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Full text of "War versus peace; a short treatise on war: its causes, horrors, and cost; and peace: its history and means of advancement"

THE HIGH LIBRARY 





Class 172.4 
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Accession 27052 




GISH PUBLISHING FUND. 



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in term of office that the time of one member ex- 
pires each year, whose duty it shall be 

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and missionaries: but should it not be needed in 
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War Versus 
Peace 



A Short Treatise on War: Its Causes 

Horrors, and Cost; and Peace: 

Its History and Means of 

Advancement 



BY 

JACOB FUNK 



Jtf 






Elgin, Illinois 

Brethren Publishing House 

1910 



27052 



Copyright 1910 
Brethren Publishing House 



PREFACE 

The present age should be one of love ; love to God and 
love to fellow-man. The time is ripe when man should con- 
sider every other man as his brother and God as his Father. 
War is the negation of love and justice and there is no lack 
of evidence as to its horrors and sinfulness. The only ex- 
cuse offered for its existence by its most ardent supporters 
is that " between two evils choose the lesser." It must be 
evident to all Christians that such argument is extremely 
weak, for there is no occasion when men or nations must 
choose between two evils ; there is always a right course to 
pursue and Christians will pursue that course. 

The purpose of the author of this book is to present a few 
facts concerning war and reasons for its discontinuance, and 
to suggest some ways and means for the advancement of 
peace. Originality is not claimed for this work. The various 
publications put out by the peace societies of our own and 
other countries have been freely consulted and used; espe- 
cially is this true of " The American Peace Society," " The 
Universal Peace Union," and " The Peace Society " of Lon- 
don. 

While the past few years have seen many advancements 
along the lines of peace, it is also true that because of the 
prominence given to war by some of the rulers and legisla- 
tors, there has been infinite mischief done to the cause of 
righteousness. Every effort possible should be made that 
this evil may be checked and at last banished, and this can 
only be accomplished through the instrumentality of God's 
people, who will move and work under the direction of the 
Holy Spirit. 

In chapter two not nearly all the horrors of war have 



4 War versus Peace 

been told, for that lies beyond the power of lips to express, 
or pen to write; but the writer nas endeavored to show 
enough of its sinfulness so that the better nature of men 
may be aroused. 

Not nearly all of the peace organizations and societies 
have been mentioned in chapter five, but those mentioned 
give some idea of the progress made in the cause of peace. 

The world has ever been exceedingly slow to grasp the 
great truths that God has for humanity, and it is only by 
constantly keeping before the mind of man these truths that 
any advancement is made along lines of righteousness. If 
by the reading of this little volume some soul will be stirred to 
greater activity in the cause of " The Prince of Peace " its 
object will have been attained. 



INDEX 

The Causes of War, 7 

The Evils of War, 46 

The Cost of War, 86 

A Brief History of the Peace Movement, 107 

Ways of Advancing Peace, 141 



WAR VERSUS PEACE 



CHAPTER I 

The Causes of War 

Almost nineteen hundred years have elapsed since from 
the lips of the blessed Son of God fell those words which, 
if put into practice by every individual, would forever ban- 
ish even the thought of war ; namely, the Golden Rule. 

But with all of our boasted learning and wisdom we are 
seemingly as far away from the direct application of its 
principles as when uttered by the Savior of mankind. Love 
to God and love to man are the central doctrines of Christ's 
teachings. The universal brotherhood of man is that which 
he was constantly trying to instill into the mind of man. He 
taught men to love one another. " He abrogated the old law 
of retaliation by the new law of love ; the old law of keeping 
oaths by the new law of making none to break ; the old say- 
ing of hating enemies by the new law of loving them. He 
put the doctrine of non-resistance in the strongest form by 
bidding men suffer the most wicked personal violence with 
gentleness, and the most vexatious robbery with patience." 
And not only this, but when buffeted and smitten, spat upon 
and derided, rather than call the legions of angels to fight 
for him, he was led " as a lamb to the slaughter," and al- 
lowed his life's blood to be spilled on Calvary, that he might 
in deed and truth be the " Prince of Peace." 

And yet the world thus far has profited but little from this 
noble example. Men still continue to resist evil, to hate 



8 War versus Peace 

their enemies, to turn their backs on the greatest Teacher 
the world has ever seen, and to place their trust in forts and 
arsenals, ships of war and weapons of destruction. War 
belongs to other ages and to a different era of civilization 
than the present Christian era. Its awful atrocities and rank 
injustice jar upon the Christian principles of the twentieth 
century, and the reasonable, thinking people of today are 
demanding a reasonable excuse for the wholesale destruc- 
tion of lives and property, and the degrading of morals 
which inevitably follows in the wake of war. Instead of an 
age of war and selfishness, cruelty and murder, suspicion 
and treason, greed and envy, this should be an age of love 
and peace, gentleness and kindness, forgiving and forbear- 
ing, and general good will to men. 

In the earliest history of man the fight was individual 
against individual; next it was family against family; then 
tribe against tribe ; and now it is nation against nation ; and 
if the warlike spirit of today is not brought to a halt, it will 
soon be — yes, already is — upon us — the war of race against 
race; and as the numbers who engage in the conflict in- 
crease, so the vice and crime, the malice and hatred, grow 
in proportion. Dueling has almost ceased; family quarrels 
are becoming less frequent; and today man is demanding 
that the gigantic duel of nation against nation be brought to 
a close. But so long as men are not more rational beings 
than now, disputes which lead to war are liable to spring up. 

Undoubtedly one of the causes for war is that men do not 
inquire enough about the right or wron g of it. We have 
been accustomed to it so long that we naturally believe in it, 
and when a nation thinks its honor or rights have been tram- 
pled upon, reason and common sense are thrown aside, and 
not until after thousands of the strongest men have been 
slain and millions of money have been spent does reason be- 



War versus Peace 9 

come enthroned, only to be cast aside again at the next out- 
rage on " national honor." 

A fair, impartial study of the atrocities of war and the 
littleness of the benefits derived from it, will convince na- 
tions that better and cheaper methods must be found to set- 
tle disputes. Many who have all their lives concluded that 
war is lawful and right, have found, when they began to 
examine the question, that their conclusions were founded 
upon false evidence. Slavery was not abolished until people 
began to study it. Intemperance is tolerated only in com- 
munities where the terrible crimes perpetrated by this hid- 
eous monster are kept in the background. And so, as war 
is studied and its crimes become better known, it will be de- 
throned forever. 

But in times past it has been a very difficult matter to get 
the facts about war. Our histories for the most part are 
filled with the glories of the hero on the battlefield, exalting 
and magnifying the bravery of the soldier on the field of 
blood, carefully avoiding the awful atrocities and cold- 
blooded murders, the lowering of the morals, the breaking 
up of homes, the loss of freedom, and the thousands of other 
things that go to make war a " hell,'' and thereby raising 
the business of the soldier to an honorable profession. " The 
soldier who settles quarrels by stabbing and shooting his 
enemy and destroying his property stands as high in the 
popular estimation as the judge and advocate who sit to 
settle quarrels peaceably." With a large majority this is 
due to the fact that what the soldier really does is left in the 
background. He is not looked upon as an individual who 
kills or wounds his enemies and destroys their property, 
who makes widows and orphans, who tramples down crops, 
burns villages, and brings ruin to thousands of lives, ^buLas 
a man who exposes his life for others. " In the popular 



10 War versus Peace 

imagination he does not kill for his country, but is killed for 
his country." This condition could hardly exist if the sol- 
dier was constantly thought of as one who is cutting, shoot- 
ing and mutilating his fellow-man. There is no record of 
wars having improved any nation's character, or having 
made men more sober or religious or humane or law-abid- 
ing ; and yet the soldier is held up as an individual who up- 
holds and advances these virtues. 

A careful examination of almost any history reveals the 
fact that a large majority of its pages are rilled with the re- 
cital of wars. So-called causes are gone into minutely. 
Each battle is vividly portrayed in all of its " glory." The 
heroes of the field are described in glowing terms. Pictures 
of battles, soldiers in uniforms, medals of honor, monu- 
ments to the dead, ships of war described as " guarantors of 
peace," forts with cannon belching forth missiles of death, 
are given a prominent place. But in none of them do we 
find the picture of the old, gray-haired mother going about 
her family duties with heavy tread and swollen eyes and a 
broken heart, because of an only son shot on the battlefield, or 
of the widow with her small children left without home or 
comfort, because the husband and father was slain, or a de- 
scription of the terrible depreciation of morals, or the hurl- 
ing into an awful eternity of men unprepared to meet their 
God. 

Let no one deny that war has produced heroes ; love of 
country, love of man and love of right, have led many noble 
men to the battlefield. But it was because a better way was 
not brought more prominently before them — because they 
had not fully learned the awful sinfulness of war. Igno- 
rance leads the heathen mother to sacrifice her child, but we 
in Christian America know that such deeds, however heroic, 
are wrong. 



War versus Peace 11 

Washington at the head of his army at the siege of York- 
town is not the great man that he is upon his knees in the 
depth of the forest, pleading the cause of right before his 
Creator. Histories make heroes of these great men because 
of military achievements, whereas the truth is, they were 
heroes in spite of their military careers. 

Thomas Chase has expressed the sentiment of every true 
lover of peace, when he said : " For the vulgar conqueror I 
have no admiration. Others may bow in abject prostration 
before the shrine of such heroes as Napoleon. I admit the 
splendor of his genius, although even that has been exag- 
gerated ; and there is much truth in Carlyle's recent growl of 
deprecation against the Idol ; but I feel nothing but abhor- 
rence and indignation at the selfishness, the cruelty, the im- 
measurable and unpardonable mischief of his whole career 
of blood. But I can honor as much as any man the self- 
sacrifice and devotion of the soldier who is prompted by the 
highest motives of patriotism and Christian philanthropy, 
even while I lament that in his blindness he is unconsciously 
using means so foul." 

Because a man has been in the thickest of the fight or 
faced the mouth of the cannon or led a company of men 
armed with swords and implements of war, to victory, is no 
evidence that he is a hero. True heroes do not go about 
with gun in hand, armed to the teeth, seeking to destroy. 
(To save lifeAand not to destroy, is the business of the hero ; 
but this is exactly opposite the soldier's calling. 

War is a method and device of a barbarous period of so- 
cial progress, and wherever practiced by modern nations in 
some period of critical strain, it ought to be regarded, like 
capital punishment, as a horrible and tragical thing, not to 
be welcomed, not to be rejoiced at, but to be lamented 
as a crime against humanity and a sin against God. 



12 War versus Peace 



i 



Bravery in fighting is one of the primary animal instincts. , 
All the lower animals have it. All nations of men have it. The 
battlefield is not the only place to find it. The man who 
makes his living by robbing his fellow-man has it. Every- 
where, among all people, in every avocation, you will find 
bravery, but the heroes are the ones who have principles of 
right for which they will die. 

Dr. Payson says : " War is surrounded by a deceitful 
lustre. But let the monster's hidden form be exposed in 
its true colors, and it will be an honor to Christianity — a 
powerful argument in her favor — to be known as his most 
decided and successful foe." 

But history, for the most part, has failed to show war in 
its hideous form. It has been over-emphasized and magni- 
fied beyond all proportion. Many of them are a mere 
" drum and trumpet history." For example, one history ex- 
amined gave twenty-eight pages to the early settlement of 
Virginia, which, for the most part, was a succession of wars, 
massacres, quarrels, and trouble ; while to Pennsylvania are 
given six pages. Now no one will suppose that there were 
not as many things transpiring worthy of mention in the set- 
tlement of Pennsylvania, as in Virginia, but the historian 
has considered the wars and quarrels more worthy of men- 
tion than the peaceful pursuits of the sturdy and prosperous 
Quakers. 

Much more might be written in regard to the noble work 
of William Penn and his dealing with the Indians, his own 
countrymen, his industry, his " City of Brotherly Love," the 
charter of liberties granted to the people, yet these things 
are barely mentioned, while, on the other hand, the Indian 
wars which were so numerous in the settlement of Virginia 
are gone into in minute detail. In the same history four and 
one-half pages are given to our difficulty with Chili in 1891 



War versus Peace 13 

— a matter of minor importance — while not a word is men- 
tioned about any of the great peace movements of modern 
times. 

This may be an exception, but it is a deplorable fact that, 
for the most part, our historians have not yet learned the 
truth, that " peace hath her victories, no less renowned than 
war." It is the reproach of the historians that they have too 
often turned history into a mere record of the butcheries of 
men by their fellow-men. 

It is the simple truth, though not always easy to realize, 
that it is righteousness, and righteousness alone, that exalt- 
eth a nation. War may be forced upon us — it may seem to 
be necessary; but even this, backed by the opinion of the 
Church, cannot make it righteous. 

Historians are expected to give the facts about which they 
are recording, without prejudice or being biased in any way, 
and when this is done, public opinion will soon demand that 
the awful atrocities of war cease. Some historians, it is 
true, have tried to record the facts in the case, but such his- 
tories are not used in our public schools, and are rarely 
read. 

James Russell Lowell gives the facts about war in poetry, 
that ought to be riveted to the mind and heart of every his- 
torian, when he says : 

" Ez fer war, I call it murder, 

There you have it plain and flat; 
I don't want to no furder 

Than my Testyment for that; 
God has said so plump and fairly, 

It's ez long as it is broad, 
An* you've got to get up airly 

Ef you want to take in God! 

"'Taint your eppyletts and feathers 
Makes the thing a grain more right; 



14 War versus Peace 

'Taint a follerin' your bell-wether 

Will excuse ye in his sight; 
Ef you take a sword and draw it, 

An go stick a feller thru', 
Gov'ment ain't to answer for it, 

God'll send the bill to you." 

A careful investigation of the causes for war will show 
that greed and envy, hatred and malice, were at the founda- 
tion of all of them, and these facts should be given. 

What has been said about historians, will apply equally 
to authors of encyclopedias and other works of similar na- 
ture. In a work of worth, considered so by educators, we 
find no mention whatever of many of the peace societies or 
the men who have been instrumental to a very great degree 
in advancing the cause of peace. Under the head of Peace 
are to be found eight divisions, covering five pages, much of 
which is unimportant from the standpoint of telling what is 
being done by peace societies and what has been done in 
times past to forward the cause of peace. In the same work, 
on the subject of the Army and Navy, will be found one 
hundred fifty-eight subdivisions, covering every possible de- 
tail under these headings. Besides this, every war, whether 
great or small, from the founding of America to the present 
time, is discussed. 

It is a rank injustice to the reading public to have con- 
stantly heralded before their eyes the military achievements 
of a country, while the noble deeds of men and women fol- 
lowing peaceful pursuits, and the societies and congresses 
organized for the express purpose of doing good to mankind 
by making war impossible, are barely mentioned. 

In this same work, Napoleon, with his awful career of 
blood and wickedness, whose very name is nauseating to 
every true lover of peace, is given seven pages describing in 
a general way his military achievements, while such men as 



War versus Peace 15 

Dr. Charming, Worcester, Hugo Grotius, Geo. Fox, Wm. 
Penn, Charles Sumner, Elihu Burritt, Victor Hugo, Tolstoi, 
and a host of other leaders in the peace movement, are bare- 
ly mentioned. None of them are given over three-fourths 
of a page. Napoleon, with a wonderful genius, caused the 
whole world to tremble for a short time. But Hugo Grotius, 
with his work on the " Justice of War and Peace," sounded 
a blast that is still echoing in the hearts of Christian men and 
women, and these facts should be noted by our authors and 
educators. 

Another cause for war in times past has been the irrespons- 
ible talk which fills our newspapers. Not a few wars have 
been talked into existence on insignificant pretexts. A com- 
paratively small matter has been fanned into a flame which 
resulted in the death of thousands of men and the destruc- 
tion of millions of dollars' worth of property. The press, 
when rightly used, is one of the most powerful agents for 
good that we have in the world today, for the people of every 
nation are becoming more and more a reading people. But 
it is a sad fact that many people have an appetite for the 
rash and sensational, and still more sad is the fact that we 
have editors who are willing to fill up the newspapers with 
just the sort of stuff that will satisfy that appetite. Happily, 
in this age, the means of speedy intercommunion have be- 
come so numerous and reliable that the groundlessness of a 
war rumor is easily detected and transmitted, and thus a 
critical situation is many times avoided. But nevertheless, 
the press can and does easily stir up the baser nature of man, 
that, though the nations may not come to actual conflict, 
arouses enmity that will require years to settle. 

Editors have for the most part done as Mr. John Richard 
Green says of the historian : " We have numberless por- 
traits of military men got up for the drawing room, in their 



16 War versus Peace 

scarlet uniforms and flashing decorations. Our eyes*have] 
been dazzled by pictures of reviews, marches, sham fights 
and royal processions. We have seen the young soldier 
bending down to receive his mother's kiss, his departure — 
flying of flags and waving of handkerchiefs — his unexpected 
return to his home, bundle in hand and medals on his breast, 
and the family group gathered around him as he tells of his 
adventures in foreign lands. But telling and touching as 
these pictures really are, I venture to submit that they are 
calculated to create a mistaken impression — ' Hiding the 
grossness with fair ornaments.' " 

The press is loud in its praises of the bravery of the man 
who carries the flag to the very front of the battle, but silent 
as to the cold, cruel, relentless butchery which stains the 
hands of every man who sheds his brother's blood. It up- 
holds and honors the man, who at the head of a company of 
men, leads on to victory, but is deaf to the cries that arise 
from the blood of those slain to satisfy the greed and envy 
of the victors. 

It may be human nature to stand up for your nation and 
your country's flag, but it is Christlike to " love your ene- 
mies, do good to them that despitefully use you and perse- 
cute you." And no man who has not this Christlike prin- 
ciple inculcated in his heart has any business with the press 
of our land. 

Call the man who kills his brother a murderer. Let war 
be catalogued as the blackest of crimes by the press of our 
land. Newspapers of today have much to say about up- 
holding national honor. True it is that love of country and 
love of home are near and dear to every one ; but what is 
national honor, that all the virtues dear to the Christian 
heart must be sacrificed in its defense? What lofty position 
has it attained to, that men are justified in butchering each 



War versus Peace 17 

other to uphold it? Is it not a fact that ofttimes the very 
means which men have used to defend national honor has 
resulted in bringing shame and disgrace upon the nation ? 

Sir Stafford Northcote has well said that " national honor 
does not consist in not acknowledging wrong or never ad- 
mitting a mistake because of the fear that it would be said 
is was done f rora an unwillingness to face the consequences ; 
but like true personal honor, it consisted in being ready to 
do justice in all things, to maintain your own rights and to 
recognize the rights of your opponents ; and just to go so far 
beyond mere justice that when the point was doubtful you 
would rather give it against yourself than for yourself/' 

A really useful and salutary influence consists in discover- 
ing new truths, spreading sound ideas, and exercising lib- 
erty, not in flashing before the public mind in glaring head- 
lines a very much exaggerated account of some minor out- 
rage on a foreigner. Scandal and sensational reading may 
satisfy a reading public, but, as the historian, the author, the 
poet, and the editor, know, he who stoops to means so foul 
as to incite haired and revenge in the hearts of men is doing 
incalculable mischief, and must some day reap the result of 
his sowing. 

Lord Russell has this to say : " On looking at all the wars 
which have been carried on during the last century, and ex- 
amining into the causes of them, I do not see one of these 
wars in which, if there had been proper temper between the 
parties, the questions in dispute might not have been settled 
without recourse to arms." 

The press of our land can do much to bring about this 
" proper temper," regardless of the fact that the head of a 
great nation may be favorable to war and to warlike prep- 
arations. The influence which the press may wield over 
the nation will outweigh even the influence of the president 



18 War versus Peace 

or king. Newspapers of today can do what the late Bishop 
of Durham advised, viz. : " We can avoid and discourage all 
language in regard to other nations which is in any way in- 
consistent with the respect due to their positions. We can 
endeavor to understand their feelings, difficulties, tempta- 
tions, and not to measure them, even unconsciously, by the 
standard established for us by our traditions and beliefs. We 
can adopt as the rule for our own temper the memorable 
clause in Penn's treaty with the Indians, which bound the 
contracting parties not to believe evil reports of one an- 
other." True, there are some (very few) noble exceptions 
to the rule. 

Even many of our religious magazines and denominational 
papers are not taking a decided stand for peace, as against 
war. Many of them seem to think that the end will justify 
the means, and so in a half-hearted way they deplore war, and 
hope in a feeble way that it will soon cease ; but so very few 
take a decided stand that all wars are wrong. We need men 
today who will denounce war as William Lloyd Garrison 
and others denounced slavery. Let the religious literature 
of our land give no uncertain sound as to what the Bible 
teaches on this subject. 

Were it not for the fact that the various peace organiza- 
tions of today were giving to us the true facts about war, we 
would have but a very small amount of literature giving to 
us the conditions as they really are. Our boys and girls in 
the schools are studying the histories which are lauding the 
soldier, — making sacred the battlefield and glorying in war. 
Our encyclopedias, for the most part, are filled with narra- 
tives of men who are renowned because of their military 
career, and our poets are singing aloud the praises of him 
who braved the cannon's mouth, and our eyes are day by 
day being invited to feast upon the glaring headlines of the 



War versus Peace 19 

daily newspaper telling of great orations on Decoration Day, 
soldiers' reunions, big naval demonstrations, etc., many of 
them belittling the efforts put forth to advance peace, until 
he who would get at the facts must look to other sources. 

But as many of our peace societies are hampered for want 
of means to publish and send out their literature, and be- 
cause peace, with its manifold blessings, is not a popular sub- 
ject, but a comparatively small majority of the people are 
reached by this means. 

Let the facts be known. Let our histories set war in its 
true light. Let the press, religious and secular, portray war 
in its hideousness. Let the poet's song of war be one of 
sadness. Let our educators give to us the awfulness of war 
in the lowering of morals and the degrading of homes, the 
hindering of Christian virtues, that the youth of our land 
may know that indeed war is hell, and those engaged in it 
are in a hellish business. 

"Were half the power that holds the world in terror, 
Were half the wealth bestowed on camps and courts, 
Given to redeem the human mind from error, 
There were no need for arsenals nor forts. 

"The warrior's name would be a name abhorred! 
And every nation that should lift again 
Its hand against a brother, on its forehead 
Would wear for evermore the curse of Cain!" 

Large standing armies and powerful navies have been, in 
times past, and are today, a cause for war. It is but natural 
that individuals have a desire to do that which they have 
been educated or trained to do. The farmer who has studied 
the nature of the soil, the climatic conditions, the kind and 
uses of the various grains and plants, is never so happy as 
when he is practically demonstrating the results of his in- 
vestigations. The minister of the Gospel, after spending 



20 War versus Peace 

much time in study and prayer, is anxious for the hour to 
come when he shall deliver his discourse to the congrega- 
tion, confident that the results of such study and prayer will 
tell for God. 

Now if this is the case in all other professions, does it 
not seem probable that men who are trained to endure 
physical hardships, to shoot accurately, and to spend all their 
time in learning the art of war, should be anxious for the 
time to come when they can demonstrate to the world the 
superiority of their skill and marksmanship ? War is a pro- 
fession, and the army a professional caste. It must justify 
its existence. It is not the nature of man to have a profes- 
sion and not to be following it : the physician wants patients, 
the lawyer, clients, the minister, converts, and the soldier, 
victims. In peace the soldier can hope for little or no promo- 
tion, and has but little opportunity of bettering his condition 
or distinguishing himself. Times of peace mean for him 
idleness and lack of opportunities, a waste of his energies, 
the thwarting of his ambitions ; and so, naturally, he clamors 
for war. It is his business to make war. Even in times of 
dispute between nations, the issue is awaited with the great- 
est of anxiety on the part of the soldier, and when war is 
declared, there is positive rejoicing. 

Standing armies are for war; powerful navies are for 
war; and the men who fill our armies and man our navies 
are trained to fight, and fight they will, regardless of who 
the enemy may be, or the justness of the cause. The very ex- 
istence of such immense warlike weapon* engenders strife, 
and is a menace to peace. " The possession of a very sharp 
sword offers a temptation which becomes irresistible to dem- 
ontrate the efficiency of the weapon in a practical manner." 
What are the feelings aroused when beholding a large bat- 
tleship or a powerful army ? Does it bring forcefully before 



War versus Peace 21 

the mind that universal peace is an assured fact? No sane 
person will admit that this is the result. On the other hand, 
it brings up the thought of war and arouses the war spirit. 
The mere sight of vast military equipments is dazzling to 
the mind and does not disclose the awful carnage and blood- 
shed that such preparations must lead to. Unless you as- 
sume that the very development of war on so gigantic a 
scale as the nations of today are taking is preparing the 
world for peace, you must assume that it will lead to more 
terrible results than history has recorded in times past, for 
none of the leading nations of today are willing to be out- 
done, and when the conflict will come it will simply mean 
more destruction of property and lives than the world has 
ever seen : " For he that is prepared to be offended will 
readily find offence. ,, 

In the present state of men's principles, it is not probable 
that one nation will observe another levying men and build- 
ing ships and founding cannon, without providing men and 
ships and cannon themselves, and when both are thus threat- 
ening and defying, what is the hope that there will not be 
war? There are two ways of settling national disputes : one 
is by war, and the other is by arbitration, and the nations 
who have the most powerful navies and standing armies are 
the ones who will look upon arbitration the less favorably 
as a means of settling disputes. 

A warlike spirit and preparation is the most deadly foe 
to peace. Well has R. P. Stebbins said : " Who is the 
peaceful man? He who carries his dirk and pistols, or he 
who is unarmed and careful in the discharge of his duties ? 
In what neighborhood would you prefer to live for safety's 
sake: in that where knives and dirks were worn and used, 
or in that where no such weapons were named or known? 
The spirit of war, the military spirit, is the one which will 



22 War versus Peace 

plunge us into blood/' It cannot be doubted that nations are 
much more disposed to fall out and to uphold the sword when 
they have available means of fighting within reach and 
swords already in their hands. Armaments are clearly among 
the provocatives and incentives to war, the removal of which 
would promote peace. When men cannot fight, they are not 
predisposed to fight. Forces, on the other hand, almost in- 
evitably carry with them the disposition to appeal to force. 
The saying, " In time of peace, prepare for war," has done 
infinite mischief. It has misled statesmen, and has sent 
thousands of young men to untimely graves. It means ar- 
senals and forts, great standing armies, and vast fleets of 
battleships ; and yet those are the very things which we wish 
to reduce to the lowest possible terms. 

Dr. Darby tells us that " an ounce of fact is worth tons 
of theory, and the simple fact is that not in spite of, but be- 
cause of, these huge armaments, the European nations are 
watching each other's movements with feline vigilance and 
sensitive anxiety. The policy of forming great armies and 
perfecting and increasing military weapons and supplies is 
not an insurance against the alarm of war, and therefore is 
not an insurance against war itself." " It is not within hu- 
man nature to have keen-edged tools constantly in hand, and 
not to use them." 

In the early days of the peace movement, a careful re- 
search into the causes of war among Christian nations was 
made by the leader of the Massachusetts Peace Society, and 
the report enumerated twenty-three wars from pride pro- 
voked or alarm excited by the defying array of military prep- 
aration which had been made, and from no other cause, 
whereas the annals of Christendom did not furnish a single 
instance in which it could be proved that war was averted 
by military preparations. The view that large standing arm- 



/ 



War versus Peace 23 

ies and powerful navies are a menace to peace is not 
the popular one ; especially the latter is considered to argue 
very powerfully in favor of peace — the surest safeguard of a 
nation, etc. 

But history does not prove such to be the case, for the 
nations in times past who have had the largest standing arm- 
ies and the most powerful navies have been at war the most. 
England, Germany, France, and Spain, though boasting 
both in the past, have during the past century spent more 
than one-fourth of their time on the battlefield. History 
also proves that the nations having the most powerful mili- 
tary equipments have not been in the business of guaran- 
teeing peace, and that they have not always been found on 
the side of justice, but because of their great power, they 
have been domineering and arrogant. 

The theory which these nations having powerful military 
equipments seem to hold is that " might makes right ;" that 
the only law which avails is the law of the strongest, to 
which all considerations of justice, reason, and religion must 
be subordinated. No greater delusion exists than this theory 
that right can always be decided by war. Brute force, over- 
coming the puny arm of rebellion, has been the history from 
the beginning until now — powerful navies crushing the life 
out of liberty and hope, a disgrace to civilization and a curse 
to religion. If might makes right, then let us by all means 
have the largest standing armies and the most powerful 
navies that can possibly be obtained. But if the principles 
of justice and the application of the Golden Rule are more 
powerful factors in the bringing about of universal peace, 
let us educate and train our citizens in these noble traits, and 
they will be just as ready to teach the nations of the world 
the better way as they now are to slay them in the deadly 
conflict of war. 



24 War versus Peace 

What do the navies speak ? What is the meaning of forty- 
million-dollar battleships? In unmistakable terms they are 
saying that the nation owning them is getting ready for war ; 
they are expecting it ; they are looking for trouble ; they are 
practicing for destruction, and they will find all they are 
looking for. 

In the President's annual message to Congress but very 
little is said about the building of character in our boys 
and girls; a very short space is given to the uplifting of 
mankind; nothing whatever about Christianity; but much 
space is given to the importance of increasing our navy, 
making more proficient our standing armies, and making 
them both more attractive from point of pay, and otherwise, 
that more of our young men will enlist. It is a fact that the 
less that is said about the building up of the nation's char- 
acter, the more must be said about the enlisting of men for 
war. The less said about dealing justly with our neigh- 
bors, the more must be said about making more proficient 
our fighting forces ; for when Christianity and the building 
of character are on the decrease the chances for war become 
more prolific. 

Benjamin F. Trueblood has said that " it is selfish ambi- 
tion and its handmaid, brute force, which have been the 
cause of the downfall of every nation which has perished in 
the past." And it is a fact worthy of note that the moment 
the nation turns from trusting in God and doing the right 
to fellow-man she begins to wane as a power. Battleships 
and cruisers, ammunition ships, mine-laying ships, torpedo 
destroyers, are of no value to the nation corrupt in morals 
and slack in Christian principles, and the nations who have 
these noble traits do not need these destroyers of man and 
property. 

Congress will quickly appropriate millions of dollars to 



War versus Peace 25 

build and equip these implements of war, but will not give 
even a small amount of money for the investigation of the 
evils which produce crime and degeneracy. It will even 
appropriate money for the prevention and cure of disease, 
but at the same time levy money for that which has done 
infinitely more mischief in the degrading of the morals and 
destruction of lives. 

But large navies and standing armies have not preserved 
peace in times past, and those who maintain that they are 
such a wonderful " guaranty of peace " will find, if they will 
fully inform themselves, that their belief is founded upon an 
exceeding shabby foundation. Did England's powerful 
navy in 1812 guarantee peace with the United States? Did 
her navy and army, though increased to far greater propor- 
tions, preserve peace with the Boers? Or did the military 
ability of the United States, recognized by everyone to be 
far superior in every way to that of Spain, preserve peace 
with that nation in 1898? Instance after instance might be 
given to show the fallacy of the old argument that in order 
to preserve peace we must be prepared for war. Nations 
using this means of preserving the peace seem to think 
that to have powerful battleships will so overawe weaker 
nations as to banish from their mind the thought of meeting 
them in war. To show the fallacy of such an argument it 
may be well to go back to the early settlement of the colon- 
ies. The men who settled Virginia tried to bring the In- 
dians into subjection by overawing them. They showed the 
Indian the dreadful effect of the musket, which, to the sav- 
age who had never known anything more deadly than the 
bow and arrow, seemed like a modern thirteen-inch gun to 
the people today. But the overawing refused to work, for 
the early history of Virginia is simply a continuation of 
strife and Indian massacres. 



26 War versus Peace 

In direct contrast to this method of bringing peace, is the 
work of William Penn in the settlement of Pennsylvania, 
as given to us by historians. With no weapon to meet the 
savage but love for fellow-man, with no malice or ill-feeling 
toward any, but willing to call the copper-colored natives 
" my friends," he made a treaty that caused the Indian chiefs 
to say : " While the rivers run and the sun shines, we will 
live in peace with William Penn." No record was made of 
the treaty, for none was needed. Its terms were written, 
not on decaying parchment, but on the living hearts of men. 
No deeds of injustice or violence ever marred the sacred 
covenant. The Indians vied with the Quakers in keeping 
unbroken the pledge of perpetual peace. For more than 
seventy years, during which the province remained under 
the control of the Friends, not a single warwhoop was heard 
in their borders. The Quaker's coat and hat had proved a 
better armor to the wearer than coats of mail or muskets. 

Many nations today are without either navies or standing 
armies, and yet they are in no great danger of being de- 
stroyed. When the righting blood is in men, huge bulks of 
later-day scrap iron are powerless to quell the savage which 
is in the human breast. The British redcoats and England's 
almost unlimited resources had no terrors to the famished, 
half-starved, tax-burdened patriots of America. Russia's 
standing army of men and one of the most powerful navies 
failed to overawe the plucky Japanese. 

Where love, the ruling power of God, fails to quell the 
raging torrent of hatred, it will be useless for battleships, 
the folly of man, to intervene. But it is argued that it is 
right and just to be prepared with these implements of war 
in order that nations may defend themselves. Let us see. 
If it is right to kill in self-defense, why not rob in self-de- 
fense or lie in self-defense, or swear, or in fact commit any 



War versus Peace 27 

crime in self-defense ? Where does the law come from that 
you may do wrong in self-defense ? Who is its author, and 
where in the New Testament do we find it practiced ? Not 
one single word in the Scriptures can be found to substan- 
tiate such an argument, whereas numerous passages can be 
cited that utterly condemn such a practice. War under any 
circumstances cannot be defended on Christian principles. 

The mere fact of a nation arming itself and building bat- 
tleships is a suspicious circumstance, and other nations, at 
any rate, look upon it as not done for defense, but as what 
it is — an actual menace. 

Grant, great warrior that he was, preferred the peaceful 
method of settling disputes, rather than the using of guns 
and weapons of destruction, for he said : " Though I have 
been trained as a soldier and have participated in many bat- 
tles, there never was a time when in my opinion some way 
could not have been found to prevent the drawing of the 
sword. I look forward to an epoch when a court recognized 
by all nations will settle international differences, instead of 
keeping large standing armies as they do in Europe." 

But so long as nations go on in their mad folly of building 
more and larger ships of war and increasing the standing 
army in numbers and efficiency, just that long will the better 
way of settling disputes be thrust in the background ; thus, 
instead of being a help to peace, they become a hindrance 
to peace. It is a sad fact that some of the nations of today 
are dilatory about forwarding the cause of universal peace, 
simply because they feel secure in their fortifications, their 
navies and their standing armies. 

No one dares to assume that God always gives the victory 
in war to the just cause. It must be admitted that arbitra- 
tion offers a better guaranty of a righteous decision than 
powder and shot. But so long as a nation's money and 



28 War versus Peace 

many of her men and much of her interest are wrapped up 
in powder and shot, it will stand as a great barrier to the 
cause of arbitration as the best method of settling difficulties. 

On every battleship, in every navy yard, with every com- 
pany of armed men, across every military appropriation, 
should blazon forth the words of the God of the universe: 
" Thou shalt not kill." 

Some one has said that " war may be a glorious thing, but 
we do not want it, or preparations for it. It is humbug to 
say, ' If you want peace, be ready for war/ another conven- 
tional saying, but the lyingest maxim ever patented. Take 
Japan, armed to the teeth, prepared for war as no other na- 
tion ever was — admitted by everybody — did Japan escape 
war in 1896 and 1904? But she was tempted and fell into it. 
Just so. Take the Boers — the very cause of the Boer war, 
as declared in 1899 from the housetops of Carmelite Street 
and elsewhere, was the over-preparation of the Transvaal. 
Take the Germans in 1870, absolutely prepared down to the 
last button, as Moltke might have said, and as was actually 
said of their opponents, the French. Did either escape war? 
All history gives the falsehood to the maxim of the war 
lords. What has happened in the past will happen in the 
future." 

Armaments are clearly among the provocatives and incen- 
tives to war, the removal of which would promote peace. 
When men cannot fight, they are not so apt to be predis- 
posed to fight. Forces, on the other hand, almost inevitably 
carry with them the disposition to appeal to force. But 
what will become of the nations if they disarm ? Are they 
not in danger of being overrun and conquered by others 
who will not do so? This question might be answered by 
asking what is becoming of the nations today that never 
were armed. But suppose that a nation in disarming must 



War versus Peace 29 

give up its nationality. Is it not far better to die in a right- 
eous cause than to live realizing the displeasures of God are 
resting upon it ? Individuals have been burned at the stake, 
hung on the cross, suffered death in many ways for a right- 
eous cause, but from their ashes, and shining forth from 
their very lives, the cause which they advocated sprung for- 
ward with redoubled force and influence. And that nation 
who, even though it should sacrifice its very existence for 
the cause of peace and good will to man, would be a mighty 
factor in teaching the doctrine it was willing to die for. 

But is there any real danger in a nation disarming? 
Should England disarm, would the United States invade her 
territory, slay her men, destroy her property ? The very idea 
is preposterous. Or if the United States were to disarm, 
where is the nation that is watching like the eagle for its 
prey to pounce upon us and destroy our government? That 
nation exists only in the fertile brain of our war lords, and 
in the imaginative minds of reporters and sensational writ- 
ers and office-seeking politicians. 

God's promise to his followers was, " Lo, I am with you 
alway, even unto the end." When the Jewish Nation put 
their whole trust in God, battering-rams and other instru- 
ments of war were not needed to bring down the greatest 
walled cities. The Sword of the Lord and of Gideon was 
able to cause the enemies to fall upon each other and con- 
sume themselves, and the God of Justice still rules and di- 
rects those who put their trust in him. After the bloody 
struggle for Independence, when the representatives of the 
different colonies were assembled in New York, and had 
been working for days trying to frame a constitution suit- 
able to the new nation, Benjamin Franklin, making an elo- 
quent appeal to the assembly to open their daily sessions with 
prayer, said in part : " I have lived, sirs, a long time, and 



30 War versus Peace 

the longer I live the more convincing proofs I see of the 
truth that God governs in the affairs of men, and if a spar- 
row cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it prob- 
able that empires can rise without his aid?" 

There are mightier powers than navies, and stronger 
forces than standing armies, and this power and these forces 
are at the disposal of every nation who will away with their 
own conceit and lean upon God. Let the Song of David be 
the song of the nations : " The Lord is my rock and for- 
tress, a very present help in time of trouble." Let the sword 
of steel give way to the " Sword of the Spirit." 

As for the assertions that there are no other modes of 
settling disputes, we need but to point to the fact that al- 
ready, within the past century, over two hundred disputes 
have been settled without resorting to war — and more: if 
such an assertion were true, Jesus Christ must have been 
wrong ; as the world advances we are finding more and more 
that the truths which he taught are eternal truths, and that 
nation is the most civilized that is accepting his truths. 
" They who take the sword shall perish by the sword," 
should ring in the ears of our legislators, until appropri- 
ations for the building of battleships and the maintenance 
of military equipments shall cease. He teaches us to pray 
that his kingdom may come, and that prayer will never be 
answered by the creating of instruments, the whole purpose 
of which is to kill and destroy him who is created in the 
image of God. 

Jonathan Dymond says : " If the evidence which we pos- 
sess does not satisfy us of the expediency of confiding in 
God, what evidence do we ask, or what can we receive? 
We have his promise that he will protect those who abandon 
their seeming interests in the performance of his will. And 
we have the testimony of those who have confided in him, 



War versus Peace 31 

that he has protected them. Can the advocate of war pro- 
duce one single instance in the history of man, of a person 
who had given an unconditional obedience to the will of 
heaven, and who did not find that his conduct was wise, as 
well as virtuous — that it accorded with his interests, as well 
as with his duty ? Where is the man who regrets that in ob- 
servance of the forbearing duties of Christianity he con- 
signed his preservation to the superintendence of God?" 

Nations are not building for the present only; national 
constitutions are not formed for the present generation 
alone, but for future time and for future generations also. 
To hand to the future generations a heritage of broken 
homes, bleeding hearts, hands embroiled in blood, and minds 
steeped in carnage, all because of mighty navies and terrible 
standing armies clamoring for something to do, and doing 
the thing they were made to do, is not dealing justly with 
either man or God, for God demands, and man can reason- 
ably expect, that each generation be a step upward in the 
scale of moral and spiritual development. But such has 
not been the case in the military career of the nations of the 
earth. Instead of lessening the possibilities of war by dimin- 
ishing the implements used in war, generation after genera- 
tion sees new and greater efforts put forth to bring into ex- 
istence more deadly weapons. The modern ironclad battle- 
ships of today are considered a wonderful improvement over 
the wooden hulks of fifty years ago. But instead of improv- 
ing the morals of a nation and lifting it to a higher plane of 
God's eternal love, they are a cankerous sore, eating into the 
very vitals of the nation, and year by year we can see their 
awful effects upon the lives of the people : from the marts 
of commerce, from the business life, from the professional 
life, are drawn the brain and blood of the nation to be used 
in that which cannot benefit humanity or advance the cause 



32 War versus Peace 

of peace, and the nation's treasury drained in keeping up to 
a certain standard its fighting force, and paying for the rav- 
ages it has committed in times past. 

Why will nations not learn to use their men and money 
for that which will raise humanity, banish fear and hatred, 
and the spreading of love and good will to men? 

"They err who count it glorious to subdue 
By conquest far and wide, to overrun 
Large countries, and in field great battles win, 
Great cities by assault; what do these worthies, 
But rob, and spoil, burn, slaughter and enslave?" 

Never was a victory won by an army on the land or by 
ships of war on the sea, but what might have been won by 
means costing far less in both money and men. If these 
means are used to settle disputes between nations, they are 
surely crude and cruel means, and so long as there are bet- 
ter means, it is the business of the nations to insist that the 
best way be used. 

Dr. Evans Darby says : " By all means let the mind and 
body be developed to the utmost. But let it never be for- 
gotten that there is a higher purpose in all this culture than 
mere destruction ; that the human race has richer possibili- 
ties than can be reached on field of conquest or by wasting 
its energies in mutual conflict." 

The more that man will lean on his own inventions for 
development, the less will he confide in God for spiritual 
development ; and the more trust put in armies and navies, 
the less trust in Jehovah ; and because of this fact, God oft- 
times uses severe measures to show the nations that he is still 
the Ruler, and that man must sooner or later bow in sub- 
mission to his will. 

At the foundation of all war is the feeling of envy, hatred, 
and strife. Ever since the transgression of man, down to the 



War versus Peace 33 

present time, there seems to be implanted in the heart of 
man a feeling of jealousy, arrogance, and combativeness, 
which on the least provocation bursts forth in a desire to 
slay him who has been created in the image of God. It man- 
ifested itself in the first child born into the world, and be- 
cause his brother offered a more excellent sacrifice than he, 
the spirit of jealousy was aroused, and he slew his brother. 
The sore displeasure of the Lord because of this act brought 
upon Cain the just punishment meted out to him; and the 
blood of Abel crying from the ground is the same voice pro- 
ceeding from the thousands who have been slain to satisfy 
the greed, the envy, and hatred of their slayers. 

No quarrel between individuals, or feud among families, 
or war among nations, can exist, except as they are fed on 
the fuel of envy, hatred and jealousy; and just in proportion 
as love supplants these fruits of the flesh will man cease 
learning the art of war. Nowhere in the annals of history 
do we find armies drawn in battle array, or cannon belching 
forth their missiles of destruction, or ships of war being 
built, launched and equipped with the most modern weapons 
of naval warfare, whereby they may sail over the waters, 
destroying life and property, because of too much love. No 
one claims that war has ever been waged in love to man. 
It stands exposed as an institution without divine sanction, 
drawing its strength, not from the principles of love and 
good will to man, but from the brute passions which still 
haunt mankind, and from the lower self-degrading motives 
of greed and selfishness, which are antagonistic to the very 
principles of Christianity. 

The commandment is, " Love one another," " resist not 
evil," " forgive seventy times seven," " overcome evil with 
good," " love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do 
good to them that hate you, pray for them that despitefully 



34 War versus Peace 

use and persecute you." "All we are brethren," and the 
God of Love demands that we, in acknowledging him as 
" Our Father," also acknowledge our fellow-man as " my 
brother.". Let us notice again from the Scriptures : " Dear- 
ly beloved, avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto 
wrath, for it is written, Vengeance is mine, I will repay, 
saith the Lord." " Recompense to no man evil for evil." 
" See that none render evil for evil unto any man, but ever 
follow that which is good, both among yourselves and to all 
men." " If when ye do well and suffer for it ye take it pa- 
tiently, this is acceptable with God." Indeed, to cite all the 
passages that bear directly or indirectly upon the point 
would be to transcribe a very considerable part of the New 
Testament. 

Many people, however, do not believe these scriptures are 
to be taken in a literal sense. But the blessed Savior and 
the apostles so very nobly exemplified these words by their 
lives as to plainly teach to any unprejudiced mind that Jesus 
meant just what he said. Mr. Dymond asks these pointed 
questions in connection with these passages of Scripture: 
" What is the meaning of ' Resist not evil ' ? Does it mean 
to allow bombardment, devastation and murder ? If it does 
not mean to allow all this, it does not mean to allow war. 
What, again, do the objectors say is the meaning of ' Love 
your enemies,' or ' Do good to them that hate you ' ? Does 
it mean ' ruin their commerce,' ' sink their fleets,' ' plunder 
their cities,' 'shoot through their hearts'? If the precept 
does not mean all this, it does not mean war. We are, then, 
not required to define what exceptions Christianity may ad- 
mit to the application of some of the precepts from the 
Mount, since whatever exceptions she may allow it is mani- 
fest what she does not allow : for if we give to our objectors 
whatever license of interpretation they may desire, they can- 



War versus Peace 35 

not, either by honesty or dishonesty, so interpret the pre- 
cepts as to allow war." 

Nowhere, either from the teachings or example of Jesus 
Christ, would we be justified for any cause to slay our 
brother. Love to God and love to man are squarely con- 
tradictory to the precepts of war and its baneful results. To 
show more clearly that envy and strife are the predominating 
traits inciting men to warfare, we quote from W. E. Glad- 
stone, in his speech on " Warfare and Colonization," de- 
livered in Glasgow, in 1865 : " If we go back to a very early 
period of society, we find a state of things in which the first 
idea, almost, of those who desired to better their condition 
was simply to better it by the abstraction of their neighbor's 
property. In the early periods of society, piracy and un- 
restrained freebooting among individuals were what wars 
for the most part have been in the more advanced periods 
of human history. Why, what is the case with a war? It is 
a case in which both cannot be right, but in which both 
may be wrong. I believe that if the impartiality of the his- 
torian surveys a very large proportion of the wars that have 
desolated the world — some indeed there may be, and un- 
doubtedly there have been, in which the arm of valor has 
been raised simply for the cause of freedom and justice — that 
the most of them will be found to belong to that less satis- 
factory category in which folly, passion, greediness, on both 
sides, have led to effects which afterwards, when too late, 
have been so much deplored." 

Ambition, self-glory, boasting of our own achievements, 
belittling those of other countries, glorifying over their de- 
feat — this has been the method of our dealing with the na- 
tions, and the result has been war ; and war is the negation 
of both love and justice. It is the apotheosis of selfishness, 
hate and brute force. War is hate, Christianity is love. 



&6 War versus Peace 

War is hell, the Church is the Kingdom of Heaven. So 
there can be no possible relation existing between them. 
War, like other evils, may be overruled for good by the Al- 
mighty ; but it does not on that account cease to be evil. "To 
expect good will as the fruit of war is to look for figs on 
thistles." We hear the Apostle James saying, " From whence 
come wars and fighting among you ? Come they not hence, 
even of your lusts that war in your members ?" The apos- 
tle here reproved the Jews for their wars, and for their lusts 
as the cause of them. The Jews at this time were having 
many quarrels and wars with the Romans, and some of the 
corrupt Christians seem to have fallen in with the common 
quarrel, and the apostle gave them to understand that the 
origin of wars is not a true love for their country, but their 
prevailing lusts were the cause of it all. 

How different from the individuals who, because of their 
lusts and greed, are continually embroiling nations in dis- 
putes and wars, are the ones of whom Christ spoke when he 
said, " Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called 
the children of God." A government is no more required 
to do wrong than an individual; and if it is blessings that 
are pronounced upon the individual for suppressing hatred 
and revenge, surely the smiles of high heaven will follow the 
nation that seeks peace and pursues it. 

Where in the training which the soldier receives do you 
find the broad, deep, unbounded love the New Testament 
inculcated? Are they not commanded to kill — to wreak 
vengeance on their enemies? Of what nature is that spirit 
which burns in the bosom of those who fight for hire? Is it 
the spirit of love, of forgiveness? Can there be love in the 
heart of that man who returns from the field exulting in the 
death of his foe ? Go to the army and hear the prayers there 
offered : When after having spent so much time in prepara- 



War versus Peace 37 

tion for the battle and having been anxiously waiting the 
moment when he might slay his brother man, his prayer is 
that the bullet may reach the heart of the enemy ; " that the 
roar of the cannon be the requiem of thousands, and the sea- 
weeds be the winding sheets of men." Ah ! no sane person 
can say that this is all in the spirit of love, that man may be 
made the better, and that God's name be glorified. Paul says 
that " love worketh no ill to its neighbor ;" and no one will 
claim that men will shoot each other and cut each other to 
pieces just to make them more tender hearted. 

How is love to God or man to be reconciled to the pande- 
monium of a battlefield with all the evil passions which pro- 
duced it, and which in turn it engenders ? How can it be 
that a man loves God, when he is doing his utmost to de- 
stroy man, the highest of his created beings ? and how can 
it be that man loves his fellow-man, when he is using all the 
power that man's infirmity can devise to take his life and de- 
stroy his property? The very spirit of war engenders strife 
and jealousy. Expert chemists, skilled engineers, men of 
inventive genius, are required to do their utmost in bringing 
forth weapons of war that will kill the greatest number of 
people and destroy the most property. Some inventors, in- 
deed, seem to have noble purposes in inventing weapons of 
destruction. Mr. Nobel is said to have tried to get such pow- 
erful explosives as to make war an impossibility, because it 
would exterminate the whole human race. But he was an ex- 
ception. By far the great majority have the feeling of envy 
and hatred as their motives. 

The idea in war is to disarm the enemy. Besiege him, 
starve him, slay him: and to this end everything has been 
lawful. The Black Hole of Calcutta, Andersonville Prison, 
the awful atrocities at the battle of Yalu, during the China- 
Japanese war, and hundreds of other instances, are scathing 



38 War versus Peace 

monuments to the fact that war breeds hatred. What can 
be expected of the men who are spurred on by leaders who 
have nothing but hatred and revenge in their hearts ? Such 
expressions as " Give them hell," " Shoot straight and 
often," " Don't give up," and similar ones clearly show the 
spirit of the leaders. How different from these are the 
words of the Master : " If thine enemy hunger, feed him. If 
he thirsts give him drink. For in so doing thou shalt heap 
coals of fire on his head." 

Envy, hatred, and jealousy are relics of barbarism. Love 
and good will is the apex of civilization, and the more that 
nations will learn to cultivate these traits, the less use will 
they find for guns and implements of war. True, it is said 
that some wars are fought for the cause of humanity, but 
humanity embraces a vast amount of people, and while one 
side may be benefited, some one must suffer. To bring this 
more fully before the mind, let us take the Spanish-Ameri- 
can War. It was freely stated by the men who advocated 
this war, and by the press, that this was a war for humanity. 
The downtrodden, liberty-loving, brave-hearted, honest-mo- 
tived inhabitants of the West Indies were held up before the 
people in the most pathetic and heartrending terms, and yet 
the real cause of the war was the supposition that Spain had 
by foul means blown up one of our warships. It is doubtful 
if the war with Spain would have been a reality had it not 
been for this unfortunate occurrence. We had been willing 
as a nation to see the same treatment practiced by Spain up- 
on her colonies for many years, but so long as it did not in- 
terfere with the business of the United States we were not 
so much concerned. The same treatment which the Cubans 
received was given to the inhabitants of the Philippines, but 
prior to this war they were almost an unknown people to 
the United States, showing clearly that the outrages on hu- 



War versus Peace 39 

manity were not the only causes of the war. We closed our 
eyes to the sufferings and unjust punishments inflicted upon 
the helpless subjects in the Congo Free State by King Leo- 
pold. The persecuted Jews and the starving, tax-burdened 
peasants of Russia, the atrocities inflicted upon the Jews in 
Turkey, should have been just as great objects of pity and 
mercy as the citizens of Cuba. And if war to free them 
from the yoke of bondage was justifiable, why not war 
with all these other nations who are mistreating and keeping 
in degradation their subjects? The plain, unadulterated 
truth with this war, as with all other wars, is that there was 
a spirit of hatred and revenge which caused the United 
States to act in a hasty declaration of war. A second sober 
Consideration of the difficulties involved would in all prob- 
ability have resulted in a peaceable settlement, and would 
have been far more in accordance with the teaching of a 
Christian nation. No wars are humane; for the piercing 
with the sword, the wholesale destruction of property, the 
breaking of mothers' hearts, the making of widows and or- 
phans, the exciting of the lower passions of man, envy, ha- 
tred and strife, are not characteristics of true humanity. 

Well has Tolstoi said that " if the object of nations is to 
advance civilization, it is perfectly easy to suppose that there 
are ways for the propagation of civilization more expedient 
than the destruction of men and their property." If the 
slaying of men and the destroying of property is the means 
to advance civilization, why may not the civilized nations 
continue this wholesale destruction of life and property? 
If it works so admirably at one time, by continuing it, civil- 
ization would soon reach a state of perfection. 

Let us notice the description of a battle as given to us by 
a historian : " Men fired in each other's faces, not five feet 
apart. There were bayonet thrusts, cutting with sabres, pis- 



40 War versus Peace 

tol shots, cool, deliberate movements on the part of some, 
hot, passionate, despairing efforts with others, hand-to-hand 
contests. There was recklessess of life, tenacity of purpose, 
oaths, curses, yells, hurrahs, shouting. Men went down, 
some on their faces, some leaping into the air with exclama- 
tions wrung from their hearts. There were ghastly heaps 
of dead, where the cannon tore open the ranks." This sad 
picture of strife and woe and awful death, duplicated time 
after time during every war — and yet in the face of all this, 
some dare say that wars are humane. 

Past experience has proven that when nations are in- 
fluenced by real or imaginary violations of their rights, jus- 
tice is largely a matter of afterthought. Let the broad term 
of humanity be measured by some other standard than dol- 
lars and cents, and let the fellow-feeling of love go out to 
more than those at your door, and nations will not be so 
reckless in plunging into war. When selfishness is in the 
ascendancy the animal nature gains the supremacy, and war 
is the result. What was considered just cause for war a cen- 
tury ago would be considered a mere trifle at present. This 
is because the love of God is being shed abroad more and 
more in the hearts of men, making it more difficult for men 
to find a just cause for slaying each other. 

One of the war correspondents during the Boer war tells 
us that he has passed his entire life among soldiers, and this 
is what he has to say about the spirit which war excites: 
" War raises to the surface the worst passions and vices of 
men, and whoever expects soldiers, whether they be English, 
French, German, or Boers, to act in the heat of battle as a 
gentleman would act in a London drawing room, has very 
little knowledge of the ferocity latent in human nature. 
When life and death are the stake for which men play, chiv- 
alry and mercy are easily forgotten, and the original savage 



War versus Peace 41 

reappears, not much changed from the primeval time." 
What this war correspondent has said about the action of 
the soldier in the thickest of the fight is the opinion of all 
who have seen war in its terrible conflict and strife. You 
cannot expect the rose to thrive in the dark, marshy at- 
mosphere of a cave; neither will the noble virtues of love, 
justice, and mercy abound in the dark, gloomy atmosphere 
of war, the breeding place of vengeance, hatred and murder. 
Too often it is that nations, as individuals, lose sight of 
who their neighbor is. The idea of treating him who lives 
next door with more respect than the stranger is as old as 
humanity. But Jesus Christ gave to the world a much 
broader meaning to the word " neighbor " than had ever 
been known before, and nations have not yet learned the 
true meaning of his definition. The Jews as a nation needed 
the lesson as Christ gave it to them, for they had very con- 
tracted views about their neighbors. They would not put 
an Israelite to death for killing a Gentile, for he was -not his 
neighbor. If they saw a Gentile in danger of death, they 
thought themselves under no obligations to help save his 
life. But Jesus abrogated that idea for the better one of 
considering everyone in need as my neighbor. The despised 
Samaritan, who was no better than a dog, in the estimation 
of the Jew, proved himself the most valuable neighbor to the 
helpless Jew. Regardless of the condition of our fellow- 
man, or his color, or his abode, he is my neighbor, and de- 
serves the same courteous treatment that is accorded to 
11 my brother " ; for " We are all brethren." 

States have long since learned this lesson. A difficulty 
arises between two States ; but instead of mustering an army 
and invading the offender's territory, the difficulty is peace- 
ably settled by the courts. There exists that feeling of love 
for each other that will cause a sacrifice on the part of 



42 War versus Peace 

one or both rather than to take up arms. The different 
States are looked upon as neighbors. And yet our vision 
is blurred and our ideas narrow and contracted. For the 
same God who brought into existence our own beloved 
government also created other nations and governments, 
and the nation who has had the scales of envy and prejudice 
removed from its eyes will be just as ready to sacrifice its 
own interests in order that humanity may indeed be bettered, 
for the common ties of humanity transcend the ties of na- 
tionality, and a man's duty to the narrower sphere of his 
country is of a less high order than the duty he owes to the 
wider community of the world. " If you teach men to re- 
gard one another as brothers, whose common country is 
humanity, if you teach them that the differences of race and 
language which at present divide them are as nothing com- 
pared with the bonds that unite them, if you teach them that 
the frontiers between countries are of no more significance 
than the boundaries between parishes or counties, you will 
be able to dispense with these enormous armaments which 
are at present such a disgrace to civilization." 

Let the nations reject the sword upon the convictions that 
all wars and fightings are wrong in the sight of heaven, and 
acknowledge the brotherhood of man. Let a reign of mercy 
and justice supersede a reign of the sword and cannon ball. 
Let this in deed and truth be a century of love and good 
will rather than one of hatred and vengeance. For when 
charity, which is the bond of perfectness, shall take the place 
of hatred, then shall be fulfilled the prophecy of Isaiah: 
"They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their 
spears into pruning-hooks." The present method of nations 
in dealing with each other is a square contradiction. On the 
surface there seems to be a feeling of love and respect. In 
the commercial relations there is the keenest competition, 



War versus Peace 43 

yet it is carried on in a fair, business-like manner. Nations 
receive diplomatic visitors from other countries with cere- 
monies befitting their station, and yet, with all this, a very 
small matter will immediately sever all peaceful relations 
between the disputing nations. 

Just as true as love begets love it is that hate begets hate, 
and so long as nations continue to build warships and main- 
tain standing armies, so long will the eye of suspicion be 
cast upon the nation. The very heart of man must change 
before he can be in a proper attitude to treat his fellow-man 
as his brother, and so must the great throbbing heart of the 
nation be changed from the darkness of hatred and strife, 
with all of their attending miseries, to the marvelous light 
of love, before it is in a proper attitude to treat other na- 
tions as neighbors. 

Missionaries are being sent to China to teach them about 
the great love of God. Christian educators are being sent 
to Japan to tell them of the beauty of the Christian religion. 
But powerful warships are being equipped to teach them of 
the destructive power of man. The converting of the In- 
dians in the colonization of America failed, for on the same 
ship with the missionary who came to teach him love came 
also the musket to teach him submission, and the two will 
never harmonize. When you strike a man in the face it will 
take a lot of argument to convince him that you love him ; 
and when nations will shoot down the strongest of the citi- 
zens of a country or destroy its property to the amount of 
millions of dollars they need not be told that there is hatred 
and vengeance connected with it. The act shows that. Let 
us beware how we encourage vengeance. The powerful na- 
tion of today may become the weak nation of tomorrow, and 
as we have taught the weak nations of today, so will they 
act tomorrow. 



44. War versus Peace 

Let the application of the golden rule be extended to the 
regions beyond our own boundaries, and instead of the 
deadly roar of the cannon and the clanking of the musketry 
and the beating of the drum calling men to face each other 
in deadly combat, will we see the fulfillment of the glad 
tidings of the heavenly host on that Christmas morning, 
" Peace on earth, good will to men I" 

"Twas man himself 
Brought death into the world; and man himself 
Gave keenness to his darts, quickened his pace, 
And multiplied destruction on mankind. 
First envy, eldest-born of Hell, embrued 
Her hands in blood, and taught the sons of man 
To make a death which nature never made, 
And God abhorred; with violence rude to break 
The thread of life ere half its length was run, 
And rob a wretched brother of his being. 
With joy ambition saw, and soon improv'd 
The execrable deed. 'Twas not enough 
By subtle fraud to snatch a single life — 
Puny impiety! — whole kingdoms fell 
To taste the lust of Power: more horrid still, 
The foulest stain and scandal of our nature 
Because its boast. One murder made a villain, 
Millions a hero. Princes were privileg'd 
To kill, and numbers sanctified the crimes. 
Ah! Why will kings forget that they are men? 
And men that they are brethren? Why delight 
In human sacrifice? Why burst the ties 
Of nature, that should knit their souls together 
In one soft bond of unity and love? 
Yet still they breathe destruction, still go on 
Inhumanly ingenious to find out 
New pains for life, new terrors for the grave, 
Artificers of death! Still monarchs dream 
Of universal empire growing up 
From universal ruin. Blast the design, 



War versus Peace 45 

Great God of Hosts, nor let thy creatures fall 
Unpitied victims at Ambition's shrine!" 

— Bishop Porteus. 



CHAPTER II 

The Evils of War 

Those who have participated in war and have been 
actually engaged in its death struggle, and have seen the 
thousands of slain on the battlefield, and realized that 
there were tens of thousands afflicted with wounds which 
often resulted in death after days of awful agony, or 
those who keenly feel the loss of relatives and friends 
slain by the cruel hand of war, or who have felt the want 
and distress of body and mind, do not need to be told 
about the demoralizing effect of war. 

When such men as General Sherman, who had been 
through war, and seen it in all its glory, pomp and splen- 
dor, and who also saw it in all of its awful misery and 
woe, pronounced it hell, it would seem that we need no 
further evidence that the effect of war upon a nation or 
people is anything but elevating: and yet there are those 
who today declare that war has a stimulating effect, 
even on the morals of a nation. " For, as the lightning 
clarifies the atmosphere and rids it of all impurities, so," 
say they, "war tends to get rid of all dross, and rids 
the country of much that is degrading." They might 
have carried the simile a little farther, and said that as 
the lightning strikes down the mighty trees of the forest 
and tears asunder the strongest of buildings, and many 
times leaves nothing but the ashes of a once prosperous 
place, so war strikes down thousands of the brave, and 
leaves nothing but utter ruin in its wake. Every nation 
can testify to this that has gone through the terrible crisis 

46 



War versus Peace 47 

of war. The strongest of her men are either killed or 
wounded. Her land is laid waste, her cities pillaged and 
burned, her commerce destroyed, her religion at low ebb, 
her education neglected, and the tens of thousands of 
other things that go to make a powerful nation, are either 
totally destroyed, or crippled. 

The United States today has not fully recovered from 
the terrible ravages of the Civil War. Every veteran 
who fought in either the North or the South, whose 
tottering steps and shattered health bespeak the awful 
hardships of that great struggle, every pension appropri- 
ation for either the soldier or his widow, are witnesses 
today that the baneful effects of that war are still 
with us. The very word " war " brings before us a 
picture of evils, both social and moral. To see men in- 
flamed by the heat of passion and hate, with weapons of 
destruction in their hands, their eyes betraying the sav- 
agery in man, an appetite thirsting for blood, a heart full 
of evil thoughts and imaginations, is to see a picture of 
reality as it exists in every war, when men take it upon 
themselves to do murder. It naturally follows that in 
destroying life and property you also destroy the nobler 
traits of manhood, as freedom, honesty, virtue ; and in 
destroying these you destroy the very things that make 
life worth living. 

The finer instincts of man, which are rounds in the 
ladder leading to nobler views and the full development 
of the moral man, are lost sight of in the mad rush for 
the blood of fellow-man. Nothing can reconcile the sav- 
age in man to the love and justice which the Christ- 
life inspires : " For the carnal mind is enmity to God " 
— and as war springs from the carnal mind, it follows 
that all the crimes and offenses that the carnal mind of 



48 War versus Peace 

man is subject to will be perpetrated by war. 

Macaulay says, describing the conditions of the Ital- 
ians during the invasion of the French, Spanish and Ger- 
mans, that " the northern invaders had brought want to 
their board, infamy to their beds, fire to their roofs, and 
the knife to their throats." 

" No language," says Draper, speaking of the condi- 
tion of Rome after the Civil War, " can describe the ter- 
rible condition existing in that city. The social fabric 
was a festering mass of rottenness. The city was hell. 
No crime that the annals of history can show was left 
unperpetrated. Remorseless murder, the betrayal of par- 
ents, husbands, wives, friends, poisoning reduced to a 
system, adultery degenerating into incest, and crimes 
that cannot be written." 

But such are the conditions in every war, for they 
are the fruits of war: and no more can figs grow on 
thistles, than fruits of love, joy and peace spring from 
war. If war is an argument of savages, a relic of bar- 
barism, a species of hell, it only follows that its effects 
upon the people engaging in it will be depraving, brutal- 
izing, and hellish. No nation emerges from a war as 
pure as when it went into it. No individual, whether 
honorably or dishonorably discharged, is the clean, pure 
man he was when he enlisted, for from his hands drip 
the blood of his fellow-man, his appetite craves for things 
damnable, the lusts of the flesh have a firm hold upon 
him, and the condemnation of God rests upon him. 
Thousands of them never return to grief-stricken parents 
or a broken-hearted wife. War knows no mercy, deals 
not in love, and is a stranger to justice. Its record is 
one of ceaseless butcheries, relentless murders and ig- 
nominious deaths. 



War versus Peace 49 

" I am War. The upturned eyeballs of 

Piled dead men greet my eye, 
And the sons of mothers perish — and 

I laugh to see them die — 
Mine the demon-lust for torture, 

Mine the devil-lust for pain 
And there is to me no beauty 

Like the pale brows of the slain! 

* * * * 

Pagan, heathen, and inhuman, 

Devilish as the heart of hell, 
Wild as chaos, strong for ruin, 

Clothed in hate unspeakable — 
So they call me — and I care not — 

Still I work my waste afar, 
Heeding not your weeping mothers 

And your widows — I am War!" 

One of the peculiar, demoralizing conditions resulting* 
from war is the fact that while all or nearly all the na- 
tions are willing to admit that war is deteriorating in 
its results, they are not willing to cease from making 
constant preparation for war. It seems that a different 
kind of morality exists for the individual than does for 
the nation. Reason and common sense tell the individual, 
when he is in the wrong, and knows it, to turn from his 
sin: "Cease to do evil, and learn to do well. ,, Regard- 
less of what others may do, the state requires of each 
individual that he do right, deal justly, and live an up- 
right life. Not so with the nation, as regards war. 
Acknowledging that it is wrong, greatly to be deplored, 
yet they insist in levying money and men in order to be 
prepared for war. And not only this, but after having 
started in a bloody conflict, and been brought face to 
face with the fact that their cause is not a just one, they 
will not cease, but go on in the terrible carnage, soothing 



50 War versus Peace 

their conscience with the devil's own medicine, that " the 
end will justify the means." This action on the part of 
the nation cannot fail to produce a very evil effect upon 
its citizens. The thief can say with equal justice that, 
though he knows it is wrong to steal, yet, as he has 
started in that direction, he must continue; likewise the 
murderer, the perjurer, the adulterer — in fact, all the 
criminals can justify themselves by the acts of their own 
country. 

The state insists that the murderer be apprehended and 
punished for his crime, and yet that same nation will 
go into the business of slaying men on a wholesale basis. 
Is a human life sacred at all other times, and yet a mere 
trifle in the time of war? By what set of rules and what 
manner of reasoning is it that 

" One murder makes a villain, 
Millions a hero "? 

The law demands that he who plunders or steals or robs 
shall be arrested, brought to trial, convicted. It even 
provides that suitable buildings be erected for the de- 
tention of this class of criminals. But the same nation 
making these laws goes into the business of destroying 
crops, plundering cities, robbing homes of boys that 
have been raised by praying mothers. No wonder there 
is no more respect for the law. 

A fountain rises no higher than its source, and so long 
as nations are in the murder business they can expect to 
turn out a lot of murderers. If a state is in the business 
of making targets of human bodies in time of war, it is 
very probable that individuals will use the same kind of 
targets in time of peace. Think of the impressions that 
are made upon the minds of those who are eyewitnesses 



War versus Peace 51 

of battles. As we hear described the awfulness of war, 
it is no wonder that the individuals become fiendish and 
hellish in their motives, even when peace is declared. 
Let us notice what eyewitnesses have to say about it : 
" Also several villages were burned, and the scene on 
the field was terrible. Miles of ground were covered 
with dead and wounded of both sides. Crippled and 
emaciated horses were to be seen dragging themselves 
slowly along, while others were horribly mutilated. I 
counted in one little spot forty-one dead, including a 
major pierced through the heart. He lay on his back, 
sword in hand." And this from Dr. Bussell concerning 
the Battle of Woerth : " Never have I beheld a sight so 
extraordinary as I came on by the little streamlet, the 
Sauer, which flows by Gunstett. There were heaps of 
cuirasses still bright, and brass helmets with plumes, 
which had been taken from the dead, wounded and pris- 
oners, and piled at intervals along the road. Between 
these lay saddles, swords stuck in the ground, horse trap- 
pings, valises, here and there single cuirasses, dead 
horses, helmets, swords, muskets, the ground trampled, 
the vines beaten down, pools of blood, a foul, sour smell 
everywhere — this literally for two miles on either side of 
the road. By half-past four the Prussians were masters 
of the whole field. In twenty minutes every house in 
Woerth was filled with the wounded and the dying. Such 
a scene I never saw, and I hope I may never see again. 
The streets of the village were literally paved with dead. 
At one place it was impossible to walk without treading 
on the dead or the dying. Such fearful wounds, too, as 
those from which the poor fellows were suffering, are 
very difficult to describe — the hideous disfiguration, the 
number of men whose very features seemed to be shot 



52 War versus Peace 

away, and the gory mass of quivering human flesh every- 
where visible, are not easily forgotten." 

Can it be denied, then, that " war — and the same 
thing is true of the war spirit, and of that product of it 
which is called militarism — is degrading to the character 
and destructive of the moral senses and the finer feeling 
of the nation, and it engenders a spirit which tends to 
make this degradation permanent and the destruction 
final? In its poisonous and blighting atmosphere, the 
graces of Christianity and the ' Imitation of Christ ' are 
altogether impossible." 

What can you expect of men turned loose from army 
life, where such occurrences as we have just described 
are constantly taking place in time of war? Surely the 
nation is responsible for the character of its citizens. Our 
legislators are looking for and devising means by which 
the lives of employees are to be more secure, which is a 
good thing. But why not carry it a little farther and 
devise laws that will protect the citizens from the awful 
atrocities of war? — and this can be done by simply ruling 
war out altogether. 

We are shocked when we read of the lives lost in a 
mine explosion or railway accident. But listen to this 
from Charles Dickens, on a great battle : " So when the 
splendid charge has done its work and passed by, there 
will be found a sight very much like the scene of a 
frightful railway accident. There will be the full com- 
plement of backs broken in two, of arms twisted wholly 
off, of men impaled upon their own bayonets, of legs 
smashed up like bits of firewood, of heads sliced open like 
apples, of other heads crunched into soft jelly by iron 
hoofs of horses, of faces trampled out of all likeness to 
anything human : this is what skulks behind a splendid 



War versus Peace 53 

charge ; this is what follows as a matter of course when 
1 Our fellows rode at them in style,' and cut them up 
famously." 

A railway accident or a mine explosion or mangling of 
life or limb in the factory, is purely accidental ; all that 
can reasonably be done in order to avoid these accidents 
is done. But not so in case of war. Nations go into 
war voluntarily, knowing beforehand that all these mur- 
ders and crimes, all this misery and woe, will be com- 
mitted. When the nations must stand before God at the 
judgment bar, who shall answer for the shrieks and cries 
of agony, the thousands upon thousands of deaths that 
have resulted from these wars? Whatever dignity you 
may give to warfare, this fact remains, that when the 
scene of carnage has once opened, deceit and thievery, 
murdering and destruction is the programme of the day 
— and all this in the name of the government — so-called 
Christian government. The treacherous methods em- 
ployed by these so-called Christian nations in enforcing 
their laws and upholding their honor, are a reproach to 
the very name of Christ. 

" To save life, not to kill, was his employ, 
Who gave his life a ransom for the race, 
And by his dying won true life for all: 
And his continued work from day to day — 
'The Christianity of Christ '—is still 
The work of saving life. The Christian man 
May give his own; his brother's may not take." 

And so it follows that the nations should either revise 
their moral code, or else give to their citizens more liber- 
ties in licentiousness — not condemn in the individual 
what they as nations condone. It is not reasonable that 
they should forbid arson, adultery, murder, burglary, ly- 



54 War versus Peace 

ing, theft, to the individual, and yet uphold war, which 
includes them all. 

Ernest H. Crosby says : " Every age has had its bar- 
barism. We wonder now at slavery, at the hanging of 
boys for stealing a shilling, at imprisonment for debt, at 
the torture of witnesses, at the rack and thumbscrew and 
stake. Are we to suppose that our age is the first with- 
out any sanctified barbarism, and if not, what barbarism 
of the day is so conspicuous as war? No, it is an awful 
hallucination, a fatal delusion, that war can be Chris- 
tian. Let us fill our hearts with love and look forth 
upon our enemies with that love, and we shall see clearly 
that a Christian war is as impossible as a Christian mur- 
der." 

But the astounding thing about the whole business is 
that nations, while acknowledging the wrong, insist that 
they must go on in that wrong. Such a course, if per- 
sisted in, cannot fail to bring very baneful results. " He 
that knoweth to do good and doeth it not, to him it is 
sin," and " Sin, when it is finished, bringeth forth death." 
These truths are just as applicable to the nation as to the 
individual. Demoralizing as the conditions are in actual 
warfare, when men commit murder and glory in it, it is 
no worse than the conditions which exist in every nation 
today in times of peace. 

Let us notice the qualifications necessary to enlist in 
either the army or navy. Men between the ages of sev- 
enteen and thirty-five years, of sound physique, are so- 
licited to enlist for a certain number of years. Special in- 
ducements are held out to them at the end of that time to 
reenlist. Now from where do these men come? They 
come from the farm, from the shop, from the desk, from 
the home, a continual drain upon the legitimate industries 



War versus Peace 55 

of our country, of our strongest men — men who are need- 
ed in these industries. When the strongest are taken, 
the weakest are left; and so the nation is being replen- 
ished, not by the strongest, but by the weakest. 

" It is said that the stature of the average Frenchman 
of today is shorter by at least one inch than it was 
before the Napoleonic wars. The men with the best 
physique are needed in the army, and the majority of 
them perished, leaving the weaker ones at home, to pro- 
create the race/' 

And not only this, but many of the men enlisting in 
the army and navy are individuals of the blackest char- 
acter — men who have led astray virtuous girls, and use 
the army as a means of covering their crime; men who 
prove false to their wives, and enlist in hopes of covering 
their sin ; men whose hearts are as black as sin, whose 
motives are devilish, whose love for country is a farce: 
and side by side with these men, are young men who 
are true and virtuous. But a constant association with 
such black characters will finally contaminate the good. 
Many of our noble young men have enlisted in the army, 
who knew nothing about drink, but when their time of 
enlistment expired they had the appetite for intoxicating 
liquors, which resulted in a drunkard's grave, and an 
everlasting hell, for it is a sad fact that a vast majority of 
the men who fill our armies and navies are addicted to 
drink. 

The statistics taken from the standing army of one of 
the great nations show that among 90,000 hon-cornmisi- 
sioned officers and men, 18,400 fines for drunkenness 
were imposed, while among the punishments inflicted 
by court-martial, 968 were for drunkenness on duty and 
800 when not on duty, besides more than 10,000 other of- 



56 War versus Peace 

fenses, many of which undoubtedly had their origin in 
drink and bad company. In our own standing army, men 
who do not drink are the exception. In order to be one 
of the boys and be respected by them, it is expected that 
the soldier drink. 

But not only along the line of intemperance do we see 
the demoralizing influences of war, but all the vices 
and crimes that accompany drinking. When a regiment 
of soldiers, traveling through the country, comes to a 
city, about the first question they will ask is in regard 
to the house of ill fame, where sin and wickedness and 
debauchery reign supreme. These are not imaginations, 
but facts. Our soldiers may be pure when they enlist, 
but very few come home to mother and sister with that 
purity and righteousness which is so necessary to the 
welfare of a nation. 

In the annual report of the Secretary of War for the 
year 1906 we find that for the American army proper 
the total number of admissions to sick report was B, 
742, and that "venereal diseases were again by far the 
most important affecting the efficiency of the army dur- 
ing the year, causing nineteen per cent of all admissions, 
fifteen per cent of all discharges, and thirty per cent of 
all non-effectiveness for disease. There were constantly 
on sick report, for this class of disease, 710 men, equal 
to the loss for the entire year of the service of about 
eleven full companies of infantry." 

Think of it. Out of a total of 58,368 enlisted men, 710 
of them in the hospital or under medical care for a disease 
that is the result of the most terrible of sins, and we are 
to infer that only a small majority of those who are 
defiling themselves, throwing away their character, giv- 



War versus Peace 57 

ing up their manhood, ever come under care of medical 
treatment. 

Many of the soldiers do not understand these awful 
conditions on enlisting, and when brought face to face 
with the fact that only a very small majority of the men 
who compose our army are really upright, virtuous men, 
they are ready to quit — fifty-eight per cent of all the de- 
sertions during the year 1906 were desertions of men in 
their first year of service, and considerably more than 
half of these desertions were during the first six months 
of service. Sixteen per cent of the desertions occurred 
among men in their second year of service, and three 
per cent among those in their third year. Would you 
expect a young man who had been raised in a Christian 
home, taught to respect virtue and modesty, to enlist in 
the army, and then stay in a place where these things 
are strangers? In a majority of cases it is one of two 
things, either desert or stay and himself become con- 
taminated with these sins. It is almost impossible for 
him to avoid these' evils. The surest way is to avoid the 
army. 

Frederick Lemons says that " in spite of the many 
moral men they undoubtedly contain, standing armies 
are hotbeds of vice. The grouping of thousands of un- 
married men in garrisons and camps without honest labor 
to keep body and mind pure, and with but little stimulus 
to self-improvement, causes, as at Aldershot, whole 
streets of bad houses to spring up in their neighborhood, 
with hundreds of camp followers to crowd them, whose 
condition is such that the military and medical officers 
clamor for special acts to enable the soldiers to sin with 
impunity with other men's daughters." Look at it as 
we may, study it as we please, the fact remains that 



58 War versus Peace 

standing armies and navies are a demoralizing element in 
society, and will remain so just as long as it is the policy 
of nations to destroy those who will not submit to them 
or who trample upon their honor. 

True, there are some noble exceptions, and, were it not 
for these exceptions, standing armies and navies would 
be such a horrible mass of rotten humanity that no na- 
tion would tolerate it for a day. 

The education given to the soldiers too often consists 
in an education of vice and crime. Daily drills and 
marches, polished steel, medals, titles — these can never 
take the place of an unsullied character. Mr. Gladstone 
says : " So far from making noble, chaste, upright, un- 
selfish men, we do not hesitate to affirm, from years of 
acquaintance with the results of army life, that soldiering 
is eminently fitted to produce men of a precisely opposite 
type, and that it is producing them." 

General Smith declared the profession of a soldier to 
be " a damnable profession," and some one else has said 
that the reason war was hell was because " it trans- 
formed men into devils." The profession of the soldier 
is not like most other professions, in that he is compelled 
to stay the length of time for which he has enlisted. 
Though he may find the army life preying upon his 
morals, sapping his manhood, depriving him of the Chris- 
tian privileges which every citizen should enjoy, yet he 
must remain, or suffer as a deserter. No excuse will free 
him from his contract. He may have been, and often is, 
over-persuaded to enlist. Many enlist to drown other 
sorrows and disappointments. But all of these things 
avail nothing towards releasing him from service. As 
a slave he must toil at a work which may be revolting 
to his conscience, and which is demoralizing to his 



War versus Peace 59 

character. No one thinks of looking to the army as a 
standard for morality, and as for true heart-religion, it 
is an unknown quantity. 

Dymond says that " the fact is too notorious to be in- 
sisted upon, that thousands who had filled their stations 
in life with propriety, and been virtuous from principle, 
have lost by a military life both the practice and regard 
of morality, and when they have become habituated to 
the vices of war, have laughed at their honest and plod- 
ding brethren who are still spiritless enough for virtue, 
or stupid enough for piety." 

Robert Hall says : " War reverses, with respect to its 
objects, all the rules of morality. It is nothing else but 
a temporary repeal of all the principles of virtue. It is 
a system out of which almost all the virtues are excluded, 
and in which nearly all the vices are incorporated." 

What, then, can we expect of men who are engaged in 
a profession whose very objects are hellish? It is true 
that war has brought out the sympathetic side of hu- 
manity, for were it not for the ennobling influence of the 
Red Cross, and other like societies, whose purpose is to 
alleviate the sorrow and suffering of war, war simply 
could not be endured. 

But, terrible as are the demoralizing conditions of mili- 
tary preparations in times of peace, it is as nothing com- 
pared to the awful conditions during actual hostilities, 
for it is then that all the pent up hatred and vice and 
devilishness that have been brewing in times of peace are 
given free license, and war after war, battle after battle, 
are bloody, reeking, seething monuments to the fact that 
men are making the worst of it. 

Rev. Sydney Smith, in a sermon preached in St. Paul's 
cathedral on the accession of Queen Victoria, said in 



60 War versus Peace 

part: "All the atrocious crimes committed in years of 
peace, all that is spent in peace by the secret corruption, 
or by the thoughtless extravagance of nations, are mere 
trifles compared with the gigantic evils which stalk over 
the world in a state of war. God is forgotten in war — 
every principle of Christian charity trampled upon — hu- 
man labor destroyed ; you see the son, and husband, and 
the brother, dying miserably in distant lands ; you see the 
waste of human affections ; you see the breaking of hu- 
man hearts ; you hear the shrieks of widows and children 
after the battle; and you walk over the mangled bodies 
of the wounded calling for death." 

History brings forward many examples of womanhood, 
mothers who, with a heart exulting with joy, laid their 
sons upon the altar of sacrifice for their country's flag; 
wives with babies clinging to their breast, who gave the 
husband and father a last long farewell, glad that such a 
noble man could go to help maintain the " nation's hon- 
or " ; sweethearts who lingered long and loving at the 
trysting place, and who renewed their vows of love and 
faithfulness, their hearts beating with joy and pride that 
their lovers were going to win new glories on the field of 
blood. But ah, it fails to state that while they are sending 
them with a heart of joy, they are sending them with 
weapons that mean death, they are sending them to 
pierce the heart with bullets, or send men to the bottom 
of the sea, or mangle for life, and while they are doing 
this, they are bringing untold misery and woe to other 
lives, for every man falling on the field of blood means 
that some mother, or some wife, or father, or sweetheart, 
is going to pine away in a life of sorrow and grief. Every 
victory means a defeat, and both on the field of blood 
mean disgrace and the condemnation of God Almighty. 



War versus Peace 61 

The nation's flag bathed in blood speaks of agonizing 
hearts, broken homes, blackened characters, made so by 
the hellish practice of slaying man, hands dripping with 
blood of those slain, who were created in God's own im- 
age, and all this a greater national dishonor than to have 
our commerce destroyed, our cities burned, our colonies 
taken from us by a foreign foe. 

" National honor ! " Oh, what crimes are committed in 
its name ! What tears, what sorrows, what anguish, what 
suffering! Verestchagin, the Russian artist, who has 
done much for humanity by putting upon the canvas 
the awfulness of war, describes the transportation of the 
wounded from Plevna to the Danube during the Russo- 
Turkish War thus, as recorded bv A. W. Brown in 
" War Scenes in Word Pictures " : " The whole road be- 
tween the battlefield and the river was thronged with 
rude country bullock carts, and what with the primitive 
construction of the vehicles and the execrable roads, the 
agonies of the wounded were horrible beyond descrip- 
tion. In the heat and the dust the most trifling wounds 
gangrened and became mortal." When at length the town 
of Plevna fell into the hands of the Russians, Verestcha- 
gin visited some of the houses crowded with the sick 
and wounded, and he says : " No words can express the 
horrors — the fetid air, the filth, and in the midst of it all, 
nothing but death. Now and again something stirred in 
a corner under a heap of rags, showing that life was not 
quite extinct. ,, 

Anyone who cares to plunge deeper into the abyss of 
horror will find among the Daily News correspondence 
(Russo-Turkish War, 11 P. 192) a detailed account of 
how more than one thousand bodies (some of them still 
warm and breathing), were dragged forth by the heels-^ 



C2 War versus Peace 

"the heads bumping from step to step with sickening 
thuds," to be piled half-naked in the carts in the public 
street, "jammed in solidly, with head or legs hanging 
over the side," and how, some of them, slipping off every 
now and then into the mud, they were flung into pits 
without the walls — "Unwept, unhonored, and unsung." 
Mastered by the Russians, the miserable remnants of the 
Turkish army became prisoners of war, and by the close 
of the siege winter had set in with intense frosts and 
blinding snowstorms. Verestchagin says: "The road 
from Plevna to the Danube for a distance of thirty 
or forty miles, was literally strewn with the bodies of 
frozen, wounded Turks. The frost set in so suddenly 
and with such severity that the brave defenders of 
Plevna, in their stiff, frozen overcoats, were too weak to 
resist it, and fell on the road, sitting and lying in the 
snow. They moved hands and feet as though they longed 
to be moving, but were powerless. The next day their 
movements became less, and they lay by the hundreds, 
prostrate on their backs, moving lips and fingers, as they 
gradually and slowly froze to death. For the first few 
days there was nobody to remove the dead and dying, so 
that passing carts and carriages crushed their bodies into 
the snow, and rendered it impossible to extricate them 
without spoiling the road." 

And to such scenes as this, our mothers, wives and 
sweethearts are sending their beloved ones, either to be 
among those who are suffering untold hardships, or 
among those inflicting these punishments. But, while 
there may be, and are, a few women who are gladly send- 
ing their loved ones to the field of suffering and de- 
struction, there are thousands who are consenting only 
after tears and entreaties are all in vain. For ofttimes it 




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War versus Peace 63 

means to them a life spent in poverty, home life spent 
in darkness, and a heart filled with sorrow. 

" I am a Widow, and I ask 
Who set my husband murder's task? 
Who put the sword within his hand, 
With blood to deluge all the land? 
Who sovereign crowned of life and death, 
This War god who has stilled his breath? 

" I am an Orphan, and I plead 
That I have of my father need: 
I want from him my daily bread; 
I want his blessing on my head; 
I want his love, this is my prayer — 
The wife, the child, need father's care. 

"I am a Mother, and I weep 
A son too early doomed to. sleep; 
What pain and anguish have I known, 
For this my son to manhood grown — 
And now the lonely, weary day, 
Without his smile upon my way." 

Above the roar of the cannon and the groans of the 
wounded and dying, above the rattling of musketry, the 
beating of iron hoofs, above the orders of the command- 
ers and the cries of the defeated, rise the prayers of the 
widows and orphans and mothers, praying for their pro- 
tectors, their comforters, and their supporters ; and as the 
means for destruction increase, as more terrible and 
powerful devices for slaying and butchering are being 
invented, the more widows and orphans will there be, 
" for mutual enemies are already beginning to apprehend 
that the battles of the future will be victorious for neither 
party, but rather, defeat for both, and that if any sur- 
vivors are left, they will only be witnesses, but without 
glory, of the piled corpses of their antagonists, mingled 
promiscuously with the dead bodies of their own com- 



64 War versus Peace 

rades, in one vast and hideous charnel heap. Cities and 
nations will be so devastated by the new warfare, indus- 
try and commerce will be so irreparably ruined, widows 
and orphans will be so numerous, that, on either side, 
the first discharge of artillery will destroy hope; for 
courage, skill, and superior numbers will avail no longer. 
There will only remain the certainty of mutual annihila- 
tion, fatal, and inevitable for the strong, slain by iron or 
by fire ; whilst for the weak, the women and the children, 
there will be left death from misery and starvation." 

Can good possibly come from such a course? Is such a 
soil favorable to the propagation of any virtue? Sur- 
rounded by such awful scenes as this, and realizing that 
he has been a factor in bringing about such misery, can 
you expect the soldier to represent the ennobling virtues 
of manhood? The last acts of man's life should be calm 
and peaceful ; his thoughts go forward to his God, and 
his preparedness to meet him. If possible, the mother, 
wife, or lover, should be present to soothe the troubled 
brow, speak words of comfort, and cheer, for the black- 
ness of death is terrible to him who is not prepared to 
meet it. But war makes this impossible. With curses 
and damnable exclamations coming from his lips, with 
hatred and revenge deep-seated in his heart, with his life 
spent in the service of sin, he goes into the presence 
of him who said, "Thou shalt not kill," "He that 
hateth his brother is a murderer, and ye know that no 
murderer can enter into the kingdom of heaven/' " Thou 
shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain." 

But the demoralizing effects of war are not centered 
wholly upon the individuals composing our armies and 
navies, either in war or peace, for as they are a part of the 
nation, it follows that if they become corrupt the whole 



War versus Peace 65 

nation will suffer. We notice the bad effects it has upon 
literature. Especially is this true during actual hos- 
tilities. Poets and writers of song are taxed to their ut- 
most to produce poems and songs that will appeal to the 
passions, bring forth the patriotic sentiments, and excite 
the beastly nature of man. Silly, nonsensical songs are 
produced and popularized. High-sounding, ear-tickling 
theories are produced regarding the history of war, the 
virtues of the heroes, and from these deductions and 
arguments war is declared justifiable. Columns of the 
newspapers are filled with what is supposed to be inter- 
esting and instructive news, and all literature seems to 
have sunken to the low level of praising him whose pro- 
fession is to butcher and to tear to pieces. 

Necessities of war make it impossible to give thought 
to matters that do not contribute to the success of 
battle ; " Therefore the Spartan had neither literature nor 
philosophy, neither science nor art. Pursuit of these 
subjects was effeminate. It unfitted men for the better 
business of fighting." During our own war with Spain 
this was clearly illustrated. Our magazines and papers 
were almost wholly given up to the progress of the war. 
The eye of the nation was centered upon the conflict, 
to the neglect of all other industries. Works of science, 
art, religion, philosophy, were a drug on the market, 
while books, old and new, about war and army life, were 
in constant demand, and the imagination does not need 
to wander very far to see the outcome of such a course, 
if allowed to go on for a number of years. But why 
should a soldier be eulogized? Why is it necessary to de- 
fend his butcheries? In spite of the antiquity of war, 
the world's great generals are very few, verifying the old 
adage that " the pen is mightier than the sword." This 



66 War versus Peace 

broadcasting of war material cannot help but debase so- 
ciety, for in arousing the lower passions of man it natur- 
ally follows that virtue and honesty will be sacrificed. 

" Everyone knows that vice is contagious," says Dy- 
mond, " and the depravity of one man has always a 
tendency to deprave his neighbors; and it therefore re- 
quires no unusual acuteness to discover that the pro- 
digious mass of immorality and crime which is accumu- 
lated by a war must have a powerful effect in ' demoraliz- 
ing' the public Other vicious influences 

insinuate themselves into our minds by stealth; but this 
we receive with open embrace. Glory and patriotism and 
bravery and conquest are bright and glittering things. 
Who, when he is looking delighted upon these things, is 
armed against the mischief which they may veil? The 
evil is in its own nature of almost universal operation. 
During a war, a whole people become familiarized with 
the utmost excesses of enormity — with the utmost tend- 
ency of human wickedness — and they rejoice and exult 
in them so that there is probably one man in a hundred 
who does not lose something of his Christian principles 
during a period of war." 

Thus, the enormity of crime becomes public property, 
and thus day after day the public mind becomes hard- 
ened, and the conscience seared. Some one has said, 
" Tell me what you read, and I will tell you what you 
are." If this is the case with a nation during a period of 
war, we have a whole nation of warriors and race-haters, 
butchers and murderers. What must be the effect upon 
the child's mind who has been taught to respect the flag 
and honor the country, to read afterwards that his 
country's soldiers " rushed into the battle armed to the 
teeth, thirsting for revenge," or that " they fought like 



War versus Peace 67 

demons and acted like hell "? What would be the effect 
upon the mind of the child who had been taught to re- 
spect and obey his father, but when he came to the years 
of maturity he was informed that his father was a mur- 
derer, and not only so, but he believed in it, and went 
about armed, expecting at any moment to kill some one? 
Everybody knows that his respect for and his confidence 
in his parent would be shaken, and just so it must be 
with the case about his country, if the literature of the 
land is filled with stuff, though it is facts, telling of the 
slaying of thousands, the burning of cities, the destroying 
of crops, the free license for everything unholy and un- 
godly. In an enlightened government the degrading of 
literature means much, and as there is nothing in war 
that can possibly be elevating, all the literature from this 
source must degrade. 

Again, war strikes at the very heart of a nation, be- 
cause it strikes at the home. No nation can possibly 
make any advancement, morally or spiritually, that does 
not recognize that in the homes rests the foundation of 
the government. But army life makes an ideal home-life 
an impossibility, for military laws demand that the en- 
listed man make his permanent home with his company 
or regiment. If he is a married man, it is impossible for 
him to have his family with him. He is a protector of 
the home only in name. Only on furlough can he even 
see his loved ones. His home is the camp, his com- 
panions are men of his own profession, his work to drill 
for war, his ambition generally to quit the army when his 
term of enlistment expires. Even in times of peace, the 
effect upon the home-life is felt. Many the Thanksgiving 
or Christmas dinner that is marred because of a son in 
the army. Many a mother's heart that grows old and 



68 War versus Peace 

feeble prematurely because of a beloved " darling " cruis- 
ing in a foreign land on a mighty ship of war. Many a 
father's heart is saddened because the boy whom he had 
expected to become a minister or a lawyer, or a physician, 
was induced by glittering swords, martial music, and 
brilliant uniforms, to enlist in the army or navy, there 
to be taught and drilled in the very things that he has 
been taught were wrong, for no Christian home will 
teach that war is excusable, or that the soldier's profes- 
sion is honorable. In the home he has been taught to 
be honest ; but Lord Wolseley in his " Soldier's Pocket 
Book," has written that if a soldier is to succeed on spy 
duty, he must lay aside the belief that " honesty is the 
best policy." In the home he is taught morality ; but 
Lord Lytton, in his address as Lord Rector of the Uni- 
versity of Glasgow, states that " between the nations the 
word ' morality ' has no place." In the home, he is taught 
temperance; but he goes to the army, where a large per 
cent of the soldiers drink. In the home he is taught the 
religion of Jesus Christ ; but in the army and navy it is 
a farce — not because they do not have religious services 
there, but because the Christ whom they are supposed 
to worship condemned the sword as an instrument in set- 
tling disputes : " No more possible to establish a con- 
cord between Christ and war, than between Christ and 
Belial." In the home he is taught to think, speak and 
act for himself; but in the army he is a slave to his su- 
periors : " I swear to obey the orders of the officers 
who are set over me : So help me God," is the oath which 
the soldier must give before he enlists, an unconditional 
surrender of one's moral being into the hands of another. 
In the Christian home he is taught not to commit mur- 
der; but in the army, to slay thousands is glorious. In 



War versus Peace 69 

fact, the life and teachings of the soldier are squarely 
contradictory to the life and teachings in the Christian 
home. 

But, terrible as are the inroads which a military life 
makes into the home, it is as nothing compared to the 
sacrificingiof^homes during actual hostilities. During our 
own Civil War, the killed and wounded on both sides 
amounted to about 500,000. The total population of the 
United States in 1860 was about 31,500,000. Allowing 
four persons to each family, we would have 7,875,000 
families, or out of every sixteen families, there would 
be one killed. This says nothing about the wounded, or 
those contracting diseases which unfitted them for active 
service. 

Now these men who were taken from the home were 
not the sickly or physically weak, but able-bodied men, 
the strongest the nation had. The support of the home 
taken, the adviser and counselor taken, one-sixteenth 
of the homes mourning the loss of a father or a son, or 
brother: what did it all mean? It meant that thousands 
of children must face the cold world without a father's 
protection, and many of them to fill the jails and peni- 
tentiaries as a result. True, our government is relieving 
the financial strain by pensioning the soldiers or their 
widows ; but money can never take the place of morality, 
money cannot pay for broken hearts. It can never pay 
for the lives that are saddened, the homes that are dark- 
ened by the senseless crimes. No period in the history of 
the United States is so replete with crime as that im- 
mediately following the close of the Civil War. Why? 
Because many of the soldiers — yea, all of them — had 
been taught to steal, to lie, to murder, and when they 
were discharged and had gone to their homes, many of 



70 War versus Peace 

them followed that which they had learned to do during 
the war. Think of the influence of such lives in the 
home, or in the neighborhood. 

War cannot be carried on without those passions which 
Christ prohibits, and it is hardly to be supposed that men 
will go on in the full exercise of sinful passions for a 
number of years, and then quit, when their opinions and 
motives are still the same. And the homes of our land 
were where the evils were felt in the worst form. 

Another very demoralizing condition brought about by 
war is that it unfits the individuals for any other occupa- 
tion in life. This is getting to be more and more an age 
of specializing; only one thing can be done successfully. 
At least this is true with a very large majority of in- 
dividuals, and unless you assume that the soldier should 
enlist for life, you take away the best part of his life in 
an occupation that he does not mean to follow. It is use- 
less to deny the fact that, after having spent three, six, 
nine, or twelve years in the army or the navy, future 
usefulness of a soldier in any other calling is hindered to 
a very great extent. Take, for example, the artillery 
service in the army. The age limit is 17 and 35 years. 
Now, let a man enlist for three years, and at the end 
of that time reenlist and he will then have spent six years 
in army life — six years of his life right at the time when 
he is in possession of his health, and his mind the most 
active. When he leaves the army he will be fii for what? 
Any position that may come to him? No, for his occu- 
pation has been a peculiar one, in that no other calling is 
similar to it. His character and habits of life have been 
formed. He has been trained to march, trained to fight, 
trained to kill, trained to destroy — and who wants him? 
Will he command the best wages? The family gives to 



War versus Peace 71 

the army a young man, clean in mind and body; but the 
army gives to society that same young man steeped in 
sin and crime, suffering from disease and degrading 
vices. 

Reason and common sense demand that you pay a man 
for that which you receive, and it also demands that you 
pay for that which you take. So if the nation takes the 
soldier's character, his position in society, his religion, 
his peace of mind, his future usefulness in life, it is only 
reasonable to demand that she pay for these things. And 
even though he make the profession of a soldier a life 
profession, what honor can be attached to such a life? 
What deeds of valor does he perform that commend 
themselves to the approval of Christianity? 

Dr. Channing says : " The field of battle is a theatre, 
got up at immense cost, for the exhibition of crime on a 
grand scale. There the hell within the human breast 
blazes out fiercely and without disguise. A more fear- 
ful hell in any region of the universe cannot well be con- 
ceived. There the fiends hold their revels and spread 
their fury." 

Is there any honor in being one of the actors upon such 
a stage as this, or is a man fitted for any other business 
in life after having engaged in such awful atrocities as 
these? True it is that some men have become notable 
in other callings after having spent a part of their lives 
in the army. Because of their military career, men have 
seen fit to honor them, and have placed them in higher 
positions. But they are the exception, rather than the 
rule. Thousands upon thousands of them are crippled, 
either morally or physically, and sometimes both, so that 
they are a disgrace to society and a dishonor to their 
God. One foul breath will taint the air of a large room, 



72 War versus Peace 

and so, one soul steeped in vice and crime, will have its 
influence for wrong upon society, and degrade and cor- 
rupt the morals of a whole neighborhood. For "A little 
leaven leaveneth the whole lump/' 

Again, when nations " spend their money for that 
which is not bread, and its labor for that which satisfieth 
not," the effect cannot help but be demoralizing. The 
condemnation of God rested upon the Jewish nation for 
this very reason, and surely the extravagance of nations 
in spending millions upon millions of dollars in war and 
war preparations shall not go unheeded. That the money 
which is being spent for the building and equipping of 
battleships is wasted is shown from the simple fact that 
in a very few years these ships become antiquated, fit 
only for the scrap pile, having done nothing but furnish 
a home for men who were training for war. 

It is conceded by everyone that individuals are ac- 
countable for the use or misuse of funds placed in their 
hands, and this ought to be doubly true of the nation. 
To take these vast sums of money that are needed in 
legitimate industries to alleviate suffering, relieve the 
oppressed, clothe the poor — and place them in instru- 
ments that cause suffering, oppress the people, and make 
paupers, is misusing the confidence and trust placed in 
the hands of a government by her people. When an in- 
dividual realizes the fact that part of the money which 
he pays as taxes goes to build and equip instruments of 
war, which will be used in killing and destroying, and is 
willing to pay it for that purpose, it shows that his na- 
ture is degrading and brutalizing. And when nations 
wantonly and willingly, year after year, spend a large 
portion of their income in military preparations, it sim- 
ply shows that they are not very far removed from the 



War versus Peace 73 

savage, whose chief business was war, and whose great 
delight was in the slaughter of his foes. 

The United States never has been considered a war- 
like nation, and in no other nation has the development of 
commerce, of art, literature, science, religion, taken such 
rapid strides. But this government, as well as all other 
governments, is taking a step backward when it deems 
it necessary to increase our navy and standing army, for 
every dollar spent in the enlarging of these revolting 
machines of death is taken from the treasury of art, of 
science, of literature, of commerce, and of religion. Think 
of the men engaged in the manufacturing of cannon, war- 
ships, gunpowder, rifles, etc., and from everywhere comes 
the cry for laborers. When the nation takes a man from 
the honorable industries of life and places him in the shop 
to make instruments of death, she is dulling his sensi- 
bilities of right and filling his mind with things dam- 
nable. 

Rev. R. P. Ashe says : " The ingenuity of Christian 
men is taxed to make murder machines, and thousands of 
' Christian ' men are engaged in manufacturing cannon, 
gunpowder, rifles, swords, torpedoes, battleships, and all 
the time believing that Christ looks upon the results of 
their work with complacence. The last polish to the 
barrel, the finish to the breech, and the murder machine 
is ready and passes from your hands. You know the 
purpose for which the machine will be used, and yet you 
either make it or approve those who do so. The maker 
of these things cannot escape their responsibility." God 
has said that " thy silver and thy gold is mine," and sure- 
ly he is not well pleased when these are used to slay and 
destroy. 

The spirit of war in one nation begets the same spirit 



74 War versus Peace 

in other nations ; especially is this true of the most pow- 
erful nations. One nation's rulers decide upon an in- 
crease in naval expenditure, and immediately other gov- 
ernments call their legislatures together to levy more 
money to build more battleships, and thus from year 
to year goes on the mad race to destruction. Strength 
lies not in battleships, but in men — men of character, 
men of principle, men of love. 

"I am the Mine, the Shop, the Mill, 
The Science, that's unconquered still, 
The Books unwritten, those unread; 
The dream of Art in some young head; 
The Fields that wait the plow in vain — 
We cannot spare a hand, or brain. 

"I am the State — and of each son 
I have strong need of every one — 
'Tis not the wealth that I unfold, 
My splendid land that you behold, 
That make me proud, and strong, and great — 
It is my sons that make the State." 

Pile up the dead in one great charnel house, who have 
been slain to satisfy the lust for power and honor; heap 
up the gold and silver that have been spent in warships 
and guns, to fill the yearnings of unprincipled legislators 
clamoring for popularity, bottle up the tears of bitter sor- 
row and anguish that have been shed by your mothers 
and orphans for those who fell on the field of an awful 
hell, and let them be the silent monuments of the aw- 
ful fact that men and money, that mothers and orphans, 
have been sacrificed for that which was not bread, and 
which did not bring satisfaction. 

Our government is sending men to induce men to enlist 
in the army. Moving pictures showing the bright side 
of army and navy life are flaunted before our young men. 



War versus Peace 75 

Recruiting stations are being established to make it as 
convenient as possible for the unwary to enlist. Posters 
are seen everywhere telling of the exceptional advantages 
to be obtained by enlisting. But our government is not 
making a business of telling the whole truth about the 
army and navy. Our posters and moving pictures and 
recruiting officers fail to tell the people that in 1906 more 
than one-tenth of the soldiers deserted rather than remain 
in the army. They fail to tell that over seventy per cent 
of the soldiers are addicted to strong drink, or that where 
military reservations are situated, vicious resorts spring 
up and flourish ; and in failing to give all the facts in the 
case, many are ensnared into its awful meshes, where 
death alone can release, until the term of enlistment ex- 
pires. What foul means the nations are compelled to re- 
sort to in order that the army may not be depleted ! But 
for every transgression of God's Word, for every viola- 
tion of Christian principle, a strict account must be 
given. 

Lamartine says : " The nations who sport in blood are 
instruments of ruin, not instruments of life, to the world. 
They may grow, but they grow contrary to the pur- 
poses of God, and by losing in one day of justice that 
which they have conquered through years of violence. 
Unlawful murder is not less a crime in a nation than in 
an individual. Conquest and glory may adorn it, but do 
not make it innocent." 

A proper appreciation of the value of human life is ab- 
solutely necessary for the full development of the moral 
man. It is impossible for individuals to grasp the truths 
of God, unless they have a high conception of life. No 
nation can be truly great if it does not value the lives of 
its citizens. Civilization itself is measured largely by the 



76 War versus Peace 

standard which is piaced upon life. It is indeed a very 
solemn responsibility to deprive any human being of the 
sacred gift of life, something which none of us can give 
when it is once taken away. Man is created in God's 
image: so wonderful is he made, and so great is the 
Father's care for him, that it is simply a usurpation of 
power and authority for any but God to take life, and 
nothing shows the degrading condition of an individual 
or nation more than a willing consent to send an im- 
mortal soul, prepared, or unprepared, into the presence of 
his Maker. 

He who stoops to consider the lilies of the field, who 
sees the sparrow as it falls to the ground, who numbers 
the very hairs of our head, will not let pass unnoticed 
the soul slain to satisfy the greed and envy of the nation, 
or individual. Suicides, lynchings, capital punishment, 
are barbarous methods of dealing with offenders, but in 
war, where not one but thousands of human lives are sac- 
rificed, " where men fall in the ranks like flies," and each 
life bearing a stamp of the Divine, each having a soul 
of more value than many sparrows, each of which might 
have been won for Christ, oh, who shall stand responsible 
— who will bear the guilt — who shall answer to the com- 
mand, "Thou shalt not kill "? No cause will justify the 
taking of human life. Christ's blessings are pronounced 
only if we suffer as a Christian. " Vengeance is mine, 
I will repay, saith the Lord." No earthly compensation 
is worthy to justify it, and for every murder com- 
mitted whether in war or not, God shall demand jus- 
tice. 

Let us notice another peculiar effect of war and war 
preparations. Japan decides that in order to act the part 
of a world power she must build more and stronger 



War versus Peace 77 

battleships. Whereupon, the United States immediately 
sees new cause for increasing her navy. Germany, after 
making an inventory of her " peace preservers," decides 
that she must have at least ten new ones, each year, for 
at least ten years; and immediately England finds new 
argument for making her navy at least four times as 
strong as that of Germany. And all the while these na- 
tions are expressing to each other their feeling of good 
will, their friendship, and their love. But it is a very dif- 
ferent way of expressing love and friendship from that 
used between individuals. An expression of love and 
good will from one individual to another is not generally 
accompanied by a belt of cartridges and a brace of pis- 
tols. It is not considered polite among individuals to 
force another person to accept your friendship by being 
obliged to look into the barrel of a Winchester. The 
sincerity of such expressions of friendship is not to be 
considered very seriously, and nations understand the 
situation very plainly. What is all this mad rush for 
more battleships, larger armies, teaching? Simply that 
war and warlike preparations beget war. 

There has been advancement made in civilization, but 
this advancement is not due to the fact that war and 
hatred have been the rule of the nations, but in spite of 
these hindrances; and if advancement has been made in 
spite of these hindrances, how much more might have 
been done had all nations long ago adopted the law of 
love. The very things that ought to be reduced to the 
lowest possible minimum are constantly being agitated, 
and while there are no actual hostilities, " all the ele- 
ments of war exist, and while things remain as they are, 
peace is only the momentary resting of the volcano in 



78 War versus Peace 

which materials are collecting for a more tremendous 
bursting forth of fire and of death." 

There is only one thing that the building of battle- 
ships does perfectly, and that is that it excites the envy 
and ill-will of other nations ; thus, instead of elevating 
the virtues so essential to a fully-developed people, it 
sears the conscience, blasts the good, and hinders the 
truth. 

But, great as are the demoralizing effects of war upon 
education, literature, science, art, it is not to be compared 
with the terrible effects it produces upon the Christian 
religion ; and this is made doubly true from the fact that 
Christian nations do not only sanction war, but actually 
will engage in it, and in so doing they trample upon the 
teaching of the greatest Benefactor the world has ever 
seen. Nothing about war and its results can be recon- 
ciled to the New Testament. Howard Malcolm says: 
" Survey an army prepared for battle. See the cannon, 
muskets, mortars, swords, drums, trumpets and flags. 
Do these men look like Christians? Do they talk like 
followers of the meek and lowly Son of God? Are they 
prepared to act like friends of the human race, and like 
followers of God, as dear children, seeking to bring all 
men to the knowledge of him? " 

The awfulness of a fight at sea is none the less, for it 
is a fight for life, a fight for the destruction of property, 
a fight, not of love, but of bitter hatred and strife. See 
the results as pictured by R. P. Stebbins: " Look at that 
majestic ship on the bosom of the ocean. See the thou- 
sand human beings on board, their bosoms swelling high 
with hope, their hearts beating with pride. In the dis- 
tance a flag is seen streaming on the edge of the waters. 
It is the enemy's. The running to and fro — the bustle — 



War versus Peace V9 

the confusion — the imprecations upon the foe — the oaths 
— the curses tell what deeds of darkness are to be done. 
One short hour enveloped in smoke, and that beautiful 
ship is sinking beneath the waves, its snowy canvas torn 
and stripped, its deck slippery with human blood, frag- 
ments of human bodies strewn everywhere, the sea crim- 
soned with the current of life, the cockpit filled with 
those who are enduring every extremity of torture. Now 
a smile of joy lights up the features of these mangled 
victims. Word is passed that the enemy's ship is foun- 
dering. A shout of victory goes up from those parched 
and dying lips, and down they go, victor and vanquished, 
a thousand fathoms into the boiling ocean. What a 
triumph is this ! What a work for Christian hands ! 
What a dying hour for a disciple of the Prince of Peace! 
What a condition to meet him who died for his foes ! " 

" The whole structure of an army is in violation of 
New Testament principles. What absolute despotism, 
what division of rank by nice gradations. ' Condescend- 
ing to men of low estate ' would spoil discipline ; ' es- 
teeming others better than themselves ' would degrade 
the officers. Instead of humanity, must be gay trappings ; 
instead of Christ's law of love, must be man's rule of 
honor." 

Paul tells us that the weapons of the Christian " are 
not carnal, but mighty through God, to the pulling down 
of strongholds, casting down imaginations, and every 
high thing that exalteth itself against the knowledge of 
God, and bringeth into captivity every thought, to the 
obedience of Christ." No deductions from either the life 
or teachings of Jesus Christ can be made that will tol- 
erate war, and yet the Christian nations of today are 
asking of the Church her sanction and support and her 



80 War versus Peace 

prayers in a policy that must go outside of the New Tes- 
tament for its foundation. 

Says Rev. R. P. Ashe : " Think of a battlefield. Think 
of it when the roar of cannon has died away, and the 
cracking of rifles and rattle of machine guns is stilled ; 
when the excitement and madness and fury and passion 
of battle is passed. Think of the wounded before death 
has set his seal upon their faces, as they lie low, with 
parched lips and dry throats, in every attitude of anguish. 
See their twistings of torture, their writhings of agony, 
the fearful wounds gaping, mangled limbs, torn and shat- 
tered, their faces black with the blast of fire, or battered- 
out of all recognition, as they lie weltering in pools of 
blood. Hear the groans, the cries, the ravings, the low 
moans of the braver, the shrieks and screams of those 
whose shattered nerves have left them without any pow- 
er of self-control, the sobs, the curses, bitter and deep. 
Hear them, I say. Think of a battlefield. These heaps of 
dead — see their eyes, now dull with death, that only an 
hour ago flashed hatred on their foes, a hatred begotten 
in the moment of battle. . . . These bodies fearful- 
ly and wonderfully made temples for the living God, yet 
now, how marred ! And this is war, lauded by Christian 
men, though absolutely forbidden by the Master's words, 
if words mean anything at all." 

Men in all ages have tried to enlist the aid and sym- 
pathy of the Church to carry out their awful business of 
murder, knowing full well that if the Church should rise 
in the might of God's power, the awful monster would 
be crushed ; but the glory of the battlefield, the bravery 
of the soldier, and the sacrifice of the souls of men have 
blinded the eyes and dulled the sensibilities of the 
Church, and dragged its ministers, who ought to be advo- 



War versus Peace 81 

cates of the great love of God, into its meshes, where they 
are poisoning the minds of their parishioners with high- 
sounding praises of men who slay upon the field of blood. 
Jesus said, " If the light within you be darkness, how 
great is that darkness," and again, " Ye are the salt of the 
earth ; but if the salt have lost its savor, wherewith shall 
it be salted?" 

War is a denial of Christianity, of God ; and every war, 
and all preparations of war are simply a defiance of 
Christianity; and when these principles of hatred and 
variance creep into the Church they mean the corrupt- 
ing of her morals, the subtracting of her virtues. The 
warlike attitude of the Christian nations today is one of 
the greatest barriers to the Christianizing of the whole 
world. No nation cares to exchange its religion, how- 
ever bad it may be, for another that must be maintained 
by swords and cannon, that gives men the privilege of 
butchering one another when their rights are disputed. 
Some one has derisively said that " the heathen nations 
had not yet learned to shoot straight, because they were 
not yet Christianized." The ship carrying from the 
Christian country the missionary who goes to preach the 
Gospel of the Prince of Peace also carries the implements 
of war, which destroy the works of peace ; and while the 
heathen are steeped in ignorance and sin, they are not 
so ignorant as to be blind to the fact that these things 
do not harmonize. Instead of teaching such Christianity 
to the heathen, they ought to be protected from it. 

War sets aside the Golden Rule, and places in its stead 
the old law of " an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a 
tooth." It tramples upon the noble life of the blessed 
Son of God, and crushes love, the greatest power known, 
into the earth, for, " From the time when to the shep- 



82 War versus Peace 

herds abiding in their field keeping watch over their 
flocks by night, the ' glad tidings of great joy, which 
shall be to all people/ were told, and the Gospel, ' Peace 
on earth, good will towards men,' to the time when the 
Man of Sorrows, hanging on the cross, lifted up his 
eyes to heaven and prayed, * Father, forgive them, for 
they know not what they do/ the whole teaching, the 
whole life, the whole spirit of Christ, was opposed to the 
practice of anything approaching war." 

And what more is needed to show the demoralizing ef- 
fects of war upon the individual, the home, society, 
Christianity, and the nation? There is not one redeeming 
feature about war. War is sin, and sin brings death ; and 
so the facts are that, so long as nations will put their 
trust in instruments of war, they are dying — surely dy- 
ing. 

We give here a few of the many definitions of war, as 
defined by individuals who have been engaged in war — 
men who have studied it from a moral and economical 
standpoint, and who give to us their unbiased opinions 
of war and its effects. Sir Walter Raleigh said that " the 
practices of war are so hateful to God, that, were not his 
mercies infinite, it were in vain for those of that pro- 
fession to hope for any of them." Napoleon said that 
" war was the business of barbarians." The Duke of 
Wellington said that " men who have nice notions of 
religion have no business to be soldiers." Erasmus says: 
" There is nothing more unnaturally wicked than war, 
nothing more productive of misery, more extensively de- 
structive, more obstinate in mischief, more unworthy 
of man as formed by nature, much more as professing 
Christianity." Lord Bacon says : "I am of the opinion 
that unless you could bray Christianity in a mortar and 



War versus Peace 83 

mould it into a new paste, there is no possibility of a 
holy war." Jefferson says that " war is an instrument 
entirely inefficient towards redressing wrong, and mul- 
tiplies, instead of indemnifying losses." Franklin says: 
" I have been apt to think that there never has been nor 
never will be any such thing as a good war or a bad 
peace." Brougham says : " I abominate war as un- 
christian; I hold it the greatest of human crimes; I 
deem it to include all others — violence, blood, rapine, 
fraud, everything which can deform the character, alter 
the nature, and debase the name of man." Sir David 
Brewster says : " Nothing in the history of the species 
appears more inexplicable than that war, the child of 
barbarism, should exist in an age enlightened and civi- 
lized. But it is more inexplicable still that war should 
exist where Christianity has for nearly two thousand 
years been shedding its gentle light, and that it should 
be defended by arguments drawn from the Scriptures 
themselves." 

Soame Jenyns says : " If Christian nations were nations 
of Christians, all wars would be impossible and unknown 
among them." William Howitt says : " That war — that 
horror of horrors, that system of murders, robbery, and 
every conceivable villainy rolled into one great, gory 
abomination — should have been tolerated till now in spite 
of common sense and the sacred principles of religion, is 
the most astonishing thing in the history of man." Jer- 
emy Taylor says: "If men be subjects of Christ's law, 
they can never go to war with each other. As contrary 
as cruelty is to mercy, tyranny to charity, so is war and 
bloodshed to the meekness and gentleness of the Chris- 
tian religion." Archbishop Fenelon says : " Men are 
all brothers, and yet they tear each other in pieces. Sav- 



84 War versus Peace 

age brutes are less cruel than they. Lions make not war 
upon lions, nor tigers upon tigers. Man only, notwith- 
standing his reason, does what those creatures which 
are deemed void of reason never did." Bishop Warbur- 
ton says : " I look upon war as the blackest mischief ever 
breathed from hell upon the fair face of this creation. ,, 
John Wesley says : " Shall Christians assist the prince 
of hell, who was a murtherer from the beginning, by tell- 
ing the world of the benefit of war?" Cecil says that 
" instead of concurring in the design of a kingdom of 
heaven set up on earth in righteousness and peace and 
joy in the Holy Ghost, war tends rather to set up some- 
thing like a kingdom of hell." Chalmers says : " The 
mere existence of the prophecy, ' They shall learn war no 
more/ is a sentence of condemnation upon war, and stamps 
a criminality on its very forehead." Robert Hall says: 
" War is nothing less than a temporary repeal of all the 
principles of virtue." Thomas Scott says : " War in 
every case must be deemed the triumph or the harvest of 
the first great murderer, the devil." 

Ward, the missionary, says : " Either our religion is 
a fable, or there are unanswerable arguments against war 
and the profession of arms." Adam Clarke says : " War is as 
contrary to the spirit of Christianity as murder. Nothing 
can justify nations in shedding each other's blood." Dr. 
Channing says: "The chief evil of war is moral evil. 
War is the concentration of all human crimes. Under 
its standard gather violence, malignity, rage, fraud, per- 
fidy, rapacity, and lust. If it only slew men, it would 
do little. It turns man into a beast of prey." Theodore 
Parker says : " War is in utter violation of Christianity. 
If war be right, then Christianity is wrong, false, a lie. 
But if Christianity be true — if reason, conscience, re- 



War versus Peace 85 

ligion, the highest faculties of man, are to be trusted, 
then war is the wrong, the falsehood, the lie." Mr. Binney 
says : " I turn with loathing from the pomp and cir- 
cumstance of war. War is a fearful thing, ruinous to life, 
property, and virtue. It has an arm for blood, and a 
mouth for blasphemy, hands reeking with the one, a 
hoarse throat blackened with the other/' Jacob Abbott 
says : " In war, the blood, the agony, the thirst, the 
groans, which follow, are nothing. It is the raging fires 
of hatred, anger, revenge, and furious passions which 
nerve every arm and boil in every heart, and with which 
thousands pour in crowds into the presence of their 
Maker — these are what constitute the real horrors of a 
battlefield." Richter says : " War is the tribunal at 
which the devil judges the world, where bodies condemn 
spirits, physical force the power of love." 

"Scorch with the breath of anger the blossoms of love and peace, 
Till blessing is turned to cursing that never may know surcease; 
Die as the soulless perish, nor know what ye perish for, 
For ye are the victims offered to the red, red God of War. 
O'er fields where the daisies nodded let a gory river flow; 
Lift to the arching heavens your voice of a deathless woe; 

****** 
Masters who rule the nations, kings on your lifted thrones, 
Know ye the ones who perish? Hear ye the cries and moans? 

Masters who rule the nations, kings of exalted ways, 

Build as ye will, but surely such structures a God shall raze! " 



CHAPTER III 

The Cost of War 

It is always difficult, in fact, impossible, to obtain ab- 
solutely correct statistics of the cost of war — there is so 
much damage resulting from it, both material and moral, 
which cannot be reckoned. The moral damage is simply 
impossible to estimate, although equally real, tangible, 
and appreciable as the money cost, the vast totals of 
which no imagination can grasp. Morals cannot be 
measured by money standards, for they rise above mon- 
etary considerations. Neither can you estimate the cost 
of the shrieks of the dead and dying, the wail of the 
widows and orphans pleading for their loved ones, the 
curses escaping from the lips of those inflamed by the 
demon of hate, the loss of Christian principles, which 
means the loss of a soul — for who can measure the worth 
of a soul? War cannot be measured by the cost in 
money, for men rise above money. Neither can you 
measure the cost of war by the loss of men on the bat- 
tlefield, for in losing the men, character is lost, and char- 
acter rises above men. 

The human tendency at present seems to be to inquire 
first as to the cost of men engaged in a battle, and then 
to consider the loss financially, and then to give a slight 
consideration to the loss in morals. But we are gradually 
finding out that the greatest loss is in the lowering of 
morals and the degrading of Christianity. 

The Rev. Charles Bullock, in speaking of the cost of 
war, says : " The cost of a battle has never yet been es- 

86 



War versus Peace 87 

timated. The actual scene of conflict is but the center of 
a radiating circle that almost encloses the world in its 
embrace. Who can describe the amount of agonizing 
and dread anticipation felt by the relatives of soldiers on 
either side, awaiting the arrival of the list of the slain? 
With what trembling, fearful eagerness the eye glances 
down the black column of death, not daring to hope the 
beloved name is not there — how many hearts have been 
almost broken by the severance of the closest ties — 
friend and friend, wife and husband, brother and sister, 
parent and child — what bright prospects darkened, what 
glowing expectations disappointed, how many an early 
grave on the crimson field, instead of the lengthened life 
of usefulness ! " 

In considering the cost of men, it will be impossible to 
get the sum total of all the deaths resulting from war. 
Many receive wounds that may not be considered fatal 
at the time, but which afterwards result in death. So, 
disease may be contracted in the army that may not prove 
fatal until years after contracted. In such cases it is 
impossible to get accurate statistics, but the figures here 
given are approximately correct. 

The Napoleonic Wars cost France alone 3,000,000 men. 
In one battle, the battle of Waterloo, 57,000 men were 
lost. In the Franco-German War, one-third of an entire 
army of 710,000 Frenchmen were either killed or disabled. 
The Germans, out of 1,000,000 men sent to the battle- 
field, lost 45,000 killed and 89,000 disabled. The Crimean 
War cost the five nations engaged in it 785,000 men. The 
American Civil War cost the North and South together 
between 800,000 and 1,000,000 men. The Boer War of 1899 
to 1901 cost England 100,000 men in killed and wound- 
ed, the Boers about 30,000. Japan's losses during the 



88 War versus Peace 

Russo-Japanese War were 250,000 in killed and perma- 
nently injured. The Russian losses totaled 300,000 men. 

It has been estimated that the wars of the nineteenth 
century cost the world at least 14,000,000 men. March 
them by in single file, and they would make a procession 
8,000 thousand miles long. Let each grave occupy a 
space of five feet, and you would have a line of graves 
13,259 miles long. Place them in hearses, and you would 
have a line girdling the globe at the equator, and 
have enough to girdle the globe from north to south. 
This vast amount of men equals the entire population of 
the thirteen original colonies, the combined population 
of London, New York City, St. Petersburg, and Pekin — 
the four largest cities in the world — and this for just one 
hundred years of the world's history. 

We here give a table of the wars of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, with the nations engaged and the casualties: 

Name of War Time Nations Engaged Cost in Men 







France-England- 




Napoleonic Wars, 


1796-1815. 


Germany-Italy- 

Austria-Russia-Spain- 

Turkey-Arabia 


5,000,000 


War of 1812, 


1812-1814 


England-United States 


50,000 


Mexican, 


1846-1848 


United States-Mexico 
( France-England- 


50,000 


Crimean War, 


1854-1856 


■J Piedmont- 

| Turkey-Russia 


785,000 


Italian War, 


1859- 


Austria-France-Piedmont 


63,000 


Schleswig-Holstein 


1864 


Denmark-Prussia-Austria 


3,500 


Civil War, 


1861-1865 


United States 


800,000 




1866 


Prussia- Au stria-Italy 
( To Mexico-Morocco- 


45,000 


European 
Expeditions, 


1861-1867 


< Cochin China-Lebanon- 
( Paraguay, etc. 


65,000 


Franco-Prussian, 


1870-1871 


France-Germany 


225,000 


Russo-Turkish, 


1877 


Russia-Turkey 


225,000 



War versus Peace 89 

Zulu-Afghan, 1879 Zulu-Afghanistan 40,000 

Chino-Japanese, 1894-1895 China-Japan 15,000 

Boer War, 1899-1901 England-Boers 130,000 

Spanish-American, 1898 Spain-United States 6,000 



Total loss in men, 8,502,500 

This table does not nearly cover the entire casualties 
for the past century. For example, in the Spanish-Amer-, 
ican War the loss in men is given at 6,000. Now this does 
not include any of the aftermath, which was much more 
destructive than the war itself. In the Philippines the 
loss to the United States from disease and otherwise 
was between five and ten thousand, and of the Fili- 
pinos it has been estimated that from half a million to a 
million perished in the battles and skirmishes. Nothing is 
shown of the loss in the almost thirty years of fighting 
between Spain and Cuba, the Indian wars and massacres 
in the United States, of the almost constant rebellions 
among the countries of South America, the Russian 
movements in Asia, the Sepoy and other wars in India, 
the British Opium Wars with China, the British expe- 
ditions up the Nile, and in other parts of Africa, where 
the natives were " mowed down like grass," and many 
other minor engagements in which it is impossible to get 
at the exact casualties, which will bring the sum total 
to more than 14,000,000 rather than less than this 
amount. 

The official record shows that the armies of the North 
during the Civil War in America suffered a loss of 44,000 
killed in action, 49,000 died of wounds, 186,000 died of 
disease, and 25,000 died from causes unknown. But this 
does not take into account those who died from wounds 
and diseases in their homes, and'the thousands of women 
and children who were hastened to an untimely grave. 



90 War versus Peace 

If these were to be counted the total would easily reach 
400,000; and if for every Northern a Southern man fell, 
the total loss would be 800,000. Many place it at 1,000,- 
000. And these were not the aged or infirm, nor yet the 
infants, but the strongest and best physically of the na- 
tion. It has been estimated that the aggregate loss of 
life in all the wars which have been occurred since the 
beginning of authentic history has been not less than 
fifteen billion, and many think this to fall far below what 
the actual number really is. 

Benjamin F. Trueblood has estimated that this vast 
number of men slain in war is equal to all the people who 
have inhabited the globe for the last six hundred years, 
allowing three generations to the century, and 650,000,- 
000, the estimated population of the world at the opening 
of the ninteenth century, as the average population per 
generation for the six centuries. But the end is not yet. 
Already the present century has seen the death of more 
than 650,000 souls caused by the cruel hand of war. Of 
these, the Russo-Japanese War is responsible for 550,000, 
the troubles in Morocco, South American uprisings and 
other casualties making the balance. 

But, terrible as is the loss of life upon the battlefield, 
it is very small as compared to the loss resulting from 
disease in the army and among the soldiers. From the 
very nature of the circumstances it becomes evident that 
proper care of the physical body is next to impossible. 
Long, dreary marches through rains that drench to the 
skin, or over roads whose very dust is laden with the 
germs of disease, compelled to drink from stagnant pools 
of water, or from streams contaminated with filth and im- 
purities, oftentimes compelled to go for days without 
proper or sufficient nourishment, many times with no 



War versus Peace 91 

bedding upon the cold, damp earth, but straw, the sick 
lying in improvised hospitals with little or no medical at- 
tention, prisoners' crowded into dens not fit for human 
habitation — these, and many more things, all cause the 
mortality list in the army to be exceedingly huge. The 
greatest foe to an army is not the powder and ball, but 
the terrible foe Disease, which carries away ten times 
more men than the deadly cannon or rifle. During the 
Russo-Turkish War, out of 30,000 Turkish prisoners tak- 
en at Plevna, 9,000 succumbed to exposure, starvation and 
disease en route from Plevna to KharkofT in Russia. 

Lieutenant W. V. Herbert, an Englishman in the 
Turkish service, who was one of the prisoners, thus de- 
scribes the journey : " It lay through a snow-clad coun- 
try, in severe frosts, with snow storms and bitter winds. 
. . . I saw at least 400 men drop down, taken as little 
notice of as if they were so much offal, to die of starva- 
tion and exposure, or to be devoured by wolves which 
prowled around our columns. Over each man who fell 
a hideous crowd of crows, ravens and vultures hovered 
until he was sufficiently exhausted to be attacked with 
impunity." 

Of Osman Pasha's army, which originally numbered 
48,000, only 15,000 reached Russian soil, and only 12,000 
returned to their homes. It is estimated that 50,000 Turks 
died in captivity. The garrison of Erzeroum in the Russo- 
Turkish War numbered 17,000. One day in January, 1878, 
no fewer than 302 deaths were recorded from fever, and 
the daily rate for two weeks was 200. Nor were the invest- 
ing Russians in better case. General Melikoff declared that 
his army of 60,000 lost forty per cent from typhus fever and 
exposures. 

Dr. Ryan says : "At Plevna uncleanness was rampant, 



92 War versus Peace 

regulations and penalties notwithstanding, . . . and 
the camp became one vast cemetery, with the town for 
its central charnel house. The mortality was appalling. 
There was hardly a man who was not suffering from 
something or other. Exhaustion, dysentery, fever, rheu- 
matism, ague, bronchitis, galloping consumption, open 
wounds, frost-bites, broken limps, a cholera-like infection, 
and a contagious influenza, claimed many victims. There 
were also cases of smallpox, typhus fever, diphtheria, 
even leprosy and insanity." 

From a total loss of 785,000 men in the Crimean War, 
nearly 600,000 died from sickness and suffering occa- 
sioned by the long, hard marches and exposures on the 
way. 

In the Italian War of 1859 the Franco-Sardinian army 
alone had over 100,000 soldiers disabled by disease. 

A very large majority of the men lost during the war 
between the United States and Mexico died from disease ; 
and almost the entire loss of men to the United States in 
the Spanish-American War resulted from disease. 

The returns made by the Japanese war office during the 
Russo-Japanese War show 218,000 killed, wounded and 
missing, and injured by accident, and 221,000 who died 
or were invalided home by disease. 

Dr. Awtokratow says that during this war a central 
asylum for insane and mentally unsound was opened in 
Manchuria. During the fifteen months' time it was 
open, 1,349 patients were received. The awful strain up- 
on the nervous system accounts for many of the pa- 
tients, other things contributing also to the disease, as 
shown by these figures: Chronic alcoholism, 34.58 per 
cent; neurasthenic insanity, 11.2 per cent; general paraly- 
sis, 10.4 per cent. But, frightful as are the losses from 



War versus Peace 



93 



disease during actual hostilities, it by no means repre- 
sents the entire loss of men resulting from the " disease 
of militarism." Even in times of peace, the loss from 
disease and otherwise is great. 

The following table, taken from the report of the 
Surgeon-General, United States Navy, Chief of the Bu- 
reau of Medicine and Surgery, to the Secretary of the 
Navy, for 1906, shows the deaths and causes of death in 
the navy and marine corps during the year 1905 : 



Cause of Death 



No. 



Cause of Death 



No. 



Burns, 64 

Drowning, 44 

Tuberculosis, 23 

Wounds, 16 

Nephritis, 11 

Pneumonia, 11 

Typhoid fever, 11 

Cerebro-spinal meningitis, 9 

Fractures, 8 

Apoplexy, 6 

Heart disease, 6 

Syphilis, 5 

Aneurism, 4 

Abscess (liver), 3 

Appendicitis, , 3 

Concussions, 3 

Peritonitis, 3 

Remittent fever, 3 

Alcoholism, 2 

Asphuxia, 2 

Broncho pneumonia, 2 

Chronic bronchitis, 2 



Dementia, 2 

Scarlet fever, 2 

Septicaenua, 2 

Smallpox, 2 

Yellow fever, 2 

Abscess (cerebral), 

Cholecystitis, 

Diphtheria, 

Embolism, 

Epilepsy, 

Erysipelas, 

Hepatitis, 

Icterus, 

Mania, 

Meningitis, 

Pancreatitis, 

Pleurisy, 

Pulmonary oldema, 

Pyolmia, 

Rheumatism, 

Syncope, 

Trichinosis, 



In the army, for 1906 there were 368 deaths from all 
causes, equivalent to 6.28 per thousand, compared with 
6.75 for the previous year, and 16 for the six years' period, 
1898 to 1903. Sixteen enlisted men were killed in action, 



94 War versus Peace 

and forty-four wounded, of whom five died as a result 
of their wounds. Of the killed, thirteen were by gunshot, 
and three by edged weapons; of the wounded twenty- 
eight were by gunshot, and fifteen by edged weapons. 
Three officers were wounded by gunshot, of whom one 
died, and one was wounded by a spear, losing an eye. 

There were 210 admissions to sick report for gunshot 
wounds, with 55 deaths, and 3,049 admissions for 
wounds other than gunshot, with 17 deaths. During the 
year 1906 the total number of admissions to sick report 
was 73,742, and " venereal diseases were again by 
far the most important affecting the efficiency of the 
army during the year." These diseases were first with 
admission, discharge and non-effective rates, with 200.34, 
34.1, and 12.47, respectively, causing nineteen per cent of 
all admissions, fifteen per cent of all discharges, and 
thirty per cent of all non-effectiveness for disease. After 
venereal diseases in order of admission, were malarial 
fever, diarrhceal affections, alcoholism, etc. 

The following table shows the prevalence of special 
diseases and injuries in the navy and marine corps during 
the year 1905, as given in the Surgeon-General's report: 

No. of ad- No. of ad- 

Disease missions Disease missions 

Tonsilitis, 2397 Hernia, 225 

Gonorrhoea 2085 Otitis media, 189 

Wounds, 1308 Pneumonia 174 

Bronchial affections, 1032 Typhoid fever, 172 

Malarial diseases, 1024 Heart disease (organic),.. 164 

Syphilis, 981 Heart stroke, 160 

Epidemic catarrh 926 Diphtheria, 143 

Rheumatic affections, .... 924 Measles, 121 

Contusions, 883 Dislocations, *° 

Sprains, 787 Dysentery, 8b 

Diarrhceal affections, .... 691 Nephritis, 76 

Fracimes, 364 Scarlet fever, 52 



War versus Peace 95 

Burns, 361 Chicken pox, 26 

Alcoholism, 288 Rubella, 25 

Dengue, 253 Cerebro spinal meningitis, 21 

Tuberculosis, 243 Yellow fever, 12 

Mumps, 242 Smallpox, 10 



Total, 16,536 

These tables are valuable in that they show the pre- 
vailing diseases in our army and navy; and the loss is 
doubly great when men must be admitted for medical 
treatment for diseases which not only destroy the phys- 
ical body, but the cause of them destroys the character. 
When reports like the following come in, not from one 
source, but many, it simply shows that, while the nation 
is losing her men by disease, she is also lowering her 
morals: and what is the cost of morality? 

" With the exception of a large number of venereal 
cases, the health of the crew throughout the year was 
good ;" " The health of the crew was very good, with 
the exception of an occasional case of malaria or of 
dengue, and the usual proportion of cases of venereal 
disease ;" " Liberty was given until sunset in several 
ports, with a considerable number of venereal cases as the 
result;" and similar reports. 

Another very great loss to every nation maintaining 
standing armies and navies results from having so many 
men engaged in a profession that produces nothing in 
return. These men are drawn from every avenue of life, 
and come from positions and occupations that were a 
source of revenue to the community. But in the army 
and navy this is not the case: and these men are not the 
crippled or infirm, or those incapacitated for work, but 
they are among the strongest physically in the nation. It 
means that each nation has from fifty to three hundred 



96 War versus Peace 

thousand of her best men absolutely doing nothing which 
will bring a return to their country. The Surgeon-Gen- 
eral of the United States Navy, in his report of 1906, 
recommended that " a system of recruiting which selects 
only the most robust men is the first and not the least 
important step in the struggle against tuberculosis in the 
navy." Thus it can be seen that our strongest men are 
selected for a place where in times of peace their only oc- 
cupation is to do such garrison and field work as is neces- 
sary to keep them in a state of preparedness for war. 
This is a constant drain upon the resources of a nation, 
and cannot help but result in the loss of physical man- 
hood. 

The following table shows the number of men used in 
the armies and navies of twenty-two of the nations of the 
world : 

Number in 
Area in standing 
Country square miles Population army 

Argentina, 1,778,195 

Austria-Hungary, 241,333 

Belgium, 11,373 

Brazil, 3,209,878 

Chile, 290,829 

China, 1,533,420 

Denmark, 15,360 

France, 207,054 

Germany, 208,830 

Great Britain, 120,979 

Italy, 110,646 

Japan, 147,655 

Mexico, 767,005 

Netherlands, 12,648 

Norway, 124,445 

Portugal 36,038 

Russia, 2,095,616 

Spain, 190,050 



4,749,149 


312,073 


45,405,267 


361,693 


6,687,651 


51,433 


18,386,815 


28,160 


3,132,178 


29,905 


407,337,305 


300,000 


2,464,770 


9,800 


38,961,945 


547,515 


56,367,178 


585,453 


41,607,552 


669,259 


32,475,000 


251,984 


43,763,158 


284,740 


13,605,919 


32,163 


5,430,981 


41,666 


2,239,880 


30,900 


5,049,729 


35,337 


106,264,136 


896,000 


18,618,086 


128,559 



War versus Peace 97 

Sweden, 172,876 5,136,441 39,121 

Switzerland, 15,976 1,119,635 160,751 

Servia, 19,050 2,493,770 160,751 

Turkey, 65,350 6,130,200 700,620 

United States, 3,507,140 76,303,387 58,368 

Venezuela, 593,943 2,323,527 9,000 

This army of over 5,555,000 of people engaged by the 
various nations in times of peace in the glorious business 
of getting ready for war, equal to a population greater 
than that of all London — producing nothing themselves, 
but living off the labors of others — this number of people, 
instead of being producers, are nothing but consumers. 
They are taken from the mine, from the shop, from the 
factories, from the farms, where they are needed, and can 
show an honest return for their labor, and are placed in 
a business that causes nothing but wreck and loss. 

Mr. Joseph Arch says that " perhaps the farm laborers 
have done more to support the army than any other 
class. But the laborers are becoming awakened to their 
interest. They are beginning to see that they were not 
created to be food of gunpowder, and the sport of 
wicked men." 

Dr. Herbert, in a debate in the Austrian Parliament, in 
1879, speaking on this subject, said : " I can freely speak 
on this subject, because of the disease, the European 
disease of militarism. For in consequence of militarism, 
Europe may be, indeed is, actually being ruined. What 
has been going on in Europe, whilst in one year from the 
termination of the Civil War, the United States scarcely 
retained any standing army at all, Europe has been 
weighted down with armor, and withdrawing her young 
men from civil industries and squandering millions and 
millions upon the maintenance of whole nations in arms. 



98 War versus Peace 

And the question has now become, How long can Europe 
possibly endure this state of things? " 

And this from Washington : " How much more de- 
lightful to an undebauched mind is the task of making 
improvements in the earth than all the vainglory which 
can be acquired by managing it by the most uninterrupt- 
ed career of conquests. For the sake of humanity it is 
devoutly to be wished that the manly employments of 
agriculture and the harmonizing effects of commerce 
should supersede the waste of war and the ravages of 
conquest, that swords may be turned into plowshares, 
and spears into pruning hooks, as the Scriptures express 
it, and the nations learn war no more." 

And now let us turn to the cost of war in money, and 
in noticing this it is more difficult to obtain definite fig- 
ures than obtaining the loss of men, for in the wholesale 
destruction of property the loss involved is always only 
approximately considered; and then the great loss sus- 
tained by commerce can not be estimated with anything 
like definite results. We will notice the direct cost of 
the wars during the last century. 

The Napoleonic Wars, covering nineteen years, cost 
the nations involved $15,000,000,000; the British-Ameri- 
can War of 1812-14, $300,000,000; the war with Mexico, 
$180,000,000; the Crimean War, 1854-56, $1,666,000,000; 
the Italian War of 1859, $294,000,000; the Schleswig- 
Holstein War of 1864, $34,000,000; the American Civil 
War of 1861-65, $8,000,000,000; the Prussian-Austrian 
War of 1866, $325,000,000; the expeditions to Mexico, 
Morocco, Cochin China, etc., 1861-67, $200,000,000; the 
Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, $3,000,000,000; the Rus- 
so-Turkish War of 1877, $1,100,000,000; the Zulu and 
Afghan Wars of 1879, $150,000,000; the China-Japan War 



War versus Peace 99 

of 1894-95 ; $60,000,000 ; the British Boer War of 1899- 
1901, $1,300,000,000; the Spanish-American, Philippine 
War, 1898-1902, $800,000,000; the Russo-Japanese War, 
$1,735,000,000. 

Besides all this, there were hundreds of petty little wars 
in the nineteenth century, which we have not mentioned, 
but which have cost an enormous sum of money. Great 
Britain alone had more than eighty of these wars during 
this century, or almost one a year, at a total cost of not 
much less than one billion dollars. This, with the small- 
er conflicts of the other nations, would easily bring the 
sum to over three billion dollars, for England alone, 
and would bring the sum total for one century to over $37,- 
000,000,000, a sum so vast that it means nothing, for the 
finite mind cannot grasp its vastness. It would employ 
1,500,000 men, working 200 days each year, for forty 
years, at two dollars per day, and there would be left 
enough money at the end of that time to give each one a 
Christian burial. 

Look at the cost of our own Civil War. A very con- 
servative estimate of this war is $8,000,000,000 (a recent 
estimate places the cost of this war, including pensions 
and interest since paid, at $13,000,000,000), or one-half 
of the entire wealth of the nation at the beginning of 
hostilities. Load this money in silver dollars on common 
freight cars, and you would have over 55,000 cars, or a 
train 417 miles long. In silver dollars this sum of money 
placed side by side would pave a roadway sixty feet wide 
the greatest distance of the United States from north to 
south. 

Some one has estimated that the total cost of this war 
would have bought the freedom of every slave, and have 
given him enough capital to start in business. It would 



100 War versus Peace 

have purchased the entire mileage of railway in the 
United States, with all its rolling stock, station yards, 
and other property. It would purchase in addition every 
vessel flying the American flag on all the oceans, lakes, 
and rivers in the world, all the thousands of miles of 
telegraph and telephone lines, and everything belonging 
to them, and all the mines and quarries of the nation. 
Even this would not exhaust all the wealth ; there would 
still be left enough to buy all the churches and school- 
houses of the land : and this for only one war in one na- 
tion. 

R. P. Stebbins, in "Plain Sketches of War," says: 
" Give me the money that has been spent in war, and I 
will purchase every foot of land upon the globe, I will 
clothe every man, woman, and child in an attire that 
kings and queens would be proud of, I will build a school- 
house upon every hillside and in every valley over the 
whole habitable earth, I will supply that schoolhouse 
with a competent teacher, I will build an academy in 
every town and endow it, a college in every State and fill 
it with able professors, I will crown every hill with a 
church consecrated to the promulgation of the Gospel 
of Peace, I will support in its pulpit an able teacher of 
righteousness, so that on every Sabbath morning the 
chimes on one hill should answer to chimes on another 
round the earth's broad circumference. . . . It is the 
darkest chapter in human depravity thus to squander 
God's richest blessings upon passion and lust." 

The amount of money spent by the various world pow- 
ers in military preparations is even in times of peace 
enormous, as shown by the following table. This for 
the year 1909: 



War versus Peace 101 

Name of Country Army Navy 

Great Britain, $133,176,150 $161,599,500 

Germany, 213,572,487 84,830,930 

France, 148,488,749 64,384,555 

Spain, 31,515,664 9,392,766 

Japan, 53,708,386 40,474,420 

Russia, 220,902,420 42,188,410 

It can be seen by this table that military preparations 
are consuming a large part of the revenue of the nations, 
and all this in times of peace. Right in connection with 
this it will be interesting to note the national debts of 
these nations, together with the total revenue of each 
country : 

Country N ational Debt Cost of Debt 

Austria-Hungary, $ 297,529,120 $130,576,685 

Belgium, .. 563,372,473 30,526,678 

France, 5,912,806,059. 237,550,311 

Denmark, 65,157,023 5,092,870 

German Empire, 696,713,786 25,722,372 

Great Britain, 3,877,418,133 141,395,500 

Italy, 2,516,453,550 126,413,440 

Japan, 1,250,000,000 62,500,000 

Netherlands, ". 488,728,640 14,233,393 

Norway, 71,846,920 2,166,006 

Portugal, 851,971,517 24,267,085 

Russia, 3,652,892,230 155,881,396 

Spain (exclusive of 

Cuban debt), now over, . . 4,000,000,000 14,378,542 

Sweden, 93,432,476 3,268,667 

United States, 925,011,637 30,833,721 

These debts are very significant in that a large propor- 
tion of them are due to war. Take the United States for 
example. At the beginning of the War of 1812 the na- 
tional debt was $45,209,737; at the close of that war it 
had risen to $127,334,933. This was gradually reduced, 
until in 1846, when $15,550,202 remained unpaid. Then 



27052 



102 War versus Peace 

came the Mexican War, and its cost, including the money 
paid for cessions of territory, raised the debt to $68,304,- 
796. In the interval of peace between the Mexican War 
and the Civil War, the debt was again diminished, and at 
the beginning of the Civil War the national debt stood 
at $64,842,287. But from this time on, the debt began 
to increase, until in 1866 it had reached the enormous 
sum of $2,773,236,174. 

After the Revolution of 1688, the British debt stood at 
$80,000,000. Marlborough's campaign added $190,000,000, 
the French and Indian Wars, $435,000,000, and our Rev- 
olution, $605,000,000 ; but as war debts were partly paid 
in time of peace, the total in 1795 was only $1,250,000,000. 
The wars of Moscow, of Dresden, and of the abdication 
of Napoleon, 1812-13-14, added $535,000,000, and the Na- 
poleonic Wars, $3,005,000,000, so that in 1819 the debt, 
in spite of reductions, was $4,500,000,000. 

In 1820 Sydney Smith wrote : " The schoolboy whips 
his taxed top; the beardless youth manages his taxed 
horse with a taxed bridle on a taxed road ; and the dying 
Englishman, pouring his medicine which has paid seven 
per cent into a spoon which has paid fifteen per cent, 
flings himself back upon his chintz bed, which has paid 
twenty-two per cent, and expires in the arms of an 
apothecary who has paid a license of one hundred pounds 
for the privilege of putting him to death." 

The war in Crimea added $165,000,000, but annual pay- 
ments had reduced the gross total in 1899 to $3,175,000,000. 
The Boer War and the Boxer expedition in China, be- 
sides $335,000,000 exacted in war taxes, again added 
$750,000,000 to the debt, and in 1903 it stood at nearly 
$4,000,000,000 ; all this vast sum being the record of past 
wars, and not of any useful expenditure. 



War versus Peace 103 

What is true of the United States and Great Britain 
in this respect is true of every nation. The tremendous 
indebtedness of the nation is one of the results of war; 
and these debts are not levied on the present generation 
alone; but many succeeding generations are burdened 
with the payment of debts, in the making of which they 
had no voice. The total indebtedness of the nations to- 
day is over $33,000,000,000, and would require a payment 
of $3,591 for every man, woman and child in the world 
to discharge this obligation. The nation having the 
greatest national debt in proportion to its population is 
Cuba, where the per capita is $20,939, and the nation 
having the least is China, where the per capita is only 
forty-nine cents. All these debts, together with the in- 
terest, must be paid by the taxpayers of the country, and 
in the aggregate it consumes much of his time. 

Jonathan Dymond, in an essay on war, says that " it 
has been computed that the actual workers in Great 
Britain, even in times of peace, work every day of the 
year to pay the national debt, twenty-six minutes; for the 
maintenance of our armaments, thirty minutes a day; for 
the cost of collecting the taxes, four minutes a day; for 
the relief of the poor, nine minutes a day; for local taxes, 
nine minutes a day; for the cost of civil government, 
twelve minutes a day. Adding these together, we find 
our laborers working every day of the year, one hour and 
thirty minutes, or nine hours per week, for the payment 
of our national and local taxes. Very nearly two-thirds 
of this time is occupied in producing the cost of our war 
system, that is, of our national debts and of our arma- 
ments." 

Surely there is something radically wrong with a sys- 
tem that exacts from the laboring class their hard-earned 



104 War versus Peace 

money, and applies it to that which neither clothes nor 
feeds humanity. Our own government is making tre- 
mendous strides toward leading the nations in military 
expenditure, and in fact has already placed herself in the 
foremost rank as a competitor for expending the greatest 
amount of money in maintaining the army and navy and 
other military expenses. America is comparatively a new 
country, and its growth in population and wealth has 
been so vast that even expensive wars do not create debts 
like those in the old countries. But who dare say that if 
we continue on at the present rate we shall not, like other 
nations, feel the weight of debt? In 1906, the appropria- 
tions alone were as follows : 

Army appropriation, ,. $ 71,817,165.08 

Military Academy appropriation, 1,664,707.67 

Naval appropriation, 102,091,670.27 

Pension appropriation, 140,245,500.00 

Total, $315,879,043.02 

And this does not include the interest on the war debt, 
which brings the grand total for the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1906, to the enormous sum of $359,000,000. Our 
nearest competitor in this mad, wild race for military su- 
premacy, was Great Britain, with appropriations total- 
ing $346,000,000 ; Russia next, with $241,000,000, and Ger- 
many next, with $238,000,000. 

AVe boast about our exports of manufactures, but they 
were only $100,000,000 more than we paid out for the 
anny and navy, and a patriotic company of pensioners. 
Our entire export trade in 1906, including all our cargoes 
of raw materials which make up the bulk of our foreign 
trade, amounted to $1,717,000,000. The profit on that was 
about $346,000,000, or $13,000,000 less than the cost of 



War versus Peace 105 

our own military establishments, including pensions ; and 
then let us notice the rate of increase in the naval appro- 
priations in the United States for the past ten years : 

Year Appropriation 

1898, $ 55,241,742.75 

1899, 65,373,667.88 

1900, 55,485,006.75 

1901, 60,443,393.42 

1902, 67,196,368.76 

1903, 80,896,581.93 

1904, 102,102,753.20 

1905, 114,888,583.21 

1906, 107,939,865.13 

Now, if the rate of increase for the next ten years is 
as great as it has been during the past ten, the appropri- 
ations for 1916 will be over $200,000,000; and if the pres- 
ent policy of the government is carried out, there can 
be no doubt but that the increase shall be even greater. 

If becoming a world power means the spending of her 
money and men to preserve the peace, it would be better 
far that a nation cease to be a world power, and pay more 
attention to the development of her resources. The facts 
are that when a nation's resources are drained to main- 
tain that which cannot possibly do any good, it becomes 
absolutely helpless to protect its citizens in times of 
peril. 

It is a fact worthy of note that immediately after the 
Russo-Japanese War such a report as the following 
should be sent out : " Terrible suffering from starva- 
tion is reported in many parts of Russia, it being esti- 
mated that 20,000 of the population are now included in 
the famine-stricken district. Thousands of the peasants 
are living on weeds and hay." 

Conditions in peace are becoming almost as expensive 



106 War versus Peace 

as war; as year after year the nations are expending 
more and more, it means that the taxes must become 
greater. Nearly a billion dollars are spent annually by 
nations in war preparations, and almost one billion more 
in the interest on war loans, while the essential require- 
ments of the people — education, comforts of life, oppor- 
tunities for culture — remain unsatisfied ; and these sums, 
though vast as they are, do not nearly show the total cost 
of the various wars. 

Lord Granville said that the indirect damage done to 
the United States by the Southern cruisers during the 
Civil War was four billion dollars. So, in every war, 
there is destruction of cities, crops, live stock, and other 
property, the amount of which can never be estimated. 
War has stood as a hideous monster, into whose ever- 
open mouth has poured the wealth of nations. But, re- 
fusing to be satisfied, it is still demanding the resources 
of the world, in both money and men. Nations could 
well profit from the advice of Lord Beaconsfield, who in 
1859 said : " Let us terminate this disastrous system of 
wild expenditure by mutually agreeing, with no hypoc- 
risy, but in a manner and under circumstances which will 
admit of no doubt, by the reduction of armaments, that 
peace is really our policy." 

"O thou devouring sword! The end will come 
To thy insatiable thirst for blood; 
And thou thyself wilt die a hopeless death, 
And be forgotten in thy shroud of rust. 

"For lo! a higher shall assert its might; 
And love shall loosen from the hand of hate 
Its direst instrument; the ancient feuds 
Which stirred men's blood shall no more waste the earth 
Outdriven by the fresh expulsive forces 
Of a new spirit that shall move the world; 
And over all shall rule the Prince of Peace." 



CHAPTER IV 

A Brief History of the Peace Movement 

Universal Brotherhood, and peace with all mankind, 
was first heralded to the world at the coming of Jesus 
Christ, the Son of God. All the great teachers and 
prophets prior to his time looked forward to a time when 
one should arise who would proclaim the Brotherhood of 
Man, and since the time of Christ, the principles which 
he advocated and the truths which he taught have led 
the whole historic development of the peace movement. 
From the time the angelic host proclaimed " Peace on 
earth, good will to men," until now, his life has been the 
mainspring to the movement, giving it now and then life 
and inspiration. His life is the central figure, around 
which all the peace movements, both ancient and modern, 
have revolved, for not only did he speak as one having 
authority, speaking the greatest truths which ever fell 
from the lips of man, but he gave his life on the rugged 
cross that the undying love of God might be made 
known to every individual. 

Prior to his time the idea of universal and perpetual 
peace was almost wholly unknown. In the earlier his- 
tory of the world, bonds of friendship and ties of love 
did not and were not expected to extend any further 
than the family connections. Therefore we hear Abra- 
ham saying to his brother Lot, " Let there be no strife, 
I pray thee, between me and thee, and between my herd- 

107 



108 War versus Peace 

men and thy herdmen, for we be brethren." Thus they 
might war as much as they pleased with other tribes and 
families, but among themselves there was a feeling of 
family honor which kept them at peace. 

Dr. Trueblood says that " the forces which operated 
among ancient peoples in producing this measure of 
pacific life were sense of kinship, contiguity of dwelling, 
interdependence, and some realized community of inter- 
ests. Beyond this sphere of race or family, war, pillage, 
conquest, enslavery, were considered not only permis- 
sible, but also obligatory." 

As these families began to increase, they merged into 
tribes, and the tribes into nations, and while the nations 
managed to keep up a fair degree of peaceful relations 
among themselves, war against other peoples was not 
only lawful, but obligatory. Moses, the great leader of 
the Jews, while having a little knowledge of the Prophet 
that was to come, considered himself in duty bound to re- 
sent the afflictions heaped upon his people by the Egyp- 
tians, which led him to slay an Egyptian and hide him in 
the sand. Even David, that mighty man of God, while 
sighing for peace among his own people, considered it his 
duty to subdue the surrounding nations with the sword, 
and though he did more to unify and strengthen his na- 
tion than any other man the Jewish nation produced, it 
probably never occurred to him to treat all nations of 
people as his brethren. Some of the prophets had a 
broader view of the divine plan. Micah tells of the time 
to come when " swords shall be beaten into plowshares, 
and spears into pruning hooks, nation shall not lift up a 
sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any 
more," and Isaiah prophesied of the time when " the 
leopard shall lie down with the kid and the calf and the 



War versus Peace 109 

young lion and the fatling together, and a little child 
shall lead them." Other prophets also had a foreknowl- 
edge of that glorious era, when the Prince of Peace 
should be sent into the world. But none of these proph- 
ets had anything but a vague idea about universal peace. 
Nearly all of their writings, their songs, their prayers, 
were for the peace of Israel, believing themselves to be 
superior to all other nations, and that God meant them to 
bring all other nations under their sway, and so com- 
pletely had this idea taken hold of them that when Christ 
came into the world they refused to accept him, believ- 
ing him to be unable to bring them back to their former 
power and greatness. They refused to see " the middle 
wall of partition " broken down, and to comprehend the 
true basis of a universal peace founded on the equal 
rights of all men and all nations. 

What is true of the Jewish nation is also true of the 
other nations. Four hundred years before Christ, Aris- 
tophanes, a Greek writer, wrote a comedy entitled, 
" Peace," in which the humane tendency of the author 
was very evident. Many of the Greek philosophers — 
Socrates, Plato, Democritus, Diogenes, Theodorus, and 
others — had a larger and truer conception of humanity 
and a deeper perception of the need of peace than was 
found elsewhere. Even Confucius, of whom it is doubt- 
ful if he had any real belief in a personal God, gave to the 
world some thoughts and ideas concerning " Universal 
Benevolence," which were worthy of consideration. Bud- 
dha, whose teaching was addressed to all alike, with- 
out distinction of person or caste, recognized in the 
" Fraternity of Humanity," something akin to our mod- 
ern peace conceptions. In the early history of Rome we 
find that some of her men had a faint idea as to the value 



110 War versus Peace 

of peace, at least. About 450 B. C. Spurius Cassius ne- 
gotiated a treaty of perpetual peace with the Latins and 
Hernicans. Vergil, the first of Latin poets, in his Fourth 
Eclogue, represents the world .as enjoying eternal peace 
during a mythological Golden Age. But in the settling of 
disputes the use of pacific methods was exceedingly lim- 
ited. In Rome it was purely internal and political; and 
with all the philosophy of the Greeks, they were unable 
to inculcate into the principles of the Greek mind the 
idea of a common universal humanity; and so with 
China and India. Except in the case of a few prophets of 
the Jews, and a few of the sages of other nations, the 
practical application of peace methods never went in 
pre-Christian times. 

But, limited as were their views, and narrow as was 
their conception of humanity, it nevertheless has a part 
in the fulfilling of the prophecy that " righteousness shall 
cover the earth as the waters cover the deep," for it is of 
divine planting, and is " rooted in the Divine Father- 
hood, in which alone the oneness of humanity finds its 
rational explanation." Their ideas and thoughts were 
the paving of the way for the newer and grander views 
of the Christ that was to be. It was indeed fitting that 
Christ should make his advent with the world during a 
time of comparative peace. The Augustan age, from 
31 B. C. to 14 A. D., was one of general peace and 
prosperity, wars having so nearly ceased, and interest in 
politics having diminished, men turned their thought 
more toward literature, art, and religion. 

"The world in solemn stillness lay, 
To hear the angels sing." 

" No war, or battle's sound, 
Was heard the whole world round, 



War versus Peace 111 

The idle spear and shield were high up hung; 

The hooked chariot stood 

Unstained with hostile blood; 

The trumpet spoke not to the armed throng; 

And kings sat still with awful eye, 

As if they surely knew their Sovereign Lord was by." 

None of the recorded sayings of Jesus Christ, or of his 
disciples specifically prohibits war. Many negative du- 
ties, although conceded by all to be wrong, are not specif- 
ically prohibited in the Gospel ; thus suicide is believed 
by all to be wrong, and yet the Gospel nowhere ex- 
pressly forbids it. To those who require such a com- 
mand as " Thou shalt not engage in war," it is therefore 
sufficient to reply that they require that which upon this, 
and upon many other subjects, Christianity has not seen 
fit to give. Some, however, go so far as to state that 
some of the acts and words of Christ may be construed 
to favor war under certain conditions, and these we wish 
to briefly notice. The narrative of the centurion who 
came to Jesus at Capernaum to solicit him to heal his 
servant furnishes one of these arguments ; because Christ 
found no fault with the centurion's profession, and that 
instead of censuring him, he highly commended him and 
said, " I have not found so great faith, no, not in Israel," 
therefore he approved of his profession. This argument 
is far-fetched, for while he did not disapprove in words 
his profession, he was absolutely silent about it. Ap- 
probation is expressed, not to his arms, but to his faith, 
and no occasion was given for noticing his profession. 
He came to Christ, not as a soldier, but as a man needing 
help. Christ very seldom interfered with the civil or 
political institutions of the world. His mode of con- 
demning political vices was by inculcating general rules 
of purity, which in their universal application would re- 



112 War versus Peace 

form them all. Similar argument is advanced from the 
case of Cornelius, to whom Peter was sent from Joppa, of 
which it is said that although the Gospel was imparted 
to Cornelius by the especial direction of heaven, yet we 
do not find that he therefore quitted his profession, or 
that it was considered inconsistent with his new char- 
acter. While we do not find that he quitted his pro- 
fession, neither do we find that he continued it. We only 
know nothing of the matter, and the evidence is there- 
fore so much less than proof as silence is less than ap- 
probation. It has also been urged that Christ either 
paid taxes to the Roman government, or approved of 
their payment at a time when it was engaged in war, 
and when therefore the money that he paid would be em- 
ployed in its prosecution. This is admissible. But while 
trying to prove the lawfulness of war by this, it is prov- 
ing too much. There taxes were thrown into the ex- 
chequer of the state, and a part of the money was applied 
to purposes of a most iniquitous and shocking nature, 
such as the gratification of the emperor's personal vices, 
his gladiatorial exhibitions, and to the support of a mis- 
erable idolatry. If therefore the payment of taxes to such 
a government proves an approbation of war, it proves an 
approbation of many other enormities. The payment of 
tribute by our Lord was simply in accordance with his 
usual way of avoiding direct interference with civil or 
political institutions. 

Again, in Luke 22: 36, Christ says to his disciples, 
" He that hath no sword, let him sell his garment and 
buy one." It is very evident from the context that 
Christ never meant carnal weapons. Bezasays: "This 
whole speech is allegorical : ' My fellow-soldiers, you 
have hitherto lived in peace, but now a dreadful war is 



War versus Peace 113 

at hand, so that omitting all other things, you must 
think only of arms ; ' but when he prayed in the garden 
and reproved Peter for smiting with the sword, he him- 
self showed what these arms were." 

Such a use of language is frequently made use of in 
the Scriptures : " Shield of faith," " Helmet of salva- 
tion," "Sword of the Spirit," "I have fought a good 
fight," and others. 

These are all far-fetched conclusions in favor of war. 
Over against them is the preponderance of evidence in 
both the life and teachings of the Savior against the 
practices of war: "Have peace one with another;" 
" Walk with all lowliness and meekness, with long-suffer- 
ing, forbearing one another in love;" "Be at peace 
among yourselves ; " " Lay aside all malice ; " "Avenge 
not yourselves," and many others. For at least two hun- 
dred years after Christ's time the Christians understood 
the teachings and life of Christ to be squarely opposed 
to war, and in consequence of this belief many of them 
refused to engage in it, whatever the consequences might 
be, whether reproach, or imprisonment, or death. " It 
is as easy," says a learned writer of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, " to obscure the sun at midday as to deny that the 
primitive Christians renounced all revenge and war." 

Many testimonies are on record showing that some 
Christians suffered death rather than sacrifice the princi- 
ples of peace. It is related that Maximilian, when brought 
before Dion, the pro-consul, and asked his name, Maximil- 
ian, turning to him, replied, " Why wouldst thou know 
my name? I am a Christian, and cannot fight." Max- 
imilian was registered " five feet ten inches high," and 
Dion bade the officer mark him, and at the same time say- 
ing to him, " Bear arms, or thou shalt die." Maximilian 



114 War versus Peace 

answered, " I cannot fight if I die. I am not a soldier 
of this world, but a soldier of God." When asked who 
had persuaded him to act thus, he answered, " Mine own 
mind and he that called me." Dion persisted in question- 
ing him and urging him to bear arms. But Maximilian 
continued firm, replying, " My arms are with the Lord. 
I cannot fight for any earthly consideration ; I am now a 
Christian." Dion then ordered his name to be struck 
from the roll, and then delivered this sentence : " Max- 
imilian, because thou hast with a rebellious spirit refused 
to bear arms, thou art to die with the sword ; " and when 
led to the place of execution, Maximilian said, " My dear 
brethren, endeavor with all your might to see the Lord, 
and that he may give you such a crown." 

Another example is that of Marcellus in the Legion 
called Trojana. While holding this position he became a 
Christian, and believing in common with his fellow- 
Christians that war was no longer permitted to him, he 
threw down his belt at the head of the Legion, declaring 
that he had become a Christian, and that he would serve 
no longer. He was committed to the common prison. 
But he was still faithful to Christianity. " It is not law- 
ful," said he, " for a Christian to bear arms for any earth- 
ly consideration;" and he was in consequence put to 
death. 

These are not isolated cases. Many similar examples 
might be given, for the principles of these brethren who 
were martyrs for the cause of peace were the principles 
of the whole Church. Clement of Alexandria calls his 
Christian contemporaries the " followers of peace," and 
expressly tells us that " the followers of peace used none 
of the implements of war;" and about the end of the 
second century, Celsus, one of the opponents of Christian- 



War versus Peace 115 

ity, charged the Christians with refusing to bear arms, 
even in case of necessity. 

Even after Christianity had spread over almost the 
whole of the known world, Tertullian, in speaking of a 
part of the Roman armies including more than one-third 
of the standing Legions of Rome, distinctly informs us 
that " not a Christian could be found amongst them." 
Irenaeus, who lived about the year 180, affirms that the 
prophecy of Isaiah, which declared that men should turn 
their swords into plowshares and their spears into prun- 
ing-hooks, had been fulfilled in his time, " for the Chris- 
tians," says he, " have changed their swords and their 
lances into instruments of peace, and they know not how 
to fight." 

Among the early Christians, difficulties were settled by 
conciliation, or the arbitration of friends, not even the 
courts of law being often resorted to. But deep as were 
the convictions of the early Christians, and ennobling as 
were their acts of heroism in behalf of their principles, 
they had but little influence over the peoples and nations 
surrounding them. The nations in their relations to each 
other were untouched by it. They despised each other 
and fought on as before. " Wars and rumors of wars " 
continued to be the program among the nations. The 
cause of this indifference on the part of the nations has 
been ascribed to the fact that the Church was conceived 
as something beyond this world and its affairs. Chris- 
tianity was all right for the class of people who cared 
to follow it, but it had nothing to do with political in- 
stitutions, and therefore could not exert any influence 
over political matters. However, beginning with the 
third century, when Christianity became partially cor- 
rupted, Christian soldiers were common. " In a word, 



116 War versus Peace 

they became soldiers when they ceased to be Christians." 
The number increased with the increase of the general 
profligacy, until at last, in the fourth century, Christians 
became soldiers without hesitation. The early teachings 
of the Christians were either forgotten, or cast aside as 
narrow and unworthy of their conduct. But the teach- 
ings of Christ, and the martyrs who suffered for the prin- 
ciples of peace, could not be entirely erased through the 
long period of darkness that followed, extending to and 
overlapping the Reformation. 

Much of the early peace spirit and practice remained. 
Dr. Trueblood says : " It was working away like leaven, 
cultivating the intellect, developing the instinct of free- 
dom, preparing the ground for the building of modern 
independent self-governing nations. " In spite of the 
struggles during the " Holy Wars," when Christianity 
itself was perverted into an instrument of cruelty and 
bloodshed, the popes and bishops softened and con- 
siderably humanized the character of the nations. With 
but few exceptions, however, for 1,200 years the world 
was given over to war and bloodshed. 

One of the circumstances which shows that the idea of 
peace was not wholly lost sight of, was the "Truce of 
God," which at best was a somewhat ineffectual protec- 
tion to churches, priests and laborers. It seems to have 
been first established at the Synod of Tuluges in Rous- 
sillons, in 1027. It provided that private feuds should 
cease at least on the holy days from Thursday evening 
to Sunday evening of each week ; also during the whole 
season of Advent and Lent, and on the octaves of the 
great festivals, and was permanently extended to all 
monks, clerks, bishops and churches. It was first in- 
troduced in Aquitaine, then in France and Burgundy. 



War versus Peace 117 

Under William the Conqueror, it was introduced into 
England, and in 1071, into the Netherlands. Gradually 
its terms began to enlarge, having its special courts and 
methods of procedure. Excommunication and banish- 
ment from seven to thirty years were its penalties. 
Clauses were added to protect pilgrims, women and 
merchants; while the cattle and the agricultural imple- 
ments of the peasant, his ox, horse, plow, and even his 
olive trees, were covered by the Regis of the Church. 
The " Truce of God " was most popular in the twelfth 
century, during which period it was sanctioned both by 
local and papal councils, such as that held at Rheims by 
Calixtus II. in 1119, and the Lateran councils of 1139 
and 1179. With the thirteenth century its influence be- 
gan to decline, as the power of the king gradually led to 
the substitution of the King's Peace for that of the 
Church. 

Other forces were at work also in the sixteenth cen- 
tury for the developing of peace and the crushing of 
war. Religious organizations began to spring up declar- 
ing it wrong to bear arms, and they exerted no small in- 
fluence in favor of peace. One of these religious sects 
was the Moravians. Their discipline was very strict; 
they supervised the conduct of their members in their 
private or secular affairs, as well as in their ecclesias- 
tical relations. They refused to bear arms, and for this 
they suffered severe persecutions and were driven from 
place to place, finally settling in Moravia. 

In 1525 arose in Switzerland a denomination of evan- 
gelical Protestant Christians, called Mennonites. Ab- 
stinence from the vanities of the world was imposed, and 
(the state being regarded as un-Christian) the principle 
of refusing to participate in civic duties, to bear arms, 



318 War versus Peace 

and to take oaths, was upheld. The refusal to bear 
arms, among others things, exposed them to much per- 
secution, and caused many of them to emigrate to 
Moravia and Holland, and later, in 1683, to the colonies. 

But these organizations did not seem to make them- 
selves felt to any great extent. That the spirit and 
teachings of Jesus leave no place whatever for war 
was only feebly uttered by them. But they were im- 
portant in that they kept before the public mind the 
higher ideals, and no doubt they had much to do in in- 
spiring other men and organizations in later years to 
greater activity. There were also many practical results 
from the efforts for peaceful adjustments of difficulties. 
During the thirteenth century there were one hundred 
cases of arbitration in Italy alone. A treaty of mutual 
alliance concluded between Genoa and Venice in 1238 
contained a clause providing for submission to the arbi- 
tration of the pope. A treaty concluded at Fribourg in 1516 
between Francis I. and the Swiss Cantons, and known by 
the name of " Perpetual Peace," contained an arbitration 
clause. The cities of the Hanseatic League established 
the practice of arbitration, and referred their differences 
to the City of Lubeck, which selected four other towns 
to form a tribunal, whose sanctions were minor or major 
excommunication, as the case might be. 

These and many similar treaties or leagues, while deal- 
ing more especially with themselves, were stepping- 
stones to the international treaties and arbitrations of 
later years. During the seventeenth century several im- 
portant events transpired which brought the peace move- 
ment more prominently before the public mind than it 
had been since the days of the early Christians, and 
indeed, some of the events were more practical than any- 



War versus Peace 119 

thing that had ever been advanced, save the coming of 
Christ himself. Henry IV. of France, in the early part of 
the century conceived a " grand design," whereby Europe 
was to be divided into fifteen states consisting of Pro- 
testants and Catholics, republican and monarchial, elec- 
tive and hereditary states, between which peace 
would be guaranteed by congresses of perpetual peace. 
Though his plan was evidently advanced to bring the 
greater renown to his own kingdom, yet it had in it the 
element of true peace in striving to make war impossible, 
and while we can in no way commend the means by 
which he meant to carry out the design — by having a 
great international army and crush all opposition — yet 
the vision of a united Europe was one worthy of more 
respect and sympathy than it received at that time. 

Dr. Trueblood says : " It has been immensely fruitful 
in holding thought and inspiration to the idea of closer 
union and more friendly cooperation among the nations." 

This design would have failed because of its own de- 
crees. That peace which is maintained by the sword 
will not long be enthroned, for sooner or later the sword 
will be applied, and this is war. 

A very important event of the seventeenth century in 
the interest of peace, and one that can well be ranked as 
one of the greatest of all times in forwarding the cause of 
right and justice, was the work of Hugo Grotius, a 
Dutch scholar and statesman, born in 1583 and died in 
1645. In his 24th year he was appointed advocate-gen- 
eral. In 1615 he was sent to England to settle some dif- 
ficulties which had arisen between Holland and England. 
In the struggle between the Remonstrants and their op- 
ponents he took the side of the Remonstrants, under 
Barneveldt, for which he was sentenced to imprisonment 



120 War versus Peace 

for life. He made his escape and wandered for some time 
in the Catholic Netherlands. From there he went to 
France, where he was received by Louis XIII. Finally he 
returned to Holland, but by the influence of enemies he 
was condemned to perpetual banishment. He later went 
to Hamburg, and in 1634 to Stockholm, where he was 
appointed counsellor of state and ambassador to the 
French court, in which post he remained for ten years. 
On his return to Sweden by way of Holland, he was met 
in Amsterdam with a distinguished reception. His old 
enemies were dead, and he was received with honor to 
his native land. 

Grotius was a profound theologian and a distinguished 
scholar, an acute philosopher and jurist, and a judicious 
historian. All of his learning and experience he used 
to the very best advantage, when in 1625 he published his 
most famous book, " On the Rights of War and Peace," 
a work which has been said by jurists to have contributed 
more than any other uninspired book to the common- 
wealth of nations. This work has been translated into 
all the principal languages of Europe, and may be con- 
sidered as the basis of international law, and has been 
much used as a textbook on the subject. He denounces 
in the most scathing terms the Christian princes who 
went to war, declaring their conduct to be a disgrace even 
to barbarians. He pleaded in a noble Christian spirit 
for the use of arbitration. He said that " the sacred his- 
tory doth not a little provoke us to mutual love by 
teaching that we are all of us born by the same first par- 
ents." It seems as if the country was ripe for such a 
work. It set men to thinking seriously on the nature of 
war, its horrors, and the means of preventing them. It 
is said that Gustavus Adolphus, during his campaign, 



War versus Peace 121 

slept with a copy of it under his head. His work still 
stands as a monument to the cause of peace. 

The most important event, however, in this century, 
was the peace work of George Fox, the founder of the 
Society of Friends, born in Drayton, in Leicestershire, 
England, in 1624, died in London, 1690. While yet a boy, 
he was distinguisheed by his gravity and exemplary con- 
duct. He began his ministry when twenty-three years of 
age, and from the first, his preaching seems to have made 
many converts and excited much opposition. His first 
imprisonment took place in the year 1648, because of a 
controversy between himself and another preacher. His 
work was of greater importance than that of Grotius, 
in that he left his principles with an organized body 
who have ever since held up prominently the principle 
of universal brotherhood. He brought out the principles 
of non-resistance, which had been feebly uttered by the 
Mennonites and Moravians, and used them so forcibly 
that the whole English-speaking world was compelled to 
listen. To his belief of the unlawfulness of all war was 
added a clear view of the enormity of the punishment of 
death for crimes affecting property only. 

Within ten years of Fox's first appearance as a preach- 
er, meetings of the Friends were established in most 
parts of England ; at the same time, so actively were they 
persecuted, that for several years there were seldom less 
than one thousand of them in prison. But they, like the 
apostles, were not to be conquered by persecutions, and 
he who thinks that heroes are only found on the battle- 
field, need but study the trials and hardships of these 
humble, brave-hearted soldiers of the Cross. His work 
and the principles which he promulgated were of great 



122 War versus Peace 

value, in that he drew to his cause men of the highest 
rank and ability. Such an one was William Penn. 

William Penn was born in London, October 13, 1644; 
died July 29, 1718. He received a good education, which 
was completed at Christ Church, England. He disap- 
pointed his father's expectations by turning Quaker, and 
was discarded by him. But Sir William afterward re- 
pented and sent his son abroad. He began preaching and 
propagating the new faith, which he loved so dearly, and 
for this he was soon imprisoned. While thus imprisoned 
at, the Tower, he composed his principal work, entitled 
" No Cross, no Crown," intended to show the benefit of 
suffering. 

In 1681 he obtained from the Crown, in lieu of the 
arrears due his father's estate, the grant of a province 
in North America, and it was Charles II. who in honor 
of Penn proposed the name of Pennsylvania. The code 
of laws which Penn formed for his new colony was 
founded upon the broad, free principle of love to God 
and to fellow-man. 

His indeed was a " holy experiment," founded in an 
age of ignorance and superstition, when the sword was 
the mightiest weapon known, founded at a time when the 
mind of the savages of North America had been stirred 
to the highest pitch of hatred and revenge by the atroc- 
ities heaped upon them by former colonists. But Penn 
believed that the Indians could be subdued with love, 
and he was willing to put his belief to the test. Dr. 
Trueblood says : " He reasoned that if Christianity is 
true, if the principles of Christ's mountanic instruction 
are obligatory for the individual, they must be no less so 
for the state. He had verified these principles in his own 
experience. He would there have seized the opportunity 



War versus Peace 123 

which the providence of God had given him to test their 
practicality, of which he had not the slightest doubt, in 
the wider circle of the state." England laughed at the 
supposed stupidity of her Quaker son. King Charles said 
to him, " I have no idea of any security against these 
cannibals, but in a regiment of good soldiers and their 
muskets and bayonets." But, like Paul, none of these 
things moved him, and on September 5, 1682, with a 
number of others he sailed for America, arriving at New- 
castle, October 24 of the same year. Although he had 
bought the land from England, yet he bought the land 
again from the Indians, negotiated treaties with them, 
and exerted a greater influence over them than all the 
soldiers that had ever been sent over. No soldier or 
emblem of war was ever seen in the commonwealth, and 
not a colony flourished as did that which Penn estab- 
lished. When we compare his work and success with 
that of the warlike spirit of the age in which he lived, 
it shines out with bright lustre, and can in truth be 
called " the fairest page in American history." Penn's 
experiment has been of inestimable worth to the nations 
of the world, in that it is a silent reminder of the fact that 
war is a useless folly. 

The eighteenth century was productive of much peace 
sentiment, for although some of the most bloody wars 
were in progress, yet men of calm judgment were willing 
that other means than the sword should be used in set- 
tling national disputes. While nothing definite was ac- 
complished during this century, yet the ideas advanced 
by the leading thinkers of t!e age aided in crystallizing 
the sentiment for the next century. In France Abbe de 
Saint-Pierre and Rousseau were in a small way trying 
to carry out the scheme of William Penn and Henry IV. 



124 War versus Peace 

Adam Smith, a Scottish economist (born in 1723, died in 
1790), was the author of several works of note which 
had much to do in molding public sentiment in favor of 
peace. One of his works, viz., " Theory of Moral Senti- 
ment," made sympathy the foundation of all our moral 
sentiments ; and his " Inquiry into the Nature and Causes 
of the Wealth of Nations " contended that national prog- 
ress is best secured by freedom of private initiative 
within the bounds of justice. Both of these works were 
most favorably received. Jeremy Benthave, an English 
jurist and publicist, author of many works in defense of 
liberty, is considered the father of the Utilitarians, or 
those moral political economists who view everything as 
it is affected by the principle of " the greatest happiness 
of the greatest number." Among the philosophers, John 
Locke was making his protest of reason against war. To- 
ward the close of the century Immanuel Kant gave to 
the world his great work on " Perpetual Peace." He ad- 
vanced the idea of a federation of the world in an inter- 
national state built upon republican principles. But not- 
withstanding, all of these men and their influence had but 
little effect upon the nations, and war in its most horrible 
forms was the closing scene of the century. 

However, the Napoleonic Wars had been so destruc- 
tive, both in property and men, that men began to realize 
that something must be done ; and so the peace move- 
ment began to be organized along practical lines. The 
object of these peace movements in general was to bring 
home to the conscience the horror and wickedness of 
war and to substitute arbitration for war as a better 
means of settling disputes between nations. The Prince 
of Peace said, " It must needs be that offences come," 
and the peace societies formed in the nineteenth century 



War versus Peace 125 

have been pleading that when offences between nations 
arise the nations concerned shall approach the question 
with mutual forbearance, justly, and if diplomacy on 
Christian principles cannot prevail, then let the question 
in dispute be referred to the decision of friendly judges. 
Philosophers, economists, statisticians, jurists, and emi- 
nent men in all countries, have become the apostles of 
peace and justice, and have demanded that differences be- 
tween states shall be settled by arbitration, and not by 
the sword. They have raised a charge against war that 
has never been refuted. 

The first peace society was organized in America in 
New York, in 1815. From this time until 1828 several 
other similar organizations were established, including 
the Ohio Peace Society, the Massachusetts Peace So- 
ciety, and others. In 1828 these societies combined to- 
gether and formed the American Peace Society, which is 
today one of the most active and vigorous factors in 
bringing about universal peace. Its present president is 
Hon. Robert Treat Paine, 6 Joy Street, Boston, Mass., 
and the present secretary is Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL. 
D., 31 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass., who is one of the 
greatest workers for peace in the world today. He is the 
author of many books, tracts and pamphlets, which have 
been exceedingly helpful in uplifting the cause of peace. 

The object of the American Peace Society, as set forth 
in their constitution, is " To illustrate the inconsistency 
of war, to show its baleful influence on all the great inter- 
ests of mankind, and to devise means for insuring uni- 
versal and permanent peace. " Auxiliaries to the society 
have been formed, some of which are quite active ; they 
are the Chicago Peace Society, the Connecticut Peace So- 
ciety, the Minnesota Peace Society, the Kansas State 



126 War versus Peace 

Peace Society, New York German-American Peace So- 
ciety, and the Arbitration and Peace Society of Cincin- 
nati. In England Mr. William Allen, a member of the 
Society of Friends, together with his friend and core- 
ligionist, Joseph Tregelles, in 1816 convened his friends 
and succeeded in establishing the English " Peace So- 
ciety." It has always been absolutely unsectarian. The 
Peace Society has been always an international society. 
Its present president is Robert Spencer Watson, Esq., 
LL. D., and its secretary is W. Evans Darby, LL. D., 
who has been instrumental in creating much sentiment in 
favor of peace, not only in England, but throughout the 
world. 

The objects of the Peace Society are, 

First, To promote to the utmost of its ability perma- 
nent and universal peace throughout the world. 

Second, To diffuse information tending to show that 
war is inconsistent with the spirit of Christianity and the 
true interest of mankind. 

Third, To indicate the manner in which Christian prin- 
ciples may be reduced to practice in the relations of 
states. 

Fourth, To advocate the adoption of practical methods 
of settling international disputes without resource to 
arms, such as international arbitration, a high court of 
nations, a proportionate and simultaneous reduction of 
armaments, etc. 

Fifth, To oppose the increasing tendency to militarism 
which is so fatal to national prosperity and progress. 

Sixth, To advocate a reduction of ruinous war ex- 
penditures, and thus to lessen the burden which oppress- 
es the peoples of Europe, and especially the working 
classes. 



War versus Peace 12? 

Seventh, To promote the study of these and similar 
questions likely to assist in the formation of a healthy 
public opinion. 

Thousands of tracts and other publications describing 
war with its horrors, giving reports of peace conventions, 
publishing peace sermons and such other helps as tend to 
forward peace are sent out every year. It has maintained 
in the provinces, as well as in London, a staff of agents 
and lecturers devoting themselves to systematic teach- 
ing respecting the horrors of war and the blessings of 
peace. Hundreds of meetings are held by these during 
each year. 

About the same time an organization having for one of 
its objects the promotion of peace, was instituted in 
France by the influence of Mr. J. T. Price, who had 
been one of the principal promoters of the peace society 
in London. This society offered a prize for the best es- 
say showing that war is opposed to the true spirit of 
Christianity, does violence to the true spirit of human- 
ity, and is contrary to the prosperity of nations. A 
branch of this society was also established in Geneva un- 
der the auspices of Count de Sellon. 

Beginning with the year 1867 a remarkable advance of 
the peace sentiment was noticed in Europe. Other peace 
organizations were formed in France, Italy, Holland, and 
Belgium, while the peace society in London broadened 
the scope of its work, making itself felt more and more 
as a power for peace. 

In America, also, the cause of peace was foremost in 
the heart and mind of many people. In 1866 the Uni- 
versal Peace Union, with headquarters at Philadelphia, 
was organized. Alfred H. Love was chosen as presi- 
dent and is still acting in that capacity. Possibly no 



128 War versus Peace 

other man in America has done more to forward the 
cause of peace than Mr. Love. His untiring energy and 
devotion 'to the cause of peace has been an inspiration to 
all those who have come in contact with him in his work. 
In one of their publications, "A Brief Synopsis of Work 
Proposed, Aided and Accomplished by the Universal 
Peace Union," the more important work which has been 
accomplished by this society is enumerated. Meetings 
have been held from Toronto, in Canada, to Atlanta, Ga. 
Representatives have been sent to all the leading peace 
congresses of the world. It has been urgent that all de- 
nominations set aside a peace Sunday. It has been in- 
terested in the commissions on reciprocity and other sub- 
jects kindred to peace; the care of Indians; the publica- 
tions of peace tracts; the adjustment of labor strikes; 
the establishment of tribunals of arbitration; all of this 
forms a very important part in the history of the Uni- 
versal Peace Union. 

Several years ago this peace organization purchased 
a tract of land near Mystic, Conn., and has more recently 
erected thereon buildings suitable for committees, recep- 
tion, auditorium, and convention work. At this place a 
summer school is maintained, where the highest type of 
education is presented by liberal and progressive minds 
all in the interests of peace. It is strictly non-sectarian 
and non-partisan, and cannot fail in advancing the cause 
of peace. This society also has" branches in various parts 
of the United States to which it offers such assistance as 
occasion may require. 

The bare mention of these few peace organizations is 
here given in order that the reader may know something 
of the work which is being done by these societies. At 
the beginning of the nineteenth century not an organiza- 



War versus Peace 129 

tion existed whose sole object was the promulgation of 
peace, but at the close of the same century more than 
400 societies had organized for this special purpose. 
Seventeen countries are represented in these societies 
and the total membership would number many thou- 
sands, the Interparliamentary Peace Union alone having 
a membership of more than 2,000. The teachers and edu- 
cators of our own and other lands recognizing the value 
of cooperation in this work have organized into a work- 
ing body and more effectual work is being done by these 
bodies of people than was possible before. 

Many churches made themselves felt as powers for 
peace during this century. The absolute refusal to bear 
arms by certain sects, including the Brethren, Quakers 
and Mennonites, meant bitter persecution to members 
of these churches, when nations were engaged in war, 
but it redounded greatly to the cause of peace. Peti- 
tions asking for the exclusion from military duty of all 
those whose religious views were contrary to the spirit 
of war were presented to the law-making bodies of the 
various governments and, in a few cases, were granted ; 
thus in the United States any person who has religious 
scruples that will not permit him to bear arms is exempt 
from military duty. While the Church has been woeful- 
ly negligent in times past in the efforts to advance peace, 
the past few years have seen remarkable activity in this 
line and much is to be expected from her in the future. 

While the eighteenth century saw but few men enlist- 
ed in the cause of peace, the nineteenth saw scores of 
men, who were in some way or other actively engaged 
in the peace movement. No one nation had a monopoly 
of the men thus engaged in this movement, but several 
European nations, as well as the American governments, 



130 War versus Peace 

contributed to the advancement of peace. In addition to 
those already mentioned, it will be well to notice a few 
of the leading workers for international peace. 

In the foremost ranks of the peace movement, in the 
early part of the century, stands William E. Channing, 
who was the first president of the American Peace So- 
ciety. For a long time he edited "The Friend of Peace/' 
and also " The Harbinger of Peace." He also was the au- 
thor of many essays and other literature bearing on 
the horrors of war and the value of peace. His writings 
made a profound impression wherever read and did much 
to mold public opinion against war. Some of his writ- 
ings were translated into French and German. 

Elihu Burritt, 1811-1879 ; an American reformer, known 
as the learned blacksmith, went to England in 1846 and 
formed the " League of Universal Brotherhood," whose 
object was to employ all legitimate means for the aboli- 
tion of war throughout the world. He was constantly 
engaged in writing and lecturing, and took a prominent 
part in all European peace congresses. His principal 
works are, " Sparks from the Anvil," " Thoughts and 
Things at Home," and " Chips from Many Blocks." 

Charles Sumner made his entrance into public life 
July 4, 1845, when he delivered his great oration against 
war, " The True Grandeur of Nations." He was con- 
spicuous among the opponents of the Mexican War, be- 
lieving that war to have been one of conquest and greed. 
He was a bitter opponent of slavery and did as much as 
any other man to prevent hostilities between England 
and the United States during our Civil War. He be- 
lieved in the absolute equality of men before the law, 
and to him more than to any other single man was due 
the legislation by which that equality was for a while 



War versus Peace 131 

established in this country. His name will be handed 
down through succeeding generations as one of the 
great workers for peace. 

Among other Americans who were instrumental in ad- 
vancing the peace movement were Noah Worcester, an 
author of some note, whose principal works were "A 
Solemn Review of the Custom of War," 1814; "The 
Atoning Sacrifice a Display of Love Not of Wrath," 
1829 ; and " The Causes and Evils of Contentions Among 
Christians," 1831. David Dudley Field, who in 1866, pro- 
cured the appointment of a committee of jurists from the 
principal nations to prepare the outlines of an interna- 
tional code, which resulted in 1873 in the formation of 
an association for the reform of the law of nations, and 
for the substitution of arbitration for war, of which Mr. 
Field was the first president, William Ladd, Adin Ballou, 
Henry Richard, Hogsdon Pratt (and the list could be ex- 
tended indefinitely) were all interested in the cause of 
peace and did something of a substantial nature to carry 
it forward. 

Among the more prominent workers for peace in En- 
gland during this century was Richard Cobden, 1804- 
1865, an economist who was called the great " apostle of 
free trade/' His first work was a pamphlet on England, 
Ireland and America, followed by another on Russia. He 
rejected the course of policy based upon the theory of the 
balance of power, and advocated non-intervention in the 
disputes of other nations. He stoutly maintained that 
England ought to increase and strengthen her connec- 
tion with foreign countries in the way of trade and in- 
tercourse. His advocacy of a peace policy did not always 
add to his popularity, but he always remained true to 
his convictions. 



132 War versus Peace 

John Bright, 1811-1889, stood opposed to British inter- 
vention in Russo-Turkish affairs in 1877-78, was a bitter 
opponent of slavery, and although his own country was 
against him, he advocated peaceful relations with the 
United States during the Civil War and did much to 
bring about peaceful relations between these govern- 
ments. 

Jonathan Dymond, William Jay and others might be 
mentioned, whose influence was for peace. 

In addition to these Americans and Englishmen, who 
contributed much to the work of peace, was John de 
Bloch, 1836-1902, a Polish financier, economist and writer 
on military affairs, known for his scholarly articles on 
universal peace, published in French, German and En- 
glish, but more especially known for his great work pub- 
lished in St. Petersburg in 1898 (seven volumes), and in 
abridged form translated into English by R. C. Long, 
as " The Future of War in Its Technical, Economic, and 
Political Relations." Bluntschli, a German jurist, was 
considered one of the highest European authorities on 
international law and the laws of war. Victor Hugo, a 
French dramatist, novelist, essayist, and politician ; Leo 
Tolstoi, a Russian; Frederic Passy, Bertha von Suttner, 
Sheldon Amos, Charles LeMonnier, and many others 
were instrumental in the forwarding of peace. 

Alfred Bernard Nobel, born in Stockholm, Sweden, in 
1833, died in Italy in 1896, disposed of his vast estate, 
over nine million dollars, by directing that it should con- 
stitute a fund, the interest of which should be divided 
into five equal parts, and awarded as prizes to the persons 
who shall have made, (1) The most important discovery 
or invention in the domain of physics, (2) In chemistry, 
(3) In physiology or medicine, (4) Who shall have pro- 



War versus Peace 133 

duced in the field of literature the most distinguished 
work of an idealistic tendency, (5) Who shall have, most 
or best, promoted the fraternity of nations, the abolish- 
ment or diminution of standing armies and the forma- 
tion or increase of peace congresses. The peace prize 
was awarded in 1901 to M. Henri Dunant and Frederic 
Passy; in 1902 to M. Elie Ducommun ; in 1903 to Mr. W. 
R. Cremer ; in 1904 to the Institut International de Droit ; 
in 1905 to Baroness Bertha von Suttner; in 1906 to 
Theodore Roosevelt ; in 1907 to Signor E. T. Moneta and 
Prof. Louis Renault, and in 1908 to Frederic Bajer and 
K. P. Arnoldson. The ultimate effect of these peace so- 
cieties and men in favor of peace was to bring into ex- 
istence peace congresses in which ways and means for the 
arbitration of difficulties were suggested. The first of 
these met in London in 1843, and adopted an address to 
all civilized governments, requesting them to insert in 
all their treaties a clause binding them, in the event of 
differences, to appeal to the mediation of one or more 
friendly powers. From 1848 to 1851 four peace con- 
gresses were successfully held at Brussels, Paris, Frank- 
fort, and London ; and their eloquent appeals had no 
small effect on public opinion. All these assemblies 
adopted the principle of arbitration. 

Many other peace congresses and conferences have a 
standing of almost international importance. One of 
these is the Lake Mohonk Conference on international 
arbitration. In 1895, Albert K. Smiley, a business man, 
invited about fifty prominent persons to meet as his guests 
at his private estate at Lake Mohonk, New York; and 
from this assembly grew the conference which has become 
of considerable national significance. The conference is 
remarkable as being perhaps the first and only meeting 



134 War versus Peace 

in the interest of peace at which it is distinctly stipulated 
that neither peace nor war shall be discussed. Three 
great measures which have been steadily and persistently 
advocated by the conference have been, (1) An interna- 
tional court of arbitration, (2) Arbitration treaties, both 
special and general, (3) Some form of international con- 
gress with advisory powers. Each annual meeting now 
numbers more than three hundred persons, eminent in all 
walks of American life, and its growing influence is due 
largely to the high character of the men who meet here 
from year to year. 

It would be impossible to note the historical develop- 
ment of the peace movement without also taking notice 
of the societies that have sprung up whose object is to 
protect and care for the sick and wounded in war. Pos- 
sibly the one person who did more than any other per- 
son to bring about such organizations was Florence 
Nightingale. She was the first woman to organize a 
nursing corps for an army in action, and carries a name 
that has brought solace and comfort to thousands of 
soldiers on the battlefields of Europe. She has been des- 
ignated " the queen of nurses," because she laid the 
foundation for the present elaborate system of antiseptic 
surgery, and the ice treatment for typhoid and camp sani- 
tation which have enabled many a wounded soldier to 
escape from death. Her personal influence and sympa- 
thetic nature won for her the just title of " angel of 
the battlefield." Her work in the Crimean War led to the 
calling of a congress which paved the way for better 
methods of nursing. 

At a convention held at Geneva, Switzerland, in August, 
1864, an international treaty was agreed to, which sus- 
tained the neutrality of Red Cross Societies in all coun- 



War versus Peace 135 

tries and on all waters. The honor of introducing the 
provisions of this treaty is due largely to Henri Dunant, 
a French humanitarian. The original purpose of the or- 
ganization was to provide for all suffering caused by war, 
but today the Red Cross cares for the victims of pesti- 
lence, flood and fire, as well as the victims of war. The 
symbol that the service carries is a just tribute to Swit- 
zerland as the birthplace of the movement. Switzerland's 
national flag is a white Greek cross on a red ground. In 
a Red Cross flag the colors are reversed. In each coun- 
try that adopted the treaty a national organization has 
been formed, and that alone is recognized by its national 
government, by other governments, and by an inter- 
national committee located in Geneva. This Geneva com- 
mittee is the medium of communication and assistance 
between nations, conducing to harmony and preventing 
complications. 

Our own National Red Cross was incorporated under 
the laws of the District of Columbia, Oct. 1, 1881. The 
United States gave its adhesion by act of Congress March 
1, 1882, which was ratified by the congress of Berne, 
June 9, 1882. The officers of the organization are : Board 
of consultation, which consists of the President of the 
United States and members of his cabinet; executive 
officers — president, first vice-president, second vice-presi- 
dent, general secretary, general field agent, and a board 
of directors. Clara Barton, an American philanthropist, 
who, on the outbreak of the Civil War, resigned her 
clerkship in the patent office at Washington, to become 
a volunteer nurse in the army hospitals and on the bat- 
tlefield, became its first president, and did much to bring 
the society to its present state of perfection. 

The success which crowned the efforts of these va- 



136 War versus Peace 

rious peace organizations and conventions was the call- 
ing together of delegates from the various governments 
in an International Peace Convention. The convention 
assembled at The Hague, the governmental seat of The 
Netherlands, in response to a rescript issued by Czar 
Nicholas II. of Russia, August 24, 1898, inviting a con- 
ference of all governments with representatives accredit- 
ed to the imperial court. The conference was to deal 
with the great problems of universal peace, through the 
international diminution of armaments and the preven- 
tion of armed conflicts by pacific diplomatic procedure. 

This convention, which marked the close of the nine- 
teenth century, has been justly termed " The first great 
parliament of man." The first meeting was on May 18, 
1899, The Hague being selected, because it was not con- 
sidered advisable that the conference should sit in the 
capital of one of the great world powers, where so many 
political interests were centered which might retard the 
progress of the conference. One hundred delegates, rep- 
resenting twenty-six governments, were in attendance, 
each nation being represented by prominent diplomats, 
jurists, men of affairs, soldiers, and sailors. The repre- 
sentatives from the United States government were Am- 
bassador Andrew D. White, Minister Newell, General 
Crozcer of the army, Captain Mahan of the navy, Seth 
Low, mayor of New York, and F. W. Holls, of the New 
York bar. The president of the conference was Baron 
de Staal, of the Russian delegation. Three committees 
were formed, dealing respectively with disarmament, reg- 
ulations in warfare, and mediations and arbitration. 

The first and most important was the convention for 
the peaceful adjustment of international differences by 
the permanent institution of a court of arbitration in the 



War versus Peace 137 

midst of the independent powers, accessible to all. The 
second convention dealt with the laws and usages of war 
on land, and the third provided for the adaptation to 
naval warfare of the principles of the Geneva Convention 
of 1864, regulations prohibiting the throwing of pro- 
jectiles and missiles from balloons, the use of projectiles 
solely intended to diffuse deleterious and asphyxiating 
gases (not accepted by the United States and Great 
Britain), and the use of soft, expansive bullets. 

The convention for the peaceful adjustment of inter- 
national differences was the crowning work of the con- 
ference, and was a source of great satisfaction to the ad- 
vocates of peace. The convention provides that each of 
the twenty-six signatory powers shall appoint, for a term 
of six years, as members of the permanent court, not 
more than four persons, " of recognized competence in 
questions of international law, enjoying the highest 
moral reputation/' These persons constitute a perma- 
nent court of arbitration, accessible at all times. They do 
not, however, sit as a collective body, but when two or 
more nations have a case to submit for arbitration, they 
select by mutual agreement one, three, or five of these 
members, who shall act as the tribunal to try the case. 

The first cases adjudged by the court were the " Pious 
fund " claims between Mexico and the United States in 
1902, and the difficulties of Venezuela with the United 
States and various European nations, in 1903. 

Andrew Carnegie, on April 25, 1903, donated the sum 
of $1,500,000 for the erection of a Temple of Peace, com- 
prising a comprehensive library of international law, and 
a courthouse suitable as a meeting-place for the perma- 
nent Court of Arbitration. 

This conference did not result in prohibiting war, but 



138 War versus Peace 

it did have a very salutary effect in bringing together so 
many nations to discuss ways of advancing peace, and 
while not in itself able to bring about an agreement 
among the nations looking towards disarmament, it paved 
the way for other conferences that shall ultimately ac- 
complish this desired end. 

At the urgent request of the Inter-Parliamentary 
Union, September-November, 1904, President Roosevelt 
agreed to take steps to propose another peace conference 
for the further development of the work begun at The 
Hague, " whose purpose it shall be to devise plans look- 
ing to the negotiation of arbitration treaties between the 
United States and the different nations, and also to dis- 
cuss the advisability of, and if possible, agree upon a 
gradual reduction of armaments." 

Secretary Hay officially directed the representatives of 
the United States abroad to call to the attention of the 
governments to which they were accredited the proposal 
of the President of the United States for a second peace 
conference at The Hague. This was in November, 1904. 
Several interferences came in the way of calling the con- 
ference, one of which was the Russo-Japanese War, and 
not until June 15, 1907, did the delegates of the various 
countries convene at The Hague. 

Two hundred nine delegates, representing forty-five 
nations, were in attendance, the delegates from the United 
States being Joseph H. Choate, ex-ambassador to Great 
Britain ; General Horace Porter, ex-ambassador to 
France; U. M. Rose, ex-president of the American Bar 
Association ; David Jayne Hill, American minister to The 
Netherlands, Brigadier-General George B. Davis, Rear- 
Admiral Charles S. Sperry, William I. Buchanan, ex-min- 
ister to Argentine Republic; Secretary Chandler Hale, 



War versus Peace 139 

expert in international law; James Brown Scott, expert 
attache, and Charles Henry Butler. 

It ought to be gratifying to American citizens to know 
that, as in the conference of 1899 she was the means of 
saving it from a virtual failure, so in the conference of 
1907 her representatives were the chief cause in prevent- 
ing the convention from adjourning without doing any- 
thing worthy of note. 

The real work of the conference, can be divided into 
two classes, the one aiming to render the conduct of war 
more humane, the other involving the principles of pre- 
venting wars between nations. 

The proposition of the United States, forbidding the 
bombardment of undefended towns and villages, was 
unanimously approved in commission, as was also the 
proposal to add to the rules of sea warfare the provisions 
of the Geneva Convention. The proposition of the pro- 
hibition of submarine mines was blocked by Great Britain 
and Germany. On the other hand, the proposal for the 
abolition of contraband of war, although it received the 
majority of votes in conference, is to be considered 
buried, since all the great naval powers except Great 
Britain are against it. The American proposal concern- 
ing the collection of contract debts was unanimously ap- 
proved, as was also the proposal for making the Arbi- 
tration Court more permanent and compact. 

The following resolutions, offered by Great Britain, 
was as near, however, as the convention would assert 
itself as to the reduction of armaments : " This confer- 
ence confirms the resolution adopted by the conference of 
1899 regarding the limitations of military burdens, and 
as military burdens have been considerably augmented 
in almost all countries since 1899, it declares it is highly 



140 War versus Peace 

desirable to see the governments earnestly resume the 
study of the question." 

The American proposal as to future conferences, in- 
cluding a proposition that the next one be held not later 
than 1914, was adopted. 

The conference adjourned October 18, after officially 
announcing that it had in committee agreed upon thir- 
teen conventions which " will be open to the plenipo- 
tentiaries to sign until June 30, 1908." These conven- 
tions follow : 

1. The peaceful regulation of international conflicts. 

2. Providing for an international prize court. 

3. Regulating the rights and duties of neutrals on land. 

4. Regulating the rights and duties of neutrals on sea. 

5. Covering the laying of submarine mines. 

6. The bombardment of towns from the sea. 

7. The matter of collection of contract debts. 

8. The transformation of merchantmen into warships. 

9. The treatment of captured crews. 

10. The inviolability of fishing-boats. 

11. The inviolability of the postal service. 

12. The application of the Geneva Convention and the 
Red Cross to sea warfare. 

13. The laws and customs regulating land warfare. 



CHAPTER V 
Ways of Advancing Peace 

Who is the victor? He 

Who with his marshalled hosts, and all the dire 

And skilled appliance of modern war, 

Has laid a nation's manhood in the dust, 

Made its homes desolate, and, blotting out 

Its purest scenes, has left a track of ruin such 

As lies in the track of the cyclone? 

Nay, rather he who wins that nation's trust 

And gratitude, by noble service done, 

For its true weal and won its confidence, 

Subdued its force by making all its heart 

Responsive to the love within its own. 

That is true victory which wins the will 
And moves the loyal subject from within: 
That makes obedience the delight of love, 
And rule and service but a common joy. 
And that is courage which can stand alone 
Erect and panoplied with conscious faith — 
Which dares be true though all the world oppose 
And asks endorsement from no living soul 
But from its God. For courage such as that 
The common sphere of life will furnish lists, 
And royal realms that 'twere divine to win, 
And, at the last, the welcome word, " Well done." 

War is the last remnant of man's mode of deciding 
disputes in the animal or savage stage. Strange it seems 
that men in the light of the twentieth century should 
cling to a method in settling disputes that is so cruel 
and barbarous and which causes so much suffering. 
Strange that men should turn a deaf ear to the voice of 

141 



142 War versus Peace 

entreaty, and to the pleadings of the Prince of Peace, 
and go on in their blind folly, trusting not in him who 
heareth the young ravens when they cry, who clothes the 
lily of the field and who takes notice of the sparrow that 
falls to the ground, but trusts in man-made inventions 
which are manned too often by men who have no sense 
of justice or mercy. But so long as the mind of man is 
carnal he will continue doing that which is contrary to 
the spirit and teaching of the Gospel. The thing need- 
ful is to change the conditions of the heart, create a 
"new creature," "be born again;" for when a man's 
relation to God is right, his attitude towards and his 
dealings with his fellow-men will be right. The greatest 
institution in the world today for bringing man in a 
proper attitude to God is the Church, therefore it is to 
the Church that we must look for a solution of this 
problem. When the Church of the living God awakens 
to her opportunities and possibilities, the roar of the 
cannon shall be banished from the land forever. 

"Church of God, wake, and rise! 
Live, at last, thy true creed; 
Follow Christ, Prince of Peace; 
Fling the scales from thy eyes, 
Call war hell; — conquest, greed: 
In the name of Christ bid this dread crime to cease." 

The power of a nation which is filled with the spirit 
of him who is the Prince of Peace has not yet been 
shown to the world and one cause is that the Church has 
not always been willing to take the firm stand for peace 
that she should have taken, and not only this but the 
Church has many times given her sanction to war, and 
has refused to uphold the plain teaching of Christ on 
this question. 



War versus Peace 143 

Christianity has made itself felt in all those countries 
that have professed it, but its effects ought to be far 
more perceptible than they are. Weak as has been the 
effort of the Church along the lines of peace, it has been 
the means of inspiring men to action in denouncing war. 
God speaks to humanity through his Church, and he has 
in times past used the Church as an instrument to re- 
buke the sins of the age, and in the future as the Church 
sees and knows her opportunities, God shall use her in 
a far greater measure than what was possible before. It 
therefore becomes necessary for the Church to realize her 
responsibility in this matter. If the Church would see 
that she is guilty of all the crimes and woes which the 
continuance of this barbarous institution entails upon the 
world and would know that her skirts are polluted with 
the gore of the battlefield and stained with the tear of 
the orphan and widow, she would be in a condition to 
break away from the modernized theory that " might 
makes right " and would adopt the more reasonable 
axiom " Back to Christ." The Church must recognize 
first of all that God is against war, that his teachings 
as exemplified in the life of Christ and his apostles are 
squarely opposed to war for any cause. The great trouble 
with the Church on this question in times past has been that 
she has considered some wars just, and in doing so has 
weakened the whole cause. Let the Church place war 
in the blackest catalogue of crimes, and fellowship no 
one who participates in any way, shape or form in war 
or warlike preparations. Let it be ordained that no one 
can be, at the same time, a soldier and a member of the 
Church. 

The Church can never be a great factor for universal 
peace if she insists on retaining members who are re- 



144 War versus Peace 

ceiving money for having engaged in war. If war is a 
sin and the profession of the soldier a devilish profession, 
then surely it is a sin to receive money for having en- 
gaged in this sinful occupation. The man who stands be- 
hind the bar dealing out that which destroys both soul 
and body is known to be in a bad business, and no one 
would think of pensioning him for having engaged in a 
business so sinful, and the time will come when the man 
who stands behind the gun which deals out missiles of 
death and destruction will be considered to be in a 
business as sinful as is the business of the man behind 
the bar. If men go forth to slay and destroy they may 
carry the name of Christian on their lips, but they are 
simply homicides and barbarians. This is absolutely true 
from the Christian's standpoint. Each business is hellish 
in its design, devilish in its purpose, and ruinous in its 
results, and if the Church wishes to maintain her purity 
she must be separated from any such things. Regardless 
of the number or the powers of the men that the Church 
may lose because of such a stand, nothing is to be gained 
by a compromise with evil. The Church has the truth 
on her side and will also have the numbers when she 
takes the needful pains to secure them. But it is not 
enough that the Church should strive to maintain her 
purity by excluding all persons associated with war and 
military careers; she must be aggressive in her demands 
that right triumph. The Church is not to be as a monk 
shut up in a monastery where sin may not enter, but she 
is to be a live, active force, going into the dark, sinful 
places and shedding forth the glorious light coming 
from above. Not to raise the voice against this monstrous 
evil at every opportunity is to consent to, and be a par- 
ticipator in, its awful crimes. Right along this line the 



War versus Peace 145 

ministers of the Gospel have been woefully negligent. 
Who can recall one single sermon against war and in 
favor of universal peace? True, many prayers are of- 
fered for a continuance of peace in times of peace, and 
for a cessation of hostilities in times of war, but what 
reasons if any have been advanced for such prayers? A 
majority of the ministers of today are fully informed as 
to the sin of intemperance and the crimes perpetrated by 
this monster, but comparatively few know anything defi- 
nite as to the crimes and evils of war, and so they cannot 
tell about it. " Where ignorance is bliss 'tis folly to be 
wise," but when being ignorant means that a monster 
more destructive and demoralizing than intemperance is 
making inroads into the Church and allowing convictions 
to be fastened upon many members that not all wars are 
wrong, it is high time that they become acquainted with 
the facts in the case. " If the ministers of religion re- 
main silent while butchery and bloodshed are perpe- 
trated let them take down the ten commandments from 
their church walls." The minister need not lack for texts 
upon this subject. The fact that it is a great evil is text 
enough. To become acquainted with his subject and to 
realize that the blood of fellow-man is dripping from his 
hands if he preach not the truth about war, and above all 
to be filled with the Holy Spirit, are essentially neces- 
sary before much can be accomplished. 

"With the pure teaching, taking thought for the humble and 
weak, 

The pitiful scorn of wrong, which the Scriptures everywhere 
speak. 

Not writ for the sage in his cell, but preached 'mid the tur- 
moil and strife, 

And touched with a living brand from the fire on the altar of 
life." 



146 War versus Peace 

True it is that the popular demand is for preaching 
that is well pleasing to the ear. It is a disgrace that 
we have churches clamoring for ministers who will 
preach only such things as are well pleasing. It is a 
greater disgrace that we have men who are willing to 
satisfy just that kind of an appetite. Ministers of the 
Gospel are frequently called upon to preach memorial 
sermons, deliver an address at soldiers' reunions, and 
similar gatherings, and many of these sermons and ad- 
dresses are simply compromises of the plain truth. Such 
expressions as, " We deplore war yet pride in it," " war 
if needs be for humanity," and many similar expressions 
do not come from a heart that is fully in touch with the 
Divine Master. The minister does not need to underes- 
timate the value of the heroism displayed on the battle- 
field, but he dare not approve of a means so barbarous 
in settling difficulties. Henry Richard says : " I venture 
to say this, that if all the ministers of Christ's Gospel 
were with one voice constantly, courageously, and ear- 
nestly to preach to the nation ' The Truce of God,' and 
were to denounce war, not merely as costly and cruel and 
barbarous, but as essentially and eternally un-Christian, 
another war in the civilized world would be an impos- 
sibility." Then let the minister have a vision of that 
time when " Righteousness shall cover the earth as the 
waters cover the deep," and let him consider himself a 
factor in bringing about this condition, and let him do his 
duty boldly and fearlessly and in God's name the right 
shall triumph. In the distribution of literature bearing 
upon this subject, the Church has again failed to do 
all that should have been done. Were it not for the fact 
that in the last few years peace societies have been giv- 
ing to the people facts bearing upon war and its results, 



War versus Peace 147 

there would be but very little literature upon this subject. 
The Church has been leaving to other organizations and 
societies the work she should have done. It is very en- 
couraging to note that the Church is awakening to her 
duty along this line and terse, helpful tracts, magazines 
and other literature are being published and sent out, 
which will result in much good for the cause of peace. 
A greater number of people can be reached at less ex- 
pense in this way than by any other method. There must 
be a system in this, however, if the greatest good is to be 
accomplished. Preaching sermons in favor of peace, 
and distributing literature against war, indiscriminately, 
will result in much lost effort. The observance of Peace 
Sunday as instituted by some peace societies, in which 
ministers are uged to preach sermons on the subject 
of peace, is worthy of attention. The Church as a whole 
could profit much by taking this matter under advise- 
ment. Special discourses on the subject of peace should 
be thoroughly advertised and all regardless of their 
views should be urged to attend. The minister should 
thoroughly acquaint himself with his subject and if tact 
and care are used much good will result. While the 
Church is and should be a peace organization, a special 
peace committee should be selected whose special busi- 
ness it would be to collect literature on the subject, and 
assist local organizations, Sunday schools, and Christian 
Workers in arranging programs for special meetings, and 
in various other ways help in the molding of sentiment 
in favor of peace. Local, district and national conferences 
should not fail to petition both State and national govern- 
ments when occasion requires in the interest of peace. 
Protests against war as a means of settling disputes 
should be sent to the head of our government whenever 



148 War versus Peace 

difficulties arise between our nation and other nations. 
Denominations do not hesitate to petition the governor 
of a State or the President of the United States for the 
release of men who may have been enlisted in time of 
hostilities and who will not fight because of their re- 
ligious views. Why not appeal to these same powers in 
times of peace? The Church as a whole should be repre- 
sented at the great peace congresses by men of ability. 
These petitions and acts, while they may seem to be in- 
significant within themselves, history proves have re- 
sulted in great good. There is nothing to lose by letting 
the world know where we stand on this question and a 
constant agitation and petitioning will eventually cause 
the world to know that " righteousness and righteousness 
alone exalteth a nation." 

Again the Church must realize that the right will 
triumph. 

"0 thou devouring sword! The end will come 
To thy unsatiable thirst for blood; 
And thou thyself wilt die a hopeless death 
And lie forgotten in thy shroud of dust. 

"For lo! A higher shall assert its might: 
And love shall loosen from the hand of hate 
Its direst instrument; the ancient feud 
Which stirred men's blood shall no more waste the earth, 
Outdriven by the fresh expulsive force 
Of a new spirit that moves the world, 
And over all shall reign the Prince of Peace." 

The prophets were very sure of a time to come when 
universal peace should reign, and it is not so much for the 
Church to question when that time shall be as it is for her 
to exert herself in the hastening of that time. This time 
may come, and will come very soon, if the Church be- 
comes the mighty power in the world that she is expected 



War versus Peace 149 

to be. Slavery was abolished years before many of the 
prominent men of that day thought it could be done. 
Temperance has made wonderful strides in the past few 
years. When the public conscience becomes aroused it 
does not take long to drive out that which is corrupt. It 
is sad to note that the past few years have seen alarm- 
ing increases in the military appropriations of the various 
nations, but it is also true that never before in the his- 
tory of the world has there been such a tremendous 
pressure brought to bear upon rulers for a reduction in 
these appropriations, and when the Church demands that 
war shall cease, its days shall be numbered. Oh, that 
the Church may speedily get the true vision of the vic- 
tories that are hers! The prophet Joel had this vision 
years ago when he said: "And it shall come to pass 
afterward that I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh 
and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, and 
your old men shall dream dreams, and your young men 
shall see visions." 

" The day was dark when Joel sang his word 

Of hope and promise for his nation's woe: 
Calamity was nigh, the coming Lord 

Among his faithless was about to go 
(For retribution ever follows wrong), 

And horrid war, like a devouring flame, 
With noise and wrath should leap the land along 

Till Eden a wild wilderness became. 

" But even then the prophet saw a time, 

Not distant in the distant afterward, 
The light resplendent of a glorious clime, 

When men no longer by their stripes debarred 
From life's best good should feel the vital breath 

Of love: and warfare should forever cease; 
When old and young outled from realms of death, 

Should see Jehovah's day — the age of peace. 



150 War versus Peace 

" The times are now as when the prophet sang, 

For armed hosts obedient to command 
Still shake the mountains with war's horrid clang, 

And morning darkness spreads along the land. 
But there are those who feel the touch of life, 

And see the visions of a coming day 
Which shall be free from fire, flame and strife, 

When wisdom shall have taught the prudent way." 

Men test Christianity by its capacity for grappling 
with the great social questions of the age, and when the 
Church takes hold of these questions in a desultory man- 
ner it invites defeat. The Church claims to be a force 
with spiritual power to renovate the world, and it can 
only justify these claims by taking a determined stand 
against and overthrow the great evils which from time 
to time seem to dominate. Above all there should be a 
united, consecrated, continuous prayer go up in behalf 
of universal peace. Christ is the final and complete rev- 
elation of God, and his teaching is complete, however 
incompletely apprehended by Christians, and it is through 
him that all things can be accomplished. 

Another very prolific source for the propagation of 
peace is the home. The very heart of the nation is cen- 
tered in the home. If envy and greed, malice and ill will, 
are the predominating traits in the home life, these same 
characteristics are sure to follow in the child as he grows 
into manhood and gains power through the responsibil- 
ity of citizenship. On the other hand if pure, unalloyed 
love, with its attending graces, is supreme in the home 
life it will be the ruling power in the child as he comes 
to manhood. The stamp of character by which we know 
individuals and are known of them is simply the reflec- 
tion of the life that emanates from the home. Nothing 
so influences the man as his early experiences, and be- 



War versus Peace 151 

cause of this fact home life must be ideal if the citizen's 
life is to be ideal. People are beginning to realize that all 
reformation must begin with the child in the cradle and 
even before birth. We may not be able to do away with 
prisons, but we can prevent crime by training children 
in righteousness, so there will be no criminals, and fu- 
ture generations can abolish prisons and reformatories. 
We can not abolish saloons, but we can so train our chil- 
dren that neither this nor future generations will have 
any need for the saloon. . We at present can not abolish 
war, but by the grace of God we can so instill in the 
hearts of our boys and girls the principles of love and 
justice that there will be no inclination to fight and kill. 
Christian love goes out to all humanity. It ought to be- 
gin in the home, but should not stay there. The truth 
that " God is no respecter of persons " should first find 
lodgment in the heart when the prayer is first lisped at 
mother's knee. The sacredness of home life must give 
place to that broader view, the sacredness of humanity. 
Love for country must merge into the nobler theme, love 
for all the world. Humanity is developed age after age 
through the gradual development of its children. " The 
education of the little child through the influence of its 
early environments is the most important process of hu- 
man life." And yet the world today is learning but little 
from this source. We shudder when on every hand we 
see and hear accounts of children who meet untimely 
deaths because of negligence in the home, but we close 
our eyes in blissful ignorance to the fact that tens of 
thousands of children are being reared to maturity, with 
distorted ideas of right, hearts wreaking for vengeance, 
a mind which can be easily inflamed to commit acts of 
violence. Parents who would shrink from placing in the 



152 War versus Peace 

hands of the boy literature lauding the vocation of the 
bartender, or amusements calculated to lead the child 
towards the saloon, are totally indifferent in placing in 
the hands of the same child literature praising the valor 
of the man who slays his fellow-man, or amusements 
which would lead him in a military career. The ideal 
career must no longer be that of the soldier on the field 
of blood. Of immeasurably grander example is the life 
of Jesus Christ. Let boys be raised up as soldiers of 
him who knows not defeat, whose cause is righteousness 
and whose end is everlasting peace. War is usually pre- 
sented to the boy as something grand and noble and ele- 
vating, but noble it is in nothing. The Rev. R. P. Ashe 
has well said that " it glorifies the basest passions of 
human nature and juggles so with virtue as to put the 
foulest pride in the place of its antithesis, self-respect." 
It is the duel on a large scale, and it stands preeminent- 
ly forth as the most insolent crime against the law of 
Christ. But the law of Christ shall triumph. Men and 
women who have the noble principle of the Christ in- 
stilled in their hearts and lives are living and working 
among the class of people who are susceptible to the 
truth, and these are the children. When our boys and 
girls consider war. and its attending evils as one of the 
greatest, if not the greatest, evils of the nations, when 
they are made to know that war is the most crude meth- 
od of settling disputes, when the youth knows these 
facts, war must cease, and cease it will, for the Prince 
of Peace has set up his kingdom of peace and awaits 
from his throne the triumph of his cause. Though his 
kingdom advances slowly, yet none the less surely does 
it advance. Let no one suppose that the love of heroism 
is not to be instilled in the hearts of the children, for 



War versus Peace 153 

consciously or unconsciously every child is a hero wor- 
shiper, and the parent or teacher who understands this 
characteristic of the child has but to direct that admira- 
tion in the right direction, and woe to that parent who 
places the heroism of the battlefield above and beyond 
every other form of heroism. For the heroism of the 
battlefield is too often tarnished by bloody deeds and 
acts of violence; the aftermath of the results of victory 
on the field of blood is too many times so terrible as to 
disgust any one not blinded by prejudice or ignorance. 
The following report as to the conduct of " heroes " aft- 
er having butchered their fellow-men is sufficient to con- 
vince the parents of today that heroism on the battlefield 
is of rather low order: 

" Now commenced that wild and desperate wickedness, 
which tarnished the luster of the soldier's heroism. All 
indeed were not alike. Hundreds risked their lives in 
striving to stop violence, but madness generally pre- 
vailed, and the worst men being leaders, all the dreadful 
passions of human nature were displayed. Shameless 
rapacity, brutal intemperance, savage lusts, cruelty and 
murder, shrieks and piteous lamentations, groans, shouts, 
imprecations, the hissing of fire bursting from the houses, 
the crashing of doors and windows, and the reports of 
muskets used in violence, resounded for two nights and 
days. On the third day when the city was sacked the 
soldiers were exhausted by their own excesses, the tu- 
mult rather subsided than was quelled, the wounded were 
looked to, the dead disposed of." 

Every war shows that while many deeds of heroism 
are displayed there are tens of thousands of cases of de- 
bauchery, and no sane persons of today can conscien- 
tiously teach their children that such things are right. 



154 War versus Peace 

If the Golden Rule shall be the practical, supreme law 
of the land it will be because its teachings and prac- 
tice have been carried out in the home. One of the clear- 
est things for the child to understand, no matter how 
ignorant or undeveloped it may be, is what it considers 
justice towards itself, and from this knowledge of justice 
to itself, it is easy to have the child place himself in 
the position of the other fellow and see what justice 
means to him. The quiet, forceful teaching of this prin- 
ciple, does not lie in the continual repeating of the rule, 
or requiring the child to commit it to memory, but in the 
every-day, personal, social, relations to the people. A 
mere lip expression of this rule, coupled with an utter 
disregard of its principles in the daily conduct, is de- 
ception of the meanest sort and is soon detected by the 
child. If the Golden Rule means anything at all it means 
that the individual should do what it actually expresses. 

"To show the youth a proper course 
Example is of potent force. 
And they who wish the young to teach, 
Must even practice what they preach." 

This is an old adage that is doubly true in dealing with 
the Golden Rule. The reason that men today do not 
believe the Golden Rule to be applicable in national af- 
fairs is because they have not fully made it the rule of 
conduct in their own lives. A demand for justice, for 
mercy, and for love obligates the individual to give all 
that he is demanding, and a refusal to do this is disgrace- 
ful and dishonorable. The child has an inherent right to 
demand of its parents love and justice and mercy, but 
because of this right he also obligates himself to respect 
the parents, the neighborhood, and his country. 

There should be a radical change in our present school 



War versus Peace 155 

system with respect to the teaching of history on the 
subject of war. With but few exceptions, our historians 
gloat over the " glorious " victories on the field of blood, 
and the " honor " and " renown " brought the nation by 
means of the navy. It is to be deplored that the nation 
is in such a temperament as to read of such achievements 
with a feeling of real satisfaction, but the simple facts 
are that the nation that fills the minds of its boys and 
girls with such damning evidence is in need of some 
wholesome teaching on morality. 

Our physiologists have done much towards the cause 
of temperance by bringing before the minds of the school 
children the damaging effects of alcohol upon the hu- 
man system, and when our historians will record the fact 
that no more unreasonable monster than war ever stalked 
the land, that it is the most expensive luxury indulged 
in by the nations from a monentary standpoint, and as 
Erasmus says, " does more harm to the morals of men 
than even to their property or persons," and that no 
war has even been waged that might not have been 
averted, and that no victories, however great from man's 
estimation, can ever overbalance the wrong from God's 
viewpoint, more money has been spent to satisfy its 
unsatiable thirst for blood than for all the industrial 
arts combined, — when our historians will show these 
facts, a long step will have been made towards peace. 
Our schoolboys should know that the industrial, com- 
mercial and all other relations of mankind demand peace; 
that " the ships which travel between this land and that 
are like the shuttle of the loom that is weaving a con- 
cord of peace between the nations ; " that the hand of la- 
bor on this side the sea is willing to clasp hands with 
labor on the other side in a compact of peace, and that 



156 War versus Peace 

war is maintained because of the demands of a few rulers 
and legislators. The vast majority of the people of the 
world are ready to join in with the angelic host, who on 
that first Christmas morning sang " Peace on earth, good 
will to men." Historians who will record these facts 
may receive the censure of a few abnormally-developed 
military men, but in the end it will prove the undoing of 
the military careers of nations. On every side causes are 
and have been at work which give a glamor and halo to 
war out of all proportion to its reality and to keep its 
shocking barbarities in the background as much as pos- 
sible. Dr. Chalmers says : " I see it in history which 
tells me of the superb appearance of the troops and the 
brilliancy of the successive charges. I see it in the po- 
etry which lends the magic of its numbers to the narra- 
tive of blood, and transports its many admirers, as by 
its image and its figure and its nodding plumes of 
chivalry it throws its treacherous embellishments over a 
scene of legalized slaughter. I see it in the music which 
represents the progress of the battle, and where, after 
being inspired by the trumpet's notes of preparation the 
whole beauty and tenderness of a drawingroom are seen 
to bend over the sentimental entertainment. Nor do I 
hear the utterance of a single sigh to interrupt the death 
tones of the thickening contest, and the moans of the 
dying men as they fade away upon the ear and sink away 
into lifeless silence. All, all goes to prove what half- 
sighted creatures we really are." True it is that there 
is a feeling of the sublime in the terribleness of the bat- 
tle, just as there is in the raging of the storm, when in 
the height of its fury. Its awfulness at first overawes, 
and then horrifies us. Its results in the demoralizing of 
nations are never, can never be, overdrawn. Its devour- 



War versus Peace 157 

ing energy has been the curse of all generations, and that 
in war, which would cause a sublime feeling, upon closer 
investigation would cause us to cry out for the suffering 
of our brethren, for our ears would hear the voice of 
bleeding humanity, and our eyes would see the most re- 
volting abomination and atrocious cruelties that man 
could possibly conceive. The picture is not overdrawn. 
It has never been told in all its horrors. The sugar coat- 
ing given to it by its advocates is so exceedingly flimsy 
that the wonder is the world has not already detected 
its hypocrisy. But its end is near. Men are awakening 
and giving to their fellow-men the realities of war as 
near as it can be described, and the youth of our land 
will look upon war and its attending evils with a feeling 
of disgust. It is pleasing to note that the teachers of 
our land are becoming aroused to the importance of 
peace. When the educators of our land become fully 
aroused and thoroughly informed as to the horrors of 
war, a powerful weapon will be placed in the hands of 
peace. It is the consensus of opinion that all large 
standing armies have a tendency to lower the standards 
of men, morally, mentally and physically, the very things 
our schools are trying to develop, and the deterioration 
wrought by our armies is like a mighty monster whose 
thousand of tentacles are reaching into every public 
and denominational school, every church, every chari- 
table institution and turning them from means of advance- 
ment to instruments of destruction. Teach our boys to 
shoot, give them to understand that we are a warlike 
people, expecting it, and that we ought to be prepared 
with mighty and powerful instruments for war, let the 
words " love " and " mercy " be stricken from the boy's 
vocabulary, for they are an unknown quantity in war." 



158 War versus Peace 

Do this, but know that a generation of young men are 
being raised, whose sense of justice and mercy will be 
so warped and dwarfed as to form but a very small part 
of their character. Boys ought not to be trained to be 
soldiers. Human beings were not made to fight and to 
destroy, but to love, to bless, to save, to give them- 
selves for others. Their animal nature should be sub- 
jugated, not intensified. " To subject the young lives to 
the discipline of the arts of war, if only in sham, is to 
teach them that killing is respectable and manly instead 
of barbarous and unchristian." That is the meaning of 
the gun, the sword and the uniform with which they are 
equipped and of the tactics which they are taught. The 
boys trained in this way will be soldiers in spirit as long 
as they live. The martial song, the fiery war speech, the 
glitter of the sword, the hatred of his country's enemies 
— these will be sweeter to him than the church hymn, the 
Sunday-school hour, and the lessons of love and forgive- 
ness heard from the pulpit. Military drills and tactics 
fall in with the boy's natural tendency to be combative 
and resentful instead of opposing and correcting it, and 
hence in a very striking way strikes at the very core of 
Christian character, which is the spirit of tenderness and 
forgiveness. It is vain to expect that military drill can 
be used and the moral influences of its associations be 
escaped. Military drill in our schools must also of neces- 
sity inculcate false ideas of manliness, a virtue which it is 
supposed eminently to instill. Manliness consists in pur- 
ity, gentleness, kindness, the spirit of forgiveness, re- 
spect for others, moral self-respect, loyalty to duty, vol- 
untary self-possession, and obedience. Some of these 
qualities are simply incompatible with the life of a sol- 
dier in actual warfare, as any may see by reading the 



War versus Peace 159 

Sermon on the Mount. The self-respect which he is 
taught is not the moral self-respect of the Gospel, but a 
kind which trains him to resent immediately any insult, 
and to shoot down, if needs be, those who trample on his 
rights. Their natures will become less tender, less pa- 
tient, less regardful for others, less conscientious, more 
mechanical, more resentful. If the phrase, " our country, 
right or wrong," is the true idea of patriotism, then pos- 
sibly military drills and tactics should be inculcated in 
our common school curriculum, but believing that true 
patriotism is that which seeks the best for its country 
and recognizes that nothing is best that is not righteous, 
it would seem that military drills could in no way further 
the cause of patriotism. The best patriot, the one who 
most truly serves his country and seeks her highest 
good, is the one who realizes this truth and acts upon 
its twin principles, to walk uprightly and to render to 
no man evil for evil, and to act toward others as he 
would have others act toward him. This is the only 
sound rule for the individual, and it necessarily follows 
that it is the only sound rule of conduct for the state. 
It is the only foundation upon which a stable and per- 
manent fabric can be built. The nation that persistently 
ignores this truth, that refuses to recognize the bind- 
ing force of this rule, that allows itself to be guided and 
governed by lower and false rules of conduct, may ap- 
pear to prosper for a time, may increase its possessions 
and grow in power and reputation, but it is assuredly 
sowing the seeds of decay within itself and preparing 
its own downfall. The moral law is inexorable, and his- 
tory has shown us over and over again that they who 
live by the sword shall perish by the sword. If physical 
development is the thing aimed at in military drill in our 



160 War versus Peace 

schools, there are other ways of developing the physical 
body and with better results. A system of education 
which will make for strong physique, clear brain, good 
character and clean living is what is needed, and it can 
not be truthfully said that military training does this in 
the best way. Rifle drill and shooting at a mark have 
little or no value merely as physical exercise, and they 
who advocate it do so for the purpose of making good 
soldiers and to excite military ardor among the boys. 
" To every teacher who takes a serious view of his own 
responsibility," says Joshua Fitch, " who will detach 
himself from the controversies of the hour, and who 
knows well what are the faults as well as the virtues of 
boyhood, it becomes an important duty to consider how 
far the martial spirit is the legitimate part of a good 
school. The combative instinct he knows is sufficiently 
strong in the healthy boy and needs no artificial stimu- 
lus. The training of the reasoning faculties and the di- 
recting of the conscience do not require that boys be 
taught to shoot accurately or be acquainted with military 
maneuvers." 

The principles of peace need to be exemplified more 
in the lives of individuals. Regardless of how much 
men may theorize and declaim on the principles of peace, 
if their own individual lives do not conform to the teach- 
ings of Christ on the subject of nonresistance it loses its 
force and avails nothing. The individual must have a 
deep, settled conviction of the unlawfulness of all wars, 
and this conviction must be exemplified even to the 
extent, if needs be, of suffering the most wicked personal 
violence, without physical resistance or a showing of 
malice or hatred. Churches, homes, in fact all organiza- 
tions depend for their purity and integrity on the purity 



War versus Peace 161 

and integrity of the individuals composing these organ- 
izations, and the Church, though she may advocate 
peace, loses her power and influence if the individuals in 
the Church are ready at all times to resent an injury. 
One of the most prolific sources for harm in the work of 
peace lies in the fact that individuals will associate them- 
selves with churches and at the same time be advocates 
of war. All who are truly imbued with the spirit of Je- 
sus and whose eyes are enlightened, of him, will deplore 
the existence of war, and be hostile to it. There is noth- 
ing in all the world more indicative of moral imperfection 
and deformity than the lifting up of the sword by na- 
tion against nation. It is simply inconceivable that any 
one can have the mind of him who came not to destroy 
men's lives but to save them, of him who taught men to 
pray " Thy kingdom come," and at the same time be an 
advocate for, or an apologist of, war. "Ye can not serve 
God and Mammon " is a truth as inexorable as " What- 
soever a man soweth that shall he also reap," and no man 
can at one and the same time be a member of the true 
Church and be an advocate of war. Some one has said that 
he " does not see how the world is ever to learn the in- 
vincibleness of love, the might of brotherhood, the pow- 
er of goodness, and the sovereignty of reason unless 
those who believe in such things are faithful until the 
death in exhibiting them." "To such a Christian there 
can be no place for the approval of any war for to 
him war is anti-Christ." 

The principles underlying peace extend much farther 
than the extinction of war. These principles must be 
carried into the hearts of the individuals, for he who does 
not have the peace of God which passeth all understand- 
ing in his own heart cannot exemplify it in his life or 



162 War versus Peace 

character. There is no way or method by which Chris- 
tain truth of any kind is to win universal accept- 
ance, except by its becoming first embodied in the ear- 
nest convictions of Christian men, who shall boldly bear 
their testimony to it before the whole world. Even 
though a church may sanction war under certain condi- 
tions, there must always be men who rise above common, 
accepted views of the Church, unless such views are 
backed up by the truth. 

"Man is more than constitutions: 
Better rot beneath the sod, 
Than be true to Church and state 
While we're doubly false to God." 

The better minds of all churches and nations are be- 
ginning to understand each other better and love each 
other more. If the nations or men can be brought to see 
that the right thing is both the practicable and the 
profitable thing they will throw their military equip- 
ments away, as long ago men threw away the sword 
which was once a part of every gentleman's outfit. Many 
of Christ's most interesting and instructive sermons were 
delivered to single individuals, and many others are 
more directly applicable to the individual. Notice a part 
of the sermon on the mount: "But I say unto you re- 
sist not evil, but whosoever smiteth thee on the one 
cheek turn to him the other also — and whosoever shall 
compel thee to go one mile go with him twain." These 
words are addressed directly to the individual, and he 
who has his own mind and heart in such a frame of mind 
that he can " turn the other cheek," will not be apt to 
want to go on the field of blood and slay his fellow- 
man. Many express doubt as to the possibility of carry- 
ing out the Savior's injunction in these words. The very 



War versus Peace 163 

fact that Christianity has considered these words impos- 
sible has been the reason for the success of the military 
spirit. Surely Christ meant what he said and no in- 
dividual has the right to the name Christian who is not 
willing to carry out the Master's command in these 
words. It does not necessarily mean that because a man 
dare not defend himself with carnal weapons, therefore 
he is defenseless. Well has Henry Richard said that 
"by enlightening their minds, sanctifying their hearts, 
Christianizing their temper, and by teaching them by 
our own example to * overcome evil with good/ by deeds 
of benevolence and mercy, uniting ourselves in bonds of 
sympathy and gratitude with our fellows, by displaying 
a spirit of forgiveness and gentleness and the patient en- 
durance of wrong, we cause them to feel how awful good- 
ness is." By these methods men may defend themselves 
against aggression from others, and let no one deny the 
power of such actions, for the Apostle Paul plainly tells 
us that " the weapons of our warfare are not carnal but 
mighty through God to the pulling down of strongholds. " 
Some one has said that if we only had faith in our own 
principles as Christians and courage to act up to and 
exemplify them we might walk forth among our fel- 
lows more invulnerable than if we were clad in a pan- 
oply of steel, and enveloped only in an atmosphere of 
meekness and love dwell in a security compared with 
which the proudest citadel ever built by human hands, 
though fortified with battlement and tower, bastion and 
barricade, and defended by mounted artillery and a belt 
of bristling bayonets, would be poor and powerless as a 
means of defense. Surely the weapons placed in the 
hands of the Christian man are powerful or else the Sav- 
ior would not have placed them in his hands, and if 



164 War versus Peace 

rightly used are capable of transforming the demon 
of hate into an angel of love and mercy. 

" Once on the errand of his mercy bent, 
Buddha, the Holy and Benevolent 
Met a foul monster high and fierce of look, 
Whose awful voice the hills and forest shook. 
' O son of peace/ the giant cried, ' thy fate 
Is sealed at last and love shall yield to hate.' 
The unarmed Buddha, looking, with no trace 
Of fear or anger, in the monster's face 
In pity said, * Poor fiend even thee I love.' 

" Lo, as he spake the sky-tall terror shrank 
To handbreadth size. The high abhorrence sank 
Into the form and fashion of a dove; 
And where the thunder of its rage was heard, 
Circling above him, sweetly sang a bird. 
* Hate hath no form for love,' so rang the song, 
'And peace unweaponed conquers every wrong."' 

The duel by which individuals used to settle their 
differences has become obsolete because men have found 
out that justice can be administered by ways less dan- 
gerous and more humane, and the spirit and machinery, 
which control the individual life does control the world. 
That which makes the individual great and powerful is 
his love for truth and justice and the application of the 
same, and the credential and vocation of the great nation 
is great justice and not the assertion of power to be law 
for itself. So we see that no great advancement can be 
made along the lines of peace except as they are made 
by the individual, and that no individual is in a condition 
to work for peace who has not been taught by the Prince 
of Peace. Rufus M. Jones, in his " Peace as Involved 
in the Christian Method," says: "The single question 
to ask is, Which is the true way of life — the law of the 
jungle, somewhat modified and refined perhaps, or the 



War versus Peace 165 

law of love and brotherhood, the organic society where 
each lives for all? If man becomes himself and shows 
his real nature only when he makes his life contribute to 
the whole total of life and happiness, then there can be 
no question which course a man should take, nor which 
course is the heroic one, for that course is most heroir 
which makes a man most a man." " I told them," says 
George Fox, when they were trying to enlist him in the 
army of the Commonwealth, " that I lived in virtue of 
that life and power which does away with the occasion 
for all war." The man who does that has discovered the 
fundamental ideal of manhood. 

Another serious hindrance to the advancement of 
peace has been the too liberal views given to the question 
of war by men who were really advocates of peace. 
While considering war an evil they have never in word 
or deed expressed themselves as radically opposed to 
war, and thus either consciously or unconsciously have 
lent their influence in favor of war. Whatever else may 
be said of the importance of having taken a conservative 
stand in times past in regard to war, the time has come 
when it behooves churches, peace societies, and others 
to take a radical stand for peace. Especially is this true 
of ministers of the Gospel. Of course it is to be pre- 
sumed that all ministers are for peace in a way, for it is 
Christian to be so, but many of them are not for " peace 
at any price," which simply means that they reserve to 
themselves the liberty to say. which wars are just, and to 
support such wars as they may deem justifiable. Such 
was not the conduct of him who made it possible to have 
a salvation to preach. He was emphatically called the 
" Prince of Peace," and gave utterance to his views in no 
uncertain language, and that minister who reserves the 



166 War versus Peace 

right to say which wars are just and which otherwise is 
not worthy the high calling — for war has been denounced 
by the Savior of mankind and no more can a just war ex- 
ist than a moral saloon. The business is damnable, and 
those who hold the belief that war in its nature and tend- 
ency is opposed to the teachings of Christ, have no right 
to palter with their consciences. Their duty is plain, by 
precept and example, in season, so far as in them lies, 
with all their soul and strength, preach that love to and 
for all humanity that, rooted in the hearts of men, will 
bar out war. When men become inflamed with a passion 
for the right they may appear as extremists. So thought 
they of Garrison, so thought they of Luther, so thought 
they of Wesley; but the fire inflamed in their own hearts 
was soon taken up by others and their end accomplished. 
A careless, half-hearted manner of dealing with this ques- 
tion simply means that war will continue to be the chief 
business of nations. No man can study the question of 
war from a humanitarian standpoint without becoming 
aroused as to its sinfulness. Well has B. C. Constable 
said : " When you come to look into its details it will 
not bear the light. You can only tolerate it, so long as 
you throw a light over it and surround it with an im- 
aginary halo. But one ought to never forget for one 
moment that it is human beings that are the targets for 
the deadly rifle; that it is human beings who are run 
through with the bayonets ; that it is human beings who 
are blown to pieces with the cannon and the Maxim gun ; 
that it is human beings who writhe and groan in agony 
and who suffer excruciating pain and lie about like 
butchered cattle. War is not a tiger hunt, or a pig stick- 
ing expedition, or a partridge shooting. It is the hunt- 



War versus Peace 167 

ing of human beings, the sticking of living men, the 
shooting of our brothers." 

Why in the face of all these facts should men not ad- 
vance views and urge action that may seem radical, but 
which in reality is very mild and tame compared with the 
awful havoc wrought by the awful monster, war? When 
the best has been said for war that possibly can be said 
it remains that war is the folly of nations, the most bar- 
barous method of settling disputes, and that it belongs 
to a lower level of human elevation. To take a firm 
stand for peace and to refuse to have anything to do or 
in any way take part with war is not only the privilege 
but it is the duty of every Christian man. Persecution 
and ridicule may be the part of those who take this 
stand, but so persecuted they the followers of Christ in 
all ages. The higher range of intellect, of society, of 
commerce, of international interests and relations, of re- 
ligious ideals, call imperatively for higher and better 
methods of settling disputes, and better methods will 
never be found, except as men become intensely in ear- 
nest about it. Let the governments that make wars do 
the fighting, but let those who are opposed to war de- 
clare it in no uncertain terms. The Savior had no 
compromise to offer with unrighteousness. His words 
are, " If thy hand or foot offend thee cut it off, and cast 
it from thee." Moral surgery practiced by the nations 
would be the means of ridding themselves of the disease 
of militarism, but not until men of influence and power 
become enthused with the idea of universal peace can 
any of the nations be induced to try the operation. It does 
not necessarily follow that because a man may be an 
extremist against war, he must of necessity advance 
means for its elimination that are impracticable. Men 



168 War versus Peace 

today who are sound advocates of peace are seeking out 
its cause as they would seek out the source of a disease, 
and by these means are able to advance practicable ideas 
for its arrest and removal. War must be looked at in 
the same way, not lamented over as an irremediable evil, 
but as a foe that can be overcome, and just as men of 
science, who are ferreting out the cause and cure of dis- 
ease, become a blessing to humanity, so the men who 
have the cause of peace at heart and are giving to us 
practical methods for its advancement become an asset 
not only to their own country but to the whole world. 
Jesus' blessing rests upon all such, for he says, " Blessed 
are the peacemakers for they shall be called the sons of 
God." The ultimate standard of perfection is God him- 
self, and the conclusion drawn from the Savior's words 
is that if you would be like God, be a peacemaker. 

Woman, too, has a very important part to do in the ad- 
vancement of peace. The role of man has been to make 
war ; the part of the woman to send husband, lover, son, 
to gain glory or find death on the field of blood, while she 
watched, wept, and prayed. Roman matrons sent their 
husbands and sons to fight for Rome with brave speeches 
and tearless eyes, and yet the Roman poet describes war 
as " Bella detestata matribus " (Wars hateful to moth- 
ers), and so wars ever have been. She has had too often 
to bear the brunt of the hardships and whether defeat or 
victory was the lot her husband or son espoused, hers 
were always privations and hardships. But today her 
voice is heard in the halls of legislature, in the pulpit, in 
the press, in the home, and it is all for peace. If her 
heart must break she will not allow it to break in un- 
noticed silence. The ever-increasing influence that wom- 
an is swaying over the mind of man is one of the most 



War versus Peace 169 

powerful factors in favor of peace, and while the in- 
genuity of man is being taxed to the utmost to devise 
ways and means of his own destruction, woman is try- 
ing to solve the problem of saving him by molding senti- 
ment that will make instruments of war unnecessary. 
Let the influence of woman continue to be exerted in 
favor of peace; let her voice, pleading for justice, ad- 
vocating righteousness, disseminating love, be heard 
more and more until man shall be content to settle his 
disputes by ways humane and honorable. 

But with all our arguments in favor of peace, and with 
all the ways and means that are advocated to do away 
with war, no great advancement will ever be made un- 
less a substitute for war can be found by which the na- 
tions may be able to settle their difficulties. In all com- 
munities offences will arise and differences will come. 
It has been so ever since the beginning of time, and 
will continue so until the end ; it is folly to presume 
otherwise. So long as men are differently constituted 
they will see differently. Men will consciously or other- 
wise trample on the rights and dignity of others, and 
so long as there is no other method presented for set- 
tling these difficulties they will resort to war. Just as 
soon as a more plausible, reasonable, workable, way will 
be found, and one that will give justice to all concerned, 
men will be ready to adopt the better way. That there 
are better ways to settle difficulties than an appeal to 
arms has been proven by more than two hundred in- 
stances. Some of these were adjustments of great dif- 
ficulties which were very threatening in their character, 
but the better judgment was allowed to prevail and an 
appeal to arms was not found necessary. It is a truth 
that as men and nations grow wiser, causes for disputes 



170 War versus Peace 

will become less ; however, as it seems impossible to en- 
tirely prevent differences from arising, it is not impos- 
sible to prevent them from resulting in wars. Public 
opinion must be enlisted in favor of the better way and 
nations must stand upon their honor to abide by the de- 
cisions of the better way. Experience has shown that 
arbitration can never involve a danger to any one. It 
has repeatedly been resorted to of late years, and in every 
case it has removed the difficulty without giving rise to 
any objections or leaving any differences behind. It is 
a foregone conclusion that the nation not willing to ar- 
bitrate its differences is selfish and pursues a course that 
must be considered by all as dishonorable. The Hague 
tribunal, rightly interpreted and strictly protected by the 
nations of the world, is a substitute for war worthy the 
attention of the lesser governments and world powers 
alike. While yet in its infancy it bids fair to become a 
giant whose strength and power will be able to dethrone 
war and relegate all instruments of war to the scrap 
heap. 

Two things when rightly understood by the various 
governments will draw to this court or tribunal all con- 
troversies between nations. One of these things is, that 
this court must be free from bias. To this end all men 
everywhere who love peace should use their influence. 
Men who rise above party politics, whose love for home 
and country does not overshadow that broader and 
nobler love, love for all the world, men whose charac- 
ters are unsullied and whose mature judgments are rec- 
ognized as free from prejudice, men not embroiled in mil- 
itary careers but in every way fitted as judges and 
jurists of the highest type. This type and this type 
only is the kind which should characterize the national 



War versus Peace 171 

court. A judge or court of arbitration will always be 
needed and the success or failure of this court will de- 
pend largely upon the character of the individuals com- 
posing it. Generals and admirals are in no way fitted to 
either sit as arbitrators or to represent a nation in any 
peace congress ; their business has been war and the 
citizens of every nation should insist on being represent- 
ed at international courts by men who have been and are 
advocates of peace. Ernest H. Crosby has humorously 
said when speaking on this subject: "You do not send 
butchers to a congress in the interests of vegetarianism," 
and the delegates to our international peace conventions 
should be advocates of peace, and the men who sit as 
judges in international courts should be men not dis- 
tinguished for their military careers, but for their broad, 
unimpeachable statesmanship. 

The second thing that nations should understand in 
order that this court may be referred to by the nations 
is, that no military force should be at its command to 
enforce its decisions, for if this court is not backed up by 
public opinion and enforced by the honor of the contend- 
ing parties, there will be no need of submitting any 
disputes to arbitration. The opinion of Mr. J. H. Bal- 
four Brown, president of the Leeds Law Students' So- 
ciety of London, is : " The sanction of conscience was 
above the sanction of force. Courts of law sat to de- 
termine rights between man and man, and they had the 
elaborate machinery of force and coercion to enforce 
their decrees; but arbitration was founded on the 
consciences of men and on the valid understanding that 
although there were differences of opinion, those could 
be determined if they got an impartial person to decide. 
That, in idea, seemed to be a finer conception than that 



172 War versus Peace 

upon which our legal system was founded." The very 
term, arbitration, does not admit of force. Arbitration 
is law and it is reason, and while it will not destroy 
greed, the lust of possession, and the pride of power it 
will provide the condition in which better influences will 
prevail. The weaker nations will see in it a court of 
absolute justice in their dealings with each other, while 
at the same time it does not give them license for any 
acts or deeds which may be derogatory to the interests of 
humanity. It also is a check upon any nation that, be- 
cause of its standing and power, may seem to infringe 
upon the rights of a weaker nation. Such a court will 
never be the success that all peace advocates sincerely 
wish it to be until all the nations will be willing to settle 
all their disputes by referring to it all their differences, 
even those in which it might be thought questions of 
honor are involved. So long as nations will refer to it 
their lesser grievances only, or those not affecting the 
nation's honor, the court will be in general disfavor by 
the nations, and can not become the power that it other- 
wise might, or do the good that it is expected to do. 
The misunderstandings and false sense of international 
honor are the chief reasons why nations are not ready to 
refer all their disputes to such a court, and when the 
sober considerations of our statesmen are listened to it 
will be seen that other nations have a right to opinions 
and have a sense of national honor which must be re- 
spected. So far as law regulating the decisions of the 
judges is concerned, it is evident that much international 
law already exists ; so many cases could not have been 
decided by a court of arbitration without some pre- 
scribed form of law, and in the future international law 
must grow out of cases that may be brought before the 



War versus Peace 173 

court for decision. Its growth will lessen the responsi- 
bility of the judges and narrow the sphere of their action, 
for it is a known fact that law by its own inherent in- 
fluences settles a vast number of disputes without re- 
course to judicial tribunals and prevents a still larger 
number from ever coming to a head. Thus, as the court 
is referred to more by the nations, its power and influence 
will be extended and felt.' 

Many of the existing difficulties in the way of a uni- 
versal court of arbitration are exceedingly trifling when 
compared to the saving which will result, both in money 
and morals. To those who consider the outlook for 
universal peace rather gloomy the Bible injunction, 
" Have faith in God," ought to come with renewed force 
and meaning. If the teachings of Christ are really op- 
posed to the nature and tendency of war, surely now as 
in the days of old, faith in him will " subdue kingdoms 
and turn to flight the armies of the aliens." It is a pleas- 
ing thought to those who are battling for the right and 
those whose prayers and anxieties have been many that 
their cause will triumph, for it is the cause of Christ. 
All that can be done should be done that the mind and 
heart of man may be brought in a proper attitude to the 
Creator. For the peace of God is the power of God, his 
right is the right which calms and quiets the finite and 
imperfect while it calls for the maximum effort for prog- 
ress. Rev. J. Morley Mills says: "This is the Chris- 
tian ideal, it is a worthy ideal, it is an adequate ideal. 
Beside it, all the policies of selfish strife and conflict on 
any plane look mean and unworthy. Let us try and un- 
derstand this ideal; let us try to live it; let us preserve 
it no matter what the surrounding conditions may be. 
. . . It is mighty to save from all low-born ways and 



174 War versus Peace 

thoughts, mighty to greaten men and nations. It is the 
peace of God ; it is surpassingly noble ; it keepeth per- 
fectly, as nothing else can, the very center and source 
of all values — the soul — and none shall be able to pluck 
us hence." He who worketh for peace, whether it be in 
the church, in the home, in the state, or in the nation 
is enhancing the value of life and will some day see the 
broader and nobler conception of that true peace which 
passeth all understanding when with the peacemakers 
he shall be numbered with the " Sons of God." 

I heard the bells on Christmas day 

Their old familiar carols play, 

And wild and sweet 

The words repeat 

Of peace on earth good will to men. 

Then from each black accursed mouth 

The cannons thundered in the South, 

And with the sound 

The carols drowned 

Of peace on earth good will to men. 

Then in despair I bowed my head. 

" There is no peace on earth," I said, 

" For hate is strong 

And mocks the song 

Of peace on earth good will to men." 

Then pealed the bells more loud and deep, 

" God is not dead: nor doth he sleep; 

The wrong shall fail 

The right prevail 

With peace on earth good will to men." 

"The bloody theme of war loomed up for considera- 
tion and I was summoned by the voice of God to decide 
whether I would decide for or against it. I saw that it 
was a vast system of manslaughter even in its most ex- 
cusable form — unfraternal, savage, and barbarous, anti- 



War versus Peace 175 

Christian, irrational, and full of monstrous evils. I saw 
that it was based on the assumed righteousness of re- 
sisting evil with evil and overcoming deadly force with 
deadly force, which Christ, both by precept and example, 
unqualifiedly forbade his disciples to do even toward 
their worst enemies. He had laid his great unregenera- 
tive axe at the root of this upas tree and it must be 
destroyed, root and branches. I was fully convinced of 
this and took my stand accordingly. Starting from the 
divine principle of pure universal good will, of absolute 
love, I felt bound to go with that principle wherever it 
carried me, for all that it dictated against, all that it con- 
demned. I did not allow myself to be sophisticated into 
any excuses for defensive wars or resorts to so-called 
justifiable deadly force in extreme cases, but committed 
myself to total abstinence from all wars, glorification of 
war, and organic action involving any resorts whatever 
to deadly force against my fellow-men. I would neither 
fight, vote, pray, nor give any approval of any custom, 
practice or act which controverted the law of perfect 
love toward God, toward my fellow-man or the universal, 
highest good." — Abin Ballou. 



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War versus peace.