THE HIGH LIBRARY Class 172.4 BH _ Book_ Accession 27052 GISH PUBLISHING FUND. § 1. Name. — The name of this fund shall be the Gish Publishing Fund. § 2. Fund. — This fund shall consist of the estate of James R. and Barbara Gish, estimated value, $50,000; with any other funds that may hereafter be added to it. § 3. Purpose. — The purpose of this fund shall be to supply the ministers of the Church of the Breth- ren with such books and other printed matter as may be helpful to them in advancing and maintain- ing the Truth. § 4. Supervision. — The General Mission Board shall appoint a committee of three, so arranged in term of office that the time of one member ex- pires each year, whose duty it shall be (a) To examine and pass upon publications is- sued and distributed by this fund. (&) To arrange with the Publication Department for publication and distribution of publications se- lected. § 5. 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DATE DUE v If I ■ n II w. 1 H i i i 1 s i i i IB 1 1 War Versus Peace A Short Treatise on War: Its Causes Horrors, and Cost; and Peace: Its History and Means of Advancement BY JACOB FUNK Jtf Elgin, Illinois Brethren Publishing House 1910 27052 Copyright 1910 Brethren Publishing House PREFACE The present age should be one of love ; love to God and love to fellow-man. The time is ripe when man should con- sider every other man as his brother and God as his Father. War is the negation of love and justice and there is no lack of evidence as to its horrors and sinfulness. The only ex- cuse offered for its existence by its most ardent supporters is that " between two evils choose the lesser." It must be evident to all Christians that such argument is extremely weak, for there is no occasion when men or nations must choose between two evils ; there is always a right course to pursue and Christians will pursue that course. The purpose of the author of this book is to present a few facts concerning war and reasons for its discontinuance, and to suggest some ways and means for the advancement of peace. Originality is not claimed for this work. The various publications put out by the peace societies of our own and other countries have been freely consulted and used; espe- cially is this true of " The American Peace Society," " The Universal Peace Union," and " The Peace Society " of Lon- don. While the past few years have seen many advancements along the lines of peace, it is also true that because of the prominence given to war by some of the rulers and legisla- tors, there has been infinite mischief done to the cause of righteousness. Every effort possible should be made that this evil may be checked and at last banished, and this can only be accomplished through the instrumentality of God's people, who will move and work under the direction of the Holy Spirit. In chapter two not nearly all the horrors of war have 4 War versus Peace been told, for that lies beyond the power of lips to express, or pen to write; but the writer nas endeavored to show enough of its sinfulness so that the better nature of men may be aroused. Not nearly all of the peace organizations and societies have been mentioned in chapter five, but those mentioned give some idea of the progress made in the cause of peace. The world has ever been exceedingly slow to grasp the great truths that God has for humanity, and it is only by constantly keeping before the mind of man these truths that any advancement is made along lines of righteousness. If by the reading of this little volume some soul will be stirred to greater activity in the cause of " The Prince of Peace " its object will have been attained. INDEX The Causes of War, 7 The Evils of War, 46 The Cost of War, 86 A Brief History of the Peace Movement, 107 Ways of Advancing Peace, 141 WAR VERSUS PEACE CHAPTER I The Causes of War Almost nineteen hundred years have elapsed since from the lips of the blessed Son of God fell those words which, if put into practice by every individual, would forever ban- ish even the thought of war ; namely, the Golden Rule. But with all of our boasted learning and wisdom we are seemingly as far away from the direct application of its principles as when uttered by the Savior of mankind. Love to God and love to man are the central doctrines of Christ's teachings. The universal brotherhood of man is that which he was constantly trying to instill into the mind of man. He taught men to love one another. " He abrogated the old law of retaliation by the new law of love ; the old law of keeping oaths by the new law of making none to break ; the old say- ing of hating enemies by the new law of loving them. He put the doctrine of non-resistance in the strongest form by bidding men suffer the most wicked personal violence with gentleness, and the most vexatious robbery with patience." And not only this, but when buffeted and smitten, spat upon and derided, rather than call the legions of angels to fight for him, he was led " as a lamb to the slaughter," and al- lowed his life's blood to be spilled on Calvary, that he might in deed and truth be the " Prince of Peace." And yet the world thus far has profited but little from this noble example. Men still continue to resist evil, to hate 8 War versus Peace their enemies, to turn their backs on the greatest Teacher the world has ever seen, and to place their trust in forts and arsenals, ships of war and weapons of destruction. War belongs to other ages and to a different era of civilization than the present Christian era. Its awful atrocities and rank injustice jar upon the Christian principles of the twentieth century, and the reasonable, thinking people of today are demanding a reasonable excuse for the wholesale destruc- tion of lives and property, and the degrading of morals which inevitably follows in the wake of war. Instead of an age of war and selfishness, cruelty and murder, suspicion and treason, greed and envy, this should be an age of love and peace, gentleness and kindness, forgiving and forbear- ing, and general good will to men. In the earliest history of man the fight was individual against individual; next it was family against family; then tribe against tribe ; and now it is nation against nation ; and if the warlike spirit of today is not brought to a halt, it will soon be — yes, already is — upon us — the war of race against race; and as the numbers who engage in the conflict in- crease, so the vice and crime, the malice and hatred, grow in proportion. Dueling has almost ceased; family quarrels are becoming less frequent; and today man is demanding that the gigantic duel of nation against nation be brought to a close. But so long as men are not more rational beings than now, disputes which lead to war are liable to spring up. Undoubtedly one of the causes for war is that men do not inquire enough about the right or wron g of it. We have been accustomed to it so long that we naturally believe in it, and when a nation thinks its honor or rights have been tram- pled upon, reason and common sense are thrown aside, and not until after thousands of the strongest men have been slain and millions of money have been spent does reason be- War versus Peace 9 come enthroned, only to be cast aside again at the next out- rage on " national honor." A fair, impartial study of the atrocities of war and the littleness of the benefits derived from it, will convince na- tions that better and cheaper methods must be found to set- tle disputes. Many who have all their lives concluded that war is lawful and right, have found, when they began to examine the question, that their conclusions were founded upon false evidence. Slavery was not abolished until people began to study it. Intemperance is tolerated only in com- munities where the terrible crimes perpetrated by this hid- eous monster are kept in the background. And so, as war is studied and its crimes become better known, it will be de- throned forever. But in times past it has been a very difficult matter to get the facts about war. Our histories for the most part are filled with the glories of the hero on the battlefield, exalting and magnifying the bravery of the soldier on the field of blood, carefully avoiding the awful atrocities and cold- blooded murders, the lowering of the morals, the breaking up of homes, the loss of freedom, and the thousands of other things that go to make war a " hell,'' and thereby raising the business of the soldier to an honorable profession. " The soldier who settles quarrels by stabbing and shooting his enemy and destroying his property stands as high in the popular estimation as the judge and advocate who sit to settle quarrels peaceably." With a large majority this is due to the fact that what the soldier really does is left in the background. He is not looked upon as an individual who kills or wounds his enemies and destroys their property, who makes widows and orphans, who tramples down crops, burns villages, and brings ruin to thousands of lives, ^buLas a man who exposes his life for others. " In the popular 10 War versus Peace imagination he does not kill for his country, but is killed for his country." This condition could hardly exist if the sol- dier was constantly thought of as one who is cutting, shoot- ing and mutilating his fellow-man. There is no record of wars having improved any nation's character, or having made men more sober or religious or humane or law-abid- ing ; and yet the soldier is held up as an individual who up- holds and advances these virtues. A careful examination of almost any history reveals the fact that a large majority of its pages are rilled with the re- cital of wars. So-called causes are gone into minutely. Each battle is vividly portrayed in all of its " glory." The heroes of the field are described in glowing terms. Pictures of battles, soldiers in uniforms, medals of honor, monu- ments to the dead, ships of war described as " guarantors of peace," forts with cannon belching forth missiles of death, are given a prominent place. But in none of them do we find the picture of the old, gray-haired mother going about her family duties with heavy tread and swollen eyes and a broken heart, because of an only son shot on the battlefield, or of the widow with her small children left without home or comfort, because the husband and father was slain, or a de- scription of the terrible depreciation of morals, or the hurl- ing into an awful eternity of men unprepared to meet their God. Let no one deny that war has produced heroes ; love of country, love of man and love of right, have led many noble men to the battlefield. But it was because a better way was not brought more prominently before them — because they had not fully learned the awful sinfulness of war. Igno- rance leads the heathen mother to sacrifice her child, but we in Christian America know that such deeds, however heroic, are wrong. War versus Peace 11 Washington at the head of his army at the siege of York- town is not the great man that he is upon his knees in the depth of the forest, pleading the cause of right before his Creator. Histories make heroes of these great men because of military achievements, whereas the truth is, they were heroes in spite of their military careers. Thomas Chase has expressed the sentiment of every true lover of peace, when he said : " For the vulgar conqueror I have no admiration. Others may bow in abject prostration before the shrine of such heroes as Napoleon. I admit the splendor of his genius, although even that has been exag- gerated ; and there is much truth in Carlyle's recent growl of deprecation against the Idol ; but I feel nothing but abhor- rence and indignation at the selfishness, the cruelty, the im- measurable and unpardonable mischief of his whole career of blood. But I can honor as much as any man the self- sacrifice and devotion of the soldier who is prompted by the highest motives of patriotism and Christian philanthropy, even while I lament that in his blindness he is unconsciously using means so foul." Because a man has been in the thickest of the fight or faced the mouth of the cannon or led a company of men armed with swords and implements of war, to victory, is no evidence that he is a hero. True heroes do not go about with gun in hand, armed to the teeth, seeking to destroy. (To save lifeAand not to destroy, is the business of the hero ; but this is exactly opposite the soldier's calling. War is a method and device of a barbarous period of so- cial progress, and wherever practiced by modern nations in some period of critical strain, it ought to be regarded, like capital punishment, as a horrible and tragical thing, not to be welcomed, not to be rejoiced at, but to be lamented as a crime against humanity and a sin against God. 12 War versus Peace i Bravery in fighting is one of the primary animal instincts. , All the lower animals have it. All nations of men have it. The battlefield is not the only place to find it. The man who makes his living by robbing his fellow-man has it. Every- where, among all people, in every avocation, you will find bravery, but the heroes are the ones who have principles of right for which they will die. Dr. Payson says : " War is surrounded by a deceitful lustre. But let the monster's hidden form be exposed in its true colors, and it will be an honor to Christianity — a powerful argument in her favor — to be known as his most decided and successful foe." But history, for the most part, has failed to show war in its hideous form. It has been over-emphasized and magni- fied beyond all proportion. Many of them are a mere " drum and trumpet history." For example, one history ex- amined gave twenty-eight pages to the early settlement of Virginia, which, for the most part, was a succession of wars, massacres, quarrels, and trouble ; while to Pennsylvania are given six pages. Now no one will suppose that there were not as many things transpiring worthy of mention in the set- tlement of Pennsylvania, as in Virginia, but the historian has considered the wars and quarrels more worthy of men- tion than the peaceful pursuits of the sturdy and prosperous Quakers. Much more might be written in regard to the noble work of William Penn and his dealing with the Indians, his own countrymen, his industry, his " City of Brotherly Love," the charter of liberties granted to the people, yet these things are barely mentioned, while, on the other hand, the Indian wars which were so numerous in the settlement of Virginia are gone into in minute detail. In the same history four and one-half pages are given to our difficulty with Chili in 1891 War versus Peace 13 — a matter of minor importance — while not a word is men- tioned about any of the great peace movements of modern times. This may be an exception, but it is a deplorable fact that, for the most part, our historians have not yet learned the truth, that " peace hath her victories, no less renowned than war." It is the reproach of the historians that they have too often turned history into a mere record of the butcheries of men by their fellow-men. It is the simple truth, though not always easy to realize, that it is righteousness, and righteousness alone, that exalt- eth a nation. War may be forced upon us — it may seem to be necessary; but even this, backed by the opinion of the Church, cannot make it righteous. Historians are expected to give the facts about which they are recording, without prejudice or being biased in any way, and when this is done, public opinion will soon demand that the awful atrocities of war cease. Some historians, it is true, have tried to record the facts in the case, but such his- tories are not used in our public schools, and are rarely read. James Russell Lowell gives the facts about war in poetry, that ought to be riveted to the mind and heart of every his- torian, when he says : " Ez fer war, I call it murder, There you have it plain and flat; I don't want to no furder Than my Testyment for that; God has said so plump and fairly, It's ez long as it is broad, An* you've got to get up airly Ef you want to take in God! "'Taint your eppyletts and feathers Makes the thing a grain more right; 14 War versus Peace 'Taint a follerin' your bell-wether Will excuse ye in his sight; Ef you take a sword and draw it, An go stick a feller thru', Gov'ment ain't to answer for it, God'll send the bill to you." A careful investigation of the causes for war will show that greed and envy, hatred and malice, were at the founda- tion of all of them, and these facts should be given. What has been said about historians, will apply equally to authors of encyclopedias and other works of similar na- ture. In a work of worth, considered so by educators, we find no mention whatever of many of the peace societies or the men who have been instrumental to a very great degree in advancing the cause of peace. Under the head of Peace are to be found eight divisions, covering five pages, much of which is unimportant from the standpoint of telling what is being done by peace societies and what has been done in times past to forward the cause of peace. In the same work, on the subject of the Army and Navy, will be found one hundred fifty-eight subdivisions, covering every possible de- tail under these headings. Besides this, every war, whether great or small, from the founding of America to the present time, is discussed. It is a rank injustice to the reading public to have con- stantly heralded before their eyes the military achievements of a country, while the noble deeds of men and women fol- lowing peaceful pursuits, and the societies and congresses organized for the express purpose of doing good to mankind by making war impossible, are barely mentioned. In this same work, Napoleon, with his awful career of blood and wickedness, whose very name is nauseating to every true lover of peace, is given seven pages describing in a general way his military achievements, while such men as War versus Peace 15 Dr. Charming, Worcester, Hugo Grotius, Geo. Fox, Wm. Penn, Charles Sumner, Elihu Burritt, Victor Hugo, Tolstoi, and a host of other leaders in the peace movement, are bare- ly mentioned. None of them are given over three-fourths of a page. Napoleon, with a wonderful genius, caused the whole world to tremble for a short time. But Hugo Grotius, with his work on the " Justice of War and Peace," sounded a blast that is still echoing in the hearts of Christian men and women, and these facts should be noted by our authors and educators. Another cause for war in times past has been the irrespons- ible talk which fills our newspapers. Not a few wars have been talked into existence on insignificant pretexts. A com- paratively small matter has been fanned into a flame which resulted in the death of thousands of men and the destruc- tion of millions of dollars' worth of property. The press, when rightly used, is one of the most powerful agents for good that we have in the world today, for the people of every nation are becoming more and more a reading people. But it is a sad fact that many people have an appetite for the rash and sensational, and still more sad is the fact that we have editors who are willing to fill up the newspapers with just the sort of stuff that will satisfy that appetite. Happily, in this age, the means of speedy intercommunion have be- come so numerous and reliable that the groundlessness of a war rumor is easily detected and transmitted, and thus a critical situation is many times avoided. But nevertheless, the press can and does easily stir up the baser nature of man, that, though the nations may not come to actual conflict, arouses enmity that will require years to settle. Editors have for the most part done as Mr. John Richard Green says of the historian : " We have numberless por- traits of military men got up for the drawing room, in their 16 War versus Peace scarlet uniforms and flashing decorations. Our eyes*have] been dazzled by pictures of reviews, marches, sham fights and royal processions. We have seen the young soldier bending down to receive his mother's kiss, his departure — flying of flags and waving of handkerchiefs — his unexpected return to his home, bundle in hand and medals on his breast, and the family group gathered around him as he tells of his adventures in foreign lands. But telling and touching as these pictures really are, I venture to submit that they are calculated to create a mistaken impression — ' Hiding the grossness with fair ornaments.' " The press is loud in its praises of the bravery of the man who carries the flag to the very front of the battle, but silent as to the cold, cruel, relentless butchery which stains the hands of every man who sheds his brother's blood. It up- holds and honors the man, who at the head of a company of men, leads on to victory, but is deaf to the cries that arise from the blood of those slain to satisfy the greed and envy of the victors. It may be human nature to stand up for your nation and your country's flag, but it is Christlike to " love your ene- mies, do good to them that despitefully use you and perse- cute you." And no man who has not this Christlike prin- ciple inculcated in his heart has any business with the press of our land. Call the man who kills his brother a murderer. Let war be catalogued as the blackest of crimes by the press of our land. Newspapers of today have much to say about up- holding national honor. True it is that love of country and love of home are near and dear to every one ; but what is national honor, that all the virtues dear to the Christian heart must be sacrificed in its defense? What lofty position has it attained to, that men are justified in butchering each War versus Peace 17 other to uphold it? Is it not a fact that ofttimes the very means which men have used to defend national honor has resulted in bringing shame and disgrace upon the nation ? Sir Stafford Northcote has well said that " national honor does not consist in not acknowledging wrong or never ad- mitting a mistake because of the fear that it would be said is was done f rora an unwillingness to face the consequences ; but like true personal honor, it consisted in being ready to do justice in all things, to maintain your own rights and to recognize the rights of your opponents ; and just to go so far beyond mere justice that when the point was doubtful you would rather give it against yourself than for yourself/' A really useful and salutary influence consists in discover- ing new truths, spreading sound ideas, and exercising lib- erty, not in flashing before the public mind in glaring head- lines a very much exaggerated account of some minor out- rage on a foreigner. Scandal and sensational reading may satisfy a reading public, but, as the historian, the author, the poet, and the editor, know, he who stoops to means so foul as to incite haired and revenge in the hearts of men is doing incalculable mischief, and must some day reap the result of his sowing. Lord Russell has this to say : " On looking at all the wars which have been carried on during the last century, and ex- amining into the causes of them, I do not see one of these wars in which, if there had been proper temper between the parties, the questions in dispute might not have been settled without recourse to arms." The press of our land can do much to bring about this " proper temper," regardless of the fact that the head of a great nation may be favorable to war and to warlike prep- arations. The influence which the press may wield over the nation will outweigh even the influence of the president 18 War versus Peace or king. Newspapers of today can do what the late Bishop of Durham advised, viz. : " We can avoid and discourage all language in regard to other nations which is in any way in- consistent with the respect due to their positions. We can endeavor to understand their feelings, difficulties, tempta- tions, and not to measure them, even unconsciously, by the standard established for us by our traditions and beliefs. We can adopt as the rule for our own temper the memorable clause in Penn's treaty with the Indians, which bound the contracting parties not to believe evil reports of one an- other." True, there are some (very few) noble exceptions to the rule. Even many of our religious magazines and denominational papers are not taking a decided stand for peace, as against war. Many of them seem to think that the end will justify the means, and so in a half-hearted way they deplore war, and hope in a feeble way that it will soon cease ; but so very few take a decided stand that all wars are wrong. We need men today who will denounce war as William Lloyd Garrison and others denounced slavery. Let the religious literature of our land give no uncertain sound as to what the Bible teaches on this subject. Were it not for the fact that the various peace organiza- tions of today were giving to us the true facts about war, we would have but a very small amount of literature giving to us the conditions as they really are. Our boys and girls in the schools are studying the histories which are lauding the soldier, — making sacred the battlefield and glorying in war. Our encyclopedias, for the most part, are filled with narra- tives of men who are renowned because of their military career, and our poets are singing aloud the praises of him who braved the cannon's mouth, and our eyes are day by day being invited to feast upon the glaring headlines of the War versus Peace 19 daily newspaper telling of great orations on Decoration Day, soldiers' reunions, big naval demonstrations, etc., many of them belittling the efforts put forth to advance peace, until he who would get at the facts must look to other sources. But as many of our peace societies are hampered for want of means to publish and send out their literature, and be- cause peace, with its manifold blessings, is not a popular sub- ject, but a comparatively small majority of the people are reached by this means. Let the facts be known. Let our histories set war in its true light. Let the press, religious and secular, portray war in its hideousness. Let the poet's song of war be one of sadness. Let our educators give to us the awfulness of war in the lowering of morals and the degrading of homes, the hindering of Christian virtues, that the youth of our land may know that indeed war is hell, and those engaged in it are in a hellish business. "Were half the power that holds the world in terror, Were half the wealth bestowed on camps and courts, Given to redeem the human mind from error, There were no need for arsenals nor forts. "The warrior's name would be a name abhorred! And every nation that should lift again Its hand against a brother, on its forehead Would wear for evermore the curse of Cain!" Large standing armies and powerful navies have been, in times past, and are today, a cause for war. It is but natural that individuals have a desire to do that which they have been educated or trained to do. The farmer who has studied the nature of the soil, the climatic conditions, the kind and uses of the various grains and plants, is never so happy as when he is practically demonstrating the results of his in- vestigations. The minister of the Gospel, after spending 20 War versus Peace much time in study and prayer, is anxious for the hour to come when he shall deliver his discourse to the congrega- tion, confident that the results of such study and prayer will tell for God. Now if this is the case in all other professions, does it not seem probable that men who are trained to endure physical hardships, to shoot accurately, and to spend all their time in learning the art of war, should be anxious for the time to come when they can demonstrate to the world the superiority of their skill and marksmanship ? War is a pro- fession, and the army a professional caste. It must justify its existence. It is not the nature of man to have a profes- sion and not to be following it : the physician wants patients, the lawyer, clients, the minister, converts, and the soldier, victims. In peace the soldier can hope for little or no promo- tion, and has but little opportunity of bettering his condition or distinguishing himself. Times of peace mean for him idleness and lack of opportunities, a waste of his energies, the thwarting of his ambitions ; and so, naturally, he clamors for war. It is his business to make war. Even in times of dispute between nations, the issue is awaited with the great- est of anxiety on the part of the soldier, and when war is declared, there is positive rejoicing. Standing armies are for war; powerful navies are for war; and the men who fill our armies and man our navies are trained to fight, and fight they will, regardless of who the enemy may be, or the justness of the cause. The very ex- istence of such immense warlike weapon* engenders strife, and is a menace to peace. " The possession of a very sharp sword offers a temptation which becomes irresistible to dem- ontrate the efficiency of the weapon in a practical manner." What are the feelings aroused when beholding a large bat- tleship or a powerful army ? Does it bring forcefully before War versus Peace 21 the mind that universal peace is an assured fact? No sane person will admit that this is the result. On the other hand, it brings up the thought of war and arouses the war spirit. The mere sight of vast military equipments is dazzling to the mind and does not disclose the awful carnage and blood- shed that such preparations must lead to. Unless you as- sume that the very development of war on so gigantic a scale as the nations of today are taking is preparing the world for peace, you must assume that it will lead to more terrible results than history has recorded in times past, for none of the leading nations of today are willing to be out- done, and when the conflict will come it will simply mean more destruction of property and lives than the world has ever seen : " For he that is prepared to be offended will readily find offence. ,, In the present state of men's principles, it is not probable that one nation will observe another levying men and build- ing ships and founding cannon, without providing men and ships and cannon themselves, and when both are thus threat- ening and defying, what is the hope that there will not be war? There are two ways of settling national disputes : one is by war, and the other is by arbitration, and the nations who have the most powerful navies and standing armies are the ones who will look upon arbitration the less favorably as a means of settling disputes. A warlike spirit and preparation is the most deadly foe to peace. Well has R. P. Stebbins said : " Who is the peaceful man? He who carries his dirk and pistols, or he who is unarmed and careful in the discharge of his duties ? In what neighborhood would you prefer to live for safety's sake: in that where knives and dirks were worn and used, or in that where no such weapons were named or known? The spirit of war, the military spirit, is the one which will 22 War versus Peace plunge us into blood/' It cannot be doubted that nations are much more disposed to fall out and to uphold the sword when they have available means of fighting within reach and swords already in their hands. Armaments are clearly among the provocatives and incentives to war, the removal of which would promote peace. When men cannot fight, they are not predisposed to fight. Forces, on the other hand, almost in- evitably carry with them the disposition to appeal to force. The saying, " In time of peace, prepare for war," has done infinite mischief. It has misled statesmen, and has sent thousands of young men to untimely graves. It means ar- senals and forts, great standing armies, and vast fleets of battleships ; and yet those are the very things which we wish to reduce to the lowest possible terms. Dr. Darby tells us that " an ounce of fact is worth tons of theory, and the simple fact is that not in spite of, but be- cause of, these huge armaments, the European nations are watching each other's movements with feline vigilance and sensitive anxiety. The policy of forming great armies and perfecting and increasing military weapons and supplies is not an insurance against the alarm of war, and therefore is not an insurance against war itself." " It is not within hu- man nature to have keen-edged tools constantly in hand, and not to use them." In the early days of the peace movement, a careful re- search into the causes of war among Christian nations was made by the leader of the Massachusetts Peace Society, and the report enumerated twenty-three wars from pride pro- voked or alarm excited by the defying array of military prep- aration which had been made, and from no other cause, whereas the annals of Christendom did not furnish a single instance in which it could be proved that war was averted by military preparations. The view that large standing arm- / War versus Peace 23 ies and powerful navies are a menace to peace is not the popular one ; especially the latter is considered to argue very powerfully in favor of peace — the surest safeguard of a nation, etc. But history does not prove such to be the case, for the nations in times past who have had the largest standing arm- ies and the most powerful navies have been at war the most. England, Germany, France, and Spain, though boasting both in the past, have during the past century spent more than one-fourth of their time on the battlefield. History also proves that the nations having the most powerful mili- tary equipments have not been in the business of guaran- teeing peace, and that they have not always been found on the side of justice, but because of their great power, they have been domineering and arrogant. The theory which these nations having powerful military equipments seem to hold is that " might makes right ;" that the only law which avails is the law of the strongest, to which all considerations of justice, reason, and religion must be subordinated. No greater delusion exists than this theory that right can always be decided by war. Brute force, over- coming the puny arm of rebellion, has been the history from the beginning until now — powerful navies crushing the life out of liberty and hope, a disgrace to civilization and a curse to religion. If might makes right, then let us by all means have the largest standing armies and the most powerful navies that can possibly be obtained. But if the principles of justice and the application of the Golden Rule are more powerful factors in the bringing about of universal peace, let us educate and train our citizens in these noble traits, and they will be just as ready to teach the nations of the world the better way as they now are to slay them in the deadly conflict of war. 24 War versus Peace What do the navies speak ? What is the meaning of forty- million-dollar battleships? In unmistakable terms they are saying that the nation owning them is getting ready for war ; they are expecting it ; they are looking for trouble ; they are practicing for destruction, and they will find all they are looking for. In the President's annual message to Congress but very little is said about the building of character in our boys and girls; a very short space is given to the uplifting of mankind; nothing whatever about Christianity; but much space is given to the importance of increasing our navy, making more proficient our standing armies, and making them both more attractive from point of pay, and otherwise, that more of our young men will enlist. It is a fact that the less that is said about the building up of the nation's char- acter, the more must be said about the enlisting of men for war. The less said about dealing justly with our neigh- bors, the more must be said about making more proficient our fighting forces ; for when Christianity and the building of character are on the decrease the chances for war become more prolific. Benjamin F. Trueblood has said that " it is selfish ambi- tion and its handmaid, brute force, which have been the cause of the downfall of every nation which has perished in the past." And it is a fact worthy of note that the moment the nation turns from trusting in God and doing the right to fellow-man she begins to wane as a power. Battleships and cruisers, ammunition ships, mine-laying ships, torpedo destroyers, are of no value to the nation corrupt in morals and slack in Christian principles, and the nations who have these noble traits do not need these destroyers of man and property. Congress will quickly appropriate millions of dollars to War versus Peace 25 build and equip these implements of war, but will not give even a small amount of money for the investigation of the evils which produce crime and degeneracy. It will even appropriate money for the prevention and cure of disease, but at the same time levy money for that which has done infinitely more mischief in the degrading of the morals and destruction of lives. But large navies and standing armies have not preserved peace in times past, and those who maintain that they are such a wonderful " guaranty of peace " will find, if they will fully inform themselves, that their belief is founded upon an exceeding shabby foundation. Did England's powerful navy in 1812 guarantee peace with the United States? Did her navy and army, though increased to far greater propor- tions, preserve peace with the Boers? Or did the military ability of the United States, recognized by everyone to be far superior in every way to that of Spain, preserve peace with that nation in 1898? Instance after instance might be given to show the fallacy of the old argument that in order to preserve peace we must be prepared for war. Nations using this means of preserving the peace seem to think that to have powerful battleships will so overawe weaker nations as to banish from their mind the thought of meeting them in war. To show the fallacy of such an argument it may be well to go back to the early settlement of the colon- ies. The men who settled Virginia tried to bring the In- dians into subjection by overawing them. They showed the Indian the dreadful effect of the musket, which, to the sav- age who had never known anything more deadly than the bow and arrow, seemed like a modern thirteen-inch gun to the people today. But the overawing refused to work, for the early history of Virginia is simply a continuation of strife and Indian massacres. 26 War versus Peace In direct contrast to this method of bringing peace, is the work of William Penn in the settlement of Pennsylvania, as given to us by historians. With no weapon to meet the savage but love for fellow-man, with no malice or ill-feeling toward any, but willing to call the copper-colored natives " my friends," he made a treaty that caused the Indian chiefs to say : " While the rivers run and the sun shines, we will live in peace with William Penn." No record was made of the treaty, for none was needed. Its terms were written, not on decaying parchment, but on the living hearts of men. No deeds of injustice or violence ever marred the sacred covenant. The Indians vied with the Quakers in keeping unbroken the pledge of perpetual peace. For more than seventy years, during which the province remained under the control of the Friends, not a single warwhoop was heard in their borders. The Quaker's coat and hat had proved a better armor to the wearer than coats of mail or muskets. Many nations today are without either navies or standing armies, and yet they are in no great danger of being de- stroyed. When the righting blood is in men, huge bulks of later-day scrap iron are powerless to quell the savage which is in the human breast. The British redcoats and England's almost unlimited resources had no terrors to the famished, half-starved, tax-burdened patriots of America. Russia's standing army of men and one of the most powerful navies failed to overawe the plucky Japanese. Where love, the ruling power of God, fails to quell the raging torrent of hatred, it will be useless for battleships, the folly of man, to intervene. But it is argued that it is right and just to be prepared with these implements of war in order that nations may defend themselves. Let us see. If it is right to kill in self-defense, why not rob in self-de- fense or lie in self-defense, or swear, or in fact commit any War versus Peace 27 crime in self-defense ? Where does the law come from that you may do wrong in self-defense ? Who is its author, and where in the New Testament do we find it practiced ? Not one single word in the Scriptures can be found to substan- tiate such an argument, whereas numerous passages can be cited that utterly condemn such a practice. War under any circumstances cannot be defended on Christian principles. The mere fact of a nation arming itself and building bat- tleships is a suspicious circumstance, and other nations, at any rate, look upon it as not done for defense, but as what it is — an actual menace. Grant, great warrior that he was, preferred the peaceful method of settling disputes, rather than the using of guns and weapons of destruction, for he said : " Though I have been trained as a soldier and have participated in many bat- tles, there never was a time when in my opinion some way could not have been found to prevent the drawing of the sword. I look forward to an epoch when a court recognized by all nations will settle international differences, instead of keeping large standing armies as they do in Europe." But so long as nations go on in their mad folly of building more and larger ships of war and increasing the standing army in numbers and efficiency, just that long will the better way of settling disputes be thrust in the background ; thus, instead of being a help to peace, they become a hindrance to peace. It is a sad fact that some of the nations of today are dilatory about forwarding the cause of universal peace, simply because they feel secure in their fortifications, their navies and their standing armies. No one dares to assume that God always gives the victory in war to the just cause. It must be admitted that arbitra- tion offers a better guaranty of a righteous decision than powder and shot. But so long as a nation's money and 28 War versus Peace many of her men and much of her interest are wrapped up in powder and shot, it will stand as a great barrier to the cause of arbitration as the best method of settling difficulties. On every battleship, in every navy yard, with every com- pany of armed men, across every military appropriation, should blazon forth the words of the God of the universe: " Thou shalt not kill." Some one has said that " war may be a glorious thing, but we do not want it, or preparations for it. It is humbug to say, ' If you want peace, be ready for war/ another conven- tional saying, but the lyingest maxim ever patented. Take Japan, armed to the teeth, prepared for war as no other na- tion ever was — admitted by everybody — did Japan escape war in 1896 and 1904? But she was tempted and fell into it. Just so. Take the Boers — the very cause of the Boer war, as declared in 1899 from the housetops of Carmelite Street and elsewhere, was the over-preparation of the Transvaal. Take the Germans in 1870, absolutely prepared down to the last button, as Moltke might have said, and as was actually said of their opponents, the French. Did either escape war? All history gives the falsehood to the maxim of the war lords. What has happened in the past will happen in the future." Armaments are clearly among the provocatives and incen- tives to war, the removal of which would promote peace. When men cannot fight, they are not so apt to be predis- posed to fight. Forces, on the other hand, almost inevitably carry with them the disposition to appeal to force. But what will become of the nations if they disarm ? Are they not in danger of being overrun and conquered by others who will not do so? This question might be answered by asking what is becoming of the nations today that never were armed. But suppose that a nation in disarming must War versus Peace 29 give up its nationality. Is it not far better to die in a right- eous cause than to live realizing the displeasures of God are resting upon it ? Individuals have been burned at the stake, hung on the cross, suffered death in many ways for a right- eous cause, but from their ashes, and shining forth from their very lives, the cause which they advocated sprung for- ward with redoubled force and influence. And that nation who, even though it should sacrifice its very existence for the cause of peace and good will to man, would be a mighty factor in teaching the doctrine it was willing to die for. But is there any real danger in a nation disarming? Should England disarm, would the United States invade her territory, slay her men, destroy her property ? The very idea is preposterous. Or if the United States were to disarm, where is the nation that is watching like the eagle for its prey to pounce upon us and destroy our government? That nation exists only in the fertile brain of our war lords, and in the imaginative minds of reporters and sensational writ- ers and office-seeking politicians. God's promise to his followers was, " Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end." When the Jewish Nation put their whole trust in God, battering-rams and other instru- ments of war were not needed to bring down the greatest walled cities. The Sword of the Lord and of Gideon was able to cause the enemies to fall upon each other and con- sume themselves, and the God of Justice still rules and di- rects those who put their trust in him. After the bloody struggle for Independence, when the representatives of the different colonies were assembled in New York, and had been working for days trying to frame a constitution suit- able to the new nation, Benjamin Franklin, making an elo- quent appeal to the assembly to open their daily sessions with prayer, said in part : " I have lived, sirs, a long time, and 30 War versus Peace the longer I live the more convincing proofs I see of the truth that God governs in the affairs of men, and if a spar- row cannot fall to the ground without his notice, is it prob- able that empires can rise without his aid?" There are mightier powers than navies, and stronger forces than standing armies, and this power and these forces are at the disposal of every nation who will away with their own conceit and lean upon God. Let the Song of David be the song of the nations : " The Lord is my rock and for- tress, a very present help in time of trouble." Let the sword of steel give way to the " Sword of the Spirit." As for the assertions that there are no other modes of settling disputes, we need but to point to the fact that al- ready, within the past century, over two hundred disputes have been settled without resorting to war — and more: if such an assertion were true, Jesus Christ must have been wrong ; as the world advances we are finding more and more that the truths which he taught are eternal truths, and that nation is the most civilized that is accepting his truths. " They who take the sword shall perish by the sword," should ring in the ears of our legislators, until appropri- ations for the building of battleships and the maintenance of military equipments shall cease. He teaches us to pray that his kingdom may come, and that prayer will never be answered by the creating of instruments, the whole purpose of which is to kill and destroy him who is created in the image of God. Jonathan Dymond says : " If the evidence which we pos- sess does not satisfy us of the expediency of confiding in God, what evidence do we ask, or what can we receive? We have his promise that he will protect those who abandon their seeming interests in the performance of his will. And we have the testimony of those who have confided in him, War versus Peace 31 that he has protected them. Can the advocate of war pro- duce one single instance in the history of man, of a person who had given an unconditional obedience to the will of heaven, and who did not find that his conduct was wise, as well as virtuous — that it accorded with his interests, as well as with his duty ? Where is the man who regrets that in ob- servance of the forbearing duties of Christianity he con- signed his preservation to the superintendence of God?" Nations are not building for the present only; national constitutions are not formed for the present generation alone, but for future time and for future generations also. To hand to the future generations a heritage of broken homes, bleeding hearts, hands embroiled in blood, and minds steeped in carnage, all because of mighty navies and terrible standing armies clamoring for something to do, and doing the thing they were made to do, is not dealing justly with either man or God, for God demands, and man can reason- ably expect, that each generation be a step upward in the scale of moral and spiritual development. But such has not been the case in the military career of the nations of the earth. Instead of lessening the possibilities of war by dimin- ishing the implements used in war, generation after genera- tion sees new and greater efforts put forth to bring into ex- istence more deadly weapons. The modern ironclad battle- ships of today are considered a wonderful improvement over the wooden hulks of fifty years ago. But instead of improv- ing the morals of a nation and lifting it to a higher plane of God's eternal love, they are a cankerous sore, eating into the very vitals of the nation, and year by year we can see their awful effects upon the lives of the people : from the marts of commerce, from the business life, from the professional life, are drawn the brain and blood of the nation to be used in that which cannot benefit humanity or advance the cause 32 War versus Peace of peace, and the nation's treasury drained in keeping up to a certain standard its fighting force, and paying for the rav- ages it has committed in times past. Why will nations not learn to use their men and money for that which will raise humanity, banish fear and hatred, and the spreading of love and good will to men? "They err who count it glorious to subdue By conquest far and wide, to overrun Large countries, and in field great battles win, Great cities by assault; what do these worthies, But rob, and spoil, burn, slaughter and enslave?" Never was a victory won by an army on the land or by ships of war on the sea, but what might have been won by means costing far less in both money and men. If these means are used to settle disputes between nations, they are surely crude and cruel means, and so long as there are bet- ter means, it is the business of the nations to insist that the best way be used. Dr. Evans Darby says : " By all means let the mind and body be developed to the utmost. But let it never be for- gotten that there is a higher purpose in all this culture than mere destruction ; that the human race has richer possibili- ties than can be reached on field of conquest or by wasting its energies in mutual conflict." The more that man will lean on his own inventions for development, the less will he confide in God for spiritual development ; and the more trust put in armies and navies, the less trust in Jehovah ; and because of this fact, God oft- times uses severe measures to show the nations that he is still the Ruler, and that man must sooner or later bow in sub- mission to his will. At the foundation of all war is the feeling of envy, hatred, and strife. Ever since the transgression of man, down to the War versus Peace 33 present time, there seems to be implanted in the heart of man a feeling of jealousy, arrogance, and combativeness, which on the least provocation bursts forth in a desire to slay him who has been created in the image of God. It man- ifested itself in the first child born into the world, and be- cause his brother offered a more excellent sacrifice than he, the spirit of jealousy was aroused, and he slew his brother. The sore displeasure of the Lord because of this act brought upon Cain the just punishment meted out to him; and the blood of Abel crying from the ground is the same voice pro- ceeding from the thousands who have been slain to satisfy the greed, the envy, and hatred of their slayers. No quarrel between individuals, or feud among families, or war among nations, can exist, except as they are fed on the fuel of envy, hatred and jealousy; and just in proportion as love supplants these fruits of the flesh will man cease learning the art of war. Nowhere in the annals of history do we find armies drawn in battle array, or cannon belching forth their missiles of destruction, or ships of war being built, launched and equipped with the most modern weapons of naval warfare, whereby they may sail over the waters, destroying life and property, because of too much love. No one claims that war has ever been waged in love to man. It stands exposed as an institution without divine sanction, drawing its strength, not from the principles of love and good will to man, but from the brute passions which still haunt mankind, and from the lower self-degrading motives of greed and selfishness, which are antagonistic to the very principles of Christianity. The commandment is, " Love one another," " resist not evil," " forgive seventy times seven," " overcome evil with good," " love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, pray for them that despitefully 34 War versus Peace use and persecute you." "All we are brethren," and the God of Love demands that we, in acknowledging him as " Our Father," also acknowledge our fellow-man as " my brother.". Let us notice again from the Scriptures : " Dear- ly beloved, avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto wrath, for it is written, Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord." " Recompense to no man evil for evil." " See that none render evil for evil unto any man, but ever follow that which is good, both among yourselves and to all men." " If when ye do well and suffer for it ye take it pa- tiently, this is acceptable with God." Indeed, to cite all the passages that bear directly or indirectly upon the point would be to transcribe a very considerable part of the New Testament. Many people, however, do not believe these scriptures are to be taken in a literal sense. But the blessed Savior and the apostles so very nobly exemplified these words by their lives as to plainly teach to any unprejudiced mind that Jesus meant just what he said. Mr. Dymond asks these pointed questions in connection with these passages of Scripture: " What is the meaning of ' Resist not evil ' ? Does it mean to allow bombardment, devastation and murder ? If it does not mean to allow all this, it does not mean to allow war. What, again, do the objectors say is the meaning of ' Love your enemies,' or ' Do good to them that hate you ' ? Does it mean ' ruin their commerce,' ' sink their fleets,' ' plunder their cities,' 'shoot through their hearts'? If the precept does not mean all this, it does not mean war. We are, then, not required to define what exceptions Christianity may ad- mit to the application of some of the precepts from the Mount, since whatever exceptions she may allow it is mani- fest what she does not allow : for if we give to our objectors whatever license of interpretation they may desire, they can- War versus Peace 35 not, either by honesty or dishonesty, so interpret the pre- cepts as to allow war." Nowhere, either from the teachings or example of Jesus Christ, would we be justified for any cause to slay our brother. Love to God and love to man are squarely con- tradictory to the precepts of war and its baneful results. To show more clearly that envy and strife are the predominating traits inciting men to warfare, we quote from W. E. Glad- stone, in his speech on " Warfare and Colonization," de- livered in Glasgow, in 1865 : " If we go back to a very early period of society, we find a state of things in which the first idea, almost, of those who desired to better their condition was simply to better it by the abstraction of their neighbor's property. In the early periods of society, piracy and un- restrained freebooting among individuals were what wars for the most part have been in the more advanced periods of human history. Why, what is the case with a war? It is a case in which both cannot be right, but in which both may be wrong. I believe that if the impartiality of the his- torian surveys a very large proportion of the wars that have desolated the world — some indeed there may be, and un- doubtedly there have been, in which the arm of valor has been raised simply for the cause of freedom and justice — that the most of them will be found to belong to that less satis- factory category in which folly, passion, greediness, on both sides, have led to effects which afterwards, when too late, have been so much deplored." Ambition, self-glory, boasting of our own achievements, belittling those of other countries, glorifying over their de- feat — this has been the method of our dealing with the na- tions, and the result has been war ; and war is the negation of both love and justice. It is the apotheosis of selfishness, hate and brute force. War is hate, Christianity is love. &6 War versus Peace War is hell, the Church is the Kingdom of Heaven. So there can be no possible relation existing between them. War, like other evils, may be overruled for good by the Al- mighty ; but it does not on that account cease to be evil. "To expect good will as the fruit of war is to look for figs on thistles." We hear the Apostle James saying, " From whence come wars and fighting among you ? Come they not hence, even of your lusts that war in your members ?" The apos- tle here reproved the Jews for their wars, and for their lusts as the cause of them. The Jews at this time were having many quarrels and wars with the Romans, and some of the corrupt Christians seem to have fallen in with the common quarrel, and the apostle gave them to understand that the origin of wars is not a true love for their country, but their prevailing lusts were the cause of it all. How different from the individuals who, because of their lusts and greed, are continually embroiling nations in dis- putes and wars, are the ones of whom Christ spoke when he said, " Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the children of God." A government is no more required to do wrong than an individual; and if it is blessings that are pronounced upon the individual for suppressing hatred and revenge, surely the smiles of high heaven will follow the nation that seeks peace and pursues it. Where in the training which the soldier receives do you find the broad, deep, unbounded love the New Testament inculcated? Are they not commanded to kill — to wreak vengeance on their enemies? Of what nature is that spirit which burns in the bosom of those who fight for hire? Is it the spirit of love, of forgiveness? Can there be love in the heart of that man who returns from the field exulting in the death of his foe ? Go to the army and hear the prayers there offered : When after having spent so much time in prepara- War versus Peace 37 tion for the battle and having been anxiously waiting the moment when he might slay his brother man, his prayer is that the bullet may reach the heart of the enemy ; " that the roar of the cannon be the requiem of thousands, and the sea- weeds be the winding sheets of men." Ah ! no sane person can say that this is all in the spirit of love, that man may be made the better, and that God's name be glorified. Paul says that " love worketh no ill to its neighbor ;" and no one will claim that men will shoot each other and cut each other to pieces just to make them more tender hearted. How is love to God or man to be reconciled to the pande- monium of a battlefield with all the evil passions which pro- duced it, and which in turn it engenders ? How can it be that a man loves God, when he is doing his utmost to de- stroy man, the highest of his created beings ? and how can it be that man loves his fellow-man, when he is using all the power that man's infirmity can devise to take his life and de- stroy his property? The very spirit of war engenders strife and jealousy. Expert chemists, skilled engineers, men of inventive genius, are required to do their utmost in bringing forth weapons of war that will kill the greatest number of people and destroy the most property. Some inventors, in- deed, seem to have noble purposes in inventing weapons of destruction. Mr. Nobel is said to have tried to get such pow- erful explosives as to make war an impossibility, because it would exterminate the whole human race. But he was an ex- ception. By far the great majority have the feeling of envy and hatred as their motives. The idea in war is to disarm the enemy. Besiege him, starve him, slay him: and to this end everything has been lawful. The Black Hole of Calcutta, Andersonville Prison, the awful atrocities at the battle of Yalu, during the China- Japanese war, and hundreds of other instances, are scathing 38 War versus Peace monuments to the fact that war breeds hatred. What can be expected of the men who are spurred on by leaders who have nothing but hatred and revenge in their hearts ? Such expressions as " Give them hell," " Shoot straight and often," " Don't give up," and similar ones clearly show the spirit of the leaders. How different from these are the words of the Master : " If thine enemy hunger, feed him. If he thirsts give him drink. For in so doing thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head." Envy, hatred, and jealousy are relics of barbarism. Love and good will is the apex of civilization, and the more that nations will learn to cultivate these traits, the less use will they find for guns and implements of war. True, it is said that some wars are fought for the cause of humanity, but humanity embraces a vast amount of people, and while one side may be benefited, some one must suffer. To bring this more fully before the mind, let us take the Spanish-Ameri- can War. It was freely stated by the men who advocated this war, and by the press, that this was a war for humanity. The downtrodden, liberty-loving, brave-hearted, honest-mo- tived inhabitants of the West Indies were held up before the people in the most pathetic and heartrending terms, and yet the real cause of the war was the supposition that Spain had by foul means blown up one of our warships. It is doubtful if the war with Spain would have been a reality had it not been for this unfortunate occurrence. We had been willing as a nation to see the same treatment practiced by Spain up- on her colonies for many years, but so long as it did not in- terfere with the business of the United States we were not so much concerned. The same treatment which the Cubans received was given to the inhabitants of the Philippines, but prior to this war they were almost an unknown people to the United States, showing clearly that the outrages on hu- War versus Peace 39 manity were not the only causes of the war. We closed our eyes to the sufferings and unjust punishments inflicted upon the helpless subjects in the Congo Free State by King Leo- pold. The persecuted Jews and the starving, tax-burdened peasants of Russia, the atrocities inflicted upon the Jews in Turkey, should have been just as great objects of pity and mercy as the citizens of Cuba. And if war to free them from the yoke of bondage was justifiable, why not war with all these other nations who are mistreating and keeping in degradation their subjects? The plain, unadulterated truth with this war, as with all other wars, is that there was a spirit of hatred and revenge which caused the United States to act in a hasty declaration of war. A second sober Consideration of the difficulties involved would in all prob- ability have resulted in a peaceable settlement, and would have been far more in accordance with the teaching of a Christian nation. No wars are humane; for the piercing with the sword, the wholesale destruction of property, the breaking of mothers' hearts, the making of widows and or- phans, the exciting of the lower passions of man, envy, ha- tred and strife, are not characteristics of true humanity. Well has Tolstoi said that " if the object of nations is to advance civilization, it is perfectly easy to suppose that there are ways for the propagation of civilization more expedient than the destruction of men and their property." If the slaying of men and the destroying of property is the means to advance civilization, why may not the civilized nations continue this wholesale destruction of life and property? If it works so admirably at one time, by continuing it, civil- ization would soon reach a state of perfection. Let us notice the description of a battle as given to us by a historian : " Men fired in each other's faces, not five feet apart. There were bayonet thrusts, cutting with sabres, pis- 40 War versus Peace tol shots, cool, deliberate movements on the part of some, hot, passionate, despairing efforts with others, hand-to-hand contests. There was recklessess of life, tenacity of purpose, oaths, curses, yells, hurrahs, shouting. Men went down, some on their faces, some leaping into the air with exclama- tions wrung from their hearts. There were ghastly heaps of dead, where the cannon tore open the ranks." This sad picture of strife and woe and awful death, duplicated time after time during every war — and yet in the face of all this, some dare say that wars are humane. Past experience has proven that when nations are in- fluenced by real or imaginary violations of their rights, jus- tice is largely a matter of afterthought. Let the broad term of humanity be measured by some other standard than dol- lars and cents, and let the fellow-feeling of love go out to more than those at your door, and nations will not be so reckless in plunging into war. When selfishness is in the ascendancy the animal nature gains the supremacy, and war is the result. What was considered just cause for war a cen- tury ago would be considered a mere trifle at present. This is because the love of God is being shed abroad more and more in the hearts of men, making it more difficult for men to find a just cause for slaying each other. One of the war correspondents during the Boer war tells us that he has passed his entire life among soldiers, and this is what he has to say about the spirit which war excites: " War raises to the surface the worst passions and vices of men, and whoever expects soldiers, whether they be English, French, German, or Boers, to act in the heat of battle as a gentleman would act in a London drawing room, has very little knowledge of the ferocity latent in human nature. When life and death are the stake for which men play, chiv- alry and mercy are easily forgotten, and the original savage War versus Peace 41 reappears, not much changed from the primeval time." What this war correspondent has said about the action of the soldier in the thickest of the fight is the opinion of all who have seen war in its terrible conflict and strife. You cannot expect the rose to thrive in the dark, marshy at- mosphere of a cave; neither will the noble virtues of love, justice, and mercy abound in the dark, gloomy atmosphere of war, the breeding place of vengeance, hatred and murder. Too often it is that nations, as individuals, lose sight of who their neighbor is. The idea of treating him who lives next door with more respect than the stranger is as old as humanity. But Jesus Christ gave to the world a much broader meaning to the word " neighbor " than had ever been known before, and nations have not yet learned the true meaning of his definition. The Jews as a nation needed the lesson as Christ gave it to them, for they had very con- tracted views about their neighbors. They would not put an Israelite to death for killing a Gentile, for he was -not his neighbor. If they saw a Gentile in danger of death, they thought themselves under no obligations to help save his life. But Jesus abrogated that idea for the better one of considering everyone in need as my neighbor. The despised Samaritan, who was no better than a dog, in the estimation of the Jew, proved himself the most valuable neighbor to the helpless Jew. Regardless of the condition of our fellow- man, or his color, or his abode, he is my neighbor, and de- serves the same courteous treatment that is accorded to 11 my brother " ; for " We are all brethren." States have long since learned this lesson. A difficulty arises between two States ; but instead of mustering an army and invading the offender's territory, the difficulty is peace- ably settled by the courts. There exists that feeling of love for each other that will cause a sacrifice on the part of 42 War versus Peace one or both rather than to take up arms. The different States are looked upon as neighbors. And yet our vision is blurred and our ideas narrow and contracted. For the same God who brought into existence our own beloved government also created other nations and governments, and the nation who has had the scales of envy and prejudice removed from its eyes will be just as ready to sacrifice its own interests in order that humanity may indeed be bettered, for the common ties of humanity transcend the ties of na- tionality, and a man's duty to the narrower sphere of his country is of a less high order than the duty he owes to the wider community of the world. " If you teach men to re- gard one another as brothers, whose common country is humanity, if you teach them that the differences of race and language which at present divide them are as nothing com- pared with the bonds that unite them, if you teach them that the frontiers between countries are of no more significance than the boundaries between parishes or counties, you will be able to dispense with these enormous armaments which are at present such a disgrace to civilization." Let the nations reject the sword upon the convictions that all wars and fightings are wrong in the sight of heaven, and acknowledge the brotherhood of man. Let a reign of mercy and justice supersede a reign of the sword and cannon ball. Let this in deed and truth be a century of love and good will rather than one of hatred and vengeance. For when charity, which is the bond of perfectness, shall take the place of hatred, then shall be fulfilled the prophecy of Isaiah: "They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks." The present method of nations in dealing with each other is a square contradiction. On the surface there seems to be a feeling of love and respect. In the commercial relations there is the keenest competition, War versus Peace 43 yet it is carried on in a fair, business-like manner. Nations receive diplomatic visitors from other countries with cere- monies befitting their station, and yet, with all this, a very small matter will immediately sever all peaceful relations between the disputing nations. Just as true as love begets love it is that hate begets hate, and so long as nations continue to build warships and main- tain standing armies, so long will the eye of suspicion be cast upon the nation. The very heart of man must change before he can be in a proper attitude to treat his fellow-man as his brother, and so must the great throbbing heart of the nation be changed from the darkness of hatred and strife, with all of their attending miseries, to the marvelous light of love, before it is in a proper attitude to treat other na- tions as neighbors. Missionaries are being sent to China to teach them about the great love of God. Christian educators are being sent to Japan to tell them of the beauty of the Christian religion. But powerful warships are being equipped to teach them of the destructive power of man. The converting of the In- dians in the colonization of America failed, for on the same ship with the missionary who came to teach him love came also the musket to teach him submission, and the two will never harmonize. When you strike a man in the face it will take a lot of argument to convince him that you love him ; and when nations will shoot down the strongest of the citi- zens of a country or destroy its property to the amount of millions of dollars they need not be told that there is hatred and vengeance connected with it. The act shows that. Let us beware how we encourage vengeance. The powerful na- tion of today may become the weak nation of tomorrow, and as we have taught the weak nations of today, so will they act tomorrow. 44. War versus Peace Let the application of the golden rule be extended to the regions beyond our own boundaries, and instead of the deadly roar of the cannon and the clanking of the musketry and the beating of the drum calling men to face each other in deadly combat, will we see the fulfillment of the glad tidings of the heavenly host on that Christmas morning, " Peace on earth, good will to men I" "Twas man himself Brought death into the world; and man himself Gave keenness to his darts, quickened his pace, And multiplied destruction on mankind. First envy, eldest-born of Hell, embrued Her hands in blood, and taught the sons of man To make a death which nature never made, And God abhorred; with violence rude to break The thread of life ere half its length was run, And rob a wretched brother of his being. With joy ambition saw, and soon improv'd The execrable deed. 'Twas not enough By subtle fraud to snatch a single life — Puny impiety! — whole kingdoms fell To taste the lust of Power: more horrid still, The foulest stain and scandal of our nature Because its boast. One murder made a villain, Millions a hero. Princes were privileg'd To kill, and numbers sanctified the crimes. Ah! Why will kings forget that they are men? And men that they are brethren? Why delight In human sacrifice? Why burst the ties Of nature, that should knit their souls together In one soft bond of unity and love? Yet still they breathe destruction, still go on Inhumanly ingenious to find out New pains for life, new terrors for the grave, Artificers of death! Still monarchs dream Of universal empire growing up From universal ruin. Blast the design, War versus Peace 45 Great God of Hosts, nor let thy creatures fall Unpitied victims at Ambition's shrine!" — Bishop Porteus. CHAPTER II The Evils of War Those who have participated in war and have been actually engaged in its death struggle, and have seen the thousands of slain on the battlefield, and realized that there were tens of thousands afflicted with wounds which often resulted in death after days of awful agony, or those who keenly feel the loss of relatives and friends slain by the cruel hand of war, or who have felt the want and distress of body and mind, do not need to be told about the demoralizing effect of war. When such men as General Sherman, who had been through war, and seen it in all its glory, pomp and splen- dor, and who also saw it in all of its awful misery and woe, pronounced it hell, it would seem that we need no further evidence that the effect of war upon a nation or people is anything but elevating: and yet there are those who today declare that war has a stimulating effect, even on the morals of a nation. " For, as the lightning clarifies the atmosphere and rids it of all impurities, so," say they, "war tends to get rid of all dross, and rids the country of much that is degrading." They might have carried the simile a little farther, and said that as the lightning strikes down the mighty trees of the forest and tears asunder the strongest of buildings, and many times leaves nothing but the ashes of a once prosperous place, so war strikes down thousands of the brave, and leaves nothing but utter ruin in its wake. Every nation can testify to this that has gone through the terrible crisis 46 War versus Peace 47 of war. The strongest of her men are either killed or wounded. Her land is laid waste, her cities pillaged and burned, her commerce destroyed, her religion at low ebb, her education neglected, and the tens of thousands of other things that go to make a powerful nation, are either totally destroyed, or crippled. The United States today has not fully recovered from the terrible ravages of the Civil War. Every veteran who fought in either the North or the South, whose tottering steps and shattered health bespeak the awful hardships of that great struggle, every pension appropri- ation for either the soldier or his widow, are witnesses today that the baneful effects of that war are still with us. The very word " war " brings before us a picture of evils, both social and moral. To see men in- flamed by the heat of passion and hate, with weapons of destruction in their hands, their eyes betraying the sav- agery in man, an appetite thirsting for blood, a heart full of evil thoughts and imaginations, is to see a picture of reality as it exists in every war, when men take it upon themselves to do murder. It naturally follows that in destroying life and property you also destroy the nobler traits of manhood, as freedom, honesty, virtue ; and in destroying these you destroy the very things that make life worth living. The finer instincts of man, which are rounds in the ladder leading to nobler views and the full development of the moral man, are lost sight of in the mad rush for the blood of fellow-man. Nothing can reconcile the sav- age in man to the love and justice which the Christ- life inspires : " For the carnal mind is enmity to God " — and as war springs from the carnal mind, it follows that all the crimes and offenses that the carnal mind of 48 War versus Peace man is subject to will be perpetrated by war. Macaulay says, describing the conditions of the Ital- ians during the invasion of the French, Spanish and Ger- mans, that " the northern invaders had brought want to their board, infamy to their beds, fire to their roofs, and the knife to their throats." " No language," says Draper, speaking of the condi- tion of Rome after the Civil War, " can describe the ter- rible condition existing in that city. The social fabric was a festering mass of rottenness. The city was hell. No crime that the annals of history can show was left unperpetrated. Remorseless murder, the betrayal of par- ents, husbands, wives, friends, poisoning reduced to a system, adultery degenerating into incest, and crimes that cannot be written." But such are the conditions in every war, for they are the fruits of war: and no more can figs grow on thistles, than fruits of love, joy and peace spring from war. If war is an argument of savages, a relic of bar- barism, a species of hell, it only follows that its effects upon the people engaging in it will be depraving, brutal- izing, and hellish. No nation emerges from a war as pure as when it went into it. No individual, whether honorably or dishonorably discharged, is the clean, pure man he was when he enlisted, for from his hands drip the blood of his fellow-man, his appetite craves for things damnable, the lusts of the flesh have a firm hold upon him, and the condemnation of God rests upon him. Thousands of them never return to grief-stricken parents or a broken-hearted wife. War knows no mercy, deals not in love, and is a stranger to justice. Its record is one of ceaseless butcheries, relentless murders and ig- nominious deaths. War versus Peace 49 " I am War. The upturned eyeballs of Piled dead men greet my eye, And the sons of mothers perish — and I laugh to see them die — Mine the demon-lust for torture, Mine the devil-lust for pain And there is to me no beauty Like the pale brows of the slain! * * * * Pagan, heathen, and inhuman, Devilish as the heart of hell, Wild as chaos, strong for ruin, Clothed in hate unspeakable — So they call me — and I care not — Still I work my waste afar, Heeding not your weeping mothers And your widows — I am War!" One of the peculiar, demoralizing conditions resulting* from war is the fact that while all or nearly all the na- tions are willing to admit that war is deteriorating in its results, they are not willing to cease from making constant preparation for war. It seems that a different kind of morality exists for the individual than does for the nation. Reason and common sense tell the individual, when he is in the wrong, and knows it, to turn from his sin: "Cease to do evil, and learn to do well. ,, Regard- less of what others may do, the state requires of each individual that he do right, deal justly, and live an up- right life. Not so with the nation, as regards war. Acknowledging that it is wrong, greatly to be deplored, yet they insist in levying money and men in order to be prepared for war. And not only this, but after having started in a bloody conflict, and been brought face to face with the fact that their cause is not a just one, they will not cease, but go on in the terrible carnage, soothing 50 War versus Peace their conscience with the devil's own medicine, that " the end will justify the means." This action on the part of the nation cannot fail to produce a very evil effect upon its citizens. The thief can say with equal justice that, though he knows it is wrong to steal, yet, as he has started in that direction, he must continue; likewise the murderer, the perjurer, the adulterer — in fact, all the criminals can justify themselves by the acts of their own country. The state insists that the murderer be apprehended and punished for his crime, and yet that same nation will go into the business of slaying men on a wholesale basis. Is a human life sacred at all other times, and yet a mere trifle in the time of war? By what set of rules and what manner of reasoning is it that " One murder makes a villain, Millions a hero "? The law demands that he who plunders or steals or robs shall be arrested, brought to trial, convicted. It even provides that suitable buildings be erected for the de- tention of this class of criminals. But the same nation making these laws goes into the business of destroying crops, plundering cities, robbing homes of boys that have been raised by praying mothers. No wonder there is no more respect for the law. A fountain rises no higher than its source, and so long as nations are in the murder business they can expect to turn out a lot of murderers. If a state is in the business of making targets of human bodies in time of war, it is very probable that individuals will use the same kind of targets in time of peace. Think of the impressions that are made upon the minds of those who are eyewitnesses War versus Peace 51 of battles. As we hear described the awfulness of war, it is no wonder that the individuals become fiendish and hellish in their motives, even when peace is declared. Let us notice what eyewitnesses have to say about it : " Also several villages were burned, and the scene on the field was terrible. Miles of ground were covered with dead and wounded of both sides. Crippled and emaciated horses were to be seen dragging themselves slowly along, while others were horribly mutilated. I counted in one little spot forty-one dead, including a major pierced through the heart. He lay on his back, sword in hand." And this from Dr. Bussell concerning the Battle of Woerth : " Never have I beheld a sight so extraordinary as I came on by the little streamlet, the Sauer, which flows by Gunstett. There were heaps of cuirasses still bright, and brass helmets with plumes, which had been taken from the dead, wounded and pris- oners, and piled at intervals along the road. Between these lay saddles, swords stuck in the ground, horse trap- pings, valises, here and there single cuirasses, dead horses, helmets, swords, muskets, the ground trampled, the vines beaten down, pools of blood, a foul, sour smell everywhere — this literally for two miles on either side of the road. By half-past four the Prussians were masters of the whole field. In twenty minutes every house in Woerth was filled with the wounded and the dying. Such a scene I never saw, and I hope I may never see again. The streets of the village were literally paved with dead. At one place it was impossible to walk without treading on the dead or the dying. Such fearful wounds, too, as those from which the poor fellows were suffering, are very difficult to describe — the hideous disfiguration, the number of men whose very features seemed to be shot 52 War versus Peace away, and the gory mass of quivering human flesh every- where visible, are not easily forgotten." Can it be denied, then, that " war — and the same thing is true of the war spirit, and of that product of it which is called militarism — is degrading to the character and destructive of the moral senses and the finer feeling of the nation, and it engenders a spirit which tends to make this degradation permanent and the destruction final? In its poisonous and blighting atmosphere, the graces of Christianity and the ' Imitation of Christ ' are altogether impossible." What can you expect of men turned loose from army life, where such occurrences as we have just described are constantly taking place in time of war? Surely the nation is responsible for the character of its citizens. Our legislators are looking for and devising means by which the lives of employees are to be more secure, which is a good thing. But why not carry it a little farther and devise laws that will protect the citizens from the awful atrocities of war? — and this can be done by simply ruling war out altogether. We are shocked when we read of the lives lost in a mine explosion or railway accident. But listen to this from Charles Dickens, on a great battle : " So when the splendid charge has done its work and passed by, there will be found a sight very much like the scene of a frightful railway accident. There will be the full com- plement of backs broken in two, of arms twisted wholly off, of men impaled upon their own bayonets, of legs smashed up like bits of firewood, of heads sliced open like apples, of other heads crunched into soft jelly by iron hoofs of horses, of faces trampled out of all likeness to anything human : this is what skulks behind a splendid War versus Peace 53 charge ; this is what follows as a matter of course when 1 Our fellows rode at them in style,' and cut them up famously." A railway accident or a mine explosion or mangling of life or limb in the factory, is purely accidental ; all that can reasonably be done in order to avoid these accidents is done. But not so in case of war. Nations go into war voluntarily, knowing beforehand that all these mur- ders and crimes, all this misery and woe, will be com- mitted. When the nations must stand before God at the judgment bar, who shall answer for the shrieks and cries of agony, the thousands upon thousands of deaths that have resulted from these wars? Whatever dignity you may give to warfare, this fact remains, that when the scene of carnage has once opened, deceit and thievery, murdering and destruction is the programme of the day — and all this in the name of the government — so-called Christian government. The treacherous methods em- ployed by these so-called Christian nations in enforcing their laws and upholding their honor, are a reproach to the very name of Christ. " To save life, not to kill, was his employ, Who gave his life a ransom for the race, And by his dying won true life for all: And his continued work from day to day — 'The Christianity of Christ '—is still The work of saving life. The Christian man May give his own; his brother's may not take." And so it follows that the nations should either revise their moral code, or else give to their citizens more liber- ties in licentiousness — not condemn in the individual what they as nations condone. It is not reasonable that they should forbid arson, adultery, murder, burglary, ly- 54 War versus Peace ing, theft, to the individual, and yet uphold war, which includes them all. Ernest H. Crosby says : " Every age has had its bar- barism. We wonder now at slavery, at the hanging of boys for stealing a shilling, at imprisonment for debt, at the torture of witnesses, at the rack and thumbscrew and stake. Are we to suppose that our age is the first with- out any sanctified barbarism, and if not, what barbarism of the day is so conspicuous as war? No, it is an awful hallucination, a fatal delusion, that war can be Chris- tian. Let us fill our hearts with love and look forth upon our enemies with that love, and we shall see clearly that a Christian war is as impossible as a Christian mur- der." But the astounding thing about the whole business is that nations, while acknowledging the wrong, insist that they must go on in that wrong. Such a course, if per- sisted in, cannot fail to bring very baneful results. " He that knoweth to do good and doeth it not, to him it is sin," and " Sin, when it is finished, bringeth forth death." These truths are just as applicable to the nation as to the individual. Demoralizing as the conditions are in actual warfare, when men commit murder and glory in it, it is no worse than the conditions which exist in every nation today in times of peace. Let us notice the qualifications necessary to enlist in either the army or navy. Men between the ages of sev- enteen and thirty-five years, of sound physique, are so- licited to enlist for a certain number of years. Special in- ducements are held out to them at the end of that time to reenlist. Now from where do these men come? They come from the farm, from the shop, from the desk, from the home, a continual drain upon the legitimate industries War versus Peace 55 of our country, of our strongest men — men who are need- ed in these industries. When the strongest are taken, the weakest are left; and so the nation is being replen- ished, not by the strongest, but by the weakest. " It is said that the stature of the average Frenchman of today is shorter by at least one inch than it was before the Napoleonic wars. The men with the best physique are needed in the army, and the majority of them perished, leaving the weaker ones at home, to pro- create the race/' And not only this, but many of the men enlisting in the army and navy are individuals of the blackest char- acter — men who have led astray virtuous girls, and use the army as a means of covering their crime; men who prove false to their wives, and enlist in hopes of covering their sin ; men whose hearts are as black as sin, whose motives are devilish, whose love for country is a farce: and side by side with these men, are young men who are true and virtuous. But a constant association with such black characters will finally contaminate the good. Many of our noble young men have enlisted in the army, who knew nothing about drink, but when their time of enlistment expired they had the appetite for intoxicating liquors, which resulted in a drunkard's grave, and an everlasting hell, for it is a sad fact that a vast majority of the men who fill our armies and navies are addicted to drink. The statistics taken from the standing army of one of the great nations show that among 90,000 hon-cornmisi- sioned officers and men, 18,400 fines for drunkenness were imposed, while among the punishments inflicted by court-martial, 968 were for drunkenness on duty and 800 when not on duty, besides more than 10,000 other of- 56 War versus Peace fenses, many of which undoubtedly had their origin in drink and bad company. In our own standing army, men who do not drink are the exception. In order to be one of the boys and be respected by them, it is expected that the soldier drink. But not only along the line of intemperance do we see the demoralizing influences of war, but all the vices and crimes that accompany drinking. When a regiment of soldiers, traveling through the country, comes to a city, about the first question they will ask is in regard to the house of ill fame, where sin and wickedness and debauchery reign supreme. These are not imaginations, but facts. Our soldiers may be pure when they enlist, but very few come home to mother and sister with that purity and righteousness which is so necessary to the welfare of a nation. In the annual report of the Secretary of War for the year 1906 we find that for the American army proper the total number of admissions to sick report was B, 742, and that "venereal diseases were again by far the most important affecting the efficiency of the army dur- ing the year, causing nineteen per cent of all admissions, fifteen per cent of all discharges, and thirty per cent of all non-effectiveness for disease. There were constantly on sick report, for this class of disease, 710 men, equal to the loss for the entire year of the service of about eleven full companies of infantry." Think of it. Out of a total of 58,368 enlisted men, 710 of them in the hospital or under medical care for a disease that is the result of the most terrible of sins, and we are to infer that only a small majority of those who are defiling themselves, throwing away their character, giv- War versus Peace 57 ing up their manhood, ever come under care of medical treatment. Many of the soldiers do not understand these awful conditions on enlisting, and when brought face to face with the fact that only a very small majority of the men who compose our army are really upright, virtuous men, they are ready to quit — fifty-eight per cent of all the de- sertions during the year 1906 were desertions of men in their first year of service, and considerably more than half of these desertions were during the first six months of service. Sixteen per cent of the desertions occurred among men in their second year of service, and three per cent among those in their third year. Would you expect a young man who had been raised in a Christian home, taught to respect virtue and modesty, to enlist in the army, and then stay in a place where these things are strangers? In a majority of cases it is one of two things, either desert or stay and himself become con- taminated with these sins. It is almost impossible for him to avoid these' evils. The surest way is to avoid the army. Frederick Lemons says that " in spite of the many moral men they undoubtedly contain, standing armies are hotbeds of vice. The grouping of thousands of un- married men in garrisons and camps without honest labor to keep body and mind pure, and with but little stimulus to self-improvement, causes, as at Aldershot, whole streets of bad houses to spring up in their neighborhood, with hundreds of camp followers to crowd them, whose condition is such that the military and medical officers clamor for special acts to enable the soldiers to sin with impunity with other men's daughters." Look at it as we may, study it as we please, the fact remains that 58 War versus Peace standing armies and navies are a demoralizing element in society, and will remain so just as long as it is the policy of nations to destroy those who will not submit to them or who trample upon their honor. True, there are some noble exceptions, and, were it not for these exceptions, standing armies and navies would be such a horrible mass of rotten humanity that no na- tion would tolerate it for a day. The education given to the soldiers too often consists in an education of vice and crime. Daily drills and marches, polished steel, medals, titles — these can never take the place of an unsullied character. Mr. Gladstone says : " So far from making noble, chaste, upright, un- selfish men, we do not hesitate to affirm, from years of acquaintance with the results of army life, that soldiering is eminently fitted to produce men of a precisely opposite type, and that it is producing them." General Smith declared the profession of a soldier to be " a damnable profession," and some one else has said that the reason war was hell was because " it trans- formed men into devils." The profession of the soldier is not like most other professions, in that he is compelled to stay the length of time for which he has enlisted. Though he may find the army life preying upon his morals, sapping his manhood, depriving him of the Chris- tian privileges which every citizen should enjoy, yet he must remain, or suffer as a deserter. No excuse will free him from his contract. He may have been, and often is, over-persuaded to enlist. Many enlist to drown other sorrows and disappointments. But all of these things avail nothing towards releasing him from service. As a slave he must toil at a work which may be revolting to his conscience, and which is demoralizing to his War versus Peace 59 character. No one thinks of looking to the army as a standard for morality, and as for true heart-religion, it is an unknown quantity. Dymond says that " the fact is too notorious to be in- sisted upon, that thousands who had filled their stations in life with propriety, and been virtuous from principle, have lost by a military life both the practice and regard of morality, and when they have become habituated to the vices of war, have laughed at their honest and plod- ding brethren who are still spiritless enough for virtue, or stupid enough for piety." Robert Hall says : " War reverses, with respect to its objects, all the rules of morality. It is nothing else but a temporary repeal of all the principles of virtue. It is a system out of which almost all the virtues are excluded, and in which nearly all the vices are incorporated." What, then, can we expect of men who are engaged in a profession whose very objects are hellish? It is true that war has brought out the sympathetic side of hu- manity, for were it not for the ennobling influence of the Red Cross, and other like societies, whose purpose is to alleviate the sorrow and suffering of war, war simply could not be endured. But, terrible as are the demoralizing conditions of mili- tary preparations in times of peace, it is as nothing com- pared to the awful conditions during actual hostilities, for it is then that all the pent up hatred and vice and devilishness that have been brewing in times of peace are given free license, and war after war, battle after battle, are bloody, reeking, seething monuments to the fact that men are making the worst of it. Rev. Sydney Smith, in a sermon preached in St. Paul's cathedral on the accession of Queen Victoria, said in 60 War versus Peace part: "All the atrocious crimes committed in years of peace, all that is spent in peace by the secret corruption, or by the thoughtless extravagance of nations, are mere trifles compared with the gigantic evils which stalk over the world in a state of war. God is forgotten in war — every principle of Christian charity trampled upon — hu- man labor destroyed ; you see the son, and husband, and the brother, dying miserably in distant lands ; you see the waste of human affections ; you see the breaking of hu- man hearts ; you hear the shrieks of widows and children after the battle; and you walk over the mangled bodies of the wounded calling for death." History brings forward many examples of womanhood, mothers who, with a heart exulting with joy, laid their sons upon the altar of sacrifice for their country's flag; wives with babies clinging to their breast, who gave the husband and father a last long farewell, glad that such a noble man could go to help maintain the " nation's hon- or " ; sweethearts who lingered long and loving at the trysting place, and who renewed their vows of love and faithfulness, their hearts beating with joy and pride that their lovers were going to win new glories on the field of blood. But ah, it fails to state that while they are sending them with a heart of joy, they are sending them with weapons that mean death, they are sending them to pierce the heart with bullets, or send men to the bottom of the sea, or mangle for life, and while they are doing this, they are bringing untold misery and woe to other lives, for every man falling on the field of blood means that some mother, or some wife, or father, or sweetheart, is going to pine away in a life of sorrow and grief. Every victory means a defeat, and both on the field of blood mean disgrace and the condemnation of God Almighty. War versus Peace 61 The nation's flag bathed in blood speaks of agonizing hearts, broken homes, blackened characters, made so by the hellish practice of slaying man, hands dripping with blood of those slain, who were created in God's own im- age, and all this a greater national dishonor than to have our commerce destroyed, our cities burned, our colonies taken from us by a foreign foe. " National honor ! " Oh, what crimes are committed in its name ! What tears, what sorrows, what anguish, what suffering! Verestchagin, the Russian artist, who has done much for humanity by putting upon the canvas the awfulness of war, describes the transportation of the wounded from Plevna to the Danube during the Russo- Turkish War thus, as recorded bv A. W. Brown in " War Scenes in Word Pictures " : " The whole road be- tween the battlefield and the river was thronged with rude country bullock carts, and what with the primitive construction of the vehicles and the execrable roads, the agonies of the wounded were horrible beyond descrip- tion. In the heat and the dust the most trifling wounds gangrened and became mortal." When at length the town of Plevna fell into the hands of the Russians, Verestcha- gin visited some of the houses crowded with the sick and wounded, and he says : " No words can express the horrors — the fetid air, the filth, and in the midst of it all, nothing but death. Now and again something stirred in a corner under a heap of rags, showing that life was not quite extinct. ,, Anyone who cares to plunge deeper into the abyss of horror will find among the Daily News correspondence (Russo-Turkish War, 11 P. 192) a detailed account of how more than one thousand bodies (some of them still warm and breathing), were dragged forth by the heels-^ C2 War versus Peace "the heads bumping from step to step with sickening thuds," to be piled half-naked in the carts in the public street, "jammed in solidly, with head or legs hanging over the side," and how, some of them, slipping off every now and then into the mud, they were flung into pits without the walls — "Unwept, unhonored, and unsung." Mastered by the Russians, the miserable remnants of the Turkish army became prisoners of war, and by the close of the siege winter had set in with intense frosts and blinding snowstorms. Verestchagin says: "The road from Plevna to the Danube for a distance of thirty or forty miles, was literally strewn with the bodies of frozen, wounded Turks. The frost set in so suddenly and with such severity that the brave defenders of Plevna, in their stiff, frozen overcoats, were too weak to resist it, and fell on the road, sitting and lying in the snow. They moved hands and feet as though they longed to be moving, but were powerless. The next day their movements became less, and they lay by the hundreds, prostrate on their backs, moving lips and fingers, as they gradually and slowly froze to death. For the first few days there was nobody to remove the dead and dying, so that passing carts and carriages crushed their bodies into the snow, and rendered it impossible to extricate them without spoiling the road." And to such scenes as this, our mothers, wives and sweethearts are sending their beloved ones, either to be among those who are suffering untold hardships, or among those inflicting these punishments. But, while there may be, and are, a few women who are gladly send- ing their loved ones to the field of suffering and de- struction, there are thousands who are consenting only after tears and entreaties are all in vain. For ofttimes it 5* O Ph g°£ OSt- O £ £ ^ be B U M 1-1 <=> >>, « N ft Ph fi O 5 O £ ■£ >> S3 > a o * S o War versus Peace 63 means to them a life spent in poverty, home life spent in darkness, and a heart filled with sorrow. " I am a Widow, and I ask Who set my husband murder's task? Who put the sword within his hand, With blood to deluge all the land? Who sovereign crowned of life and death, This War god who has stilled his breath? " I am an Orphan, and I plead That I have of my father need: I want from him my daily bread; I want his blessing on my head; I want his love, this is my prayer — The wife, the child, need father's care. "I am a Mother, and I weep A son too early doomed to. sleep; What pain and anguish have I known, For this my son to manhood grown — And now the lonely, weary day, Without his smile upon my way." Above the roar of the cannon and the groans of the wounded and dying, above the rattling of musketry, the beating of iron hoofs, above the orders of the command- ers and the cries of the defeated, rise the prayers of the widows and orphans and mothers, praying for their pro- tectors, their comforters, and their supporters ; and as the means for destruction increase, as more terrible and powerful devices for slaying and butchering are being invented, the more widows and orphans will there be, " for mutual enemies are already beginning to apprehend that the battles of the future will be victorious for neither party, but rather, defeat for both, and that if any sur- vivors are left, they will only be witnesses, but without glory, of the piled corpses of their antagonists, mingled promiscuously with the dead bodies of their own com- 64 War versus Peace rades, in one vast and hideous charnel heap. Cities and nations will be so devastated by the new warfare, indus- try and commerce will be so irreparably ruined, widows and orphans will be so numerous, that, on either side, the first discharge of artillery will destroy hope; for courage, skill, and superior numbers will avail no longer. There will only remain the certainty of mutual annihila- tion, fatal, and inevitable for the strong, slain by iron or by fire ; whilst for the weak, the women and the children, there will be left death from misery and starvation." Can good possibly come from such a course? Is such a soil favorable to the propagation of any virtue? Sur- rounded by such awful scenes as this, and realizing that he has been a factor in bringing about such misery, can you expect the soldier to represent the ennobling virtues of manhood? The last acts of man's life should be calm and peaceful ; his thoughts go forward to his God, and his preparedness to meet him. If possible, the mother, wife, or lover, should be present to soothe the troubled brow, speak words of comfort, and cheer, for the black- ness of death is terrible to him who is not prepared to meet it. But war makes this impossible. With curses and damnable exclamations coming from his lips, with hatred and revenge deep-seated in his heart, with his life spent in the service of sin, he goes into the presence of him who said, "Thou shalt not kill," "He that hateth his brother is a murderer, and ye know that no murderer can enter into the kingdom of heaven/' " Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain." But the demoralizing effects of war are not centered wholly upon the individuals composing our armies and navies, either in war or peace, for as they are a part of the nation, it follows that if they become corrupt the whole War versus Peace 65 nation will suffer. We notice the bad effects it has upon literature. Especially is this true during actual hos- tilities. Poets and writers of song are taxed to their ut- most to produce poems and songs that will appeal to the passions, bring forth the patriotic sentiments, and excite the beastly nature of man. Silly, nonsensical songs are produced and popularized. High-sounding, ear-tickling theories are produced regarding the history of war, the virtues of the heroes, and from these deductions and arguments war is declared justifiable. Columns of the newspapers are filled with what is supposed to be inter- esting and instructive news, and all literature seems to have sunken to the low level of praising him whose pro- fession is to butcher and to tear to pieces. Necessities of war make it impossible to give thought to matters that do not contribute to the success of battle ; " Therefore the Spartan had neither literature nor philosophy, neither science nor art. Pursuit of these subjects was effeminate. It unfitted men for the better business of fighting." During our own war with Spain this was clearly illustrated. Our magazines and papers were almost wholly given up to the progress of the war. The eye of the nation was centered upon the conflict, to the neglect of all other industries. Works of science, art, religion, philosophy, were a drug on the market, while books, old and new, about war and army life, were in constant demand, and the imagination does not need to wander very far to see the outcome of such a course, if allowed to go on for a number of years. But why should a soldier be eulogized? Why is it necessary to de- fend his butcheries? In spite of the antiquity of war, the world's great generals are very few, verifying the old adage that " the pen is mightier than the sword." This 66 War versus Peace broadcasting of war material cannot help but debase so- ciety, for in arousing the lower passions of man it natur- ally follows that virtue and honesty will be sacrificed. " Everyone knows that vice is contagious," says Dy- mond, " and the depravity of one man has always a tendency to deprave his neighbors; and it therefore re- quires no unusual acuteness to discover that the pro- digious mass of immorality and crime which is accumu- lated by a war must have a powerful effect in ' demoraliz- ing' the public Other vicious influences insinuate themselves into our minds by stealth; but this we receive with open embrace. Glory and patriotism and bravery and conquest are bright and glittering things. Who, when he is looking delighted upon these things, is armed against the mischief which they may veil? The evil is in its own nature of almost universal operation. During a war, a whole people become familiarized with the utmost excesses of enormity — with the utmost tend- ency of human wickedness — and they rejoice and exult in them so that there is probably one man in a hundred who does not lose something of his Christian principles during a period of war." Thus, the enormity of crime becomes public property, and thus day after day the public mind becomes hard- ened, and the conscience seared. Some one has said, " Tell me what you read, and I will tell you what you are." If this is the case with a nation during a period of war, we have a whole nation of warriors and race-haters, butchers and murderers. What must be the effect upon the child's mind who has been taught to respect the flag and honor the country, to read afterwards that his country's soldiers " rushed into the battle armed to the teeth, thirsting for revenge," or that " they fought like War versus Peace 67 demons and acted like hell "? What would be the effect upon the mind of the child who had been taught to re- spect and obey his father, but when he came to the years of maturity he was informed that his father was a mur- derer, and not only so, but he believed in it, and went about armed, expecting at any moment to kill some one? Everybody knows that his respect for and his confidence in his parent would be shaken, and just so it must be with the case about his country, if the literature of the land is filled with stuff, though it is facts, telling of the slaying of thousands, the burning of cities, the destroying of crops, the free license for everything unholy and un- godly. In an enlightened government the degrading of literature means much, and as there is nothing in war that can possibly be elevating, all the literature from this source must degrade. Again, war strikes at the very heart of a nation, be- cause it strikes at the home. No nation can possibly make any advancement, morally or spiritually, that does not recognize that in the homes rests the foundation of the government. But army life makes an ideal home-life an impossibility, for military laws demand that the en- listed man make his permanent home with his company or regiment. If he is a married man, it is impossible for him to have his family with him. He is a protector of the home only in name. Only on furlough can he even see his loved ones. His home is the camp, his com- panions are men of his own profession, his work to drill for war, his ambition generally to quit the army when his term of enlistment expires. Even in times of peace, the effect upon the home-life is felt. Many the Thanksgiving or Christmas dinner that is marred because of a son in the army. Many a mother's heart that grows old and 68 War versus Peace feeble prematurely because of a beloved " darling " cruis- ing in a foreign land on a mighty ship of war. Many a father's heart is saddened because the boy whom he had expected to become a minister or a lawyer, or a physician, was induced by glittering swords, martial music, and brilliant uniforms, to enlist in the army or navy, there to be taught and drilled in the very things that he has been taught were wrong, for no Christian home will teach that war is excusable, or that the soldier's profes- sion is honorable. In the home he has been taught to be honest ; but Lord Wolseley in his " Soldier's Pocket Book," has written that if a soldier is to succeed on spy duty, he must lay aside the belief that " honesty is the best policy." In the home he is taught morality ; but Lord Lytton, in his address as Lord Rector of the Uni- versity of Glasgow, states that " between the nations the word ' morality ' has no place." In the home, he is taught temperance; but he goes to the army, where a large per cent of the soldiers drink. In the home he is taught the religion of Jesus Christ ; but in the army and navy it is a farce — not because they do not have religious services there, but because the Christ whom they are supposed to worship condemned the sword as an instrument in set- tling disputes : " No more possible to establish a con- cord between Christ and war, than between Christ and Belial." In the home he is taught to think, speak and act for himself; but in the army he is a slave to his su- periors : " I swear to obey the orders of the officers who are set over me : So help me God," is the oath which the soldier must give before he enlists, an unconditional surrender of one's moral being into the hands of another. In the Christian home he is taught not to commit mur- der; but in the army, to slay thousands is glorious. In War versus Peace 69 fact, the life and teachings of the soldier are squarely contradictory to the life and teachings in the Christian home. But, terrible as are the inroads which a military life makes into the home, it is as nothing compared to the sacrificingiof^homes during actual hostilities. During our own Civil War, the killed and wounded on both sides amounted to about 500,000. The total population of the United States in 1860 was about 31,500,000. Allowing four persons to each family, we would have 7,875,000 families, or out of every sixteen families, there would be one killed. This says nothing about the wounded, or those contracting diseases which unfitted them for active service. Now these men who were taken from the home were not the sickly or physically weak, but able-bodied men, the strongest the nation had. The support of the home taken, the adviser and counselor taken, one-sixteenth of the homes mourning the loss of a father or a son, or brother: what did it all mean? It meant that thousands of children must face the cold world without a father's protection, and many of them to fill the jails and peni- tentiaries as a result. True, our government is relieving the financial strain by pensioning the soldiers or their widows ; but money can never take the place of morality, money cannot pay for broken hearts. It can never pay for the lives that are saddened, the homes that are dark- ened by the senseless crimes. No period in the history of the United States is so replete with crime as that im- mediately following the close of the Civil War. Why? Because many of the soldiers — yea, all of them — had been taught to steal, to lie, to murder, and when they were discharged and had gone to their homes, many of 70 War versus Peace them followed that which they had learned to do during the war. Think of the influence of such lives in the home, or in the neighborhood. War cannot be carried on without those passions which Christ prohibits, and it is hardly to be supposed that men will go on in the full exercise of sinful passions for a number of years, and then quit, when their opinions and motives are still the same. And the homes of our land were where the evils were felt in the worst form. Another very demoralizing condition brought about by war is that it unfits the individuals for any other occupa- tion in life. This is getting to be more and more an age of specializing; only one thing can be done successfully. At least this is true with a very large majority of in- dividuals, and unless you assume that the soldier should enlist for life, you take away the best part of his life in an occupation that he does not mean to follow. It is use- less to deny the fact that, after having spent three, six, nine, or twelve years in the army or the navy, future usefulness of a soldier in any other calling is hindered to a very great extent. Take, for example, the artillery service in the army. The age limit is 17 and 35 years. Now, let a man enlist for three years, and at the end of that time reenlist and he will then have spent six years in army life — six years of his life right at the time when he is in possession of his health, and his mind the most active. When he leaves the army he will be fii for what? Any position that may come to him? No, for his occu- pation has been a peculiar one, in that no other calling is similar to it. His character and habits of life have been formed. He has been trained to march, trained to fight, trained to kill, trained to destroy — and who wants him? Will he command the best wages? The family gives to War versus Peace 71 the army a young man, clean in mind and body; but the army gives to society that same young man steeped in sin and crime, suffering from disease and degrading vices. Reason and common sense demand that you pay a man for that which you receive, and it also demands that you pay for that which you take. So if the nation takes the soldier's character, his position in society, his religion, his peace of mind, his future usefulness in life, it is only reasonable to demand that she pay for these things. And even though he make the profession of a soldier a life profession, what honor can be attached to such a life? What deeds of valor does he perform that commend themselves to the approval of Christianity? Dr. Channing says : " The field of battle is a theatre, got up at immense cost, for the exhibition of crime on a grand scale. There the hell within the human breast blazes out fiercely and without disguise. A more fear- ful hell in any region of the universe cannot well be con- ceived. There the fiends hold their revels and spread their fury." Is there any honor in being one of the actors upon such a stage as this, or is a man fitted for any other business in life after having engaged in such awful atrocities as these? True it is that some men have become notable in other callings after having spent a part of their lives in the army. Because of their military career, men have seen fit to honor them, and have placed them in higher positions. But they are the exception, rather than the rule. Thousands upon thousands of them are crippled, either morally or physically, and sometimes both, so that they are a disgrace to society and a dishonor to their God. One foul breath will taint the air of a large room, 72 War versus Peace and so, one soul steeped in vice and crime, will have its influence for wrong upon society, and degrade and cor- rupt the morals of a whole neighborhood. For "A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump/' Again, when nations " spend their money for that which is not bread, and its labor for that which satisfieth not," the effect cannot help but be demoralizing. The condemnation of God rested upon the Jewish nation for this very reason, and surely the extravagance of nations in spending millions upon millions of dollars in war and war preparations shall not go unheeded. That the money which is being spent for the building and equipping of battleships is wasted is shown from the simple fact that in a very few years these ships become antiquated, fit only for the scrap pile, having done nothing but furnish a home for men who were training for war. It is conceded by everyone that individuals are ac- countable for the use or misuse of funds placed in their hands, and this ought to be doubly true of the nation. To take these vast sums of money that are needed in legitimate industries to alleviate suffering, relieve the oppressed, clothe the poor — and place them in instru- ments that cause suffering, oppress the people, and make paupers, is misusing the confidence and trust placed in the hands of a government by her people. When an in- dividual realizes the fact that part of the money which he pays as taxes goes to build and equip instruments of war, which will be used in killing and destroying, and is willing to pay it for that purpose, it shows that his na- ture is degrading and brutalizing. And when nations wantonly and willingly, year after year, spend a large portion of their income in military preparations, it sim- ply shows that they are not very far removed from the War versus Peace 73 savage, whose chief business was war, and whose great delight was in the slaughter of his foes. The United States never has been considered a war- like nation, and in no other nation has the development of commerce, of art, literature, science, religion, taken such rapid strides. But this government, as well as all other governments, is taking a step backward when it deems it necessary to increase our navy and standing army, for every dollar spent in the enlarging of these revolting machines of death is taken from the treasury of art, of science, of literature, of commerce, and of religion. Think of the men engaged in the manufacturing of cannon, war- ships, gunpowder, rifles, etc., and from everywhere comes the cry for laborers. When the nation takes a man from the honorable industries of life and places him in the shop to make instruments of death, she is dulling his sensi- bilities of right and filling his mind with things dam- nable. Rev. R. P. Ashe says : " The ingenuity of Christian men is taxed to make murder machines, and thousands of ' Christian ' men are engaged in manufacturing cannon, gunpowder, rifles, swords, torpedoes, battleships, and all the time believing that Christ looks upon the results of their work with complacence. The last polish to the barrel, the finish to the breech, and the murder machine is ready and passes from your hands. You know the purpose for which the machine will be used, and yet you either make it or approve those who do so. The maker of these things cannot escape their responsibility." God has said that " thy silver and thy gold is mine," and sure- ly he is not well pleased when these are used to slay and destroy. The spirit of war in one nation begets the same spirit 74 War versus Peace in other nations ; especially is this true of the most pow- erful nations. One nation's rulers decide upon an in- crease in naval expenditure, and immediately other gov- ernments call their legislatures together to levy more money to build more battleships, and thus from year to year goes on the mad race to destruction. Strength lies not in battleships, but in men — men of character, men of principle, men of love. "I am the Mine, the Shop, the Mill, The Science, that's unconquered still, The Books unwritten, those unread; The dream of Art in some young head; The Fields that wait the plow in vain — We cannot spare a hand, or brain. "I am the State — and of each son I have strong need of every one — 'Tis not the wealth that I unfold, My splendid land that you behold, That make me proud, and strong, and great — It is my sons that make the State." Pile up the dead in one great charnel house, who have been slain to satisfy the lust for power and honor; heap up the gold and silver that have been spent in warships and guns, to fill the yearnings of unprincipled legislators clamoring for popularity, bottle up the tears of bitter sor- row and anguish that have been shed by your mothers and orphans for those who fell on the field of an awful hell, and let them be the silent monuments of the aw- ful fact that men and money, that mothers and orphans, have been sacrificed for that which was not bread, and which did not bring satisfaction. Our government is sending men to induce men to enlist in the army. Moving pictures showing the bright side of army and navy life are flaunted before our young men. War versus Peace 75 Recruiting stations are being established to make it as convenient as possible for the unwary to enlist. Posters are seen everywhere telling of the exceptional advantages to be obtained by enlisting. But our government is not making a business of telling the whole truth about the army and navy. Our posters and moving pictures and recruiting officers fail to tell the people that in 1906 more than one-tenth of the soldiers deserted rather than remain in the army. They fail to tell that over seventy per cent of the soldiers are addicted to strong drink, or that where military reservations are situated, vicious resorts spring up and flourish ; and in failing to give all the facts in the case, many are ensnared into its awful meshes, where death alone can release, until the term of enlistment ex- pires. What foul means the nations are compelled to re- sort to in order that the army may not be depleted ! But for every transgression of God's Word, for every viola- tion of Christian principle, a strict account must be given. Lamartine says : " The nations who sport in blood are instruments of ruin, not instruments of life, to the world. They may grow, but they grow contrary to the pur- poses of God, and by losing in one day of justice that which they have conquered through years of violence. Unlawful murder is not less a crime in a nation than in an individual. Conquest and glory may adorn it, but do not make it innocent." A proper appreciation of the value of human life is ab- solutely necessary for the full development of the moral man. It is impossible for individuals to grasp the truths of God, unless they have a high conception of life. No nation can be truly great if it does not value the lives of its citizens. Civilization itself is measured largely by the 76 War versus Peace standard which is piaced upon life. It is indeed a very solemn responsibility to deprive any human being of the sacred gift of life, something which none of us can give when it is once taken away. Man is created in God's image: so wonderful is he made, and so great is the Father's care for him, that it is simply a usurpation of power and authority for any but God to take life, and nothing shows the degrading condition of an individual or nation more than a willing consent to send an im- mortal soul, prepared, or unprepared, into the presence of his Maker. He who stoops to consider the lilies of the field, who sees the sparrow as it falls to the ground, who numbers the very hairs of our head, will not let pass unnoticed the soul slain to satisfy the greed and envy of the nation, or individual. Suicides, lynchings, capital punishment, are barbarous methods of dealing with offenders, but in war, where not one but thousands of human lives are sac- rificed, " where men fall in the ranks like flies," and each life bearing a stamp of the Divine, each having a soul of more value than many sparrows, each of which might have been won for Christ, oh, who shall stand responsible — who will bear the guilt — who shall answer to the com- mand, "Thou shalt not kill "? No cause will justify the taking of human life. Christ's blessings are pronounced only if we suffer as a Christian. " Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord." No earthly compensation is worthy to justify it, and for every murder com- mitted whether in war or not, God shall demand jus- tice. Let us notice another peculiar effect of war and war preparations. Japan decides that in order to act the part of a world power she must build more and stronger War versus Peace 77 battleships. Whereupon, the United States immediately sees new cause for increasing her navy. Germany, after making an inventory of her " peace preservers," decides that she must have at least ten new ones, each year, for at least ten years; and immediately England finds new argument for making her navy at least four times as strong as that of Germany. And all the while these na- tions are expressing to each other their feeling of good will, their friendship, and their love. But it is a very dif- ferent way of expressing love and friendship from that used between individuals. An expression of love and good will from one individual to another is not generally accompanied by a belt of cartridges and a brace of pis- tols. It is not considered polite among individuals to force another person to accept your friendship by being obliged to look into the barrel of a Winchester. The sincerity of such expressions of friendship is not to be considered very seriously, and nations understand the situation very plainly. What is all this mad rush for more battleships, larger armies, teaching? Simply that war and warlike preparations beget war. There has been advancement made in civilization, but this advancement is not due to the fact that war and hatred have been the rule of the nations, but in spite of these hindrances; and if advancement has been made in spite of these hindrances, how much more might have been done had all nations long ago adopted the law of love. The very things that ought to be reduced to the lowest possible minimum are constantly being agitated, and while there are no actual hostilities, " all the ele- ments of war exist, and while things remain as they are, peace is only the momentary resting of the volcano in 78 War versus Peace which materials are collecting for a more tremendous bursting forth of fire and of death." There is only one thing that the building of battle- ships does perfectly, and that is that it excites the envy and ill-will of other nations ; thus, instead of elevating the virtues so essential to a fully-developed people, it sears the conscience, blasts the good, and hinders the truth. But, great as are the demoralizing effects of war upon education, literature, science, art, it is not to be compared with the terrible effects it produces upon the Christian religion ; and this is made doubly true from the fact that Christian nations do not only sanction war, but actually will engage in it, and in so doing they trample upon the teaching of the greatest Benefactor the world has ever seen. Nothing about war and its results can be recon- ciled to the New Testament. Howard Malcolm says: " Survey an army prepared for battle. See the cannon, muskets, mortars, swords, drums, trumpets and flags. Do these men look like Christians? Do they talk like followers of the meek and lowly Son of God? Are they prepared to act like friends of the human race, and like followers of God, as dear children, seeking to bring all men to the knowledge of him? " The awfulness of a fight at sea is none the less, for it is a fight for life, a fight for the destruction of property, a fight, not of love, but of bitter hatred and strife. See the results as pictured by R. P. Stebbins: " Look at that majestic ship on the bosom of the ocean. See the thou- sand human beings on board, their bosoms swelling high with hope, their hearts beating with pride. In the dis- tance a flag is seen streaming on the edge of the waters. It is the enemy's. The running to and fro — the bustle — War versus Peace V9 the confusion — the imprecations upon the foe — the oaths — the curses tell what deeds of darkness are to be done. One short hour enveloped in smoke, and that beautiful ship is sinking beneath the waves, its snowy canvas torn and stripped, its deck slippery with human blood, frag- ments of human bodies strewn everywhere, the sea crim- soned with the current of life, the cockpit filled with those who are enduring every extremity of torture. Now a smile of joy lights up the features of these mangled victims. Word is passed that the enemy's ship is foun- dering. A shout of victory goes up from those parched and dying lips, and down they go, victor and vanquished, a thousand fathoms into the boiling ocean. What a triumph is this ! What a work for Christian hands ! What a dying hour for a disciple of the Prince of Peace! What a condition to meet him who died for his foes ! " " The whole structure of an army is in violation of New Testament principles. What absolute despotism, what division of rank by nice gradations. ' Condescend- ing to men of low estate ' would spoil discipline ; ' es- teeming others better than themselves ' would degrade the officers. Instead of humanity, must be gay trappings ; instead of Christ's law of love, must be man's rule of honor." Paul tells us that the weapons of the Christian " are not carnal, but mighty through God, to the pulling down of strongholds, casting down imaginations, and every high thing that exalteth itself against the knowledge of God, and bringeth into captivity every thought, to the obedience of Christ." No deductions from either the life or teachings of Jesus Christ can be made that will tol- erate war, and yet the Christian nations of today are asking of the Church her sanction and support and her 80 War versus Peace prayers in a policy that must go outside of the New Tes- tament for its foundation. Says Rev. R. P. Ashe : " Think of a battlefield. Think of it when the roar of cannon has died away, and the cracking of rifles and rattle of machine guns is stilled ; when the excitement and madness and fury and passion of battle is passed. Think of the wounded before death has set his seal upon their faces, as they lie low, with parched lips and dry throats, in every attitude of anguish. See their twistings of torture, their writhings of agony, the fearful wounds gaping, mangled limbs, torn and shat- tered, their faces black with the blast of fire, or battered- out of all recognition, as they lie weltering in pools of blood. Hear the groans, the cries, the ravings, the low moans of the braver, the shrieks and screams of those whose shattered nerves have left them without any pow- er of self-control, the sobs, the curses, bitter and deep. Hear them, I say. Think of a battlefield. These heaps of dead — see their eyes, now dull with death, that only an hour ago flashed hatred on their foes, a hatred begotten in the moment of battle. . . . These bodies fearful- ly and wonderfully made temples for the living God, yet now, how marred ! And this is war, lauded by Christian men, though absolutely forbidden by the Master's words, if words mean anything at all." Men in all ages have tried to enlist the aid and sym- pathy of the Church to carry out their awful business of murder, knowing full well that if the Church should rise in the might of God's power, the awful monster would be crushed ; but the glory of the battlefield, the bravery of the soldier, and the sacrifice of the souls of men have blinded the eyes and dulled the sensibilities of the Church, and dragged its ministers, who ought to be advo- War versus Peace 81 cates of the great love of God, into its meshes, where they are poisoning the minds of their parishioners with high- sounding praises of men who slay upon the field of blood. Jesus said, " If the light within you be darkness, how great is that darkness," and again, " Ye are the salt of the earth ; but if the salt have lost its savor, wherewith shall it be salted?" War is a denial of Christianity, of God ; and every war, and all preparations of war are simply a defiance of Christianity; and when these principles of hatred and variance creep into the Church they mean the corrupt- ing of her morals, the subtracting of her virtues. The warlike attitude of the Christian nations today is one of the greatest barriers to the Christianizing of the whole world. No nation cares to exchange its religion, how- ever bad it may be, for another that must be maintained by swords and cannon, that gives men the privilege of butchering one another when their rights are disputed. Some one has derisively said that " the heathen nations had not yet learned to shoot straight, because they were not yet Christianized." The ship carrying from the Christian country the missionary who goes to preach the Gospel of the Prince of Peace also carries the implements of war, which destroy the works of peace ; and while the heathen are steeped in ignorance and sin, they are not so ignorant as to be blind to the fact that these things do not harmonize. Instead of teaching such Christianity to the heathen, they ought to be protected from it. War sets aside the Golden Rule, and places in its stead the old law of " an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth." It tramples upon the noble life of the blessed Son of God, and crushes love, the greatest power known, into the earth, for, " From the time when to the shep- 82 War versus Peace herds abiding in their field keeping watch over their flocks by night, the ' glad tidings of great joy, which shall be to all people/ were told, and the Gospel, ' Peace on earth, good will towards men,' to the time when the Man of Sorrows, hanging on the cross, lifted up his eyes to heaven and prayed, * Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do/ the whole teaching, the whole life, the whole spirit of Christ, was opposed to the practice of anything approaching war." And what more is needed to show the demoralizing ef- fects of war upon the individual, the home, society, Christianity, and the nation? There is not one redeeming feature about war. War is sin, and sin brings death ; and so the facts are that, so long as nations will put their trust in instruments of war, they are dying — surely dy- ing. We give here a few of the many definitions of war, as defined by individuals who have been engaged in war — men who have studied it from a moral and economical standpoint, and who give to us their unbiased opinions of war and its effects. Sir Walter Raleigh said that " the practices of war are so hateful to God, that, were not his mercies infinite, it were in vain for those of that pro- fession to hope for any of them." Napoleon said that " war was the business of barbarians." The Duke of Wellington said that " men who have nice notions of religion have no business to be soldiers." Erasmus says: " There is nothing more unnaturally wicked than war, nothing more productive of misery, more extensively de- structive, more obstinate in mischief, more unworthy of man as formed by nature, much more as professing Christianity." Lord Bacon says : "I am of the opinion that unless you could bray Christianity in a mortar and War versus Peace 83 mould it into a new paste, there is no possibility of a holy war." Jefferson says that " war is an instrument entirely inefficient towards redressing wrong, and mul- tiplies, instead of indemnifying losses." Franklin says: " I have been apt to think that there never has been nor never will be any such thing as a good war or a bad peace." Brougham says : " I abominate war as un- christian; I hold it the greatest of human crimes; I deem it to include all others — violence, blood, rapine, fraud, everything which can deform the character, alter the nature, and debase the name of man." Sir David Brewster says : " Nothing in the history of the species appears more inexplicable than that war, the child of barbarism, should exist in an age enlightened and civi- lized. But it is more inexplicable still that war should exist where Christianity has for nearly two thousand years been shedding its gentle light, and that it should be defended by arguments drawn from the Scriptures themselves." Soame Jenyns says : " If Christian nations were nations of Christians, all wars would be impossible and unknown among them." William Howitt says : " That war — that horror of horrors, that system of murders, robbery, and every conceivable villainy rolled into one great, gory abomination — should have been tolerated till now in spite of common sense and the sacred principles of religion, is the most astonishing thing in the history of man." Jer- emy Taylor says: "If men be subjects of Christ's law, they can never go to war with each other. As contrary as cruelty is to mercy, tyranny to charity, so is war and bloodshed to the meekness and gentleness of the Chris- tian religion." Archbishop Fenelon says : " Men are all brothers, and yet they tear each other in pieces. Sav- 84 War versus Peace age brutes are less cruel than they. Lions make not war upon lions, nor tigers upon tigers. Man only, notwith- standing his reason, does what those creatures which are deemed void of reason never did." Bishop Warbur- ton says : " I look upon war as the blackest mischief ever breathed from hell upon the fair face of this creation. ,, John Wesley says : " Shall Christians assist the prince of hell, who was a murtherer from the beginning, by tell- ing the world of the benefit of war?" Cecil says that " instead of concurring in the design of a kingdom of heaven set up on earth in righteousness and peace and joy in the Holy Ghost, war tends rather to set up some- thing like a kingdom of hell." Chalmers says : " The mere existence of the prophecy, ' They shall learn war no more/ is a sentence of condemnation upon war, and stamps a criminality on its very forehead." Robert Hall says: " War is nothing less than a temporary repeal of all the principles of virtue." Thomas Scott says : " War in every case must be deemed the triumph or the harvest of the first great murderer, the devil." Ward, the missionary, says : " Either our religion is a fable, or there are unanswerable arguments against war and the profession of arms." Adam Clarke says : " War is as contrary to the spirit of Christianity as murder. Nothing can justify nations in shedding each other's blood." Dr. Channing says: "The chief evil of war is moral evil. War is the concentration of all human crimes. Under its standard gather violence, malignity, rage, fraud, per- fidy, rapacity, and lust. If it only slew men, it would do little. It turns man into a beast of prey." Theodore Parker says : " War is in utter violation of Christianity. If war be right, then Christianity is wrong, false, a lie. But if Christianity be true — if reason, conscience, re- War versus Peace 85 ligion, the highest faculties of man, are to be trusted, then war is the wrong, the falsehood, the lie." Mr. Binney says : " I turn with loathing from the pomp and cir- cumstance of war. War is a fearful thing, ruinous to life, property, and virtue. It has an arm for blood, and a mouth for blasphemy, hands reeking with the one, a hoarse throat blackened with the other/' Jacob Abbott says : " In war, the blood, the agony, the thirst, the groans, which follow, are nothing. It is the raging fires of hatred, anger, revenge, and furious passions which nerve every arm and boil in every heart, and with which thousands pour in crowds into the presence of their Maker — these are what constitute the real horrors of a battlefield." Richter says : " War is the tribunal at which the devil judges the world, where bodies condemn spirits, physical force the power of love." "Scorch with the breath of anger the blossoms of love and peace, Till blessing is turned to cursing that never may know surcease; Die as the soulless perish, nor know what ye perish for, For ye are the victims offered to the red, red God of War. O'er fields where the daisies nodded let a gory river flow; Lift to the arching heavens your voice of a deathless woe; ****** Masters who rule the nations, kings on your lifted thrones, Know ye the ones who perish? Hear ye the cries and moans? Masters who rule the nations, kings of exalted ways, Build as ye will, but surely such structures a God shall raze! " CHAPTER III The Cost of War It is always difficult, in fact, impossible, to obtain ab- solutely correct statistics of the cost of war — there is so much damage resulting from it, both material and moral, which cannot be reckoned. The moral damage is simply impossible to estimate, although equally real, tangible, and appreciable as the money cost, the vast totals of which no imagination can grasp. Morals cannot be measured by money standards, for they rise above mon- etary considerations. Neither can you estimate the cost of the shrieks of the dead and dying, the wail of the widows and orphans pleading for their loved ones, the curses escaping from the lips of those inflamed by the demon of hate, the loss of Christian principles, which means the loss of a soul — for who can measure the worth of a soul? War cannot be measured by the cost in money, for men rise above money. Neither can you measure the cost of war by the loss of men on the bat- tlefield, for in losing the men, character is lost, and char- acter rises above men. The human tendency at present seems to be to inquire first as to the cost of men engaged in a battle, and then to consider the loss financially, and then to give a slight consideration to the loss in morals. But we are gradually finding out that the greatest loss is in the lowering of morals and the degrading of Christianity. The Rev. Charles Bullock, in speaking of the cost of war, says : " The cost of a battle has never yet been es- 86 War versus Peace 87 timated. The actual scene of conflict is but the center of a radiating circle that almost encloses the world in its embrace. Who can describe the amount of agonizing and dread anticipation felt by the relatives of soldiers on either side, awaiting the arrival of the list of the slain? With what trembling, fearful eagerness the eye glances down the black column of death, not daring to hope the beloved name is not there — how many hearts have been almost broken by the severance of the closest ties — friend and friend, wife and husband, brother and sister, parent and child — what bright prospects darkened, what glowing expectations disappointed, how many an early grave on the crimson field, instead of the lengthened life of usefulness ! " In considering the cost of men, it will be impossible to get the sum total of all the deaths resulting from war. Many receive wounds that may not be considered fatal at the time, but which afterwards result in death. So, disease may be contracted in the army that may not prove fatal until years after contracted. In such cases it is impossible to get accurate statistics, but the figures here given are approximately correct. The Napoleonic Wars cost France alone 3,000,000 men. In one battle, the battle of Waterloo, 57,000 men were lost. In the Franco-German War, one-third of an entire army of 710,000 Frenchmen were either killed or disabled. The Germans, out of 1,000,000 men sent to the battle- field, lost 45,000 killed and 89,000 disabled. The Crimean War cost the five nations engaged in it 785,000 men. The American Civil War cost the North and South together between 800,000 and 1,000,000 men. The Boer War of 1899 to 1901 cost England 100,000 men in killed and wound- ed, the Boers about 30,000. Japan's losses during the 88 War versus Peace Russo-Japanese War were 250,000 in killed and perma- nently injured. The Russian losses totaled 300,000 men. It has been estimated that the wars of the nineteenth century cost the world at least 14,000,000 men. March them by in single file, and they would make a procession 8,000 thousand miles long. Let each grave occupy a space of five feet, and you would have a line of graves 13,259 miles long. Place them in hearses, and you would have a line girdling the globe at the equator, and have enough to girdle the globe from north to south. This vast amount of men equals the entire population of the thirteen original colonies, the combined population of London, New York City, St. Petersburg, and Pekin — the four largest cities in the world — and this for just one hundred years of the world's history. We here give a table of the wars of the nineteenth cen- tury, with the nations engaged and the casualties: Name of War Time Nations Engaged Cost in Men France-England- Napoleonic Wars, 1796-1815. Germany-Italy- Austria-Russia-Spain- Turkey-Arabia 5,000,000 War of 1812, 1812-1814 England-United States 50,000 Mexican, 1846-1848 United States-Mexico ( France-England- 50,000 Crimean War, 1854-1856 ■J Piedmont- | Turkey-Russia 785,000 Italian War, 1859- Austria-France-Piedmont 63,000 Schleswig-Holstein 1864 Denmark-Prussia-Austria 3,500 Civil War, 1861-1865 United States 800,000 1866 Prussia- Au stria-Italy ( To Mexico-Morocco- 45,000 European Expeditions, 1861-1867 < Cochin China-Lebanon- ( Paraguay, etc. 65,000 Franco-Prussian, 1870-1871 France-Germany 225,000 Russo-Turkish, 1877 Russia-Turkey 225,000 War versus Peace 89 Zulu-Afghan, 1879 Zulu-Afghanistan 40,000 Chino-Japanese, 1894-1895 China-Japan 15,000 Boer War, 1899-1901 England-Boers 130,000 Spanish-American, 1898 Spain-United States 6,000 Total loss in men, 8,502,500 This table does not nearly cover the entire casualties for the past century. For example, in the Spanish-Amer-, ican War the loss in men is given at 6,000. Now this does not include any of the aftermath, which was much more destructive than the war itself. In the Philippines the loss to the United States from disease and otherwise was between five and ten thousand, and of the Fili- pinos it has been estimated that from half a million to a million perished in the battles and skirmishes. Nothing is shown of the loss in the almost thirty years of fighting between Spain and Cuba, the Indian wars and massacres in the United States, of the almost constant rebellions among the countries of South America, the Russian movements in Asia, the Sepoy and other wars in India, the British Opium Wars with China, the British expe- ditions up the Nile, and in other parts of Africa, where the natives were " mowed down like grass," and many other minor engagements in which it is impossible to get at the exact casualties, which will bring the sum total to more than 14,000,000 rather than less than this amount. The official record shows that the armies of the North during the Civil War in America suffered a loss of 44,000 killed in action, 49,000 died of wounds, 186,000 died of disease, and 25,000 died from causes unknown. But this does not take into account those who died from wounds and diseases in their homes, and'the thousands of women and children who were hastened to an untimely grave. 90 War versus Peace If these were to be counted the total would easily reach 400,000; and if for every Northern a Southern man fell, the total loss would be 800,000. Many place it at 1,000,- 000. And these were not the aged or infirm, nor yet the infants, but the strongest and best physically of the na- tion. It has been estimated that the aggregate loss of life in all the wars which have been occurred since the beginning of authentic history has been not less than fifteen billion, and many think this to fall far below what the actual number really is. Benjamin F. Trueblood has estimated that this vast number of men slain in war is equal to all the people who have inhabited the globe for the last six hundred years, allowing three generations to the century, and 650,000,- 000, the estimated population of the world at the opening of the ninteenth century, as the average population per generation for the six centuries. But the end is not yet. Already the present century has seen the death of more than 650,000 souls caused by the cruel hand of war. Of these, the Russo-Japanese War is responsible for 550,000, the troubles in Morocco, South American uprisings and other casualties making the balance. But, terrible as is the loss of life upon the battlefield, it is very small as compared to the loss resulting from disease in the army and among the soldiers. From the very nature of the circumstances it becomes evident that proper care of the physical body is next to impossible. Long, dreary marches through rains that drench to the skin, or over roads whose very dust is laden with the germs of disease, compelled to drink from stagnant pools of water, or from streams contaminated with filth and im- purities, oftentimes compelled to go for days without proper or sufficient nourishment, many times with no War versus Peace 91 bedding upon the cold, damp earth, but straw, the sick lying in improvised hospitals with little or no medical at- tention, prisoners' crowded into dens not fit for human habitation — these, and many more things, all cause the mortality list in the army to be exceedingly huge. The greatest foe to an army is not the powder and ball, but the terrible foe Disease, which carries away ten times more men than the deadly cannon or rifle. During the Russo-Turkish War, out of 30,000 Turkish prisoners tak- en at Plevna, 9,000 succumbed to exposure, starvation and disease en route from Plevna to KharkofT in Russia. Lieutenant W. V. Herbert, an Englishman in the Turkish service, who was one of the prisoners, thus de- scribes the journey : " It lay through a snow-clad coun- try, in severe frosts, with snow storms and bitter winds. . . . I saw at least 400 men drop down, taken as little notice of as if they were so much offal, to die of starva- tion and exposure, or to be devoured by wolves which prowled around our columns. Over each man who fell a hideous crowd of crows, ravens and vultures hovered until he was sufficiently exhausted to be attacked with impunity." Of Osman Pasha's army, which originally numbered 48,000, only 15,000 reached Russian soil, and only 12,000 returned to their homes. It is estimated that 50,000 Turks died in captivity. The garrison of Erzeroum in the Russo- Turkish War numbered 17,000. One day in January, 1878, no fewer than 302 deaths were recorded from fever, and the daily rate for two weeks was 200. Nor were the invest- ing Russians in better case. General Melikoff declared that his army of 60,000 lost forty per cent from typhus fever and exposures. Dr. Ryan says : "At Plevna uncleanness was rampant, 92 War versus Peace regulations and penalties notwithstanding, . . . and the camp became one vast cemetery, with the town for its central charnel house. The mortality was appalling. There was hardly a man who was not suffering from something or other. Exhaustion, dysentery, fever, rheu- matism, ague, bronchitis, galloping consumption, open wounds, frost-bites, broken limps, a cholera-like infection, and a contagious influenza, claimed many victims. There were also cases of smallpox, typhus fever, diphtheria, even leprosy and insanity." From a total loss of 785,000 men in the Crimean War, nearly 600,000 died from sickness and suffering occa- sioned by the long, hard marches and exposures on the way. In the Italian War of 1859 the Franco-Sardinian army alone had over 100,000 soldiers disabled by disease. A very large majority of the men lost during the war between the United States and Mexico died from disease ; and almost the entire loss of men to the United States in the Spanish-American War resulted from disease. The returns made by the Japanese war office during the Russo-Japanese War show 218,000 killed, wounded and missing, and injured by accident, and 221,000 who died or were invalided home by disease. Dr. Awtokratow says that during this war a central asylum for insane and mentally unsound was opened in Manchuria. During the fifteen months' time it was open, 1,349 patients were received. The awful strain up- on the nervous system accounts for many of the pa- tients, other things contributing also to the disease, as shown by these figures: Chronic alcoholism, 34.58 per cent; neurasthenic insanity, 11.2 per cent; general paraly- sis, 10.4 per cent. But, frightful as are the losses from War versus Peace 93 disease during actual hostilities, it by no means repre- sents the entire loss of men resulting from the " disease of militarism." Even in times of peace, the loss from disease and otherwise is great. The following table, taken from the report of the Surgeon-General, United States Navy, Chief of the Bu- reau of Medicine and Surgery, to the Secretary of the Navy, for 1906, shows the deaths and causes of death in the navy and marine corps during the year 1905 : Cause of Death No. Cause of Death No. Burns, 64 Drowning, 44 Tuberculosis, 23 Wounds, 16 Nephritis, 11 Pneumonia, 11 Typhoid fever, 11 Cerebro-spinal meningitis, 9 Fractures, 8 Apoplexy, 6 Heart disease, 6 Syphilis, 5 Aneurism, 4 Abscess (liver), 3 Appendicitis, , 3 Concussions, 3 Peritonitis, 3 Remittent fever, 3 Alcoholism, 2 Asphuxia, 2 Broncho pneumonia, 2 Chronic bronchitis, 2 Dementia, 2 Scarlet fever, 2 Septicaenua, 2 Smallpox, 2 Yellow fever, 2 Abscess (cerebral), Cholecystitis, Diphtheria, Embolism, Epilepsy, Erysipelas, Hepatitis, Icterus, Mania, Meningitis, Pancreatitis, Pleurisy, Pulmonary oldema, Pyolmia, Rheumatism, Syncope, Trichinosis, In the army, for 1906 there were 368 deaths from all causes, equivalent to 6.28 per thousand, compared with 6.75 for the previous year, and 16 for the six years' period, 1898 to 1903. Sixteen enlisted men were killed in action, 94 War versus Peace and forty-four wounded, of whom five died as a result of their wounds. Of the killed, thirteen were by gunshot, and three by edged weapons; of the wounded twenty- eight were by gunshot, and fifteen by edged weapons. Three officers were wounded by gunshot, of whom one died, and one was wounded by a spear, losing an eye. There were 210 admissions to sick report for gunshot wounds, with 55 deaths, and 3,049 admissions for wounds other than gunshot, with 17 deaths. During the year 1906 the total number of admissions to sick report was 73,742, and " venereal diseases were again by far the most important affecting the efficiency of the army during the year." These diseases were first with admission, discharge and non-effective rates, with 200.34, 34.1, and 12.47, respectively, causing nineteen per cent of all admissions, fifteen per cent of all discharges, and thirty per cent of all non-effectiveness for disease. After venereal diseases in order of admission, were malarial fever, diarrhceal affections, alcoholism, etc. The following table shows the prevalence of special diseases and injuries in the navy and marine corps during the year 1905, as given in the Surgeon-General's report: No. of ad- No. of ad- Disease missions Disease missions Tonsilitis, 2397 Hernia, 225 Gonorrhoea 2085 Otitis media, 189 Wounds, 1308 Pneumonia 174 Bronchial affections, 1032 Typhoid fever, 172 Malarial diseases, 1024 Heart disease (organic),.. 164 Syphilis, 981 Heart stroke, 160 Epidemic catarrh 926 Diphtheria, 143 Rheumatic affections, .... 924 Measles, 121 Contusions, 883 Dislocations, *° Sprains, 787 Dysentery, 8b Diarrhceal affections, .... 691 Nephritis, 76 Fracimes, 364 Scarlet fever, 52 War versus Peace 95 Burns, 361 Chicken pox, 26 Alcoholism, 288 Rubella, 25 Dengue, 253 Cerebro spinal meningitis, 21 Tuberculosis, 243 Yellow fever, 12 Mumps, 242 Smallpox, 10 Total, 16,536 These tables are valuable in that they show the pre- vailing diseases in our army and navy; and the loss is doubly great when men must be admitted for medical treatment for diseases which not only destroy the phys- ical body, but the cause of them destroys the character. When reports like the following come in, not from one source, but many, it simply shows that, while the nation is losing her men by disease, she is also lowering her morals: and what is the cost of morality? " With the exception of a large number of venereal cases, the health of the crew throughout the year was good ;" " The health of the crew was very good, with the exception of an occasional case of malaria or of dengue, and the usual proportion of cases of venereal disease ;" " Liberty was given until sunset in several ports, with a considerable number of venereal cases as the result;" and similar reports. Another very great loss to every nation maintaining standing armies and navies results from having so many men engaged in a profession that produces nothing in return. These men are drawn from every avenue of life, and come from positions and occupations that were a source of revenue to the community. But in the army and navy this is not the case: and these men are not the crippled or infirm, or those incapacitated for work, but they are among the strongest physically in the nation. It means that each nation has from fifty to three hundred 96 War versus Peace thousand of her best men absolutely doing nothing which will bring a return to their country. The Surgeon-Gen- eral of the United States Navy, in his report of 1906, recommended that " a system of recruiting which selects only the most robust men is the first and not the least important step in the struggle against tuberculosis in the navy." Thus it can be seen that our strongest men are selected for a place where in times of peace their only oc- cupation is to do such garrison and field work as is neces- sary to keep them in a state of preparedness for war. This is a constant drain upon the resources of a nation, and cannot help but result in the loss of physical man- hood. The following table shows the number of men used in the armies and navies of twenty-two of the nations of the world : Number in Area in standing Country square miles Population army Argentina, 1,778,195 Austria-Hungary, 241,333 Belgium, 11,373 Brazil, 3,209,878 Chile, 290,829 China, 1,533,420 Denmark, 15,360 France, 207,054 Germany, 208,830 Great Britain, 120,979 Italy, 110,646 Japan, 147,655 Mexico, 767,005 Netherlands, 12,648 Norway, 124,445 Portugal 36,038 Russia, 2,095,616 Spain, 190,050 4,749,149 312,073 45,405,267 361,693 6,687,651 51,433 18,386,815 28,160 3,132,178 29,905 407,337,305 300,000 2,464,770 9,800 38,961,945 547,515 56,367,178 585,453 41,607,552 669,259 32,475,000 251,984 43,763,158 284,740 13,605,919 32,163 5,430,981 41,666 2,239,880 30,900 5,049,729 35,337 106,264,136 896,000 18,618,086 128,559 War versus Peace 97 Sweden, 172,876 5,136,441 39,121 Switzerland, 15,976 1,119,635 160,751 Servia, 19,050 2,493,770 160,751 Turkey, 65,350 6,130,200 700,620 United States, 3,507,140 76,303,387 58,368 Venezuela, 593,943 2,323,527 9,000 This army of over 5,555,000 of people engaged by the various nations in times of peace in the glorious business of getting ready for war, equal to a population greater than that of all London — producing nothing themselves, but living off the labors of others — this number of people, instead of being producers, are nothing but consumers. They are taken from the mine, from the shop, from the factories, from the farms, where they are needed, and can show an honest return for their labor, and are placed in a business that causes nothing but wreck and loss. Mr. Joseph Arch says that " perhaps the farm laborers have done more to support the army than any other class. But the laborers are becoming awakened to their interest. They are beginning to see that they were not created to be food of gunpowder, and the sport of wicked men." Dr. Herbert, in a debate in the Austrian Parliament, in 1879, speaking on this subject, said : " I can freely speak on this subject, because of the disease, the European disease of militarism. For in consequence of militarism, Europe may be, indeed is, actually being ruined. What has been going on in Europe, whilst in one year from the termination of the Civil War, the United States scarcely retained any standing army at all, Europe has been weighted down with armor, and withdrawing her young men from civil industries and squandering millions and millions upon the maintenance of whole nations in arms. 98 War versus Peace And the question has now become, How long can Europe possibly endure this state of things? " And this from Washington : " How much more de- lightful to an undebauched mind is the task of making improvements in the earth than all the vainglory which can be acquired by managing it by the most uninterrupt- ed career of conquests. For the sake of humanity it is devoutly to be wished that the manly employments of agriculture and the harmonizing effects of commerce should supersede the waste of war and the ravages of conquest, that swords may be turned into plowshares, and spears into pruning hooks, as the Scriptures express it, and the nations learn war no more." And now let us turn to the cost of war in money, and in noticing this it is more difficult to obtain definite fig- ures than obtaining the loss of men, for in the wholesale destruction of property the loss involved is always only approximately considered; and then the great loss sus- tained by commerce can not be estimated with anything like definite results. We will notice the direct cost of the wars during the last century. The Napoleonic Wars, covering nineteen years, cost the nations involved $15,000,000,000; the British-Ameri- can War of 1812-14, $300,000,000; the war with Mexico, $180,000,000; the Crimean War, 1854-56, $1,666,000,000; the Italian War of 1859, $294,000,000; the Schleswig- Holstein War of 1864, $34,000,000; the American Civil War of 1861-65, $8,000,000,000; the Prussian-Austrian War of 1866, $325,000,000; the expeditions to Mexico, Morocco, Cochin China, etc., 1861-67, $200,000,000; the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, $3,000,000,000; the Rus- so-Turkish War of 1877, $1,100,000,000; the Zulu and Afghan Wars of 1879, $150,000,000; the China-Japan War War versus Peace 99 of 1894-95 ; $60,000,000 ; the British Boer War of 1899- 1901, $1,300,000,000; the Spanish-American, Philippine War, 1898-1902, $800,000,000; the Russo-Japanese War, $1,735,000,000. Besides all this, there were hundreds of petty little wars in the nineteenth century, which we have not mentioned, but which have cost an enormous sum of money. Great Britain alone had more than eighty of these wars during this century, or almost one a year, at a total cost of not much less than one billion dollars. This, with the small- er conflicts of the other nations, would easily bring the sum to over three billion dollars, for England alone, and would bring the sum total for one century to over $37,- 000,000,000, a sum so vast that it means nothing, for the finite mind cannot grasp its vastness. It would employ 1,500,000 men, working 200 days each year, for forty years, at two dollars per day, and there would be left enough money at the end of that time to give each one a Christian burial. Look at the cost of our own Civil War. A very con- servative estimate of this war is $8,000,000,000 (a recent estimate places the cost of this war, including pensions and interest since paid, at $13,000,000,000), or one-half of the entire wealth of the nation at the beginning of hostilities. Load this money in silver dollars on common freight cars, and you would have over 55,000 cars, or a train 417 miles long. In silver dollars this sum of money placed side by side would pave a roadway sixty feet wide the greatest distance of the United States from north to south. Some one has estimated that the total cost of this war would have bought the freedom of every slave, and have given him enough capital to start in business. It would 100 War versus Peace have purchased the entire mileage of railway in the United States, with all its rolling stock, station yards, and other property. It would purchase in addition every vessel flying the American flag on all the oceans, lakes, and rivers in the world, all the thousands of miles of telegraph and telephone lines, and everything belonging to them, and all the mines and quarries of the nation. Even this would not exhaust all the wealth ; there would still be left enough to buy all the churches and school- houses of the land : and this for only one war in one na- tion. R. P. Stebbins, in "Plain Sketches of War," says: " Give me the money that has been spent in war, and I will purchase every foot of land upon the globe, I will clothe every man, woman, and child in an attire that kings and queens would be proud of, I will build a school- house upon every hillside and in every valley over the whole habitable earth, I will supply that schoolhouse with a competent teacher, I will build an academy in every town and endow it, a college in every State and fill it with able professors, I will crown every hill with a church consecrated to the promulgation of the Gospel of Peace, I will support in its pulpit an able teacher of righteousness, so that on every Sabbath morning the chimes on one hill should answer to chimes on another round the earth's broad circumference. . . . It is the darkest chapter in human depravity thus to squander God's richest blessings upon passion and lust." The amount of money spent by the various world pow- ers in military preparations is even in times of peace enormous, as shown by the following table. This for the year 1909: War versus Peace 101 Name of Country Army Navy Great Britain, $133,176,150 $161,599,500 Germany, 213,572,487 84,830,930 France, 148,488,749 64,384,555 Spain, 31,515,664 9,392,766 Japan, 53,708,386 40,474,420 Russia, 220,902,420 42,188,410 It can be seen by this table that military preparations are consuming a large part of the revenue of the nations, and all this in times of peace. Right in connection with this it will be interesting to note the national debts of these nations, together with the total revenue of each country : Country N ational Debt Cost of Debt Austria-Hungary, $ 297,529,120 $130,576,685 Belgium, .. 563,372,473 30,526,678 France, 5,912,806,059. 237,550,311 Denmark, 65,157,023 5,092,870 German Empire, 696,713,786 25,722,372 Great Britain, 3,877,418,133 141,395,500 Italy, 2,516,453,550 126,413,440 Japan, 1,250,000,000 62,500,000 Netherlands, ". 488,728,640 14,233,393 Norway, 71,846,920 2,166,006 Portugal, 851,971,517 24,267,085 Russia, 3,652,892,230 155,881,396 Spain (exclusive of Cuban debt), now over, . . 4,000,000,000 14,378,542 Sweden, 93,432,476 3,268,667 United States, 925,011,637 30,833,721 These debts are very significant in that a large propor- tion of them are due to war. Take the United States for example. At the beginning of the War of 1812 the na- tional debt was $45,209,737; at the close of that war it had risen to $127,334,933. This was gradually reduced, until in 1846, when $15,550,202 remained unpaid. Then 27052 102 War versus Peace came the Mexican War, and its cost, including the money paid for cessions of territory, raised the debt to $68,304,- 796. In the interval of peace between the Mexican War and the Civil War, the debt was again diminished, and at the beginning of the Civil War the national debt stood at $64,842,287. But from this time on, the debt began to increase, until in 1866 it had reached the enormous sum of $2,773,236,174. After the Revolution of 1688, the British debt stood at $80,000,000. Marlborough's campaign added $190,000,000, the French and Indian Wars, $435,000,000, and our Rev- olution, $605,000,000 ; but as war debts were partly paid in time of peace, the total in 1795 was only $1,250,000,000. The wars of Moscow, of Dresden, and of the abdication of Napoleon, 1812-13-14, added $535,000,000, and the Na- poleonic Wars, $3,005,000,000, so that in 1819 the debt, in spite of reductions, was $4,500,000,000. In 1820 Sydney Smith wrote : " The schoolboy whips his taxed top; the beardless youth manages his taxed horse with a taxed bridle on a taxed road ; and the dying Englishman, pouring his medicine which has paid seven per cent into a spoon which has paid fifteen per cent, flings himself back upon his chintz bed, which has paid twenty-two per cent, and expires in the arms of an apothecary who has paid a license of one hundred pounds for the privilege of putting him to death." The war in Crimea added $165,000,000, but annual pay- ments had reduced the gross total in 1899 to $3,175,000,000. The Boer War and the Boxer expedition in China, be- sides $335,000,000 exacted in war taxes, again added $750,000,000 to the debt, and in 1903 it stood at nearly $4,000,000,000 ; all this vast sum being the record of past wars, and not of any useful expenditure. War versus Peace 103 What is true of the United States and Great Britain in this respect is true of every nation. The tremendous indebtedness of the nation is one of the results of war; and these debts are not levied on the present generation alone; but many succeeding generations are burdened with the payment of debts, in the making of which they had no voice. The total indebtedness of the nations to- day is over $33,000,000,000, and would require a payment of $3,591 for every man, woman and child in the world to discharge this obligation. The nation having the greatest national debt in proportion to its population is Cuba, where the per capita is $20,939, and the nation having the least is China, where the per capita is only forty-nine cents. All these debts, together with the in- terest, must be paid by the taxpayers of the country, and in the aggregate it consumes much of his time. Jonathan Dymond, in an essay on war, says that " it has been computed that the actual workers in Great Britain, even in times of peace, work every day of the year to pay the national debt, twenty-six minutes; for the maintenance of our armaments, thirty minutes a day; for the cost of collecting the taxes, four minutes a day; for the relief of the poor, nine minutes a day; for local taxes, nine minutes a day; for the cost of civil government, twelve minutes a day. Adding these together, we find our laborers working every day of the year, one hour and thirty minutes, or nine hours per week, for the payment of our national and local taxes. Very nearly two-thirds of this time is occupied in producing the cost of our war system, that is, of our national debts and of our arma- ments." Surely there is something radically wrong with a sys- tem that exacts from the laboring class their hard-earned 104 War versus Peace money, and applies it to that which neither clothes nor feeds humanity. Our own government is making tre- mendous strides toward leading the nations in military expenditure, and in fact has already placed herself in the foremost rank as a competitor for expending the greatest amount of money in maintaining the army and navy and other military expenses. America is comparatively a new country, and its growth in population and wealth has been so vast that even expensive wars do not create debts like those in the old countries. But who dare say that if we continue on at the present rate we shall not, like other nations, feel the weight of debt? In 1906, the appropria- tions alone were as follows : Army appropriation, ,. $ 71,817,165.08 Military Academy appropriation, 1,664,707.67 Naval appropriation, 102,091,670.27 Pension appropriation, 140,245,500.00 Total, $315,879,043.02 And this does not include the interest on the war debt, which brings the grand total for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1906, to the enormous sum of $359,000,000. Our nearest competitor in this mad, wild race for military su- premacy, was Great Britain, with appropriations total- ing $346,000,000 ; Russia next, with $241,000,000, and Ger- many next, with $238,000,000. AVe boast about our exports of manufactures, but they were only $100,000,000 more than we paid out for the anny and navy, and a patriotic company of pensioners. Our entire export trade in 1906, including all our cargoes of raw materials which make up the bulk of our foreign trade, amounted to $1,717,000,000. The profit on that was about $346,000,000, or $13,000,000 less than the cost of War versus Peace 105 our own military establishments, including pensions ; and then let us notice the rate of increase in the naval appro- priations in the United States for the past ten years : Year Appropriation 1898, $ 55,241,742.75 1899, 65,373,667.88 1900, 55,485,006.75 1901, 60,443,393.42 1902, 67,196,368.76 1903, 80,896,581.93 1904, 102,102,753.20 1905, 114,888,583.21 1906, 107,939,865.13 Now, if the rate of increase for the next ten years is as great as it has been during the past ten, the appropri- ations for 1916 will be over $200,000,000; and if the pres- ent policy of the government is carried out, there can be no doubt but that the increase shall be even greater. If becoming a world power means the spending of her money and men to preserve the peace, it would be better far that a nation cease to be a world power, and pay more attention to the development of her resources. The facts are that when a nation's resources are drained to main- tain that which cannot possibly do any good, it becomes absolutely helpless to protect its citizens in times of peril. It is a fact worthy of note that immediately after the Russo-Japanese War such a report as the following should be sent out : " Terrible suffering from starva- tion is reported in many parts of Russia, it being esti- mated that 20,000 of the population are now included in the famine-stricken district. Thousands of the peasants are living on weeds and hay." Conditions in peace are becoming almost as expensive 106 War versus Peace as war; as year after year the nations are expending more and more, it means that the taxes must become greater. Nearly a billion dollars are spent annually by nations in war preparations, and almost one billion more in the interest on war loans, while the essential require- ments of the people — education, comforts of life, oppor- tunities for culture — remain unsatisfied ; and these sums, though vast as they are, do not nearly show the total cost of the various wars. Lord Granville said that the indirect damage done to the United States by the Southern cruisers during the Civil War was four billion dollars. So, in every war, there is destruction of cities, crops, live stock, and other property, the amount of which can never be estimated. War has stood as a hideous monster, into whose ever- open mouth has poured the wealth of nations. But, re- fusing to be satisfied, it is still demanding the resources of the world, in both money and men. Nations could well profit from the advice of Lord Beaconsfield, who in 1859 said : " Let us terminate this disastrous system of wild expenditure by mutually agreeing, with no hypoc- risy, but in a manner and under circumstances which will admit of no doubt, by the reduction of armaments, that peace is really our policy." "O thou devouring sword! The end will come To thy insatiable thirst for blood; And thou thyself wilt die a hopeless death, And be forgotten in thy shroud of rust. "For lo! a higher shall assert its might; And love shall loosen from the hand of hate Its direst instrument; the ancient feuds Which stirred men's blood shall no more waste the earth Outdriven by the fresh expulsive forces Of a new spirit that shall move the world; And over all shall rule the Prince of Peace." CHAPTER IV A Brief History of the Peace Movement Universal Brotherhood, and peace with all mankind, was first heralded to the world at the coming of Jesus Christ, the Son of God. All the great teachers and prophets prior to his time looked forward to a time when one should arise who would proclaim the Brotherhood of Man, and since the time of Christ, the principles which he advocated and the truths which he taught have led the whole historic development of the peace movement. From the time the angelic host proclaimed " Peace on earth, good will to men," until now, his life has been the mainspring to the movement, giving it now and then life and inspiration. His life is the central figure, around which all the peace movements, both ancient and modern, have revolved, for not only did he speak as one having authority, speaking the greatest truths which ever fell from the lips of man, but he gave his life on the rugged cross that the undying love of God might be made known to every individual. Prior to his time the idea of universal and perpetual peace was almost wholly unknown. In the earlier his- tory of the world, bonds of friendship and ties of love did not and were not expected to extend any further than the family connections. Therefore we hear Abra- ham saying to his brother Lot, " Let there be no strife, I pray thee, between me and thee, and between my herd- 107 108 War versus Peace men and thy herdmen, for we be brethren." Thus they might war as much as they pleased with other tribes and families, but among themselves there was a feeling of family honor which kept them at peace. Dr. Trueblood says that " the forces which operated among ancient peoples in producing this measure of pacific life were sense of kinship, contiguity of dwelling, interdependence, and some realized community of inter- ests. Beyond this sphere of race or family, war, pillage, conquest, enslavery, were considered not only permis- sible, but also obligatory." As these families began to increase, they merged into tribes, and the tribes into nations, and while the nations managed to keep up a fair degree of peaceful relations among themselves, war against other peoples was not only lawful, but obligatory. Moses, the great leader of the Jews, while having a little knowledge of the Prophet that was to come, considered himself in duty bound to re- sent the afflictions heaped upon his people by the Egyp- tians, which led him to slay an Egyptian and hide him in the sand. Even David, that mighty man of God, while sighing for peace among his own people, considered it his duty to subdue the surrounding nations with the sword, and though he did more to unify and strengthen his na- tion than any other man the Jewish nation produced, it probably never occurred to him to treat all nations of people as his brethren. Some of the prophets had a broader view of the divine plan. Micah tells of the time to come when " swords shall be beaten into plowshares, and spears into pruning hooks, nation shall not lift up a sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more," and Isaiah prophesied of the time when " the leopard shall lie down with the kid and the calf and the War versus Peace 109 young lion and the fatling together, and a little child shall lead them." Other prophets also had a foreknowl- edge of that glorious era, when the Prince of Peace should be sent into the world. But none of these proph- ets had anything but a vague idea about universal peace. Nearly all of their writings, their songs, their prayers, were for the peace of Israel, believing themselves to be superior to all other nations, and that God meant them to bring all other nations under their sway, and so com- pletely had this idea taken hold of them that when Christ came into the world they refused to accept him, believ- ing him to be unable to bring them back to their former power and greatness. They refused to see " the middle wall of partition " broken down, and to comprehend the true basis of a universal peace founded on the equal rights of all men and all nations. What is true of the Jewish nation is also true of the other nations. Four hundred years before Christ, Aris- tophanes, a Greek writer, wrote a comedy entitled, " Peace," in which the humane tendency of the author was very evident. Many of the Greek philosophers — Socrates, Plato, Democritus, Diogenes, Theodorus, and others — had a larger and truer conception of humanity and a deeper perception of the need of peace than was found elsewhere. Even Confucius, of whom it is doubt- ful if he had any real belief in a personal God, gave to the world some thoughts and ideas concerning " Universal Benevolence," which were worthy of consideration. Bud- dha, whose teaching was addressed to all alike, with- out distinction of person or caste, recognized in the " Fraternity of Humanity," something akin to our mod- ern peace conceptions. In the early history of Rome we find that some of her men had a faint idea as to the value 110 War versus Peace of peace, at least. About 450 B. C. Spurius Cassius ne- gotiated a treaty of perpetual peace with the Latins and Hernicans. Vergil, the first of Latin poets, in his Fourth Eclogue, represents the world .as enjoying eternal peace during a mythological Golden Age. But in the settling of disputes the use of pacific methods was exceedingly lim- ited. In Rome it was purely internal and political; and with all the philosophy of the Greeks, they were unable to inculcate into the principles of the Greek mind the idea of a common universal humanity; and so with China and India. Except in the case of a few prophets of the Jews, and a few of the sages of other nations, the practical application of peace methods never went in pre-Christian times. But, limited as were their views, and narrow as was their conception of humanity, it nevertheless has a part in the fulfilling of the prophecy that " righteousness shall cover the earth as the waters cover the deep," for it is of divine planting, and is " rooted in the Divine Father- hood, in which alone the oneness of humanity finds its rational explanation." Their ideas and thoughts were the paving of the way for the newer and grander views of the Christ that was to be. It was indeed fitting that Christ should make his advent with the world during a time of comparative peace. The Augustan age, from 31 B. C. to 14 A. D., was one of general peace and prosperity, wars having so nearly ceased, and interest in politics having diminished, men turned their thought more toward literature, art, and religion. "The world in solemn stillness lay, To hear the angels sing." " No war, or battle's sound, Was heard the whole world round, War versus Peace 111 The idle spear and shield were high up hung; The hooked chariot stood Unstained with hostile blood; The trumpet spoke not to the armed throng; And kings sat still with awful eye, As if they surely knew their Sovereign Lord was by." None of the recorded sayings of Jesus Christ, or of his disciples specifically prohibits war. Many negative du- ties, although conceded by all to be wrong, are not specif- ically prohibited in the Gospel ; thus suicide is believed by all to be wrong, and yet the Gospel nowhere ex- pressly forbids it. To those who require such a com- mand as " Thou shalt not engage in war," it is therefore sufficient to reply that they require that which upon this, and upon many other subjects, Christianity has not seen fit to give. Some, however, go so far as to state that some of the acts and words of Christ may be construed to favor war under certain conditions, and these we wish to briefly notice. The narrative of the centurion who came to Jesus at Capernaum to solicit him to heal his servant furnishes one of these arguments ; because Christ found no fault with the centurion's profession, and that instead of censuring him, he highly commended him and said, " I have not found so great faith, no, not in Israel," therefore he approved of his profession. This argument is far-fetched, for while he did not disapprove in words his profession, he was absolutely silent about it. Ap- probation is expressed, not to his arms, but to his faith, and no occasion was given for noticing his profession. He came to Christ, not as a soldier, but as a man needing help. Christ very seldom interfered with the civil or political institutions of the world. His mode of con- demning political vices was by inculcating general rules of purity, which in their universal application would re- 112 War versus Peace form them all. Similar argument is advanced from the case of Cornelius, to whom Peter was sent from Joppa, of which it is said that although the Gospel was imparted to Cornelius by the especial direction of heaven, yet we do not find that he therefore quitted his profession, or that it was considered inconsistent with his new char- acter. While we do not find that he quitted his pro- fession, neither do we find that he continued it. We only know nothing of the matter, and the evidence is there- fore so much less than proof as silence is less than ap- probation. It has also been urged that Christ either paid taxes to the Roman government, or approved of their payment at a time when it was engaged in war, and when therefore the money that he paid would be em- ployed in its prosecution. This is admissible. But while trying to prove the lawfulness of war by this, it is prov- ing too much. There taxes were thrown into the ex- chequer of the state, and a part of the money was applied to purposes of a most iniquitous and shocking nature, such as the gratification of the emperor's personal vices, his gladiatorial exhibitions, and to the support of a mis- erable idolatry. If therefore the payment of taxes to such a government proves an approbation of war, it proves an approbation of many other enormities. The payment of tribute by our Lord was simply in accordance with his usual way of avoiding direct interference with civil or political institutions. Again, in Luke 22: 36, Christ says to his disciples, " He that hath no sword, let him sell his garment and buy one." It is very evident from the context that Christ never meant carnal weapons. Bezasays: "This whole speech is allegorical : ' My fellow-soldiers, you have hitherto lived in peace, but now a dreadful war is War versus Peace 113 at hand, so that omitting all other things, you must think only of arms ; ' but when he prayed in the garden and reproved Peter for smiting with the sword, he him- self showed what these arms were." Such a use of language is frequently made use of in the Scriptures : " Shield of faith," " Helmet of salva- tion," "Sword of the Spirit," "I have fought a good fight," and others. These are all far-fetched conclusions in favor of war. Over against them is the preponderance of evidence in both the life and teachings of the Savior against the practices of war: "Have peace one with another;" " Walk with all lowliness and meekness, with long-suffer- ing, forbearing one another in love;" "Be at peace among yourselves ; " " Lay aside all malice ; " "Avenge not yourselves," and many others. For at least two hun- dred years after Christ's time the Christians understood the teachings and life of Christ to be squarely opposed to war, and in consequence of this belief many of them refused to engage in it, whatever the consequences might be, whether reproach, or imprisonment, or death. " It is as easy," says a learned writer of the seventeenth cen- tury, " to obscure the sun at midday as to deny that the primitive Christians renounced all revenge and war." Many testimonies are on record showing that some Christians suffered death rather than sacrifice the princi- ples of peace. It is related that Maximilian, when brought before Dion, the pro-consul, and asked his name, Maximil- ian, turning to him, replied, " Why wouldst thou know my name? I am a Christian, and cannot fight." Max- imilian was registered " five feet ten inches high," and Dion bade the officer mark him, and at the same time say- ing to him, " Bear arms, or thou shalt die." Maximilian 114 War versus Peace answered, " I cannot fight if I die. I am not a soldier of this world, but a soldier of God." When asked who had persuaded him to act thus, he answered, " Mine own mind and he that called me." Dion persisted in question- ing him and urging him to bear arms. But Maximilian continued firm, replying, " My arms are with the Lord. I cannot fight for any earthly consideration ; I am now a Christian." Dion then ordered his name to be struck from the roll, and then delivered this sentence : " Max- imilian, because thou hast with a rebellious spirit refused to bear arms, thou art to die with the sword ; " and when led to the place of execution, Maximilian said, " My dear brethren, endeavor with all your might to see the Lord, and that he may give you such a crown." Another example is that of Marcellus in the Legion called Trojana. While holding this position he became a Christian, and believing in common with his fellow- Christians that war was no longer permitted to him, he threw down his belt at the head of the Legion, declaring that he had become a Christian, and that he would serve no longer. He was committed to the common prison. But he was still faithful to Christianity. " It is not law- ful," said he, " for a Christian to bear arms for any earth- ly consideration;" and he was in consequence put to death. These are not isolated cases. Many similar examples might be given, for the principles of these brethren who were martyrs for the cause of peace were the principles of the whole Church. Clement of Alexandria calls his Christian contemporaries the " followers of peace," and expressly tells us that " the followers of peace used none of the implements of war;" and about the end of the second century, Celsus, one of the opponents of Christian- War versus Peace 115 ity, charged the Christians with refusing to bear arms, even in case of necessity. Even after Christianity had spread over almost the whole of the known world, Tertullian, in speaking of a part of the Roman armies including more than one-third of the standing Legions of Rome, distinctly informs us that " not a Christian could be found amongst them." Irenaeus, who lived about the year 180, affirms that the prophecy of Isaiah, which declared that men should turn their swords into plowshares and their spears into prun- ing-hooks, had been fulfilled in his time, " for the Chris- tians," says he, " have changed their swords and their lances into instruments of peace, and they know not how to fight." Among the early Christians, difficulties were settled by conciliation, or the arbitration of friends, not even the courts of law being often resorted to. But deep as were the convictions of the early Christians, and ennobling as were their acts of heroism in behalf of their principles, they had but little influence over the peoples and nations surrounding them. The nations in their relations to each other were untouched by it. They despised each other and fought on as before. " Wars and rumors of wars " continued to be the program among the nations. The cause of this indifference on the part of the nations has been ascribed to the fact that the Church was conceived as something beyond this world and its affairs. Chris- tianity was all right for the class of people who cared to follow it, but it had nothing to do with political in- stitutions, and therefore could not exert any influence over political matters. However, beginning with the third century, when Christianity became partially cor- rupted, Christian soldiers were common. " In a word, 116 War versus Peace they became soldiers when they ceased to be Christians." The number increased with the increase of the general profligacy, until at last, in the fourth century, Christians became soldiers without hesitation. The early teachings of the Christians were either forgotten, or cast aside as narrow and unworthy of their conduct. But the teach- ings of Christ, and the martyrs who suffered for the prin- ciples of peace, could not be entirely erased through the long period of darkness that followed, extending to and overlapping the Reformation. Much of the early peace spirit and practice remained. Dr. Trueblood says : " It was working away like leaven, cultivating the intellect, developing the instinct of free- dom, preparing the ground for the building of modern independent self-governing nations. " In spite of the struggles during the " Holy Wars," when Christianity itself was perverted into an instrument of cruelty and bloodshed, the popes and bishops softened and con- siderably humanized the character of the nations. With but few exceptions, however, for 1,200 years the world was given over to war and bloodshed. One of the circumstances which shows that the idea of peace was not wholly lost sight of, was the "Truce of God," which at best was a somewhat ineffectual protec- tion to churches, priests and laborers. It seems to have been first established at the Synod of Tuluges in Rous- sillons, in 1027. It provided that private feuds should cease at least on the holy days from Thursday evening to Sunday evening of each week ; also during the whole season of Advent and Lent, and on the octaves of the great festivals, and was permanently extended to all monks, clerks, bishops and churches. It was first in- troduced in Aquitaine, then in France and Burgundy. War versus Peace 117 Under William the Conqueror, it was introduced into England, and in 1071, into the Netherlands. Gradually its terms began to enlarge, having its special courts and methods of procedure. Excommunication and banish- ment from seven to thirty years were its penalties. Clauses were added to protect pilgrims, women and merchants; while the cattle and the agricultural imple- ments of the peasant, his ox, horse, plow, and even his olive trees, were covered by the Regis of the Church. The " Truce of God " was most popular in the twelfth century, during which period it was sanctioned both by local and papal councils, such as that held at Rheims by Calixtus II. in 1119, and the Lateran councils of 1139 and 1179. With the thirteenth century its influence be- gan to decline, as the power of the king gradually led to the substitution of the King's Peace for that of the Church. Other forces were at work also in the sixteenth cen- tury for the developing of peace and the crushing of war. Religious organizations began to spring up declar- ing it wrong to bear arms, and they exerted no small in- fluence in favor of peace. One of these religious sects was the Moravians. Their discipline was very strict; they supervised the conduct of their members in their private or secular affairs, as well as in their ecclesias- tical relations. They refused to bear arms, and for this they suffered severe persecutions and were driven from place to place, finally settling in Moravia. In 1525 arose in Switzerland a denomination of evan- gelical Protestant Christians, called Mennonites. Ab- stinence from the vanities of the world was imposed, and (the state being regarded as un-Christian) the principle of refusing to participate in civic duties, to bear arms, 318 War versus Peace and to take oaths, was upheld. The refusal to bear arms, among others things, exposed them to much per- secution, and caused many of them to emigrate to Moravia and Holland, and later, in 1683, to the colonies. But these organizations did not seem to make them- selves felt to any great extent. That the spirit and teachings of Jesus leave no place whatever for war was only feebly uttered by them. But they were im- portant in that they kept before the public mind the higher ideals, and no doubt they had much to do in in- spiring other men and organizations in later years to greater activity. There were also many practical results from the efforts for peaceful adjustments of difficulties. During the thirteenth century there were one hundred cases of arbitration in Italy alone. A treaty of mutual alliance concluded between Genoa and Venice in 1238 contained a clause providing for submission to the arbi- tration of the pope. A treaty concluded at Fribourg in 1516 between Francis I. and the Swiss Cantons, and known by the name of " Perpetual Peace," contained an arbitration clause. The cities of the Hanseatic League established the practice of arbitration, and referred their differences to the City of Lubeck, which selected four other towns to form a tribunal, whose sanctions were minor or major excommunication, as the case might be. These and many similar treaties or leagues, while deal- ing more especially with themselves, were stepping- stones to the international treaties and arbitrations of later years. During the seventeenth century several im- portant events transpired which brought the peace move- ment more prominently before the public mind than it had been since the days of the early Christians, and indeed, some of the events were more practical than any- War versus Peace 119 thing that had ever been advanced, save the coming of Christ himself. Henry IV. of France, in the early part of the century conceived a " grand design," whereby Europe was to be divided into fifteen states consisting of Pro- testants and Catholics, republican and monarchial, elec- tive and hereditary states, between which peace would be guaranteed by congresses of perpetual peace. Though his plan was evidently advanced to bring the greater renown to his own kingdom, yet it had in it the element of true peace in striving to make war impossible, and while we can in no way commend the means by which he meant to carry out the design — by having a great international army and crush all opposition — yet the vision of a united Europe was one worthy of more respect and sympathy than it received at that time. Dr. Trueblood says : " It has been immensely fruitful in holding thought and inspiration to the idea of closer union and more friendly cooperation among the nations." This design would have failed because of its own de- crees. That peace which is maintained by the sword will not long be enthroned, for sooner or later the sword will be applied, and this is war. A very important event of the seventeenth century in the interest of peace, and one that can well be ranked as one of the greatest of all times in forwarding the cause of right and justice, was the work of Hugo Grotius, a Dutch scholar and statesman, born in 1583 and died in 1645. In his 24th year he was appointed advocate-gen- eral. In 1615 he was sent to England to settle some dif- ficulties which had arisen between Holland and England. In the struggle between the Remonstrants and their op- ponents he took the side of the Remonstrants, under Barneveldt, for which he was sentenced to imprisonment 120 War versus Peace for life. He made his escape and wandered for some time in the Catholic Netherlands. From there he went to France, where he was received by Louis XIII. Finally he returned to Holland, but by the influence of enemies he was condemned to perpetual banishment. He later went to Hamburg, and in 1634 to Stockholm, where he was appointed counsellor of state and ambassador to the French court, in which post he remained for ten years. On his return to Sweden by way of Holland, he was met in Amsterdam with a distinguished reception. His old enemies were dead, and he was received with honor to his native land. Grotius was a profound theologian and a distinguished scholar, an acute philosopher and jurist, and a judicious historian. All of his learning and experience he used to the very best advantage, when in 1625 he published his most famous book, " On the Rights of War and Peace," a work which has been said by jurists to have contributed more than any other uninspired book to the common- wealth of nations. This work has been translated into all the principal languages of Europe, and may be con- sidered as the basis of international law, and has been much used as a textbook on the subject. He denounces in the most scathing terms the Christian princes who went to war, declaring their conduct to be a disgrace even to barbarians. He pleaded in a noble Christian spirit for the use of arbitration. He said that " the sacred his- tory doth not a little provoke us to mutual love by teaching that we are all of us born by the same first par- ents." It seems as if the country was ripe for such a work. It set men to thinking seriously on the nature of war, its horrors, and the means of preventing them. It is said that Gustavus Adolphus, during his campaign, War versus Peace 121 slept with a copy of it under his head. His work still stands as a monument to the cause of peace. The most important event, however, in this century, was the peace work of George Fox, the founder of the Society of Friends, born in Drayton, in Leicestershire, England, in 1624, died in London, 1690. While yet a boy, he was distinguisheed by his gravity and exemplary con- duct. He began his ministry when twenty-three years of age, and from the first, his preaching seems to have made many converts and excited much opposition. His first imprisonment took place in the year 1648, because of a controversy between himself and another preacher. His work was of greater importance than that of Grotius, in that he left his principles with an organized body who have ever since held up prominently the principle of universal brotherhood. He brought out the principles of non-resistance, which had been feebly uttered by the Mennonites and Moravians, and used them so forcibly that the whole English-speaking world was compelled to listen. To his belief of the unlawfulness of all war was added a clear view of the enormity of the punishment of death for crimes affecting property only. Within ten years of Fox's first appearance as a preach- er, meetings of the Friends were established in most parts of England ; at the same time, so actively were they persecuted, that for several years there were seldom less than one thousand of them in prison. But they, like the apostles, were not to be conquered by persecutions, and he who thinks that heroes are only found on the battle- field, need but study the trials and hardships of these humble, brave-hearted soldiers of the Cross. His work and the principles which he promulgated were of great 122 War versus Peace value, in that he drew to his cause men of the highest rank and ability. Such an one was William Penn. William Penn was born in London, October 13, 1644; died July 29, 1718. He received a good education, which was completed at Christ Church, England. He disap- pointed his father's expectations by turning Quaker, and was discarded by him. But Sir William afterward re- pented and sent his son abroad. He began preaching and propagating the new faith, which he loved so dearly, and for this he was soon imprisoned. While thus imprisoned at, the Tower, he composed his principal work, entitled " No Cross, no Crown," intended to show the benefit of suffering. In 1681 he obtained from the Crown, in lieu of the arrears due his father's estate, the grant of a province in North America, and it was Charles II. who in honor of Penn proposed the name of Pennsylvania. The code of laws which Penn formed for his new colony was founded upon the broad, free principle of love to God and to fellow-man. His indeed was a " holy experiment," founded in an age of ignorance and superstition, when the sword was the mightiest weapon known, founded at a time when the mind of the savages of North America had been stirred to the highest pitch of hatred and revenge by the atroc- ities heaped upon them by former colonists. But Penn believed that the Indians could be subdued with love, and he was willing to put his belief to the test. Dr. Trueblood says : " He reasoned that if Christianity is true, if the principles of Christ's mountanic instruction are obligatory for the individual, they must be no less so for the state. He had verified these principles in his own experience. He would there have seized the opportunity War versus Peace 123 which the providence of God had given him to test their practicality, of which he had not the slightest doubt, in the wider circle of the state." England laughed at the supposed stupidity of her Quaker son. King Charles said to him, " I have no idea of any security against these cannibals, but in a regiment of good soldiers and their muskets and bayonets." But, like Paul, none of these things moved him, and on September 5, 1682, with a number of others he sailed for America, arriving at New- castle, October 24 of the same year. Although he had bought the land from England, yet he bought the land again from the Indians, negotiated treaties with them, and exerted a greater influence over them than all the soldiers that had ever been sent over. No soldier or emblem of war was ever seen in the commonwealth, and not a colony flourished as did that which Penn estab- lished. When we compare his work and success with that of the warlike spirit of the age in which he lived, it shines out with bright lustre, and can in truth be called " the fairest page in American history." Penn's experiment has been of inestimable worth to the nations of the world, in that it is a silent reminder of the fact that war is a useless folly. The eighteenth century was productive of much peace sentiment, for although some of the most bloody wars were in progress, yet men of calm judgment were willing that other means than the sword should be used in set- tling national disputes. While nothing definite was ac- complished during this century, yet the ideas advanced by the leading thinkers of t!e age aided in crystallizing the sentiment for the next century. In France Abbe de Saint-Pierre and Rousseau were in a small way trying to carry out the scheme of William Penn and Henry IV. 124 War versus Peace Adam Smith, a Scottish economist (born in 1723, died in 1790), was the author of several works of note which had much to do in molding public sentiment in favor of peace. One of his works, viz., " Theory of Moral Senti- ment," made sympathy the foundation of all our moral sentiments ; and his " Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations " contended that national prog- ress is best secured by freedom of private initiative within the bounds of justice. Both of these works were most favorably received. Jeremy Benthave, an English jurist and publicist, author of many works in defense of liberty, is considered the father of the Utilitarians, or those moral political economists who view everything as it is affected by the principle of " the greatest happiness of the greatest number." Among the philosophers, John Locke was making his protest of reason against war. To- ward the close of the century Immanuel Kant gave to the world his great work on " Perpetual Peace." He ad- vanced the idea of a federation of the world in an inter- national state built upon republican principles. But not- withstanding, all of these men and their influence had but little effect upon the nations, and war in its most horrible forms was the closing scene of the century. However, the Napoleonic Wars had been so destruc- tive, both in property and men, that men began to realize that something must be done ; and so the peace move- ment began to be organized along practical lines. The object of these peace movements in general was to bring home to the conscience the horror and wickedness of war and to substitute arbitration for war as a better means of settling disputes between nations. The Prince of Peace said, " It must needs be that offences come," and the peace societies formed in the nineteenth century War versus Peace 125 have been pleading that when offences between nations arise the nations concerned shall approach the question with mutual forbearance, justly, and if diplomacy on Christian principles cannot prevail, then let the question in dispute be referred to the decision of friendly judges. Philosophers, economists, statisticians, jurists, and emi- nent men in all countries, have become the apostles of peace and justice, and have demanded that differences be- tween states shall be settled by arbitration, and not by the sword. They have raised a charge against war that has never been refuted. The first peace society was organized in America in New York, in 1815. From this time until 1828 several other similar organizations were established, including the Ohio Peace Society, the Massachusetts Peace So- ciety, and others. In 1828 these societies combined to- gether and formed the American Peace Society, which is today one of the most active and vigorous factors in bringing about universal peace. Its present president is Hon. Robert Treat Paine, 6 Joy Street, Boston, Mass., and the present secretary is Benjamin F. Trueblood, LL. D., 31 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass., who is one of the greatest workers for peace in the world today. He is the author of many books, tracts and pamphlets, which have been exceedingly helpful in uplifting the cause of peace. The object of the American Peace Society, as set forth in their constitution, is " To illustrate the inconsistency of war, to show its baleful influence on all the great inter- ests of mankind, and to devise means for insuring uni- versal and permanent peace. " Auxiliaries to the society have been formed, some of which are quite active ; they are the Chicago Peace Society, the Connecticut Peace So- ciety, the Minnesota Peace Society, the Kansas State 126 War versus Peace Peace Society, New York German-American Peace So- ciety, and the Arbitration and Peace Society of Cincin- nati. In England Mr. William Allen, a member of the Society of Friends, together with his friend and core- ligionist, Joseph Tregelles, in 1816 convened his friends and succeeded in establishing the English " Peace So- ciety." It has always been absolutely unsectarian. The Peace Society has been always an international society. Its present president is Robert Spencer Watson, Esq., LL. D., and its secretary is W. Evans Darby, LL. D., who has been instrumental in creating much sentiment in favor of peace, not only in England, but throughout the world. The objects of the Peace Society are, First, To promote to the utmost of its ability perma- nent and universal peace throughout the world. Second, To diffuse information tending to show that war is inconsistent with the spirit of Christianity and the true interest of mankind. Third, To indicate the manner in which Christian prin- ciples may be reduced to practice in the relations of states. Fourth, To advocate the adoption of practical methods of settling international disputes without resource to arms, such as international arbitration, a high court of nations, a proportionate and simultaneous reduction of armaments, etc. Fifth, To oppose the increasing tendency to militarism which is so fatal to national prosperity and progress. Sixth, To advocate a reduction of ruinous war ex- penditures, and thus to lessen the burden which oppress- es the peoples of Europe, and especially the working classes. War versus Peace 12? Seventh, To promote the study of these and similar questions likely to assist in the formation of a healthy public opinion. Thousands of tracts and other publications describing war with its horrors, giving reports of peace conventions, publishing peace sermons and such other helps as tend to forward peace are sent out every year. It has maintained in the provinces, as well as in London, a staff of agents and lecturers devoting themselves to systematic teach- ing respecting the horrors of war and the blessings of peace. Hundreds of meetings are held by these during each year. About the same time an organization having for one of its objects the promotion of peace, was instituted in France by the influence of Mr. J. T. Price, who had been one of the principal promoters of the peace society in London. This society offered a prize for the best es- say showing that war is opposed to the true spirit of Christianity, does violence to the true spirit of human- ity, and is contrary to the prosperity of nations. A branch of this society was also established in Geneva un- der the auspices of Count de Sellon. Beginning with the year 1867 a remarkable advance of the peace sentiment was noticed in Europe. Other peace organizations were formed in France, Italy, Holland, and Belgium, while the peace society in London broadened the scope of its work, making itself felt more and more as a power for peace. In America, also, the cause of peace was foremost in the heart and mind of many people. In 1866 the Uni- versal Peace Union, with headquarters at Philadelphia, was organized. Alfred H. Love was chosen as presi- dent and is still acting in that capacity. Possibly no 128 War versus Peace other man in America has done more to forward the cause of peace than Mr. Love. His untiring energy and devotion 'to the cause of peace has been an inspiration to all those who have come in contact with him in his work. In one of their publications, "A Brief Synopsis of Work Proposed, Aided and Accomplished by the Universal Peace Union," the more important work which has been accomplished by this society is enumerated. Meetings have been held from Toronto, in Canada, to Atlanta, Ga. Representatives have been sent to all the leading peace congresses of the world. It has been urgent that all de- nominations set aside a peace Sunday. It has been in- terested in the commissions on reciprocity and other sub- jects kindred to peace; the care of Indians; the publica- tions of peace tracts; the adjustment of labor strikes; the establishment of tribunals of arbitration; all of this forms a very important part in the history of the Uni- versal Peace Union. Several years ago this peace organization purchased a tract of land near Mystic, Conn., and has more recently erected thereon buildings suitable for committees, recep- tion, auditorium, and convention work. At this place a summer school is maintained, where the highest type of education is presented by liberal and progressive minds all in the interests of peace. It is strictly non-sectarian and non-partisan, and cannot fail in advancing the cause of peace. This society also has" branches in various parts of the United States to which it offers such assistance as occasion may require. The bare mention of these few peace organizations is here given in order that the reader may know something of the work which is being done by these societies. At the beginning of the nineteenth century not an organiza- War versus Peace 129 tion existed whose sole object was the promulgation of peace, but at the close of the same century more than 400 societies had organized for this special purpose. Seventeen countries are represented in these societies and the total membership would number many thou- sands, the Interparliamentary Peace Union alone having a membership of more than 2,000. The teachers and edu- cators of our own and other lands recognizing the value of cooperation in this work have organized into a work- ing body and more effectual work is being done by these bodies of people than was possible before. Many churches made themselves felt as powers for peace during this century. The absolute refusal to bear arms by certain sects, including the Brethren, Quakers and Mennonites, meant bitter persecution to members of these churches, when nations were engaged in war, but it redounded greatly to the cause of peace. Peti- tions asking for the exclusion from military duty of all those whose religious views were contrary to the spirit of war were presented to the law-making bodies of the various governments and, in a few cases, were granted ; thus in the United States any person who has religious scruples that will not permit him to bear arms is exempt from military duty. While the Church has been woeful- ly negligent in times past in the efforts to advance peace, the past few years have seen remarkable activity in this line and much is to be expected from her in the future. While the eighteenth century saw but few men enlist- ed in the cause of peace, the nineteenth saw scores of men, who were in some way or other actively engaged in the peace movement. No one nation had a monopoly of the men thus engaged in this movement, but several European nations, as well as the American governments, 130 War versus Peace contributed to the advancement of peace. In addition to those already mentioned, it will be well to notice a few of the leading workers for international peace. In the foremost ranks of the peace movement, in the early part of the century, stands William E. Channing, who was the first president of the American Peace So- ciety. For a long time he edited "The Friend of Peace/' and also " The Harbinger of Peace." He also was the au- thor of many essays and other literature bearing on the horrors of war and the value of peace. His writings made a profound impression wherever read and did much to mold public opinion against war. Some of his writ- ings were translated into French and German. Elihu Burritt, 1811-1879 ; an American reformer, known as the learned blacksmith, went to England in 1846 and formed the " League of Universal Brotherhood," whose object was to employ all legitimate means for the aboli- tion of war throughout the world. He was constantly engaged in writing and lecturing, and took a prominent part in all European peace congresses. His principal works are, " Sparks from the Anvil," " Thoughts and Things at Home," and " Chips from Many Blocks." Charles Sumner made his entrance into public life July 4, 1845, when he delivered his great oration against war, " The True Grandeur of Nations." He was con- spicuous among the opponents of the Mexican War, be- lieving that war to have been one of conquest and greed. He was a bitter opponent of slavery and did as much as any other man to prevent hostilities between England and the United States during our Civil War. He be- lieved in the absolute equality of men before the law, and to him more than to any other single man was due the legislation by which that equality was for a while War versus Peace 131 established in this country. His name will be handed down through succeeding generations as one of the great workers for peace. Among other Americans who were instrumental in ad- vancing the peace movement were Noah Worcester, an author of some note, whose principal works were "A Solemn Review of the Custom of War," 1814; "The Atoning Sacrifice a Display of Love Not of Wrath," 1829 ; and " The Causes and Evils of Contentions Among Christians," 1831. David Dudley Field, who in 1866, pro- cured the appointment of a committee of jurists from the principal nations to prepare the outlines of an interna- tional code, which resulted in 1873 in the formation of an association for the reform of the law of nations, and for the substitution of arbitration for war, of which Mr. Field was the first president, William Ladd, Adin Ballou, Henry Richard, Hogsdon Pratt (and the list could be ex- tended indefinitely) were all interested in the cause of peace and did something of a substantial nature to carry it forward. Among the more prominent workers for peace in En- gland during this century was Richard Cobden, 1804- 1865, an economist who was called the great " apostle of free trade/' His first work was a pamphlet on England, Ireland and America, followed by another on Russia. He rejected the course of policy based upon the theory of the balance of power, and advocated non-intervention in the disputes of other nations. He stoutly maintained that England ought to increase and strengthen her connec- tion with foreign countries in the way of trade and in- tercourse. His advocacy of a peace policy did not always add to his popularity, but he always remained true to his convictions. 132 War versus Peace John Bright, 1811-1889, stood opposed to British inter- vention in Russo-Turkish affairs in 1877-78, was a bitter opponent of slavery, and although his own country was against him, he advocated peaceful relations with the United States during the Civil War and did much to bring about peaceful relations between these govern- ments. Jonathan Dymond, William Jay and others might be mentioned, whose influence was for peace. In addition to these Americans and Englishmen, who contributed much to the work of peace, was John de Bloch, 1836-1902, a Polish financier, economist and writer on military affairs, known for his scholarly articles on universal peace, published in French, German and En- glish, but more especially known for his great work pub- lished in St. Petersburg in 1898 (seven volumes), and in abridged form translated into English by R. C. Long, as " The Future of War in Its Technical, Economic, and Political Relations." Bluntschli, a German jurist, was considered one of the highest European authorities on international law and the laws of war. Victor Hugo, a French dramatist, novelist, essayist, and politician ; Leo Tolstoi, a Russian; Frederic Passy, Bertha von Suttner, Sheldon Amos, Charles LeMonnier, and many others were instrumental in the forwarding of peace. Alfred Bernard Nobel, born in Stockholm, Sweden, in 1833, died in Italy in 1896, disposed of his vast estate, over nine million dollars, by directing that it should con- stitute a fund, the interest of which should be divided into five equal parts, and awarded as prizes to the persons who shall have made, (1) The most important discovery or invention in the domain of physics, (2) In chemistry, (3) In physiology or medicine, (4) Who shall have pro- War versus Peace 133 duced in the field of literature the most distinguished work of an idealistic tendency, (5) Who shall have, most or best, promoted the fraternity of nations, the abolish- ment or diminution of standing armies and the forma- tion or increase of peace congresses. The peace prize was awarded in 1901 to M. Henri Dunant and Frederic Passy; in 1902 to M. Elie Ducommun ; in 1903 to Mr. W. R. Cremer ; in 1904 to the Institut International de Droit ; in 1905 to Baroness Bertha von Suttner; in 1906 to Theodore Roosevelt ; in 1907 to Signor E. T. Moneta and Prof. Louis Renault, and in 1908 to Frederic Bajer and K. P. Arnoldson. The ultimate effect of these peace so- cieties and men in favor of peace was to bring into ex- istence peace congresses in which ways and means for the arbitration of difficulties were suggested. The first of these met in London in 1843, and adopted an address to all civilized governments, requesting them to insert in all their treaties a clause binding them, in the event of differences, to appeal to the mediation of one or more friendly powers. From 1848 to 1851 four peace con- gresses were successfully held at Brussels, Paris, Frank- fort, and London ; and their eloquent appeals had no small effect on public opinion. All these assemblies adopted the principle of arbitration. Many other peace congresses and conferences have a standing of almost international importance. One of these is the Lake Mohonk Conference on international arbitration. In 1895, Albert K. Smiley, a business man, invited about fifty prominent persons to meet as his guests at his private estate at Lake Mohonk, New York; and from this assembly grew the conference which has become of considerable national significance. The conference is remarkable as being perhaps the first and only meeting 134 War versus Peace in the interest of peace at which it is distinctly stipulated that neither peace nor war shall be discussed. Three great measures which have been steadily and persistently advocated by the conference have been, (1) An interna- tional court of arbitration, (2) Arbitration treaties, both special and general, (3) Some form of international con- gress with advisory powers. Each annual meeting now numbers more than three hundred persons, eminent in all walks of American life, and its growing influence is due largely to the high character of the men who meet here from year to year. It would be impossible to note the historical develop- ment of the peace movement without also taking notice of the societies that have sprung up whose object is to protect and care for the sick and wounded in war. Pos- sibly the one person who did more than any other per- son to bring about such organizations was Florence Nightingale. She was the first woman to organize a nursing corps for an army in action, and carries a name that has brought solace and comfort to thousands of soldiers on the battlefields of Europe. She has been des- ignated " the queen of nurses," because she laid the foundation for the present elaborate system of antiseptic surgery, and the ice treatment for typhoid and camp sani- tation which have enabled many a wounded soldier to escape from death. Her personal influence and sympa- thetic nature won for her the just title of " angel of the battlefield." Her work in the Crimean War led to the calling of a congress which paved the way for better methods of nursing. At a convention held at Geneva, Switzerland, in August, 1864, an international treaty was agreed to, which sus- tained the neutrality of Red Cross Societies in all coun- War versus Peace 135 tries and on all waters. The honor of introducing the provisions of this treaty is due largely to Henri Dunant, a French humanitarian. The original purpose of the or- ganization was to provide for all suffering caused by war, but today the Red Cross cares for the victims of pesti- lence, flood and fire, as well as the victims of war. The symbol that the service carries is a just tribute to Swit- zerland as the birthplace of the movement. Switzerland's national flag is a white Greek cross on a red ground. In a Red Cross flag the colors are reversed. In each coun- try that adopted the treaty a national organization has been formed, and that alone is recognized by its national government, by other governments, and by an inter- national committee located in Geneva. This Geneva com- mittee is the medium of communication and assistance between nations, conducing to harmony and preventing complications. Our own National Red Cross was incorporated under the laws of the District of Columbia, Oct. 1, 1881. The United States gave its adhesion by act of Congress March 1, 1882, which was ratified by the congress of Berne, June 9, 1882. The officers of the organization are : Board of consultation, which consists of the President of the United States and members of his cabinet; executive officers — president, first vice-president, second vice-presi- dent, general secretary, general field agent, and a board of directors. Clara Barton, an American philanthropist, who, on the outbreak of the Civil War, resigned her clerkship in the patent office at Washington, to become a volunteer nurse in the army hospitals and on the bat- tlefield, became its first president, and did much to bring the society to its present state of perfection. The success which crowned the efforts of these va- 136 War versus Peace rious peace organizations and conventions was the call- ing together of delegates from the various governments in an International Peace Convention. The convention assembled at The Hague, the governmental seat of The Netherlands, in response to a rescript issued by Czar Nicholas II. of Russia, August 24, 1898, inviting a con- ference of all governments with representatives accredit- ed to the imperial court. The conference was to deal with the great problems of universal peace, through the international diminution of armaments and the preven- tion of armed conflicts by pacific diplomatic procedure. This convention, which marked the close of the nine- teenth century, has been justly termed " The first great parliament of man." The first meeting was on May 18, 1899, The Hague being selected, because it was not con- sidered advisable that the conference should sit in the capital of one of the great world powers, where so many political interests were centered which might retard the progress of the conference. One hundred delegates, rep- resenting twenty-six governments, were in attendance, each nation being represented by prominent diplomats, jurists, men of affairs, soldiers, and sailors. The repre- sentatives from the United States government were Am- bassador Andrew D. White, Minister Newell, General Crozcer of the army, Captain Mahan of the navy, Seth Low, mayor of New York, and F. W. Holls, of the New York bar. The president of the conference was Baron de Staal, of the Russian delegation. Three committees were formed, dealing respectively with disarmament, reg- ulations in warfare, and mediations and arbitration. The first and most important was the convention for the peaceful adjustment of international differences by the permanent institution of a court of arbitration in the War versus Peace 137 midst of the independent powers, accessible to all. The second convention dealt with the laws and usages of war on land, and the third provided for the adaptation to naval warfare of the principles of the Geneva Convention of 1864, regulations prohibiting the throwing of pro- jectiles and missiles from balloons, the use of projectiles solely intended to diffuse deleterious and asphyxiating gases (not accepted by the United States and Great Britain), and the use of soft, expansive bullets. The convention for the peaceful adjustment of inter- national differences was the crowning work of the con- ference, and was a source of great satisfaction to the ad- vocates of peace. The convention provides that each of the twenty-six signatory powers shall appoint, for a term of six years, as members of the permanent court, not more than four persons, " of recognized competence in questions of international law, enjoying the highest moral reputation/' These persons constitute a perma- nent court of arbitration, accessible at all times. They do not, however, sit as a collective body, but when two or more nations have a case to submit for arbitration, they select by mutual agreement one, three, or five of these members, who shall act as the tribunal to try the case. The first cases adjudged by the court were the " Pious fund " claims between Mexico and the United States in 1902, and the difficulties of Venezuela with the United States and various European nations, in 1903. Andrew Carnegie, on April 25, 1903, donated the sum of $1,500,000 for the erection of a Temple of Peace, com- prising a comprehensive library of international law, and a courthouse suitable as a meeting-place for the perma- nent Court of Arbitration. This conference did not result in prohibiting war, but 138 War versus Peace it did have a very salutary effect in bringing together so many nations to discuss ways of advancing peace, and while not in itself able to bring about an agreement among the nations looking towards disarmament, it paved the way for other conferences that shall ultimately ac- complish this desired end. At the urgent request of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, September-November, 1904, President Roosevelt agreed to take steps to propose another peace conference for the further development of the work begun at The Hague, " whose purpose it shall be to devise plans look- ing to the negotiation of arbitration treaties between the United States and the different nations, and also to dis- cuss the advisability of, and if possible, agree upon a gradual reduction of armaments." Secretary Hay officially directed the representatives of the United States abroad to call to the attention of the governments to which they were accredited the proposal of the President of the United States for a second peace conference at The Hague. This was in November, 1904. Several interferences came in the way of calling the con- ference, one of which was the Russo-Japanese War, and not until June 15, 1907, did the delegates of the various countries convene at The Hague. Two hundred nine delegates, representing forty-five nations, were in attendance, the delegates from the United States being Joseph H. Choate, ex-ambassador to Great Britain ; General Horace Porter, ex-ambassador to France; U. M. Rose, ex-president of the American Bar Association ; David Jayne Hill, American minister to The Netherlands, Brigadier-General George B. Davis, Rear- Admiral Charles S. Sperry, William I. Buchanan, ex-min- ister to Argentine Republic; Secretary Chandler Hale, War versus Peace 139 expert in international law; James Brown Scott, expert attache, and Charles Henry Butler. It ought to be gratifying to American citizens to know that, as in the conference of 1899 she was the means of saving it from a virtual failure, so in the conference of 1907 her representatives were the chief cause in prevent- ing the convention from adjourning without doing any- thing worthy of note. The real work of the conference, can be divided into two classes, the one aiming to render the conduct of war more humane, the other involving the principles of pre- venting wars between nations. The proposition of the United States, forbidding the bombardment of undefended towns and villages, was unanimously approved in commission, as was also the proposal to add to the rules of sea warfare the provisions of the Geneva Convention. The proposition of the pro- hibition of submarine mines was blocked by Great Britain and Germany. On the other hand, the proposal for the abolition of contraband of war, although it received the majority of votes in conference, is to be considered buried, since all the great naval powers except Great Britain are against it. The American proposal concern- ing the collection of contract debts was unanimously ap- proved, as was also the proposal for making the Arbi- tration Court more permanent and compact. The following resolutions, offered by Great Britain, was as near, however, as the convention would assert itself as to the reduction of armaments : " This confer- ence confirms the resolution adopted by the conference of 1899 regarding the limitations of military burdens, and as military burdens have been considerably augmented in almost all countries since 1899, it declares it is highly 140 War versus Peace desirable to see the governments earnestly resume the study of the question." The American proposal as to future conferences, in- cluding a proposition that the next one be held not later than 1914, was adopted. The conference adjourned October 18, after officially announcing that it had in committee agreed upon thir- teen conventions which " will be open to the plenipo- tentiaries to sign until June 30, 1908." These conven- tions follow : 1. The peaceful regulation of international conflicts. 2. Providing for an international prize court. 3. Regulating the rights and duties of neutrals on land. 4. Regulating the rights and duties of neutrals on sea. 5. Covering the laying of submarine mines. 6. The bombardment of towns from the sea. 7. The matter of collection of contract debts. 8. The transformation of merchantmen into warships. 9. The treatment of captured crews. 10. The inviolability of fishing-boats. 11. The inviolability of the postal service. 12. The application of the Geneva Convention and the Red Cross to sea warfare. 13. The laws and customs regulating land warfare. CHAPTER V Ways of Advancing Peace Who is the victor? He Who with his marshalled hosts, and all the dire And skilled appliance of modern war, Has laid a nation's manhood in the dust, Made its homes desolate, and, blotting out Its purest scenes, has left a track of ruin such As lies in the track of the cyclone? Nay, rather he who wins that nation's trust And gratitude, by noble service done, For its true weal and won its confidence, Subdued its force by making all its heart Responsive to the love within its own. That is true victory which wins the will And moves the loyal subject from within: That makes obedience the delight of love, And rule and service but a common joy. And that is courage which can stand alone Erect and panoplied with conscious faith — Which dares be true though all the world oppose And asks endorsement from no living soul But from its God. For courage such as that The common sphere of life will furnish lists, And royal realms that 'twere divine to win, And, at the last, the welcome word, " Well done." War is the last remnant of man's mode of deciding disputes in the animal or savage stage. Strange it seems that men in the light of the twentieth century should cling to a method in settling disputes that is so cruel and barbarous and which causes so much suffering. Strange that men should turn a deaf ear to the voice of 141 142 War versus Peace entreaty, and to the pleadings of the Prince of Peace, and go on in their blind folly, trusting not in him who heareth the young ravens when they cry, who clothes the lily of the field and who takes notice of the sparrow that falls to the ground, but trusts in man-made inventions which are manned too often by men who have no sense of justice or mercy. But so long as the mind of man is carnal he will continue doing that which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of the Gospel. The thing need- ful is to change the conditions of the heart, create a "new creature," "be born again;" for when a man's relation to God is right, his attitude towards and his dealings with his fellow-men will be right. The greatest institution in the world today for bringing man in a proper attitude to God is the Church, therefore it is to the Church that we must look for a solution of this problem. When the Church of the living God awakens to her opportunities and possibilities, the roar of the cannon shall be banished from the land forever. "Church of God, wake, and rise! Live, at last, thy true creed; Follow Christ, Prince of Peace; Fling the scales from thy eyes, Call war hell; — conquest, greed: In the name of Christ bid this dread crime to cease." The power of a nation which is filled with the spirit of him who is the Prince of Peace has not yet been shown to the world and one cause is that the Church has not always been willing to take the firm stand for peace that she should have taken, and not only this but the Church has many times given her sanction to war, and has refused to uphold the plain teaching of Christ on this question. War versus Peace 143 Christianity has made itself felt in all those countries that have professed it, but its effects ought to be far more perceptible than they are. Weak as has been the effort of the Church along the lines of peace, it has been the means of inspiring men to action in denouncing war. God speaks to humanity through his Church, and he has in times past used the Church as an instrument to re- buke the sins of the age, and in the future as the Church sees and knows her opportunities, God shall use her in a far greater measure than what was possible before. It therefore becomes necessary for the Church to realize her responsibility in this matter. If the Church would see that she is guilty of all the crimes and woes which the continuance of this barbarous institution entails upon the world and would know that her skirts are polluted with the gore of the battlefield and stained with the tear of the orphan and widow, she would be in a condition to break away from the modernized theory that " might makes right " and would adopt the more reasonable axiom " Back to Christ." The Church must recognize first of all that God is against war, that his teachings as exemplified in the life of Christ and his apostles are squarely opposed to war for any cause. The great trouble with the Church on this question in times past has been that she has considered some wars just, and in doing so has weakened the whole cause. Let the Church place war in the blackest catalogue of crimes, and fellowship no one who participates in any way, shape or form in war or warlike preparations. Let it be ordained that no one can be, at the same time, a soldier and a member of the Church. The Church can never be a great factor for universal peace if she insists on retaining members who are re- 144 War versus Peace ceiving money for having engaged in war. If war is a sin and the profession of the soldier a devilish profession, then surely it is a sin to receive money for having en- gaged in this sinful occupation. The man who stands be- hind the bar dealing out that which destroys both soul and body is known to be in a bad business, and no one would think of pensioning him for having engaged in a business so sinful, and the time will come when the man who stands behind the gun which deals out missiles of death and destruction will be considered to be in a business as sinful as is the business of the man behind the bar. If men go forth to slay and destroy they may carry the name of Christian on their lips, but they are simply homicides and barbarians. This is absolutely true from the Christian's standpoint. Each business is hellish in its design, devilish in its purpose, and ruinous in its results, and if the Church wishes to maintain her purity she must be separated from any such things. Regardless of the number or the powers of the men that the Church may lose because of such a stand, nothing is to be gained by a compromise with evil. The Church has the truth on her side and will also have the numbers when she takes the needful pains to secure them. But it is not enough that the Church should strive to maintain her purity by excluding all persons associated with war and military careers; she must be aggressive in her demands that right triumph. The Church is not to be as a monk shut up in a monastery where sin may not enter, but she is to be a live, active force, going into the dark, sinful places and shedding forth the glorious light coming from above. Not to raise the voice against this monstrous evil at every opportunity is to consent to, and be a par- ticipator in, its awful crimes. Right along this line the War versus Peace 145 ministers of the Gospel have been woefully negligent. Who can recall one single sermon against war and in favor of universal peace? True, many prayers are of- fered for a continuance of peace in times of peace, and for a cessation of hostilities in times of war, but what reasons if any have been advanced for such prayers? A majority of the ministers of today are fully informed as to the sin of intemperance and the crimes perpetrated by this monster, but comparatively few know anything defi- nite as to the crimes and evils of war, and so they cannot tell about it. " Where ignorance is bliss 'tis folly to be wise," but when being ignorant means that a monster more destructive and demoralizing than intemperance is making inroads into the Church and allowing convictions to be fastened upon many members that not all wars are wrong, it is high time that they become acquainted with the facts in the case. " If the ministers of religion re- main silent while butchery and bloodshed are perpe- trated let them take down the ten commandments from their church walls." The minister need not lack for texts upon this subject. The fact that it is a great evil is text enough. To become acquainted with his subject and to realize that the blood of fellow-man is dripping from his hands if he preach not the truth about war, and above all to be filled with the Holy Spirit, are essentially neces- sary before much can be accomplished. "With the pure teaching, taking thought for the humble and weak, The pitiful scorn of wrong, which the Scriptures everywhere speak. Not writ for the sage in his cell, but preached 'mid the tur- moil and strife, And touched with a living brand from the fire on the altar of life." 146 War versus Peace True it is that the popular demand is for preaching that is well pleasing to the ear. It is a disgrace that we have churches clamoring for ministers who will preach only such things as are well pleasing. It is a greater disgrace that we have men who are willing to satisfy just that kind of an appetite. Ministers of the Gospel are frequently called upon to preach memorial sermons, deliver an address at soldiers' reunions, and similar gatherings, and many of these sermons and ad- dresses are simply compromises of the plain truth. Such expressions as, " We deplore war yet pride in it," " war if needs be for humanity," and many similar expressions do not come from a heart that is fully in touch with the Divine Master. The minister does not need to underes- timate the value of the heroism displayed on the battle- field, but he dare not approve of a means so barbarous in settling difficulties. Henry Richard says : " I venture to say this, that if all the ministers of Christ's Gospel were with one voice constantly, courageously, and ear- nestly to preach to the nation ' The Truce of God,' and were to denounce war, not merely as costly and cruel and barbarous, but as essentially and eternally un-Christian, another war in the civilized world would be an impos- sibility." Then let the minister have a vision of that time when " Righteousness shall cover the earth as the waters cover the deep," and let him consider himself a factor in bringing about this condition, and let him do his duty boldly and fearlessly and in God's name the right shall triumph. In the distribution of literature bearing upon this subject, the Church has again failed to do all that should have been done. Were it not for the fact that in the last few years peace societies have been giv- ing to the people facts bearing upon war and its results, War versus Peace 147 there would be but very little literature upon this subject. The Church has been leaving to other organizations and societies the work she should have done. It is very en- couraging to note that the Church is awakening to her duty along this line and terse, helpful tracts, magazines and other literature are being published and sent out, which will result in much good for the cause of peace. A greater number of people can be reached at less ex- pense in this way than by any other method. There must be a system in this, however, if the greatest good is to be accomplished. Preaching sermons in favor of peace, and distributing literature against war, indiscriminately, will result in much lost effort. The observance of Peace Sunday as instituted by some peace societies, in which ministers are uged to preach sermons on the subject of peace, is worthy of attention. The Church as a whole could profit much by taking this matter under advise- ment. Special discourses on the subject of peace should be thoroughly advertised and all regardless of their views should be urged to attend. The minister should thoroughly acquaint himself with his subject and if tact and care are used much good will result. While the Church is and should be a peace organization, a special peace committee should be selected whose special busi- ness it would be to collect literature on the subject, and assist local organizations, Sunday schools, and Christian Workers in arranging programs for special meetings, and in various other ways help in the molding of sentiment in favor of peace. Local, district and national conferences should not fail to petition both State and national govern- ments when occasion requires in the interest of peace. Protests against war as a means of settling disputes should be sent to the head of our government whenever 148 War versus Peace difficulties arise between our nation and other nations. Denominations do not hesitate to petition the governor of a State or the President of the United States for the release of men who may have been enlisted in time of hostilities and who will not fight because of their re- ligious views. Why not appeal to these same powers in times of peace? The Church as a whole should be repre- sented at the great peace congresses by men of ability. These petitions and acts, while they may seem to be in- significant within themselves, history proves have re- sulted in great good. There is nothing to lose by letting the world know where we stand on this question and a constant agitation and petitioning will eventually cause the world to know that " righteousness and righteousness alone exalteth a nation." Again the Church must realize that the right will triumph. "0 thou devouring sword! The end will come To thy unsatiable thirst for blood; And thou thyself wilt die a hopeless death And lie forgotten in thy shroud of dust. "For lo! A higher shall assert its might: And love shall loosen from the hand of hate Its direst instrument; the ancient feud Which stirred men's blood shall no more waste the earth, Outdriven by the fresh expulsive force Of a new spirit that moves the world, And over all shall reign the Prince of Peace." The prophets were very sure of a time to come when universal peace should reign, and it is not so much for the Church to question when that time shall be as it is for her to exert herself in the hastening of that time. This time may come, and will come very soon, if the Church be- comes the mighty power in the world that she is expected War versus Peace 149 to be. Slavery was abolished years before many of the prominent men of that day thought it could be done. Temperance has made wonderful strides in the past few years. When the public conscience becomes aroused it does not take long to drive out that which is corrupt. It is sad to note that the past few years have seen alarm- ing increases in the military appropriations of the various nations, but it is also true that never before in the his- tory of the world has there been such a tremendous pressure brought to bear upon rulers for a reduction in these appropriations, and when the Church demands that war shall cease, its days shall be numbered. Oh, that the Church may speedily get the true vision of the vic- tories that are hers! The prophet Joel had this vision years ago when he said: "And it shall come to pass afterward that I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, and your old men shall dream dreams, and your young men shall see visions." " The day was dark when Joel sang his word Of hope and promise for his nation's woe: Calamity was nigh, the coming Lord Among his faithless was about to go (For retribution ever follows wrong), And horrid war, like a devouring flame, With noise and wrath should leap the land along Till Eden a wild wilderness became. " But even then the prophet saw a time, Not distant in the distant afterward, The light resplendent of a glorious clime, When men no longer by their stripes debarred From life's best good should feel the vital breath Of love: and warfare should forever cease; When old and young outled from realms of death, Should see Jehovah's day — the age of peace. 150 War versus Peace " The times are now as when the prophet sang, For armed hosts obedient to command Still shake the mountains with war's horrid clang, And morning darkness spreads along the land. But there are those who feel the touch of life, And see the visions of a coming day Which shall be free from fire, flame and strife, When wisdom shall have taught the prudent way." Men test Christianity by its capacity for grappling with the great social questions of the age, and when the Church takes hold of these questions in a desultory man- ner it invites defeat. The Church claims to be a force with spiritual power to renovate the world, and it can only justify these claims by taking a determined stand against and overthrow the great evils which from time to time seem to dominate. Above all there should be a united, consecrated, continuous prayer go up in behalf of universal peace. Christ is the final and complete rev- elation of God, and his teaching is complete, however incompletely apprehended by Christians, and it is through him that all things can be accomplished. Another very prolific source for the propagation of peace is the home. The very heart of the nation is cen- tered in the home. If envy and greed, malice and ill will, are the predominating traits in the home life, these same characteristics are sure to follow in the child as he grows into manhood and gains power through the responsibil- ity of citizenship. On the other hand if pure, unalloyed love, with its attending graces, is supreme in the home life it will be the ruling power in the child as he comes to manhood. The stamp of character by which we know individuals and are known of them is simply the reflec- tion of the life that emanates from the home. Nothing so influences the man as his early experiences, and be- War versus Peace 151 cause of this fact home life must be ideal if the citizen's life is to be ideal. People are beginning to realize that all reformation must begin with the child in the cradle and even before birth. We may not be able to do away with prisons, but we can prevent crime by training children in righteousness, so there will be no criminals, and fu- ture generations can abolish prisons and reformatories. We can not abolish saloons, but we can so train our chil- dren that neither this nor future generations will have any need for the saloon. . We at present can not abolish war, but by the grace of God we can so instill in the hearts of our boys and girls the principles of love and justice that there will be no inclination to fight and kill. Christian love goes out to all humanity. It ought to be- gin in the home, but should not stay there. The truth that " God is no respecter of persons " should first find lodgment in the heart when the prayer is first lisped at mother's knee. The sacredness of home life must give place to that broader view, the sacredness of humanity. Love for country must merge into the nobler theme, love for all the world. Humanity is developed age after age through the gradual development of its children. " The education of the little child through the influence of its early environments is the most important process of hu- man life." And yet the world today is learning but little from this source. We shudder when on every hand we see and hear accounts of children who meet untimely deaths because of negligence in the home, but we close our eyes in blissful ignorance to the fact that tens of thousands of children are being reared to maturity, with distorted ideas of right, hearts wreaking for vengeance, a mind which can be easily inflamed to commit acts of violence. Parents who would shrink from placing in the 152 War versus Peace hands of the boy literature lauding the vocation of the bartender, or amusements calculated to lead the child towards the saloon, are totally indifferent in placing in the hands of the same child literature praising the valor of the man who slays his fellow-man, or amusements which would lead him in a military career. The ideal career must no longer be that of the soldier on the field of blood. Of immeasurably grander example is the life of Jesus Christ. Let boys be raised up as soldiers of him who knows not defeat, whose cause is righteousness and whose end is everlasting peace. War is usually pre- sented to the boy as something grand and noble and ele- vating, but noble it is in nothing. The Rev. R. P. Ashe has well said that " it glorifies the basest passions of human nature and juggles so with virtue as to put the foulest pride in the place of its antithesis, self-respect." It is the duel on a large scale, and it stands preeminent- ly forth as the most insolent crime against the law of Christ. But the law of Christ shall triumph. Men and women who have the noble principle of the Christ in- stilled in their hearts and lives are living and working among the class of people who are susceptible to the truth, and these are the children. When our boys and girls consider war. and its attending evils as one of the greatest, if not the greatest, evils of the nations, when they are made to know that war is the most crude meth- od of settling disputes, when the youth knows these facts, war must cease, and cease it will, for the Prince of Peace has set up his kingdom of peace and awaits from his throne the triumph of his cause. Though his kingdom advances slowly, yet none the less surely does it advance. Let no one suppose that the love of heroism is not to be instilled in the hearts of the children, for War versus Peace 153 consciously or unconsciously every child is a hero wor- shiper, and the parent or teacher who understands this characteristic of the child has but to direct that admira- tion in the right direction, and woe to that parent who places the heroism of the battlefield above and beyond every other form of heroism. For the heroism of the battlefield is too often tarnished by bloody deeds and acts of violence; the aftermath of the results of victory on the field of blood is too many times so terrible as to disgust any one not blinded by prejudice or ignorance. The following report as to the conduct of " heroes " aft- er having butchered their fellow-men is sufficient to con- vince the parents of today that heroism on the battlefield is of rather low order: " Now commenced that wild and desperate wickedness, which tarnished the luster of the soldier's heroism. All indeed were not alike. Hundreds risked their lives in striving to stop violence, but madness generally pre- vailed, and the worst men being leaders, all the dreadful passions of human nature were displayed. Shameless rapacity, brutal intemperance, savage lusts, cruelty and murder, shrieks and piteous lamentations, groans, shouts, imprecations, the hissing of fire bursting from the houses, the crashing of doors and windows, and the reports of muskets used in violence, resounded for two nights and days. On the third day when the city was sacked the soldiers were exhausted by their own excesses, the tu- mult rather subsided than was quelled, the wounded were looked to, the dead disposed of." Every war shows that while many deeds of heroism are displayed there are tens of thousands of cases of de- bauchery, and no sane persons of today can conscien- tiously teach their children that such things are right. 154 War versus Peace If the Golden Rule shall be the practical, supreme law of the land it will be because its teachings and prac- tice have been carried out in the home. One of the clear- est things for the child to understand, no matter how ignorant or undeveloped it may be, is what it considers justice towards itself, and from this knowledge of justice to itself, it is easy to have the child place himself in the position of the other fellow and see what justice means to him. The quiet, forceful teaching of this prin- ciple, does not lie in the continual repeating of the rule, or requiring the child to commit it to memory, but in the every-day, personal, social, relations to the people. A mere lip expression of this rule, coupled with an utter disregard of its principles in the daily conduct, is de- ception of the meanest sort and is soon detected by the child. If the Golden Rule means anything at all it means that the individual should do what it actually expresses. "To show the youth a proper course Example is of potent force. And they who wish the young to teach, Must even practice what they preach." This is an old adage that is doubly true in dealing with the Golden Rule. The reason that men today do not believe the Golden Rule to be applicable in national af- fairs is because they have not fully made it the rule of conduct in their own lives. A demand for justice, for mercy, and for love obligates the individual to give all that he is demanding, and a refusal to do this is disgrace- ful and dishonorable. The child has an inherent right to demand of its parents love and justice and mercy, but because of this right he also obligates himself to respect the parents, the neighborhood, and his country. There should be a radical change in our present school War versus Peace 155 system with respect to the teaching of history on the subject of war. With but few exceptions, our historians gloat over the " glorious " victories on the field of blood, and the " honor " and " renown " brought the nation by means of the navy. It is to be deplored that the nation is in such a temperament as to read of such achievements with a feeling of real satisfaction, but the simple facts are that the nation that fills the minds of its boys and girls with such damning evidence is in need of some wholesome teaching on morality. Our physiologists have done much towards the cause of temperance by bringing before the minds of the school children the damaging effects of alcohol upon the hu- man system, and when our historians will record the fact that no more unreasonable monster than war ever stalked the land, that it is the most expensive luxury indulged in by the nations from a monentary standpoint, and as Erasmus says, " does more harm to the morals of men than even to their property or persons," and that no war has even been waged that might not have been averted, and that no victories, however great from man's estimation, can ever overbalance the wrong from God's viewpoint, more money has been spent to satisfy its unsatiable thirst for blood than for all the industrial arts combined, — when our historians will show these facts, a long step will have been made towards peace. Our schoolboys should know that the industrial, com- mercial and all other relations of mankind demand peace; that " the ships which travel between this land and that are like the shuttle of the loom that is weaving a con- cord of peace between the nations ; " that the hand of la- bor on this side the sea is willing to clasp hands with labor on the other side in a compact of peace, and that 156 War versus Peace war is maintained because of the demands of a few rulers and legislators. The vast majority of the people of the world are ready to join in with the angelic host, who on that first Christmas morning sang " Peace on earth, good will to men." Historians who will record these facts may receive the censure of a few abnormally-developed military men, but in the end it will prove the undoing of the military careers of nations. On every side causes are and have been at work which give a glamor and halo to war out of all proportion to its reality and to keep its shocking barbarities in the background as much as pos- sible. Dr. Chalmers says : " I see it in history which tells me of the superb appearance of the troops and the brilliancy of the successive charges. I see it in the po- etry which lends the magic of its numbers to the narra- tive of blood, and transports its many admirers, as by its image and its figure and its nodding plumes of chivalry it throws its treacherous embellishments over a scene of legalized slaughter. I see it in the music which represents the progress of the battle, and where, after being inspired by the trumpet's notes of preparation the whole beauty and tenderness of a drawingroom are seen to bend over the sentimental entertainment. Nor do I hear the utterance of a single sigh to interrupt the death tones of the thickening contest, and the moans of the dying men as they fade away upon the ear and sink away into lifeless silence. All, all goes to prove what half- sighted creatures we really are." True it is that there is a feeling of the sublime in the terribleness of the bat- tle, just as there is in the raging of the storm, when in the height of its fury. Its awfulness at first overawes, and then horrifies us. Its results in the demoralizing of nations are never, can never be, overdrawn. Its devour- War versus Peace 157 ing energy has been the curse of all generations, and that in war, which would cause a sublime feeling, upon closer investigation would cause us to cry out for the suffering of our brethren, for our ears would hear the voice of bleeding humanity, and our eyes would see the most re- volting abomination and atrocious cruelties that man could possibly conceive. The picture is not overdrawn. It has never been told in all its horrors. The sugar coat- ing given to it by its advocates is so exceedingly flimsy that the wonder is the world has not already detected its hypocrisy. But its end is near. Men are awakening and giving to their fellow-men the realities of war as near as it can be described, and the youth of our land will look upon war and its attending evils with a feeling of disgust. It is pleasing to note that the teachers of our land are becoming aroused to the importance of peace. When the educators of our land become fully aroused and thoroughly informed as to the horrors of war, a powerful weapon will be placed in the hands of peace. It is the consensus of opinion that all large standing armies have a tendency to lower the standards of men, morally, mentally and physically, the very things our schools are trying to develop, and the deterioration wrought by our armies is like a mighty monster whose thousand of tentacles are reaching into every public and denominational school, every church, every chari- table institution and turning them from means of advance- ment to instruments of destruction. Teach our boys to shoot, give them to understand that we are a warlike people, expecting it, and that we ought to be prepared with mighty and powerful instruments for war, let the words " love " and " mercy " be stricken from the boy's vocabulary, for they are an unknown quantity in war." 158 War versus Peace Do this, but know that a generation of young men are being raised, whose sense of justice and mercy will be so warped and dwarfed as to form but a very small part of their character. Boys ought not to be trained to be soldiers. Human beings were not made to fight and to destroy, but to love, to bless, to save, to give them- selves for others. Their animal nature should be sub- jugated, not intensified. " To subject the young lives to the discipline of the arts of war, if only in sham, is to teach them that killing is respectable and manly instead of barbarous and unchristian." That is the meaning of the gun, the sword and the uniform with which they are equipped and of the tactics which they are taught. The boys trained in this way will be soldiers in spirit as long as they live. The martial song, the fiery war speech, the glitter of the sword, the hatred of his country's enemies — these will be sweeter to him than the church hymn, the Sunday-school hour, and the lessons of love and forgive- ness heard from the pulpit. Military drills and tactics fall in with the boy's natural tendency to be combative and resentful instead of opposing and correcting it, and hence in a very striking way strikes at the very core of Christian character, which is the spirit of tenderness and forgiveness. It is vain to expect that military drill can be used and the moral influences of its associations be escaped. Military drill in our schools must also of neces- sity inculcate false ideas of manliness, a virtue which it is supposed eminently to instill. Manliness consists in pur- ity, gentleness, kindness, the spirit of forgiveness, re- spect for others, moral self-respect, loyalty to duty, vol- untary self-possession, and obedience. Some of these qualities are simply incompatible with the life of a sol- dier in actual warfare, as any may see by reading the War versus Peace 159 Sermon on the Mount. The self-respect which he is taught is not the moral self-respect of the Gospel, but a kind which trains him to resent immediately any insult, and to shoot down, if needs be, those who trample on his rights. Their natures will become less tender, less pa- tient, less regardful for others, less conscientious, more mechanical, more resentful. If the phrase, " our country, right or wrong," is the true idea of patriotism, then pos- sibly military drills and tactics should be inculcated in our common school curriculum, but believing that true patriotism is that which seeks the best for its country and recognizes that nothing is best that is not righteous, it would seem that military drills could in no way further the cause of patriotism. The best patriot, the one who most truly serves his country and seeks her highest good, is the one who realizes this truth and acts upon its twin principles, to walk uprightly and to render to no man evil for evil, and to act toward others as he would have others act toward him. This is the only sound rule for the individual, and it necessarily follows that it is the only sound rule of conduct for the state. It is the only foundation upon which a stable and per- manent fabric can be built. The nation that persistently ignores this truth, that refuses to recognize the bind- ing force of this rule, that allows itself to be guided and governed by lower and false rules of conduct, may ap- pear to prosper for a time, may increase its possessions and grow in power and reputation, but it is assuredly sowing the seeds of decay within itself and preparing its own downfall. The moral law is inexorable, and his- tory has shown us over and over again that they who live by the sword shall perish by the sword. If physical development is the thing aimed at in military drill in our 160 War versus Peace schools, there are other ways of developing the physical body and with better results. A system of education which will make for strong physique, clear brain, good character and clean living is what is needed, and it can not be truthfully said that military training does this in the best way. Rifle drill and shooting at a mark have little or no value merely as physical exercise, and they who advocate it do so for the purpose of making good soldiers and to excite military ardor among the boys. " To every teacher who takes a serious view of his own responsibility," says Joshua Fitch, " who will detach himself from the controversies of the hour, and who knows well what are the faults as well as the virtues of boyhood, it becomes an important duty to consider how far the martial spirit is the legitimate part of a good school. The combative instinct he knows is sufficiently strong in the healthy boy and needs no artificial stimu- lus. The training of the reasoning faculties and the di- recting of the conscience do not require that boys be taught to shoot accurately or be acquainted with military maneuvers." The principles of peace need to be exemplified more in the lives of individuals. Regardless of how much men may theorize and declaim on the principles of peace, if their own individual lives do not conform to the teach- ings of Christ on the subject of nonresistance it loses its force and avails nothing. The individual must have a deep, settled conviction of the unlawfulness of all wars, and this conviction must be exemplified even to the extent, if needs be, of suffering the most wicked personal violence, without physical resistance or a showing of malice or hatred. Churches, homes, in fact all organiza- tions depend for their purity and integrity on the purity War versus Peace 161 and integrity of the individuals composing these organ- izations, and the Church, though she may advocate peace, loses her power and influence if the individuals in the Church are ready at all times to resent an injury. One of the most prolific sources for harm in the work of peace lies in the fact that individuals will associate them- selves with churches and at the same time be advocates of war. All who are truly imbued with the spirit of Je- sus and whose eyes are enlightened, of him, will deplore the existence of war, and be hostile to it. There is noth- ing in all the world more indicative of moral imperfection and deformity than the lifting up of the sword by na- tion against nation. It is simply inconceivable that any one can have the mind of him who came not to destroy men's lives but to save them, of him who taught men to pray " Thy kingdom come," and at the same time be an advocate for, or an apologist of, war. "Ye can not serve God and Mammon " is a truth as inexorable as " What- soever a man soweth that shall he also reap," and no man can at one and the same time be a member of the true Church and be an advocate of war. Some one has said that he " does not see how the world is ever to learn the in- vincibleness of love, the might of brotherhood, the pow- er of goodness, and the sovereignty of reason unless those who believe in such things are faithful until the death in exhibiting them." "To such a Christian there can be no place for the approval of any war for to him war is anti-Christ." The principles underlying peace extend much farther than the extinction of war. These principles must be carried into the hearts of the individuals, for he who does not have the peace of God which passeth all understand- ing in his own heart cannot exemplify it in his life or 162 War versus Peace character. There is no way or method by which Chris- tain truth of any kind is to win universal accept- ance, except by its becoming first embodied in the ear- nest convictions of Christian men, who shall boldly bear their testimony to it before the whole world. Even though a church may sanction war under certain condi- tions, there must always be men who rise above common, accepted views of the Church, unless such views are backed up by the truth. "Man is more than constitutions: Better rot beneath the sod, Than be true to Church and state While we're doubly false to God." The better minds of all churches and nations are be- ginning to understand each other better and love each other more. If the nations or men can be brought to see that the right thing is both the practicable and the profitable thing they will throw their military equip- ments away, as long ago men threw away the sword which was once a part of every gentleman's outfit. Many of Christ's most interesting and instructive sermons were delivered to single individuals, and many others are more directly applicable to the individual. Notice a part of the sermon on the mount: "But I say unto you re- sist not evil, but whosoever smiteth thee on the one cheek turn to him the other also — and whosoever shall compel thee to go one mile go with him twain." These words are addressed directly to the individual, and he who has his own mind and heart in such a frame of mind that he can " turn the other cheek," will not be apt to want to go on the field of blood and slay his fellow- man. Many express doubt as to the possibility of carry- ing out the Savior's injunction in these words. The very War versus Peace 163 fact that Christianity has considered these words impos- sible has been the reason for the success of the military spirit. Surely Christ meant what he said and no in- dividual has the right to the name Christian who is not willing to carry out the Master's command in these words. It does not necessarily mean that because a man dare not defend himself with carnal weapons, therefore he is defenseless. Well has Henry Richard said that "by enlightening their minds, sanctifying their hearts, Christianizing their temper, and by teaching them by our own example to * overcome evil with good/ by deeds of benevolence and mercy, uniting ourselves in bonds of sympathy and gratitude with our fellows, by displaying a spirit of forgiveness and gentleness and the patient en- durance of wrong, we cause them to feel how awful good- ness is." By these methods men may defend themselves against aggression from others, and let no one deny the power of such actions, for the Apostle Paul plainly tells us that " the weapons of our warfare are not carnal but mighty through God to the pulling down of strongholds. " Some one has said that if we only had faith in our own principles as Christians and courage to act up to and exemplify them we might walk forth among our fel- lows more invulnerable than if we were clad in a pan- oply of steel, and enveloped only in an atmosphere of meekness and love dwell in a security compared with which the proudest citadel ever built by human hands, though fortified with battlement and tower, bastion and barricade, and defended by mounted artillery and a belt of bristling bayonets, would be poor and powerless as a means of defense. Surely the weapons placed in the hands of the Christian man are powerful or else the Sav- ior would not have placed them in his hands, and if 164 War versus Peace rightly used are capable of transforming the demon of hate into an angel of love and mercy. " Once on the errand of his mercy bent, Buddha, the Holy and Benevolent Met a foul monster high and fierce of look, Whose awful voice the hills and forest shook. ' O son of peace/ the giant cried, ' thy fate Is sealed at last and love shall yield to hate.' The unarmed Buddha, looking, with no trace Of fear or anger, in the monster's face In pity said, * Poor fiend even thee I love.' " Lo, as he spake the sky-tall terror shrank To handbreadth size. The high abhorrence sank Into the form and fashion of a dove; And where the thunder of its rage was heard, Circling above him, sweetly sang a bird. * Hate hath no form for love,' so rang the song, 'And peace unweaponed conquers every wrong."' The duel by which individuals used to settle their differences has become obsolete because men have found out that justice can be administered by ways less dan- gerous and more humane, and the spirit and machinery, which control the individual life does control the world. That which makes the individual great and powerful is his love for truth and justice and the application of the same, and the credential and vocation of the great nation is great justice and not the assertion of power to be law for itself. So we see that no great advancement can be made along the lines of peace except as they are made by the individual, and that no individual is in a condition to work for peace who has not been taught by the Prince of Peace. Rufus M. Jones, in his " Peace as Involved in the Christian Method," says: "The single question to ask is, Which is the true way of life — the law of the jungle, somewhat modified and refined perhaps, or the War versus Peace 165 law of love and brotherhood, the organic society where each lives for all? If man becomes himself and shows his real nature only when he makes his life contribute to the whole total of life and happiness, then there can be no question which course a man should take, nor which course is the heroic one, for that course is most heroir which makes a man most a man." " I told them," says George Fox, when they were trying to enlist him in the army of the Commonwealth, " that I lived in virtue of that life and power which does away with the occasion for all war." The man who does that has discovered the fundamental ideal of manhood. Another serious hindrance to the advancement of peace has been the too liberal views given to the question of war by men who were really advocates of peace. While considering war an evil they have never in word or deed expressed themselves as radically opposed to war, and thus either consciously or unconsciously have lent their influence in favor of war. Whatever else may be said of the importance of having taken a conservative stand in times past in regard to war, the time has come when it behooves churches, peace societies, and others to take a radical stand for peace. Especially is this true of ministers of the Gospel. Of course it is to be pre- sumed that all ministers are for peace in a way, for it is Christian to be so, but many of them are not for " peace at any price," which simply means that they reserve to themselves the liberty to say. which wars are just, and to support such wars as they may deem justifiable. Such was not the conduct of him who made it possible to have a salvation to preach. He was emphatically called the " Prince of Peace," and gave utterance to his views in no uncertain language, and that minister who reserves the 166 War versus Peace right to say which wars are just and which otherwise is not worthy the high calling — for war has been denounced by the Savior of mankind and no more can a just war ex- ist than a moral saloon. The business is damnable, and those who hold the belief that war in its nature and tend- ency is opposed to the teachings of Christ, have no right to palter with their consciences. Their duty is plain, by precept and example, in season, so far as in them lies, with all their soul and strength, preach that love to and for all humanity that, rooted in the hearts of men, will bar out war. When men become inflamed with a passion for the right they may appear as extremists. So thought they of Garrison, so thought they of Luther, so thought they of Wesley; but the fire inflamed in their own hearts was soon taken up by others and their end accomplished. A careless, half-hearted manner of dealing with this ques- tion simply means that war will continue to be the chief business of nations. No man can study the question of war from a humanitarian standpoint without becoming aroused as to its sinfulness. Well has B. C. Constable said : " When you come to look into its details it will not bear the light. You can only tolerate it, so long as you throw a light over it and surround it with an im- aginary halo. But one ought to never forget for one moment that it is human beings that are the targets for the deadly rifle; that it is human beings who are run through with the bayonets ; that it is human beings who are blown to pieces with the cannon and the Maxim gun ; that it is human beings who writhe and groan in agony and who suffer excruciating pain and lie about like butchered cattle. War is not a tiger hunt, or a pig stick- ing expedition, or a partridge shooting. It is the hunt- War versus Peace 167 ing of human beings, the sticking of living men, the shooting of our brothers." Why in the face of all these facts should men not ad- vance views and urge action that may seem radical, but which in reality is very mild and tame compared with the awful havoc wrought by the awful monster, war? When the best has been said for war that possibly can be said it remains that war is the folly of nations, the most bar- barous method of settling disputes, and that it belongs to a lower level of human elevation. To take a firm stand for peace and to refuse to have anything to do or in any way take part with war is not only the privilege but it is the duty of every Christian man. Persecution and ridicule may be the part of those who take this stand, but so persecuted they the followers of Christ in all ages. The higher range of intellect, of society, of commerce, of international interests and relations, of re- ligious ideals, call imperatively for higher and better methods of settling disputes, and better methods will never be found, except as men become intensely in ear- nest about it. Let the governments that make wars do the fighting, but let those who are opposed to war de- clare it in no uncertain terms. The Savior had no compromise to offer with unrighteousness. His words are, " If thy hand or foot offend thee cut it off, and cast it from thee." Moral surgery practiced by the nations would be the means of ridding themselves of the disease of militarism, but not until men of influence and power become enthused with the idea of universal peace can any of the nations be induced to try the operation. It does not necessarily follow that because a man may be an extremist against war, he must of necessity advance means for its elimination that are impracticable. Men 168 War versus Peace today who are sound advocates of peace are seeking out its cause as they would seek out the source of a disease, and by these means are able to advance practicable ideas for its arrest and removal. War must be looked at in the same way, not lamented over as an irremediable evil, but as a foe that can be overcome, and just as men of science, who are ferreting out the cause and cure of dis- ease, become a blessing to humanity, so the men who have the cause of peace at heart and are giving to us practical methods for its advancement become an asset not only to their own country but to the whole world. Jesus' blessing rests upon all such, for he says, " Blessed are the peacemakers for they shall be called the sons of God." The ultimate standard of perfection is God him- self, and the conclusion drawn from the Savior's words is that if you would be like God, be a peacemaker. Woman, too, has a very important part to do in the ad- vancement of peace. The role of man has been to make war ; the part of the woman to send husband, lover, son, to gain glory or find death on the field of blood, while she watched, wept, and prayed. Roman matrons sent their husbands and sons to fight for Rome with brave speeches and tearless eyes, and yet the Roman poet describes war as " Bella detestata matribus " (Wars hateful to moth- ers), and so wars ever have been. She has had too often to bear the brunt of the hardships and whether defeat or victory was the lot her husband or son espoused, hers were always privations and hardships. But today her voice is heard in the halls of legislature, in the pulpit, in the press, in the home, and it is all for peace. If her heart must break she will not allow it to break in un- noticed silence. The ever-increasing influence that wom- an is swaying over the mind of man is one of the most War versus Peace 169 powerful factors in favor of peace, and while the in- genuity of man is being taxed to the utmost to devise ways and means of his own destruction, woman is try- ing to solve the problem of saving him by molding senti- ment that will make instruments of war unnecessary. Let the influence of woman continue to be exerted in favor of peace; let her voice, pleading for justice, ad- vocating righteousness, disseminating love, be heard more and more until man shall be content to settle his disputes by ways humane and honorable. But with all our arguments in favor of peace, and with all the ways and means that are advocated to do away with war, no great advancement will ever be made un- less a substitute for war can be found by which the na- tions may be able to settle their difficulties. In all com- munities offences will arise and differences will come. It has been so ever since the beginning of time, and will continue so until the end ; it is folly to presume otherwise. So long as men are differently constituted they will see differently. Men will consciously or other- wise trample on the rights and dignity of others, and so long as there is no other method presented for set- tling these difficulties they will resort to war. Just as soon as a more plausible, reasonable, workable, way will be found, and one that will give justice to all concerned, men will be ready to adopt the better way. That there are better ways to settle difficulties than an appeal to arms has been proven by more than two hundred in- stances. Some of these were adjustments of great dif- ficulties which were very threatening in their character, but the better judgment was allowed to prevail and an appeal to arms was not found necessary. It is a truth that as men and nations grow wiser, causes for disputes 170 War versus Peace will become less ; however, as it seems impossible to en- tirely prevent differences from arising, it is not impos- sible to prevent them from resulting in wars. Public opinion must be enlisted in favor of the better way and nations must stand upon their honor to abide by the de- cisions of the better way. Experience has shown that arbitration can never involve a danger to any one. It has repeatedly been resorted to of late years, and in every case it has removed the difficulty without giving rise to any objections or leaving any differences behind. It is a foregone conclusion that the nation not willing to ar- bitrate its differences is selfish and pursues a course that must be considered by all as dishonorable. The Hague tribunal, rightly interpreted and strictly protected by the nations of the world, is a substitute for war worthy the attention of the lesser governments and world powers alike. While yet in its infancy it bids fair to become a giant whose strength and power will be able to dethrone war and relegate all instruments of war to the scrap heap. Two things when rightly understood by the various governments will draw to this court or tribunal all con- troversies between nations. One of these things is, that this court must be free from bias. To this end all men everywhere who love peace should use their influence. Men who rise above party politics, whose love for home and country does not overshadow that broader and nobler love, love for all the world, men whose charac- ters are unsullied and whose mature judgments are rec- ognized as free from prejudice, men not embroiled in mil- itary careers but in every way fitted as judges and jurists of the highest type. This type and this type only is the kind which should characterize the national War versus Peace 171 court. A judge or court of arbitration will always be needed and the success or failure of this court will de- pend largely upon the character of the individuals com- posing it. Generals and admirals are in no way fitted to either sit as arbitrators or to represent a nation in any peace congress ; their business has been war and the citizens of every nation should insist on being represent- ed at international courts by men who have been and are advocates of peace. Ernest H. Crosby has humorously said when speaking on this subject: "You do not send butchers to a congress in the interests of vegetarianism," and the delegates to our international peace conventions should be advocates of peace, and the men who sit as judges in international courts should be men not dis- tinguished for their military careers, but for their broad, unimpeachable statesmanship. The second thing that nations should understand in order that this court may be referred to by the nations is, that no military force should be at its command to enforce its decisions, for if this court is not backed up by public opinion and enforced by the honor of the contend- ing parties, there will be no need of submitting any disputes to arbitration. The opinion of Mr. J. H. Bal- four Brown, president of the Leeds Law Students' So- ciety of London, is : " The sanction of conscience was above the sanction of force. Courts of law sat to de- termine rights between man and man, and they had the elaborate machinery of force and coercion to enforce their decrees; but arbitration was founded on the consciences of men and on the valid understanding that although there were differences of opinion, those could be determined if they got an impartial person to decide. That, in idea, seemed to be a finer conception than that 172 War versus Peace upon which our legal system was founded." The very term, arbitration, does not admit of force. Arbitration is law and it is reason, and while it will not destroy greed, the lust of possession, and the pride of power it will provide the condition in which better influences will prevail. The weaker nations will see in it a court of absolute justice in their dealings with each other, while at the same time it does not give them license for any acts or deeds which may be derogatory to the interests of humanity. It also is a check upon any nation that, be- cause of its standing and power, may seem to infringe upon the rights of a weaker nation. Such a court will never be the success that all peace advocates sincerely wish it to be until all the nations will be willing to settle all their disputes by referring to it all their differences, even those in which it might be thought questions of honor are involved. So long as nations will refer to it their lesser grievances only, or those not affecting the nation's honor, the court will be in general disfavor by the nations, and can not become the power that it other- wise might, or do the good that it is expected to do. The misunderstandings and false sense of international honor are the chief reasons why nations are not ready to refer all their disputes to such a court, and when the sober considerations of our statesmen are listened to it will be seen that other nations have a right to opinions and have a sense of national honor which must be re- spected. So far as law regulating the decisions of the judges is concerned, it is evident that much international law already exists ; so many cases could not have been decided by a court of arbitration without some pre- scribed form of law, and in the future international law must grow out of cases that may be brought before the War versus Peace 173 court for decision. Its growth will lessen the responsi- bility of the judges and narrow the sphere of their action, for it is a known fact that law by its own inherent in- fluences settles a vast number of disputes without re- course to judicial tribunals and prevents a still larger number from ever coming to a head. Thus, as the court is referred to more by the nations, its power and influence will be extended and felt.' Many of the existing difficulties in the way of a uni- versal court of arbitration are exceedingly trifling when compared to the saving which will result, both in money and morals. To those who consider the outlook for universal peace rather gloomy the Bible injunction, " Have faith in God," ought to come with renewed force and meaning. If the teachings of Christ are really op- posed to the nature and tendency of war, surely now as in the days of old, faith in him will " subdue kingdoms and turn to flight the armies of the aliens." It is a pleas- ing thought to those who are battling for the right and those whose prayers and anxieties have been many that their cause will triumph, for it is the cause of Christ. All that can be done should be done that the mind and heart of man may be brought in a proper attitude to the Creator. For the peace of God is the power of God, his right is the right which calms and quiets the finite and imperfect while it calls for the maximum effort for prog- ress. Rev. J. Morley Mills says: "This is the Chris- tian ideal, it is a worthy ideal, it is an adequate ideal. Beside it, all the policies of selfish strife and conflict on any plane look mean and unworthy. Let us try and un- derstand this ideal; let us try to live it; let us preserve it no matter what the surrounding conditions may be. . . . It is mighty to save from all low-born ways and 174 War versus Peace thoughts, mighty to greaten men and nations. It is the peace of God ; it is surpassingly noble ; it keepeth per- fectly, as nothing else can, the very center and source of all values — the soul — and none shall be able to pluck us hence." He who worketh for peace, whether it be in the church, in the home, in the state, or in the nation is enhancing the value of life and will some day see the broader and nobler conception of that true peace which passeth all understanding when with the peacemakers he shall be numbered with the " Sons of God." I heard the bells on Christmas day Their old familiar carols play, And wild and sweet The words repeat Of peace on earth good will to men. Then from each black accursed mouth The cannons thundered in the South, And with the sound The carols drowned Of peace on earth good will to men. Then in despair I bowed my head. " There is no peace on earth," I said, " For hate is strong And mocks the song Of peace on earth good will to men." Then pealed the bells more loud and deep, " God is not dead: nor doth he sleep; The wrong shall fail The right prevail With peace on earth good will to men." "The bloody theme of war loomed up for considera- tion and I was summoned by the voice of God to decide whether I would decide for or against it. I saw that it was a vast system of manslaughter even in its most ex- cusable form — unfraternal, savage, and barbarous, anti- War versus Peace 175 Christian, irrational, and full of monstrous evils. I saw that it was based on the assumed righteousness of re- sisting evil with evil and overcoming deadly force with deadly force, which Christ, both by precept and example, unqualifiedly forbade his disciples to do even toward their worst enemies. He had laid his great unregenera- tive axe at the root of this upas tree and it must be destroyed, root and branches. I was fully convinced of this and took my stand accordingly. Starting from the divine principle of pure universal good will, of absolute love, I felt bound to go with that principle wherever it carried me, for all that it dictated against, all that it con- demned. I did not allow myself to be sophisticated into any excuses for defensive wars or resorts to so-called justifiable deadly force in extreme cases, but committed myself to total abstinence from all wars, glorification of war, and organic action involving any resorts whatever to deadly force against my fellow-men. I would neither fight, vote, pray, nor give any approval of any custom, practice or act which controverted the law of perfect love toward God, toward my fellow-man or the universal, highest good." — Abin Ballou. Date Due 9 n. , ^ 27052 Funk, Jacob War versus peace.