxes it imposes upon him.
The domestic solemnities of the Japanese, marriage especially,
are made the subjects of deep and careful meditation. In the
upper classes marriage is arranged between two young people
when the bridegroom has reached his twentieth and the bride her
sixteenth year. The will of the parents is almost without excep-
tion the dominating power in the matrimonial arrangements,
which are carried out according to agreement among the relatives,
but love affairs of a spontaneous kind form a large element in the
MARRIAGE CUSTOMS. 289
romantic literature of Japan. The wedding is preceded by a be-
trothal, which ceremony offers an occasion for the members of
both families to meet one another ; and it not unfrequenth' hap-
pens that the future couple then learn for the first time the wishes
of their parents respecting their union. If perchance the bride-
groom elect is not satisfied with the choice, the young woman re-
turns home again. With the introduction of other western ideas,
this inconvenient custom is little by little falling into disuse.
Nowadays, if a young man wishes to marry into a family of good
position or one which it would be advantageous to his prospects to
enter, he endeavors first to see the young lady, and then if she
pleases him he sends a mediator, chosen usually from amongst his
married friends, and the betrothal is arranged without any further
obstacle. Even more American-like than this, however, there are
many instances, and the number is constantly increasing, in which
the match is the result of mutual affection, and sometimes elope-
ments are known to occur among the best families. *
When things are carried through conventionally, the betrothal
and wedding are usually solemnized on the same day and without
the assistance of any minister of worship. The customary cere-
monies are all of a homely nature, but at the same time are ex-
tremely complicated and numerous. Upon the day fixed, the
trousseau of the young bride and all the presents she has received,
are brought to the home of the bridegroom, where the ceremony
is to be performed, and arranged in the apartments set apart for
the affair. The bride arrives soon afterward, dressed in white and
escorted by her parents. The groom, arrayed in gala costumoy
receives her at the entrance of the house, and conducts her into
the hall where the betrothal takes place. Here grand prepa-
rations have been made. The altar of the domestic gods has been
decorated with images of the patron saints of the family and with
different plants, each having its symbolical meaning.
When all have taken their places according to the recognized
form of precedence, the ceremony is begun by two young girls,
who hand around unlimited quantities of saki to the guests.
These two damsels are surnamed the male and female butterfly,
the emblems of conjugal felicity, because according to popular
notion butterflies always fly about in couples. The decisive cere-
290 THE WEDDING CEREMONY.
mony is tinged with a symbolism which has a considerable touch
of poetry in it. The two butterflies, holding between them a two-
necked bottle, approach and offer it to the engaged couple to
drink together from the two mouths of the bottle till it is emptied,
which signifies that husband and wife must drain together the cup
of life whether it contain nectar or gall ; they must share equally
the joys and sorrows of existence.
The Japanese is the husband of one wife only, but he is at lib-
erty to introduce several concubines under the family roof. This
is done in all classes of society, especially amongst the daimios.
It is asserted that in many of the noble families the legitimate wife
not only evinces no jealousy, but has even a certain pleasure in
seeing the number of her household thus augmented, as it supplies
her with so many additional servants. In the middle classes,
however, the custom is often the cause of bitter family dis-
sentions.
The heavy expenses of the marriage ceremonies often occasion
considerable domestic strife and misery, at least if they are cele-
brated according to all the established conventionalities. Debts
are then incurred which perhaps the young couple are unable to
meet, so that when other expenses grow, and trouble or misfor-
tune overtake them, they are speedily plunged into the deepest
distress and indigence. The natural consequence of these arbi-
trary customs is the increase of runaway matches. The elope-
ment, however, is usually wisely winked at by the parents, who
feign great lamentation and anger, then finally assemble their
neighbors, pardon their recreant children, and circulate the inevi-
table saki, and the marriage is considered as satisfactory as if per-
formed with all the requisite formalities.
The birth of a child is another occasion for the meeting of the
whole circle of relations, and the consumption of a great many
more bumpers of saki. The baptism of the young Japanese
citizen takes place thirty days later, when the infant is taken to
the temple of the family divinity to receive its first name. The
father has previously written three different names upon three
separate slips of paper, which are handed over to the officiating
bonze or priest. The latter throws them into the air, and the
piece of paper which in falling first touches the ground contains
JAPANESE BABIES. 291
the name which is to be given to the child. There are no god-
parents, but several friends of the family declare themselves the
infant's protectors and make it several presents, among which is
a fan if it be a boy, or a pot of rouge if a girl.
The Japanese child is early taught to endure hardships, and is
subjected from its infancy to all the small miseries of life, so far
as may be thought wise for its training. The mother nurses it
till it is two years of age, and carries it continually about with
her attached to her back for con-
venience. The children are daintily
pretty, chubby, rosy, spaikling-eyed.
The children's heads are shaved in
all curious fashions, some with little
topknots, and others with bald spots.
The way the babies are citnied is an
improvement upon the Indian fashion.
He is lugged on the back of his
mother or his sister, maybe scarcely .
older than himself, either strapped / I
loosely but safely, with his head just
peering above the shoulder of the
bearer, or else enclosed in a fold of
the garment she .wears. It is a pop-
ular belief among travelers that
Japanese babies are the best in the
world and never cry, but the Japanese
themselves claim no such distinction
for the little ones, very proud of them
though they are, and a£Brm that they
have their fits of temper as well as American babies.
Education is not forced too early upon the children, but nature
is allowed its own way during the first years of childhood. Toys,
pleasures, fetes of all kinds, are liberally indulged in. One writer
has said that Japan is the paradise of babies ; not only is this true
but it is also a very delightful abode for all who love play. The
contrast between the Japanese and Chinese character in this re-
spect is radical. The whole character, manners, and even the
dregs of the sedate and dignified Chinaman, seems to he in keep-
.CBILD OARBYINO BABY,
292 SPORTS OF YOUNG AND OLD.
ing with that aversion to rational amusement and athletic exer-
cises which characterize that adult population. In Japan, on the
contrary, one sees that children of the larger growth enjoy with
equal zest, games which are the same or nearly the same as those
of the little ones. Certain it is that the adults do all in their
power to provide for the childrea their full quota of play and
harmless sports.
A very noticeable change has passed over the Japanese people
since the recent influx of foreigners, in respect of their love of
amusements. Their sports are by no means as numerous or
elaborate as formerly, and they do not enter into them with the
enthusiasm that formerly characterized them. The children*s
festivals and sports are rapidly losing their importance, and some
are rarely seen. There is no country in the world in which there
are so many toy shops for the sale of the things which delight
children. Street theatrical shows are common. Sweet meats of
a dozen strange sorts are carried by men who do tricks in gym-
nastics to please the little ones. In every Japanese city there are
scores if not hundreds of men and women who obtain a livelihood
by amusing the children. There are indoor games and outdoor
games, games for the day time and games for the evening.
Japanese kite flying and top spinning are famous the world over,
and experts in these sports come to exhibit their adeptness in our
own country. In the northern provinces, where the winters are
severe, Japanese boys have the same sports with snow and ice,
coasting, sliding, fighting mimic battles with snowballs, that are
known to our own American boys. Dinners, tea parties, and
weddings, keeping store, and playing doctor, are imitated in
Japanese children's games.
On the third day of the third month is held the wonderful
" Feast of Dolls " which is the day especially devoted to the girls,
and to them it is the greatest day in the year. The greatest day
in the year for the boys is on the fifth day of the fifth month,
when they celebrate what is known as the " Feast of Flags."
A Japanese attains his majority at fifteen years of age. As
soon as this time has arrived he takes a new name, and quietly
discards the pleasures of infancy for the duties of a practical life.
His first care, if he belong to the middle classes, is the choice of
CHOOSING A BUSINESS. 295
a trade or profession. The opportunities for this choice are much
greater than in China, just as the scope of Japanese learning and
Ufe has increased in the last quarter century. Practically all of
the businesses and trades that we know in our own country are
to day known in Japan, those which were not there before, having
crept in with the advent of the foreigners. The Japanese young
man, if he is to be a merchant or to learn a trade, serves an ap-
prenticeship for a period sufficient to fit him for the mastery of
his work, and then it is he provides himself with a wife.
The dress of the Japanese is changing in harmony with the in-
troduction of other foreign habits. Custom has always obliged
married women to shave their eyebrows and blacken their teeth,
but of late years the practice has been decreasing and now it does
not prevail among the better classes and in the larger cities.
They have also made a most immoderate use of paint, covering
their brow, cheeks, and neck with thick coats of rouge and white.
Some have even gone so far as to gild their lips, but the more
modest have been content to color them with carmine, and the
excessive use of paints is diminishing.
The kirimon, a kind of long, open dressing gown, is worn by
every one, men and women alike. It is a little longer and of bet-
ter quality for the women, who cross it in front and confine it by
a long wide piece of silk, or other material tied in a quaint
fashion at the back. The men keep theirs in its place by tying a
long straight scarf around them. The Japanese use no linen, the
women alone wearing a chemise of silk crepe, but it must be re-
membered that they bathe daily or even oftener, and that sim-
plicity of dress is affected by all.
The middle classes wear in addition to the kirimon, a doublet
and pantaloons. These are also worn in winter by men of the
lower orders, the pantaloons fitting tightly, and made of checked
cotton. The peasants and porters usually wear a loose overall in
summer, made of some light paper material, and in winter not un-
frequently consisting of coarse straw. The women also envelop
themselves in one or several thickly wadded mantles. Linen
gloves with one division for the thumb are very generally worn.
Sandals are made of plaited straw, and in bad weather are dis-
carded for wooden clogs, raised from the ground by means of two
296
THE DRESS OF MEN AND WOMEN.
bits of wood under the the and heel. As might naturally be ex-
pected, locomotion under such circumstances is performed with
difficulty, aud the hubbling gate which tliese props necessitate has
often been commented on. This peculiarity is most noticeable
among the women, whose natui'ally easy gait is almost as much
diverted from its normal movement by these small stilts as that of
their sisters in tlie west by their high heeled shoes. The costume
of the country ii exactly alike for both the lower and higher
classes, %vith the difference that the latter always weur silk
materia). The costumes worn by officials, and those of the
uobility, are dis-
tinguished by the
amplitude of the
folds and the rich-
ness of the texture.
Wide flowing
pantaloons are
often substituted
for the kii'imon,
which trail on the
ground, complete-
ly concealing the
feet, and give the
wearer tlie apjjear-
ance of walking on
his knees, which
indeed is the delu-
sion it is intended
to produce. A kind of overcoat with wide sleeves reaching to
the hips completes the costume.
The dwelling houses of the Japanese are well adapted to their
manners of life, except that they are not always sufficient pro-
tection against severe cold. Rich and poor live side by side,
al^ugh in Tokio there are still traces of the castes of the feudal
age, and there are also growing tendencies in the rising mercantile
and moneyed classes to separate themselves from the common
mass. There are now great portions of the capital densely popu*
^A^
JAFANE8B BATS.
DWELLINGS OF THE JAPANESE. 297
lated by the working classes only, and quite destitute of any open
spaces of practical value for health and recreation.
The proverb " Every man's house is his castle," might very
readily be appropriated by the Japanese, whose home, however
humble it may be in all other respects, is always guarded by a
moat. In a feudal mansion the moat was usually deep enough to
prove a genuine obstacle. While it is still almost universally re-
tained, the muddy water is hidden in summer time by the leaves
of the lotus, and the bridges are not drawn. The smaller gentry
imitate the grandeur of those above them, and when at last we
come down to the lowest level we still find a miniature moat
which is often dry, of a foot or so in breadth, and at most about
two inches deep.
In houses of some pretensions there is an enbankment behind
the moat, with a hedge growing above it. Behind this there is
either a wall or fence of bamboo, tiles, or plaster. As the name
of the street is not to be found at the street corner as with us, it
is repeated on every doorway. The towns are divided into wards
and blocks, and the numbers of the houses are often confused and
misleading. A slip of white wood is nailed on one of the posts
of the gate, and is inscribed with the name of the street or block,
the number, name of house holder, numbers and sexes of house-
hold. The gates of the larger houses are heavy, adorned with
copper or brass mountings, and often studded with large nails.
When one enters by the gate there is generally found a court,
from the sides of which the open verandas of the building may be
reached. The verandas are high and there is a special entrance
by heavy wooden stairs. The court is sometimes paved 'with
large stones, and sometimes it is left bare or covered with turf.
The gardens even of somewhat humble mansions are graced with
carved stone lanterns. The well placed near the kitchen often
has a rim of stone around it, and the bucket is raised by a beam
or a long bamboo.
In front of the doorway there is a small space unfloored callA^
the doma, where one takes off his shoes after announcing himself
by calling, or by striking a gong suspended by the door post.
There is often only one story in Japanese houses, and very rarely ^
more than two. Almost all of them are built of wood ; the ground
298 INTERIOR OF THE HOUSE.
floor is raised about four feet above the ground, the walls are
made of planks covered with coarse mats ; and the roof is sup-
ported by four pillars. In a two-storied house the second story is
generally built more solidly than the first ; experience having
shown that the edifice can thus better resist the shock of an
earthquake. Sometimes the walls are plastered with a coating of
soft clay or varnish, and are decorated with gildings and paint-
ings. The stair to the second story is very steep. The ceilings
are composed of very thin, broad planks, and are lower than we
are accustomed to, but it must be remembered that the people do
not sit on chairs and have no high beds or tables. Doorways, or
rather the grooved lintels in which the screen doors slide, are very
low and the Japanese, who are always bowing, seem to enjoy
having an unusual number of them to pass through in extensive
houses. No room is completely walled in, but each one opens on
one or more sides completely into the garden, the street, or the
adjoining room. Sliding shutters, with tissue paper windows, the
carpentry of which is careful and exact, move in wooden grooves
almost on a level with the floor, which is covered with padded
woven mats of rushes. As a protection against the severities of
the weather rain shutters are also used.
All Japanese dwellings have a cheerful, well-caredfor appear-
ance, which in a great measure is the result of two causes ; first,
that every one is bound constantly to renew the paper coverings
of the outside panels, and next that the frequent fires which each
time make immense ravages often render it necessary to recon-
struct an entire district. In the interior the houses are generally
divided into two suites of apartments, the one side being appor-
tioned to the women as private rooms, and the other side being
used for the reception rooms. These apartments are all separated
from one another by partitions made of slight wooden frames,
upon which small square bits of white paper are pasted, or else a
kind of screen is used which can be moved at pleasure and the
4bm enlarged or contracted according as the occasion requires.
Towards nightfall these screens are usually folded up so as to
allow a free passage of air throughout the house.
The mats of rushes or rice straw which carpet the floors are
about three inches thick, and are soft to the touch. They are of
BEDS AND OTHER FURNITUBE. 299
uniform size, about six feet by three, and this fact dominates all
architecture in Japan. Estimates for building bouses and the
cutting of wood rest upon this traditional custom. The inhab-
itants never soil them ^ith their boots but always walk bare-
footed about tlie house. Tlie mat in Japan answers the purpose
of all ordinary furniture, and tiikes the place of our chairs, tables,
itnd beds. For writing purposes only do they use a low round
table about a foot high, which is kept in a cupboard and only
brought out when a letter has to be written. This they do
kneeling before the table, which they carefully put away again
JAPANESE COUOH,
when the letter is finished. The meals are laid upon square
tables of very slender dimensions, around which the whole family
gather, sitting on their heels.
In the walls are recesses with sliding doors into which the bed-
ding is thrust in the daytime. At bedtime out of these recesses
are taken the soft cotton stuffed mattresses and the thick covei-
lets of silk or cotton whicli have been rolled up all day, and these
are spread upon the mats. The Japanese pillows are of wood,
with the upper portions stuffed or padded, and in form something
like a large flat iron. Sometimes each one contains a little
15
800 CONFLAGRATIONS.
drawer in which the ladies put their hairpins. When a Japanese
has taken off his da}- garments he rests his head on this wooden
pillow and composes himself to sleep. Everything is put away
in the morning, all the partitions are opened to give air, the mats
are carefully swept, and the now completely empty chamber ia
transformed during the day into an office, sitting room, or dining
room, to become again the sleeping apartment the following
night.
Clothes are kept in plaited bamboo boxes usually covered with
black or dark green waterproof paper. The furniture is very
simple, and there are often in the best houses no chairs, no tables,
no bedsteads. There may be some* low, short-legged side tables
of characteristic Japanese pattern and one or two costly vases or
other ornaments, a few pictures which are changed in deference
to guests and seasons, some flowers or dwarf trees in vases and a
lamp or two. There are, however, two pieces of furniture which
are to be found in the houses of every class. These are the
brazier and the pipe box, for the Japanese is a great tea drinker
and a constant smoker. Every hour in the day his hot water
must be ready for him, and the brazier kept burning both day
and night both in summer and winter.
The principal meal takes place about the middle of the day,
and after it the family indulge themselves with several hours'
sleep, so that at this time the streets are almost deserted. In the
evening they have another meal, and then devote the rest of the
time till bedtime to all kinds of amusements. In the highest
Japanese circles the dinner hour is sometimes enlivened by music
from an orchestra stationed in an adjoining room.
In summer a well-planned Japanese house is the very ideal of
coolness, grace and comfort. In winter it is the extreme of
misery. There are no fire-places and there is unmitigated venti-
lation. People keep themselves warm by holding themselves
close over some morsels of red hot charcoal in a brazier, and frost
bite is very common. At night, when cold winds blow, a heat-
ing apparatus is put beneath the heavy cotton coverlets. It often
gets overturned ; a watchman from his ladder-like tower sees afar
off a dull red glow, bells begin to clang, and soon the city is in
an uproar of excitement over another conflagration. In a few
JAPANESE MINIATURE GARDENS. 801
hours a great fan-shaped gap }ias appeared in the city. One goes
at day-break to find the scene of destruction, but it has already
almost disappeared. Crowds of carpenters have rushed in, and
have already done much to erect on the hot and smoking ruins
wooden houses nearly as good as those swept away by the fire of
the night before.
The yashikis or palaces in which the people of rank reside, are
nothing more than ordinary houses grouped together and sur-
rounded by whitewashed outhouses, with latticed windows of
black wood. These outhouses serve a two-fold purpose, as habi-
tations for the domestics, aiid as a wall of the enclosure. Always
low, and usually rectangular, they look very much like ware-
houses or barracks. The palace of the sovereign has, however, a
certain character of its own. It is a perfect labyrinth of courts
and streets formed by the many separate houses, pavilions, and
corridors or simple wooden partitions. The roofs are supported
by horizontal beams varnished white, or gilded at the extremities,
and decorated with small pieces of sculpture, many of which are
very beautiful works of art. The ancient palace of the Tycoons
is remarkable for boldness and richness of outline. Everything
breathes a spirit of the times when the power and prosperity of
the shogunate was at its height. Upon the ceilings of gold,
sculptured beams cross each other in squares, the angles where
they meet being marked by a plate of gilt bronze of very elegant
design.
The greatest novelties in the eyes of foreigners are the gardens
attached to every house. The smallest tradesman has his own
little plot of ground where he may enjoy the delights of solitude,
take his siesta, or devote himself to copious potations of tea and
saki. These gardens are often of exceedingly small size. They
consist of a quaint collection of dwarf shrubs, miniature lakes full
of gold fish, lilliputian walks in the middle of diminutive flower
beds, tiny streams over which are little green arches to imitate
bridges, and finally arbors or bowers beneath which a rabbit
might scarcely find room to nestle.
The Japanese are as strict in the observance of etiquette at a
funeral as at their marriage ceremonies. The rites take place
both at the time of the actual interment, and afterwards at the
802 FUNERAL CUSTOMa
festivals celebrated in honor of the gods on these occasions.
There are two kinds of funerals, interment and cremation. Most
of the Japanese make known during life either to the heir or to
some intimate friend their wishes respecting the mode of the
disposal of their remains. When the father or mother in a family
is seized with a mortal illness and all hope of recovery is past and
the end approaching, the soiled garments worn by the dying per-
son are removed and exchanged for perfectly clean ones. The
last wishes of the dying one are then recorded on paper. As soon
as life has departed all the relations give way to lamentations ;
the body is carried into another room, covered with a curtain and
surrounded by screens. In the higher classes the body is watched
for two days, but in the lower it is buried a day after death.
Contrary to the customs at marriage ceremonies, the bonzes or
priests preside over all the funeral rites. It is they who watch
beside the dead until the time for interment. This is usually
carried out by men who make it their profession. The corpse is
placed in a coffin, somewhat of the shape of a round tub, in a
squatting position, with the head bowed, the legs bent under, and
the arms crossed ; the lid of the coffin is then fastened down by
wooden pegs. The funeral procession proceeds to the temple, the
bonzes marching first, some carrying flags, others different sym-
bols, such as little white boxes full of flowers, others wringing
small hand-bells. Then follows the corpse, preceded by a long
tablet upon which is inscribed the new name given to the
deceased. The eldest son follows, and then the family, intimate
friends, and domestics. The nearest relations are dressed in
white which is the color worn for mourning.
When the procession arrives at the temple the coffin is placed
before the image of the god and then various ceremonies com-
mence, the length of which is regulated by the rank of the de-
ceased, as with us. After that all the friends and acquaintances
return home, whilst the relations turn to the place where the
body is to be laid. If the deceased has expressed the desire that
his body should be burned, the coffin is carried from the temple
to a small crematory a short distance away. It is there placed
upon a kind of stone scaffold, at the base of which a fire is kept
burning until the body is consumed. The men employed in this
PROGRESS OF EDUCATION. 806
work draw out the bones from the ashes by means of sticks, the
remahiing ashes are placed in an urn, and carried to the tomb by
the relations. The burials of the poor outcasts from society are
very simple. The body is interred at once without entering in
the temple, or else it is burnt in some waste spot.
Japanese cemeteries are most carefully cherished spots, and are
always bright with vendure and flowers. Each family has its
own little enclosure, where several simple commemorative stones
stand. Once a year a festival for the dead is held. It is cele-
brated at night. The cemetery is illuminated by thousands of
colored flres, and the whole population resort there, and eat,
drink, and enjoy themselves in honor of their dead ancestors.
Their incapacity for conceiving sorrow is one of the most
characteristic features of the Japanese. Perhaps this psychologi-
cal phenomenon is due to the influences amidst which this happy
people have the privilege of living. It is an indisputable fact that
where nature is bright and beautiful the inhabitants themselves
of that particular spot, like the scenery, seem to expand under
its sweet influence and to become bright and happy. Such is the
case with the Japanese, who while yielding almost unconsciously
to these influences, deepen them by their eager pursuit of all
things gay and beautiful.
Japan* is progressive enough that it has a compulsory system of
education, which is sure to be ultimately fatal to idolatrous
religions. There are more than three million children in the
elementary schools, not to mention those in the higher institu-
tions. The ability to read and write is almost universal among
the people. Steady improvement is observed from year to year,
in the attendance and quality of the government schools. The
various schools in connection with the protestant and Roman
missions, which are numerous and influential are also well at-
tended and constantly growing. A large number also of the
wealthier classes have their children taught privately at home.
The average attendance of the Japanese children at the schools is
nearly one-half the total number of school age. Education is
very highly esteemed by every class, and all are willing to make
genuine sacrifices to obtain it for their children.
Penmanship is laid great stress upon, and there are many
806 MEDICAL AND SURGICAL SCIENCE.
^
different styles in use. The blackboard is used in all schools
now, and the artistic tendencies of the people are often well dis-
played on it. The Arabic numerals are fast displacing the old
Chinese system. A great many of the methods of European and
American teaching have been introduced into Japan, and their
use is constantly on the increase.
Universities and academies supported by the government have
been chiefly under the direction of American and European pro-
fessors, and the western languages are taught everywhere. In
addition to this educational element introduced into the country,
there is that brought in by the large number of Japanese young
men who have been sent to the universities of the United States,
Germany, France, and England to complete their education. In
our own colleges these young men have ranked with the highest
as linguists, scientists, and orators. The influence that they have
exerted in Japan, where they have invariably taken a high posi-
tion, either ofiBcially or educationally, has been most beneficial to
the advance of learning in the island empire.
The excessive cleanliness of the Japanese, the simplicity of
their apparel, which allows their bodies to be so much exposed to
the open air, added to the salubrity of their country, might rea-
sonably lead one to imagine that they enjoy excellent health.
Such however is not the case. Diseases of the skin, and chronic
and incurable complaints are very prevalent. The hot baths are
the great remedies for everything, but in certain cases the aid of
the physicians is enlisted. These form a class of society which
has existed from a very early date, and enjoy certain privileges.
They are divided into three classes, the court physicians, who are
not permitted to practice elsewhere, the army physicians, and
lastly the common physicians, not employed by the government,
who attend all classes of the community. As no formalities used
to be required for the practice of medicine, each member entered
on the career at his pleasure and practiced according to his own
theories on the subject. It is a profession often handed down
from father to son, but it is not a lucrative one, and is looked upon
as an ofiBce of little importance or consideration.
Medical men nevertheless abound in Japan, and in addition to
recognized practitioners, there is a class of quacks exactly answer-
MUSIC.
807
ing to those of our own country. Their science priDCipallj par-
takes of the nature of sorcery. Where hot baths fail to produce
the desired efifect, they have recourse to acupuncture and cauter-
isation. Acupuncture consists in pricking with a needle the part
affected, a mode of healing which has been practiced from time
immemorial in the east. After the skill has been stretched suffi-
ciently tight, the needle is thrust in perpendicularly either by
rolling between the fiiigers or by a direct gentle pressure, or else
by striking it lightly with a small hammer made for the purpose.
Cauterisation is performed with little cones called moxas, formed
ailSHA OIRLB PLATINQ JAPANESE MD6ICAL INSTRUHKNTB.
of dried wormwood leaves, and prepared in such a manner as to
consume slowly. One or more of these is applied to the diseased
part and set alight. The mode of cauterising wounds has fre-
quently the effect of strongly exciting the nervous system, but
does not seem to improve the general health of the patient ma-
terially. The national university of Tokio has a medical departs
ment in connection with it, which teaches medical science accord-
ing to our own western methods. Hospitals exist in the large
cities of Japan which are similarly equipped to those of our owa
808 MUSIC.
country, and are under the direction of physicians and surgeons,
most of whom are either Europeans and Americans, or Japanese
who have been educated in medical colleges abroad. Many young
women of Japan have come to America to take courses in nursing
in our great hospitals and training schools, and on their return to
Japan are spreading the knowledge they have thus gained.
Music is one of the most cultivated of the fine arts of Japan,
and Japanese tradition accords it a divine origin. The Japanese
have many stringed, wind, and percussion instruments, but the
general favorite is the sam-sin or guitar with three strings. There
are also the lutes, several kinds of drums and tambourines, fifes.
^vs ^ts/ hys^
JAPANESE ALPHABET, NEW.
clarionets, and flageolets. The Japanese have no idea of harmony.
A number of them will often perform together, but they are never
in tune. They are not more advanced in melody ; their airs recall
neither the savage strains of the forest nor the scientific music of
the west. In spite of this their music has the power of charming
them for hours together, and it is only among the utterly unedu-
cated classes that a young girl is to be found unable to accompany
herself in a song on the sam-sin.
In the department of jurisprudence great progress has been made.
Scarcely any nation on earth can show a more revolting list of
horrible methods of punishment and torture in the past, and none
')an show greater improvement in so short a time. The cruel and
LAW AND LANGUAGE. 309
blood-thirsty code was mostly borrowed from China. Since the
restoration, revised statutes and regulations have greatly decreased
the list of capital punishments, reformed the condition of prisons,
and made legal processes more in harmony with mercy and
justice. The use of torture to obtain testimony is now entirely
abolished. Law schools have also been established and lawyers
are allowed to plead, thus giving the accused the assistance of
counsel for his defense.
The Japanese tongue has for a long time been regarded merely
l^ ^ p r>^^ % V
j± ^ t. p ^ f^ 2 (C
t
t
JAPANESE ALPHABET, OLD.
as an offshoot of the Chinese language, or at any rate as being
very nearly connected with it. Study however, and the com-
parison of the two languages has rectified this error. Japanese
understand Chinese writing because the Chinese characters form
part of the numerous kinds in use in Japan. This is easily under-
stood when it is remembered that Chinese characters represent
neither letters nor meaningless sounds, which are only the con-
stituent parts of a word, but are words themselves, or rather
the ideas that these words express ; consequently the same ideas
810 LITERATURE OF JAPAK.
can be coinmunicated although expressed by different words to
any one who is acquainted with the signification of the characters.
The Japanese language is very soft and agreeable to the ear, but
travelers declare that no one born out of the country could pos-
sibly pronounce some of the words. They have a system of forty-
eight syllabic signs, which can be doubled by means of signs added
to the consonants, which modify the sound, and render it harder
or softer. This system, it is said, dates from the eighth century
and can be written in four different series of characters.
Japanese literature comprises books on science, biography,
geography, travels, philosophy, and natural history, as well as
poetry, dramatic works, romances, and encyclopedias. The Jatter
seem to be little more than picture books, with explanatory
notes, arranged like other Japanese dictionaries, sometimes alpha-
betically, but more often quite fancifully and without any attempt
at scientific classification. The poets of Japan strive to express
the most comprehensive ideas in the fewest possible words, and
to employ words with double meanings for the sake of typical
allusions. They also delight in descriptions or similes furnished
by the scenery, or the rich variety of natural productions with
which they are surrounded.
Of their older books on science none are of any value but those
which treat of astronomy. The proof of their progress in this
scjence is afforded by the fact that almanacs, which were at first
brought from China, have now become very general and are com-
posed in Japan. The Japanese, until western education began
to have its influence over them, had only a slight knowledge of
mathematics, trigonometry, mechanics, or engineering. History
and geography are very fairly cultivated. Reading is the favorite
recreation of both sexes in Japan. The women confine them-
selves to the perusal of romances, and those works on etiquette
and kindred subjects prepared for them. Every young girl who
can afford it has her subscription to a library, which for the sum
of a few copper coins per month furnishes her with as many
books, ancient and modern, as she can devour. Except for their
titles, these productions seem all formed on one pattern. In the
choice of their characters and their subjects the authors seem by
SHINTO. 811
no means (lesirniis of breaking throiigli the narrow limits within
which prejudice hihI custom have confined tlieui.
The ancient religion of the Japanese is called "Kami no
michi," way, or doctrine of tlie gods. Tlie Chinese form of the
same is Shinto, and from this foreigners have called it Shintoism.
In its purity the chief chniacteristic of this religion is the worshi|)
of ancestors and the deifi*
cation of emperors, heroes,
and scholars. Tlie adora-
tion of the personified
forces of nature enters
largely into it. It employs
no idols, images, or efRgiea
in its worship, and teaches
no doctrine of the immor-
tality of the soul. Shinto
has no moral code, and no
accurately defined system
of ethics or belief. The
leading principle of its
adherents is imitation of
the illustrious deeds of
their ancestors, and they
are to prove themselves
worthy of their descent by
the purity of their lives.
The priests of Shinto are
designated according to
their raak. Sometimes
they receive titles from
the emperor, and the
higher ranks of the priest-
hood are court nobles.
Ordinarily they dress like other people, but are robed in white
when ofBciatiiig, or in cOurt dress when in court. They marry,
rear families, and do not shave their heads. The office is usually
hereditary.
After all the research of foreign scholars, many hesitate to de-
SHINTO PRIEST.
312 BUDDHISM IX JAPAN.
cide whether Shinto is a native Japanese product or whether it
is not closely allied with the ancient religion of China which ex-
isted before the period of Confucius. The weight of opinion in-
clines to the latter belief. The Kojiki is the Bible of Shintoism.
It is full of narrations, but it lays down no precepts, teaches no
morals or doctrines, prescribes no ritual. Shinto has very few of
the characteristics of a religion as understood by us. The roost
learned native commentators and exponents of the faith expressly
maintain the view that Shinto has no moral code. Motoori, the
great modern revivalist of Shinto, teaches with emphasis that
morals were invented by the Chinese because they were an im-
moral people, but in Japan there was no necessity for any system
of morals, as every Japanese acted aright if he only consulted his
own heart. The duty of a good Japanese, he says, consists in
obeying the commands of the mikado without questioning whether
these commands are right or wrong. It was only immoral people
like the Chinese who presumed to discuss the character of their
sovereign. The opinion of most scholars from America and
Europe, studying Shinto on its own soil, has been that the faith
was little more than an influence for reducing the people to a
condition of mental slavery. Its influence is weakening every
year.
The outlines of Buddhism in its Chinese forms have been indi-
cated in a foregoing chapter. It is well, however, to take an-
other glance at it here in connection with its Japanese signifi-
cance. This religion reached the Japanese empire about the
middle of the sixth century after Christ, twelve centuries after
its establishment. Buddhism originated as a pure atheistic
humanitarianism, with a lofty philosophy and a code of morals
higher perhaps than any heathen religion had reached before or
has since attained. First preached in India, a land accui-sed by
secular and spiritual oppression, it acknowledged no caste and
declared all men equally sinful and miserable, and all equally
capable of being freed from sin and misery through knowledge.
It taught that the souls of all men had lived in a previous state
of existence and that all the sorrows of this life are punishments
for sins committed in a previous state. After death the soul
must migrate for ages through stages of life inferior or superior.
ATHEISTIC TENDENCIES. 816
until perchance it arrived at last in Nirvana or absorption in
Buddha. The true estate of the human soul, according to the
Buddhist, was blissful annihilation.
The morals of Buddhism are superior to its metaphysics. Its
commandments are the dictates of the most refined morality.
Such was Buddhism in its early purity. Beside its moral code
and philosophical doctrines it had almost nothing. But in the
twelve centuries which passed while it swept through India,
Birmah, Siam, China, Thibet, Manchooria, Corea, and Siberia,
it acquired the apparel with which Asiatic imagination and
priestly necessity had clothed and adorned the original doctrines
of Buddha. The ideas of Buddha had been expanded into a
complete theological system, with all the appurtenances of a stock
religion. Japan was ready for the introduction of any religion
as attractive as Buddhism, for prior to that time nothing existed
except Shinto, of which there was little but the dogma of the
divinity of the mikado, tlje duty of all Japanese to obey him im-
plicitly, and some Confucian morals.
Buddhism came to touch the heart, to fire the imagination, to
feed the intellect, to offer a code of lofty morals, to point out a
pure life through self-denial, to awe the ignorant, and to terrify
the doubting. With this explanation of the field which Buddhism
found and what it offered, it is sufficient to say that the faith
spread with marvelous rapidity until the Japanese empire was a
Buddhist land. This did not necessarily exclude Shinto from the
minds of the same people, and the two faiths have existed side by
side in harmony. Of late years, however, the Japanese have not
only been losing faith in their own religions but in all others, and
to-day they are said by many to form a nation of atheists. This
does not apply to the common people so truly as to the edu-
cated ones, and of course is not nearly as general a truth as has
been often assumed. In no country of Asia has Christianity made
such rapid and permanent advance as in Japan. It is the only
oriental country having a government of its own in which there is
absolute freedom in religious belief and practice, and. in which
there is no state religion and no state support.
It has been for years the prophetic declaration of missionaries
in the east that the first nation to extend full liberty of conscience
816
CHRISTIANITY IN JAPAN.
in religion would be the dominant power of Asia. That J&fun
has fulfilled this coudition is not more remarkable than are her
rapid strides to political power siiiee that country opened its doors
to Christianity. That Japan is sincere in its treatment of an
alien religion is attested by the fact that native Christian chap-
lains accompany her armies in their marches against China, and
these are representative men of the Methodist, Congregational,
STREET SCENES. — From a JapatujBe Albu)
and Presbyterian churches in Japan There is no doubt that the
whole Christian element in Japan, foreign and native, has been
loyal to the country and in thorough sympathy with the aggressive
movement made by Japan. The sympatliy between Corea and
Japan has been greatly strengthened by the active support
rendered Presbyterian missionaries in Corea by the whole Chris-
tiau body iu Japan. The work of Mr. Johnson, a Presbyterian
THE AINOS. 817
missionary in Corea, made him an adviser of the king, and this
assisted in leading the latter rather towards Japan than towards
China. The corner stone of Japan's position to-day is religious
toleration. All that the Christian missionaries have asked in Asia
is equal privilege with other religions, and these they have had in
Japan. History is only repeating itself, and the results of re-
ligious toleration in Europe centuries ago are being duplicated in
Asia in 1895.
The student of Asiatic life, on coming to Japan, is cheered and
pleased on contrasting the position of women in Japan with that
in other countries. He sees them treated with respect and con-
sideration far above that observed in other quarters of the Orient.
They are allowed greater freedom, and hence have more dignity
and self-confidence. The daughters are better educated and the
national annals will show probably as large a number of illustrious
women as those of any other country in Asia, hi these last days
of enlightenment public and private schools for girls are being
opened and attended. Furthermore, some of the leaders of new
Japan, braving public scandal, and learning to bestow that
measure of honor upon their wives which they see is enthusiastic-
ally awarded by foreigners to theirs, and are not ashamed to be
seen in public with them. No women excel the Japanese in that
innate love of beauty, order, neatness, household adornment and
management, and the amenities of dress and etiquette as pre-
scribed by their own standard. In maternal affection, tenderness,
anxiety, patience, and long suffering, the Japanese mothers need
fear no comparison with those in other climes. ' As educators of
their children, the Japanese women are peers to the mothers of
any civilization in the care and minuteness of their training, and
their affectionate tenderness and self-sacrificing devotion within
the limits of their knowledge. The Japanese maiden is bright,
intelligent, interesting, modest, ladylike, and self-reliant. What
the American girl is in Europe the Japanese maiden is among
Asiatics.
So far our attention has been devoted exclusively to the
Japanese proper, that is, to those people inhabiting Hondo and
the other islands to the south of it. But a few words remain to
be said about a people, who, while forming part of the empire of
818 SURVIVING ABORIGINES.
Japan, yet differ essentially from the great majority of the popu-
lation. They are the Ainos, or the original inhabitants of the
Japanese archipelago, now only to be found in the island of
Yesso. These people are decreasing in numbers year by year,
and will soon be named with those extinct races of whom it is
only known tliat they have once existed. The Ainos, however,
have had their day of glory. In olden times, several centuries
before our era, they were masters of all the north part of the
island of Hondo, and their power equalled that of the Japanese ;
but little by little their influence diminished, and they were
driven before the Japanese, and finally confined to the island of
Yesso. There the Japanese pursued them and a long war ensued,
but finally reduced them to complete submission about the four-
teenth century. Since then the state of servitude in which their
conquerors have held them has been such as to stifle even the
instinct of progress within them, so that in the nineteenth century
they offer the image of a people hardly past its first infancy.
The origin of the Ainos is unknown. They themselves are per-
fectly ignorant of their own history, and they have no written
documents existing which could throw light upon their past. It
is most probable that they originally came from the far interior
of the Asiatic continent, for they bear not the slightest resem-
blance to any of their neighbors in the tribes scattered along the
eastern coasts of the north of Asia. The Ainos are generally
small, thick-set, and awkwardly formed ; they have wide fore-
heads and black eyes, not sloping ; their skin is fair but sunburnt.
Their distinguishing feature is their hairiness, and they never
dress their heads or trim their beards. The little children have a
bright, intelligent look, which, however, gradually wears away as
they grow older. The dwellings are of the simplest construction,
and only contain a few implements for hunting and fishing, and
some cooking utensils. They are built in small groups or liamlets,
never containing more than a hundred individuals. They are a
gentle, kindly, hospitable, and even timid people. Fishing is
their chief occupation, and hunting is another profitable pursuit.
There is no sign of agriculture, nor is any breed of cattle to be
found among these people. Dogs are utilized to draw their
sledges in winter. Their organization is quite patriarchal. They
OUTLOOK roil JAPAN.
821
have neither king, princes nor lords, but in every hamlet the
affitirs of the community are vested in the hands of the oldestand
most influential member. Although the intelligence of the Ainos
is very little developed, they evince great aptitude for knowledge
and eagerly seize every opportunity for acquainting themselves
with Japanese laws and customs.
The London Times, in 1859, predicted that "The Chinaman
would still be navigating the canals of his country in the craiy
RATS A8 RICE MERCHANTS From a Japanese Album.
old junks of his ancestors when the Japanese was skimming along
his rivers in high pressure steamers, or flying across the country
behind a locomotive." The railway Is now in foct stretching its
iron tracks in every direction over the islands; the telegraph
spreads its weh all over the country ; street car lines are in every
city ; the printing press rattles merrily in every moderate sized
country town ; and the Japanese who have always read muoh,
now read ten times more than they ever did before. Technical
16
822 OUTLOOK FOR JAPAN.
education of the higher kind is telling upon the people, and many
works are now undertaken from which the authorities would have
shrunk a few years ago as being impossible for them to grapple
with. Original investigation in many lines has been pursued, and
particularly in the study of earthquake phenomena has Japan
given to the world results of extreme value. The influence of the
modern scientific spirit is immense and ever growing. Western
influence in its better nature is constantly on the increase. It
appears to-day as if Japan were to be the civilizing influence in
the east of Asia.
• • ^1
COREA
OOaZAN LANSSOAPX,
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HISTORICAL SKETCH OF COREA, THE HERMIT
NATION.
Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Land— Founding the Kingdom of Cho-9en~Th<' Era of the
Three Kingdoms— Dependence on Clnna and Japan— Period of Peace and Prosperity— Inva-
sion of Corea by tlie Japanese in the Sixteenth Century— Introduction of Christianity— The
Modern History of Corea— Brealcing down the Walls of Isolation— Tlie French Expedition-
American Relations with Corea— Ports Opened to Japanese Commerce— The Year of the
Treaties— A Hermit Nation no Longer.
Until recent years our knowledge of the remarkable country of
Corea, known indeed to the general public by little more than its
name, has been limited to the meagre and scanty information im-
parted to us by Chinese and Japanese sources. After having
been for several thousands of years the scene of sanguinary and
murderous feuds between the various races and tribes who
peopled the peninsula, and of the intrigues and wars of conquest
of its rapacious neighbors, Corea succeeded after its final union
under the sway of one ruler, but with considerable loss of terri-
tory, in driving back the invaders behind its present frontiers, en-
forcing since that time with an iron rule, that policy of exclusion
which eflfectually separated it from the whole outer world. Corea,
though unknown even by name in Europe until the sixteenth cen-
tury, was the subject of description by Arab geographers of the
middle ages. The Arab merchants trading to Chinese ports
crossed the Yellow Sea, visited the peninsula, and even settled
there. The youths of Shinra, one the Corean states, sent by their
sovereign to study the arts of war and peace at Nanking, the
medifflval capital of China, may often have seen and talked with
the merchants of Bagdad and Damascus.
As has been said, nearly all that the western world was able to
learn about Corea until recent years, has been collected from
Chinese and Japanese sources, which confine themselves mainly
to the historical and political connection with these countries.
The meagre early accounts owed to Europeans on this interesting
subject, originate either from shipwrecked mariners who have
(327)
828 WHENCE CAME THE COREANS.
been cast upon the inhospitable shores of Gorea and there been
kept imprisoned for some time, or from navigators who have ex-
tended their voyages of discovery to these distant seas and who
have touched a few prominent points of the coast.
Like almost every oountry on earth, Corea is inhabited by a
race that is not aboriginal. The present occupiers of the land
drove out or conquered the people whom they found upon it.
They are the descendants of a stock who came from beyond the
northern frontier. It may not be a wrong conjecture, which is
corroborated by many outward signs, to look for the origin of the
people in Mongolia, in a tribe which finally settled down in
Corea after roaming about and fighting its way through China.
We may also take those who bear the unmistakable stamp of the
Caucasian race to have come from Western Asia whence they
had been driven by feuds and revolutions. At the conclusion of
the long wars which have at last led to the union of the different
states founded by various tribes, a partial fusion had taken place,
which, though it has not succeeded in eradicating the outer signs
of a different descent, at least caused the adoption of one language
and of the same manners and customs.
Most of the Coreans claim to be in complete darkness and
ignorance of their own origin ; some declare quite seriously that
their ancestors have sprung from a black cow on the shores of the
Japan sea, while others ascribe their origin to a mysterious and
supernatural cause.
The first mention of the inhabitants of Corea we find in old
Chinese chronicles about 2350 B. C, at which period some of the
northern tribes are reported to have entered into a tributary con-
nection with China. The first really reliable accounts, however,
commence only with the twelfth century B. C, at which time
the north-westerly part of the peninsula first stands out from the
dark.
The last Chinese emperor of the Shang dynasty was Chow Sin,
who died B. C. 1122. He was an unscrupulous tyrant, and one
of his nobles, Ki Tsze, rebuked and remonstrated with his sover-
eign. His efforts were hopeless, and the nobles who joined him
in protest were executed. Ki Tsze was cast into prison. A re-
volt immediately ensued against the tyrant; he was defeated and
FOUNDING THE FIRST KINGDOM. 829
killed, and the conqueror Wii Wang released the prisoner and
appointed him prime minister. Ki Tsze however refused to serve
one whom he believed to be an usurper and exiled himself to
the regions lying to the north-east. With him went several
thousand Chinese immigrants, most the remnant of the defeated
army, who made him their king. Ki Tsze reigned many years
and left the newly founded state in peace and prosperity to his
successors. He policed the borders, gave laws to his subjects,
and gradually introduced the principles and practices of Chinese
etiquette and polity throughout his domain. Previous to his time
the people lived in caves and holes in the ground, dressed in
leaves, and were destitute of mannei*s, morals, agriculture and
cooking. The Japanese pronounce the founder's name Kishi, and
the Coreans Kei-tsa or Kysse. The name conferred by the civ-
ilizer upon his new domain was that now in use by the modern
Coreans, " Cho-sen," or " Morning Calm."
The descendants of Ki Tsze are said to have ruled the country
until the fourth century before the Christian era. Their names
and deeds are alike unknown, but it is stated that there were
forty-one generations, making a blood line of eleven hundred
and thirty-one years. The line came to an end in 9 A. D., though
they had lost power long before that time.
This early portion of Cho-sen did not contain all of the territory
of the modern Corea, but only the north-western portion of it.
While the petty kingdoms of China were warring among one
another, the nearest to Cho-sen encroached upon it and finally
seized the colony. This was not to be permanent however, and
there ensued a series of wars, each force becoming alternately suc-
cessful. The territory of Cho-sen grew in area and the kingdom
increased in wealth, power and intelligence undertheruleof King
Wie-man, who assumed the authority 194 B. C. Thousands of
Chinese gentry fleeing before the conquering arms of the Han
usurpers settled within the limits of the new kingdom, adding
greatly to its prosperity. In 107 B. C, after a war that had
lasted one year, a Chinese invading army finally conquered the
kingdom of Cho-sen and annexed it to the Chinese empire. The
conquered territory included the north half of the present kingdom
of Corea.
880 TH£ ERA OF THE THREE KINGDOMS.
Things remained in this condition until about SOB. C, at which
time a part of Cho-sen taking advantage of the disorders which
had broken out afresh in China, separated itself from the empire
and again formed a state by itself, but still remained tributary ;
while the other portions of the old kingdom for some time longer
remained under Chinese rule, until they also joined the portion
that had been freed. Up to this period Cho-sen forming the
north-west of the present Corea, had been the only part of that
country that had become more closely connected with China.
The tracts to the north-east, south-west and south were occupied
by different independent tribes, and little more is known of them
than that they were ruled by chiefs of their own clan. In course
of time three kingdoms, Korai, Hiaksai, and Shinra, were formed
out of these various elements, subsisting by the side of Cho-sen,
at a later date fighting either beside or against China, and almost
incessantly at feud with each otlier, until Shinra gained the pre-
dominance about the middle of the eighth century A. D. and kept
the same up to the sixteenth century. It was then supplanted in
the leading position by Korai, which united under its supremacy
all those parts of Corea which had hitherto been separate, and
constituted the whole into a single state. Like the three
kingdoms of England, Scotland and Wales, these Corean states
were distinct in origin, were conquered by a race from without,
received a rich infusion of alien blood, struggled in rivalry for
centuries, and were finally united under one nation with one fiag
and one sovereign.
Hiaksai was for a while the leading state in the peninsula.
Buddhism was introduced from Thibet in 884 A. D. And to tliis
state more than any other part of Corea, Japan owes her first
impulses towards the civilization of the west. The kingdom pros-
pered until the decade from 660 to 670, when it was overrun and
practically annihilated by an army of Chinese, despite the aid of
four hundred junks and a large body of soldiers sent from Japan
to the aidof Corea.
Korai of course took its turn in struggling with the Dragon of
China. Early in the seventh century China had been defeated,
and for a generation peace prevailed. But the Chinese coveted
Koraian territory and again an invading fleet attacked the country*
COUEA\S GIFT TO JAPAN. 331
It took years to complete the conquest, but finally all Korai with
its five provinces, its one and seventy-six cities and its four or
five millions of people, was annexed to the Chinese empire.
Shinra, in the south-west of the peninsula, was probably the
most advanced of all of the states. It was from this kingdom
that the tradition reached Japan which tempted the Amazonian
queen of Japan, Jingo, to her invasion and conquest. The king
of Shinra submitted and became a declared vassal of Japan, but in
all probability Shinra was far superior to the Japan of that early
day in everything except strength. From tliis kingdom came a
stream of immigrants which passed into Japan carrying all sorts of
knowledge and an improved civilization. It is well to remember
from this point that the Japanese always laid claim to the Corean
peninsula and to Shinra especially as a tributary nation. They
supported that claim not only whenever embassies from the two
nations met at the court of China* but they made it a more or less
active part of their national policy.
During this period Buddhism was being steadily propagated,
learning and literary progress increased, while art, science, archi-
tecture were all favored and improved. Kion-chiu, the capital of
Shinra, was looked upon as a holy city, even after the decay of
Shinra's power. Her noble temples, halls and towers stood in
honor and repair, enshrining the treasures of India, Persia, and
China, until the ruthless Japanese torch laid them in ashes in
1696.
From the year 766 A. D. up to the beginning of the tenth cen-
tury, Shinra maintained its undisputed rule over the other
countries of the peninsula, but about this time successive revolts
occurred, Shinra was conquered, and the three kingdoms now
united were called Korai, a name which was retained to the end
of the fourteenth century. The kingdoms now thoroughly sub-
dued, never recovered their old position and independence, and
composed from that time forward the undivided kingdom of
Corea, such as it has been maintained until the present day. In
1218 A. D. the king of Corea promised allegiance to the Chinese
emperor Taitsou who was the Mongol Genghis Khan.
Here we find explanation for some features of the war now in
progress between China and Japan. Corea has at various times
R32 COREA'S VASSALAGE TO JAPAN AND CHINA.
acknowledged its dependence upon both of these countries. The
Japanese laid claim to Corea from the second century until tlie
27th of February, 1876. On that day the mikado's minister
plenipotentiary signed the treaty recognizing Cho-sen as an
independent nation. Through all the seventeen centuries, which
according to their annals elapsed since their armies first com-
pleted the vassalage of their neighbor, the Japanese regarded the
states of Corea as tributaries. Time and again they enforced
their claim with bloody invasion, and when through a more
enlightened policy the rulers voluntarily acknowledged their
former enemy as an equal, the decision cost Japan almost im-
mediately afterward seven months of civil war, twenty thousand
lives, and $60,000,000 in treasury. The mainspring of the
" Satsuma rebellion " of 1877 was the official act of friendship by
treaty, and the refusal of the Tokio government to make war on
Corea. It seemed until 1877 almost impossible to eradicate from
the military mind of Japan the conviction that to surrender
Corea was cowardice and a stain upon the national honor.
From the ninth century onward to the sixteenth century,
the relations of the two countries seem to be unimportant.
Japan was engaged in conquering northward her own barbarians.
Her intercourse, both political and religious, grew to be so
direct with the court of China, that Corea in the Japanese annals
sinks out of sight except at rare intervals. Nihon increased in
wealth and civilization, while Cho-sen remained stationary or
retrograded. In the nineteenth century the awakened "Sunrise
Kingdom " has seen her former self in the " Land of Morning
Calm," and has stretched forth willing hands to do for her
neighbor now what Corea did for Japan in centuries long gone
by. It must never be forgotten that Corea was the bridge on
which civilization crossed from China to the archipelago.
About 1368 the reigning King of Corea refused vassalage to
China. His troops refused to repel the invasion that threat-
ened, and under their General Ni Taijo, deposed the king.
Taijo himself was nominated king. He paid homage to the
Chinese emperor and revived the ancient name of Cho-sen. The
dynasty thus established is still the reigning family in Corea,
though the direct line came to an end in 1864. The Coreans in
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE PRESENT COREAN DYNASTY. nS!}
their treiity with Jaimii in 1876, dated tlie document iiccoidiug
to the four hundred and eighty- fourth year of Cho-sen, reckoning
from the accession of Ni Taijo to the throne. One of the first
acts of the new dynasty was to change the location of the
national capital to the city of Han Yang, situated on the Han
river about fifty miles from its mouth. The kiTig enlarged the
fortifications, enclosed the city with a wall of masonry, and built
, renaming the city Seoul or "capital." He also redivided "
PAOODA AT SEOUL.
the kingdom into eight provinces which still remain. An era of
peace and flourishing prosperity ensued, and in everything the
influence of the Chinese emperors is most manifest. Buddliism,
which had penetrated into every part of the country, and had
become in a measure at least the religion of the state, was now
set aside and disestablished. The Confucian ethics were dilli-
gently studied and were incorporated into the religion of the
state. From the early part of the fifteenth century, Confucian-
ism flourished, until it reached the point of bigotry and intoler-
ance, so that when Christianity was discovered to be existing
among the people, it was put under the ban of extirpation, and
its followers thought worthy of death.
At first the new dynasty sent tribute regularly to the shogun
of Japan, but as intestinal war troubled the Island Empire and
334 JAPAN'S GREAT INVASTON OP COREA.
the shogiins became eifeminate, the Coreana stopped their
tribute and it was almost forgotten. The last embassy from
Seoul was sent in 1460. After that they were never Bummoned,
BO they never came. Under the idea that peace was to last
forever, tlie nation relaxed all vigilance ; the array was dis-
organized and the castles were fallen into ruin. It was while the
country was in such a condition that the summons of Japan's
* great conqueror came to them, and the Coreans learned for the
first time of the fall of Ashikaga and the temper of their new
master.
As the Mongol conquerors issuing from China had used Corea
as their point of departure to invade
Japan, so Hideyoshi resolved to make
the i^ninsula the road for his armies
into China. He sent an, envoy to
Seoul to demand tribute, and then,
angered at the utter failure of his mis-
). sion, commanded the envoy and all his
family to be put to death. A second
\, ambassador was sent with more success,
and presents and envoys were ex-
changed. Hideyoshi, however, became
'"^ l^k"^ ^TX/^^ enraged at the indifference of the
^—•^^'^ Coreana to assist him in his dealings
C0aEA!4 SOLDtBRS. .^, ^, . , , j ^ t ut .?
With China, and resolved to bumble the
peninsular kingdom, and China, her overlord.
The invasion of Corea was made as related in the earlier
chapters on Japan. The Coreans were poorly prepared for war,
both ns to leaders, soldiers, equipments and fortiBcations. The
Japanese swept everything like a whirlwind before them, and
entered the capital within eighteen days after their landing at
Fnsan. The accounts of the war are preserved in detail, and are
exceedingly interesting, but the limits of this volume compel
their omission to provide space for the war of 1894-5. At first
Chinese armies coming to reinforce the Coreans were defeated
and turned back, but another effoi-t of the allies was more effec-
tive and the Japanese troops found advance turned to retreat.
The Japanese armies concentrated at Seoul to receive the ad-
CHRISTIAN CHAPLAINS WITH THE ARMT.
337
vance of the allies Dumberiog some two Imndred thousand. The
capital was burned by the Japanese, nearly every house being
destroyed, and hundreds of men, women, and children, sick and
well, living quietly there, were massacred. The allied troops
were beaten back in a ferocious battle, hut hunger reached both
armies, pestilence entered the Japanese camp, and both sides
were utterly tired of war and ready to consider terms of peace.
Konishi, the general of the
Japanese army, had been con-
verted to Christianity by the
Portuguese Jesuits. During
this period of tiresome wait-
ing he sent to the superior
of the missions in Japan ask-
ing for a priest. In response
to this request cauie Father
Gregorio de Cespedes and a
Japanese convert. These
two holy men began their
labors among the Japanese
iirmies, preaching from camp
to camp, and administering
the right of baptism to thou-
sands of converts, but their
work was stopped by the
jealousy of the Buddhist
power. , The Jesuits in Japan
were then being expelled for
their political machinations,
and the chaplains in Corea
were brought under the same
ban. Konislii was called
back to Japan with the priest and was unable to convince the
ahogun of his innocence. A few Corean converts were made
during this time, and one of them a lad of rank, was afterward
educated in the Jesuit seminary at Kioto. He endeavored to
return to Corea as a missionary, but the condition of affairs in
Japan interrupted his intentions and in 1626 he was martyred
^^T^g^a**^
OLO MAN IN CORBA.
888 CHRISTIAN CHAPLAINS WITH THE ARMY.
during the prosecutions of the Christians. Of the large number
of Corean prisoners sent over to Japan, many became Christians.
Hundreds of others were sold as slaves to the Portuguese.
Others rose to positions of honor under the government or in the
households of the daimios. Many Corean. lads were adopted by
the returned soldiers or kept as servants. When the bloody per-
secution broke out, by which many thousand Japanese found
death, the Corean converts remained steadfast to their Christian
faith, and suffered martyrdom with fortitude equal to that of
their Japanese brethren. But by the army in Corea, or by the
Christian chaplain Cespedes, no trace of Christianity was left in
the land of Morning Calm, and it was two centuries later before
that faith was really introduced.
The fortunes of the war alternated, and finally, after deeds of
heroism on both sides, a period of inaction ensued, the result of
exhaustion. At this time Hideyoshi fell sick and died, September
9, 1598, at the age of sixty-three years. Almost his last words
were, *^ Recall all my troops from Cho-sen.*' The orders to em-
bark for home were everywhere gladly heard. It is probable
that the loss of life in the campaigns of this war was nearly a
third of a million. Thus ended one of the most needless, unpro-
voked, cruel, and desolating wars that ever' cursed Corea. More
than two hundred thousand human bodies were decapitated to
furnish the ghastly material for the " ear-tomb " mound in Kioto.
More than one hundred and eighty-five thousand Corean heads
were gathered for mutilation, and thirty thousand Chinese, all of
which were despoiled of ears and noses. It is probable that fifty
thousand Japanese left their bones in Corea.
Since the invasion the town of Fusan, as before, had been held
and garrisoned by the retainers of the Daimio of Tsushima, At
this port all the commerce between the two nations took place.
From an American point of view, there was little trade done be-
tween the two countries, but on the strength of even this small
amount Earl Russell in 1862 tried to get Great Britain included
as a co-trader between Japan and Corea. He was not, however,
successful. A house was built at Nagasaki by the Japanese gov-
ernment which was intended as a refuge for Coreans who might
be wrecked on Japanese shores. Wherever the waifs were picked
ADVANCE OF THE MANCHOOS. 889
up, they were sent to Nagasaki and 'sheltered until a junk could
be dispatched to Fusan.
The possession of Fusan by the Japanese was, until 1876, a
perpetual witness of the humiliating defeat of the Coreans in the
war of 1592-1597, and a constant irritation to their national
pride. Yet with all the miseries inflicted on her, the humble
nation learned rich lessons, and gained many an advantage even
from her enemy. The embassies which were yearly dispatched
to yield homage to their late invaders were at the expense of the
latter. The Japanese pride purchased the empty bubble of hom-
age by paying all the bills.
The home of the Manchoos was on the north side of the Ever-
white mountains. From beyond these mountains was to roll
upon China and Corea another avalanche of invasion. By the
sixteenth century the Manchoos had become so strong that they
openly defied the Chinese. Formidable expeditions previous to
the Japanese invasion of Corea kept them at bay for a time, but
the immense expenditure of life and treasure required to fight
the Japanese drained the resources of the Ming emperors, while
their attention being drawn away from the north, the Manchoo
hocdes massed their forces and grew daily in strength. To re-
press the rising power in the north, and to smother the life of the
young nation, the Peking government resorted to barbarous
cruelties and stern coercion. Unable to protect the eastern bor-
der of Liao Tung the entire population of three hundred thou,
sand souls, dwelling in four cities and many villages, were re-
moved westward and resettled on new lands. Fortresses were
planned in the deserted land to keep back the restless cavalry
raiders from the north. Thus the foundation of the neutral strip
of fifty miles was unconsciously laid, and ten thousand square
miles of fair and fertile land west of the Yalu were abandoned to
the wolf and tiger. What it soon became it remained until yes-
terday— a howling wilderness.
In 1615 the king of the Manchoo tribes was assassinated as the
result of a plot by the Ming emperor. This exasperated the
tribes to vengeance and they began hostilities. China now had
to face another great invasion. Calling on her vassal, Corea, to
send an army of twenty thousand men, she ordered them to join
840 COREAN TREACHERY.
the imperial army about seventy miles west of the Yalu River.
In the battle which ensued the Coreans were the first to face the
Manchoos. The imperial legions were beaten, and the Coreans
seeing which way the victory would turn, deserted from the
Chinese side to that of their enemy. This was in 1619. Enraged
by alternate treachery to both sides from the Coreans, the Man-
choos invaded Corea in 1627, to which time the war had been
prolonged. They crossed the frozen Yalu in February, and at
once attacked and defeated the Chinese army. They then began
the march to Seoul. Town after town was taken as they pressed
onward to the capital, the Coreans everywhere flying before
them. Thousands of dwellings and stores of provisions were
given to the flames and their trail was one of blood and ashes.
After the siege of Seoul began, tiie king sent tribute offerings to
the invaders, and concluded a treaty of peace, by which Corea
again exchanged masters, this time confessing subjection to the
Manchoo sovereign. As soon as the invading army had with-
drawn, the Corean king, confident that the Chinese would be
ultimately successful over the Manchoos, annulled the treaty.
No sooner were the Manchoos able to spare their forces for the
purpose than they again marched into Corea and overran the
peninsula.
The king now came to terms, and in February, 1637, utterly
renounced his allegiance to the Ming emperor, gave his two sons
as hostages, and promised to send an annual embassy with tribute
to the Manchoo court. After the evacuation of Corea the victors
marched into China, where bloody civil war was raging. The
imperial army of China had been beaten by the rebels. The
Manchoos joined their forces with the imperialists and defeated
the rebels, and then demanded the price of their victory. Enter-
ing Peking they proclaimed the downfall of the house of Ming.
The son of the late king was set upon the dragon throne, and as
we have seen in a foregoing chapter the royal house of China
came to be a Manchoo family.
When, as it happened the very next year, the shogun of Japan
demanded an increase of tribute to be paid in Yeddo, the court of
Seoul plead in excuse their wasted resources, consequent upon
the war with the Manchoos, and their heavy burdens newly laid
TRIBUTE TO TWO NEIGHBORS. 848
upon them in the way of tribute to their conqueror. Their excuse
was accepted. Twice within a single generation had the little
peninsula been devasted by mighty invasion that laid waste the
country.
In 1660 a captive Corean maid, taken prisoner in their first
invasion, became sixth lady in rank in the imperial Manchoo
household. Through her influence her father, the ambassador,
obtained a considerable reduction of the annual tribute that had
been fixed by treaty. Other portions of the tribute had been re-
mitted before, so that by this time the tax upon Corean loyalty
became very slight, and the embassy became one of ceremony
rather than a tribute bringing.
In the seventeenth century some information about Corea
began to reach Europe, first from the Jesuits in Peking, who sent
home a map of the peninsula. . There is also a map of Corea in a
work by the Jesuit Martini, published in 1649 in Amsterdam.
The Cossacks who overran northern Asia brought reports of
Corea to Russia, and it was from Russian sources that Sir John
Campbell obtained the substance of his history of Corea. In 1646
a party of Japanese crossed the peninsula, and one of them on his
return wjote a book descriptive of their journey. 1707 the
Jesuits in Peking began their great geographical enterprise, the
survey of the Chinese empire, including the outlying vassal
kingdoms. A map of Corea was obtained from the king's palace
at Seoul and sent to Europe to he engraved and printed. From
this original most of the maps and supposed Corean names in
books published since that time have been copied.
The first known entrance of any number of Europeans into
Corea was that of Hollanders belonging to the crew of the Dutch
ship llollandra which was driven ashore in 1627. Coasting along
the Corean shores, John Wetterree and some companions went
ashore to get water, and were captured by the natives. The
magnates of Seoul probably desired to have a barbarian from the
west, as useful to them as was the Englishman Will Adams to the
Japanese in Yeddo, where the Corean ambassadors had often seen
him. Tliis explains why Wetterree was treated with kindness
and comparative honor, though kept as a prisoner. When the
Manchoos invaded Corea in 1636, his two companions were killed
17
844 FIRST EUROPEANS IN COREA.
in the war, and Wetterree was left alone. Having no one with
whom he could converse he had almost forgotten his native
speech, when after twenty-seven years of exile, in the fifty-nintl;
year of his age, he met some of his fellow Hollanders, and acted
as interpreter to the Coreans.
In the summer of 1653 the Dutch ship Sparwehr was cast on
shore on Quelpaert island, off the southwest coast of Corea. The
local magistrate did what he could for the thirty-six members
of the crew who reached the shore alive, out of the sixty-four on
board. On October 29th the survivors were brought by the
officials to be examined by the interpreter Wetterree. The latter
was very rusty in his native language, but regained it in a month.
Of course the first and last idea of the captives was how to escape.
They made one effort to reach the sea shore, but were caught and
severely punished, after which they were ordered to proceed to
the capital. Wherever they went the Dutchmen were like wild
beasts on exhibition. When they once reached the palace they
were well treated, and were assigned to the body guard of the
king as petty officers. Each time that the Manchoo envoy made
his visit to the capital the captives endeavored to enlist his sym-
pathy and begged to be taken to Peking, but all such efforts re-
sulted in failure and punishment. The suspicions of the govern-
ment were aroused by the studies which the Dutchmen pursued,
of the climate, the topography, and the products of the country,
and by their attemps to escape, and in 1663 they were separated
and put into three different towns. By this time fourteen of the
number were dead and twenty-two remained.
Finally, early in September 1667, as their fourteenth year of
captivity was drawing to a close, the Dutchmen escaped to the
seacoast, bribed a Corean to give them his fishing craft, and
steered out into the open water. A few days later, they reached
the northwestern islands in the vicinity of Kiushiu, Japan, and
landed. The Japanese treated them kindly and sent them to
Nagasaki, where they met their countrymen at Desinia. The
annual ship from Batavia was then just about to return, and in
the nick of time the waifs got on board, reached Batavia, sailed
for Holland, and in July, 1668, stepped ashore at home. Hendrik
Hamel, the supercargo of the ship, wrote a book on his return re-
CHRISTIANITY IN COREA. 845
countiug his adventures in a simple and straightforward style. It
has been translated into English and is a model work of its sort.
The modern introduction of Christianity in Corea dates little
more than a hundred years ago. Some Corean students studying
with the famous* Confucian professor Kwem, during tlie winter of
1777, entered into discussion of some tracts on philosophy, mathe-
matics, and religion just brought from Peking. These were
trans^lations of the writings of the Jesuits in the imperial capital.
Surprised and* delighted, they resolved to attain if possible to a
full understanding of the new doctrines. They sought all the in-
formation that they could from Peking. The leader in this
movement was a student named Stonewall. As his information
accumulated, he gave himself up to fresli reading and meditation,
and then began to preach. Some of his friends in the capital,
both nobles and commoners, embraced the new doctrines with
cheering promptness and were baptized. Thus from small be-
ginnings, but rapidly, were the Christian ideas spread.
But soon the power of the law and the pen were invoked to
crush out the exotic faith. The first victim was tried on the
charge of destroying his ancestral tablets, tortured, and sent into
exile, in which he soon after died. The scholars now took up
weapons, and in April, 1784, the king's preceptor issued the first
public document ofiicially directed against Christianity. In it all
parents and relatives were entreated to break off all relations with
Christians. The names of the leaders were published, and the
example of Thomas Kim, the first victim, was cited. Forthwith .
began a violent pressure upon the believers to renounce their faith.
Then began an exhibition alike of steadfast faith and shameful
apostasy, but though even Stonewall lapsed, the work went on.
The next few years of Christianity were important ones. The
leaders formed an organization and as nearly as they could on the
lines of the Roman Catholic church. Instructions were sent from
Peking by the priests there, and the worship in Corea became quite
in harmony with that of the Western church. But the decision
that the worship of ancestors must be abolished, was, in the eyes
of the Corean public, a blow at the framework of society and
state, and many feeble adherents began to fall away. December
8, 1791, Paul and Jacques Kim were decapitated for refusing to
346 YEARS OF MARTYRDOM.
recant their Christian faith. Thus was shed the first blood for
Corean Christianity. Martyrdom was frequent in this early his-
tory of the Christian church in Corea, but in the ten years following
the baptism of Peter in Peking in 1783, in spite of persecution
and apostasy, it is estimated that there were four thousand Chris-
tians in the peninsula.
Tlie first attempt of a foreign missionary to enter the Hermit
Kingdom from the west was made early in 1791. This was a
[Portuguese priest who endeavored to cross the Yalu River to join
some native Christians, but was disappointed in meeting them and
returned to Peking- Two years later a young Chinese priest en-
tered the forbidden territory, and was hidden for three years in
the house of a noble woman, where he preached and taught.
Three native Christians who refused to reveal his whereabouts
were tortured to death and were thrown into the Han River.
From the beginning of this century the most bitter general per-
secutions against Christians was enforced. The young Chinese
priest, learning that he was outlawed, surrendered himself to re-
lieve his friends of the responsibility of protecting him, and was
executed. The woman also who had so long sheltered him was
beheaded. Four other women who were attendants in the palace,
and an artist who was condemned for painting Christian subjects
were beheaded near the '* Little Western Gate" of Seoul. The
policy of the government was shown in making away with the
Christians of rank and education who might be able to direct af-
fairs in the absence of the foreign priests, and in letting the poor
and humble go free.
It is impossible to catalogue the martyrs and the edicts against
Christianity. The condition of the Christians scattered in the
mountains and forests, suflfering poverty, hunger, and cold, was
most deplorable. In 1811 the Corean converts addressed letters
to the Pope begging aid in their distress. These however could
not be answered in the way they desired, for the Pope himself
was then a prisoner at Fontainebleau and the Roman propaganda
was nearly at a standstill.
In 1817 the king and court were terrified by the appearance off
the west coast of the British vessels Alceste and Lyra, but be-
yond some surveys, purchases of provisions, and interviews with
■')KE\N MAMIAKINS.
;
MARTYRDOM OF FRENCH PRIESTS. S49
Rome local magistrates, the foreigners departed without opening
communication with them. Ffteen years later the British ship
Lord Amherst passed along the coasts of Chulla, seeking commer-
cial connections. On board was a Protestant missionary, a Prus-
sian. He landed on several of the islands and attempted to gain
some acquaintance with the people, but made little progress. The
year 1884 closed the first half century of Corean Christianity.
It is not strange that persecutions resulted from the advance of
Roman Catholic strength in Corea, for the Corean Christians as-
sumed naturally the righteousness of the Pope's claim to tem-
poral power as the vicar of heaven. The Corean Christians not
only deceived their magistrates and violated their country's laws,
but actually invited armed invasion. Hence, from the first,
Christianity was associated in patriotic minds with treason and
robbery.
After the restoration of the Bourbons in France and the
strengthening of the Papal throne by foreign bayonets, the mis-
sionary zeal- in the church was kindled afresh, and it was resolved
to found a mission in Corea. The first priest to make entrance
was Pierre Philibert Maubant, who reached Seoul in 1836, the
first Frenchman who had penetrated the Hermit Nation. A few
months later another joined him, and in December, 1838, Bishop
Imbert ran the gauntlet of wilderness, ice, and guards at the
frontier, and took up his residence under the shadow of the king's
palace. Work now went on vigorously, and in 1838 the Chris-
tians numbered nine thousand. At the beginning of the next
year the party in favor of extirpating Christianity having gained
the upper hand, another persecution broke out with redoubled
violence. To stay the further shedding of blood. Bishop Imbert
and his two priests came out of their hiding places and delivered
themselves up. They were horribly tortured, and decapitated
September 21, 1839. Six bitter years passed before the Christians
again had a foreign pastor.
Since 1839 the government had tripled its vigilance and
doubled the guards on the frontier. The most strenuous efforts
to pass the barriers repeatedly failed. Andrew Kim is a name to
be remembered in the history of Christianity in Corea. Year
after year he worked to enter Corea, or once in, to advance the
860 MARTYRDOM OF FREXCH PRIESTS.
cause, or when rejected to help others in ihe woiK. He was or-
dained to the priesthood in Shanghai, and finally in company with
two Frei]ch priests, in September, 1845, sailed across the Yellow
Sea, and landed on the coast of Chulla, to make his final effort to
spread Christianity among the Coreans. During July of the same
year, the British ship Samarang was engaged in surveying ofl
Quelpaert and the south coast of Corea. Beacon fires all over
the land telegraphed the news of the presence of foreign ships,
and the close watch that was kept by the coast magistrates made
the return of Andrew Kim doubly dangerous.
These records of perseverence, of distress, of martyrdom, from the
pages of missionary work in Corea, written in the blood of native
eonvert*^, who bore their cross with equal bravery to that of the Roman
fathers, may be surprising to some who have been unfamiliar with the
history of the Corean peninsula. . But they are convincing testimony
to controvert the assertions of some incredulous ones who affirm that
the "heathen " are never really Christianized, but are always ready to
return to their idols in times of trial. There is no country that can
show bravor examples of fortitude, in enduring trial for the support of
the faith, than the "Hermit Nation."
Three priests in disguise were now secretly at work in Corea,
Andrew Kim, a native convert, and the Frenchmen, Bishop
Ferreol, and his companion Daveluy. Kim was captured and in
company with half a dozen others was executed September 16th.
While he was in prison the Bishop heard of three French ships
which were at that time vainly trying to find the mouth of the
Han River and the channel to the capital. Ferreol wrote to
Captain Cecile, who commanded the fleet, but the note arrived too
late and Kim's fate was sealed. The object of the fleet's visit was
to demand satisfaction for the murder of the two French priests in
1839, but after some coast surveys were made and a threatening
letter was dispatched the ships withdrew.
During the summer of 1846, two French frigates set sail for the
Corean coast, and August 10th went aground, and both vessels
became total wrecks. The six hundred men made their camp at
Kokun island, where they were kindly treated and furnished with
provisions, although rigidly secluded and guarded against all
communication with the main land. An English ship from
Shanghai rescued the crews. During the ensuing eight years re-
ALARM IN COREA. 351
peated efforts were made by missionaries and native converts to
enter Corea and advance the work there, and the labor of prop-
agation progressed. A number of religious works in the Corean
language were printed from -a native printing press and widely
circulated. In 1850 the Christians numbered eleven thousand,
and five young men were studying for the priesthood. Regular
mails sewn into the thick cotton coats of the men in the annual
embassy were sent to and brought from China. The western
nations were beginning to take an interest in the twin hermits of
the east, Corea and Japan. In 1852, the Russian frigate Pallas
traced and mapped a portion of the shore line of the east coast,
and the work was continued three years later by the French war
vessel Virginie. At the end of this voyage the whole coast from
Rusan to the Tunien was known with some accuracy and mapped
out with European names.
It was in the intervening years, 1853 and 1854, that Commodore
Perry and the American squadron were in the waters of the far
east, driving the wedge of civilization into Japan. The American
flag, however, was not yet seen in Corean waters, though the court
of Seoul was kept informed of Perry's movements.
A fresh reinforcement of missionaries reached Corea in 1857.
When three years later the French and English forces opened war
with China, took the Peiho forts, entered Peking, and sacked the
summer palace of the Son of Heaven, driving the Chinese emperor
to flight, the loss of Chinese prestige struck terror into all
Corean hearts. For six centuries China had been in Corean eyes
the synonym and symbol of invincible power. Copies of the
treaties made between China and the allies, granting freedom of
trade and religion, were soon read in Corea, causing intense
alarm. But the most alarming thing was the treaty between
China and Russia, by which the Manchoo rulers surrendered the
great tract watered by the Amoor river and bordered by the
Pacific, to Russia. It was a rich and fertile region, with a coast
full of harbors, and comprising an area as large as France. The
boundaries of Siberia now touch Corea. With France on the
right, Russia on the left, China humbled, and Japan opened to
the western world, it is not strange that the rulers in Seoul
trembled. The results to Christianity were that within a few
352 INTRIGUES IN THE COURT.
years thousands of natives fled their country and settled in the
Russian villages. At the capital, official business was suspended
and many families of rank tied to the mountains. In many in-
stances people of rank humbly sought the good favor and pro-
tection of the Christians, hoping for safety when the dreaded
invasion should come. In the midst of these war preparations, the
French missionary body was reinforced by the arrival of four of
their countrymen who set foot on the soil of their martyrdom,
October, 1861.
The Ni dynasty, founded in 1892, came to an end January 15,
1864, by the death of King Chul-chong, who had no child, before
he had nominated an heir. Palace intrigues and excitement
among the political parties followed. The widows of the three
kings who had reigned since 1881 were still living. The eldest
of these, Queen Cho, at once seized the royal seal and emblems of
authority, which high-handed move made her the mistress of the
situation. A twelve -year-old lad was nominated for the throne,
and his father, Ni Kung, one of tlie royal princes, became the
actual regent. He held the reins of government during the next
nine years, ruling with power like that of an absolute despot.
He was a rabid hater of Christianity, foreigners, and progress.
The year 1866 is phenomenal in Corean history. It seemed
to the rulers as if the governments of many nations had con-
spired to pierce their walls of isolation. Russians, French-
men, Englishmen, Americans, Germans, authorized and un-
authorized, landed to trade, rob, kill, or what was equally ob-
noxious to the regent and his court, to make treaties. This and
the rapid progress of Christianity now excited the anti-Christian
party, which was in full power at the court, to clamor for the en-
forcement of the old edict against the foreign religion.
Vainly the regent warned the court of the danger from Europe.
Forced by the party in power, he signed the death warrants of
bishops and priests and promulgated anew the old laws against
the Christians. Within a few weeks fourteen French priests and
'bishops were tortured to death, and twice as many native mis-
sionaries and students for the priesthood suffered like fate.
Scores of native Christians were put to death, and hundreds more
were in prison. In a little over a month, all missionary operations
FRENCH fiXPEDlTtOK TO SEOUL. 353
came to a standstill. The three French priests who remained
alive escaped from the peninsula in a Chinese junk, and finally
reaohed Chefoo October 26. Not one foreign priest now remained
in Corea, and no Christian dared openly confess his faith. Thus
after twenty years of nearly uninterrupted labora, the church was
again stripped of her pastors, and at the end of eighty-two years
of Corean Christianity the curtain fell in blood.
With Bishop Ridel as interpreter and three of his converts as
pilots, three French vessels were sent to explore the Han River
and to make effort to secure satisfaction for the murder of the
French bishops and priests in the previous March. They entered
the river September 21, and two of the vessels advanced to Seoul,
leaving one at the mouth of the river. One or two forts fired on
the vessels as they steamed along, and in one place a fleet of
junks gathered to dispute their passage. A well-aimed shot sunk
two of the crazy craft, and a bombshell dropped among the ar-
tillerists in the redoubt, silenced it at once. On the evening of
the 25th, the two ships cast anchor and the flag of France floated
in front of the Corean capital. The hills were white with gazing
thousands, who for the first time saw a vessel moving under steam.
The ships remained abreast of the city several days, the ofiicers
taking soundings and measurements, computing heights, and mak-
ing plans. Bishop Ridel went on shore in hopes of finding a
Christian and hearing some news but none dared to approach
him. While the French remained in the river not a bag of rice
nor a fagot of wood entered Seoul. Eight days of such terror,
and a famine would have raged in the city. Seven thousand
houses were deserted by their occupants. When the ships re-
turned to the mouth of the river two converts came on board.
They informed Ridel of the burning of a "European" vessel, the
General Sherman, at Ping- Yang, of the renewal of the persecu-
tion, and of the order that Christians should be put to death with-
out waiting for instructions from Seoul. Sailing away, the ships
arrived at Chefoo, October 3.
The regent, now thoroughly alarmed, began to stir up the '
country to defense. The military forces in every province were
called out, and the forges and blacksmith shops were busy day
and night in making arms of every known kind. Loaded junks
354 UKPrLSE Ot" TliK FRENCH.
were sunk in the channel of the Han to obstruct it. Word was
sent to the tycoon of Japan informing him of tlie trouble, and
begging for assistance, but the Yeddo government had quite all it
could do at that time to take care of itself. Instead of help two
commissioners were appointed to go to Seoul and recommend tliat
Corea open her ports to foreign commerce as Japan had done, and
thus choose peace instead of war with foreigners. Before the
envoys could leave Jai)aii the tycoon had died, and the next year
Japan was in the throes of civil war, the shogunate was abolished,
and Corea was for the time utterly forgotten.
Another fleet of French vessels sailed from China to Corea,
consisting of seven ships of various kinds, and with six hundred
soldiers. The force landed before the city of Kang-wa on tlie
island of the same name, and captured the city without difficulty
on the morning of October 16. Several engagements in the same
vicinity followed, all of them successful to the French until they
came to attack a fortified monastery on the island some ten days
later. Here they were repulsed with heavy loss to themselves
and to the foe. The next morning to the surprise of all and the
anger of many, orders were given to embark. The troops in
Kang-wa set fire to the city which in a few hours burned to ashes.
The departure of the invaders was so precipitate that Corean
patriots to this day gloat over it as a disgraceful retreat.
In the palace at Seoul the resolve was made to exterminate
Christianity, root and branch. Women and even children were
ordered to the death. Several Christian nobles were executed.
One Christian who was betrayed in the capital by his pagan
brother, and another fellow believer, were taken to the river side
in front of the city, near the place where the two French vessels
had anchored. At this historic spot, by an innovation unknown
in the customs of Cho-sen, they were decapitated and their head-
less trunks held neck downward to spout out the hot life blood,
that it might wash away the stain of foreign pollution. Upon the
mind of the regent and court the efl^ect was to swell their pride
to the folly of extravagant conceit. Feeling themselves cible
almost to defy the world, they began soon after to hurl their de-
fiance at Japan. The results of this expedition were disastrous
all over the east. Happening at a time when relations between
EFFECTS OF THE RETREAT. ^55
foreigneis and Cliiuese were strained, the unexpected return of
the fleet filled the minds of Europeans in China with alarm.
The smothered embers of hostility to foreign influence, steadily
gathered vigor as the report spread through China that the hated
Frenchmen had been driven away by the Coreans. The fires at
length broke out in the Tien-tsin massacre of 1870.
It was this same year, 1866, that witnessed tlie marriage of the
young king, now but fourteen years old, to Min, the daughter of
one of the noble families. Popular report has always credited
the young queen with abilities not inferior to those of her royal
husband. The Min or Ming family is largely Chinese in blood
and origin, and beside being preeminent among all the Corean
nobility in social, political, and intellectual power, has been most
strenuous in adherence to Chinese ideas and traditions with the
purpose of keeping Corea unswerving in her vassalage and loyalty
to China.
American associations with Corea have been peculiarly interest-
ing. The commerce carried on by American vessels with Chinese
and Japanese ports made the navigation of Corean waters a ne-
cessity. Sooner or later shipwrecks must occur, and the question
of the humane treatment of American citizens cast on Corean
shores came up before our government for settlement, as it had
long before in the case of Japan. Within one year the Corean
government had three American cases to deal with. June 24,
1866, the American schooner Surprise, was wrecked off the coast
of Wang-hai. The approach of any foreign vessel was especially
dangerous at this time, as the crews might be mistaken for French-
men and killed by the people from patriotic impulses. Neverthe-
less, the captain and his crew, after being well catechised by the
local magistrate and by a commissioner sent from Seoul, were
kindly treated and well fed and provided with the comforts of
life. By orders of Tai-wen Kun, the regent, they were escorted
on horseback to Ai-cliiu and after being feasted there were con-
ducted safely to the border gate. Thence after a hard journey
via Mukden they got to Niiichwang and to the United States
consul.
The General Sherman was an American schooner that had the
second experience with the Coreans. The vessel was owned by
*>».
'A AM£RICA3r AFFAIBS IX COREA.
a Kr« Preston who was making a vovs^e for health. At Tien-tsin
the ichoooer was loaded with goods likely to be salable in Coiea,
and she was dispatched there on an experimental Toyage in the
hope of thus opening the country to commerce. The complement
of the vessel was five white foreigners and nineteen Malay and
Chinese sailors. The white men were Mr. Hogarth, a yonng
Englishman, Mr. Preston, the owner, and Messrs. Page and
Wilson, the master and mate of the vessel, and the Rev. Mr.
Thomas, a missionary, who were Americans. From the first the
character of the expedition was suspected, because the men were
rather too heavily armed for a peaceful trading voyage. It was
believed in China that the royal coffins in the tombs of Ping-Yang
were of solid gold, and it was broadly hinted that the expedition
had something to do with these.
The schooner, whether merchant or invader, sailed from Chefoo
and made for the mouth of the Tatong River. There they met the
Chinese captain of a Chefoo junk who agreed to pilot them up
the river. He stayed with the General Sherman for two days,
then leaving her he returned to the river's mouth, and sailed back
to Chefoo. No further direct intelligence was ever received from
the unfortunate party. According to one report the hatches of
the schooner were fastened down after the crew had been driven
beneath, and set on fire. According to another, all were de-
capitated. The Coreans burned the woodwork for the iron and
took the cannon for models.
The United States steamship Wachusett, dispatched by Admiral
Rowan to inquire into the matter, reached Chefoo January 14,
1867, and took on board the Chinese pilot of the General Sher^
man. leaving Chefoo they cast anchor two days later at the
mouth of the large inlet next south of the Tatong River, thinking
that they had reached their destination. A letter was dispatched
to the capital of the province demanding that the murderers be
produced on the deck of the vessel. Five days elapsed before the
answer arrived, during which the surveying boats were busy.
Many natives were met and spoken with, who all told one story,
that the Sherman's crew were murdered by the people and not by
official instigation. In a few days an officer from one of the
villages appeared. He would give neither information nor satis-
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THE GENERAL SHERMAN CASE. 359
faction, and the gist of his reiteration was ^' go away as soon as
possible." Commander Shufeldt, bound by his orders, could do
nothing more, and being compelled also by stress of weather came
away.
Later in the year Dr. Williams, Secretary of the United States
Legation at Peking, succeeded in obtaining an interview with a
member of the Corean embassy, who told him that after the
General Sherman got aground she careened over as the tide
receded, and lier crew landed to guard or float her. The natives
gathered around them, and before long an altercation arose. A
general attack began upon the foreigners, in which every man was
killed by the mob. About twenty of the natives lost their lives.
Dr. Williams' comment is, " The evidence goes to uphold the
presumption that they invoked their sad fate by some rash or
violent act towards the natives."
The United States steamship Shenandoah was sent to make
further investigation, and this version of the story was given to
the commander. The Coreans said, that when the Sherman
arrived in the river, the local officials went on board and addressed
the two foreign ofiBcers of the ship in respectful language. The
latter grossly insulted the native dignitaries. The Coreans treated
their visitors kindly, but warned them of their danger and the un-
lawfulness of penetrating into the country. Nevertheless, the
foreigners went up the river to Ping-Yang where they seized the
ship of one of the city officials, put him in chains, and proceeded
to rob the junks and their crews. The people of the city aroused
to wrath, attacked the foreign ship with firearms and cannon ;
they set adrift fire rafts and even made a hand to hand fight with
knives and swords. The foreigners fought desperately, but the
Coreans overpowered them. Finally the ship caught fire and
blew up with a terrible report. This story was not, of course,
believed by the American officers, but even the best wishers and
friends of the Sherman adventurers cannot stifle suspicion of
either cruelty or insult to the natives. Remembering the kind-
ness shown to the crew of the Surprise it is difficult to believe
that the General Sherman's crew was murdered without cause.
In 1884 Lieutenant J. B. Bernudon, of the United States navy,
made a journey from Seoul to Ping- Yang, and being able to speak
3M AMERICAN EXPEDITIOX&
Corean, secured the following information from native Christians:
The governor of Ping- Yang sent officers to inquire the mission of
the Sherman. To gratify their curiosity large numbers of the
common people set out also in boats which the Sherman^s crew
mistook for a hostile demonstration and fired guns in the air to
warn them off. When the river fell the Sherman grounded and
careened over, which being seen from the city walls, a fleet of
b lats set out with hostile intent and were fired upon. Officers
:ind people now enraged, started fire rafts, and soon the vessel,
though with white flag hoisted, was in flames. Of those who
leai^ed into the river most were drowned. Of those picked up one
was the Kev. Mr. Thomas, who was able to talk Corean. He
explained the meaning of the white flag, and begged to be sur-
rendered to China. His prayer was in vain. In a few days all
the prisoners were led out and publicly executed.
Ill the spring of 1867 an expedition was organized by a French
Jesuit priest who spoke Corean, having been a missionary in the
country; a German Jew named Ernest Oppert; and the inter-
preter at the United States consulate in Shanghai, a man named
Jenkins. These worthies, it is said, conceived a plan to steal the
bo<ly of one of the dead Corean monarchs, and hold it for ransom.
With two steam vessels and a crew of sailors, laborers, and cool-
ies, the riff'raflF of humanity, such as swarm in every Chinese
port, they left Shanghai the last day of April, steamed to Naga-
saki, and then to the West coast of Corea, landing in the river
which flows into Prince Jerome Gulf. The steam tender which
accompanied the larger vessel took an armed crowd up the river
as far as possible, and from this point the march across the open
coinitry to the tomb was begun. Their tools were so inefl^ective
that they could not move the rocky slab which covered the sar-
C(»phagus, and they were compelled to give up their task. Dur-
ing their return march they were attacked by the exasperated
(.'Oreans, but were able to protect themselves without great diffi-
culty. During the remainder of their buccaneering trip, which
lasted ten days, they had various skirmishes and two or three of
their party were killed. On their return to Shanghai the Amer-
ican of the party was arrested and tried before the United States
nonsul, but it was impossible to prove the things with which Jen-
SEEKING A TREATY. 361
kins was charged, and he was dismissed. A few years later Op-
pert published a work in which he told the story of his different
voyages to Corea, including this last one. In writing of the last
he takes pains to gloss over the intentions of his journey and to
explain the good motives behind it.
The representations made to the department of state at Wash-
ington by the United States diplomatic corps in China concerning
these different attempts to enter Corea, directed the attention of
the United States government to the opening of Corea to Ameri-
can commerce. The state department in 1870 resolved to under-
take the enterprise. Frederick F. Low, minister of the United
States to Peking, and Rear Admiral John Rodgers, commander in
chief of the Asiatic squadron, were entrusted with the delicate
mission. The American squadron consisted of the flagship Colo-
rado, the corvettes Alaska and Dimitia, and the gunboats Monoc-
acy and Palos. In spite of the formidable appearance of the navy,
the vessels were either of an antiquated type, or of too heavy a
draft, with their armament defective. All the naval world in
Chinese waters wondered why the Americans should be content
with such old fashioned ships unworthy of the gallant crews who
manned them.
The squadron anchored near the mouth of the Han River May
30, 1871. Approaching the squadron in a junk, some natives
made signs of friendship and came on board without hesitation.
They bore a missive acknowledging the receipt of the letter which
the Americans had sent to Corea some months before, by a special
courier from the Chinese court. This reply announced that three
nobles had been appointed by the regent for a conference. The
next day a delegation of eight officers of the third and fifth rank
came on board, evidently with intent to see the minister and ad-
miral to learn all they could and gain time. They had little
authority and no credentials, but they were sociable, friendly and
in good humor. Neither of the envoys would see them, because
they lacked rank and credentials and authority. The Corean en-
voys were informed that soundings would be taken in the river
and the shores would be surveyed.
The best judges of eastern diplomacy think that this mission
was very poorly managed. These envoys were sent ashore, and
362 BRAVE FIGHTING.
at noon on the 2nd of June the survey fleet moved up the river.
The fleet consisted of four steam launches abreast, followed by
the Palos and Monocacy. But a few minutes passed until from a
fort on the shore a severe fire was opened on the moving boats.
The Americans promptly returned the fire, with the result that
the old Palos injured herself by the cannon kicking her sides out.
The Monocacy also struck a rock and began to leak badly, but
after hammering at the forts until they were all silenced, the
squadron was able to return down the river and not greatly in-
jured. Strange to say only one American was wounded and none
were killed. It was a strong evidence of the poor marksmanship
of Corean gunners.
Ten days were now allowed to pass before further action was
taken, then the same force started up the river again, enlarged by
twenty boats conveying a landing force of *x hundred and fifty
men. These were arranged in ten companies of infantry and
seven pieces of artillery. The squadron proceeded up the river
on the morning of the 10th of June, and soon after noon, liaving
demolished and emptied the first fort, the troops were landed.
The next day they began the march and soon reached another
fortification which was deserted. Here all of the artillery was
tumbled into the river and the fort was named Monocacy. In
another hour, another citadel was reached, attacked, and con-
quered by the united efforts of the troops on shore and the ves-
sels in the stream. The final charge of the American troops up
a steep incline met a terrible reception. The Coreans fought
with furious courage in hand to hand conflict. Finally the enemy
was completely routed, some three hundred and fifty of them
being killed. On the American side three were killed, and ten
wounded. Before the day was over two more forts were captured.
The result of the forty-eight hours on shore, of which only eigh-
teen were spent in the field, was the capture of five forts, probably
the strongest in the kingdom, fifty flags, and four hundred and
eighty-one pieces of artillery. The work of destruction was car-
ried on and made as thorough as fire, ax and shovel could make
it, and this was all on Sunday, June 11.
Early on Monday morning the whole force was re-embarked in
perfect order, in spite of the furious tide. The fleet moved dowu
WAR WITH THE HEATHEN. 363
the stream with the captured colors at the mast heads, and towing
the boats laden with the trophies of victory. Later in the day
the men slain in the figlit were buried on Boisee Island, and the
first American graves rose on Corean soil.
Admiral Rodgers, having obeyed to the farthest limit the orders
given him, and all hope of making a treaty being over, the fleet
sailed for Chefoo on the 3rd of July, after thirty-five days' stay
in Corean waters.
*' Our little war with the heathen," as the New York Herald
styled it, nttracted slight notice in the United States. In China
the expedition was looked upon as a failure and a defeat. The
popular Corean idea was that the Americans had come to avenge
the death of pirates and robbers, and after several battles had
been so surely defeated that they dare not attempt the task of
chastisement again.
When the mikado was restored to supreme power in Japan, and
the department of foreign affairs was created, one of the first
things attended to was to invite the Corean government to resume
ancient friendship and vassalage. This summons, coming from
a source unrecognized for eight centuries, and to a regent swollen
with pride at his victory over the French and his success in extir-
pating the Christian religion, was spurned with defiance. An in-
solent and even scurrilous letter was returned to the mikado's
government. The military classes, stung with rage, formed a war
party, but the cabinet of Japan vetoed the scheme and in October,
1873, Saigo, the leader of the war party, resigned and was re?
turned to Satsuma to brood over his defeat.
In 1873 the young king of Corea attained his majority. His
father Tai-wen Kun, the Regent, by the act of the king was re-
lieved of office and his bloody and cruel lease of power came to
an end. The young sovereign proved himself a man of some
mental vigor and independent judgment, not merely trusting to
his ministers, but opening important documents in person. He
was ably seconded by his wife, to whom was born in the same
year an heir to the throne.
The neutral belt of land, long inhabited by deer and tigers, had^
within the last few decades been overspread with squatters, brig-
ands, and outlaws. The depredations of these border ruffians
18
364 NEUTRAL STRIP ABOLISHED.
•
had become intolerable both to China and Corea. In 1875 Li
Hung Chang sending a force of picked Chinese troops with a
gunboat to the Yalu broke up the nest of robbers and allowed
settlers to enter the land. Two years later the Peking government
shifted its frontier to the Yalu River, and Corean and Chinese
territory was separated only by flowing water. The neutral strip
was no more.
In 1875 some sailors of one of the Japanese ironclads, landing
near Kang-wa for water, were fired on by Corean soldiers under
the idea that tliey were Americans or Frenchmen. The Japanese
before this time Iiad adopted uniforms of foreign style for their
navy. Retaliating, the Japanese two days later stormed and dis-
mantled the fort, shot most of the garrison, and carried the spoils
to the ships. The news of tliis affair brought the wavering minds
of both the peace and the war party of Japan to a decision. An
envoy was dispatched to Peking to find out the exact relation of
China to Corea, and secure her neutrality. At the same time an-
other was sent with the fleet to the Han River, to make if possi-
ble a treaty of friendship and open ports. General Kuroda hav-
ing charge of the latter embassy, with men of war, transports,
and marines, reached Seoul February the 6th, 1876. About the
same time a courier from Peking arrived in the capital, bearing
the Chinese imperial recommendation that a treaty be made with
the Japanese. The temper of the young king had been mani-
fested long before this by his rebuking the district magistrate of
Kang-wa for allowing soldiers to fire on peaceably disposed people,
and ordering the offender to degradation and exile. Arinori
Mori in Peking had received a written disclaimer of China's re-
sponsibility over Corea, by which stroke of policy the Middle
Kingdom freed herself from all possible claims of indemnity from
France, the United States, and Japan.
After several days of negotiation the details of the treaty were
settled, and on February 27 the treaty in which Chosen was rec-
ognized as an independent nation was signed and attested.
The first Corean embassv which had been accredited to the mi-
kado's court since the Twelfth century, sailed from Fusan in a Jap-
anese steamer, landing at Yokohama, May 29. By railroad and
st^am cars they reached Tokio, and on the first of June the envoy
JAPAN AND COREA MAKE TREATY. 365
had audience of the mikado. For three weeks the Japanese
amused, enlightened and startled tlieir guests by showing them
their war ships, arsenals, artillery, torpedoes, schools, buildings,
factories, and oflBces, equipped with steam and electricity, the
ripened fruit of the seed planted by Perry in 1864. All attempts
of foreigners to hold any communication with them were firmly
rejected by the Coreans. Among the callers with diplomatic
powers from the outside world in 1881, each eager and ambitious
to be the first in wresting the coveted prize of a treaty, were two
British captains of men-of-war and a French naval oflScer, all of
whom sailed away with rebuffs.
Under the new treaty Fusan soon became a bustling place of
trade with a Japanese population of some two thousand. Public
buildings were erected for the Japanese consulate, chamber of
commerce, bank, steamship company, and hospitals. A news-
paper was established, and after a few years of mutual contact at
Fusan the Coreans, though finding the Japanese as troublesome
as the latter discovered foreigners to be after their own ports were
opened, with much experience settled down to endure them for
the sake of a trade which was undoubtedly enriching the country.
Gensan was opened May 1, 1880. An exposition of Japanese,
European, and American goods was established for the benefit of
trade with the Coreans.
Russia, England, France, Italy, and the United States all made
efforts in the next few months to make treaties with Corea, and
all were politely rejected. Early in 1881 Chinese and Japanese
influence began to be enlisted in favor of the United States in the
effort to make a treaty. Li Hung Chang, China's liberal states-
man, wrote a letter to a Corean gentleman in which he advised
the country to seek the friendship of the United States. The
Chinese secretary of legation at Tokio also declared to the Co-
reans that Americans were the natural friends of Asiatic nations,
and should be welcomed. It began to look more hopeful for the
United States to secure her treaty through the influence of the
Chinese than that of the Japanese, on whom we had previously
depended. One of the most important moves in the advancement
of Corea's civilization was the sending of a party of thirty-four
prominent men to visit Japan, and further study the problem of
366 AMERICAN TREATY SIGNED.
how far western ideas were adapted to an oriental state. The
leader of this party, after his return from Japan, was dispatched
on a mission to China, where Iiis conference was chiefly with Li
Hung Chung. He had now a good opportunity of judging the
relative merits of Japan and China. The results of this mission
were soon apparent, for shortly after, eighty young men were sent
to Tien-tsin where they began to diligently pursue their studies of
western civilization as it had impressed itself on China in the
arsenals and schools.
The spirit of progress made advance from the beginning of
1882, but discussion reached fever heat in deciding whether the
favor of Japan nr China should be most sought, and which for-
eign nation should be first admitted to treaty rights. An event
not unlooked-for, increased the power of the progressionists.
Kozaikai urged the plea of expulsion of foreigners in such intem-
perate language that he was accused of reproaching the sovereign.
At the same time a conspiracy against the life of the king was
discovered. Kozaikai was put to death, many of the conspirators
were exiled, and the ringleaders were sentenced to be broken
alive on the wheel. The progressionists had now the upper hand,
and early in the spring two envoys went to Tlen-lhin to inform
Americans and Chinese that the Corean government was ready
to make a treaty. Meanwhile Japanese officers were drilling
the Corean soldiers in Seoul.
The American diplomatic agent. Commodore R. W. Shufeldt,
arrived in the Swatara off Chemulpo May 7. Accompanied by
three oflBcers he went six miles into the interior, to the office of
the Corean magistrate, to formulate the treaty. Two days after-
ward the treaty document was signed, in a temporary pavilion on
a point of land opposite the ship. Both on the American and
Corean side this result had been brought about only after severe
toil and prolonged eff'ort.
Four days after the signing of the American treaty, the crown-
prince, a lad of nine years old, was married in Seoul. This year
will be forever known as the year of the treaties. Within a few
months treaties were signed by Corea with Great Britain, France,
G*;rmany, Italy and China. Within a week there appeared in the
harbor of Chemulpo two American, three British, one French, one
OUTBREAK IN SEOUL. 369
Japanese, one German and five Chinese armed vessels; all of them
except the French had left by June 8, to the great relief of the
country people, many of whom had fled to the hills when the big
guns began to waste their powder in salutes.
The Japanese legation in Seoul now numbered about forty per-
sons. They seemed to suspect no imminent danger, although the
old fanatic and tyrant Tai-wen Kun was still alive and plotting.
He was the centre of all the elements hostile to innovation, and
being a man of unusual ability, was possessed of immense influ-
ence. During the nine years of his nominal retirement from of-
fice, this bigoted Confucianist who refused to know anything of
the outer world waited his opportunity to make trouble. Just
then the populace was most excited over the near presence of the
foreigners at Chemulpo, the usual rainfall was withheld, and in
the consequent drought the rice crop was threatened with total
failure. The sorcerers and the anti-foreign party took advantage
of the situation to play on the fears of the superstitious people.
The spirits displeased at the intrusion of the western devils were
angry, and were cursing the land.
While the king was out in the open air praying for rain July
23, a mob of sympathizers with the old regent attempted to seize
him. The king escaped to the castle. Some mischief-maker then
started the report that the Japanese had attacked the royal castle
and had seized the king and queen. Forthwith the mob rushed
with frantic violence upon the legation, murdering the Japanese
policemen and students whom they met on the streets, and the
Japanese military instructors in the barracks. Not satisfied with
this, the rioters, numbering four thousand men, attacked and de-
stroyed the houses of the ministers favoring intercourse. Many
of the Mins and seven Japanese were killed. The Japanese le-
gation attaches made a brave defence to the night attack which
was made on them. Armed only with swords and pistols, the
Japanese formed themselves into a circle, charged the mob, and
cut their way through it. After an all night march through a se-
vere storm, the little band fighting its way for much of the time,
reached In-chiun at three o'clock the next day. The governor re-
ceived them kindly and supplied food and dry clothing, then posit-
ing sentinels to watch so that the Japanese could get some rest.
370 J\PANE>E FORCE RESPECT.
ill au hour the mob attacked them there, and thev were asaiu
compelled to cut their way out. They now made for Chtrmulpo,
the seaport of the city, and about miduiglit. haviug procured a
junk, they put to sea. The ntrxt moruiug they were taken on
Ixiard a British vessel which was surveying the coast, and a few
flays later were landed at Nagasaki.
Without hesitation the Japanese government began prepara-
tions for a military and naval attack. Hanabus;t, the minister to
Corea and his suite were sent back to Seoul, escorted by a mili-
tary force. He was received with courtesy in the capital whence
he had been driven three weeks ago. The fleet of Chinese war
ships was also at hand, and everything was apparently under the
control of Tai-wen Kun, who now professed to be friendly to for-
eigners. At his audience with the king, Hanabusa presented the
demands of his government. These were nominally agreed to,
but several days passing without satisfactory action. Hanabusa
having exhausted remonstrance and argument left Seoul and re-
turned to his ship. This unexpected move, a menace of war,
brought the usurper to terms. On receipt of Tai-wen Kun^s
apologies, the Japanese envu}- returned to the capital and full
agreement was given to all the demands of Japan by the Corean
government. The insurgents were arrested and punished, the
heavy indemnity was paid, and an apology was sent by a special
embassy to Japan. Within the next few days Tai-wen Kun was
taken on board a Chinese ship at tlie orders of Li Hung Chang
and taken to Tien-tsin. It is generally believed that this action
was practically a kidnapping, but whether to rescue Tai-wen
Kun from the dangei-s which threatened him or to maintain
China's old theory of sovereign control over Corean rulers it is
hard'to know.
The treaty negotiated with the United States was duly ratified
by our senate, and Lucius H. Foote was appointed minister to
Corea. General Foote reached Chemulpo in the United States
steamship Monocacy May 13, and the formal ratifications of the
treaty were exchanged in Seoul six days later. The guns of the
Monocacy, tlie same which shelled the Han forts in 1870, fired the
first salute ever given to the Corean flag. The king responded by
sending to the United States an embassy of eleven persons led by
COREANS IN AMERICA. 371
Min Youg Ik and Hong Yong Sik, members respectively of the
conservative and liberal parties.
Their interview with President Arthur was in the parlors of
the Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York, on September 17. All the
Coreans were dressed in their national custom, which they wore
habitually while in America. After spending some weeks in the
study of American Institutions in several cities, part of the em-
bassy returned home by way of San Francisco, leaving one of
their number at Salem, Mass., to remain as a student ; while Min
Yong Ik and two secretaries embarked on the United States
steamship Trenton, and after visiting Europe, reached Seoul in
June, 1884.
We have now reached a point in Corean history from which
a continuance can be. better made in a later chapter. Almost
from the time of the return of the Corean embassy from the
United States, the political ferment increased, until a few months
after began the disorders which culminated ten years later in the
present Japanese-Chinese war. These events will therefore be re-
lated in the chapter which is to follow, descriptive of the causes
of the war, and the relations of the three oriental nations at the
outbreak of hostilities.
GEOGRAPHY, GOVERNMENT, CLIMATE AND PRO-
UCTS OF COREA.
060KnphleaI Limits of Core*— Chaneterfstfcsof the Coast Line— The Sorfsee Configorft-
tlOB of the Country—Isolation Made Easy by the Character of Its Boundaries— Rirers of the
Peninsula— The CHimate— Forests, Plants and Animals— Products of the Soil and of the Mine
—Extent of Foreign Trade— The Eight provinces of Corea, Their Extent, Cities, and History
'^GoTemment of the Corean Kingdom— The Dignitaries and their Duties— Corruption in
the Administration of Offlcial Duties— Buying and Selling Offlce— The Executive and the
Judiciary.
For many a year the country of Corea has been known in little
more than name. Its territory is a peninsula on the east coast of
Asia, between China on the continent, and the Japanese islands
to the eastward. It extends from thirty-four degrees and thirty
minutes to forty-three degrees north latitude, and from one
hundred and twenty-four degrees and thirty minutes to one
hundred and thirty degrees and thirty minutes east longitude,
between the Sea of Japan and the Yellow Sea. The Yellow Sea
separates it from the southern provinces of China, while the Sea
of Japan and the Strait of Corea separate it from the Japanese
islands. It has a coast line of about one thousand seven hundred
and forty miles, and a total area of about ninety thousand square
miles. The peninsula, with its outljring islands, is nearly equal
in size to Minnesota or to Great Britian. In general shape and
relative position to the Asiatic continent it resembles Florida.
Tradition and geological indications lead to the belief that an-
ciently the Chinese promontory and province of Shan-tung, and
the Corean peninsula were connected, and that dry land once
covered the space filled by the waters joining the Gulf of Pechili
and the Yellow Sea. These waters are so shallow that the eleva-
tion of their bottoms but a few feet would restore their area to
the land surface of the globe. On the other side also, the Sea
of Japan is very shallow and the Straits of Corea at their greatest
depth have but eighty-three feet of water.
The east coast is high, mountainous, and but slightly indented,
372
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE COASTS OF CORE A. u7d
with very few islands or harbors. The south and west shores are
deeply and manifoldly scooped and fringed with numerous
islands. From these island-skirted shores, especially on the west
coast, mud banks extend out to sea beyond sight. While the
tide on the east coast is very slight, only two feet at Gensan, it
increases on the south and west coasts in a north direction, rising
to thirty -three feet at Chemulpo. The rapid rise and fall of tides,
and the vast area of mud left bare at low water, cause frequent
fogs, and render the numerous inlets little available except for
native craft. On the west coast the rivers are frozen in winter,
but the east coast is open the whole winter through.
Quelpaert, the largest island, forty by seventeen miles, lies
sixty miles south of the main land. Port Hamilton, between
Quelpaert and Corea, was for a time an English possession, but in
1886 was given to China. The Russians are generally believed to
have an overweening desire for the magnificent harbor of Port
Lazaref on the east coast of the Corean mainland. In its policy
of exclusion of all foreigners, the government has had its tasks
facilitated by the inaccessible and dangerous nature of the
approaches to the coast. The high mountain ranges and steep
rocks of the east coast, and the thousands of islands, banks,
shoals and reefs extending for miles into the sea on the western
and southern shores, unite to make approach exceedingly diflScult,
even with the best charts and surveys at hand.
In the middle of the northern boundary of Corea, is the most
notable natural feature of the peninsula. It is a great mount-
ain, the colossal Paik-tu or " ever white " mountain, as it is known
from the snow that rests upon its summit. When the Man-
choorians pushed the Coreans farther and farther back, they
reached this mountain, which marked the natural barrier which
they were able to make their permanent boundary line. Accord-
ing to native account, which in Corea is seriously believed, the
highest peak of this mountain reaches the moderate elevation of
forty-four miles. It is famous as the birthplace of Corean folk
lore, and a great deal that is mythical hangs about it still. On
the top of the peak is a lake thirty miles in circumference. From
this lake flow two streams, one to the north-east, the Tumen,
which enters the Sea of Japan ; and the other to the south-west,
374 ftlVERS OF THE PENINSULA.
the Yalu river, which flows into the Corean bay at the head of
the Yellow Sea. Corea is therefore in reality an island. These
two livers and the lake forming the northern boundary are about
four hundred and sixty miles from the ocean at the southern end
of the peninsula. The greatest width of the country is three
hundred and sixty miles and its narrowest about sixty miles.
The Tumen river separates Corea from Manchooria, except in
the last few miles of its course, when it flows by Russian terri-
tory, the south-eastern corner of Siberia. The Yalu river also
divides Corea from Manchooria. The rivers of Corea are not of
great importance except for drainage and water supply, being
navigable but for short distances. On the west coast the chief
rivers are the Yalu, the Ching-chong, the Tatong, the Han, the
Kura ; the Yalu is navigable for about one hundred and seventy
miles and is by far the greatest of all in tlie peninsula. The Han
is navigable to a little above Seoul, eighty miles; the Tatong to
Ping- Yang, seventy-five miles ; and the Kum is navigable for
small boats for about thirty miles. In tlie south-eastern part of
the peninsula the Nak-tong is navigable for small boats to a dis-
tance of one hundred and forty miles. The Tumen river, which
forms the north-eastern boundary between Corea and Siberia, is
not navigable except near the mouth. It drains a mountainous
and rainy country. Ordinarily it is shallow and quiet, but in
spring its current becomes very turbulent and swollen.
Occupying about the same Latitude as Italy, Corea is also, like
Italy, hemmed in on the north by mountain ranges, and traversed
from north to south by another chain. The whole peninsula is
very mountainous, some of the peaks rising to a height of eight
thousand feet.
The climate of the country is excellent, bracing in the north,
with the south tempered by the ocean breezes in summer. The
winters in the north are colder than those of American states in
the same latitude, and the summers are hotter. The heat is
tempered by sea breezes, but in the narrow enclosed valleys it
becomes verv intense. The Han is frozen at Seoul for three
months in the year, suflSciently to be used as a cart road, while
the Tumen is usually frozen for five months.
Various kinds of timber abound, except in the west, where
FAUNA AKD FLORA.
375
wood is scarce and is sparingly used ; and in other parts the want
of coal has caused the wasteful destruction of many a forest.
The fauna is very considerable and besides tigers, leopards, and
deer, includes pigs, wild cats, badgers, foxes, beavers, otters,
martens, bears, and a great variety of birds. The salamander is
found in the streams as in western Japan. The domestic animals
are few. The cattle are excellent, the bull being the usual beast
of bui-den, the pony very small but hardy, fowls good, the pigs
inferior.
Immense numbers of oxen are found in the south, furnishing
the meat diet craved by the people, who eat much more of fiitty
food than the Japanese.
Goats are rare. Sheep are
imported from China only
for sacrificial purposes. The
dog serves for food as well as
for companionship and de-
fense. Of birds the pheas-
ants, falcons, eagle, crane,
and stork are common.
Among the products are
rice, wheat, beans, cotton,
hemp, corn, sesame, and
perilla. Ginseng grows wild
in the Kange mountains and
is also much cultivated about
Kai-seng, the duties upon it, notwithstanding much smuggling,
yielded about half a million dollars annually.
Iron ore of excellent quality is mined; and there are copper
mines in several places. The output of the silver mines is very
small, but the customs returns for 1886 show the value of gold
exported that year to be $503,296. The principal industries are
the manufacture of paper, mats woven of grass, split-bamboo
blinds, oil paper, and silk. The total value of the foreign im-
ports in 1887 was $2,300,000, two-thirds representing cotton
goods ; the native exports reached about $700,000, chiefly beans
and cow hides. The foreign vessels entering the treaty ports
yearly number about seven hundred and fifty, of some two hun-
COREAN BULL HARROWING.
376
INDUSTRtES AND COMMERCIAL LTPE.
dred thousand tons burden. Tliree-fourths of the trade is with
Japan and more than one-fifth with China ; British goods go by
vay of these countries. Until 1888 biisinesB was done chiefly
by barter, imports being exchanged largely for gold dust, and
Japanese silk piece goods being a current exchiinge for trade
inland. In that year the mint iit Seoul was completed, and a
beneficial effect on commerce resulted from the introduction of a
convenient and sufficient coinage. Seoul is connected by tele-
graph with Takn.
Port Arthui
Chemulpo, Gen-
san, and Fusan.
Corea is divided
into eight pro-
vinces, three on the
east coast and five
on the west coast
These eight pro-
vinces are divided
into sixty districts
with about three
hundred and sixty
cities, only sixty
of which however
are entitled to tlie
name, the remiin
der distinguishing
themselves from
the larger hamlets
and villages merely by the walled-in residence of the chief govern-
ment ofGcial. Only a portion of each real city is walled in ; but
it must not be thought that these walls are in any way similar to
those to be found in China, where even second and third rate cities
are protected by high and strong fortifications with moats. Corean
walls are usually about six feet high, miserably constructed, of
irregular and uneven stone blocks, and nearly every one of them
would tumble down at the first shock of a ball fired from a
modern gun.
COKEAN OITY WALL.
HISTORY OF THE NEUTRAL STRIP. 379
Corea has for centuries successfully carried out the policy of
isolation. Instead of a peninsula, her rulers strove to make her
un accessible island, and insulate her from the shock of change.
She has built, not a great wall of masonry, but a barrier of sea
and river-flood, of mountain and devastated laud, of palisade and
cordon of armed sentinels. Frost and snow, storm and winter,
she hailed as her allies. Not content with the sea border, she
desolated her shores lest they should tempt the foreigner to land.
♦ In addition to this, between her Chinese neighbor and herself she
placed a neutral space of unplanted, unoccupied land. This strip
of forest and desolated plain twenty leagues wide, has stretched
for three centuries between Corea and Manchooria. To form it,
four cities and many villages were suppressed and left in ruins.
The soil of these former solitudes is very good, the roads easy, and
the hills not high. The southern boundary of this neutral ground
has been the boundary of Corea, while the northern boundary
has been a wall of stakes, palisades and stone. Two centuries
ago, this line of walls was strong, higli, guarded and kept in
repair, but year by year at last, during a long era of peace, they
were suffered to fall into decay, and except for their ruins exist
no longer. For centuries only the wild beasts, fugitives from
justice, and outlaws from both countries have inhabited this fer-
tile but forbidden territory. Occasionally borderers would culti-
vate portions of it, but gathered the produce by night or stealth-
ily by day, venturing on it as prisoners would step over the dead
line. Of late years the Chinese government has respected the
neutrality of this barrier less and less. Within a generation large
portions of this neutral strip have been occupied ; parts of it
have been surveyed and staked out by Chinese surveyors, and the
Corean government has been too feeble to prevent the occu-
pation. Though no towns or villages are marked on the map of
this neutral territory, yet already a considerable number of small
settlements exist upon it, and it was through them that the over-
land inarches of the Japanese army from Corea into Manchooria
had to be made.
The province which borders this neutral territory, is that of
Ping-yang or " Peaceful Quiet." It is the border land of the
kingdom, containing what was for centuries the only ackuowl-
380 PROVINCE OF PINaYANG.
edged gate of entrance and outlet to the one neighbor which
Corea willingly acknowledged as her superior. The battle of
Ping- Yang recently fought, is only one of many which have
interrupted the harmony of the province of " Peaceful Quiet."
The town nearest the frontier and the gateway of the kingdom is
Wi-ju. It is situated on a hill overlooking the Yalu river, and
surrounded by a wall of light colored stone. The annual
embassy always departed for its overland journey to China
through its gates. Here also are the custom house and vigilant,
guards, whose chief business it was to scrutinize all persons
entering or leaving Corea. Nevertheless most of the French
missionaries have entered the mysterious peninsula through this
loop-hole, disguising themselves as wood cutters, crossing the
Yalu river on the ice, creeping through the water drains in the
grand wall, and passing through this town, or they have been
met by friends at appointed places along the border, and thence
have traveled to the capital. Further details as to the political
condition of this neutral strip will be included in a succeeding
chapter, preliminary to the outbreak of the war. The Tatong
river, which forms the southern boundary of the province, is the
Rubicon of Corean history. At various epochs in ancient times
it was the boundary river of China or of the rival states within
the peninsula. About fifty miles from its mouth is the city of
Ping-Yang, the metropolis and capital of the province and the
royal seat of authority from before the Christian era to the
tenth century. Its situation renders it a natural stronghold. It
has been many times besieged by Chinese and Japanese armies,
and near it many battles have been fought.
The next province to the south is that of Hwanghai or the
** Yellow Sea'' province. This is the land of Corea that projects
into the Yellow Sea directly opposite the Slian-tung promontory
of China, on which are the ports of Chefoo and Wei-hai-wei.
Tien-tsin, the seaport of Peking, is a little farther east. From
these ports since the most ancient times, the Chinese armadas
have sailed and invading armies have embarked for Corea. Over
and over again has the river Tatong been crowded with fleets of
junks, fluttering the dragon banners at their peaks. To guard
against these invasions signal fires were lighted on the hill-topa
WHERE INVADING ARMIES FOUGHT.
381
vhich formed a cordon of flame and sped the alarm from coast to
capital in a few hours. This province has been the camping
ground of the armies of many nations. Here, beside the border
forays which engf^ed the troops of the rival kingdom, the
Japanese, Chinese, Mongols, and Manchoos have contended for
victory again and again. The principal cities of this province
are Hai-chiu the capital, Hwang-ju an old baronial walled city,
and the commercial city of Sunto or Kai-seng. Rock salt, flints,
ginseng, varnish, and brushes made of the hair of wolf tails, are
the principal products of the province.
Kiung-kei is the province which contains the national capital,
. although it is the .
smallest of all.
The city of Han
Yang, or Seoul, is
on the north side
of the river, forty
or fifty miles from
its mouth. The
name Han Yang
means "the fort-
J ress on the Han
I river," while the
common term ap-
plied to the royal
city is Seoul, which
means " the capi-
tal." The popula-
tion of the city is between two hundred thousand and two hundred
iind fifty thousand. The natural advantages of Seoul are excel-
lent, as it is well protected by surrounding mountains, and its
suburbs reach the navigable river. The scenery from the citv is
magnificent. The walls are of masonry, avenging about twenty
feet in height, with arched stone bridges over the water courses.
The streets are narrow and tortuous. The king's castle is in the
northern pnrt. The islands in the river near the capital are
inhabited by fisliermen.
Four gieiit fortresses guard the appioacliea to the royal city.
OATE OF SEOUL.
d82 SEOUL AND ITS FORTIFICATIOX&
all of which have been the scene of siege and battle in time past.
Tlie fortresses in succession are Suwen to the south, Kwang-chiu
to the south-east, Sunto to the north and Kang-wa to the west.
On the walls of the first three have been set the banners of the
hrmts of Ming from China and of Taiko from Japan, in the wai-s
at the close of the sixteenth century. The Manchoo standard in
1687 and the French eagles in 1866 were planted on the
ramparts of Kang-wa. Beside these castled cities there are
forts and redoubts along the river banks crowning most of the
commanding headlands. Over these the stars and stripes floated
for three days in 1871 when the American forces captured the
strongholds.
Sunto is one of the most important, if not the chief commercial
city in the kingdom, and from 960 to 1392 it was the national
capital. The chief staple of manufacture and sale is the coarse
cotton cloth which forms the national dress. Kang-wa on
the island of the same name, at the mouth of the Han river, is
the favorite fortress to which the royal family are sent for safety
in time of war, or are banished in case of deposition.
The province Chung Chong or "Serene Loyalty " is the next
one to the southward facing the Yellow Sea. In the history of
Coreaii Christianity this province will be remembered as the
nursery of tlie faith. Here were made the most converts to the
teuchings of the French missionaries, and here persecutions were
most violent. When the Japanese armies of invasion reached
the capital in 1592, it was over the great highways from Fusan
which cross this province. Chion-Cliiu, the fortress on whose
fate the capital depended, lies in the north-east of the province.
The province contains ten walled cities, and like all its fellows it
is divided into departments, right and left.
The most southern of the eight provinces, Chulla or "Complete
Network** is also the warmest and most fertile. It is nearest to
Shanghai and to the track of foreign commerce. Considerable
quantities of hides, bones, horns, leather, and tallow are exported
to Japan. The beef supplied from the herds of cattle in the pas-
tures of Chulla is famous, and troops of horses graze on the pas-
ture land. The province is well furnished with ports and harbors.
(Christianity had <iuite a hold in this province, and when Corea
THE SOUTH OF THE PENINSULA. 385
t
was partly opened to the world there were many believers
found in the north who were descendants of Christian martyrs.
The capital is Chonchiu. The soil of the province was the scene
of many battles during the Chinese invasions of 1592-97.
The island of Quelpaert is about sixty miles south of the main-
land. It is mountainous, with one peak called Han-ra more than
six thousand five hundred feet high. On its top are three extinct
craters within each of which is a lake of pnre water. Corean
children are • taught to believe that the three first created men of
the world still dwell on these lofty heights.
The most south-easterly province of Corea, and therefore the
nearest to Japan, is Kiung-sang or the "Province of Respectful
Congratulation.*' It is one of the richest of the eight provinces
as well as the most populous, and the seat of many historical
associations with Japan. The city of Kion-chiu was the capital
of the ancient kingdom of Shinra, and from here to Kioto, from
the third to the tenth century, the relations of war and peace,
letters and religion were continuous and fruitful. The province
has always been the gateway of entrance and exit to the Japan-
ese. Fusan, the port which was held by the Japanese from very
ancient times, is well at the south eastern extremity of the penin-
sula. Its fortifications are excellent, and its harbor well protected.
Populous cities encircle the bay on which Fusan stands, and from
this point extend two great roads to Seoul. The influence of cen-
turies of close intercourse with their neighbors, the Japanese, is
strongly marked in this province.
The "River Meadow," or Kang-wen province fronts Japan from
the middle of the eastern coast directly north of Kiung-sang. It
is a province of beautiful scenery and precipitous mountains. The
capital is Wen-chiu. The women of the province are said to be
the most beautiful in Corea.
Ham-kiung, or complete view, is that part of Corean territory
adjoining the boundary of Russia. The south eastern boundary
of Siberia, which has been pushed farther south after every Euro-
pean war with China, touched the Tumen river, the northern
boundary of Corea, in 1858. It is but a little ways from the
mouth of the Tumen river to the forts of Vladivostok and Possiet
in Russian territory. From these cities eiftonds a telegraph
19
386 GREAT COREAN-MANCHOORIAN FAIR.
across Siberia to the cities of European Russia, and here will be the
terminus of the great Trans-Siberian railway now under construc-
tion. Possiet is connected with Nagasaki by an electric cable. In
the event of a war between China and Russia, the Czar would
most probably make Corea the basis of operations. Thousands
of Coreans have left their own country to dwell in the neighboring
portions of Siberia, and most of them are from the province of
Ham-kiung. Persecuted Christians from all over the Corean pen-
insula have however escaped to Russia for protection for many
years. The port of Gensan near Port Lazaref, fronting Brougliton's
Bay has been opened for trade since May 1, 1880, and has been an
important strategic and commercial point ever since. The capital
city of this province is Ham-hung and there are fourteen other
walled cities within its limits. Until the Russians occupied the
adjoining territory, an annual fair was held at the Corea city of
Kion-wen which lies close to the border. Here the Manchoo and
Chinese merchants bartered their wares for those of Corean, the
traffic lasting but two or three days and sometimes only one day.
At the end of the fair any lingering Chinese not soon across the
border was urged over at the point of a spear. Foreigners found
within the Corean limits at any other time were apt to be ruth-
lessly murdered.
The government of Corea, since the amalgamation of the differ-
ent tribes and union of the various states five hundred years
ago, has devolved upon an independent king, an hereditary mon-
arch whose rule was absolute and supreme. Next in authority to
the king are the three Chong, or high ministers. The chief of
these is the greatest dignitary of the kingdom, and in time of mi-
nority or inability of the king wields royal authority. The father
of the present king ruled as regent up to the time when his son
reached his majority in 1874. After the king and the three prime
ministers, come the six heads of departments of government which
rank next. These six department ministers are assisted by two other
associates, the Cham-pan and the Cham e. These four grades and
twenty-one dignitaries constitute the royal council of Dai-jin,
tliough the actual authority is in the three ministers. All of the
department ministers make daily reports of their affairs, and refer
matters of importance to the supreme council. There are also
FORMS OF GOVERNMENT IN COREA.
387
three chamberlains who record every day the acts and words of
the king. A daily government gazette called the Clio-po is issued
{or information on official matters. The general cast and method
of procedure in the court and governmsnt were copied in the be-
ginning after the great model in Peking. The rule of the king
in Coiea is absolute, and his will alone is law. There has always
existed, indeed, the office of a high functionary whose special duty
consists in watching and controlling the royal ai;tions. Formerly
this office really had some significance, but of late years it h&s
possessed none whatever. Another
very curious institution has been
that of the declared or official
favorite, a position generally filled
by some member of a noble family,
or by one of the ministers whose
' influence for good or for evil was
paramount with his royal master.
The titles of the prime ministers
are Chief of The Just Government,
The Just Governor of the Left,
and The Just Governor of the
Right. The six department min-
isters are those of the interior, or
office and public employ, finance,
war, education, punishments or
. justice, and public works. The
duties of the minister of foreign
'aGFairs devolve on the minister of
education.
Each of the eight provinces is under the direction of a Kam-sa
or governor. The cities are divided into six classes, and are
governed by officers of coiresponding rank. Towns are given in
charge of tlie petty m.igistrates, there being twelve r.Tnk8 or
dignities in the official class. In theory, any male Corean able to
pass the government examination is eligible to office, but the
[greater number of the best positions are secured by the nobles
■,ind their friends. The terms of office in these posts, from that
■jf provincial governorship down to the lowest are only for two or
' COREAN HAOtSTRATB
388 FORMS OF GOVERNMENT IN COREA.
three years. At the end of that time the incumbent pays pur-
chase money and is removed to another place. The natural result
of this system is that the officials take little interest in their
offices except to extort as much profit as possible from the people
whom they are governing. With offices and honors sold to the
highest bidder, the high officers sell justice and plunder their sub-
ordinates, while these again try to indemnify themselves by
further extortion.
- The magistrates lay great stress on the trifles of etiquette, and
sumptuary laws exist referring to all sorts of the small things of
life. The rule of tfie local authorities is very minute in all its
ramifications. The system of making every five houses a social
unit is universal. Every subject of the sovereign except nobles
of rank must possess a passport testifying to his personality and
must show his ticket on demand.
Civil matters are decided by the ordinary civil magistrate,
while criminal cases are tried by the military commandant.
Very important cases are referred to the governor of the province,
and thence appealed to the high court in the capital.
COREAN CHARACTERISTICS AND MANNERS OF
LIFE.
Physique of the People— Rigid Caste System— Slavery— Guilds and Trade Unions— Po-
sition of Women— Nameless and Oppressed— Marriage and Family Life— Burial and Mourn-
ing Customs— Dress and Diet— Homes— Home Life— Children— Education— Outdoor Life—
Musie— Literature— Language— Religlou.
The Corean people are mainly of a Mougolian type, though
there is some evidence that there is a Caucasian element in the
stock. They are a little larger and steadier of physique than the
Japanese, or the Chinese of the south, more nearly approaching
to the northern Chinese and even to the tribes in the northeast of
Asia. Frequently individuals are met, with hair not quite black,
and even blue eyes and an almost English style of face. The
characteristics of the people are distinguished to advantage from
that of their Chinese neighbors by the openness and frankness of
their demeanor. The Coreans, even of the lower classes, are
grave and sedate by nature, which, however, does not exclude a
spirit of frank gayety shown on nearer acquaintance. They are
thoroughly honest, faithful and good natured, and attach them-
selves with an almost childlike confidence even to strangers and
foreigners, when once they begin to trust in their sincerity.
Firm, sure, and quick in his walk, the Corean possesses greater
ease and a freer motion than the Chinese, to whom they are su-
perior in height and bodily strength. On the other hand it can-
not be denied that the Coreans rank considerably below the
Chinese in cultivation of good manners, and they are wanting in
that little polish which is not absent even among the lower classes
of China and Japan.
The peculiarity of the Corean race and the difiference between
the same and the neighboring nations, shows itself mainly in the
strict and rigid division of the castes which part the various ranks
of the population of the peninsula from each other, showing some
analogy to the caste institutions prevailing among the Hindus in
India. There exists, however, this notable difference between
the two, that while with the latter this se])aration is based upon
(391)
892 SYSTEM OF CASTE.
religions priuciples and customs, no religious movement appears
as its cause in Corea, where its origin seems solely attributable to
political reasons, which have been maintained and kept up to our
times by the government for reasons of its own. The forms of
Corean society to this day are derived from feudal ranks and di-
visions. The fruit and legacy of feudalism are seen in the serf-
dom or slavery which is Corea's peculiar domestic institution.
Speaking in general terms, society has. four grades, following
the king. These are the nobles and the three classes which come
after them, in the last of which are "the seven low callings." In
detail the grades may be counted b}' the scores. In the lowe»t
grade of the fourth class are " the seven vile callings," that is, the
merchant, boatman, jailer, postal or mail slave, monk, butcher,
and sorcerer. The first and foremost rank, immediately after the
king and the members of the royal family, who stand absolutely
above and beyond these csistes, is taken up by the so-called nobles,
descendants of the old families of chieftains, who are again sub-
divided into two degrees, the civil and the military nobility.
These two classes of nobles, in the course of time, had possessed
themselves of the exclusive right of occupying public oflBce. Fol-
lowing upon these we find the caste of the half nobles, numeri-
cally a very weak class, which forms the transition from the no-
bility to the civic classes. These also enjoy the right to fill cer-
tain offices from their ranks, principally those of government sec-
retaries and translators of Chinese. After these come the civic
caste, which consists of the better and wealthier i)ortion of the
city inhabitants. This class counts amongst its numbers the mer-
chants, manufacturers, and most kinds of artisans. Next follows
the people's caste, wliich comprising the bulk of the people is
naturally the most numerous of all and includes all villagers,
farmers, shepherds, huntsmen, fishermen, and the like.
The nobles are usually the slave holders, many of them having
in their households large numbers whom they have inherited
along with their ancestral chattels. The master has a right to
sell or otherwise dispose of the children of his slaves if he so
choose. Slavery or serfdom in Corea is in a continuous state
of decline, and the number of slaves constantly diminishing.
The slaves are those who are born in a state of servitude, those
SLAVERY on SERFDOM. 898
vho Belt themselves as slaves, and those who are sold to be such
b; their parents in times of famine or for debt. Infants exposed
or abandoned that are picked up and educated become slaves, but
their of^pring are born free. The serfdom is really very mild.
Only the active young men are held to field labor, the young
women being kept as domestics. When old enough to marry, the
males are let free by an annual payment of a sum of money for a
term of years. Outside of private ownership of slaves, there is a
species of government slavery which illustrates the persistency of
STATES MAN ON HONOCTCLE. — Ifattve Drawing.
one feature of the ancient kingdom of Korai perpetuated through
twenty centuries. It is the law that in case of the condemnation
of a great criminal, the ban shall fall upon his wife and children,
who at once become the slaves of the judge. These unfortunates
do not have the privilege of honorably serving the magistrate, but
usually pass their existence in waiting on the menials in the
various government offices. Only a few of the government slaves
are such by birth, most of them having become so through
judicial condemnation in criminal cases; but this latter class fare
894 GUILDS AND LABOR UNIONS.
far worse than the ordinary slaves. They are chiefly females, and
are treated little better than beasts. Nothing can equal the con-
tempt in which they are held.
By union and oi^auization it has come to pass that the common
people and the serfs themselves in Corea have won a certain
degree of social freedom that is increasing. The spirit of asso-
ciation is spread among
the Coreans of all class-
es, from the highest
families to the meanest
slaves. All those who
have any kind of work
or interest in common,
form guilds, corpora-
tions or societies which
Iiave a common fund
contributed to by all for
aid in time of need.
Very powerfal trade
unions exist among tlie
mechanics and laborers,
such aa hat-weavers,
coffin-makers, carpen-
ters, and masons. These
societies enable each
class to possess a mo-
nopoly of trade which
even a noble vainly tries
to break. Sometimes
they hold this right by
00BftA,N BBrsH C1JTTBE. — Notive Drawing, writ pnrchased or ob-
tained from govern-
ment, though usually it is by prescription. Most of the guilds
are taxed by the government for their monopoly enjoyed. They
have their chief or head man who possesses almost despotic
power, even in some guilds of life and death.
One of the most powerful and best organized gtiilds is that of
the porters. The interior commerce of the country being almost
GUILDS AND LABOR UNIONS. 3(t5
entirely on the backs of men and pack horaes, these people have
the monopoly of it. They number about ten thousand, and are
divided by provinces and districts under the orders of chiefs and
inspectors. They have very severe rules for the government of
their guild, and crimes among them are punished with death at
the order of their chief. They are so powerful that they pretend
that even the government dare not interfere with them. They
are honest and faithful in their business, delivering packages with
PORTEas WITH cHAiB — Native Drawing.
certainty to the most remote places in the kingdom. When they
have received an insult, or injustice, or too low wages, they
" strike " in a body and retire from the district. This puts a stop
to all travel and business until the grievances are settled, or sub-
mission to their own terms is made. Owing to the fact that the
country at large is so lacking in the shops and stores common in
other countries, and that instead fairs on set days are so numerous
in the towns and villages, the guild of peddlers and hucksters is
fi% WOMAN'S SKCLUSTON.
very large and influential. This class includes probably two
hundred thousand able bodied persons who in the various provinces
move freely among the people, and are thus useful to government
as spies, detectives, messengers, and in time of need, soldiers.
The Corean woman has little moral existence. She is an in-
strument of pleasure or of labor, but never man's companion or
equal. She has no name. In childhood she receives indeed a sur-
name by which she is known in the family and by near friends,
but as she grows up none but her father and mother employ this
appellation ; to all others she is " the sister " of such a one or *' the
daughter " of so and so. After her marriage her name is buried,
and she is absolutely nameless. Her own parents allude to her
by employing the name of the district or ward in which she is
married. When she bears children she is " the mother " of so and
so. When a woman appears for trial before a magistrate, in order
to «ave time and trouble she receives a special name for the time
being.
In the higher classes of society etiquette requires that the
children be separated after the age of eight or ten years. Aft^r
that time the boys dwell entirely in the men's apartments to stud}'
and even to eat and drink; the girls remain secluded in the
women's quarters. The boys are taught that it is a shameful
thing even to set foot in the female part of the house. The girls
are told that it is disgraceful even to be seen by males, so that
gradually they seek to hide themselves when any of the male sex
appear. These customs, continued from childhood to old age,
result in destroying the family life. A Corean of good taste onl}'^
occasionally holds conversation with his wife, whom he regards as
being far beneath him. The men chat, smoke, and enjoy
themselves in the outer rooms, and the women receive their
parents and friends in the inner apartments. The men seek the
society of their male neighbors, and the women on their part
unite together for local gossip. In the higher classes, when a
young woman has arrived to marriageable age none even of her
own relatives except those nearest of kin, is allowed to see or
speak to her. After their marriage women are inaccessible. They
are nearly always confined to their apartments, nor can they even
look out into the streets without permission from their lords.
toARRlAGi: CUSTOMS. 897
There is, however, another side. Though counting for nothing
in society, and nearly so in their family, they are surrounded by
a certain sort of exterior respect. They are always addressed in
the formulas of tiie most polite language. The men always step
aside in the street to allow a woman to pass, even though she be
of the poorer classes. There is also a peculiar custom which
exists in Seoul which exhibits deference to the comfort of the
women. A bell in the castle is struck at sunset, after which male
citizens are not allowed to go out of their houses even to visit
their neighbors. Women, on the contrary are permitted the free-
dom of the streets after this time, consequently, as they are as-
sured of safety, from seeing men or being seen by them, they
take their exercise and enjoy the outdoors most heartily and
freely at night.
Marriage in Corea is a thing with which a woman has little or
nothing to do. The father of the young man communicates with
the father of the girl he wishes his son to marry. This is often
done without consulting the tastes or character of either, and
usually through a middleman or go-between. The fathers settle
the time of the wedding, and a favorable day is appointed by the
astrologers. Under this aspect marriage seems an affair of small
importance, but in reality it is marriage only that gives one any
civil rank or influence in society. Every unmarried person is
treated as a child. He may commit all sorts of foolishness with-
out being held to account. His capers are not noticed, for he is
not supposed to think or act seriously. Even the unmarried
young men of twenty-five or thirty years of age can take no part
in social reunions or speak on affairs of importance. But mar-
riage is emancipation. Even if mated at twelve or thirteen years
of age, the married are adults. The bride takes her place among
the matrons and the young man has a right to speak among the
men and to wear a hat.
The badge of single or married life is the hair. Before mar-
riage the young man who goes bareheaded, wears a simple tress
hanging down his back. In wedlock the hair is bound up on the
top of the head and is cultivated on all parts of the scalp. Young
persons who insist on remaining single, or bachelors who have not
yet found a wife, sometimes, however, secretly cut oif their hair
898 THE WEDDING DAT.
or get it done by fraud in order to pass for married folks and
avoid being treated as children. Such a custom however is a
gross violation of morals and etiquette.
On the evening before the wedding the young lady who is to be
married invites one of her friends to change her virg^al coiffure
to that of a married woman. The bridegroom-to-be, also invites
one of his acquaintances to do up his hair in manly style. On
the marriage day in the house of the groom a platform is set up
and richly adorned with decorative cloths. Parents, friends, and
acquaintances assemble in a crowd. The couple to be married,
who may never have seen or spoken to each other, are brought
in and take their places on the platform face to face. There they
remain for a few minutes. They salute each other with profound
obeisance but utter not a word. This constitutes the ceremony
of marriage. Each then retires upon either side; the bride to
the female, and the groom to the male apartments, where feast-
ing and amusement after fashions in vogue in Chosen take place.
The expense of a wedding is considerable and the bridegroom
must be unstinting in his hospitality. Any failure in this particu-
lar may subject him to unpleasant practical jokes. On her wed-
ding day the young bride must preserve absolute silence both on
the marriage platform and in the nuptial chamber. Etiquette re-
quires this at least among the nobility. Though overwhelmed
with questions and compliments, silence is her duty. She must
rest mute and impassive as a statue.
It is the reciprocal salutation before witnesses on the wedding
dais that constitutes legitimate marriage. From that moment a
husband may claim a woman as his wife. Conjugal fidelity, oblig-
atory on the woman, is not required of the husband, and a wife
is little more than a slave of superior rank. Among the nobles
the young bridegroom spends three or four days with his bride,
and then absents himself from her for a considerable time to prove
that he does not esteem her too highly. To act otherwise would
be considered in very bad taste and highly unfashionable.
Habituated from infancy to such a yoke and regarding them-
selves as of an inferior race, most women submit to their lot with
exemplary resignation. Having no idea of progress or of an in-
fraction of established usage they bear all things. They become
I
DEATH AND BURIAL. 401
devoted and obedient wives, jealous of the reputation and well-
being of their husbands. The woman who is legally espoused,
whether widow or slave, enters into and shares the entire social
estate of her husband. Even if she be not noble by birth she
becomes so by marrying a noble. It is not proper for a widow to
remarry.
The fashion of mourning, the proper time and place to shed
tears, and express grief, according to regulations, are rigidly pre-
scribed in an official treatise, or ^^ Guide to Mourners,'' published
by the government. The corpse must be placed in a coffin of
very thick wood, and preserved during many months in a special
room prepared and ornamented for this purpose. It is proper to
weep only in this death chamber, but this must be done three or
four times daily. Before entering it the mourner must don a
special suit of mourning clothes. At the new and full moon all
the relatives are invited and expected to assist in the ceremonies.
These practices continue more or less even after burial, and at in-
tervals during several years. Often a noble will go out to weep
at the tomb, passing days and nights in this position. Among the
poor, who have not the means to provide a death chamber and
expensive mourning, the coffin is kept outside their houses cov-
ered with mats until the time for its burial.
Though cremation is known in Corea, the most usual form of
disposing of the dead is by burial. Children are wrapped up in
the clothes and bedding in which they die and are thus buried.
As all unmarried persons are reckoned as children their shroud
and burial are the same. With the married the process is more
costl}*, and more detailed and prolonged. The selection of a
proper site for their tomb is a matter of profound solicitude, time,
and money ; for the geomancers must be consulted with a fee.
The tombs of the poor consist only of a grave and a low mound
of earth. With the richer class monuments are of stone, some-
times neat or even imposing, sometimes grotesque.
Mourning is of many degress and lengths, and is betokened by
dress, abstinence from food and business, visits to the tomb, offer-
ings, tablets, and many visible indications detailed even to ab-
surdity. Pure or nearly pure white is the mourning color, as a
contrast to red, the color of rejoicing. When noblemen don tb^
402 MOURNING CUSTOMS.
peaked hat which covers the face as well as the head, they are as
dead to the world, not to be spoken to, molested, or even arrested,
if charged with crime. This Curean mourning hat proved the
helmet of salvation to Christians and exj^lains the safety of the
French missionaries who lived so long in disguise under its shel-
ter, unharmed in the country where the police were ever on their
track. The Jesuits were not slow to see the wonderful protection
promised for them, and availed themselves of it at once and
always, both while entering the well-guarded frontier and while
residing in the country.
Corean architecture is in a very primitive condition. The
castles, fortifications, temples, monasteries, and public buildings
cannot approach the magnificence of those of Japan or China.
The dwellings are tiled or thatched houses, almost invariably one
story high. In the smaller towns these are not arranged in regu-
lar streets but are scattered here and there. Even in the cities
the streets are narrow and tortuous. In the runil parts the houses
of the wealthy are surrounded by beautiful groves, with gardens
circled by hedges or fences of rushes or split bamboo. The cities
show a greater display of red-tiled roofs, as only the officials and
nobles are allowed this honor. Shingles are not much used. The
thatchings are rice or barley straw. A low wall of uncemented
stone five or six feet high, surrounds the dwellings. The foun-
dations are laid on stone set in the earth, and the floor of the
humble is the ground itselfl The people one grade above the
poorest, cover the hard ground with sheets of oiled paper which
serve as a carpet. For the better class a floor of wood is raised
a foot or so above the earth.
Bed clothes are of silk, wadded cotton, thick paper, and furs.
Cushions or bags of rice-chafif form the pillows of the rich. The
poor man uses a smooth log of wood or slightly raised portion of
the floor to rest his head upon. In most families of the middle
class, the "kang" forms the vaulted floor, bed, and stove. It is
as if we should make a bedstead of bricks and put foot stoves un-
der it. The floor is bricked over or built of stone, over flues
which run from the fireplace at one end of the house to the chim-
ney at the other. The fire which does the cooking is thus used
to warm those sitting or sleeping in the room beyond.
COKEAN HOMES. 408
Three rooms are the rule in an average house, and theae are for
cookiug, eating, and sleeping. In the kitchen the most notable
articles are the large earthen jars for holding rice, barley or water.
Each of them is big enough to hold a man easily. The second
room, containing the ''kaiig," is the sleeping apartment, and the
next is the best room or parlor. Little furniture is the rule.
Coreans, like the Japanese, sit not cross-legged but on their heels.
OOBEAN BOAT. — NoHve Drawing.
Among the well-to^io. dog skins cover the floor for a carpet, oi
tiger skins serve as rugs. Matting is common.
The raeiils are served on the floor on small low tables, usually
one for each guest, but sometimes one for a couple. The best
table service is of porcelain and tlie ordinary sort of earthenware
with white metal or copper utensils. The tablecloths are of fine
glazed papet' and rcfiemble oiled silk. No knives or forks are
usedi but instead chopsticks and what is mure common than io
404 MEALS, FOOD AND DRINK.
China or Japan, spoons are used at every meal. The walls range
in quality of decoration from plain mud to colored plaster and
paper. Pictures are not known. The windows are square and
latticed without or within, covered with tough oiled paper, and
moving in grooves. The doors are of wood, paper, or plaited
bamboo. Glass was till recently a nearly unknown luxury in
Corea.
The Corean liquor by preference is brewed or distilled from
rice, millet, or barley. These alcoholic drinks are of various
strengtTi, color, and smell, ranging from beer to brandy. No trait
of the Coreans has more impressed their numerous visitors than
their love of all kinds of strong drink. No sooner were the
ports of Corea opened to commerce than the Chinese established
liquor stores, while European wines, brandies and whiskeys have
entered to increase the national drunkenness. Although the
Corean lives between the two great tea-producing countries of the
world, he scarcely knows the taste of tea and the fragrant herb is
little used on the peninsula.
The staple diet has in it much more of meat and fat than that
of the Japanese, and the average Corean can eat twice as much
as the Japanese. Beef, pork, fowls, venison, fish, and game are
consumed without much waste and rejected material. Dog flesh
is on sale among the common butchers' meat. The women cook
rice beautifully, and other well-known dishes are barley, millet,
beans, potato, lily-bulbs, seaweeds, acorns, radishes, turnips, mac-
aroni, vermicelli, apples, pears, plums, grapes, persimmons, and
various kinds of berries. All kinds of condiments are much rel-
ished.
One striking fault of the Coreans at the table is their voracity.
In this respect there is not the least difference between the rich
and poor, noble or plebeian. To eat much is an honor, and tlie
merit of a feast consists not in the quality but in the quantity of
the food served. Little talking is done while eating, for each sen-
tence might lose a mouthful. Hence, since a capacious stomach
is a high accomplishment, mothers use every means to develop as
elastic a capacity as possible in their children from very infancy.
The Coreans equal the Japanese in devouring raw fish, and un-
cooked food of 9U kiads is swallowed without a wry face. Fish
VOaACITY OF THE COREANS.
40T
bones do not scare them. These they eat as they do the small
bones of fowls.
Nationally and individually the Coreans are very deficient in-
conveniences for the toilet. Bath tubs are rare, and except in
the warmer days of summer, when the river and sea serve for
immersion, the natives are not usually found under water. The
need of soap and hot water has been noticed by travelent aod
writers of every nation. The men are very proud of their beards,
and honor them as
a distinctive glory
and mark of their
sex. Women coil
their glossy black
tresses into mas-
sive knots and
fasten them with
pins, or gold and
silver rings.
Corea is famous
as the land of big .
hats. Some of '
these head-cover-
ings are so im-
mense that the
human head en-
cased in one of
them seems as but
a hub in a cart
wheel. In shape
the gentleman's oorban boo-selleb.— ^aKw Dravnng.
hat resembles a flowerpot inverted in the center of a round
table. Two feet is a common diameter, and the top, which rises
in a cone nine inches higher, is only three inches wide at the apex.
The usual material is bnmboo, split to the fineness of a thread
and woven. The fabric is then varnished or lacquered, and be-
comes perfectly weatherproof. The prevalence of cotton cloth-
ing, easily soaked and rendered uncomfortable, requires the ample
408 COSTUME OF MEN AND WOMEN.
protectiou for the back and shoulders which these umbrella-like
hats furnish.
The wardrobe of the upj>er classes consists of the ceremonial
and the house dress. The former as a rule is of fine silk, and the
latter of coarser silk or cotton. They are of pink, blue, and other
rich colors. The official robe is a long garment like a wrapper,
with loose baggy sleeves. There are few tailors* shops, the
women of each household making the family outfit. The under-
dress of both sexes is a short jacket with tight sleeves, which for
men reaches to the thiglis, and for women only to the waist, and
a pair of drawers reaching from waist to ankle. The females
wear a petticoat over this garment, so that the Coreans say they
dress like western women, and foreign-made hosiery and under-
garments are in demand. Their general style of costume is that
of the wrapper, stiff, wide, and inflated, with abundant starch in
sunimer, but clinging and baggy in winter. The white di*ess of
the Corean makes his complexion look darker than it really is.
Footgear is either of native or of Chinese make. The laborer
contents himself with sandals woven from rice-straw, which
usually last but a few days. Small feet do not seem to be con-
sidered a beauty, and the foot binding of the Chinese is unknown
in Cho-sen.
Judging from a collection of the toys of Corean children, and
from their many terms of affection, and words relating to games
and sports, festivals and recreation, and nursery stories, the life
of the little ones must be pleasant. In the capital and among the
higher classes, children's toys are very handsome, ranking as real
works of art. They have many games played by the little ones
quite similar to those of our own babies, and they delight in pets,
such as monkeys and puppies.
At school the pupils study out loud and noisily, according
to the method all over Asia. Besides learning the Chinese
characters and the vernacular alphabet, the children master
arithmetic and writing. The normal Corean is fond of his
children, especially of sons, who in his eyes are worth ten times as
much as daughters. Such a thing as exposure of children is little
known. The first thing inculcated in a child's mind is respect for
bis father. All insubordination is immediately and sternly le
CLANNISH SPIRIT. 409
pressed. Far different is it with the mother. She yields to her
boy's caprices, and laughs at his faults and vices without rebuke,
while the child soon learns that a mother*s authority is next to
nothing.
Primogeniture is the rigid rule. Younger sons at the time of
their marriage, or at other important periods of life receive
paternal gifts, but the bulk of the property belongs to the oldest
son, on whom the younger sons look as their father. He is the
head of the family, and regards his father's children as his own.
In all eastern Asia the bonds of family are much closer than
among Caucasian people of the present time. All the kindred,
even to the fifteenth or twentieth degree, whatever their social
position, rich or poor, educated or illiterate, officials or beggars,
form a clan or more properly one single family, all of whose
members have mutual interests to sustain. The house of one is
the house of the other, and each will assist to his utmost, another
of the clan to get money, office, or advantage. The law recognizes
this system by levying on the clan the taxes and debts which in-
dividuals of it cannot pay, holding the clan responsible for the in-
dividual. To this they submit without complaint or protest. In-
stead of the family being a unit, as with us, it is only the frag-
ment of a clan, a segment in the great circle of kindred. The
Coreans are fully as clannish as the Chinese, and in this lies
one great obstacle to Christianity or to any kind of individual
reform.
China gave her culture to Corea and Corea passed it on to
Japan. If we may believe Corean tales, then the Coreans have pos-
sessed letters and writing during three thousand years. It is
certain that since the opening of the Christian era the light of
China's philosophy has shone steadily among Corean scholars. In
spite of their national system of writing, the influence of the
finished philosophy and culture of China has been so great that
the hopelessness of producing a copy equal to the original became
at once aj)2)arent to the Corean mind. The culture of their native
tongue has been neglected by Corean scholars. The consequence
is that after so many centuries of national life Corea possesses no
literature worthy of the name.
At present Corean literary men possess a highly critical
410 EDUCATION AND LITERATURE.
knowledge of Chinese. Most intelligent scholars read the
classics with ease and fluency. Penmanship is an art as much
prized and as widely practiced as in Japan, and reading and
writing constitute education. Corea has most closely imitated her
teacher, Ciiiiia, in the use of education. She fosters education by
making scholastic ability as tested in the literary examination, the
basis of apiK)intment to office. This civil service reform was
established by the now ruling dynasty early in the fifteenth
century. Tlie Corean child, neglecting his own language, liter-
ature, and history, studies those of China and the philosophy of
Confucius, so that his education is practically that of the young
man in Cliiiia. The same classics are studied and the same at-
tention is paid to memory cultivation. The competitive exami-
nations too are very similar to those of China, and corresponding
degrees are granted. The system of literary examinations, which
for two or three centuries after its establishment was vigorously
maintained with impartiality, is at present in a state of decay,
bribery and official favor being the causes of its decline.
The special schools of languages, mathematics, nicdicine, art
etc., are under the patronage of the government, but amount to
very little. The school of astronomy and the choice of fortunate
days for state occasions is for the special service of the king.
There is also a school of interpreters, charts, law, and horology.
Although the Chinese language, writing and literature form
the ba^is of education and culture in Chosen, yet the native
language is distinct in structure from the Chinese, having little in
common with it. The latter is monosyllabic, while the Corean is
polysyllabic, as is the Japanese which the Corean closely re-
sembles. No other language is so nearly affiliated to the Japanese
as is the Corean. The Corean alphabet, one of the most simple
and perfect in the world, consists of twenty-five letters, eleven
vowels and fourteen consonants. They are made with easy
strokes in which straight lines, circles, and dots only are used.
As in Japan, so in Corea three styles of languages prevail, and
are used as follows : Pure Chinese without any admixture of
Corean, in books and writings on science, history and govern-
ment, and in the theses of the students and literary men ; in the
books composed in the Corean language the vernacular syntax
W "^
y'
1^
,4
1^ i^"
^> ^^^.
^^^^N^
' ■ ' if^mS^^^^^-
^"^^"^^Sm
1^ ^
i^Jr^H
LANGUAGE. 418
serves as the framework, but the vocabulary is largely Chinese ;
the Corean book style of composition which is written in the pure
Coreaii language. Every one in Corea speaks the vernacular and
not Chinese.
The books whioh have been written in Corean, are chiefly primers
or manuals of history, books on etiquette and ritual, and geog-
raphy. There are also a few works of poetry written in th«
vulgar dialect
COBBAN BAND Of HusioiANS. — Native DraVTing
In passionate fondness for music the Coreans decidedly surpass
all other Asiatic nations. Their knowledge is indeed primitive,
however, not superior to that of their neighbors, and their instru-
ments are of rude workmanship and construction. The principal
of these instruments are the gong, the flute, and the two-stringed
guitar, combining to make a music anything but harmonious.
They always sing in falsetto, like the Chinese, in a monotonous
and melancholy manner. The Coreans however possess s musical
414 EELIGION.
ear, and they know how to appreciate and like to listen to foreign
masic very much, while the Chinese have not the slighest idea of
harmony, and placing our music far below tiieir own, look down
upon our art with something like a feeling of pity.
The fibres of Corean superstition, and the actual religion of the
people of today, have not radically changed during twenty
centuries in spite of Buddhism. The worship of the spirits of
nature and the other popular gods is still reflected in superstition
and practice. The Chinese Fung Shuy, which in Corean be-
comes Pung-siu, is a system of superstition concerning the direc-
tion of the everyday things of life, which is nearly as powerful in
Corea as in the parent country. Upon this system, and perhaps
nearly equal in age with it, is the cult of ancestral worship which
has existed in Chinese Asia from unrecorded time. Confucius
found it in his day and made it the basis of his teachings, as it
had already been of the religious and ancient documents of which
he was the editor. The Corean system of ancestral worship pre-
sents no feature radically different from the Chinese. Confuci-
anism, or the Chinese system of ethics, holds about the same
position that it does in China. Taoism seems to be little studied.
In Corean mouths Buddha becomes Pul and his " way " or
doctrine Pul-to or Pul-cliie. The faith from India has made
thorough conquest of the southern half of the peninsula, but has
only partially leavened the northern portion where the grosser
heathenism prevails. The palmy days of Corean Buddhism were
during the era of Korai, 905 to 1392 A. D. In its development,
Corean Buddhism has frequently been a potent iufiuence in
national affairs, and the power of the bonzes has at times been so
great as to practically control the court and nullify decrees of the
king. As in Japan the frequent wars have developed the forma-
tion of a clerical militia, able to garrison and defend their fortified
monasteries, and even to change the fortune of war by the valor
of their exploits. There are three distinct classes or grades of the
bonzes or priests. The student monks devote themselves to learn-
ing and to the composition of books and to Buddhist rituals.
Then there are the mendicant and traveling bonzes who solicit
alms and contributions for the erection and maintenance of
t^e temples and monastic establishments. Finally the military
BUDDHISM. 416
bonzes act as garrisons, and make, keep in order, and are trained
to- use weapons. Even at the present day Buddhist priests are
made high officers of the government, governors of provinces^ and
military advisers. In the nunneries are two kinds of female de-
votees, those who shave the head and those who keep their locks.
The vows of the latter are less rigid. Excepting in its military
phases, the type of Corean Buddhism approaches that of China
rather than of Japan.
The great virtue of the Coreans is their innate respect for and
daily practice of the laws of human brotherhood. Mutual assist-
ance and generous hospitality among themselves are distinctive
national traits. In all the important events of life, such as mar-
riages and funerals, each person makes it his duty to aid the
family most directly interested. One will charge himself with tlie
duty of making purchases ; others with arranging the ceremonies.
The poor, who can give nothing, carry messages to friends and
relatives in the near or remote villages, passing day and night on
foot and giving their labors gratuitously. When fire, flood or other
accident destroys the house of one of their number, neighbors
make it a duty to lend a hand to rebuild. One brings stone, an-
other wood, another straw. Each in addition to his gifts in mate-
rial devotes two or three days' work gratuitously. A stranger
coming into a village is always assisted to build a dwelling. Hos-
pitality is considered as one of the most sacred duties. It would
be a grave and shameful thing to refuse a portion of one's meal
to any person, known or unknown, who presents himself at eating
time. Even the poor laborers at the side of the roads are often
seen sharing their frugal nourishment with the passer-by. The
poor man making a journey does not need elaborate preparations.
At night, instead of going to a hotel, he enters some house whose
exterior room is open to any comer. There he is sure to find
food and lodging for the night. Rice will be shared with the
stranger, and at bedtime a corner of the floor mat will serve for a
bed, while he may rest his head on the long log of wood against
the wall, which serves as a pillow. Even should he delay his
journey for a day or two, little or nothing to his discredit will be
harbored by his hosts.
II is evident after this glance at the history, the conditions, and
416 GENEROSITY AND HOSPITALITY.
the customs of the Coreans, that they have many excellent quali-
ties, which require but the leavening influence of Christianity
and western civilization to make them worthy members of the
family of nations. It is quite possible that the influence of the
Japanese-Chinese war, in its ultimate results, may reach this de-
sirable consummatioiu
The War
JAPANBSK COOLIES POIXOWINO THK AKICT.
CAUSES OF THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA.
Inception Must be Sought Far Back In History— Old Time Animosity Between the two
Nations Chiefly Kesponslble— Formal Recognition of Corean Independence by Japan—The
Klots of 1882 and Their Result— Return of the Corean Embassy from a Trip Around the
World— Advance of American Ideas and Influence— Plots of the Progressionists— The
Coup d^Etat and Its Fatal Results— Flight of theConsplratorsto Japan and America— De-
coying of Kim-ok-Kiun to Shanghai— Assassination of Kim— Rebellion in Northern Corea—
Aid Asked From China— China Sends Troops— Violation of Treaty with Japan— Army from
Japan Arrives— Japanese in the Capital— Scheme of Reform Proposed by Japan and Re-
jected by China— A Diplomatic Campaign.
In its broadest sense no war between nations can be ascribed to
a single cause, defined by exact limits of time and place. A cause
of war always suggests the question as to what has made it such;
and so we find that for an intelligent understanding of the pres-
ent war we have to go back, beyond the Corean rebellions of the
early spring of 1894, and take in the whole range of the relations
of China and Japan to Corea and to each other. An understand-
ing of the history of the three nations is necessary to a proper
understanding of the war.
The first formal recognition of Corean independence is found
in the earliest treaty between Japan and Corea, that of 1876, by
which the Coreans agreed to pay indemnity for an unwarranted
attack which had been made upon a Japanese vessel, and to open
several ports to Japanese traders. It was through this treaty that
Corea was first introduced to the comity of nations. One of the
professed objects of Japan during the war, has, therefore, been to
establish the independence of Corea, which she has recognized in
her treaties, against the Chinese claim of suzerainty. Sooner or
later a war between Japan and Cliina was inevitable. The heredi-
tary animosities between the two nations have been aggravated
by the marked differences which have arisen of late years between
their civilizations; by the impatience under which Japan has
struggled against an anomalous position among the powers, forced
upon her by foreign treaties, while she has beheld her mediaeval
rival holding precedence and predominance ; and by the jealousy
(419)
420 NATURAL AND CULTIVATED ENMITY.
and fauatic contempt with which the subjects of the '^ Son of
Heaven " have watched the growing political aspirations of Japan,
her conciliatory attitude towards foreigners, and her apostate
ifbandonment of the manners and customs of oriental life.
For years, moreover, an excuse for a collision has been develop-
ing in the relations of the two states to Corea. In spite of the
liberal sympathies of the Corean king himself, the ascendant
force in the government has long been the Ming faction, to which
family the queen belongs, which is pro-Chinese in its sympathies,
foe to everything savoring of western liberal progress. Under
the sway of this faction, which has monopolized the highest mag-
istracies, government in Corea has been nothing more nor less
than systematic plunder of the masses, for the benefit of a few
privileged nobles. The admitted misgovernment of the country,
which has always jeopardized the lives and property of aliens ;
the suzerain claims of China; the vast commercial interests of
Japan in the peninsula and her large colonies ; and finally the
complicated treaty arrangements which have grown up between
Tokio and Peking with regard to the " Hermit Kingdom " — these
haye long constituted a source of friction, in the knowledge of
which the present conflict between the mandarins and the daimios
is more readily understood. It is significant that while China has
never formally given up her claim to lordship over Corea, she has
refused to stand by her vassal on certain occasions, and has en-
couraged the latter to conduct negotiations on her own account.
This was indeed the action of China in 1876, when the treaty
with Japan was made, and the latter seized the opportunity to
recognize the king of Corea as an independent sovereign prince.
The immediate cause of the war is centered around the disputed
question of the right of both parties to keep troops on Corean
soil, a right which both have exercised more than once. It is the
origin of this right and the complications that have arisen from
it, that we must now trace with reference to the outbreak of the
war.
Corea for ages has been the pupil of China, whence nearly
everything that makes up civilization has been borrowed. Of pa-
triotism in its highest sense, of pure love of country, of willing-
ness to make sacrifices for native land, there have been little in the
THE LEAVEN OF WESTERN INFLUENCE. 423
kingdom. Such tbiugs are new thoughts nourished by a few far-
seeing patriots. But leavening the multitude of Confucian fanat-
ics and time servers of the men in power at Peking, there are also
men who have drunk at other fountains of thought, entered new
worlds of knowledge, and seen the light of modern science, of
Christianity, and of western civilization in other lands. The
numbers of enlightened men are increasing who believe in na-
tional progress, though to their demands there has ever been the
defiance of vigilant conservation. Even within the two broadly
defined parties, there are factional and family diflFerences. Against
the craft of the. Ming clan the other noble families, Ni, So, Kim,
Hong, and others, have been able to make headway only by adroit
combination.
In 1875 the two noblemen Kim-ok-Kiun and So Kwang Pom
secretly left Corea and went to Japan, being the first men of rank
in recent times to travel in lands beyond China. On their return
they sought the king and boldly told him what they had seen.
Other noblemen followed their example, but the brother in-law of
the king, Pak Hong Hio, was the first who at risk of reputation
and life openly advocated the adoption of western civilization.
In 1882 Kim and So in earnest consideration of the opening of
their country to modern ideas, endeavored to persuade Min Yong
Ik to join them and also win over his powerful Ming relatives to
a liberal policy. When this came to the ears of the Taiwen Kun
the young men were forthwith charged with intent to introduce
Christianity, and the two liberals narrowly escaped being put to
death by the old regent who had already shed the blood of thou-
sands.
The men of the Ming faction held aloof from treaty negotiations
with the United States until China gave the nod. When at last
Li Hung Chang advised Corea to treat with Admiral Shufeldt,
the Ming nobles obeyed and exhibited so much energy in the
luiitter as to seem to foreigners to be the leaders of the party of
progress. The old regent at once felt it his duty to overthrow
both the Mings and the treaty. His opportunity came in July,
1882, the year of the treaties. When on account of the short rice
crop the soldiers' rations were cut down by the father of Min
Yong Ik, the artful politician directed their revolt against this pro-
424
OSUKPATION OF TAI-WEN KUN.
Cliiiie.^ family, and after destroying, aa he imagined, the queen
and tlie leading men of the Ming clan, lie seized the government
itself and for a few days enjoyed full power. When the news of
tlie usurpation reached China and Japan there were in Tien-tsiu
tliree Coreaa nobles, Cho Yong Ha, Kim Yun Sik, and O-Yun
Chung; and in Tofcio Kim-ok-Iviiin and So Kwang Pom. The
former, notified by telegram from the Chinese consul ut Nagasaki
oT the movements of the Japanese, obtained a Chinese military
and naval force, and the ships of these two foreign nations met at
Chemulpo. Before either
the Chinese or Japanese
troops were disembarked,
the two groups of Corean
noblemen had a confer-
ence, and after a long and
warm discussion it was
agreed to submit the ques-
tion whether the Chinese
should land and proceed to
Seoul, to the king himself.
Accordingly Kini-ok-Kiun
in disguise penetrated to
the capita!, but only to find
the royal person in posses-
sion of his old and chief
enemy Tai-wen Kun, his
friends driven away, and
approach to the palace im-
possible. On learning the
failure of Kim's miasion
the Chinese force at once
landed, marched to Seoul, abducted the regent, built forts to com-
mand the river against the Japanese, and established their camp
inside the walls. This act of China gave her a new lien on Corea.
The father of Min Yong Ik, Min Thai Ho, whtf had been supposed
to have been mortally wounded, recovered and resumed o£Sce.
Min Yonk Ik, who after fleeing to the mountains, shaved his head
and in the disguise of a priest had fled to Japan, returned smiling
THE COBBAN REOENT.
RETURN OF THE TRAVELERS. 425
after temporary defeat. The queen, for whom a palace maid had
suffered vicarious death, re-entered the capital and palace, and the
star of the Mings was again in the ascendant.
Two years later, in June, 1884, Min Yong Ik and So Kwang
Pom, the first Coreans to go around the world, reached home fol-
lowed by Kim-ok-Kiun and the Tokio students from Japan.
After an enthusiastic reception of the returned envoys and the
American officers of the Trenton in Seoul, the public opinion in
favor of progress was greatly stimulated. Min Yong ik was made
vice-president of the Foreign Office and the others of the embassy
were elevated in rank. The Chinese military instructors were
dismissed by the king. A model farm sown with American
seeds, aud for which California live stock was ordered, Edison
electric lights, American rifles and Gatling guns, Japanese artisans
to establish potteries and other industries, gave indications of
the new path of national progress upon which Corea had entered.
Min Yong Ik while abroad has passed for an enlightened man,
susceptible to modern ideas and in favor of opening Corea to
commerce. Yet falling under the influence of his clan he had
been home but a few weeks when he came to open rupture with
Hong Yong Sik. Resigning from the foreign office he assumed
command of the palace guard battalion and restored Chinese
drill masters, the military students from Japan being left to gain
their support as subordinates in the proposed postal department.
By autumn the late envoy to the United States had surrounded
himself with Chinese and pro-Chinese conservatives, the progress-
ive men had been hampered in their action, and the revenues for
the promised enterprises and industries had been diverted to war-
like preparations, that looked as if Corea, as a vassal, was to help
China against France in the Tonquin complication.
The situation in Seoul became alarming. A state of hostility
existed between the leaders of the two political parties, one of
which had at their call a rabble of rapacious militia, eager to try
their new tools upon their hereditary enemies, the Japanese, while
the other knew full well the sterling quality of the little body of
Japanese infantry. Fifteer* hundred Chinese soldiers were still
in the camp under General Yuen. In such a situation, the
government being in the hands of their rivals and committed to
426 ALARMING CONDITIONS IN SEOUL.
the pro-Chinese policy, the liberals felt that their heads were
likely to remain on their shoulders only so long as it pleased their
enemies to bring no charge against them. In nations without
representative institutions, revolutions and outbreaks must be
expected when a change of policy is decided upon.
Let us see how the Corean liberals attempted, when beset and
thwarted, to save their own lives and reverse the policy of the
government. On October 25, one of the liberal leaders intimated
to an American that ^' for the sake of Corea " about ten of the
prominent conservatives "would have to be killed." The idea
was to remove their rivals by removing the heads of the same,
seize the government, inaugurate new schemes of progress, open
new ports, and otherwise commit Corea to the same course as that
upon which Japan had entered. They supposed that the treaty
powers would condone and approve their action, make further
favorable treaties, and loan money for national improvement.
Further, they claimed to have had the royal sanction. The
autumn passed by and the moment seemed ripe for the plot.
China, pressed by France, had withdrawn half her troops from
Seoul, and Japan, with a view to strengthening her influence in
the peninsula, had a few days before remitted $400,000 of the
indemnity exacted for the riot of 1882. The time to strike a
blow for Corean independence and to break the shackles of China
forever seemed to have come.
On the evening of December 4, the foreign envoys and several
high officers of the government were invited to a banquet to
celebrate the inauguration of the postal service. When it yas
nearly over, an alarm of fire was given from the outside, accord-
ing to arrangement of the conspirators, and Min Yong Ik, going
out to look, was set upon by assassins, but instead of being killed
as was intended, was only wounded. Thereupon the liberal
leaders hastened to the palace, and assuring the king that he was
in great danger, in his name sent to the Japanese minister for the
Japanese legation guard. At the same time the conservative
leaders were summoned, as they supposed by the king ; as fast as
they stepped out of their sedan chairs at the palace gates, they
were relieved of their heads. Meanwhile the Japanese infantry
commanded the inner gates of the palace, and during the next
THE LIBERAL INSUltUECTION.
427
day the new ministers of government, the liberals whose names
have already Itecome familiar to U8, prepared edicts to be issued
by the king reforming ancient abuses and customs, and institu-
ting new and radical measures of national policy. The city was
in a state of commotion, but despite the surging crowd no actual
outbreak occurred.
On the morning of the 6th the cry was raised " death to the
Japanese," and then began a wild revelry of outrage, butchery,
OOREAN NATIVES TTEWtNO JAPANESE SOLDIERS.
<^^ v4.jN>^'
and incendiarism, in which the newly-trained militia were con-
sjjicuous. The white foreigners in Seoul, nine in number, of
whom three were ladies, had gathered at the American legation,
which under Lieutenant Bernadon's directions was put in a state
of defense. In it twenty-two Japanese also found refuge.
That afternoon the Chinese troops, six hundred strong, com-
maEided by General Yuen and backed by three thousand Coreaas,
21
428 DEFEAT OF THE COUP-D'ETAT.
moved upon the palace to drivo out the Japanese. With superb
discipline and skill Captain Murakami and his little band drove
off their assailants, and through the narrow streets reached the
legation at 8:00 P. M. after forty -eight hours' absence. The
score of soldiers left behind, aided by the hundred or so of
civilians who had gathered within, had successfully defended the
enclosure from the mob. Provisions being exhausted, the
Japanese with admirable coolness, discipline, and success began
the march to the sea on the afternoon of the next day. Despite
hostile soldiery with rifles and cannon, armed men firing from
roof and wall, barred city gates, and a mob following them to the
Han river, thej'^ crossed with their wounded and reached
Chemulpo on the morning of the 8th. There they were fed by
the sailors of the men-of-war, while a Japanese steamer carried
the news to Nagasaki.
The short-lived liberal government came to an end after an
existence of less than forty-eight hours. Hong Yong Sik, refus-
ing to leave the king, was taken with him to the Chinese camp
and there beheaded. The other conspirators fled to Japan,
whence they were demanded by the Corean ministerial council,
which demand was by the Japanese promptly refused. The
torture and trial of twelve persons implicated in the aff'air was
concluded January 27, 1885, and eleven were executed in llie
usual barbarous manner. Their bodies were chopped in pieces
and the flesh and bones distributed in fragments through the
streets of the city and the different provinces. The refugees
ultimately reached America, except Kim-ok-Kiun who settled iu
Japan.
Count Inouye of Japan and Kim Hong Chip of Corea on Jan-
uary 9; and Inouye and Li Hung Chang, of China, on May 7
concluded conventions by which the troubles were settled. The
chief points in the diplomacy were the payment of indemnity by
Corea to Japan, and a joint agreement between China and Japan
to withdraw their troops. Both camps were emptied on the
20th, and on the 21st of May the troops left Chemulpo for their
respective countries. October 5 the Tai-wen Kun, now sixty-
eight years old, but fresh as a man of forty and able as ever to be
a disturbing element, returned from China and reentered Seoul
NEW TREATIES MADE. 429
under a guard of Chinese warriors and many thousands of
Coreans.
The affair was in its origin an anti-Cliinese uprising of radical
progressives, but in its ending an anti-Japanese demonstration.
About three hundred lives were lost by battle and murder. The
conduct of the American minister, General Foote, during this
trying occasion, was most admirable, and the legation, which
sheltered all the foreigners and many Japanese, was kept open
and the American flag was never lowered.
Even in these troublous times a way was opened for the en-
trance of western science and reformed Christianity. Dr. Henry
N. Allen, a missionary physician from Ohio, was called upon to
attend Min Yong Ik and the wounded Chinese soldiers. The
superiority of modern methods being at once manifest, the gov-
ernment became interested, and the dwelling occupied by Hong
Yong Sik, who had been beheaded, was set aside as a hospital
under Dr. Allen's charge. From that time forward several
missionaries from American churches have entered active work
in Corea, and three American young men engaged by the Corean
government as teachers Jiave begun to devise an educational
system for the kingdom. There are now native Christian
churches in Seoul, a hospital, schools, orphanages, and a college.
Americans were chosen as advisers and assistants of the nation.
Three military officers to organize her army, naval oflScers to
inaugurate a navy, commissioners of customs, and a counsellor in
the foreign office were among these.
Renouncing the idea of the suzerainity of China over Corea, the
king and government sent embassies to Japan, Europe, and the
United States, to establish permanent legations. This movement
was opposed by the Chinese, and especially by the Minister Yuen
in an active, impudent, and even villainous manner. Yuen, who
led the Chinese troops during the riot of Deceml)er, 1884, and
who escorted the Tai-wen Kun to Corea, is believed to have
plotted to dethrone the king and set up another son of the old
regent as a pro-Chinese partisan on the throne Expecting to
make use of the Corean military, whom he had drilled in person,
his plot was exposed by Min Yong Ik. To checkmate any design
of China, to prevent the departure of the envoys, or to convert
430 AMERICAN INFLUENCE ADVANCING.
her nominal authority into assertions of sovereignty or suzerainity,
the Honorable Hugh N. Densmore, our minister, by the orders of
the United States government, invited the embassy to take pas-
sage from Chemulpo in the United Stales Steamship Omaha,
which was done. In charge of Dr. H. N. Allen, Pak Chung
Yang, a noble of the second rank, envoy extiaordinary and min-
ister plenipotentiary of the king of Corea, arrived in Washington
and had audience of President Cleveland in January, 1888.
When Kim ok-Kiun, the leader of the insurrection of 1884, fled
to Japan, he was welcomed by the Japanese and received as a
protege of the emperor. Repeated demands were made by Corea
upon the mikado to surrender him, and the demands were as re-
peatedly refused. In the spring of 1894 he was lured by means
of a dummy draft on a non-existing bank in China, to Shanghai,
where on March 28, at the Japanese hotel, and in the absence of
his Japanese attendant, he was foully murdered by his pretended
friend. Hong Tjyong On, a tool of the Ming faction. This man
had been in the employ of the Ming faction of the Corean govern-
ment with the mission of the assassination entrusted to him, and
if the crime was not committed by order of the king of Corea, as
was popularly believed, it was surely by order of the queen, who
has been strong in her influence. The murderer was arrested ; but
instead of being tried by the Chinese was handed over to a Corean
official, who, with the assassin and the corpse, was sent to Corea.
There in spite of the protestations of foreign representatives, the
body of Kim was horribly mutilated, parts of it being sent to the
diflerent provinces, while the murderer was rewarded with high
official honor.
This murder of a Corean by another Corean in a port under
Chinese jurisdiction, though coupled with the subsequent brutal-
ities at Seoul, could not be made a subject of diplomatic re-
monstrance ; but it servpd in Japan to rouse the deepest public
indignation and intense disgust. The Japanese government was
not only outraged by the assassination of Kim, but by the con-
duct of Yu, the Corean minister at Tokio. Two brothers named
Ken, at the time of Kim's murder, attempted to bring the same
fate upon Boku Eiko, Kim's fellow conspirator. Their plot
having been discovered, they fled to Yu for protection. For
MURDER OF KIM-OK-KIUN. 483
three days he refused to give them up, but finally surrendered
them and took a hasty and undignified departure from the
country. The Japanese foreign office, having in vain sought an
explanation of the motives of the king of Corea in connection
with Kim's assassination, and of the precipitate and undiplomatic
flight of the Corean representative, w^as glad to seize the first op-
portunity which arose before long, when other events occurred
which gave Japan occasion to act.
For some time past the peninsular kingdom has been in a dis-
turbed condition, owing to the spread of rebellious confederacies
among the people. There was now quite a general uprising of
Coreans, caused by their want of sympathy with the government,
and focussed by their indignation at the horrible fate of Kim. In
May, a formidable peasant uprising occurred in northern Corea,
caused mainly by the official extortion practiced by tax-gatherers,
but having in it elements of remonstrance against the assassination
of Kim. The government troops were defeated May 16 at
Reisan ; and on May 31 Zenshu fell into the hands of the in-
surgents. Later Chung Jui was captured, and Seoul, the capital,
was in a state of great commotion. The discovery of a plot to
blow up the government building during the annual official meet-
ing of the king and his ministers caused immense excitement.
The plot was confessed by one of the conspirators, and warrants
were issued for the arrest of one thousand persons implicated or
suspected.
In alarm the government appealed to China for assistance, and
early in June an armed Chinese force numbering about two thou-
sand was dispatched ,from Chefoo to Asan, a port lying a little
southwest of Seoul, where it encamped.
In the treaty of Tien-tsin, both Japan and China agreed to with-
draw their troops from the peninsula, neither power to send
soldiers thither again, without giving to the other power pre-
liminary notice of the intended action. In the present struggle,
Japan has declared from the beginning that she intended to carry
her action into Corea no further than the treaty of 1885 allowed,
and the necessity for restoring order and stability required her to
do. When these troops were sent, the stipulated notification to
Japan it is declared, was delayed until after their departure.
4U
AftMIES MOVE TO CORRA.
Actuated by distrust of Chinese motives, uiid luoking to the pro-
tection of her commercial interests and the safety of the Japanese
residents and traders iu Corea, the autitorities at Tokio quickly
followed by landing a force uf six thousand troops on the western
coast. A strong force was soon stationed in Seoul, for the pio-
tection of the Japanese legation, and the approaches to the capital
were securely occupied.
Then began the diplomatic campaign, Japan seizing the oppor-
MR. OTOBI BEFORE THE COMMISSIONERS.
tunity offered to insist on a final understanding with both China
and the Corean government, regarding the matters wliif,\ had
long been the source of friction, and a constant menace to tran-
quility in the peninsula. On June 28 a communication pa.'i.'ied
between Mr. Otori, the Japanese minister, and the Corean forc'pn
oflSce, regarding the tributary relations between Corea and Cliina.
To this the Corean government returned an evasive reply. July
8, Mr. Otori laid before the Corean government in a courteously
•JAPANESE MAKE DEAIANbS. 435
Worded note, the draft of a scheme of reforms which Japan pro-
posed, as a remedy for the disorders of the country, under the
following five general heads :
1. The civil government in the capital and in the provinces to
be thoroughly reformed, and the departments arranged on a new
basis under proper responsible heads.
2. The resources of the country to be developed, mines opened,
railways constructed, etc.
3. The laws of the countrv to be radicallv reformed.
4. The military establishments to be reorganized under compe-
tent instructors, so as to render the country secure alike from
internal disorder and external attack.
5. Education to be thoroughly reformed on modern lines.
Mr. Otori asked for the appointment of a commission to discuss
details, and on July 10, unfolded before the three commissioners,
in twenty-five proposals, the details of the contemplated reforms.
They were of such a character as to weaken greatly the influence
of the queen and the dominant Ming party. Personages of too
great influence were to be removed ; the foreign customs estab-
lishment to be abolished; all foreign advisers to be dispensed
with ; the resources of the country to be developed ; railways,
telegraphs and a mint to be established; the legal and judicial
systems to be radically reformed, and a school system to be
adopted, beginning with primary schools and culminating in uni-
versities, with provisions for sending pupils abroad.
These reforms were declared to be as essential to the true wel-
fare of Corea and China, as to the interests of Japan. It being
impossible, however, for the Coreans to eflfect them themselves,
Japan proposed joint action on the part of herself and China with
a view to the desired object. This proposal however, China curtly
refused even to discuss, so long as any Japanese troops remained
in Corea. She assured Japan that the peasant rebellion had been
quieted, which was true in a sense, for the insurgents, after the
landing of the Chinese regulars, had temporarily stayed their on-
ward progress ; but the cause of the trouble still remained. From
the moment of this deadlock we may date the unofficial beginning
of the war. The formal declaration was not made until about
two weeks later.
JAPANIBE ABHT ON THI MABOH.
THE BEGINNINGS OP HOSTILITIES.
Japan Decides to Beform Corea without China's Ald--Corean Palace Guards Fire on the
Japanese Escort of Minister Otori— Momentous Result of the Skirmish— Announcement of
Oorean Independence— Tal-wen Kun as Prime Minister— The First Ck)lllslon at Sea— Sinking
of the Kow-shing— Fighting Around Asan— Defeat of the Chinese— Li Hung Chang Declares
that the War Will Be Fought to the Bitter End— Japan*s Formal Declaration of War^
China's Response— The Conflict Begun.
Failing to secure China's co-operation, Mr. Otori told the
officials at Seoul that the government was now determined of her
own accord to see the needed reforms carried out. The Corean
government still showing no disposition to acquiesce in his pro-
posals, the Japanese minister determined to have a personal in-
terview with the king, of whose sympathy with the policy of the
Ming party, there was some doubt. The minister had regarded
the reply of the Corean government to his demands as insolent,
and knowing that its substance had been made known to the
Corean officers, he felt an apprehension of violence toward him-
self and the members of the legation. He therefore insisted on
being accompanied by a strong escort of Japanese on the occasion
of any further visits to the palace.
On the morning of July 23, attended by this escort of Japanese
guards, and accompanied by the father of the king, Mr. Otori set
out from the legation for the purpose of having another inter-
view with the Corean monarch. As the minister with his fully
armed escort approached the palace, they were fired upon by
troops in the service of the Ming ministry, some of whom were
stationed within the palace walls. The fire was promptly re-
turned by the Japanese, and a sharp skirmish ensued which
lasted twenty minutes. One Japanese cavalryman and two foot-
soldiers were wounded ; while the Corean loss was seventeen
killed and seventy wounded. When quiet was restored, the Jap-
anese were in possession of the palace. The result of the fight
was momentous — the complete overthrow of the Ming, or pro-
Chinese faction in the Corean government.
(487>
438 CHANGING THE GOVERNMENT.
On the same day the Corean king formally announced his in-
dependence of China. One of his first acts was to request an in-
terview with Mr. Otori, and before the interview had ended that
day tlie Japanese ministers saw the Tai-wen Kun, father of the
king, and formerly regent during tlie latter's minority, formally
installed as prime minister and instructed to introduce adminis-
trative reforms such as Japan had proposed. A written jJedge
was signed by the king, guaranteeing that the remedying of
social and political abuses should begin as soon as the proper
machinery could be put in operation ; the old counsellors of the
king were replaced by men believed to be in sympathy with pro-
gressive principles. Japan on her part made herself responsible
for the execution of these pledges. The part taken by the ki»g
ill the reforms is somewhat uncertain. One of the most eminent
authorities on Corean affairs has declared that the king himself
cannot be looked upon as a potent factor in the struggle; that he
is a weak, amiable, nervous man, whose only importance consists
in the fact that he is a king and in the sanction that his presence,
and authority, and seal may be considered to lend to the party
with which he sides. He has not been on good terms with his
father, and when the Japanese placed the latter in charge there
was considerable uncertainty as to the results that would follow.
The same day that this skirmish at the palace occurred between
Corean and Japanese troops, a report was sent out which might
have involved Great Britain in the eastern war. It was alleged
that ill-treatment had been offered by the Japanese troops to the
British consul-general at Seoul, Mr. Gardner and his wife. The
assertion was that the Japanese troops forbade their passing the-
line of sentries which had been drawn around an encampment,
and that unnecessary force had been used to accomplish this.
The falsity of the charges, or the fact that they were very much
overdrawn, was proved upon the first investigation, no regulations
being in force except those natural and proper in sucli times.
The situation in Corea developed very slowly. The ways of
the east are not as the ways of the west, and one of the most
deeply-rooted and highly -prized instincts which oriental diploma-
tists have inherited from a long line of their ancestors is a pro-,
found belief in the merits of procrastination.
SENDING TROOI'S TO COREA.
4td
The first important collision at sen occmred in Prince .lemnie
gulf, about forty luilea off Clieraulpo, on July 25, one week be-
fore the formal declaration of war. Up to the night of July 19,
the highest authoiiLies at Tien-tsin did not auticipate war, but as
a matter of watcliful policy the war-office chartered the British
steamers Irene, Fei Cliing, and Kow-shing, belonging to the Indo-
Chinese Steam Navigation company, and a number of Chinese
merchant steamers, for the transportation of troops. The object
was to transport the second division from Taku to Asan, to rein-
force the Chinese army in that Corean city. The Irene was the
PROCESSION IN SEOUL.
first to leave Taku, July 21, with one thousand one hundred and
fifty troops, with one of the ownei-s and his wife on board; the
other two vessels were to leave on the 22nd and 23rd.
The Kow-shing was an iron vessel, schooner-rigged, of one thou-
sand three liuiidred and fifty tons, built at Barrow and belonging
to the port of London. She sailed from Taku July 23, with no
cargo, but with one thousand two hundred Chinese troops on
board. All went well with the transport until the second morn-
iiig, July 25, when about nine o'clock the vessel was sighted by a
Japanese man-of-war, the Naniwa Kan. The Naniwa was accom-
440 ATTACK ON THE KOW-SfflNG.
panied by two other men-of-war, one of which was the Matsusima,
on board of which was the Japanese admiral. The Eow-shing
wias ordered by signal, *'Stop where you are or take the conse-
quences." She promptly anchored. Then the Naniwa steamed
up and sent a boarding party to the Kow-shing.
The officers in command made a strict scrutiny of the ship's
papers, and after some hesitation as to his course of action, per-
emptorily ordered the Kow-shing to follow. This caused great
excitement amongst the troops, who said to the English officers
of the ship, " We refuse to become prisoners and would rather
die here. If you move the ship, except to return to China, we
will kill you." The Japanese having returned to their own ves-
sel, the European officers on the Kow-shing argued with the
Chinese to convince them that it would be wiser to surrender,
thus saving the life of all and the ship itself. These arguments
had no efiTect on the Chinese, and the Kow-shing then signalled to
the Naniwa to send another boat.
Captain Von Hannecken explained the situation to the Japanese
boarding officer, pointing out that there had been no declaration
of war, that the Kow-shing was a British ship under the British
flag, and that owing to the position taken by the Chinese it was
physically impossible for the officer of the vessels to obey the
Naniwa's order. He claimed that the flag should be respected,
and that the ship should be escorted back to the Chinese
coast. The boarding party then returned to the Naniwa, which
thereupon signalled *^ Quit the ship as soon as possible." The
Kowshing officers replied that it was impossible to quit the ship,
owing to the threats of the Chinese. The Naniwa threw an
answering pennant, and steamed quickly into position, broadside
on, at a distance of about two hundred yards. Mr. Tamplin, the
chief officer of the Kow-shing, tells a graphic story of the scene
that followed.
** The Chinese were greatly excited, and kept drawing their
fingers across their throats in order to show us what we might
expect. The British officers, and Captain Von Hannecken, were
anxiously gathered on the bridge, and the bodyguards were at
the bottom of the ladder watching us like cats. Two executioners
fully armed were told off to follow the captain and myself, and
SINKING OF THE KOW-SHING. 448
they dogged us everywhere with drawn scepters. About one
o'clock the Naniwa opened fire, first discharging a torpedo at the
Kow-shing, which did not strike her. The maii-of-war then fired
a broadside of five heavy guns, and continued firing both heavy
and machine guns from deck and tops until the Kow-shing sank
about an hour later. The Kow-shing was first struck right amid-
ships, and the sound of the crashing and splintering was almost
deafening. To add to the danger, the Chinese rushed to the
other side, causing the ship to heel over more than ever. As soon
as the Kowshing was struck the soldiers made a rush. I rushed
from the bridge, got a life-belt, and jumped overboard forward.
While in the wheel house selecting a life-belt I passed another
European, but I had no time to see who it was. It was a regular
sauve qui pent. Mr. Wake, our third oflBcer, said it was no use
for him to take to the water, as he could not swim, and he went
down with the ship.
" After jumping into the water I came foul of the chain, down
which the Chinese were swarming. As I came to the surface the
boiler exploded with terrific noise. I looked up and saw Captain
Von Hannecken striking out vigorously. Captain Galsworthy,
the master of the vessel, was also close by, his face perfectly black
from the explosion. All of us went in the direction of the island
of Shotai-ul, which was about a mile and a half to the northeast,
swimming through the swarm of dead and dying Chinamen.
Bullets began to strike the water on every side, and turning to
see whence they came, I saw that the Chinese herding around the
only part of the Kow-shing that was then out of water, were firing
at us. I was slightly hit on the shoulder, and in order to protect
my head covered it with the life-belt until I got clear of the sink-
ing vessel. When I succeeded in doing this, and got away from
the swiums of Chinamen, I swam straight for the Naniwa. I had
been in the water nearly an hour when I was picked up by one
of the Naniwa's boats. While in the water I passed two Chinese
warriors clinging to a sheep which was swimming vigorously.
As soon as I was on board the Naniwa's boat, I told the officer in
which direction the captain had gone, and he said that he had
already sent another boat to pick him up. By this time only the
Kow-shing's masts were visible. The water was however covered
444 NAVAL BATTLES.
with Chinese, and there were two lifeboats from the Kow-shing
crowded with soldiers. The Japanese officer informed me that
he hud been ordered by signal from the Naniwa to sink these
boats. I remonstrated, but he fired two volleys from the cutter,
turned back, and steamed for the Naniwa. No attempt was made
to rescue the Chinese. The Naniwa steamed about until eight
o'clock in the evening, but did not pick up any other Europeans."
The Irene, which had been the first vessel to leave Taku, her-
self had a narrow escape from an attack. She sighted a war
vessel at eleven o'clock on the night of July 23, but by at once
putting out all her lights was enabled to escape, and reached
Asan early the next morning. The Chinese cruisers Chih Yuen
and Kwang Kai, and the training ship Wei Yuen were at anchor.
The troops were at once disembarked, and about nine o'clock the
same morning the Irene left for Chefoo, arriving at four o'clock
t e afternoon of the 25th. Being under orders to proceed to
Chemulpo to bring back refugees, she sailed at noon the next day
in company with the British ship Archer. When some distance
from Chefoo, the Irene was hailed by the Fei Ching, and informed
that the troop ship Kow-shing had been sunk by Japanese war
vessels. It was decided to take the Irene into Wei-hai-wei and
confer with Admiral Ting as to the advisability of her going to
Chemulpo; he advised her return to Chefoo.
The same morning, July 26, the cruiser Chih Yuen arrived
at Wei-hai-wei from Asan, and reported that shortly after leaving
that port, the new Japanese cruiser Yoshino fired on her and her
consort, the Kwang Kai, unexpectedly, and a shell, piercing the
bow turret, ex[)loded, killing the entire crew serving one gun,
and disabling tlie turret. As soon as the Chih Yuen got a little
sea room, her steering-gear having been disabled, she maneuvered
and fought with her stern gun, one shell from which swept away
the entire bridge of her opponent. A second shell striking the
same place, the Japanese ceased firing and hoisted a white flag
over a Chinese ensign, but Captain Hong, of the Chih Yuen,
having his bow guns and his steering gear disabled, and other
Japanese coming up, decided to make for Wei hai-wei and report
to the admiral. The first lieutenant of the Chih Yuen was
speaking through the tube, directing the men, when a shot struck
SINKING OF TPIE KOW-SllTNG JUSTIFIED. 446
him and he fell dead. Twelve of tlie crew were killed and thirty
wounded. The Japanese vessel suffering somewhat less.
The Kowshing affair caused a complete change in tlie attitude
of the Chinese government and in the foreign mind. The viceroy,
Li Hung Chang, declared in an interview that if war was once
provoked, China would fight to the bitter end. Japan was at-
tacked in the European press for having sent a British ship to the
bottom, even though it were loaded with Chinese soldiers, inas-
much as war had not been declared. The Japanese government
at once instructed the minister in London- to apologize to Great
Britain for firing on the British flag, wliich was floating over the
Kow-shing, and it was talked in every quarter that a heavy in-
demnity would be required from Japan. As further details be-
came known, however, European and American sentiment began
to shift. A British consular court of inquiry called to investigate
the matter, decided that inasmuch as the two nations were virtu-
ally in^ri state of war at the time, though no formal declaration
had been made, the Japanese commander was justified in his
action on the ground that the Kow-shing was violating neutrality.
The demand for an indemnity was practically abandoned on ac-
count of a clause contained in the ship's charter to the effect
that in the event of an outbreak of hostilities between China and
Japan, the Kow-shing should be considered Chinese property.
Tlie case was therefore ended, so far as the action of nations out-
side of China and Japan was concerned. Less than two hundred
were saved, out of nearly twelve hundred souls who were on
board t)ie vessel. French, German, and Italian gunboats which
were cruising near, brought to Chefoo the few Chinese survivors,
and several of the European oflScers were saved by the Japanese.
Captain Von Hannecken was rescued by a fisherman's boat, and
made his way back to China.
Immediately following the date of these sea battles, hard fight-
ing began at and around Asan, where the body of Chinese troops
was intrenched. Early on the morning of July 29 the Chinese
troops, who had left their fortifications at Asan, were attacked by
General Oshima, the commander of Japanese armies in Corea, at
Seikwan. The Japanese gained a decisive victory. After a hard
fought battle in which one hundred Chinese were killed and five
446 FIGHTING AROUND ASAN.
hundred wounded, out of twenty-eight hundred troops engaged,
while the Japanese lost less than one hundred, the Chinese were
forced back towards Asan, their entrenchment at Chan Hon having
been captured. During the night the Chinese evacuated Asan,
abandoning large quantities of ammunition and some guns, <and
fled in the direction of Koshu. When the Japanese reached
Asan early in the morning of the 30th they found the trenches
deserted. Many flags, four cannon, and a quantity of other
muniticms of war were captured, and the victorious troops took
possession of the enemy's headquarters.
Elated by the results of the actions which had occurred, Japan
was now hurrying troops into the field. Thousands of soldiers
were shipped in transports and stationed in Chemulpo, in Seoul,
along the Great Northern road in Fusan, and finally around
Asan, sixty miles south of Chemulpo, out of which the Chinese
had just been driven. Three attempts at mediation had been
made with a desire to avert war by diplomatic interference, first
by Russia, then by England, and lastly by England supported by
all the powers, but Japan was ready and anxious to prove her
prowess over her ancient enemy, and to show to western nations
the strength that she had acquired ; while there were ample and
stBong reasons which appeared to the Japanese worthy ones why
they should wage war upon China. They asserted that the best
interests of civilization and humanity demanded this action and
the time had come to begin. Belligerent acts had multiplied and
formal action became necessary, without further delay. August
3 was the important date which marked the formal beginning of
warlike operations.
The announcements to the world that an oriental war was
actually to be waged, were in every way characteristic of the
people and the habits of the two belligerent nations. Each one
took pains to declare its power and the age of the reigning
dynasty. Japan however toolc its greatest pride, very evidently,
in the advance of its civilization, and the introduction of western
metliods in diplomacy as well as elsewhere. China, on the other
hand, was more verbose, and at the same time very scornful 6(
the fighting strength of the ancient rival. Each of course took
pains to justify her own actions and cast all the odium of the war
on the other.
JAPAN'S DECLARATION OF WAR. 449
Japan's formal declaration of war appeared in the ^^ Official
Gazette," and in substance was as follows :
" We, by the grace of heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on a
throne occupied by the same dynasty from time immemorial, do
hereby make proclamation to all our loyal and brave subjects as
follows: We hereby declare war against China, and we command
each and all of our competent authorities, in obedience to our
wish, and with a view to the attainment of the national aim, to
carry on hostilities by sea and land against China, with all the
means at their disposal, consistently with the law of nations.
" Over twenty years have now elapsed since our accession to the
throne. During this time we have consistently pursued a policy
of peace, being deeply impressed with a sense of the undesir-
ability of being in strained relations with other nations, and have
always directed our officials diligently to endeavor to promote
friendship with all the treaty powers. Fortunately our inter-
course with the nations has continued to increase in intimacy.
" We were therefore unprepared for such a conspicuous want
of amity and of good faith, as has been manifested by China in
her conduct towards this country in connection with the
Corean affairs. Corea is an independent state. She was first in-
troduced into the family of nations by the advice and under
the guidance of Japan. It has however, been Chinu's habit to
designate Corea as her dependency, and both openly and secretly
to interfere with her domestic affairs. At the time of the recent
civil insurrection in Corea, China dispatched troops thither,
alleging that her purpose was to afford succor to her dependent
state. We, in virtue of the treaty concluded with Corea in 1882,
and looking to possible emergencies, caused a military force to be
sent to that country, wishing to procure for Corea freedom from
the calamity of perpetual disturbance, and thereby to maintain
the peace of the east in general. Japan invited China's co-opera-
tion for the accomplishment of that object; but China, advancing
various pretexts, declined Japan's proposal.
" Thereupon Japan advised Corea to reform her administra-
tion, so that order might be preserved at home, and so that the
country might be able to discharge the responsibilities and duties
of an independent state abroad. Corea has already consented to
22
450 CHARGES AGAINST THE CELESTIAL KINGDOM.
undertake the task, but China has insidiously endeavored to cir-
cumvent and tliwart Japan's purpose. She has further procras-
tinated and endeavored to make warlike preparations, both on
land and at sea. When these preparations were completed, she
not only sent large re-enforcements to Corea with a view to the
attainment of her ambitious designs, but even carried her arbi-
trariness and insolence to the extent of opening fire upon our
ships in Corean waters.
" China's plain object is to make it uncertain where the respons-
ibility resides for preserving peace and order in Corea, and not
only to weaken the position of that state in the family of nations
— ^a position obtained for Corea through Japanese efforts — but
also to obscure the significance of the treaties recognizing and
confirming that position. Such conduct on the part of China is
not only a direct injury to the rights and interests of this empire,
but also a menace to the permanent peace and tranquility of the
Orient. Judging from her action, it must be concluded that
China from the beginning has been bent upon sacrificing peace to
the attainment of her sinister objects. In this situation, ardent
as pur wish is to promote the prestige of the country abroad by
strictly peaceful methods, we find it impossible to avoid a formal
declaration of war against China. It is our esirnest wish that by
the loyalty and valor of our faithful subjects, peace may soon be
permanently restored, and the glory of the empire be augmented
and completed."
China promptly accepted the issue thus formally raised, and
published a declaration in substance as follows :
"Corea has been our tributary for the last two hundred odd
years. She has given us tribute all of this time, which is a matter
known to the world. For the last dozen years or so Corea has
been troubled by repeated insurrections ; and we in sympathy
with our small tributary have as repeatedly sent succor to her aid,
eventually placing a resident in her capital to protect Corea's in-
terests. In the fourth moon (May) of this year, another rebellion
was begun in Corea, and the king repeatedly asked again for aid
from us to put down the rebellion. We then ordered Li Hung
Chang to send troops to Corea, and they having barely reached
Asan, the rebels immediately scattered, but the * Wojen (ihe
CHINA'S PROMPT RESPONSE. 461
ancient epithet for the Japanese expressive of contemp trans-
lated ^ pigmies ' or more strictly according to usage ^ vermin '),
without any cause whatever sent their troops to Corea and en-
tered Seoul) the capital of Corea, re-enforcing them constantly
until they have exceeded ten thousand men.
^^ In the meantime the Japanese forced the Corean kiug to
change his system of government, showing a disposition in every
way of bullying Coreans. It was found a difficult matter to
reason with the ' Wojen. ' Although we have been in the habit
of assisting our tributaries, we have never interfered with their
internal government. Japan's treaty with Corea was as one
country with another. There is no law for sending large armies
to bully a country in this way and to tell it to change its system
of government. Various powers are united in condemning the
conduct of the Japanese, and can give no reasonable name to the
army she now has in Corea. Nor has Japan been amenable to
reason, nor will she listen to an exhortation to withdraw her
troops and confer amicably upon what should be done in Corea.
On the contrary, Japan has shown herself belligerent without
regard to appearances, and has been increasing her forces there.
Her conduct alarmed the people of Corea as well as our mer-
chants there, and so we sent more troops over to protect them.
Judge of our surprise then, when half way to Corea a number of
the ^ Wojen ' ships suddenly appeared, and taking advantage
of our unpreparedness opened fire on our transports at a spot on
the sea coast near Asan, and damaged them, thus causing us to
suffer from their treacherous conduct which could not be foretold
by us.
^^ As Japan has violated the treaties and not observed the inter-
national laws, and is now running rampant with her false and
treacherous actions, beginning hostilities herself, and laying herself
open to condemnation by the various powers at large, we, there-
fore, desire to make it known to the world that we have always
followed the paths of philanthropy and perfect justice through-
out the whole complications, while the ' Wojen ' and others have
broken all the laws of nations and treaties which it passed our
patience to bear with. Hence we command Li Hung Chang to
give strict orders to our various Urmies to hasten with all speed
452 CHINA'S ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE NATIONS.
to root the ^ Wojen ' out of their lairs. He is to send successive
armies of valiant men to Corea, in order to have the Coreans
freed from bondage. We also command Manchoo generals, vice-
roys, and governoi-s of the maritime provinces, as well as the
commanders in chief of the various armies to prepare for war and
to make every effort to fire on the * Wojen ' ships if they come
into our ports, and utterly destroy them. We exhort our genemls
to refrain from the least laxity in obeying our commands, in order
to avoid severe punishment at our hands. Let all know this edict
as if addressed to themselves individually."
Immediately following China's declaration of war, the Chinese
Imperial Foreign Office addressed an important circular letter to
the ministers of the various European countries, and of the
United States, to be forwarded to their respective governments.
The message began abruptly with the announcement that some
time ago a rebellion broke out in the district of Chung in Corea,
and the king of that country sent a written application for
Chinese assistance through Li Hung Chang, Viceroy of the
North.
*'Onr Imperial Majesty," the message continued, '' considering
that on previous occasions rebellion in Corea had been suppressed
by our assistance, dispatched troops, which did not however
enter Seoul, but went direct to the scene, with a view to ex-
terminating the rebellion. At the first rumor of their approach
the rebels dispersed, and our army, having brought merciful
relief to the distressed people, meditated a victorious retirement.
To our astonishment Japan also dispatched troops to Corea, pre-
tending that it was for the purpose of assisting to quell the
rebellion, but their real object being to occupy Seoul, which they
did, posting themselves at all the important passes. They con-
tinued to re-enforce themselves, until the number of their troops
rose to upwards of ten thousand, when they demanded tliat
Corea should repudiate her allegiance to China, and declare her-
self independent. Japan further drew up many rules and
regulations for the alteration of the Corean government, which
they required the king to conform to in every detail. That
Corea has been a dependency of Cliina from time immemorial is
known to all the world, and therefore when your different
CHINA DECLARES SHE HAS BEEN FAIR. 455
respective governments established treaties with that nation,
such treaties were approved and recorded by ourselves. For
Japan to ignore this in so high handed a manner, is an offense
against the dignity and authority of China, and a grave breach
of the pre-existing harmonious relations."
The message comments upon the doubtful right of any country
to interfere with the internal administration of the affairs of the
neighboring states, and adds that while friendly counsel and
exhortation may sometimes be permissible, the enforcement of
suggestions of reform by direct and strenuous coercion and
armed invasion cannot be tolerated. It is impossible, the mes-
sage declares, for China to submit to such ignominious treatment,
which would be equally intolerable to any of the respective
governments to which the message is addressed. Reference is
next made to the efforts of the British and Russian governments
through their representatives to induce Japan to withdraw her
forces from Seoul, thus making possible the peaceful negotiation
of Corean affairs.
"This," says the circular, "was an extremely fair and just
proposal, but Japan stubbornly refused to take it into considera-
tion, and on the contrary strengthened her forces to such an
extent that the people of Corea and resident Chinese merchants
there became daily more alarmed and disturbed. China, out of
consideration for the commendable efforts of the different govern-
ments to effect a peaceful solution of the Corean question,
rigidly abstained from any act of bloodshed, which would have
led to great suffering and serious injury to commerce, and though
it became necessary to send further forces for the protection of
the country, we placed them at a careful distance from Seoul,
studiously avoiding a collision with the Japanese troops, which
would have occasioned the commencement of hostilities. Not-
withstanding all this, and by a most unexpected and treacherous
scheme, the Japanese on July 25, collected a number of their
war vessels outside the port of Asan, and began hostilities by
firing on our transports and attacking and sinking the British
steamer Kow-Shing, flying the English flag. Thus, therefore, the
commencement of the war on their part was beyond all justification,
and China, having done her utmost hitherto to preserve the good
456 CHINA»S JUSTIFICATION OF HER COURSE.
fellowship of natious, can carry forbearance no further, but feels
constrained to adopt different counsels and to take effectual
measures for the management of affairs.
" We anticipate," says the message in conclusion, " that the
various governments of the world will hear of these extraordinary
proceedings with wonder and surprise, but they will know where
to lav the entire blame attacliinor to them. This full statement
of the circumstances under which Japan has iniquitously and
unlawfully commenced war, is presented to your excellency for
communication to your respected government for its inspection."
The two great nations of the orient were now at war, one with
forty millions of inhabitants, the other with four hundred millions,
fighting on the soil of their helpless neighbor, a nation which was
to act as little more than a buffer for the shock of war from either
side to strike.
PROM ASAN TO PING-YANG.
Preparations for War In the Two Nations— Activity to Provide Defense for Soathem
China— Chinese Ai-senals— War Spirit Among the Japanese— Armies of China, Their Organ-
ization and Administration— Burdens Upon Li Hung Chang— Manner of Campaign Followed
by Chinese Armies— Seelcing a Commander for the Chinese Troops in Corea— Complications
with European and American Interests— Trade Relations— Tlie Chung king Affair- Arrest
of Japanese Students in Shanghai- Efforts of American Representatives to Save Their
Lives- Delivered to the Chinese by Order from Washington— Tortured to Death— Operations
in Corea— Tlie Masterly Retreat from Asan- Engagements in the North— The Lines of the
Japanese Drawing Around Ping-Yang.
As soon as the formal declaration of war was made public in
the rival nations, the preparations for aggression and defense
which had been in progress in China for a few weeks, and in
Japan for several months, began to be multiplied with unceasing
activity. The conditions which existed in the two nations were
very different, and required different treatment.
Immediately following the outbreak of hostilities, the viceroy
at Canton, Li Han Chang, brother of Li Hung Chang, began to
make great efforts to put the southern part of the empire in some-
thing like an efBcient state of defense. The first definite word of
warning that reached him, through an oflScial channel, was a
cipher telegram from Peking informing him of the sinking of the
Kowshing and the other engagements on sea and land, immedi-
ately prior to July 30. Li Han. Chang was mainly responsible
for the series of indignities which led to the resignation of the
last British officers remaining in the Chinese naval service in
1891, so that China's defeat at sea was to a certain extent his
fault. For this reason he was placed in a position to be peculiarly
anxious to make a good showing now. It was incumbent upon
him to send forces to Formosa, the favorite point of attack in
every important war that has been waged against China, and also
to guard practically the whole southern coast, of which Canton
with the naval station and arsenal at Whampoa, forms the princi-
pal point.
In times of peace the defenses of Canton consist of the south-
C467)
458 CONDITION OF CHINESE DEFENSES.
em squadron, the river forts, and the Manchoo or Tartar gar-
rison, supposed to number four thousand, but really of very in-
definite strength. The sqadron at this time, however, was in the
north, except about a dozen river gunboats, belonging to the navy
and various revenue offices. The forts were in fairly satisfactory
state, although insufficiently supplied for war, and the army
sought recruits to increase its numbers as rapidly as possible.
The investigation of the Whampoa arsenal, however, was highl}'
unsatisfactory as to its results. When orders were given to the
various arsenals to get to work building ships and making guns, the
Shanghai and Nanking stations were found in readiness, and the
Foochow arsenal, the largest and only one that had ever done
any shipbuilding on a seiious scale, was also in reasonably good
condition. But Whampoa arsenal was in a lamentable state of
unfitness, and all that remained of it was its naval training col-
lege, torpedo depot, and warehouse for guns and ammunition.
The responsible officials whose negligence and dishonesty had
resulted in this unfortunate condition, had good cause to antici-
pate severe punishment.
In the north of China, where the administration had been more
closely under the eye of Li Hung Chang, things were in some-
what better condition, although still not what they ought to be
to meet a great war.
The Japanese nation at the same moment presented a rare
spectacle. To a man, ay, to a woman, the whole people were for
war to the knife. They scarcely knew, nor did they greatly care,
for what, but having been without the luxury of a serious foreign
war for two hundred or three hundred years, their military and
patriotic spirits were raised over the invasion of Corea and the
prospective conflict with China. Never was a stronger antithesis
than that between Japanese and Chinese at the beginning of this
conflict. It was the perfection of order and of precision against
slovenliness and carelessness ; the pitting of a trained athlete
against a corpulent brewer who hated fighting. China has in her
history had good soldiers, but her system does not produce nor
encourage them. Despised by the literary class, which has been
in absolute control of everything, the soldier, having little chance
of fame, and feeling himself as belonging to a degraded class, has
THE JAPANESE WAR SPIRIT. 469
taken naturally to pillage. If he has hoped to succeed to honors,
it has been as likely to be by corrupt interest as by meritorious
service, for the Chinese have had no appreciation of military
excellence. Of course an army, however numerous, composed of
such unkindly material, is but a mob, and if the Chinese had the
spirit of soldiers they lacked the arms, for in a service built up
on corruption it was natural to expect that the funds allotted for
equipment would find other destinations.
After the war broke out, immense efforts were made by Japan
in mobilizing troops and transporting them across the straits to
Corea. The reserve was called out, and from every house and
every shop some one was drafted to serve with the colors. So^
perfect, liowever, was the machine, that all this was accomplished
without the least visible disturbance to the internal business of
the country, and with such secrecy that it was only through
reports of trains full of troops passing at night, and occasional
train loads of war material, that any inkling was obtained of
what was going on. The embarkation was kejpt equally secret,
even when whole fleets of transports were engaged.
One was constrained more and more to admire the organization
of the Japanese, and the perfect order which everywhere pre-
vailed. In a country so strictly policed, the police need never be
called on to quell a disturbance, and the force itself constituted
another military reserve, drilled and disciplined for any service.
So complete was their network of armed watchmen, that a spar-
row could hardly cross the road without its name and destination
being recorded in the archives of the prefecture. Everything
about every individual, whether foreign or native, was known to
this intelligent government. Every foreigner's house was
frequented by spies, in the guise of peddlers or servants, who
reported minutely to their official employers. It was the same
abroad. Japanese spies had examined every Chinese ship and
fort, had measured the fighting power of every Chinese regiment.
Japan knew the rottenness of Chinese naval and military adminis-
tration better perhaps than the Chinese themselves. Japan was,
in short, one great intelligence department, and it began to prove
in a most unexpected way that " knowledge is power."
Coming fresh from Japan to Tien-tsin, the port of Peking,
460 ESPIONAGE IN JAPAN.
whence the direction of the war was to be carried on, one would
be astounded at the aspect of China. The Celestial Empire in
war times contrasted so completely witli its hostile neighbor that
one might imagine oneself in another planet. The silent, stolid
action of the one country and the confused bustle of the other
were the strongly evident contrasts. Coming from war minis-
tries, marine ministries, finance ministries, an executive as elabor-
ate and perfect as the machinery of a gun factory, every indi-
vidual knowing and doing his duty without hurry and without
friction, into China where there were none of these things at all,
one would be puzzled to conceive how any war could be carried
on between these countries except one of ultimate subjugation.
China was in a sense full of troops, mostly disbanded without
pay, but in such loose fashion as to enable them even to carry oflF
the honors of war, in the shape of their rifles and accoutrements.
Some of these had sought and found an honest living, but many
"had gone to swell the ranks of brigandage. The troops in active
service belonged to the great system of sham in which China
revelled. The levies on paper and on pay rolls bore no direct
correspondence with either tlie men or the arms. Neither the
army nor the navy was a fighting service, but a means of living;
and while generals, colonels and captains practically absorbed the
naval and military expenditure, the custom of the country per-
mitted the ranks to be robbed and starved, while those officials
grew rich.
Vast as were the numbers of the fighting men of China on pa-
per, they were but a very small proportion to the huge population
of that empire. The old Chinese army in its three divisions of
Manchoo, Mongol, and native Chinese did not exceed the nominal
strength of one million, and all the efforts of military reformer
have been devoted to increasing the efficiency and not the size of
that force. The Green Flag, or Luhying corps, still represented
ilie bulk of the army, furnishing on paper a total of six hundred and
fifty thousand men scattered through the nineteen provinces, ex-
cluding the new province of Manchooria. It has been controlled
by the local viceroys and governors who may in some instances
have attempted to improve its efficiency, but as a general rule the
force has had little or no military value.
CHOICEST TROOPS OF CHINA. 461
When the Tai-Ping rebellion was finally crushed, the Ever Vic-
torious army was disbanded, and the Viceroy Li Hung Chang, took
into his pay a considerable number of these disciplined and expe-
rienced soldiers who had taken their part in a succession of re-
markable achievements. When he was transferred to Pechili he
took with him these men as a sort of personal bodyguard, and
with the avowed intention of organizing an army that would bear
comparison with European troops. He was engaged on this task
for nearly twenty-five years. At the commencement this force
numbered about eighteen thousand men. In 1872 the viceroy took
into his service several German officers, who devoted tlieinselves
with untiring energy to the conversion of what was not unpromis-
ing material into a regular army of the highest standard. Tlie
training of this force was carried on with the grejitest possible se-
crecy, and no European officers except those serving with it had
any opportunity of forming an opinion. But it was known at the
beginning of the war that the Black Flag army, as it was called,
numbered about fifty thousand men.
After Li Hung Chang's army,'and scarcely inferior to it in
strength and importance, came the two branches of the old Tartar
army, both of which were recently subjected to some military train-
ing, and more or less equipped with modern weapons. These were
the old Banner army, and the army of Manchooria, the total
strength of the former being some three hundred thousand. Up
to a comparatively recent time nothing had been done to make this
force efficient. Many of the troops were armed with nothing but
bows and arrows, and a kind of iron flail. In the last fifteen years,
however, part of the Banner army, called the Peking Field force,
was organized by the late Prince Chun, father of the reigning em-
peror and raised to a fair degree of efficiency. The second Tartar
force, the army of Manchooria, contained some eighty thousand
men who had received training and approximately modern weap-
ons. Out of these, thirty thousand men, all armed with rifles,
have made their headquarters at Mukden, the old capital of the
Manchoos.
The Japanese reproached the Chinese with having no commis-
sariat. Neither had they telegraphs, ambulance, or hospital ser-
vices. Their habit was to live on the country in which they hap*
462 ADMINISTRATION OF THE WAR.
pened to be, and make it a desert. The Corean campaign was ex-
pected to form no exception to tiiis rule, and the plains in the
northwest, in the region first occupied by the Chinese after the
abandonment of Asan, were early deserted by their inhabitanta
Yet there were exceptions to this method of procedure. The force
that was sent under General Yeh to Asan to quell the insurrection
there, treated the natives with kindness and were consequently
much liked. The general had funds entrusted to him, to distrib-
ute among the poor people who were suffering from want, and
miraculous to say he did not steal the money, but spent all, and
even, it is said, some of his own, in benevolence to the Coreans.
At the opening of the war the functions of a war ministry, ma-
rine ministry, finance ministry, with their staff of experts, were in
China discharged by one old man, without any staff, who had stood
for thirty years between tlie living and the dead. The emperor
issued edicts without providing the means of carrying them out ;
all the rest, whether in gross or in detail, devolved on Li Hung
Chang, who like another Atlas was bearing the whole rotten fabric
of Chinese administration on his shoulders.
The supreme command of the Corean expeditions was first of-
fered to Liu MingChuan,who defended Formosa in 1884, but that
astute old soldier declined on the ostensible ground of age and de-
fective sight, but really because, as he said, peace would be made
before he could reach Tein-tsin. The command was next offered
to Liu Kin-tang, the real conqueror of Kashgar, for which the Gov-
ernor-General Tso obtained the credit. He also declined, but was
overruled by the emperor, and started from his home in the in-
terior. His joupuey in the height of the summer heat was too
much to endure, and he died in his boat before reaching the coast.
The command was then entrusted to a civilian, Wu Ta-cheng, who
distinguished himself in closing a great breach on the Yellow River
some yeara ago, and who has lately been governor of Hu-nan.
This promising official was therefore chosen to go to Corea as im-
perial commissioner to command the generals, no one of whom
had been in authority over another.
It was natural to expect that complications would arise be-
tween the belligerent nations and the European and American
nations having commercial interests in the orient. Japan and
TRADE COMPLICATIONS RISING. 465
China had not been long enough acquainted with the rules of in-
ternational comity and international war to be familiar with the
exactions that would be made by the other nations which might
be affected. The diplomatic representatives from the west lost
no time in stipulating the neutrality of the more important
treaty ports where foreigners were settled, and in arranging that
certain branches of commerce should not be interfered with.
Trade, however, was seriously affected and the price of coal
doubled at one leap. China prohibited the export of rice from
its own ports whence large quantities are usually shipped to
Japan. Chinese lighthouses were darkened, and pilots were
specifically warned not to assist Japanese vessels.
The term con trab rand was found to apply to many articles the
transport of which in time of peace gave employment to many
steamers, mainly coal, rice, and materials for building and repair-
ing ships. The British government published a declaration that
rice would not be recognized as contrabrand, and the prices of
grain and rates for freight and insurance ruled high. The whole
trade was, therefore, dislocated, for the Yang-tsase is the chief
granary for the far east.
The British steamer Chungking suffered an aggression from
the Chinese that drew upom them a severe rebuke and punish-
ment. The vessel was at anchor in the harbor of Tongku, and
among its passengers were sixty Japanese, many of them women
and children, who were leaving China to return to Japan for safety
during the impending troubles. While the vessel lay in the
harbor a large number of Chinese soldiers forced their way on
board with hostile intent. They began chasing the Japanese
with threats of punishment, and tlie women and children fled to
hide themselves. Many were found and were dragged from their
places of concealment with violence. When they were found,
their feet were tightly fastened together and their hands were tied
behind their backs. They were then thrown upon the wharf,
where they lay helpless, and several of them fainted under the
severe treatment. As soon as the report of the outrage reached
the superior officer commanding the district, he commanded the
release of the victims, and the ship moved on to Shanghai where
it arrived August 7. Viceroy Li Hung Chang tendered a most
466 THE CHUNGKING CASE.
humble apology to the British consul for the aggression, the sol-
diers who committed the outrage were severely punished, and the
officers who were responsible for it were degraded and sent into
the interior.
The Japanese who were living in various Chinese treaty ports,
engaged in business or connected with the various foreign con-
cessions, took pains during the early period of the war to keep
themselves as much as possible sequestered from Chinese view,
to avoid giving oflFense to the people. Many of them had for
years worn Chinese dress, and others now adopted the same cos-
tume, thinking thus to lessen the danger to which they were un-
doubtedly exposed. The Chinese authorities of Shanghai became
convinced that the Japanese remaining there, under the protec-
tion of various foreign flags, constituted so many menaces to the
national security. Tlie precaution which the Japanese took in
adopting Chinese costume, was made the pretext for a demand
upon the consuls for the arrest of all who had resorted to it, but
in each instance the demand was refused.
The first complication of American diplomatic interests with
those of China came in this connection. On the morning of
August 18, two Japanese who were walking within the limits of
the French concession were pounced upon by Chinese guards
and carried off to prison, charged with being spies in the service
of the Japanese government. The accused were young men of
good position and repute, and it seemed without the opportunity
of spying, even if they were prepared to take the risk. They
were placed in prison^ however, pending, it was explained, the ap-
pointment of a proper tribunal to try them, and it was alleged by
the Chinese authorities that there were found concealed about
their clothes, plans of Chinese fortifications and cipher notes on
Chinese movements. The following day tlie Japanese residing in
Shanghai moved from the Chinese quarters into the American
concession, where they placed themselves formally under the pro-
tection of the United States. The two who were arrested were
immediately handed over to the American consul-general at his
demand, he agreeing to keep them until charges should be formu-
lated and presented. After a careful examination of the merits
of the case, the consul, Mr. Jernigan, and the United States min-
UNDER UNITED STATES PROTECTION. 467
ister to China, Mr. Denby, became convinced that the charges
were groundless, and that the young men were innocent of any guilt
or evil intent. They were mere boys, students at the schools
maintained in the American and French concessions, where they
had resided for many years. The fact that they were dressed in
Chinese costume proved nothing, inasmuch as they had worn that
costume for many years* The charges that plans and notes had
been found upon them, were also discredited by the American
representatives. Americans in private life in Shanghai, as well
as Europeans, both in official and private position, united to sus-
tain the position taken by the American^representatives. These
representations were submitted to the state department at Wash-
ington, where Secretary Gresham gave them careful and painstak-
ing review. He lost no time in deciding that the opinions of the
diplomatic representatives of the United States, who were on the
ground and able to make a personal investigation of the merits
of the case, were worthless, and that the allegations of the
Chinese officials were those which were to be accepted in their
entirety. The result was that the United States consul-general
at Shanghai was commanded by the state department at Wash-
ington to surrender to the Chinese officials these students, without
delay. He did, however, delay sufficiently to make a strenuous
protest against this action, offering further explanations why it
should not be done, and in all he was sustained by the other dip-
lomats in Shanghai. He declared that the surrender of these
young men to Cliina would be the signal for the torture, and that
the only true wisdom and kindness would be to send them back
to Japan. His protests were unavailing, and he was again in-
structed to deliver them at once, only exacted from the Chinese
a promise that they should have fair trial and kind treatment.
To the distress of every friend of civilization in China, these
two students were therefore surrendered to the Chinese, and two
days later, after a trial which would be considered a mockery
among ourselves, without the semblance of judicial fairness, they
were condemned to death. The sentence was executed by means
of the most shocking tortures which Chinese fiendish barbarity has
been able to devise, to the horror of all foreigners living in that
dark empire. The blot thus placed on American state-craft as ex-
468 DISMAY OF THE JAPANESE.
emplified in its first test during this war, can never be eradicated
from the minds of those familiar with the circumstances of the
sad case.
Tlie surrender of the two Japanese to the Chinese ofiBcials, by
the United States consul-general, threw the Japanese of Shanghai
into a state of the greatest consternation, as they had hitherto
believed themselves to be perfectly secure under tlie protection of
the American government. Their dismay was doubled a month
later, when on October 8, the two students were tortured to
death, in spite of the promise which had been made to Secretary
Gresham by the Chinese 'minister at Washington, that they should
be properly treated. The pledge given by the Chinese govern-
ment was that these students should be treated as prisoners of
war, and tried by a competent court, after the manner of civilized
countries ; and that their trial would be postponed until Colonel
Denby, the United States minister, could be present. Informa-
tion furnished to the American state department at Washington,
its representative in China, the American minister and the Amer-
ican consul-general at Shanghai, was to the effect that the young
men were not spies, but were students in a commercial school
established in Tokio with a branch at Shanghai, the chief object
of which was to impart a knowledge of the commerce of China and
Japan, and promote the trade relations between the two countries.
Under date of September 1, Colonel Denby wrote to the secretary
of state as follows :
" To give up these boys unconditionally is generally believed to
be to give them up to death. The viceroy of Nanking has, I am
informed, already demanded of the taotai of Shanghai why the
heads of the two spies have not been sent to him. They are
judged and condemned in advance. The governor of Formosa has
posted a proclamation offering prizes for Japanese heads. In a
country where such a thing is possible, it is needless to inquire
what chance a Japanese accused as a spy would have for his life.
This case has attracted much attention in Japan. The American
minister at Tokio telegraphed this legation that these men were
innocent. Should any harm befall them, retaliation is inevitable.
These young men have the fullest sympathy of all foreigners in
TESTIMONY OF AMERICAN DIPLOMATS. 471
China, and the advice of the high officials of all nationalities has
been not to give them up without conditions/'
Mr. Jernigan, the United States consul-general at Shanghai,
wrote as follows :
'^ Had it been known to the Chinese authorities that the limits
of my power as a protector of Japanese interests extended only to
an inquiry after arrest, all tlie students, fifty, would have been
summarily arrested, and it is believed here, as summarily dealt
with as were their two fellow students. I do not hesitate to con-
clude that the delay caused by the course of this consulate-gen-
eral in the case of the two Japanese students, prevented the
arrest of as many as two hundred Japanese upon mere suspicion,
and has probably saved many from being executed and others
from being held for ransom."
With this sort of a warning before them, the remaining Jap-
anese residents in Shanghai, who numbered about seven hundred
persons, consequently determined to quit the place at the earliest pos-
sible moment. The Yokohama Specie bank transferred its business
for the time to a French bank and closed its doors. The Japanese
storekeepers sold off their stocks with all speed, and prepared to
leave in the first steamer for their native country.
Let us turn now to the hostile operations in Corea involving
the rival forces. In the last chapter the operations were related
up to July 30, on which date the Japanese drove the Chinese
troops out of their intrenched position at Asan. Five days later,
on the 4th of August, the conquerors re entered Seoul in triumph,
leaving the retreating Chinese to make their way to their friends
far to the northward. Barbarous as it might have been in the
Chinese to have no commissariat, they had in such an encounter
the advantage in marching, and were able to make a retreat so
successfully as to win the admiration of those who can recognize
even that sort of merit.
To understand the movements of forces from this period of the
war, it must be remembered that we have to do with a single Jap-
anese force, landing at Chemulpo and commanding and occupying
Seoul, from which center the movements were carried on. There
were, however, two Chinese forces, the original garrison of Asan,
a port forty miles south of Seoul, and a large force advancing by
28
472 MOVEMENTS OF THE AKMIES IN COREA.
the road which enters Corea at its northwest comer at Wi-ju.
China anxious to meet and aiinihilate at one blow if possible her
despised foe, threw the latter bod}- of troops, drawn largely from
the Maiiehoo garrisons, into the Corean peninsula, where the\' ad-
vanced about one hundred and seventy miles inside the border to
the banks of the Tatong River at Ping- Yang. The Japanese were
awaiting the shock a little to the north of Seoul, and such was the
Btreiigth of their position that the Chinese, instead of advancing
upon them, halted at the capital citj* of the province, Ping- Yang,
assuming the defensive there and strongly fortifying it. One
week after the capture of Asan and the beginning of the retreat
of the Chinese, the van of the victorious SLvmy started from Seoul,
marching towards Ping- Yang, one hundred and forty miles distant,
whence they were destined five weeks later to be once more vic-
torious in expelling the Chinese.
General Yeh, with his four thousand Chinese, made, as has been
said, a masterly retreat. Accompanied by many Coreans who
joined his standard when he was compelled to abandon his unten-
able position, he struck northeastward and after twenty-five days
effected a junction with the Cliinese main body at Ping- Yang,
August 23. His column kept to the mountains, where travel was
difficult, and it was harassed by the enemy all along the route.
Nevertheless, the troops marched three hundred and fifty miles
through this almost impassable country, breaking through the
Japanese lines at Chong-ju, and reaching their friends at last.
The Japanese army, advancing on Ping-Yaiig at the same time,
was api)roaching that position by a course parallel with that of
the Chinese, but to the westward of it. Tlie opposing forces were
near enough to one another that detached bodies frequently met
in conflict, and the skirmishes resulting were reported by which-
ever band happened to be victorious, as a brilliant victory for the
army. Because of this condition of affairs, many battles were re-
ported from one side or the other that were scarcely mentioned
by the opponents, whichever force it might be, and the war spirit
was thus constantly fed in China and Japan without anything of
considerable importance really happening.
About the middle of August the Japanese scouts pressing for-
ward from Pongsan came across an advance guard of the Chinese,
SKIRMISH AND BATTLE.
478
who had seized the telegraph Hue. A brisk skirmish ensued ac? .
the seout3 fell back. A few days later the Chinese advance guard,
numbering five thousand men, encountered the Japanese troops
guarding the Ping- Yang passes, and drove them out. Two dajs
later an advance was made on the Japanese skirmish Hues, and
OF PINQ-VANU.
the Japanese were again defeated, this time being turned bacK as
far as Chuiig-hwa, some twenty miles south of Ping- Yang.
When the Japanese troops started from Chemulpo and Seoul to
itilvance on Ping- Yang, a force of thirteen transports, protected by
a strong convoy of war vessels, also started for Ping-Yang, eaiiy-
174 ADVANCE OF THE JAPANESE OX PIKG-TAK6.
ing some six thousand troops who were intended to co-operate
with the forces advancing by land. On the 18th of August these
troofis were lauded in Ping- Yang inlet, and thej inimediiitely be-
gan their march up the cultivated vallev of the Tatong River in
the direction of the city. When the force had proceeded some
distance, it was suddenly attacked by one tiiousand Chinese cav-
alry, who succeeded in dividing the column into two parts. The
Chinese artillery at the same time causeil great havoc among the
Japanese. The latter were thrown into complete disorder, and
considerably reduced in numbers they fled to the seashore, pur-
sued by the cavalry who cut down many of the fugitives. As
they reached the co<ist the Japanese came within the shelter of
the guns of their war vessels, and the Chinese were consequently
compelled to desist from further pursuit.
The land skirmishes of which mention has been made, involved
none except the extreme van of the Japanese forces and the out-
posts of the Chinese. The main body of the Japanese troops,
some fifteen thousand strong, found that the daily rate of progress
northward did not exceed six miles, so broken was the road by
mountains and streams, the passage of which presented great ob-
stacles. This being the rate of advance, the army had pushed
some ninety miles from Seoul, when it was decided that a change
of military plan must be made. The Chinese assembling in such
great force at Ping- Yang, by the union of the two armies, threat-
ened Gensan, on the east coast of Corea. At Geusan there was
an important Japanese colony, and from thelre a trunk road led
southward to Seoul. The destruction of the colony, a flanking
movement against the Japanese army, and an irruption of Chinese
troops into the Corean capital, might have been the result of not
including Gensan in the Japanese program of operations. A force
of ten thousand men was accordingly transported to Gensan by
sea, with instructions to move westward against Ping- Yang, tim-
ing its advance and attack with those of the army from Seoul,
whose progress northward was suspended to allow time for the
passage and disembarkation of this column, and of the column
which had been sent from Chemulpo into the Ping- Yang inlet.
While these .land operations were going on, there were also
some naval movements under way, but the latter brought no very
CONDITIONS IN CHINA AND JAPAN. 477
definite results. A fleet of Japanese vessels, including a few iron
ulads and some merchant steamships transformed into cruisers, .
made a reconnoissance of Wei-hai-wei and Port Arthur about the
10th of August. A few shots were exchanged at long range be-
tween the vessels and the forts at each of these places, and the
fleet then withdrew. The operations were of little more import-
iince than a mere ruse to draw fire and ascertain the position and
strength of the enemy's guns. No submarine mines were ex-
ploded, or torpedoes launched. At the request of the British ad-
miral. Sir Edmund Fremantle, the Japanese promised not to renew
the attack upon Wei-hai-wei or to bombard Chefoo without giving
forty-eight hours' notice to him, so that measures niight be taken
to protect the lives of foreign residents.
The emperor of China, taking personal interest in affairs to
greater extent than had been his custom, insisted on a full daily
report of the warlike operations and plans. He studied special
official reports of the naval attack, and then wanted to know why
his commanders allowed the enemy's vessels to escape. All this
time the Japanese fleet was patrolling the China sea, the Gulf of
Pechili and the Corean Bay, trying to reach a conflict with the
enemy, and to prevent the tribute of rice from going north. Tor-
pedoes were placed in the entrance to Tokio Bay and Nagasaki
harbor, to guard against an attack by Chinese war vessels. The
war spirit in Japan lost none of its warmth. The detachments
sent across the straits into Corea in August numbered nearly
fifty thousand men, and early in September the total number of
Japanese troops available for activity in the peninsula was nearly
one hundred thousand. A war loan of $50,000,000 was desired
by the government, and so anxious were Japanese capitalists to
subscribe for it that foreign subscriptions were refused and more
than $80,000,000 were offered.
Chinese efforts continued also in great degree, but the results
were scarcely as happy. Troops to the same number could not
be sent into Corea. A very long land march was required before
the forces could reach the seat of war by way of Manchooria and
it was useless to attempt transporting them by water, so carefully
did the Japanese cruisers patrol the sea routes.
Just at this time, when the lines were drawing closer and
478
COREAN JAPANESE TREATY.
closer for a decisive battle, the relations bel\vt.'eii Japan and
, Cciea were more closely defined by a formal treaty of alliance
signed at Seoul on August 26. The preamble of the treaty de-
clared it to be the desire of the emperor of Japan and the king n(
Corea to determine definitely the mutual relations of Japan ami
Ccrea, and to elucidate the relations between Japan and Chinn
BBINOma IN THE WOUNDED.
with respect to the peninsula. The body of the treaty consisted
of three articles ;
" The object of the alliance is the strengthening and perpetua-
tion of the independence of Corea as an autonomous state, and
the promotion of the mutual interests of Coien and Japan, by
compelling the Chinese forces to withdraw from Corea, and by
COREANMAPANESE TREATY. 479
•
obliging China to abandon her claims to the right to dominate
the affairs of Corea.
" Japan is to carry on warlike operations against China both
offensive and defensive ; and the Corean government is bound to
afford every possible facility to the Japanese forces in their move-
ments, and to furnish supplies of provisions to them at a fair re-
muneration, so far as such supplies may be needed.
"The treaty shall terminate when a treaty of peace is con-
cluded by Japan with China.'*
At this very time, however, the feeling of the Corean people
against the Japanese was very intense and they were everywhere
welcoming the Chinese as their friunds. Except the strongly
guarded positions in the provinces of Seoul and Hwanghai and
the country around the treaty ports which were under Japanese
influence, the peninsula was in the possession of armed Coreans
and Chinese. The Japanese Marquis Saionji landed at Chemulpo,
August 28, to congratulate the Corean monarch on his declara-
tion of independence, and the king showed every disposition to
co-operate with the Japanese in their efforts to introduce reforms
into his country. His Majesty appointed a commissioner to visit
Japan and thank the mikado for his promises to restore peace, and
to establish a stable government in Corea. He further issued a
decree introducing several reforms, including religit)us freedom,
the establishment of a diplomatic service, the abolition of slavery,
economies in the public service, the abrogation of the law
whereby the whole family of a criminal is punished, and the
granting of permission to widows to marry again.
Early in September the mikado established headquarters in
Hiroshima with the ministers of war and marines and the general
staff, deciding to direct the war operations from that city in the
future. This had already been the place of assembly and em-
barkation for the troops ordered to the seat of war. At the same
time Field Marshal Count Yamagata left for Corea to assume
sole command of the Japanese army, which had now been aug-
mented till its numbers were approximately one hundred thousand.
Lines were drawing about the Chinese forces nearer and nearer.
The indecisive battle which they had fought with the Japanese
on August 16 had availed them nothing, and all their available
troops were now massed together in Hwang-ju and Sing-chuen.
480
CLOSING IN FOR BATTLE.
As the three advancing columns of Japanese drew nearer to
the lines of the enemy, engagements multiplied and scarcely a
dsj passed without some sort of a skirmish. The three divisions
struck the Chinese simultaneously on September 5 and 6. The
troops from Chemulpo struck the Chinese center at Chung-Hwa;
those from Gensan came up with their enemies at Sing-chuen,
where the left flank of the Chinese was strongly intrenched ; and
the detachment from the mouth of the Tatong struck the right
flank of the Chinese at Hwang-ju. The results from all of these
engagements were favorable to the Japanese, and the Chinese
were forced back in confusiop upon Ping- Yang where they united
THE MIKADO EBVtEWINO THE AEMT.
to give final battle. In the retreat, the column advancing from
the Tatong again caught up with the Chinese on the 7tb and an-
other Btubborn engagement was fought. The Chinese did not
give way until they were in danger of being surrounded, when
they fled in redoubled haste towards Ping- Yang.
With the Chinese forces in Corea thus surrounded by the Jap-
anese, after the sharp campaign ; and the Chinese fleet of war-
ships in perfect fighting trim collected at Wei-hni-wei. the time
wan now at hand for the two important conflicts, one on land and
one at sea, which resulted iu mid-September in the entire victoiy
of the Japanese.
THE FIRST GREAT BATTLES OF THE WAR.
ConceDtTBtlan o[ Jaiiaoese Traopi toTbreateD Plng-lTaDB— Plan of Attack— Poor De-
tensea In tliettenrol tlie ditaesePoslllou—NlBlit advance dd ttie Enemy— 8 wilt and Effectlvs
Vletoif ^Chinese Camniander KllUd— Tliousands at Prisoners Takeu— Rejoicings Id Japan
— Huiiora lor the Dead Cblneae Commander— Second Great Conflict In a Week— TUe Naval
Battle of the Yaln Rlrer— Anotlier Vlclocf roi tlie Japanese Fleet— Many IVar Slilp* De-
strnyed— nuadreda ol Ballon Drowned In Sinking Vessels— Carnage and Destruettan- Kte-
tlon oI the Japanese over tva Successlre Victories— Depression In the Chinese Capital Uld
Criticism or the Chinese Viceroy, LI Hung Chnng.
The first serious engagement between the Chinese and the Ja-
panese forces in Corea resulted, as competent judges foresaw all
along, ill the complete victory of the
latter. The great battle was fought
and won. The Chinese were utterly
touted. The strong position of Ping-
Yang lying just north of the Tatong
river, on the road from Seoul to the
frontier at the mouth of the Yala
river, was carried by assault in the
Bmall hours of Sunday morning>
September 16. The Chinese troops
who held it were utterly defeated,
with a loss in killed, wounded, and
prisoners, estimated at nearly four-
fifths of their entire force.
On Thursday morning, September
13, began the attacks which resulted
two days later in the brilliant victory.
Three columns of Japanese troops
had been ceuteriug for this attack for
some weeks. The first of these came
from Gensan, threatening a fiank
attack. The column marched from
this port on the Sea of Japan almost directly west, approaching
Ping- Yang by way of the mountain passes. The center column
C481)
OORKAN POLIOS AOKNT.
482
QirAr.ITIES OF .IAPANi:SE ARMIES.
came from Pongsaii iilmost directly south of Ping- Yang. The
third column lauded at Hwang-ju uear the mouth of the Tatoiig
river, aDd occupied a position to the westward of Ping- Yang on
the right flank of the Chinese troops.
The infantry and artillery of the Japanese were in a high state
of eflBciency. The men themselves were hardy, active, brave
and intelligent. Their drill and discipline had been carefully
adapted from the best European models. Their arms were of the
latest aud most destructive patterns that science has been able to
JAPANESE KITCUEN IN
devise, and every detail in their equipment and accoutrements had
been thoroughly thought out and carefully provided. The offi-
cers who had the skill and the energy to create such a force were
of course worthy to lead it. All of them had made scientific
study of their profession, and some of them had spent years in
close investigation of the more famous European military systems,
under the guidance of distinguished strategists. But while it
was generally anticipated that such an army, so led, would have
an easy task in defeating and dispersing any force which the
Chinese were likely to assemble against it at short notice in Corea,
PRKLIMTNARIKS 01^ THK BATTLE. 48S
it was by no nieaus certain that the Japanese could force an en-
gagement before the Corean winter made serious operations im-
practicable. The Japanese commander showed that he had mas-
tered the great secret of modern warfare. He knew how to move
his troops with rapidity and with decision, and doing so he succeeded
in dealing a heavy blow to China with trifling loss to himself.
The position held by the Chinese was one of great natural
strength. Doubtless on this account it was protected by old
works, which the Chinese had supplemented by new defenses.
True, however, to the extraordinary practice so often adopted by
the Chinese armies, they neglected to secure their rear to any ade-
quate degree. The Japanese, who had fought the Chinese before,
foresaw that this would be the case, and planned their measures
accordingly.
Thursday the Japanese column from Pongsan, the centre, made
a reconnoissance in force, drawing the fire from the Chinese fort,
and ascertaining accurately the location of the defenses and the
disposition of the troops. This having been accomplished, the
Japanese forces fell back in good order and with very little loss,
none of the other troops having entered the engagement.
Friday was spent by the Japanese in taking up their final po-
sition, and by that evening all the Japanese forces were in posi-
tion for the combined attack, the Pongsan column facing the
Chinese centre to bear the brunt, as in the preliminary fighting,
and the others arranged as heretofore described. The Hwang-jn
column had been re-enforced the day before by marines and blue
jackets from the fleet at the mouth of the Tatong river.
The battle opened Saturday morning at daybreak by a direct
cannonade upon the Chinese works. This continued without
cessation until the afternoon, the Chinese fighting their guns well
and making good execution. At two o'clock in the afternoon a
body of infantry was thrown forward, and these troops kept up a
rifle fire upon the Chinese until dusk. The Japanese gained some
advanced positions, but they mainly occupied the same ground as
when the attack opened. Firing continued at intervals through-
out the night.
Neither of the flanking columns took any part in the heavy
fighting during Saturday, and thus no opportunity was given to
484
PRELIMINAKIES OF THE BATTLE.
the Chinese oE measuring the real Dumber of the forces opposed
to them or of ascertaiDing the real plans of the enemj. Through*
out the daj the Chinese held their own without much loss except
to their defenses, and the; retired to rest with the satisfied feeling
of men who have not unsuccessfully opposed a formidable adver-
sary.
They had a rude
awakening. During
the night the two
Banking columns
drew a cordon aroand
the Chinese forces,
and at three o'clock
on Sunday morning
the attack was de-
livered simultaneous-
ly and with admira-
ble precision. The
Gensan and Hwaiig-
ju columns were the
ones who devoted
themselves to the
rear of the Chinese
position, and the en-
trenched troops sud-
denly found them-
selves exposed to at-
tacks from the force
they had fought dur-
ing the day and from
new forces of fi-esh
troops of unknown
numbers.
The Chinese lines which were so strong in front, were found
comparatively weak in the rear. The unsuspicious soldiers, taken
completely by surprise, fell into panic and were cut down by
hunilreds. They were surrounded and at every point where they
sought safety in flight they met the foe. It was of course a dis*
JAPA.NE8E SOLDIIR SALCTINO A PIKU> OBHITKRT.
BRILLIAMT VICTORY FOR TBE JAPANESE.
487
grace to the Chinese leaders to be completely outmaooBuvred und
surprised, but it was no disgrace to the Ctuneae soldiers to flee
with but slight resistance when the surprise had been accom-
plished by an enemy outnumbering them nearly three to one.
The greatest Manchoo general, and some of the troops disci-
plined under Li Hung Chang's directions on the European eystein,
fought stoutly, stood their ground to the last, aud were cut down
to a man. But their stand was use-
less. The Pongsan column, swarm-
ing over the damaged defenses in
the front, completed the discomhture
of the Chinese. Half an hour after
the night uttack opened, the splendid
position of Ping-Yang was in the
possession of the Japanese.
The Japanese victory was brilliant
aud complete. They captured the
whole of the imniense quantities of
stores, provisions, arms and ammuni-
tion in the camp, besides hundreds
of battle flags. The Chinese loss
was about two thousand seven hun-
dred killed ami more than fourteen
thousand wounded and prisoners.
Less than a fourth of the Chinese
army succeeded in escaping. The
Japanese loss was thirty killed and
two hundred and sixty-nine wounded, Japanese ambulance o
including eleven ofBcers.
Among the officers of the Chinese killed was General Tso-pao-
kwei, Manchoorian commander-in-chief of the army, who fought
desperately to the last and was wounded twice. In this bat-
lie also, (ieneral Wei Jink-woi, and General Sei Kinliii were
Ciipluretl and these practically comprise the effective Chinese
stuff.
Within ten hours of the great battles of Ping- Yang, the
engineers had completed the military field telegraph between ihut
phice and Pongsan. and had messages ou the wires to Seoul. The
m
EFFECTS OP THE BATTLE OP PING-VANG.
number of troops engaged in the battle on the side of the
Japanese was about sixt^ thousand, and of the Chinese about
twenty thousand, which in a measure explains and justifies the
result of the conquest.
The news of this battle was welcomed most enthusiastically in
Japan, and rejoicings were held in Tokio and the other large
cities. Bella were rung and salutes fired. Field Marshal Count
CHINAMAN MUTILATING REMAINS OF JAPANESE SOLDIERS.
Yainagata, in command of the Japanese troops, raceived congrat-
ulations by telegraph from the emperor of Japan.
The emperor of China had occasion to take different measures.
An imperial edict was promulgated in which lie expressed his
profound regret at the death of General Tso, who was killed
while gallantly leading the Chinese troops. The emperor oi'dered
that posthumous orders should be paid to the deceased, befitting
his rank as a provincial commander of the Chinese Empire. The
edict bc»t<iwed imperial favois upon the sons and family of tho
CHINESE FLEET AT THE YALU RIVER. 489
!iit€ general. After be had been severely wounded in the shoulder
by a bullet, Geneml Tso persisted in remaining at the head of his
t I'ltojjs, and it was wliile leading his men in an unsuccessful charge
ihat he was struck by anotiier bullet and killed.
Just one day after the rout of the Chinese from their defcDbes
at I'ing'Yang, another meeting between Japanese and Chiuese
took place not may miles from the same point, but the second
battle was on sea instead of land, and its results were not as
definitive as those of the battle of Ping-Yang. There remained
room for each contestant to lay claim to certain phases of the
victory. But the opinion of independent and impartial authorities,
naval and military, has been that in the indirect results as well as
the immediate lesson, Japan was well justified in claiming the con-
test to be hers.
THE PI NO- YUEN.
Admiral Ting and his fleet were at Tien-tsin awaiting the
orders of the Chinese war council which was sitting at that
place. He was instructed to convoy a fleet of six transports to
the Yalu river and protect them while landing troops, guns and
stores at Wi-ju, from which base China intended to renew opera-
tions in Corea. The transports were ready Friday, September
H, and the following vessels escorted them to sea: Cbcn'-Yuen
and Ting-Yuen, speed fourteen knots, tonnage seven thousand
four hundred and thirty; King-Yuen and Lai-Yuen, sixteen and
one-liulf knots, two thousand eight hundred and fifty tons ; Ping-
Yuen, ten and one-half knots, two thousand eight hundred and fifty
tons; Chih-Yuen and ChingYuen, eighteen knots, two thousand
three hundred tons ; Tsi-Yuen, fifteen knots, two thuusand three
490 BEGINNING THE GREAT NAVAL BATTLE.
hundred and fifty-five tons ; Chao Yung and Yang Wei, sixteen
and one-half knots, one thousand three hundred and fifty tons ;
Kwang Eai and Ewang Ting, sixteen and one-half knots, one
thousand and thirty tons. The first five vessels named were
armored battle ships, the first two built in 1881.2, the third and
fourth in 1887, and the fifth in 1890. The seven following were
cruisers with outside armor, all of them built since 1881 and some
as late as 1890. There were also in the fleet six torpedo boats
and two gun boats. It is evident that the fleet was of modern
construction, and without going into details as to the armament
it may be said that the guns were equally modern in pattern.
This splendid fleet arrived off the eastern entrance to the Yalu
river on the afternoon of Sunday, September 16, and remained
ten miles outside while the transports were to be ujiloaded.
There were about seven thousand troops to be disembarked, com-
posing the second Chinese army corps, which consisted almost en-
tirely of Hunanese. The war council liad realized that it was
impossible to get the necessary re-enforcements to Corea with
sufficient promptitude if they were marched overland, so the risk
of sending them by transports was assumed.
The work of disembarking troops and discharging stores pro-
ceeded rapidly until about ten o'clock Mondaj'^ morning, Septem-
ber 17. Very soon after that hour, the sight of a cloud of smoke
upon the horizon indicated the approach of a large fleet. The
enemy was at hand, and the battle was impending. Admiral
Ting immediately weighed anchor and placed his ships in battle
array. His position was a diflicult one. If he remained near the
shore, his movements were cramped. If he steamed out for sea
room he ran the risk of a Japanese cruiser or torpedo boat
running in amongst his transports. He chose the least of two
evils and decided to remain near the shore.
By noon it was possible to distinguish twelve ships in the
approaching Japanese squadron. The Chinese fleet steamed in
the direction of the enemv and at a distance of five miles was
able to distinguish the ships according to their types. Admiral
Ting signalled his ships to clear for action and then brought
them into a V-shaped formation, with the flagship at the apex of
the angle. The Japanese had at first approached in double line,
FOKMATION OF THE LINE OF BATTLE. 491
but when Admiral Ito saw the formation adopted by his opponent
he changed his fleet into single line and so went into action.
The Ting- Yuen opened firing about twelve thirty P. M. at a
range of five thousand seven hundred yards. The concussion of
the first discharge threw every one off the bridge- As they came
nearer, the Japanese appeared to form in quarter lines, to which
the Chinese replied by turning two points to starboard, thus keep-
ing their bows directed towards the enemy. Approaching within
four thousand four hundred yards, the whole Japanese fleet
seemed to turn eight points to port, thereby forming a single line
ahead, and steaming across the Chinese line they turned its star-
board wing.
The Japanese manoeuvred swiftly throughout the battle, and
the Chinese scarcely had a chance for effective firing from begin-
ning to end. When the Japanese were firing at the starboard
section of the Chinese squadron, the ships of the port section
were practically useless, and could not fire without risk of hitting
their own ships. The Japanese cruisers attacked first one sec-
tion and then the other. As soon as the Chinese on the port side
had brought their guns to bear and had attained the range accu-
rately, the Japanese would work around and attack the starboard
side. At times as many as five Japanese vessels would bring the
whole weight of their armament to bear upon one Chinese ship,
their consorts keeping the attention of the other vessels of that
line fully engaged, while the ships of the diverging line lay look-
ing on almost as useless as hulks in the water.
As compared with that of the Japanese, the fire of the Chinese
was very feeble and ineffective. The men fought bravely, how-
ever, and there appeared to be no thought of surrendering on
either side, but a constant intention to fight to the end.
While the fleet was getting into its formation the Chao Yung
and Yang Wei, which were slow in taking up stations, were dis-
iistrously exposed to the Japanese fire, and one of them in conse-
quence began to burn. On the port wing the Tsi-Yuen and
Kwang Kai, occupied a similar position behind the Chinese line.
The Japanese steamed around by the stern at a distance of. five
thousand yards and cut off the Tsi-Yuen. The Kwang Kai,
which was as yet keeping touch with the fleet, soon fell back.
24
492 EVOLUTIONS OF THE HOSTILE FLEETS.
Nothiug more was seen of these two during the action, and they
escaped unhurt.
The Chinese, unable to keep pace with the enemy, endeavored to
follow their movements by keeping bow on to them, as they cir-
cled around, maintaining a heavy bombardment. The Chinese
fleet that kept in the thick of the fight consisted of six ships of
the Yuen class, including the ironclads. The Japanese, having
completed one circle, hauled off to a distance of eight thousand
yards, and went through an evolution with the object of separa-
ting in two divisions, the first consisting of the seven best known
cruisers, and the second of five inferior ships which stood off to
some distance.
The Japanese gunners were making much better practice than
their enemy. Very few of the Chinese shots reached their mark,
while the Japanese were constantly hitting the opposing vessels
most effectively. After a time the Chinese admiral apparently
became desperate. His formation was broken, and two or three
of his ships advanced at full speed. The fighting became furious,
but the weight of metal told and one of his ships, the Lai-Yuen,
was crippled in this venture. Then for some unknown reason
the Japanese ceased firing and cleared off, while the Chinese re-
tired nearer the shore. The respite was a brief one, for the
Japanese returned in about fifteen minutes, renewing the battle
with great vigor and upon the same effective plan.
Late in the afternoon the Chinese cruiser Chih-Yuen, the cap-
tain of which had several times shown a disposition to disregard
the admiral's signals, deliberately steamed out of line and,
although again ordered to remain in the place assigned to her,
went full speed at a Japanese cruiser. The latter received a
slanting blow which ripped her up below the water line and it
was believed she would founder. She succeeded however, in
pouring several broadsides into her enemy at close quarters, and
the Chih-Yuen was so injured by her fire and by the effects of
the collision that she herself sank.
When the Chinese resumed their line formation, the Japanese
guns were directed upon the disabled ships, particularly the Lai-
Yuen. She hud been riddled by shot and shell, and it was evi-
dent that she was sinking The Chinese gunners worked their
SINKING OF THE CHINESE;^ VESSEL LAI-YUEN. 493
weapons to the last. Fiually she went down slowly, stern first.
Her bows rose clear out of the water and she remained hi this
position for a minute and a half before she disappeared in one
last plunge. The Japanese had used no torpedoes upon her, but
sunk her by fair shot and shell fire. It spurred all the men
to additional effort, and the officers were naturally exultant.
They regarded the sinking of a double bottomed ship like the
Lai-Yuen by gun fire alone as no mean achievment.
The battle then arranged itself into two great groups, the four
Chinese cruisers becoming engaged with the second division,
while tlie ironclads attacked the first division. The fighting of
the second division was irregular and difficult to follow, and
ended in the Japanese disappearing in the direction of the island
of Hai-yung-tao.
The first Japanese division carried on the fighting with the
Chinese ironclads by circling round at a distance of four thou-
sand five hundred yards. The Ping-Yuen and Chen-Yuen keep-
ing together, followed the enemies' movements in a smaller
circle, the whole evolution taking a spiral form. Occasionally
the distance between the opposing ships was reduced to two
thousand yards, and once to one thousand two hundred yards.
The Japanese aimed at keeping a long distance away, so as to
avail themselves of their superior speed, and make the most of
their quick firing guns, in which armament they vastly excelled
the Chinese. The object of the Chinese was to come into close
quarters, so as to use their slow firing guns of large caliber with
full effect.
Other Chinese vessels endangered were the King-Yuen, which
was badly injured by fire, the Chao Yung, which foundered in
shallow water, and the Yang Wei, which was partially burned,
and afterwards destroyed by a torpedo.
On the Japanese side, in addition to the vessel which was
rammed by the Chih-Yuen, the Yoshino and the Matsusima were
badly injured by fire. The former of these two, after receiving a
series of volleys from two Chinese vessels, was enveloped in a
cloud of white smoke which lay heavily on the water and com-
pletely covered the ship. The Chinese vessels waited for the
cloud to clear away and got their port guns ready, but before th^
494
DISASTfili T(^ JAPANESE VESSELS.
Yoshiuo became visible their fire was diverted by a Japanese ship
of the Matsusiina type which came on the port quarter. The
guns which had been laid for tlie Yoshino were fired at this new-
comer with the result that she too began to burn.
Ih the latter part of the battle the Chinese ironclads ran short
of common sliell, and continued the action with steel shot, wliich
proved ineffective.
An oflBcer oIl the Japanese navy who was on one of the vessels
in the engagement, was sent to make a verbal report to the
mikado, and related some interesting details of the battle. He
says that the ileet consisted of eleven war ships and a steam
packet, Saikio Maru, which liad been fitted up with guns as a
cruiser, conveying Admiral Kabayama, the head of the naval
THE YOSHINO.
command bureau, on a tour of inspection. Here is what he says
about the latter boat: "It was our own turn next to suffer.
The Saikio Maru had worked her deck guns to the best of her
ability, but she was scarcely adapted for fighting in line against
ironclads. Frequently she was in imminent danger, tlie Chinese
quickly perceiving that she was a weak ship. A well placed
shell from the Ting- Yuen pierced her side, and exploding made
a complete wreck of the steering gear as well as doing other
damage. She was put out of action, and pointed the best course
she could by means of her screws. But this was a poor make-
shift, and in trying to get away, she ran to within eighty metres
distance of the Ting-Yuen and Chen-Yuen, both these ships hav-
ing starred in pursuit of her at full speed. The two Chinese
commanders evidently thought that the Saikio Maru intended to
ram them, for they sheered off and thus left her room to escape.
CHINESE SAILORS IN PITIFUL DISTRESS. 49T
She weot away southward at her best sp ei The Chinese dis-
charged two fish torpedoes after her, but the projectiles eitlier
passed uDderneath the ship's keel or missed their direction. The
fire which had slackened during this incident, recommenced with
redoubled energy, but we still made better practice with our
guns. The Chao Yung was partially disabled, though she still
fought on against two of our cruisers who were closing upon her.
The doomed vessel went astern and settled down in shallow
water. She was covered, but two-thirds of her masts were visi-
ble, and the rigging was soon crowded with scores of Chinese
crying loudly to be saved. It was a pitiful sight, but the fight-
ing was too hot to allow us to help them. At the same moment
THK UATBOSIHA.
the Tang Wei was reported disabled. She retired slowly from
the fighting line rolling heavily, masses of dense smoke emerging
from her. We had suffered on our side, but not nearly to such
an extent. A shell had burst upon the flagship Matsusima, dis-
mounting the forward quickfiring gun, and killing a number of
men. The gun too was flung violently against the ship, doing
considerable damage. The Matsusima had received a great
part of the Chinese fire throughout and this last disaster had
rendered her useless for further fighting. Her commander and
first lieutenant had been killed. One hundred and twenty of her
men had been killed or wounded; but the ship still floated.
498
DESPERATE FIGHTING ON BOTH SIDES.
Admiral Ito anil his staff were transferred to the Ha&idate and in
a few minutes they were again in the thick of the fight.
"The Hiyei in the mean time had been receiving the fire of
two powerful Chinese vessels. She was manoeuvered skillfully
and returned their fire, until a shell bjirsting within her set the
woodwork in flames. A second shell exploded in the sick-bay,
killing a surgeon and his assistant, and some of those who had
been wounded earlier. The captain was compelled to run her
out of action, to extinguish the flames, and this having been
accomplished bis wounded men were transferred to another ship,
and he steamed once mora into line. The Yoshino had been
fought throughout in a magnifi-
cent manner. She steamed in
advance of the Hiyei when the
tatter wasdisahled and was back-
ing out of line. She took the
enemy'fl fire, and replied with
the greatest spirit. ' She was
hit frequently, and her forward
barbette was damaged, but her
injuries can soon be repaired.
The Chinese used their torpedo
boats at times and incessant
care was necessary to avoid
their projectiles. On our war
ship, the Akagi, the captain
was aloft in the tops watching especially for torpedo movements
and signalling by flags directly they were detected. He was
in this position when the mast was shot away, and the top-
hamper fell with a crash upon the deck. The captain and
two lookout men were killed. The first lieutenant took com-
mand and fought the ship till darkness stopped the action.
Towards the close of the day dense smoke was seen issuing from
the war ships Ting- Yuen, King-Yuen, and Ping-Yuen, and it was
believed by us that all were on fire. Great confusion prevailed
on board them, but they did not retire from action. Firing was
still kept up intermittently on the Chinese side, though the guns
of many of their ships were silenced. At sundown the Chinese
L SAKOMOTO, Commander of the
Akagi
When night ended the battle. 499
squadron was in full retreat. We took a parallel course intend-
ing to renew the battle in the morning. The night was dark,
the speed was only equal to that of our slowest damaged ship,
and we were compelled to keep at some distance from their
course on account of their torpedo flotilla, which might have
attempted a night attack. We lost sight of the enemy during
the night. At dawn we endeavored to discover their position,
but failed. The Chinese squadron must have reached protected
shelter. Then we returned to the scene of the action, and found
that the war ship Yang Wei, which had been disabled when the
battle was half over, had been run ashore. Her crew had
abandoned her. We fired one fish torpedo and completed her
destruction. This was the only torpedo fired by the Japanese
either in the action or after it."
From a concensus of the opinions of eye witnesses, it appears
that the Chinese were at least as anxious to continue the fight as
were the Japanese. Before five o'clock the Japanese ceased fir-
ing. It was observed that the distance between the fleets was
rapidly increasing and the Chinese failed to diminish it. Tlie
Chinese then saw the Japanese change course in a westerly direc-
tion towards the islands of Yang-tao and Hai-yung-tao. The
Celestials followed them for an hour, and saw the course changed
again to a southerly direction, while some of the ships of the
second Japanese division that had vanished earlier in the fight
now joined those of the first. By this time nothing but the
smoke of the withdrawing fleet was visible and the Chinese
returned. They were joined by the ships which had been partially
disabled but were still in condition to proceed, and altogether
withdrew towards Port Arthur. A message was sent to the trans-
ports from which the troops had disembarked on the banks of the
Yalu river, ordering them to weigh anchor and follow the fleet.
It is evident that there remained room for each side to claim
the victory in this naval battle. The Chinese succeeded in dis-
embarking the troops, which was the avowed object of their expe-
dition. They fought brilliantly, inflicting considerable damage
upon their opponents, and assert that the battle was terminated
against their will by the withdrawal of the Japanese vessels.
The Mikado's men on the other hand, destroyed several of the
600 EACH SIDE CLAIMS THE VICTORY.
best battle ships in the Chinese navy with great loss of life to the
crews, and plead that the Chinese withdrew from them. The
truth probably is that each fleet was so damaged and the
men so exhausted with the long contest that they were mutually
willing to quit. . Inasmuch as casual spectators of impartial mind
are not in a position to observe the details of a battle royal of this
sort, it seems that the decision must be left unsettled except as
the destruction of so many Chinese vessels may be certainly cred-
ited as a victory for the Japanese. The withdrawal of the
Chinese fleet towards Port Arthur, and its previous inactivity seem
to be partially responsible for the handing over of Corea to the
Japanese, giving them first the advantage of possession in the
invaded country.
The peculiar constitution of the Chinese navy is partially an
explanation of the discipline prevailing. The navy is not prop-
erly an imperial or even a national force. The four fleets are
provincial squadrons raised, equipped, and maintained by the
viceroys or governors of the maritime provinces to which they are
attached. No arrangement could possibly be more unsuited for the
purpose of naval war, and to it may be partially attributed the
previous inaction of the Chinese fleet while their numerically
inferior antagonists were using the sea at will. Stirred up at
length, doubtless by peremptory orders from Peking, the Chinese
admiral, in place of throwing his whole strength into a decisive
operation, seems to have committed himself to a subsidiary object-
ive. Naval history teems with examples of the drawbacks that
inevitably result from being thus led away. To have attacked
the Japanese when convoying troops to Chemulpo, or to have
fought a naval battle at Chemulpo or Ping- Yang inlet might have
led to important results. In place of adopting such a course, the
Chinese utilized their fleet for the first time in convoying troops
to the mouth of the Yalu river in the north-east corner of the bfiy
of Corea. The great difficulty experienced in advancing over-
land from Manchooria doubtless suggested this plan, but the
object at best was purely secondary. And with the fleet scattered
and partially destroyed it would seem that the troops, both
artillery and infantry, with their stores landed at the mouth of
COMPOSITION OF THE JAPANESE FLEET. 501
the Yalu river, would be practically helpless so far from support
or a base of supplies.
The Japanese fleet which met that of China in the battle of the
Yalu river was composed as follows : The Matsusima, Itsuku-
siraa and the Uasidate, each of four thousand two hundred and
seventy-seven tons displacement nnd seventeen and one-half
knots ; The Takachiho and the Naniwa, each of three thousand six
hundred and fifty tons, and eighteen and seven-tenths knots ; the
Akitsushima, of three thousand one hundred and fifty tons, and
Chiyoda, of two thousand four hundred and fifty tons, and each
nineteen knots ; the Yoshino, of four thousand one hundred and
fifty tons and twenty-three knots; the Fuso, three thousand
seven hundred and eighteen tons, and the Hiyei, two thousand
two hundred tons, each thirteen knots ; the Akagi six hundred
and fifteen tons, and twelve knots; beside the Saikio Maru, a
steam packet fitted as a cruiser and*four torpedo boats. It will
be seen that in numbers the fleets were about equal. But in
tonnage the Chinese fleet was superior, having several vessels
larger than any of the Japanese, while on the other hand the speed
of the Japanese vessels averaged very much above that of the
Chinese. The armament too of the Japanese fleet was superior to
that of the Chinese, being composed more largely of quickfiring
guns. In type the vessels of the opposing squadrons differed con-
siderably. While six of the Chinese ships had side armor, only one
Japanese vessel was thus protected ; and while ten Chinese ships
liad protection of some form, only eight Japanese carried any
armor.
The Japanese had the advantage of their opponents in speed,
but to a less extent than might be expected. The number of
knots shown for each ship in the lists was of course the best pos^
sible, and is equally delusive for both sides. Notwithstanding,
the Japanese had so much the greater speed that they were able to
steam around their opponents to some extent. There are some
lessons to be drawn from this battle by those who have wondered
what the result of a contest between the modern war ships would
be. The Chinese made one attempt to ram, and discharged one
torpedo from a ship and three from a boat. The attempt to ram
resulted in desperate damage, though not in destruction to the
502 fiXTKNt OP DAMAGE tO BOTH FLEETS.
ship attacked. The rammer herself was afterwards sunk, it was
believed by gun fire. All the torpedoes discharged were ineffec-
tive. The Japanese tried to use neither the ram nor the torpedo.
Beside the Chih-Yuen, the Lai-Yuen and Chao Yung were sunk
by shot and the Yang Wei was run aground to avoid foundering
in deep water. The Japanese flag ship Matsusima was so se-
verely injured that Admiral Ito had to shift his flag to the Hasi-
date. The Hiyei was forced out of action for a time, and the
armed packet steamer Saikio Maru had to go out of action alto-
gether. The mast of the Akagi was shot away, and by the fall
killed the captain and two men, all of whom were on the top.
Such being the variety of the ships engaged, important lessons
are forthcoming from this first great modern naval battle. Many
theories fondly beloved and eagerly proclaimed have had to be
abandoned for their holders to fall back upon the old and well
tested principles of naval war. The gun has maintained its posi-
tion as a weapon to which all others are merely accessories. The
best protection, as Farragut pointed out, is a powerful and well
directed Are. Stupendous losses, unimaginable destruction, have
been confidently predicted as a necessary result of a naval
battle fought with modern weapons. This did not prove to be
the case, and the damage inflicted in the five or six hours' fight-
ing at the mouth of the Yalu might have occurred in the days of
the '74s. Allowance must be made for the probable defects in
the Chinese gunnery practice, but their seamen fought like heroes,
and greater endurance than was shown on either side can never
be expected. The accuracy of naval fire is always over-estimated
in time of peace. The disablement of the heavy guns of the Chen-
Yuen and her continued fighting with her light armament are a
useful object lesson. This vessel like many others was built
solely with a view to carry her four thirty -seven ton guns. The
remaining armament was doubtless distributed promiscuously as
space o£fered. Both barbettes were quickly disabled, and machin-
ery gave place to man power. On board ship, as on land, it is the
man who ultimately counts, even though in time of peace he is
often forgotten.
From this survey of the characteristics of the two fleets, it may
be perceived that each fairly represented a different principle.
LESSONS OF THE BATTLE OP THE YALU. 503
The principle represented by tlie Chinese was that advocated by
the school which puts matter above mind, for their fleet contained
the biggest ships, the less nuiBerous but heaviest guns, and the
most extensive torpedo armament. The principle of which the
Japanese may be taken as the representative is that of a school
which appeals to history and experience, and not to theories
evolved out of the inner consciousness of people without practical
knowledge of the sea, and which maintains that the human factor
is both the most important and the unchanging factor in war,
wliich must in its broader features remain much what it has
always been;
Whatever the claims of victory made by the opposing forces, the
fact remains that Admiral Ito stayed at sea with the Japanese
fleet and that the damages were repaired as fast as possible on
board the ships; while the Chinese went into port, where their
repairs could be made in safety and at leisure. Japan unquestion-
ably had command of the sea. The menace which operated suc-
cessfully in the early stages of the war was changed for the pres-
tige of a greal moral and material victory.
JAPAN'S FORWARD MOVEMENT IN COREA.
Effects of the Battles of Ping-Tang and the Talu River— How the Two Nations BeeelTed
the News— Withdrawal of the Chinese Fleet— Armies Moving North to the Boundary— Li Hong
Chang Losing His Rank and In flaence— Possible Destination of the New Japanese Army-
Prince Kiing— Chinese Driven out of Several Positions in the North of Corea— Abandoning
the Peniuvsula— Danger to Foreigners in China— Captain Von Hannecken— The Japanese
Advance Into Manchoorla.
The eflfects of the battles of Ping- Yang and the Yalu River upon
the governments and peoples of the two belligerent nations were
characteristic. Japan was the scene of rejoicings most hearty in
every city and village of the empire. Congratulations were sent
from the emperor to the commanders of the military and naval
forces, and memorials complimentary to them were voted by the
Japanese parliament. Additional levies of troops were made and
hurried into Corea, with the intention that the war should be
prosecuted with renewed vigor.
In China, on the other hand, the dazed government was scarcely
able to realize what had happened. Reports were made to the
emperor which caused him to declare that the defeat was merely
the result of the cowardice of his commanders, and that they
must be punished for the losses. The emperor at once began to
contemplate a change of counsellors, and the dismissal of all
mandarins and others who had been concerned in the conduct of
the war. Li Hung Chang's position in imperial favor began to
waver. The captain of the cruiser Kwang Kai was beheaded for
cowardice. At the battle of the Yalu River he saw one of the
enemy's ships approaching to attack him, and immediately turned
and fled with his vessel as rapidly as possible. He intended to
escape to Port Arthur, but as he was endeavoring to shape a
course thither which would keep him out of range of the enemy's
guns, he ran the vessel ashore and she became a total wreck.
The Coreans, except those under the immediate influence of
the home government, were not yet willing to accept the Japanese
influence for that of China, which had been so strong throughout
508 AFTER THE PING^YANG BATTLK
their lives. A body of two thousand Japanese left Fusan just be-
fore the battle of Ping-Yang, to march to Seoul. Their advance
was, however, opposed by the Coreans, who harassed them con-
tinually by a guerilla warfare. The Japanese lost heavily, and
were compelled to return to Fusan, huving lost nearly half of
their number. Two thousand fresh troops were immediately sent
to that port from Japan to guard the neighboring settlements,
where some three thousand Japanese permanently resided.
Another uprising of the armed Tonghaks, whose rebellion had
been one of the first features of the war, was apprehended.
The remnant of the Chinese fleet sought refuge after the battle
of the Yalu river under the protection of the Port Arthur forts,
where they were soon locked up by Japanese ships which pa-
trolled the neighboring waters, preventing the exit of Chinese
vessels. The Chinese army defeated at Ping- Yang fled to Wi-ju,
at the apex of the most northerly angle of the Bay of Corea, on
the Corean side of the mouth of the Yalu River. About seven
thousand Chinese troops had been landed there from the trans-
ports which were escorted by the Chinese squadron engaged in
the battle at the mouth of the river. The governor of Manchooria
began to concentrate all the troops raised in that province upon
Mukden and the route between that city and Wi-ju, and extensive
earthworks were thrown up along the road.
It was believed by the Chinese that Mukden would be the
scene of the next great battle of the war. This famous Manchoo
city possessed a political and dynastic importance, which might
easily render its downfall decisive for the war, irrespective of all
strategic considerations. It was the sacred city of the royal house,
the ancestral home of the reigning family of China, It contained
the tomb of many of the emperor's august ancestors, and accord-
ingly was invested in the eyes of all good Chinamen with a halo
of sanctity reflected on the Lord of the Dragon Throne himself.
The capture of the city in which so many sons of heaven had
found sepulchres would be accepted throughout the empire as an
omen that the present occupant of the royal seat was not worthy
of divine protection, and such omens, in days of disastrous wars,
are often fulfilled with remarkable celerity. As the politicians
about the court were perfectly aware of what the consequences
IMPORTANCE OF MUKDEN.
609
ot the fall (if Mukden would be, it was natural tliat they should
take every precaution to prevent such a catastrophe. Further-
more, in Mukden the Chinese emperor was supposed to have gold
and silver nccumulated in the course of two centuries, to the
amount of $1,200,000,000.
Mukden is only one hundred and fifty miles from Wi-ju, with
which place the Manchoo city was connected by a road, compara'
tively good for China, as it had been the main route to Peking,
and even tlie Chinese recognized its strategic importance by
running telegraph wires along it. It is easy to see why the
RINCIFAL STREET OP HUKDEN.
Chinese began to increase the fortifications of the sacred city, and
why they made a stand at Wi-ju in the hope of interrupting the
Japanese advance.
Tlie levies of troops concentratijig upon Wi-ju, Mukden, and
the intervening territory were hardy men from the north, of ex-
cellent material to be worked into soldiers, but they were badly
armed. Only about four thousand liad good rifles, but further
supplies were being hurried up from the southern arsenals. The
Chinese force intrenched upon the Yalu River was about thirty-
ei^jit (Iiousand, including the troops that had escaped from the
Piny- Vang defeat to fall back upon Wi-ju. Many of the forces
610 LI HUXG CHANG LOSING POWER.
which they found there were iilso raw levies, badlj armed. 1 ne
loss of field guns, rifles, and ainmuuition at Ping- Yang greatly
embarrassed the Chinese war department. It was recognized that
a battle must be fought at the river, and it was earnestly desired
to retrieve the disaster of Ping- Yang.
It was immediately after the series of defeats in Corea that the
effort began to be made by the enemies of Li Hung Chang to find
a means for his degradation. Even two weeks before the battle
of Ping- Yang, the government at Peking appointed two ofiBcers
to act as censors of his proceedings, and especially of his conduct
of the war. One of these officials was a notorious enemy of the
viceroy. The censors at first contented themselves with taking
note of Li Hung Chang's actions and movements. Immediately
after the news of the disaster at Ping- Yang reached Peking, the
emperor was persuaded that the defeat of his army was due to the
mismanagement of the viceroy. The intrigue was completely
successful, and on the morning of September 18, an imperial edict
was issued depriving Li Hung Chang of his three-eyed peacock
feather, the reason assigned for the disgrace being incai)aeity and
negligence in making preparations for the war. Much sympathy
was expressed for the viceroy, who was thus made the scapegoat
for the disasters. The real responsibility rested with the Tsung-li
Yamen, which had been making war with an inadequate force in-
efficiently organized and hampered by tradition. Li was not a
member of the Grand Council, but it was sought to make him
responsible for its blunders.
Within a few days after the Corean engagements, another
Japanese army was mobilized at Hiroshima for service in the
field. The destination of this fresh expeditionary force of thirty
thousand men was kept a secret, nothing being known except
that another effective blow was contemplated by (ieneral Kawa-
kami, the Von Moltke of Japan. The sea-going fleet of China
was practically paralyzed for the time, and the Japanese were
free to transport a force in any direction. The island of Hai-
yung-tao, in Corea Bay, had been made a coaling station for the
Japanese fleet, thus enabling the Japanese torpedo boats to keep
a constant watch at the mouth of the Gulf of Pechili and secure
advance warning of offensive or defensive operations. It was be-
NEW JAPANESE ABMIES PREPARING. 613
lieved that Count Yamagata favored an attack upon Niuchwang
from tbe sea. This city in the possession of the Japanese would
form a base for a movement upon Mukden or upou Peking itself,
and the forces landed there could co-operate with the army
advancing from Coiea. A second possihle destination for the
TRANSPOaTlKQ OHINKSB TKOOPB.
new force was Peking itself. It was helieved that an army of
that size could reach the capital by disembarking at a point on
the coast about half way between Taku, the city at the mouth of
the Peiho River, on which Peking is situated, and Niu-chwaug.
The third alternative was an expedition to Formosa. The
island had hitherto remained outside the sphere of operations, and
25
514 IN THE INTEREST OF HUMANITY.
Chinese troops from the southern provinces had been transported
there in considerable number. This movement of forces had been
interrupted only by the wreck of one steamer, and the necessary
caution required to avoid a collision with Japanese cruisers,
which at times patrolled that portion of the China sea. There
were probably fifteen thousand men in the island, drawn in part
from the Black Flags, and excellent in quality, but lacking in
military training and even arms and equipment. The natural
wealth of Formosa was known to be considerable, and its geogra-
phical position from a commercial point of view immensely im-
portant, so that there were good reasons to believe this a possible
destination for the forces.
It is interesting to note the general order issued by the Japanese
minister of war September 22, to the troops which were about to
take the field, and to the others which were already in active
service. It went far to prove to the civilized world, whose eyes
were upon the operations of the war, that it was the desire of the
Japanese authorities to conduct their hostilities with as much
consideration for the humanities as is ever possible in war. The
order was as follows :
*' Belligerent operations being properly confined to the military
and naval forces actually engaged, and there being no reason
whatever for enmity between individuals because their countries
are at war, the common principles of humanity dictate that succor
and rescue should be extended, even to those of the enemy's
forces who are disabled either by wounds or disease. In obedience
to these principles, civilized nations in time of peace enter into
conventions to mutually assist disabled persons in time of war,
without distinction of friend or foe. This human union is called
the Geneva convention, or more commonly the Red Cross associa-
tion. Japan became a party to it in June, 1886, and her soldiers
have already been instructed that they are bound to treat with
kindness and helpfulness such of their enemies as may be disabled
by wounds or disease. China not having joined any such conven-
tion, it is possible that her soldiers, ignorant of these enlightened
principles, may subject diseased or wounded Japanese to merciless
treatment. Against such contingencies, the Japanese troops must
be on their guard. But at the same time they must never forget
IN THE INTEREST OF HUMANITY.
515
that however cruel and vindictive the foe may show himaelf, he
must nevertheless be treated ia accordance with the acknowledged
rules of civilization, his disabled Buccored, his captured kindly
and considerately protected. It is not alone to those disabled bj
wounds or sickness that merciful and gentle treatment should be
extended. Similar treatment is also due to those wbo offer no
resistance to our arms ; even the body of a dead enemy should be
treated with respect. We cannot too much admire the course
pursued by a certain western nation which in handing over the
body of an enemy's general, complied with all the rites &ad cere-
J
JAPANESI MILITABT HOBPIIAL.
monies suitable to the rank of the dead man. Japanese soldiers
should always bear in mind the gracious benevolence of their
iiugiist sovereign, and should not be more anxious to display
counige than to exercise charity. They have now an opportunity
to afford practical -ptooi of the value they attach to these princi-
ples."
At the very time that these actions were occurring in Japan,
measures of increased severity were being taken in China to
punish tliose wlio were supposed to be responsible for the defeat.
The emperor and his counsellors were iu a state of alternate terror
616 MORE ATTACKS ON THE VICEROY'S ABILITY*
and indignation, at the break down of the war arrangements and
the possibility of a Japanese invasion. The emperor declared that
the recent defeats could only have been caused by incompetence,
or corruption, or both, among those charged with the conduct of
the war, and the enemies of Li Hung Chang sedulously encouraged
this mood. The viceroy himself remained to all appearances en-
tirely unmoved. He made no preparation to proceed to the bead-
quarters of the army in the field as it had been reported he would
do, and it was believed tliat he would not leave Tientsin as long
as his enemy had the ear of the emperor.
As Chinese fortunes went down, and admirals and generals and
princes lost their high standing in the good graces of the emperor,
other officials rose in favor to take their place. The personality
of some of these men is peculiarly interesting because of the inti-
mate connection and high authority they had from this time in the
conduct of the war.
On the 30th of September an imperial decree was issued, ap-
pointing Prince Kung, the emperor's uncle, and the presidents of
the Tsung-li Yamen and tlie Admiralty, as a special committee to
conduct the war operations in co-oi)eration with Li Hung Chang.
Prince Kung, whose proper title was Kung tsin-wang, or the
Reverend Kindred Prince, whom the emperor of China brought
back to honor from retirement and disgrace by appointing him
CO director with Li Hung Chang of the war arrangements, was a
man who in the past had played a very important part in the
history of China. At the outbreak of the war he was some sixty-
three years of age, having been born about 1831. He was a
man of great vigor and determination of character, and was pos-
sessed of abilities of a very high order. Prince Kung was the
sixth son of Emperor Tankwang, who died in 1850. His personal
name, which was used only by his family, was Yih-hu, while the
people called him Wu-ako, or the Fifth Elder Brother. Prince
Kung came to the front first in 1860, when Emperor Hien Feng
the son of Tankwang fled from Peking, on the advance of the
allied armies of Great Britain and France. At this critical
moment the former returned to the capital, assumed the reins of
government, and entered into negotiations with the allies.
Having accepted their ultimatum, he surrendered the northeast
SAVING THE MANCHOO DYNASTY. 519
gate, which commanded the city, on October 13, and eleven days
later the treaty of Peking was signed by him and Lord Elgin.
The following year Emperor Hien Feng died, leaving a son as
heir, whose age was only five years. Four of Prince Kung's elder
brothers were already dead, and the fifth had lost his position in
Emperor Tankwang's household by being adopted into the family
of another emperor. There was thus no one to claim precedence
of him as the first prince of blood royal, during the minority of
Tung-chi, the new emperor. A conspiracy had, however, been
formed against him, with which he found it necessary to grapple
immediately. The late emperor had left the administration of
affairs practically in the hands of a council of eight, of whom
Prince I was at the head. This council had decided upon a plan
of action for seizing the reins of power. They proposed to ob-
tain possession of the emperor's person, to put the empress-regents
out of the way, and to kill Prince Kung and his two surviving
brothers. Prince Kung, however, was not to be found napping.
Having received news of the plot, he at once took measures to
prevent its successful accomplishment, by carrjring off the young
emperor to Peking. The conspirators were then arrested and
brought to trial. The Princes I and Chin, being of the blood
royal, were permitted to take the " happy dispatch." The rest of
the conspirators were either beheaded or banished. Thus did
Prince Kung save from destruction the reigning dynasty of
China.
For his great services he ^was at once proclaimed " Regent
Prince," and in conjunction with the two empress-regents assumed
the government of China. He immediately adopted a vigorous
policy in dealing with the Tai-Ping rebels, which was crowned
with success. After Colonel Gordon's capture of Suchow, at the
head of his ever victorious army. Prince Kung bestowed upon him
a medal and ten thousand taels, which were refused. Prince Kung
also successfully put down the Mohammedan rising in Yun-nan
and Kan-pu, and opened up diplomatic intercourse with European
powers. Prince Kung's determination not to accept the gun-
boats purchased in 1861 nearly led to serious results, and cost
England $5,000,000. This crucial period was followed by another
in 1870 when the Tien-tsin massacre occurred. In all these events
520 SETBEAT OF THE CHIXESE.
Pri.'ice Kung fii'v*A u*akZ be possessed tb? gifts of a great states-
ma;;. Wbeu Emperor Tung-<^hi died childless in l^S, the choice
of at ftQCceatfor u> the dragoci throne !&j betireen Tsai-ching, the
v>ri of Prince Kong, and Tsai tien. the soo of Pmiee Chun, his
rounger brother. As the election of the former woold have com-
pelled the retirement of Prii.ce Kang frc^m actiye participation in
tiie government of China, and as a cc-ntinuanoe of his services was
a matter of absolute necessity for his coontrj, Tsai-ching was
pajsed over in favor of Tsai-tien. a child of only four years of age,
who adopted the name of Kwang-Su, or illustrious successor.
Prince Kung, however, continued to act as regent of the country*.
The present emperor assumed the reigiis of power in 1887, and
sulisequeutly he dismissed with disgrace the man whom he was
afterwards pleased to honor, and who had rendered to China and
the reigning dynasty such services as ought never to be for-
gotten.
When the Chinese fled from Ping- Yang towards Wi-ju they left
liehifid them nearly a million dollars in treasure, thirty -six guns,
two thousand tents, one thousand three hundred horses, and a
considerable quantity of rice and other stores. Hard pressed by
the pursuing Japanese, they abandoned their remaining four guns
at An-ju, a town some seventy-five miles north of Ping- Yang.
Thirty miles farther on, at Choug-ju, an important provincial
town, they made a temporary halt, having received orders to hold
the place pending the arrival of large reinforcements from the
north. Hut the pursuit was too hot, and Choug-ju was evacuated
without fighting. The next stand attempted to be made was at
Ngan, where the troops were reinforced by orders from Shin-
King, the province in which Mukden is situated. For a few days
it was prophesied that the decisive battle of the war would be
fought there, but the Chinese again abandoned their position and
r<;ll back upon Kaichan.
The Japanese army, while pushing forward towards Manchooria,
showed the greatest consideration in their dealings with the
(/oreans, and any attempt at robbery or outrage on the part of
the Holdiery was most severely punished. The private soldiers
were under the strictest orders to pay cash for everything that
they obtained from the natives, and pains were taken to see that
RETREAT OF THE CHINESE.
621
they should carry out their iiistnictions. The result was that the
Coreaiis began to appreciate that the Japanese were better frietid»
to them than were the Chinese. The latter had been very severe
in their exactions of supplies from the populace, and even though
JAPANESE BOLDIEB9 DIOOINa A VELL.
the Corean sympathies liad been with the Chinese, the common
people objected to tlifl expense of quartering the army without
recompense.
On the 4th of October the main portion of the advance
522 JAPANESE MASTERS OF COREA.
Japanese column reached Yong-chon, a little to the south of Wi-
ju, after the difficult march from Ping-Yang, retarded by an ex-
tensive commissariat department and many guns. No sign of the
enemy was reported at this place. Four days later, scouts re-
ported that a small Chinese force still occupied Wi-ju, and a de-
tachment of Japanese infantry and cavalry was thrown forward,
supported by light artillery, to dislodge them. The Chinese of-
fered but a slight resistance and fled precipitately before the
"smart attack, finally succeeding in getting across the Yalu. The
larger body of Chinese troops had withdrawn across the river be-
fore this time, so that the forces remaining in Corea numbered
not more than two thousand. Their loss in'killed and wounded
probably did not exceed one hundred. Wi-ju was occupied by
the Japanese on the same day, and on the day after they began a
reconnoissance which revealed the fact that the Chinese were
still in force in the northern bank of the river. Eight intrenched
batteries were discovered, and the enemy were rapidly throwing
up fresh earthworks and building new batteries. Obviously the
next fight was to be expected at this place, and if the Chinese
held their grounds it would be a sanguinary one.
Marshal Yamagata still maintained his base at Ping- Yang, as
being more convenient for securing his supplies by sea, while
General Nodzu remained in advance with the forces. The Jap-
anese line of communication was now complete throughout
Corea, a sufficient number of troops being scattered through the
peninsula at Fusan, Asan, Chemulpo, Seoul, Gensan, and Ping-
Yang to guard against any hostilities on the part of the natives,
and to make reinforcement by land safe. The government of
Wiju was placed in the hands of a Japanese officer acting as
special commissioner. The field telegraph was established in
working order within two days after the capture of the place, and
a regular courier service to the rear was inaugurated at once.
At the same time two or three detached revolts were in prog-
ress, the most important one being that of the Togakuto rebels
in the province of Kiung sang. These rebels were still in arms
and in the mountain fastnesses it was hard to get near them.
They had with them fifty Chinese soldiers who escaped when the
Chinese were defeated at Asan and then joined the rebels. Those
ON THE BANKS OF THE YALU. 628
who had taken up arms against the corrupt Corean officials in the
Province of Chung-chong had been dispersed, however, and the
more formidable ones were now being gradually hemmed in.
When the middle of October came, the two armies were still
facing each other on the banks of tlie Yalu. The Chinese had
not yet fired a shot but kept at work night and day improving
the natural advantages of their position. On the Japanese side
there was no desire unduly to hurry the fighting, Marshal Yama-
gata choosing to wait for his heavier artillery and supplies before
attacking. Spies kept him admirably informed as to the move-
ments of the enemy, their defenses, and their artillery. They
estimated the 'total strength of the Chinese massed along the
north bank of the Yalu as between twenty-five and thirty thou-
sand.
While the two armies are thus facing one another across the
Yalu River, the Chinese having been driven from their last foot-
hold in Corea, let us turn to the condition of affairs in the capitals
of the two nations. The enemies of Li Hung Chang in Peking
were busy in their efforts to cast disgrace upon him. Sheng, the
taotai or chief magistrate of Tien-tsin, fell into disgrace and it
was immediately alleged that he was a nephew of Li Hung
Chang's and that the latter was probably a sharer in the results
of his dishonesty. Just before the war broke out Sheng was
commissioned to purchase arms and ammunition for the imperial
troops, to be distributed to them as they arrived from the inter-
ior on the way to Corea. Rifles and cartridges were duly pur-
chased, and nearly all were served out to the troops. ^As soon as
they were put to the test of actual service they were found to be
almost worthless, and strong complaints were sent to Peking and
Tien-tsin. Li Hung Chang himself conducted an inquiry, and
learned therefrom that Sheng bought from German agents three
hundred thousand rifles of obsolete pattern, part of the discarded
weapons, in fact, of more than one European army. The con-
tract price of these rifles as between Sheng and the German
sellei-s was two taels each, but the price charged by Sheng to the
imperial treasury was nine taels each. The cartridges were oi
very inferior quality and of various pattern, and Sheng made a
large profit on them also. After Sheng's guilt was proven upon
524 EXIT OF FOREIGNERS.
liiiu by the viceroy, he retired to his palace aud for a time was
seen no more in public. It was stated semi-officially that he ap-
plied for and was granted leave of absence on the ground of ill
health. But a few days later it was reported that he was again
enjoying the authority of his office, having been sustained against
Li*s wishes by some of the viceroy's enemies. Li*s enemies be-
came bolder and bolder. Placards denouncing him as the cause
of China's troubles were posted on the walls of Tien-tsin and
children in the streets sang doggerel songs ridiculing and insult-
ing the great viceroy.
The foreigners resident in Peking and Tien-tsin became very
restless under the impending invasion of China by the Japanese.
Assaults on foreigners in Peking and its environs, which have
been of constant occurrence during the last ten years, increased
in frequency and gravity. Several English and American fami-
lies withdrew to Shanghai because of the prevalence of street
rowdyism. Tien-tsin was full of troops from the interior, but
nearly all of them were the merest rabble, wretchedly clad, muti-
nous through lack of pay and insufficient rations, and useless for
real war because of their antiquated weapons. Their continued
presence in Tien-tsin was a distinct danger alike to Chinese and
Europeans. An imperial edict published in Peking assumed full
responsibility for the protection of foreign residents, denounced
rowdyism, and ordered the punishment of certain culprits who had
assaulted travelers. It assured the strangers the protection of
their persons and their property, and was especially favorable to
missionaries. The whole tone of the edict was considered highly
satisfactory, and yet the government had failed to punish those
who were responsible for the assaults and had taken no cogni-
zance of the murder of a missionary, except to permit the governor
of the province where the crime was committed to retain his high
position.
A rebellion broke out in the district of Jeho, in the province of
Chihli early in October, consequent on the rumored invasion of
the Japanese. The imperial summer residence was in this city.
Another Chinese rebellion broke out in the province of Hoopih
about one hundred miles from Hankow. The local authorities
attempted to quell the first rising but failed. Some of their sol-
REBELLIONS IN CHINA. 626
diers were killed and others joined the rebels. Two mandarins
lost their lives. In consequence of the urgent demands of the im-
perial authorities the province had been quite denuded of troops
and there was practically no means at the command of the author-
ities to keep them in check. The Europeans at Hankow were
seriously ahirmed and many of them withdrew to Shanghai.
The emperor of China, early in October, began to take the initi-
ative, attempting to infuse new energy into the national defense.
It was indeed reported that he had disguised himself, and in per-
son visited Tien-tsin, accompanied only by a few trusted servants,
in order to see for himself what was going on, and particularly to
learn the truth as to the alleged incapacity of Li Hung Chang to
carry on the arrangements for the war. It was not, however, the
emperor who made the journey in disguise, but his former tutor
and trusted adviser Weng Toung Ho, the President of the Board
of Revenue, or Finance Department. He also went to Port
Arthur, Wei-hai-wei, and other places, and thoroughly informed
himself of the state of affairs, civil, naval, and military. On re-
turning to Peking he made an exhaustive report to the emperor,
upon which the latter immediately began to take more interest in
public affairs. He declined to sign documents until they had been
previously read and explained to him, and called for special re-
ports from the naval and military commanders. His next act was
to summon to Peking the viceroys and governors of provinces, to
receive from them accounts of the steps taken to comply with the
demands of the imperial government, and to obtain from them
their views as to the state of affairs. It was believed however by
foreigners most able to judge that throughout all these actions the
dowager empress of China was the active power in control. It
was also believed that she was really a friend to Li Hung Chang,
and that he would not suffer ultimate destruction unless she turned
against him.
Another important action taken by the emperor was to confer
the highest grade of the Order of the Double Dragon upon Captain
Von Hannecken for his services at the naval battle of the Yalu
River and to place him under practically sole control of the naval
forces of China.
Constantine von Hannecken, the German officer who was put
TA\
COXSTAXTISE VOX HaNXECKEX.
in ^ripreme control of irhat va^ !e:: of tbe Chines lUTr, had
K^re-^'Ir Ken a great d«al uf service in the vrar with Japan before
bU pr'>.T.ot:oii to that post. He was on board the Eow-shing when
ftbe ir%.f overhauled aoti sout by the Japanese cr^Uer Xaoiwa-
Kan, with a Io#s of more than a thoiisanl CLiii^^ soldiers. Von
Hannecker) was left struggling in the water when the Kow-sbiog
sank, bnt had the rare go-d fortune to be picked up br a boat.
Still moie recently he was high in comniand of tl.e Cliiaese fleet
at the di.<a'=: roiis battle of the Yala Rirer. He was sli^tly
woond^'I but was s'lon ready for action again. TI;is Ivave man was
born in Wiesljaden, Germany, in 1854, and wu:- a :•' n uf the late
Lieutenant General von Han-
necken. He served the usual
term in the German amiy,aud
in 1879 went to China, where
he was soon high in favor
with Li Hung Chang. He
mastered the Chinese lan-
guage in a single year. His
technical military knowledge,
amiability, and tact, gained
for him the posilinn of per-
sonal adjutant to Li Hung
Chang, with a large salary.
He devoted much of his time
to the construction of bridges
and forts, and the fortifica-
tions at P(.rt Arthur and
Wei-hai-wei were built under his personal direction- He was
rapidly promoted to the highest military places within the gift of
Li Hung Chang and the government, and received buttons,
feathers, and jackets galore.
About a year before the outbreak of the war, having grown rich
in the service of the dragon throne, he resigned from the Chinese
army and returned to his home in Germany. After a stay of a
few moutlis he sailed again for China witli the intention of settling
his affairs there and retiring to Germany. The war with Japan
chaijgi-d this plan, and be promptly reentered the service of China-
CINHTASTI.VE VOS IIASMECKBM.
JAPANESE DIET IN SESSION. 629
Admiral Ting and Captain Von Hannecken visited Wei-bai-wei
to examine its defenses, and satisfied themselves that the harbor
was practically impreginible from the sea. Japanese war vessels
continually patrolled all parts of the Gulf of Pechili, and were fre-
quently seen from Port Arthur, Chefoo and Wei-bai-wei. The
Japanese fleet was also siglited several times ten miles oflF Shan-
bai-kwan, less than two hundred miles from Peking.
The main body of the Chinese army was now entrenched in a
strong position protected by a line of rectangular forts newly con-
structed across the northeast border of the province of Chihli.
The Manclioos were held in reserve nearer Tien-tsin than Peking.
Sung Kwei, the emperor's father-in-law, was in command of five
thousand picked Manchoo soldiers at Shan hai-k wan, which was a
city of great strategic importance, the starting point of a great
highroad to Peking from the coast.
General Sung, formerly commander of Port Arthur, was ap-
pointed to be Generalissimo of the Pei-Yang army corps in man-
chooria and Chief Commander of the Manchoo levies, with the ex-
ception of the Kirin division, which remained under the command
of the Tartar general. The Chinese headquarters were established
at Chiu-lien-tcheng. Generals Yeh and Wei were degraded by
iniperial edict.
On the 15th of October the newly-elected Japanese Diet met
for a short preliminary session at Hiroshima, where the mikado
had established his headquarters. The election of officers was im-
mediately proceeded with, Mr. Kusumoto being chosen president,
and Mr. Shimada vice-president. The formal opening of the Par-
liament took place two days later. The mikado in his speech an-
nounced that he had decided to convene an extraordinary session,
and had given direction to his ministers to submit for the deliber-
ation of the Diet a bill providing for increased expenditure for the
army and navy, which was an important matter. His Majesty de-
clared that he was greatly pained that China should have forgot-
ten her duties in regard to the maintenance of peace in the east
in conjunction with Japan, she having brought about the present
state of affairs. " However," proceeded the emperor, " as hostili-
ties have begun we shall not stop until we have obtained our ut-
piost objects." In conclusion, His Majesty expressed the hope
630 FUNDS FOR THE WAR.
that all subjects of the empire would co operate with the govern-
ment, in order to promote tlie restoration of peace by means of
the great triumph of the Japanese arms.
The president of the two chambers of the Diet presented an ad-
dress in reply to the speech from the throne, thanking the mikado
for advancing the imperial standard and for personally assuming
the direction of the war. The victories which had been secured
by the Japanese arms by land and sea were the natural result.
The address in conclusion said: "His Majesty rightly considers
China the enemy of civilization. We will comply with the impe-
rial desire to destroy the barbarous obstinacy of that power."
In the House of Peers, on October 19, Count Ito, the premier,
made an elaborate speech in support of the government measures
for meeting the expenses of the war, and defended Japan against
the charge of having precipitated the hostilities. He narrated in
detail the circumstances which had led up to the war, and read the
correspondence which had passed between the mikado's govern-
ment and the authorities at Peking, before the rupture of dijJo-
matic relations. The premier's statement made a great impression,
and intensified the keenly patriotic feeling manifested by the mem-
bers of the Diet, not a dissenting voice being raised against the
ministerial bills. The following day the war budget of 150,000,-
000 yen passed both houses unanimously. This was the most im-
portant part of the proceedings of Parliament. The two houses
fully demonstrated that they desired to hold up the hands of the
governuient, and grant everything which might be asked to insure
the success of the Japanese arms.
Simultaneously with the opening of Parliament an important
diplomatic move was made by the Japanese. Now that Japan was
practically in undisputed possession of Corea, the moment was con-
sidered opportune for the carrying out of those thorough reforms
in the internal government of the country, to which Japanese
statesmen looked forward as the best guarantee against foreign in-
fluence in the future. In order to strengthen the hands of Mr.
Otori, the Japanese minister at Seoul, the emperor selected Count
Inouye, minister of the interior, to proceed to tlie Corean capital
io act as special adviser to Mr. Otori.
The Japanese Parliament had occasion to welcome an important
ENGLAND WANTS PEACE, 631
Corean messenger. The second son of the peninsular, monarch
left Chemulpo on the day the session began, as a special envoy to
the mikado, returning the visit made to the king by the Marquis
Sainonji. The young prince and his embassy, consisting of eight
leading nobles, were received by the mikado and his principal
ministers, being welcomed most cordially.
Just prior to the opening of the session, the British government
addressed a circular note to the ministers of the great powers,
suggesting intervention in the affairs of the east. The Chinese
were in readiness to make terms of peace, conscious of the enor-
mous sacrifices and risks which would have to be incurred before
she could bring her immense reserves of strength into action, and
being devoid of military ambition. The British cabinet council
which decided upon this letter met on October 4, and three days
later it was generally known, in spite of government denials, that
the action had been taken. The reception of it was not cordial.
In reply to the proposals put forward by England, the German
government formally intimated that it was not prepared to join in
any measures for circumscribing the political results of the con-
flict between China and Japan. The French government shared
the same view, and the United States was earnest in the same ex-
pression. Russia, too, decided to avoid interference in connection
with other nations, preferring to retain the opportunity of indi-
vidual interference. On the part of Russia, the military com-
manders in the Amoor province were ordered to hold troops in
readiness, in view of the fact that the situation in China might
make intervention necessary. There seems to be good ground
for believing true the rumor, oft repeated after the battle of the
Yalu, that China had made to Japan overtures for peace, on the
basis of an acknowledgment of Corea*s independence, and pay-
ment of an indemnity for the losses and expenses of the war.
The proposal was rejected by Japan as inadequate. Altogether it
seemed that the initiative taken by the British foreign office was
premature to say the least.
The mikado, in his address to Parliament, made no allusion to
the proposals for peace, but seemed rather to look on the prosecu-
tion of the war to the end as the sole means of insuring lasting
tranquility. With England's eflfort for European intervention in
532 MOVEMENTS OF TROOPS.
mind, Parliament adopted a resolution that, " No foreign interfei-
ence will' be suffered to obstruct the great object of the natiouai
policy, to secure a guarantee of permanent peace in the orient.'
A renewed offer of mediation in the interest of peace w«as made
to China and Japan in the name of some of the European powers,
after the adjournment of Parliament. China declared her willing-
ness to conclude an armistice or a peace on any reasonable terms ^
Japan refused to consider the proposal until it should be made
directly at Hiroshima " From a quarter formally accredited and
empowered to offer it."
The movements of troops, both Japanese and Chinese, were
now multiplying to such an extent, that except for one familiar
with the geography of eastern Asia, they were very confusing.
Almost every day it was reported that some Japanese force had
made a landing on the Chinese coast, rumor after rumor of this
sort being circulated and denied. Chinese troops massed in the
vicinities already named, their numbers constantly increasing.
An army of five thousand Japanese was taken by transports along
the east coast of Corea to Possiet harbor, near the boundary of
Siberia, and five thousand Russian troops were posted on the
other side, facing them, to guard the Siberian frontier. Corea was
being steadily cleared of Chinese stragglers, deserters from the
late army and others, who if allowed to be at large might develop
into bandits or spies. The restlessness of the natives in the prov-
ince of ChuUa was diflBcult to restrain, and a combined force of
Japanese and Corean troops was despatched to the district to
quell the outbreak. Rumors of land battles in the north of Corea,
on the lower Yalu, were circulated every day, but for a time were
foundationless. Towards the end of October, troops began to
pour into Tientsin in large numbers daily, and were disposed for
the defense of the capital. Most of the new arrivals were in-
fantry, the bulk of the cavalry being sent to the Manchoorian
provinces to the northeast.
The fleets of the two nations were now again in fighting condi-
tion, although the loss of many vessels suffered by the Chinese at
the Yalu had left them in strength far inferior to the Japanese.
The Chinese fleet was concentrated at Port Arthur and Wei-hai
wei, where it was believed to be safe from attack or favorably sit-
READr TO INVADE MANCHOORIA.
6S6
uated for offeusive operations. The Japanese squadroD ander
Admiral Ito was concentrated at Piiig-Yang. On October 18 the
last of the trautipurtii cairying tlie secoDd Japanese army steamed
out of the harbor of Ujiua on their way to Hiroshima, where they
were held in readiness for active operations.
Tlje extraordinary seHsion of the Japanese diet at Hiroshima
was closed October 22, all the bills submitted by the government
having passed unanimously. Before separating, the Diet voted a
memorial urgently requesting the ofGcers of the government to
execute the desites of the Mikado, in order that Japan might
ADJACENT TO THE MOUTH OP THE TALU.
achieve a complete victory over the Chinese, whereby peace would
be restored in the east and the glory of the Japanese nation in-
creased. A resolution was passed unanimously, placing upon
record the thanks of the nation to the army and navy, for the gal-
lantry and patriotism displayed by all ranks, and for the splendid
success which had attended the Japanese arms.
On October 24 Count Yamagata, commander-in-chief of the
Japanese forces in Corea, threw a small force across the Yalu,
thus invading Chinese territory. In order to understand the sab-
sequent operations, a brief topographical explanation is here neo-
686 ON CHINESE TERRITORY.
essaiy. At a little distance below Wi-ju, the Yalu, flowing west,
receives a tributary, the Ai, coming from the northeast. Chiu-
lien lies in the western, or obtuse-angled corner formed by the
junction of the two rivers, some distance back from their banks.
Within the eastern, or acute-angled corner the land rises to an
eminence called Hu-shan. A traveler by the main road from
Wi-ju to Chiu-lien, having crossed the Yalu, must pass on the left
or to the west of Hu-shan, which overlooks the highway, and
thus reaching the Ai must cross it also to Chiu-lien. The Chinese
had intrenched Hu-shan, and posted there a force estimated by
the Japanese at three thousand five hundred, but subsequently
alleged by prisoners to have aggregated seven or eight thousand.
The plan pursued by Field-Marshal Count Yamagata was to oc-
cupy a long stretch of the Yalu River, so that his point of passage
would remain to the last uncertain, and any flanking movement
on the east by the cavalry, of which the enemy possessed a large
force, was rendered impossible. Having rested his troops and
' completed his arrangement for a final advance, he threw a battalion
, across the river under Colonel Sato, at Shai-ken-chau, a place ten
. miles up stream from Wi-ju. The passage was made by wading
and was unopposed. The detachment was composed entirely of
riflemen, no calvary or artillery accompanying them. A Chinese
earthwork had been thrown up at this point to oppose a landing,
but a slight deviation enabled the detaclnuent to cross without in-
terference. An attack was immediately opened on the Chinese
position, which was garrisoned only by a few artillerymen and in-
• fantry. They fled after the first two or three rounds had been
fired, and the Japanese captured the works with a rush. A regi-
ment of Manchoorian cavalry arrived as the little garrison fled,
and covered their retreat. The Chinese made for the batteries
constructed lower down the river, the infantry throwing away
their arms in their flight. The Chinese loss was about twenty
killed and wounded, while on the Japanese side not a man was
hit. The Japanese force now moved down the river and captured
the Chinese fortifications at the Suckochi ferry, where they passed
the iiiglit. The Japanese engineers had pontoons in readiness for
passage across the river.
During the night of the 24th, the Japanese pontoon men threw
JAPANESE AGAIN SUCCESSFUL.
8 bridge across the Yslu at the ferry,
and at d<iwii the main body of the
army, haviug passed over unop-
posed, coiumenced an attack against
Hu-shan, Colonel Sato's brigade
coming into action simultaneously
from the other side. The battle
began at 6:30 A. M., and lasted until
a few minutes past 10. At first the
Chinese hekl their ground with toler- J;
able fii'JiHiess, but presently, finding >
their position swept by rifle and g
artillery fire fi-om a hill on their
right flank, of which possession had
been taken by a brigade under
Major-General Osako, they broke
and fled across the Ai to Chiu-lien.
The reserves, however, did not join
the rout. Posted advantageously,
they preserved their formation and
maintained a resolute fire, until
thrown into confusion by a flanking
movement, which placed a lai^e
force under Major-General Tacliimi
to the reiir of their left. Then they
too gave way, and retreated in con-
fusion across the Ai, so hotly pur- "
sued that they had to abandon ten S
pieces of artillery. The Japanese '
had lost twenty killed and eighty-
three wounded; the Chinese two
hundred and fifty killed and a some-
what large number of wounded.
Two divisions of the army then
crossed the Ai and encamped on the
east of Chiu-lien, the brigades of
Major-General Tacliimi and Colonel
Sato posting themselves on the
638 IN POSSESSION OF THE FIELD.
same si<le of the Ai, but further north, so as to menace the same
road from Chiu-lien northward to Feng-hwang. Field Marshal
Yamagiita and Lieutenant-General Nodzu took up their quarters
in a farmer^s house to the nortlieast of Hu-shan. Thus with all
the advantages of elevated ground, a position fortified at leisure,
and a force ample for defensive purposes, the feebleness and fiiulty
strategy of the Chinese converted into a mere skirmish what ought
to have been a sanguinary battle.
The following morning, October, 26, before dawn, a general ad-
vance was commenced against Chiu-lien. It was supposed that
the enemy would make an obstinate stand there, since after
Feng hwang the fortified town of Chiu-lien ranks as a position of
eminent importance in the defense of southwestern Manchooria.
Moreover, throughout the night a cannonade had been kept up
from the town against the Japanese camp, and though the invad-
ing columns were posted so that the enemy's missiles passed harm-
lessly over them, this resolute service of guns seemed to promise
stout fighting on the following day. But in truth the artillery
was employed merely in the vain hope of intimidating the assail-
ants, or in order to cover the flight of the garrison. The Japanese
encountered no resistance whatever. At eight o'clock in the
morning they entered Chiu-lien. The enemy had decamped in
the direction of Feng hwang before dawn, leaving behind him al-
most everything, twenty-two guns, three hundred tents, large
stores of ammunition and quantities of grain and forage.
The series of defeats following the crossing of the Yulu River
by the Japanese seemed to complete the Chinese demoralization
in that vicinity. The defeated forces probably numbered more
than twenty thousand, men, the victorious army was considerably
inferior in numbers, the batteries were well built, and the position
was a strong one. The continuous loss of artillery, and throwing
away of muskets and rifles wherever the Chinese made retreat, was
gradually depleting the stores of arms possessed by the forces in
Manchooria, leaving them unable to fight even if they had desired
to. A little fighting evidently went a long way with them. Did
they carry away their artillery and stores, these precipitate re-
treats might possess some strategical* character, but they simply
^ved their own lives, leaving all their material of war behind
CHINESE DEMORALIZATION. 641
them. The troops at Cliiu-lieii were not ill-disciplined or badly
armed from a Ciiinese point of view. Coming from Port Arthur,
from Taku, and from Lu-tai, they ranked among the best soldiers
China could put into the field. If such men proved themselves so
conspicuously invertebrate, it was to be questioned whether or
not the addition to their number of a few thousand Tartars would
make them stand more stiffly in a subsequent conflict. It seemed
even to the friends of China that her capacity for resisting the
invasion of Manchooria in the face of well-organized and res-
olute attack, was simply contemptible.
The second invasion of Chinese territory was made by the
second Japanese army corps, twenty-two thousand strong, under
tlie command of General Count Oj^ama. These forces sailed in
transports from Hiroshima, and on October 24 commenced landing
in a little cove northeast of Talien-wan Bay and protected by the
Elliot islands from the open sea. Talien-wan Bay was avoided
because the Chinese were known to have made some preparations
to resist a landing there. The peninsula which juts out south-
westward between the Gulf of Liao-Tung and Corea Bay is known
variously as the Liao-Tung peninsula and the Kwang Tung pen-
insula. Every yard of it was familiar to the Japanese military
staff, and had been included in their system of minute cartography,
so that whatever point they selected was well chosen. Up to the
last moment it had been supposed by the general public that Port
Adams, on the west of the peninsula, would be the port of de-
barkation, but as that would have involved the passing of a great
flotilla of transports into Pechili Gulf, it was considered too
hazardous an operation. The last of the flotilla of fifty trans-
ports left Hiroshima October 18, and the fleet having assembled
at Shimonoseki, steamed westward on the morning of the 19th.
A distance of eight hundred miles had to be traversed, and in
this case as in all previous operations everything worked with
smoothness and success. On the evening of the 23rd the
great flotilla reached its destination, and on the following morn-
ing the landing was commenced.
There was no resistance. The Pei-yang squadron did not
show. Had there been any ordinary exercise of vigilance on the
part of Admiral Ting*s war ships they must have sighted the
642 AT THE EXD OF OCTOBER.
Jjipjiij^^ Achilla ID ample ti.:.e to strike at it. TLai thej would
bave efr^rc-ted botbing ii: tLe &»« of tl-^e coiiVOYing s^uadrrm mar
be taken for ^.'ant&d. but if the pr '3^pect of failure deterred tbem
frrifn makiiig aiiV effort to protect tLeir own Leadqiiarter& China^s
Ofi]v d^jckrard and reallr iiriportaut naval station in tbe north,
tbey eertainlv d^r^rved tbe indifference with which the Japanese
treated tbem. From tbe time • f the naTal battle of September
17, the Pei'Vang sqnadron played no part in the war. Many at-
tejiipts were made to prove that it had not been vitally hurt in
tbe encounter, and that a few days would suflSce to put it in a
thorough state of repair. But whether repaired or not it disap-
peard from the scene, and the Japanese cruisers thenceforth
roamed at will along the Chinese coasts.
With the move towanis the investment of Port Arthur, and the
crossing of the Yalu, the war entered upon a new phase In se-
lecting Port Arthur as an objective point, the Japanese were well
arlvised. By such an attack a dockyard of the first importance
was threatened, and full advantage of naval superiority could be
taken. The Kwang Tung peninsula, or ** Regent's Sword," was
[>eculiarly inaccessible by land, while a power in command of the
sea could land men at pleasure at several points within a short
distance of Port Arthur, and with a small force onlv could isolate
it from the mainland.
Two days after the landing of troops on the peninsula, the col-
lection of a third army at Hiroshima commenced. This force was
to number twenty-four thousand, and be under the command of
Lieutenant-General Viscount Takashima. At the same time an-
other revolt of some little magnitude arose in the south of Corea,
and two thousand rebels attacked the quarters of the Japanese
commissary at Anpo. The malcontents were afterwards dispersed
by a military force though not without difficulty.
We have now reached the end of October. The first Japanese
army is safely installed on the north bank of the Yalu River in
Manchoorian territory, threatening the road to Mukden, Niu-
chwang and the intervening cities. The second army is safe on
shore on the Kwang Tung peninsula, threatening China's proudest
naval station. The next month will see the fall of Port Arthur and
the practical destruction of all Chinese hopes of ultimate success.
REVIEW OF THE PROGRESS OF THE WAR TO THE
FIRST OF NOVEMBER.
Characteristics of the two Nations iu War— Ciilna^s Ignorance of tlie Coasts of Corea—
Japan's Knowledge of Chinese Topography and Climate— Patriotism In the Two Countries—
lUd Judgment of China in Methods of Conducting the War— The Qovernmental Weather-
Vane and its Revolutions— No Commander-in-Chief for the Chinese Army— Official Corrup-
tion in Civil as Well as Military OfflQials— The Battles of Plug-Yang and the Yalu River-
Handling the Forces of the Enemies.
At this period in the war, occurs a lull which makes it possible
and wise to take a glance at the whole course of affairs during
the hostilities, since the declaration three months earlier. The
war has advanced far enough to prove the mettle of both com-
batants, and to furnish data for judging of the probable issue of
the struggle, at least from a purely military point of view. At the
beginning of November, prophets were quite well equipped with
material for predictions that were surely not to be disappointed,
and it is from the aspect at this date that the present chapter
takes its view. On the one side there is little but praise to be
offered. The Japanese have proved themselves assiduous stu-
dents of all modern armaments, and have in many points bettered
their European instruction. They have made good their claim to
be the rising power of the Orient.
Of the Chinese a diametrically opposite account must be given.
From a military standpoint nothing favorable can be said of.
them, and the only palliation of their failure is that they were
wholly unprepared for an unexpected aggression. The course of
the war has brought out in strong relief what has not alv^ays
been clearly recognized, the essential differences between the two
belligerent nations. A stronger contrast is scarcely imaginable
than that between China and Japan, though they are so near and
have been nursed on a common literature. With passionate
effort the Japanese have ransacked the western world for its'
treasures of knowledge, and have vigorously applied what they
have learned. The Chinese, on the other hand, have set their
(543)
544 HOW THE JAPANESE HAVE STUDIED CHINA.
faces against the science of other nations, and with an unhappy
mixture of apathy and contempt have rejected the teaching which
has pressed upon them. In the same spirit they have spurned
the knowledge of their owji country and of their own forces,
while the Japanese have been for years making a minute study
of both, and possess maps and details which the Chinese them-
selves have not and do not care for. The Chinese have carried
on a large trade with the Yalu river, but the government knew
nothing of the coast. Captain Calder of Port Arthur made a
holiday expedition to the Manchoo-Corean coast, found the
country beautiful, and recommended the naval authorities to let
the cadets go and improve themselves by surveying it. Nothing
was done, the sole reason being that the incidental expenses of
the ships would be increased by being at sea, and the captains
would not save so much of their monthly allowance. Now the
only survey the Chinese admiral possesses even of the scene of
the late naval battle, is the outline made by Captain Calder him-
self. The Japanese navy has complete charts both of the Corean
and the Chinese coasts. In the summer of 1893 a small expedi-
tion of Japanese disguised as Chinese, in a native boat surveyed
the islands and coasts of the Gulf of Pechili, spending eight daj's
in the immediate neighborhood of Port Arthur. The topography
and physiography of North China have been their study for
years.
A Japanese physician even devoted a whole year to the climate
and pathology. With his headquarters in Tien-tsin, where he
plied the foreign doctors incessantly with queries, this Japanese
investigator thoroughly explored the province of Chihli, and
probably knows more of the climatic conditions of North China
than, any other living man. He pretended he had the intention
of practicing among the Chinese, as possibly he may in the not
distant future. The Chinese have started exotic medical schools,
but they have not overcome the elementary diflSculty about
dissection, and the enterprise is but half hearted. As for employ-
ing competent men to gather knowledge, the whole idea is
foreign to the Chinese ofiScial mind, and they only accept un-
graciously as a gift the results of the explorations of enthusiasts
for science. It is not, therefore, the accident of being a little
CONDITION OF PATRIOTISM IN THE TWO COUNTRIES. 545
earlier in the field, or quicker in movement to seize the benefit of
an opportunity,, that gives the Japanese such crushing advan-
tages over the Chinese, but rather a deep-seated, congenital love
of improvement on one side and hatred of it on the other.
Another essential difierence between the people is their exhibi-
tion of patriotism. The Japanese are saturated with it, while the
Chinese have none. The instinct of loyalty is there, and it can
be called out by any man, native or foreign, who is worthy of it,
but in the sense of nationality the Chinese have no capacity for
enthusiasm, and the people as a whole are indifferent as to who
rules them, so long as they are left to cultivate their gardens.
For want of a patriotic focus, what would elsewhere be treachery
is in China a commonplace of official practices ; every man to the
limit of his small ability selling his country for his private
benefit, and no one able to cast a stone at his neighbor. In
Japan it would be impossible to get a man to betray his father-
land; in China where is the man who would not? From the
same root springs the incredible difference between the peoples
in their treatment of soldiers and sailors. In the one country
they are made heroes of, the people at home send delicacies to
the troops abroad, honor the dead, and nurse the wounded. In
the other the men are treated worse than dogs, robbed of their
small pay, deserted, discarded, or grossly neglected by their
leaders whenever they can be dispensed with and their monthly
pay saved. Attachment between men and officers in China is a
rare, though not an unknown thing, for the Chinese are, after
all, human at heart, if one can but penetrate the pile of heredi-
tary corruption which has covered up the divine spark.
The foregoing are but examples which might be multiplied
indefinitely, of the antitheses of Chinese and Japanese character
and mode of action. If to all this is added the fact that the
Japanese are a people who delight in war, while the Chinese
abominate it, no further search is needed for explanation of the
actual result. It is simply ignorance overcome by science, in-
difference by energy.
The Chinese have conducted the campaigi) in the manner those
best acquainted with them would have predicted, doing on most
occasions the utterly wrong thing, or stumbling on the right
646 CONSTANT FAILURES OF THE CHINESE.
thing at the wrong time in the wrong way. But the most pessi-
mistic prophet could hardly have predicted the utter inaptitude
of the Chinese military movements. It is not only that they have
failed to learn the modern art of war, but that they have for-
gotten the old methods. It was thought that Chinese troops,
though deficient in enterprise, might at least make a respectable
defense. They were advised never to risk a pitched battle, but
to retreat slowly, giving trouble to the enemy by night attacks on
his baggage, and compelling him to use up an army corps to keep
open, his line of communication. They failed in every point, and
allowed themselves to be chased and caught like sheep, losing
stores, guns, and munitions. When all else failed, it was said
that winter would come to their assistance, as the Japanese could
never stand the cold, while the Chinese and Manchoos were
inured to it. But when the cold came it was found that it was
not the Japanese but the Chinese who suffered, having abandoned
their warm clothing in precipitate flight. Their heart was never
in the business, and nothing therefore could go right with the
Chinese conduct of the war.
While the war was incubating, China had to make up her mind
how she was to meet the aggression of the Japanese in Corea.
Candid friends, who knew well that her inchoate forces could
never be a match for any organized army whatsoever, commended
strictly defensive strategy. She was caught in tlie' false position
— in a military sense, though it was politically correct — of having
a small force isolated in soutliern Corea, while the Japanese were
occupying the capital in strength. The fighting value of the
respective fleets was as yet an unknown quantity, but on the
Japanese side there was confidence in their own superiority, and
on the part of the Chinese a tacit acquiescence in that estimate.
Under such circumstances an over-sea campaign was an absurdity
for China, and the commonest prudence dictated that the small
garrison at Asan be withdrawn before the outbreak of war.
This crisis in affairs was met, as crises usually are in China, by
divided counsels ; moral cowardice on the j)art of those who knew,
blind rage on the part of those who did not know, and the sub-
mission of the judgment of the informed to the arbitrary decrees
and even the insidious advice of the uninformed. To speak
DIVIDED COUNSELS IN CHISA.
547
plainly, Li Hung Cimiig, on whom tlie burden of the war would
in all cases rest, and who knew something, though very little, of
the power of discipline and organization, and who from the first
was strongly opposed to the intervention in Corea, which was
forced on him by pressure applied from Peking, was for with-
drawing the garrison from Asan. In answer to his memorials to
the throne, lie had obtained the imperial authority and had hired
transports to bring the troops over into Chinese territory. But
Chtne e A i st)
other counsels supervened, and Li Hung Chang refrained from
giving effect to his own views. As the Japanese were by imperial
fiat to be driven out of Corea, it followed that the garrison at
Asau must be strengthened, and China committed herself to the
conditions of war dictated by the enemy, an offensive war over*
sea, which was entirely beyond China's capacity.
There were still discussions and hesitations up to the moment
of dispatching troops by sea to Corea, When the expedition of
648 FATE OF THE KOW-SHING.
troops was seen to be inevitable, the Chinese were advised to take
at least the precaution of having the tiHiisports escoited by a
strong naval squadron. This was decided to be done, and the ill-
fated Kow-shing left Taku on the clear understanding that an
escort of warships would join her ontside Wei-hai-wei, which was
two hundred and twenty miles distant, and roughly half way to
Asan. But before the transport bad got so far on her voyage,
the official weathercock bad set in another direction. The diplo-
{DraiL-n by a Chine>fe Arlisl.)
matio Yuan-si-Kai, former resident in Corea, where he had done
so much to irritate the Japanese, now advised that the appear-
ance of warships with the transporls might give umbrage to the
Japanese, and in deference to this opinion, before the pendulum
had time to swing back, the Kow-shing with twelve hundred men
on board, was sent unprotected to the Ii;iy of Asan. The Jap
anese consular establishment, with its wonderfully organized
intelligence department, was still in Tien-tsin, perfectly informed
HOW CHINA CONDUCTS A WAR.
661
of everything that was being said and done in the most secret
places, uiid making free use of the telegraph wires.
With tiie tragic destruction of the Kow-«hing, the war was
begun most ditiadvantageonsly to the Chinese. Being by one and
the same stroke deprived of the expected re-enforcementE and cut
off from the sea, the smali force at Asan had either to fight to the
death, surrender, or make good their retreat by a long and dao-
geroua flank miirch. This last course was adopted, and after
SKIRMISH ON JULY, 27th. {Ds-awii by a Chinese Artiet.)
making sufficient stand to cover their retreat, not without inflict
iiig loss on the enemy, they succeeded in joining the Chinese
army which had entered Corea from the north-west. The numbers
of the retreating force were given as four thousand, hut they were
certainly less.
The simultaneous engagements by land and sea on the same day,
July 25, proved that the Japanese had determined to begin the
war in earnest. The naval action in which two Chinese ships
552
HOW CHINA CONDUCTS A WAR.
were waylaid as they were leaving the Coreaii coast, served to
prove that the Chinese ships could both fight and ruo away, and
that the Japanese ships were very ably nianceuvred, but the a£&ir
had little other significance.
Enraged by the sinking of the transport in time of nominal
peace, the emperor of China ordered the fleet, over the head of
Li Hung Chang, to pursue the enemy to destruction. In obedi-
ence to the imperial mandate, the Fci-yaug squadron, in the eaily
BEFORE THE WALL OF KEOUL. {Drawil JllJ a Cll
■triisl.)
days of August, steamed for the Corean coast, but before sighting
it steamed back again. The viceroy Li tlien interested himself
to obtain a modification nf the decree, nnd the fleet was com-
manded to remain on the defeiiaive for the special protection of
the Gulf of Pechili, which instruction held guod until the middle
of September, when the fleet was forced to accept battle off the
Yaln river.
August Ist, troops were ordered to enter Corean territory from
A GOOD GENERAL AND A BAD ONE. 553
the Manchoorian side, and iji the course of the month a considerablia
force had filtered its way to the city of Ping- Yang, the strongest
strategical point in western Corea, and even to a considerable
distance beyond. The massing of these troops was conducted in
the old rough-and-tumble, half-hearted Chinese fashion. There
was no head, but separate and rival commands, each general look-
ing only to the viceroy, Li Hung Chang for orders and supplies,
and receiving more of the former than of the latter.
These Chinese generals are an old world curiosity, scarcely
conceivable in our age. They might be described as army con-
tractors rather than fighting agents, for like the civil mandarins
they buy their posts as an investment. The battalion or camp is
fanned, as regards its expenses, by the general, who draws from
government a lump sum for the maintenance of the force, and
makes his economies according to his conscience, by falsifying his
muster roll and defrauding his men. At the battle or rout of
Ping Yang there were soldiers who >vere three, four, and even
live months in arrears of pay, some generals deliberately calcu-
lating on the casualties of war to reduce the number of eventual
claimants on the pay fund. The most notorious offender. General
Wei of Ping- Yang notoriety, who had less than half the troops he
drew pay for, and these mostly untrained cooUies, hustled into the
ranks to take the place of unpaid deserters, and in whose program
fighting had no place, had paid certain influential persons liber-
ally for his command. Desertion, it may be observed in passing,
is not regard^jd as a cahimity by an avaricious Chinese general.
Chinese officers are however by no means all abandoned to
money making. Some are liberal with their funds, just as some
are brave and loyal, and are backed by equally brave and loyal
soldiers. The efficieny of a force depends altogether on the per-
sonality of the general, and as in feudal times in Europe, it is to
their chief rather than to any government or country that the
troops feel the ties of allegiance. As the leader is, therefore, so
are the men. General Tsopao-kwei for example, who bore to his
grave the honors of the fight at Ping- Yang, was a man well
known to many foreigners of different classes, missionary and
others, and the unanimity of good opinion of him is quite remark-
able. He was not only brave, but a courteous and kindly gently-
sjsA XO SYSTEM OF ARMY COM1LLSDEB&
matt who gained the affections of all aroond. A Mohamme-
dan biiiuiel£» all his soldiers were of the same faith, amd thej
•tood shoulder to shoulder like heroes in the face of OTerpover-
ingodds.
During the month of August, while the Japanese forces were
advancing upon Fing-Yang in three columns, there were outpost
skirmishes in which the Japanese were frequently worsted.
These affairs were naturally enough reported by the Chinese
commanders concerned, according to their lights, as victories, and
when it is remembered how the view of each is bounded by the
horizon of his own camp, it is easy to see how they could deceive
themselves as to the significance of such apparent success. The
truth seems to be that the Chinese commanders in and about
Ping- Yang did not realize that they were surrounded, each per-
haps thinking it was the other^s business. They had sent out no
scouts, nor posted videttes to watch the mountain passes to the
north of them. These elementary military precautions had been
pressed on Li Hung Chang, who sent repeated orders to the front
to have them seen to ; but nothing was done, for according to the
vicious tradition of the Chinese service, the word is taken for the
deed, and orders which are either impracticable or inconvenient
arc simply ignored or forgotten, without the delinquent being ever
called to account. Spacious but wholly fictitious excuses would
in any case Hcrve the turn in a system whose fetich is universal
sham. Perhaps, as there was no commander-in-chief, but a num-
ber of independent commands, duties which concerned the army
at largo fell within the sphere of no one in particular. But in
whatever manner it came about, the result was that the Chinese
remained in comatose ignorance of the intentions of the enemy,
until the only thing left was precipitate retreat.
The affair of Ping- Yang was observed by one military expert,
a RuHsian, who speaks in high terms of the precision and com-
pleteness of the Japanese equipment and organization, but the
opposition had been so contemptible throughout the war that the
military qualities of the Japanese have nut been seriously put to
the proof. They remain a theoretical quantity. So far as the
(Munpaign had gone, to November 1, the chief obstacles encountered
had been bad roads, standing cix)ps, and sicknes^s.
REVIEW OF THE BATTLE OFF THE YALU RIVER. 666
The second day after the flight from Ping- Yang, September 17,
the naval battle off the Yalu River was fought. The collision of
the fleets seems to have been somewhat unpremeditated. The
Chinese were engaged in disembarking troops for the re-enforce-
ment of the army at Ping- Yang, and it is a characteristically
haphazard proceeding that they should have been landing troops
one hundred and twenty miles from the front, to strengthen a
position already abandoned. The battle which ensued, and which
raged for five hours, has been described with as much fullness as
the limits of this volume permit, but the ultimate truth about it
will perhaps never be fully known except of course to the Jap-
anese government. From the Chinese side it will be impossible
to obtain a consistent account, not because of intentional con-
cealment, but because of the simple reason that no one in the
Chinese fleet was able to observe accurately what was going on,
except near his own vessel. Nevertheless the salient points of the
battle stand out clear enough. The sea fight was but a repeti-
tion of the land fight, with two important differences. The first
of these was that as the nature of the cause rendered it impos-
sible to sail modern ships of war at all by two- thousand-year-old
tactics, the mere possession of a fleet required a European organ-
ization. But the organization was imperfect, and would have
been unable to sustain itself in action, but for the presence of an-
other element in which the Chinese land forces were entirely
lacking, competent foreign direction. This factor also was most
imperfect. The foreign oflScers had been extemporized hastily,
the leader of them being not even a seaman. They were of vari-
ous nationalities and were enlisted about the middle of August.
Three engineers, two German, one English ; two gunnery oflScers,
one English, one German ; had been for some years in the fleet, and
volunteered for war service. One American engaged for many
years in the Chinese naval college also volunteered for active ser-
vice during the war. Captain Von Hannecken, bearing now the
rank of Chinese general, commissioned as Inspector General of
Fortifications, was entrusted with the anomalous oflBce of adviser
of the admiral, thus giving him the real command of the fleet.
An English civilian with naval training also joined.
On entering on their duties, these oflBperg found the fleet honey
7
>>! fSMTCISG THE CHIXLSE FLEET TO FlGHll
eookf^ with zhuses Ttquhing patient refonn, but thej set them-
Mfilr^ra Ui m^ke the best of :hir:gi> as t!ker weie, and to get tlie
hhiyih ax quhklr as possible into action, as the thing most need-
ful in orl^r t>:/ brace up oS'jers and men. Von Hannecken mged
uricea^ingiT an offensive policy. He wonld seek oot the Japanese
arj'l attack tbem wherever founds fall on their convoys, and gen-
eraily a«j^rt the saprernacy of China in Corean waters, from the
Yalu eai»tvrard« In particular he urged the occupation of Ping-
Yang iulet, BO important for the support of the army which held
tfie city of tliat name, and, if necessary, to fight to the death for
the p/ftsession of a harlx>r at once so valuable and so easily de-
fended. Ilis prescience was indicated in the sequel, but to all
such suggestions Admiral Ting replied with the imperial edict
which forbade him to move out of Chinese waters. The coiivoj--
ing service for which the fleet was eventually told off* in the
middle of September was a sort of compromise, which, without
transgressing too flagrantly the imperial restrictions, yet com-
mitted the fleet to an engagement on conditions not of its own
choosing.
The handling of the respective fleets showed the great superi-
ority of the Japanese professional training, and critics have com-
mented on the weakness of the Chinese manoeuvring, but the
first consideration was to get the Chinese to fight at all. The
government had satisfied itself that without foreigners to lead
them, tlie Chinese commanders would rather lose their ships in
trying to escape than stand up to the enemy. The man, the onlv
man available, who possessed the requisite qualities, personal and
j)rofcHsional, including a competent knowledge of Chinese, hap-
pened to be a soldier, but he at least made the fleet fight, not as a
trained admiral would have done with a trained fleet, but in a
manner to inspire the Chinese with some confidence in them-
solves, in which till then they were greatly lacking. That is per-
haps the most important result of the baptism of fire of the
('hiiu)He navy.
As regards the technical bearings of the action off the Yalu,
the (Miinoso admiral and captains adopted the formation which
they said had been taught them by Captain Lang as the most ad-
vantageous for attack. But obviously a j^lan comipujucate^ four
ECONOMIZING ON AMMUNITION. 657
years ago by an officer whom these same men had intrigued out of
their navy, when he had taken it through only half its course of
training, could not be considered an infallible weapon with which
to meet the thoroughly efficient navy of Japan.
The fight brought out several of the weak points of the
Chinese naval organization, and taught the officers many lessons.
Most conspicuously was the fatuous economy of ammunition ex-
posed. The most formidable ships for offense and defense were
of course the two iron cladsTing^Yuen and Chen-Yuen, with their
twelve and one-half inch guns. These guns throw a shell three and
one-half calibres long, charged with forty pounds of powder. It is
a projectile of low initial velocity, but a most destructive explosive,
as the Japanese have testified. There were but four of these shells
in the fleet, all being on board the Chen- Yuen. Of a smaller, and
of course cheaper shell for the same guns two and one-half cal-
ibres long, used for target practice, there were in all fourteen in
the two iron clads, and they were fired oflf in the first hour and a
half of the engagement, after which only steel shot was left with
which to continue the fight. From the condition of the flag ship
and her consort, may be inferred that of the other vessels in the
fleet. They were at once however, after the battle, well supplied
with shell except of the larger size.
The Chinese fleet was at a disadvantage in manoeuvring from
inferior speed, but a greater difficulty even than that was the per-
versity of the personnel. Even on board the flag ship orders
were not carried out, but varied or suppressed at the discretion of
the officers. In telegraphing from the conning tower to the en-
gine room, the plans of the admiral were frustrated, by the officer
who moved the telegraph signalling a low speed when the admiial
was ordering a high speed, in order lo close with the enemy.
This trick was only discovered after the battle, by comparing
notes with the German engineer who was below. How many
other ways of cheating the commanding officer were resorted to
(hiring those critical hours, no one can tell. As for the other
ships of the fleet, it is acknowledged that after the first round
they kept no formation, each ship fighting her own battle, except
the two ironclads with the foreign officers on board, which kept
moving in concert till the close. The flagship lost all her signal
658 EFFECTS OF WINTER ON THE TWO ARMIES.
halyards and a number of signal men in the beginning of the
action, and thereby lost touch with the rest of the squadron.
From tlie capture of Ping- Yang, to the first of November,
the progress of the war attested the circumspection of the Jap-
anese, who from first to last resolved to risk nothing by laud
or sea. There was practically no resistance, and the Chinese
government was tolerably aware that there would be none, either
at the Yalu or at Feng-hwang-teheng. What the government
reckoned on, if they can be said to have made any reckoning at
^ all, was that the
forces assembled nt
Chiu- lien- tcheiig
would delay the
advance of the ene-
my till something
turned up, or till
the winter should
come t(i the aid of
the invaded. Well,
winter came, and
. lo it was the Cliin-
and not the
Japanese who were
fii'st victims.
Poor General
Sung, driven out
of Kiu-lien-tcheng,
- and falling back
JAPANESE CAVALBYMAN. ^^ Feng-hwang-
tcheng, was followed up so sharp that, with the remnant of his
force, he had to retreat to the mountains, without extra clothing or
baggage. The cold set in, and snow was falling on these shiver-
ing wretches, while the eneinj- was enjoying the compararive
luxury of the towns and villages.
By this time in the history of the war, it seemed certain that
in such a conflict as was to be anticipated, China would not en- ■
trust the ultimate defense of the empire to such loose levies :is
bad been in the field. From the time of their organization, these
WHAT THE FRIENDS OF CHINA HOPED. 661
troops under arms have constituted a danger to the peace of
China, whether in victory or defeat, and perhaps there was a cer-
tain cynical calculation in the release by the Japanese of pris-
oners, that they might swell the ranks of brigands. It was be-
lieved by many friends of China that the dispersion of these
troops would make room for an army built up on a different
system, should the government be at last aroused to a sense of the
necessity for military reform.
Until this time, the government of China properly so called,
had not been able to bring its intelligence to bear on the question
of imperial defense. That had been left in the hands of the im-
perial viceroy Li Hung Chang, who has for many years con-
ducted the foreign as well as the naval and military affairs of the
empire. But during the fall the Peking government was gradu-
ally gathering the reins into its own hands. The return of Prince
Kung to the counsels of the emperor was a marked expression of
the new resolution. The summoning of Von Hannecken by im-
perial edict to Peking was another indication of the suspension of
Li Hung Chang's function of general middleman between the
empire and the world. Whether this new born energy for affairs
was to have staying power sufficient to launch the government on
the unknown sea of foreign science, and save the empire from
disruption was problematical, but the war still raged on, and out
of its immediate issues, it was predicted by many, was to arise a
state of thing which would mock the slow progress of mere
evolutionary reform, by a cataclysm which might do in one day
what a century of deliberation could not accomplish.
UniT. OEN. VISCOUNT NODZD,
THE ADVANCE UPON PORT ARTHUR.
Landing of the Second Japanese Army at Kwa-yuen-ken~Capture of Kinchow— Taking
of Talien- wan— Flight of the Chinese to Port Arthur— General Nodzu*s Force and its Action
— Pelcin Authorities Despondent— Prince Kung Asks Foreign Intervention— Propositions for
Peace Fail— Contractors Want to Destroy Japanese Fleet— Foreigners in Chinese Service—
The Emperor Receives Visitors— Drawing Near to Port Arthur— People of the Peninsala—
Skirmishes on the Way— The Night Before the Battle.
The troops of the second Jnpanese army landed at a place
called Kwa-yuen-ken near the moulli of the Pili River, northeast
of Tjilieii wan Bay. From the mouth of the Pili to Kinchow,
the principal town in the peninsula, the distance is fifty-four miles.
The debarkation was completed without interruption, and the
march southwestward began. The capture of Kinchow, at the
narrowest point in the Adams Isthmus, was made without diffi-
culty, and the victorious forces continued on their way. Novem-
ber 7 the Japanese occupied Talien-wan. The more the captured
Chinese position here was examined, the greater became the as-
tonishment at the poor defense made. The defensive works were
excellent in design. Six large and strongly constructed forts
commanded Talien-wan bay, mounting all together eighty guns of
various sizes and patterns. Many of them were comparatively
modern and excellent of their kind. All of these guns, as well
as large stores of ammunition, fell into the hands of the Japanese.
Beside the forts on the bay, the Chinese had constructed across
the narrow neck of the peninsula, which was here about seven
miles wide, a series of earthworks of an elaborate kind. The
whole system had evidently been planned by an engineer of high
skill. It was completely fitted with telephones and other modern
appliances for communication. The works had been designed to
facilitate a concentration of troops at any tlireatened point in the
shortest possible time. The batteries were powerfully constructed
and well armed. The greatest strength of the forts on the bay
was on the side facing tlie sea. Some successful reconnoitering
revealed weakness upon the land side. An intimation was con-
(663)
£64
CAPTCEE OF TALIES-WAS.
veyed to Count Ito that the seaward furts were of such strength
that a bombardment from the Japanese fleet would assoiedly re-
sult in serious damage to some of the ships. Marshal Oyama in-
formed his coUet^ue that he believed a land attack would be at-
tended with success, and that idea was therefore put into effect.
The Japanese fleet took a station off the bay, and opened a tre-
mendous bombardment of the forts on the 6th of November.
For many hours the firing scarcely ceased, and on the following
day it was resumed. On the 7th, covered by the bombardment,
the land force attacked Talien-waii at daybreak by a general as-
^S^r^^^^^^^^
_T.„s=^
^^^^^^/ '•'''^[^^^^
^
^^m^.
^^..-
CHINESE EARTHWORKS.
sault, and the success was complete. The Chinese, taken by sur-
prise, fled panic-stricken towards Port Arthur.
The losses in the capture of these two fortifications, Kinchow
and Talien-wan, were not great on either side. The Chinese gar-
rison at the former place consisted of one thousand infantry and
one hundred cavalry. They fled to Talien-wan, which was de-
fended by three thousand infantry and one hundred and eighty
cavalry, and all together retreated thence towards Port Arthur.
On the Japanese side the losses were only ten killed and wounded,
and the losses of the Chinese, who offered practically no resist-
GENERAL NODZU'S AEMY.
565
anee, were not much greater. As in previous retreats, the Chi-
nese threw away their arms in their flight, and reached Port
Arthur with nothing but the clothes they wore.
During these days of action by the force under Oyama, Gen-
eral Nodzu's troops had not been idle. Immediately after the
capture of Chiu-lien, the Japanese headquarters' staff moved there
from Wi-ju. Two columns were sent after the fleeing Chinese,
Colonel Sato moved upon An-tung, which was taken without
lighting. General Tachimi, with the first division, moved upon
Feng-hwang on October 27, and on the Slst the town surrendered.
VIEW OF TALIEN-WAM BAT.
No prisoners were taken by tlie Japanese. The orders were to
disarm and scatter the enemy wherever found, and this was done
with vigor. By Marshal Yaniagata's orders, the peaceable inhabi-
tants were treated with the utmost consideration. All food pur-
chased was paid for and laborers were paid for any extra help re-
quired. As a result the Japanese camp was thronged with Chi-
nese peasants offering produce, and more Chinese laborers asked
for work than could be engaged.
The euemy divided in flight from Feng-hwang, some going to
Mukden, others to Hai-tcheng, and others to Taku-shan. Most
of the generals fled to Mukden. As the last fugitives left Feng-
im IMPERIAL TROUBLI. l.V PRKlXG.
hwaijg it was set od fire, and the flames wrecked the village bcs-
fore the Japanese could extinguish them. Cold had set in among
the Manchoorian hills by this time and scime snow had fSallen,
The victorious army therefore took pains to make itself as com-
fortable as possible, advancing slowly, living off the country, and
driving all enemies before it.
In Peking at this time the authorities were busy attempting
to devise means of safety for their armies, andUo {)rovide for their
own escape from threatening danger. Li Hung Chang was de-
prived of all his decorative honors. Liu Kunyi, viceroy of Nan-
king, was made viceroy of Tien-tsin. Chang Chi Stung, viceroj*
of Wu-chang, was appointed viceroy of Nanking. Hu Yuff, a
judge of Kwang-hsi, and Captain Von Hannecken were ordered
to enlist and equip a force of troops after the German model, as the
nucleus of a new grand army of China. Finally Prince Knng
was appointed Chief Controller of Military Affairs, with Prince
Chung to assist him, thus further centralizing the power.
Another imperial edict gave executive effect to the sentence
passed by the military courts upon General Wei. It declared that
by his withdrawal from the battle of Ping- Yang he caused the
defeat of the entire army. Furthermore, he was adjudged guilty
of embezzling public funds entrusted to him for the specific purpose
of paying his soldiers, and of gross incompetence and violation
of duty in that he permitted the troops with whom he retreated
to maltreat and rob the people along the line of route, thereby
lowering the national character. For these offenses General Wei
was degraded from military rank and deprived of all his honors.
It was also announced that Admiral Ting kept from the knowledge
of the throne many important matters connected with the naval
battle of the Yalu, and that while losing some ships and getting
others crippled he inflicted scarcely any damage upon the enemy.
The admiral was therefore deprived of all the honors recently be-
stowed upon him under a misapprehension of the facts.
How despondent was the view of the situation held by the
Chinese authorities may be judged by the first action taken by
Prince Kung after his promotion. On Sunday, November 4, be-
fore the news of the Japanese success at Talien-wan had reached
the Chinese, owing to the cutting of the telegraph wires, he in*
CHINA ASKS INTKRFEREXC15. 6^7
vited the representatives all the powers to assemble at the Tsuiig-
li Yamen to hear what the Chinese government had to say re-
specting the critical situation. At this audience Prince Kung
calral}^ avowed the complete impotence of his country to withstand
the Japanese attack, and appealed to the powers to intervene.
He made an appeal for their assistance in bringing about some
agreement for the termination of the war, indicating as a basis of
negotiation a willingness of China to abandon her claim to the
suzerainty of Corea, and to pay a war indemnity to Japan. This
appeal was made formally and oflBcially, and marked for the first
time the fact that China recognized her utter defeat.
Having concluded his speech, Prince Kung handed to each
minister a note embodying his remarks. The ministers were favor-
ably impressed, and they applauded the frankness of China's con-
fession. They promised to support her appeal to their respective
governments, with a view to the restoration of peace, and in order
to avert the dangers threatening all interested. Simultaneously
with this action of Prince Kung, the Chinese minister to Great
Britain and France endeavored to enlist the assistance of the
foreign oflSces of those countries, but again the effort to secure
peace for China by the intervention of western nations met with
little encouragement.
A diplomatic complication arose between Japan and France
early in November wliich had an element of comedy in it and is
of interest here. Two American citizens, John Brown and
George Howie, of British extraction, offered their services to the
Chinese government in the capacity of torpedo experts. They
claimed to be in possession of an invention capable of most de-
structive effects in naval warfare, and having succeeded in con-
vincing a Chinese agent of the validity of their claim, they were
engaged to employ the invention against the Japanese navy, in
consideration of a payment of $100,000 down, $1,000,000 for each
naval squadron destroyed, and a proportion of the value of each
merchantman sent to the bottom. With their contract in their
pocket, they sailed from San Francisco, and at Yokahama trans-
ferred themselves to the French steamer Sydney. Meanwhile the
Japanese authorities, having obtained intelligence of the two men^s
proceedings, telegraphed instructions to Kobe, and in that port
568 JAPANESE FORCES MEET.
the alleged inventors were taken off the ship, together with their
Chinese companious. The French minister inclined to push the
case in their favor, but diplomacy and international law was so
clearly on the side of the Japanese that he withdrew his efforts.
After their arrest however, the two men signed a stringent
guarantee binding themselves not to assist the Chinese during the
present war, and this with the representation of the American
minister secured their release.
The Japanese forces occupying Talien-wan used their time to
advantage in strengthening their positions, completing the tele-
graph line along the north shore of Corea Bay, to a junction with
the line which had already been built across the Yalu River from
Corea, and in preparing for their investment of Port Arthur.
Admiral Ito's sailors and marines destroyed all the torpedoes
placed by the enemy in the bay and its approaches. They also
captured several torpedo boats and apparatus. The fleet and the
transports all entered the bay, and there remained to act in
harmony with the land forces. A few days after the occupation
of Talien-wan, the advance column of the first Japanese army,
pursuing from Feng-livvang that portion of the divided fugitive
Chinese who were seeking Port Arthur, met the outposts of the
second invading array, and communication was thereby estab-
lished, both by telegraph and by messenger service, through
Japanese garrisons, in a cliain extending the full length of the
Corean peninsula and around Corea Bay to Talien-wan.
Consternation was caused in Peking by the discovery, which
one would have supposed not difficult, that the Pei-yang squadron
was caught in a trap at Port Arthur. Li Hung Chang had made
efforts to bring all the damaged war ships out of that harbor,
ordering the squadron to keep within range of the guns of Wei-
hai-wei. But on account of somebody's violation of orders, a
dozen Chinese vessels of war were now within the Port Arthur
harbor, hemmed in by the neighboring Japanese fleet. The
responsible Chinese officials appeared to be callous to the fate of
the empire, giving their chief attention to matters of personal
interest and gain.
Port Arthur was now effectively invested and threatened, and
to provide for their personal safety, Kung, the taotai of the
FOREIGNERS IN CHINESE SERVICE. 571
place, together with several military leaders, abandoned Port
Arthur as hastily as possible. The effort made by one English-
man, anxious to preserve some Chinese dignity, to save Port
Arthur, was received with considerable surprise and not by any
means appreciated.
The position of foreigners in the employ of the Chinese govern-
ment has always been anomalous, but the exigencies of the war
have shown up the relationship between Chinese and foreigners
in a vivid and highly instructive light. Their rooted aversion to
foreigners, which springs from fear, does not withhold the
Chinese from flying to seek foreign aid in their extremity. On
these occasions they betray a superstitious feeling towards the
foreigners, regarding him as a sort of medicine man who can see
through a millstone or work any other miracle. Their idea is to
hire him by the job, and when the job is done cast him off as any
other laborer. When war came upon them, the Chinese fleet was
in a quandary, scuttling abqut from one snug harbor to another,
the officers knowing nothing of their enemy, his movements, or
his capacities. Though they were told they had the strongest
fleet, they would have preferred not to put its presumed superi-
ority to too severe a test, yet they had the imperial order to
destroy the enemy unconditionally. In this extremity, the
authorities cast about for extemporized foreigners to help them.
A hardy Scandinavian came first to the rescue, offering to
scout, pilot, or fight for them, run a torpedo boat, or do anything
that youthful daring might legitimately venture. Only he stipu-
lated for a twenty-knot steamer, performing, however, in the
meantime, the emergency service in a common tugboat of less
than half that speed. The promise of a fast steamer was broken,
as every promise of every Chinese official, with few exceptions,
from the beginning of time has been broken, and until the end of
the war the hardy Norseman had to content himself on the deck
of that same wet and lively tugboat. Comical indeed were the
adventures he had with his convoys of troops, munitions, and
stores, which never would follow the program laid down for
them, sometimes bolting from the smoke of their own escort, and
and he chasing them back into their own ports whose forts would
open fire on him. This was the uniform experience of Europeana
572 CHINESE RESISTANCE MELTING AWAY.
who served the Chinese. The zeal and loyalty were all on the
side of the aliens, whose hearts were broken in hopeless efforts to
make the Chinese do tlieir duty to their own country. Every
foreigner who served China, no matter in what capacity, unless
he belonged to the class which is content to draw pay and say
nothing, had the same strenuous battle with his employers to
compel them to interest themselves in their own service. The
Chinese, on their part, failed to comprehend the folly of the
foreigner who was not content to draw his pay and keep quiet.
At Port Arthur there were some half dozen rival generals, but
no one in command, each caring only for his own camp, and all at
loggerheads with the others. The head of the port, the poor
taotai, of the literary graduate order, was a brother of the
present minister to England. There was also the admiral of the
Peiyang squadron, the most likely man to assume the responsi-
bility of a general command ; but for fear of getting himself dis-
liked by Taotai Kung or the generals, he kept his hands out of
mischief. Finally, the English harbor master at Port Arthur
went to Tien-tsin, and showed the condition of affairs to the
viceroy. The result was that the viceroy sent instructions to
Kung, which the latter ignored, fljing from Port Arthur at the
first chance. The collapse of Chinese resistance was proceeding
at a rate which more than astonished the Japanese themselves.
With Kinchow and Talien-wan captured almost without a blow,
although amply supplied with the means of making a vigorous
and protracted defense, and all the soldiers joining in an ignomin-
ious rush for Port Arthur, it seemed that the Chinese were
exhibiting all that reluctance to mfike trouble which character-
ized Crockett's famous 'coon, demonstrating their willingness to
come down to any required extent if Marshal Oyama would only
consent not to shoot.
The force under Yamagata, advancing from Feng-hwang in
two divisions, one towards Port Arthur and one on the road to
Mukden, met no resistance that was strong enough to intercept
their advance, although there was some fighting at two or three
stands. The right division advanced northwestward and entered
the Manchoorian highlands by the Mo-thien-ling pass where a
force >v^s gathered to oppose it» The left division marched
THE EMPEROR RECEIVES VISITORS. 673
towards Si u- Yen where another Chinese force was encamped. It
was the outpost of this division, pursuing the Chinese fugitives
through Taku-shan, which made junction with the second army
iuid completed the chain of communication.
On the 9th of November the Japanese advanced and attacked
Xainquan pass, a strongly fortified neck between Society Bay and
Tiilieu-wan. There was no concerted defense, and each Chinese
detachment was separately routed. Some thousands of refugees
from Kinchow, who were flying towards villages in the vicinity,
were mistaken for the enemy and were fired upon froia the rear
of the defenses, many being killed.
Again the Chinese authorities in Peking decided to seek peace
through the influence and intervention of western powers be-
tween herself and Japan. On the morning of November 16 the
emperor gave an audience to the diplomatic representatives in
Peking, and all the ministers were present. His Majesty's action
in thus receiving the diplomatists caused considerable stir in high
Chinese circles, such a violation was it of imperial Chinese eti-
quette. This audience was granted on the occasion of the pres-
entation of letters of congratulation by the ministers, on the six-
tieth birthday of the dowager empress. For the first time in
Chinese history the audience was held in the imperial palace it-
self. As an especial mark of courtesy the foreign ministers
entered by the central gate, the gate through which the emperor
only is usually allowed to pass.
The ministers had audience with the emperor separately, and
the reception was of a distinctly formal character, lasting but a
few minutes. The audience took place in the hall where His
Majesty was accustomed to hear the Confucian classics expounded.
He was seated cross-legged on the Dragon Throne, surrounded
by a numerous body of princes and oflBcials. In front of His
Majesty was placed a small table covered with yellow satin,
which concealed the lower half of his person. In the short inter-
views with each minister, who- stood some ten feet from His
Majesty, Prince Kung and Prince Ching acted alternately as
masters of the ceremonies, and interpreted the speeches. The
emperor spoke entirely in the Manchoo tongue. He appeared
pmall and delicate, possessing a fine forehead, with expressive
674 RETROSPECT OF OPERATIONS.
brown eyes, and an intellectual countenance. The emperor^s
position, surrounded as he was by the dignitaries of his court,
gave him an imposing appearance, although to a close observer
he looked and spoke like a lad of sixteen or seventeen years.
His Majesty did not indulge in any social conversation with the
visitors, but spoke formally to all. The interview was granted
in the hope that western sympathy would be secured for the
threatened orientals.
Now that the approach to Port Arthur has brought the Jap-
anese army almost to the walls, let us take a brief retrospect of
the operations of the month. On the 24th of October the de-
barkation of the second army on the Liao Tung peninsula began,
to the northwest of the Elliot islands, at Kwa-yuen. No opposi-
tion of any kind was encountered, but natural difficulties such as
shallow beaches and great range of tides impeded the operation,
so that all the stores were not landed until the evening of the
30th. The troops however were put in motion at once, and on
October 28th the advance guard reached Pitszwo, a place of some
importance at the junction of the Niuchwang, Port Arthur, and
Taku slian road. This place was twenty-five miles from the port
of debarkation. Forty-five miles farther southwest, the troops
came upon Kinchow, at the point where the two post roads of the
peninsula met. On November 6 the Japanese captured this town
without difficulty, and the next day Field Marshal Oyama's
troops, pressing close on the heels of the flying enemy, reached
the formidable isthmus a couple of hours after them, and to the
accompaniment of a thunderous bombardment from the fleet,
seized the defenses without a struggle. After such a singular
display of blundering and cowardice on the part of the Chinese,
what followed was not astonishing. The troops passing the isth-
mus, found themselves on the shore of Talien-wan Bay, one of the
best harbors in North China. Ample preparations for defense
had indeed been made, but they were not utilized by the cow-
ardly soldiers. The Japanese themselves were taken by surprise.
They had not contemplated such a fiasco.
Meanwhile the army had continued its march towards Port
Arthur. Their line of communication to the rear, both by land
and sea, was perfect. The commissariat was in the best oondi-
DISPOSITION OF THE TROOPS. 676
tion for service. The hospital corps was active and modern in its
manner of work. Nurses of the Red Cross Society, both men
and women, accompanied the army and were provided with
everything in the power of the commander to grant, being shown
every courtesy. On the other hand, efforts made by hospital
corps to reach the Chinese wounded from the Chinese side of the
lines, met with utter failure. Two Red Cross nurses were turned
back by the Chinese authorities at Tien-tsin, they declining to be
responsible for the safety of non-combatants. The Taotai Sheng
said, <^ We do not want to save our wounded. A Chinaman
cheerfully accepts the fates that befall him."
More than a fortnight had Marshal Oyama's army been march-
ing in two divisions, eastern and western, down the peninsula to
Port Arthur. The distance was less than fifty miles, but the
country was a difficult one, there being practically no roads avail-
able except in the cultivated valleys. As the army approached the
objective point, there were occasional brushes with the enemy.
At Ye-jo-shu on November 18, the army was more than half way
from Kinchow to Port Arthur, and almost within sight of the
goal. The next day's march was expected to bring the forces to
camp on the safe side of the hills, within an hour's ride of Port
Arthur, unless the Chinese should prevent. The next day was to
be devoted to rest and to making sure that everything was prop-
erly arranged and ready for the fray ; and it was confidently
asserted that on the evening of the day after, November 21, the
Japanese army would sleep peacefully in Port Arthur with
Dragon Flags for bed quilts.
On the morning of the 18th the Chinese made a reconnoissance
in force, but retired without discovering much except a Japanese
scouting party, which had a narrow escape. The army was
moving along steadily with General Nishi leading the vanguard.
General Yamaji, his staff, and the war correspondents all with the
main body, and General Nogi bringing up the rear. The field
marshal and his staff were also behind, and General Hasegawa
was on the left wing, with his forces practically covering the
country down to the south coast. In front and on the right as
far as the not very distant north coast, small bodies of cavalry
and infantrv were thrown out along the valleys. The country
28
576 VILLAGES AND PEOPLE.
was magnificent for defensive purposes, studded with moderately
steep hills, ranging from low undulations up to huge crags two
thousand feet high, with hundreds of rocky ravines and guUeys ;
broad fertile valleys never very level, intersected by winding
water courses, like a labyrinth, almost dry at this season.
Every two or three miles there were small villages roughly
built of stone, nestling in hollows, with a few trees here and
there. In and about the villages scores of natives crowded,
curious to see the foreigners they feared ; on the hilltops were
the more timorous ones, watching awhile and then hurrying away
perhaps to tell the Chinese army what they had seen, but no at-
tempt was ever made to stop them, except occasionally to ask a
question or two. The road was the military road connecting Port
Arthur with Kinchow, Niuchwang and Peking. There was not
the least sign of anything having been done to keep it in repair
since it was first cut a quarter of a century ago, the soft parts
were deep rutted, and would be well-nigh impassable after heavy
rain, while the rocky parts were jagged and strewn with stones of
all sizes and shapes. Over the plains dust drove in black clouds
which enveloped the column, suggesting the great dust storms of
North China. There was bright sunny weather, but the nights
were cold during the march down the peninsula.
The day's march which had begun at seven in the morning, was
to end at Ye-jo-shu, a big village near the sea, about ten miles
northeast of Port Arthur. Before entering the village General
Yamaji was met by an aid-de-camp with news of fighting ahead,
half way to Port Arthur. After a little hesitation the general
granted the request of two of the correspondents to permit them
to go forward, and they galloped off to the left in a southwesterly
direction. Five miles away, among the hilltops, they caught a
glimpse of a small, square, stone building, like a fort or watch-
tower, and all around it could be discerned figures moving amidst
clouds of smoke. The road was lined many yards on either side
with men and animals, all racing in the same direction, spurting
to be first at a ford or a narrow defile, urging and helping each
other, and only afraid the enemy might retire too soon.
It was an hour after midday, and Nishi^s force had just begun
to pitch camp south of Ye-jo-shu, when a courier arrived and an-
A SKIRMISH ON THE ROAD.
577
nounced that the outer pickets were being forced aad cut off.
Firing had begun at eleven o'clock, but did not become serious
until au hour later. Cavalry were rushed to the front, then in>
fantry, then artillery and ammunition trains as they could be
mustered and got away. The correspondents galloped hard where
the laud allowed, past soldiers louking to their rifles and pouches
as they ran, past lumbering guns and kicking mules, past panting
coolies and Red Cross men, threading their way through the
throng, cheering the wounded as they were taken to the rear,
amiling bravely in spite of pain. Progress was delayed to the
%,k
JAF&NEBK SKIRMISHERS BKFOBX POfiT AKTHUB.
narrow lanes of a picturesque village, in a little wooded hollow
where the artillery stuck in a broad, shallow stream. But by
eager efforts it was got clear, and went on scrambling up the bank,
splashing and stumbling through half dried ditches, plunging in
the soft sand, and bumping over boulders, sparing neither man
nor beast in the rush up the glen to the top of the hill. There
stood Brigadier- General Nishi, watching a " strategic rearward "
movement of the Chinese in the plain beyond, and directing oper-
ations intended to cut them off if possible. Two strong columns
were pushed out right and left, like the horns of a crescent
among the hills encircling the valley, towards the aea northwest
S7S CmXESE ADVAXCE AXD RETREAT.
and Port Arthur soutlitrest. Tbe artillerv was alreidr on the
upot, but W4S not U8ed yei ; there was no need to let the Chinese
know how much strength was massing before Port Arthur.
The engagement originate*! &implv in a surprise meeting of
opposing hcouts. The Chinese had been creeping all over the
valley and surrounding liiils. a!«#ng the ravines and behind the
ridges ; Japanese had been ^striking out in twos and threes, recon-
noiteriug many miles into :he enemy *s country. Suddenly shots
were heard, and a general move was made on both sides for the
main road in the center. The Japanese seeing no great force in
front, and knowing how quickl}' help could be brought from be-
hind them, stood their ground at first. About noon however
three stong columns' of Chinese with cavalry and artillery, prob-
ably three thousand in all, filed out through the hills from main
road:^ and by-paths leading from Port Arthur. The Japanese
were in great danger of being surrounded before the advance
guard could arrive. Only a score of cavalry and about two hun-
dred infantry, they had to fight their way back at pretty close
quarters, liand to hand at one point. The Cijiuese advanced with
an immense display of banners almost to the foot ot the hill where
Nishi stored ; but the small force of three hundred Japanese cav-
alry sent out t<i draw them on, seemed to scare tljcm ofif, for by
lialf past one they were in full retreat, in good order, over the
same paths by which they had come, only just in time to escape
the consummation of the Japanese flank movements. It was no
use trying to pursue them into the hills about Port Arthur ; for
as the full force of Nishi's brigade was collecting about the old
stone monument the Chinese army was disappearing through the
passes six miles away.
A cavalry patrol of seven went forward and followed cautiously
along the main road until dusk, turning back at a village just
under the hills. They saw the bodies of the seven Japanese who
had been left dead on tlie field, hacked, stripped, beheaded, and
in two cases minus the right hand; they saw the cavalryman's
horse lying partly flayed with the skin turned back where two
largo j)ieces of flesh had been carved out and carried away. The3'^
saw traces of the Chinese every few yards, but no bodies ; they
must have been removed, for the men of Satsuma had not died
SKIRMISH AT DOJOSHU.
581*
for nothing. Tbey saw no signs of life except the patrols and
men witli stretchers for the dead, as tbey rode back slowly into
camp at Ye-jO'Shu, over ten miles of wretched roads, the horses
iienrly dead with the &tigne of a long day's work, stumbling at
every step, and finally having to be left with the coolies while the
riders walked most of the way. These coolies were simply won-
derful in their endurance; after the helter-skelter race for the
r 'jr. /
-■(>
'-''''^ijMAK^'
JAPANESE BOU>IEBB BEHOTIHO DEAD BODIES.
monument they came up smiling only a few minutes behind, in
spite of their forty pound pack on their shoulders.
The advance was slow during the 19th and 20th, the desire
being to give the soldiers as much rest as possible before the hard
work of the assault. On arriving at Dojoshu, a village at the foot
of the hills near Port Arthur, about noon on the 20th, the troops
were halted. Oyama had gone around to survey the field, and
Tas expected back every minute, so the time of waiting was passed
882 SKIRMISH AT DOJOSHU.
ill a hurried midday meal. Suddenly the boom of heavy guns was
heard, and the Chinese were seen advancing in two columns, the
right one by Suishiyeh, under the eyes of the troops who held the
hill where the army had halted, and the left by way of the west
side of the valley, out of sight behind the foot hills. They had at
last learned that the invading armies had almost surrounded them,
and must be dislodged if possible. But it was not possible now.
It was too late.
As soon as the advancing left column got within a mile, a
portion of the Japanese artillery opened with shrapnel. The forts
replied as soon as the positions were revealed. About 8:00 o'clock
the Chinese column got within short range of the Japanese bat-
teries, and was struck fairly in the center by the first two shells.
The foolish banners dropped at once, and the column lay down.
Bravely the line was reformed twice, but the shelling was too hot
and too accurate. The Chinese got their field guns into position
but could do nothing for practically none of the Japanese were
exposed to them or to the forts. There was a little musketry fire
on both sides, but of no importance. The artillery settled the
affair, and by 6:00 o'clock the whole of the Chinese army had
marched back into camp. The forts away on the sea-front got
into action before dusk, and dropped a few 12-inch shells uselessly
on the hilltops a mile beyond the Japanese ; but when the last
streak of daylight had disappeared, all was quiet. During the
rest of the night there was no sound nor sign on either side.
THE CAPTURE OF PORT ARTHUR AND THE MAS-
SACRE.
Description of the Great Chinese Naval Station— Strength of its position— The Defenses-
Arrangement of Japanese Troops, and Plan of Attack— The First Assault— Attack and
Counter-Attack— Fall of the Chinese Forts— Action of tlie Fleet— The Japanese in tlie Streets
of Port Arthur— Massacre of Fugitives— Japanese Red Cross Society and Its Previous Good
Work— Shocking Details of the Atrocities Committed After the Taking of the Town— Four
Days of Violence and Cruelty— Stories of Eyewitnesses— Japanese Explanations and Ex-
cuses—Effects of the Capture of Port Arthur on the War.
Port Arthur, or to give it its native name, Lushun-kou, was
the largest naval station possessed by the Chinese. Situated at
the extreme southern end of the Liao-Tung peninsula, Port Arthur
in its earlier days afforded convenient shelter for winter-bound
junks employed in carrying timber from the Yalu River to the
ports westward. At that period it was merely a small village
consisting of less than one hundred mud houses, an occasional
shop, and three or four inns. The prosperity of the town began
with the determination of the authorities in 1881 to establish a
naval dockyard at the port. At first the work was entrusted to
native contractors, who however proved to be quite incapable of
carrying out so extended an undertaking, and in 1887 a French
company took up the contract, completing the work in three
years. The port then boasted of a large basin with a depth of
twenty-five feet at low water. Spacious wharves and quays bor-
dered this basin, and were connected with the workshops by a
railroad. Two dry-docks were built ready for repairing ships of
all sizes, from ironclads to torpedo vessels. Foundries and work-
shops were constructed on the most improved models, and con-
taining the best modern machinery. The fact that the harbor
was always free from ice, even in the coldest of winter, added to
its value. By the time of the beginning of the war, the number
of houses had multiplied until they were able to contain a popu-
lation of about six thousand, exclusive of the garrison. There
were also two large temples, two theatres, and several banks, be-
sides the necessary stores and warehouses.
(683)
684 DEFENSES OF PORT ARTHUR.
Such land defenses as this important dockyard possessed when
the war broke out, were limited to nine small redoubts, connected
by mud walls in some cases, on the north and northeast, and three
redoubts on the southwest. On the north side a range of hills
from three hundred and fifty to six hundred and fifty feet high,
running from the sea to a shallow inlet of the harbor, enclosed
the position. The tops of these hills were not more than two
thousand five hundred yards from the dockyard and town. The
original line of defenses was still closer to the town, and oh the
northern side was only about one thousand yards in advance of
the vital point. The strongest part of the position was a group
of three coast batteries surrounded by a continuous mud wall, and
crowning a hill on the right of the entrance to the harbor. The
works all appeared to be designed for the protection of the nar-
row harbor mouth, which at the entrance was only a few hundred
yards wide.
Upon the outbreak of the war, much additional fortification was
carried out. The normal garrison of four thousand was greatly
increased, and the troops who were drilled on the European model
garrisoned the fortifications, and were to be further assisted in the
defense of the port by submarine mines and a fieet of torpedo
boats. The forts were armed with heavy Krupp guns, and the
artillery men were especially trained by a German officer.
Within the defenses there were all of the most recent scientific
appliances, electric search lights, torpedo factories, etc., and the
forts were connected by telephone.
The Japanese t^rmy broke camp at Dojoshu village before Port
Arthur at 1:00 A. M. on November 21, and marching by circuit-
ous and very difficult routes over the outlying hills, sometimes
quite close to the sea at Pigeon Bay, got into line of battle before
daylight. The moon was in the last quarter, and gave very little
light ; the sky was quite clear, and the weather dry and cool.
The positions were as heretofore described.
The key of the position was the northwest triple fort on Table
Mountain, and there the whole height of the opening attack was
concentrated. The field marshal and his staff were mostly near
the center of the line, and the heavy siege artillery was planted
on the best position available near the center, and north to north-
POSITION OF THE TROOPS. 686
east of Port Arthur, five or six miles away, with Suishiyeh and
the forts right opposite and well in range. The first division un-
der General Yamaji occupied the right wing, and had the rough-
est and most broken country to traverse. Nine batteries of field
and mountain guns were got into fine positions, on lofty ridges,
nearly on the same level and almost within rifle shot of the forts;
while behind the artillery lay large bodies of infantry ready for a
rush. Brigadier-General Nishi had charge of the extreme right,
and Brigadier-General Nogi the right center, near the field mar-
shal. On the left, Brigadier-General Hasegawa had his mixed
brigade rather wider apart, as the hills were not near enough to
aid greatly in an assault on the forts ; nor were the hills very good
as artillery positions. Hasegawa had only two batteries, but the
flying column under Lieutenant-Colonel Masamitsu, that had
moved from San-ju-li Ho on the south shore road was with him,
and had a mountain battery beside two battalions of infantry and
a thousand cavalry.
The first shot was fired within two or three minutes of seven
o'clock, from a battery of thirty guns, just as the day was becom-
ing light enough for gun practice. Then for an hour the Japanese
guns blazed into the Table- Top forts, which with their guns of all
sizes kept up a spirited reply. In the forts, and in the rifle pits
on the hillside under the walls, were about one thousand infantry ;
near the Japanese batteries trenches had been dug in the stony
ground during the night, and sheltered ravines had been carefully
selected, where practically the whole of the first division, at least
ten thousand men, lay in wait. The Chinese shells came close by
their ears in dozens, bursting or burying themselves on the other
side of the little ravine behind. Many of the boulders about were
struck, but strange to say not a man was killed. In the first half
hour there must have been three hundred shells over an area of
as many yards, but the average elevation was slightly too high,
and no damage was done.
Meantime the Japanese were getting to work all along the line.
Each battery had a telescope fixed to bear on the desired target,
though the dense morning mist and the thick clouds of smoke
frequently made it quite impossible to see for a time. It was easy
enough to tell that the Japanese had got the reins from the very
686 BEGINNING WARM WORK.
first. The opening shot of the day, which all watched with in^
tense interest, had struck within five yards short of a Krupp gun
in the nearest of the three forts. The closeness of this shot, in
semi-darkness, at an unknown range estimated to be one thousand
yards, was a fair indication of what followed. One by one the
Chinese guns ceased fire towards eight o'clock, and suddenly a
great shouting came across the valley from the fort. The Jap-
anese infantry were singing a march song as they charged the
forts, and in a few minutes a huge cheer ran all along the line
over the hilltops and In the valleys where the rest of the Japanese
were, and great cries of " Kot-ta — Victory ! " The Chinese emptied
their guns and small arms as the Japanese swarmed up on three
sides, firing every few yards and then rushing forward. The
enemy, not numerous enough for hand to-hand combat, waited no
longer but fled over the edge of the hill, down to the fortified
camps before the town', and the Table Mountain forts displayed
the flag of the Rising Sun.
After this first success, the rest of the battle was practically
little more than a question of time, although there was still a
great deal of hard fighting to follow. Neither side had yet lost
more than fifty or sixty in killed and wounded, and there were still
many thousand Chinese soldiers to be considered. Had the forts
been fully manned with plenty of picked marksmen, they should
have cost the invaders several hundreds if not thousands and
should have held out longer. And if the Chinese artillery had
been as accurate and steady as the Japanese, the vast difference in
position and shelter should have more than compensated for the
disparity in numbers. Careful planning, rapidity of attack, and
individual bravery were all on the Japanese side. The Chinese
did not, indeed, run at the sound of shooting, as has been said.
They stood their ground manfully and tried their best to shoot
straight up to the last minute ; but they never attempted to face
the foe hand to hand to '* Die in tlie last ditch.*'
Only one definite counter-attack was made; a large force,
probably near two thousand of Chinese infantry with a few
cavalry, marched out around the hills westward, north of the Port
Arthur lagoon, to turn the Japanese right fiank. General Yamaji,
who never showed fatigue all day but kept near the front calmly
ONLY A QUESTION OF TIME.
687
and resolutely at every move, detected tlie attempt at ouce, and
dispatched Brigadier- General Niahi with the third regiment and
llie mountain battery to meet it. The extremely rough, broken
country rendered morement slow, and this part of the battle
dragged on until the afternoon.
The Sfcnnd regiment had occupied the Isusen forts shortly
after eight o'clock, and the artillery was then ordered forward.
The guns bad come on late from Talien-wan, by forced marches
night and day, over a very difficult route, and only arrived at
JAPANESE ATTACK ON PORT ABTHUB.
Dojoshu on the night of the 20th, after the enemy's attempt to
dislodge the field and mountain guns. The same night twenty of
these large guns had been taken into position for the fight north
and west of Suishiyeh, and from one to three kilometers from the
nearest forts. They were supported by the whole of the first
division, fifteen thousand men less twenty-four hundred men de-
tailed to garrison Kinchow and Talien-wan. Deducting also the
regiment of twenty-four hundred sent to head off the flank move-
ment in the west, there were ten thousand left before the Tt>!<^
588 JAPAESE OPERATIONS.
Moimtaiii forts. Not more than a third actually took part in the
storming. The rest were waiting ready for use if needed, all
along the line from the advance guard under Nishi, near the
lagoon, to the center under Nogi, about Peh-ka-shu village, where
the skirmish was on the 19th. Here, midway between the camp
at Dojoshu and the large village of Suishiyeh, Field Marshal
Oyama and his staff remained during the first part of the day,
communicating his orders by aides-de-camp, never by flag, or
flash signal, or bugle, to Yemaji and Hasegawa on the left.
Peh-ka-shu was about a kilometer north of Suishiyeh, and
Suishiyeh about five kilometers north of Port Arthur town, and
one kilometer from Table Mountain fort on the east, and Pine
Tree fort on the west. About half way between Peh-ka-shu and
the sea, southeastward, was Sotai-shu where Hasegawa faced the
line of eight forts along a wall of five or six kilometers. Of course
this brigade did not cover all the country; he had about five
thousand men near the center and two thousand near the sea.
The five thousand were about equally divided between Shoju and
Niryo, each one regiment of two thousand four hundred with
artillery. In attacking, two battalions of eight hundred each
formed the front, and one was held behind until within range.
Then the whole opened out in skirmishing order and charged, and
the Chinese exploded several mines, but without effect, as the
fuses were not well timed. Some electric mines were also used
but wrongly timed.
While Yamaji was attacking the northwest forts, Hasegawa
engaged the attention of the northeast forts, in order to prevent
them from concentrating fire on the Japanese right. No serious
attack was made by the mixed brigade until the first division had
made the winning move. Thus the Chinese right wasted their
energy on almost bare country, while the weight of the Japanese
attack fell on the almost entirely isolated Chinese left. The
strategy succeeded completely, for by the time the Chinese dis-
covered their mistake it was too late. The Shoju, or Pine Tree
Hill forts opened a heavy fire across Suishiyeh plain, on the hills
occupied by the Japanese ; but Isu was already finished and the
whole weight of Japanese artillery was centered on the largest
Shoju fort. Thus the Japanese right wing, which had been briefly
i^^-
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IhK'^
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i ^
^s^m^
'r*^
T£t LiMH
TACTICS OF THE ARMIES. 591
threatened by the forts on its left autl the Chinese column on its
right, was never really in any danger, for while the third regi-
ment under Nishi was storming Isu, the second regiment with its
back to the third beat off the enemy's infantry, and the mountain,
field, and siege batteries gave Shoju far more than it could face.
It was surprising how the Chinese stood to their guns ; they
worked like heroes and aimed their guns well. But what could a
fort or a half-dozen of forts do, against fifty guns hidden in the
mountains, moving to get better positions when possible, and fir-
ing systematically and simultaneously at one point.
A furious fusillade was maintained by both sides for nearly two
hours ; but the Chinese shots got wilder and wilder as tlie
Japanese improved, until finally the Shoju magazine blew up and
set fire to the sheds inside of the forts. Then shortly after eleven
o'clock, Flasegawa charged all along the line, and took all the
eight forts one by one. The big Shoju fort, which had done such
determined work was, of course, evacuated as soon as it caught
fire, and for two hours afterward the ruined wood-work burned
and the piles of ammunition continued to explode. The second
largest fort, Liang Leong, or Double Dragon, held out longest.
Twice the Japanese advancing along a ravine tried to break cover
and rush up the hill, but were met by bombs from the mortars,
and had to get back into shelter and try musketry again. Again
they came up magnificently at their o£Bcers' call, and scrambled
up the mountain side in the teeth of a galling cross fire. At the
ramparts, not a Chinaman remained. They fled from fort to fort
along the high wall, firing as they went, and making a stand at every
point till too close for rifles. All over the hills they were chased
and for many miles around hardly a hundred yards could be
passed without sight of a Chinese corpse. Those who escaped got
down into the town with the main body of the Chinese army.
Meanwhile there had been heavy firing, chiefly infantry, be-
tween Suishiyeh, Isu and Port Arthur. There was a flat tract
about three miles square, with low ridges of mud and stones
across, behind which the Chines riflemen lay. They had tried
to make a stand about the walled camps below Isu, but shells
and shrapnel soon cleared them out. The Japanese then mus-
tered in the same place about two thousand men from the right
692 THE BATTLE BECOMES DESPERATE.
wing and right center, increasing in number every minute, and
ready to force the town itself. Between these camps and tlie big
drill ground at the entrance to Port Arthur were some three thou-
sand Chinese in skirmishing order, making the most of every bit
of cover and firing desperately. J^ehind them the Chinese field
guns, some dozen in number, tried to locate the enemy and occa-
sionally succeeded ; one shell shattered the corner of the largest
camp, where a dense body of Japanese stood behind the wall wait-
ing for orders, and killed several of them. Still farther back, a big
hill which threatened the town swarmed with riflemen, who were
sheltered by piles of stones and abundantly supplied with am-
munition. Last of all the shore forts were firing a little, but
could not aid much in the melee.
Steadily the Japanese crept forward from cover to cover, as-
sisted by artillery from Suishiyeh, until the parade ground and
the general's pavilion overlooking it had been mastered and
cleared, and nothing remained but the trenches of Boulder hill, or
liakugoku, the town itself, and the shore forts. Along the south
of the parade ground ran a broad, shallow stream that came
down the Suishiyeh valley, flowing into a creek west of Uakugoku.
Three times the Japanese came out from behind the parade
ground wall, to cross the bridge, but were driven back by a with-
ering hail of bullets. At last they forced it and rushed across
with a cheer, and spread out over the face of the hill pursuing the
Chinese up to the town itself. The Second Regiment fired vol-
leys as it advanced to the town. Not a shot was fired in reply.
The battle was over as far as Port Arthur was concerned.
The Japanese fleet was not inactive during the assault by the
land forces. At 10:30 A. M. the Japanese vessels, comprising the
Matsusima, Chiyoda, Itsukusima, Hasidate, Yoshino, Naniwa,
Akitsushima, Takachiho, Fuso, Hiyei, and Kongo steamed past
Port Arthur, rounding the promontory. The Chiyoda here be-
gan to fire shells over the forts at a very long range. A tugboat
from Taku was searched by the Japanese, but was allowed to pro-
ceed. At 4:00 o'clock the fleet returned, passing Port Arthur
again, at a distance of about six miles, and one of the big forts
flred at the Chiyoda but failed to hit her. The admiral did not
respond to the fire nor alter his course but steamed slowly on. A
WOttK OF THE FLEET. 593
few minutes later, as the Chinese troops were hurrying down to
the harbor, ten torpedo boats dashed from the fleet, separating in
pairs and firing three-pouuder Hotcbkiss guns at the exposed
suldiers. The Are was briskly responded to by one furt to the
left of the harbor, but not a single shot told. A steamer which
had towed a junk out of Port Arthur with Taotai Kung hi it,
making his escape, was cut o£f on her return and ran ashore,
where the crew deserted her and took to the hills.
As the Japanese troops reached the edge of the town, driving
ABTUUK VROU THE BAY.
the Chiiiese before them, a halt was called before the army
marched in, as the force was not yet assembled in strength. Tliis
delay enabled the Chinese to take to boats, and scores of sampans
and junks were soon moving off, some over the lagoon to the
mountain fastnesses of Lao-tiehshau promontory in the south-
west, and some out to sea, in full view of the Japanese fleet.
When the first division was all iissembled before, the town, with the
left wing to the northeast in case the enemy should rally and try
to dash out, the order was given to enter the town and storm the
594 PORT ARTHUR TAKEN.
inner fort, Golden Hill. The Second Regiment led, firing volleys
file by file through the streets, past tiie docks, and the burning
army stores, up the hill, and into Ogunsan, which was praotically
abandoned without an effort at defense.
During the evening Hasegawa's brigade went over the hills,
and occupied tiie two eastern shore forts called the ^^ Mule's
Jaws." The following morning Yaraaji's first regiment marched
around the lagoon and occupied the peninsula forts, which had
been deserted during the night. Where the Chinese all vanished
to, appeared rather a mystery to the victors. It was found that
most of them got away along the beach past Hasegawa, and the
rest westward in small parties under cover of darkness. In such
a wide stretch of hilly country, it was easy for them to conceal
themselves if they once escaped the vicinity of their foes. Port
Arthur was in full possession of Marshal Oyama, with the fleet
under Admiral Ito safe in the harbor.
Now comes the most painful recital of the war. It is difiBcult
to reconcile in any one's mind the pretensions to enlightened
civilization which the Japanese had claimed, with the horrible
atrocities committed by the victorious army during the days
following the capture of Port Arthur. Let us glance at what had
been the history of Japanese treatment of the wounded in
previous battles.
It will be remembered that in a foregoing chapter of this work,
the proclamation of the Japanese minister of war enjoining
humanity upon all his soldiers was quoted, and that it was stip-
ulated that the ignorance of the Chinese as to the true meaning
of humanity would cause them to commit atrocities no doubt,
which must not be imitated in retaliation by Japanese troops. At
Hiroshima, the military headquarters of Japan during the war, was
the principal military hospital and the establishment of the Red
Cross society, which to investigators were a remarkable revelation
after all that had been said about Japanese inhumanity and in-
difference to suffering. As long ago as 1877, when the Satsuma clan
raised the standard of rebellion, a benevolent society was founded
to aid and care /or the sick and wounded, enemies as well as
friends, after the manner of the European Red Cross societies.
Subscriptions at once began to pour in, the emperor and empress
THE RED CROSS SOCIETY. 696
helping greatly, and throughout the Satsuma war the young or-
ganization distinguished itself admirably. From that time special
efforts were made to bring the society up to the high standard of
its western models in every way ; and when the government of
Japan in 1886 declared its adhesion to the Geneva convention, the
"Hakuaisha" was reorganized and formally enrolled on the
international list of Red Cross societies. Since then it had made
rapid progress, its membership reaching nearly thirty thousand in
1893, with funds liberally augmented by the emperor, and an
annual income before the war with China of $70,000. Since 1887,
a large number of women, including members of the royal family
and of the nobility, have become qualified nurses of the order and
have taken instruction in the making of articles for use in its
work. The objects of the society, as set forth in the rules, are to
help the sick and wounded in time of war, and to prepare for the
same by organizing a trained staff in time of peace. The last
activity of the Red Cross society prior to the war in 1891, when
the central provinces of Japan were devastated by an earthquake
which caused the loss of more than seven thousand lives, besides
untold suffering.
With the object of training a staff properly, the society in 1886
established a hospital of its own in Tokio, and three years later,
when this one was outgrown, a new one was erected on a splendid
site provided by the emperor and empress. The hospital itself
covers some two acres, and the grounds about ten. After the
war began, the membership funds and operations of the society
were all multiplied about three times above normal. All the
working staff was under the control of the army medical staff,
and operated in conjunction with the army corps. At Hiroshima
in the permanent military hospital, Chinese wounded by the
scores and hundreds were received and treated with the same
cure that was given to the Japanese. For order, cleanliness, and
convenience these institutions would reflect credit on any country.
Just prior to the battle of Port Arthur, the female nurses of the
Red Cross societies in Hiroshima numbered eighty-eight and more
were soon to come from Tokio. Like the men they had uniforms of
European pattern, and all wore the badge of membership. Many
had other badges representing speqial qualifications or services,
29
J596 THE HORRORS OF PORT ARTHUR.
In Corea there were two hospitals managed by the Red Cross
society, one near Chemulpo and the other near Ping- Yang. At
the seat of war the society had a staff of forty, consisting of a
chief manager, a secretary, a treasurer, five doctors, two phar-
macists in charge of the drug supplies and thirty male nurses.
To those who love contrasts, it will be startling to note the dif-
ference between the spirit of the Japanese Red Cross society,
which was doing everything that humanity and science could sug-
gest for wounded Chinamen, and that of the victorious army at
Port Arthur in its atrocious butcliery of unarmed fugitives.
The execrable deeds which followed the taking of the place
pushed into the background the question of how many hundreds
on one side or the other fell in the battle. The massacre of the
whole remaining population of Port Arthur, between two and
three thousand, without distinction of age or sex, and that by the
soldiers of Marshal Oyaraa's army, for a time passed practically
without mention in the newspapers of England and the United
States. Three of the famous correspondents who entered the
town with the Japanese army were Creelman of the New York
Worldy Villiers of the London Standard^ and Cowan of the Lon-
don Times. The first detailed description of the atrocities wit-
nessed by these correspondents was that made by Creelman, and for
a time after his story was published, other leading American jour-
nals denounced it as false. One month later it was found that
Creelman's shocking story was true in every essential particular.
No words except those from the lips of men who saw the acts of
inhuman barbarity can justly describe the scenes. Said Cowan,
in a letter dated at Kobe twelve days after the taking of Port
Arthur :
" What happened after Port Arthur fell into Japanese hands,
it would have been impossible and even dangerous to report while
on the spot. At the earliest possible moment, every foreign cor-
respondent escaped from the horrifying scene to a place where
freedom of speech would be safe ; and as we sailed away from
Port Arthur on the Nagoto Maru eight days ago, almost aston-
ished to find ourselves escaping alive from the awful epidemic of
incredible brutality, the last sounds we heard were those of shoot-
ing, of wanton murder, continued the fifth day after the great
SLAUGHTER WITHOUT REASON. 697
battle. When the Japanese army entered Port Arthur on the 21st,
beginning a little after two o'clock in the afternoon, the Chinese
had resisted desperately till the last, retreating slowly from cover
to cover, until they got back among the buildings on the out-
skirts of the town. Then at last all resistance ceased ; they were
thoroughly defeated, and made a stampede through the streets
trying to hide or to escape, east or west as best they might. I was
on the brow of a steep hill called " White Boulders," in Japan-
ese Hakugoku, commanding a close view of the whole town at
my feet. When I saw the Japanese march in, firing up the
streets and into the houses, chasing and killing every live thing
that crossed their path, I looked hard for the cause. I saw prac-
tically every shot fired, and I swear positively that not one came
from any but Japanese. I saw scores of Chinese hunted out of
cover, shot down, and hacked to pieces, and never a man made
any attempt to fight. All were in plain clothes, but that meant
nothing for the soldiers flying from death got rid of their uni-
forms how they might. Many went down on their knees, suppli-
cating with headif bent to the ground in kowtow, and in that at-
titude were butchered mercilessly by the conquering army.
Those who fled were pursued and sooner or later were done to
death. Never a shot came from a house as far as I could see, and
I could hardly believe my eyes, for, as my letters have shown,
the indisputable evidence of previous proceedings had filled me
with admiration of the gentle Japanese. So I watched intensely
for the slightest sign of cause, confident that there must be some,
but I saw none whatever. If my eyes deceived me, others were
in the same plight ; the military attaches of England and Amer-
ica were also on Boulder Hill and were equally amazed and hor-
rified. It was a gratuitous ebullition of barbarism they declared,
a revolting repudiation of pretended humanity.
" Gun shots behind us turned our attention to the north creek
leading into the broad lagoon. Here swarms of boats were mov-
ing away to the west, loaded to twice their normal limit with
panic-stricken fugitives, men, women, and children, who had
stayed too late in the beleaguered town. A troop of Japanese
cavalry with an officer, was at the head of the creek, firing sea-
ward, slaughtering all within range. An old man and two chil-
698 MURDER OF HELPLESS FUGITIVES.
dren of ten and twelve years had started to wade across the
creek ; a horseman rode into the water and shished them a dozen
times with his 8Wor.d. The sight was more than mortal man
could stand. Another poor wretch rushed out at the back of a
house as the invaders entered the frontdoor, firing promiscuously.
He got into a back lane, and a moment later found himself cor-
nered between two fires. We could hear his cry for quarter as
he bowed his head in the dust three times; the third time he rose
no more, but fell on his side, bent double in the posture of peti-
tion for the greatly vaunted mercy of the Japanese, who stood
ten paces off and exultantly emptied their guns into him.
"More of these piteous deaths we saw, unable to stay the
hands of the murderers ; more and more, far more than one can
relate, until sick and saddened beyond the power of words to
tell, we slowly made our way in the gathering gloom down the
hill, picking a path through rifle-pits thick with Chinese cart-
ridge cases, and back to headquarters. There at the Cldnese
general's pavilion, facing a spacious parade ground, Field Mar-
shal Oyama and all his officers assembled, amid the strains of
strange music from the military band, now a wierd, characteristic
Japanese march, now a lively French waltz, and ending witli the
impressive national anthem, " Kaminoga,'' and a huge roar from
twenty thousand throats, " Banzai Nippon ! " All were overflow-
ing with enthusiastic patriotism and the delight of a day's work
done, a splendid triumph after a hard fought fight ; none of the
Japanese dreamed that their guests from the west were filled with
horror, indignation, and disgust. It was a relief to get away
from that flood of fiendish exultation, to escape from the effusive
glee of our former friends, who would overwhelm us with their
attention which we loatlied like caresses from the ghouls of hell.
To have to remain among men who could do what we had seen
was little short of torture.
" Robbed of our sleep on the eve of the battle, and utterly ex-
hausted, we lay long next morning until the sound of shooting
roused us. To our surprise and dismay we found that the mas
sacre of Wednesday, which might have been explained though
certainly not excused on the ground of excitement in the heat
of battle, the flush of victory, and the knowledge of dead com-
WOMEN AND CHILDREN BUTCHERED.
599
radeti mutilated, was being continued in cold blood now. Thurs-
day, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday were spent by the soldiery in
murder and pillage from dawn to dark, in mutilation, in every con-
ceivable kind of nameless atrocity, until the town became a
ghastly Inferno to be remembered with a fearsume shudder until
one's dying day. I saw corpses of women and uhildreii, three or
four in the streets, more in the water ; I stooped to pick some of
them out to make sure that there could be no possibility of mfs-
JAPANXBB B0LDIEB8 MUTILATIMQ B0DIK8.
take. Bodies of men strewed the streets in hundreds, perhaps
thousands, for we could not count — some with not a limb unsev-
ered, some with heads hacked, cross-cut, and split lengthwise, some
ripped open, not by chance but with careful precision, down and
across, disemboweled and dismembered, with occasionally a dag-
ger or bayonet thrust in private parts. ■ I saw groups of prisoners
tied together in a bunch with their hands behind theirbacks, rid-
dled with bullets for five minutes, and then hewn in pieces. I saw
600 JAPANESE ALLEGATIONS.
a JMiik stranded on the beach, filled with fugilives uf either sex
and of all ages, struck by volley after volley until — I can say no
more.
** Meanwhile every building in the town was thoroughly ran-
sacked, every door burst open, every box and closet, every nook
and cranny looted. What was worth taking was taken, and the
rest destroyed gr thrown into the gutter. Even Mr. Hart, Rent-
er's war correspondent on the Chinese side, whom we found when
we entered Port Arthur, was robbed of everything but the clothes
he had on, while his cook and two scuUy boys in the same house
were shot at their kitchen stove, while doing nothing but their reg-
ular work. Mr. Hart himself had told the Chinese hotel keeper be-
fore the battle not to leave the town, because the Japanese would
certainly do no harm to citizens or property. So thoroughly had been
the discipline maintained, and so perfect the show of civilized
methods in warfare, that the present outburst of cold-blooded bru-
tality was the very last thing to have been thought possible.
" The Japanese alleged that the populace of the town had been
armed with guns and express ammunition, and that the army when
entering the town had been attacked from the houses. I did af-
terward find cartridges such as these lying about ; but I never saw
one fired. I never saw any attack from the houses. I saw the
Japanese firing before they entered, and as they entered, without
intermission.
" The Japanese who had been wounded and tilled or captured
in several skirmishes before the day of the battle, had been horri-
bly mutilated by the Chinese. We saw several bodies along the
line of march, and it is said others were found in the town, with
hands and heads cut off, stomachs opened, etc. And some were
burnt at Kinchow, and one said to be burnt in Port Arthur. More-
over, placards have been found offering rewards and stating prices,
for heads, hands, or prisoners. So the Japanese soldiers swore re-
venge, and they carried out their vow thoroughly in barbarous
eastern style. All that can be said is that the Chinese committed
nameless atrocities which the Japanese repaid a hundred fold.
" It is unavoidable that innocent persons must be killed in war
I do not blame the Japanese for that alone ; Chinese soldiers dress
as peasants and retain their weapons, and attack when they can
COWaN'S FtNAL OtINlON. 601
Uiicler cover of disguise. It therefore becomes excusable to some
extent to regard all Chinese as enemies, with or without uniform ;
in that the Japanese are plainly justified. But regarding them ad
enemies, it is not humanity to kill them ; they should be taken
alive. I saw hundreds killed after being captured and tied. Per-
haps that is not barbarity ; at any rate it is the truth. On the day
of the battle, soldiers fresh from the excitement of a hard strug-
gle cann(»t help being somewhat bloodthirsty, perhaps. At any
rate their nerves are tense, their blood is up, they are violently ex-
cited. Not that it is right to be so, but it is usual: But the bat-
tle was on the 21st, and still on the 25th, after four nights' sleep,
the slaughter was continued. Some allowance must be made for
the intense indignation of the soldiers whose comrades had been
mutilated by the Chinese. Indignation is perfectly justifiable ;
the Japanese were quite right to feel incensed. But why should
they express themselves in the very same barbarous manner? Is
it because they are also barbarous at heart like the Chinese ? Of
course they say * No.' Then they will have to prove it, for the
fact remains that a dozen white men saw these Japanese commit
these savageries for four clear days after the day of the fight."
Creelman's story was as graphic and as shocking in its details,
and included many of the same sights which were related by
Cowan. He says in part : " The story of the taking of Port Ar-
thur will be one of the blackest pages in history. An easy vic-
tory over a Chinese mob, and the possession of one of the most
powerful strongholds in the world, was too great a strain upon the
Japanese character, which relapsed in a few hours back to the state
from which it awakened a generation ago. Almost the entire
population found in Port Arthur have been massacred, and the
work of butchering unarmed and unresisting inhabitants has
continued day after day until the streets are choked with corpses.
The march upon helpless Peking or a surrender of Cliina to her
foe is a small matter in its vital significance compared with this
appalling crime against the nineteenth century, at a moment when
Japan asks to be admitted as an equal into the family of civilized
nations. The Japanese lost about fifty dead and two hundred and
fifty wounded in carrying a fortress that would have cost them ten
thousand men had it been occupied by European or American
602 CREELMAN'S GRAPHIC ACCOUNT.
troops, and yet the sense of uncontrolled power which let loose
the savagery which had been pent up in the Japanese under the
external forms of civilization, has proved the utter incapability
of the nation to stand the one sure test. Japan stands disgraced
before the world. She has violated the Geneva convention, dis-
honored and profaned the Red Cross, and banished humanity and
mercy from her councils. Victory and a new lust for dominion
have set her mad.
'^ All attempts to justify the massacre of the wretched people
of Port Arthur and the mutilation of their bodies, are mere after-
thoughts. The evidence is clear and overwhelming that it was
the sudden breaking down of Japanese civilization under the
stress of conscious power. The tremendous facts revealed by the
war so far arc, that there is practically no Chinese army in ex-
istence; that Japan has been arraying herself in the outward
garb of civilization, without having gone through the process of
moral and intellectual development necessary to grasp the ideas
upon which modern civilization is founded; that Japan at heart
is a barbarous nation, not yet to be trusted with sovereign power
over the lives and property of civilized men. Up to the moment
Port Arthur was entered I can bear witness that both of her
armies now in the field were chivalrous and generous to the
enemy. There was not a stain on her flag. But it was all blind
sentiment. The Japanese were playing with the Red Cross as
with a new toy and their leaders were never weary of calling the
attention of other nations to the spectacle.
" When Port Arthur fell, not even the presence of the horrified
British and American military attaches and of foreign newspaper
correspondents served to check the carnival of murder. I have
again and again tried to save helpless men from slaughter by
protest and entreaty, but in vain. The sign of the Red Cross
was jeered at, and in the midst of the orgies of blood and rapine,
with troops tramping over the bodies of unarmed victims who lost
their homes, the fat field marshal and his generals paced smiling,
content at the sound of rifle shots mingling with the music of the
national hymn and the clink of wine glasses. I am satisfied that
not more than one hundred Chinamen were killed in fair battle
at Port Arthur and that at least two thousand unarmed men were
ADDITIONAL TESTIMONY. 603
put to death. Tt may be called the natural result of the fury of
troops who have seen the mutilated corpses of their comrades, or
it may be called retaliation, but no civilized nation could be
capable of the atrocities I have witnessed in Port Arthur. Every
scene I have described I have looked upon myself, either in the
presence of the American and British military attaches, or in the
company of Mr. Cowan or Mr. Villiers. The field marshal and
all his generals were aware that the massacre was being continued
day after day.
*' We watched the Second regiment as it marched into town,
firing volleys as it advanced. Not a shot was fired in reply.
The soldiers had made their escape, and the frightened inhabi-
tants were cowering in the streets.
As the troops moved on they saw
the heads of their slain comrades
lianging by cords with the noses
iind ears gone. There was a rude
arch in the main street decorated
with bloody Japanese heads. A
great slaughter followed. The in-
furiated soldiers killed every one
they saw, I can say as an eyewit-
ness that the wretched people of ■^mj
Port Arthur made no attempt to
resist the invaders. Just below me
was a hospital fiying the Red Cross
flag, but the Japanese fired upon
the unarmed men who came out of the doorway. A merchant in
fur cap knelt down and raised his hands in entreaty. As the
soldiers shot him he put his bands over his face. I saw his corpse
the next day, slashed beyond recognition. Women and children
were hunted and shot at as they fled to the hills with their pro-
tectors. All along the streets I could see the bleeding store
keepers shot and sabered. A junk was discovered in the harbor
crowded with fugitives. A platoon was stretched across the end
of a wharf, and fired into the boat until every man, woman and
child was killed. The torpedo boats outside had already sunk
ten junks filled with terror stricken people.
burshal oyaha.
604 DETAILS OF THE ATROCITIES.
'* Tlie Japanese had tasted blood, and the work went on the
second day. I saw four men walking peaceably along the edge
of the town, one man in the street carried a naked infant in his
arms. As he ran he dropped the baby. I found it an hour later,
dead. The third, the father of the baby tripped and fell. In an
instant a soldier had pounced upon his back with a naked bayonet
in his hand. I ran forward and made the sign of the Red Cross
on the white non-combatant's bandage around my. arm, but the
appeal was useless. The bayonet was plunged three or four
times into the neck of the prostrate man, and then he was left to
gasp his life out on the ground. I hurried back to my quarters
and awakened Frederick Villiers, who went with me to the spot
where I left the dying man. He was dead, but his wounds were
still smoking.
" While we were bending over the corpse we heard shooting a
few yards around a road, and went forward to see what it was.
We saw an old man standing with his hands tied behind his back.
On the ground beside him were the writhing bodies of three other
pinioned men who had just been shot. As we advanced a soldier
shot the old man down. This was the third day after the battle.
Next day I went in company with Mr. Villiers to see a courtyard
filled with mutilated corpses. As we entered we surprised two
soldiers bending over one of the bodies. They had ripped open
the corpse. When they saw us they cowered and tried to hide
their faces."
It is but fair to the Japanese to relate what they had to ofiFer
in contravention of these shocking reports so well substantiated.
The Japanese minister to Great Britain, Mr. Takaki Kato, while
passing through New York some weeks after the taking of Port
Arthur, offered these explanations.
" Port Arthur, while vastly important as a stragetic point, was
scarcely more than a village as far as the number of its inhabitants
was concerned. These, which at the outside could not have num-
bered more than two or three thousand, consisted of a few petty
merchants, laborers, and workmen in the docks, their families,
and the wives and children of some of the soldiers. This was
all that Port Arthur consisted of, as far as population was con-
cerned in times of peace, except the military forces that manned
JAPANESE REPLIES. 606
the forts. Second, it had long been known that the Japanese
forces were advancing on the fort. All the non-combatants,
women and children, were removed to places of safety long before
the battle began ; indeed the exodus was begun fully a month
beforehand. Third, in the face of these reports of wholesale
slaughter, how do you account for the fact that between three and
four hundred Chinese soldiers were taken prisoners in and about
the town of Port Arthur immediately after its occupation ?
" The victorious army was compelled before entering the town
to pass through a narrow defile which was strewn with the muti-
lated bodies of their advance troops. There lay their comrades
in arms, not only dead, but with every evidence that they had
been tortured to death by the most revolting and brutal methods.
Picture such a scene of horror, and you will have a faint concep-
tion of the sight that greeted our victorious soldiers as they
marched through that narrow pass. These were their comrades,
their companions, that lay before them as ghastly evidences of
inhuman brutality. Can. you appreciate the low murmur of hor-
ror that passed along the line ? Can you understand how each
man then and there in his heart determined to avenge such fiend-
ishness, and then can you blame our men for killing every Chinese
soldier found hidden in the town when they first entered ? Yes,
there were excesses, regrettable but surely exhonorable excesses,
after the battle of Port Arthur. But these wild tales of the
wholesale slaughter of innocent women are fiction pure and sim-
ple. A few women may have been killed in the general melee
that followed the first entrance into the town, but that was acci-
dent, not intention, if it occurred at all. With a very few excep-
tions all the men killed proved to be Chinese soldiers who had dis-
carded their arms and uniforms.
" What our troops saw of Chinese barbarity did not begin with
Port Arthur nor did it end there. The most atrocious cruelties
were the rule at Ping Yang, Kinchow, and indeed every engage-
ment. Before accepting this reported wantonness of our troops
at Port Arthur we must take into consideration what the Japan-
ese troops did beforehand what they have done since. Nowhere
has there been butchery or cruelty, but kindness, moderation and
nobility. This in spite of all that our soldiers saw of the fate of
606 TALES OF CHINESE BARBARITY.
•
their uuliappy companions ; tliis in the face of new barbarities
that were revealed almost daily. Is this not a credit to our sol-
diers worthy of national pride and international appreciations ? '*
The variety of explanations oflFered to excuse the atrocities was
considerable. It was reported from Port Arthur a few days after
the charges had been made, that the capture of the place was in-
deed marked by regrettable excesses, but the offenders were not
regular soldiers. It was said that the night after the capture of
the stronghold, a number of coolies attached to the army as laborei*s
came into the town from the camps. These men carried swords,
in order to obviate the necessity of always having regular troops
told off for their protection. Unfortunately they obtained access
to some Chinese stores of liquor, and became intoxicated.
While in this condition they were reminded of the atrocioud
cruelties committed by the Chinese upon defenseless Japanese
prisoners, and became frenzied. All the coolies practically ran
amock, and no Chinamen whom they met was spared. It was
declared that some of the coolies were at once arrested, and
that Marshal Oyama was already investigating the affair, when
he received instructions from imperial headquarters at Hiroshima
to institute a rigorous inquiry.
The barbarities practised by the Chinese against the Japanese,
which resulted in the atrocious retaliation, were fully corroborated
from many sources. A correspondent of the American Bible
Society wrote thus from Shanghai :
" The reported inhuman atrocities of the Chinese are fully con-
firmed. They were guilty of barbarities too revolting to men-
tion. A scouting party of Japanese, including an interpreter, were
captured by the Chinese near Port Arthur just before the attack
on the fortress. They were fastened to stakes by nails through
their shoulders, burned alive, and then quartered and their ghastly
remains stuck up on poles by the roadside. Some Japanese mem-
bers of the Red Cross society were captured by the Chinese sol-
diers and flayed alive. During the attack on Port Arthur the de-
fenders used explosive bullets. Is it any wonder that the Jap-
anese generals issued the order that no quarter should be shown ?
The track of the retreating army has been marked by pillage,
ANSWERS OF THE JAPANESE. 607
rapine, wanton destruction and outrage, so that the people wel-
come the Japanese."
Japanese diplomats in Washington did not take kindly to the
civilized censure of Japanese atrocities. Tliey had read up on
Andersonville, Libby Prison, Fort Pillow, Wounded Knee, the
British cruelties 'in India and Africa, the Russian record, and
they were ready to compare notes with civilized armies on the
subject of cruelty in war. They also brought forward native
Japanese papers which described the taking of Port Arthur, and
declared that those who were killed after the assault suffered only
because of the frenzy of a few Japanese, shocked by what they
had seen of the cruelties to their own comrades. It was declared
that the Japanese officers and the body of the troops did all in
their power to stop the bloodshed. Furthermore, the Japanese
government asked for a suspension of judgment until the merits
of the case could be investigated.
The savage massacres which marked the capture of Port Ar-
thur were not the first, nor will they be the last which will dis-
grace the conduct of troops calling themselves civilized. English
troops were guilty of similar massacre in the Peninsular cam-
paign, at least one time in the Crimea, and repeatedly in suppress-
ing rebellion in India. Our own troops in the west have been
stung to ruthless massacre by the discovery of their tortured dead
in Indian villages. Fort Pillow gave ghastly proof of the readi-
ness to butcher in our war. French troops in Algeria, New Zea-
land colonists in suppressing a Maori rising, and Boers in South
Africa have slaughtered without mercy. These occasions neither
palliate nor excuse barbarity. It is wrong in all races, and in all
races from time to time it will come to the surface. The amazing
fact about Japan is that it is the first Asiatic nation in all history
which has fought any battles and conducted any military opera-
tions without massacre. The slaughter or slavery of surrendered
troops has been the unbroken rule of Asiatic warfare for centur-
ies. Japan has actually been able to reverse the practice and
habit of generations, to school its soldiers to mercy, and even
in the present instance it has been followed, as Wellington's
massacres in the Peninsula never were, by investigation and an
attempt at repressing like disorder in the future.
808 PARALLELS OF CRUELTY.
As an indication of the trend of thought of Chinese news-
papers, and of ignorance of the Chinese people concerning the
truth of the war, it is amusing to note the report of one of the
vernacular papers on the fall of Port Arthur. This paper editor-
ially says: — "In allowing the Japanese to take Port Arthur, Gen-
eral Tso was actuated by motives of the deepest' strategy, and the
able manner in which he attained his end, without allowing his
opponents to penetrate his designs, stamps him as one of the
greatest military commanders China has ever seen. Knowing
Peking to be the ultimate goal of the Japanese, General Tso was
satisfied that should a too obstinate resistance be offered at any
point, the Japanese would leave the Chinese unconquered in his
rear, and would push on to the capital ; whereas, if an important
place like Port Arthur should fall into their hands, the little men
would enjoy the sensation as they would a new toy, and it would
delay them in their march while the road to Peking was rendered
impregnable. General Tso, therefore, inflicted all the loss possi-
ble upon the Japanese, without allowing them to be absolutely
discouraged, and then when defeat was staring his opponents in
the face, gave the signal to his troops to retreat, which they did in
good order. So great was the loss of the Japanese, that it was
not until some hours after the last Chinese soldier had departed,
that they ventured to enter the forts.
"General Tso displayed marked military skill in his defensive
tactics, and by ordering half-charges of powder to be used in the
big guns, and filling the shell and torpedoes with sand, deluded
the innocent commander of the Japanese fleet into the belief
that the defenses and sea forts of Port Arthur were innocuous.
As a result the Japanese fleet boldly ventured close to the forts
and within the line of the torpedo defenses, and before they dis-
covered their mistake three men-of-war, seven transports, and
twenty-one torpedo boats were sunk by the Chinese fire and sub-
marine mines. The result of General Tso's actions prove, as we
have always maintained, that it is inadvisable for China to employ
other than native commanders in the present war. In hand-to-
hand combats the savage and flesh-eating Fanquoi is physically
superior to our men, but no man other than one conversant with
the military wisdom of our enlightened race could have planned
CHINESE SERENITY. 609
and brought to a successful conclusion the train of events which
ended in the offering of Port Arthur as a bait to our diminutive
opponents."
From a military point of view, the capture of Port Arthur by
the Japanese was an event of the first importance, while its moral
effect and its consequent influence upon the diplomatic situation
was very great. It transferred from one side to the other all the
a<l vantages of a fully equipped arsenal and dockyard, occupying
a commanding strategical position, and therefore modified all the
conditions, naval as well as militar}^ of the campaign. It made
the defense more hopeless than ever, and extended the chain of
Chinese disaster.
CHANG VEN HOON.
Enmy Knl by China la J-iNn <" n>«o<iaU urmi of OBKt beTon Ihl dH|*lch ol
Li Huog Chanc.— Ste VH" ^i >"<d 651.
FROM PORT ARTHUR TO WEI-HAI-WEI.
China Makes Another Attempt towards Peace— The Envoy Rejected Because of lack of
Credentials and Rank— President Cleveland Offers to Help Create Peace— Chinese and
Manchoos at War— Japanese Victories Immediately after the Taking of Port Arthnr—
More Corean Politics- The Third Japanese Army— Preparing for a Descent on the Chinese
Mainland— Wei hal-wel and Its Capture.
Even before Port Arthur had fallen, China was making an-
other attempt to secure peace through the intervention of foreign
nations. As this seemed slow in coming, however, it was decided
that an informal effort to stop hostilities would be made, one in-
deed of such a sort that it might be disavowed if criticism seemed
to demand. Consequently, Mr. Gustav Detring, the Chinese
Commissioner of Customs under Sir Robert Hart, was sent to
Japan to feel the way in preliniinary negotiations. In its per-
plexity and distress, the Chinese government took the step which
only extremity could have driven it to take. It swallowed the
pill which was of all things most bitter. The emperor, on the
advice of his council and at the instigation of Prince Kung and
Li Hung Chang, appointed a foreigner as envoy to Japan. The
office was not one which timid Chinamen would envy, because
none of them were atnbitious to hand down their names to pos-
terity in connection with the humiliation of their country. The
wisest man in office was Prince Kung, but he was not the dicta-
tor which he was supposed to be. He was thwarted by other in-
fluences, among them the Grand Council, of which he was not
but ought to have been a member.
In this confusion, the grand imperial effort towards centraliza-
tion of authority had partially at least failed, and the failure had
the effect of rehabilitating for the moment the Viceroy Li Hung
Chang, who once more stood out as the only possible practical
man. This aged statesman had many faults, which those who
were nearest to him saw most clearly, but if we compare even his
faults with the wisdom of his compeers, he was still the one-eyed
man among the blind, the only man at the time in the empire
80 (611)
612 MR. DETRING AS AN ENVOY.
who was capable of anything, and whose removal from the scene
would have been regarded with grave apprehension by all who
were interested in the maintenance of order against chaos.
Mr. Detring, with his suite, left Tientsin November 22 by rail
to Tung-ku, embarked there on a steamer, under the German
flag, called the Li-yu, and steamed down the Gulf of Pechili past
Chefoo and Wei-hai-wei. Not until the vessel reached Japan did
they know of the fall of Port Arthur. The vessel proceeded to
Kobe, where no one was permitted to land at first. The envoy at
once sought communication with Count Ito, and applied to the
local authorities to inform His Excellency thereof. The result
was not an invitation to Mr. Detring to visit Hiroshima, but the
dispatch of the Secretary-General of the cabinet, Mr. Ito Moiji, to
confer with him at Kobe. From this point there is a difference
of statement as to what occurred. The Chinese declare that be-
fore the arrival of the secretary, Mr. Detring had been recalled
by his government, and having taken leave of the governor he
left at daylight on the 29th without waiting to see Mr. Ito, who
had arrived the previous night. The Japanese, on the contrary,
assert that they refused to entertain any proposals from Mr.
Detring, as he was not properly accredited and had no authority
whatever to make peace negotiations. However that may be, it
is certain that he returned to China without having an audience
with any Japanese ofiScials, and that the peace negotiations were
never even begun.
The next surprise was that whereas the United States had de-
clined to entertain England's proposal for a coalition of powers
to restore peace to the orient. President Cleveland subsequently
tendered to Japan his good offices as mediator. He hoped that
by his aid peace might be restored, and restored in such a manner
as to secure to Japan the just fruits of her victories. A reply
declining his proposal, couched in duly grateful terms, was con-
veyed to the president by Japan, and he having learned in the
interval that the^European powers would not agree to intervene
conjointly, ceased his own activity. It was still hoped however
that Minister Denby at Peking and Minister Dun at Tokio would
be able to use their good offices in advancing peace. Japan was
holding out the insistence that China must speak for herself if
PRESIDENT CLEVELAND INTERVENES. 613
she wanted peace. Japan however did go so far as to say that if
China had any propositions of peace to make, they might be
transmitted in the beginning through the United States ministers
in Japan and China. It was still evident however, that China
would hold off as long as possible, in the hope that something
would turn up to relieve her of the necessity of suing for peace.
The Manchoo princes feared and mistrusted the Chinese, who
seemed to be indifferent to the issue of the war, and intent only
on obtaining individual advantage. It was reiterated again and
again, that the Chinese secret societies desired Japanese success
in order that the Manchoo dynasty be overthrown and the
Chinese restored to power. Captain Von Hannecken, at the re-
quest of the Tsung-li Yamen, submitted a comprehensive scheme
of military reorganization. This was approved by the emperor
and the Manchoo statesmen, but was frustrated by the strategem
of certain wealthy taotais, on the alleged ground of economy.
The question was then referred from Peking to Tien-tsin. Thus
the central and provincial governments reduced each other to
impotence. Genuine reform in China appeared to be hopeless,
owing to the invincible ignorance of the rulers. There was much
popular discontent at the imbecility of the government.
Let us now return to the other forces of Chinese and Japanese,
whose movements, comparatively unimportant, have been neg-
lected for the advance on Port Arthur. A considerable portion
of the Chinese fleet was still in the harbor at Wei-hai-wei, some-
times cruising out for a little while, but usually safe at anchor.
Several of the Chinese vessels had slipped out of Port Arthur
harbor when Japanese backs were turned, and steamed across to
supposed safety at Wei-hai-wei. On November 22 the Chen-
Yuen, the largest and most formidable battle ship remaining to
the Chinese, ran ashore while entering Wei hai-wei harbor, and
trying to avoid the torpedoes placed in the channel. She was
somewhat damaged by a torpedo, and was finally beached and
rendered useless for the time. Commodore Liu Taitsan, who was
in command of the vessel, anticipated official condemnation by
committing suicide.
The fall of Port Arthur was followed immediately by a succes-
sion of victories for the Japanese arms in Mancbooria, the first
614 OPERATIONS IN MANCHOORIA.
Japanese army continuing its success. The advance of this army
towards Mukden terrorized the people of Manchooria, and the
abandonment of the sacred city by its inhabitants began. The
country around was in a state of desolation. The wounded mostly
remained in villages between Niuchwang and Mukden, the state
of the country preventing the Chinese medical staff and foreign
volunteers from proceeding thither. Mukden was evacuated in
the beginning of November by the foreign residents, who re-
mained at Niuchwang. The Roman Catholic fathei*s remained at
their station in Manchooria, but the Protestant missionaries re-
turned to safer regions.
At Jeh-ho the Mongols rose in rebellion, in revenge for the
assassination of six Mongolian princes. Troops had to be called
to put down the insurrection, as had so often occurred before
during the war.
On the day of the taking of Port Arthur, a large body of
Chinese troops under General Sung attacked Talien-wan and
Kinchow, where Japanese had been left to guard baggage trains
and provisions. The conflicts were sharp, and a number was
killed on both sides, but the Chinese were finally forced to retire.
The day after Port Arthur's fall, the greater portion of Count
Oyama's array turned and marched northward through the Laio.
Tung promontor}', in the direction of Niuchwang. Ten thousand
troops were left behind to guard Japanese interests at Port Arthur.
November 25, sharp fighting took place near the Mo-thien-ling
pass, between a portion of General Sung's army and the Japanese
under Count Yamagata. After the Chinese troops had retired
from Chiu-lien, they concentrated north of Mo-thien-ling, and the
engagement was an attempt to turn the Japanese right flank at
Tsokow. The conflict opened with a sharp fusillade, and the
Chinese fought with considerable stubbornness for a time, losing
heavily before they finally retired. The attack was the most de-
termined effort tliat the Chinese had made since Ping- Yang. The
alarm wliich existed among the residents of Manchooria, causing
their exodus to Niuchwang, was caused quite as much by Chinese
soldiery retreating or disbanded, as by the Japanese army's ad
vance. Many deserters had joined the bands of robbers and
brigands to raid the country \u every direction.
CHINESE AGAIN DEFEATED. 615
The first army, under Field Marshal Yamagata, finding the
country in the direction of Mukden wasted and deserted, wiiile
guerrilla troops iiarassed them continually, now abandoned the
march to Mukden and joined the second army, which had turned
north, near Niuchwang, Field Marshal Oyama had sent his
transports and a portion of his fleet around the Liao-Tung penin-
sula, to move towards Niuchwang, paralled with his army. Gen-
eral Techimi's division met the enemy December 10, and after a
pitched battle defeated them with heavy loss. It being reported
that a large force of Chinese under General I was encamped near
Kinkua-hu, General Techimi was ordered to advance upon that
place. His scouts reported the Chinese to be in considerable
force, and to consist of cavalry as well as infantry. General
Techimi separated his division into two columns, and delivered a
simultaneous attack early in the morning. The Chinese offered
a stout resistance, and severe fighting ensued. The superior
shooting and discipline of the Japanese soon told. The enemy
were gradually driven back, and finally they broke and fled in dis-
order, the Japanese pursuing them for several miles. The majority
of the Chinese escaped in the direction of Tso-hun-kou. The
Japanese lost about forty killed and wounded, and their opponents
one hundred.
Field Marshal Tamagata, who had been in command of the first
army since its organization, at last broke down in health under
the strain of his responsibility and labor, and was compelled to
return home in the hope of restoring his health. He was suc-
ceeded by Lieutenant-General Nodzu, his friend and adviser with
the troops. The news of Yaraagata's illness caused much distress
in Japan, and he was welcomed with the highest honors, both from
the government and the people.
In China the position of the government seemed to be pre-
carious. Dissatisfaction was rife in Peking and Tien-tsin over
the conduct of the war, and every one in turn was accused of
responsibility in the matter. The Manchoo and Chinese elements
were bitterly opposed, and an anti-war which advocated peace at
any price was increasing rapidly. The court of inquiry which sat
at Peking to inquire into the circumstances connected with the
loss of Kinchow and Talien-wan, held that Kinchow was strong
616 IN CHINA AND COREA.
and well-garrisoned and ought never to have been suiTendered.
The commandant was therefore sentenced to degradation from
military ranks for allowing the Japanese to take the place. The
foreign residents in Peking, Tien-tsin, and Chefoo were by this
time getting nervous over their own prospects for safety, owing to
the disorder and rioting that prevailed, enhanced by the threat-
ened invasion of the Japanese army. Marines were sent to
Peking from the war ships of all western nations in Japanese
waters, and attached to the legation for the protection of their
countrymen iu China. Anti foreign feeling in the capital was on
the increase, and the blue jackets were welcomed most heartily
when they landed.
Early in December Corea suffered another political crisis, owing
to the duplicity of the government. All the Corean ministers
professed gratitude to Japan, for giving them the opportunity of
undertaking the administrative and social regeneration of their
country. They promised Count Inouye, the Japanese resident,
faithfully to follow his advice and to carry out with the least pos-
sible delay the program of reforms recommended by him. Count
Inouye however discovered, that while making these professions,
the ministers were plotting to obstruct his policy of reform, and
had even gone so far as to send messengers to various parts of the
country to incite the people to rise against the Japanese. He
therefore informed the Corean government that Japan would give
no further assistance to the king in suppressing the Tonghak
rebellion. The minister of the interior at once resigned, and the
king promised to make inquiry and punish those guilty of
treachery. In a private audience. Count Inouye sharply remon-
strated with His Majesty, explained that reforms were necessary
to save the country from barbarism, complained of the encourage-
ment given to the plotters and repeated his threat to recall the
Japanese troops sent out against the Tonghaks. The king prom-
ised that matters would be put right. The following day the
ministers called in a body upon Count Inouye- They admitted that
they had behaved in a deceitful manner, begged that he would
pardon tlieir duplicit^s and assured him that they would in future
give faithful consideration to his suggestions and his schemes of
jnternal reform.
CAPTURE OF FOOCHOW. 617
There is a little confusiou in the names of towns around the
Gulf of Liao-Tung, owiug to the duplication of names. Kinchow
is a village to the north of Talien-wan Bay. and was one of the
first points of attack by the Japanese when they landed on the
promontory. At the extreme northern point of the gulf is a city
of the same name, and several reports that were made as to the
capture of Kinchow were discredited because of this confusion.
The first Kinchow was indeed occupied by Japanese troops from
the time of its capture. The other one, however, was not threat-
ened at all. Unless mention is made here to the contrary, refer-
ences to troop movements around Kinchow refer to the village at
the head of the promontory.
The bulk of the second Japanese army moved to Kinchow, on
its way northward after the capture of Port Arthur, and the Chi-
nese force which attacked the Japanese garrison at Kinchow on
November 22, fell back to Foochow, a little to the northward of
Port Arthur, on the road to Niuchwang. About the 1st of De-
cember General Nogi's brigade left Kinchow, with orders from
Marshal Oyama to attack Foochow. The garrison of the city was
reported to number five thousand, and the position was favorable
for defense. The brigade moved forward very rapidly, as there
was no organized opposition to its advance. On the 4th, General
Nogi heard that the Chinese were retreating, and on the following
day the Japanese entered Foochow without firing a shot. The
Chinese had evacuated the city and had retreated northward to-
wards Niuchwang.
The first Japanese army continued clearing the country north
of the Yalu. Large bodies of Chinese were in the triangle formed
by lines drawn between Chiu-lien, Niuchwang, and Mukden. The
mountains around about Feng-hwang, which constituted a strong
strategic position, had been in the hands of the Japanese since
October, and now General Tatsumi attacked the highest pass,
Lien-shankuan, from the east. On December 12 a strong Jap-
anese scouting party from Feng-hwang sighted a large force of
Chinese advancing from the west. The Japanese, who consisted
entirely of cavalry, sent word back to Feng-hwang, and keeping
the Chinese in sight fell back upon the main body. The Chinese
pushed on as far as Yih-man-shan, where they encamped for the
618 CHINESE FIGHT BRAVELY.
night. The Japanese force set out to attack the Chinese position,
and at dawn the next morning the fight began. The Chinese
were fully four thousand strong, and while the fight was in prog-
ress two more regiments joined them. The Japanese fell back to
a stronger position, and adopted defensive tactics. The Chinese
forces, emboldened by their temporary success, made repeated ef-
forts to break through the Japanese lines, but each attack was
repulsed. Seeing that the Chinese were in such force, General
Nodzu ordered one battalion of the fifth division to reinforce the
garrison of Feng-hwang. This reinforced garrison then started
on Thursday night, December 13, to strengthen the Japanese ad-
vance posts at Yih-man-shan. Colonel Tomayasu was in com-
mand of the Japanese force, which numbered one thousand four
hundred men with six field guns.
At daybreak an attack was made upon the Chinese left flank.
The enemy was well posted, and fought better than any troops
heretofore encountered by the Japanese in Manchooria. The
struggle was a severe one, but the Chinese left wing gave way
before the Japanese charge, and threw the center into confusion.
A hot and continuous fire prevented the Chinese from recovering
their formation, and a second charge drove them into a disorderly
retreat. The contents of the camp and thirty prisoners fell into
the hands of the Japanese. The Chinese lost some two hundred
and fifty killed and wounded and the Japanese about one hundred.
It is difficult to convey a clear idea of the various operations in
Manchooria, for no map accessible to general readers is sufficiently
accurate to afford trustworthy indications, and the field of fight-
ing extended over a considerable area among places too small in
many instances to be recorded on a map. There were in fact, at
this time, December, three Japanese and three Chinese armies
operating in Manchooria. The Japanese forces consisted of the
second army under Oyama, in the Liao-Tung peninsula, and the
right and left wings of Yamagata's force, who had been suc-
ceeded by Nodzu. The first army, Yamagata's, after passing the
Yalu and capturing Chiu-lien, separated into two parts, the right
wing nominally twelve thousand five hundred strong, moving
northward along the Mukden road under the command of Nodzu^
and the left wing of equal strength, under the command of
DISTRIBUTION OF ARMIES. 619
Katsura, moving westward down the Yalu, its object being ulti-
mately to establish communication with Oyama*s forces, twenty-
two thousand strong, when the capture of Port Arthur should
have freed the latter to advance northeastward up the peninsula.
The Chinese armies were also three. One of these armies was
massed at the north, defending the approaches to Mukden. It ag-
gregated about twenty-five thousand men so far as could be ascer-
tained, hut its fragmentary fashion of fighting rendered a total
estimate difficult. The second army was grouped in the south-
west, guarding the coast roads to China proper, via Niuchwang.
This army, according to the accounts, aggregated about thirty
thousand. Its headquarters were at Kai phing, where a junction
would naturally be effected between Oyama's forces and the left
wing of Yamagata's army. The easiest method of obtaining a
clear idea of the situation, is to follow in outline, the operations
of the various armies.
The southeastern Chinese army was composed of the Amoor
frontier forces, under General I. It was moved down under di-
rect orders from the throne, the strategical idea being to strike
swiftly and secretly at Marshal Yamagata's weak point, namely,
his long line of communications between the Yalu River and his
outposts, fifty miles north of Feng-hwang. Thus General I's
operations ultimately resolved themselves into an attempt to re-
cover Feng-hwang. He marched against it from three directions,
the main northerly road, and two easterly roads. The Japanese
did not wait to receive his attack. On December 10, Major-Gen-
eral Techimi, who commanded the van of the Japanese right
wing, launched his battalion at I's van of three thousand men on
the main road, and by consecutive onsets cut the enemy in two,
driving a part of his force into the mountains eastward, and a
part along the main road northward. Two days later a reconnois-
sance sent eastward from Feng-hwang found the main body of Fs
forces on the Aiyang-pien road, and the following morning a bat-
talion moved out to attack him. But it having been seen that he
mustered fully six thousand, and that advancing along two roads
his front extended over a distance of more than three miles, the
Japanese plan was modified so as to deliver the chief assault
against his left wing, orders being^ also forwarded to Techimi, then
620 A VIGOROUS CAMPAIGN.
operating north of Feng-hwang to move east and south with the
object of taking Fs right wing in the rear. December 14 saw the
attack on the Tartar general's left wing. It was completely rolled
back and broken, the Japanese pursuing its remnants far into the
mountains. The Chinese lost one hundred and fifty killed and
sixteen prisoners, and abandoned four Krupp guns, a number of
horses, and a quantity of war material. The Japanese had twelve
killed and sixty-three wounded. Fs right wing made no attempt
to hold its ground after the defeat of the left. It retired in a
northeasterly direction and its retreat was subsequently changed
into a route by collision with a Japanese pursuing column sent out
from Techimi*s position.
The northerly army of China consisted of that portion of Gen-
eral Sung's troops that retreated along the main road towards Muk-
den after the fall of Chiu-lien and Feng-hwang, together with the
Mukden garrison. They held the pass of Mo-thien-ling against
several attacks of the Japanese, and remained there in force after
severe winter set in. They had several collisions with Techimi's
outposts, but none of importance to the general conduct of the war.
The western Chinese army consisted partly of troops originally
engaged in the defense of Chiu-lien and Feng-hwang, partly of
the Niuchwang garrison, and partly of a Mongolian force that
had come down to join them from the northwest. This was the
largest force and aggregated nearly sixty thousand. After the
battles ai-ound the lower Yalu, these troops had been driven inland
by the Japanese, taking Hai-tcheng as their objective point, but
halting on the way at Siu-Yen. They were driven out of here
by the Japanese, and moved westward to Simu-tcheng, a town
eighteen miles southeast of Hai-tcheng. On December 11, the
Japanese troops under Osako, moving northward from Siu-Yan,
reached the advance -posts of the enemy and made an attack. The
Chinese force consisting of three thousand infantry and four
hundred calvary, with eight guns, was driven back after a brief
resistance, and the next day another body four thousand five
hundred strong, with six guns, was dislodged from a position
three or four miles further on. The Japanese, following up
their advantage, took possession of the Simu-tcheng the same
afternoon. This division and the co-operating division which had
JAPANESE AGAIN SUCCESSFUL. 621
•
taken another road, ei^tered the place almost simultaneously after
two days of unbroken success. They advanced together on the
following day, and at 11:00 A. M. Hai-tcheng was in their pos-
session. Its garrison was found to consist of only one thousand
five hundred men, who after a show of resistance retired north-
eastward in the direction of Liao-Yang. The occupation of Hai-
tcheng placed the Japanese on the high road from Niuchwang to
Mukden, some twenty miles from Niuchwang and eighty from
Mukden. This was a position of considerable strategical import-
ance. For the moment however, Japnese troops turned south-
ward a few miles in the direction of Kao-Khan, a fortified town
not far from tlie mouth of the Liao River. This movement was
connected with the march of the second army up the Laio-Tung
peninsula, to which reference must now be made.
After the capture of Port Arthur and the completion of arrange-
ments relating to the occupation of that place, Marshal Oyama
returned to Kinchow and made preparations to advance north-
ward against Foochow, an important walled town of twenty-five
thousand inhabitants fifty-three miles to the northward. General
Sung, with some six thousand men held Foochow, and a vigorous
resistance was anticipated. But on December 5, the Japanese van
entered the town unopposed. The advance was then resumed to
Kai-phing, a city of still greater importance sixty-three miles
distant. And as this army moved northward, the left wing of the
first army moved southward from Hai-tcheng, as has just been
said, threatening Kaiphingfrom the other side and cutting off the
garrison's direct line of retreat. It is interesting to note that
wherever Jiipanese troops took possession of a city or district, an
oflBcer was immediately appointed to be military governor, the
inhabitants were kindly treated, and every effort was made to
preserve peace and free the natives from annoyance or oppression*
On the 17th and 18th of December the scouts of General
Katsura's division brought word to him of important movements
of the enemy, who appeared to be advancing in strong force. All
this proved to be nothing more formidable than the flight of Gen-
eral Sung's army northward. On the night of the 18th the
Chinese army was ascertained to be passing within a few miles of
the Japanese camp, and Katsura therefore moved against them
622 EXCITEMENT IN PEKING.
with hi8 full strength. The Chinese wexe overtaken on the fol-
lowing morning. Osako's brigade was the first to be engaged.
The enemy made a stand at the village of Kungwasai and severe
fighting ensued. While this was proceeding Oshima's brigade
coming from Hai-tcheng entered the field and joined hands with
Osako. The combined force consisted of four complete regiments,
five batteries of artillery, besides other troops. The Japanese ar-
tillery, which was well placed, played havoc with the Chinese,
who stubbornly stood their ground. The Japanese infantry
charged splendidly and cut their way through the Chinese army,
but the enemy rallied and fired steadily. A desperate hand to-
hand struggle took place. After five hours' fighting, the Chi-
nese began to falter and soon they. were in full and disorderly
flight, some to the westward and others north. The Chinese lost
probably five hundred killed and wounded and the Japanese loss,
too, was very severe. This was probably the most obstinate en-
gagement yet fought by the armies in Manchooria. The Chinese
had strongly entrenched themselves at the little village of Kung-
wasai, near Hai tcheng, and they defended their position most
vigorously. The ground was thick with snow, and the battle was
a desperate one. Charge after charge made by the Japanese was
faced and the assaulting troops driven back. But with a fourth
charge the battle ended, the Japanese rushing into the Chinese
works and carrying everything before them.
The constant succession of defeats of the Chinese forces, made
imperial circles in Peking a nest of nervous uncertainty. Fac-
tional fights existed among the oflBcials, and no one knew when
his position or his head was safe. The empress dowager re-
mained firm in her confidence in Li Hung Chang, and this fact
served to retain him the title of viceroy. All of his decorative
honors had however by this time been stripped from him, and only
the queen's favor and the fact that it was not wise to make of
him an open enemy saved him from losing his last title. Early in
December Prince Kung was appointed president of the Grand
Council. He lost no time in moving towards severe punishment
the military and naval officers who for being defeated were ad-
judged traitors. An imperial decree imperatively ordered the
arrest of Taotai Kung the civil commandant and the four generals
CHINESE l^OLITICS. 628
who commanded at Port Arthur in order that they should be sent
to Peking to be tried and punished for the loss of the fortress.
Admiral Ting was also arrested for failing to defend the dockyard.
Generals Yeh and Wei of Ping- Yang fame were handed over to
the same board of punishment. The foreign officers serving in
the Chinese fleet sent to Prince Kung a unanimous protest against
the infliction of punishment upon Admiral Ting, declaring that
the charges made against him were unjust and that they would
resign if he was punished. In response to this protest therefore an
edict was issued continuing the admiral in command of the fleet.
The late viceroy of Nanking, Liu-kun-yi, was now appointed to
the chief command of all the Chinese forces in the field, thus
superseding Li Hung Chang and Prince Kung so fur as military
command was concerned. He had made an impression at the
palace by his energy and by his plans for resisting invaders. Im-
mediately upon his appointment Liu petitioned to be relieved
from the office, pleading indisposition, but his request was refused
at the palace. His desire was taken as an indication that he felt
himself incapable of successfully carrying out the arduous task
imposed upon him. In the face of the emperor's imperative
orders Liu could not avoid accepting the command, and he there-
fore began making appointments to his staff and preparing for his
immediate departure to the front.
At last on December 21, it was given out to the world that
peace negotiations with Japan were to be begun in earnest, in the
hope that the crowning humiliation of a Japanese occupation of
Peking might be averted. The emperor selected Chang Yen
Hoon, vice-president of the Tsung-li Yamen as his peace envoy
and, it was said, invested him with the fullest powers to treat. It
was announced that he would proceed immediately to Japan with
an adequate suite and ample credentials. He was a man of great
ability, and great confidence was expressed in the success of his
mission. Mr. Dun, United States minister at Tokio, learned that
the Japanese government would receive the Chinese envoy with
every consideration due to his rank, and with an honest desire to
help him to bring his mission to a successful conclusion. But
from the very beginning there was strong evidence to indicate
that China was not acting in the best of faith, for no authoritative
624 MH. FOSTER'S MfSnOS:
stalement waa made bj the govrrument at Pekii^ ci the appoinl-
merit of sacb a pleDipoteiitiary. This susjHcion was onlj too well
mrroborated a few weeks later.
Tlie Cbiueste government, after deciding to send aD eoToy to
Japan^ addressed a formal request to President Clevelaod for the
assistance of a recognized statesman in connection with the forth-
coming [jeace negotiations in Tokio. The president lost no time
in replying. It was officially announced in Washington Decem-
ber 27, that the Hon. John W. Foster, Secretary of State in the
cabinet of President Harrison, after the death of secretaiy Blaine,
Usui been appointed legal adviser to the Chinese peace plenipo-
tentiary who was about to be sent to the government of Japan.
Before entering President Harrison^s cabinet Mr. Foster had
represented the United States as minister at Madrid and he acted
as agent of the United States in the court of arbitration of the
Bering Sea que.stion at Paris. He was one of the foremost
among international lawyers in the United States, with large ex-
iwirience in Chinese affairs. His selection by President Cleveland
WHS not an official one, but was merely in response to a request
from China for friendly assistance. Mr. Foster had no official
litanding from the United States, but acted simply as an adviser
U) the Chinese envoy.
A curious incident comes well substantiated regarding Mr.
Foster's preparations for his trip. Shortly before he sailed for
China, it is said, a party of Wall street men went to see him on
the subject of the Chinese indemnity. This indemnity was
destined to have an important bearing upon American politics.
Should the indemnity be paid in gold, our own treasury reserve
would be drawn upon rather seriously. Should it be paid in
silver the demand for the white metal would undoubtedly create
dn enormous demand for the product of western mines to the
great advantage of the silver producing states. The Wall street
men visited Mr. Foster in a body and urged him to favor a gold
settlement. The diplomat became very much incensed at this.
He declared that the representations of the bankers were a gross
violation of diplomatic ethics, and that he would act as he thought
best in the interests of China. From that time forward the pro-
spective treaty was anticipated with great interest by Americi^ii
bankers.
JAPANESE PARLIAMENT IN SESSION. 625
The eighth session of the Japanese parliament was opened at
Tokio, December 24. In the absence of the emperor at Hiroshima
his speech was read by one of the ministers. It took occasion to
congratulate the country for the success of the Japanese arms
and declared the need of further persistence towards the success-
ful conclusion of the war. Political sentiment, so far as party
spirit was concerned, did not run high in Japan, for nearly all
parties were united in support of the war. The session of parlia-
ment therefore awakened no marked interest.
The coUossal nature of the task that devolved upon Japan
when she undertook to reform the Corean administration was
becoming daily more apparent. Tlie first difficulty presenting
itself was the fact that all the high offices of state were occupied
by proteges of the queen, members of the Ming family. The
queen was a woman of considerable and large ambition. She
exercised great influence over the king and employed it to secure
preferment and appointment for her own relatives. But the
queen and her friends were indefatigable supporters of China.
The Chinese resident always worked in their interests; they firmly
believed that Chinese supremacy would be re established sooner
or later ; and they were wedded to Chinese systems as affording
the widest scope for self-aggrandizement. Thus they stood in the
very forefront of the opponents of reform. That was recognized
from the outset, and the device was adopted of entrusting the
chief powers to the Tai-wen Kun, an inveterate enemy of the
Ming family. But the old prince whose political record was
written in blood cared not one jot for reform. His one idea was
the Tai-wen Kun. Morover he too believed in the restoration of
Chinese influence and wishing to enlist it in his own behalf he
opened secret correspondence with the Chinese generals, promis-
ing them that the appearance of their troops before Seoul should
be the signal for a widespread insurrection of the Tonghaks to
attack the Japanese simultaneously. These letters were discovered *
and placed in the hands of Count Inouye. He invited the Tai-
wen Kun to the Japanese legation and quietly showed him the
incriminating documents. Of course there was no imperative
reason why any Corean subject should prefer Japan to China.
The Tai-wen Kun had a right to choose between the two, but he
626 THE TAKING OF NIDCHWANG.
had no right to hold the regency under pretex of furthering
forms which he was secretly working to defeat. It was not
difficult to induce him to resign the regency. He saw that tlie
game was lost and consented to effiace himself from the political
arena. At the demand of the Japanese minister, the Corean king
formed a new cabinet more satisfactory to Japanese influence and
the crisis was passed. The revolts of the Tonghaks, however,
seemed to be almost continuous and every day brought news of a
riot engendered by them.
The Japanese armies which we left in Manchooria near Kai-
phing, were posted on a curve extending from that city near the
sea, to Hai-tcheng, which was strongly fortified, and posts also
extended from there to the Mothien-lii)g hills. They thus occu-
pied a strong position for defensive and offensive purposes. Very
severe weather had set in early in January and hundreds of
Japanese soldiers were sufferiYig from frostbite. The Chinese
forces had withdrawn to Kao-khan near Niuchwang, although
the force occupying Liao-Yang had advanced some distance to-
wards Haitcheng, which the Japanese were occupying.
Early on the morning of January 10, a brigade under General
Nogi marched against a Chinese force encamped in the vicinity of
Kai-phing. The attack was made at dawn, but the deep snow
rendered military movements, especially the bringing up of guns,
a matter of great difficulty. The Chinese had twelve fieldpieces
and two gatlings which were well handled. Their force numbered
about three thousand. The fight lasted four hours, and consisted
mainly of an exchange of shot and shell until the Japanese were
in position on the Chinese flank, when an infantry charge was
ordered and the Chinese fell back before the heavy fire. The
final attack upon the center was splendidly made and by 9:00
o*clock the Chinese were well beaten. There was some stiff
fighting at the last, but by 10:00 o*clock the Japanese were in
full possession of the town. Two hundred Chinese were found
dead in the positions which they had held, and one hundred and
fifty were taken prisoners. The Chinese force was commanded by
General Seh, who expected to be strongly reinforced before the Jap-
anese attack could be made. On learning this. General Nogi sent
out scouting parties towards Yo-chow. They reported that a
ANOTHER MAKCIIUOKIAN ARMY DEFEATED. 627
Chiuese army estimated to number ten thousand men had been
marching upon Kai-phing but having heard of the defeat of
General Seh this large force had immediately retired towards Ying-
tsu, the port of Niuchwang.
Either confidence or desperation of the Chinese was exemplified
in the vicinity of Niuchwang a few days later when two Chinese
corps marched against the Japanese advanced lines, and opened
an attack. One of these corps advanced from Liao-Yaug, whilst
the other marched from the direction of Niuchwang. They were
estimated at from twelve to fourteen thousand men and they had
witli them several fieldpieces and gatling guns. They came in
sight of the Japanese lines before noon and continued their ad-
vance until within less than two miles. Then they halted and a
consultation was held amongst their staff. They made no further
advance, much to Japanese disappointment, but simply began a
heavy fire from their artillery. At 2:00 o'clock in the afternoon,
General Katsura ordered the Japanese to reply, and a concentrated
fire was opened upon the Chinese ranks. The total Japanese
force concentrated to receive the Chinese attack consisted of four
battalions of infantry and one battalion of artillery with twelve
guns. The artillery fire continued for an hour, when seeing that
the Chinese were being thrown into confusion by the bursting
shells. General Katsura ordered a charge upon the enemy's right
wing. It proved to be entirely successful. Five guns which pro-
tected the enemy's right were captured at once, and the whole
force immediately retreated. Another charge upon the center
scattered the Chinese. The majority fied to the north, whilst a
portion retreated in the direction of Niuchwang. The Chinese
losses were roughly estimated at nine hundred, and the Japanese
scarcely one-tenth of that number.
The first army, finding the country in the direction of Mukden
wasted and deserted while guerilla troops harassed them continu-
ally, now virtually abandoned the march to Mukden and formed
a junction with the second army drawing together at the acute
angle to which they had been so long converging. Oyama and
Nodzu met and from that time worked with their forces conjointly.
The Chinese were becoming bolder in the vicinity of Hai-tcheng
which made the necessity greater for a union of forces. At the
31
028 CHINESE POLITICS.
flame time Mukden it^lf wsls in a state ^ riotous disorder, the
Manchoo and Chinese tr<H>p6 continaaUy at conflict with one an-
other and therefore scarcely needing the attention of the Japan-
ese to attack either side. Military operations in Manchooria
were now exceedingly difficult owing to the depth of snow and
the bitter cold weather. Both armies were suffering from the
rigors of the season, and neither regretted the opportunity for a
cessation of active hostilities. General Nogi moved forward his
headquarters to Huntsiii. Cavalry skirmishes between scouting
parties T^etween Xiuchwang and Eai-phing, and between Xiu-
chwang and Hai-tcheng were of daily occurrence and with them
we will consider the season's campaign of the armies in Manchoo-
ria closed.
The raising of Li Hung Changes enemy, Liu-kun-yi, to the
chief military command in China stirred up more and more
trouble for military and naval officers as the time went by. Half
of the generals of the army and the admirals and commanders of
the navy were arrested, charged with various degrees of guilt, and
many of them were sentenced to death. As a matter of fact,
however, not many of these sentences were carried out, although
General Wei was beheaded in Peking, January 16. The influence
of Li Hung Chang could not, however, be destroyed, even though
he had been relieved of all his functions except that of governor-
general of his province. His connections with prominent officials
in China had been too intimate and his strength too great that all
could be taken away from him even by imperial edict. The old
viceroy, the Bismarck of Asia quietly bided his time and waited
the results that he felt sure would come. The Chinese envoy
and his suite of fifty-six lingered at Shanghai day after day delay-
ing their start to Japan with the avowed explanation that further
instructions were expected, but with the understanding frankly
held by every one except themselves that they were really de-
tained in the hope that something would turn up, that some
special providence would interfere to relieve them of the neces-
sity of presenting China's suit for peace to her ancient enemy.
And now the third Japanese army was ready for its descent
upon the Chinese coasts and another invasion of the Celestial
Empire was impending.
THE EXPEDITION TO CAPTURE WEI-HAI-WEI AND
ITS SUCCESS.
Plans for the Third Japanese Army— Description of Wei-hai-wel and Its Defenses— Ar-
riral of the Japanese Troops—Landing of the Forces at Yuug-toheng Bay— Bomlwrdment of
Tengcliow— Capture of Ning-Hal— Wei-liai-wei Forts Taken— Severity of the Weather— Action
of tiie Fleets— The Torpedo Boats— Continuing the Bombardment— A White Flag From the
Chinese— Surrender— Admiral Ting's Suicide— After the Surrender.
The command of the sea definitely gained by the Japanese at the
battle of the Yalu, now enabled another expeditionary force to be
landed on the shores of China, this time on the Shantung penin-
sula, which juts out between the Gulf of Pechili and the Yellow
Sea on the south, as the Liao-Tung peninsula does between the
Gulf of Laio-Tung and Corea Bay on the north. Since that
eventful action, the Chinese fleet had remained in port, and the
Japanese had been free to use the water-ways of the east, as if no
enemy's bhips existed. To undertake a new enterprise was
merely a question of men and means. The transports employed
at Port Arthur were available, and a third army twenty-five
thousand strong was mobilized at Hiroshima in December.
Tliese troops were embarked for an expeditionary force to threaten
Wei-hai-wei. There were fifty Japanese transports in the squad-
ron, convoyed by a few war ships, and the fleet sailed away from
Japan just before the middle of January.
Wei-hai-wei is about twenty-five miles west of the extreme
northeastern point of the Shantung promontory, and fifty miles
east' of Chefoo, which was the nearest treaty port. Wei-hai-wei
consists of an island some two miles long, and the adjacent main-
land, running in a semi-circle around the bay. Between the
island and the shore is a large and safe harbor, with an entrance
at either end. At both entrances, two rows of submarine torpedo,
mines furnished protection against invading squadrons, and on
the island stood the naval and gunnery school of China, and the
houses of the foreign instructors. The island was defended by
three forts, one at the east end, one at the west, and the third on
a little island connected with it. On the hills which rise from
(629)
630
DEFENSES OF WEI-HAI-WEL
the island also six small batteries with quick firing guns. In one
of the forts were four heavy Krupp guus, in another three, while
in the tiiird were two Armstrong disappearing guns of twentv-five
tons, on revolving planes. On the mainland was a small village*
while three forts commanded the eastern entrance to the harbtir,
and three tlie western, armed in the same way as the forts on the
island. Seven men-of-war remaining to the Cliinese fleet were at
anchor in the harbor, and would be useful in defense of the place,
tiiough not enough for battle at sea against a fleet. The fortifi-
Ciitio.ns were built under the direction of Captain Von Hannecken,
and several foreigners in the Chinese service had remained there
DISTANT VIEW OF WEI-HAI-WEI AND ITS SURROUNDINGS.
throughout tlie war as artillerists and in other capacities. The
Chinese Admiral Ting was also there, against whom the Chinese
censors had been speaking so bitterly. There were strongly
equipped furts, a beautiful harbor, a good naval school, and all
was ready to be captured by the Japanese.
The Japanese transports touched at Talien-wan Bay on the
way to the Shantung promontory, and took on board some
uf the olBcers who had been with the army around Port
Arthur. Except for these however, the troops moving on Wei-
hai-wei were all new in the field. On the 18th of January a small
reconuoitering party of Japanese ilaval officers landed from
THE YUNaTCHENG LANDING PLACE. 631
a boat in Yung-tcheng Hay, liuviiig left tljeir ship out of sight
around the eastern headland. They arrived in the night, cut the
telegraph lines connecting Shantung promontory lighthouse with
Wei-hai-wei, and afterward, being of course in disguise and famil-
iar with the Chinese language, made inquiries of the peasantry.
They discovered that the commander of Wei-hai-wei, having
heard of warships ofif the promontory, had sent some five hundred
troops to defend Yung-tcheng. The Japanese then decided to
land at dawn on the 20th. Yung-tcheng Bay is about four miles
southwest of the northeast promontory lighthouse, and faces
nearly due south. On the east is a bold headland connected by
low hills with a chain of abrupt heights running west. The west
headland, enclosing the bay, is not so high and ends in a spit of
sand and rocks, beyond which are two smaller shallow bays, and
Yung-tcheng town about seven miles away due west. Nestling
close under the west slope of the strip is a small village. Yung-
tcheng Bay is about a mile wide, and hemispherical. The anchor-
age is good for large vessels to within one hundred yards of the
beach, and the large fleet assembled there for hostile purposes
was well protected.
The Japanese flotilla was led by five war ships which were two
or three hours ahead of the rest — twenty transports carrying one
division of infantry, with an escort of four war ships. Other
war ships were on patrol duty, with torpedo boats blockading
Wei-hai-wei completely. The transports which came on the
22nd contained another brigade of infantry, a strong force of
artillery, some cavalry, and the large and important commissariat
and transport sections.
The Chinese troops first took up a position on the sand spit
and opened fire on the ships with four fieldpieces, without efifect.
Meantime some two hundred Japanese marines were being landed
on the beach under the eastern bluff. As the boats drew near
the shore a few shots came in their direction, but the Chinese
marksmanship was utterly useless. The Japanese succeeded in
getting ashore without any mishaps whatever by 7:00 A. M.,
while daylight was still faint. The ground was covered with
snow a few inches deep. A shell from one of the war ships set
fire to a small cottage where the Chinese were, and they were
0SS ARRfTAL OF THE TROOFSL
£ureed to retire to the Tillage behind the knoU. Here plantiBg
their gatiii, foar Kropp Seldpiecesw on ri-ai^ groniML. »iiii iufautrr
io the broken gr-'und aboat tike village, ther tried tiieir best to
make a fttand ; bat the gnus of the war ship were makiDg the
position untenable, and a bayonet charge of marines put an end to
their resistance. Thej fled to Yang-tcheng« learing their cannon.
The Ifp^aes on either side were slight. By eight o'clock the trans-
ports had arrived, and the landing of tn>»p6 began, finishing before
dusk. The disembarkation of the rear guard, which came on the
second fleet of transports, was also carried on expeditiously on
the 23rd.
During the afternoon of the 20th a battalion of the newly
landed soldiers pushed on without delay or rest to Yung-tcheng.
The Chinese force of about five hundred made slight resistance ;
there was a little firing, but no casualty on either side^ and the
place was taken. A detachment of Japanese followed westward
in pursuit of the enemy. A quantity of arms, ammunition, and
stores fell into the victor's hands at Yung-tcheng.
The first thing done by the Japanese on landing was to make a
small floating jetty of sampans and planks, from the sandy beach
U) water deep enough for launches. Rough sheds were also
erected rapidly, so as to make the place a convenient depot as a
subsidiary base of operations. Here the troops were sheltered as
they landed, moving over to Yung tcheng as rapidly as possible,
m that within a few days they were almost all quartered in the
town and surrounding villages. The inhabitants went about
their business as usual, evincing only a little timid curiosity
towards the invaders.
Japanese strategy was to be credited, to considerable extent,
with the easy landing granted to their troops in Yung-tcheng Bay.
War ships bad been cruising back and forth along the north shore
of the promontory, keeping the commanders of various posts
nervously expectant of an attack. Finally on Saturday, January
19, war vesHcls drew near to Tengchow, some thirty miles north-
west of Chcfoo, and began a bombardment which lasted through-
out the day. The Chinese worked their guns well, but were not
equal to the Japanese gunners eitlier in rapidity or precision of
fire. Many of the Chinese guns were dismounted by the Japanese
tERRORIZtNG THE SHANTUNG COASTS. 688
fire, and others were rendered useless through absence of suflB-
cient ammunition. By nightfall all the forts were silenced and
the city was at the mercy of the invaders. Two thousand
Japanese landed and kept up an incessant fire from fieldpieces
upon the land side, while the ships were bombarding the water
front. This demonstration was only for the purpose of creating a
diversion, and attracting Chinese attention to Tengchow, while
averting it from Yung-tcheng.
On January 23, a Japanese force landed 'at Ning-Hai, midway
between Wei-hai-wei and Chefoo, and the former city was there-
fore surrounded. The landing was covered by the guns of a
dozen war ships, but there was no opposition. The troops at
once marched upon the city of Ning-Hai, situated near the point
of landing, and the place fell into their hands after a very feeble
resistance. The occupation of Ning-Hai isolated Wei-hai-wei
from Chefoo. The Chinese arsenal was almost exactly half way
between the two Japanese landing places, and the coast road
being in occupation of the Japanese, news from the threatened
garrison had to be carried over mountain paths with considerable
difficulty.
The strong Japanese fleet of war ships, transports, and torpedo
boats was now assured of safety from any possible attack in
Yung-tcheng Bay, and the war ships patrolled back and forth
between the two landing places in constant threat of Wei-hai-
wei, and forbidding the exit of the Chinese vessels which were
penned in that harbor. The expeditionary force had landed
all the necessary heavy guns and ammunition, beside forage,
food, and other necessaries. The British and German flagships
were in Yung-tcheng Bay, besides several American war vessels.
The two land forces now moved upon Wei-haiwei, one from the
east and one from the west.
The forts on the mainland at Wei-hai-wei were captured by
the Japanese on January 80. The taking of the Chinese strong-
hold was due to skillful combined movements on the part of the
Japanese land and naval forces, the main attack, however, being
made by the troops on shore. The resistance, considering th^
strength of the place, was feeble. Some of the forts, however,
were stubbornly defended, and the loss was heavy on both sides.
684 ASSAULT ON THE MAINLAND FORTS.
The Japanese troops of the sixth division were under arms at
two o'clock in the morning, and the advance was at once ordered.
As soon as it was daylight the assault on the enemy's defensive
lines began, and by nine o'clock the outlying batteries and in-
trenchments were almost all in the hands of the Japanese.
Meanwhile the second division was delivering a direct assault
from the southwest on the Pai-chih-yaiso line of forts, a position
of great strength, with precipitous sides about one hundred feet
in height. The attack was made under cover of a furious bom-
bardment from the Japanese men-of-war. The main point of
Chinese resistance was here. After the fighting on this side had
been going on for some hours, the sixth division, having driven
in the enemy before it, made a detour, and advancing behind
Mount Ku which concealed the movement, made a strong attack
from that side on the Pai-chih-yaiso forts. By half past twelve
these forts were in possession of the Japanese. By preconcerted
arrangement the signal was at once given to the Japanese fleet)
which proceeded without delay to take possession of the eastern
entrance of the harbor.
The Japanese fleet had been keeping well off the shore, throw-
ing a few shots occasionally into the batteries upon Leu-kung-tau
island, but the main attack was upon the eastern forts. The
ironclads dropped their long distance shots into the Chinese posi-
tion with fair accuracy, but eight of the smaller Japanese vessels
steamed along the shore within easy range and worked their guns
steadily and well. One well placed shell caused a terrific explo-
sion in Fort Number One, pointing to the eastward, and that fort
took no further part in the fighting. A few minutes later Japan-
ese troops rushed in and their flag went up. At half past twelve
another deafening roar proclaimed that an explosion had taken
place in Fort Number Two. Whether this was due to Japanese
fire, or whether the Chinese deliberately blew it up, was not
known, but the fort was destroyed. The Chinese firing flagged
after this. At last only one gun in Fort Number Three could be
worked, the Chinese fled, and the Japanese swarmed in. This
action evidently discouraged the men in Fort Number Four for the
garrison abandoned the place and joined their retreating country*
men, while the fort fell into the hands of the Japanese intact.
FORTS ARE CAPTURED. 635
The Chinese fleet had been busy throughout the fight, but kept
well under shelter of the island. Their shell fire was mainly di-
rected upon the masses of Japanese infantry, advancing against
the land forts, and the batteries upon the island were similarly
employed. With the capture of Number Four fort the Japanese
were in a position to turn the guns upon their enemies, a fact of
which they were not slow to take advantage. They opened fire
upon the Chinese fleet and upon the land batteries, doing more
damage in a short time than their fleet had been able to accom-
plish during the day. This was too much for the Chinamen, and
abandoning their former tactics, the battleship Ting- Yuen steamed
out from her island shelter, and coming in close to Fort Number
Four, hammered away vigorously for a full half hour. By that
time every gun in the fort had been silenced, and the Japanese
were fairly shelled out of it.
The resumption of the fight on Thursday, January 31, by the
Japanese fleet was rendered impossible by a severe northerly gale
accompanied by a blinding snowstorm.' The decks of the ships, and
also the guns were covered with ice. Seeing that the position
was becoming dangerous for his ships. Admiral Ito ran to Yung-
tcheng Bay for shelter and safe anchorage, leaving a small squad-
ron to keep watch at the entrance to Wei-hai-wei harbor. On
shore the Japanese made great eflforts to strengthen their position,
and for the next few days there was desultory firing, but no con-
tinuous bombardment.
The hardest day's fighting for the Japanese fleet was Sunday,
February 8. The tempestuous vireather which prevailed during
Friday and Saturday kept the main squadron in shelter, and while
the other ships were watching the two entrances to the harbor,
their work gave greater opportunities for seamanship than for
gunnery. They engaged the island forts occasionally and ex-
changed shots with the Chinese war ships, but the land batteries
did most of the firing. Sunday, however, was the navy's day al-
though the land batteries were not idle. Almost with daybreak the
fleet opened fire upon the forts of Iieu-kung-tau island which re-
plied vigorously. The bombardment soon became terrific. The
flagship and several other large vessels were in possession outside
the bay, and concentrated their fire upon the eastern island bat-
686 THE FLEET AT WEI-HAI-WEL
t .;ries. The second division rained shell upon Fort Zhih. The
liofiibardinent had scarcely begun when the Chinese fleet joined in
very gallantly. The Ting- Yuen used her thirty-seven ton g^ns
without effect, but succeeded in drawing some of the Japanese fire
to herself. The Lai-Yuen, the smaller ship, stood towards the
Japanese and fought well, suffering considerable damage and
many casualties. Two of the Chinese gunboats also took an ac-
tive j>art in the defense and were not badly damaged. These four
vessels fought with great determination until darkness set in when
the firing ceased on both sides. The bombardment had caused
great damage to the Chinese works, particularly at Zhih, where
many men had been killed and wounded. Several guns were dis-
mounted and towards the close of the fight the fire from the Chi-
nese batteries slackened in a marked manner.
The sea was still rough on Sunday night, but the Japanese ships
did not seek shelter. It was confidently expected that some of
the Chinese ships would endeavor to escape during the night, and
the harbor exits were therefore blocked by the Japanese fleet.
Admiral Ting however made no move, and wlien morning broke
his squadron was seen in its old positon, under the shelter of the
island. It was learned from a i)risoner taken on shore that Ad-
miral Ting had issued a general order to his captains that even if
the defenses on the mainland should fall into the enemy *s hands,
the war ships must remain inside the harbor and help the island
forts to destroy the Japanese fleet. Every officer was ordered to
remain at his post until the last, under pain of dishonor and
death.
Monday morning the bombardment was resumed. The Jap-
anese fleet engaged both forts and ships, and the land batteries
bombarded the Chinese squadron. The fire from Fort Zhih con-
tinued weak, and the Chinese battleships were so repeatedly and
HO seriously hit that their guns were handled with difficulty and
with loss spirit. Finally, towards the close of the fight, the Ting-
Yuen was disabled. It gradually settled down, and at length
foundered amid loud shouts of triumph from the Japanese on land
and sea. The Chen-Yuen, too, was badly damaged.
When the remaining vessels of the Chinese fleet were captured,
they were in serviceable condition, but badly damaged. The tor-
WORK OF THE TORPEDO BOATS. 687
pedo boats of the floet made a rush through the western entrance,
of the harbor, to escape capture. The Japanese flying squadron
immediately gave chase, and for hours maintained a most exciting
pursuit. Some of the torpedo boats were sunk almost before
tliey cleared the harbor, but others managed to get past the Jap-
anese squadron. They were not however in a condition to make
their best speed, and one by one they were overtaken and either
sunk, driven ashore or captured. The Japanese fleet, on the
other hand did not escape unscathed. The torpedo boat which
sank the Ting- Yuen was destroyed by a hail of shot, eight of her
crew being drowned. Another Japanese torpedo boat had her en-
gineer and all her stokers killed by a shell bursting in the engine-
room, and indeed it was a much damaged flotilla that returned to
Admiral Ito. Only one boat escaped entirely uninjured. So se-
vere was the cold that on one of the torpedo boats during the
stealthy approach to the bay, a lieutenant and his two lookout-
men were frozen to death at their posts.
Monday on shore was as busy as on sea and the fighting contin-
ued without cessation throughout the day. The guns in the east-
ern and western forts that could be brought to bear upon the
Chinese fleet and the forts on the island were worked all day by
Japanese gunners and the Chinese artillery men fought their
guns well in reply. On the land side the infantry of the sixth
division moved against some minor lines to the west still held by
the Chinese. The latter did not wait for the Japanese onslaught,
but fled away westward leaving arms and stores behind them.
By noon there was not a single fortress or battery on the main-
land around Wei-hai-wei that the Japanese had not captured.
Marshal Oyama meantime had ordered the fourth division to
attack the town of Wei-hai-wei itself. The place however sur-
rendered without a shot being fired. The Chinese garrison had
fled in the early morning, and the citizens opened the gates to the
Japanese forces. No injury was sustained by the town or inhabi-
tants. As fast as was practicable, fresh guns were mounted in
place of the disabled ones in the captured forts, and every hour
added to the weight of metal thrown against the Chinese fleet
and island forts. But night set in, and the Chinese fleet fought
with as much determination as ever. Search-lights were kept
688 AN EXCITING XIGHT.
playing by both belligerents throughout the night. An occasional
shot was fired by one or the other, but the fierce cannonade of
Sunday was not resumed ufitil dawn. Then the large Chinese
war ships, sheltering themselves as much as possible under the
island, shelled the various forts in turn. The smaller Chinese
vessels were scattered about the bay, taking little part in the
fighting, and escaping the attention of the Japanese gunners.
The Chinese had burnt or sunk every junk and boat in the har-
bor in order to prevent their being used by any large body of
Japanese to make an eflTectual landing upon the island. The
roar of the big guns during Monday was incessant. Shells were
dropped repeatedly into the island forts, and the Chinese battle-
ships were hit again and again, but there was no sign of the
fleet giving in or of their ammunition giving out. At night the
firing ceased, and again tlie search-lights illuminated land and
sea.
On the night of Monday, February 4, the Japanese after many
hours' exertions succeeded in clearing the entrance to the harbor
of Wei-hai-wei of all the torpedoes and submarine mines that had
been laid. And under cover of the darkness torpedo boats stole
in and launched their projectiles at one of the great Chinese iron-
clads. The torpedoes took eflfect, and the vessel sank.
Day after day the shore forts at Wei hai-wei, aided by the Jap-
anese fleet, continued their bombardment of the Chinese war
ships and the forts on the island, getting a reply which gradually
diminished in strength. The fleet could not escape from the har-
bor, owing to the presence of the Japanese flotilla just outside, so
they fought on bravely, doing much damage indeed to the Japan-
ese, but accomplishing no final results. The timber obstructions
at the eastern entrance to the bay were destroyed by the Japan-
ese to admit their torpedo boats to that side, as they had already
been admitted to the other entrance. With the Chinese torpedo
fleet escaped and destroyed, there was no adequate defense against
this threat. Finally it seemed that there was no use in further
resistance.
On February 12, a Chinese gunboat flying a white flag came to
the Japanese fleet with a message from Admiral Ting. He pro-
posed to the Japanese commander-in-chief to surrender all his
A CHINESE WHITE FLAG. 689
ships remaining afloat and all arms and ammunition, and to give
poiisessioa of the forts still holding out, upon the sole condition
that Admiral Ito would guarantee the lives of the Chinese sailoiB
and soldiers, -md of the Kurupean officers serving under the Chi-
nese flag in the fleet and in the island forts. Admiral Ito, in
reply to the ofler, acceded to the terms and demanded that the
naval station should be throvrii open. On the morning of the
13th however, the Chinese messenger returned and informed the
Japanese Admiral that Admiral Ting had committed suicide on
the previous evening, and that his responsibility was transferred
to Admiral McClure. The news was even mr-re startling than
that of a single suicide, for Admiral Ting's commodore, the gen-
eral in command of the island forts,
and Captains Liu and Chang had
all taken their own lives through
grief and shame at having to sur-
render. - Admiral Ting before
committing suicide wrote a politely
worded letter addressed to the
Japanese commander-in-chief ex-
plaining his reasons for taking his
life and enclosing letters which he
requested might be forwarded to
their destination.
The only officer of high rank left
on the Chinese war ships was Ad-
miral McClure, the Scotchman who had been recently appointed to
act as second in command to Admiral Ting. Admiral McClure
sent word by the staff ofBcer that having succeeded to the com-
mand by the death of Admiral Ting, he was prepared to carry
out the surrender and to consult Admiral Ito's convenience in
the matter. He suggested that Admiral Ito should give his
guarantee to the British Admiral or to some other neatral
naval officer, that as soon aa the Chinese war ships and island
forts had been handed over, the soldiers and sailors and the Chi-
nese, and foreign officers should he set free. Admiral Ito replied
that no guarantee was necessary beyond the Japanese word aud he
peremptorily declined to furnish one. This decision was accepted
ADMIRAL HCCLUBB.
640
TERMS OF THE SURRENDER.
without further demur, the Chinese flags were everywhere low*
erecl and the tntnsrer of ships and forts was a.t once proceeded
with.
'I'he soldiere who had held the island 6rst gave up their arms,
and then were put ou board Chiuese and Japunese boats and
taken on shore. Escorted by Japanese troops, they were marched
through the Japanese lines, out into the open country and there
set free. They were treated with every respect and seemed sur-
prised that their lives were spared. On the morning of February
15, the officers and sailors of the Chinese ships were disposed of
V Ntf/^l.\3)
EBCOKTINO CHINESE PRISONERB.
in similar fashion. The foreign officers, about a dozen all together
waited for a neutral ship to take them away.
During the progress of Chiuese reverses at Wei-hai-wei, the ex-
citement iu other Chinese cities was intense, increasing as the dis-
tance from Wei-hai-wei decreased. Chefoo, the nearest treaty
port and the home of many foreigners, was in a tremor of fear,
A boinbaidment or an invasion of the city was dreaded from the
victorious troops to the eastward, and not the least danger was
that from the Chinese troops who had been disarmed and turned
loose to make their way to Chefoo after the surrender. The ero-
IMPORTANCE OF WEI-HAI-WEL 641
peror was so incensed at the loss of Wei-hai-wei that he took the
unusual course of authorizing the governor of the Shantung
province to behead all fugitives without previously reporting to
the throne.
Wei-hai-wei will be remembered in the history of this war as
the only spot at which the progress of the Japanese was inter-
rupted by serious and prolonged resistance on the part of the
enemy. Admiral Ting's bravery could scarcely be questioned,
though his strategy might be. His action in surrendering prop-
erty was gravely censured, the general opinion being that if he
could no longer hold out he should have found means to destroy
the valuable stores in his control, instead of giving them up to
the conqueror. As a material result of the surrender other than
the strategic and moral effect, the Japanese acquired four large
ships left in serviceable condition, several gunboats and torpedo
crafts, fort artillery, and great stores of ammunition, food and
coal.
The work of taking over the arsenal, island forts, and war ships
was completed by the Japanese without the least confusion. The
ships which needed repairs, including the ironclad Chen Yuen,
were temporarily repaired at Wei-hai-wei, and then sailed for
Japan with Japanese crews, to go into dockyards for refitting.
Marshal Oyama and his staff occupied the Chinese government
building. All of the foreigners who took part in the defense of
Wei-hai wei, except the American Howie, were paroled and sent
to Chefoo in the steamship Kang Chi. This vessel also carried
the bodies of i\dmiral Ting and his fellow officers who committed
suicide. The Japanese fleet paid a touching tribute to the memory
of their brave opponents. As the Kang Chi steamed out of the
harbor all the vessels had their flags at half mast, and from Count
Ito's flag ship minute guns were fired for some time after the vessel
sailed. The European war ships at Wei-hai-wei also lowered their
flags, as a testimony to the bravery exhibited by the late admiral.
Several junks arrived at Cliefoo bringing soldiers from Wei-
hai-wei. The men all expressed astonishment at the considera-
tion which the Japanese had shown for them, and the tribute
which their enemies paid to Admiral Ting's body had created a
great impression on them.
642 THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION.
It will be remembered that Howie was one of the Americans
arrested early in the war by the Japanese officials at Kobe. He
was on his way to China, under contract to destroy Japanese
ships by means of a new explosive whose secret he possessed. He
was released at Kobe at the intercession of the American minister
to Japan, under the promise that he would qot assist the Chinese
in the present war. He was detained at Wei-hai-wei for a trial
by court-martial, and it was believed that unless his government
interfered his punishment might be a severe one.
After the capture of Wei-hai-wei all efforts were directed by
the Japanese towards strengthening the land defenses and those
on the island. Fresh guns were mounted in many places. The
island forts were still manned by marines, while the mainland
forts were each held by a battalion of infantry, as well as by
artillery men. The amount of stores seized was so great that the
troops had a superabundance of supplies. The roads were pa-
trolled for miles around. A civil commissioner was appointed,
and Marshal Oyama issued a proclamation assuring the inhabit-
ants of kind treatment and of his protection so long as they fol-
lowed peaceful pursuits. Inasmuch as no atrocities had been
committed and the Japanese did little looting, the confidence of
the people was retained and they continued their usual vocations.
The Japanese withdrew from the advanced positions east and
west of Wei-hai-wei, evacuating the town of Ning-Hai. A large
part of the army then left for Talien-wan Bay.
THE END OP HOSTILE OPERATIONS.
The Armies In Manchooria and their Actions in the Cold of January— Skirmish and
Battle— Assault on Niuchwang and Capture of the City— Desperate Fighting in the Streets-
Taking of Ying-Kow— A Threat Towards Formosa— Attack on the Pescadore Islands— Cap-
ture of Hai-chow^The Island of Thao-hua— Peking thought to Be in Danger From the Jap-
anese.
We left the Chinese and Japanese troops in Manchooria cen-
tered about the region around Niuchwang, trying to pass the
cold weather with the least suffering possible. There was no
considerable interruption of time between hostile encounters,
possibly on the supposition that they could keep warmer by fight-
ing than by remaining idle. On the morning of the 17th of Jan-
uary the Chinese under General Chang and General Twi began
aggressive movements. Some twelve thousand strong they
attacked Hai-tcheug, but were repulsed after a short struggle.
Five days later, on the morning of the 22nd, the Chinese again
attacked the Japanese position, but were repulsed by two o'clock
in the afternoon with heavy loss. This was rather a long distance
battle, with a good deal of artillery practice in it. The Chinese
worked their guns fairly well, but could not compete with the
Japanese gunners, who were the better protected and suffered
little. When the Chinese began the retreat, the Japanese guns
were moved forward and played upon the retiring enemy. The
Chinese then became demoralized, and made speedy retreat
towards Niuchwang. The Japanese loss was very slight.
On the same day as the last battle, simultaneously with the
attack on Hai-tcheng, General Seh with ten thousand men and a
strong force of artillery advanced from the port of Niuchwang
against Kai-phing. An artillery engagement ensued on the 24th
of January, which ended in a precipitate retreat of the Chinese.
General Nogi now moved forward his headquarters to Huntsai.
The Chinese army under General Seh was considerably reinforced,
chiefly by Tartar troops with large bodies of cavalry, and skir-
mishes with the Japanese scouts were of daily occurrence. The
82 (648)
644 CHINESE AGGRESSIONS IN MANCHOORIA.
strength of the enemy in the immediate vicinity of Niuchwang
was more than twenty thousand men. On the 30th of January
it was found that the Chinese had occupied Liao-Yang in force,
and that the western contingents were gradually advancing
southward. General Hoi-Pang-Tao was on his way to Ying-kow
with a large force. On the 1st of February the Viceroy Liu ar-
rived at Niuchwang and assumed the supreme command of the
operations in Manchooria. He brought with him an army said to
number nearly twenty thousand, so that his whole force numbered
probably twice that many. It seemed certain that the viceroy
intended to advance against Hai-tcheng in full force. The Jap-
anese armies were also united, or in close touch with one another,
at Kai phing and Hai-tcheng, ready for a decisive battle. Feb-
ruary 16 a Chinese army of fifteen thousand men attacked Hai-
tcheng from Liao-Yang and the Niuchwang road. The fighting
lasted three hours, and extended over a considerable tract of
country. The attack was successfully repulsed, one hundred
and fifty Chinese being killed and wounded, and the Japanese
loss considerably less than that number.
The news of the capture of Wei-hai-wei reached the Japanese
and Chinese forces in Manchooria, and the Viceroy Liu was evi-
dently disheartened, for there was an entire absence of activity
during the next ten days. The incessant drilling in the neigh-
borhood of Niuchwang was stopped, and the forces were steadily
dwindling through desertion. On the last day of February, after
a period of comparative inaction, the Japanese troops began an
advance on Niuchwang and its port Ying kow. On that day
General Nodzu attacked the Chinese positions between the Liao-
Yang and the Niuchwang roads. The Japanese artillery first
opened a heavy fire upon the Chinese. This lasted over an hour,
and then the fifth Japanese brigade threw itself upon the Chinese
right wing with such impetuosity that the enemy scarcely made
a stand in that part of the field, but broke and fled in disorder.
While this was going on, the main Japanese column under Gen-
eral Nodzu marched against the Chinese center, which rested on
the village of Chang-ho-tai. Position after position was carried
by the Japanese infantry, and the enemy was finally driven in
MOVING FORWARD ON KUICHWANG. 646
disorderly retreat northwestward towards Kinchow city, at the
northern extremity of the Gulf of Liao-Tung.
The sixth brigade had been told off to clear the Chinese out of
the villages along the Laio-Yang road. This it accomplished
without loss, and then by pre-arrangement it joined hands with
the maia column, the combined forces thereafter occupying
Tung-yeng-tai and all the villages and heights near that place, in
the direction of Lian-Yang. General Nodzu's division extended
its lino southwestward from Hai-tcheng, so that the army ex-
0HINE8E SOLDIERS ON THE HABCH.
tended through a very wide front. The Chinese forces engaged
numbered about eighteen thousand men with twenty guns. Gen-
eral Yih was in command. They lost one hundred and fifty men
killed, and about two hundred wounded. The Japanese losses
amounted to about half as many.
Early the next morning the Japanese resumed their advance,
this time without opposition of any sort. The Chinese retired
before them, and when night fell the Japanese limit extended
nearly to Maitzu. Throughout the advance upon Niachwong
646 THE ATTACK OX XIUCHWANG.
there was no opposition offered worthy the name, and the annals
of the march bring little fame to the Japanese defense.
The reconnoissances eastward and northward made by General
Nodzu's scouts on Friday, March 1st, brought the information
that the main body of the Chinese forces had fled by the north-
ern road, with the evident intention of rallying and making
another stand at Liao-Yang, the only place of importance between
Hai-tcheng and Mukden. Lieutenant-General Katsura's brigade
was ordered to pursue the enemy. By that evening the troops
had covered about eight miles of difficult ground, and had got
within a mile of Kan-thouan-phu, where several thousand
Chinese were known to be ready to give battle. The Japanese
advanced against the town at daybreak, only to find that the
enemy had fled during the night. After resting his troops
Katsura resumed the pursuit. It was thought that the Chinese
would make a stand at Sha-hophu, a small town situated on the
river Sha and commanding the high road to Liao-Yang, but the
place was occupied by the Japanese on Sunday, March 3, with-
out serious opposition. The next morning Katsura moved on
until within five miles of Liao-Yang, which brought him within
forty miles of Mukden.
While Katsura was driving the routed Chinese before him
along the Mukden road, General Nodzu with all the remaining
forces at his disposal was moving towards Niuchwang Old Town.
The troops were under arms at dawn on Monday. The fifth
division moved against the town from the southeast, while the
third division came from the north. The movement was admir-
ably timed, despite the difficulties of the ground. In three hours
the men of both divisions were in position, and at ten o'clock a
heavy shell fire was opened upon the Chinese fortifications. The
Chinese appeared to be confused ; their artillery fire was bad,
and they kept massing troops at points which were never
threatened. Many of their guns were dismounted, and after a
two hours' bombardment the Chinese abandoned the walls and
retreated into the town. The Japanese infantry then poured into
the place, both divisions forcing their way into the gates and over
the walls almost simultaneously.
So far the Japanese had suffered very little loss. The leading
DESPERATE FIGHTING IN THE CITY. 647
brigade of the first division charged several Chinese regiments
still standing their ground, and they at once fled precipitately
towards Ying-kow, followed by the Japanese cavalry. Mean-
time, in the town the Japanese infantry were warmly engaged.
The main body of the Chinese, when driven from the batteries
and walls, had taken refuge in the narrow streets and houses.
Every window and every housetop was occupied by sharp-
shooters. The fighting was of a desperate character. The
Chinese seeing all hopes of escape cut off, fought until they were
shot or cut down. The headway made by the Japanese was pain-
fully slow. Each street had to be effectually cleared before an
advance could be made to the next. Each house had to be
assaulted and taken.
Throughout the day the fighting continued, but slowly the
Japanese cordon was brought more closely around the center of
the city, and by eleven o*clock at niglit all opposition had ceased.
Many of the Chinese, after nightfall broke through the Japanese
lines, and made their escape into the open country, but a large
number accepted quarter and remained in the hands of the
Japanese. The Chinese fought with desperate valor. Repeatedly
they charged the Japanese troops in the streets, and hand-to-hand
fighting was frequent. The oflBcers too, encouraged the men by
their own example, and the defense of the streets was conducted
with some military skill. Nearly two thousand Chinese killed
and wounded were found in the houses and streets, and six
hundred prisoners were taken. The Japanese losses exceeded
five hundred in killed and wounded. A large quantity of stores
and provisions fell into the hands of the victors, beside eighteen
cannon, and a large quantity of rifles and ammunition.
After the engagement of the 4th, Lieutenant-General Yamaji's
* division of the second Japanese army advanced upon Peh-mia-
totsu, where it had been reported that the main body of General
Sung's defeated forces had halted. The enemy, however, did not
wait for the Japanese troops, but fell back upon Ying-kow.
General Nogi, following close along the coast road, came up with
the Chinese and attacked them. During the fighting which
ensued the Chinese were reinforced from Ying-kow, but they
were soon driven back under the protection of the town batteries,
648 CAPTUKK OF YlNG-KOW.
leaviug many dead upon the field. Most of tlie Chinese retreated
in a northeasterly direction, but General Sung and troops im-
mediately under his command made another stand at Yiug-kow.
The Japanese artillery was well handled, and the infantry fought
with great spirit, driving the Chinese before them. By the time
the town was entered General Sung and his troops had fled
towards Chen-sho-tai. Meanwhile the Japanese artillery had
concentrated their fire upon the shore forts, which protected the
estuary. The Chinese brought their heavy gans to bear upon
the assailants, and held their own for some time, but finally the
Japanese infantry under cover of the fire of their artillery, car-
ried the forts one after the other, and by nightfall Tiug-kow was
in undisputed possession of the invaders.
As soon as the fort had been captured, guards were placed for
the protection of the foreign settlement, and the streets were
strongly patrolled. Scouts were sent out along the Niuchwang
road to meet General Nodzu*s patrol. On the morning of the
6th, General Nodzu sent a brigade towards Ying-kow, which the
second army was to attack that day. Tung-kia-thun was found
destitute of Chinese troops, and the Japanese advanced nearly to
Kao khan without seeing anything of the enemy. Here they
camped for the night, and before morning the outposts of the two
forces had met and had exchanged the good news of the success
of each. The retreating Chinese, under Generals Sung and Ma,
were reported to have halted at Chen-sho-tai.
The occupation of Niuchwang and its port by the Japanese
marked a distinct phase in the interesting campaign in Man-
chooria. For many weeks Niuchwang and Ying-kow had shel-
tered the Chinese army. From them a succession of feeble at-
tacks upon the Chinese positions had been delivered. General
Sung*s unwieldy forces were now broken up ; the Japanese front was
advanced to the river Liao ; and the first and second armies had
joined hands. The third important fortified harbor had fallen into
the hands of the Japanese. The defense of Niuchwang was
maintained with vigor, the Chinese fighting most bitterly to the
very end, but uselessly. Ths coast defenses too at Ying-kow
made some show of resistance, but being attacked in the rear
had quickly fallen in accordance with all established precedents.
SITUATION IN MANCHOOKU.
649
The geueml situutiuii in Mancboom w»s now entirely ubauged.
The Japatiese eaeouraged hy the h»tf-hearted attacks to which
tht^y had been subjected, liad broken up tlie forces in their viciuity.
Tlie difficulties of movemeut in lai^e bodies, combined with the
inciipacity of commanders, and general disorganization, had ef-
fectually prevented the Chinese from gainiug any advantage from
their superior numbers. Niuohwang, a city of sixty thouBand
people, a town with an immense annual trade, had fallen into
Japanese hands, and its capture was unquestionably an important
stroke. On the Japanese
right Katsura had pushed
forward until he was near
Liao-Vang, and after the
occupation of Niuchwang
relieved some of the troops
there, another brigade
moved northward to his
support. The country
centering at Niuohwang
was practically in undis-
puted possession of the
Japanese. Thus, after a
march of about four hun-
dred miles, the troops of
the firstarroy which landed
at Chemulpo were once
again on the sea-board, and
in possession of an impor-
tant port.
On the 9th of March the first division of the first Japanese
army attacked Thien-chuang-thai, on the western side of the river
Liao, to which place General Sung fied after the capture of Ying-
kow. A fierce engagement ensued, lasting three hours and a
half. The main body of the Chinese force numbered seven thou-
sand men with thirty guns, and the Japanese forces were but
few less than that number. General Katsura commanded the
Japanese center, and General Oku the right wing. The left wing
was composed of Yamaji's troops from Ku-pbii^. The Chinese
660 THE JAPANESE IN NIUCHWANG.
fled towards Kinchow, leaving fourteen hundred dead on the field.
For strategic reasons the village was burned, and the Japanese
returned across the river.
A proclamation was issued by the Japanese commander at
Ying-kow urging the inhabitants to continue their peaceful pur-
suits, promising all law-abiding inhabitants justice and protection,
and warning them of the consequences should they commit any
belligerent acts or create any disorders. The commanders of the
foreign war ships in the river called on the Japanese general, and
asked him to telegraph to their respective admirals that all the
foreigners in the town were safe. The general complied with this
request, as well as with that of the consuls who asked him to tele-
graph in the same way to their governments. All Chinese were
strictly prohibited from entering the European quarter, unless
employed by or having business with the foreign residents. Six
hundred troops were told off to carry this order into effect and to
patrol the streets. English and American officers united to ex-
press their thanks to the commanding general, for the elaborate
precautions taken to insure the safety of foreigners.
It will be remembered that from the very beginning of the war
a Japanese descent upon Formosa was one of the operations ex-
pected and frequently reported. To provide against this threat-
ened danger, a large body of the famous troops from the south of
China known as the Black Flags, were sent to the island to in-
trench themselves and arrange for its defense. They were
scarcely settled in comfort when they began a series of outrages
on the native population that made them feared and hated by
every one, and justified their name. Early in February they ex-
tended their outrages from the native population to the British
residents. Disturbances on the island increased, and affairs be-
came so bad that foreign residents became alarmed and left in
haste. The British consul at the chief treaty-port of the island,
sent to Hong Kong an urgent call for assistance, which was fur-
nished without delay. The war ship Mercury left for the island in
haste, and its presence acted strongly to quell the disturbances
and insure safety for the people. A Japanese squadron too, which
was seen patroling the island on several occasions, acted as a
damper upon the spirits of the rioters, and the Chinese authori*
OPERATIONS IN THE SOUTH. 661
ties themselves were able to quell the disturbance. Twenty-five
of the ring leaders were arrested and punished, and peace was
restored.
After tliis time, operations in the south were abandoned until
early in the spring, when a fleet of Japanese transports moved
down the west side of the island of Formosa, to the group of
small islands knows as the Pescadores, between Formosa and the
mainland. The Chinese feared that an attack upon Canton was
contemplated, but in reality there was at no time any consider-
able danger of this. The Japanese desired to be exceedingly care-
ful of the interest of all foreign nations in the treaty ports, and so
naturally avoided an attack on any city where they might be en-
dangered. The real point of attack intended by this course, was the
town of Makung, in the southwest of the island of Pong-hu, the larg-
est of the group. Makung had a large and absolutely safe harbor,
capable of affording accommodations for vessels of large draft,
and was protected by its citadel and a line of defensive works.
Admiral Ito was in command of the squadron, which numbered
nine cruisers and two gunboats. Bombardment was begun March
23, from all the vessels of the fleet, the fire centering on the east
fort, which dominated the others. A thousand troops from five
transports landed simultaneously and attacked the same fort. The
Chinese evacuated the place during the night, and the Japanese
entered at 6:00 o^clock on the morning of the 24th, and turned the
guns upon the other forts. One of the western forts blew up be-
fore it was evacuated. One thousand Chinese prisoners were
taken, the rest of the garrison escaping in junks. Three thou-
sand Japanese troops now gamsoned Pong-hu, securing a south-
em base of operations for the Japanese fleet. Within a few days
the Japanese were in entire possession of the Pescadore Islands.
South of Yung-tcheng Bay, the Chinese coast line had remained
inviolate up to this period of the war, in spite of frequent rumors
from startled Chinese sources, of the appearance of Japanese
squadrons and their threatened attack. The Japanese fleet had
been profitably used to foster a continual state of nervous terror
in all the Chinese coast cities, but attention was now turned sud-
denly in a very different direction, and actively developed towards
the southward. Simultaneously with the attack on Pong-hu, the
652 CAPTURE OF HAI-CHOW.
Japanese on the 24th of March made a descent upon Hai-chow, on
the sea-board of the province of Chiang-su, some two hundred
miles north of Shanghai. It was early in the morning when the
Japanese squadron appeared off Hai-chow and at once opened fire
upon the small forts there. Under cover of the bombardment a
force of several thousand Japanese troops, landed and attacked
the Chinese positions. After a few hours* fighting, the stout re-
sistance of the Chinese proved unavailing, and they abandoned
their works, having lost some three hundred killed. The island
of Yuchow, which lies off Hai-chow had already been occupied by
the invaders. At Hai-chow the Japanese were less than fifty
miles in a direct line from the Grand Canal connecting Nanking
with Peking, which at this point approaches nearest to the coast.
The canal had been the chief route by which supplies were con-
veyed to Peking, and had been of invaluable service for the
movement of troops to the capital and to the front by way of
Tien tsin. The threatened dash of the Japanese upon this main
artery of travel startled those who realized it. This sudden and
unexpected descent upon the Chinese coast served to bring home
the realities of war to a section of the population which probably
had never heard of the Japanese successes. The Viceroy of
Nanking awakened to his danger, and hastily ordered troops to
the front to oppose the Japanese advance and recapture Hai-chow.
A third portion of the Japanese fleet, with war ships and trans-
ports, appeared simultaneously with these other operations, sailing
past Taku into the neighborhood of Shan-hai-kwan. Passing the
latter city, which marks the end of the Great Wall of China
where it comes down to the coast, the fleet left terror behind,
and moved upon the island of Thao-hua. This island lies but a
few miles off the mainland, and fifty-five miles northeast of Shan-
hai-kwan, at a point where the main highway from Manchooria to
Peking lies close to the coast line. It was therefore about half
way between Niuchwang and Taku, the port of Peking, and an
excellent base for offensive operations against the capital.
The armies in Manchooria were practically idle during the
latter part of March. The Chinese had nearly all withdrawn to
Kinchow, in the north, while the Japanese contented themselves
with restoring order in Niuchwang and Ying-kow, and in com-
SEIZURE Of THAO-IIUA ISLAND. 653
ploting the military arruiigeiueiits couaequeiit on the juiictiou of
the armies. Saowstonus prevented an iuteuded advanced to*
wards Einchow.
The first of April theiefore found the Japanese ready to act on
the offensive at sevei'al points, spread over a distance of one
thousand two hundred miles, and extending from the Pescadore
Islands in the south to Niuchwang ui the iioith On the Liau
River the combined foices numbered nearly forty thousand men,
with a further strength of some ten thousand men on the Laio-
QAP IN THE GREAT WALL AT SHAN-HAl-KWAN.
Tung peninsula at Kinchow, TalJen-wau and Port Arthur. The
whole of these troops could be transported to Shan-hai kwan in
twenty-four hours, as soon as the port of Ying-kow was free from
ice. There were no troops to be spared from the garrisons at
Port Arthur or Wei-hai-wei, but further levies would undoubtedly
be brought from Hiroshima to these places to await transport.
The distance to Shan-hai-kwan from all these ports were short so
that the troops could be closely packed for the short voyage. In
a few days therefore, at least seventy-five thousand men could be
654 JAPANESE POSSIBILITIES.
concentrated at Shan-hai-kwan and the transports would be
available for maintaining a supply service. At the same time the
possession of the island of Chao-hua would facilitate the cutting
of the line of Chinese communications between Manchooria and
Peking. With Hai-chow held by the Japanese and threatening
the line of communication from south to north by the Grand
Canal and Japanese forces threatening Formosa and the south,
the possibility of the repulse of an advance in force on Peking
seemed very slight. It was the approach of these dangers and
the final certainty that nothing else could be done to avert them
that brought the Chinese at Last to humiliate themselves and sue
for peace at the hands of the Japanese.
THE NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE.
John W. Foster in Japan— Failure of a Peace Embassy— Diplomatic Discnssions— Foolish
Pride— Li Hung Chang Again in Favoi^His Journey— The Viceroy Knew China— The Envoy
in Japan— Attempted Murder— The Mikado's Appeal— What the Assault Indicated— Declara-
tion of the Armistice— Provisions of the Armistice— Continuing Negotiations— Signing the
Treaty— Its Terms— No Alliance of China and Japan— The Mikado Proclaims— Feacefulness
En joined— What of the Future T— Ultimate Effect of the War.
While the war operations during the first three months of 1895
were in progress, peace negotiations too were actively under way.
The annals of the hostilities which have occupied the last few
chapters might have been interrupted by paragraphs telling of
the progress and defeat of different efforts to secure peace ; but it
seemed more intelligible to the prospective reader to place him in
full possession of the particulars of the military affairs as they
developed, without interruption. Not until the end had nearly
come did the peace negotiations for one moment interrupt hostili-
ties, and there was consequently no need to interrupt the consecu-
tive record. It now remains a final task to outline the various
peace negotiations after those that have already been described,
and follow oriental diplomacy to its conclusion.
We left the Chinese peace envoys lingering at Shanghai in
January, after several weeks of idleness resulting from continual
postponement of their departure. At last the imperial govern-
ment abandoned its hope that something would intervene to de-
stroy the necessity of a suit for peace, and the embassy was
ordered to start. The Chinese peace envoys arrived at Kobe
January 30, and were received by the Secretary of the Foreign
Department. When the envoys came ashore, a mob greeted them
with hostile demonstrations and they had to be protected by a
large force of police. After consulting with Mr. Foster, their
American adviser who had reached Kobe several days before, the
envoys left in a special steamer for Ujina. The general tenor of
Japanese opinion was that the negotiation would prove fruitless,
as China was scarcely ready to accede to the Japanese demand.
(655)
656 JOHN W. FOSTER IN JAPAN.
It was acknowledged however, that the present embassy showed
a much more sincere desire for peace on the part of China than
did the Detring mission which resulted in such a fiasco.
Ex-Secretary Foster was treated with especial courtesy during
his stay at Tokio and Kobe. Mr. Foster exchanged many tele-
grams with the Chinese government in reference to the power and
authority of Chang and Shao, the Chinese peace commissioners,
regarding which the Japanese were all along very doubtful. The
diplomatic contest promised to be stubborn. China did not seem
to realize that Japan would demand a cession of territory, and it
was anticipated that the humiliation of losing any of her con-
tinental domain would be more than she was willing to endure.
Mr. Foster was frankly given to understand that unless ample*
powers were guaranteed by their credentials the envoys would
not even be admitted to a hearing.
Count Ito and Viscount Mutsu who were appointed to treat
with the Chinese peace envoys, received the credentials which
were presented them as coming from the emperor of China, and
found tiiem to read as follows : " By decree we appoint you our
plenipotentiaries, to meet and negotiate the matter with the
plenipotentiaries appointed by Japan. You will, however, tele-
graph to the Tsung-li Yamen fur the purpose of obtaining our
commands, by which you will abide. The members of your
mission are placed under your control. You will conduct the
mission in a faithful and diligent manner, and fulfill the trust
reposed in you. Respect this."
It was immediately officially announced that the plenary powers
with which the mikado's government demanded that the Chinese
envoys should be invested, were found to be utterly defective.
The envoys were therefore refused further negotiations, and were
requested to leave Ja])an without delay. It was believed by
many that the Chinese envoys were quite ignorant of the trick
that had been played upon them by their government. They
supposed that they had been given fviU powers to treat for peace,
but they found that not only had they no power either to con-
clude or sign a treaty, but that their credentials did not even con-
tain an intimation of the purpose of the mission which they had
to Japan. The ministers, however, told them that Japan was
FAILURE OF A PEACE EMBASSY. 657
Willing to reopen negotiations with a properly empowered em-
bassy. The envoys therefore left Hiroshima after two days in
the Japanese city, and returned home via Nagasaki.
The rebuflf sustained by the Chinese envoys created some as-
tonishment among the highest officials in Peking, but not much
apparent concern. Just at this time, early in February, they were
having glowing reports from General Sung in Manchooria. He
claimed to have already beaten the Japanese on many occasions,
and promised if well supplied with men and stores to drive every
invader from Chinese soil. Japan's excuse for refusing to treat
with the envoys, scarcely satisfied some export diplomats. It was
insisted that it would have been very unusual for any government
to endow its agents with final powers as long as it was able to
communicate with them daily and hourly if necessary by cable.
The Chinese government once gave final powers to one of its am-
bassadors who went over to Russia to negotiate a boundary treaty,
and his head would have been amputated when he returned to
Peking, had it not been for the intercession of the Russian am-
bassador, who suggested that his government would resent such
punishment inflicted upon a person so recently honored by the
Czar. He offered at the same time to consider the treaty sus-
pended, until the Chinese authorities might have an opportunity
to examine it and suggest any changes they might like to have
made. After this experience it was not likely that the emperor
of China would confer final powers upon any ambassador. It was
asserted that since modern forms of communication had been in-
troduced, it has not been the custom to give final powers to agents
who visit civilized nations. Therefore it was assumed that the
objection raised in Japan to the credentials of the Chinese envoys
was a diplomatic ruse for the purpose of gaining time for the
Japanese generals to reach Peking. This was disproven by the
cessation of efforts, which Japan might have made to reach Pe-
king, but it may have been true that Japan wished to bring China
into still further distress, so that her demands would be more
surely granted.
The very important action was now taken by the Chinese em-
peror of restoring to Li Hung Chang all his honors which had
been taken away, because of the succession of defeats in the early
658 DIPLOMATIC DISCUSSIONS.
weeks of tbe war, and appointing him imperial commissioiier to
negotiate for peace with Japan. China then requested that the
Japanese peace commissioners might meet Li Hung Chang at
Port Arthur to conduct the negotiations at that phice. A prompt
replj was received from Hiroshima, in which the Japasese g<:*T-
emment absolutely declined to treat anywhere but upon Japanese
soil. The Grand Council of the Chinese empire met on Sunday*
February 24, and deliberated for several hours upon the question.
'' Shall the war with Japan be prolonged or shall we treat for
jH;sice ? " It was resolved that before the council took a final de-
cision, the same question should be put to all the provincial au-
thorities, from the first to the third rank inclusive. Their opinion
was urgently demanded by telegraph. The replies received were
nearly all to the effect, that although the war was unjustly pro-
voked by Japan, it was very desirable that peace should be con-
cluded. Some of the replies, however, declared that the terms
of peace should not be too exacting. China had learned some-
thing by her failures of two peace missions, Detring's and the last
embassy.
One of the ancient Chinese methods of waging battle was to
play " Soft, voluptuous airs to melt the heart of the enemy."
How far China had advanced in practical wisdom might be gath-
ered from her latest diplomatic manoeuver which seemed to indi-
cate that the Chinese diplomacy of the present followed the mili-
tary usages of antiquity. Ever since the eventual triumph of the
Japanese became a moral certainty, China had been given vague
intimations of a desire to secure peace. These intimations unac-
companied by any definite terms were steadfastly ignored by
Japan, until the Chinese government gave notice that it had sent
a peace commission to the mikado. When the useless credentials
of these commissioners were examined in Japan, they were turned
back without consideration, and the Chinese pretended surprise
at the treatment, asserting that Japan was simply seeking to
further humiliate the empire. To unbiased observers it seemed
(juite as reasonable to believe that the Chinese were playing to
gain time, meanwhile assailing the enemy with the *^ soft, volup-
tuous music of peace." This policy of antiquated diplomacy was
terminated abruptlv-
LI HUNG CHANG AGAIN IN FAVOR. 659
Li Hung Chang's star was again in the ascendant. Even as he
journeyed towards Peking his calumniators continued their attacks.
In Shanghai it was positively asserted that he was now given a
chance to accomplish what he had long awaited, the overthrow of
the Manchoorian dynasty in China. It was also declared that
Kung, tlie disgraced Ex-Taotai of Port Arthur, had made a con-
fession showing the traitorous designs of Li. It was said that
Li had been leagued with the officials of the palace at Peking for
the overthrow of the dynasty, ever since he was deprived of his
yellow jacket, his peacock feather, and his various offices. All
this now had no weight. The privy council heartily supported
Li's mission to Japan. Prince Kung silenced all opposition to it
by presenting papers showing that the previous failure was due
to a backward policy, for which the council were themselves to
blame, and exonerating the viceroy. The emperor completely
vindicated Li Hung Chang, confessing that he had tried others
and found him alone trustworthy. He therefore granted him the
fullest powers to deal with the Japanese. The central govern-
ment publicly assumed the entire responsibility for the condition
of the national defense, explaining it as the result of blindness
to the progress of other nations. This placed future reforms in
the hands of Li.
The American minister at Peking assumed a personal interest
in the matter at this point, and telegraphed to Japan the text of
Li Hung Chang's proposed credentials. At last, after a tedious
exchange of messages, the credentials were accepted by Japan
and arrangements were made for the journey of the envoy. Li
Hung Chang was received in audience by the emperor and the
dowager empress five times within as many days, and in his con-
versations with them spoke frankly of the condition of the em-
pire. His powers to negotiate were made complete, his commis-
sion bore the emperor's signature, and on the fifth day of March
he left Peking for Japan.
There were signs at last that the Chinese were beginning to
recognize the imperative necessity of concluding peace with
Japan. With their strongholds in Japanese hands and their fleet
practically annihilated, the sooner they made submission the more
easy would be the terms which they could obtain. It was there-
83
660 JOURNEY OF LI HUNG CHANG.
fore gratifying to all friends of the empire to learn that the vie
eroj had been appointed as envoy to proceed to Japan to discuss
terms of peace. Holding a position second only to that of the
emperor himself, it was impossible that the Japanese should refuse
to treat with him on account of his inferior station, or his insuffi-
cient credentials. His mission was the first genuine attempt that
China had made to open negotiations. It was a proof that Chi-
nese pride and obstinacy had at length been overcome, and that
there was a real willingness to take steps calculated to bring the
disastrous war to a close.
But for the messenger himself! Surely history, which delights
in setting at naught the hopes and filling the fears of men, never
saw a sadder faring forth than the journey of Li Hung Chang to
Japan. He was old now, paralytic, his side and arm half useless,
his eyesight dim, his family long since gone, and all the fabric of
empire to which his life had been given in ruins about him. He
saved it once before in straits as great. He of Honan, Honan
men about him, all come down from the central hills of China,
sturdy and tall above the men of the plains whom they swept aside,
Gordon and Ward aiding, leading and winning the early battles,
but the work in the end done, and the rich harvest reaped by those
sons of Honan whom Li Hung Chang found poor among their
fields of tea and millet, and raised to half the posts of honor in
China. That was thirty years ago. The great work spread and
grew. The old boundaries of the empire were regained. The
Russian advance in Asia retired for the first time in two centur-
ies. On the Amoor it was halted. France retired discomfited.
England treated Chinese frontiers with a new respect. In Bur-
mah, in Siani, in Nepaul, Chinese aid was sought. The big em-
pire was never so big, never looked so strong, never had more
deference or outer respect since the days of the great Tai-Tsung,
when China ruled from the Pacific to the boundary of the Roman
empire, and the Roman empire extended to the Atlantic — two
realms between the two oceans.
Through it all one man knew how hollow it was, Li Hung
Chang. He pleaded for railroads and telegraphs. He bought
war ships and ironclads. He urged that the old policy be re-
versed and the military and naval forces of the empire duly or-
THE VICEROY KNEW CHINA. 661
ganized. For years he had seen the cloud gathering, and in the
great quagmire of Chinese corruption and conservatism sought to
make ready for it. It had been in vain. Army, fleet, and court
had collapsed. Corea and Manchooria were conquered. If
Peking was not occupied it was because Japan wished to leave
some semblance of central authority with which to treat. Any
war-fine could be levied by the victors ; any vassalage exacted of
the vanquished. Port Arthur could be made a Gibraltar. The
policy of Peking could be controlled by Japan. Japan would
dominate the Asiatic seacoast. The Japanese ambassador at
Peking would be supreme whenever his government chose to
speak.
All this was in the mind of the paralytic old man as he jour-
neyed by land and sea. For forty years he had greatly ruled, a
great empire was the greater for his work, and it had all come to
this. Were the French tri-color to be near Berlin, and Bismarck
wearily seeking peace at Paris, the tragedy were no less than that
with Li Hung Chang as its central figure in the east.
Li Hung Chang spent a few days at Tien-tsin, and then passed
on down the river to Tako, whence he sailed with his suite on
March 15 for Shimonoseki. The viceroy sailed in royal state,
with a suite of one hundred and thirty persons in two vessels.
On the morning of the 19th they reached their destination in
Japan. Shimoneseki is on the extreme southwestern coast of
Japan and it was here that in the early '60s the foreign powers
forced Japan to assent to certain indemnities demanded of the
empire. Upon arriving, the envoy was immediately visited by
the representatives of the Japanese foreign office, and later Li
Hung Chang accompanied by his American adviser, John W.
Foster, visited the Japanese minister of foreign affairs. This
was the first time in his life that the venerable statesman of China
had ever set his foot on other than Chinese soil.
The viceroy and his party were escorted to the foreign office
by Mr. Inouye, who cordially greeted the statesman, and placed
his services at his disposal. The party was received on landing
by a guard of honor, and was taken to the foreign office in car-
riages under escort. The following day was spent by the peace
envoys in examining each other^s credentials and powers. Both
662 THE ENVOY IN JAPAN.
sides devoted much time and thought to this matter and were
assisted by experts in matters of diplomacy and etiquette.
The Chinese letter of credential proved to be precisely what
might have been expected from Chinese character. The phrase-
ology had been repeatedly discussed through the ministers of the
United States in Tokio and Peking and a form satisfactory to
Japan agreed upon. Whether intentionally or not the Chinese
had given more than one indication of waywardness in preparing
the document. They were very particular in honoring their em-
peror with his proper title but they did not insert that of the em-
peror of Japan. Moreover they used an expression signifying
that it was in consequence of Japan's desire for peace that an
ambassador was sent. This was not allowed to pass uncorrected.
As filially amended the paper was virtually in accordance with
Japan^s dictation.
In the end all the documents were found to be in due form,
and polite notes to this effect were exchanged. Subsequently Li
Hiing Chang and his suite went ashore.
The viceroy was received with a military salute, and all the
honors due to his exalted rank. He proceeded to the chief hotel,
where accommodation had been prepared for him and part of his
suite. P^urther communications passed on the morning of March
21, and at half past two in the afternoon the first business con-
ference in connection with the peace negotiations began, Li Hung
Chang, Count Ito, Viscount Mutsu, and their secretaries, together
with the sworn interpreters being present. The deliberations
which were conducted in secret, lasted for an hour and a half.
There was much diplomatic fencing, Li Hung Chang being evi-
dently anxious to ascertain at the earliest possible moment the
terms upon which an armistice might be granted. Nothing oc-
curred to suggest the possibility of a break down of the negotia-
tions, and some gratifying progress was made towards a general
understanding.
It must be remembered that during all this time there was no
cessation in the war operations which were going on in Man-
chooria and on the Chinese coast. Fresh troops were being hur-
ried forward from Japan for active service, and the war spirit
gave no sign of subsidence. In Yokohamtf the success of the
ATTEMPTED iMURDER OF LI HUNG CHANG. 663
peace negotiations was regarded as doubtful. The military ele-
ment, which was all in favor of the continuance of the war until
the victory of the Japanese was made complete by the capture of
Peking, had at that time a predominant voice in Japanese pol-
itics, and this feeling was reflected in parliament. Notice was
given in the house of representatives of a resolution declaring
that the time for peace negotiations had not arrived.
While negotiations were thus progressing, they were interrupted
by an incident that amazed and shocked the civilized world. As
Li Hung Cliiuig was returning to his lodgings on March 24, after
having attended a conference with the Japanese peace plenipoten-
tiaries, he was attacked by a young Japanese who sought to mur-
der him. The young man's name was Koyama Rokunosuki, and
he was but twenty-one years of age. The bullet struck the
Chinese envoy in the cheek, and it was believed that the result
would not be serious. The news of the attempt at assassination
created much excitement in Japan, in China, and in the western
world. The ministers of state and other officials visited Li Hung
Chang without delay, to express their deep sorrow at the occur-
rence. Every precaution was taken by the police and military to
prevent any trouble. The mikado was deeply grieved at the
afiTair, and sent his two chief court physicians. Surgeons Sato and
Isbiguro, to attend the Chinese envoy. The bullet entered the
cheek half an inch under the left eye, and penetrated to a depth
of nearly an inch and a half. The Chinese plenipotentiary
strongly objected to undergoing an operation for its removal.
The empress of Japan, to show her own regret, sent two nurses
to assume the care of the old man, and from every side letters
and telegrams of regret and sympathy arrived in great quanti-
ties.
Beside the physicians, the mikado sent the imperial chamber-
lain to convey his condolences to the viceroy, and to the public
he issued the following proclamation :
" A state of war exists between our country and China, but
she with due regard of international forms and usages sent an
ambassador to sue for peace. We therefore appointed plenipoten-
tiaries, instructing them to meet and negotiate at Shimonoseki.
It was consequently incumbent upon us, in pursuance of inter-
664 THE MIKADO'S APPEAL.
national etiquette, to extend to the Chinese ambassador treat-
ment consistent with the national honor, providing him ample
escort and protection. Hence we issued special commands to our
officials to exercise the utmost vigilance in all respects. It is
therefore a source of profound grief and regret to us, that a
ruffian should have been found base enough to inflict personal
injury on the Chinese ambassador. Our officials will sentence
^the culprit to the utmost punishment provided by the law. We
hereby command our officials and subjects to respect our wish«
and to preserve our country's fair fame from impairment b}*-
strictly guarding against a recurrence of such deeds of violence
and lawlessness."
The would-be assassin belonged to the class known as the
Soshis, or political bravos, who are always ripe for any acts of
riot or violence. When the attack was made, Li Hung Chang
was in a palanquin being conveyed to his hotel from conference
with the Japanese negotiators. He had nearly reached the
house, when a young man rushed out of the crowd, and seizing
the hand of one of the carriers in order to stop the palanquin
fired his pistol almost point blank at the Chinese plenipotentiary.
There was little room for hesitation as to his motives. He was a
fanatic who thought to serve his country by murdering the
Chinese statesman. No delusion, it is hardly necessary to say,
could be more gross than such a one. The criminal had done a
grievous injury to his country and its government. Japan had
striven long, earnestly, and successfully, to earn the reputation
of a civilized state. Nobody of course should be unjust enough
to upbraid her with the conduct of an irresponsible and appar-
ently an isolated malefactor. Individuals with ferocious passions
and ill-balanced minds are to be found in all countries, and such
a crime as this, deplorable and unusual though it was, might
have occurred in any European capital or our own capital city
under similar conditions. Nevertheless, there were those who
chose to take it as an index of national feeling condemning the
country for the act of one. The manner of the expressions of
regret that came so universally from every Japanese voice seemed
to offer sufficient disclaimer against the existence of any such a
cruel sentiment. Resolutions were presented in the Japanese
WHAT THE ASSAULT INDICATED. 665
diet expressing deep regret at the attempt upon the life of the
Chinese plenipotentiary, and the native newspapers were unani-
mous and sincere in the same expressions. It had to be recog-
nized, however, that an element existed among such people as the
Soshis, inclined to violence under such circumstances, and pre-
cautions were doubled. No government is adequate to control
fanaticism of the extremer sort, and the attempt upon the life of
Li Hung Chang was a symptom of the frenzy which had been
engendered in a large element of the Japanese people by the war.
It was now learned for the first time that Mr. Detring was
attacked by a Soshi in November, but was defended by the police.
He kept silence in order to avoid embittering the situation.
The immediate efiTect on the negotiations of the attempted as-
sassination of Li Hung Chang was that the emperor of Japan on
March 29, declared an unconditional armistice. This was
avowedly done because of the attack on the Chinese plenipoten-
tiary and was so declared in notifications which were sent to all
countries and to all Japanese legations. The language of the
notification thus sent out was as follows : ^^ On the opening of
the negotiations the Japanese plenipotentiary proposed armistice,
which Japan was willing to accept on certain conditions. While
this negotiation was going on, the untoward event happened on
the person of the Chinese plenipotentiary. His majesty, the
emperor, in view of this unhappy occurrence, commanded the
Japanese plenipotentiaries to consent to a temporary armistice
without conditions. This was communicated to the Chinese
plenipotentiary."
It was now felt that the power of the Japanese government to
execute the armistice would be put a critical test. The military
power of Japan, in the judgment of many intelligent observers,
had almost outstripped the civil power during the war. This had
caused serious concern as it was feared that the military element
backed by the war spirit among the people would not submit to
an armistice even if the civil authorities ordered one. To meet
this emergency a change of army commanders was made early in
March. There had been three army corps operating in different
campaigns and each under a general of supreme authority over
his particular campaign. Prince Eomatsu was created com-
666 DECLARATION OF THE ARMISTICE.
mander-in-chief over all armies in anticipation of an armistice.
The purpose of this step was to concentrate authority in one man
in close touch with the imperial household who could thus
execute an armistice by a simultaneous cessation of hostilities bj'
the three armies. It now remained to be seen whether Prince
Komatsu could execute the important commission given to him.
The splendid discipline shown by the army during the war gave
assurance that there would be immediate acquiescence by the
military, and yet Prince Komatsu had to contend against a war
spirit inflamed by many victories. It had been said that an
armistice would be so unpopular among the people and soldiery
that it would insure the political retirement of Japan's two chief
statesmen, Count Ito and Viscount Matsu, who had served as
peace envoys.
On the opening of the negotations, after the arrival of Li Hung
Chang at Shimonoseki, the Japanese plenipotentiaries at first
proposed the following conditions for the conclusion of an armis-
tice : — The occupation of Shan-hai-kwan, Taku, and Tien-tsin by
Japanese troops; Japanese control of the uncompleted railroad
from Shan-hai-kwan to Tien-tsin and custody of the various forts
and fortifications, together with the arms and ammunition ; the
payment by China of the war contributions required for such
occupation.
Li Hung Chang sought to obtain more moderate conditions,
but the Japanese plenipotentiaries refused, and it was then pro-
posed to continue the negotiations without a suspension of
hostilities. This was the stage which the negotiations had
reached at the third conference, when the attempt was made on
the life of Viceroy Li. In view of this circumstance the emperor
of Japan waiving the conditions previously made ordered the
Japanese plenipotentiaries to consent to an armistice until the
20th of April. The armistice was to apply to the forces in
Manchooria and in the circuit around the Gulf of Pechili, includ-
ing the two great promontories, but did not include any operations
to the south of that region. Neither government was to be pre-
vented from making any new distribution or disposition of their
troops not intended to augment the armies in the field. The
movement of troops and the transport of goods contraband of war
CONTINUING NEGOTIATIONS. * 667
by sea were, however, prohibited and if attempted would be
made at the risk of capture. The armistice was to terminate
should the peace negotiation be broken off in the meantime, and
a convention embodying these terms was signed.
The news of the armistice was received excitedly by the Japan-
ese and Chinese living in the United States, but only the former
found it possible to concede the truth. A characteristic crowd of
excited Chinamen gathered in front of a Chinese temple in their
own quarter of New York City discussing a flaming red poster,
the translation of which read : ^* The war between China and
Japan has ended and it is time for every one to rejoice. Our
£etthers and brothers have fought the old enemy and those who
have not been butchered will be honored at home. China is a
greater country than Japan, and if the war had been allowed to
go on the Japanese would have been whipped out of their boots
and China would have annexed Japan as a colony. It is well for
Japan that her people have been called off by the emperor, but
the time will not be long before the war will be opened again, for
it is written in the mystic language of the shrine that China and
Japan cannot dwell forever on the same earth."
During the time of Li Hung Chang's illness resulting from his
wound, his son, Li Ching Fung, acted as his representative in
Japan and continued the negotiations. On April 7th the wound
in Li*s face had completely healed and the bandages were re-
moved. The young man who had committed the assault was
sentenced to imprisonment for life at hard labor, while the chief
of police and the prefect of Shimonoseki, together will all their
staff, were dismissed in disgrace.
After three days of obstinate silence the assassin dropped his
air of bravado and made a full confession to Judge Toyama, who
conducted a private examination at the Bakan court. The prisoner
declared that he had long brooded over the causes leading to the
disturbance of peace in the east, and had reached the conclusion
that the evil practices of Li Hung Chang were accountable for all
of them, beginning with the mismanagement of affairs in Corea.
He believed that as long as Li lived peace could not be restored
and resolved at one time to go to China and kill the viceroy.
This purpose was defeated by his inability to raise the necessary
668 SIGNING OF THE TREATY.
money, but when he learned tlmt Li was coming to Japan as
peace ambassador he felt that his opportunity had arrived. He
bought a revolver in Yokohama, March 11, and the next day started
for Tokio, reaching Bakaii, March 24. At 4:15 o'clock that after-
noon he approached the sedan chair in which the ambassador was
returning from the conference hall to his lodgings in Shimonoseki
and discharged his weapon, aiming it at the victim's breast. Al-
though he endeavored to study his right arm by clasping it with
the left, he missed his aim inflicting only a slight wound.
The conditions of the peace which was to be concluded by treaty
now began to interest the civilized world almost as closely as the
two contending nations. The conditions which were demanded
by the Japanese were guessed at by every one who thought him-
self competent to form an opinion, and the varying opinions were
sent out for discussion in the press of the world. At one time it
was asserted to be arranged that Japan would conclude on offen-
sive and defensive alliance with China, the object being to oppose
European interestB in the far east. This prospect occasioned
considerable excitement among European diplomates. It was
recognized that should China's numbers and enormous resources
be united to Japanese progression, activity, and administrative
ability, the coalition would be almost impregnable to any assault
that might be delivered upon it, and that it might enjoy excellent
success in any Asiatic aggressions which it cared to attempt.
It will be unprofitable here to discuss the various conditions of
peace that were supposed to be proposed when we have at our
command the settlement that was actually made. Nor is it
worth while to consider the threatened intervention of Great
Britain and Russia and France and Germany, each to protect her
own interests in the east, for as a matter of fact no such interven-
tions were made unless through the most secret diplomacy. In-
asmuch as Japan's demands did not encroach upon any rights
possessed by those countries in the east, there was no proper
reason why they should intervene.
Finally on Monday, April 15th, a peace convention was actu-
ally signed at Shimonoseki by the plenipotentiaries of China and
Japan. The independence of Corea was recognized. It was con-
ceded that Japan should retain temporarily the important places
STIPULATIONS OP THE TREATY. 669
that fcjlic had conquered. Port Arthur, Wei-hai-wei, and Niu-
chwang, iu eluding all the temtory east of the Liao River. The
island of Formosa was ceded permanently to Japan. An indem-
nity was provided for to be paid by China to Japan of 200,000,-
000 taels in silver, which is equivalent to about $150,000,000 in
American gold. China agreed to no longer impose upon foreigners
the odious tax known as Likin, levied upon all goods and sales,
and a uniform standard tael was required to be adopted by China
for her currency. All foreigners were to be permitted to introduce
into China factories and machinery, and to lease warehouses in
the interior. The important commercial concessions given to
Japan were thus extended to all other treat}'' nations. The occu-
pation of Port Arthur and Wei-hai-wei and of the conquered
Manchoorian territory were to be temporary, lasting only long
enough to guarantee the payment of the war indemnity by China.
The terms of this payment provided that it should be made in
silver in six animal installments. Japan retained extra-territorial
jurisdiction in China, that is the right to try her own subjects
arrested in China on charges of crime, and on the other hand
China gave up the right to extra-territoriality in Japan.
The Chinese customs were not placed under Japanese control
by the terms of the treaty as had been alleged, and the stipula-
tions provided that on the payment of the first two installments
of the indemnity to be paid by China, Wei-hai-wei might be
evacuated, provided China pledge her customs revenue in order
to insure the payment of the balance due. This it was officially
announced was optional, and might never take effect, while at
the present time there was no intention of touching the customs
revenue of China. It was understood that China conceded prac-
tically everything required by Japan, except making Peking an
open port, and this was strenuously resisted. At the solicitation
of the Chinese envoy too, the indemnity demanded was reduced
from three hundred million to two hundred million taels.
So frequently were reports circulated, that Japan and China
had concluded an offensive and defensive alliance, and that the
commercial advantages secured by Japan were to be exclusive,
that the government felt it desirable to deny those statements and
issued the following announcement regarding the matter :
670 NO ALLIANCE OF CHINA AND JAPAN.
*' Misapprehensions are reported to be current in Europe in
regard to the terms of the Japan-China treaty. It has been repre-
sented that Japan has secured a two per cent ad volorem duty on
imports instead of specific duty and has also formed an o£Fensiye
and defensive alliance with China. The commercial concessions
obtained by Japan beyond those already secured by the treaty
powers under the favored nation clause comprise the right to
navigate the YangtseKiang to Chung King, and also the Woon
Sung River and the canals leading to Soo Chow and Hank Chow
and the right to import machinery and certain goods duty free
and to establish factories. These concessions are not exclusive to
Japan. They naturally extended to European powers, in virtue
of the favored nation clause. In securing these privileges for all
Japan expects the approval of all the powers. The reported
offensive and defensive alliance does not exist."
Li Hung Chang and his suite started home to China escorted to
their vessels by a guard of honor, and Count Ito and Viscount
Matsu, the officers who negotiated the treaty of peace were
received in audience by the emperor on their return to Hiro-
shima. He expressed himself as entirely satisfied with the princi-
pal points of the treaty which added much to the glory of the
empire, and highly pleased at the signal service rendered by them.
On the afternoon of April 22 the following proclamation was
issued by the Japanese mikado :
"Through peace, national prosperity is best promoted. Un-
fortunately, the rupture of relations with China forced upon us a
war which, after a lapse of ten months, is not yet ended. During
this period our ministers, in concert with the army, navy and diet,
have done all in their power to further our aims in obedience to
our instructions. Our ardent desire, with the assistance of our
subjects, in loyalty and sincerity, is to restore peace and thereby
attain our object— the promotion of national prosperity. Now
that peace is negotiated and armistice proclaimed, a permanent
cessation of hostilities is near at hand. The terms of peace fixed
by our minister of state give us complete satisfaction. The peace
and glory thus secured renders the present a fitting time to en-
lighten you as to the course of our future policy.
" We are rejoiced at the recent victories which have enhanced
PEACEFULNESS ENJOINED. 671
the glory of our empire. At the same time we are aware that the
end of the road which must be traversed by the empire in the
march of civilization is still far distant and remains yet to be at-
tained. We therefore hope, in common with our loyal subjects,
that we shall always guard against self-coutentedness, but in a
spirit of modesty and humility strive to perfect out military de-
fense without falling into extremes. In short, it is our wish that
the government and the people alike shall work to a common end
and that our subjects of all classes strive each in his sphere for
the purpose of laying the foundation of permanent prosperity.
** It is hereby definitely made known that no countenance will
be given by us to such as, through conceit at the recent victories,
may offer insult to another state or injure our relations with
friendly powers, especially as regards China. After the exchange
of the ratifications of the treaty of peace, frendship should be re-
stored and endeavors made to increase more than ever before the
relations of good neighborhood. It is our pleasure that our sub-
jects pay due respect to these expressed wishes.''
Let us now take a hasty glance in conclusion at the condition
in which the three countries with which we have dealt are left at
the close of the war, and the prospects for their future. The
Japanese government is in the hands of a progressive and able
emperor, supported by a cabinet composed of the foremost states-
men of the east, and reigning under constitutional forms. Nat-
urally elated by the wonderful success of their arms, it is to be
fairly expected that they will continue in the progressiveness
which has marked the island empire's history since Perry opened
the door for western light to shine in. In the east they should
become by virtue of the abilities the dominant power, unless by
chance the Chinese have learned a lesson which they will put into
effect. With the constant impression of western civilization upon
them, it is to be hoped that the Japanese will acquire a firm moral
and intellectual basis for the manners of life that their intelli-
gence and activity have adopted, and become in the best sense a
civilized nation. What they lack now to reach this point, are the
things that can only come by a succession of generations of civi-
lization. Wonderful record as the last foi*ty years have made for
the island empire, they have not given to that realm yet a com-
672 WHAT OF THE FUTURE?
plete and rounded civilization. The best friends of Japan hope
and believe that she will not permit her splendid successes of the
war to make her over lordly and conceited.
China is the enigma of the east. It is certain that the influen-
ces of their defeat will open the Chinese empire very rapidly to
modern civilization and investment. But whether or not China
retain her conservatism and refuse to adopt the things that are in-
terspersed among her people can scarcely be predicted. The es-
tablished system has received a severe shock from the Japanese
victory, and surely a new or civilized and more vigorous one will
take its place. It is an actual fact that so far as can be said by
those most familiar with the country, the knowledge that the war
has even been in progress has probably not yet penetrated to the
confines of the empire, so poor are the means of communication
and so indifferent are the people of one region to the things that
are happening to those of another province. An experienced
traveler in China relates that he penetrated from Shanghai south-
westward through China towards India immediately after the de-
struction of the summer palace of the emperor by French and
English troops, and the investiture of Peking thirty-five years
ago. The expedition was considered dangerous, as the antago-
nism of the whole country, smarting under humiliation and defeat
was to be feared. On arriving at Ichang, eleven hundred miles
from the coast, the war news had just come to the knowledge of
the government officials; three hundred miles farther west there
was absolute ignorance that any war had occurred. At the city of
Pingshan, two thousand miles west of the coast, the party heard
of a Mohammedan insurrection of some years' standing, ranging
in the province of Yun-nan, but the bare fact of such an import-
ant disturbance had not yet reached the coast. Certain it is how-
ever, that if China does assimilate the lesson that she has had a
ohance to learn, a new power will exist in the east that will need
to be watched by western nations.
As to Corea it is difficult again to prophesy. Should Japan
take stringent pains to provide for civilizing that hermit king-
dom, it is possible that the work may be done, but so difficult are
the political conditions in that peninsula, and so unsympathetic
are the Corean rulers and chief men with all western ideas of
ULTIMATE EFFECT OF THE WAR, 678
progress, that the. task will be a bitter one. If Japan maintains
the independence of Corea in its purity, that must mean that she
will keep her own hands out of Corean affairs. This is scarcely
to be expected, for the energetic empire has imposed upon her-
self the task of reforuiing Corea, and it is sure that she will make
strenuous efforts to do it.
As one result of the war between China and Japan must be to
increase the points of contact between the eastern and western
worlds, the fortune of parties and the evolution of domestic poli-
tics in those countries must, in future, command to a greater de-
gree than in the past, the attention of American and European
observers. Political evolution has been rapid in Japan. Changes
which in Anglo-Saxon countries have been the slow product of
centuries, are, in this portion of what has been called " the un-
changing east," crowded into little more than a single generation.
What may be done in Corea and China cannot be told. But the
fairest prophecy would be that the horrors of war will be util-
ized, by the influence of time and a better understanding, to im-
prove and modernize the Orient.
THE END.
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