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S 0!5i.''-:^^'O 


\ ,\ 

1 1, 


The Jews in Hungary — their Magyar character — Fines 

levied by Wmdi^hgriUx- Smuggling Communities- 
Secret Correspondence — Reb Anschel — System of Tele- 
graphs — Hussar deserters from the Austrians — Hunga- 
rian Regiments in Italy — The Imperialists in retreat — a 
Village Scene 1 


The Hungarian Peasant — ^The Hussar — ^his religious feel- 
ings — A Scene in Battle — Military Punishment — ^The 
Banderial Hussar and his deadly enemy — Romantic sto- 
ries — The Horse of the Hussar — Narrative of an old 
Colonel 17 


The Csikos — his Education — Herds of Horses — whip of the 
Csikos — Horse-chase — ^The Csikos in Battle — ^Trial of his 
skill — The Kanasz, or swineherd — his roving life — his 
weapons— The Gulyas, or oxherd — ^his dress and mode 
of life — The Fishermen on the Theiss 31 




Political Relations of Hungary to Foreign Powers — The 

Frankfort Parliament — Pazmandy and Szalay — Mr. Wim- 
mer sent to Berlin — The King of Prussia — Count Teleki 
appointed Envoy to Paris — Statesmen and parties in 
France — Pulszky sent as Envoy to London — Russian In- 
tervention and the policy of England — Baron Splenyi — 
Negotiations with the Italian Statesmen — Splenyi at the 
Court of Turin — Sardinian Envoy sent to Hungary — 
Constantinople and France 46 


Intrigues at Debreczin — Declaration of Independence — Kos- 
suth's intentions — a new Ministry — Szemere — the Re- 
publican movement — Duschek — Ladislaus Csanyi — Vu- 
kovich — Horvath — Casimir Batthyanyi — Foreign Policy 
of Hungary — the South Sclavish Races 75 


Advance of the Russians — ^they cross the Frontier — Francis 
Joseph — Imperial tears — Gorgey on the Waag — Kos- 
suth's weakness — ^Haynau takes the field — ^his character 
— Execution of Mednianski, Gruber and Razga — ^Adven- 
tures of two Hungarian Ladies — Kossuth, Gorgey and 
Danuanich — ^Plan of Operations of the Hnngarians — 
Battle of Pered and Siigard — Flight of Goigey — Position 
of the War in the South and East 91 


Opening of the Campaign — ^Advance of the Imperial Armies 
— Benu Lud^rs; Engelhanlt, Frdtag, Gro^enhdm — Ca- 



pitulation of Arad— The Baron de Pamplun — Battle of 
Hegyes — Paskiewitsch, Rudiger, Kuprianoff, TscheodajefF 
— Dembinski — Flight to Debreczin — Grabbe and Benitzki 
— Haynau assumes the offensive — The Auttrians in Raab 121 


Strategy of Haynau — The Battles before Komom — SchUk, 
Benedek, Paniutin — Gorgey in Battle — Conduct of Gor- 
gey — Kossuth's letter to Teleki — Klapka — Gorgey and 
Nagy Sandor at Waitzen — Bern's last Campaign in Tran- 
sylvania — Battle at Hatvan — Gorgey on the Sajo, Her- 
nad and Theiss — PerczePs strategy 142 


Szegedin — Kossuth's Enemies — his adherence to the ground 
of legality — his summons to a general Crusade — Kos- 
suth's errors — The Diet at Szegedin — Paloczy — Gorgey 
appointed Commander-in-chief — the Finance Minister 
and the Banknote-press — Austrian Troops on the march 
— Klapka's Sortie from Komom 180 


Kossuth and Dembinski — The Szegedin National Guards — 
Paskiewitsch— Maize Pbmtations — Great Victory of the 
Russians — A glance at Gorgey — Prince Lichtenstein — 
Kossuth's final plan — Dembinski's error — Sziiregh — 
Gorgey arrives before Arad — Rukowina — Battle of Te- 
mesvar — Abdication of Kossuth — Vilagos — The new Dic- 
tator — Fbldvary, Pbltenberg, Nagy Sandor, Leiningen — 
Surrender of Arms 195 



Thoughts on the Hungarian Revolution — Szinnay and his 

party — Fate ot the army — Klapka, and the Surrender of 
Komom — Executions at Arad and Pesth — Scenes in pri- 
son — Remarks on Batthyanyi's Execution — The Nobility 
and the People— Courts-Martial — The Austrian Dynasty 222 


Was Gorgey a traitor ? — his position toward Russia — The 
present state of Hungary — Reflections on the Monarchy 
— The Emperor — Sketches of the Ministers — A united 
Austria — The future Diet — A vision — A Ministerial list 
Proposal for a future mode of Electioneerings Conclusion 243 


I. Arthur Gorgey 269 

II. Imperial Manifesto, announcing to the Croatians and 
Sdavonians that the Ban, Baron Joseph Jellachich» 

is suspended from all his dignities and offices 296 

111. Memorial presented to the Archduke Stephen by the 

Hungarian Ministry, in the month of June, 1848... 306 

l\\ Kesotipt of Ferdinand to the Ban of Croatia 323 

V* Im^terial Manifesto appointing Baron Joseph Jella- 
ehich Royal Lieutenant and Civil and Military 

rommisaaiy of Hungary 325 

VL l><MWntials of MM« Sialay and Puonandy at the Ger- 

uiiu\ Parliament at Frankfort 328 

VIL l^HU^r from the llimgariaii Kmba^y at Pans to Prince 

Ciartorv^ki 330 





The Jews in Hungary — their Magyai character — Fines levied by 
Windischgriltz — Smuggling Communities — Secret Corre- 
spondence — Reb Anschel — System of Telegraphs — Hussar 
deserters from the Austrians — Hungarian Regiments in Italy 
— ^The Imperialists in retreat — a Village Scene. 

With the storming of Buda and the relief of Ko- 
morn terminated the first campaign against the 
Austrians. A long cessation of hostilities ensued, 
during which the Russian armies approached the 
Hungarian frontier. We shall meanwhile direct 
our attention to the machinery of that great en- 
gine which Kossuth set in motion, and which by 
the skilful adaptation of all its parts, and the ac- 
curate working of the whole, had produced such 
amazing results. 



We spoke of Debreczin^ and its isolation formed 
by the grand cordon of the peasants on the Plain of 
the Theiss : in the following pages the secret causes 
will be revealed, which enabled the Government at 
the same time to maintain an uninterrupted com- 
munication with the other parts of the country. We 
have here and there adverted to the patriotism of the 
Magyars, and we shall proceed to show more fully 
the character of this spirit. We have related battles 
and victories, but it is necessary to cast a glance over 
the elements of the Hungarian army, in order to 
gain a knowledge of Hungary, "her people, peculia- 
rities and warriors. In this and the following 
chapters we shall attempt to make the reader better 
acquainted with the elements of the war, and the 
peculiar resources of the country. 

Ever since the destruction of Jerusalem, the Jews 
have, it is weU known, gained much in wealth and 
lost much in courage. Of the devoted heroism 
of the ancient Israelites, in the defence of their 
city and temple, the modem generation retains 
no trace, and their cowardice has necessarily con- 
tributed much to the degradation of this unhappy 

Since the great year of revolutions, 1848, the 
Jews have lost much wealth and gained much cou« 
rage. The year 1848 — that creaking hinge in the 

hiekarj o£ European nations — appears also to be a 
tniBing-point in the history of the JewiA nation ; 
&qm a set of uieaking cowards^ public opinion has 
pvochdmed them the most formidable of all rcvohir 

For a long time past the Hungarian Jews stood 
is the same relation to thdr fellow-belieTera in the 
other provinces of the Monarchy, aa the Hunga> 
rinns in general to the other Crownrlands. The 
naitairal character of the people had been reflected 
in that of the Jew; leas oppressed than the Jews 
in Bohemia, Moravia, and Galicia, he is conse* 
quentfy less cowardly and sneaking ; and the senti* 
ment of -patriotism, which the German Jew in his- 
scarcely emancipated condition has only bc^;un to 
ftel, has long become part of the nature of his 
Hungarian bretibren. 

The wealthy Jew drives about in his carriage-and- 
tma like the first nobleman, « with an Hnasar at- 
tendant cm the coach-bcnc ; whilst, on the other hand, 
many & poor fellow amongst them may say, like 
his Catholic neighbour in the forest, ^To get an 
honest Mvelihood I must turn robber/' They have 
all become good Magyars, and have readily learnt 
the. language of the country; in the Hungarian 
viQages little Jewish children are frequently heard 
speaking very good Magyar. On the other hand, 



the Jews in Hungary have no inclination for Ger- 
man^ while it is well known that in the other 
countries of Europe^ France and England not ex- 
cepted^ a Jew is rarely met with who does not 
speak^ or at least understand^ the Jewish-German 

It is a striking fact^ that in all the Crown-lands 
belonging to Hungary, — Sclavonia, Croatia, and the 
Military Frontier, as well as Slovakia, — the Jews, 
without exception, incline to Magyarism, readUy re: 
nounce all German character, and have a thorough 
aversion to Sclavism. Hitherto Sclavism has not 
been fortunate in making proselytes, and the dislike 
of it entertained by the Jews is nowise exceptional 
or remarkable. 

We have spoken of the German inhabitants of 
the towns in connexion with the first retreat firom 
Pressburg. The sentence was severe, but true ; and 
in this truth is to be found the cause why the Jews 
of the country have for so long a time sympathized 
rather with the Magyars than the Germans. If 
Uien, on the one side, we consider the last perse- 
cutions of the Jews in Pressburg and Tymau by 
German citizens (in Magyar places such an ana- 
chronism has never been witnessed), and, on the 
other side, the emancipation of the Jews by the 
Hungarian Diet, on the motion of Kossuth, even 


before March, — ^we shall understand the 

of the Jews in Hungary for Kossuth and the Magyar 


Tliis introduction was necessary to render dear 
what follows; we now turn to the Powers engaged 
in the war. 

The Stadion-Schwarzenberg Ministry, which, in- 
capable of ever becoming popular, coveted the 
appellation of '^Strong,'' did not require to find 
Ruthenians for Hungary, as in Oalicia. The 
Magyars had a choice of enemies, — ^Wallachs, Slo- 
vacks, Serbs, and Croats ; and if they had hitherto 
proudly considered themselves the sole lords of the 
four thousand (German) square miles of that im- 
mense garden, in which the horses grow wild like 
the tobacco-plant, and the Sclavish races figure as 
the cactus-hedge, these latter turned their thorns 
quite as often inside as outside. The Austrilui Mi- 
nistry had, as prudent gardeners, only to water and 
cultivate this fence carefiiUy, and to turn it inwards. 
They promised the enemies of the Magyars all their 
fancy could dream of; they caressed the Ban and 
the Wojwode in private and public; in short they 
coquetted with the friendship of these races, but in 
doing so, forgot the most powerful of all, — a nation 
which can never be overlooked with impunity, since 
they never forget themselves, — they neglected to 


CQQcdiiate the fiieaadship of ihe Jews^ v^o alone tisd 
nothiiig to expect from the great, free, and united 
Austria, having been akeady emancipated fay the 
Hungarian Diet. 

Hsy Prince Windisefagratz oomzmitted asiS& greater 
error, — he made the Jews his enemies. Whilst 
other i^nts and assistants of ICossul^' had heen 
merely put out of the way with powder and ball, the 
Jewish community to which any such traitor, uUus 
patriot, belonged, had in addition to pay for the 
powder and ball used in his execution 20,000 florins. 
Every ccoomunity was held responsible for its indi- 
vidual members, fcnr Iheir not smuggling leatiber or 
cloth to Debreczin : the ta&er had to aid in pro- 
viding the cord with which his son was hung^ and yet 
he thought it natural enough fi)r his boh to purvey 
for Kossuth, and thence derive some profit in such 
misarable times. The immense fines were notwiAout 
their eSecL The communities, which saw the isfi- 
possibility of watdiing over their individual mem- 
bers, went to work in a sa&r way, and 4»nuggled in 
a body. Wlulst Schmuhl and Mosche, with their 
"Christian neighbours Gyury and Lajos, were figlit- 
isng bravely in the first ranks of the Magyars, Use old 
greybeards who remained at home formed that im- 
m^se tel^raphic net, which extended from Vienna 
to Debreczin, smd from Arad to Komorn. 




The widely ramified trading connexiona of the Jews^ 
their agenta and correspondents, were of the greatest 
service for this purpose. What matter if the knot 
of mystery in these letters were cut with the sword? 
the contents were always on the face of them inno- 
cent and unobjectionable as a diplomatic note. Thus, 
for example, a respectable old man writes from 
Waitzen to his partner at Keresztur : '' Reb Anschel 
goes tomorrow to your fair with fourteen boxes of 
heavy goods. Do all in your power to procure him 
a good sale, with the assistance of our friends/^ — 
'^ Accursed pack of Jews ! " exclaims the officer, 
who has the honourable commission to open the 
letter, — '^accursed pack, that in the very midst of 
the bloodiest scenes of war are still thinking of 
their miserable wares/' But the partner knows 
from this letter that Reb Anschel (the Jewish name 
for Alfred, the Christian name of the Prince) has 
ordered fourteen pieces of heavy artillery, with the 
necessary convoy, to Keresztur ; and the thing to be 
done is instantly to give information of the circum- 
stance to their good friends in business, the Hus- 
sars, who accidentally take a ride on the banks of 
the Theiss. Then there is a scuffle and fight for 
the heavy goods ! Two days afterwards the partner 
writes word back from Keresztur to his cousin at 
Waitzen, — "Reb Anschel arrived here safely, and 

^w w 


has had a brilliant stroke of busmess. All bis goods 
except two haye beea taken off his hands.^ 

This was one of the many fonnularies of the 
Magyar-Jewish bulletins^ which made the roand of 
the whole country in a few days. It may not be 
written in as good German as the bulletins of Oe- 
neral Welden^ but let it be r^nembered that " God 
looks to the hearty and not to the style.'^ The Hun- 
garians have the hearty and Welden the style. 

But we were speaking of a net of telegraphs. No 
one had ever before heard of telegraphs in Hun* 
gary^ and now on a sudden we are told of the 
existence of an immense net ! This might ^ve rise 
to misconception, without some explanation. It is 
true that there are no proper telegraphs, nor ever 
have been, in Hungary. On the heights, and on 
the church-towers, we find no telegraphic apparatus 
by day, nor fire-signals by night ; we find no electric 
wires or batteries on the plains, — and yet Kossuth 
had his telegraphs. 

Let the reader now cast a glance over the mea- 
dow* at Buda. A motley crowd is there in mo- 
tion. Adjutants are gaUoping to and firo,— camp- 
sutlers are packing up their goods, the horses are 
put to the pontoon-equipage, the drums beat and 

* A meadow nnder the walls of the fortress^ where reviews 
of the troops take place. — Ed. 


trumpets sounds the hones neigh and snorty the 
harness cracks and snaps, knapsacks are strapped, 
the cannon advance in order of march, the columns 
are set in motion, and gradually the immense train 
falls into order, and crosses the hridge to Pesth with 
a hollow, measured step on its road to Szolnok. 

The inhabitants of Pesth are gathered in dense 
crowds and silent ; the women gaze out of the win- 
dows with sad and anxious looks ; but all is still— 
not a single cheer is heard for the soldiers who 
are going forth to battle; but a hundred thousand 
prayers, breathed in silence for the enemies whom 
they are going to encounter, is all the farewell sa- 
lutation they take with them on their march* 

A dashing cavalry officer has meanwhile ridden 
on before through the streets, and lighted his cigar 
at the pipe of a countryman standing idle at the 
barrier. In doing so the man's pipe goes out : what 
can it be that moves him so powerfully ? He runs 
aside to a sand-hill, quickly strikes a light again with 
a flint and steel, but instead of lighting the tobacco 
in his pipe, he kindles a faggot, extinguishes it again, 
-once more lights it, and goes his way. The man 
must be a dreamer or a madman, for he has thrown 
his short pipe also into the fire, to make it bum the 

Let us look further. At short distances another 



€Dlumi of smoke, and aaoi^ber, and BtiU anatiwr ! A 
Iktle hump-backed gipsy4ad, w1k> has been gatiicr- 
img faggots in the woods firom ear] j m the inoEDiog, 
peireiires a column of sinoke, and immediatdy dv^^ 
4BX the ground the bundle he has cdleeted wiSx audi 
labour^ sets fire to his ti^aaure— « second Baardana- 

We now tiu*n our Tiew still fucdier to the 
A boy is seen running through the village — a 
man is flying over the Heath, — ^a dog swims acamB 
the river, — and horse and rider, dog and boy^ are all 
links in that great, living, invisible net of telegn^s. 
A few hours after the Imperial army has set out 
from Buda, the route of its march is known on tiie 
banks of the Theiss, and the necessary precautions 
sace takoi, whilst the Imperial General wiiji all his 
power cannot bribe one trusty spy« Such is ihe 
history of the Hungarian telegraphs, which wece 
used in the Netherlands as early as by Philip IL, 
and will always find employment where a national 
war is waged against a foreign standing anny. 

The strength of a People is like the str^igth of 
the ground 6n which they live. The individual re- 
presents the clod of earth, from which the life of the 
plant proceeds ; and as the smallest atom of the soil 
is susceptible of the germ, so too the soul of the 
most insignificant individual contains enough of the 


ntel np to l)eooiiie fnntfal of good for the cooddqii 
inifiae. WJbat a nstunlly hnrt and ndble-heaited 
IVji|ili ii capaUe of effiseting, when ks hevokm it 
avooad, has been leeaL ia this war, in which armiea 
hnipe aprang oat of the earth at it were at theetamp 

A portion of the Hungarian feroet, infantrjr.aa 

well as cavalry^ were in the oountry at the hrgimriiqf 

4if. the war; 8nd aH who Jmew the catechism of the 

flbntgarian soldier, were not long in doubt on which 

aide the troops woudd fig^t But, in addition to 

duae, whcde aquadnms of Hussars deserted from 

Bohfffima and Moravia, from Ghdida and Styria: 

thtti^ to cite only one instancft out of many, thuee 

hmxdred men monnted fought their way to Hungary 

from Klattau in Bohemia. Pursued on many sides^ 

as long as they were on Impenal-Anstrian aoil^ 

these brare men were obliged to wind iheir way 

through whde xeg^ments and provinces. By day 

they concealed themselves in the forests, to escape 

from their pursners, and by night only they pursued 

th^ route, nding without stop until they readied 

tiie frontier of th^ own country, where they were 

«eoai«d with open ams bj the enthunastb oountay. 

people, and conducted— ^Jmost carried in triumph 

—to the nearest town. Their clothes were in rags, 

their &ces covered with Uood and duatj dieir tn^ 


pings torn to pieces^ the horses reduced to skeletons, 
and the men themselves more dead than alive from 
toil and privation; but their sunken eye beamed 
with enthusiasm on their countrymen^ who pressed 
around them^ and their ear listened with avidity to 
the welcome sound of their native tongue, — a greet* 
ing from their loved homes, for which they had come 
at the peril of their lives — to die. 

In Italy there were about 20,000 Hungarians in 
Radetzky^s army, but notwithstanding afl the efforts 
of their countrymen to facilitate their escape, these 
troops were too strictly watched to be able to rnedi^ 
tate flight in a body. Kossuth had reckoned much 
on these regiments, and hoped they might escape to 
the Piedmontese territory, when their further pro- 
ceedings were arranged by the Envoys; they were 
to have been landed in Dalmatia by Sardinian ships^ 
whence there would be no doubt of their reaching 
Hungary in safety. But, prepared for the worst, 
Kossuth had meanwhile neglected no steps to or- 
ganize an army on the soil of Hungary. There was 
no want of recruits, and the oBSicers were supplied 
by the Austrian army and the Poles. The soldier 
had, together with his new vocation, to receive a 
new name: Kossuth called him Honvedy a word 
which signifies " Defender of the country,'^ — in con- 
tradistinction to the soldier, who enlists for mere 


pay. It is therefore an error to consider the Honveds 
as a description of irregular troops : they are pro* 
periy speaking the regular Hungarian soldiers, and 
the Hussar is the mounted Honved. 

Whenever a corps set out on any expedition, the 
peasants left their plough, or their comfortable sit* 
ting-room, to accompany the troops, as an escort in 
the van and rear* The cluster of peasants increased 
at every mile, like an avalanche. The Landsturm 
of the country prepared quarters for the soldiers, 
superintended the means of transport, the provision- 
ing, the service of the outposts, and likewise took 
upon themselves the task of tracking, pursuing or 
suirounding small bodies of the Imperial troops. 

Foreign generals, of the old school of tactics, will 
doubtless raise their hands in astonishment at this 
mode of wariare, and hardly conceive how an Au« 
strian squadron should be unable to secure itself by 
vedettes. But the outpost service of the Imperialists 
in this war was so harrassing, and at the same time 
so insecure, that it was enough to wear out the best 
troops in a few months, frequently for a whole 
week the poor soldier did not take off his clothes, 
nor remove the saddle from his horse's back ; every 
hour, day and night, in storm, wind and sunshine, 
he had to be on the alert against a surprize; and 
if ever an advanced piquet ventured to play the 


Sybarite^ — that is, to pull off tbeir shoes, to soMe 
thcansdves comfortably for the night, or to put the 
^flesh-pot cm the fire, — no sooner has the eaTOhy- 
soldier unbuckled the first strap, than the peasasft 
of the village has given a sign to ihe Orakoses, who 
«re on -walbch in the neighboorhood, thtft there is 
work for them to cb« At the Magyar outpodta, ott 
ithe contrary, iixd soldiesra sleep quietiy in the bedbs 
whidi their hosts provide, the horses are led to Ite 
well-'filled manger, ibe peasant-lads dean then 
down, washing their legs with wine ; imd long lie- 
ibre the enemy comes within shot, they are i>oth at 
their posts or in safety. 

In a retreat the Imperialists generally fa^ed stiH 
worse. When, after a farced march for hours, 
" which the enemy followed in haste,^^ they reached 
a village where they hc^ed to have a little rest, a 
glass of wine, a crust of bread, a draught of water, 
some refreshment for themselves and their horses, 
they generally found the thatched, clay cottages 
deserted by the men. The old women who remained 
behind protested that there was no water, and that 
they were almost starved; that the wells were all 
filled with sand, the cellars plundered, the cattle 
stolen, and that in the hay-stacks the bare poles 
alone were left. Threats are unavailing, nor is iSicre 
time to make any search, for the horsemen in pur- 

▲ TIIiLACn BCSHnB. 15 

seat «fe alreadjr within siglit The troop tiuatttage 
ride out of the village, half dead witib h unger and 
ttint^ JMB they had entered it, atriviog with a last 
effort of their strength to join a diriakm of the 
main army. 

But, manreUoua to relate, acBrody has the last 
Boldier turned the comer of the viBagey when ail ia 
at once life and bustle in the deserted huts. The 
men creep from' their hiding-places, like beavers 
out of their holes, all running to meet and welcome 
their friendly guests ; horses without bridle or halter 
come running in little groups into the wide village 
road, look cautiously around, and steal into the 
well-known stables of their masters. A loud whistle 
has called them home fit)m the vineyards, where, 
with remarkable instinct, the docile and well- 
trained animals have remained quiet in their con- 
cealment. The village lads now come running up, 
and wine flows in abundance, with water and hay 
and quantities of bread and bacon, and no lack of 
embracing and shaking of hands to boot. The vil- 
lage is suddenly turned into a market-place; the old 
dames trip to and fro, the lads clean down the 
horses, the girls look after the eating and drinking, 
and the men eagerly inquire if Kossuth — '' God 
bless him!'^ — ^is still at Debreczin, and whether Win* 


dischgratz — ^^^ curses on his great grandmotherly- 
still keeps the King prisoner. 

There is much that is dreadfiil^ mingled with 
much that is po^tical^ in such a national struggle ; 
and the Croat and Czechish soldiers^ in spite of 
their caouchouc stomachs^ will have plenty of this 
poetry of the Hungarian war to relate to their chil- 
dren's children. 



The HuHguian PeaMnt— The Hnaflar— his religions feelings^- 
A Scene in Bat^ — MilitBry Pamflbment—- The Baoderiai 
Hussar and his deadly enemy — Romantic stories — ^The Horse 
of the Hussar — Narrative of an old Colonel. 

Thb rich^ black soil of Hungary is the light side 
of the country. The peasant^ who calls a field his 
property^ is more the usufructuary than the cul- 
tivator. He neither ploughs nor reaps^ nor does he 
eat his bread in the sweat of his brow. In Spring 
laige troops of Slovack and Moravian peasants 
come into the country^ and cultivate his land for 
hire ; in the autumn they reap his com. The most 
tlmt the Magyar does is to ride out with his chil- 
dren in the morning, and in the cool of evening, to 
look at his fields, and smoke his pipe in the shade 
of the maize. In the winter he lives on the pro- 
duce of his swine; there is no want of bread on 
the table, nor of wood in the immense stove; the 


tobacco-plant flowers in the little garden in front of 
his house-door^ and the tendrils of the vine climb in 
at the window. What great mischief then can war 
do to such a man ? If his cottage is burnt down, 
he only goes away for a time with his wife and 
children; his horse follows him^ faithful as a dog, 
and if his field lies fallow for a year, it will be only 
more fertile the next. 

In such a state of things a Landsturm is easily 
called out, whenever any leading men, commanding 
general esteem in the country, have the power of 
exciting the peasantry. For the Magyar, in spite 
of his indolence, possesses a lively temperament, 
and at the same time the power and will to mea- 
sure his strength with an enemy. The ancient 
Turkish wars still live in the songs and legends of 
the people; a great name only is required to call 
forth the enthusiasm associated with these recollec- 
tions, and Kossuth^s name was known and honoured 
in the most remote and lonely hut of the Puszta. 

The Hussar* looks back with an especial pride 
to the glorious deeds of former times, — ^he lives, and 
fights, and dies for his native soil. The Hussar is 
the embodiment of Magyarism: he is bom and 

* In the year 1689 was created the oldest and still-existing 
Hussar regiment by Count Adam Czobor, 3000 men strongs 
distinguished in the Turkish wars under the name of Erdody. 

vened tip«n tiie lieatti, and on the inath too faiB 
Jioroe Itts first deen the light, and has grown xxp miOi 
Hat; there for the first time be haa danced the 
^ardas, and has giv«i the first kiss to hk sweet- 
heart ; liiere he would Irve and die, for there, in his 
belief, resides his Magyar Isten-4he peonliv Deity 
«f his oo uii ti' y — ^who, regavffless of the nest of the 
wixld, fives mid rules done in Hungary. Efvea in 
iJhiB extraordinary bdief is seen the pride of the 
Magyar, who daims to be the exdmive object of 
the care of his Magyar Isten, to whom the Hussar 
prays when he goes to battle, and ^ who has never 
yet fcnsaken MmJ' 

One of the most bloody and decisive betdes was 
liMigbt, fls we have seen, in April 1849, at Isazeg, 
on the 7oad betwe^i Pesth and Hatvan« From this 
fmA and GodiSIo, toward the soutii-east, properly 
speaking commences the Hungansui Heath, which 
rnxkeods withont ioterruption to the Tlieiss and £ftr 
faeyond to the frontier of Transylvania. Up to this 
point stretch a succession of larger or smaller hSls, 
which give the tcouotry .aaa undulating character; 
4SodoIlo is the terminaiaon of this ehain of hills aa. 
#sie side. Windischgratz had leirealed with his 
MEmj tims far, in order to tske «ip a strong position. 
The ground could not have heen better chosen, to 
Jffreat the progress of the army whicJh poured aceoas 
I8ie ThduMu The wooded hilb btastled mStix AxiiAnma 


bayonets^ every tree concealed one or more sharp- 
shooters, the heights were crowned with artillery.. 
The Prince led the centre in person, Jellachich com* 
manded the right, Schlik the left wing, of -the ex« 
tended line of battle* Opposed to them was Gorgey, 
the Commander-in-chief. 

Gorgey knew the difficulty of an attack on the 
positions of the Prince, but he also knew his Hus- 
sars. When all the dispositions for battle were 
made, he xode up to one detachment, which was 
awaiting in rank and file the order to advance to the 
attack. '^ Who commands this troop ? '' 

An old seijeant rode out of the ranks, — ^the offi- 
cers were all either dead or wounded. 

*^ Brother Hussar,*' said Gorgey, ^* you see yonder 
wooded hill, and you see the ranks of the Imperial- 
ists, and the gleaming of their arms and cannon, 
which will shortly open their fire. You must take 
this hiU. Many of you will fall— perhaps most of 
you — perhaps all; but it is for our country — you 
will do your utmost !*' 

The old seijeant salutes his General, and turning 
to his comrades, points out to them the position 
which Gorgey had shown him, and repeats to them 
his words. Then he raises his eyes to heaven, and 
says aloud and in a distinct voice: ^'I will not 
now pray to thee, Maygar Isten ! I will not call on 
thee to help us in our enterprize; but — (and he 

▲ CHAB6S OF HV88AB8. 81 

deacbes hit fist)— only beware of helping the Im- 
perialists 1 Stand by^ and look on ! this I promise^ 
that thou shalt have pleasure in seeing how thy 
Hussars will fight.^' 

Scarcely haa he ended> when the first signal for 
attack is given — the Hussars seat themsdves firmly 
in the saddle; a second signal — ^the horsed snort^ 
-^^erery man speaks an encouraging word to his 
charger; the third signal — rt^tal Off dashes the 
squadron at a tremendous gallop, horse and rider 
bending forward and pressing to the charge. The 
swords flashy the cannon thunder, the musketry 
resounds on all sides; but through the midst of 
the most fearful fire the intrepid Hussars charge up 
to the batteries of the enemy. The Imperialists 
cannot withstand the shock — they give way — the 
&te of the battle is decided. The old seijeant and 
half his men have fallen. 

Such is the mode of fighting with the Hungarian 
Hussars. There are no soldiers in the Austrian 
army who can compare with them in cbivahrous 
daring, dexterity, precision in manoeuvres, strict sub- 
ordination, cleanliness and fidelity. Nor is there any 
officer in the Austrian army who will not readily ad- 
mit the superiority of these troops; in fact no one 
who has once served in the Hussars will ever feel 
quite at ease in any other regiment. Nevertheless 

2& THK WAJb IN ttUWaARY.. 

instanfies of a breach of discipline ai?e not uiii£re»- 
qneot; but at. leaat two out of evezy three caaes ate: 
committed with a full conaciousness of the ofFenee, 
and the punishment that will follow. Love is the 
cause of many afifenees and many a bastinado*. A 
night spent out of basraeka without leave costs the: 
Hiiaaer twenty-£Qur heavy blows y but he cmly loves. 
lus sweetheart the m0Ee tenderly^ nor can she pos^ 
ttbly be* angry with him for his gallantry. The mact 
meaning he presents himself ^^dutifiilfy^^ at the 
master^ smd before the dock strikes twelve he hnv 
received his punishment, unless it is mitigated under 
peculiar eircumstancea. He himself carries the benek 
upon iriiieh he is to be flogged to the courtyard of 
the barracks, salutes the commanding officer, and 
lies quietly down to await his fete, buiying his fiice 
bdiweaa lus compressed arms, that no one may 
witness the painful twitchinga of his features. Two 
corporals execute the sentence by turns; when it 
is finished he thanks them, salutes the office agaim 
'^ dutifully ^^ &r the lesson, rubs the sore places for a 
minute or two, and all is over. There is no mnrmuK 
at the hard service, no trace of resentment against 
the officar. 

The old men set a good example to the younger 
ones in such cases as well as in battle ; and on this 
account the ^^grey-heads,f' if not too morose, are 


tmted by the young men with great reapect. If any 
a time they are assisted and refieved of part of thdr 
woric^ and^ whenever possible, the yomig men take 
on themselves the punishment due to their elders* 
Thus there prevaOs a kind of patriarchal relation- 
ship in the general family, which ojflen gives rise 
to touching scenes, and produces a beneficial effect 
on the morality of the whole regiment. Unhappily 
drink too often proves the ruin of many a well- 
disciplined man, whilst others live apart from the 
rest like wild-goats in the mountains. There are 
generally two or three such fellows in every regi- 
ment. They never converse with their comrades, 
nor indeed with any living soul, but sit the whole 
day long silently at the stable-door, stroking their 
well-waxed beards, and never opening their mouths 
except to put their food into it, or to let the tobacco- 
smoke out. Against such moroseness the regula- 
tions of the regiment have nothing to say : but what 
these men are thinking about, or whether they think 
at all, is a point which no regimental doctor has as 
yet ascertained. 

France, Russia, Prussia, and other countries have 
introduced the Hussars into their armies ; but these 
soldiers are merely Russian, French, and Prussian 
cavalry drest in the Hungarian laced jacket: they 
want the spirit, the horse, and — the *^ Magyar Isten,'^ 


For this reason the Hungarian Hussar will not ac- 
knowledge them as brethren ; and whenever he comes 
into contact with foreign Hussars^ he lets them feel 
in battle the full force of his contempt. A story is 
told^ that dimng a campaign against the French in 
the war with Napoleon, the bivouacs of the Prus- 
sian and Hungarian Hussars were near to one an- 
other. A Prussian came over to his neighbours in 
a familiar way with a glass of wine, and drank it to 
the health of his " brother Hussar.'' But the Hun- 
garian gently pushed the glass back, and stroked 
his beard, saying,— ^^ What brother? — no brother — 
I Hussar — you jack-pudding*." 

This expression is not to be mistaken for a 
brag. The Hungarian Hussar is no fanfaron 
like the French Chasseur, but he is conscious 
of his own powers, like a Grenadier of the old 
Imperial Guard. The dolmany, the csako and the 
csizma t have grown to his body ; they form his 
holiday dress even when off duty, — ^the national 
costume transferred into the army; and as he is 
aware that this is not the case in other countries, 
the foreign Hussar's dress is in bis eyes a mere 

* "Was Bruder ? — nix Bruder — ich Husar — du Hans- 

t The Dolmany — ^laced jacket ; the Csako — cap; the Csizma 
— ^boots. 


servant^s livery, and logically the man is not alto* 
gether wrong. 

The Hussar, like the Magyars in general, is natu* 
rally good-tempered. The finest man in the service^ 
he is at the same time the most jovial companion 
in the tavern, and will not sit by and empty his 
glass by himself, when a Bohemian or German com- 
rade at his side has spent all his money. There is 
only one biped under the sun who is in his eyes 
more contemptible and hateful than any animal of 
marsh or forest. This is the Banderial Hussar,-^that 
half-breed between Croat and Magyar, that caricar 
ture'of the true Hussar, — who serves in the cavalry, 
as the Croat in the infantry, of the Military Fron- 
tier. Never was an Hungarian Hussar known tc 
drink with a Banderial Hussar; never will he sit at 
the same table; if he meets a snake he crushes 
it underfoot, — ^a wolf he will hunt in the mountains ; 
with a bufialo he will fight on the open heath, — with 
a miserable horse-stealer he will wrestle for a halter; 
but as for the Banderial Hussar, he spits in hb face 
wherever he meets him. 

It was at Hatvan, or at Tapjo-Bicske, that Hun- 
garian and Banderial Hussars were for the first time 
in this war — the first time perhaps in the recoUec* 
tion of man — opposed to one another in battle. If 
looks could slay, there would have been no need of 

VOL. II. c 


a conflict, £or the eyes of the Mi^ars shot death 
and contempt at their unworthy adversaries. The 
sigasl of attack sounded, and at the same instant, 
as if seized by one common thought, the Hungarian 
Hussars clattered their heavy sabres back into the 
scabbard, and with a fearful imprecation, such aa 
no German tongue can echo, charged weaponless 
and at full speed their mimic caricatures whom fate 
had thrown in their way. The shock was so irre- 
sistible, that the poor Croats could make no use ^ 
their sabres against the furious onset of their un- 
armed foe : they were beaten down from their 
saddles with the fist, and draped off their horses 
by their dolmanys; those who could save them- 
selves fled. The Hussars disdained to pursue them ; 
but they complained to their colonel at having been 
opposed to " such a rabble." The girls of the vil- 
lage, or the shadow of their spurs, as they expressed 
it, would have served as well against such a . . • • 
Here follows an interminable list of the choicest 

This hatred of the Frontier cavalry, who are re- 
cognized at a glance by their bad carriage, and 
their broad compressed csako, lives and dies with 
the Hungarian Hussar. In the summer of ISi'd 
two wounded men were brought into the military 
hospital of Vienna, — one a Banderial Hussar, the 


otbtf an Hiisear of pure blood, morttUy woumiedL 
After awhile the superintendent of the hospitid 
entered the sick-ward, and enquired whether the 
two newly-arrived Hussars had been brought there. 
^^Only one Hussar !^^ exclaimed the Hungarian, 
who in his death-atruggle had heard the question. 
He spoke the words, and expired* 

Where is his charger now? he was not kilkd 
on the field o£ battle, but stood firm when Us 
ridtf was shot off his back. Doubtless ere now 
he has perished with grief and hunger, — ^the poor 
creature! so gentle by nature, although wild and 
ungovernable when the trumpeter on his white 
steed sounded to the charge. The old father will 
repeat ten Paternosters for his fallen son ; finr three 
Sundays the sisters will abstain firom going to the 
tavern, where the gipsies play and the lads dance ; 
the mother weeps herself blind, but she fetches 
some salve from old Elspeth, and is soon well again ; 
but the chestnut mare has refused to take food 
from the hands of a stranger, and has died in a 
stable of the ndghbours, who gladly found a cor- 
ner for an old acquaintance. One morning, when 
they saw the mare at the house-door, with bloody 
saddle, rough mane, and torn trappings, they knew 
well enough that she would not tax them for much 
com or hay. '^ The poor creature ! 'tis enough to 



move a stone to pity ! Lord Jesus^ grant she may 
see her master once again in heaven ! Amen/'* 

Blood-red democrats may call this touching at- 
tachment of a creature to its benefactor ^^ the bru- 
talized subordination of a horse hunted to death/' 
But we must solemnly protest against such expres- 
sions in the name of all Hussar horses. Love often 
seizes a man in a dream, in a postchaise, in the 
dance ; but where an animal turns to a human being 
with all the force of instinctive attachment, this must 
be the result of more than a momentary impres- 
sion. Four-footed love is perhaps more selfish, 
but of longer duration. The Hussar's horse may 
well love his master, for his affection is returned 
in full measure. The ego of the Hussar is through 
life the second person — his horse the first. He does 
not drink, although perishing with thirst, before 
his horse is looked after ; he does not sleep, till his 
horse has a litter shaken down in the stable; he 
does not eat — should he starve — before his horse has 
his muzzle buried in hay and oats. 

The Hussar considers himself as clever as any 
man in the world — his horse he considers still cle- 
verer. He ought to know better than any one 
else, for he sits for hours beside him in* the stable, 

* " Das anne Thier ! Einen Stein konnt' es erbarmen ! Herr 
Jesus, lass es driiben seinen Herm wiederseLen ! Amen." 

f^ m 1*11 ^i^-i 


talking to him, and telling him stories of Arpad 
and Mathias, and asking him questions which he 
himself answers,— ^quite forgetful of his pipe and the 
tavern ; and when he creeps out of the stable, he 
puts on a contented face, like a diligent student after 
an interesting lecture, ^is too late to go to the 
tavern — ^^the wheedling old mare has again detained 
him.^' Now then, in heaven's name, he buys with 
the rest of his pay a bladderful of tobacco, and 
twopennyworth of soap-liniment for his horse. 
Ay, soap-liniment for his horse ! this forms a great 
item in his reckoning. The regiment provides hay 
and oats, but no horse can get strong and sound on 
these alone; he wants some soap-liniment for his 
limbs, and this the man pays for out of his own 
pocket. Soap-liniment for bis horse — this is his pas- 
sion ; he is half inclined to quarrel with the Flatten 
Lake for not being full of this precious essence, that 
he might send his horse there for the *' Kur.'* 

"Look-ye, gentlemen, anno nine,'' said an old 
Colonel of Hussars, " a corporal of my troop had 
taken a major of the enemy prisoner. They were 
both well mounted, and my old Josi — God bless 
him and his horse ! — was a long time before he 
pulled the Frenchman off his saddle. He then 
lifted him up, and brought him to me with all 
politeness, and I received him as was befitting an 



Hungarian nobleman. My old Josi — Ood bleas him 
and his horse ! — ^was long marked out by the regi- 
ment for the silver medal ; now I go to him, take off 
ay own medal from my jacke<, and say, ' Here, wilt 
thou have it, Josi ?^ But the old fox, — * No, ColoneV 
said he. — ^ Why ? ' — ^ If the enemy/ said he, * had 
tajisn me Josi prisoner, then he would have ean^ 
the medal, but I for taking him ! no, no, I beg you, 
with all submission. Colonel, for a shillingsworth of 
soap-liniment for my horse/ ^' 

And the old Colonel related a good deal more; 
and many of these brave lads fell with their horsesf, 
and all fought like heroes, but aU in vain. 



ne Csikos — his Education — Herds of Hones — ^whip of tbe Cii« 
koft— Horse-chase— The Csikoe in Battle—Trial of hia skill— > 
The Kaaasx, or swineherd — ^his roving life — ^hia weapons—Tlie 
Gulyas, or oxherd — his dress and mode of life — ^The Fisher- 
men on the Theiss. 

The Csikos is a man who from his birth, some 
how or other, finds himself seated upon a foal. In- 
stiactivelj the boy remains fixed upon the animal's 
back, and grows up in his seat as other children do 
in the cradle. The thing sounds incredible, and I 
hope my reader will not take what I say aupied de la 
leitre : nevertheless he may remember that the head 
of Napoleon's son slipped at his birth into the crown 
of Rome, and that he grew up with it on, tall and 
«tout. It may be a matter for reflection, whether a 
careful father in our days would not do better to 
put a horse between the 1^ of his new-bom son, 
than a crown upon his head. 


The young Csikos soon feels himself at his ease 
on his cradle: whether he is suckled by a human 
nurse or a mare^ is a point upon which naturalists 
are not quite agreed ; according to the latest investi- 
gation^ he feeds^ immediately after his birth^ on 
bacon^ bread and wine. The boy grows by degrees 
to a big horse-herd. To earn his livelihood he enters 
the service of some nobleman, or of the Government, 
who possess in Hungary immense herds of wild 
horses. These herds range over a tract of many 
German square miles, — ^for the most part some level 
plain, with wood, marsh, heath and moorland : they 
rove about where they please, multiply, and enjoy 
freedom of existence. Nevertheless it is a common 
error to imagine that these horses, like a pack of 
wolves in the mountains, are left to themselves and 
nature, without any care or thought of man. Wild 
horses, in the proper sense of the term, are in Eu- 
rope at the present day only met with in Bessarabia ; 


whereas the so-called wild herds in Hungary may 
rather be compared to the animals ranging in our 
lai^e parks, which are attended to and watched. 
The deer are left to the illusion that they enjoy the 
most unbounded freedom ; and the deer-stalker, when 
in pursuit of his game, readily gives in to the same 
illusion. Or, to take another simile, the reader has 
only to picture to himself a well-constituted free 


state, — whether a republic or a monarchy is all 

The Csikos has the difficult task of keeping a 
watchful eye upon these herds. He knows their 
strength, their habits, the spots they frequent; he 
knows the birthday of every foal, and when the ani- 
mal, fit for training, should be taken out of the 
herd. He has then a hard task upon his hands, 
compared with which a Grand-Ducal wild-boar hunt 
is child^s play ; for the horse has not only to be taken 
alive from the midst of the herd, but of course safe 
and sound in wind and Umb. For this purpose the 
celebrated whip of the Csikos serves him : probably 
at some future time a few splendid specimens of 
this instrument will be exhibited in the Imperial 
Arsenal at Vienna, beside the sword of Scanderbei^ 
and the Swiss "morning- stars/' 

This whip has a stout handle from one and a half 
to two feet long, and a cord which measures not 
less than from eighteen to twenty-four feet in 
length. The cord is attached to a short iron chain, 
fixed to the top of the handle by an iron ring. 
A large leaden button is fastened to the end of 
the cord, and similar smaller buttons are distri- 
buted along it at distances, according to certain 
rules, derived from experience, of which we are 
ignorant. Armed with this weapon, which the 



Csikos carries in his belt, together with a short grap- 
pling-iron or hook, he sets out on his horse-chase. 
Thus mounted and equipped, without saddle or stir- 
rup, he flies like the «torm-wind over the heath, with 
such velocity that the grass scarcely bends under 
Oke horse's hoof; the step of his hcMrse is not heard ; 
and the whirling cloud of dust above his head 
alone marks his approach and disappearance. Al- 
though £eimiliar with the use of a bridle, he despises 
such a troublesome article of luxury, and guides 
his horse with his voice, hands, and feet,— nay it 
almost seems as if he directed it by the mere exer- 
cise of the will, as we move our feet to the right or 
left, backwards or forwards, without its ever coming 
into our head to regulate our movements by a leather 

In this manner for hours he chases the flying 
herd, until at length he succeeds in approaching the 
animal which he is bent on catching. He then 
swings his whip round in immense circles, and 
throws the cord with such dexterity and precision 
that it twines around the neck of his victim. The 
leaden button at the end, and the knots along the 
cord, form a noose, which draws closer and tighter 
the faster the horse hastens on. 

See how he flies along with outstretched legs, his 
mane whistling in the wind, his eye darting fire, his 




SMratii cofered with foam^ and the dust whirling 
akft on all aides. But the noble animal breathes 
shorter, his eye grows wild and staring, lus nostrils 
are reddened with blood, the veins of his neck are 
distended like cords, his legs refuse longer service, 
— ^he sinks exhausted and powerless, a picture of 
death. But at the same instant the pursuing steed 
likewise stands still and fixed as if turned to stone. 
An instant, and the Csikos has flung himself off his 
horse upon the ground, and inclining his body back* 
wards, to keep the noose tight, he seizes the cord 
alternately with the right and left hand, shorter and 
shorter, drawing himself by it nearer and nearer to 
the panting and prostrate animal, till at last coming 
up to it he flings his legs across its back. He now 
begins to slacken the noose gently, allowing the 
creature to recover breath ; but hardly does the horse 
feel this relief, than he leaps up, and darts off again 
in a wild course, as if still able to escape from his 
enemy. But the man is already bone of his bone 
and flesh of his flesh ; he sits fixed upon his neck 
as if grown to it, and makes the horse feel his 
power at will, by tightening or slackening Ine cord. 
A second time the hunted animal sinks upon the 
ground : again he rises, and i^ain breaks down^ 
until at length overpowered with exhaustion he can 
no longer stir a limb. 


The trained horse of the Csikos has meanwhile 
either run back to the village^ or follows his mas- 
ter^ faithful as a dog. After a few hours the newly- 
caught horse is broken enough to submit to be 
led home, and here now begins his training: he 
loses his shaggy hair and wild look, grows gentle 
and tractable, learns to carry saddle and rider; in 
short, from a state of nature, he gradually attains 
that degree of civilization which, in accordance 
with human notions, he is called to occupy in 

A cursory description of such a horse-chase is 
enough to show that it is not unattended with dan- 
ger. It requires unconquerable perseverance and 
dexterity, a giant^s arm and a giant's body, a degree 
of courage not met with every day, and the most ex- 
traordinary powers of horsemanship. But the greater 
the danger, the more alluring is the hope of victory. 
A bold Csikos is held in the same respect upon the 
heath as the bold chamois-hunter in the mountains. 
Ay, and he gets paid for his trouble, — ^yearly a shirt, 
a pair of linen trowsers, free board and lodging, 
a small cask of wine, and twenty Vienna florins in 
ready cash. This is no trifle ; but at the same time 
he occasionally earns a little by horse-dealing in 
the village, lightens the purse of some horse-stealer, 
whom he catches and strikes dead, or, failing in this. 


he himself steals a horse and sells it* This is not a 
man bom to beg. 

The German newspapers gave accounts of 40,000 
Csikoses having served in the Hungarian army: 
this number is certainly exaggerated; but that a 
few thousand such daring, mounted fellows can do 
an immense deal of mischief, will be readily testified 
by every Austrian ofRcer who has had the good for- 
tune to come into close contact with them. 

The foot-soldier who has discharged his musket 
is lost when opposed to the Csikos. His bayonet, 
with which he can defend himself against the 
Uhlans and Hussars, is here of no use to him : 
all his practised manoeuvres and skill are unavail- 
ing against the long whip of his enemy, which 
drags him to the ground, or beats him to death 
with its leaden buttons ; nay even if he had still 
a charge in his musket, he could sooner hit a bird 
on the wing, than the Csikos, — ^who riding round 
and round him in wild bounds, dashes with his 
steed first to one side, then to another, with the 
speed of lightning, so as to frustrate any aim. 
The horse-soldier, armed in the usual manner, fares 
not much better, and woe to him if he meets a 
Csikos singly ! better to fall in with a pack of raven- 
ous wolves. 

It was fortunate for the Imperialists that the 


Csikoses^ from the nature of their weapon, were in- 
capable of iSghting in close ranks, or they would have 
constituted a most formidable power. Nevertheless, 
in a semi-official report it was stated that they 
had broken the centre of an Austrian corps be- 
fore Komom ; but their boldness and the discourage- 
ment of the Austrians must on this occasion have 
assisted them quite as much as their whip and the 
short hook, which in case of need they hurl with 
dexterity *. 

At Wieselburg the Imperialists caught one of 
these fellows alive, and brought him ^s a curiosity 
to the camp. The General in command and his 
officers had a mind to see the brown bird on the 
wing, and stuck up a man of straw in front of the 
tents, on which the Csikos was ordered to exhibit 
his skill. The lad consented, only desiring to be 
shown the point where his leaden ball was to strike. 
He then galloped at full speed several times round 
the straw figure, whirled his whip in the air, and to 
the astonishment of all present, the ball struck ex- 
actly the spot marked. The spectacle was, by 
general desire, ordered to be repeated a second and 

* lu this war the Csikoses were, in part, very well equipped^ 
mounted regularly with saddle^ hridle and stirrups ; and, beside 
their whip, armed with a sabre, carbine, and a brace of pistols in 
their belt. 


a tbird time, when possibly it oocurred to the poor 
biuted Csikos that he might make a better use of 
his weapon than against a harmless man of straw ; 
and with a wild scream he whirled his whip into 
the midst of the gaping circle, dashed through 
it on his trusty horse, and away over the country 
through the green cornfields to the Danube. Adozen 
shots were fired after him, but fortune favoured the 
fugitive : he reached the opposite shore and the 
camp of his countrymen in safety. 

Many glorious episodes might be related of the 
military and private life of the Hungarian horse- 
herds. The poetical life of this dass of men, spent 
in a state of natural freedom in the village and on 
the heath, their hunting exploits and love-adven- 
tures, might furnish abundant materials for in- 
teresting description; but our purpose here is 
merely to dwell upon those peculiarities of the 
country which enabled Kossuth to raise armies. 
We have made the acquaintance of the Csikos, and 
seen his metamorphosis from a horse-herd into a 
warrior; we shall now turn to the Kanasz, Gulyas 
and Halasz. 

The Kanasz is a swineherd, whose occupation, 
everywhere unpoetical and dirty, is doubly trouble- 
some and dirty in Hungary. Large droves of pigs 
migrate annually into the latter country from Serbia^' 



where they still live in a half-wild state. In Hun- 
gary they fatten in the extensive oak-forests^ and are 
sent to market in the large towns^ even to Vienna^ 
and still further. The task of driving the animals 
is shared by the Kanasz (several of whom have to 
attend each drove)^ his dog and his ass. The jackass 
heads the drove^ bearing a large bell round his 
neck^ like the bell-wether of a flock, and carrying 
the provisions of the driver on his back. The 
dogs — of a handsome and strong race, called the 
white Hungarian wolf-dog — run incessantly round 
and round the drove, and keep the pigs together. 
Whenever the Kanasz wishes to rest, he makes a 
signal to the dogs, when they fasten and hang upon 
the ears of the jackass, so that he can proceed no 
further, but stands there, with his uncomfortable 
ear-drops and his woebegone face, a veritable pic- 
ture of misery. 

It is a true enjoyment to live in these shady fo- 
rests. The oak attains a finer and more luxuriant 
growth on the Hungarian soil than in any part of 
Germany*. The hogs find food in profusion, and 
commonly stuff themselves to such a degree that 
they lose all desire for roving about; so that dog, 
master and ass lead a comparatively easy life, and 
are lefl to the quiet enjoyment of nature. But the lot 
* Quercus comm. latifol. robur, racemosa. % 


of the Kanasz is a pitiable one when^ at the close of 
summer^ he has to drive his swine to market. From 
Debreczin^ nay even from the Serbian frontier, he 
has to make a journey on foot more toilsome than 
was ever undertaken by the most adventurous tra- 
veller, pacing slowly over the interminable heaths in 
rain, storm, or under a burning sun, behind his pigs, 
which drive into his face hot clouds of dust. Every 
now and then a hog has stuflfed itself so full as to 
be unable to stir from the spot, and there it lies on 
the road without moving, whilst the whole caravan 
IS obliged to wait for half a day or longer, until the 
glutted animal can get on his legs again ; and when 
at length this feat is accomplished, frequently his 
neighbour begins the same trick. There is truly not 
a more toilsome business in the wide world than that 
of a Kanasz. 

The man however becomes reconciled by habit 
to what seems intolerable; he eats his bacon and 
smokes his pipe in the heat of the sun with equal 
composure as in the depth of winter, wrapt in his 
sheepskin dress, and satisfied with his own thoughts. 
Should he happen to fall out with himself and 
quarrel with his fate, he and his comrades kill a 
fat pig out of the drove, and treat themselves to a 
rich repast. The skin he takes back to his master, 
telling him that the animal died on the journey. 


In the forests the Kanasz occasionally appears m 
the character of a Mlettante robber, by way of diver- 
sion ; but if caught and convicted by the authorities 
of the next village, he is usually hung up to the 
branch of some tree at the entrance of the forest m 
which he has committed the offence. Formerly sudi 
malefactors were left danghng on the gallows al^ a 
warning to their fellows, until wind and time shook 
them off. Not twenty years ago such a memento 
mori was to be seen suspended at the entrance of 
the Bakony forest; but during the few years pre- 
vious to the outbreak of the war nothing has been 
heard of highwaymen in this part of the country, 
which was notorious for such lawless exploits. Any 
firearms peeping out of a carriage-window com- 
monly sufBced to keep such fellows at a respectful 
distance, as the swineherd is never armed with any 
other weapon than his^b^^. 

The fokoa is a hatdiet, with a long handle, which 
the Kanasz hurls with great dexterity. Whenever 
he desires to pick out and slaughter one of his hogs, 
either for his own use or for sale, the attempt would 
be attended with danger, in the half-savage state of 
these animals, without such a weapon. The fokos 
here assists him, which he flings with such force and 
]n*ecision, that the sharp iron strikes exactly into 
the centre of the frontal bone of the animal he has 

TRB 617LTA8 Om OXHSBB. 48 

nnrked oat : the viciiin sinia on the earth wilkoiit 
uttering a sound, and the drove quietly proceeds on 
its way. Tliftt he can strike down a man with equal 
precision at e^ty to a hundred paces^ is proved 
by the gallows at the entrance of the forest — ^the 
three-le^ed monument of his dexterity. During 
recent events too the surgeons of the Austrian 
army will readily furnish the Kanasz and Csikos 
with certificates of their ability and skill. 

In point of dress and equipment the Gulyas, or 
oxherd, much resembles the Kanasz. He likewise 
carries the formidable hook, with which he fells 
the stoutest ox. His dress consists merely of a 
riM>rt linen shirt, and extremely wide trousers of the 
same material (gaiya) ; over this is thrown the long 
dieepskin coat, which he wears both summer and 
winter. In eold weather the wool is worn inside, in 
summer it is turned outside, and serves to protect 
him, better than might be imagined, against the 
glowing rays of the sun. His head is decked with a 
round broad-brimmed hat, the edges of which are 
converted by the rain into a double gutter. In see- 
ing such an oxherd seated immoveably for hours 
together, on the interminable heath, in storm and 
rain, closely wrapt in his white sheepskin, witii 
Hut water pouring from his hat belund and be- 
&re, we might fancy him one of those mysterious 


stone figures upon the sandy plain before Oizeh 
which indicate the entrance to the Great Desert. 

The territory of the Gulyas is restricted to the 
pasturage of the Heathy especially the country 
around Debreczin and Grosswardein. Here he is 
lord and master, and with his broad-homed sub- 
jects, rules over a district whose area is at least three 
times that of many a sovereign Principality in Ger- 
many. Once a week the Gulyas receives provisions 
from his master, for which purpose he makes his 
appearance regularly on Saturday at the same hour, 
at the same well. By day and night the heavens 
are his timepiece. 

A marked characteristic of the Gulyas is the iron 
pot which he has always hanging at his belt. In 
this he cooks his meat, which he cuts up into small 
pieces and prepares in a savoury way with some 
broth and paprika, or Turkish pepper. This is the 
famous Gulyas-meat, which is occasionally found in 
eating-houses in civilized parts both in and out of 
Hungary, but which is nowhere cooked in such 
perfection as in the flesh-pot of the Oxherd on the 

We must not omit to mention the Halaszes, a 
class of fishermen, — a strong, robust race, who live 
together in single huts, or in villages, on the banks 
of the Theiss, and lead a truly amphibious life. The 


pontoon corps of the Hungarian army was princi- 
pally composed of these men^ who introduced the 
cask-bridges^ which the Austrians at first affected 
so much to ridicule^ but to which eventiudly their 
heavy and expensive pontoon-train everywhere 

The classes of men we have here described are all 
of the pure Magyar race. They are not genuine 
prolStaires; but having little to lose, and a martial 
spirit, they gladly joined the ranks to fight for their 
beloved country. Taken together they formed a 
considerable part of the Hungarian army ; and al- 
though they may not present the most amiable 
specimens of a civilized community, yet at periods 
of history like the present, the mere strength and 
stature of such men were of great service in the 



Political Relations of Hungary to Foreign Powers — ^The Frank- 
fort Parliament — Pazmandy and Szailay — ^The Regent of the 
Empire — Esterliazy — Pillersdorf — Correspondence with the 
Frankfort Parliament — Mr. Wimmer sent to • Berlin — The 
King of Prussia — Count Teleki appointed Envoy to Paris — 
Statesmen and parties in France — Pulszky sent as Envoy to 
London — Pulszky's Escape &ora Vienna — ^Russian Interven- 
tion and the policy of England — Baron Splenyi — ^his missicm 
in Italy — Negotiations with the Italian Statesmen — Splenyi 
at the Court of Turin — Sardinian Envoy sent to Hungary — 
Treaty hetween the two countries — Constantinople and 

We have introduced the reader into the romance 
of Hungarian life^ depicting the net of telegraphs 
which traverse the great plains in all directions^ fol- 
lowing the Hussar to the field of battle, viewing the 
Csikos in his wild chase, the Kanasz roving with his 
droves in the forests, the Gulyas driving his herds 
on the green pasture-land, and the Halasz dwelling 


in his fisherman's hnt on the banks of the Theiss* 
We would now transport him far beyond the Hun- 
garitti frontier, to the metropolis of the world on 
the banks of the Thames, into the stirring life of 
Paris, into the country of the Apennines, into the 
city of minarets, and the holy penetralia of St. Ptol's 
Church in Frankfort. 

The present chapter will describe the manner in 
which, and the men by whom, the cause of Hungary 
was supported. It is beyond the purpose of this 
book to discuss the general state of European poli- 
tics, the mutual relations of the different countries, 
especially as regards Austria,— to examine their in- 
ternal politics, their systems of government or their 
parliaments. Moreover the events to which we 
refer are so recent as to be fresh in the memory of 

The Frankfort Parliament was to be the head of 
the German movement, to give it a legal expression, 
to become the point from which further efforts to 
accomplish the unity of Grermany were to emanate* 
The National Assembly was to be opened on the 18th 
of May, and four days previously the Hungarian 
Government resolved to send to it two plenipoten- 
tiaries*. Dionys Pazmandy and Ladislaus Szalay 

* The relations of these Envoys to the Central Power and 
the Austrian Ministry are represented here as they were ex- 


were proposed by the Ministry for this mission^ 
and the choice was ratified by the Palatine^ Arch- 
duke Stephen, in virtue of the authority conferred 
on him by King Ferdinand. The purpose of this 
mission is clear from the credentials these gentlemen 
received, as well as from their ministerial instruc- 

On the 18th of May, Pazmandy and Szalay, in 
accordance with the spirit of their instructions, had 
a conference with the Minister, Prince Paul Ester- 
hazy, at Vienna, who communicated their creden-r 
tials to the Austrian Ministry. On the 20th of May 
the President of the Ministry, Baron Pillersdorf, re- 
turned the following answer : — 

Pillersdorf to Esterhazy. 

" May 20th, 1848. 
" In reply to your esteemed communication of 
the 19th of this month, I have the honour to state 
that I entirely agree with regard to the powers 
and instructions given to the Hungarian Depu- 
ties who are sent to Frankfort, and I know of no 
further instructions that I on my part have to give 

plained by M. de Szalay in his diplomatic documents. The 
Austrian Grovemment was unable to cotitradict these state- 


On amTing at Frankfort Pazmandy and Szalay 
received the following answer to the letter in which 
they had announced their arrival to the President of 
the National Assembly^ requesting him to appoint a 
time and place to receive and examine their creden- 
tials: — 

^ To the Plenipotentiaries of the Hungarian Ministry^ 
MM. Dionys Pazmandy and Ladielaus Szalay. 

'' Frankfort, May 24th, 1848. 
'^The undersigned President of the Constituent 
Assembly will have pleasure in receiving the Pleni- 
potentiaries of the Hungarian Ministry, MM. Dionys 
Pazmandy apd Ladislaus Szalay, at his residence to- 
morrow morning between 9 and 10 o'clock. 

'' H. Gagbrn, M.P/' 

On the 22nd of May one of the Deputies, Herr 
Moring, in the discussion on the international rela- 
tions of Germany, moved, that '^ the Central Power 
should immediately enter upon the necessary pre- 
liminary steps to effect an alliance of the German 
States with Hungary;'' adding, ^^Rise for the al- 
liance with the Hungarian nation!" The whole 
Assembly rose, — an honour which was responded 
to with equal enthusiasm on the 3rd of August by 



the representatives of Hungary on oecasion of a 
speech by Teleki respecting the idliance with Ger- 

The Hungarian Embassy was thus recognized by 
the plenipotentiary representatiyes of the King, 
by the Austrian Ministry and the Frankfort Par« 
liament; and thus did Hungary exercise her un- 
questioned right of sending ambassadors to foreign 
Powers^ with the knowledge and consent of the 
Imperial Government; how then^ upon the mildest 
construction^ was it possible that a year afterwards, 
the unhappy Count Batthyanyi could be charged,, 
as a capital crime, with having sent an emba^y to 
the Central Power in Germany? The Archdukes 
Stephen and John, Von PiUersdorf an4 Prince 
Esterhazy were equally amenable to such a charge 
and the consequences, and might with equal justice 
have been executed for high-treason. 

M. de Szalay, who, on the departure of Pazmandy, 
was the sole representative of his Government at 
Frankfort, was received officially by the Archduke 
John, Vicar of the Empire ; he had official trans- 
actions with Herr Heckscher, then Minister of Fo- 
reign Affairs, and the Prince of Leiningen, Presi- 
dent of the Ministry; and it is important, for a 
correct estimate of the policy of the Hungarian 


Gbvernmenty to revert to two points in this official 

In a letter to Herr Heckacher> of the llth of 
August^ Szalay urged that a German ambassador 
skonld be despatched as speedily as possible to 
Hungary, and proposed for this mission, in confi- 
dence. Prince lichnowski, a man who, as is well 
known, bdonged to the Right party in the Assem- 
bfy, and had alwajrs been the most determined and 
violent opponent of any subversion of the existing 
state of things. 

In a subsequent note to the Ministry of the Em- 
pire (dated August 31st), we find the view taken by 
the Hungarian Government of the Croatian insur- 
rection ; and now that the skein of the internal policy 
of Austria is wound off to a certain point — although 
by no means to the end — every impartial person 
must admit that the view expressed by M. de Sza- 
lay was correct. The passage in his letter referring 
to thiis subject is as follows. 

"With a view to effect a good understanding — 
which is so desirable — ^with the Croatian Counties, 
Hungary has declared her readiness to make such 
concesmons as are compatible with the unity and 
independence of the Hungarian Crown — concessions 
which would never have been allowed by the over- 
thrown Government, based as it was upon the 



policy of suppressing all the various nationalities by 
fostering a mutual animosity. If Baron Jellachich 
refuses to listen to conciliation^ — ^if as the basis of 
a pacification he insists^ not on the guarantee of a 
Croatian nationality^ but on the amalgamation of the 
Hungarian Ministry of Finance and War with the 
Vienna Cabinet, — ^if he prates of the re-establish- 
ment of a Serbian Woy wodina which never existed, 
—he only gives a proof, that the insurrection in 
Croatia was not in favour, of national indepen- 
dence, but of a re-action, which is to be accom- 
pushed by anarchy. The Croatian revolution is the 
commencement of the counter-revolution: it was 
not a spontaneous, popular movement, but was 
brought about by artifice, — originating from, and 
fostered by, external causes. Every day will, un- 
happily, bring additional proof of the correctness of 
this view. I trust, with confidence, that the Cen- 
tral Power of Germany will without delay send an 
ambassador to Hungary, for reasons which I have 
already explained by word of mouth, as well as for 
its own interests, that it may receive reports from 
accredited agents of the menees of the counter-re- 
volutionary party, whose aims are in truth by no 
means limited to Hungary .^^ 

In spite of the repeated representations of M. de 
Szalay, the Ministry of the Empire postponed the 


appointment of a plenipotentiary^ — a delay which is 
sufficiently explained by the position of the Archduke 
John with relation to the Court of Vienna. At a 
subsequent period^ when Herr von Schmerling suc- 
ceeded to the head of affidrs^ the Hungarian ambas- 
sador received a letter from the Minister of Foreign 
AfBurs (October Ist) notifying, ^^with regret/' that 
in future the official. intercourse of the Central Power 
with Hungary must be considered at an end. As a 
reason for this step, Herr von Schmerling cited two 
rescripts of the Emperor of Austria, in one of which 
the Palatine is stated to be removed from his office, 
whilst the second expresses the Emperor's disap- 
proval of the official intercourse of Hungary with 
the Central Power. Neither of these rescripts were 
countersigned, and they ought not to have possessed 
any legal validity in the eyes of the constitutional 
German Ministry. But Herr von Schmerling, in 
other respects a great admirer of English principles, 
despises British legal pedantry, when a state-trial 
is to be instituted against the legal rights which the 
Germans have recently acquired. 

Szalay quitted Frankfort on the 5th of October, and 
all negotiations were broken off. Within a twelve- 
month the embassies of the Central Power itself were 
doomed to a similar fate, like so many other crea- 
tions of the revolution. 


A second attempt was made by Hangary to find a 
point of connection with Germany, but this likewise 
failed. Mr. Wimmer, a Lutheran clergyman, was sent 
by Teleki to Berlin. It was hoped that the amioaUe 
terms on which he stood with the King, to whom he 
had been recommended some years before by the 
Archduchess Maria Dorothea, would procure him an 
audience of Frederick William IV., and afford an op- 
portunity of interesting his Majesty for Hungary in 
the time of her peril. Wimmer had been an active 
member of the Bible Society, and had on religious 
grounds gained the favour of the King, who treated 
him formerly with more than ordinary respect. Mr. 
Wimmer now sought to address his august patron 
on temporal aSairs, and sent him a Memorial, ac- 
companied by an explanatory letter, but neither 
reached the hands of the King. The President of 
the Ministry, the Count of Brandenburg, answered 
Wimmer's letter, and returned to him the Memorial 
unopened, observing that it was contrary to the 
principles of the King and his councillors to enter 
into relations with a revolutionary Gcn^nment At 
the same time the Pastor received from the Presi- 
dent of the Police a polite intimation to quit Berlin ; 
since, however great esteem the King might enter- 
tain for him personally, the object of his pixsent 
mission to the capital of Prussia could not but l>e 


Aspleasmg to the Ooven&ment. In consequence 
Mr. Wimmer quitted Bedin, without having suc- 
ceeded in obtaining an audience at Court ; and thus 
the last hope vanished of gaining a sphov of opera* 
Hoa in Gennany for Hungarian diplomacy. 

In other countries a£birs appeared to take a nuse 
favvnuable turn. The French Republic maintained 
its ground, and Lamartine was still at the head of 
affairs, when an official invitation was issued from his 
boreau to Hungary to send an ambassador to Paris, 
the Frendi Government offering on their part to 
send an envoy to Pesth. In consequence of this in- 
timation, Teleki was entrusted with the mission. 

Count Ladislaus Teleki was the very man for this 
^fifficult post. Witty, eloquent, possessing great ease 
of manners in the salon, of an amiable character, 
i«ady in repartee, an esprU Frwiqtis united with the 
aolid character of the Magyar, he combines all the 
quai^cations of a diplomatist with the virtues erf* a 
iugh-minded patriot. His glance is quick and sel- 
•dom deceives hia ; he is pliant or decided aocord- 
ifig to dromnstanoes, an enemy to eccentricity, and 
ttainly bent upon reconciling all nationalities, — ^a 
principle wiiidh even now he regards as the central 
point of all efforts for the future prospects of Hun- 

* Bee AftfwmbK. Ue letter to Mnoe Ccartoryiki is hew 


The Count gained his knowledge of business in 
the service of the Home Office and Court Chancery, 
where he acted as a practitioner. He spent two 
years in travelling, visited all the chief capitals of 
Europe, and was introduced into the highest Court 
circles by letters from the Archduchess Maria Doro- 
thea to several members of the royal families of 
' Prussia and France. Whilst still practising in the 
Court Chancery, he was elected a member of the 
Diet in Transylvania, where, taking a seat on the 
Left of the House, he opposed the Royal Commis- 
sioner, Archduke Ferdinand d'Este. From this 
time he was one of the leading opponents of the 
Austrian Government, and entered upon his sphere 
of activity in France long before the outbreak of the 
war in Hungary. 

Teleki met with difficulties in France which he 
had scarcely anticipated. Hungary was quite B.pays 
barbare to the French, of which they knew scarcely 
anything ; of her relation to Austria as a state, her 
ancient rights and recent acquisitions, her institu- 
tions, and the causes for resisting the policy of the 

published for the first time. It was intended to be communi- 
cated to the Sclavish Right in the Vienna Diet, but did not 
reach its destination until two days after the Dissolution of the 

[The letter here referred to was written by Szarvady in Teleki's 
absence, but with his full knowledge and approval.— Ed.] 


Austrian Cabinet, even the best- informed states- 
men in France had but very imperfect and con- 
fiised ideas. To enlighten the public mind, Count 
Teleki found it necessary to work in the salons and 
through the press at the same time. Cavaighac and 
Bastide received him with friendly prevenance ; but 
his appeal for an intervention in favour of Hungary, 
similar to that which the French Government were 
then meditating in Lombardy, was declined as im- 
practicable for the moment. The Count did not 
persist in his demands, but directed his attention to 
the Paris press. 

His first secretary, Frederick Szarvady, assisted 
him zealously. This young man, whom Kossuth 
had learnt to respect and love in the Pressburg 
Diets, unites the most fervid patriotism with German 
solidity and French ease of manner. It was he who 
first conceived the idea, after the events of March, 
of receiving into Hungary the whole of the Polish 
emigration, with a view to possess an armed nucleus, 
so as to render possible a reconciliation with the 
Croats and Serbs through the Poles, as brethren of 
a kindred race. Kossuth was inclined to this idea ; 
but its execution was defeated by the intrigues of 
the Austrian Government, who, appealing to Bat- 
thyanyi's loyalty, promised to adjust the differences 



with the Croats and Serbs more ^ffediuaUy than 
could be done by the aid of the Poles. Kossuth 
was unwell during the summer^ and Batthyai^yi 
dropped the idea that had been mooted. In August^ 
Szarvady was sent by Kossuth to Paris ; in October 
he went with commissions to Hungary, whence he 
returned amidst many perils in November to France 
by way of Vienna, and supplied both the French 
and German press with many valuable articles upon 
the state of affiiirs in Hungary. 

Public attention was gradually drawn in Fmnoe 
to this pays barbarcy when the October revolutieai 
broke out in Vienna, and the Austrian Cabinet liad 
recourse to every species of callumniation against 
Hungary in the Embassies of the foreign Powers 
represented at Vienna. Teleki and Pulszki exerted 
themselves to repel these calumnies, which vanished 
into smoke, as Austria failed to adduce any proofe of 
her charges against Hungary. 

The Hungarian Envoys at all the Courts started 
from the principle that, in their position, they had 
only to deal with the existing Government; and 
Teleki always stood aloof from the parties in France, 
who were either at the helm of a£&irs or contend- 
ing for power. This alone can explain the fact, 
that the Count was well received by all the sue- 

<CMive Maiistries. His official notes were re- 
ceived, but their efficacy was crippled, the reaction- 
toy paitj having guned the upper hand, md the 
Frendi statesmen, under pretext of a dread of So- 
•cialistn, considerii^ France not in a position to 
intervene. TUs party, under Lamartine, had al- 
TetAj exerted their influence against Hungary, and 
the consequence was, diat Pascal Duprat, who had 
in facft received his instructions from Bastide as 
agent in thsrt country, did not leave France. 

In June 1849, the affirirs of Hungary took a better 
turn in the Elys^e and the hdtels of the Ministers, 
but the overthrow of the party of the Mountain 
again destroyed all that the emphatic manifestations 
of public opinion had effected in favour of Hungary. 
The very circumstance that the Socialists had taken 
part for-Hnngary was sufficient to determine the 
Conservatives against it. The Moderate party, and 
espedally Mauguin, lost no opportunity of express- 
ing their sympathy; but at the same thii'e they 
^ould not hear of an intervention, from a dread of 
the Rouffe party. The French Government how- 
ever again summoned resolution, when the affidrs of 
Hungary were prosperous, to send an agent to that 
country, as well as to protest energetically against 
Russian interveiition. The person who was entrusted 
with this mission was actually on his way to Hungary 


when the news of the surrender at Yilagos stopped 
his proceeding further. 

In the same way as Teleki at Paris^ the Hun- 
garian Legation were actively engaged in London. 
Francis Pulszky^ earlier known by his political and 
archaeological contributions to various journals^ espe- 
cially his philological discussions with Count Thun, 
entered the service of the Hungarian Government 
after March 1848, and filled the high post of Under- 
Secretary of State in the Ministry of Foreign Afiairs, 
which occupied the palace of the former Hungarian 
Court Chancery. 

When, during and after the October revolution 
of the same year, the Austrian Government had the 
barefaced malice to represent the murder of the 
War Minister, Latour, as a premeditated act for 
which Hungary had agreed to pay the blood-money, 
Pulszky was principally aimed at as the man who 
had played a leading part in this tragedy. Pulszky^s 
name was one of the first on the list of those whom 
Prince Windischgratz claimed to be given up by the 
city of Vienna. But he had escaped in time from 
the court-martial and from certain death ; he fled a 
few davs after Bern, whose name was also on the 
condemned list. 

Since that catastrophe thousands have passed 
through the dungeons of Vienna, and rwt one has 


testified to the participation of Hungary in the Oc- 
tober scenes ; Latour's murderers have perished on 
the gallows, sentenced by a secret court-martial; 
and had these wretched men in their confessions 
dropped the slightest intimation, which could have 
been construed into an implication of Pulszky or 
any of the Magyars high in office in the crime, the 
court-martial would assuredly have eagerly published 
such statements, to give a colour to their previous 
calumnies. This has not been done. Kossuth, Pul- 
szky, and with them millions, merely participated 
in a hope for the success of the revolution, not in 
the revolution itself. And if the paid organs of the 
Austrian Government, even after the death of Count 
Batthyanyi, dared with detestable efirontery to 
return to these long-refuted lies, they have been 
rightly and deservedly met by the scornful expres- 
sion of public opinion throughout the whole of Eu- 

Pulszky escaped with a Ministerial passport under 
another name from Vienna to Pesth, which city he 
did not leave until shortly before the entrance of 
Prince Windischgratz ; his object was to reach the 
frontier by way of Eperies and Galicia. After a 
short stay in Paris, he repaired to London as the 
accredited agent of his country. Kossuth could not 
have found a more active, able and competent man 


ia Hungary fer this post. All that a man oauld do^ 
Pukzky did. Less the cavalier in his outward ap- 
pearance, but more attached to aristocratic prin- 
ciples than Count Teleki, Pulszky possesses the 
:acuteness of a civilian, a penetrating intellect, readi- 
ness of conception, inexhaustible powers of inv^i- 
tion, and withal indefatigable activity, great know- 
ledge of business, and a healthy and sober spirit, 
which is not easily carried away by sanguine hopes. 
Neither he nor Teleki deceived themselves as to 
what Hungary had to expect from England and 
France, not even when the public at large, misled 
by manifestations of every kind, dreamed of an 
English fleet before Triest, before Venice, and the 
French army crossing Mount Cenis. 

The mass of the people, in all countries, who fol- 
lowed the events in Hungary with an unusual in- 
terest and sympathy, expected from day to day 
nothing less than the open protest of England against 
Russian intervention, the recognition of the inde- 
pendence of Hungary, and, if circumstances required 
it, a declaration of war. As if the English Secretary 
of State could have exposed the honour of his coun- 
try inconsiderately and rashly, without at the same 
time making preparations to support his demands in 
the most emphatic manner ! The BritisK Ministry 
could not undertake the responsibility of a war with 

■■"■—>* •«* «*■**■ t* • .- * 


Uie tvTD Imperial States of Europe, unless they SQC- 
oeeded in inducing France to take the same course. 
But this was opposed by the policy of the nephew 
f£ Napoleon, and the dread of the Red party enter- 
tained by the majority in the Chamber, to which we 
have before adverted. An isolated movement an 
the part of England was inconceivable, because im- 

The English Ministry, which had to guard the in- 
terests of the Porte, viewed the armed alliance willi 
unconcealed mistrust ; the entire press of England 
— the 'Times' alone excepted — took part, with a 
warmth not ordinarily evinced in that country, for 
the oppressed Hungarians, attacked as they were in 
their most sacred rights. The middle dasses of 
BiUgland widely and emphatically expressed their 
qrmpathy, on the ground of right, justice and hu- 
manity, no less than from motives of personal in- . 
terest in the heroic Magyars. Nevertheless all thu 
expression of opinion could not and ought not to 
have hurried the English Government into adopting 
any isolated course of action, which might have 
plunged Europe into war, and at the same time 
isolated the position of England. 

Had the fate of Hungary not been in the hands 
of a Grorgey, who in a miserable manner hurried 
to a conclusion the grandest national struggle of 


modem times — ^had even^ notwithstanding all past 
. errors, the concentration of the Hungarian ccrps 
d^armie on the Theiss still been effected in July — 
the war would not have been terminated in the 
autumn of 1849, and the great, single, indivisible 
Republic of America would perhaps have been in- 
duced to adopt energetic measures, from which re* 
treat would have been incompatible with honour. 
Then England and Turkey would not have hesitated 
to interfere, and Europe would probably at the pre- 
sent moment have been awaiting with feverish im- 
patience the issue of the war, instead of mourning its 
result with despondency* 

The position of Hungary towards Austria at the 
end of the year 1848, and the beginning of the year 
1849, was apparently the same as that of the Lom- 
bard©- Venetian Kingdom to the collective Austrian 
Monarchy. Apparently only — for although the two 
kingdoms had equally declared open war against their 
sovereign, the motives which gave rise to the war 
in the two cases, and the aids by which that war 
was carried on, differed so widely that it is needless 
to enlarge on their variance. Not until after the war 
in Hungary had proceeded so far that it could only 
be decided on the field of battle, did these nations 
agree in their demands, namely, a complete separa- 
tion from the Austrian Monarchy. An alliance of 



the two countries was thenceforth naturally sug- 
gested by the similarity of their position and their 
cause, but the point of connexion had by an acci- 
dental circumstance already been afforded at the out- 
break of the March revolution. 

Baron Splenyi happened to be in Rome when the 
news of the events of Vienna flew over the world. 
His family had furnished many generals to the 
Austrian army, and he was pressed into' a military 
career against his will. At nineteen years of age a 
captain in the Joseph Hussar-regiment, his liberal 
opinions, which he never concealed, and the lively 
interest with which he, as an officer in the Imperial 
service, followed the steps of the Opposition in the 
Pressburg Diets, drew upon him much annoyance 
from his Colonel. Wonderful are the caprices in fate ! 
this Colonel was the very same Kiss, who afterwards 
joined the Hungarian cause with heart and soul, the 
same General Kiss, who has been before mentioned 
in connexion with the war in the Bacska, and 
who was executed as a rebel in Arad, October 6th, 

Tired of the many vexations he had to endure, 
Splenyi withdrew from active service and travelled. 
In Rome he made the acquaintance of the Minister 
Mammiani, whose influence extended at that time 
over the whole Peninsula, and formed an intimate 


friendship with him. In May he wished to i%tum 
to Hungary; Mammiani induced him to go by 
way of Lomljardy, in order to assist in effecting a 
strong cooperation between Italy and Hungary ; an 
alliance which he urged as the fundamental condi- 
tion for the liberation of Italy, and which he had 
stated in the £flh point of his political programme 
containing the sketch of a project for a united Italy, 
^lenyi was to induce the Provisional GovemmeBt 
of Milan to propose the offer of alliance to the Hun- 
garians, and Mammiani furnished him with letters 
to the leading men of the movement in Lombardy* 
On his arrival in Milan he found a good spirit preva- 
lent, but complete disorder, occasioned by a want of 
sufficient authority, the King of Sardinia sharing the 
power with the Provisional Government. The lat- 
ter, at the head of which was Count Casatti, pcnnted 
to the speedy annexation of Lombardy to Sardinia, 
adding that he consequently wished to interfere only 
an administrative affairs, and referred everything con- 
nected with politics to the King. He introduced 
Splenyi to the Minister, Count Castagnetto, whom 
Splenyi met in the head-quarters at Valeggio, and 
during his stay there of a fortnight he was present 
at the battie of Goito and the taking of Peschiera. 
Castagnetto, equally convinced of the urgent import- 
ance of such an aMiance, but no less irresolute &an 


the Mflanese, referred Splenyi to the Minister of 
Foreign Affairs^ Lorenzo Paretto, who received him 
with marked attention. But Paretto wanted the 
proposition to be made in a definite form, and re- 
quested Splenyi to draw up a memorial^ explaining 
the basis of the proposed Italo-Hungarian relations. 

It is a remarkable &ct, that with the Italian states- 
men Splenyi had to combat precisely the opposite 
views to those which Teleki at Paris and Pukzky 
at London had to meet. It was no easy task to 
convince them that there really existed an antago- 
nism between Austria and Hungary; the Italian 
statesmen considered the conflict in the mere light 
of a family quarrel^ in which a reconciliation would 
follow the first concession on either side. Splenyi 
had gi<eat difficulty in making the real state of afiairs 
<dear to these Italians, but his character as an 
Austrian officer contributed much to convince them 
of the far-advanced schism between Hungary and 

Hie Sardinian Ministry hereupon appointed Ebl- 
voys, with full powers, who were to consult with 
Splenyi on the best means for establishing a union 
between the two countries. But Radetzky's diver- 
sion from Verona, and his rapid advance toward 
Milan, broke off these negotiations abruptly, and the 
capitulation of Salasco at last entirely and neces- 


sarily terminated Splenyi's mission at the Court of 
Carlo Alberto. 

The mad freaks of democracy, the unprepared con- 
dition of the people, mistrust of the King, the in- 
trigues of the Sifftioriy struck Splenyi forcibly: in 
Milan itself less was thought of the war than of the 
^^ Fusione/^ and thus were obstacles presented to any 
more important revolutionary measures. 

It was not until December 1848, when the Hun- 
garian Government began to organize its foreign 
missions, that Splenyi was sent with full powers to 
Turin. At that time the intercourse of Hungary 
with other countries began to be difficult, and it was 
natural that Kossuth, keeping in view the chances 
of war, should anticipate the possibility of his being 
at certain periods entirely cut off from intercourse 
with other nations. Count Teleki was therefore fur- 
nished with the necessary plenary powers*, to ap- 
point at his discretion diplomatic agents for other 
States ; from him Baron Splenyi received his creden- 
tials as provisional Envoy of Hungary to the Court 
of Turin, and afterwards to Constantinople. 

His task was now doubled ; he had first to ui^ 
the renewal of the war, and secondly to effect the 

* Szarvady brought this authorization to Count Teleki in No* 
vember from Hungary. Paris was, during the whole time, the 
diplomatic centre of the Hungarian Missions. 


return of the Hungarian troops in Radetzky^s army 
(about 20^000 men) to their own country. In the 
second part of his task he met with innumerable 
difficulties, and it may safely be asserted that it 
would have been better for Hungary had the first 
part of necessity remained unfulfilled. The nego* 
tiations were protracted. Piedmont in arms waiting 
to strike a blow, the whole of Italy in flames, the 
French army of the Alps watching on the frontier, 
Hungary in open war, a silent fermentation going 
on in the other provinces, Germany in the throes of 
a new revolutionary birth — in fact Austria could not 
have spared a single soldier from the soil of Lom- 
bardy, and the Hungarian Government would have 
acted more wisely, had they through their agent 
spoken against a rupture of the truce. But they 
could only know the strength which Sardinia had to 
oppose to Austria; they could not possibly take 
into account the open treachery of the Codini* and 
others, of which not a single statesman in Sardinia 
had an idea. 

On Splenyi's arrival in Turin, Baron Perone, who 
afterwards fell at Novara, was Minister of Foreign 
Affairs and President of the Council. Splenyi was 
received by him with marks of distinction, although 
with a visible reserve, and assured on his first visit 
* Codini, tail-bearers, reactionists. 


that the war would soon be renewed. Some decrees 
of the Chambers bronght about the fell of the Mi- 
nistry; the ^^Ministerio democratico Gioberti" suc^ 
ceeded, and immediately notified to Splenyi^ that^ true 
to its nati(Hial principles^ it recognized him officially 
as the representative of the Hungarian nation. All 
the necessary formalities were gone through^ his ere*- 
dentials received, and he was presented to the King 
in the dignity of his office. Colonel Monti was at the 
same time appointed Envoy of Sardinia to the Hun- 
garian nation. The latter had to encounter many^ 
difficulties before he reached Belgrade by way of An- 
cona, Scutari and through the Turkish provinces* — 
he was in the saddle during three whole weeks. After 
the termination of the Sardinian war he remained in 
Hungary, and commanded the Italian Legion; at 
length he succeeded in escaping to Turkey. Another 
Italian agent, whom Manin sent from Venice, arrived 
too late. 

* The travelling adventures of the Hungarian Agents and 
couriers present incidents of great interest. "Women especially 
played an important part in conveying the despatches. Kossuth's 
couriers came with the news of battles to Vienna regularly five^ 
six^ and even twelve hours sooner than the Imperial couriers, not- 
withstanding that the frontier wa& carefully watched. Once the 
comical occurrence happened that an Hungarian courier, dis- 
guised as a driver, actually drove the Austrian courier over the 


Gioberti repeatecQj declared to Splenyi that Han- 
gsrj and Italy must unite their powers, and aho 
have a mutual understanding as to their military 
operations. He had given Monti instructions to 
this effect. But Gioberti soon proved fidthless to 
his original programme; a division arose between 
hbn and his eoUeagues^ and the relation to the Hun- 
garian Envoy became cooler ; — still more so, when 
Gioberti was succeeded by Colli, a man who made 
promises to Splenyi which he never intended to 
fulfil, and who worked only in the interests of the 
Court party. 

A fortnight after the fall of this Minister followed 
the rupture of the truce. The King signified to 
Splenyi his desire that he should accompany him to 
the camp, and in this manner the Hungarian Envoy 
was an eye-witness of the battles of Novara and 
Mortara, the prelude to the misfortunes of his own 
country. With the war, his official duties were 
naturally at an end. 

Splenyi had already communicated the wishes 
of the Hungarian Government in a note to the 
Perone Ministry; the following were the chief 
points ?— 

First: That Sardinia should mediate the return 
of the Hungarian regiments from Italy to Hun- 
gary. That the soldiers who deserted to Piedmont 


should be formed into a corps^ which should receive 
every support from Sardinia^ and^ if it increased to 
the number of 4000 men^ should be transported by 
the Sardinian fleet to some point on the shore^ with 
a view to attempt a coup-de-main. 

Secondly : that Piedmont should furnish muskets^ 
cannon, ammunition and equipment, for this expe* 

Thirdly : that the fleet should attack Fiume by a 
combined plan with the Hungarian army. 

The Sardinian Ministry expressed their assent to 
these wishes, and although no formal document was 
drawn up, yet Monties instructions embraced indi- 
rectly the acquiescence in these demands. Albini 
received orders to prepare a plan of operations for 
the enterprize, and submit it to the War Ministry ; 
whilst Monti was instructed to provide that Croatia 
should at the same time be attacked by an Hun- 
garian army. 

It is well known that this grand project was never 
put in execution. Of the 2000 Hungarians who 
deserted from the Italo- Austrian, army, only 200 
reached Piedmont, and these men -Splenyi formed 
into a separate Legion under the command of Cap- 
tain Tiir. The greater number probably afterwards 
returned to their standard. 

Baron Splenyi is now residing in Paris^ He 

• THE PORTS. 73 

possesses the talent of readily accommodating him- 
self to place and circumstance, a somid under- 
standing, Thinning manners, and, together with the 
elasticity of youth, that peculiar dignity which all- 
Magyars of rank possess, and which during his di- 
plomatic career he had opportunity of cultivating. 
After the termination of the Sardinian war he went 
with commissions to Constantinople, and was re- 
lieved at this post in May, 1849, by Count Julius 
Andrassy; the Hungarian Government being then 
first enabled, in consequence of the brilliant cam- 
paign of April, to communicate instructions to their 
agents in a direct manner*. The Turkish Ministry 
and the Sultan took a lively interest in the Hun- 
garian war, and the Sultan would assuredly have 
been inclined to do more for Hungary than merely 
to pray five times for the Christian dogsf^ had not 
all been kept in suspense by the indecision of France. 

* At that time Count Draskowitz was^also sent to Rome and 
Switzerland with despatches. 

t Wolyki went in 1830 from Paris to Constantinople, to in- 
terest the Porte for the Poles. The Seraskier, who enjoyed 
great influence with the Sultan, appeared to he animated at that 
time with a favourahle disposition toward the Poles. He an- 
swered the Polish agent's urgent representations, amongst other 
replies, in these words : ** Unheard-of occurrence since the 
foundation of Islamism ! the Sultan has been five times to the 
great Mosque, to pray to God for Christian dogs, as you are." — 

Count Roman Soltik. 



It ia interesting to compare in this respect the posi- 
tion of die Porte in the years 1830 and 1849. At 
the former period the French Ambassador Guille* 
minot endeavoured to interest Turkey for Poland in 
the war against Russia, but he was recalled throu^ 
the intrigues of the British Chargi ^Aff^airea. The 
position of things is now reversed : anxiety at home 
and abroad, consciousness of her own instability, 
narrowminded selfishness, characterize at this re- 
markable period the policy of France everywheare. 
To the petty consideration of upholding a wholly 
untenable system of government, even the dd 
motto — ^^ La gloire, Fhumanite, Penthousiasme pour 
la liberte des peuples^^ — ^has itself been sacrificed. 
The religious sentiment of the Mussulman and the 
greatness of England had to enter the lists^ with all 
their imposing weight, to save a few heads from 
the hangman Haynau. France has forgotten her 
great destiny: her returning memory, it is said^ 
will electrify Europe. 



Intrigues at Debreczin — Declaration of Independence — Kossuth's 
intentions — a new Ministry — Szemere — ^the Republican move- 
ment — ^Duidiek — Ladislans Csanyi — ^Vukovich — Horvath — 
Casimir Batthyanyi-— Foreign Poticy of Hungary — the South 
Schmsh Races. 

Great historical phases of development^ beside the 
outward manifestations which they bring to light, 
bear within them many dark riddles, the solution of 
which is. indispensable to explain current events 
The greatest riddle of the Hungarian revolution is 
unquestionably the national Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, prompted by Kossuth, and proclaimed 
by the National Assembly at Debreczin, on the 14th 
of April, 1849, — an act which has been interpreted 
in various ways, for the most part incorrectly, and 
the real meaning of which is almost universally 

At the beginning of April, when Kossuth, quit- 

E 2 


ting the victorious and advancing army, returned 
to Debreczin, he found there many changes. His 
absence had given opportunity to some narrow- 
minded men, — such as every revolution produces^ 
like satellites of the great planets, — to push them- 
selves forward on the scene of action. Insignificant 
in Kossuth's presence, they eagerly caught at an op- 
portunity of playing a part when the master's back 
was turned. Paul Nyary, Gabriel Kazinczi, Louis 
Kovacs, with a few others, had, on the entrance of 
Prince Windischgratz into Pesth, abandoned all 
hope of success, and began to talk of an uncondi- 
tional surrender. There was at that time logic in 
their cowardice. Now, when they were again en- 
deavouring to gain proselytes to their schemes of 
mediation, they were singly animated by a love of 
intrigue, by the desire of acquiring importance in 

Kossuth returned from GodoUo elated with vic- 
tory. He had seen his Magyars in battle, and been 
eye-witness of their heroism, which surpassed the 
brightest dreams of his imagination. Gcirgey and 
he had embraced — Gorgey too erceeded all his ex- 
pectations and hopes ; he felt assured that the plan 
of the campaign would be successful, like a mas- 
terly game of chess. Was this a moment to talk of 
negotiations? Could it be imagined that Austria 


would in future display better faith toward Hungary 
than she had done since 1526? Was it possible for 
Kossuth to allow the ardour and courage of his 
troops to cool down^ by entering on a negotiation 
for peace, at the very moment when victory was 
certain, although not yet fully achieved? Could 
he dare to abandon the cause of the Poles, in 
the very hour when Gorgey was on the point of 
terminating a victory which Bern had so gloriously 
b^un? These are questions which probably sug- 
gested themselves to the minds of Kossuth's enemies 
at Debreczin, but their paltry jealousy would not 
allow them to give a conscientious answer to their 
own minds. They must have felt that their time 
was not yet come. The Diet was so accustomed to 
Kossuth's guidance, that it was no easy task to 
reconcile it to a policy opposed to his, especially 
as the men of the greatest talents sided with the 
Governor of their free will and choice. There was 
one point only open to attack, like the heel of 
Achilles, — one small party who, tired of the war, 
were desirous to be relieved from the continued 
state of excitement, and to return as speedily as 
posuble to a more easy mode of life; and this 
weak side, this knot of a few little-minded men, 
was worked upon with all the powers of in- 


Kossuth whilst at the camp received information 
of these secret cabals, which the zeal of his fneads 
exaggerated and described as of the most formidaUe 
character. He resolved to put an end to them, by 
burning the ships of his enemies behind their badks. 
His fear was greater than the danger, and this fear 
will explain the reason why the Declaration of In- 
dependence was proclaimed before the campaign had 
attained its object. As to the effect of such a 
measure Kossuth had not deceived himself, but he 
miscalculated the time for its promulgation. 

On the 14th of April the representatives of the 
Hungariian People assembled in the Protestant church, 
for the purpose of entering the ranks of independent 
nations, after the example set by the Americans. 
Eye-witnesses of that assembly assure us that the 
scene in the plain, unadorned house of prayer was 
the grandest one in the whole course of the Hun- 
garian revolution. Never was Kossuth's eloquence 
more electrifying, than when dictating the letter of 
renunciation of allegiance to the Hapsburg Dynasty ; 
his glowing patriotism vied with his impassioned 
eloquence. The farewell curse ^thundered from his 
lips like a cataract ; and as the people beheld the 
history of their centuries of suffering, the deceptions 
practised on them, and their unrequited and thaidc- 
less sacrifices, unrolled before them, and held up to 

^^^■-'*w-" -^ '<^_;,^'— ~- I ■ ■ !•■ 11"^ wi ■ I "'-w^' ■waB>;;w"''^ar:*-i'«<-Li„ .a^B^i^^ 


thdr view like so many warning spirits, their hearts' 
Uocd stiiBred with feverish excitement, they trem- 
bled with irrepressible enmtion. The liirili of pre- 
sent joy, the intoxifAting presentiment of foture 
fioeedom, could alone adequately recompense the suf- 
ferings, the bootless -struggles of ages, or e£Gu;e the 
remembrance of past griefs. 

A tiiandffljng shout of exultation broke from that 
immense Assembly, and swelling in its course like 
an vralaoche, it was caught up by the multitude 
idio thronged the streets without, and was echoed 
fiff and wide through the country around. The 
Nstional Assembly had made a call upon the Peojde 
for ftesh heroism, for new self-denial and self-devo- 
tba ; and the People, in their joyous enthusiasm, 
¥0wed to respond to the summons. The petty in- 
triguers had not the courage to open their lips : the 
Vergmauds of Debreczin were mute. 

As we have remarked, Kossuth had never deceived 
himfsdf in the anticipated effect of this decisive act, 
but only in the time of brmging it forward* T^e 
Declaration of Independence came either a year too 
kte, tar « montii too early. The open strug^ 
f^ainst the Crown was indeed only a month old in 
Apiil of tihe year 1846 ; but the bloodless battles of 
the Fresdbarg Diets against the encroachments of the 
CSrorwn had iofr a long time fiedally weakened pubEc 


confidence in the Dynasty throughout the whole of 
Hungary. The blow would at that time have been 
overwhelming^ — perhaps not confined to Hungary; 
but a violent separation was not then in the plan of 
the victorious party, who believed it possible to bring 
to a peaceable conclusion what they had begun on 
the path of right. 

A year of sanguinary battles had since elapsed, 
the gauntlet had been thrown down by the Court, 
the Magyars had taken it up with painful resolution, 
and were now on the point of planting their foot 
upon the neck of their peijured foe. Kossuth and 
his friends, the Hungarian, Polish, and even the 
Austrian Generals, doubted not for an instant of 
seeing the Magyar army press on to Vienna. There, 
in the Hofburg, in the sacred edifice of the Cathe* 
dral of St. Stephen, in the metropolis of the Empire, 
in the face and in the centre of all the provinces, 
Kossuth had intended to proclaim to the world the 
independence of his country. This was resolved 
upon at the opening of the campaign of April, but 
impatience to put an end to the secret dissensions 
in the Diet hastened the execution of his project. 
The little bell in the meeting-house at Debreczin 
had not the majestic clang of the great bell of St. 
Stephen^s ; its sound died away over the interminable 
plains of Hungary, or reached the German races 


only like an echo from fairyland. Kossuth had 
suffered himself to be allured by phantoms into 
taking a premature step,— one of sad and important 
significance for the future. 

To risk a measure pregnant \dth such momentous 
consequences as the separation of one State from an- 
other, can be justified only by a well-grounded assur- 
ance of success. The configuration must be favour- 
able, in time and place, to be able to fix the horoscope 
ivith confidence. Count Teleki, who, removed from 
the scenes of the revolution, could follow its pro- 
gress with a clear eye and correct judgement, had 
perceived the full importance of this truth ; and on 
the first news of the brilliant successes of the Hun- 
garian arms, he despatched a trusty courier to 
Kossuth, entreating him to fix his whole attention 
upon Vienna. He urged him to disregard all brilliant 
achievements, all present advantages, and to think 
only of pressing on to Vienna, even if the force at 
his command for this object was not of an imposing 
character. But Kossuth dreamed himself already in 
Vienna, in the midst of an oppressed population, 
welcoming him as their saviour. Could he at that 
time have doubted Gorgey's truth and honour? 
Assuredly as little as any one could have believed 
that a general of Gorgey's calibre would have suf- 

£ 5 


fered himself to be caught in so clumsy a trap as 
that of Buda. 

The measures of the Diet were restricted to the 
Declaration of Independence^ and the determination 
of the future form of government was left to depend 
on the conjuncture of events in £urope; it is clear 
therefore that Kossuth meditated nothing mouey 
than that the army as well as the National Assembly 
should work on to the end indefatigably. He had 
a right to infer that even the most irresolute must, 
after such a step^ give up all hope of any retreat. 
In fact the opponents of this decisive measure them- 
selves^ when they witnessed the universal exulta- 
tion with which it was hailed by the nation^ joined 
the new policy in the warmest manner. They were 
at heart glad to have got over a step which was 
inevitable^ and congratulated themselves on having 
passed the difficulty. 

The new President Governor had, immediately 
after the Declaration of Independence, to proceed to 
the formation of a new Ministry. Szemere under- 
took the Presidency, together with the portfolio of 
the Interior. 

This person, whom we have before met in the Bat- 
thyanyi Ministry, had since that period gained in 
efficiency and importance. He belongs to the better- 



known and more influential class of politicians in 
•Hnngaiy; but he wants the power of organization 
on a grand scale^ and is deficient in those compre- 
lienti^ views, that deep insight, which mark the 
statesman. In the former Ministry under Batthy- 
aayi, he one while inclined to the President, at an- 
fiiher to Kossuth; at the same time he had fre- 
^ineat intercourse with the Axchduke Stephen, and 
aded siBiDe Hie month of September as a member of 
the Conmiittee of National Defence, in which sphere 
ke worked with untiring zeal and activity. In Aprils 
1649, the new President of the Ministry avowed 
liimself on advocate for a Republic, and openly an« 
flounced io Ihe House of Representatives his Qo^ 
vemment as democratic and repubUcan. 

This change in the Ministerial programme was 
QieoeBsarily^ calculated to prejudice the Government 
in the eyes of tiie Nation, since it was not in imison 
with the Declaration of Independence itself. It is 
difficult to judge of the motives which led Szemere 
to this premature avowal, for he might have been a 
very good republican, and yet have adhered to the 
provisional form of government declared by the Diet. 
It seems tiiat a pensonal mistrust of Kossuth, even 
at that time, with respect to the foreign relations of 
tike country, induced him to this unfortunate policy. 
Kossuth erred, in neglecting to come to an under- 


standing with his Ministers as to their -views, before 
presenting the Ministerial list to the House; but 
Kossuth was deceived in Szemere, as he was in 
Gorgey. The President of the Ministry had never 
been a friend of the Governor ; indeed people were 
so convinced of his hostiUty to Kossuth in Debrec- 
zin, that some even talked of a secret understanding 
between Szemere and Gorgey, and Perczel in parti- 
cular is said to have repeatedly alluded to this. But 
Szemere's conduct toward Kossuth has nothing in 
common with the paltry jealousy of a Gorgey ; he 
may have drawn up his programme with an honest 
conviction of its necessity; but his mistrust was 
imjust, his policy unsuited to circumstances. Sze- 
mere moreover possesses a greater administrative 
than statesmanlike talent. Even his speeches, bril- 
liant as they are and rich in'thought, bea]*the stamp 
of diligent study, rather than fervent inspiration. 
In his political views be is too much influenced by 
questions of detail, and falls far short of that height 
which the leaders of so mighty a revolution had 
necessarily to occupy. 

Duschek, the Minister of Finance, a clever bu- 
reaucrat, had the tact to render himself indispensable 
by his intimate knowledge of the financial relations 
of Hungary. A master in the art of dissimulation, 
he possessed the confidence not only of Kossuth but 


<tf all the leaders of the movement up to the final 
catastrophe. At that period we shall meet him 

Ladislaus Csanyi^ Minister of Communication, a 
genuine Magyar, was thoroughly imbued with the 
spirit of the revolution. Possessing an iron will, 
united with indefatigable perseverance, he was an 
ardent patriot, an excellent man, but of no states- 
manlike talent. 

Sabbas Yukovich, Minister of Justice, one of the 
most honourable men, far removed from personal 
ambition and petty je9lousy, working indefatiga- 
bly toward the grand final object in view, reso- 
lute in principle, a mediator amongst his colleagues, 
with a character formed in the mould of anti- 
quity, to whom it would have been the greatest 
delight to sacrifice limb and life for the good of his 

Michael Horvath, Minister of Instruction, was 
formerly Professor of History in the Theresa Col- 
lege in Vienna, afterwards Prior of Hatvan, and 
nominated by Eotvos to the bishopric of Csanad, in 
which dignity he was confirmed by the Emperor 
Ferdinand. His History of Hungary has given 
him a high reputation, whilst his enlightened ideas 
as a priest gained him friends. At the breaking out 
of the war he requested of the Primate, his spiritual 


superior^ paternal counsel with respect to Ms futufe 
conduct in the politics of his country. The advice 
seemed suflSciently pious : the Bishop was to pray at 
the altar of his church for the inspiration of the 
Holy Ghost. This inspiration appears to have been 
of a revolutionary nature^ for Horvath immediately 
afterwards proffered his services to the Hungarian 
Government. A sworn foe to priestcraft, he pos- 
sesses elevated notions of the true vocation of the 
clergy. Hungary would have been indebted to him 
fi>r many useful reforms. As a statesman he has 
yet to earn his i^purs. 

Count Casimir Batthyanyi, Minister of Foreign Af- 
fairs, and ad interim also of Trade, is one of the 
noblest characters that the Hungarian revolution has 
produced. His great cultivation of mind and ex- 
tensive reading rei^der him an able man, but un- 
happily he is deficient in that power of forming a 
general survey of events, that knowledge of the 
world, that quick insight into the relations of men 
and things, without which no one can be a really 
great statesman. Self-devotion, patriotism, dili- 
gence, and many other brilliant quahties, which di- 
stinguished him in the highest degree, were not 
sufficient for his position and times. As Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, the Count's attention required to 
be devoted mainly to directing the policy of his 



CM>iintry in such a manner, that the efforts of the 
Hungarian Embassies might be attended with sue- 
eess; and in this respect the republican programme 
must likewise in part be laid to his charge. Could 
Hungary at that time calculate on sympathy firom 
other quarters than France and England, or me- 
diately through these firom the Porte? Should not 
Botthyanyi have seen that by this programme he 
was placing the .Hungarian Envoys in an embaxraas- 
ing position ? By the Declaration of Independence 
it was at all events to be imagined that France and 
England might be moved to an intervention, since 
Hungary had de facto ceased to be a portion of the 
Austrian Monarchy. The semi-republican declara- 
tion on the Theiss alarmed the French statesmen 
on the Seine, and the Tories in England had on 
their side an easy game to play with Palmerston. 
Teleki in Paris and Pulszky in London endea- 
voured to correct this evil, by declaring that they 
both adhered solely to the Act of Independence; 
but in so doing they found themselves in the no 
less fatal position, of being obliged to disavow the 
policy of their own Government. These Envoys, as 
the English and French journals of that time clearly 
show, endeavoured to represent that the form of 
government for Hungary was to be considered an 
open question, and that this country could mean- 


while be as little designated a republic as a mo- 
narchy. But with the overpowering conservative 
elements in England and France^ which readily 
seized on a pretext for remaining neutral with a 
good grace^ the position of the Hungarian Envoys 
was by these measures needlessly embarrassed. 

A far greater error, which must be laid to the 
charge of the Governor and his Ministers, was the 
misapprehension of their task in reference to the 
question of nationalities. The Declaration of Inde- 
pendence had no meaning, unless the perfect satis- 
faction of all the wishes of the Croats, Serbs, and 
Wallachs followed immediately. The separation of 
Hungary from Austria ought at the same time to be a 
bond of union with the South-Sclavish races. That 
this was not easy of accomplishment, must be ad- 
mitted; indeed it was extremely difficult to enter 
into any kind of peaceable and conciliatory relations 
with those nations. Austria moreover had cunningly 
prevented this, by placing its creatures at the head 
of the hostile races. It had always been impossible 
to enter into negotiations with these men ; Jella- 
chich, Rajachich, Suplicacz, Theodorovich, and the 
rest had received far too decided orders, far too bril- 
liant promises, to allow this. 

But seeing that an understanding with the leaders 
of the Sclaves was impossible, — and knowing that 


numerous voices among these races were beginning 
to raise the question of an alliance with Hungary — 
the Oovemment ought, for this very reason^ to have 
disarmed the power of the leaders, by issuing a pro- 
clamation, and at once conceding aU the demands of 
the Hungarian Sclaves, however eicaggerated. No 
attempt ought to have been made to n^otiate with 
the leaders, but the Diet should have addressed 
themselves directly with this explanation to the 
people. By such a step the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence would have gained in significance and 
grandeur. It would have been befitting a nation like 
Hungary, in the moment of triumph, to have shown 
herself high-minded and generous toward her armed 
but vanquished brethren, — ^to have granted as a free- 
will offering to the conquered, what could never be 
conceded in point of right to the conqueror. 

This was the policy which circumstances peremp- 
torily demanded. It was not a case that admitted 
of negotiation, postponement, or half-measures. This 
was the only safe policy for Hungary, after she had 
thrown off the yoke of Austria : firom that moment 
it was the more imperative on her to unite her cause 
with that of her nationalities, and to attach their 
interests indissolubly with her own. The Hungarian 
Government would by this measure have dispelled 
the last appearances of any misapprehension of her 


views, and the antique heroism of this noble nati<in 
would, by such unparalleled and generous advances, 
have acquired a new and brilliant lustre. Batthyanyi 
especially in his position ought to have reflected, 
that such an act would have produced a much 
greater impression upon the world than any pro- 
testation, however eloquent, against Russian inter-, 
vention. For we must not deceive ourselves : the 
question of Hungarian nationalities is such a tangled 
one, that other countries can scarcely be brought to 
conceive how Aus^a had succeeded in gaining the 
Sclaves on her side. A great many statesmen, 
from ignorance of these relations, were inclined to 
listen to the Austrian notes, which craftily spoke 
merely of a ** handful '' of malcontents in Hungary. 
Such a designation of the great revolution wbs at 
least comprehensible, and for the policy of many 
statesmen the most convenient. 

The Act of Independence might have been the 
cradle of Hungary's freedom : it was wrecked, on 
the false policy of the Ministry, on the overthrow of 
Kossuth, and on Gorgey's treachery. 



Advance of the Russians — they cross the Frontier — ^Francis 
Joseph — ^Imperial tears — Gorgey on the Wai^ — Kossuth's 
weakness — ^Haynau takes the field — his character — Execu- 
tion of Mednianski, Gruher and Razga — ^Adventures of two 
Hungarian Ladies — Kossuth, Gorgey and Damianich — Plan of 
Operations of the Hungarians — Battle of Pered and Szigard — 
Fhght of Gorgey — Position of the War in the South and East. 

Two full months elapsed between the great battles 
on the Theiss and Danube^ — ^the result of which 
was the retreat of the Austrian maia amiy,-to the 
moment when the united Russians and Austrians 
opened the second decisive campaign. In May the 
siege and storming of Buda took place; June was 
wasted by Gorgey in purposeless battles on the 
Waag and Danube. 

In vain Kossuth adhered to the plan of Dembinski 
.and Yetter, according to which the victorious Ma- 
gyar iurmy was to divide iiixto two .great halves^ — 
one to invade Austria or Styria^ and the other 


Galicia^ with a view to transfer the field of battle 
and the revolution beyond the frontiers of Hungary* 
In vain was Gorgey urged to lead forward his army 
resolutely, in order to gain a decisive step before the 
Russians invaded the country; all orders and en- 
treaties were thrown away on the obstinacy of this 
General, who, while professing his readiness to obey, 
never executed the commands that issued from De- 

On the 2nd of May, General Legedics announced 
by beat of drum in Cracow, that the Russians were 
on their march, to enter the Austrian territory as 
allies. The weakness of Austria was proclaimed with 
a certain pomp. The drummers were ordered to 
beat the death-march, as at the last moments of a 
criminal led out to execution. The Austrian Go- 
vernment had pronounced its own sentence. 

On the 4th of May, 17^000 Russians crossed the 
frontier vid Cracow; on the following day 22,000, 
with 11,450 horses. On the 8th, 15,000 crossed the 
frontier to Tamogrod, and 26,000 to Brody, with 
9800 horses. On the 9th, 173OOO men entered 
Wolosezys, and on the 11th followed 9000 by 
way of Hussyatyn. At the same time the Rus- 
sian columns from the Bukowina and Wallachia 
were set in motion in the direction of Transylvania. 
In all, Paskiewitcz advanced at the head of 106,000 


men^ with 23^000 cavalry. Under him commanded 
the Generals-in-chief Riidiger and Tscheodajeff. At 
the same time (May 5th) the young Emperor Francis 
Joseph went for the first time to Vienna^ and for- 
mally assumed the command-in-chief of the army. 
He had not seen Vienna since receiving the Imperial 
crown from the weak hands of his uncle and the 
strong arms of his mother. They could both only 
give the crown^ — ^to guard and keep it required a 
stronger power : the Emperor of Russia deigned to 
give this proof of his attachment to the House of 
Hapsburg ; and it was not until his first regiments 
of cavalry appeared on the Austrian firontier^ as a 
pledge of further aid^ that the young Prince entered 
his metropolis, which was to remain his by foreign 

No act of grace marked the unexpected arrival of 
the Emperor in his native city. Francis Joseph has, 
from his accession to the throne, assumed all the 
privileges of crowned heads, — all but the most glo- 
rious, the most sacred, the privilege of mercy. The 
heart of the young Emperor has not yet spoken to 
his people — he has hitherto left this to Haynau 
and his hangmen. He came to Pressburg, and to 
the camp of his soldiers. There he was observed 
to weep, when he saw the troops in their pitiable 
plight. A torn cloak, a soiled jacket, a battered cui- 


lass are truly objects worthy the tears of a Prince, 
who had hitherto only seen brilliant, faultless uni- 
forms on parade! Other griefs lie not so near the 

On the 12th of May the Emperor issued a mani- 
festo to the Hungarians, announcing the Russian 
intervention, and again summoning them to an un- 
conditional surrender. In answer to this, tlie Hun- 
garians advanced the same day to Sommerein, ajfter 
scattering to the winds an Austrian brigade. But 
Goi^ey on this occasion played with human life for 
the mere sake of sport ; on the following day he re- 
called his troops from Sommerein. The whole of 
the Lai^e Schiitt island, the left bank of the Waag 
and the right bank of the Danube, up to Raab and 
Hochstrass, were in his power,— in his rear not a 
single soldier of the enemy, before him a defeated 
army, T^hich had great difficulty in collecting again 
and recruiting its ranks. Thus stood Gorgey, we 
might say, before the castle of Pressburg, before the 
gates of Vienna, and wasted in criminal wantonness 
his most favourable and precious time, and the finest 
forces of his country. 

So utteriy annihilated was the Austrian army, that 
Welden lost with it his powers both of mind and 
body. But Kossuth, who must have seen in Gror- 
gey^s conduct more than the mere obstinacy of an 

Kossuth's weakness. 95 

ambitiaas head — Kossuth who since the battle of 
Suipohia had been continually warned by confidential 
firiends to beware of Gorgey — had not the energy 
to take a bold course toward a Greneral, against 
whom more than i^pearances spoke. He had not 
the resolution of that Ferdinand of Austria who 
derived a Wallenstein of the command, nor did he 
possess the ordinary virtue of a crowned head, to 
diMnn a powerftd and self-wiUed man ia other ways, 
as the same Ferdinand did with the same Wallen- 
stein* Kossuth's error leaned to the side of hu- 
monity^ but he did not answer to the demands which 
the revolution* required of its creator. He consoles 
himself in exile with the reflexion '^ that his hands 
are clean of blood/' forgetting that this consolation 
erf* the simple citizen conveys the self-reproach of the 
great agitator. 

The Austrian army at this time changed its leaders 
for the third time. Whatever a man could dare, 
Kossuth might have attempted. No one was more 
popular throughout the country, nor was his name 
as yet echpsed in the army by Gorgey's victories. 
But he hesitated from day to day, — ^weak, in spite 
of the strength of his conviction. His indecision 
was the ruin of himself and Hungary. 

As a foil to this weakness, fate opposed to him 


Haynau, who on the 30th of May was invested with 
unUmited powers. He came still hot from the 
slaughter at Brescia — heralded by the worst repu- 
tation of his age. At the storming of Brescia he 
observed a priest, who from a barricade had fired 
several shots at him. ^^ The fellow will not hit me/' 
said he ; ^^ I shall not fall by the hand of the enemy, 
but by assassination.'^ He now came from the land 
where murder is naturalized, to a country of open, 
honourable warfare ; here he bad no cause of appre- 
hension from the assassin's blow, and he has shown 
his ability to make the most of his power ailer his 
own fashion. 

The traveller in mountainous regions often stands 
upon the edge of an abyss, so deep, and dark, and 
fearful, that he shudders to look down into the 
chasm. With a similar feeling humanity recoils be- 
fore the character of this Haynau, scarcely daring to 
cast a glance into its depths, so frightful is every out- 
ward and visible manifestation of the influences there 
at work. Hardly had he received the command, hard- 
ly had he time to muster his forces, to reconnoitre 
the ground upon which h^ was to begin the war in 
earnest, hardly had he issued a single order of the day, 
when already two sentences of death had received his 
signature. Baron Mednianski died on the gallows. 


and with him Gruber on the 5th of June at Press- 
burg. The former as commandant^ and the latter 
as artilleryman^ had taken an active part in the de- 
fence of Leopoldstadt. A cry of horror rang through 
the whole Empire, a wUd cry of revenge echoed 
through Hungary, when people saw the manner in 
which Haynau passed sentence on his prisoners of 
war; and hardly had the pale look of horror disap- 
peared from men^s countenances, when the sentence 
of death was passed and executed (June 18th) on the 
priest Razga. In vain had the citizens of Pressbui^ 
supplicated mercy for this universally honoured 
man : he was doomed to the gallows, and ever since 
that time the hangman has had full employment 
wherever Haynau's courts-martial have been held. 
But with all his bloody sentences Haynau could only 
create martyrs, — to intimidate, to terrify, to disarm, 
to convince, he was unable. 

It was on the second evening after Razga's exe- 
cution, that a carriage stopped at the door of a 
nobleman's mansion in the county of T* * *. This 
country-house was situated in one of the finest 
parts of the noble valley of the Waag, aside from 
the high-road; it was formerly much visited by 
connexions of the family among the nobility from a 
distance, and by friends in the neighbourhood, who 
in the cheerful pleasures of social intercourse used 



to enjoy the hospitality of the fkauly, aod the beau- 
ties of the surrounding country^ fear seYeral wedcB 
in the Autumn. During a whole year all had been 
quiet in this mansion : its possessor had followed 
Kossuth from Pesth to Debieczin ; his beautiful wife 
and her younger sister kept house alone^ with a few 
trusty servants. 

The two ladies had hastily stepped cm to the bal- 
cony^ to see whether the visit was to them, and what 
guest could have wandered into the solitude of their 
retired valley. In a few minutes the stranger stood 
before them^ and delivered a letter from Debreczia. 
The master of the house introduced him as a fiiend 
and patriot^ adding that he was the bearer of papers 
of great importance, which had to be conveyed to 
Vienna, and forwarded from thence to Teleki at Paris. 
The ladies were requested to do all in their power to 
assist him. 

Half the night was passed in taking counsel to- 
gether and relating occurrences. The young man, 
who was here first informed of the execution of 
Razga, his friend and tutor, took a solemn oath to 
avenge his death. His passionate spirit, which might 
endanger the enterprize, the difficulty of reaching 
Vienna at that time, when the frontier and the line 
of the Waag were doubly watched, together with the 
importance of the mission, inspfred the two ladies 


wi&L &e adbr^iturous idea of undertaking the jour- 
B^,«iid executing the commiBsion themselves. The 
aeruples of their guest were removed by the force of 
dreumatanoes : the same night he returned, and at 
WB. earij hour the fiAowing morning these two de- 
Keate ladies set out on foot, clad as peasant-women, 
OB tiieir way to Presaburg. 

Two days and three nights lasted this wearisome 
JTMBmey, whidi at other times, with their fine horses, 
they would have accomplished in a few hours. Fre- 
(foexsOj they had to climb steep mountain-paths, to 
avoid the piquet of an Austrian outpost ; and when, 
esdiausted by fatigue, they reached the spot where 
tiiey had expected to find an open path, they desmed 
in the distance a horse-patrol of the enemy, and had 
to crouch down half the night in the thicket, almost 
dead with £eitigue, tormented with hunger, in ner- 
vous dread of discovery, shivering on the damp- 
ground in the forests,— two noble, rich, proud^* 
ladies <xf Hungary. 

One moment was the most dreadful of all. They 
had, in the darkness of night, entered the bord^ of 
a thicket, without observing a post of the enemy 
which was on watch there. Suddenly they hear, not 
fir ofl^ a voice — **Who goes there ?^^ then agfiin, 
ami yet a third time. In alarm they retreat behind 
tlie trees-— a flash startles them at scarcely fifty paces 



distance — a shot — a rustling in the branches — ^the 
whistling of a musket-ball — then cries^ exclama- 
tions, the steps of men close to them. The younger 
Countess had sunk fainting on the ground ; and her 
sister, who believed her struck dead, fell on her knees 
in despair beside her. To this circumstance they 
owed their safety ; the low bushes between the slender 
stems of the trees concealed them from the observa- 
tion of the soldiers in search, who with lanterns 
were scouring the thicket and firing at random. 

It was not until after an hour of unspeakable 
anguish that the sisters recovered strength to steal 
back again. The following evening they reached 
Pressburg in safety, and were there concealed by a 
female friend, who sympathized with thetn. All pre- 
parations were made for the journey back to Vienna, 
and a befitting dress provided ; in the evening they 
made a pilgrimage of love to the Danube. In 
the so-called Water-Barracks, on the bank of the 
river, their younger brother was confined; he had 
served under Perczel, had since the battle of Moor 
been a prisoner of war, and for more than six 
months had been awaiting his sentence. The two 
sisters stood leaning against a wall, opposite the 
large building, gazing in silent prayer up at 
the window where they knew their brother was 
confined. An Austrian officer, who passed that 




way^ charmed with the appearance of the ladies, 
invited them home with him. He was not prepared 
for a decided refusal^ for the solitary evening walk 
at such a late hour, without the accompaniment of 
of any man, looked less like apostacy to Austria 
than to virtue. But the escort of the officer might 
be dangerous; and the elder lady therefore told 
him, with that presence of mind which is so pecu- 
liar to women of highly-gifted natures in critical 
moments, that she had a rendezvous with one of 
his comrades, requesting that he would fetch him 
from the barracks, when, if he pleased, he might be 
a fourth in their company. The officer hastened to 
the barracks ; meanwhile the ladies ran, like hunted 
roes, through dark back-streets to their house, the 
importunity of the Austrian having caused them 
more alarm than all their laborious and perilous 

The following night they slept in Vienna, in the 
apartment of a student, to whom they had been 
referred from Pressburg. The young man, happy in 
being able to shelter two of the noblest ladies of his 
country, took charge of their despatches, and, like a 
faithful guardian, slept through the night outside 
the door of their room. The despatches were writ- 
ten in the language of the country, provided with 
the great seal of the Government, and destined 


to be transmitted to the Ministries of Franee and 
England. These noble lacBes joume]red by Oeden- 
burg back to their quiet valley on the Waag, where 
they remained until the conclusion of the war. 

Nor were these the only ladies who risked liberty 
and life for their country; the women of Hun- 
gary have shown a greatness of mind and self- 
devotion during this war^ such as the highest en* 
thusiasm can alone inspire^ — ^firom the poor gipsy 
mother^ who carries her hungry and naked child 
^^gguig fi'om door to door^ up to those proud 
dames of ancient and noble houses^ to whom the 
world had hitherto offered all it possessed^ — aH • 

except its dark side, its griefs^ its poverty^ its despair. 

Conceited politicians^ modern philosophers^ who 
boast of having exchanged a young heart for an old 
head, unprincipled journalists and Imperial procla. 
mations, have not been able wholly to deny this 
enthusiasm, which animated millions with a s{Hrit of 
adf-sacrifice. But too proud and selfish to give credit 
to their enemy for a virtue which they themselves 
could never call forth, they stigmatized the enthusi- 
astic Magyars, their venerable old men and priests 
who aroused their countrymen to deeds of heroism, 
their sons who obeyed the call, their women and 
children who devoted themselves readily, anxiously to 
the cause of liberty — as mere *^ fanatical hordes.** 


These miaerable^ cold-hearted politicians knew not 
that fanaticism is virtue carried to excess, that man 
must pass the ordinary limits of belief to become a 
fimatic. And holy, heavenly was the faith of the Hun- 
garian people in the righteousness of their cause ; 
and because Kossuth had the power of raising this 
sacred belief in the hearts of his countrymen to a 
pitdi of enthusiasm, men at the present day, now 
that time has sobered down their judgement, admire 
kirn, and his nation, and the enthusiasm of both. 
Let Austria, strong, united as she may be, — ce- 
siented with blood and ordinances,— only make the 
attempt to engraft enthusiasm on her own State! 
She win never succeed. Austria, in her present 
condition, has neither room for national confidence 
nor tor national virtue. 

But we must return to the romantic bank of the 
Waagt whence we have wandered with the two fair 
inhabitants of its valleys. The battles between the 
opposed armiea contiaued with brief intermission. 
The Hungarian Generals carried on the war upon a 
small scak with alternate success, but attended with 
a great sacrifice of life, and the clear stream of the 
Waag was too often reddened with the blood of the 

In the middle of thiei cold mountain-stream arise 
here and there hot springs, coming and disappearing 


according to secret laws of nature; from out the 
blood-red water a white column of steam arose, 
curled on the surface^ and passed away. This was 
frequently to be seen in the month of June at 
Ujhely, Pischtyan, and Szered. 

At the last town the Austrians attempted, after 
repeated and fruitless attacks, to effect a passage. 
Their scouts met with no enemy on the further 
bank ; it seemed as if the latter, alarmed at the ap* 
proach of the Russians*, had abandoned the defence 
of the Waag, and retreated in the direction of Ko- 
mom. A battalion of infantry, two companies of 
riflemen, and a foot-battery crossed the river on one 
of the hastily constructed pontoon-bridges. But 
the left bank of the Waag proved fatal ground to 
the Imperial generals, — it was this time the grave of 
a battalion. Hardly had they reached Sempte, when 
the Hungarians charged impetuously out of the fo- 
rest, which borders the chain of the Carpathians. 
The last corps of the Austrians succeeded in regain- 
ing the bridge, and reaching the other side ; but the 
greater portion of the troops, together with their 
cannon and standard, were lost. Even those who 
afterwards escaped to the river could not get over, 
for the first body of fugitives, thinking only of their 

* On the 3rd of June the first Russian troops reached 


own safety, had destroyed the bridge behind them. 
The Waag is deep and rapid, and most of the sol- 
diers trusted themselves rather to the mercy of the 
Hungarians than of the river-god*. 

Of all the engagements which were fought at this 
time at different points, and in which both parties 
suffered considerable loss, the battle on the Rabnitz, 
near Csorna, caused by the rashness of an Austrian 
staff-ofHcer, was the most important. 

Colonel Zesner of the Imperial regiment of 
Uhlans had been appointed to command the Wyss 
Brigade, which was to join the first division under 
Schlik. On the 13th of May, Wyss had orders to 
advance upon Csorna, to cover the right flank of 
Schlik's army, who was moving toward Raab. The 
evening before Colonel Zesner wished to reconnoitre 
the enemy's positions, and for this purpose hired a 
peasant's cart, pointing out to the driver the road 
he was to take. The Magyar peasant knew the 
country well, and must have been aware that Hun- 
garian outposts were advanced far in this direction ; 
nevertheless it did not enter his head to call the 
Colonel's attention to this circumstance, nay he even 

* The clergyman, chaplain, and notary of a neighbouring 
village are said to have acted in this affair as spies for the Hun- 
garians ; they were led in chains to Pressburg. 



exceeded the request of the ktter, and eoodueted 
bom not onlj within the Hungarian line, but into iCn 
Tcry centre. Zesner suddenly found himself in the 
village surrounded by peasants and Hussars* Be^ 
sistanee was evidently vain, nevertheless he used his 
p&llaseh for some time against the peasantry with 
success. An old Captain of Hussars, who probably 
felt interested in the brave officer, likewise kid 
about him with a stick, and forced his way throng 
the crowd to the cart, against which the Colonel 
stood leaning to. defend himself. The Hussar called 
cm him to surrender, — a sabre-stroke was the reply. 
Colonel Zesner was now a lost man — he feU bleeding 
from a hundred wounds. In his pocket was found 
the order of the day for the morrow, and thus the 
plan of the advance was betrayed. 
' At daybreak on the 13th a strong Hungarian 
column debouched across the Rabnitz at Marczalto^ 
and attacked the Brigade on the right flank. Its 
force had been unwarrantably weakened, the pass- 
ages of the Rabnitz had been insufficiently manned, 
and in addition to all this was Zesner's disaster with 
the order of the day. These circumstances com- 
bined led to the defeat of the Wyss Brigade, — the 
severest blow which the Austrians had experienced 
for some time. 


Four batti^ons of infantry, two companies of 
riflemen, three divisions of Uhlans and three bat- 
tenes;, constitnted the force of this brigade. But 
£stribiited as it was (the ootposts were already on 
the Lake of Konji), its single diYisions were unable 
to rettst a eonc^itrated attadc. The peasants of 
Caoma and the surrounding yilh^es, who were pre* 
pared fixr the blow, did their part : more than a third 
of the brigade was lost. The Uhlans fought with 
auperhnman Iwravery, to cover the retreat as effiM> 
tually as possiUe : General Wyss himself held out 
in their ranks, until he fell fix>m his horse se- 
verely wounded, into the hands of the pursuing 

But, as was invariably the case in such discomfi- 
tures of the Austrians, the fault of this occurrence 
was laid to the charge of Hungarian spies. The 
chaplain and schoolmaster of the village of Siplan 
wore arrested under suspicion and conducted to 
CEdenburg. And yet this time at least the whole 
treason was found sticking in the pocket of the un- 
lucky Colonel, and in][the false dispositions of the 
commander of the brigade. 

A week later these disasters of the Austrians were 
Hearfolly paid back, and the petty warfare gave place 
to greater battles. But to fcmn a correct conception 
of the following events, and a fair estimate of Kos- 


suth and Gorgey, a few preliminary remarks are 

The reader will recollect that Gorgey encamp^ 
before Buda with 30^000 men, in direct opposition 
to the command of the Government After this 
error had been committed, which Gorgey endea- 
voured to palliate by a courteous excuse, Kossuth 
could only insist that Buda should be taken as 
speedily as possible ; for to raise the siege of this 
quasir-tortTess would have produced too mischievous 
an impression on the army and throughout the 
country. Meanwhile Kossuth was meditating to 
remove Gorgey from the command. He valued him 
as a brave general, but considered him a better tac- 
tician than strategist, seeing that a series of such 
brilliant victories had been turned to no better 
account. Repressing any suspicion of intentional 
treachery, as often as it arose in his mind, he offered 
Gorgey the portfolio of the War Ministry, and ap- 
pointed Damianich to the chief command of the 
army of the Danube. 

Gorgey accepted the offer, and spoke of Kossuth^s 
choice as the best possible. Nevertheless he did 
not leave the army, but wrote word that he must 
first take Buda. Meanwhile he endeavoured to 
remove from his side those generals who adhered 
to Kossuth as the highest expression of power, and 

='^— f'm 



at length even prevailed on Damianich to go in his 
stead to Debreczin and join the Ministry. Damia- 
nich started, but met with a fall from his carriage 
and broke his leg *. 

Kossuth was greatly alarmed by Gorgey's dis- 
obedience, no less than by the accident that had 
befallen Damianich. He now saw no possibility of 
finding a worthy successor to Gorgey. Dembinski 
and Yetter were both out of the question : Bem had 
enough to occupy him in Transylvania, and Dami- 

lich, the only man who could be measured with 
Gorgey, was hors de combat^ — Damianich, whom 
Kossuth prized above all others, whom he trusted 
the most. And rightly too; it was Damianich to 
whom, after Gorgey, belonged the glory of all the 
battles from Hatvan to Komorn. Since the com- 
mencement of the movement he had been the boldest 
champion of the national cause. When a captain 
in the Imperial army he openly declared in favour 
of the Magyar Opposition, not allowing himself to 
be deterfed by the warning of his Commander from 
visiting their Club ; no other officer ventured to do 
this. At short intervals he was raised to the rank 
of major, colonel, and general, and laid the first stone 

* The stoiy at that time current^ that Damianich had lost hit 
right foot in the battle of Nagy-Sarlo, hy a shot, is untrue. 





of his military hme at the storming of Lagerdorf 

! and AHbunar. 

Damianich^ a Serb by iHrth^ of strong build and 
gigantic stature^ like Kinisy, "the Miller's lad*/* 
fought against his countrymen with a deep and 
conscientious hate; one of his proclamations con- 
cluded with the following words : '^ I come to exter- 
minate you root and branchy and then I will send a 
ball through my own head^ that the last Serb may 
vanish from the face of the earth." There is a ter- 
rific grandeur in these words ; the man must in his 
early youth have received frightful impressions of his 
native country^ for such a feeling of hatred to have 
grown up in his mind in after life. 

The brilliant attack of Damianich on the Karger 
Brigade at Szolnok, his impetuous bearing during 
the week of battles in April, the victory at Tapjo- 
Bicske (where he helped Klapka out of a dilemma, 
who had an opportunity of repaying this service in 

* The MiDer's lad, Paul Kinisy, was bom at Bihar, a man 
of gigantic strength and the fayourite of King Mathyas, whose 
notice he had attracted by removing from before his foot a huge 
millstone, hke a toy, and carrying it aside on his head. In the 
year 1479 Kinisy rescued his friend Bathory by cutting him out 
of the thickest fight, defeated the Turks, and, with his natural 
humour, seized the Seraskier, who was taken prisoner, by the 
neck-coUar with his teeth, and holding him in this msmier per^ 
formed some Hungarian solo dances. 


the evening of tbe same day*)} lastlj the victorj at 
Waitzen oyer 6dtz, which paved the way for Gorgey 
to Komom^ — all this History will inscrihe on the 
tombstone of the Serb Damianich, which Hungaiy 
perhaps, years hence, will erect to him upon the spot 
where he died by the hand of the hangman. (Arad, 
October 6th, 1849.) 

Damianich had always been a true admirer oi 
Gorgey, but far too honest for that General to take 
into his confidence. The gigantic man was of such a 
guileless mind, that he trusted Gorgey up to the hist 
catastrophe at Yilagos, when the latter prevailed on 
him, by the story of a Russian alliance, to surrender 
Arad. Had Damianich had an idea that Gorgey 
could abuse his confidence in such a manner, he 
would probably sooner have blown the fortress, him* 
self and Goi^ey into the air, than have opened its 
gates to the Russians. If any one was to die sudi 
a death, Damianich was the man. 


In consequence of the unfortunate accident to 
Damianich, Goi^y retained the command. He 
made Kossuth the proposal to transfer it to Bem, 

* EJapka was pressed by Jellacliieh, and Damianich was sent 
to his support. " Am I always to help friend Klapka out of the 
mud ?" he asked the Commander-in-chief with a laugh. Gorgey 
answered laconically, " For once be will pull you out of the 
nure." And so it happened the very same day. 


well knowing that Kossi\th would not consent to 
such a step; and thus he remained Minister of 
War and Commander-in-chief of the finest divi- 
sion of the army. To fulfil the duties of the first 
office he went frequently to Buda^ meanwhile en- 
trusting his corps to the chief of his Staff. This 
officer, named Bayer, was his favourite; he com- 
manded the movements on the Waag, behind the 
line of operation, and was the cause of the losses 
which the Hungarians sustained in that quarter, 
— ^losses which Gorgey always repaired in a bril- 
liant manner on his return from Buda. No wonder 
that his soldiers worshiped him, or that he ap- 
peared to them a being of a higher order, coming 
to the relief rf his sub-officers, whom he everywhere 
exposed from motives of remorseless vanity. Gor- 
gey henceforth paid not the slightest regard to 
the general plan of operations which had been 
agreed upon at Debreczin. According to this plan 
he was to have moved with 50,000 of the choicest 
troops to the right bank of the Danube. The road 
was open to him. With Komorn as a, point d^appui, 
he was to have given battle to the Austrians, if 
Haynau accepted it. If victorious, he was to have 
marched direct upon Vienna ; but if Haynau avoid- 
ed a battle, he was then to have driven him over 
the frontier. In case the Hungarians were defeated. 


they would have had in Komom support enough to 
venture a second battle^ aided by reinforcements 
firom the Upper Theiss and the Banat. The war 
against the Russians would only then have begun^ 
and if successful the Hungarian Generals would 
have been enabled to transfer the scene of the war 
to Oalicia or Austria^. But in the worst event — ^as 
had been agreed— 50,000 to 60,000 men would still 
have remained together, to force the road by Fiume 
into the territory of Triest and come to the aid of 
the Italians, — a turn of affairs which might have 
been of the greatest importance to the whole of 
Europe, especially when it is reflected that a large 
portion of Radetzky's army consisted of Hungarian 

Austria alone would not have been able to with- 
stand this shock, and the advance of Russian troops 
so far into the west would have set Europe in 

* According to Kossuth's statement, the number and distri- 
bution of the Magyar fcnrces were at that time as follows : — 

Gorgey's corps (after all losses) 45,000 men. 

In the Banat 30,000 

In Transylvania 40,000 

On the Upper Theiss (county of Saros) . . 12,000 

In the Marmaros 6,000 

In Peterwardein. . . . •. 8,000 

141,000 men. 


Even supposing this plan of the campaign to have 
been unskilfully conceived, defective, incorrect in a 
geographical or strategical point of view, erroneous 
in its details or its general outline, Gorgey had ne*- 
vertheless assented to it, and in doing so had made 
the project his own. He was only one link in the 
great chain, and, out of the Council of War, a Gre» 
neral of the people, who had entrusted the finest 
corps to his command. Extreme necessity, such as 
frequently occurs unforeseen in complicated cam- 
pa%ns, could alone have justified his departing 
from the plan of operations laid down. The pro* 
spect of any. momentary advantage could in no case 
, have authorized such a step. Even a victorious 
general, who conquers on other ground than that 
assigned for his operations^ can and must be called 
to account; otherwise the unity of purpose in an 
army is sacrificed to the isolated action of its com- 

Gorgey's conduct since the battle of Szony can 
only be designated as the insubordination of stub- 
bornness and self-will, amounting in fact to treachery. 
No court-martial in the world could possibly put a 
milder construction upon his actions. 

He allowed Welden quietly to depart, Jellachich 
to escape; he allowed the Russians time to in- 
vade the country, — what shadow of a reason can be 


aUeg^ for such conduct in a miKtary point of view ? 
And yet after all there was still time to resume the 
original plan <^ operations, and to attack the Au* 
strians on the right bank of the Danube. Again he 
promised this, in a despatch to the Government, and 
again he broke his word. Instead of adhering to 
the concerted plan, he led his troops across the 
Waag and was beaten. 

This was the battle at Pered and Szigard, the first 
in which the Russian troops of the Paniutin Divi- 
•ion took part, — the battle which, as we have be- 
fore said, compensated the Austrians for their defeats 
at Szered and Csoma,-7-the first battle in which 
Goigej's troops fled. 

With 30,000 men and 180 cannon he crossed the 
Waag, which had hitherto been the Une of separ». 
tion between the two armies. Here he was opposed 
to Wohlgemuth, whose inferior forces were obliged 
to yield before the impetuous attack of the Hun* 
garians. This brave General retreated fighting 
from one position to another, with astonishing regu- 
larity ; but his troops were harrassed with fatigue, 
his cannon were silenced by Gorgey's superior ar- 
tillery, his cavalry could no longer stand their ground 
against the Hussars, his columns of in&ntiy began 
to fiill into disorder, and he would have been doomed 
to a second day of misfortune like that of Sarlo, had. 
not the Rmsian Paniutin Division appeared al the 



right moment on the field of battle. Its columns 
advanced in the midst of the heaviest iSre, like walls^ 
set in motion by an invisible power^ and every 
gap in their front ranks was instantly filled up. 
Vain was the bravery of the Honveds, the self-devo- 
tion of the Hussars; they stood here for the first 
time opposed to Russian troops^ arriving fresh from 
the camp to the field of battle. Wohlgemuth mean- 
while gained time to lead his troops again into ac» 
tion^ who took courage when they saw their allies 
stand their ground. Qorgey's army was threatened 
in fiank^ and his troops began to be harrassed; the 
tables were turned^ — he was now the weaker, and 
his left wing fell into disorder. He was obliged to 
retreat to Negyed, which he efifected with great loss 
of men and cannon. The burning of the bridges 
hindered the enemy^s immediate pursuit, but Gorgey 
was compelled to retreat to Gutta with his fiying 
army, to recover his lost ground oh a better oppor- 
tunity. This never presented itself. 

In the south the tricolor waved far and wide — 
in the Banat, on the Theiss, on the windings of the 
Danube as far as Orcsova. Szenta had already 
fallen in March, and the Serbs cried '^treason,'' and 
threw all the blame of their disaster upon Herdi, 
a stafi*-officer. On the 30th of March, Nugent was 
likewise obliged to evacuate Zombor, and the 
Bacska was entirely freed from the Austrians. On 


the 2nd of April Perczel took the dreaded fortress 
of St. Thomas ; Captain Bosnicz was unable to save 
this venerable monument of Serbian bravery, which 
was converted into a heap of ruins. Peterwardein 
stood firm as the rock on which it is built ; four 
battalions * guarded this key of the Danube, to pre- 
vent its falling into the hands of the enemy. Te* 
meswar was invested by Yecsey, Arad by Vetter and 
Gaal, with a view to prevent any ofiensive opera- 
tions from those quarters. In the middle of April 
Perczel advanced victoriously with the Tschaikist 
battalion ; he found Csurug, Zabalj, Gjurgjevo de- 
serted by all their inhabitants, and left behind 
him in burning ruins Kacnadaly, Kach, St Ivan, 
Gardinova, Upper and Lower Kovily. On the 10th 
of April he entered Panchova, and the South- 
Sclavish journals unite to extol the moderation 
and humanity of this impetuous man, who never 
had faith in a victory unless his enemy was laid in 
the grave. 
• Meanwhile the Ban was endeavouring to push 
forward to the north and west, without succeeding 
for any length of time, although he was able to re- 
gain a footing between the Danube and the Theiss, 
and to invest Peterwardein ; in the course of the 

* 1. Archduke Francis Ferdinand. 2. Don Miguel. 3. Wasa. 
4. A Honved Battation. 



campaiga however we shall see him again in retrevt 
to Ruma and Mitrovicz. Theodorovich had been 
diiyen beyond Pknchova, and Knicanin remained 
iBxed in the strong positions on the Theiss. Strati- 
mirovich — one of the youngest and most able com- 
manders of the Serbs^ but the most fickle^ ambitious, 
and faithless of all the hundred thousand armed men 
fighting on the Hungarian soil — occupied the Roman 
entrenchments with his troops. 

The din of war had ceased in Transylvania, since 
the Russians and Austrians had been driven beyond 
the passes and out of the country. This unhappy 
land, so long a prey to war and civil tumult, was 
beginning to recover under the influence of peace ; 
every fugitive who could escape, slunk home over 
the mountains. The poor fellows had enough of 
Russian protection, under which they had been 
drawn from their country ; for the Russians had 
unmercifully beaten their wives, children and old 
men with whips and sticks, when these impeded 
the retreat of the soldiers through the Rothenthurm 
Pass. Nor were they better treated out of the 
country ; their return home was barbarously stopped 
by the Russians, to prevent any of them from join- 
ing Bem. 

The fields were all under cultivation, and shone 
in the brightest green ; the Passes were barricaded 


under tlie personal directions of Bern, who inde* 
fttigably sought to take advantage of this pause in 
the campaign, to assist the Magyar generals on the 
Theiss and Maros, in the cabinet and the field. 

An idle tale was invented at this time, that 
Kossuth had sent one of the jewels fix>m the crown 
of St. Stejdien to Bern, substituting in its place 
a small gold plate inscribed with the name of the 
Pdiish general. The story has a certain air of 
poetical invention, but it is a pure fiction. Kossuth 
knows the superstitious attachment of his country- 
men to these ancient regalia too well to injure them 
in any way, and Bern is not one to covet such 
honours. These two men were drawn together in 
the stormy period through which they passed ; their 
correspondence was not always of an ofiicial nature; 
Kossuth readily sought counsel at different periods 
of the war from the experienced Polish General, and 
Bern always spoke with reverence of the genius of 
the great Magyar. When, after Gorgey's April 
campaign, Bem was present at the general council 
of war in Debreczin, he and the Governor were 
mostly together. They were destined not to meet 
again until before Arad. Bem had himself barred 
the gates of Transylvania; he declared that with 
ten thousand Legionaries he would from that time 
hold the country against a world of enemies; but 


*»p i^mm^m^ 


the brave German Legion Avas dead^ a portion of 
the army he had employed elsewhere^ and he him*- 
self was absent when the enemy pressed forwards 
simultaneously on all sides. The brave mountain- 
eers defended the positions assigned to them with 
heroic devotion ; but the Russian Generals had re- 
ceived orders not to spare human life; the passes 
and hollows were filled with dead bodies, and the 
Cossacks entered the soil of Hungary amidst slaugh- 
ter and desolation. 



Openiii^ of the Campaign — ^Advance of the Imperial Anniea 
«— Bern, Liiden, Engelhardt, Freitag, Grotjenhelm — Capita* 
liitioii of And— The Baron de Pamplun— Battle of Hegyes 
— Paskiewitch^ Biidiger, Knprianoff, Tacheodajeff — Dem- 
binaki — Flight to Dehreczin — Grabbe and Benitzki — Hay- 
nau assmnea the offensiye—- The Auatrians in Baab. 

Lbt the reader picture to himself Hungary, with the 
exception of Croatia, Sclavonia and Dalmatia, as a 
circular plain, surrounded externally by the Austro- 
Russian army, and internally by the Hungarian 
troops, and he will thus form a general survey of the 
disposition of the opposed forces. Two concentric 
drdes of troops encompassed the kingdom in the 
month of July, seeking to keep one another in check, 
the external forces being destined to operate in a 
centripetal, and the internal forces in a centrifugal, 
direction. The outer circle of troops was superior 
in numbers; its ranks were supplied from two 

VOL. II. 6 


powerful empires, and a large semicircle of railroads 
«— fixmi Cracow to Vienna and Gratz — ^facilitated the 
combination of its elements. The inner circle did 
not possess this advantage, and had only half the 
numerical strength of the enemy ; on the other hand^ 
from having its resources in the centre and a smaller 
semi-diameter, it was enabled at pleasure to operate 
more compactly on any point of attack* 

Let the reader imagine further that the Russian 
tnx^ were led on to a field of battle quite new tp 
them, that the Austrian army had to be reinfiirced 
by recruits from all the provinces and garrisons, and 
that most of them were marched across the frontiet 
against their will* ; whilst Hungary led an army to 
the field, the heart of which was tried, steeled, in- 
flamed with victory, and self-relying; it may be as- 
serted, that the probability of success was equaDy 
divided between the two armies* 

There was a period when a decisive blow struck in 
one direction would have wrenched Europe from its 
political hinges* During and immediately after the 
6tc»'ming of Buda, the Hungarians were free to press 
southwards over the Drave and Danube, westwards 
over the Leytha, Mmr and March, northwards across 

* The Yiennese can bear witness, that several battalions wbo 
were ordered to Hungary bad to be urged on to march partiPf 
iy Ibree partly by the entreaties of dieur officers* 

POfilXXOH OV AVPAIMi; 13ft: 

ibe CazpathkoSft Wherever their first cohunns had 
appeared, the banner of revolution against the An- 
Stskn Dynasty would have be^i unfurled; in all 
those provinces where troops were enlisted egaimt 
them, the; would have found a world of firiendsu 
On the one side Galicias the Dead Sea where old 
ana lie buried, oontinually giving birth to young 
avengers; oa the other, Austria, burning to piay 
back the murder of her sons and the destructioo of 
her hopes ; Bohemia and Moravia, whose enthuuasts 
alreadj began to see that the enslavement of the 
Magyars would not render them masters at home; 
lastly Styna, whose attachment to the House of 
Hap^urg was no longer fixed or firm as the fiouB-. 
dations oi her mountains. Even Croatia, tiie eiadle 
of the war, concealed within her more Magyar eter. 
menta than people imagined; and the appearance of ^ 
a large Hungarian army would at onc^ hisife called 
up thousands who had been for months awaiting 
this signal* 

The nations of our globe may for centuries to 
come cross one another's paths, like the planets of 
the universe, without the recurrence of so favour*^ 
aUe a conjunction as that which Hungary presented 
at this epoch. The histoiy of the world cannot 
show any second instance of a country's hsving to 
defend herself against hostile friends and finendly 



' fbes^ whilst she had the power with one bold grasp to 
turn the points of all the opposing bayonets against 
her enemy. But this power was shaken, when the 
circle of the Hungarian army was broken by the 
4Mtack from without ; in a brief time it was dispersed 
and annihilated. In the space of a single month the 
second campaign was begun and endedy-^-less grand 
in its details than the first, but more powerful in its 

The positions of the two armies at the beginning 
of the campaign were as follows. Proceeding from 
east to west, we find the remains of Puchner's 
corps under Clam-Gallas in Wallachia, joined by the 
wreck of the Croatian army under Jellachich on 
the Drave and Lower Danube. These again were 
connected with Haynau's right wing by the Pettau 
camp, and with his main army by Oedenburg and 
Bruk. His left wing was closed by the Russian 
Paniutin Division, which was connected with the 
Russian main army by detached Austrian corps, 
whilst the former completed the outer circle in the 
Bukovina and the Principalities. Opposed to these 
masses of troops stood Bern in Transylvania, — ^Vec- 
sey, Vetter and Perczel in the south, — Dembinski 
and Visocky in the northern counties, — Gorgey on 
the Waag and Danube. 

About the middle of June the general advance 


of the allied Imperial armies commenced. Liidera 
opened the dance. On the 13th his vanguard set 
out A5m Bukarest in the direction of the Tomos 
Pass; on the 16th he himself followed^ and on the 
19th he drove the Hungarians from their strong 
position on the Bredial; on the 20th he stormed 
Kersten in the valley of Tomos, ii^hich was held bj 
Colonel Kiss with heroic courage^ until he fell mor*^ 
tally wounded into the hands of the enemy : on the 
21st Liiders entered Cronstadt. At the same time 
General Engelhardt had penetrated through the 
Torzburg Pass; whilst the third Russian column 
under General Freitag^ notwithstanding a great 
sacrifice of life^ could not succeed in holding the 
Ojtos Pass. 

Starting from Cronstadt^ Liiders and Hasford 
attempted the conquest of the Szeklers; but this 
wild^ Centaur-like people drove the enemy out oi 
their valleys^ and forced the two generals back to 
Cronstadt. Meanwhile Grotjenhelm had entered 
the country from the norths stormed in succession 
Marosheny^ Borgo-Prund^ Illovanika, Bistriz (25th)^ 
and was preparing to penetrate further^ when Bern 
hastened to the scene of action^ d^ove the Rus* 
sians out of Bistriz on the 26th^ and on the 2nd 
of July back to the Boi^o Pass. His presence en- 
flamed the Szeklers to a struggle of despair ; under 

1S6 icuE wah in hungaet* 

their Chief, Gal-SandoTj tiiey pressed forwards to 
Fhismar; Generals Adlerberg and Jesaulow, viho 
iiad been sent against them by Luders, were agaiA 
compelled to retreat to Cronstadt. LiiderB, feeing 
himself too weak to advance further into the oountiyi 
waited in his strong position until Clam*GaIIas cooM 
join him. On the 12th Bern operated against Nagy- 
Sajo, and passed this place, but on the other side 
encountered the superior forces of the Russians ; he 
was obliged to return, and again to abandon Bistn2» 
As he was driving out of the town a shot was fired 
from an ambush — probably intended for the Polish 
General. He was unhurt, but his aide-de-camp 
Lukenics, who was sitting by his side in the car- 
riage, fell mortally wounded. Once more Bern with 
his wonted rapidity collected all the variously dia* 
posed Szekler corps, without the enemy^s being 
able to prevent him ; nor did he for an instant lose 
the hope of retaining possession of a country, which 
liad become endeared to him as the battlefidd of his 
fiune, his genius, his hate. 

The Ban had for two months ph^ed a similar part 
hi the south to that which Hammerstein mid Yog^ 
had previously played in the north. He mardied 
continually upwards, whilst he read in the news* 
piq[>ers of his imaginary heroic deeds against Peter^ 
irardein, Szegedin and Theresiopel, without having 

^. WWII 1. II ■■!■■ «■ vaViRqMViqpMr— "B-v^lW^MVWiMBViWaR^ii^RaaR^iVIVM^^BP^WHlPW^Bi^PB^V^BH^^H^^^B^P 


•dvanoed a dogle atep. At O'Becee indeed he at* 
tadced PerczePs rear on the 25th of June, with 
douUe the force of the Hungarians; the battle^ 
which commenced hotly^ promised to be a decisive 
QOCg but Jellachich on the same evening retired to« 
ward St. Thoons and Foldvar. Together with hia 
self-confidence he had lost all resolution <^ action* 
Equally undecisive was the battle which the Ma- 
gyars fought at Titel against Knicanin; they were 
unable to foiee the passage of the river: in vain the 
Serbs sacrificed their lives before Perlass^ — ^the Theiss 
remained the basis of operation to both annies« 
. Peterwardein was meanwhile invested on one side^ 
and although this colossal fortress had as little to 
fisar firom storm as from bombardment, yet its relief 
was necessarify, for strat^ical reasons, the main ob* 
ject of the Hungarian generals in the south. The 
Austrians under Lieutenant-Fieldmarshal Beiger had 
evacuated Arad^ the greyheaded Commander and the 
bnve gairison having been dismissed with honour* 
aUe cimditions*. The investing corps was thus able 
to join the Hui^gaxian army of the South, which it 

* On ihelst of Jiily the fortress was surrendered to the Hun- 
gazians. The garrison laid down their arms on tiie glacisj but 
the officers retained their side-arms^ after they and the ganison 
had swoiti not to serve against the Hungarians fbr the space of 
ax months. But the inhabitants of Arad were not allowe^^ 


considerably reinforced. Its commanders had for ft 
twelvemonth pfbt an opportunity of learning some* 
thing ; Bem had himself drawn out the best plans 
of operatidn^ Perczd had been rendered circum'- 
spect by experience, and Guyon commanded und^ 
Vetter — Guyon, the bravest of the brave, who was 
himself a host. 

This courageous general is descended from the an- 
cient femily 5f Guyon de Gey, Baron de Pamplun^ 
who in the seventeenth century emigrated from 
France to England. Bom in EngUmd, Guyon early 
took service as a volunteer in the expedition against 
Don Miguel ; he afterwards travelled over the con« 
tinent, and by chance met at Trieste with some 
officers of the second Hussar regiment. He was 
pleased with the smtfrt uniform and the social bro* 
therly life of the Austrian officers, which indeed 
might serve as a model to all the armies in the 
world. In consequence he applied for a commission 
in the Imperial army, and entered the Archduke 
Joseph Hussar regiment as a cadet. In a veiy short 
time he was advanced to the rank of first lieutenant, 
and was much esteemed in his regiment as a true- 

during the act of disannmg, to enter the square in front of the 
castle^ that the Austrians on their departure might he spared the 
humiliation of heing gazed at with feelings of triumph hy the 


hearted comrade^ a brave officer^ and a man of edife» 
cation. With his colonel alone^ Prince Alexander of 
Wiirtemberg, he could never be on friendly terms* 
The proud Briton conscientiously and readily con« 
fonned to all the restraints and regulations of dis# 
dpline in the army^ but he was jealous of his liberty 
beyond the strict line of military duty. The Prince 
of Wiirtemberg on the contrary took pleasure in act- 
ing the part of a little despot ; he schooled his sub* 
officers according to the dictates of his caprice^ and 
once took it into his head, amongst other fancies, to 
prohibit their buying and selling horses without his 
previous consent. Guyon, impetuous and resolute^ 
rebelled against this arbitrary decree; he imme- 
diately sold all his horses and bought new ones. 
His position with the Prince was rendered con* 
tinually more disagreeable. by such occurrences, and 
he considered himself happy in obtaining the post 
of aide-de-camp to Baron Ignaz Splenyi, who was 
at that time Commander of the regiment and Cap- 
tain of the noble Hungarian Body-Guard. 

Guyon married a lady of the Splenyi family^, left 

* Madame Guyon appears to possess much of the resolutioa 
of her husband. In the course of the war she exhibited hev 
430urage in various ways. When Windischgratz entered Pesth« 
every one who Hved m Buda had to enter his or her name in % 
\)o6k, in order that the Prince might know whom he had about 



the regiment after the death of the old Baron^ soU 
a portioii of hit property, and bought a amall 
estate in Hnngary. Here^ engaged in agricuitund 
pursuits, he passed a healthy and cheerful life, in 
intercourse mth the neighbouring landed proprie-^ 
tors^ among whom he soon became famed far and 
inde as the boldest horseman. In a country like 
Hungary, where every peasant's child can manage 
a horse, this is no trifle; and in truth be performed 
more daring exploits in the chase with his fitde 
Hungarian horse of the heath, than the other cava- 
liers on their English racers, which they had pur- 
chased at a great price. 

Such was his mode of life at the outbreak of 
the great revolution, Euossuth offered him a ma« 
jot's commission, and Guyon, who had become at* 
tached to the country with the whole energy of his 
character, did not hesitate to draw the sword in 
defence of her rights. Since that time the brave 
Briton has been seen at the head of his cavaliy 
wherever any- great action was to be achieved,—^ 
against the Ban in the South and at Schwechat, 

kfan in the fiMtress. Amongst the test came the tnm of Ifadame 
Gnyon, who had rentttmed behind with the old Baranets Splenjj, 
and her name is to be seen entered in the above-mentioned book* 
written in her own hand, with the description affixed—'* Wift 
dr a Rebel Chief." 


against Simunich at Tyraau and in the Carpathiansi 
afterwards in Komom and at the battles of the 
second winiiner on the Francis CanaL In the en* 
gagements between Leutschau and Eperiea he took 
twenty-two fortified positions at the head of his 
Honveds in the space of twenty-four hours^ and 
received in acknowledgment of his services the 
Enight^s Cross of the Hungarian Order of Merit] 
in addition to which, after the glorious afiSur at 
Hegyes^ where he almost annihilated the Ban, he 
was decorated with the Commander's Cross* 

Guyon is thirly-four years of age, of middle sta* 
ture^ bold and resolute features, elegant and winning 
manners* The chivalry of the Magyar and the no* 
bility of the high-bom Englishman are worthily 
represented in his person. His philosophy is the love 
of liberty, and, as a result of this, the strict obedi- 
ence of the soldier in the field. He was often seen, 
when riding at the head of his columns, diligently 
learning by heart a Hungarian grammar. But in Ids 
outward appearance Ouyon was more of a Magyar 
than most of the Hungarian generals ; for he loved 
the splendid costume of the country; and when, 
seated on his grey charger, his sable cap with its 
white heron's feather upon his head, the red gold* 
embroidered dolmany thrown around his shoulders, 
with a richly ornamented scymitar in his right 


hand*^ lie rode to battle at the head of his Hub^ 
sarB^ he resembled one of those old Magyar heroes 
whom the Arpads and Bathorys led to the field^ 
the pride of their soldiers and the terror of their 

Guyon was at Hegyes, in the county of Bacs, 
when Jellachich formed the plan of annihilating him 
by a great nocturnal surprise. Jellachich is no man 
of calculation : this was evident at the commence^* 
ment of the war^ when he marched into Hungary 
with the firm conviction that all the Magyar Impe- 
rial regiments would go over to him f ; he has also 
proved this as a politician, no less than on the field 
of battle, where he was frequently beaten at the 
very moment when he thought himself sure of vic- 
tory. So likewise at this time. Informed by spies of 
the position of the Magyars, he set out on the 14th 
of July, with the intention of surprizing them in the 
darkness of the night ; but the arrow recoiled upon 
•the marksman. Guyon, having received timely 
information that the Ban, whom he usually called 
'^the peijured jack-pudding," contemplated to ho- 
nour him with a visit, made his arrangements quietly 

"* And the Hungarian grammar concealed under his saddle. 

t This conviction he expressed in his intercepted letters to 
.the Vienna War Ministry, and he founded his hope of success 
on this senseless expectation. 




though hastily to receive the uninvited guest in ^ 
becoming manner* 

At midnight Jellachich set out from Yerbasz^ 
and advanced at daybreak, vfiih full expectation of 
success, into the defile of Hegyes, without having 
even despatched a side-detachment towards Feke* 
tehegy or Szeghegy. He was already fixed in the 
trapj when the first cannon-shot thundered on the 
flank of his troops* This was Guyon's morning 
salutation, which found an echo on all sides. The 
shades of night were still struggling with the morn- 
ing mists, when it became clear to the Austrians that 
every step in advance was one nearer to eternity* 
Now began the disastrous retreat through the cross 
fire of ths Hungarian batteries. The flight lasted 
without intermission to the Francis Canal, td Ver- 
basz, to Ruma ; nay even here the Ban did not feel 
secure, and removed his head-quarters to Mitrovicz. 

He there mustered his troops ; not a third remain^ 
ed of those whom he had led over the Canal in that 
night of horror : the rest had fallen, been taken pri- 
soners, or were scattered to the winds. To the un«- 
daunted valour of the Ottinger cavalry, which pro- 
tected his retreat as well as they were' able, at the 
sacrifice, of their own livei^ the Ban of Croatia alone 
owed the remains of his boasted Army of the Soutl^ 
He attributed the failure of his enterprize to the 


^knavery of a traitor;^ a succeesM surprize be 
would have doubtless called ^'the heroic act of a 
patriot^ But for Jellachich to talk ci knaveiy 
when opposed to a Gujon ! why the character of 
&e Ban, under its best aspects, can never be placed 
in comparison with the habitually honourable sjnrit 
of Guyon, which is the more admirable from its 
disinterested character* 

The consequences of the victory were most im« 
portant. The Bacska was freed from the enemj^ 
the Francis Canal, his most important line of opera* 
tions, was lost, the army of the South decimated, its 
remains driven into a comer, scattered and demo* 
xalized ; the fortress of Peterwardein on the contrary 
was relieved, and supplied anew with provisions^ am- 
munition and men *• 

Thus the opening of the second campaign could 
not be called unfortunate for the Hungarians either 
in Transylvania or the Banat ; in the former country 
nothing was lost — ^in the latter, all was won ; at both 
points a pause in the war ensued, during which the 
two Imperial invading armies in the north and wesl^ 
according to the concerted {dans of the two Cabinets^ 
pushed on tkeir operations with energy. 

* Austrian journals related fihlsely that the battle of Hegycs 
was planned by Beni« Tfau emmeoua statement was 
into most of the foreign journals. 


On ihe 18th of June the Russian main amf^ 
under the command of Prince Paskiewitch^ crossed 
the natural boundary between Hungary and Ghdida. 
The third corps of infantry^ under Riidiger^ hadl 
advanced its vanguard to Hetbars, and was the first 
that encountered the Hungarians* But the adverse 
forces were too unequal for any serious battle, and 
the Hungarians retired to their head-quart^Es at 
Eperies* Rudiger marched against that town on the 
SSrd; the second infantry corps, under Lieutenant^ 
General KuprianofF, advanced in the same directioo, 
whilst the fourth under General Tscheodajeff re« 
mained at Bartfeld* On this demonstration^ which 
was intended for the left wing of Dembinski's army^ 
the latter retired in the night of the 22nd to Eaa- 
ehau, abandoning Eperies without striking a blow 
to Tscheodajeff^ who took possession of the town 
on the following day. 

On the 25th the newly concentrated Russian 
army set out for E^aschau, and, contrary to their ex- 
pectation, found this place likewise deserted. It was 
evident that Dembinski wished to draw the Riis* 
sian Generals on to a precipitate pursuit, but the 
difficulty of provisioning the army from Galida 
.tendaied it impossible for the Prince of Warsaw 
to advance rapidly* He allowed his troops a day^a 
jrest on the 25th, and (28th) divided his army into 


two columns at Kaschau. One of these divisionsi^ 
under Riidiger and Kuprianoff^ took the direction to 
the souths and on the 30th reached Miskoicz; whilst 
Dembinski^ still retreating^ marched to Gyongyos^ 
and Lieutenant«6eneral Sass with the rear of the 
main army occupied Eperies^ from whence he was 
ordered to reinforce Rlidiger's corps. The other 
corps imder Tscheodajeff took the road by Tallya to 
Tokay ; and on the same spot where Schlik had been 
beaten by Klapka^ a small number of Hussars and 
Honveds stood their ground to try the fortune of 
battle against the invaders. They were driven back 
to Tokay without much trouble^ where they joined a 
strong Hungarian corps^ intended to cover the pas- 
sage of the Theiss at its junction with the Bodrog ; 
but a few hundred Cossacks swam through the river 
above and below the point of passage, and put the 
Hungarians to flight, who had but just time par* 
tially to destroy the bridge. This occurred on the 
30th of June at noon, and the same evening the 
Russian outposts occupied the left bank of the 
Theiss ; having thus crossed the line of separation, 
which the Magyars had hitherto succeeded in main* 
taining against their Austrian foes. 

Tscheodajeff encountered no enemy on his road 
to Debreczin, where he arrived on the 3rd of July> 
and quartered his soldiers in the houses^ whose 

II .in i> —— ^pq^^^w^ 


melancholy aspect exhibited no appearance of their 
having so long been the residence of Kossuth and 
the great Hungarian nobles. Tscheodajeff's corpli 
remained here^ until want^ and probably likewise the 
vicinity of 10^000 Hungarians encamped at Piispoks^ 
obliged them to retreat. The Russian General was 
in such want of provisions for his troops, that he 
could not even carry off the arms taken from the 
cit^ns of Debreczin, and was obliged to destroy 
them. The motives of this isolated, purposelesi 
expedition may partly be found in the vanity of the 
Russian Fieldmarshal, who wished to be the first 
to march into Debreczin, — a point which the Au* 
strians had as yet failed to reach, — ^partly in his 
.erroneous belief that the capture of this town wotdd 
destroy the courage of the Hungarians. The Rus* 
sian General had forgotten the history of Moscow 
and his own country; nor did he know that De* 
~1>reezin without Kossuth was worth to the Magyars 
no more than any other town in the kingdom. 

We have hitherto observed three Russian divi« 
dons in their combined and isolated manoeuvres in 
the north ; further to the west we m^et the fourth, 
under the Imperial General Grabbe. 

This General was to have covered Cracow, but he 
afterwards received orders to advance from Jor* 
danow^ and on the 1 9th he took up his head-quar« 


tors in Also-Kubin* His destination was to press 
£nrwflrd from the counties of Liptau and Arva across 
tlie Waag in the direction of the mining-districtB, 
in order thence to effect a junction with the Austrian 
Suun army, and direct his march towards Pestii, 
£omom or Trentschin^ according to drcumstancea. 
Crossing the Waag at Miklos he reached Rosenberg; 
but the whole country swarmed with guerUla-bandflj, 
Which prevented his obtaining provisions, seized 
on his ammunition-waggons, endangered his ope^ 
rations, and annoyed him in every way; whilst 
Benitzki, with a portion of the Polish Legion, was 
strong enough to hinder a forced advance* Undaf 
these circumstances Grabbe could only retreat to 
Kubin, where he was nearer to his resources ; and 
here he remained closely beset, in a state of inao* 
tivity, until Benitzki, more punctually obeying the 
orders of the Council of War than Gorgey, followed 
the Hungarian main corps in the direction of the 
Theiss. Grabbe now for the first time succeeded in 
occupying Eremnitz on ihe 8th of July, and Schem* 
nits on the 10th ; still later, by means of his van- 
guard under Major-General Betancourt, he effected 
a junction with the Austrian General Csorich by 

Thus the net of the enemy was drawn continually 
closer and closer* The Hungarians, as had beea 



detenmaed in the CouncU of War^ retreated from 
Ae Borth into the interior of the ooontry^ in order 
to fimn a junction with Gorgej^s corps at a giyem 
point ; for it was easy to foresee that Ooigey would 
be pressed from the west, whence Austriat together 
with har own collected forces^ likewise led the 
Aossian Paniiitin Division to the scene of action. 

On the 27th of Jnne^ a few days after the battle 
of Pered and Czigard^ Haynau assumed the oflfen* 
me, and directed his army in three columns con* 
centrically upon Raab. The right wing under 
Wohlgonutiij with the Benedek , Brigade as van- 
guard^ was ordered to advance from Enese^ t9 
threaten the left flank of the Hungarians; the 
centre under Schlik was to follow the highroad 
from Pressburg to Raab^ and the left wing to pass 
Uuxmgfa the Little Schiitt by way of Dunas« The 
Sussian Fianiutin Division and the Bechtold ca- 
valry r^nained in reserve at Lebeny and Soveny- 

francis Joseph commanded the Paniuttn Divi- 
sion to defile befisre him^ and led the first eofpi 
d^tamUe in jpers<m toward Hochstrass. Ooigqrt 
threatened in his left flank by Wohlgemuth^ with- 
drew his troops, after an unimportant resistance^ 
across the Alda-bridge. Here Schlik joined Wohl* 
gemutby whilst the third Austrian corps advaneing 


from Papa had already crossed the Raab st Marb* 
zalto^ and threatened Raab itself on the left flank* 
Oorgey could not possibly hold the town against 
such superior numbers^ and he had therefore with-^ 
drawn in the night of the 27th with his main force 
towards Acs, leaving behind only a rearguard of 
8000 men in the entrenchments of Raab, to cover 
his retreat. These likewise abandoned their posi* 
tion after a firuitless resistance, and followed the 
main corps. The young Emperor entered the city 
as a conqueror at the head of his troops. 

That the Aus|rian bulletins spoke of a battle at 
Raab is conceivable, for it became necessary to re« 
port to the country and the army the news of a battle 
and of a victory ; that the young monarch through* 
out the whole affair from Hochstrass to Raab had 
exhibited great courage, always presenting himself 
where the danger was the greatest, is likewise con- 
ceivable, for the Emperor is young and brave, and 
has an evident inclination for military service; but 
it is difficult to conceive how the ^^ well-disposed'^ 
Austrian journals could report without a blush the 
pillage committed by the troops in Raab, and that 
the city was only saved by the personal interposi* 
tion of the Emperor. Had demoralization and thirst 
of plunder proceeded to such a pitch in the army, 
that the presence of the Emperor was insufficient 


to restrain it from outrage? T^e Emperor'a au- 
thority barely sufficed to spare him one blush more ; 
but thus much is certain^ that Kossuth^s mere pre- 
sence in a town would have been enough to restrain 
the Magyars from any acts of violence. 




Strategy of Haynaa---The Battles before Eomom-^Sclilik, Be- 
nedek> Paiuutin— Gorgey in Battle — Conduct of Gorgey«<^ 
Kossuth's letter to Teleki — Elapka — Gorgey and Nagy San- 
dor at Waitzen— 'Bern's last Campaign in Transylvania^— 
Battle at Hatvan — Gorgey on the Sajo> Hemad and Theiss*- 
Perczel's strategy. 

Soon afler the taking of Raab> Haynan removed 
his head-quarters to Babolna; Gorgey's troops were 
encamped at Acs^ opposite to Komom* Here he 
remained^ protected by the newly-erected ramparts^ 
which may be considered as the completion of the 
fortress on the lefl, to check the masses of troops 
which Haynau was leading on the Buda road to- 
ward the metropolis. Under him in command were 
Poltenberg, Knezich^ Nagy Sandor, Bayer and Lel* 
ningen. Klapka had assumed the command of the 
garrison in the fortress. 
The Austrian Lieutenant Fieldmarshal showed^ at 

liie TCfy commeocemeDt of the cqperatioDSy that hr 
was on his guard against falling into the errors oC 
his predecessor* All his mancsuvres from Pressbarg 
to Temesvar were evidendj directed to the object of 
ending the war by great and rapid strokes. He was 
aaoreovef unwilling to leave much fiur the Russians 
to do^ as was proved by the haste with which h0 
advanced towards Buda, Sz^din and Arad^— a 
haste which, in spite of the fortunate issue, cannot 
be strategically justified^ since it endangered all; 
whereas by a less hurried advance^ and more in con- 
cert with the Russian operations^ little or no risk 
would have been encountered* But Haynaa ap- 
pears to be a man of extremes, in the fidd as in the 
ealnnet; he wanted to press Gdigey to open the 
road to Buda, and for this purpose he resolved to 
make a general attack on the entrenchments. 

Haynau's centre was posted at Nagy-Igmand, his 
kft wing in the direction of Acs, his r%ht at Kisber* 
On the 1st of July he ordered the reserve corps 
under Wohlgemuth to advance from Igmand to- 
ward Puszta Chem, followed by the Paniutin Divi- 
sion* The attack commenced on the 2nd from these 
positions* The Benedek infantry brigade, the Bech- 
told cavalry divisicm, and the Simbschen horse bri- 
gade, stormed towards CV Szony, and were repeatedly 
driven back* Benedek vindicated his ancient daim 


to the epithet of the brave^ and himself headed his 
troops* Without firing a sliot, they pressed forward 
at the point of the bayonet over their dead and 
wounded comrades ; but the heavy artillery of the 
Hungarians mowed down their ranks^ and forced 
them to turn, followed by the Hussars to Mocsa^ 
and leaving behind them many dead. The Hun- 
garians lost a field-battery, which, having advanced 
too far, had been taken by the lachtenstein Light- 
Horse, after a sanguinary struggle* 

Meanwhile Schlik led his troops to the scene of 
conflict, and the Reischach brigade received orders 
to take Uj-Szony. In the vineyards surrounding 
this village far and wide, they fell in with some light- 
armed Honved battalions, which successfully attacked 
them. Now began a confused conflict on the nar- 
row paths and among the vines, which at this season 
had put forth their first leaves. A hand-to-hand fight 
was waged, with ball or bayonet, and often decided 
by the mere strength of arm and activity of Umb. 
At length the Honveds quitted the ground, and with- 
drew toward the village into their entrenchments; 
but the Austrians on the first assault took the fore- 
most line of fortification, and with a general hurrah 
planted the black-yellow standard in the earthy 
without the cannon of the second line, which com- 
pletely commanded the first, opening their fire. Not 



until the rampart was covered with white uniforms^ 
did they commence their regular cross-fire^ the 
murderous effect of which forced the Austrians to 
abandon the advantage they had just won. Both 
»des allowed themselves a momentary rest^ — they 
had both earned it. 

Gorgey on this day wore^ contrary to his usual 
custom, the splendid red and gold-embroidered 6e- 
neral^s uniform, and his white heron's feather was 
seen at every point where anything was to be dis- 
posed, ordered, or executed *. The handsome, manly, 
but hard features of this remarkable man never 
Wore the full expression of his soul until facing 
an enemy in battle: that was the moment when 
his face exhibited the excitement, enthusiasm, thirst 
of fight, and passion of his nature. Whoever 
has seen Gorgey in battle, will never forget him: 
no wonder that his troops worshipped him as a 

Gorgey saw the best forces of the Imperial army 
wasting away before his Honved artillery, and it re- 
joiced the soul of this proud man to confront the 
first nobility of Austria as an enemy of equal rank — 

* The Austnan bulletin of this day affirms that Gorgey did 
not' venture out of the fortress ; nevertheless the ' Wiener 
Zeitung ' of the following day announced that the Hungarian 
rebel chief was wounded. The latter is the correct account. 




he, a man but lately without position^ namej pro- 
party^ or ancestry^ although gifted by nature with a 
oonBciousness of his own power^ and neverthelesa 
n^Iected^ passed over in favour of young puppies of 
rich and noble families. He now saw them again^ 
these proud cavaliers of Austria, marching at the 
head of their companies^ battalions and brigades — ^he 
saw them fight, bleed, falL His pride was avenged* 
He loved Hungary too little, and detested Austria not 
enough, to desire to crush the latter. A Hungarian 
merely by virtue of his personal valour, he had not 
the warmth of heart, the love^ the enthusiasm of 
the Magyar, He was chivalrous toward his ene- 
mies, from the humanity belonging to a high culti- 
vation of mind^ and because he wished to humble 
them by his generosity no less than by the supe- 
riority of his genius; he was chivalrous because 
he despised men, not because he loved them. 

Gorgey was perhaps^ on the 2nd of July, unde- 
termined in his own mind as to his position and 
future course of action. Whether it was the result 
of cool calculation, or that the heat of battle car- 
ried him away, we know not, but, after repeatedly 
repulsed attacks of the Austrians, he assumed the 
offensive, and attempted to break through the 
enemy^s masses. With this view he ordered his 
bravest divisions of cavalry into the fieldj at Uj- 

• aj ^vmmmm^^^a^gt 


Szony the batUe raged fiercely^ and extended &r and 
wide: Posztft-Herkaly, o]%inally occupied by the 
AustriamSj was repeatedly won and lost^ and the 
Beiflchach and Parma Brigades were decimated. At 
Acs 12,000 Hungarians attempted to outflank the 
left wing of the Austrians; both sides fought with 
desperation, the one to force a passage, the other to 
preyeit it. The endeavour to outflank the left wii^ 
was frustrated by the Bianehi Brigade, who were 
masked by a wood ; but the centre was in the ut- 
most danger, when suddenly Paniutin, the saviour 

at all moments of need, advanced with his Russians 


from Puszta-Csem. The Hungarians, too exhausted 
to recommence the battle against this new enemy, 
withdrew into their entrenched positions. Haynau 
himself, in a bulletin, acknowledged ^^ the timely ap- 
pearance '^ of the Russians. The victory remained un- 
decided, but the Austrians suffered far greater losses i 
than their enemy. Haynau had become convinced 
by experience that Gorgey's positions were unas- 
sailable, while the latter perceived that Haynau's 
masses of troops were too compact to be broken. 
The most fearful thing in the great tragedies of war 
is that the experiments of the generals are often 
attended with a greater sacrifice of life than their 
most brilliant successes. 
The battle of the 2nd of July was claimed by the 




commanders of both armies as a victory* They were 
both right and both wrong. Each had failed in the 
attack — each had made a brilliant defence. But the 
Hungarian Government must have learned to per- 
ceive^ that such victories are nothing else than bril- 
liant preludes to an inglorious end. The original 
plan of operations adopted by the general Council 
of War had been frustrated by Gorgey^s obstinate 
self-vrill, especially after his announcing laconically 
to the Government that he was no longer able to 
cover their position^ and advised them to remove 
to some other town. The terror created by this 
message spread through Pesth with the rapidity 
of lightning. Csanyi, Vukowich and Szemere re- 
mained longest in the metropolis ; Kossuth preceded 
them to Czegled^ to adopt the utmost possible means 
of defence. 

The Diet had already been dissolved : the pressure 
of the times allowed not of fine speeches. This De- 
breczin Parliament moreover did not respond to the 
greatness of its task : it aimed at efiecting important 
reforms^ yet shrunk back from a great crisis^ wait- 
ing to have this forced upon it, instead of antici- 
pating its approach. The Diet comprised eloquent 
speakers and true patriots, but no heroes in thought, 
most of these men following implicitly the dictates 
of the Governor. A Parliament may be induced to 

I w,_ m» . Ill ■ -iwjii...j,u'J"i ^"J — - II II I. I .WfWiPgp^i—— —I—— — m 


pass resolutions by the force of eloquence and argu- 
ment^ but it ought also to have the courage to carry 
those resolutions into effect. The Dfebreczin Parlia* 
ment did nothing but acquiesce in the measures 
proposed to it. It sacrificed the Monarchy without 
compunction, and turned its view to the glimmering 
of a republic — it is true, with the enthusiasm of a 
universal Eljen, but not with that enthusiasm which 
imparts to the deliberations of a national assembly 
a power adequate to the exigencies of a crisis* 
The Members were nicknamed ^* babblers^' by the 
army, despised by Gorgey, ignored by the people, 
held in leading-strings by Kossuth. Their energy 
might have perhaps spared Hungary the disgrace of 
Vilagos, and Austria the sanguinary guilt of Arad. 
One party however coquetted with Gorgey, a second 
were the puppets of Kossuth, whilst others again 
preferred remaining in the midway, to have a path 
open for retreat under any circumstances. The Diet 
separated, without either claiming or receiving the 
thanks of the people. 

But the Government at length resolved upon a 
decisive step, and appointed Meszaros, seconded by 
Dembinski, Commander-in-chief of the Hungarian 
armies, at the same time directing Gorgey to obey 
his orders. Gorgey received this announcement 
^on the 2nd, just as he returned heated, exhausted 


aad wounded from battle* It might afanost be iiiia« 
gmed that he had this day aoiight death : the woids 
he is said to have addressed to his Honyeds seem to 
imply this : ^^ Forwards^ my chiMren ! the bail to- 
day hits me alone P' and his splendid General^s 
uniform, visible from afar, i^peared intentioiially 
worn to serve as a target to the enemy^s balhu 

Fate. however spared him; the woimd in his head 
was triflii^ but the mandate of the Government 
jankled in his heart. Only three days befbie he 
had given an assurance to the Minister Csanyi, 
Generals Kiss and Aulich, who were sent by Kos- 
suth to his camp, that he would carry out the plan 
o£ the Council of War, obey the instructk>ns of the 
Government, and lead his troops to the Theiss; 
nevertheless on the evening of the 2nd <tf July 
all these promises were forgotten. He announced 
briefly to the Government that he would no longer 
subject his brave troops to their decrees, but would 
employ them in accordance with his own views, and 
fight uncontrolled by any commands for the inde- 
pendence of hia country. At the same time he re- 
mained quietly in his entrenchments, notwithstand- 
ing the daily arrival of couriers, announcing the 
advance of the Russians by the mining-clistricts. 
He knew that every hour of delay on his part was 
one of despair to Kossuth, and he wished to show 


that the cause of Hungary rested no longer upon 
Kossuth's lips^ but on the point of Gorgey's swonL 
Lamentable vanity, which devoted Gorgey himself, 
Kossuth, and his country to destruction ! 

He may perhaps have deemed the affidrs of Hun- 
gary only in temporary danger, and looked forward 
eventually to his retrieving all and proving the sa- 


viour of his nation. Hitherto this play with for- 
tune had been his only fault ; but, like a desperate 
gambler, he sank inevitably deeper and deeper into 
crime. In the seclusion of the camp his envy to- 
wards Kossuth ripened into hatred ; he derided his 
rival, because he could not feel like him, and hated 
himself for being unable to do so; he forgot his 
dignity so far as to exclaim contemptuously to the 
couriers who at the risk of their lives brought him 
despatches from the Government: ^^Do you come 
from Kossuth ? Where is the hero hidden ? Is the 
Government still firm on its legs, and is it waiting 
lor Gorgey?" He spoke of the Government in the 
same Ume to his officers, who were accustomed to 
worship him as the sole liberatiur of Hungary ; and 
in this manner he demoralized his Staff, after losing 
all confidence in his own virtue. 

Kossuth from the first coveted no glory but that 
€£ saving Hungaiy, — Goigey sought to save Hun- 
gaiy, in order to acquire fame. When the revolu- 


tion occurred^ both men were the foes of Austria^ — 
Kossuth to avenge a people^ Gorgej to avenge 
himself. The latter had succeeded in his purpose ; 
he had compelled Austria to implore the assistance 
of her natural enemy; and could he now, when 
he had achieved his victories, allow Kossuth to 
cany off the glory ? He still felt that he possessed 
the power to prevent this. The General or the Go» 
vemor, the warrior or the statesman, — ^between the 
two a struggle for life and death, — this was now 
the question. Hungary might thereby be lost, but 
it might also thereby be saved. Kossuth should 
have felt that the breach was irremediable ; he 
ought to have resigned at the end of June — then 
would the interests of Hungary and Gorgey have 
been one. But Kossuth placed* himself too high, 
and distrusted Gorgey too much. He sought re- 
conciliation, and publicly offered his hand to his 
opponent, whilst he secretly worked at his over- 
throw. But Gorgey^s name, his position and his 
army protected him from political intrigues. Re- 
conciliation was impossible ; a revolution does not 
admit two masters at the same time : between the 
dictators of the sword and the cabinet there will 
be a perpetual struggle. The first Generals of the 
French Republic bowed before Robespierre on the 
tribune ; but when Napoleon assumed the command 


with bis sword^ the dictators of the Clubs and the 
Convention were silenced. Kossuth must be over- 
thrown, before Gorgey could occupy the position he 
coveted. At the commencement of the movement 
his genius might have rivalled Kossuth's, but now 
he was great enough in the eyes of his country, of 
the world, and of himself, to eclipse all former rivals. 
There are certain things which some minds can- 
not comprehend : Kossuth had too warm a heart to 
understand the coldness of Gorgey's. That a Ma- 
gyar in the face of his country's peril could have 
any thought save for its defence, Kossuth, on the 
representations of his friends, might indeed believe 
possible; but to entertain so serious conviction of 
this as to be instigated by a feeling of necessity to 
some stem resolution, was out of his nature. Even 
at the present day, when the history of Gorgey 
and Hungary and himself has come to a tempo- 
rary close, he only half understands the motives of 
Gorgey's conduct, and dreams of his being bribed 
by Russian gold. A crime which in his opinion 
exceeds all others, he can only attribute to motives 
which the world regards as the most base ; but at 
that time he encouraged a constant hope of Gor- 
gey's being actuated by better motives, and mean- 
while exerted himself to the utmost for the defence 
of his country. 



^ And yet/* he writes from Widdin*, ^ Qcargtyu 
disobedience alone would not have brought ruin <m 
the country. It is true that we could not send to the 
aid of General Vetter the corps of Visocky and 
Dessewfl^, as we had no troops to oiq>08e to the 
Russians on the Czegled line in their place; nor 
eould Bern send any reinforcement into the Banat 
against Jellachich, the Russians having entered 
Transylvania in great force. But we did all that 
was possible for men to do. In the course of eight 
days we raised, equipped and armed a corps of 
14/)00 men under General Perczel at Czegled and 
Ketcskemet, who in conjunction with Visodcy ar- 
rested the advance of the Russians. The Govern- 
ment repaired to Szegedin, where in the course 
of a week we raised another corps of 7000 men, 
provisioned Arad with all supplies, and brought up 
twenty-eight cannon of heavy calibre for the siege o£ 
Temesvar; whilst General Guyon bravely defeated 
Jellachich at Verbass, drove him back to Titel, and 
thus relieved Peterwardein. 

^^The loss of our powder-mills at Kaschau, Epe- 
ries, Neusohl, &c. was an irremediable disaster; we 

* This letter is well authenticated [although it has unfortu- 
nately only been published in a mutilated form and indiscreetly]. 
The senseless speech which Kossuth is said to have delivered at 
his departure from Orsoya is quite unfounded. 



Mtrety sensibly the want of arms, which could not 
pos8U)Ij be manufactured in sufficient quantities, 
nor any loiter smuggled into the country through 
Widdin. In vain^ going from town to town, I b^an 
to raise a new reserre of 30,000 men, whilst the cou- 
rageous Hungarian people flocked to join it in thou- 
sands, since I promised to lead it myself. The loss 
of several miccessive battles under Bem's command 
was a heavy blow, which paralyzed our army in 
Transylvania; but the ruin of our country was 
brought about by the belief which Gorgey and those 
around him in the army mutinously spread abroad, 
that victory was thenceforth impossible, that it was 
madness to continue the war, and that Oorgey 
deoned it his duty to save at least the officers who 
had fought under him. 

^' The warriors who, balancing their weapons with- 
out firing a shot, and singing Vorosmarty's war> 
song, had stormed batteries and driven the enemy, 
twice their strength, from the defiles and entrench- 
ments, — ^who had advanced against the charge of 
cavalry at the point of the bayonet — these troops, 
demoralized by protracted machinations, abandoned 
in every battle by cowardly officers, weakened by 
incredible marches and privations, reduced one-third 
by erroneous tactics and useless engagements, bereft 


of their heroism and self-confidence — had learned 
to fij, and to believe that they were not equal to 
meet the enemy. Thus was the fall of Hungary 

We now return to the theatre of war before Ko- 
mom. Gorgey again endeavoured to force a passage 
through Haynau's ranks ; it seemed the last act of 
despair — the only alternative to his being com- 
pelled to lay down his arms on the open field, 
wedged in between the Austrian army of the Da- 
nube and the advancing Russians. 

It was on the 10th of July at noon — storm and 
rain obscured the horizon, mists from the river and 
marshes lay spread out upon the lowlands which 
were intersected by undulating chains of hills — when 
the Hungarians debouched from their entrench- 
ments in great force, and simultaneously advanced 
to the attack on different points. Gorgey, having 
learned thdt Haynau had despatched a great por- 
tion of his forces on the road firom Bicske to Buda, 
sought to take advantage of the error of his enemy, 
who appeared to him to be pressing forwards with 
rash precipitancy, whilst the finest division of the 
Magyar army remained in his rear. He was fated 
soon to discover his error. The Austrian Field- 
Marshal had not weakened his troops inconside- 

Mi MU l«li ^HHOipBHPaiMipiVvniVPlpmiiMivpippvamcpiMPw-ui i.gwji 


rately. After having removed his head-quarters on 
the 5th to Igmand, and on the 8th to Dotis^ he 
merely detached the third corps under Lieutenant- 
Fieldmarshal ^mberg towards Buda, The van- 
guard of this corpS; consisting of Imperial Uhlans 
under Major Wussin^ occupied the ancient metro- 
polis on the 11th without drawing the sword; 
Ramberg himself entered the city on the 12th. 
The Austrian Generalissimo was able to communi- 
cate to his lord and master the welcome intelligence 
that Austrian, not Russian, troops were the first 
that approached the ruins of Buda, for he still felt 
strong enough to hold Gorgey fast in his self-woven 

Gorgey exhibited on the 10th, as before on the 
2nd, the masterly skill of a great general and the self- 
devotion of a brave soldier at the head of his troops. 
In the wood at Acs the Honveds fought in close 
masses, and saturated the ground with their blood. 
The Imperial generals themselves were struck with 
admiration at the national infantry, so much decried, 
who pressed forwards with lowered bayonets, their 
muskets still loaded. They fought with all the 
ardour of young soldiers, and the cool self-posses- 
sion of grey-headed heroes ; but they found an iron 
foe in the Bianchi, Sartori, Reischach Brigades, and 


the Ludwig Cavalry Brigade. The loss was great 
on both sides, and night saw each army in its former 

The Hungarians had not better success on the 
other points of attack. The Hussars were repulsed 
before Mocsa by the Bechtold division of cavalry. 
At Puszta-Herkaly indeed Oorgey for a long time 
had the advantage ; the enemy^s columns were over- 
thrown ; the Austrian infantry began to stagger and 
fall back in confusion ; the fortune of the day was 
on the point of being decided, and the valour of a 
Benedek and Herzinger (these two generals had 
both their horses killed under them) would hardly 
have been able to save the battle to the Imperia- 
lists, when once more Paniutin, Gorgey^s evil spirit, 
appeared, with his living walls of troops and his 
powerful park of artillery. At 5 o^clock the battle 
was terminated at all points. The Hussars rode 
downcast into their quarters ; but Gorgey exhibited 
a cheerful face ; he trusted in his brave troops and 
his own genius to find another outlet. 

Gorgey^s object now was to break through the 
Russian army on the east, having failed in this 
attempt upon the Austrians in the south. He or- 
dered Klapka, with all the forces which were des- 
tined under his command to form the garrison of 

KLAPKA's attack on THS AU8TRIANS. 159 

Komom^ to make a general attack upon the Au- 
Btrian main*army. Klapka executed his conumsaiim 
with that braveiy and circumspection which haye dis- 
tinguished this General from first to last. Sparing 
dT human life, but the more lavish of powder and 
shot, he conducted his attack so skilfully, employed 
his comparatively weak force with such prudence 
and management, he divided his artillery and the 
few squadrons of cavalry that remained to him in so 
masterly a manner, that the head-quarters at Dotis 
were seriously threatened, and the Austrian gene- 
rals led to believe that they were opposed by Gor- 
gey^s entire army, who intended to venture a deci- 
sive battle for a third time. 

Gorgey meanwhile, unperceived, marched along the 
left bank of the Danube on the road to Waitzen, 
to meet the Russians. He encountered their first 
outposts at Parkany ; they retreated hastily to 
Waitzen, which was occupied by a Mussulman 
regiment under Prince Bebutow. The latter begged 
and received immediate succour from Greneral 
Sass, at Hort and Hatvan, and on the 15th com- 
menced a hot engagement, fought principally with 
artillery and cavalry. Nagy Sandcnr's corps had 
formed a junction with Gorgey, who, after all the 
losses he had sustained on the Waag and Da- 
nube, had still under his command an army of 

^^■■^"^"T^^^^"^^^^^'^^^^^"^— ^~'^^|^~^— ""*" -. — I ^j ■J.r— , -_— ^ jii 


45^000 of the choicest troops, together with a park 
of artillery of seventy to eighty guns. At Waitzen, 
Gorgey for the first time encountered unmixed 
Russian troops, and his admirably-served artillery 
kept possession of the field. The following day the 
Russians renewed the battle, having received strong 
reinforcements ; Ramberg had hastened to their aid 
from Pesth. 

The heights of Waitzen now became the theatre 
of a murderous conflict. The fight raged into the 
streets of the town, and the walls of the houses were 
battered by the grenade and cartridge fire of the 
Russians; but in the midst of this iron hail the 
Hungarians retreated slowly, as if intending to hold 
Waitzen to the last man. Here too Gorgey com- 
manded in his splendid uniform, in the thickest 
fight. Was it by mere accident that for some days 
past he had exchanged the plain green Hussar dress 
with which he at other times rode out to battle for 
the red dolmany, or did he really wish a ball of 
the enemy to put an end to the conflict within him ? 
Who can say? He was however long out of reach 
of shot, and on his march toward Balassa-Gyar- 
math with the greater part of his army, when the 
din of battle still continued in and around Waitzen. 
As Klapka at Acs, so here Nagy Sandor fought 
to cover the tardy retreat of his General-in-*chief. 


Every drop of blood that was shed on this and 
the preceding days was Gorgey's fault alone; the 
brave Hussars joyfully sacrificed themselves for 
him^ — at their head Nagy Sandor, the Murat of 
the army. 

This man was a soldier from top to toe-nlaring, 
obedient^ self-devoted: the best cause could not have 
a better champion. Gorgey disliked this General : he 
could not endure his openness^ his frank manners^ 
nay even his valour ; and certain it is that he ordered 
him and his corps to every post of the greatest 
peril. Nagy Sandor complained to Kossuth that 
he was purposely exposed to danger^ the cause of 
which he believed to be his having on one occasion 
openly declared in the council of war, " If any one 
of us ever attempts to play Caesar, I will be his 
Brutus.^' The allusion was marked. Camus had 
once said the same thing to Dumouriez, whereupon 
the latter replied, *^ The threat of dying by your hand, 
Camus, ensures me immortality.'^ Gorgey, between 
whose character and fate and that of Dumouriez 
many interesting parallels might be drawn, instead 
of giving any answer to his Camus, lefl Nagy Sandor 
at Waitzen, and aflerwards at Debreczin, in the 

Nagy Sandor with 12,000 men now made a stand 
against an overwhelming force, as long as he deemed 


it of any avail ; he then followed the main aimy^ the 
enemy not daring to pm'sue him. The latter did 
not discover until afterwards that they had merely 
been engaged with the rear-guard; and the Rus- 
sian General openly acknowledged this in his bulle- 
tin, thereby testifying to the bravery of the Hun- 
garians as it deserved. ^'General PerczeV^ said 
Kossuth, '^ was during the battle of Waitzen only 
a few miles distant with 26,000 men at Nagy Kata, 
but Gbrgey neither wrote nor sent. He had merely 
to have said one word, and we should have taken 
the Russians between two fires and annihilated th^oi 
— ^but he was silenf 

Thus had Gorgey himself broken the first mesh 
of the great Imperial net which surrounded him ; he 
now lost himself in his well-known mountain paths, 
and for a long time no one knew where he was wan* 
dering. We will leave him to develope at leisure 
his skilful manoeuvres, and turn our attention to 
other points. 

In Transylvania aU the horrors of war raged in 
the valleys, on the mountains, in the wild ravines, at 
the gates of the most flourishing towns. After the 
mountain passes had once been opened, the united 
forces of the enemy poured incessantly, like a flood, 
through the broken-down sluices, threatening to 
overwhelm the defenders of the countiy from all 


aides. Bem^s battles had been fought in vain, and 
even his conciliatoiy conduct, by which he hoped for 
a time to efface the hatred and jealousy of the different 
races, was thrown away. The presence of the Impe* 
rial armies, their manifestos and promises, and on 
the otiier side the straitened position of the Polish 
Greneral, had the effect of arousing old hostilities, 
<dd recollections, claims and hopes among the wild 
Wallachs, who in that country are called Motzen, 
The hordes of these mountaineers were stirred, and 
thousands crept from their hiding-places like reptiles 
awakened to new life by the sun's rays. Bern saw 
the numbers of his enemies increase fearfuUy oa 
every spot of ground he had to defend. A dispro- 
portionately small army was under his command, 
and although the Szeklers were ever ready for the 
fight, yet many of his officers longed {oir rest, and 
the pay of the troops began mcneover to fail, since 
<m the flight of the Grovemment from Pesth the bank- 
note-press had been stopped. 

On the 15th of July Clam-Gallas had led Puch- 
Iter's former corps from its quarters in Wallachia 
to Transylvania (the Turkish Government had not 
ventured, according to international right, to dis- 
arm this corps on their territory), his main object 
being, in conjunction with the Russians, to relieve 
Carlsburg, which was hard pressed. But Bern 


still felt himself strong enough to enter the field 
against the united Imperial Generals. He col* 
lected his Szekler troops at Haromszek^ defeated 
the Austrians who had ventured to advance so far^ 
and threatened Cronstadt and Hermannstadt at the 
same time. The Russian Generals, who had gained 
lessons of experience from their first unsuccessfiil 
campaign, remembering that they had once pos- 
sessed the two capitals only to lose them again^ 
would not sacrifice their honour and that of the Rus- 
sian arms a second time ; they prudently withdrew 
before Bem's army, carrying away their military 
chest and stores in the utmost haste from Cron- 
stadt, after being compelled by two successive de- 
feats to retreat to Illyefalva and Aldoboly. Bern 
took advantage of this weakness of the enemy to 
advance into Moldavia by the Ojtos Pass (23rd). 
He hoped by his presence to put in motion all the 
revolutionary elements which had accumulated for 
years past in the Principalities ; and as Transylvania 
was half lost, he sought to gain in Moldavia a field 
for new battles. In this he deceived himself. His 
rapid advance to Roman failed, equally with his pro- 
clamations, to raise the people of Moldavia, and he 
consequently had no alternative but to retreat hastily 
into Transylvania. Here, as early as the 26th, 
General Hasford, after taking the chief town in the 


8axon-Iand, had driven back the Szeklers to Reis- 
mark. Bistriz had also again fallen, the Szeklers 
having fled like cowards before Grotjenhelm. 

'Liiders had advanced to Schassburg, and Bern, 
who appeared before this town on the Slst, could 
hold it n^ longer. He quickly marched to Mediaach, 
with a view to unite with Kemeny Farkas, who 
brought him 4000 men and twelve cannon from 
Klausenburg: strengthened by this reinforcement 
he was anxious to make a bold coup-de^main upon 
Heiinannstadt, in order if possible to drive Hasford 
back into Wallachia. His attack on Hasford's co- 
lumns leaves no doubt as to this intention ; he re- 
pulsed him impetuously from the Salzburg and 
Beismark side towards Hermannstadt, which the 
Russians were obliged to evacuate, and were pur- 
sued to Talmasch. Hasford^s corps would not hfive 
long been able to withstand the impetuosity of thie 
Szeklers, the Rothenthurm Pass would have again 
seen the Russians flying from the country, Bern 
would have occupied Hermannstadt, and have had 
one enemy less to contend with, had not Liiders, 
who saw through the plan of the enemy, operated 
on his flank with a view to relieve Hasford. Bem, 
compelled to maintain a front against this second 
enemy, attacked the latter in his excellent position 
on the heights of Grosscheuern ; but the Russians 


made a stand, and their cavakj rendered it impos- 
sible for Bern to outflank their left wing, whilst 
the right was sufficiently protected by the hilly 
nature of the ground. The Polish general yainly 
exerted all his skill in manceuvring; vain was the 
daring valour of his cavalry, who defied aUK>bstacles 
of a hostile soil and the enemy^s batteries ; vain was 
the self-devotion of isolated detachments of Hon- 
veds, who at the risk of being cut off, stole forward 
through the thickets on the acclivities, to hanrass 
the Russians on all sides. Bern was that night 
indebted to the clumsiness of his enemy alone for 
being able to lead his troops toward the Maros, 
which he crossed — never to return* We too shall 
now take leave of the mountains of the south, 
east a r^id glance over the plains and marshes 
between the Maros and the Theiss, which at that 
time lodged no enemy, and direct bur view to the 
valleys of the north, where we left the Russian 
main army. 

The Russians were still encamped on the 5th of 
July before Miskolcz ; Dembinski had withdrawn to 
Gyongyos ; the Prince of Warsaw had removed his 
head-quarters to Abrama on the 9th, and we do not 
find him in Aszod until twelve days later. Demr 
binski and Paskiewitsch — the Pole and the Russian^ 
the general of the Autocrat and the patriot of a 


worlds the two old foes grown grey in battle^ — ^here 
stood watching one another with that circumspection 
which testified their mutual respect. The Prince of 
Warsaw could only advance slowly^ being obliged 
above all things to keep channels open for the sup-» 
ply 'of provisions. Dembinski on the other hand 
must have welcomed every hour of delay^ as favour- 
ing the possibility of a final concentration of all the 
Magyar forces* He remained inactive^ but reac^ 
for instant battle when Gorgey should appear from 
the east^ to place the Russian main army between 
two fires. Goi^ey did not make his appearance; 
Visocky and Dessewfl^ were therefore obliged to 
remain on the Theiss^ instead of reinforcing the 
army of the Souths as had heen determined in the 
last great Council of War. It was to be feared that 
the Russian main army would take the route to the 
souths in order to unite with the Ban ; Vetter would 
have been too weak to face both enemies^ the 
Bacska would have been lost^ and with it the last 
hope of a great concentration between the Theiss 
and Danube. Dembinski^ in consideration of these 
circumstances, was obliged to relinquish his Fabius- 
like system ; and being informed by spies that his 
enemy was preparing for a great battle on the 2Srd9 
lie resolved at once to anticipate his movements. 


The Dessewfiy and Visocky Brigades had two 
days before threatened the right flank of the Rus« 
sians, and repulsed a division of Uhlans, intended 
to cover it, upon the vanguard under Tolstoi ; but 
afterwards, when Tolstoi developed his superior 
strength, they discontinued the flght, still retaining 
a position in immediate connection with Dembinski, 
to afford a powerful support to aU his manoeuvres. 
On the 23rd of July at two o^clock in the morning, 
three hours before Paskiewitsch had determined to 
break up his quarters at Hatvan, Dembinski's centre 
stood before this place (Paskiewitsch deceived by spies 
believed him to be retreating towards Erlau), and 
took it by storm on the first assault. The Russian 
soldiers had the previous night received a great 
aUowance of spirits, and slept more soundly than 
usual ; their columns formed but slowly, so that 
according to Dembinski's report many of them ran 
off or were taken prisoners in their shirts. 

Paskiewitsch himself now brought up the reserves 
from Aszod, but was driven back at the point of the 
bayonet by the Hunyady regiment; and before he 
could attempt a second attack, the appearance of 
Colonel Bottner from Pata obliged him to retreat. 
The centre and left wing of the Russians were thus 
pressed together, and the right wing was also forced 


to abandon its position at Jasz Bereny^ and retire 
to Sorokcar. The Russian General now united all his 
disposable forces, and drew them out of their con* 
fined position. At 9 o'clock in the morning the 
battle was at its height, at 10 it was decided ; the 
Hungarian cavahy and the Polish Lancers turned 
the scale. The Russians lost all their baggage^ 
twelve cannon and 800 prisoners** 

Under different circumstances this victory would 
have been important ; but Hungary could now only 
be saved by a war of annihilation ; there was no 
longer any question of winning or losing positions, 
but of the existence or non-existence of armies. 
After the enemy had broken through the living 
walls of defence in the north and west, gained 
possession of the narrow passes in the east, and 
aroused the passions of the hostile races, the stra- 
tegy of a Damianich could alone have proved of any 
avail: the enemy should have been attacked with 
all the power at command, his isolated troops have 
been defeated, annitiilated, dispersed, by one concen- 

* Mr. Schlesinger is incorrect about this battle, — ^the whole 
account is exaggerated. It was a small engagement between 
Perczel and the Russian army, which was at the time repre- 
sented by some as a battle between Dembinski and Paskie^ 
witsch. Dembinski never fought the great Russian army^ nor 
did he and Paskiewitsch ever meet on the fields of Hungary. 



t|;ated effort ; whQst the wild features of the coimtrj, 
and the unbridled impetuosity of the Landstiurm, 
completed the wcark of the Magyar battalions. Thus 
alone could Hungary still have been protected against 
the allied Imperial forces. No second armies would 
have appeared in the course of that year : the Au- 
tumn with its fogs, torrents of rain, flooded marshes, 
and fevers, was approaching; and before the 
Spring sun had warmed and dried the soil, and 
brought health again, many a phenomenon might 
have arisen from the fogs of the Theiss, more im- 
portant than a mere Fata Morgana of political en- 
thusiasts. The possibility of success was at all events 
opened to the Hungarians; but Gorgey had only 
one object in view, that of overthrowing Kossuth; 
and to effect this, he sought to lower him in power 
step by step, in order that, at the decisive moment, 
when Kossuth should confess his weakness, he might 
place himself at the head of affairs as the only man 
capable of holding the helm. 

We meet him again after the battle of Waitzen on 
his route northwards. At Retsag, on the small lake 
formerly known by the name of ^ Ocellum Mans,'' 
BXk insignificant Russian corps made a stand against 
him; he was content to avoid it. At Yadkert he 
again fell in with the Russian troops, but here also 
like a lion he despised inferior prey, continued his 


march toward Balassa-Gjarmath, and tock up his 
head-quarters on the 19th in Ludany. He now 
stood on the river Ipoly, which rising a few miles to 
the north in the Osztrosky mountains, rushes with 
impetuous force through the valley; here on tiie 
Raros Pass, extending between the river and the 
wooded mountains, he had thought to gain a firm 
footing, hut it was too late. Grabbe, who had 
preceded, drove him still further northwards to 
Losoncz. Sass followed in his footsteps, and came 
up with his rearguard at Losoncz, after the main 
corps had already marched out on the road to 
Gryongyos. Nagy Sandor, who commanded the 
rearguard since the battle of Waitzen, withstood 
the shock hrsvely, and after a hat engagiement, 
which eqpread into the streets of the town, was able 
to foUow the main corps, united with which he 
on the 25th occupied the strong positions before 

But the further Goigey proceeded eastwards and 
nearer to the Theiss, the more narrowed became 
the circle of the Russians, who were pursuing and 
awaiting him. Sass, who hung upon his heels, daily 
concentrating the scattered columns, was now in 
direct communication with Grabbe, and the two 
G^ierals comlHued their manosuvres for a great 
chase in the mountains, whilst Tscheodajeff in Mis- 



kolcz* was waiting like a sportsman at his post^ 
until the noble prey was driven within shot. 

' That Gorgey on his way to Gomor did not once 
attempt to annihilate the inferior forces of Sass, and 
relieve himself of this disagreeable escort^ is one of 
the most enigmatical points in his tactics* It is said 
that he kept up negotiations during the march with 
the Prince of Warsaw. On arriving at Gomor he 
was too weak to fight^ and thenceforth nothing re- 
mained but to avoid a defeat. For this purpose he 
ordered Nagy Sandor to hold the positions before 
Gomor as long as possible^ and then to turn aside 
towards Rosenau^ draw the enemy after him, and 
keep the road to Putnok open to the main corps. 
Nagy Sandor obeyed these orders^ fought with his 
Honveds before Gomor, engaged before Rosenau 
an enemy three times his superior in numbers, 
who continually imagined that Gorgey was before 
them, and at length with his battaUons hunted to 
death, starving and decimated, reached the main 
army at Miskolcz. 

If what this brave General declared to Kossuth is 
true, that here as everywhere Gorgey, out of mere 
hatred, purposely exposed him to danger, he had an 
opportunity at Miskolcz of taking a noble revenge. 

* It will be remembered that this General had gone back from 
Debreczin to Miskolcz. 



On his arrival before this town lie found Goi^ey 
engaged with TscheodajefF. Akeady from afar the 
thunder of the heavy artillery fell on his ear^ and 
with a last effort of his exhausted troops he pressed 
forwards to the field of battle. Miskolcz was 
speedily evacuated by the Russians; Gorgey was 
enabled to take up the noblest positions from Onod 
to Zsolcza^ to destroy the Sajo bridge^ and, pro- 
tected by the stream, wood and marsh, to undertake 
the defence of this line. Nagy Sandor and Polten- 
beig performed here prodigies of valour on the 25th, 
at the head of their Honveds ; whilst Gorgey con- 
ducted the engagement with the whole power of his 
genius. The battle lasted from morning till late at 
night; Gorgey^s superior tactics, and his keen per- 
ception in taking advantage of the natural features 
of the ground, saved him and his army from utter 
annihilation; and neither his officers nor the Rus- 
sian generals that evening doubted, that he would 
at once force the passage of the Theiss at Tiszafured. 
Tscheodajeff immediately made preparations to follow 
him; Grabbe had already marched from Losoncz, 
(which he had plundered and burnt down to revenge 
the murder of several Russian officers,) by the short* 
est route towards Tokay ; but Gorgey, contrary to all 
the expectations both of friend and foe, crossed the 
Sajo and the Hemad, and gave his troops a day's 


rest at Gesztely* In this position Grabbe attacked 
him^ and was driven back to Onod (28th). Anotber 
Russian column^ ordered at the same time to ad- 
vance towards Tokay^ was likewise arrested in its 
march at the Hemad. The head-quarters of the 
Russians were removed to Tiszafiired^ and Gorgej 
at length crossed the Theiss. 

In following these movements, as here described^ 
we cannot but admire the genius of the man who 
planned and executed them. His mardies and 
countermarches^ north, south and east^ winding ha 
wajr through by-roads in the mountains^-^his powtf 
of seizing at once upon favourable points, and the 
skill with which he took advantage of the moun- 
tain-streama-will immortalke Gorgey's retreat as 
one of the most masterly in the whole annals of 
warfare. Pity that such remarkable talents were 
destined to serve so miserable a purpose ! He had 
crossed the Theiss^ a feat which no man considered 
possible, unaided by any other corps, and regardless 
of all that was passing on other points, — he had 
^own what Gorgey was capable of achieving. Alas, 
what a sacrifice to pride! His troops, the finest 
and best clothed in the whole army, reached the 
Berettyo (which he now sought to defend, being 
no longer able to cover the line of the Theiss,) 
worn out, in tatters, and ahnost incapable of f^jht^ 

p=& « 


ing, — his cavalry- and tndn-horaes in the most piti- 
able plight^ a third of his brave men sacrificed, 
fallen or left behind from utter exhaustion, his 
officers despairing of victory, and he himself a prey 
to conflicting feelings, on the eve of Kossuth^s fall, 
on the threshold of his own ruin ! 

Gorgey has often been reproached with having 
purposely allowed thousands of his brave troops to 
be slaughtered on the mountain-streams, whilst 
meditating treachery to his country, from a beUef 
that the accomplishment of his schemes required 
first the sacrifice of the best finrces of Hungary* 
But every human ^ling revolts against such an 
idea; for man, even in his worst depravity, qiust 
be judged by the laws o£ humanity. With pre* 
meditated barbarity to have delivered up to but- 
chery thousands of his brethren, men with whom 
he had fought f<H: the same cause, with whom he 
had lived in the same camp, with whom for a whole 
year he had nobly shared honour and glory, dan- 
ger and privation, and all this merely to hand over 
the survivcHTS to the mercy of the hangman, — such 
mc^ves, such conduct, belie and outrage human na* 
lure. We cannot in a manner so revolting judge 
the mind and heart of a man of no ordinary stamp, 
whose motives are stiU valed in mystery. 

When he remained at Komorn, forgetful of his 


duty^ when he exposed himself at Waitzen to the 
fire of the enemy^ when he wasted his genius on 
the Eipel^ the S^o and the Hemad^ — ^then he was 
a traitor to his country, whilst he himself perhaps 
merely intended to undermine the position of Kos* 
suth. On reaching the Berettyo, it must have 
become clear to him as the sun at noonday, that he 
had not alone aimed a blow at the top branchy but 
had struck the axe at the root of his nation^s inde- 
pendence. •Throughout his whole march he had 
disregarded the positions of the other Generals, 
never informing them of his movements, and seek- 
ing to fight out his enterprize single-handed, that 
he plight be the sole liberator of his country in 
the moment of her utmost need, and set aside Kos- 
fiuth as an impotent prattler. 

Gorgey came too late ; he was deceived in his cal- 
culation, he had split up his strength, and nothing 
remained to Mm save his measureless vanity. Hun- 
gary was lost through his fault, and he woidd fain 
construct her coffin with his own hands. From that 
time he entered into actual negotiations with the 
Russians, which he had previously opened perhaps 
only in appearance, as Wallenstein did with the 
Swedes. What was Hungary in future to him, if 
compelled to join the other stronger corps with an 
enfeebled army? He loved in Hungary only the 

--. :-Lfc_i 


battle-fields on which he had won his victories. 
Ambition had always in his mind taken the place of 
patriotism. It was still in his power to retire from 
the scene an unconquered general : he did so, at a 
price which no man had ever before paid — the sacri- 
fice of his honour, his country, his friends, and the 
freedom of Europe. 

Dembiuski would have given half his artillery, 
and relinquished the glory of a victory, if by doing 
so he could have assisted an ally or companion in 
arms to gain a battle and aid the general cause. 
Gorgey allowed Hungary to fall, for the paltry gra- 
tification of being able to say that his army had not 
lost a standard. Such is the mean-spirited selfish- 
ness of the ambitious soldier, contrasted with the 
conscious greatness of the greyheaded patriot. 

Dembinski and Meszaros, after having in vain 
waited for a junction with the army of the Danube, 
according to the general plan of operations, had 
retired slowly to Szegedin, and the corps of Visocky 
and Perczel alone remained at Czegled. Perczel 
still expected Gorgey's arrival, and this hope made 
him stay till the last moment. We have through- 
out observed in this General the genuine stamp of 
the Magyar character, — proud, wild, imperious, but 
brave, patriotic, and true as steel. All injuries, real 
or imaginary, which he had experienced from the 




Government and the other Commanders, were at 
once foi^tten, when Kossuth reminded him that 
his country could not spare his services. He enter- 
tained an unshaken belief in the right and invin- 
cible power of the Hungarian Nation, and in the self- 
devotion of every individual Magyar* Vain of has 
own exploits, he was still more so of the HungariaBi 
peasant who joined his corps scythe in hand. He 
acknowledged all the virtues of his enemy, — ^tiieir 
bravery, skill, discipline, talent, genius, — ^but the pa- 
triotism of the Magyar outweighed in his eyes all 
these advantages. For the salvation of Hungary he 
required nothing more than that every one should 
fight bravely, regardless of place, time or circum- 
stance. If not by day, be it by starlight, — if not 
with firearms, then with the axe; if not on the 
plain, he would fight as readily in the mountains, 
on the river, on the lakes, in the marsh. 

But Perczel was at length obliged to give up 
expecting Gorgey, when convinced that the latter 
avoided every opportunity of junction with the other 
corps. He had led southward his troops by way of 
Hatvan, fallen in with the Russians at Tura and 
Zsambok, and endeavoured to maintain his position 
at Nagy Kata on the line of the Zagyva. Standing 
upon the ground where his fiiends had four months 
before fought a series of the most glorious battles. 


^ Hi 


he was naturally reluctant to leave it without a vic- 
tory ; but there was no time to lose. Haynau had 
directed his march to Pesth, which he again left on 
finding that Gorgey had escaped him^ and went in 
pursuit of his enemy into the heart of the country. 
Perczel and Visocky therefore retired without delay 
by Kecskemet to Szegedin. 



Szegedin — Kossuth's Enemies — ^his adherence to the gronnd of 
legality — his summons to a general Crusade — Kossuth's 
errors — ^The Diet at Szegedin — Paloczy — Gorgey appointed 
Commander-in-chief — ^the Finance Minister and the Bank- 
note-press — ^Austrian Troops on the march — Klapka's Sortie 
from Komom. 

Szegedin in July 1849 presented the same aspect 
as Debreczin at the beginning of the year, — the 
same crowds, the same overflowing population, the 
same fear and expectation, in part the same persons. 
All who were obliged to fly before the enemy had 
followed the Government hither, and in the space 
of a few days the number of inhabitants amounted 
to 130,000. The new-comers were lodged partly 
in the town, partly in the barns and farmhouses, 
which stretch for miles into this favoured country. 
Kossuth himself arrived on the 12th of July, the 

x^^. I ^^*^- 


other members of the Government either accompa- 
nying or following him. 

We have lost sight of Kossuth in the preceding 
narrative of the most important events of the war. 
Whilst the Generals were the foremost actors on the 
scene^ the power which created and organized the 
whole movement necessarily remained veiled in the 
background. History seeks to lift this veil, and 
after wandering over the different fields of battle, 
we now revert briefly to the man who directed the 
whole plan of operations. 

The war had brought many new characters into 
public life; military talent had shown itself, and 
acquired greatness and distinction ; but at the head 
of the administration there was throughout one 
man alone — an object of envy, hostility and blame to 
many, but of rivalry to only one. Kossuth's foes, 
both in and out of the country, had taken a twelve- 
month to discover a single spot upon his fame open 
to serious attack: they had ransacked the history of 
his life from first to last, and the worst accusation 
they could bring against his private character was 
an act of indiscretion in his youth towards a lady, 
with whom he had many years before formed an 
engagement and afterwards broken it off. But the 
fault of his youth, thus dragged to light, could not 
cast a shade over the actions of the man. Faultless- 


ness from the cradle up has ever been the last yiitue 
which nations have demanded or honoured in their 

Kossuth was religious in the nobler sense of the 
word. Relying on the justice of God^ he had faith 
in the victory of a cause which he deemed sacred^ in 
the virtue of man, and in the strength of the human 
wiU. He worshiped the Creator by honouring the 
creature ; he respected man, by devoting the whole 
energies of a warm heart to his country. Such a 
religion of love has a power to overawe even the 
most hateful natures. Napoleon in his time was 
ridiculed in thousands of satires and caricatures; 
before Kossuth, even the frivolous malice of his 
enemies shrunk abashed. It was not the power of 
his genius, nor the temporary height to which he 
was raised, that overawed these men ; but the up- 
rightness of Kossuth's mind, the sanctity and great- 
ness of his thoughts, the unselfish devotion of his 
noble heart, imparted to him an unapproachable 
dignity, in spite of his failings and errors. 

Whenever the recent history of Hungary shall 
find a worthy chronicler, Kossuth will likewise find 
his biographer. Such a man will place in their true 
light the nice distinctions between his will and 
actions, and show how these were frequently in the 
most marked disproportion. Two great merits must 



at all events be granted Kossuth, the poltticill 
impi^lse which he imparted to the Diets at Press- 
burg, and the rapid transition of the Hungarian 
revolution from a state of impending anarchy to a 
position truly worthy of a great nation. 

Kossuth, at once the great political mover, entfao- 
siast and philosopher, sought to agitate Hungary, in 
order that every corrupt element in the State might 
ffink to the bottom ; and he believed that this sepa- 
raticm of good and evil would be effected in as simple 
a manner as in the material processes of the natu^ 
ral world. After his first attempt, to transform the 
country by a moral revolution into a new state 
adapted to the times, had been frustrated by the ma- 
diinations of Austria, and physical power had been 
summoned to the field of battle, he still continued to 
employ the weapons of legal resistance, in the hope 
of sparing his nation the alarming word ^ revo* 
lution/' Thus it was that in his parliamentary 
speeches, in conferences with fiiends and statesmen, 
no word was so constantly on his lips as " torviny- 
esen'^y that is, le^aL His belief in the possibility of 
effecting a revolution on the ground of legality, and 
his confidence in the power of his nation of fighting 
out this battle, never forsook him, even when the 
Russians invaded the country. ^* I considered,'^ he 
wrote to Teleki, ^^ Hungary to be strong enough even 


then to fight the battle with both Emperors ; '^ and 
he drew up the plan of a crusade for the whole 
country^ calling the nation to arms in a proclamation 
which^ for power of style and passionate enthusi* 
asm, will remain a model of revolutionary eloquence 
to future ages. 

Flying from the metropolis, cut off from Debreczin 
by the vicinity of the Russians, Kossuth and the 
Government met again at Szegedin. Troubled by 
Gorgey^s fatal disobedience, yet not dispirited, he 
had done all in his power, '^ in accordance with his 
views," for the salvation of his country. ^'Within the 
space of eight days,'' he writes, *^ we raised, equipped 
and armed a corps of 14,000 men under General 
Perczel at C^egled and Kecskemet, which, united with 
Yisocky, stopped the advance of the Russians ; in 
Szegedin we again raised in one week a corps of 7000 
men, and provisioned Arad." At the same time he 
held large public meetings, and preached the cru- 
sade. Thirty thousand men rose at his call, to be 
led by him against the enemy : his voice was as ever 
powerful and inspiring, and his people the most de^ 
voted listeners. There was indeed at Szegedin a 
party in Gorgey's interest, for his victories had ex- 
cited a general spirit of enthusiasm ; but the masses 
of the people lay chained at the feet of Kossuth, 
whenever he addressed them. He had the power of 



directing them as he willed^ but he restricted his 
efforts to the dictates of his conviction. He wanted 
the resolution openly to accuse Gorgey, at the time 
when this step might 4still have availed, and even 
now he only alluded equivocally to men who were 
no longer equivocal rivals. 

People have been known to die from the mere 
teiTor of death ; thus Kossuth allowed his country to 
fall by internal dissension, from a fear of hastening its 
ruin by an open rupture between those in power. And 
Kossuth was well enough versed in the world's his- 
tory to have known, how far a revolutionary govern- 
ment can go with its generals. Montesquieu, in the 
midst of his victorious career in Piedmont, was cited 
before the revolutionary tribunal at Paris and thrown 
into prison ; Custine, at the head of nearly 40,000 
men, who idolized him, was arrested by Levasseur in 
the name of the Convention, and sentenced to the 
guillotine. But neither of these men was open to 
a hundredth part of the suspicion which rested 
upon Gorgey at this period with all the force of cer- 
tainty, at a time when the Government had still the 
power in their hands to summon him before a court- 
martial. Kossuth, trusting either too much to him- 
self or too little to the sound sense of his country- 
men, in the one point of view over-estimated the 


patriotism of the Magyars, in the other he rated it 
too low. A nation which sacrifices everything for its 
independence — ^Ufe, property, towns, the prosperity 
of long years and the blood of a whole generation,--^ 
would have borne the loss of a General, convicted 
by a court-martial of so heinous a crime. It was 
now too late for accusation, — ^the criminal was be- 
yond their reach ; but it was at the same time too 
late to encourage hope, as Kossuth did, — especially 
too late to form projects in which Gorgey was stiU 
to act a part, as if that General were waiting on the 
Berettyo only for the commands of the Ministry, to 
obey them. 

Meanwhile the Diet was opened at Szegedin 
(July 21st). In the President's chair sat Paloczy, 
an old man with all the enthusiasm of youth and 
a matured understanding, easily carried away himself, 
and transporting his auditors by his ebullitions of 
spirit. Of quick intelligence, ready wit and elo- 
quoice, learned in the history of his country, a 
master in citing points of old law and musty for- 
mularies of jurisprudence, a living dictionary of the 
glory and heroic deeds of past times, this man had 
from the commencement of the great movement 
gradually adopted its principles ; he remained faith- 
ful to these in the time of his country's reverses^ 



and at lengthy when he saw that all was lost^ he 
put an end to his existence*. 

At this sitting of the Diet^ Szemere described the 
position of affiiirs, and the line of policy which the 
Government had resolved to follow. His speech was 
the masterpiece of a minister^ who was expected to 
render explanations^ but who neither could nor dared 
to do so. He spoke of schemes of pacification with 
the hostile races^ of past sufferings, of sacrifices stiU 
to be made, of peace and war, of the tyranny of the 
crowned heads and of national liberty. He spoke, on 
this as on all occasions, with learning and deliberate 
forethought ; but he skilfully avoided unveiling, ex- 
plaining, and representing in its true light the open 
breach of the Government with their first Gene- 
ral ; yet this was precisely what the Parliament had 
just reason to expect. Hunfalvi interrogated the 
Ministers on the position of Hungary with regard 
to foreign Powers, demanding information respect- 
ing the position of the Army of the Danube : but 
they answered evasively : their silence was construed 
into envy of Goi^ey^s merits, and the press from 
that day resolutely demanded that Gorgey should 

* He is said, after the catastrophe of Vilagos^ to have taken 
poison in the fortress of Arad. [This is incorrect : Pftloczy is 
still living, in the county of Borsod ; it was Colonel Pulzsky who 
took poison, before being dn^ged to the court-martial. — Ed.1 


be entrusted with the command-in-chief of all the 

The Parliament held secret conferences^ to discuss 
the great question how the hostile Sclavish and Wal- 
lachian races might be won over to the Magyar cause. 
The result was^ the transference of the command-in-' 
chief to Gorgey*, (with the proviso that he should 
render at a future time an account of his conduct^) 
a declaration of the equal rights of all nationaUtieSj 
and an amnesty to all who had borne arms against 
Hungary. (Sitting of the 28th.) These resolutions 
were adapted neither to times nor circumstances. 
Kossuth was still silent respecting Gorgey, when he 
ought either to have spoken out or resigned. For 
the Government to offer an amnesty at the mo- 
ment when the war had taken a new and decisive 
turn, was tantamount to an admission of their own 
weakness, — at the same time that it was evidently too 
early to do this, so long as those to whom the am- 
nesty was offered had a well-founded hope of being 
soon in a position to grant an amnesty themselves. 
But the recognition of equal rights came a year too 
latet> for it now merely offered to the Sclavish races 

* This is incorrect; the Diet did not interfere with the Go- 
vernment so far as to transfer the command<-in-chief. — £d. 

t Incorrect ; all the inhabitants of Hungary had since March, 
1848, possessed equal rights; the Diet only gave an amnes^ 


a concession which had already been secured to them 
by the Emperor of Austria^ and offered it moreover in 
the sight of their burnt-down cities^ desolated vil- 
lages, and desecrated graves. The Magyar haughti- 
ness, and the thirst for supremacy in the Hungarian 
nobility, never suffered a deeper humiliation than from 
the resolutions passed at this sitting of the Diet; it 
was the last — the last great expiatory sin-offering of 
the representatives of the Hungarian Nation for long 
years of injustice to the other races. 

The appointment of Gorgey to the Command-in- 
chief of all the armies was hailed with exultation by 
the people, who had the greatest confidence in his 
genius, and regarded him as invincible. Perczel 
alone openly opposed his nomination, and claimed for 
himself the post which was proposed for Gorgey. 
His violent temper carried him away, and betrayed 
him into the most intemperate threats and unjusti- 
fiable expressions ; but in the end he yielded to the 
order of the Minister of War, who even took from 
him the command of his corps, which he had in 
part himself raised, and transferred it to Visocky. 

Kossuth was at one time in Szegedin, at another 
with Dembinski and Visocky, — now in Arad confer- 
ring with Bem, and again in the Council of the Mi- 

for the Wallachs^ Saxons, and Serbs, who were at this time all 
subdued by the Hungarians. — Ed. 


nistiy ; he appeared to have the gift of ubiquity^ and. 
at the same time redoubled his activity. Working 
incessantly to bring into efficiency the machinery g£ 
resistance^ he yet forgot that the two chief springs of 
action had refused him service— the Army of the 
Danube under Gorgey^ and the Banknote-press un- 
der the Finance Minister Duschek. 

Duschek had formerly filled the post of Imperial 
councillor in one of the offices of the Vienna Ministry, 
Ever a decided Imperialist, his joining Kossuth, 
and his position in the revolutionary Government, 
created a greater sensation in the circles of the 
Viennese aristocracy than the defection of many 
persons of higher station. He remained at Kos- 
suth's side until the end of the war, slowly bat 
surely counterworking aU his measures, like his evil 
spirit, and offering every impediment to his opera- 
tions silently but perseveringly. Inventive in raising 
obstacles to the erection of the Banknote-prass, he 
skilfully contrived to impede its operation when 
at work. He could never be prevailed upon to 
issue gold and silver coimige from the Treasury- 
this he was reserving for Austria— and had ordered 
the smaU Kreuzer-notes, with which the army was 
paid, to be printed in two colours, thus retarding 
their issue. The consequence was, that want of 
money gradually spread discontent among the troops ; 

-^— -< 


Kossuth was besieged by all the Generals for arrears 
oi^ttYf and was unable to meet the demand.* 

Whilst in this manner the difficulties and con* 
fusion daily increased in the Magyar camp, the Au- 
strian Generals pursued their plan of operations 
with irresistible rapidity. Nugent had hastened to 
the aid of the Ban, in order to set his movements 
free ; after the retreat of Dembinski and Visocky, 
Colonel Korponai with the Landsturm could not 
possibly longer prevent the passage of the Theiss. 
Paskiewitsch, after the unsuccessful attack of his 
Generals Grabbe and Sacken on the remains of 
Gorgey^s army, had started with the second and 
third corps from Csege for Debreczin; whilst the 
fourth secured the communication by Tokay and the 
tranquillity of the mining-districts. Haynau marched 
towards Szegedin, leaving before Komom a small 
investing corps under Csorich. 

The heat in August was oppressive ; in the plains 
between the Theiss and Danube, through which the 
Austrian army had to march, all the wells were dried 
up. Tha pools of water which remained here and 
there poisoned the air, from the dead and putrid 
bodies thrown into them ; whilst dust, sand, and the 
sun^s heat combined to make the want of drinkable 

* Mr. ScMesinger is too severe in lus judgement on M. 
Dusdiek. — ^£d. 


water intolerable; the melon, which grows luxuri- 
antly in that country, was strictly prohibited on ac- 
count of its producing fever, and the water mixed 
with vinegar, which Haynau brought with his army 
in hundreds of peasants' waggons, was insuffi- 
cient for the want of the troops. Nevertheless the 
Austrian army bore the toil and privations of the 
march with admirable courage, and strict discipline 
was maintained. The forces advanced southwards 
in three separate columns, which were to reunite be- 
fore Szegedin. 

Haynau had not yet arrived there, when from the 
west he received the news of an event, which spread 
excitement and apprehension throughout the whole 
Monarchy. Komorn had once more set in motion 
her formidable arms ; Klapka had on the 3rd of Au- 
gust made a grand sortie, which threw into the hands 
of the garrison the Schiitt Island and the shore of 
the Danube as far as Hochstrass and Wieselburg. 
With twenty-four fieldpieces, 8000 infantry, and four 
divisions of Hussars, he outflanked Barko's posi- 
tion, attacked the widely-extended investing troops 
at Mocsa, Puszta Herkaly and Puszta Chem, and 
drove them with immense loss through Puszta Lo- 
vad in the direction of Raab. At the same time he 
ordered an attack to be made on the Austrians on 
the Schutt Island, in which they lost the whole of 

klapka's sortie from komorn. 193 

their baggage and all their guns^ repulsed the enemy 
on the left bank to Szered^ and on the 4th occupied 
Raab^ and threatened Wieselburg, Pressburg^ and 
the frontier. 

Besides the enemy's loss of a great number of men 
with their whole park of artillery, the garrison cap- 
tured at Acs 2760 head of oxen, five boats laden 
with corn and powder, 500,000 cwt. of flour, and 
40,000 uniforms. 

The terror of this expedition, which was more than 
a mere sortie, spread to Vienna with the rapidity 
of lightning, Austrian and Russian fugitives (many 
only in their night-dress) had fled to Pressburg, 
carrying the news of the General's carelessness in 
face of a fortress so manned and provided as Ko- 
mom. The Vienna fauxbourgs, the birthplace and 
cradle of Austrian democracy, were already making 
secret preparations for the reception of the Hunga- 
rians, by whom they hoped to be freed from the 
state of siege and courts-martial. In many houses 
• of the nobility all was in readiness for flight ; Hay- 
nau himself was alarmed, and ordered a strong co- 
lumn of his army back to Pesth, 

But Klapka had set a limit to his enterprize, 
which as a General under command, and responsible 
for the safety of Komorn, he considered himself not 
justified in exceeding. Among his officers indeed 



liiere were not a few who longed boldly to maidi 
upon Viemift — a step wfaich^ from tiie position of: the 
Austrians at that time, would have been attended 
with no great risk ; but Klapka set his fiioe againrt 
any sudi proposal;, ^'it was neither his wish nor 
within the scope of his orders^ to undertake lo^ 
mantic campaigns/' 

Komom received its newly-gained booty, and 
wrapped itself once more in the grandeur of silanc& 
Klapka's expedition was the last brightc ray aF&r- 
tune for Himgaiy, — the last flicker of heroic imstio 
ance before its entire extinction* 



Kossath and Deabmski-r-The Szegedin National Gtuurda — ^Pas«* 
kiewitsch. — ^Maize Plantations — Great Victoiy of the Russians 
— ^A glance at Gorgey — ^Prince Lichtenstein — Kossuth's final 
plan — ^Dembinski's error — Szoregk — Gorgey arrives before 
And — BiyEOiiina — Battle of Temesvar — Abdication of Eos* 
rath — ^Vilagos — The new Dictator — Foldvaiy, PoUenberg^ 
Nagy Sandor^ Leiningen — Surrender of Anns. 

Kossuth was^ resolved to hold possession- of Sze* 
gedin. On the evening of his arrival thousands had 
assembled in the great square under his balcony by 
torchlight and moonlight, and there sworn to fight 
to the last. Tlie Theiss in the west, and the troops 
of; Dembinski^ Yisocky, Vetter and Guyon, toge- 
ther with the enihuuastic population of Szegedin^ 
appeared to him strong enough to defend the en- 
trenchments^ which surround the city in a. soni- 
circle on the east. He communicated his views to 
Dembinski, but this general, who had long seen 
the impossibility of holding the Theiss at any pointy 



after the Russians had crossed en masse to the fur- 
ther shore^ urged their taking the Maros as the line 
of defence. In his opinion Szegedin should only be 
held until he had made his dispositions on the 
further bank of the Theiss; perhaps a single da/s 
delay might bring Gorgey^ who was known to be 
in the neighbourhood of Debreczin* 

On the 29th of July, Guyon, according to the 
orders he had received, arrived at Szegedin with 
his victorious corps from the south. Ten battalions, 
consisting of 8000 men, all good and tried soldiers, 
defiled before Kossuth in the market-place, — ^the 
same troops who had defeated the Ban at Hegyes 
and driven him back to Titel. The eighth batta- 
lion, which had distinguished itself pre-eminently on 
that occasion, was addressed by Kossuth, and its 
standard decorated with the order of merit of the 
third class : these troops, reinforced by 5000 newly 
organized levies, took up their position in the en- 
trenchments. With this force the whole army 
amounted to 34,000 men ; the National Guards had 
been obliged to deliver up their arms, and were on 
this account embittered against the Government; 
having in their first engagements with the Serbs 
shown that they could make a good use of them*« 

* The Serbs once intended to take the town by surprize, and 
assembled well-armed with some cannon on the left bank of the 


But since it had been resolved to abandon the city 
after a short resistance^ it was necessary to save the 
arms of the citizens from the enemy's hands, and 
store them in safety for future struggles. 

On the 1st of August the members of the Diet 
quitted the town^ from whose towers the Austrian 
outposts were distinctly visible. The Banknote- 
press had been previously transported to Arad. On 
the same day the entire Hungarian army crossed the 
Theiss on four pontoon-bridges, and occupied New 
Szegedin on the further shore, to oppose the passage 
of the river by the Austrians. Haynau, who had 
already removed his head-quarters beyond Felegy- 
haza, and burnt down Csongrad, whose inhabitants 
had taken up arms, found to his no small astonish-* 
ment the entrenchments deserted. Szegedin, which 
to all appearance should have proved a second Sara- 
gossa, was occupied by the Austrians without a blow* 

Gorgey had divided his army at Nyiregyhaza. 
Nagy Sandor was ordered to advance to Debreczin 
by forced marches, with a view to reach that town 
before the Russians, and keep them occupied as 
long as possible : the other troops were despatched to 
Nagy Ealto, Vamos Pirts and Eis Maria, with orders 

Theiss. The inhabitants of Szegedin went out to meet them, ill- 
armed as they were, crossing the weak ice on the river, and put 
them to flight. 


to advance firom these positiona southward. GKiigfl^ 
knew that the Russian main-army had crossed ihe 
Theiss without opposition, and was obliged to keep 
to the left, in order to avoid a dangerous encounter. 
A remarkable circumstance likewise, which must 
not be forgotten, was, that during the whole of his 
memorable retreat Gorgey continued to receive 
accurate information of the enemy's positions; 
whilst the Russians, by the admiasian of their Com* 
mander-in^chief in the genuine Magyar counties on 
the Theiss, were unable to obtain a sin^ truai* 
worthy spy. 

The Prince of Warsaw had advanced with his 
whole forces to Tiszafiired and Csege, but delayed 
from motives of prudence to penetrate further into 
the great Hungarian plain. The left flank of his 
army was covered by the extensive marshes of Mar* 
gita, bordered by tobacco^plantations, which, alter- 
nating with thickets of gigantic reeds, form the 
principal vegetation of this part of the country ; on 
his right lay the outskirts of the immense Hortobagy 
morass, behind him the Theiss, before him tiie wide 
Plain, the district of the Magyar Haiduck*towns and 
the Debreczin heath. He sent troops to reconnoitre 
the country for miles around, and gain authentic 
information of the enemy's position ; but the Hun- 
garians were nowhere to be seen, and the head- 


qfoerteiB were therefcve advanced to Uj-Yaios (lit 
of At^gust). The Russian main-anny still numbered 
€€^000 men, notwithstanding that Grabbe staid be- 
hind to watch the mining>*£stricts^ and a second 
eohmm Temained at Ssohiok under Colonel Chrulew 
to ia»ilitale General Benedek's passage of the Hieiss. 
This powerful anny was set in motion on the 2nd 
of August fiom Uj-Varos to Debreczin. The 
iBBize has at this season of the year attained its full 
growth; while on the lower part of the stem the 
female flower-bud is already metamorphosed into 
the firuit-bud^ the light yellow male blossoms still 
erown the plant with their full tufts^ giving to the 
country around the monotonous, tawny aspect of 
a desert. In a gentle breeze the plain has all the 
appearance of a yellow sea^ whilst the thick plan- 
tations shut out any distant view. A body of troops 
wishing to turn out of the beaten path, to the right 
or lefl, would be obliged to cut their way through 
tbte maize-fields, as through the iangled and luxuri- 
ant vegetation in tropical forests, lliese plantations^ 
idthougfa consisting of such fragile single plants, can 
thus be used as places of concealment and for other 
strategical purposes, ndiere extending over a large 
tract of country. A twelvemonth ago the Serbs in 
the Baoska took advantage of them in war with 
as much skill and dexterity los the Indians exhibit 


when fighting m the primaeval forests of the New 
World, The Hungarian Generals had taken a lesson 
from the Serbs^ and Nagy Sandor, on whom the 
forlorn task had devolved of holding an open town 
with 8000 men against an army of 80,000^ tamed 
the maize-plantations to the greatest advantage* 
His outposts were stationed immediately in front 
of the town^ behind garden*hedges^ ditches and 
barricades of trees^ in such a manner that four 
squadrons and two cannon only were visible. The 
Russian cavalry were prevented by the maize-fields 
fiY>m operating en masscy and their attempt to out- 
flank the advanced posts of Nagy Sandor was re« 
pulsed by the masked Honved artillery. The Prince 
himself in his bulletin mentions in terms of praise 
the masterly serving of the enemy^s batteries^ which 
could not be forced from their positions without 
considerable loss. For this purpose he ordered four 
batteries under General Gillenschmitt to advance 
against the enemy's left wing; and as soon as the 
heavy artillery of the Hungarians began to open its 
fire on this side, four Russian brigades in full battle 
array, and covered by Cossacks and Mussulmen, 
marched upon the town for a general attack. Nagy 
Sandor was to be seen wherever the danger was 
greatest ; he repeatedly sent couriers to Gorgey, who 
was with his army only thirteen miles from the 


field of battle, imploring him to advance as ra- 
pidly as possible. The Russian columns were so 
much divided, that Gorgey's timely arrival might 
still have rendered the victory doubtful. But to 
all appearance, on the left bank of the Theiss, the 
negotiations between Oorgey and Paskiewitsch had 
already assumed a decisive character; Ooi^ey did 
not stir, but with laconic brevity and coldness merely 
reminded the brave Nagy Sandor of the orders he 
had received to evacuate Debreczin after an attempt 
at resistance. 

In consequence of this conduct, no alternative 
remained to Nagy Sandor. The Hussars, attacked 
in front and flank, galloped back into the streets 
of the town in disorderly flight, followed by the 
Honveds in the utmost confusion. Nagy Sandor 
succeeded in arresting their flight, and led his 
battalions in good order out of the town; they 
were considerably thinned, and on. their retreat suf- 
fered still further loss, whilst four pieces of heavy 
artillery, with a large store of ammunition and bag- 
gage were left behind. The Prince entered De- 
breczin on the evening of the same day, accom- 
panied by the Grand-Duke Constantine, who had 
shared in the engagement. On the approach of 
night the Cossacks relinquished the pursuit of the 
Hungarians, and encamped before the town, which 



hftd witneased the most decided victory fhe RusaiaiiB 
had obtained over the Magyars (a disproportioii-- 
ately small force indeed) during the whole cam- 

If-*as is not improbable — Gorgey^ even after die 
battle on the Hernad, had still clung to the idea of 
eflfecting a junction with the other corps at the deci- 
sive moment, to prove the superiority of his talents 
and the importance of his services at such a crisis^ to 
save Hungary by a great battle^ and at the same time 
to annihilate Kossuth and his party, — ^if it is true, that 
before the passage of the Theiss he had still indulged 
in such illusions, these must surely have vanished, 
when he sent Nagy Sandor from Nyiregy-Haza to 
Debreczin, when he remained ioactive after the 
former had entreated his aid, and when at last for 
want of succour the corps of this brave General fled 
weakened and dispirited to Grosswardein. Gorgey 
himself passed Debreczin by a circuitous route east 
of the town ; the only road open to him was that to 
the south, for Grotjenhelm and Liiders had already 
made their appearance on the western outlets of 
Transylvania. Necessity compelled him to draw near 

* The loss of the Russians was stated to be two generals, 
twenty-seven officers, and more than three hundred common 
soldiers in dead and wounded. The loss of the Hungarians was 
incomparably greater. 


to the other Magyar generals ; the enemy showed to 
him the road^ which duly had from the first vainly 
pointed out to him^ and thus he united before Gross- 
wardein with the imfortunate remains of Nagy Ban- 
dor's corps, to take the road to Arad. On the 7th 
Riidiger occupied Orosswardein, the gigantic store- 
house of the ^Hungarians, and followed in Gorgey^s 
footsteps, evidently less with the object of annihil- 
ating than observing him, and of being in readiness 
for battle as soon as the expected moment of an in- 
evitable surrender arrived. 

In and around Szcgedin, in face of the ancient 
town, on the left shore of the Theiss, where a year 
before the Serbs suffered a sanguinary repulse from 
the National Guards, stood the Hungarian forces, 
which after the dispersion of the Danube army had 
the honour of being named the main-army, iiAder 
Dembinski, Meszaros, Guyon, Visbcky, Dessewf^ 
and Kmetty. One division only remained behind to 
oppose the passage of the Austrians ; the rest en- 
camped on the Maros between St. Ivany and Szo- 
regh. The Commander-in-chief of the Austrian 
army allowed his troops but a short rest, and then 
ordered General Prince Lichtenstein to attack New 
Szegedin, Two bridges Were thrown across the 
river in face of the enemy^s batteries, but these were 
destroyed, with all the brave men who had ventured 


upon them to gain the opposite shore. The yellow^ 
muddy water of the Theiss, scarcely ever fit for drink, 
was dyed red with the blood of the killed, and for a 
great distance, even beyond Szenta, no dog would 
quench his thirst in those waters. The Rambei^ 
corps at Kanisza, who saw with horror the dead bodies 
of their brethren floating slowly down the stream, 
crossed the river after a slight skirmish ; the Austrian 
main-army took possession of New Szegedin, which 
was evacuated by Dembinski's rearguard ; the Ban 
was pressing forwards from the south, joined by Nu- 
gent, whilst the Russian army was advancing from 
the north. The batde at Szoregh (5th of August) was 
obstinately and desperately fought, but lost by the 
Hungarians. Dembinski commanded the right wing, 
Gaal and Kmetty the left, Guyon the centre. Cou* 
riers were incessantly flying to and fro between Arad, 
whither Kossuth had withdrawn with a part of the 
House of Representatives, and Szoregh, the head- 
quarters of Dembinski. Ere long, on the same 
road, the Hungarian army was seen flying in the 
utmost confusion, routed, dispirited, scattered in all 
directions, no longer subject to any command. 

The reverses of the Hungarians in this great war 
were rapid and fearful. Unfortunately Dembinski 
was wounded in the shoulder by a shot ; he fell from 
his horse, and was carried into a peasant^s cottage ; 


Kossuth's letter. 205 

for twenty-four hours the Hungarian army was with- 
out a commander. On the 6th of August Mako was 
in the power of the Imperialists, and thus the line 
of the Maros was forced. A retreat was inevitable^ 
and Dembinski took the direction of Temesvar^ 
which place was still besieged by Vecsey. Kossuth 
reproaches the Polish General severely for having 
marched to Temesvar instead of Arad, and ex- 
presses himself as follows in the letter we have before 
cited on the position of affairs at this crisis :— • 

" The gain of a general battle might have com- 
pensated the army for all its reverses, and consoled 
the nation under its sufferings. I had therefore 
formed the plan, that, should Dembinski have been 
compelled to evacuate his position at Szoregh, — nay 
even, without this necessity, if the day of Gorgey's 
arrival before Arad were known, — Dembinski should 
have likewise retreated under the walls of this for- 
tress. Here the two armies were to have united, 
and, regardless of the advance of the Russian main 
army, which was pursuing Gorgey within two days' 
march, to have attacked with their combined forces 
the Austrian main army in the Banat, whose defeat 
would have been inevitable. Whilst the fortress of 
Arad would have hindered the passage of the Russians 
across the Maros, and compelled them to take a cir- 
cuitous route, our united army would have driven the 


Austrians into this furthest comer of the country, 
pressing them incessantly southwards^ and leaving 
them no other means of escape than to seek refuge in 
Wallachia. Thus we should have driven them out of 
the country in a single encounter, as Bem did 
Puchner. Our army then, allowing the Russians to 
continue their march unimpeded, were to have crossed 
the Theiss into the Bacska, and passed the Danube 
at Neusatz. Thence it should have directed its 
march to Komom, where Klapka had just gained 
farilliant advantages over the Austrians, have been 
reinforced by at least half the garrison of 22,000 
men in that fortress, and pursued the struggle with 
renewed power. I had made all necessary prepara- 
tions to second this object, and to call into action 
on the other side of the Danube the immense 
strength of a people who have shown themselves 
ready for every effort and sacrifice. Supposing 
however that the most important feature of my 
plan — ^namely the expulsion of the Austrians — had 
failed, then 50,000 of our troops should have 
marched into Transylvania, defended the passes 
in the most energetic manner, and annihilating 
the enemy there with an overwhelming force, 
have attacked the Russian army in Moldavia and 
Wallachia. A successful result to this campaign 
would at once have induced the Porte to adopt a 

DfiMBINSKl's EBAOB. 207 

decided line of policy. Not being myself a General^ 
I could only draw out the plan of operations^ — 
their execution rested with oAen. Dembinski^ de« 
&ated at Szoregh^ was on the 4th of August com* 
pelled to retreat; but instead of directing his march 
towards Arad, a fortress in our possession^ he went 
to Temesvar^ which was occupied by the enemy, 
ailing as a reason his desire of relieving our be- 
sieging corps. This was a great error; after his 
defeat he was driven under the guns of Temesvar, 
and cut off from all communication with Oorgey, 
•His army, which altogether amounted to 40,000 
men, suffered from the fatigue and privations of an 
incessant retreat losses quite as severe as those of 
Gorgey under similar circumstances/^ 

It is of the highest interest to hear Kossuth's 
opinion on, the causes of his own and Hungary's fall, 
and to see how his extraordinary mind retained up 
to the very last its hope, its confidence, its activity. 
But this very confidence was the great error in his 
calculation ; he trusted to combined operations with 
Giiigey, who was all the while meditating a general 
surrender ; he speaks of annihilating the Austrians 
by the concentrated Magyar army, forgetting that 
-the latter, from the heavy losses it had sustained on 
all sides, was, even after the junction of all its forces. 


still inferior in number to Haynau's main armj 
alone. According. to his plan the Russians were to 
advance unresisted^ — taking for granted that their 
march would be in a straight line; he speaks of 
driving the Austrians into Wallachia, as if the Porte 
had not shown clearly enough, that her territory was 
rather a rendezvous for the Imperial troops than a 
field for their destruction ; lastly, in his calculation 
he leads the victorious Hungarian army across the 
Theiss and Danube back to the western frontier of 
Austria, forgetting that Debreczin, Grosswardein^ 
Szegedin, the mining-districts and Transylvania 
were in the hands of the enemy, and consequently 
that those invaluable sources of resistance were lost^ 
which had given life and motion to the grand ma- 
chinery of the national struggle. 

Whether Kossuth's reproach to Dembinski for his 
retreat to Temesvar (in which others have joined), 
is well-founded or not, it must be recollected that 
the Polish General in his operations could in no 
degree calculate on any junction with Gorgey, who, 
to judge from every circumstance and appearance, 
took all means of avoiding one. That Dembinski 
has been a great general, is a fact admitted by his 
most inveterate enemies. In the Hungarian war 
he was in a wrong position ; although it cannot be 


shown that he committed many serious blunders; 
yet it is certain that a younger and resolute General 
would frequently have acted with more success. He 
overrated the importance of positions, and trusted 
too little to the valour of the Magyars, which is 
more brilliant in attack than in defence. The so- 
called war of the inner lines was unquestionably 
that which promised the greatest success, but a 
pedantic prosecution of this was not in unison with 
the character of the young Hungarian army; the 
General ought to have afforded his troops more 
opportunities of attacking, and trusted more to 
their impetuous bravery. This opinion is confirmed 
by the observation of an intelligent Prussian officer : 
— " Most struggles for freedom miscarry for want of 
discipline and regular tactics ; the Hungarian move- 
ment failed from an over-strict adherence to strategy 
and tactics, and to the rules of pure military 

The news of Dembinski's defeat at Szoregh 
reached Kossuth at Arad. He was sitting, lost in 
meditation, on a wooden bench in a miserable apart- 
ment of the fortress, which everywhere bore traces 
of the recent bombardment, when a courier brought 
him the intelligence. Fugitives had already spread 
the news through the town, and in the streets, where 
thousands of waggons stood drawn up. The most 


fearfbl confusion now arose: civil officers, private 
fiimilies, soldiers, women, children, camp-purveyors, 
were all rushing helter-skelter, endeavouring to 
escape from the threatened town. The Banknote- 
press was removed to Lugos, the only place, in 
Kossuth's opinion, where it could be protected in 
the rear by Bem, and in front by Yecsey, who was 
besieging Temesvar. At length, on the 8th of August, 
the long-expected first columns of Gorgey's army 
arrived before Arad. Nagy Sandor, who commanded 
them, received from Kossuth the order to march 
on the 9th at daybreak, to take Vinga and secure 
the communication with Temesvar; but the troops 
were worn out by long marches, and dispirited by 
their heavy losses; they suffered a discomfiture at 
Dreispitz and retreated to Arad, before which fortress 
Gorgey had arrived the same day with the remains 
of his once splendid army. He yielded an apparent 
assent to Kossuth's plans, and made all necessary 
arrangements on the 11th of August, with his whole 
forces to free the road to Temesvar. But the same 
night arrived the disastrous news of the loss of the 
battle at Temesvar, in which Bem held a joint com- 
mand, afler having quitted Transylvania on the sum- 
mons from Kossuth to take the Command-in-chief 
of all the troops. 
Temesvar is a strong fortress, and contained within 


its walls an heroic garrison. Lieutenant*Fieldmar- 
sbal Rukowina, who held the command^ defended 
every point of the town^ resolutely refusing all sum- 
mons to surrender^ until the roofis were fired over 
hifi soldiers^ heads and the walls fell in ruins. 
When the Fabrik*fauxbourg was actually stormed 
and carried by the Honveds^ he withdrew like a 
hunted badger into his furthest retreat^ the proper 
fortress. Typhus and intermittent fevers^ cholera^ 
and want^ shook the courage of the old warrior as 
little as the red-hot balls of Yecsey, who conducted 
the siege of the fortress. He remarked that the time 
for surrender would not arrive imtil his sc^diers had 
gnawed the last skeleton of their horses^ or '^ when 
the handkerchief in his coat^pocket should be set 
on fire/^ The brave old warrior did not hold out in 
vain : the garrison of Temesvar had the happiness 
of opening her gates to their brethren-in-arms. In 
face of the fortress^ at Kis-Becskerek^ the last deci- 
sive battle was fought ; for a long time the fortune 
of the day remained undecided^ — at last it turned 
in favour of the Austrians. 

Haynau^s right wing was already repuked^ after 
the jreserve-artillery and the Paniutin Division had 
in vain been brought on the ficene of actiod^ and 
the left wing was in danger of being :outflanked by 


strong detachments of Hussars, concealed in the 
thickets and woods. Bern, who had committed 
the command of his Transylvanian troops to an* 
other General, and hastened via Lugos to Te- 
mesvar, to assume the command-in-chief, consi* 
dered his enemy as already firmly in his power, and 
hoped to crush him at once, whilst the Austrian 
central columns vainly sacrificed their lives before 
the batteries which Bem, taking skilM advan- 
tage of the ground, had opposed to their progress. 
But at the critical moment in the battle. Prince 
Lichtenstein appeared with his corps from Hodos, 
whence he had pursued the fiigitive Honveds ; whikt 
Schlik, advancing fi*om Mezohegyes, was seen ad- 
vancing at Vinga. The fate of the battle was now 
decided; Lichtenstein brought a strong reinforce- 
ment to the repulsed wing of the Austrians, caused 
them to rally, and after a short pause led them on to 
the attack. 

The Hussars had arrived in a state of exhaustion, 
after the most fatiguing of marches, and without 
having received sufficient food for themselves or 
their horses : they were not in a condition to renew 
the battle, and Guyon, who fought in the foremost 
ranks, afterwards observed with a sigh, ^^ A single 
draught of wine for each Hussar would have saved 


the battle/^ But the \7ine had for days been ex- 
hausted; the horses sank down upon, their knees^ 
the horsemen felt their strength depart ; they were 
thrown into confusion by the shock, and Bern broke 
a collar-bone by a fall from his horse, oyer which he 
had for some time lost sufficient control, covered as 
he was with wounds. The confusion into which the 
Hungarians were thrown led to their dispersion and 
flight, such as Hungary had never before witnessed. 
Lichtenstein's timely appearance on the field of bat- 
tle, and Gorgey's non-appearance, were the causes 
that lost to Bern a victory he had so nearly gained, — 
a victory which might not have saved Hungary, but 
would at all events have gained time for new enter- 
prizes, the result of which it is impossible to cal- 

The consequences of this defeat were too evident : 
it seemed as if the Hungarian troops had for the 
first time confironted the cannon of an enemy. Of 
the whole army, not one corps, with the exception 
of the Yecsey and Kmetty Brigades, (which had not 
taken part in the battle,) remained together. The 
battalions dispersed in all directions; and so great 
and general was the terror, that many of *them ac* 
tually rushed into the hands of the enemy. The 
main body of troops fled towards Lugos, where the 
Generals succeeded to some extent in restoring order; 


but only men like Bern and Ghiyon, tried and tem- 
pered in a more than ordinary fire, could still retain 
any hope of holding out with such an army. The 
long line of wagons in which the Honved offlcer» 
with their wives, mistresses and ba^i^, quitted 
liugoa and sought safety in a hasty flight, must have 
dbown to the most sanguine that every hope had 

The immediate result of the loss of this battle waa 
the relief of Temesvar. Haynau had the satisfaction 
of being the first, who in the evening of that same 
day (August 10th) entered the gates of the fortress* 
at the head of some squadrons* The place was 
crowded with sick and wounded; its outward ap-^ 
pearance, and that of its defenders, showed that beih 
had reached the extreme point, when defence was no 
longer possible. 

The moming-sun of the 11th of August gilded 
the towers of two fortresses, distant only a few 
miles; it shone upon two scenes which wore are* 
markable contrast. In Temesvar, the poor, half- 
starved Austrians crowded joyfiiUy around their 
brethren and guest8,«-in Arad, the Hungarians stood 
gathered in mournful groups, their hearts heavy 
with despair and melancholy forebodings. On the 
one side columns of troops, their fiiends and allies, 
entered the relieved fortress, amidst joyous songs 


and warlike music ; — on the other, all who were able 
fled out of the gloomy gates. In Temesvar, tiie Au« 
strian Generals, elated with viotory, embraced one 
another ; in Arad, Kossuth and Goi^ey stood at a 
how^window in a smaU chamber of the fortress- 
met once more after so long a separation — ^to part for 

What passed in those hours between them — ^their 
mutual reproaches and explanations-— we know not; 
whetiiier Gorgey's guilty conscience cowered be*- 
fore the glance of the Governor, we can only con- 
jecture ; this alone we know, that Gorgey crossed tiie 
threshold of that apartment first into the open air,, as 
Dictator^— Kossuth following him, a hopeless exile. 

Kossuth had all along governed in unison with 
tbe majority of the National Ass^nbly ; he resigned 
his power when they believed Gorgey to be the 
only man capable of saving the country*. Kossutii 
turned his steps southwards, Gorgey to the north. 
This was not the first time tiiat the paths of these 
men led in opposite directions. The new Dictator 
on the evening of Uie 11th of August, after being 
defeated by the weaker corps of Schlik at New 

* On the morning of the 11th of August this opinion pze- 
yailed in the assembly of generals and representatives ; Batthy- 
anyi, Dusebek and Szemere refiued to mfpi Kossuth's act of 


Arad, had marched his troops across the Maros 
back to Old Arad. From this place he announced 
to the Russian General his determination to sur- 
render, together with the miserable conditions* he 
demanded, and the place where he proposed to cany 
the act into execution. On the 12th he marched 
towards Szollos, where Rudiger arrived on the Isth^ 
according to appointment. The act of laying do.wn 
their arms by the Hungarians took place on the 
fields between Kiss-Jeno and Szollos, and this act 
will be designated in history as the Surrender of 

At Arad, on the banks of the Maros, the plain 
undulates in little hills, which are planted with the 
finest vines of Hungary: these are the vineyards 
of Menes. The country here gradually loses its 
level character and vegetation, and forms the com- 
mencement or spurs of the Transylvanian range of 
the Carpathians. About eight miles north of Arad 
this chain of hills is terminated by a conical moun- 
tain, which is visible to a great distance ; upon its 
summit stands the old ruined castle of Vilagos, and 
at its foot lies the hamlet of the same name. In the 
latter stands a charming country-house, the property 
of the lord of the soil, Mr. Bohus. This is the house 

* Namely, that the Austrians should be entirely left out of 
the negotiations. 

T^pw^M^^a—^-j 1 ^ ■ - ■ I - j-j J- 


where the final terms of surrender were arranged. 
From this mansion a beautiful road leads through 
wood and valley to Szollos and Jeno^ along which 
Riidiger and Gorgey rode^ to view the mournful ce- 
remony. On the .13th of August the sun shone 
bright and hot ; Gorgey's army stood in regimental 
array, 24,000 men strong, with 144 cannon. In the 
foremost ranks the infantry, in the rear the artillery, 
on either side the regiments of cavalry. A death- 
like stillness pervaded the army — their looks were 
bent upon the ground. The soil was sacred — it was 
the grave of their honour. 

From time to time the report of a shot broke 
the stillness of the scene. Some Hussar had fired 
the last charge of his carbine into the head of 
his faithful horse, determined that the brave ani- 
mal at least should not survive the disgrace of its 
master and the fall of Hungary. Others of his 
comrades had unstrapped their saddles in the forest, 
and lain them aside with csako and dolmany, as 
things which they could no longer call their own ; 
they had then dashed off on their wild steeds over 
the plains, to resume their former course of life — 
the wild, free Csikos of the heath. The Hussars 
too, in rank and file, took the saddles from their 
horses in silence, piled them in large heaps, together 
with their arms and standards, and stepped back to 



tiieir horses. Here stood the Ferdiiiaad Begimea^ 
with its brave Colonel at its head, a picture of gneC 
and despair : his sword waa gone^< — be had flung it 
with a curse at Groigey's feet, when the latter siic* 
oeeded in carrying his proposals of surrender in 
the kst council of war. Beside them stood the Ha* 
nover Hussars — Count Batihyanyi, their command- 
ing officer, at their head*, on foot: with his- own 
hand he had IdUed his charger, the finest in the 
whole army, that it might nev^ bear a Cossaek on 
its back. Further on, the Nicolaua and Alexand^ 
Regiments, Gorgey's guardian-angels in the Carpa- 
thians, Himgary's avenging angels in the victories of 
April,— shadows of former greatness, remains of tile 
eld regimenis, in which but a few stiU survived to 
serve as the finmework of newly-organiaed battalions. 
Close at hand stood the Coburg and Wiirtemberg 
Imperial Hussars. The younger regiments of cavalry 
were distributed on tibe flanks : Lehel Hussars, which 
had not yet had an opportunify of emulating the 
older regiments — ^the Hunyady corps, which had 
already won the respect of the veteran troops* 

The Generals stood gathered in a group, or rocb 
slowly up and down between the battalions. Foldvary 
approached the ninth battalion with tears in his 
eyes ; under his conmiand, in conjunction with ibe 

* Now a priTirte in the rankB. 


thirds it had been the first, to storm, the ramparts 
o£ Buda*. The men loved him as a father^ and 
had resciaed lum from many a danger; for Fold* 
woy^ one of the bravest of the brave^ was shorts 
■ghted^, and fisequently rode into the very midst 
of the enemy^ ivhence he had again and again hesn 
extadcated by his brave soldiers. At this moment^ 
Y/bAn^ they saw their former Colonel coming up ta 
bid them a< last faceweU^ as if electrified with one 
fiioi^ht^ they: formed themsdvea unbidden into a 
large squase;. the standard-bearer hands the flag 
ta his^ neighbour, and thus it passes fitmi one to 
another up to the GoloneL Eveiy man kisses it: 
then they lay it upon a. pile of fagg0ts in the midst 
of the square, and Itiok on in silence whSfit the flag 
boms to ashes; 

Nagy Sandor — a. Murat likewise in taste for cos- 
tume — stanid»in conversalion with Poltenberg, dreat 
m his splendid unifonn. The latter,, undistingnished 
in outward appearance, with indolent features con* 
cealing a spirit ef true bravery, had always fol^ 
lowed Gcorgey wilii blind devotion. The tranquillity 
of his* countenance contrasted strongly with the vi-- 
sible excitement of Nagy Sandor. Count Leiningen, 
Gorgey's' warmest Mend, was pacing up and down 
near them;, he was idolized by his comrades, but 
never made any pretentions toi mexit^ content to 



assist in adding one stone to the temple of his 
friend's fame. Generals Lahner, Knezich, Kiss, 
Colonel Gorgey and others were on horseback, con- 
versing on indifferent subjects. Damianich, the 
colossus in stature and courage, had remained as 
commander in Arad. 

The new Dictator appeared in the simple dress 
which he was accustomed to wear when on march. 
He endeavoured to put on a cheerful face; but his 
features were more solemn, dark and iron-bound 
than usual. He rode up and down before the Hus- 
sars, murmuring here and there a word of encou- 
ragement, and slowly inspected the Honved batta- 
lions, the scarred warriors of the former Regiments 
Schwarzenberg, Franz Karl, Prinz von Preussen, 
Don Miguel, Alexander, and Wasa. He then rode in 
front of the ranks, and declared himself ready to 
transfer the command to any one who believed 
himself capable of saving the army :. this he was no 
longer able to do. A grey-headed Hussar officer 
rode out of the ranks up to the Staff, and declared 
that it was his and his comrades^ determination to 
cut their way through the enemy. But Gorgey 
warned him drily against any ^^insubordination, 
which must be put down by musket-balls ;'' and so 
saying he turned his back carelessly upon the officer. 

From four o'clock in the afternoon until late that 



evening continued the surrender of arms, the divi. 
sioning of the escorts, and departure of the troops. 
They were conducted to Sarkad, and from thence 
to Gyula, where they were transferred to the power 
of Austria. 

At ten o'clock the fields before Vilagos were 



Thoughts on the Hungarian Revolution — Szirmay and his party 
— Fate of the army — Klapka, and the Surrender of Komom 
— Executions at Arad and Pesth — Scenes in prison and on 
the place of execution — Remarks on Batthyanyi's Execution 
— The Nobility and the People — Courts-Martial — ^The Au- 
strian Dynasty. 

With the surrender of Gorgey's army terminated 
this great war. In that part of the country, where 
the banner of Independence was first raised, the 
cause of Hungary succumbed under the force of 
conspiring assailants. For a whole year the Hun- 
garian Revolution had fixed the attention of men 
of reflection throughout Europe upon a country, 
which had never been expected to act so important a 
part in the great world of modern politics. With fear 
and hope men followed the Magyars in their cam- 
paigns, according to the several views of parties ; 
whilst the great majority in every nation blessed the 

.*j«- _*■ n^ 


«nn«of flungwy, and many had fiath in her ulti- 
mate triumph. 

The Hungarian xevolution comprehended all the 
etemeniB of suocesfl — great fitatesmen, great generals^ 
a;great nation, and a country £ivourable to their 
tirms. In the first French revolution the Pec^^ 
had takon vip arms agminat the King ; here (at the 
eommenc^nent at least) a Nation had riaen in sup- 
potft ^of their King. The object was the same-— 
fi«edom and independence: but in France the 
people w&ce unsupported by the aristocracy, in 
Pidand the aristocracy was unsupported by the 
peo|>le — ^here they both fought together. 

Count Sxirmay, and those notdes ^ho subsequently 
joined him, have been cited as a proof that the 
Aristocracy of Hungary were opposed to Kossuth. 
But the little sympathy they met ^Ih only proved 
the reverse to be true. What pains and trouble it 
oefit these cavaliers to enlist a miserable corps 
against the cause of Hungary, and how completely 
abortive were their efforts, whilst all the youth of 
the country floched to join the banner of^the 
Bevoliltion ! The Szirmays and those membos 
of lihe families of Esterhazy, Zichy, Paliiy and 
Apponyi who joined them, failed to raise a party^ 
in s|»te of their wealth and of all imaginable 
aid £'em the Austrian Qovemmait: they never 


rose to any distinction, and formed only a powerless 
coterie^ doomed to lasting contempt, as having 
borne arms against their country's freedom. The 
position of many of these men toward the Im- 
perial family was one of dependence, which may 
in some degree explain their conduct ; other motives 
would reflect a still meaner light upon their ac- 
tions. They have been compared to the emigrant 
nobles of France in the last century, and they called 
Pressburg the Hungarian Coblentz. But the pa* 
rallel does not hold good. In France the nobles 
fought for life and property, — in Hungary neither 
was endangered, except where the nobles made com- 
mon cause with the enemy ; in France, they fought 
against the terrors of the guillotine, which depopu- 
lated the country,— here they opposed the generous 
enthusiasm of their brethren ; in France, a kind* 
hearted monarch was languishing in confinement, 
innocent people were butchered before the very 
gates of their prisons, and a spirit of chivalry was 
aroused to liberate a young and beautiful Queen; 
but wherein consisted the chivalry of this coterie, 
who squandered their wealth in enlisting, with the 
temptation of rich pay, a band of mercenaries to 
fight against their country? Enthusiasm for the 
Imperial House of Hapsburg was a rare commodity 
enough in any part of Austria, — ^was it that these 

»^^pWww^wi^i^W>'*WWH'***1— !^P^*^!^^' - i! -L " « ^ ^ ■■■ -. t " I JW. I -mL..tJ p .i i _. i ,L<-^ i ui»lW. 1 ^ 1 — *)■ — t- 


Hungarian nobles monopolized the whole store ? But 
this pitiful &Qtion excited neither alarm nor notice, 
— ragunst such a reef not the smallest ripple of the 
great revolutionary surge broke. Hungary did not 
ftll by party divisions^ but by the overwhelming 
numerical strength of foreign armies, aided by the 
treachery of individuals. Austria has confessed her 
weakness, and the struggle against Russia would not 
have terminated so speedily, had Goi^ey not been 
devoid of Kossuth's love, and Kossuth of Gorgey's 

The events which took place in Hungary after the 
catastrophe of Yilagos, formed the last convulsive 
struggle, that desperate strain of every nerve, which 
immediately preceded the fall of this heroic nation. 

The remains of the Army of the Theiss separated 
at Lugos, where the semi-Wallachian population had 
buried in the earth their stores of corn, to witiihold 
them from the starving fugitives. Bern, now Com* 
mander-in-chief, could only prevail on a portion of 
his army to continue the war ; the greater number 
of troops followed Gorgey's call to the north, whither 
he summoned them *^ to unite with the Russians *.'' 

* In the orders which, as Governor, he sent to the Com- 
manders of the dififerent Corps, the expression " to unite with 
the Russians" is invariably used. He never dropped a word 
about an unconditional surrender. 



At Faoset iiie anny separated* VweieyH coipiy 
wluch was still a fine body of troops, and in the 
greatest strength, as it had taken no part in the 
battle of Temesvar, marched along the Maros to 
meet its fate^ accompanied by the remains of other 
divisions. At Soborsin his Miiole train of artillery 
was captured ; and on the 19tii of August he surren- 
dered to the Russians. Bern and Guyon directed 
their march towards Transylvania; butihe Austrian 
main army pressed them on all sides, and old Dem* 
binski declared to his countryman Bem, that under 
these circumstances he was no longer able to con- 
tinue the struggle, Kmetty alone, with about 4000 
men, encountered the ienfold superior forces of the 
Austrians, in and before Lugos, to cover the road 
to the south; with his brave troops he arrested 
the enemy's march for more liian half a day, and 
then sought refuge in Turkey by way of Mehadta* 
Bem and Ouyon advanced as far as Dobra with 
their corps, which then dispersed in all directions 
into the mountains. The Generals remained alone^ 
and there bade farewell to a country endeared to 
them by so many recollections* (I7th of August.) 

In Transylvania the Szeklers continued to fight 
with desperation, defeated the Austrian General 
Urban at BanfFy-Hunyad, and ultimately surrendered 
to the Russians at Sibo. Lazar, who remained at 



Deva inth bis troopB, hid dcmm his arms to Greaeral 

Dandsnicli, in compliance with Oorgey^s direction^ 
sorrendered Arad ixnconditionally to General Rii- 
Hbbt; entertaimng flie &*m beHef^ that now for the 
Bnt time, and in alfiance wi& RosBia, the real war 
wsB to conmience. 

Mttttkftcs capitulated to die RusBians on the 26tih 
cff August. 

Peterwardein opened her gates to the Austiianji 
on the Tth of September. 

Komom alone proudly and resolutely rejected 
e^nsry summons fcnr unconfitumal surrender. KIap-> 
ka^s messengers traversed the country, with a view to 
ebtain correct information on the state of affairs. 
Fugitive Hon^eds, sia^ horsemen who had escaped 
from the enemy, wan and hazard soldiers, brought 
the news of what had taken place. The black-yel- 
low flags waving upon the ramparts of all the other 
fortresses, ihe pale look of despab' in every Magyar's 
£eu;e, confirmed the truth of these accounts. Komom 
capitulated, under favourable conditions, on the 27th 
of September. 

In Hungary Klapka has been reproached by many 
for not inchiding, in the terms of surrender, articles 
which might have secured the political existence of 
the country; but this reproach vanishes, when we 


learn the mean, haggling conduct of the Austrian 
Generals, from whom Klapka had to fight inch by 
inch for every point he obtained* He was a brave 
43oldier and an honourable comrade. A philoso* 
pher neither in the field nor in poUtics, he yet at 
all times faithfully acted up to the instructions given 
him, and was content with that share of glory which 
the superior Generals conceded* For the garrison of 
Komom he did all that was in his power; to poli* 
tical conditions Austria would never listen. More 
fortunate than most of iiis companions-in-^ums, he 
was permitted to take refuge in a free country* 

Kossuth, Dembinski, Bern, Perczel, Casimir Bat* 
thyanyi, Szemere, Kmetty, Guyon, Visocki, Vetter 
and Meszaros fled to Turkey, where their residence 
or extradition was made a question of political de* 
bate by the European Powers. The Finance Minister, 
Duschek, resides undisturbed in Austria, having 
successfully laboured in her interest. Casimir Bat- 
thyanyi, who only a few days before the final cata* 
strophe had advanced to Duschek out of his own 
pocket the sum of ten thousand florins in Austrian 
banknotes, vainly entreated him to return to him his 
money: the Finance Minister was inexorable, and 
delivered it over to Austria, together with the other 
funds in his hands. Horvath and Yukovich for- 
tunately escaped to Paris. 


In Bern there was no wavering or hesitation : his 
inflexible mind is a stranger to all by-paths, on 
which men of a less firm character often stand, irre* 
solute and doubtful what course to pursue. Bern's 
guide through . life has been his hatred of Russia, 
— ^this is his pillar of cloud by day and his pillar of 
fire by night. To this hatred, rooted in his very 
soul, he has a thousand times ofiered to sacrifice 
his life, and at last his Christian belief. A modern 
Hannibal, he had sworn eternal hostility to tyranny 
under every form, and he has hitherto faithfully 
kept his oath. Dembinski, who on his departure 
from Paris declared, that his object in going to 
Hungary was to win by the sword a point of union 
between his own country and the South-Sclaves, has 
always remained a Pole, and fought on the Theiss 
for his brethren on the Vistula. Bem has no longer 
a country of his own : his home is wherever revo- 
lution opens to him a sphere of activity: Bern's 
home is Europe at large. 

Men of common natures sheathe the sword when 
an enemy lies prostrate at their feet : but those at 
the head of affairs in Austria enjoy the unenviable 
distinction of standing either above or below the 
ordinary level of humanity. The slaughter of an 
entire nation of heroes was in the sight of the con- 
queror an insufficient punishment, and he wreaked 


hk vengeance on the leaders of the conquered 

On the 6th of October thirteen Generals and Staff- 
officers were executed. Four of these heroic men 
met their end at daybreak, the commutation of 
their sentence to '^ powder and lead ^ exemptting 
Uiem from the anguish of witnessing the death of 
their companions-in-arms. Amongst the rest was 
Ernest Kiss. His brother had become insane after 
Gorgey's treachery ; his cousin had fallen, a seccmd 
Leonidas, in the defence of the RoUienthurm-Pass; 
he himself, the richest landed-proprietor in the 
Banat, whose hospitable castle was all the year round 
filled with Austrian cavaliers and officers, was on the 
6th of October sentenced to death by the Austrian 
court-martial, on which sat many of the former par- 
takers of his hospitality. His fiiends at Vienna had 
interceded to save his life, but in vain. He died a 
painful death: the Austrian soldiers who were or- 
dered to carry the sentence into effect, and who for 
a whole year had faced the fire of the Hungarian 
artillery, trembled before their defenceless victim: 
three separate voUies were fired before Kiss fell — 
his death-struggles lasted full ten minutes. 

The report of the firing was heard in the Castle, 
where those officers sentenced to be hung were 
preparing for death. Poltenberg had been in a 

%r^ « '*r- .!»»-#.-=*- ,>]|^,^ »..<»>,K^g».a^ -p y^ v-^i iH^I-. — "—I — ■ •--■■ tlPJO^'.i' in. «|V!|^i ■ »vq^>i>«p^^^^a^«^qp^^^ev 


fRTofoiind sleep^ and startled^ as he told the Austriaa 
4dBoer, by the first volley, he had jumped out of bed. 
The unhappy man had been dreaming that he was 
in face of the enemy, and heard the firing of alarm 
signals at his outposts : — it was the summons from 
the grave. 

At 6 o'clock in the morning the condemned officers 
w^e led to the place of execution. Old Aulich died 
first : he was the most advanced in years, and the 
Court-martial seemed thus to respect the natural 
privilege of ^e. Distinguished by his zeal and 
efibrts in the cause of his country, more than by the 
success which attended them, Aulich was inferior to 
many of his comrades in point of talent; but in up- 
rightness and strength of character none surpassed 

Count Leiningen was the third in succession, and 
the youngest. An opportunity had been offered him 
late on the preceding evening of escaping by flight; 
but he would not separate his fate from that of his 
brother4n-law, who was a prisoner in the foriiress. 
His youth perhaps inspired him with a desire of 
giving to his elder companions in sorrow around him 
an example of heroic stoicism in death; and, on 
reaching the place of execution, he exclaimed, with 
melancholy humour, " They ought at least to have 


treated us to a breakfast ! ^ One of the guard of 
soldiers compassioniately handed him his wine-flask. 
^' Thank you, my friend/^ said the young General^ 
'^ I want no wine to give me courage, — ^bring me a 
glass of water/' He then wrote on his knee with a 
pencil the following farewell words to his brother-in* 
law : '^ The shots which this morning laid my poor 
comrades low still resound in my ears, and before 
me hangs the body of Aulich on the gallows. In 
this solemn moment, when I must prepare to appear 
before my Creator, I once more protest against the 
charges of cruelty at the taking of Buda which an 
infamous slanderer has raised against me. On the 
contrary I have on all occasions protected the Au» 
strian prisoners. I commend to you my poor Liska* 
and my two children. I die for a cause which al- 
ways appeared to me just and holy. If in happier 
days my friends ever desire to avenge my death, let 
them reflect, that humanity is the best political wis- 
dom. As for '^ • • • • here the hangman interrupted 
him : it was time to die. 
Torok, Lahner, Poltenberg, Nagy Sandor, Ene- 

* A letter to the Count from his wife had arrived at Arad the 
day before. It was returned to her with this inscription : " The 
Count is no longer here." Thus the last sad consolation of 
kissing the hand- writing of his Liska was denied him. 


zichj died one after the other. Vecsey was the last ; 
perhaps they wished, by this ninefold aggravation of 
his torment, to make him suffer for the destruction 
caused by his cannon at Temesvar. Damianich pre- 
ceded him. The usual dark colour of his lai^ fea- 
tures was heightened by rage and impatience. His 
view had never extended further than the glittering 
point of his heavy sabre ; this was the star which 
he had followed throughout life ; but now he saw 
whither it had conducted him, and impatiently he 
exclaimed, when limping up to the gallows, *' Why is 
it that I, who have always been foremost to face the 
enemy's fire, must here be the last?'' The deli- 
berate slowness of the work of butchery seemed to 
disconcert him more than the approach of death, 
which he had defied in a hundred battles. 

This terrible scene lasted from six until nine 
o'clock. Nine gibbets stood in a Kne ; for all, there 
were only one hangman and two assistants. All 
the victims died with the calmness and composure 
worthy of brave but conquered soldiers, without a 
trace of cowardice, without a sign of that enthusiasm 
which they had sufficiently manifested in life ; they 
could well afford to disdain any outward expression 
of it in the face of death. But in Aulich's eyes 
shone forth the spirit of the martyr for freedom: 
Damianich's features wore an expression of rage ; 


in Leiningen's eyes glistened a tear^ at parting wifli 
life so young and prematurely. 

No day of battle in the annals of warfare ever 
witnessed the sacrifice of so many distinguished 
Generals as the morning of the 6th of October, and 
rai^ly have so many celebrated heads of a natioa 
been struck off at one blow, as here before Arad, by 
the hand of the executioner. 

Many miles distant from Arad, on the morning 
of this day,— one rendered for ev^ memorable &r 
infamy in the annals of Austria, — the sun dawned 
upon a silent circle of spectators who had been 
disappointed of an exhibition. Count Louis Bat* 
thyanyi, the former President of the Hungarian 
Ministry, had been sentenced to terminate his career 
on the gallows, and in the very centre of fhe me- 
tropolis that had idolized him. The Count had 
wounded himself slightly with a small poignard, and 
'^from considerations of humanity,'' he was shot 
at sunset, on the spot where, according to the ex- 
press orders of Haynau, he was to have suffered 
the most ignominious of all deaths. His execution 
had been determined on for five weeks ; but there 
was a dread at Vienna of the desperate feeling^hidli 
such horrifying intelligence might strike into the 
garrison of Komom. This fortress had capitulated 
on the 27 th of September ; on tiie 3rd of October 


tibe Aiistrians took possession of it wifh the mml 
fotmafifies; that very same day Haynaa hurried 
to Pestb, signed the death-warrant of Count Bat- 
thyanyi, and returned the next morning: his task 
nvas accomplished, — within the same hour (he sen* 
tence of death was announced to the imhappy no- 

^To be hung! — ^was this their mercy in rniti* 
.gating my imprisonment? — ^to be hung! — Oh base 
und dastardly revenge! — ^yes, the person who has 
sworn to my death — my death — ^' These wrare the 
words fiatthyanyi spoke, at short pauses, when he 
heard his sentence. At the last word he broke off 
abruptly, bearing with him to the grave a secret 
which had long found its interpretation in the ari- 
stocratic circles of Vienna. 

fiatthyanyi wrote a letter to his wife, conmiuni- 
cating to her his fate, and endeavouring to console 
lier under this blow. Soon afterwards the Countess 
iwas Been hurrying through the streets of Pesth 
(towards the Neugebaude, on foot and in the rain; 
but Haynau had forbidden a last meeting between 
husband and wife ; and his deputy, Lieiltenant Field- 
marshal von Kempen, dared not disobey his orders : 
he refused the Countess Batthyanyi an interview, 
and it was solely to the humanity of Prince Lich- 
tenstein that she owed the permission to see her 


husband. It was said that the Count received from 
her the dagger with which he wounded himself; 
but recent, authentic accounts state that he had it 
hidden for some time under his pillow. The Coun* 
tess and her two children are at present residing at 
Rorschach in Switzerland*. 

No one act tended to bring such execration upon 
the Austrian authorities as the execution of Batthy- 
anyL Throughout the various states of the Empire^ 
people asked one another, pale with terror, whether 
their equality of rights could be so violated, as for 
the nobles of the country to be hung like common 
thieves. Never had any mob contemplated in so 
bloody a spirit a struggle against the aristocracy. 
The nobles of the Monarchy shuddered in their mag- 
nificent palaces ; sad forebodings made them look to 
the future with dread, when contemplating such 
deeds of hateful atrocity. A noble-minded man had 
exerted all his influence to save Batthyanyi; two 
high»bom women at Vienna spoke courageously and 
earnestly in his favour, — ^but all in vain. Haynau's 
sentences are no indications of the feelings of the 
Austrian nobility, nor any expression of the senti- 

* The more important persons who were executed, beside 
these mentioned above, were : Prince Woronieczky, Peter Giron, 
Charles Abancourt, Baron Perenyi, Emerich Szacsvay, Csemyus^ 
Louis Csanyi, Baron Jessenak, Louis Kazinczy. 


ments of the army at large ; a single family wreaked 
its revenge upon thousands. 

- Batthyanyi was hated by the Courts more than all 
those who had fought on barricades and in fields of 
battle. Batthyanyi^ in his condemned cell^ was an 
object of greater apprehension than Kossuth in exile. 
The fate of the rich, powerful and proud Count, was 
to serve as a warning to the nobles, that there was 
still a power above them. Batthyanyi, the aristocrat 
by birth, had gradually become the friend and sup- 
porter of democratic principles, by the very supe- 
riority of his mind and intellect : his ignominious 
death was to afford a proof to the nobles of the 
danger of their possessing or exerting more mental 
power than became men favoured with all worldly 
advantages. Batthyanyi too had been a witness of 
the humUiation of the Court, and was perhaps 
more intimately acquainted with the petty secrets 
of the Burg than any other man. The halter has 
at all times proved the safest seal to living re- 

There is no political act of cruelty in the world's 
history which has not found its defenders, from the 
murder of the Israelitish children in Egypt down 
to the decapitation of Louis XV I : but in recalling 
Batthyanyi's death, posterity will have only tears 
of compassion for the unhappy victim, throbs of in- 


dignatioii for his judge. Even at the present day^ 
the politician designates this act as ^uncalled for/' 
— ^the lawyer terms it "unjust,^ — ^the patriot^ ^^a 
deed to weep at^" — and the people exclaim that it 
^demands revenge/' The legal accusation brought 
against Batthyanyi is complicated. * He was charged 
with having violated his duty to his country^ with 
having transgressed the Umits of his authority as 
Minister in relation to foreign States^ with having 
borne arms against his King, with having been 
guilty of high-treason against the Crown. But 
before entering upon any examination of these 
charges, the question necessarily arises, — ^Was an 
Austrian court-martial empowered by legal right to 
judge the Count? There is but one answer to this 
question : the first conditions to establish the legality 
of a tribunal which sits in judgement upon life and 
death, are impartiality, independence, and the ac- 
quirement of a clear insight into every subject brought 
before it. The members of courts-martial are soldiers : 
they confront their enemy as victors, — where then 
was their impartiality ? They were summoned to the 
trial not only from the staff of officers, but also from 
the ranks^ — ^where was their independence ? Surply 
no proof is required that they were devoid of the 
necessary insight into the circumstances of the trial* 
Whether Batthyanyi was guilty or not, is another 

■^r— ^^ U 


qaestioiL: bub lihis falls at once to the giound, since 
all ike lawyers ia Europe have unammously declaimed 
ibe inoompetency of his judges. The Court-martial^ 
as such, has not committed a murder; nay, we 
may infer fiom the known honourable character 
of the Austrian ofEcers, that the verdict was given 
according to the dictates of their conscience.] But 
the conduct of the Government, in committing these 
proceedings to the hands of illegal judges, and 
thus shifting the responsibility from tiiemselves, is 
sufficiently self-condenmatory. Had the Govern* 
ment felt that the right was on tilieir side, in proceed- 
ing against the President of the Hungarian Ministry,, 
they would have selected a different tribunal, com- 
posed of impartial and upright men,, to pronounce 
a verdict* 

To command is not to govern — to condemn or 
pardon is- not to judge., The form of a sentence 
does not constitute justice or we should praiae 
the use of torture, on the principle of mediaeval codes 
of law, as an act of virtue. Batthyanyi's principal 
crime, in the eyes of the Austrian Govemmenl^ 
was his leaning toward the enlightened ideas of his 

The selection of the 6th of October, as the day on 
which to set so fearfiil an example, shows clearly the 


inteniioii of the GarenmicDt to svei^ the fiite of 
Latoar. But bj sodi an act the memofy of Latoor 
waa dkgiaoed rather than honooied. Fnnn such an 
carpiation wfli apriog no sympathy or oondliation; 
it win only pfovoke new acts of cmdtjr. An entire 
people is not debased by the atrocities of a few, or 
the nations of the earth would all be aoooonted 
inftmoos: in snch a case the sin rests opon the 
merest dr^s of the people. But fiir the atrodons 
acts of the diflemit Governments, they themsdvcs 
are alone answerable ; with sdf^MSonied power, and 
sdf-constitnted anthority, they have beeome respon- 
sible for the actions of every individual amongst 

Courts-martial during a war are recognized expe-- 
dients of self-defence : after the war, as instituted 
by Austria, they are simply instruments of hatred and 
revenge. But a Government, representing the in- 
tellectual and political power of a nation, ought to 
be superior to any pasnon of the kind. What should 
we say of a father who punished the finilts of his 
children in such a manner ? 

The statesmen of Austria, it is true, indignantly 
repudiated the word *' revenge : *^ they say, ^^ The 
condemned stood before their judges : none was 
murdered/^ But did not Robespierre say the same 


when Danton reproached him "with the hoirors of 
the guillotine *? Do the Austrian rulers intend to 
govern according to the principles of the most in* 
flexible men of any revolution? The permanent 
establishment of the guillotine led France back to 
despotism : the permanent reign of terror leads quite 
as surely to a revolution. The Democrats in Europe, 
in seeking to abolish the hereditary privileges of the 
nobles, abandoned with inconsiderate precipitancy 
the principles of the inalienable rights of man, for 
which they had fought and shed their blood. In a 
similar spirit of over-estimated self-reliance the Au- 
strian Government now tramples on the most power- 
ful aristocracy of the Monarchy. In Batthyanyi^s 
execution they shook the confidence of the Magyar 
nation, more than Kossuth had done by dethroning 
the House of Hapsburg. Men like Batthyanyi 
stand next to the monarch ; the people cannot 
imagine the throne divested of such an aristocratic 
support. If this is presented to them in such a light, 
defiled by blood and acts of atrocity, what power 
can secure the throne itself from being dragged to the 

* Robespierre : " £st-il mort un seul homme sans jugement? 
A-t-on frapp^ ime seule tete^ qui ne fiit proscrite par la loi ? " 

Danton : '' Tu plaisants, Robespierre ! Yous prenez pour 
crime la haine qu'on vous porte, vous deelarez coupables tous 
vos ennemis." 



ground on the first c^portanily? WindiscbgiBiz^ 
Wdden and Haynaa are the ivorst servants c^ a 
young Empenir^ who desires to Uve and govern 
Img and happilj. 



Was tSoigey a traitor ? — liis position toward Russia — ^The pre- 
seot stste of Hungary — ^Refflections on the Monarchy — ^The 
Iki^peror— Sketches of the Ministers — ^A united Austria — The 
future Diet — ^A vision — ^A Ministerial list — Proposal for a 
future mode of electioneering — Conclusion. 

After attempting in tbe preceding chapters to fol- 
low Gorgey's career from Komorn to Vilagos with 
due exactness^ and to gain an insight into the mo- 
tives of his conduct, we shdl not find it difficult to 
prcmounce a verdict on the final catastrophe which 
he brought about. 

"Vilagos is usually called the scene of his treason, 
because here it was first brought to light. Vilagos 
must be looked upon rather as the spot where 
Qorgej was convicted, than where he first sinned. 
Hifi insubordination at the conclusion of the April 
campaign was the fir&rt of those violations of dut j, 
which subsequentij proved fatal to the cause of 

M 2 


Hungary. From that time, one fatal purpose, one 
criminal action led on to another, terminating in the 
fatal catastrophe of Yilagos, which he had no longer 
the power to arrest. 

An attempt has been made to excuse Gorgey's 
conduct, on the ground that, ever since the Decla- 
ration of Independence, on the 14th of April, he felt 
himself morally justified in opposing the authors of 
that measure ; but unquestionable facts deprive him 
of this excuse. Gorgey never expressed himself as 
opposed to this act; he entered the Ministry after 
it, he countersigned the manifestos of the Governor, 
on every occasion he openly declared his hatred of 
the Dynasty, and in this point of view he remained 
consistent, by giving to Russia alone the triumph of 
victory. He may have disapproved the step in his 
own heart, or have expressed this disapproval to his 
intimate friends ; but he never opposed it openly and 
honestly, either by word or deed. But whatever may 
have been his views on the policy of the Ministry — 
whether Kossuth, the Ministers, or the Generals have 
erred — ^he had still two sacred duties to perform, if 
he wished to remain on the Scene of action, — ^his 
duty as a General, to obey, — his duty as a Hungarian, 
to save his country from ruin. The first thing ne^ 
cessary was that Hungary should retain its inde- 
pendent existence: having secured this, he might 


have dealt with it according to his conviction^ and 
have become either an Octavius or Cincinnatus. This 
was in his power : Hungary lay at his feet ; he had 
captivated Kossuth by his extensive knowledge, and 
that calm, personal dignity which attracts great men 
to cooperate in great actions ; he captivated the army 
by his valour, the generals by his mental superiority, 
the officers by his look, the people by his victories. 
At the same time he possessed an advantage, which 
fortune rarely bestows even on great men — he was 
free from the influence of all passionate blindness. 
His heart of iron submitted to the attraction of no 
outward loadstone : a great portion of his power lay in 
the very isolation of his nature; and so great was 
this power, that it overawed the conviction of others. 
Many believed him to be a traitor, before his treachery 
had manifested itself. Kossuth watched his actions ; 
Perczel accused him openly ; Nagy Sandor was alien- 
ated from him; Klapka, his old friend, ceased to un- 
derstand his motives; Guyon expressed his suspicion 
at Pesth ; the Poles had long accused him. Never- 
theless none of these men dared to denounce him 
openly, and Kossuth had not the courage to fulfil a 
duty. Kossuth entertained so high an opinion of man- 
kind at large, and of the patriotism of each individual 
Magyar, that he readily believed every one as pure- 


minded as himself. He would gladly have been the 
Cato of Hungary ; but a Cato cam at moat pveveal 
the ruin of a State^ — to found a State upoB a newly^ 
raised soil was a task to which he was unequaL Kos- 
suth dreamed too much of yirtue^ — a daageroiis m^ 
&tuation to a man at the head of affairs: time and 
experience fail to give sudi men increased firmneaB ot 
character^ or inspire them with caution and reserve* 
Kossuth quitted Hungazy aa poor as before the time 
when he had at his disposal the treasures of a naticm 
and the gold-mines of a kingdom*; he quitted it 
with grey hairs^ but young in heart. Goi^y was 
young in power^ talents, courage, in readiness and 
vigour of conception and executi<Hi, — ^his heart alone 
was old, closely barred to every youthful feeling* 
Kossuth ruled with impassioned feding, and was in 
turn acted upon by it. Gorgey's power hiy m cold 
calculation ; he had no regard for the chitfact»s of 
those around him, but pursued his own interests 
alone; he had no love for the people, who adored 
him, but wantonly staked and saeriQced thdr wel&re 
and freedom. 

* Even his enemies no longer credit the widely-spread report, 
that Kossuth had deposited two million florins in the English 
Bank. All the cash he carried with him over the frontier 
amounted to little above five hundred dncatSk 

goroey's treachery* 24t 

The tragical end of bk friends and companions 
in arms may perhaps weigh heavily on the mind of 
this unhappy man, hut the most lenient historian 
wiU not be able to extenuate one iota of the guilt 
that lies upon his conscience. He never judged 
other men but with the most deliberate coolness; 
he never was an enthusiast or dreamer, and it is 
^erefore out of the question to plead in his excuse 
that he possibly put faith in the promises of a Rus* 
lian General* Could Oorgey have forgotten his 
pspoQsibiHty for the lives of his friends, in listening 
to assurances of Russian generosity ? To have done 
BO would have beea a departure from his. nature, at 
|L tune when this was least o£ aU excusable. It is 
said, that he interceded for his friends with Riidiger 
and Paskiewitsch, and had previous to the surrender 
drawn out a list of persons whose safety the Russiaa 
penerals were willing to guarantee. His may pos-> 
^ibly have been triBe; but even admitting the fact, 
(his was not enough : he ought to have exercised 
the most jealous care and circumspection; before 
consenting to lay down his arms, he ought to have 
held in his own hands a written, solemn guarantee, 
— ^if not for the freedom of Hungary, at least for the 
fives and Eberty of his companions in arms. Without 
^ pledge and security he was bound to have mam- 
talned the struggle, and fought his way through the 


enemy, even at the sacrifice of the greater portion 
of His troops. The very last thing on ii^hich he was 
justified in relying was the political magnanimity of 
Russia. It is in the nature of political intervention 
— as is proved by the history of aH ages — to serve 
only the purposes of the victor*. In the instance 
before us faith was a crime. 

Did Goigey desire by the surrender of Vilagos to 
prevent the fiirther useless shedding of blood? The 
question should have been put to old Aulich, and 
the lame Damianich, and the youthful Leiningen^ 
when on that terrible morning of the 6th of October 
they stood before the gallows, — ^what thanks they 
owed him for such forbearance. Ask at the present 
day those men whose sentence of death has been 
commuted to an imprisonment of eighteen years ; or 
those who, dragged from their homes, throw them- 
selves at night upon the straw-beds in an Austrian 
barrack, tortured by the dread of being perhaps 
awakened to fight against the liberty which is still 
dear to them as their heart's blood. Let these men 
be asked what thanks they owe to the policy of their 
General and Dictator. 

* Gfllbaud wittily said to the Ihike of Bnmswick, when the 
latter observed that the foreign Powers had merely wished to 
re-establish order in France, ''L'ordre r^bli par T^tranger 
a'appeUe servitude cbez tons les peuples." 


But some will say that Gorgey has restored peace 
to his country, although he was unable to save those 
who fought for its independence. But what is the 
present condition of Hungary? if peace it can be 
termed, it is alone that of the tomb. From the 
graves of departed friends arise love, piety, devo- 
tion and reconciliation. The present tranquil as- 
pect of Hungary is nothing else than the fixed and 
resolute look of a country burning for revenge and 
retaliation. The rattlesnake is motionless when, 
coilled up into a ball, he lies watching for his prey $ 
and the bird too is still when he perceives the 
fatal glance of the poisonous reptile fixed upon 
him. The peace of Hungary I it is the stillness of 
the bird and the snake at the same time. 

This state of things will pass. Whether it is 
destined to terminate, as imaginative politicians 
alone dream, in a general day of reconciliatioi\ of 
all nations, — or whether a state, so contrary to 
nature, shall end in renewed sanguinary struggles — 
there is one truth, to which every child in Hungary 
will readily swear, that Kossuth, if still alive and 
permitted to re-enter his country, will be hailed with 
a welcome such as no man on earth has ever re- 
ceived from a nation. Gorgey wiU probably never 
see his country again : he is lost to Hungary. In 

M 5 


less than a year's space he had exxjojed tiie lo^e of 
a noble pec^e and the admiration of two contincnte ; 
and so high had he risen in the respeet of milKcMU^ 
that only with tiie utmost reluctance could men be 
brought to believe in his falL The worid wiH hsie 
to realize to itself the fall of such a man, as it has 
already that of a JeUachich. For the latter the 
history of Austria still retains a blank page : horn 
this will be filled up remains a question. To Gorgej 
the future is shut out, save in the dreams of hia sols- 
tude. Whatever form and shape events to come wokj 
assume, he will be excluded from the scene of actiott. 
Despotism will not enlist in her service the genius 
of a General who once fought in the ranks of revo- 
lution; Freedom repudiates him as an apostate. 
At Yilagos he died a civil death; his punishment 
will be to live on, chained to inactivity. 

The Hungarian war has seen the destruction of 
many victims: towns have crumbled mto ruins, 
families have become extinct, the heads of noble 
houses have perished on the scafiEbld, high-bom 
widows are wanderers in foreign lands, the noblest 
of Hungary's sons are either dead or condemned to 
exile. Baseness and oppression again stalk through 
the land, freedom is lost, the power of the nation is 
broken ; want and misery in a thousand varied forms 


hmfe ftUen upon the most fertile saH in Europe: 
but more pkUble than aU those who have perished^ 
are two men who hacve sunrived the fiill of Hmi- 
gaiy^ — Gorgey and Jelladuch. Both fell bj their 
own erhne, victims to mean and unworthy poasions. 
Nature has oidowed both of these men with iin- 
eommoa gifts; Acse they misused^ and fate has 
atenged their tnrpitade by allowing them to fall into 
the net whidi their own tieadiery and vanity had 

Jdlachieh is Kvix^ at Vienna, in the reflected 
qilendomr of Impexial fiivour : he does not even seem 
to covet the gratitude of his native vaUeys* It is 
said^ that in the re-construction c^ the Austrian Em* 
pire^ he is endeavouring to secure a small place for 
his nation, which he has sacrificed, as a slender re- 
eompense to the widows and orphans of hb country. 
The hope is vain : Austria is advancing toward her 
fiite witi!i rapid strides. The House of Hapsbm^ is 
a great gambler : not content with victory, it stakes 
its existence and the advantages it has gained, as well 
in the provinces of the Empire as in its relations to 

Let us in conclusion cast a glance on the collective 
Monarchy, into which Hungary is to be incorporated 
as a conquered coxuitry, as having forfeited all her 


historical rights. This is necessaiy, in order to com- 
prehend the present and future position of Hungary. 

Austria's existence as a state is one of political 
necessity : Austria must and will continue to exist 
as a imited, powerful and free State^ for a great 
nussion is assigned her, and this she must perform. 
Such is the argument very commonly used^ in pro* 
nouncing a verdict on the future prospects of Hun- 
gary, and her relation to the collective Monarchy. 
Surprise is expressed^ that the liberal-minded Ger- 
man in the Empire, instead of adopting the same ar- 
gument, allows hunself to be carried away by a feel- 
ing of romantic interest in the Magyars, or detestation 
of Haynau's proceedings, so far as openly to declare 
his sympathies for Hungary. The Austrians must 
not be condemned too hastily ; they could foresee as 
little as any people what form the future state of 
Hungary and of Austria would have assumed if the 
Magyars had been victorious; but only the more 
fearful became the certainty of what must follow the 
subjugation of Hungary. The dread of this was like 
the terrors of Kamtschatka, nor has the sun yet ap- 
peared to dissolve this icy fear. 

Much is said of the Empire of Austria : it is true 
that Austria exists, but the Pole is at heart no citizen 
of this state, any more than the Italian^ the Hunga- 

Jl"- ■]*,?»" 


rian, the Sclave^ or the German. Those men 
who since the events of March, 1849, have per-* 
petually the word ** Austria ^* on their lips, are her 
worst or most narrow-minded citizens. They are 
either unacquainted with their own country, or are 
in the employ of the Government, or they speak 
otherwise than they think. An honest citizen of the 
State, who clings to the integrity of Austria, is more 
to be pitied than the enemies of the Empire : he 
must curse the Poles, for their wish to separate from 
the Monarchy ; he must curse the Italians, because 
they abhor a union with Austria ; he has been met 
by the Magyars on the field of battle, struggling for 
their independent nationality ; lastly he must hate all 
Germans in Austria, who cherish dreams of a United 
Germany. His love for Austria is synonymous with 
his hatred of the various nations of the Empire ; 
for let it not be said, that this feeling of animosity 
merely extends to single fractions of the individual 
Crown-lands : any one who, after the repeated bloody 
insurrections in Galicia, after the death-struggles in 
Italy and Hungary, after the peaceable attempts at 
resistance in all the Sclavish provinces, still talks of 
rebellious *^ fractions,^' purposely deceives either him- 
self or others. It is a melancholy truth, that a love 
for Austria is identical with a hatred towards the 
nations of Austria ; and recent disastrous events have. 


exhibited more strongly than ever tfaia paradoxicdt 
phenomenon in those who belong to the ^^Bladt- 
yellow/' Austrian party.. There was one moment 
and one only, when all the various races, with m 
joyous enthusiasm, raved about a common bond of 
sympathy, a general fraternization, forgetting the 
fines of demarcation which race and language pre* 
scribe. This took place in March 1848. The br^t 
dream vanished only too rapidly: the barriers of 
language exist as when they were created at BabeL 
Time has seen the mountains of a primaeval world 
crumble away and disappear — ^in the lapse of ages 
continents have been parted and united, and the 
minutest agencies in creation have wrought the most 
wonderful and gigantic results: but the barrier of 
nationality and language has resisted all the effects 
of time and change. On the contrary, the line of 
separation has only deepened and widened, and 
Metternich's policy has efiSsctually prevented any 
approach to conciliation or union. Great hopes 
were placed in the silent working of a spirit of 
freedom, which, if unequal to eradicate these fatal 
encumbrances from the soil, might yet foster the 
growth of a new and healthy tree of liberty, under 
which all the various nationalities might repose. 
But this hope was vain, — events have turned out 
diflFerently. The former Ministries of young coit- 

jilustbian ministkt. S£r& 

stifcutional Austria had not the time to enter pro- 
perlj and fallj on their great task. The amount 
and confusion of business was overwhehnmg, and 
trifling differences^ which required to be recon- 
ciled, were brought prominently forward, takmg 
precedence of greater and more important oppo^ 
siog elements. The present Ministry is one with- 
eat virtue. Worse men than these have been 
at the head of a great Empire, but even vice has 
a certain weakness which reflects the semblance q£ 
virtue. These men pride themselves on having 
none of the weakness of humanity towards those 
they govern: they have learned from Kllersdor^ 
that a State like Austria cannot be governed by 
compliance, and they now attempt the art o£ 
ruUng singly and solely by the renunciation of every 
human feeling. They experimentalize with extremes, 
and on this rock their efforts will be wrecked. 
Cruelty they call strength, — military rule is lawful 
authority, — ^revenge they term punishment — courts* 
martial are the symbols of justice, and a stubborn 
policy is called a system. On the other hand, 
&eedom is in their eyes synonymous with anar- 
chy, patriotism with rebellion. Before the Court, 
they are like cringing lacqueys, — ^when facing the 
remonstrances of the people, they are stoical as 
republicans of old. But the Court allows Haynau 


and his courts-martial to override four-fifths of the 
Monarchy, whilst the young Emperor takes shelter 
behind the pretended claiiQS of justice, and wraps 
himself in the inviolable mantle of divine right. 

Not one of the present Ministers knows Austria^ 
in her manifold nationalities, fi:t)m his own personal 
observation and study, least of all is he acquainted 
with Hungary and her dependencies. Schwarzen- 
berg is a prince and a general: his policy ia ex- 
plained by his birth and his position : he will never 
forget his family pedigree and privileges, any more 
than people forget the claims of hunger and want. 
Kraus, the Minister of every system of policy 
in turn, proves by this very fact that he recog- 
nises no definite principles of government. He 
is the mere bookkeeper of Austria, and in spite of 
this troublesome profession. Heir von Kraus has 
always the smiling and easy look of the cashier of 
some old-established banking-house. Schmerling 
has the merit of having intrigued against Germany 
when Minister of the Empire, by opposing Prus- 
sia. The frankness alone with which he confessed 
this renders him worthy of his present position. 
Beside this he has another great recommendation, 
on which he openly prides himself,— his power 
of putting down the Frankfort emeute. The can- 
non-balls on the Maine have carried him into the 


Palace of Justice on the Danube: at the side of 
Bach he is in his place. His colleague Herr von 
Brack deserves to live in better times: the honest 
intentions and knowledge of this man might under 
other circumstances render the most important ser- 
vices. The Minister of War is an honourable general, 
and as such he understands the full value of the 
word subordination : he obeys his Emperor, next to 
him Fieldmarshal Radetzky, then Lieutenant Field- 
marshal Haynau, and conscientiously executes what- 
ever Generals Griinne and Hess leave him to per- 

Dr. Bach has been called the "evil spirit** of 
the Ministry : he is merely the amanuensis of the 
evil spirit that urges him onward. A man without 
prejudices against either republic or monarchy, 
federation or centralization, he appears of late to 
have likewise abjured his prejudices against absolu- 
tism. Having for a long time been a champion 
of the revolution, he desires to have it terminated, 
now that it has secured to him a distinguished posi- 
tion. He serves the Court as he formerly served 
the people, turning ever to the side of power. Per- 
haps Dr. Bach may one day reflect on the possibi- 
lity of a retreat, should his present anchor lose its 
hold : he silences his plebeian conscience with the 
thought of having /^reren/ec/ much evil; but Austria 


will never forget the evil in wluch he has taken so 
active a part. 

The future prospects of Hungary depend upon 
these men, who are responsible for the maintensnee 
of the most perilous and hateful of all systans. 
They wish to construct out of the various races one 
great nation ; but the nations of Austria were only 
able ta effect a revolution, and even this revolution 
was incapable of creating an Austrian nation. The 
Ministers will not succeed in their experiment; 
every sober-minded poEtician in Austria, Magyar as 
well as Sclave, is impressed with a conviction of the 
necessity of a strong, free, and united Auatria. But 
not everything that is necessary is therefore poaaifale^ 
powerful reminiscences stand in the way-prejudice, 
histcnry, careed, and language. Germany too has 
hitherto been unsuccessful in obtaining her desired 
unity ; nevertheless her object is attainaUe, for the 
necessity of a German unity is rooted in the heart of 
the Grerman races. The adhesion of Austria » only 
an external necessity. Every nation fights /or Grer^ 
many, — each single race against Austria. Germany 
has the support of her best men, whilst each singk 
and powerful state in the Empire is in revolidion 
against a united Austria. It is to be hoped dml 
these important facts may not be overlooked or for- 

. A UiriTKD AUSTRIA. 259 

If there existed in Austria patriots^ air in Get- 
pianyv Poland> Italy, and the Sclavish nations. Him- 
gspy would never have been able to resist their 
eneigetic co-operation: the war would have beea 
terotinated without Russian aid. In this case, and 
in this alone^ a wise policy would have endeavoured 
to unite Hungary with the other Crown-lands, were 
it even effected by a civil war. In this eaee alcme^ 
Austria would have been able to pursue her political 
mission in the east of Euroj^. Every feeling for 
the legal right of the Magyars, all sympathy fiar 
their chivalry and valour, must have yielded to tibia 
ecmviction. But on the 4th of March, 1849y tte 
Prown repudiated, rejected the people, by tumiiig 
their representatives out of doors. From that mo- 
iEtent the House of Hapsburg and the Schwarzen- 
berg Ministry assumed the sok responsibility o£ 
their policy; they brought the plagues of i^ypt 
upon their country, changing the rivers into tdood^^ 
from the Pruth to the Po^ and entailing upon it all the 
horrors of an international war ; the invaaicm of the 
Russians^ the reign of darkness and oppression^ were 
decreed, coimtersigned and published^ and free citi- 
S^ns led out ta slaughter; to conefaiHle all, the 
vuined fabric was sold to Russia* 

Does Germany flatter herself Iftat she can at a 
fiiture period rescue these treasures frook the clutch 


of barbarism? Does Germany ima^ne she can 
breathe new life and vigour into degraded^ enslaved^ 
and dying Austria ? Germany overrates her power. 
She had the power to break her chains^ but a long 
time will elapse ere she can obliterate the curses of 
past misrule. On this point the German-Austrian 
is no longer deceived ; and the Sclave hates German 
liberty even more than Russian slavery. 

Foreigners have erroneous views of the state of 
Austria, simply because in all political discussions 
they speak of an Austrian Empire. If men would 
conscientiously analyse this expression, resolve this 
abstract idea into its elements, and consider the 
ancient independence of Poles, Italians, Sclaves^ 
Germans and Magyars, instead of the new-fangled 
idea of a united Austria, their view of afiairs would 
gain infinitely in clearness and truth. Had Count 
Stadion, in the composition of his Memorial, em- 
ployed these terms, he would not have promulgated 
his octroy ie Constitution; he would have come to 
the conviction, that the idea of Austria represents 
no body possessing the coherence of true elective 
affinity, but at most a mechanical combination which 
any shock may resolve into its constituent elements. 
Least of all should the Cabinet have brought about 
this shock, by calling in the Russians. 

The Ministry are now engaged in erecting a mag- 


nificent house of assembly for this newly created 
Austria in the metropolis of Vienna. A cunning 
architect^ who was one of the candidates for the 
prize for the best plan^ proposed to finish off the 
building; on the model of the Leaning Tower at Pisa> 
but with an inclination to the Right ; declaring that 
the most solid masonry could not permanently coun- 
terbalance the inclination toward the Left. 

We will^ for argument, allow ourselves to 1)6 
carried away by the dream of a well-meaning Austrian 
statesman. Let us imagine a bright spring morning, 
Vienna floating on an ocean of sunshine and rapture ; 
black-yellow flags wave from the balcony of the Palace 
of the Diet, and a thousand trumpets resound ; the 
Viennese are mad with exultation, for Hungary and 
Italy have declared themselves vanquished, and the 
representatives of all the different nations enter the 

The Pole soliloquizes in an under voice : '^ Poland 
is not yet lost !^' and seats himself on the Left. 

The Italian murmurs something of Brescia, crosses 
himself, and seats himself on the Lefl:. 

The Sclave has no desire to be bantered a second 
time ; he smiles scornfully, and seats himself on the 

The Hungarian calls to mind the bloodshed of his 


GOimtiTmeii on the Heatb, suppresses a tear, and 
teats himself on the Left. 

The Gennan has had time of late to study deepij 
the pcdicy of the House of Hapsburg : he seats Jam* 
adif onthe Left. 

On the Right are seated a few Uack-ooated gen-^ 
tiemen from the Tyrol, and cvnl officers from the 
provinces. Within three days the Chamber is duk 
solved, the Ministry having become convinced of the 
impossibility of governing with such an AssemUy* 
Writs for new elections aie issued, but these iumidi 
the same results. Is it imaginable that a united 
and constitutional Austria can exist omiposed of 
such elements ? ^' Certainly,^^ it may be refdied $ 
** odIj substitute another Ministry, and introduce a 
stricter law of election/' We will consider for a 
moment these two cases. The Bach-Schwarzenbeig 
Ministry resigns, and another takes its place; not 
strictly speaking a national one, as there exists no 
proper Austrian nation, yet still a national one; in 
a certain sense, to which each State sends her re- 
presentatives, on the principle of a national equality 
of rights. All the races are satisfied, for they see 
their best men placed at the head of the administra'< 
tion. The Ministerial- list would perhaps be as 
follows : — 


EoTOign Afiairs : — Lubomirsky^ Teleky, DobUio£ 

Home Affidrs : — Pillersdorf^ Manin. 

Finances: — Kossuth, StifiL 

War: — Jdlachich, J?epe^ Bern, Radetzkj, Janku. 

Justice : — Pinkas, Smolka, Deak. 

Instruction:— Palacky, Eotvos, Haumicr Purg- 

Commerce : — ^A Ruthenian banker. 

Austria cannot indeed complain of any want of 
capable men« In penning this ministerial list, we 
merely select from amongst a diass of well-known 
paivonsy according to their popuhrity amongst 
the different nations, with a Tiew to form a na- 
tional Ministry. How amusing such a combinaticm 
of names looks to the eye, and how many revolu- 
tionary elements are here brought together, to con- 
struct and consolidate a united Austria,— most of 
these men having either in secret or openly bcnue 
arms against it ! But this is precisely the knotty 
point, the great difficulty,^ — that all the great, di- 
stinguished, and idolized men, representing the im- 
mense majority of the various States, are apposed 
to this united Austria, and would lose their popu« 
larity and influaice were they to place the Empire 
above the claims of their respective races. There 
is no Austrian Ministry imaginable, wh]<^ could 
govern in an Austrian spirit with a Diet consist- 


ing of Poles^ Italians and Hungarians : or can it 
be intended, in order to save Austria, to sacrifice 
freedom and restore the system of Mettemich ? 

We take the second case, and assume that the Bach- 
Schwarzenberg Ministry retains office, and the elec- 
tive hiw is altered. We take the highest census : no 
one is elector, or qualified to be elected, unless he pos- 
sesses a landed estate and a certain pedigree: but 
this ofiers no guarantee to the Ministry, for the 
nobles in Italy, Poland and Hungary, are the very 
men animated by a spirit of resistance ; and in all 
these countries we find revolution springing firom 
the aristocratic classes. We will suppose, therefore, 
an opposite course to be attempted, and that no one 
is admitted to the Chamber unless he can prove 
himself a proUtairey unable to read or write. But 
again this is of no avail, for, however strongly at- 
tached the Ruthenian and Wallachian peasant may 
be to the Imperial cause, yet the spirit of democracy 
and national pride is still more deeply rooted in 
the common Czech, Magyar, Lombard and German. 
Consequently each individual Crown-land will re- 
quire a special election law: Ruthenia sends into 
the Chamber the peasant^ and Styria the nobleman. 
But what has become of the boasted equality of 
rights, and where now is that one great mould, in 
which the Austrian nation is to be cast? 


Woe to a State that is disowned by the better 
class of its citizens^ and driven to seek support 
amongst its natural enemies^ and its patriots among 
the dregs of society in point of education and reli- 
gious faith ! For such a State there is no prospect 
open of any peaceable and free national develop- 

We shall not enlarge on Russia, and the influence 
she may in future command. It would be strange, 
indeed, if after all that has happened, Austria were 
still to remain a barrier against Russia, instead of be- 
coming a bulwark of the East against the West* — and 
perhaps forming the vanguard of Russian armies. Is 
it not absurd, to imagine that Austria will remain 
faithful to her former mission, or to doubt that 
Russia is looking forward to the accomplishment of 
her designs with an assurance of Austrian support ? 

The moral development of nations is incessantly 
advancing, and the history of the last year must have 
given a mighty impulse to the intelligence of the 
various nationalities of Austria. No nation is alto- 
gether good, but none is wholly bad. The Wallach 

* " Onse trompe sur le role que cet Etat jouerait en Europe : 
d'apr^s son principe constitutif il representerait I'Ordre, mais 
d'apres le caract^re des hommes il propag^rait la Tyrannie sous 
pr^xte de remedier k Fanarchie, eomme si Tarbitraire remediait 
k aucun mal.^'—Custine : " La Rtissie," 

VOL. !!• N 

mad the Sefb « not infiBriar io |ioiiit of Takmr to 
tiie Magjrv and tlie Pc^: the Gennmi is thdr 
B civfliDrtioD; Ike CkcIi — »^ tlwi filmmfli 
tlicni in manj valnahlc^ peaaefid wines. 
The bond of vnum amflngat these races «3l«ven- 
taaSkf be the leccngnitisp of dieir osmmsn enengr; 
and if the death-knell of Hungary has the power sf 
swakening this refaognition^ if over the gmfe of 
Hnngaiy the hostSe noes refinqoish thek jealouaiesj 
and nnitnally ^^^^^ii^ l the hand of reooncBiatianwid 
union, then Hungaiy wiU not haw bled in ^ain; 
she wfll have achieYed in her defeat greater bene- 
fits for mankind at laige, than she would e?er have 
been able to accomplish by her triwnph. 








Among the various leaders of the Hungarian struggle, 
two men have prominently attracted the attention of 
the world — Kossuth and Gorgey. Kossuth's character 
has been brought openly before our view, with its 
errors and its greatness : the Austrians may affix ^^3 
name to the gallows, as they did that of General Bem 
—History has allotted him another place. Gorgey^a 
character, on the contrary, is wrapt in mystery; public 
opinion has not yet passed its verdict on his actions. 
The enemy whom he fought, and had at one time con- 
quered, now styles him a '' patriot,'^ and allows him a 


petty annuity at Klagenfurt. His countrymen stigma- 
tise him as a '^ traitor/' who^ to secure Us own miserable 
existence, has sacrificed and sold the lives and fortmies 
of his Mends. Many of his comrades, who have been 
eye-witnesses of his heroic valour, wUl not believe in 
his treachery, and declare that he was deceived by the 
Russians. The mildest view taken by liberal men in 
foreign countries regards him as an adventurer; whilst 
Tories and reactionists see in him a defender of Legi- 
timacy, a second Monk, and regret that no coronet 
has fallen to his share, such rare characters deserving 
extraordinary reward : still these men comfort them- 
selves with the belief, that Louis Bonaparte, who is 
soon to enact a similar part, surrendering France un- 
conditionally to Henry the Fifth, will meet with a higher 
recompense than Gorgey and Maroto. 

TVnich of these different judgements history will 
confirm is yet uncertain. It may not be superfluous 
to put togeth^ a few £bm^8, which may^ serve as dktato 
liie future historian, afford some insight into tl&s enag^ 
matical character, and disdose the piqfehologieal mo*- 
tives of Gorgey. 

ZiPSEN (Szepesseg, Scepusium, Spiss) is one of fta 
most interesting counties in Hungary. The Gnpft-* 
thians here attain their greatest dtyatiani^ their suiKv 
mits, the group of the Tatra, reading the line of 


ml snow, liowes duona of TnoTintekis stretch parallel 
vnHk the gramte and gneiss of the Tatra, contaiiiing 
saver woi copper, mercury and antimony, nickel and 
iion. The climate is gaiendly severe, Ihe wint^ long, 
dry and cold, the wnimner temperate. 'Die soil is not 
fertile, and in more tdtan one part of the comity the 
aaam lakes litirteen mondis to rq)en. The population 
ii^a mixt (me, the peasantry consisting of drowsy Slovaos 
and lazy Butlrenians ; 1^ towns are inhabited by in- 
dnstrbas Germaiis. The working of the mines, and 
the commerce which in former times was caxried on 
wdth Poland, gave a pre-eminence to the class of citi- 
zens in this coimly. The Germans of the Zips are a 
vigorons, hardy and intelligent race : they are qnick- 
sighted, readily comprehend the position of afiairs, 
and h»ring once decided on a coarse of action, stand 
by the cause they have espoused.. They are thri% 
azid exdfient managera, in some points resembling the 
Seoteh. Araiongst all the Germans in Hungary those 
of ihs Zips first declared in finronr of tiie national 
movement. Hungasians in leeling from ancient times, 
tbey «ariy acpmed the nae of tius Hungarian Lm- 

In the vomantifBrvaHieyB of the Carpathians we meet 
throe noblfi and leading families, who have been set- 
tiJediiierB for eenturies : thei lords of MariLosfalva, Ber- 
zeriCBe, and GUkgo. They are idl femed for thor faniily 
pcide, whidi ili aeecardB wsdi the present state of their 
fortnnes. The Gorgesys stilL boast of the fact, tiiat the 


sons of Count Elias of Gorgo saved the crown for King 
Charles Robert^ on the 15th of June 1312, in the de- 
cisive battle of Rozgony. Jordan, one of the brothers, 
fell, but Stephen and Arnold decided the victory, after 
the banneret George had been overpowered and the 
king^s standard taken by the enemy. 

But the splendour of the family of Gorgey faded; 
its descendants at the period of the Reformation 
embraced Protestantism, and this opposed almost in- 
surmountable difficulties to their success in the service 
of the State under the bigoted sway of the Hapsburgs. 
The law of primogeniture exists only exceptionally 
in Hungary, and as the Gorgeys increased in num* 
ber, the property of each individual member of the 
family naturally diminished. Nevertheless every new 
branch was ambitious of erecting a castle on their an- 
cestral estate of Gorgo, although few had the means of 
completing their residence in the style in which it was 
planned, or of keeping it in a state of repair. Most 
of these buildings are therefore dilapidated monuments 
of ancestral pride and hereditary poverty. 

Whoever is acquainted with the life and privations 
of these small landed proprietors with illustrious names 
— ^whoever has witnessed the rigid economy they prac- 
tise, to save the means of sending the boys to col- 
lege, providing the young ladies with elegant drawing- 
room attire for the dinners and balls of the season, 
and enabling the lady of the house to receive with 
due honour the guests who occasionally share their 

hf f' fr 'i ' ,K ^" — ^^— — - '■■ ■ ' ** 



hospitality — can form a notion of the feelings which 
were awakened in the heart of young Arthur. Tales 
of ancestral glory^ a long pedigree^ and the range of 
family portraits on the walls of his home^ excited the 
ambition of the youth. His mother^ a prudent woman 
and a SUesian by birth^ educated him sternly, not for 
enjoyment, but for privations. He saw his relatives 
proudly withdraw from the costly entertainments of 
their neighbours, who had in later times enriched 
themselves by working the mines, — ^he often heard the 
lesson inculcated, that wealth does not constitute merit, 
and that riches frequently lie so deep in the mire that 
men defile their hands in reaching them. Such were 
the reminiscences of Gorgey's youth*. As a Protestant 
he had little hope of promotion in the service of the 
State, and a dependent position in private business did 
not answer to the views of his family ; the ambitious 
youth was therefore sent to the miUtary academy of 
Tulln. The circumstance that at this period several 
Protestants of the Zips were Generals in the Austrian 
army gave popularity to the military service in the 

Arthur Gorgey now entered upon a new sphere, 

* '' A Spartan education^ an innate and carefully fostered stoi- 
cism, which at times ran into cynicism, and a manner of thought 
positive and foreign to all ideal creations of the mind, impressed 
his character with that striking roughness, which was at war 
with all forms." — Memoirs of the War of Independence, by 
General Klapka, vol. i. p. 165. 

N 5 




to wBtk, tbar fiortinm tnd ctam tfe 

kpdty. Spnundft, X 

uom tiie &Gigmy osvc m 

to nek CB^iloyiiient and m 

OTB feeqaaitly ^rmted to 

^n tlie inny. Hie Gcnnans 

to oooader tJbe Home of Austria 

ilaoDe of GcmiaiiTy and tlie 

man-Impmal one, in whkii mediatised 

ytmager aobb at the seoond-iste 

can senre without forfeiting their dignity. 

men, not rich enoiLgh to purchase an offioo^s 

Qon in Engc^and. have Hkevrise often takea 

Austrian army. The majority of the 

aie sons of Austrian offioerL All theae 

hare no other home than the amnr : tiicj 


in die 



dices of the Anstrian lealm^ lad, like the Fisetoriflns 
in the decline of the Bomaii Empire^ soldiers of the 
monarchy and pride themsdhres on holding tins po»* 
tkui.^ In principle, perfect equality is established in 
the army; but in practice, fayouritism prevails, and 
the younger som of the aristocracy are pr<»noted over 
the heads ct their semors in service; In social relations 
however there exists a real equality; every officer is 
CDnsideijed a goitlemaQ, and has the ri^rt to appear at 
Cofiut — ^himsel^ but not his family. In the military 
sdbools and academies the young officers are educated 
ia a contempt for dvflians: every one hw the firm con. 
victioai that the army is the most honourable profes* 
sion*. The officers are in cons^snt intercourse with 
the aristocracy, who are likewise considered exclusively 
bound to tiie Court; but tiiis naturally leads to an 
expensive mode of life, and no ordinary self-control is 
required in young men to avoid plunging into debt. 

Arthur Gorgey distinguished himself in the Military 
Sdiool, on quitting which he entered the Hung£ian 
Body-Guards at Vi^uia. Unlike his comtrades, who 
abandoned themfielves heedkssly to the gaiety of the 
capitd, sacrificing not unfrequently both character and 

* '^ Do not ask me to tell you what I felt, surrounded as I 
was by the vanity of passion and the blindness of ambition. 
Kossuth alone is a classical and generous character. It is a pity 
he is not a soldier'^ — Gorgey's letter to Rlapka, after the battle 
of Kapolna. — Memoirs of the War of Independence^ by General 
ISapka, vol. i. p. 177. 


-pane, Gorgej loii^t to swfl bimaeif of lib pootioD 
in y ienna, to perfect his military knowledge^ deqnmig 
tbe Toatiiie of firiv^olous anmaemcnts. 

The semoe of the HnngarisD Body-Goaids ksts for 
five yean, after which period the Chiardiat obtaiiis a 
Lientenant^B commiaaioD in active service. Go^ey 
joined the rcf;inient of the Palatinal Hussars, whidi 
has always been distinguished by its Talonr and par- 
triotism : the rank and file conststed of Knnums and 
Jazygs; the officers, without exception, were Hun- 
garians. The Palatine^ Archduke Joseph^ as ^pro- 
prietor'^ of the regiment^ had for fifty years adhered 
to the rule not to grant any commission to foreigners. 
'Whenever a lieutenancy fell vacant^ it was alternately 
granted to a cadet and a non-commissioned officer. 
The regiment thus retained a perfectly national dia- 
raeter; the soldiers clung to their superiors^ but the 
majority of the officers were poor and little connected 
with the aristocracy. 

When Gorgey entered the Palatinal Hussars as 
lieutenant, they were quartered in Bohemia. It was 
always the policy of Austria rarely to assign the regi- 
ments stations in their native country. Two-thirds 
of the Hungarian soldiers were quartered in (jalicia, 
Bohemia, Italy, and Austria Proper. 

Prince Alfred Windischgratz was at that time Com- 
mander-in-chief in Bohemia ; his views concerning the 
army differed widely from those of the Archduke Joseph. 
The Prince was a thorough aristocrat, whose ambition 

APPENDIX.. 277' 

was not to become a great general, but to be the first 
gentleman of the realm. Edacated in mediaeval ideas^ 
he believed the aristocracy exclusively privileged to 
receive commissions in the army*. He considered the 
army as the only support of the State, and that its 
outward splendour should answer to its position, and 
command the respect of the bureaucrats, the "heroes 
of the pen.^^ The regiments under his command were 
accordingly crack regiments, and the officers were led 
into expenditure above their means ; they were invited 
to partake in the amusements of the wealthy Bohemian 
aristocracy, and Windischgratz desired them to accept 
these invitations, and endeavour to rival their hosts in 
costly elegance ; he liked also to see his officers figuring 
in evening parties, and in the boxes of the theatre at 
Prague. The troops were not only to be subjected to 
stricter military regulations than ordinary, but to the 
cost of expensive* uniforms, which the superior officers 
had themselves to bear. Those of the Staff who had 
not a considerable income from their private resources, 
were unable to meet such extravagant expenses; but 
few had the moral courage to retire in time ; instead of 

* An officer once presented himself to Prince Windischgratz, 
complaining that a comrade inferior in rank had been promoted 
over him. The Prince asked, " Who are you V " Captain 
•j^** * " ^yas the answer. " What else ?" " Nothing more than 
an Imperial officer." "No Count, nor Baron?" "No, your 
Grace." " Then be thankful that you are Captain," said the 


doing wo, ihty im mlD debt, and 
erwnpdM to mH ibdr fflmwiiiwinmL Svdi a tnlEe mn 
tanDoij in Aiutiu not only mrniwiil^ bat TtwiTly 
pndiibited by the War-ofiee in Vienna. Bat Pmee 
Windiadignts fimmi ed these "e um f cnii ons^ ammgat 
his Staff-oftoen^ as they tended to leatnct Ae eom- 
missions to the ariatoeraey and wealthy dasaes; irinlafe 
the younger officers liked a system which jH oc ui e d them 
ready promotion. Gldigey howerer, whoae sadbsboL 
aspired still higher, waa indignant at the pr ospect of 
poverty intarfering widi his promotion; and the more 
so, as he was awaie how nnich inferior to him in point oF 
tslent and knowledge were his supe r iors in rank. His 
soeial life in the army likewise became intolerable; 
although aocnstomed to stcacal primtions from hia 
yonth, it was difficult finr him to abstain altt^eth^ frran 
the amusements of his comrades, whose eztrsvagaooe 
he eould not equal : his pride was constantly hurt — 
his military position seemed to him a mere brilliant 
misery, and he resolved to quit the army. His supe- 
riors. Prince Windischgratz among the rest, r^;retted 
to lose so distinguished an officer, and assured him 
of their assistance; but this very drcumstanoe only 
strengthened his resolution, — ^he was too proud to owe 
advancement to such aid. His parents and relatives 
decidedly opposed his abandoning a career in which 
he had already overcome the first and chief difficulties; 
they represented to him how small a fortune he had 
to inherit, and how in<<ufficient it would be for his 

fiotnre wants. But Gorgey adhered to his deter* 
mination; he severed all the ties that bound him to 
the society in which he had moved^ and even broke 
ofiE an engagement with an amiable young lady, to 
whom he had long been betrothed, but who, like him- 
self, having no fortune, could not have married him 
until he had attained the rank of detain. The allow* 
ance granted to him by his family was barely suffident 
to clear him &om debt, aad he stood isolated in the 

Gorgey went to the University of Prague. Familiar 
from his military education with the exact sciences, he 
now devoted himself to the study of chemistry, and Pro- 
fessor Bettenbach soon pronounced him to be his best 
pupil. At this period Gorgey was so straitened in hia 
means, that he lodged in a garret and lived upon two- 
pence a-day, his dinner usually consisting of a piece 
of bread and a cold sausage. The originality of his cha- 
racter, and the inflexible determination with which he 
submitted to every privation, won the heart of a young 
lady of fortune. But Gorgey fancied that he discerned 
in her attachment a mixture of pity, and a love of 
amusement ; nor would he be indebted to his wife, to 
whom he had not the means of offering a comfortable 
maintenance, and he withdrew from the match. The 
companion whom Gorgey selected was one who might 
in every respect look up to him : he married a govern- 
ess, who possessed no more than himself. He soon 
afterwards returned to his native country, and retired 


to a small estate in the coanty of Zips^ which he had 
just inherited from an aunt. 

When in the spring of 1848 the old system of abso- 
lutism was broken up^ and Kossuth^ then Minister of 
Finance, endeavoured to assemble around him the most 
talented men of Hungary, and develope all the re- 
sources of the country, Captain Trangous, the chief of 
the mining department in the Ministry, proposed the 
employment of Arthur Gorgey as chemist to the Mint. 
Kossuth negatived this proposal decidedly, remarking, 
''This is no place for Gorgey— before a twelvemonth 
he will be Minister of War in Hungary.^^ Possibly 
these words of Kossuth's may have resuscitated the 
military ambition which had slumbered in Gorgey's 
mind. Shortly after this time we find him in office, 
entrusted with the equipment of the National Guards, 
under Colonel Marziani, who was then at the head of 
this department. The Colonel was an able officer, 
and the Prime Minister, Count Louis Batthyanyi, 
placed fall reliance in him, being a relative by his 
mother's side. The Count had no idea that Mar- 
ziani had an understanding with the Viennese Ministry, 
and was even better apprised of the plans of JeUa- 
chich and the Camarilla than the Hungarian Ministry. 
The arming of the Guards was continually delayed, 
and the agreements with foreign gun-manufacturers 
were such as not to ensure the delivery of a single 
musket ; Marziani had shortened by an inch the four- 
teen thousand gun-barrels in store at Buda, so as 

^W -V"-- -• 


to render them unserviceable, at the same time that 
he prevented any arms being purchased in foreign 
countries. Gorgey soon discovered this treachery, of 
which he informed Count Batthyanyi ; but the Count 
gave no credit to his warnings ; proud and upright in 
his own feelings, he could more readily believe any- 
thing than deceit. It was at this period that Gorgey 
came to see me; I was then in Vienna, and in con- 
versation he complained of Marziani. It was difficult 
to convince Batthyanyi of the intrigues of the Colonel, 
who assured him that the muskets which were to be 
purchased at Liege could not arrive in time. The 
threats of Jellachich meanwhile became louder, and the 
purport of his movements could no longer be doubted : 
he assembled a corps on the Drave, and Marziani 
quitted the Hungarian service ; he had done enough for 
the Camarilla, and proceeded to the Austrian army in 

Hungary was at this time deficient not only in arms 
but in troops. A considerable number of the Hun- 
garian regiments were far removed from their country ; 
some were engaged against the Serbs, ,and the Ministry 
could not rely on the German and Galician troops in 
Hungary. The Diet had passed a bill for a new levy 
of soldiers, but this had not yet been sanctioned, and 
the army of Jellachich was already on the frontier. 
The only alternative left to the Hungarians was to re- 
sort to voluntary enlistment ; and ten battalions were 
thus formed, most of whom were soon engaged against 

282 Avnmfvu 

tlie Serbs. The National Goarda therefore were em- 
jdoyed againat the enemy, and a lery en nuiS9$ w«b 
proclaimed. Fonr of the moat diadngniahed offioeta— 
Qorgej, Ivinka, Miijaaay and KoaatnUnyi — ^were raiaed 
to the rank of Major, and aent into the foor distrie(a» 
of Hungary to organize levies. 

For the firat time in his life Gorgey had now an. 
independent sphore of action, and he perfeetly anawered 
the expectations which had been formed of his sldlL 
lie division he organized was soon the beat disciplined, 
Bsai brought into the strictest order; and when Jella- 
diich in September i^proached Pesth, Gorgey covered 
the left wing of the Hungarian army, and occajnad 
the Idand of Csepel in the Danube. 

On the 29th of September Jellaehich was defeated 
between Pakozd and Sukor6. The next day tidinga 
of thia victory spread throng the capital, filling ita 
inhabitants with joy. On the morning of the 2nd of 
October the following announcement was placarded at 
every comer of the city : ''Thus shall it be done to all 
traitors ! Count Eugenius Zicfay, formerly Lord laen*- 
tenant of Idle Fejer county, convicted of having plotted- 
with the enemies of the country, has been hung, by sen* 
tence of Court-martial, on the Isle of Csepel, cm the- 
30th of September, at half-past nine o^doek a.m.^ 
This news created a great sensation. Count Zichy, 
£rom his avarice and versatile political character, hsai 
never been popular; no one doubted that he had a 
secret understanding with Jellaehich; but his exeeur* 



tion produced a startUng effect. Frodamatians had* 
been found upon him, summoning the Hmigarian 
tfcsoops to desert to the enemy ; the peasants of his own 
estate had taken and delivered him over to the nearest 
military post. The Count confessed his having ro*- 
lontarily fflippUed Jellachidi with provisions. Major 
Gorgey, the commander of the troops at Gsepel, pre- 
fiided over the court-martial which doomed the Count 
to the gaUows. By this act^ which public opinion 
inntified but did not approve. GkSrfi^ey had cut off dU* 
L«at ; for hhn ti J was no p Jh of reconciliation 
With the CamariUa* Great distrust was at this period 
entertained in Hungary against the superior officers of 
the army ; almost daily they quitted die service^ or 
deserted to the enemy, and some even carried off moneys 
belonging to the Hungarian Government : we never 
heard that they had the intention of giving this up to 
the Austrians. Gorgey was the first who irrevocably 
eq>oused the Hungarian cause ; and it was commonly 
thought that the rope which had strangled Count Zichy, 
bound Gorgey, \i^o had ratified the sentence of the 
GDurt-martial, for ever to the popular movement. But 
a few daysF later Gorgey's fame was heightened by » 
more gallant exploit. On the 3ld of October the Croa* 
tian Generals, B^h and Philippovics) with ten thou- 
amd men, all their standards, two batteries, ammunition 
amd baggage, surrendered at Ozora to theHungarians^^ 
mi the open field. Gorgey, Ferezel and William Csapd^ 
the commanders of the different corps- which surrounded 


the Croats^ were the heroes of the day. The Diet con- 
ferred on Gorgey the rank of Colonel as a reward of 
his bravery, and the Committee of Defence despatched 
him with his troops towards the Austrian frontier in 
pursoit of JeUachich and his demoralized army. Du- 
ring the time that the Hungarian army was lingering 
on the Laytha^ — ^hesitating whether to proceed to the 
relief of the Viennese^ who themselves were in constant 
negotiations with the Court, or to restrict itself to the 
defensive, awaiting the Imperial determination from 
Olmiitz, — Gorgey, breaking through his usual reserve^ 
expressed himself openly against this delay. He de- 
clared that until the officers trained in the Austrian 
army had quitted the Hungarian ranks, and been re- 
placed by men who were strangers to the Austrian mili- 
tary esprit de corps^ Hungary could not be victorious. 

Kossuth joined the army at the end of October; 
Gorgey advised that they should advance — an opinion 
which coincided with Kossuth's. This counsel was 
adopted, and the consequence was that one-half the 
officers retired from the Hungarian service; the army 
had to be re-organized. In the battle of Schwechat 
Gorgey commanded the vanguard, and exposed himself 
to the hottest fire. On the battle-field he was raised 
to the rank of General, and two days later appointed 
Commander-in-chief of the Army of the Danube; the 
finest body of the Hungarian troops was under his 
command. During the month of November and in the 
beginning of December Gorgey organized his army. 


He accustomed the troops to stand fire by continual 
outpost skirmishes^ and maintained a strict discipline. 
The army was ready for battle, animated by the most 
ardent patriotism and confidence in victory. But Gor- 
gey and his officers had no faith in ultimate success ; 
they wished to struggle to the last, to save the honour 
of the Hungarian army, and if possible to secure an 
arrangement with Austria, — ^not to conquer. 

This was the temper prevalent among the Hungarian 
officers, when in December Windischgratz invaded the 
country. Gorgey himself appeared to be impressed 
with a conviction that he should fall in a decisive 
battle ; he summoned his wife to Raab, to bid her fare- 
well^ and obtained for her and his cousin a passport 
to France, her native country, that she might return 
thither in case of his death. No decisive battle how- 
ever took place; Perczelwas defeated at Moor before he 
could eflFect a junction with Gorgey, and the Committee 
of Defence determined on abandoning Pesth, without 
accepting battle under the walls of the capital. Gor- 
gey was ordered to withdraw to the northern counties, 
with a view to bring into action the resources of that part 
of the country, to draw Windischgratz to the moun- 
tains, and divert his attention from Debreczin. Gorgey 
however had scarcely left Pesth when he disavowed 
Kossuth, and issued a proclamation indicating all those 
facts which confirmed the legality of the resistance of 
the Hungarians. He was evidently anxious to enter 
into negotiations for himself and his army. Prince 


WindMfthgrito was aware of this; iiis troops moreover 
weee wchansteJ by the npid march firom Yienna to 
iPesth, and he was oonaeqiiently unable to advance osi 
the .marshy plains towards Defareczin. He despatched 
some battalions in pmnoit of Grorgey, bnt at the same 
time he also sent a half-pay Austrian oflicer, a relative 
u£ the Magyar chief, with proposals of accommoda- 
tion. He promised amnesty to Gorge/s troops, oni 
ctheir incorporation into the Anstrian army, all the 
offioers retaining their rank. The Hnngarian army 
3i0wever was not prepared for surrender; the soldien 
were anxious to fight, not to negotiate; the discomfi- 
ture at Schemnitz had not demoralised them, and the 
enthnsiamn which greeted them everywhere increased 
c&eir ardour. Gorgey now led them into the narrow 
valleys of Zipsen, pressed by the columns of tQotz and 
Jablonowski, whilst SchlUL closed the deboucMs in the 
direction of the Theiss. The Hungarian army was in 
a desperate position; there was but one outlet, the 
precipitous defile of the Branisko Pass, which was 
.held by Schlik ; unless this could be stormed, no alter- 
native remained but to surrender: this was in fsuA 
his intention. He did not believe that the Hungarisii 
Government could hold out at Debrecain; and in daily 
expectation of hearing that the town had been taken, 
he thought this the right moment for capitulation. 
He ordered Guyon to carry the Pass of Branisko, 
vnthout at all believing that this could be effected*; 
but the lion-hearted Briton achieved an eaq)loit which 


€lorgey deemed impossible. When the news spread 
that tibe road to Eperies had been opened^ and that 
flchlik was put to flight, 'Gorgey drily said, "We 
have more Inck than brains l" At the same time he 
resolved to avail himself of the luck: lie soon formed 
a junction with Klapka, and then lieard all that had 
passed in the meantime. 

Prince Windischgratz has often been reproached £ar 
having allowed his troops to rest for weeks in Feath^ 
and thus giving the Hungarian Government time to 
organize its forces; many ascribe the victories of the 
Hungarians in the spring solely to this neglect. 8uch 
a view is in my opinion incorrect; the plans of Prince 
Windischgratz were well combined, and could onfy 
have failed in consequence of a long serieB of Trnfore- 
«een events. Whilst he reached Festh and Bzolnbk 
by forced marches, Schlik was to proceed £com Galicia 
to the Theiss, by Dukla and Tokay ; and with a view 
to take the Hungarian Govermnent and Diet in a com- 
plete net, from which escape should be impossible, 
Puchner, the garrison of Temesvar and the Serbs were 
to advance concentrically to Debreczin by Grosswardein, 
Arad and Szegedin, supported by a detachment of the 
main-army posted at Szolnok. But Schlik was defeated, 
and detabied on the Theiss by Klapka (January 28th 
and 3lBt). Puchner was driven by Bem out of Tran- 
sylvania ; the National Guard of Szegedin, supported by 
two battalions of r^ular troops, victoriously Tepulsed 
the attack of the Serbs, and the valour of Colonel 


Asztalos checked the garrison of Temesvar^ which had 
ahready entered the streets of Arad. Even the van- 
guard of Prince Windischgratz at Szolnok was heaten 
by Perczel. Not one of the five armies sent to De- 
breczin reached its destination — all were defeated. 

When Gorgey heard this news his position was na- 
turally changed. Klapka^ always straightforward and 
sincere^ asked him what was the meaning of the pro- 
clamations in which he had disavowed the Government : 
Gorgey replied^ that they had been extorted from him 
by the spirit and temper of his officers^ and that 
various intrigues in the army had compelled him to 
resort to such measures in order to keep his forces 
together. This lame excuse satisfied Klapka^ who did 
not conceive of the possibility of treachery, but not 
Kossuth. The Hungarian armies effected a junction, 
and Dembinski was named Commander-in-chief. This 
appointment wounded Gorgey^s pride, although he 
must have been aware that his ambiguous dealings 
were little calculated to inspire confidence. 

The ambitious General now began to intrigue, veiling 
his own designs imder the pretended will of his officers. 
At length Dembinski was forced to reign. It was then 
that Beothy, the tried and venerable patriot, said to the 
President, "Put Gorgey on his trial before a court- 
martial, or this man will become the Marmont of 
Hungary .^^ Kossuth named Yetter the Commander-in- 
chief, and the intrigues recommenced. Yetter feU ill, 
and the command devolved on Gorgey; his ambition 


xniglit now have rested ; but after a series of brilliant 
victories had driven the Austrians to the very frontiers 
of Hungary^ Kossuth's name still remained the watch- 
word of the country^ Gorgey's being second^ coupled 
with that of Bern. The Grenend became more and more 
reserved toward the President; he began to hate Kos* 
suth^ at seeing him the first man in the country^ placed 
above himself. The most precious time was now lost 
by Gorgey; he purposely avoided dismembering the 
Austrian Monarchy by a bold march to Vienna, and 
instead of carrying out the resolutions of the Govern* 
ment, he beleaguered Buda. The Seventh Corps of 
the army had a peculiar influence over him — ^it had 
been under his command ever since the battle of 
Schwechat, Klapka strikingly describes the spirit 
which reigned among the officers of this Corps: — 

'^ It was this Corps which in Autumn, 1848, formed 
that inefficient army which opposed the first Austrian 
invasion on the western frontier, was defeated by Win- 
dischgratz and driven back to the walls of Buda. They 
were the troops whom Gorgey had led on his admirable 
expedition to the mining districts and Kaschau, and 
among whom he had his stanchest adherents and 
friends. This corps was chiefiy officered by the late 
Austrian officers, and this was the reason why its 
battalions were distinguished by a jealous esprit de 
corps. The use of the German language, and of German 
words of command, reminded me of the time when the 
House of Hapsburg was still the supreme arbiter of the 



fiite of Hungary; and though diatrngniahed by military 
order and atrictneaa of discipline, the enthoaiaain which 
this corps displayed in the cause of liberty was alow, 
calculating, and lukewarm, compared to the bold and 
exuberant spirits of the other diTisions of the army <m 
the Upper Danube*/^ 

The officers of this Corps never forgot that they had 
formerly been in the Austrian service, and they still con- 
sidered the officers in the enemy's army their brethren in 
arms : they aimed not at the victory of the Hungarian 
cause, but to effect an honouraUe arrangemoit, which 
was never dreamt of by Austria. Ockrgey, who pievions 
to the battle of Schwechat had denounced such views 
as treacherous, now, after the victory of Nagy-Sarlo and 
Komom, entertained the same ideas himself* It is true 
that, before Schwechat, he owed the rank of Colcmel 
to the favour of Kossuth — after Nagy-Sarlo his ap- 
pointment to the Command-in-chief and Ministry of 
War was owing to his talents and victories. He 
remained silent at Oodollo, when Kossuth dechred to 
the assembly of the Generals his reasons for consider- 
ing the deposition of the House of Hapsburg from the 
throne of Hungary a necessary measure. When Kos- 
suth invited the opinion of the Generals, they entered 
enthusiastically into his views ; Gorgey alone did not 
share, but at the same time he did not oppose them. 
Afl;er the Declaration of Independence had been pro- 

* Memoirs of the War of Independence in Hungaiy, by 
General Klapka, vol. i. p. 67* 


nounoed by the Diet on the 14th of Aprils he censured 
the measure which he could have prevented. At the 
same time he was connected with the republican party 
in Debreczin : his aim was evidently a military dictator- 
ahipj by whatever party obtained. 

When the tidings came of the Aussian intervener 
tion^ Gorge/s ambition took a different torn. Con- 
vinced as he was that Hungary could not resist the 
combined forces of Bussia and Austria^ his position be- 
came very similar to what it had been in the month of 
December^ at the time when Windischgratz invaded 
Hungary with superior forces. He therefore resolved to 
pursue the policy in whidi he had formerly been sue- 
eessful; viz. to isolate his own position, disavow the 
Government, and carry on alone the war or negotia- 
tions, as circumstances and the operations of the other 
Hungarian armies might render expedient. 

Groi^y of course sought to secure the Aillest confi- 
dence of his generals and superior officers. Guyon, 
who for a long time past had distrusted hitf^; was 
with the Army of the Sou&; the generous-ihearted 
AuUch WBB in the Government, and Damianich had 
fmetured his leg. The man therefore now of chief im- 
portance to Gorgey was Klapka, the most talented of the 
younger generals. But the cunning Scepusian soon saw 
that Klapka was not disposed to break with Kossuth 
and the Government, and from this moment all inti- 
macy between these two Generals subsided. The in- 

o 2 


trigaes were carried on without Klapka's knowledge or 
assent, but he took no notice of this. His comrades 
even mentioned negotiations, but he remained ignorant 
of anything of the kind*, nor would he credit them. 
Goi^ey was insincere in his conduct, and did not dis* 
dose to him his intentions. 

At the end of June and the beginning of July the 
Government repeatedly directed the army to retire to 
Pesth, and form a junction with the corps of Perczel 
and De8sew%. Gorgey did not obey, and sent a oon« 
temptuous message to the Government, that it might 
provide for its own safety, as he was unable to protect 
the capital. At the same time he displayed the most 
heroic personal bravery in battle, exposing himself to 
the balls of the enemy — ^he was wounded. He con- 
tinued to excite the troops against the Government; and 
when the latter deposed him, his officers expressed a 
request that he should be retained in the command. 
Meanwhile the Russian Government informed the 
Cabinets of Europe by its ambassadors, that Grorgey 
was unwilling to co-operate with Kossuth and the 
southern army, that he purposely allowed himself to be 
cut off £rom the capital and the other Hungarian Corps, 
and was ready to negotiatef. After this treacherous 
General had long enough wasted time and forces, he 

♦ See Klapka's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 183. 
t Dispatch of Prince Wittgenstein in the " Memoirs of a Hun- 
garian Lady." 


left Klapka at Komom^ and departed with his anny; 
alternately fighting and negotiating with the Rus- 
sians. He led his troops to beheve that his object was 
to form a junction with the other Corps, but he always 
took the most circuitous route. Long and forced re- 
treats demoralized his army : the best battalions were 
always exposed to the Bus ians with insufficient sup- 
port, and after every engagement Russian parlejrs were 
held in his tent. A veil of secresy covers these nego- 
tiations, but the account which Klapka gives of the 
conduct of the negotiators who came to Komom in 
some degree elucidates the nature of the proceedings 
with Oorgey. One of these agents, Isakoff, says 
Klapka, ^^ bemoaned the fate of Hungary ; his sympathy 
with our wretched country was manifested by a flood 
of tears; but he confessed openly and candidly, that 
Hungary could not hope for assistance or support 
from Russia; and that his master, though perhaps 
favourably inclined towards the Hungarians, was re- 
solved to stand by the unconditional promise which 
he had given to the Emperor of Austria. His 'last 
words were a candid assurance that the Czar would 
certainly deliver up Hungary to the free and unre- 
strained disposal of the Emperor of Austria. Anicskof, 
on the other hand, assumed an air of secresy and im- 
portance : he laid great stress on the friendly inter- 
course between the Russian and Hungarian officers > 
he threw out very plain hints, that the time might 
perhaps soon come, when the allied Hungarians and 


Bussiaiis would make perfidious Austria account for 
her misdeeds*/' 

These agents, who so often visited Gorgey's camp, 
all held the same equivocal language, and the General 
was gratified at the manner in which the Emperor of 
Sussia treated with him, as with an indq)«idait power. 
With demoralized troops, followed by a long train of 
carriages filled with fugitive landed proprietors and 
civil officers, who sought in the camp protection against 
the enemy, Gorgey at last arrived at Arad, where Kos- 
suth thai was. 

The tidings of the lost battle of Temesvar were a 
thunderstroke to the Governor. Goi^y now called upon 
him to abdicate, as a General alone could save the 
country in such a crisis. Kossuth yielded, and Gorgey 
became Dictator, — ^but for no longer a space than 
tw^ity-four hours. Suddenly and heedlessly, seduced 
by vanity and ambition, he surrendered to the Bussians 
unconditionally, not even securing the lives of his 
friends who had supported him throughout. His last 
public act was to call upon the commanders of the dif- 
ferent fortresses to surrender, signifying to them that 
he himself had surrendered unconditionally, and er- 
plaining this by stating, " that Kossuth had appointed 
Bem Commander-in-chief instead of himsdf, notwith- 
standing that the Diet had desired him to assume the 
chief command; this piece of knavery,^' he says, '' ex- 
plains all.'' 

* Memobfs of Genenl K1a]f^ vol. ii. p. 43. 



Gorgey thus himself acknowledges his motive for the 
snrreDder to have been a personal one^— of hatred and 
revenge against Kossuth^ because the Governor did 
not confide in him^ and wonld not make him the ar- 
biter of his country's fate. By this confession he con- 
demned himself^ and yet this is the patriot of the apo- 
logists of Austria I He is now living in Klagenfurt^ 
upon an Austrian pension^ whilst his friends and com- 
rades in victory have ended their lives on the gallows. 

If the question be raised, whether Gorgey was a 
traitor^ we answer that he did not sell his country and 
his friends for money^but he delivered them up heedlessly 
to the vengeance of a bloodthirsty enemy, solely to gratify 
his hatred against Kossuth — a man whose chief crime 
in his eyes was, that as Governor he was a greater pa- 
triot and statesman than himself as General, and that 
he Gorgey owed his first elevation in rank to his rival. 
Characters like that of Gorgey may brook disdain and 
even insult, but they cannot endure a sense of obligation ; 
of all feelings, gratitude is to such men the most insup- 




We, Ferdinand I., Emperor of Anistria, King of 
Hnngary, Croatia, Dalmatia, Sclavonia, the Fifth, &e., 
aarare yon, inhabitants of onr Idngdoms of Croatia and 
Sclayonia, of onr sorereign grace, and issne the follow- 
ing Manifesto. 

Croatians and Sdavoniana I 

Onr paternal heart derived a warm satisfaction from 
the assurance that whilst, in compliance with the 
wishes of onr faithful nations, we extended the benefits 
of constitutional freedom to all our subjects, we thus 
bound those countries entrusted by Providence to our 
care, to be grateful towards ourselves, and to adhere 
firpoly to our Royal throne. We trusted, at the same 
time, that the establishment of equal rights and liber- 
ties would encourage our people to brotherly union in 
efforts for general improvement, for which we had 
opened the largest field. With full reliance in these 
our intentions, we were painfully struck by the sad 
discovery that with you in particular our trustful ex- 
pectations were frustrated. 

Yes, Croatians and Sclavonians! in you we have 


been mistaken^ — you who, united to the Crown of 
Hungary for eight centuries, shared the fortunes of 
this country, — ^who owe to this union the constitutional 
freedom, which you alone amongst all the Sclavish na- 
tions have been enabled to maintain through a series of 
centuries, — you, who not only have ever shared in all 
the rights and liberties of the Hungarian Constitution, 
but, in just recompense of your loyalty, hitherto main^ 
tained stainlessly, were lawfully endowed with pecu- 
liar rights, privileges, and liberties, by the grace of our 
illustrious ancestors, and who therefore possess greater 
privileges than any of the subjects of our sacred Hun- 
garian Crown. We were mistaken in you, to whom the 
last Diet of the kingdom of Hungary and its depen- 
dencies, according to our Royal will, granted full part 
in all the benefits of constitutional liberty and equality 
of rights. The legislation of the Crown of Hungary 
has abolished feudal servitude, as well with you as in 
Hungary ; and those amongst you, who were subjected 
to the soccage, have without any sacrifice on their part 
been converted into free proprietors. The landed pro- 
prietors receive for their loss, occasioned by the aboli- 
tion of soccage, an indemnification, which you with 
your own means would be unable to provide. The 
indemnification granted on this account to your landed 
proprietors will be entailed on our Hungarian Crown 
estates with our sovereign ratification, and without any 
charge to yourselves. 

Th^ right also of constitutional representation was 



extended to the people with yoa no less dian in Hmi- 
gary ; in eonsequenee of which no longer the nobiUi^ 
alone, hot likewise other inhabitants and the Mifitaijr 
Frontier, take part by their Bq>icsenlatives in die 
lefpsbtion common to all, as wdl as in the nrankipal 
congregations. Thns yor can impro?e yoor wdCue by 
your immediate co-operation. Until now the nobility 
eontribnted but little to the pnbhc eqienses ; henefr* 
forward the proportional repartition of the taxes 
amongst all the inhabitants is lawfully established, 
whereby you have been relieved from an oppressive 
charge. Your nationality and municipal ri^ts, relative 
to which evil and malicious reports have been spfcad 
with the aim of exciting your distrust, are by no means 
threatened. On the contrary, both your nati<mality 
and your municipal rights are enlarged, and secured 
against any encroachment; since not only the use oi 
your native language is lawfully guaranteed to yoa 
for ever in your schools and churches, but it is likewise 
introduced in the public assemblies, where the Latin 
has been habitual until now. 

Calumniators sought to make you believe that the 
Hungarian Nation desired to suppress your language, 
or at least to prevent its further development. We 
ourselves assure you, that these reports are totally false, 
and that your exertions to develope and establish your 
own mother-tongue, renouncing the dead Latin lan- 
guage, are recognized with approbation. The L^is» 
lature is willing to support you in this effort, by pro- 



viding adequately for your priests^ to whom is en- 
trusted the spiritual care of souls^ and the education 
of your children. For eight centuries you have been 
united to Hungary : during this whole time the Legis* 
kture has ever maintained a due regard to your na- 
tionality. How could you therefore believe that the 
L^islature, which has guarded your mother-tongue for 
eight centuries^ should now bear a hostile aversion to it ? 
And notwithstanding all this^ wh^eas the guarantee 
of your nationality^ and the enlai^ement of your con- 
stitutional hbeities^ ought to have been greeted with 
ready acknowledgement^ persons have been found 
amongst you^ who^ instead of the thankfulness^ love 
and loyalty^ which they owe to ourselves^ have unfolded 
the standard of fanatical distrust^ — ^who represent the 
Hungarians as your enemies, and use every means to 
disunite the two nations, — ^the very same persons who 
persecuted your fellow-citizens, and, by intimidation 
which endangered personal safety, forced them to leave 
their country, because they had attempted to enlighten 
you as to the real truth. Our deep concern relative 
to these excitements was h^ghtened by a solicitude^ 
lest perhaps the very man had given up himself to this 
criminal sedition, whom we have overwhelmed with 
tokens of our royal bounty, and whom we had appointed 
as guardian of the law and security of your country. 
Our deep concern was heightened by the apprehension^ 
that this man^ abusing the position to which he had 
been raised by our bounty, had not corrected the no« 


tionfl of the falsdy-informed citizens, as he should haye 
done; bat, animated by party hatred, had still mote 
inflamed the prevalent fanaticism ; and, unmindful of his 
oath as subject, had attempted encroa«Aiments against 
the union with Hungary, and thereby against the inte- 
grity of our holy Crown and royal dignity. 

Formerly, in Hungary and its dependencies we ad- 
ministered the executive powers by our Hungariui 
Chancery and Home-Office, and in military conoons 
by our Council of War. To the orders issued in this 
way, the Bans of Croatia, Dalmatia and Sclavonia ran- 
dered obedience, just as they were bound, in more 
remote times, to obey the orders of our Hungarian au- 
thorities, issued in a different manner and under dif- 
ferent forms, according to the mode of administering 
our executive power arranged by the Diet with our ra- 

In consequence of the request addressed to us by our 
faithful States, and guided by our own free will, in the 
last Hungarian Diet we graciously sanctioned the law, 
according to which our beloved cousin, his Imperial 
Highness the Archduke Stephen, Palatine of Hungary, 
was, during our absence from Hungary, declared our 
Boyal Lieutenant, who as such had to adnunister the 
executive power by the hands of our Hungarian Mi- 
nistry, which we had simultaneously appointed, en- 
trusting it with all the authority before attached to 
the Royal Chancery, the Home-Office, the Treasury and 
the Council of War. 

_ _ ^ idu 


In spite of this. Baron Joseph Jellachich, whom we 
graciously favoured with the appointment of Ban of 
Qur kingdoms of Croatia, Dalmatia and Sdayonia, is 
accused of having the temerity to refuse this due obe- 

We, the King of Hungary, Croatia, Sclavonia and 
Palmatia, we, whose person is to you sacred, tell you, 
Croatians and Sclavonians, that the law too is sacred, 
and must be considered so ! We have sworn to theEter' 
nalKing of all Kings, that we ourselves will preserve the 
integrity of our Hungarian Crown, and of our Constitu- 
tion, and that we will no less ourselves obey the law, than 
we win have it obeyed by others. 

We will keep our royal oath. We are gracious to 
our loyal subjects, forbearing to the guilty who repent, 
but inexorably severe towards stubborn traitors. And 
we shall give over to avenging Justice those who dare 
presumptuously to trifle with our royal oath. He who 
revolts against the law, revolts against our royal 
throne, which rests upon the law ; and Baron Jella- 
chich is accused, with his notorious adherents, of not 
only opposing the law, but persisting in his disobe- 
dience, regardless of the paternal exhortations which 
we have addressed to him. 

The first care of our beloved cousin, the Archduke 
Palatine, and of our Hungarian Ministry, was, to call 
upon Baron Jellachich to explain his views respecting 
your nationality, your rights and your liberties; so 
that, as soon as possible — besides other measures — the 


CnMtiin Cangng^Hoa mig^ be attemUed, and those 
UwB puMkhed^ wboae bleHOigs we never intended to 
witUuddfipom joa;and that after this the Ben should 
be pnbUely infested with Us dignity^ as befinre this 
instaDation he oonld not be oonsideced as l^^itiniatdy 
holding oAoe. 

Notwithstanding onr repeated orders to Banm Jd- 
ladiidi to ecHuply with the sonunons of our Bojral 
Lieutenant and our Hungarian Ministry; the Baimi i» 
aecnaed of having disobeyed onr commands, and by thia 
disobedience expoaed yon to the dangers of anardiy* 
Bat as if it were not oiongh that the Ban himself did 
not obey, he is accused of having called the lawful au- 
thorities to the same disobedience, and of having 
farced them, no less than the people itsdf^ by violent 
means, to hostile demonstrations against Hungary. 

All of you must hare witnessed the acts of which he 
is accused; aU of you must haye seen if he persecuted 
those, who wanted to keep the union of Croatia with 
Hungary unimpaired, if he deposed them arbitrsnly 
firom their offices, if he brought a trial by court-martial 
upon all those who did not render homage to his poll* 
tical views, and by this means compelled many families' 
flight and emigration. AU of you must have seen 
if the Ban presented the lawfully appointed Lord- 
Lieutenants from entering upon their duties; if he 
violently seized the funds belonging to the Treasury^ 
and even employed our own troops to achieve this 
arbitrary act. 

- - . -— " - ^ ■ -^..■.. -^ 


You must know if^ without the consent of the Diet, 
by his own will^ he charged you with new taxes, and 
mtkout any authority strove to force the people to take 
up arms — an act which we ourselves cannot authoriae 
without the consent of the legislative power. You 
must be aware of the fact^ that he allowed his notori- 
ous adherents to incite the people by tales and false 
reports relative to the Hungarians^ as if they threatened 
your nationality ; that he allowed sedition to be preached 
in illegal assemblies against the Hungarians, and arbi- 
trary appointments to be made ; that in consequence of 
the excitement occasioned by these proceedings, bloody 
conflicts^ and plunder, and murder have taken place in 
Hungary. You know the personal affiront which has 
been perpetrated^ under the very eyes of the Ban^ against 
an illustrious member of our Royal House, against our 
Boyal Lieutenant^ the Archduke Palatine, in the public 
place of Z&gr&h *, a town which has of late repeatedly 
been the scene of illegal acts. You must know^ if the 
Ban punished the perpetrators of such deeds* It cannot 
be unknown to you^ that he really refused obedience to 
our Royal Commissary^ Baron Hrabovszky t> our Privy 

* The portrait of the Aichduke Palatine, in the spring of 
1848> was publicly burnt in Zagrab (Agram) under the windows 
of the Ban Jelkchich, who did nothing to prevent or to punish 
this disorder. 

t Baron Hrabovszky was arrested by the Austrian authorities 
on the entrance of Windischgratz in Pesth^ and is still under 


Councillor and Lieatenant Fieldmanhal^ who has been 
appointed to re-establish public order and security. 

Mored by a paternal care for the welfare of our per- 
h^w misled subjects, we tried the last means of grant- 
ing an opportunity of personal defence to the accused, 
before lending an ear to the complaints against hinu 
We summoned Baron Jellachich, under our own sign- 
manual, to retract the Croatian Congregation, which, 
without our sanction, and therefore in defiance of the 
law, he has illegally convoked for the 5th of June of 
this year; and we ordered him to appear personally 
before ourselves, to effect the conciliation which is 
needed for re-establishing order in Croatia. 

But Jellachich has as little obeyed this our present 
command, as our former regulations, and has neither 
retracted the Congregation, nor has he appeared before 
ourselves at the appointed time. Thus stubborn perse- 
verance, in disobeying our own sovereign command, was 
added to so many complaints against fiaron Jellachich. 
No other means were left to relieve our royal authority 
from the injury of such behaviour, and to uphold the 
laws, than to send our faithful Privy Councillor, Lieu- 
tenant Fieldmarshal Hrabovszky, as our Royal Com- 
missary, to investigate those imlawful proceedings, 
and to open a lawsuit against Baron Jellachich and 
his possible accomplices ; and lastly, to deprive Baron 
Jellachich, until his perfect clearance from these charges, 
of all his dignities as Ban, and of all his military offices. 
\ sternly exhort you to renounce all participation in 


seditions^ which aim at a separation from our Hun- 
garian Crown; and under the same penalty I com- 
mand all Authorities to break off immediately all inter- 
course with Baron Jellachich, and those who may be 
implied in the accusations against him^ and to com- 
ply unconditionally with the orders of our Royal Com- 

Croatians and Sclavonians ! we guarantee your na- 
tionality and your liberties, and the fulfilment of your 
just requests with our Royal word. Lend no ear to 
any seducing insinuations, employed to instigate you 
to unlawful purposes, by which your country is to be 
given up to oppression and misery. Listen to the 
voice of your King addressing you, as his faithful 
Croatians and Sclavonians ! 

Herewitli we summon every one to publish and 
spread this Manifesto, according to his loyalty to our 
sovereign authority. 

Given in our town of Innspruck the 10th day of 
June, 1848. 





Most serene Archduke Palatine^ Royal Lieutenant 
gracious Prince ! Your Imperial-Boyal Highness has 
deigned to communicate to us for consideration a letter 
from His Highness Archduke John addressed to Tour 
Highness^ and dated from Vienna the 27th of June^ 
relating to the settlement of the difficulties arising out 
of the Croatian insurrection ; upon which the Ministry 
very respectfully lay hefore your Highness their humhle 

We deem it our duty^ in the first place, to request 
that you may be graciously pleased to transmit to His 
Highness Archduke John our humble thanks for the 
readiness with which he has condescended to offer 
his favourable co-operation for the re-estabhshment of 
legal order and peace in the States connected with this 
country. The Hungarian Nation never wished to deal 
unjustly towards, she never entertained any intention of 
oppressing. States which have been connected with her 
by ties of eight centuries' duration. Being now likewise 
heartily incUned to make every legal, just and right 
concession, we accept this kind readiness of His High* 
ness with all the greater thankfulness^ because we are 



oonvinced that^ if His Highness will clear up the point at 
issue^ as to the duty which loyalty to our Master and 
King prescribes to us in this question^ the energetic 
co-operation of His Imperial-Boyal Highness will en- 
sure the successful re-establishment of order and 
peace^ which^ under present circumstances^ is of the 
utmost importance to the Dynasty. 

It is well known to your Highness^ that nothing 
has happened during the recent events which could 
prejudice the States alluded to; nay^ much has oc- 
curred^ which ensures to them the enjoyment of all the 
benefits of constitutional guarantees, sanctioned by the 
gracious consent of His Majesty^ and in accordance 
with the most recent wishes of the States themselves^ 
including the recognition of the legaUty of their claims. 
It appeared that these States feared the destruction 
of their nationaUty^ upon which the Hungarian Nation 
never intended any attack. The Legislature has 
solemnly recognized the full right of these States to 
make use of their mother-tongue in their public affairs^ 
in the same way as they have appointed in their own 
Statutes. And the Ministry have so far adopted^ 
upon then* own responsibiUty^ the natural consequences 
of this recognition by the legislative body^ that^ dealing 
with these States as an independent nationality^ they 
have extended the use of the Croatian and Sclavonian 
langui^s^ together with the Hungarian idiom^ even 
to the communications between those States and the 
general Government^ — a recognition such as the Au- 


strian Govemmeiit has never before given to a similar 
extent to any of the Provinces of the Empire^ and in 
which no State in the world comprising nations of 
different tongues has set an example to the Hnngarian 

The States alluded to have claimed under the Hun- 
garian Crown their own municipal independence. The 
last Diet has not only recognised this^ but has so far 
extended it beyond any previously existing law and 
usage, that the highest constitutional right, that of 
arranging the elections of Deputies to the Diet, is to be 
determined by their own provincial assemblies. Thus 
is a fresh guarantee given to their municipal indepen- 
dence, and to those privileges in accordance with 
which, and in the spirit of the laws, they exercise 
the right of self-government. With respect to the 
power of the Ban, upon which they lay a peculiar 
stress, the kst Diet has not only maintained this un- 
impaired, but the Ban has himself been called into the 
privy council of the realm, and authorized to take an 
active part in the joint government of the whole 
State. The Ministry has indeed so much desired 
to realize this position of the Ban, that, from the 
first moment of his entering upon office, they made it 
one of their chief cares, repeatedly to summon the Ban 
appointed by His Majesty to appear in the Council of 
Your Highness, that thus an opportunity might be 
given for effecting arrangements which should serve to 
tranquillize the Croatian State. It is known to Your 



Highness that the Ban obstinately rejected the repeated 
conunands of Your Highness to this effect^ flatly re- 
fused obedience to the law^ raised the standard of open 
rebellion^ and continued a course of terrorism^ with 
the view to effect a separation from the Hungarian 

Your Highness ! it is known to us that these States 
have long had numerous particular grievances^ which 
remain unredressed; but neither the Himgarian Na* 
tion nor the Ministry are the cause of these wrongs ; 
they are the unhappy remains of the former system 
of government. To the healing of these grievances the 
Ministry would have hkewise given their immediate 
attention^ in accordance with their legal powers^ and 
in the manner determined by the Diets^ had not 
the Ban appointed by His Majesty violently sundered 
every tie^ and thus made it impossible to propose 
to Your Highness those measures which aim at satis- 
fying the requirements and wishes of these States^ 
as laid before His Majesty by the provincial Diet in 

Meanwhile we ourselves have not ceased^ even under 
these circumstances^ to labour for the accomplishment 
of such wishes as have come to our knowledge. The 
Croatian and Sclavonian Military Frontier has hither- 
to been excluded from the benefits of the Constitution. 
The recent laws have made them participators in these 
benefits^ and bestowed on them the right of represen- 
tation^ a right which they have not possessed from the 


OQmmencemeht of their exifltenee. And we have deemed 
it one of our chief duties, urgently to propose to Tour 
Highness that effectual measures should be taken for 
devating and extending the freedom and welfare of 
the inhabitants of the Military Frontier. Thus 
laeutenant-Greneral Hrabovszky^ as Royal Commis* 
aioner appointed by his Majesty^ has long since been 
charged to grant to the inhabitants of the Military 
Frontier the right of perpetual possesnon of their pro- 
perty; to make the unlimited exercise of industry^ com- 
merocy and the arts open to ail; to facilitate the power 
of emigration^ without exacting payment for licences; 
to put an end to the natural robot [payments in 
lund] claimed by the lords of the manor; to cause the 
wardens in the different parishes of the free commu- 
nities to be appointed by free election of the inha- 
bitants; and, further, to take care that the inhabitants 
of the Military Frontier should lay before us freely 
their further wishes, and, by thus acquainting us with 
their demands, afford us the opportunity of promoting 
their welfare and satisfaction. In all omr arrange- 
ments we have been animated by a like conciliatory 
spirit. We have, as mentioned before, not only recog- 
nized the nationality of the States in question, and 
the use of their own language in their public concerns, 
but have voluntarily extended the latter to their inter- 
communications with the general Government. We 
have lowered the price of sea^salt, an article which 
is in use throughout the sea-board, and have removed 


all restrictions on the long-desired importation of Si- 
cilian salt. We have appointed numerons Croatians 
and Sdavonians to offices in the Oovemment^ without 
any party distinction^ and have resolved upon forming 
&r them especial sections in several Ministries^ which 
have not yet been filled up^ only because these States 
have raised the standard of open rebellion against us, 
have actually refused obedience to the law, and have 
received with scorn and contempt the appointment of 
men of the Illyrian party to the higher offices of Go- 
vernment. If his Imperial-Boyal Highness, Archduke 
John, will have the goodness attentively to take into 
consideration the circumstance, that neither the Hun- 
garian Nation nor we ourselves have in the smallest 
degree abridged the rights and liberties of these States, 
but have rather augmented and enlarged them, and 
are stiil continually disposed so to do^ as justice and 
equity may demand, — ^it is not possible but that his 
Imperial-Royal Highness should be convinced, that it 
is the rebellion of these States which disturbs the peace 
of our coui^^, and that any danger to the Dynasty 
has not only been whoUy unprovoked by us and the 
Hungarian Nation, but that there has not been the 
most distant pretext for laying such a charge upon us ; 
in proof of which we may with the clearest conscience 
appeal to the judgement of God and of the whole world. 
And indeed it is sufficient that Your Highness should 
read the demands presented at Innspruck by the Croa- 
tian Deputies to be perfectly convinced of this. They 


certainly do not complain of having too scanty rights 
and privileges; on the contrary they seem to pos- 
sess too many^ and they wish to separate from the 
Hungarian Crown^ to join the Austrian Provinces, and 
to have all affairs of the finance and war department 
managed by the Vienna Ministry. Your Highness! 
this is playing the part of the ancient Wends, but a 
part which has been provoked by no terrorism on our 
side. The pretence of fidelity to the Sovereign serves 
merely as a cloak of reactionary tendencies and pro* 
jects for overthrowing the throne. Or is it a proof of 
fidelity to wish not to belong to the Hungarian Crown, 
which in these times is the firmest support of the Dy- 
nasty f Is it a proof of fidelity to seek, by the rupture 
of an alliance of eight centuries, to become dependent 
on the Vienna Ministry, which does not possess suffi- 

d«. «K.gft .. «il. «.. »...»., Of L S»™g« 

SO as to enable him to remain safely in his Imperial 
city ? which even does not know, at the moment when 
confronting a Diet chosen on the basis of universal 
suffrage, whether independent Austria wiU receive her 
orders from her Emperor, or from the central German 
Power, Austria likewise being merged in a German 
unity ? We ask, would it not be a stronger proof of 
fidelity to abstain from rebelling against the Hunga- 
rian Crown, which even at this moment rests firmly 
upon the head of our Master and King ? Would it 
not be a stronger proof of fidelity not to come forward 
as rebels against His Majesty the King of Hungary, to 


whom the enthusiastic sons of the Hungarian Nation 
offered; in fiill confidence, their firm fidelity when he 
was compelled to leave Vienna, and whose Boyal Lieu* 
tenant. Your Highness, wished nothing more fervently, 
than that the King should come to Buda and conduct 
in person the government of the country, which during 
his absence has been placed in Your Highnesses hands 
by His Majesty and by the law ? 

If His Highness the Archduke John will bestow a 
careful attention upon all that we have just said, he 
cannot but be convinced of the true character of the 
rebellion of those States, which make great pretensions 
of fidelity to the Sovereign whilst violating the royal 
authority, — ^he cannot but perceive, that even their offer 
of joining Austria is merely a feigned pretext, in order 
to give at the crisis of the struggle such a superiority 
to the Sclavish element in Austria, that afterthus com- 
pletely paralysing the German element, and undermi- 
ning the Austrian throne, the Empire shall be split up 
into independent Sclavish kingdoms, and the very ex- 
istence of the Austrian Imperial House shall be thus 
buried. And yet loyalty and attachment to the King 
is so deeply rooted in the heart of the Hungarian Na- 
tion, that the lUyrian rebels are well aware that, in 
openly exhibiting their mtentions, they will not meet 
with any sympathy. They have therefore come for- 
ward in the spirit of reaction, as the pseudo-heroes of 
the royal authority, and against the Hungarian Nation, 

VOL, II. p 


wlio fasve not ttttadoBd the Bojal potrcr, for wkorn a 
I^al iadcncaidciioe ttid a coiistitiiiioiMl adnutiistnitiiin. 
k not a leoent gxant^ bat an ancient rig^ aaactioDsd 
by innmnerable royal oatbi^ — ^againat ikut Himgaziaii 
Nation, wbtch at tfaia i^reaent moment, when almoat 
etaey throne in cifilked Europe m totteikigy lenaBOiB 
not only tin fixmeit, bat the onfy Bm prop of Hk 
Austrian throne. This feeling and lihia eqwieaee Jmm 
led na to xeqiieat the kind aasiatanee of Has fiigbness 
the Arcbdnbe John with reqieet to Ihe lUyziaarrdMl- 
lion. We vfoe and ate ccnvinoed that, if il» idHcbak- 
anta ef tiboae Staibea were made mmset of the £ii^ 
eondenmation of their TdbeBion, . in ji sMiner i»> fixcludB 
any deception^ — if they were «on«ineedy that de .pre- 
tenoe that aome eanlted memfaesa nf die Bynasty loak 
with pleaBure tqion ihiB rebellion is a aiere cahnni^^— 
they would at onee retmn to Hicirhijalty to the Cioaii 
and ofaedicBfee to the law, and they wonU relies ns 
and &e Hungarian Nation iirom ihe aad neeeasiiy of 
ie-e8tal)Iiaking the inyiolability of our Grown, the thnme 
of our King, and the aotharity of Aelawi by an appeal 
to anna. NevertbeleaB, if drmn to it, we eamMt 
avoid taking liua coarse without ineornng the brand of 
etennl d>iqp»ce; for thie ^ awe to our oo«t>y, «o 
the King, and to the honour of the .Nation. If Tovr 
Highness has administered your f onctums in these 
States in conformity to the law, if we have isaaed oar 
decrees in the spirit of the law, then tibe leaders of the 

APPENDnc. 315 

arebelMon liave deceived the people of these Btates^ in 
■Baying that this has not been done according to the 
^riUctfUie King. 

They have insinuated that Tour Highness has 
akned at l&e enfeeblement of the Boyal power; whiht 
^in fad; Yonr -Highness sent one request after another 
to Innspruok^ that His Majesty would eome to Buda^ 
ind eondnet the administration of the country in his 
own person. And this unfounded insinuation went so 
-fxr, Hiot the whole ruling HouBe was attacked in tihe 
penson and in the portrait of Your Highness with scorn 
and insult. Yet^ in «pite of all this^ the disloyal rebels 
-actually boe»t of thesupport of the offended ruling House 
itself ! And when we requested His Majesty^ in order to 
e&li^t^n the unhappy and deceived peo^e/by his own 
handwriting to let the people know that His Majesty 
£sapproves of the rebellion^ and is determined to main- 
tain in all their integrity the solemnly ^dlrmed in- 
•nolability of the Hungarian Grown and the authority 
^ the 'lawSj the leaders of the rebels deceived the 
'people by declarii^ that this has not been done volun- 
teily on the part <rf His Majesty/ but that it is merely 
an unwilling esqpression extorted by the Hungarian 
Ministry through means of compulsion. 

We are therefore of opinion that^ if we would avoid 
an appeal toanns^^ueh a deception^ calculated to en- 
danger the peaee of the country and with it the security 
of the reigning Dynasty, can only be successfully met, 
and the existing disturbed and rebellious condition of 



these States reduced again to peace and order^ by 
some illustrious member of the Dynasty — against whom 
no insinuations of any intention to weaken the royal 
power could be uttered by even the most eyil-inten- 
tioned persons-^going in person to Agram^ and ex- 
plaining to the Frontier troops there stationed, and to 
the deputies of the various races, and to the authorities^ 
by word of mouth, that His Majesty disapproves the 
rebellion, and enjoins the inviolate maintenance of the 
connection with Hungary, and that full obedience 
should be rendered to the Hungarian Ministry as the 
legal authority ; and by his declaring, further, that all 
the members of the Dynasty coifdiaHy share these feel- 
ings, and that whoever shall pretend that it is other- 
wise with any member whatsoever of the Dynasty, is a 

We are convinced that such an explanation, given by 
word of mouth and in person, and in the right place, 
would have at once turned the edge of the rebellion, 
and that it may yet do so. And this it is that we 
hoped and expected from a personal mediation of His 
Highness the Archduke John; desiring at the same 
time, that the putting down of the rebellion might not 
make us appear, whilst demanding a return of obedience 
to the law, disinclined to fulfil the just demands of these 
States. We therefore requested that His Majesty would 
at the same time be pleased to cause his real and true 
intentions in this respect to be explained, that His 
Majesty and the Hungarian Government desire to fulfil 


to the utmost the wishes of the Croats and Sclavonians^ 
insofar as these are right and just ; and on this point 
likewise we request the mediation of His Highness. 

This, Your Highness^ is the main point which, in 
adjusting this affair, can neither be evaded nor left 
unnoticed, without rendering it impossible to avoid a 
civil war. It is clear to us that any evasion of the 
first point, namely enlightening the Groats as to the 
true intention of His Majesty, — renders doubtful the 
accompHshment of the second point,— namely effecting 
a settlement of affairs. It is also clear to us that the 
attainment o£ the second depends upon the first ; and 
that the first is the point whence any mediation, based 
upon the inviolability of the Hungarian Crown, must 
proceed. Otherwise we must give up the ground of 
right, — ^which cannot be permitted, — and the rebellion 
would be in a manner legalized. That we should lend 
a helping hand to this, our loyalty to His Majesty, as 
well as the allegiance we owe to the law, equally forbid. 
In conveying therefore to His Imperial-Royal Highness 
the Archduke John our respectful thanks, we request 
that Your Highness will, at the same time, direct his 
attention principally to the point that, since the rebel- 
lious Croats insist upon separation from Hungary and 
incorporation with Austria, any endeavour to adjust 
the difficulty must be impossible, without the ener- 
getic expression of the disapproval of His Majesty and 
the Boyal House. 

Will Your Highness be pleased, therefore, to direct 


the special attention of His Highneaa to our reqiuo^^ 
that he will graciously take it upon himself to gi^e 
orally the necessary explanation in Croatia? It is un^ 
deniable, that whatever is issued in writing may be 
perverted, and a mere conference with the leaders, of 
the rebeUion can lead to no purpose whatever. A dear, 
proof of this is found in the misrepresentations puhUshed- 
as to the reception of the Ban JeUachidi and his ad<* 
herents in Innspruck, and even as to the acceptance of 
the mediation by the Archduke John ; whereby this re** 
ception at Innspruck served only to increase the pie- 
sumption of the rebels^ and added to the difficulties of 
any settlement of affairs. 

We come now to the second point, which we com?^ 
mend to the special attention of His Boyal Highnesa 
the Archduke John. It is this, that His Majesty can 
consider neither the Deputies of the Agram Congrega^ 
tion, held on the 5th of June, nor the Baron Jellachifh 
individually, as representatives of the Croatian Nation. 
Not the former, inasmuch as His Majesty our graeiaus 
Sovereign haviog declared the Agram Congregation of 
the 5th of June to be illegal. His Imperial-Koyal High* 
ness cannot treat the Deputies of that Congregation aa 
the legal representatives of the Sdavish States without 
compromising the royal and legal declaration.: — ^not the 
latter, since His Majesty has suspended Baron JelW 
chich, on a charge of rebellion, £rom all military and. 
civil functions and dignities. And on this pointi we 
cannot si]^pres8 our great surprise that, in the note:of 

APnnnnir. 319 

Ins Impeml-Boyal Highnessi the Btron JellacUch is 
stffl spoken of as the Ban^ s faet we are unable to re- 
ooneile with the legal deelaration of His Majesty our 
gracious S^yfereign. Moreover we cannot consent to 
treat npen terras which should recognize this subject of 
the. King^ who has revolted againfit the Crown of His 
Majesty^ a» bedding a position independent of any 
anthoritjr dmved from the King. We must express 
oiBr sirong opinion that^ in this case^ tiie only question 
con be one of pardon and oblivion on the part of our 
Lord and King^ while on the part of Baron Jellachich 
th^re must be a return to loyalty and obe£enee to the 
liw^ but without the presumption of treating upon 
any terms of equality. At the same time^ on the part 
of these States^ no question of separation can be ad-^ 
mitted^ but only the unity of the Hungarian Crown^ 
and^ upon the basis of this unity^ the statement of their 
reasonable demands; while on the Hungarian Nation 
4ia]l lie tike obfigation of granting these demands. 

En c»der therefore tiiat His Imperial-Boyal High- 
ness'may be enabled to work suecessfolly in the medi* 
s/dxm he hase so graciously undertaken^ we be^ to 
direot his attention to this point; that these States 
iMiy hold a legal provincial Diet^ in which every esv 
pression ofopmion may be free and secure^ to make 
arrangements respecting the national Diet^ to choose 
Deputies^ and^ through the latter^ to lay their wishes 
before the national IHet, and the resolutions passed in 


their provincial Diet before His Majesty. If His Ln- 
perial-Boyal Highness is pleased to undertake the for- 
therance of these objects^ and should desire informa- 
tion as to the measures which the Hungarian Ministry 
is prepared to reoommendj on the basis of the unity of 
the Hungarian Crown, to the National Diet for accept- 
ance, — and on which measunes the Ministry is prepared, 
if necessary, to stake its continuance in office, — we shall 
be happy, at the command of His Highness, to enter 
into explanations personally with His Imperial-Boyal 
Highness the Archduke, through the President of the 
Ministry. In making this proposition it wiU suffice 
to declare that the Note which our Ministry of Foreign 
Affiiirs has delivered to His Imperial-Royal Highness 
the Archduke touching this matter will serve to ac- 
quaint His Highness with the views of the whole 
body of the Ministry, that Note having our entire 

We likewise cannot doubt that His Imperial-Boyal 
Highness the Archduke will be satisfied^ from this 
proposal, that there exists not the remotest intention on 
our part to oppress these States, but that, on the con- 
trary, we are heartily desirous of maintaining them in 
t{ieir nationality, as well as in their peculiar rights and 
privileges, and of enlarging those rights by all just and 
reasonable concessions. We regard however the integrity 
of the Hungarian Crown of His Majesty, and the legal in- 
dependence of our country, as a jewel not to be touched ; 

- -' — 


and for the protection of this^ should sad necessity re- 
qture it^ we declare ourselves ready to make the greatest 
sacrifices and the utmost exertion in our power ; and we 
are perfectly convinced that^ in making this declaration, 
we express the unanimous resolution of the Nation. 
And since in these States themselves an armed rebellion 
has already broken out^ — since our fatherland is daily 
threatened with an attack from Croatia, — since the fron- 
tiers are instigated against ns, and our own country 
has in fact been already attacked by an armed invasion 
from Sclavonia, supported by hordes of robbers from 
the neighbouring Turkish provinces,— since the sani- 
tary cordon is broken, and the terror of civil war ex- 
poses our country, and also the neighbouring Euro- 
pean States, to the breath of the Eastern plague, — 
Your Imperial-Royal Highness will perceive that we 
cannot abandon the preparation for the defence of the 
country, nor delay taking measures to disperse the troops 
of rebels who have already invaded our territory on 
the Lower Danube. With respect to the latter, the 
truce of ten days, already nearly expired, will decide ; 
but as regards the Croats, we shall retain a defensive 
position, until either we shall cease to be attacked, or 
there shall be hopes of a peaceable adjustment. 

Meantime, in order to protect the integrity of the 
Crown, we deem it our duty to take every means of 
arming ourselves. Our fidelity to the King and our 
national honour do not permit us longer to regard 


399 ibPFSNOix. 

with inactiyity these attempts at a &Nrcable 
taon of the States; and we are bound, at all cveals^ 
to take care that the danger be not augmented b^F 
delay. We see clearly that if Hungary becomes ooi:- 
tangled in a civil war^ this will be followed by smoiisi 
consequences to the whole Monardiy ; but we are coa* 
vinced that His Majesty estimates too highly the sap- 
port which Hungary can give to the illustrious reigning 
House, if her integrity, unity and peaee ure nudn. 
tained, to wish to purchase the avoidance of an ea* 
counter with the Croatian rebels by the diamembw- 
ing of Ihe Hungarian Crown and the sacrifice of the 
rights and the honour of our country. May hi& 
In^>erial-Boyal Highness be pleased to support us in 
the attempt to re-establish legal order, and by especial 
care to make the rebels understand, that according 
to the Pragmatic Sanction, the connexion with the 
Monarchy helps to sustain right and law, but not. 
rebellion; and that this will be a more powerful 
means towards re-establishing peaee and order, than if 
we were required to sacrifice the integrity of the 
Crown, the honour and dignity of our Nation, and to 
allow our Fatherland to be dismembered, to purchase 
peace at any price. The Hungarian Nation will be 
just and reasonable, in war as well as in peaee; but 
they will never bear the character of cowards. 

We have deemed it our duty to present this state* 
ment to Your Imperial-Royal Highness, with a view to 

itft-brai^ coBummiciited to His Imperisd-Royal High- 
the idrchdtike John. 

The Hungarian Ministry^ 

L* Batshtanti. Eot¥08; 

L. Dear*. Sssmbrb. 

Kossuth. MsazAsoa. 
L. Klaczal. 

Badft-Pesth, July 41^, 1849. 

My dear Babon Jellachich ! 

ment to my Dynasty, and to the interests. of the col- 
lective Monarchy, which, since your appointment as 
Ban, you have repeatedly given, as well as the readi- 
ness with which you endeavoured to carry out the re- 
commendations I issued respecting an understanding 
with my Hungarian Ministry, assured me that it could 
never have been your intention to oppose yourself in 
a treasonable way to my highest commands, or to en- 
deavour to bring about a dissolution of that connec- 


tion which has united the dependencies of Hungary 
for centuries with my Hungarian Crown^ and which 
will also hereafter tend more firmly to consolidate 
and promote their common welfare. It is with pe- 
culiar satisfaction to my paternal hearty to revoke the 
judgement pronounced in my Manifesto of the 10th of 
June hat, — that an inyestigation should take place with 
regard to your conduct^ and that in the meantime you 
should be suspended from your dignity as Ban^ and 
from all your military offices and frmctions^ — ^in conse- 
quence of representations which find the most entire 
contradiction in your faithful devotion attested by deeds. 
Having transmitted to my cousin^ the Archduke Pala- 
tine of Hungary^ all that is necessary in this respect, I 
expect further from your sense of duty and loyalty that^ 
in the position to which my confidence has raised you^ 
you will always and solely labour to promote the welfare 
of the collective Monarchy, to maintain the integrity 
of the Hungarian Crown, and aid the beueficial deve- 
lopment of the Hungarian Dependencies. 

Schonbruniij September 4thy 1848. 




We, Ferdinand I.^ Constitutional Emperor of Au- 


stria^ &c.. King of Hungary, Croatia, Sclavonia, Dal- 
matia, the Fifth of this name, to the Barons, to the 
High Dignitaries of the Church and State, to the 
Magnates and Representatives of Hungary, its depen- 
dencies, and the Grand Duchy of Transylvania, assem- 
bled at the Diet, convoked by ourselves in our free and 
royal town of Pesth, our greeting. 

To our deep concern and indignation the House of 
B.epresentatives has been seduced by Kossuth and his 
adherents to great illegalities ; it has even carried out 
several illegal resolutions against our Royal will, and 
has lately, on the 27th of September, issued a resolu- 
tion against the commission of the Royal Commissary, 
our Lieutenant Fieldmarshal Count Francis Lamberg^ 
appointed by ourselves to re-establish peace. In con- 
sequence of which, this our Royal Commissary, before 
he could even produce his commission, was in the 
public street violently attacked by the fmious mob, 
which murdered him in the most atrocious manner. 
Under these circumstances, we see ourselves compelled. 

according to our Boyal daty, for the maintenance of the 
security and the law^ to take the following measiiresy 
and to command their enforcement : — 

First. We dissolve the Diet by this our Decree ; so 
that after the publication of our present Sovereign 
Rescript, the Diet has immediately to dose its Ses* 

Secondly. We declare as illegal, void and invalid all 
the resolutions, and the measures of the Diet, whidi we 
have not sanctioned. 

Thirdly* AD troops, and armed bodies of every 
kind, whether national guards, or volunteers, which are 
stationed in Hungary and its depend«icieS| as wdl as 
in Transylvania, are placed by this our decree under 
the chief command of our Ban of Croatia, Selavonia 
and Dalmatia, Lieutenant Fieldmarshal Baron Joseph 

Fourthly. Until the disturbed peace and order in 
the country shall be restored, the kingdom of Hungary 
shall be subjected to martial law; in consequence of 
which, the respective authorities are meanwhile to abs- 
tain from the celebration of congregations, whether of 
the counties, of the munidpalities, or of the districts. 

Fifthly. Our Ban of Croatia, Selavonia and Dal* 
matia. Baron Joseph Jellachich, is hereby invested and 
empowered as Commissary of our Royal Majesty ; and 
we give him full power and force, that he may, in the 
sphere of Executive Ministry, exercise the authority, 
with which, as Lieutenant of our Royal Majesty, we 


lave inyested bim in the present extraordinary eircam* 

la consequence of this onr Sovereign plenipoteno^ 
we declare tiiat wliatsoever the Ban of Croatia shall 
order^ regulate, determine and command, is to be con^ 
sidered as ordered, regulated, determined and com- 
manded by our Boyd authority. In con&equence of 
which, we likewise by this graciously give command to 
all our ecclesiastical, civil and military authorities, offi- 
cers, and High Dignitaries of our kingdom of Hun- 
gary, its dependencies, and Transylvania, as also to all 
their inhabitants, that all the orders signed by Baron 
Jellachich, as our empowered Boyal Commissary, shall 
be by them obeyed, and enforced, in the same way as 
they are bound to obey our Royal Majesty. 

Sixthly. We pecuharly enjoin our Royal Commis- 
sary to take care that the assailants and murderers of 
our Royal Commissary, Count Lamberg, as well as the 
authors and participators of this revolting and shame- 
ful action, shaU be visited vnith the full severity of the 

Seventhly. The remaining current business of thei 
civil administration shaU, meanwhile, be transacted by 
the officers of the ministerial departments, according to 
the regulations of the kws. 

It will be established besides^ in the lawful way 
after consulting the representatives of all parts of our 
realms, in what way the preservation of the unity and 
the direction of the common inter^ts of the whok 


Monarchy can be lastingly re-established in futore; in 
what way the equality of rights of all nationalities can 
be guaranteed for ever^ and how the reciprocal rela- 
tions of all the countries and nations^ united under 
our Crown^ are on this basis to be ordained. 
Given at Schonbrunn^ the 3rd of October, 1848. 

(Signed) FERniNAND. 

(Countersigned) Adam Becsey, 

President of the Ministry* 



I, Stephen Francis Victor, Imperial-Royal Prince 
and Archduke of Austria, Palatine and Royal Lieu- 
tenant of Hungary, and the collective Hungarian Mi- 
nistry, — ^inasmuch as the relations of Germany to Au- 
stria, with which latter State Hungary is closely 
connected in the spirit of the Pragmatic Sanction, are 
to be regulated upon a new and constitutional basis by 
the German Parliament, to be opened at Frankfort on 
the Maine in the course of the month of May, 1848, — 
have commissioned MM. Dionys Pazmandy and La- 
dislaus Szalay to communicate with the Hungarian 
Minister at Vienna, Prince Esterhazy, and through him 


also with the Austrian Ministry^ on all the above 
relations^ inasfar as they touch Hungary^ and then 
to repair to Frankfort^ and there to watch over the 
maintenance and. strengthening of the friendly relations 
existing between the Hungarian and German States^ 
the continuance of which we fervently desire^ in poli- 
tical as well as commercial respects^ to the promotion 
of the independence^ liberty^ and material well-being of 
both nations ; and to aid in and promote all that is 
serviceable and necessary for the attainment of the 
above purpose. 

(Signed) Archduke Stephen, 
Palatine, Royal Lieutenant. 

(Countersigned) Louis, Count Batthyanyi. 
Buda, May 14th, 1848. 



Paris, Mfrch 7th, 1849. 

I perform a sacred duty, in complying with your 
flattering request, to make you acquainted with the in- 

* See above, yoL ii. p. 56, note. 

ttniuxiBQf the HuigaRni Ckuremnicnt towirds ibe Sdi^ 
yUk StatoB in tlie kingdon of Hungaij. Maj- ihems^ 
lines be iccavod kindOy, written as tiMy are wHli tntlE 
aflod m e eply ! The daw ooanectioii of tbe natnua- 
ymm to have beeome tbe motto of our times : the pcAcjr 
of privileges and eidiisiTeness of the Courts had jdayed. 
ont its pact. This we all had hoped, bat the sad erenAs- 
iriudi were so oiken repeated in Ihe territory of the 
ibistrian Monardiy have deceived our hoptiA in. a cmeL 
asnner. There is only one means of repairing die eril- 
that has been done, — ^to banish all jealonsies between- 
the nationalities, and substitnte a cordial mutual under- 

That these means are at the same time our most 
fervent wish, I wiD pH>ve by drawing a veU over the past. 
It is an act of forbearance to be silent on the causes of 
a struggle which one deems to be just, and thus to ex- 
pose oneself to the attacks of enemies. Let us encou- 
rage this forbearance mutually. One thing only I 
may be permitted to observe, that the above-indicated 
principles — ^which I may proclaim without fear as those 
of my Govenmient — do not date from today. The 
Hungarian Ministry made them the guide of their con- 
duct from the moment of their existence, and, if the 
success did not answer their expjctations, 'the reason 
must be sought partly in the events that took place 
before March, partly in the skilful manoeuvres of the 
Austrian Government. The Hungarian Government 
had always in view the equality oi rights of the dif- 


fefffSDt nationalities, and the peculiar principleB of' ^! 
Hnxtgariaia Constitution left the way open of carrying' 
tlda principle into effect. The man who today stands. 
at. ihs head of t]» Magyar Government solemnly de-<^ 
claared, in the last Diet at Festh, that Hungary waa 
not in any way opposed to the complete iadq>endeneef 
of Croatia, if the Croats make this independence ther 
condition of their friendship. The Hungarian Gh>Yani* 
ment would at the same time have been ready to graiiti 
aU possible concessions to the Serbs, could it have 
succeeded in making itself listened to. But in thi» 
Guse the difficulties were immensely increrawd by the 
influence of the Turkish Serbs. It is the same as if 
tihe Poka or Czechs were to allow the influence of 
Bussia. Subtle dialecticians might perhi^s discover 
the unity of the national interests; but every union 
with other nationahties^ even that with the Sdaves,. 
becomes impossible by such an alliance. The Hun-^ 
garian Government would be ready to grant to ther 
Serbs the establishment of a Serbian Waiwodina, bul: 
firsi the limits must be designated, and the aauaerted 
rights of nationality be made the basis of thia desigsos^ 

The Slovac^s would have found the safest guarantees 
ia the municipal constitution, in the Jiiry, and in tin 
national representation; whilst complstei freedom ot 
edbcation and of religion woxdd have (fispeUed dsajt 
remaining doubts in our sincerity. Hie Widkchs 
— Bot to forget. them here"— bsd received all poasifafe 


promises in the person of Bishop Schagana ; bnt every- 
thing was useless; here we see the same means more 
efficacious than with the Serbs. The Wallachs of the 
Principahties of the Danube had, in blind jealousy^ 
instigated their brethren against the Hungarian Govern- 
ment. The latter were forced to a contest, but thqr 
were ever ready to offer the hand of reconciliation; the 
victories gained by the Hungarians shall be no defeats 
for the Sclaves. Reconciliation is the object of the 
Hungarian Government; it is with them a principle of 
life, and the constant object of their thoughts. 

Our invitation to your noble countryman. General 
Dembinski, to go to Hungary, would guarantee to you 
the sincerity of our feelings. We, the representatives 
of the Magyar Government, have not delayed a moment 
to accept the offer of the brave General,. made known 
to us through the journals, and to accept it in the 
name of our Government. This must prove to you 
that the present intentions of the Hungarian Grovem- 
ment are the most loyal, even were you to doubt 
anything which, however recently, has taken place. 
The Government indeed is anxious for a sincere recon- 
ciliation with the Sclaves, who are at this moment 
fighting against them ; it is prepared to realize the full 
equality of rights of the different nationalities. The 
Magyar language would never have obtained a pre- 
ference in the Diet (whether or not Croatia, as part 
of the country, wished to share ia it), had not the 
majority of the nations, equally represented, decided