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MAR 24 1891

DA 250 .04 1891
Oman, Charles William
Chadwick, 1860-1946.
Warwick, the kingmaker

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a^ngli5)6 Men of Action

WARWICK THE KINGMAKER

WARWICK
From the Rows Roll

W A K W I C K

THE KINGMAKER

CHARLES W. OMAN

ILonUon

MACMILLAN AND CO.

AND NEW YORK
1891

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

PAGE

The Days of the Kingmaker . . . . 1

CHAPTER II
The House of Neville . . . . .12

CHAPTER III
Richard of Salisbury 19

CHAPTER IV
The Kingmaker's Youth . . . . .29

CHAPTER V
The Cause of York ...... 38

CHAPTER VI
The Beginning op the Civil War : St. Albans

CHAPTEE I

THE DAYS OF THE KINGMAKER

Of all the great men of action who since the Conquest
have guided the course of English policy, it is probable
that none is less known to the reader of history than
Richard Neville Earl of Warwick and Salisbury. The
only man of anything approaching his eminence who has
been treated with an equal neglect is Thomas Cromwell,
and of late years the great minister of Henry the Eighth is
beginning to receive some of the attention that is his due.
But for the Kingmaker, the man who for ten years was
the first subject of the English Crown, and whose figure
looms out with a vague grandeur even through the misty
annals of the AVars of the Roses, no writer has spared a
monograph. Every one, it is true, knows his name, but
his personal identity is quite ungrasped. Nine persons
out of ten if asked to sketch his character would find, to
their own surprise, that they were falling back for their
information to Lord Lytton's Last of the Barons or
Shakespeare's Henry the Sixth.

An attem|)t, therefore, even an inadequate attempt,
to trace out with accuracy his career and his habits of

WARWICK

CHAP.

mind from the original authorities cannot fail to be of
some use to the general reader as well as to the student
of history. The result will perhaps appear meagre to
those who are accustomed to the biographies of the men
of later centuries. We are curiously ignorant of many
of the facts that should aid us to build up a picture of
the man. No trustworthy representation of his bodily
form exists. The day of portraits was not yet come ; his
monument in Bisham Abbey has long been swept away;
no writer has even deigned to describe his personal
appearance — we know not if he was dark or fair, stout or
slim. At most we may gather from the vague phrases
of the chroniclers, and from his quaint armed figure
in the Kous Eoll, that he was of great stature and
breadth of limb. But perhaps the good Rous was
thinking of his fame rather than his body, when he
sketched the Earl in that quaint pictorial pedigree over-
topping all his race save his cousin and king and enemy,
Edward the Fourth.

But Warwick has only shared the fate of all his con-
temporaries. The men of the fifteenth century are far
less well known to us than are their grandfathers or
their grandsons. In the fourteenth century the chroni-
clers were still working on their old scale ; in the six-
teenth the literary spirit had descended on the whole
nation, and great men and small were writing hard at
history as at every other branch of knowledge. But in
the days of Lancaster and York the old fountains had
run dry, and the new flood of the Renaissance had not
risen. The materials for reconstructing history are
both scanty and hard to handle. We dare not swallow
Hall and Hollingshead whole, as was the custom for two

r OBSCURITY OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTUR Y 3

hundred years, or take their annals, coloured from end
to end with Tudor sympathies, as good authority for the
doings of the previous century. Yet when we have put aside
their fascinating, if somewhat untrustworthy, volumes,
we find ourselves wandering in a very dreary waste of
fragments and scraps of history, strung together on the
meagre thread of two or three dry and jejune compila-
tions of annals. To have to take William of Worcester
or good Abbot Whethamsted as the groundwork of a
continuous account of the times is absolutely maddening.
Hence it comes to pass that Warwick has failed to receive
his dues.

Of all the men of Warwick's century there are only
two whose characters we seem thoroughly to grasji — the
best and the worst products of the age — Henry the Fifth
and Richard the Third. The achievements of the one
stirred even the feeble writers of that day into a fulness of
detail in which they indulge for no other hero ; the other
served as the text for so many invectives under the Tudors
that we imagine that we see a real man in the gloomy
portrait that is set up before us. Yet we may fairly ask
whether our impression is not drawn, either at first or at
second hand, almost entirely from Sir Thomas Mere's
famous biography of the usurper, a work whose literary
merits have caused it to be received as the only serious
source for Richard's history. If we had not that work,
Richard of Gloucester would seem a vaguely -defined
monster of iniquity, as great a puzzle to the student of
history as are the other shadowy forms which move on
through those evil times to fall, one after the other, into
the bloody grave which was the common lot of all.

In spite, however, of the dearth of good chronicles.

WAI?WTCK

CHAP.

and of the absolute non-existence of any contemporary
writers of literary merit, there are authorities enough
of one sort and another to make it both possible and
profitable to build up a detailed picture of Warwick and
his times. First and foremost, of course, come the
invaluable Paston Letters, covering the whole period, and
often supplying the vivid touches of detail in which the
more formal documents are so lamentably deficient. If
but half a dozen families, as constant in letter-writing as
John and Margery Paston, had transmitted their corre-
spondence to posterity, there would be little need to
grumble at our lack of information. Other letters too
exist, scattered in collections, such as the interesting
scrawl from Warwick himself, in his dire extremity before
Barnet fight, to Henry Vernon, which was turned up a
year ago among the lumber at Belvoir Castle. Much
can be gathered from rolls and inquests — for example,
the all-important information as to centres and sources
of local power can be traced out with perfect accuracy
from the columns of the Escheats Roll, where each peer
or knight's lands are carefully set forth at the moment
of his decease. Joining one authority to another, we
may fairly build up the England of the fifteenth century
before our eyes with some approach to completeness.

The whole picture of the times is very depressing on
the moral if not on the material side. There are few
more pitiful episodes in history than the Avhole tale of the
reign of Henry the Sixth, the most unselfish and well-
intentioned king that ever sat upon the English throne
— a man of Avhom not even his enemies and oppressors
could find an evil word to say ; the troubles came, as
they confessed, " all because of his false lords, and never

RESULTS OF THE FRENCH WAR

of him." We feel that there must have been something
wrong with the heart of .1 nation that could see unmoved
the meek and holy King torn from wife and child, sent
to wander in disguise up and down the kingdom for
which he had done his poor best, and finally doomed to
pine for five years a prisoner in the fortress where he
had so long held his royal Court. Nor is our first
impression concerning the demoralisation of England
wrong. Every line that we read bears home to us more
and more the fact that the nation had fallen on evil
times. First and foremost among the causes of its moral
deterioration was the wretched French War, a war begun
in the pure spirit of greed and ambition, — there was not
even the poor excuse that had existed in the time of
Edward the Third — carried on by the aid of hordes of de-
bauched foreign mercenaries (after Henry the Fifth's death
the native English seldom formed more than a third of
any host that took the field in France), and persisted in
long after it had become hopeless, j^artly from misplaced
national pride, partly because of the personal interests
of the ruling classes. Thirty-five years of a war that
was as unjust as it was unfortunate had both soured and
demoralised the nation. England was full of disbanded
soldiers of fortune ; of knights who had lost the ill-gotten
lands across the Channel, where they had maintained a
precarious lordship in the days of better fortune ; of
castellans and governors whose occupation was gone ; of
hangers-on of all sorts who had once maintained them-
selves on the spoils of Normandy and Guienne. Year
after year men and money had been lavished on the
war to no effect ; and when the final catastrophe came,
and the fights of Formigny and Chatillon ended the

IVARIVICA'

CHAP.

chapter of our disasters, the nation began to cast about
for a scapegoat on whom to lay the burden of its
failures. The real blame lay on the nation itself, not
on any individual ; and the real fault that had been
committed was not the mismanagement of an enterprise
which jjresented any hopes of success, but a MTong-
headed persistence in an attempt to conquer a country
which was too strong to be held down. However, the
majority of the English people chose to assume firstly
that the war with France might have been conducted to
a prosperous issue, and secondly that certain particular
persons were responsible for its having come to the
opposite conclusion. At first the unfortunate Suffolk
and Somerset had the responsibility laid upon them. A
little later the outcry became more bold and fixed upon
the Lancastrian dynasty itself as being to blame not only
for disaster abroad, but for the "Avant of governance"
at home. If King Henry had understood the charge,
and possessed the wit to answer it, he might fairly have
replied that his subjects must fit the burden upon their
own backs, not upon his. The war had been weakly
conducted, it was true ; but weakly because the men and
money for it were grudged. The England that could put
one hundred thousand men into the field in a civil broil
at Towton sent four thousand to fight the decisive battle
at Formigny that settled our fate in Normandy. At
home the bulwarks of social order seemed crumbling
away. Private wars, riot, open highway robbery, murder,
abduction, armed resistance to the law, prevailed on a scale
that had been imknown since the troublous times of Ed-
ward the Second — we might almost say since the evil days
of Stephen. But it was not the Crown alone that should

WEAK GOVERNANCE

have been blamed for the state of the realm. The nation
had chosen to imjiose over-stringent constitutional checks
on the kingly power before it was ripe for self-government,
and the Lancastrian house sat on the throne because it
had agreed to submit to those checks. If the result of
the experiment was disastrous, both parties to the con-
tract had to bear their share of the responsibility. But a
nation seldom allows that it has been wrong ; and Henry
of Windsor had to serve as scapegoat for all the mis-
fortunes of the realm, because Henry of Bolingbroke had
committed his descendants to the unhappy compact.

"Want of a strong central government was undoubtedly
the complaint under which England was labouring in the
middle of the fifteenth century, and all the grievances
against which outcry was made were but symptoms of
one latent disease.

Ever since the death of Henry the Fifth the internal
government of the country had been steadily going from
bad to worse. The mischief had begun in the young King's
earliest years. The Council of Regency that ruled in his
name had from the first proved unable to make its
authority felt as a single individual ruler might have
done. With the burden of the interminable French War
weighing upon their backs, and the divisions caused by
the quarrels of Beaufort and Gloucester dividing them
into factions, the councillors had not enough attention to
spare for home government. As early as 1428 we find
them, when confronted by the outbreak of a private war
in the north, endeavouring to patch up the quarrel by
arbitration, instead of punishing the offenders on each
side. Accounts of riotous assemblages in all parts of the
country, of armed violence at parliamentary elections, of

CHAP.

party fights in London at Parliament time — like that
which won for the meeting of 1426 the name of the
Parliament of Bats (bludgeons) — grow more and
more common. We even find treasonable insurrection
appearing in the strange obscure rising of the political
Lollards under Jack Sharp in 1431, an incident which
shows how England was on the verge of bloodshed
twenty years before the final outbreak of civil war was
to take place.

But all these public troubles would have been of com-
l)aratively small importance if the heart of the nation
had been sound. The phenomenon which makes the
time so depressing is the terrible decay in private morals
since the jjrevious century. A steady deterioration is
going on through the whole • period, till at its end we
find hardly a single individual in whom it is possible to
interest ourselves, save an occasional Colet or Caxton,
who belongs in spirit, if not date, to the oncoming
renascence of the next century. There is no class
or caste in England which comes well out of the
scrutiny. The Church, which had served as the con-
science of the nation in better times, had become dead
to spiritual things ; it no longer produced either men of
saintly life or learned theologians or patriotic statesmen.
In its corporate capacity it had grown inertly orthodox.
Destitute of any pretence of spiritual energy, yet showing
a spirit of persecution such as it had never displayed in
earlier centuries, its sole activity consisted in hunting to
the stake the few men who displayed any symptoms of
thinking for themselves in matters of religion. So great
Avas the deadness of the Church that it was possible to
fall into trouble, like Bishop Pecock, not for defending

THE BARONAGE

Lollardry, but for showing too much originality in attack-
ing it. Individually the leading churchmen of the day
were politicians and nothing more, nor were they as a
rule politicians of the better sort ; for one like Beaufort,
who was at any rate consistent and steadfast, there arc
many Bourchiers and George Nevilles and Beauchamps,
Avho merely sailed with the wind and intrigued for their
own fortunes or those of their families.

Of the English baronage of the fifteenth century we
shall have so much to say in future chapters that we
need not here enlarge on its characteristics. Grown too
few and too powerful, divided into a few rival groups,
M'hose political attitude was settled by a consideration of
family grudges and interests rather than by any grounds
of principle, or patriotism, or loyalty, they were as unlike
their ancestors of the days of John or Edward the First as
their ecclesiastical contemporaries were unlike Langton or
even Winchelsey. The baronage of England had often been
unruly, but it had never before developed the two vices
which distinguished it in the times of the Two Roses— a
taste for indiscriminate bloodshed and a turn for rapid
political apostasy. To put prisoners to death by torture
as did Tiptof t Earl of Worcester, to desert to the enemy
in the midst of battle like Lord Grey de Ruthyn at
Northampton, or Stanley at Bosworth, had never before
been the custom of England. It is impossible not to
recognise in such traits the results of the French War.
Twenty years spent in contact with French factions, and
in command of the godless mercenaries who formed the
bulk of the English armies, had taught our nobles lessons
of cruelty and faithlessness such as they had not before
imbibed. Their demoralisation had been displayed in

IVAKIVICK

CHAP.

France long ere the outbreak of civil war caused it to
manifest itself at home.

But if the Church was efiete and the baronage
demoralised, it might have been thought that England
should have found salvation in the soundheartedness of
her gentry and her burgesses. Unfortunately such was
not to be the case. Both of these classes were growing
in strength and importance during the century, but when
the times of trouble came they gave no signs of aspiring
to direct the destinies of the nation. The House of Com-
mons which should, as representing those classes, have
gone on developing its privileges, was, on the contrary,
thrice as important in the reign of Henry the Fourth as
in that of Edward the Fourth. The knights and squires
showed on a smaller scale all of the vices of the nobility.
Instead of holding together and maintaining a united
loyalty to the Crown, they bound themselves by solemn
sealed bonds and the reception of "liveries" each to the
baron whom he preferred. This fatal system, by which
the smaller landholder agreed on behalf of himself and
his tenants to follow his greater neighbour in peace and
war, had ruined the military system of England, and was
quite as dangerous as the ancient feudalism. The salu-
tary old usage, by which all freemen who were not
tenants of a lord served under the sheriff in war, and not
under the banner of any of the baronage, had long been
forgotten. Now, if all the gentry of a county were bound
by these voluntary indentures to serve some great lord,
there was no national force in that county on which the
Crown could count, for the yeoman followed the knight
as the knight followed the baron. If the gentry consti-
tuted themselves the voluntary followers of the baronage.

THE TOWNS

and aided their employers to keep England unhappy,
the class of citizens and burgesses took a very different
line of conduct. If not actively mischievous, they were
sordidly inert. They refused to entangle themselves in
politics at all. They submitted impassively to each ruler
in turn, when they had ascertained that their own
persons and property were not endangered by so doing.
A town, it has been remarked, seldom or never stood
a siege during the Wars of the Roses, for no town ever
refused to open its gates to any commander Avith an
adequate force who asked for entrance. If we find a few
exceptions to the rule, we almost always learn that
entrance ^vas denied not by the citizens, but by some
garrison of the opposite side which was already within
the Avails. Loyalty seems to have been as Avanting
among the citizens as among the barons of England. If
they generally shoAved some slight preference for York
rather than for Lancaster, it was not on any moral or
sentimental ground, but because the house of Lancaster
Avas knoAvn by experience to be weak in enforcing "good
governance," and the house of York Avas pledged to
restore the strength of the CroAvn and to secure better
times for trade than its rival.

Warwick was a strong man, born at the commencement
of Henry the Sixth's unhappy minority, whose coming of
age coincided with the outburst of national rage caused
by the end of the disastrous French War, Avhose birth
placed him at the head of one of the great factions in
the nobility, Avhose strength of body and mind enabled
him to turn that headship to full account. How he dealt
Avith the problems Avhich inevitable necessity laid before
him AA'e shall endeavour to relate.

CHAPTER II

THK HOUSE OF NEVILLE

Of all the great houses of medifeval England, the Nevilles
of Eaby were incontestably the toughest and the most
prolific. From the I'eign of John to the reign of Eliza-
beth their heritage never once passed into the female
line, and in all the fourteen generations which lived and
died between 1210 and 1600 there was only one occasion
on which the succession passed from uncle to nephew,
and not from father to son or grandson. The vitality
of the Neville tribe was sufficient to bear them through
repeated marriages Avith those only daughters and
heiresses whose wedlock so often forebodes the extinction
of an ancient house. Of four successive heads of the
family between 1250 and 1350, all married ladies who
were the last representatives of old baronial houses ; but
the Nevilles only grew more numerous, and spread
into more and more branches, extending their possessions
farther and farther from their original seat on the
Durham moors till all the counties of the north were
full of their manors.

The original source of the family was a certain Robert
Fitz-Maldred, lord of Raby, who, in the reign of John,
married Isabella de Neville, heiress of his neighbour

CHAP. II

THE EARLY NEVILLES

Geoffrey de Neville of Brancepeth. Robert's son Geoffrey,
who united the Teesdalo lands of his father with his
mother's heritage hard by the gates of Durham, took
the name of Neville, and that of Fitz-Maldred was never
again heard in the family. The lords of Eaby did not
at first distinguish themselves in any way above the rest
of the barons of the North Country. We find them
from time to time going forth to the King's Scotch or
French wars, serving in Simon de Montfort's rebel army,
wrangling with their feudal superior the Bishop of
Durham, slaying an occasional sheriff, and founding an
occasional chantry, and otherwise conducting themselves
after the manner of their kind. It was one of the house
who led the English van against the Scots at the great
victory of 1346, and erected the graceful monument
which gave to the battlefield the name of Neville's
Cross.

Only two characteristics marked these Nevilles of the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; the largeness of their
families — three successive lords of Raby boasted respect-
ively of ten, eleven, and nine children — and their never-
ending success in laying field by field and manor by
manor. Robert Neville, who in the time of Henry the
Third married Ida Mitford, added to his Durham lands
his wife's broad Northumbrian barony in the valley of
the Wansbeck. His son of the same name made Neville
one of the greatest names in Yorkshire, when he wedded
Mary of Middleham, and became in her right lord of
Middleham Castle and all the manors dependent on it,
reaching for a dozen miles along the Ure and running
up to the farthest bounds of the forest of Coverdale.
Robert the younger's heir, Ralph, emulated tlie good

WARWICK

CHAP.

fortune of his father and grandfather by securing as his
wife Euphemia, heiress of Clavering, who brought him
not only the half-hundred of Clavering in Essex, but the
less remote and more valuable lands of Warkworth on the
Northumbrian coast. Ralph's son John, though he
married as his first wife a younger daughter of the
house of Percy, secured as his second Elizabeth Latimer,
heiress of an old baronial house whose domains lay
scattered about Bucks and Bedfordshire.

Four generations of wealthy marriages had made the
Nevilles the greatest lords in all the North Country. Even
their neighbours, the Percies of Northumberland, were not
so strong. The "saltire argent on the field gules," and the
dun bull, the two Neville badges, were borne by hosts of
retainers. Three hundred men-at-arms, of whom fourteen
were knights and three hundred archers, followed the lord
of Raby even when he went so far afield as Brittany. For
home service against the Scots he could muster thrice as
many. More than seventy manors were in his hands, some
spread far and wide in Essex, Norfolk, Bedfordshire, and
Buckinghamshire, but the great bulk of them lying massed
in North Yorkshire and South Durham, around Raby and
Middleham, the two strong castles which were the centres
of his influence. Hence it was not surprising that King
Richard the Second, when he lavished titles and honours
broadcast on the nobility after his surprising coup d'diaf
of 1397, should have singled out the head of the Nevilles
for conciliation and preferment. Accordingly, Ralph
Neville, then in the thirty -fourth year of his age, was
raised to the dignity of an earl. Curiously enough, he
could not be given the designation of either of the
counties where the bulk of his broad lands lay. The

II RALPH EARL OF WESTMORELAND 15

earldom of Durham was, now as always, in the hands of
its bishop, comes jmlatimis of the county since the days of
William the Conqueror. The titles of York and of
Richmondshire, wherein lay the other great stretch of
Neville land, were vested in members of the royal house.
The Percies had twenty years before received the title
of Northumberland, the third county where the Nevilles
held considerable property. Hence Ralph of Raby had
to be put off with the title of Westmoreland, though in
that county he seems, curiously enough, not to have
held a single manor. The gift of the earldom was
accompanied with the more tangible present of the royal
honour of Penrith.

All these favours, however, did not buy the loyalty of
Ralph Neville. He was married to one of John of Gaunt's
daughters by Katherine Swinford, and was at heart a
strong partisan of the house of Lancaster. Accordingly,
when Henry of Bolingbroke landed at Ravenspur in
July 1399, Westmoreland was one of the first to join
him ; he rode with him to Flint, saw the surrender
of King Richard, and bore the royal sceptre at the
usurper's coronation at Westminster. Henry rewarded
his services by making him Earl Marshal in place of the
exiled Duke of Norfolk.

Earl Ralph went on in a prosperous career, aided
King Henry against the rising of the Percies in 1403,
and committed himself more firmly than ever to the
cause of the house of Lancaster by putting down the
insurrection which Scrope, Mowbray, and the aged Nor-
thumberland had raised in 1405. Twice he served King
Henry as ambassador to treat with the Scots, and twice
the custody of the Border was committed to him as

IVARIVICK

CHAP.

warden. When Bolingbroke died, and Henry of Mon-
mouth succeeded him, Earl Ealph was no less firm and
faithful. At the famous Parliament of Leicester in
1414, when the glorious but fatal war with France was
resolved upon, he was one of the few who Avithstood the
arguments of Archbishop Chicheley and the appeals of
the Duke of Exeter and gave their voices against the
expedition. He besought the King that, if he must
needs make war, he should attack Scotland rather than
France, the English title to tliat crown being as good,
the enterprise more hopeful, and the result more likely
to bring permanent profit, while — quoting an old popular
rhyme — he ended by saying that

He that wolde France win, must with Scotland first begin.

But all men cried " War ! War ! France ! France !" The
ambitious young King had his will ; and the next spring
there sailed from Southampton the first of those many
gallant hosts of Englishmen who were to win so many
fruitless battles to their country's final loss, and leave
their bones behind to moulder in French soil, in the
trenches of Harfleur and Orleans or on the fields of
Beaug6 and Patay.

Every reader of Shakespeare has met Earl Ralph in
the English camp on the eve of the battle of Agincourt,
remembers his downhearted 'wish for a few thousands
of the "gentlemen of England now abed," and can
repeat by heart the young King's stirring reply to
his uncle's forebodings. But, in fact. Earl Ralph was
not at Agincourt, nor did he even cross the sea. He
had been left behind -with Lord Scrope and the Baron
of Greystock to keep the Scottish March, and was far

THE LAST DA YS OF EARL RALPH

away at Carlisle when Henrj-'s little band of English
were waiting for the dawn on that eventfid St. Crispin's
day. Unless tradition errs, it was really Walter of
Hungerford who made the speech that drew down his
master's chiding.

Ralph was now growing an old man as the men of
the fifteenth centurj^ reckoned old age ; and while the bril-
liant campaigns of Henry the Fifth were in progress abode
at home, busied with statecraft rather than with war.
But his sons, and they were a numerous tribe, were one
after another sent across the seas to join their royal
cousin. John, the heir of Westmoreland, was serving
all through the campaigns of 1417-18, and was made
governor of Verneuil and other places in its neighbour-
hood, after having held the trenches opposite the Porte
de Normandie during the long siege of Rouen, and
assisted also at the leaguer of Caen. Ralph, Richard,
William, and George are found following in their elder
brother's footsteps as each of them arrived at the years
of manhood, and all earned their knighthood by services
done in France.

Meanwhile Earl Ralph, after surviving his royal nephew
some three years, and serving for a few months as one
of the Privy Council that governed in the name of the
infant Henry the Sixth, died on October 21st, 1425, at
the age of sixty -two, and was buried in the beautiful
collegiate church which he had founded at Staindrop,
hard by the gates of his ancestral castle of Raby. There
his monument still remains, escaped by good fortune
from the vandalism of Edwardian and Cromwellian
Protestants. He lies in full armour, wearing the peaked
basinet that was customary in his younger days, though

WARWICK

CHAP. II

it had gone out of fashion ere his death. His regular
features have little trace of real portraiture, and show
no signs of his advancing years, so that Ave may conclude
that the sculptor had never been acquainted with the
man he Avas re^jresenting. Only the short twisted
moustache, curling over the mail of the Earl's camail,
has something of individuality, and must have corre-
sponded to the life; for by 1425 all the men of the
3''ounger generation were close shaven, like King Henry
the Fifth. On Earl Ralph's right hand, as befitted a
princess of the blood royal, lies his second Avife Joan of
Beaufort ; on his left Margaret Stafford, the bride of his
youth and the mother of his heir.

CHAPTEK III

KICHARD OF SALISBURY

Earl Ralph, surpassing all his keen and prolific ancestors
not only in the success ■with which he pushed his fortunes,
but in the enormous family which he reared, had become
the father of no less than twenty-three children by his
two wives. Nine were the offspring of Margaret of
Stafford, fourteen of Joan of Beaufort. John, the heir
of Westmoreland, had died a few years before his father,
and the earldom passed to his son, Ealph the second,
now a lad of about eighteen. But the greater number
of the other twenty -two children still survived, and
their fortunes influenced the after history both of the
house of Neville and the kingdom of England to such
an extent that they need careful statement.

The old Earl had turned all his energies into negotiat-
ing the marriages of his children, and partly by the favour
of the two Henries, jjartly by judicious buying up of ward-
ships in accordance with the practice of the fifteenth cen-
tury, partly by playing on the desire of his neighbours to
be aUied to the greatest house of the North Country, he had
succeeded in establishing a compact family group, which
was already by 1425 one of the factors to be reckoned
with in English politics. The most important of these

IVARIVICK

CHAl'.

connections by far was the wedding of his youngest
daughter Cecily to Richard Duke of York — a marriage
brought about by royal favour shortly before the Earl's
death, while both the contracting parties were mere
children ; the Duke some eleven years old, the little bride
about nine.^ By this union Ralj)!! of Westmoreland was
destined to become the ancestor of a score of kings and
queens of England. It bound the house of Neville to
the Yorkist cause, and led away the children of Ralph
from that loyalty to Lancaster which had been the
cause of their father's greatness. But at the time when
the marriage was brought about no one could well have
foreseen the Wars of the Roses, and we may acquit the
Earl of any design greater than that of increasing the
prosperity of his house by another marriage with a
younger branch of the royal stock. His own union
with Joan of Beaufort had served him so well, that he
could desire nothing better for the next generation.
The elder brothers and sisters of Cecily of York,
if their alliances were less exalted than hers, were yet
Avedded, almost without excejition, to the most important
members of the baronage.

Of the elder family, the offspring of Earl Ralph
by Margaret of Stafford, the second son Ralph Neville
of Biwell married the co-heiress of Ferrers. One sister
died young, another became a nun, but four of the
remaining five were married to the heirs of the houses
of Mauley, Dacre, Scrojje of Bolton, and Kyme. The

' Cecily is called Duchess of York in Earl's Raljili's will, so
the children must therefore have been already married ; but the
consummation of the marriage was not till about 1438, when he
was twenty-six and she twenty-three years of age.

THE SONS OF EARL RALPH

younger family, the children of Joan of Beaufort, made
even more fortunate marriages. Of the daughters, the
youngest, as we have stated above, wedded Richard of
York. Her elder sisters were united respectively to
John Mowbray Duke of Norfolk, Humphrey Stafford
Duke of Buckingham, and Henry Percy Earl of North-
umberland— the grandson of Earl Ralph's old enemy
and the son of Hotsj^ur. Of the six sons of Joan of
Beaufort, Richard the eldest married Alice Monta-
cute, heiress of the earldom of Salisbury, and became
by her the father of the Kingmaker ; with him we
shall have much to do. William, the second son, won
the heiress of Fauconbridge. George, the third son, was
made the heir of his half-uncle John Lord Latimer, and
by special grant succeeded to his uncle's barony. Robert
entered the Church, and by judicious family backing
became Bishop of Salisbury before he had reached his
twenty-fifth year, only to be transplanted ten years
later to Durham, the most powerful of the English
bishoprics, whose palatine rights he could thus turn to
the use of his numerous kindred. Finally, Edward, the
youngest brother, secured Elizabeth Beauchamp, heiress
of Abergavenny.

The numbers of the English baronage had been
rapidly decreasing since the reign of the third Edward,
and in the early years of Henry the Sixth the total num-
ber of peers summoned to a Parliament never exceeded
thirty-five. Among this small muster could be counted
one grandson, three sons, and five sons-in-law of Earl
Ralph.^ A little later, one son and one grandson more

^ The grandson was Ralph Eail of Westmoreland ; the sons,
Richard of Salisbury, William of Fauconbridge, and George of

WARWICK

CHAP.

were added to the peers of the Xeville kindred, and it
seemed probalile that by the marriages of the next
generation half the English House of Lords would be
found to descend from the prolific stock of Raby.

In the first tAventy years of the reign of Henry of
Windsor, while the young King's personal weakness was
not yet known, while his uncle of Bedford and his great-
uncle of Winchester stood beside the throne, and while
the war in France — though the balance had long turned
against England — was still far from its disastrous end,
the confederacies of the great baronial houses were of
comparatively little importance. The fatal question of
the succession to the Crown was still asleep, for the
young King was only just neai'ing manhood, and might,
for all that men knew, be the parent of as many war-
like sons as his grandfather. It was not till Henry's
nine years of barren wedlock, from 1445 to 14.54,
set the minds of his nobles running on the problem
of the succession, that the peace of England was really
endangered.

Richard Neville, the eldest of the sons of Earl Ralph's
second marriage, was born in 1399. He was too young
to follow King Henrj' to the siege of Harfleur and the
fight of Agincourt, but a few years later he accompanied
his half-brother John, the heir of Westmoreland, to the
wars of France. It was not in France, however, that the
years of his early manhood were to be spent, but on
the Scotch Border in the company of his father. AYhen

Latimer; the sons-in-law, tlie Dukes of York, Norfolk, anil
Buckingham, the Earl of Northumberland, aud Lord Dacre.
Later, Edward Neville Lord Abergavenny, and Roger Lord Scrope,
appear ; the first a son, the second a grandson.

Ill

RICHARD NEVILLE'S MARRIAGE

he came of age and was knighted in 1420 he was made
the colleague of the old Earl in the wardenship of the
Western Marches. This office he retained for several
years, and was in consequence much mixed up with
Scotch affairs, twice acting as commissioner to treat with
the Regent of Scotland, and escorting James the First to
the border of his kingdom when the English Council
released him from his long captivity. We hear of him
occasionally at Court, as when, for example, he acted as
carver at the Coronation Banquet of the newly-wed
Queen Catherine, a ceremony which, according to
Monstrelet, " was performed with such splendid magni-
ficence that the like had never been seen since the time
of that noble knight Arthur, King of the English and
Bretons."

Richard had reached the age of twenty-six when, in
1425, he married Alice, the only child of Thomas Monta-
cute Earl of Salisbury, who had just reached her
eighteenth year. The Montacutes were not among the
wealthiest of the English earls — for his faithful adherence
to Richard the Second the last head of the house had lost
his life and his estates ; and although his son had been
restored in blood, and had received back many of the
Montacute lands, yet the list of his manors in the
Escheats Roll reads poorly enough beside those of the
Earls of Norfolk and Devon, March and Arundell.
Earl Thomas, in spite of his father's fate, had consented
to serve the house of Lancaster.

In 1425, as we have already mentioned, the old Earl,
Ralph of Westmoreland, died. In his will, which has
been preserved, we find that he left his son Richard
little enough — " two chargers, twelve dishes, and a great

IVARIV/CK

CHAP.

ewer and basin of silver, a bed of Arras, with red,
white, and green hangings, and four untrained horses,
the best that should be found in his stable." Evidently
he thought that he need do nothing for this son on
whom the earldom of Salisbury was bound to devolve.
It was only to Ralph and Edward, the two among his
surviving sons who had not yet inherited land from
their wives, that the old Earl demised the baronies of
Biwell and Winlayton, two of his outlying estates.

But in another respect the will of Earl Ealph was
destined to prove a source of many heart-burnings in
the house of Neville, and fated to break up the strict
family aUiance which made its strength. A\Tiile he left
the Durham lands of Neville, round his ancestral castle
of Raby, to his grandson and heir, Ralph the second, he
made over the larger part of his Yorkshire possessions not
to the young Earl, but as jointure to his widow, Joan of
Beaufort, the mother of Richard and the other thirteen
children of his second family. The Countess, once
mistress of Sherif Hoton Castle and the other North -
Riding lands of Neville, had no thought of letting them
pass away from her own sons to the descendants of her
husband's first wife. They were destined to be diverted
from the elder to the younger family. Here lay the
source of many fiiture troubles, but while the young
Earl Ralph was still a minor the matter did not come to
a head.

Three years after he lost his father, Richard Neville
heard of the death of his father-in-law. The Earl of
Salisbury had been appointed by John of Bedford
Captain-General of all the English forces in France, and
gathering together ten thousand men, all that the

iir

THE LANDS OF SALISBURY

Regent could spare, had marched to the fatal siege of
Orleans. There in the early days of the leaguer, six
months before Joan the Maid came to the rescue of the
garrison, he had met his death. As he watched the
walls from the tower on the bridge over the Loire, a
stone shot had torn away half his face ; he died in a few
days, exhorting his officers Avith his last breath to per-
severe in the attack.

Thus Richard Neville became by the death of his
father-in-law Earl of Salisbury and master of the lands of
Montacute. They lay, for the most part, on the borders
of Wiltshire and Hampshire, between Ringwood and
Amesbury, in the valleys of the Bourn and Avon. The
castles of Christchurch and Trowbridge were the most
imjiortant part of the heritage from the military point of
view. Some scattered manors in Berkshire, Dorset, and
Somerset served to swell its value. Richard, now become
a considerable South Country baron, at once did homage
for his wife's lands, and was summoned as Earl of
Salisbury to the next Parliament, that of 1429. At the
same meeting at which he took his seat his nejjhew,
Ralph the younger of Westmoreland, also appeared for
the first time, having now passed his minority and
entered into possession of such of the Neville lands as
had not been left to his step-mother.

It was beyond doubt the alienation of these lands
which led to the estrangement between the younger and
the elder Nevilles which we soon after find taking visible
form in troubles in the North. Ralph, marrying a sister
of Henry Earl of Northumberland, became the firm
friend and ally of that house of Percy which his grand-
father had done so much to humble. Richard kept up

WARWICK

CHAP.

the old fend, and ^vas always found on the opposite side
from his nephew. Presently (the exact year of the com-
mencement of the qnarrel is vmcertain, but it \vas at its
height in 1435) we find them at actual blows in a manner
which brings out the fact that the "good ami strong
governance," which Parliament after Parliament sighed
for in the reign of Henry the Sixth, had already become a
hopeless dream. Plaints come down from the North to the
Lord Chancellor that " owing to the grievous differences
which have arisen between Ralph Earl of Westmoreland,
and his brothers John and Thomas on the one hand,
and Joan Dowager -Countess of Westmoreland and her
son Richard Earl of Salisbury, on the other hand, have
of late assembled, by manner of war and insurrection,
great routs and companies upon the field, which have
done all manner of great offences as well in slaughter
and destruction of the King's lieges as otherwise, which
things are greatly against the estate and weal and peace
of this Royaume of England."

Of the details of this local war in Yorkshire we know
nothing. Some sort of accommodation was patched up,
by three arbitrators named by the Privy Council, for the
moment between uncle and nephew ; but the grudge
rankled, and if ever England should be rent by civil
war, it took no prophet to foretell that the two Neville
earls would be found in opposite camps.

The old Countess Joan of AVestmoreland died in 1440,
and left, as was natural, Middleham, Sherif Hoton,
and all the other lands of her jointure to her eldest son.
Richard of Salisbury thus became a much greater land-
holder in the North than he already was in the South.
His Hampshire and Wiltshire fiefs are for the future the

171 THE CAREER OF RICHARD NEVILLE 27

less important centre of his strength. Sherif Hoton
becomes his favourite residence, and it is always as a
power in Yorkshire, not in Wessex, that he is mentioned
by the chroniclers of the day.

Neither of the Neville earls took any prominent part
in the never-ending French War. Ealph of Westmore-
land seems to have been wanting both in the appetite
for Avar and the keen eye for the main chance which had
hitherto distinguished the lords of Raby. It was his
younger brother John who was the fighting man of the
older branch of Neville. Earl Richard, on the other
hand, was energetic enough, but seems to have preferred
to push his fortunes at home, rather than to risk his
reputation in the unlucky wars where Somerset and
Suffolk and so many more earned ill -fame and unpopu-
larity. We hear of him most often on the Scottish
Border, Avhere he seems to have succeeded to the com-
manding position that had once been held by his father.
He was Captain of Berwick, and served as Warden both
of the Eastern and Western Marches, till at the end of
1435 he was sent as ambassador extraordinary to Edin-
burgh. James the First, with whom he had to settle
some matters of Border feud, was his own connection, for
Salisbury's mother was aunt of Joan Beaufort, the young
Queen of Scots. After quitting King James, only a few
months before his cruel murder at Perth, Earl Richard
went on an embassy of far greater importance, being
sent to France, along with his young brother-in-law the
Duke of York, to endeavour to patch up some agreement
that might end the series of disasters which had com-
menced with the death of the Duke of Bedford in the
previous year. His mission failed, as indeed all missions

WARWICK'

CHAP. Ill

were bound to do that made after the treaty of Arras
the same demands which the French had refused before
it. Nevertheless, on his return, in 1437, Salisbury was
made a member of the Privy Council, and took his seat
in the body which ever since 1422 had been directing
the fortunes of England.

This appointment fixed Salisbury in London for
the greater part of the next ten j^ears. We find from
the records of the Privy Council that he was almost
as regular an attendant at its meetings as was Cardinal
Beaufort himself, the practical Prime Minister of the
realm. His signature appears at the foot of countless
documents, and his activity and appetite for business
seem to have been most exemplaiy. So far as we can
judge of his action, he appears to have sided with the great
Cardinal, and not with the Opposition which centred
round Humphrey Duke of Gloucester ; but factions had
not fully developed themselves as yet in the Council, and
the definite parties which existed a few years later were
only just beginning to sketch themselves out.

CHAPTEE IV

THE kingmaker's YOUTH

ElCHARD, the second child but eldest son of Eichard
Neville of Salisbury and Alice Montacute, was born on
November 22nd, 1428, just nineteen days after his
grandfather had fallen at the siege of Orleans. We
know absolutely nothing of his childhood — not even
the place of his birth is recorded. We must suppose,
but cannot prove, that his earliest days were passed on
his mother's lands in Wessex, in moving about between
Amesbury, Christchurch, and Eingwood as his parents'
household made its periodical peregrinations from manor
to manor according to the universal practice of the time.
As a boy he must have visited his paternal grand-
mother, Joan of Beaufort, on her Yorkshire estates,
when his father was fixed in the North as Warden of the
Scotch Border. There probably he may have imbibed
some of the old lady's dislike for her step-sons of the
elder branch of the Nevilles, with whom she and his
father were now at open variance. A little later he
must have spent much time in London, when his father
hecume a member of the Council of Eegency, lodged at
the " Tenement called the Harbour in the Ward of
Dowgate," which his father and grandmother had

IVARIVICA'

CHAP.

received by will from his grandfather when the larger
London house of the family, "Neville's Inn in Silver
Street," passed Avith the Westmoreland earldom to the
elder branch.

The fortunes of the house of Neville, as we have told
them hitherto, have consisted of one interminable story
of fortunate marriages. The reader must now be asked
to concentrate his attention on another group of these
alliances, a group which settled the whole history of the
Kingmaker, and gave him the title of the earldom
by which he is always named.

The Beauchamps of AVarwick held one of the oldest
English earldoms ; they represented in direct descent
the Henry of Newburgh to whom William Eufus had
granted the county in 1190.^ Kichard Beauchamp, the
head of the family at this time, was perhaps the worthiest
and the most esteemed of the English nobles of his day.
The "gracious Warwick," the "father of courtesy" as
the Emjjeror Sigismund called him, had been through all
the wars of Henry the Fifth, and won therein a name only
second to that of the King himself. He had seen many
cities and men in every land that lay between England
and Palestine, and left everywhere behind him a good
report. His virtues and accomplishments had caused
him to l)e singled out as tutor and governor to the young
King, Henry the Sixth ; no better model, as all agreed,
could be found for the ruler of England to copy. Nor
did Warwick belie his task ; he made Henry upright,
learned, painstaking, conscientious to a fault. If he

1 The Beauchamps caine into the title in 1268, William Je
Beauchamp having married the grand-daughter of Henry of New-
burgh, whose male issue had died out.

THE WARWICK MARRIAGE

could but liave made him as strong in Ijody and spirit
as he was morally, he would have given England the
best king that ever she possessed.

Richard Beauchamp had mai'ried Isabel, heiress of
Despenser, and Avidow of liichard, Lord of Abergavenny.
Their family consisted of a son, Henry, a boy of ten,
and a daughter, Anne, three j'ears younger. In addition,
the Countess of ^Yarwick had an only daughter by her
first husband, who was heiress of Abergavenny. Beau-
champ and Richard Neville of Salisbury were the best of
friends, and had determined to seal their friendship by
intermarria<?e between their families. The alliance was
destined to be complicated ; each carl married his heir
to his friend's daughter. The boy Heniy, heir of War-
wick, was affianced to Cecily Neville, Salisbury's six-
year-old daughter ; the boy Richard, heir of Salisbury,
to Anne Beauchamp, daughter of Warwick. Nor was
this all ; the family relations Avere complicated by the
marriage of Warwick's step -daughter Elizabeth, the
heiress of Abergavenny, to Edward Neville the younger
brother of Salisbury.

The boy Richard Neville received a competent dowry
with his wife, but nothing more was expected to follow
from the marriage. Fate, however, decreed otherwise.

The old Earl of Warwick died in 1439, full of years
and honours. To him succeeded his son Henry, the
husband of Cecily Neville, now sixteen years of age,
and " a seemly lord of person." He had been brought
up with the young King, a lad of his own years, and
was Henry of Lancaster's bosom friend. AVhen the
King came of age he heaped on the young Beauchamp
every honour that his affection could devise. Not only

IVARiVICK

CHAl'.

was he made Knight of the Garter and a Privy Council-
lor before he vras nineteen, but he was created Duke of
Warwick, and invested by the King's own hands with
the lordship of the Isle of AVight. If Henry Beauchamp
had lived, it would have been he, and not Suffolk and
Somerset, who in a few years would have ruled England.
But his career was broken in its earliest promise. Ere
he had finished his twenty- third year Henry Beauchamp
was cut off from the land of the living, and his lands
and duchy devolved on his only child, a little girl but
four years of age. Her wardship fell to William de la
Pole Earl of Suffolk, already the declared adversary of
Salisbury and the Xeville family.

By the wholly unexpected death of Henry Beau-
champ only this one frail life lay between the lad
Richard Neville — he was sixteen when his brother-in-law
died — and the earldom of Warwick. Kor was that life
to continue long. The child Anne Beauchamp survived
for three years more, and then died, aged seven, on
June 23rd, 1449. She was buried by her grandam
Constance, daughter of Edmund Duke of York, before
the high altar of Eeading Abbey.

The heiress of AVar^^•ick was now the elder Anne,
Richard Xeville's young wife,^ and in her right Richard
received the Beauchamp lands from the unwilling hands
of the little countess's guardian, Suffolk. The patent
which created him Earl of Warwick, and joined his Avife
in the grant, was dated July 23rd, 1449.

^ Anne was the only heir of the full blood to Henry Duke of
Warwick, but he had several half-sisters, to whom the reversion of
the title was left by the patent which gave Richard and Anne
Neville the eirlJoiii.

THE WARWICK LANDS

Thus, in the year in Avhich he reached his twenty-first
l)irth(lay, the future Kingmaker became "Earl of AVarwick,
NeM-ljurgh, and Aumarle, Premier Earl of England, Baron
of Elmley and Hanslape, and Lord of Glamorgan and
Morgannoc." He was now a much more important
personage than his own father, for the Beauchamp and
Despenser manors in the West Midlands and the Welsh
Marches were broader by far than the Montacute lands
in Wessex, or the Neville holding round Middleham.

A short survey of the items of the Beauchamp heritage
is necessary to show how wide-spread was the power
which was now placed in the hands of the young Richard
Neville. Perhaps the most compact block of his new
possessions was the old Despenser holding in South
Wales and Herefordshire, which included the castles of
Cardiff, Neath, Caerphilly, Llantrussant, Seyntweonard,
Ewyas Lacy, Castle-Dinas, Snodhill, AVhitchurch, and
Maud's Castle. Caerphilly alone was a stronghold fit to
resist ten thousand men, with its tremendous rings of
concentric fortification ; and themassive Norman masonry
of Cardiff was still ready for good service. Between Neath
and Ewyas Lacy lay no less than fifty manors of the Des-
penser heritage. In Gloucestershire was another group of
estates which the Beauchampshad got from the Despensers
— of which the chief were the wide and populous manors of
Tewkesbury, Sodbury, Fairford, Whittington, Chedworth,
Wickwar, and Lydney. In Worcestershire there was a
compact block of land along the Severn and on both its
banks ; the largest manors included in it were UptonT
on-Severii, Hanley Castle, and Bewdley, but there were
twenty-four more estates of less importance, together with
the Castle of Elmley, which had given the Beauchamps a

WARWICK

CHA.P.

baron's title. In "Warwickshire, beside the fair town and
castle which Avent with the earldom, there were not any
very broad tracts of land — only nine manors in all, but
one of these was the wealthy manor of Tamworth.
Going farther south in the Midlands we find in Oxford-
shire five manors and the forest of AVychwood reckoned
to the Beauchamps, and in Buckinghamshire the baronial
seat of Hanslape and seven manors more. Nor was it
only in central England that Richard Neville could
count his estates ; there were scattered holdings accru-
ing to him in Kent, Hampshire, Sussex, Essex, Hertford-
shire, Suff"olk, Norfolk, Berkshire, AViltshire, Somerset,
Devon, Cornwall, Northampton, Stafford, Cambridge,
Rutland, and Nottingham, amounting in all to forty-
eight manors. Even in the distant North one isolated
possession fell to him — the castle of Barnard's-Castle on
the Tees. If in addition to the manors we began to
count up the scattered knights' fees, the advowsons of
churches, the chantries, the patronage of abbeys, and
the tenements in tOAvns, which formed part of the
Beauchamp heritage, we should never be done ; but
these are all ■written in the Escheats Roll, whence the
antiquary may excavate them at his will.

The year 1449, in which Richard Neville attained
his majority and gathered in his wife's heritage, was the
turning-point in the reign of Henry the Sixth. No more
critical time could have been found in the M'hole century
in which to place j^ower and influence in the hands of a
young, able, and ambitious man. For it was in 1449 that
the doom of the house of Lancaster was settled by the
final collapse of the English domination in France. In
March came the fatal attack on Foug^res Avhich reopened

THE YEAR 1449

tlie war, an attack of which it is hard to say whether it
was more foolish or wicked. In August, September,
and October occurred with bewildering rapidity the fall
of the great towns of eastern and central Normandy,
ending with the capitulation of Rouen after a siege of
only nineteen days.

It was this unparalleled series of disasters which made
the existing Lancastrian rule unbearable to the English
nation. Suffolk, the minister whose policy had led up
to the disaster, and Somerset, the governor whose avarice
had depleted the Norman garrisons, and whose rashness
and ill faith had precipitated the outbreak of hostilities,
were henceforth pursued by the bitter hatred of the
majority of Englishmen. When it was found that King
Henry identified their cause with his own, he himself — •
against whom no one had previously breathed a word —
found for the first time that the current of public opinion
was setting against him.

It was now that the final scission of the two parties
that were afterwards to be known as Yorkist and
Lancastrian took place. Every man of note in England
had now to make his choice whether his personal
loyalty to the King should lead him into acquiescing in
the continuance in office of the ministers whom Henry
openly favoured, or whether he would set himself in
opposition to the Court faction, even though he was
thereby led into opposition to the King.

From the first moment there was no doubt which of
the two courses would be adopted by the two Neville
earls of the younger branch. AVarwick, now as always,
acted in strict union with his father, and Salisbury had
never been a friend of Suffolk. Moreover, they were

CHAP.

both concerned in behalf of their relative the Duke of
York, who by Somerset's contrivance had been sent into
a kind of honorary exile in Ireland. When the crisis
should come, it was already pretty certain that Salisbury
and Warwick would be found on the side of York, and
not on that of Suflblk and Somerset. But as yet, though
men were growing excited and preparing for evil times,
no one foresaw the exact shape which the troubles were
to take. One thing only was certain, that Suffolk and
Somerset were growing so hateful to the nation that an
explosion against them would soon take place, and that
when the explosion came there would be a large part}'
among the leading men of England who would rejoice in
its effects.

The most ominous sign of the times was that the
great barons on both sides were already quietly arming,
seeing to the numbers of their retainers, and concluding
agreements to take their neighbours into their livery if
the worst should come to the worst.

Nothing can be a more typical sign of the times than
the treaty which Salisbury entered into with a West-
moreland knight, whose lands lav not far from his great
holding in the Xorth-Riding, as early as September 1449,
the very month when Somerset was losing Xormandy.

" This indenture made between Richard Earl of
Salisburj', on the one part, and Walter Strykelande
knight, on the other, beareth Avitness that the said Walter
is retained and -Nnthholded with the said Earl for the
term of his life, against all folk, saving his allegiance to
the King. And the said Walter shall be well and con-
veniently horsed, armed, and arraj^ed, and always ready
to bide come and go with to and for the said Karl, at all

THE CUSTOM OF LIVERY

times and places, as well in time of peace as time of war,
at the wages of the same Earl." Walter's following was
worth having, being "servants, tenants, and inhabitants
within the county of Westmoreland ; bowmen with horse
and harness, sixty-nine ; billmen horsed and harnessed,
seventy-four ; bowmen without horses, seventy -one ; bill-
men without horses, seventy -six" — in fact a little army
of two hundred and ninety men. The existence of a few
such treaties as this between Salisbury and his northern
neighbours shows clearly enough how the Neville power
was built up, and how formidable to the jjnblic peace it
might become. If once such treaties were in existence,
how long would it be before the single clause " saving his
allegiance " would begin to drop into oblivion 1

CHAPTER V

THE CAUSE OF YORK

If 1449, the j-ear of Warwick's accession to his wife's
heritage, was a time of trouble for England, the year
which immediately followed was far worse. The loss of
the Norman fortresses was followed in a few months by
the sporadic outbreaks of popular rage which might have
been expected — outbreaks directed against all who could
in any way be connected with the evil governance of the
realm. Bishop Moleyns, the Keeper of the Privy Seal,
was murdered by a mob of mutinous sailors at Ports-
mouth in January. But this blow was only a premoni-
tory symptom of the storm which was brewing against
Suffolk, the head of the Government. Four months
later — the fatal battle of Formigny had been fought mean-
while, and the last English foothold in Northern France
lost — he Avas driven from power by an irresistible demon-
stration of wrath, in which the whole nation, from the
House of Lords to the London mob, took its part.
Protected from legal punishment by the King's pardon,
Suffolk fled over-sea ; but some London ships waylaid
him in the Straits of Dover, and he was seized and put
to death after a mock trial by the captain of the Nicholas
of the Towe>: So well hated was he that his tragic end

CHAP. V

CADE'S RISING

was received with exultation instead of remorse, and the
political ballad-mongers of the day wrote many an in-
sulting rhyme over his headless corpse.

Instead of mending matters, Suffolk's death was only
the signal for worse troubles. Two months after his
death came the great rebellion of the Kentishmen under
Cade, accompanied by various other outbreaks in the
southern counties. The insurgents were inspired by the
same impulse which had slain Suffolk ; they were set on
making an end of all Avho had been responsible for the
late disaster abroad and misgovernment at home. In
London, Lord Say the Treasurer was caught and slain ;
in Wiltshire, Bishop Ayscough was beheaded by a mob
of his own tenantry. But the rising, being but a sudden
ebullition of rage with no plan or programme of reform,
and being headed not by any respectable leader but
merely by the disreputable adventurer Cade, died down
of its own accord, without leaving any permanent effect
on the governance of the realm. To make its power
felt, the national discontent had to look for a responsible
leader and a definite programme.

Both the Court party and the people knew where that
leader might be found. Richard Duke of York, the
heir-apparent to the childless King, lay across the sea in
Ireland. He was an able soldier, much tried in the
French wars, a firm and successful administrator — he
had even succeeded in winning popularity in Ireland —
and a man of blameless character, who had completely
won the nation's confidence. Moreover, he was a man
with a grievance ; though the first prince of the blood,
he was deliberately excluded from all place in the King's
councils or share in the administration of the realm.

wahivick:

CHAP.

While in the midst of a successful campaign in France
he had been superseded by the unUicky Somerset, and
sent off to Ireland, apparently in the idea that like most
other rulers of that distressful country he would wreck
his reputation there. But he had been fortunate, and
only increased his fame by the administration of the
island. Already the Court party were murmuring
against him once more, and the people believed that
some other exile would ere long be found for him. As
the ballad-monger sang —

The falcon flies and has no rest

Till he wot where lie may build liis nest.

Cade's rebels had used the Duke's name largely in
their proclamations, but there seems no real ground for
supposing that they had held any communication with
him. The only evidence against him was that all dis-
contented parties and persons spoke of him as the man
that should right them some day. Nevertheless threats
were made that he shoidd be indicted for high treason,
and action against him was apjjarently imminent. Then
at last York took the initiative. He threw up the
government of Ireland, crossed over to Wales, and came
up to London with a considerable body of his tenants
from the Marches at his back. There he claimed and
obtained an interview Avith the King, in Avhich he
declared his loyalty, and received Henry's assurance
that no harm was intended against him. This done, he
retired to his estates on the Welsh border. But he had
now definitely put himself at the head of the opposition
to the Court party, whom he had bitterly rated in his
remonstrance to the King.

RICHARD OF YORK

The discontent of England had found its mouthpiece
and its leader in this resolute prince, " a man of low
stature, with a short square face, and somewhat stout
of body," like his uncle Edmund of York, Avho had
fallen at Agincourt rather stifled in his armour than
slain by his wounds.

Our whole view of the conduct of Warwick in the
ten years between 1450 and 1460 must be determined
by our decision as to the designs and conduct of his
uncle of York during that i)eriod. If we conclude that
the Duke was aiming at the crown from the first, then
we cannot but believe that his brother-in-law Salisbury
and his nephew Warwick must have known or guessed
his wishes, and on them must rest almost as great a
share of blame for the outbreak of the Civil War as lies
on the head of York himself. For the gain of their
family we must believe that they sacrificed the peace of
their country. This view has been commonly adojjted
by historians ; it was set forth in every Lancastrian
manifesto of the time ; it was rejjeated by the historians
who wrote under the Tudors, and it still prevails.

Another view, however, was taken by the majority
of the English people in York's own day. Wherever in
England public spirit ran strong, wherever wealth had ac-
cumulated and civilisation had advanced, a sympathy for
the Yorkist i)arty manifested itself. Kent, London, and
Pkst Anglia were always strongly on the Duke's side.
But if York had been an ambitious schemer, deliberately
ui)setting the peace of the realm for his own ends, we
should not expect to find his supporters among those
parts of the nation to whom peace and good governance
were above all things profitable.

JVARWICK

CHAP.

A glance through tlie pages of the chroniclers Avho
"vvere contemporary with the war, Harding, Gregory,
William of Worcester, Whethamsted, the anonymous
English chronicler in the Camden Series, shows that to
the majority of the English people York passed not as a
disturber of the peace, but as a wronged and injured
man, goaded into resistance by the machinations of the
Court party. In one aspect he was regarded as a great
lord of the royal blood excluded from his rightful place
at the Council board, and even kept out of the country
by his enemies who had the King's ear. In another he
was regarded as the leader and mouthpiece of the
Opposition of the day, of tlie old and popular war-party
which inherited the traditions of Henry the Fifth and
Humphrey of Gloucester — a party, indeed, whose views (as
we have said elsewhere) were unwise and even immoral,
but one which might reasonably ask to be taken into
consideration by those who managed the affairs of the
realm. In these days of ours when Ministries prove
incapable and grow discredited the Opposition has its
turn at the helm in the natural course of things. In the
fifteenth century the old methods which had served
Simon de Montfort, and the Lords Ordainers of 1322,
were still the only ones which could be used against
ministers who were out of sympathy with the nation.
York was doing at St. Albans much what Earl Simon
had done at Lewes.

This too must be said, that if disaster without and
disorder within are to be held sufficient to discredit any
rule, there had never been a time since the evil days
of Bannockburn when England had more right to be dis-
contented with her rulers. Moreover, there was no

MARGARET OF ANJOU

chance that things would grow l)etter ; as long as the
Queen and her friends ruled the King, so long would
things continue as they were. Men thought at one
moment that with the removal of Suffolk the evil times
Avould come to an end. But when an outburst of
popular fury swejrt Suffolk to his end — and be it remem-
bered that there is no evidence to connect York with
Suffolk's tragic death — the ascendency of Somerset proved
as disastrous and as hopeless as that of his predecessor.
And when Somerset fell at St. Albans men hoped once
more that matters would right themselves ; but the less-
known ministers who soon succeeded to the helm — Beau-
mont and the Earl of Wiltshire — proved quite as unprofit-
able servants to the nation. As long as the Queen was
at the King's side to choose his councillors for him, so
long would the discontent of England continue to in-
crease. Margaret's misfortunes make us loath to speak
evil of her, but in fairness to the Yorkists it must be
remembered that she was the most detestable politician
that England had known. It is usual to call the dislike
of the nation for her a stupid prejudice against a
foreigner ; but there was surely some reason for hating
the woman who sold Berwick to the Scots and Calais to
the French, who reintroduced the hateful practice of
sweeping attainders in the Parliament of 1459, who suc-
ceeded in turning loyalty into a i)arty-cry by making the
King a party -leader. "Well might she confess to a
foreign friend on one occasion " that if the great lords
of her own party knew what she was doing, they would
themselves be the first to rise and put her to death," for
she it was who committed that foulest treason of all —
which consists in sending secretly to tell a foreign enemy

WARIVICA'

OHAP.

where to strike, in order that by his blow a party-end
may be served. In 1457, when the realm was for a
moment at peace, she deliberately incited the French
admirals to make their great descent on the Kentish
coast which ended in the fearful sack of Sandwich,
merely because she knew that such a disaster would bo
counted against her political enemies the Yorkists. There
is nothing to be compared to it in English history except
the conduct of the arch-traitor Marlborough in 1694 over
the affair of Brest.

The English hatred of Queen Margaret was no pre-
judice, but a wholesome instinct which led the English
nation to recognise its enemj'. She made herself a
party-leader, and as a party-leader she had to be treated.
York's ten years' strife with her must be regarded not
so much as the rebellion of a subject against his
sovereign, but as the struggle of one party-leader against
another with the primitive weapons which alone were
possible in the constitutional crises of that day. But
even if we grant that York had his excuses, and that
his general attitude does not stand self-condemned at
the first glance, it remains to be seen how far his pro-
gramme was justifiable, and how far he honestly en-
deavoured to carry it out to the best of his abilities.
That he was an able, self-confident, ambitious man, with
the fixed idea that he was the victim of the intrigues of
the Court party, and that but for those intrigues he would
be able to assume the position in the King's Council to
which his birth entitled him, we know well. That when
the King remained childless for nine years after his
marriage, York could not help dwelling on the near
prospect of his accession to the throne, was matter of

THE AIMS OF YORK

notoriety. When that prospect was suddenly taken
from him by the unexpected birth of an heir to the
crown, York's spirits were deeply dashed, and his friends
murmured in secret about changelings and bastards.
But his own attitude and language were still everything
that could be required by the most exacting critic ; he
shared in the rejoicings at the birth of Prince Edward,
and joined the Commission which was appointed to
confer on the infant the title of Prince of Wales. All
his speeches and manifestoes for the next six years were
full even to satiety of professions of loyalty to the King,
and no claims on his own part were ever made for any-
thing more than that right of access to the King's ear
to which he was obviously entitled. The Yorkist declara-
tions are always statements of grievance and demands
for reform, set forth on public grounds ; they show no
traces of dynastic claims. The actions of the party, too,
are quite in keeping with their declarations. That they
would take the King into their own hands, and not
leave him in those of the Somersets or Wiltshire or
Beaumont, they had always stated, and they attempted
no more when they had the chance. The best criterion
of York's honesty is his conduct after the first battle of
St. Albans, when the fortune of war had placed the
King's person in his power. He then proceeded to
give Henry new ministers, l)ut did absolutely nothing
more. No word about the succession was breathed, nor
was it even attempted to puni.sh those who had pre-
viously ruled the kingdom so ill. With a wise modera-
tion all the blame was heaped on Somerset — and Somerset
was dead, and could suffer no harm whatever might be
laid to his charge.

JVARIVICK

CHAP. V

It may then fairly be argued that Warwick and all
those who followed Richard of York in peace and war
down to the year 1460 had an honest programme, and
could in all sinceritj'^ trust their leader, when he assured
them that his ends were national and not personal, — the
reform of the governance of England, not the establish-
ment of the house of York on the throne. We shall see
that Avhen, after enduring and inflicting many evils, York
did at last lay claim to the throne, his own party, headed
by Warwick, firmly withstood him and compelled him, in
adherence to his and their original pledges, to leave King
Henry his throne and content himself with the prospect
of an ultimate succession.

This being so, it is only just to Warwick and the
other Yorkist leaders to give them the benefit of the
doubt wherever their conduct admits of an honourable
explanation, and not to judge their earlier assertions or
claims or complaints in the light of later events. On
these lines we shall proceed to describe the young Earl's
actions down to the final outbreak of war in 1159.

CHAPTER VI

THE BEGINNING OF THE CIVIL "WAR : ST ALBANS

From the moment when York returned from Ireland
without the King's permission, and commenced to exj^os-
tulate with his royal kinsman against the doings of
Somerset and the rest of the Court party, the progress
of events was sure and steady. Nothing save some ex-
traordinary chance could have warded off the inevitable
Civil War. That it did not break out sooner was only
due to the fact that York M'as as cautious as he was
determined, and was content to wait for the croAvn which
the King's sickly constitution and long-barren wedlock
promised him. Moreover, the Court party themselves
had no desire to push matters to extremities against the
man who was in all probability to become their king at
no very distant date. For more than four years the
struggle between York and Somerset proceeded before
swords were actually drawn ; they fought by manifestoes
and proclamations, by Acts of Parliament, by armed
demonstrations, but neither would actually strike the
first blow.

The final crisis was brought about by the juxtaposition
of two events of very different character. In August
1453 the King fell into a melancholy madness, exactly

WARWICK

CHAP.

similar to that which liad afflicted his unfortunate grand-
father Charles the Sixth of France. He sat for days with-
out moving or speaking ; whatever was said to him he
cast down his ej'cs and answered nought. The King's
insanity was a deadly blow to Somerset, for he was
helpless without the royal name to back him. York, on
the other hand, with the general consent of the nation,
assumed the direction of affairs, and became the King's
lieutenant. He was afterwards made Protector of the
Realm. This promised a final termination to the civil
troubles of the realm.

But a few months after the King had become deranged,
the whole face of affairs was changed by the birth of an
heir to the crown. The Queen was delivered of a
son on October 13th. This unexpected event — for
the royal j^air had been childless for nine years — was of
fatal import to York. It took away the safety that had
proceeded from the fact that his enemies believed that
he was one day to reign over them, and it made York
himself desperate. He came to the conclusion that he
must be either regent or nothing ; to save his head he
must resort to desperate measures, and no more shrink
from arms.

It is at this moment that Warwick begins to come to
the front. In the earlier phases of York's struggle with
Somerset he and his father had avoided committing
themselves unreservedly to their kinsman's party ; when
he made his armed demonstration in 1452 they had not
appeared at his side, but had negotiated in his favour
Avith the King. In the Parliament of January 1454
they took part more decidedly in his favour. Mischief
was brewing and every peer came up to London with

YORK AND THE NE VILLES

liundreds of retainers in his train. It was then noticed
that Warwick " with a goodly fellowship at his back "
rode up in company with his uncle of York, and that
Salisbury Avith sevenscore men-at-arms joined him in
London.

York's preponderance in the councils of the realm
was at once followed by the promotion of his Neville
kinsmen. In December AVarwick, now aged twenty-
five, was made a member of the Privy Council. In
April, after York had been made Protector, Salisbury
was made Chancellor of the Realm; it was forty-four years
since a layman had held the post.

The King was insane for sixteen months, and for that
time York governed the realm with discretion and success.
His conduct with regard to the question of the succession
was scrupulously correct. The infant Prince Edward
was acknowledged heir to the throne, and York, AVarwick,
and Salisbury were all members of the Commission which
in April invested him with the title of Prince of Wales.
The Court party were treated with leniency ; only
Somerset, against whom the popular outcry was as loud
as ever (he had nearly been torn to pieces by a London
mob in 1453), was committed to custody in the Tower,
where he lay all the time of the King's madness. The
country seemed satisfied and the prospect was fair.

To the Nevilles these two last years of promotion
and success had only been clouded by a fierce quarrel
with the house of Percy. In 145.3 Salisbury had been
celebrating the marriage of his fourth son, Thomas, to a
niece of Lord Cromwell at Tattershall in Yorkshire. As
he left the feast his retainers fell into an affray with
some followers of Thomas Percy Lord Egremont, a

JVARIVICK

CHAP.

younger son of the Earl of Northumberland. Out of
this small spark sprung a sudden outbreak of private
war all over the counties of York and Northumberland,
in which the Nevilles Avere headed by John, Salisbury's
second son, and the Percies by Egremont. The trouble
lasted more than a year, and was only ended by York
going in person, after he had been made Protector, to
pacify the combatants. In this he succeeded, but the
Percies maintained that they had been wronged, and were
ever afterwards strong supporters of Somerset and the
Queen.

In December 1454 King Henry came to his senses,
and York resigned the protectorate. The King's re-
covery was in every way unfortunate ; the moment that
he was himself again he fell back into the hands of the
Court party. His first act was to release Somerset from
the Tower, and declare him a true and faithful subject.
His next was to dismiss York and Salisbury from all
their offices, and with them several other high function-
aries who were enemies of Somerset, including Tijjtoft
Earl of Worcester, the Lord Treasurer. The disgraced
peers retired to their estates — York to Sendal, Salisbury
to Middleham.

But worse was to come. In May a Council, to which
were summoned neither York, Salisbury, Warwick, nor
any other of the old councillors who were their friends,
met at Westminster. This body summoned a Parlia-
ment to meet at Leicester, "for the purpose of providing
for the safety of the King's person against his enemies."
Who would be declared the enemies York and Salisbury
could guess without difficulty ; and what would be done
with these enemies they knew well enough. Imprison-

THE OUTBREAK' OF CIVIL WAR

ment would be the least evil to be feared at the hands
of Somerset.

The fatal moment had come. York was desperate,
and resolved to anticipate the vengeance of his adver-
saries. The moment that the news came, he called out
his Yorkshire retainers, and sent to ask the aid of his
friends all over England. Salisbur}^ joined him at once
with the Neville tenants from his North-Riding estates,
and without a moment's delay York and his brother-in-
law marched on London. Warwick fell in with them
on the Avay, but no other friend came to their aid,
though the Duke of Norfolk was getting together a
considerable force on their behalf in East Anglia.

York's little army marched down the Ermine Street ;
on May 20th he lay at Royston in Cambridgeshire.
Beside the two Nevilles he had only one other peer in
his company. Lord Clinton, and the knights present
were merely the personal followers of York and Salis-
bury. Except a few of AYarwick's Midland tenants, the
whole army was composed of the Yorkshire retainers of
York and Salisbury, and the chroniclers speak of the
whole army as the Northern Men. More troops could
have been had by waiting, but the Duke knew that if
he delayed, the enemy would also gain time to muster in
strength. At present the loi'ds of the King's Council
were quite unprepared for war, and the rapid march of
York's little army had not allowed them time for pre-
paration.

On the 21st the Duke felt his way southward
along the line of the Ermine Street, and lay at Ware.
There he and the two Earls indited a laborious apology
for their arrival in arms to " tlieir most redoubted

WARWICK

CHAP.

sovereign Lord the King." They were "coming in grace,
as true and humble liegemen, to declare and show at
large their loyalty," and sought instant admission to
the royal presence that they might convince him of the
"sinister, malicious, and fraudident reports of their
enemies."

Somerset read clearly enough the meaning of York's
march on London, and even before the Duke's manifesto
was received, had stirred up the King to have recourse
to arms. Many of the great lords of the King's party
were in London, but they were surprised l)y the sudden
approach of the enemy, and had brought few followers
with them. Thus it came to pass that although the
King marched out of Westminster on the 21st with
many of the greatest lords of England at his back,
he had less than three thousand combatants in his host.
With him went forth his half-brother Jasper of
Pembroke, the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham,
the Earls of Northumberland, Devon, Stafford, Wiltshire,
and Dorset, and Lords Clifford, Dudley, Berners, and
Roos, nearly a quarter of the scanty peerage of England.
York's manifesto reached the King as he marched
through Kilburn, but Somerset sent it back without
allowing it to reach the royal hands. That night the
army turned off the Roman road to shelter themselves
in the houses of Watford ; but next morning very
early all were afoot again, and long before seven o'clock
King Henry and his host reached St. Albans. The
royal banner was pitched in St. Peter's Street, at the
northern end of the straggling little town, the outlets of
the streets were barricaded, and then the troops dispersed
to water their horses and prepare breakfast. An hour

YORK AT ST. ALBANS

later York and his forces appeared, advancing cautiously
from the cast along the Hertford Road. Hearing of
the King's march on Watford, the Duke had left the
direct line of advance on London, and set out to seek
his enemies. When St. All)ans was found to be strongly
held, York, Salisbury, and Warwick drew up their four
thousand men in battle array, in a field called Keyfield
to the east of the town, and paused before attacking.
They were hardly arrived before the Duke of Bucking-
ham was seen emerging with a herald from the barricade
which closed the eastern outlet of the town. This
elderly nobleman was Salisbury's brother-in-law and
Warwick's uncle ; he was sure of a fair hearing from
the insurgents, for he had never been identified M'ith
the party of Suffolk and Somerset, and was in arms out
of pure loyalty to the King. Arrived in the presence
of the rebel leaders, Humphrey of Buckingham de-
manded the cause of their coming and the nature of
their intentions. The Duke of York replied by charging
his master's envoy with a message for the royal ears,
which began with all manner of earnest protestations
of loyalty, proceeded with a vague declaration that the
intent of his coming in arms was righteous and true,
and ended with a peremptory demand that it would
please the King " to deliver up such persons as he
might accuse, to be dealt with like as they have de-
served." Buckingham brought the message back and re-
peated it to the King, as he sat in the house of Westley,
the Hundredman of the town of St. Albans, whither
he had retired after his arrival. When the Duke's
demand was made known, for once in his life the saintly
King burst out into a fit of passion. " Now I shall

WARWICK

CHAP.

know," he cried, "what traitors arc so bold as to raise a
host against nie in my own land. And by the faith
that I owe to St. Edward and the Crown of England, I
will destroy them every mother's son, to have example
to all traitors who make such rising of people against
their King and Governour. And for a conclusion, say
that rather than they shall have any lord here with me
at this time, I will this day for his sake and in this
quarrel stand myself to live or die."

When this answer came to the Duke of York he
made no immediate attack on the town, but turned to
harangue his troops. He told them that the King refused
all reformation or reparation, that the fate of England
lay in their hands, and that at the Avorst an honourable
death in the field was better than the shame of a traitor's
end, which awaited them if they lost the day. Then he
launched the whole body in three divisions against
the barricades which obstructed the northern, southern,
and eastern exits of the town.

The hour was half-past eleven o'clock, for the inter-
change of messages between the King and York had
consumed four hours of the morning. The royal troops,
seeing Buckingham coming and going between the two
armies, had believed that an agreement would be patched
up without fighting. Many had left their posts, and
some had disarmed themselves. When the Duke's men
were seen in motion every man ran to arms, and the
bells of the abbey and the churches ringing the alarm
set monks and townsmen to prayers, in good hope that the
shield of their warrior-patron would be stretched over them
to ward off the plundering bands from the North, the
Gens Borese, gens perfidise, gens prona rapinse.

IVAJ? I VIC A' 'S FIRS T J VC TOR Y

■whose advent always sent Abbot Whethamsted into an
ecstasy of bad Latin verses.

The first rush of the Yorkists was beaten off at all
the three points which they attacked. Lord Clifford on
the London Road " kej^t the barriers so strongly that the
Duke might not in any wise, for all the power he had,
break into the streets." Warwick too, who led the left
division of the Yorkist host, was repulsed in his attack
on the southern exit of the town. But the Earl's quick
military eye, now . for the first time exercised, had
marked that the Lancastrians, though strong enough to
hold the barricades, had not enough men to defend the
long straggling line of houses which formed the southern
extension of the town. Gathering together his repulsed
retainers, he broke into the gardens which lay behind the
houses of Holywell Street, and bursting open the back-
doors of several dwellings, ran out into the main thorough-
fare of the town, "between the sign of the Chequers and
the sign of the Key, blowing up his trumpets and shout-
ing with a great voice, A Warwick ! A Warwick ! " — a
cry destined to strike terror into Lancastrian ears on
many a future battlefield. Warwick's sudden iriixption
took the defenders of the barricades in the rear, but
they faced about and stood to it manfully in the streets.
The Lancastrian line was broken, and the Yorkist centre,
where Sir Robert Ogle led on the Duke's own followers
from the Northern Marches, now burst into the market-
place in the centre of the town to aid Warwick.

For one wild half-hour the arrows flew like sleet up
and down St. Peter's Street, and the knights fought
hand to hand in the narrow roadway. But the Lan-
castrians were overmatched. The King received an arrow

JVARWICK

CHAP.

in the neck, and was led bleeding into the house of a
tanner. Somerset, the cause of the battle, was stricken
dead on the doorstep of an inn named the Castle. Sir
Philip Wentworth, the King's standard-bearer, threw
down his banner and fled away. James of Ormond the
Irish Earl of ^Yiltshire, and Thorpe the Speaker of the
House of Commons, followed him. But the other
leaders of the King's army were less fortunate. The
Earl of Xorthumberland and Lord Cliftbrd were slain.
The Earl of Dorset was desperately wounded, and left
for dead in the street. The Duke of Buckingham, with
an arrow sticking in his face, took sanctuary in the
abbey. The Earls of Stafford and Devon, both wounded,
and Lord Dudley, yielded themselves prisoners. Only
sixscore men had been slain in the King's armj', but
the larger part were persons of mark, for, as was often
the case in that century, the lightly -equipped archers
and billmen could fling down their arms and get away
■R'ith ease, while the knights and nobles, fighting on foot
in their cumbrous armour, could not make speed to
when the day was lost. So it came to pass that of the
one hundred and twenty Lancastrians who fell, only
forty-eight were common men, the rest were nobles,
knights, and squires, or officers of the King's household.
On the next day the victors marched on London, vainly
hoping, perhaps, that with the death of Somerset and
the capture of the King the days of the weak govern-
ment of Lancaster were over.

The Duke and his followers thought, as yet, of nothing
more than a change of ministr}\ Their conduct shows
that they had nothing more in hand than the replacing
of the Court party in the great offices of State by persons

VI WARWICK MADE GOVERNOR OF CALAIS 57

who should be more in touch with their own views and
the will of the nation. The Chancellorship was left in
the hands of Archbishop Bourcliier, whom the Yorkists
felt that they could trust; but the Earl of "Wiltshire
was replaced as Treasurer by Lord Bourchier, the Arch-
bishop's brother. The Duke of York became Constable ;
Warwick superseded the dead Somerset as Captain of
Calais ; Salisbury was made Steward of the Duchy of
Lancaster. A little later Warwick's younger brother
George Neville was given the wealthy bishopric of
Exeter, though he had only just reached his twenty-
sixth year. A Parliament summoned in July ratified
these appointments, and chose as its Speaker Sir John
Wenlock, of whom we shall frequently hear again as one
of Warwick's firmest friends and adherents. A strongly-
worded oath of allegiance to King Henry was taken by
the Duke of York, and all the House of Lords with him,
and the new ministry started on its career with favour-
able prospects. The only trouble for the moment came
from an ill-judged attempt in Parliament to fix the
responsibility for the " 111 Day of St. Albans " on definite
persons. Warwick named Lord Cromwell as one of
those most to blame, and when Cromwell gave an angry
reply, there sprang up such an altercation between them
that men feared a breach of the peace. That night
Cromwell borrowed the Earl of Shrewsbury's men-at-
arms to guard his house ; but Warwick had cooled down
and no more came of the quarrel, for the Parliament
very wisely concluded to lay all the responsibility for the
Civil AYar on Somerset, who was dead and could not
reply.

York's authority in the kingdom was made more

WARWICK

CHAP.

secure for the moment when King Henry fell once again

into one of his fits of melancholy madness in October.
The Parliament reassembled and appointed the Duke
Regent, but on February 25th Henry came to his
senses, and at once relieved York of his office. There
followed a time of unrest and rumours of war, but for
some months longer the Duke succeeded in maintaining
his place at the helm. But trouble was always impend-
ing. Warwick, whose trained and paid soldiery in the
garrison of Calais were the only permanent military force
belonging to the Crown, had to come over on several occa-
sions to back his uncle. At one time we hear that York
feared to be waylaid on his way to Parliament, and got
^Varwick with three hundred men "all in jacks or
brigandines " to escort him thither, " sa3'ing that if he
had not come so strong he would have been distressed,
but no man knew by whom, for men think verily that
there is no man able to undertake any such enterprise."

York was not wrong, however, in thinking that there
were those who were ready to risk much to get him out
of power. Since Somerset was dead, the leadership of
the Court party had fallen into very firm and determined
hands, those of Margaret of Anjou, and the Queen had
resolved to exercise the imbounded influence that she
enjoyed over her husband to make him evict his
Yorkist ministers the moment that it seemed safe so to
do. For her resolve she had this much excuse, that the
new government was at first no more fortunate than the
old in enforcing order in the kingdom, for into the
period of York's ascendency fell the worst private war
that had been seen for a generation. Courtney Earl of
Devon and Lord Bonville fell to blows in the West, and

INTRIGUES OF QUEEN MARGARET 59

fought a battle outside Exeter with four thousand men
a side ; the Earl won, and signalised his victory by ran-
sacking the cathedral and carrying oif several of the
canons as prisoners. Yet he was not brought to justice
for this abominable sacrilege, even though he was of the
party which was opposed to York. But Margaret was
not entitled to blame York for the state of the kingdom,
for we find that she deliberately went to Avork to give
the Duke trouble, by stirring up foreign enemies against
England. A Scotch raid in the summer of 1456 was
more than suspected to be due to her intrigues ; and it
is certain that while the Duke was officially taking the
Scots to task in the King's name, the King was disavow-
ing York's warlike despatches in private letters to James
the Second. When we know that a year later Margaret
Avas not above setting on the French to ravage the
Kentish sea-ports for her own private purposes, we can
understand a little of the hatred with which she was
followed by the Commons of the south-eastern counties.

CHAPTER VII

WARWICK CAPTAIN OF CALAIS AND ADMIRAL

It was in the four years which lay between the fight of
St. Albans and the second outbreak of the Civil War
in 1459 that Warwick made his reputation and won
his ^iopularity. Up to 1455 he had been known merely
as a capable young nobleman who followed in all things
the lead of his father Salisbury. He had not as j-et
been given any independent command, nor trusted
alone in any business of importance, though he was
already far beyond the age at which many personages
of the fifteenth century began to take a prominent part
in politics. He was now twenty-seven years old, eleven
years older than Henry the Fifth when he took over the
government of Wales, nine years older than Edward the
Fourth when he won the fight of Mortimer's Cross.
There were no signs in Warwick of that premature de-
velopment which made so many of his contemporaries
grown men at sixteen, and worn-out veterans at forty.

Unlike most of his house, Warwick had not been
blessed with a large family. Anne Beauchamp had borne
him two daughters only, both of them delicate girls who
did not live to see their thirtieth year. No male off-
spring was ever granted him, and it seemed evident

uiiAP. vii PERSONAL POPULARITY OF WARWICK 6i

that the lands of Warwick and Despenser were des-
tined to i^ass once more into the female line. But
the day was far distant Avhen this was to be, and
Richard Neville's sturdy frame and constitution, — his
altitudo animi cum paribus corporis virihus, to quote Poli-
dore Vergil, — promised many a long year of vigorous
manhood.

Warwick had already become a prominent figure in
English politics, not so much from the breadth of his
lands or from the promise of military prowess that he
had shown at St. Albans, as from the almost universal
popularity which he enjoyed. He was far from being
the haughty noble, the Last of the Barons, whom later
writers have drawn for us. His contemporaries speak
of him rather as the idol of the Commons and the
people's friend: "his words were gentle, and he was
affable and familiar with all men, and never spoke of
his own advancement, but always of the augmentation
and good governance of tlie realm." There never was
any peer who was a better lord to his own retainers,
nor was there any who bore himself more kindly
towards the Commons ; hence he won a personal popu-
larity to which his father Salisbury never attained,
and which even his uncle of York could not rival.

As a school for a man of action there could have
been no better post than the governorship of Calais.
The place had been beset by the French ever since the
loss of Normandy in 1450, and was never out of danger
of a sudden attack. Three times in the last six years
considerable armies had marched against it, and had
only been turned away by unexpected events in other
quarters. Bickering with the French garrisons of

WARWICK

CHAP.

Boulogne and other neighbouring places never ended,
even in times of nominal truce. To cope with the
enemy the Captain of Calais had a garrison always
insufficient in numbers, and generally in a state of
suppressed mutiny ; for one of the chief symptoms of
the evil rule of Suffolk and Somerset had been the
impotence of the central government to find money for
the regular war-expenses of the realm. The garrison of
Calais was perjjetually in arrears of pay, and successive
governors are found complaining again and again that
they were obliged to empty their own pockets to keep
the soldiers to their post. Even the town -walls had
been allowed to fall into disrepair for want of money to
mend them.

Besides his military duties the Captain of Calais had
other difficult functions. He lay on the frontier of
Flanders, and a great part of the trade between England
and the dominions of the house of Burgundy passed
through his town, for Calais was the " staple " for that
branch of commerce. Hence he had to keep on good
terms with the neighbouring Burgundian governors,
and also— what was far more difficult — to endeavour to
sweep the Straits of Dover clear of pirates and of French
privateers, whenever there was not an English fleet at
sea. This was no sinecure, for of late English fleets had
been rarely seen, and when they did appear had gone
home without efi'ecting anything useful. The man who
could with a light heart undertake to assume the post
of Captain of Calais must have been both able and
self-confident.

Warwick held the place from August 1455 to August
1460, and combined with it the i)Ost of " Captain to guard

VII

IVARWICK AT CALAIS

the Sea" from October 1457 to September 1459. His
tenure of office was in every Avay successful. The garrison
was brought up to its full strength, and put in good
discipline — largely, we may suspect, at the expense of
the Earl's own pocket, for after October 1456, when the
Duke of York ceased to be Protector, Warwick got little
money or encouragement from England. He raised
the strength of his troops to about two thousand men,
and was then able to assume the offensive against the
neighbouring French garrisons. His greatest success
was when, in the spring of the third year of his office, he
led a body of eight hundred combatants on a daring raid
as far as Staples, forty miles down the coast of Picardy,
and took the town together with a fleet of Avine-ships
from the south of France, which he put up to ransom,
and so raised a sum large enough to pay his men for
some months. Falling into a disagreement also with
the Burgundian governors in Flanders, he made such
havoc in the direction of Gravelines and St. Omer that
Duke Philip was obliged to strengthen his garrisons
there, and finally was glad to consent to a pacification.
The negotiations were held in Calais and came to a
successful conclusion, for a commercial treaty was con-
cluded with Flanders as well as a mere suspension
of arms.

While Warwick lay at Calais he could not pay very
fi'equent visits to England, for French alarms were
always abounding. In June 1456, for exam])le, "men
said that the siege should come to Calais, for much
people had crossed the water of Somme, and great
navies were on the sea." Again, in May 1457, another
threatened attack caused the Earl to lay in great stores.

CHAP.

for which he had to dra^v on Kent: "so he had the
folks of Canterbury and Sandwich before him, and
thanked them for their good hearts in victualling of Calais,
and prayed them for continuance therein." That those
rumours of coming trouble were not all vain was shown
a few months later, for a Norman fleet under Peter de
Br6z6 threw four thousand men ashore near Sandwich
in August, and the French stormed the town from the
land side, held it for a day, and sacked it from garret to
cellar. It was this disaster which England owed to
Margaret of Anjou, for she had deliberately suggested
the time and place of attack to de Breze, in order to
bring discredit on the government of the Duke of York.

It is curious to note how the work of the da}" of St.
Albans was undone, without any violent shock, during
the earlier years of AVarwick's rule at Calais. The
Queen played her game more cautiously than usual.
First, York's protectorate was ended, on the excuse that
the King, whose mind had failed him again after St.
Albans, was now himself once more. Then, eight
months later, a great Council was summoned, not at
London, where Y'ork was too popular, but at Coventry.
The meeting Avas packed wdih. the men-at-arms of the
Queen's adherents, and at it King Henry dismissed the
two Bourchier brothers, York's firm supporters, from
their offices of Chancellor and Treasurer, and replaced
them by the Earl of Shrewsbury, a strong adherent of
the Court iJarty, and by "Wainfleet Bishop of Winchester.
It was widely believed that Y^ork, Avho had come to the
Council Avith no knowledge of the Queen's intended cmip
d'dat, would have met with an ill end if his kinsman the
Duke of Buckingham had not succeeded in aiding him

VII YOmCS FR/ENDS DISA/ISSED FROM OFFICE 65

to escape. Of all the offices bestowed as the result of
St. Albans fight, Warwick's post at Calais was the only
one which was not now forfeited. Probably the Queen
and her friends preferred to keep him over-sea as much
as possible.

It is a good testimony to the loyalty of the Duke and
his friends that they made no stir on their eviction from
office. York retired to Wigmore, and for the next year
abode quietly upon his estates. Salisbury went to
Middleham and remained in the North. Meanwhile the
country showed its discontent with the renewed rule of
the Queen. Tumultuous gatherings took place in Oxford-
shire and Berkshire, and again on the Welsh Border,
although no leading Yorkist was implicated in them.
The temper of London was so discontented that the
Queen would not allow the King to approach it for a
whole year.

The ascendency of the Earls of Wiltshire, Beaumont,
Shrewsbury, Exeter, and the other lords who ruled in
the King's name and by the Queen's guidance, proved as
unfortunate and as unpopular as any of the other periods
during which Margaret's friends were at the helm. Men
felt that civil war was destined to break out once more,
as soon as York should be pressed too hard and find his
patience at an end. Hence general joy was felt when in
January 1458 the King, taking the initiative for once,
announced that he was about to reconcile all the private
grievances of his lords, and invited York, Salisbury, and
Warwick, with the rest of their party, to attend a great
Council at Westminster. They came, but fearing some
snare of the Queen's, came with a numerous following —
York with a hundred and forty horse, Salisbury with

WARWICK

CHAP.

four hundred, "Warwick Mith six hundred men of the
Calais garrison all apparelled in red jackets emblazoned
■with the Beauchamp badge of the ragged staff. There
was no snare in the King's invitation, and all precautions
were taken to prevent affrays. The Yorkist lords and
their retainers were lodged within the city, while the
Queen's friends, who appeared in great force — the Earl
of Northumberland alone brought three thousand
men — were provided for in the suburbs. The Mayor
of London — Godfrey Bulleyn, Anne Bulleyn's ancestor
— with five thousand citizens arrayed in arms kept the
streets, to guard against brawling between the retainers
of the two parties.

The King at once set forth his purpose of a general
pacification, and found York and his friends very ready
to fall in with his views. IMore trouble was required to
induce the sons of those who had fallen at St. Albans—
the young Somerset, Clifford, and Northumberland — to
pardon those on whose swords was their fathers' blood.
But the King's untiring efforts produced the desired
result. York, Salisbury, and Warwick promised to
endow the Abbey of St. Albans with a sum of X45 a
year, to be spent in masses for the souls of the slain, and
to make large money payments to their heirs — York
gave the young Duke of Somerset and his mother five
thousand marks, and Warwick made over one thousand
to the young Clifford. After this curious bargain had
been made, and a proclamation issued to the effect that
both the ^"ictors and the vanquished of St Albans had
acted as true liegemen of the King, a solemn ceremony
of reconciliation was held. The King walked in state
to St. Paul's, behind him came the Queen, led by the

VII

THE RECONCILIATION OF 1458

Duke of York; then followed Scalisbury hand in hand with
Somerset, Warwick hand in hand with the Duke of
Exeter, and after them their respective adherents two
and tAvo. The sight must have gladdened the King's
kindly heart, but no one save his own guileless self could
have supposed that such a reconciliation was final ;
almost the whole of his train were destined to die by
each other's hands. The Queen and Somerset were one
day to behead York and Salisbury ; Warwick was
destined to slay Exeter's son ; and so all down the long
procession.

As one of the tokens of reconciliation, Warwick was
created "Chief Captain to guard the Sea," a post wherein
centred the ambition of his unwilling partner in the
great procession, the Duke of Exeter. The office was not
one with many attractions. The royal navy comprised
no more than the Grace Dieu and two or three more
large carracks. When a fleet was required, it was made
up by requisitioning hastily -armed merchant- vessels
from the maritime towns. Of late years, whenever such
an array was mustered, the sailors had gone unpaid, and
the command had been entrusted to some unskilled
leader from the ranks of the Court party. England had
entirely ceased to count as a naval power ; her coasts
were frequently ravaged by French expeditions, such as
that which had burnt Sandwich in 1457, and pirates
and privateers of all nations swarmed in the Channel.

In his capacity as Captain of Calais, Warwick had
been compelled to learn something of the Channel, but
we .should never have guessed that he had accumulated
enough of the seaman's craft to make him a competent
admiral. Nevertheless, his doings during the twenty

IVARIVICA'

CHAP.

months of his command at sea entitle him to a respectable
place by the side of Blake and Monk and our other
inland-bred naval heroes. He not merely acquired
enough skill to take the charge of a fleet in one of the
rough and ready sea-fights of the day, but actually
became a competent seaman. At a pinch, as he showed
a few years later, he could himself take the tiller and
pilot his ship for a considerable voyage.

The tale of Warwick's iirst naval venture has been
most fortunately preserved to us by the letter of an
actor in it.

On Trinity Sunday (May 28tli) in the morning [writes
John Jernyngan] came tidings unto my Lord of Warwick
that there were twenty-eight sail of Spaniards on the sea,
whereof sixteen were great .ships of forecastle ; and then my
Lord went and manned five sliijJS of forecastle and three
carvells and four pinnaces, and on the Monday we met to-
gether before Calais at four of the clock in the morning, and
fought together till ten. And there we took six of their
ships, and they slew of our men about fourscore and hurt
two hundred of us right sore. And we slew of them about
twelvescore, and hurt a five hundred of them. It happed
that at the first boarding of them we took a ship of three
hundred tons, and I was left therein and twenty-three men
with me. And they fought so sore that our men were fain
to leave them. Then came they and boarded the ship that
I was in, and there was I taken, and was prisoner with them
six hours, and was delivered again in return for their men
that were taken at the first. As men say, there has not
been so great a battle upon the sea these forty winters. And,
to say sooth, we were well and truly beaten : so my Lord
has sent for more shijjs, and is like to fight them again in
haste.

Such a hard-fought struggle against superior numbers
was almost as honouraljlc to Warwick's courage and

vir

WAR WICK'S SEA-FIGHTS

enterprise as a victory, and the indomitable pluck which
he displayed seems to have won the hearts of the sailors,
who were ever after, down to the day of his death,
faithful to his cause. But his later undertakings were
fortunate as well as bold.

The best known of them took place in the spring of
1458. Sweeping the Channel with fourteen small vessels,
Warwick came on five great ships — " three great Genoese
carracks, and two Spaniards far larger and higher than
the others." For two days Warwick fought a running
fight with the enemy, " hard and long, for he had no
vessel that could compare in size with theirs." Finally
he took three of the carracks and put the other two to
flight. Nearly a thousand Spaniards were slain, and
the prisoners Avere so many that the prisons of Calais
could hardly contain them. The prizes were richly
laden, and their contents were valued at no less than
£10,000. The markets of Calais and Kent were for
the moment so charged with Southern goods that a
shilling bought that year more than two would have
bought the year before.

This fight naturally made Warwick popular with
merchants and sailors, but it was less liked at West-
minster ; for although at odds with the King of Castile,
England was not at tliis moment engaged in hostilities
■with the Genoese, though there was a dispute in progress
about the ill-treatment of some British merchants by
them. Another feat of Warwick's, however, was to get
him into worse trouble. Early in the autumn of the
same year he had an engagement in the Straits of Dover
with a great fleet of Hanseatic vessels from Lubeck, who
were sailing soutliAvard to France. Fiom them he took

WARWICK'

CHAP.

five ships which he brought into Calais. Now England
had signed a commercial treaty with the Hansa only two
years before, and this engagement was a flagrant viola-
tion of it. It led Warwick's enemies on the Continent
to call him no better than a pirate. What was his plea
of justification we do not know. It may be, as some
have alleged, that he mistook the Germans at first for
Spaniards or Frenchmen. It may be that he fell out
with them on some question as to the rights of the
English admiral in the narrow seas, such as gave constant
trouble in later centuries, and were the forerunners of
the famous quarrels over the " right of search " and " the
right of salute."

But about Warwick's capture of the Hanseatic vessels
there was no doubt. A month later a board was
appointed, consisting of Lord Rivers, Sir Thomas Kyrriel,
and seven other members, to investigate the matter.

On November 8th Warwick came over from Calais
to lay his defence before the King and Council. Henry
received him courteou.sly enough, and there was much
sage talk about the marches of Picardy, " but the Earl
could judge well enough by the countenances of many
who sat in the Council Chamber that they bore him
hatred, so that he bethought him of the warnings that
his father had lately written him about the Queen's
friends."

Next day when War^vick again came into the royal
presence, the Council had hardly begun when a great
tumult arose in the court, " the noise was heard over
the whole palace, and every one was calling for Warwick."
What had happened was, that the retainers of Somerset
and Wiltshire had fallen on the Earl's attendants and

VII ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE WARWICK 71

were making an end of them. Warwick ran down to
see what was the matter, but the moment that he
ajjpeared in the court he was set on by a score of armed
men, and it was only by the merest chance that he was
able to cut his way down to the water-stairs, and leap
with two of his men into a boat. He escaped with his
life to the Surrey side, but his followers were not so
lucky ; three were slain and many wounded.

Warwick declared that the whole business had been
a deliberate plot to murder him, and he was probably
right ; but the lords of the Queen's party maintained
that the affray had been a chance medley between the
two bands of retainers, and that the first blow had been
struck by one of Warwick's men. But whatever was
the truth about the matter, Warwick could not be
blamed if he swore never to come to Court again without
armed men at his heels. The sequel of the quarrel
shows what had really been intended. Next day the
Queen and her friends represented to the King that
the quarrel had been due to brawling on Warwick's
part, and procured an order for committing him to the
Tower. Warned of this by a secret friend in the
Council, the Earl rode off in haste to Warwick Castle,
and sent to his father and the Duke of York. The
three held a conference, in which they resolved that at
the next hostile move of their enemies they woidd repeat
the line of conduct which had been so successful four
years before — they would muster their retainers and
deliver the King by force out of the hands of the Court
party.

Meanwhile Warwick retired to Calais, where he called
together the officers of the garrison, and the Mayor and

IVAKWICK

CHAP.

aldermen, set forth to them the attempt upon his life,
and begged them to be true to him and guard him
against the machination of his enemies.

The next attack of the Queen on the followers of
York was long in coming ; nine months elajised between
the affray at Westminster and the final outbreak of
Civil War.

Meanwhile [says the chronicler] the realm of England
was out of all good governance, as it had been many days
before ; for the King was simple, and led by covetous
counsel, and owed more than he was worth. His debts
encreased daily, but payment was there none ; for all the
manors and lordships that pertained to the Crown the King
had given away, so that he had almost nought to live on.
And such impositions as were put on the people, as taxes,
tallages, and ' fifteenths,' all were spent in vain, for the
King held no hoiTsehold and maintained no wars. So for
these misgovernances the hearts of the people were turned from
them that had the land in governance, and their blessing
was turned to cursing. The Queen and her affinity ruled
the realm as they liked, gathering riches innumerable. The
officers of the realm, and specially the Earl of Wiltshire, the
Treasurer, for to enrich themselves pilled the poor people,
and disherited rightful heirs, and did many wrongs. The
Queen was sore defamed, and many said that he that was
called the Prince was not the King's son, but gotten in
adultery.

The name of Wiltshire, "the best-favoured knight
in the land, and the most feared of losing his beauty,"
was united with that of Margaret by many tongues,
and the Queen's behaviour was certainly curious;
for instead of staying with her husband, she was
continually absent from his side, busied in all manner of
political intrigues, and only visiting King Henry when
some grant or signature had to be wrung out of him.

VII

FINAL OUTBREAK OF WAR, 1459

All the summer of 1459 she was in Lancashire and
Cheshire "allying to her the knights and squires in
those parts for to have their benevolence, and held open
household among them, and made her son give a livery
blazoned with a swan to all the gentlemen of the
country, trusting through their strength to make her
son King; for she was making privy means to some
lords of England for to stir the King to resign the crown
to his son ; but she could not bring her purpose about."

The exact details of the outbreak of the war are
hard to arrange chronologically. Writs were being
sent about by the Queen in the King's name ordering
every one to be ready to assemble " with as many men
as they might, defensibly arrayed," as early as May.
But no such muster seems to have taken place, and it
was not till SeiJtember that a blow was struck. In the
middle of that month an army was raised in the Mid-
lands with which the King took the field. A summons
was then sent to Salisbury, who lay at Sherif Hoton in his
northern lands, bidding him come to London. Remem-
bering what had happened to his son on his last visit
to the King, Salisbury went not, but took the summons,
combined with the mustering of the King's forces, as
an alarm of war. Collecting some three thousand of
his Yorkshire tenants, he marched off to seek his brother-
in-law York, who was lying at Ludlow. At the same
time he sent messengers to his son at Calais, bidding
him cross over at once to join him.

Warwick, seeing that the crisis was come, took two
hundred men-at-arms and four hundred archers of the
garrison of Calais, under Sir Andrew Trollope a veteran
of the French War, and crossed to Sandwich. He left

WARWICJi'

CHAP.

Calais, where lay his M-ife and his two daughters, in
charge of his uncle, "William Neville Lord Fauconbridge,
" a little man in stature but a knight of great reverence."
Warwick marched quietly through London, and crossed
the ]\Iidlands as far as Coleshill in "Warwickshire with-
out meeting an enemy. There he just avoided a battle,
for Somerset, with a great force from his Wessex lands,
was marching through the town from south-west to
north-east the same day that "Warwick traversed it
from south-east to north-west ; but as it happened they
neither of them caught any sight or heard any rumour
of the other.

While Warwick was taking his way through the
Midlands, decisive events had been occurring. When
the Queen, who lay at Eccleshall in Staffordshire, heard
that Salisbury was on his way to York's castle of
Ludlow, she called out all her new-made friends of the
north-west Midlands, and bade them intercept the Earl.
Lord Audley their leader was given a commission to
arrest Salisbury and send him to the Tower of London.
All the knighthood of Cheshire and Shropshire came
together and joined Audley, w-ho was soon at the head
of nearly ten thousand men. With this force he threw
himself across Salisbury's path at Blore Heath near
Market Drayton on September 23rd. The old Earl refused
to listen to Audley's summons to surrender, entrenched
himself on the edge of a wood and waited to be attacked.
Audley first led two cavalry charges against the Yorkist
line, and when these were beaten back by the arrows of
the northern archers, launched a great column of billmen
and dismounted knights against the enemy. After hard
fighting it was repulsed, Audley himself was slain, and

VII

BLORE HEATH

the Lancastrians drew back, " leaving dead on the
fieki most of those notable knights and squires of
Chesshire that had taken the badge of the Swan."

In the night Salisbury drew ofi" his men and marched
round the defeated enemy, who still lay in front of his
position. A curioi;s story is told of his retreat by the
chronicler Gregory. "Next day," he says, "the Earl of
Salisbury, if he had stayed, would have been taken, so
great were the forces that would have been brought up
by the Queen, who lay at Eccleshall only six miles from
the field." But the enemy knew nothing of Salisbury's
departure, " because an Austin friar shot guns all
night in the park at the rear of the field, so that they
knew not the Earl was departed. Next morrow they
found neither man nor child in that park save the
friar, and he said that it was for fear that he abode in
that park, firing the guns to keep up his heart."

Salisbury was now able to join York at Ludlow
without further molestation, and Warwick came in a
few days later without having seen an enemy. The Duke
and the younger Earl called out their vassals of the Welsh
March, and their united forces soon amounted to twenty
thousand men. They made no hostile movement
however, though the Lancastrian force defeated at
Blore Heath was now being joined by new reinforcements
and lay opposite them in great strength. But the
Duke and the two Earls went forward to Worcester,
and there in the cathedral took a solemn oath that
they meant nothing against the King's estate or the
common weal of the realm. They charged the Prior
of Worcester and Dr. William Lynwood to lay befoi'e
the King a declaration "that they would forbear and

WARWICh'

CHAP.

avoid all things tliat might serve to the effusion of
Christian blood," and ■would not strike a blow except
in self-defence, being only in arms to save their own
lives.

The refusal of the Yorkist lords to assume the
offensive, if creditable to their honesty, Avas fatal to
their cause. For the next three weeks the levies of
Northern and Central England came pouring into the
Queen's camp, and the King himself, waking up for
once, assumed the command in person. A curious record
in the preamble of an Act of Parliament of this year
tells us hov/ he buckled on his armour, " and spared
not for any impediment or difficulty of way, nor in-
temperance of weather, but jeopardied his royal person,
and continued his labour for thirty days, and sometimes
lodged in the bare field for two nights together, with
all his host, in the cold season of the year, not resting
in the same place more than one night save only on
the Sundays." About October 12th, the King, whose
army now amounted to as many as fifty thousand men,
pushed slowly forward on to Ludlow, putting out as he
Avent strongly-worded proclamations which stigmatised
the Duke and the Earls as traitors, and summoned
their followers to disperse, promising free pardon to all
save Salisbury and the others who had fought at Blore
Heath.

York and AVarwick had, of course, no intention of
abandoning their kinsman ; they paid no heed to the
royal proclamation, but they soon found that their
followers were far from holding it so lightly. The
Yorkists were so manifestly inferior in numbers to the
enemy, less than half their force indeed, that the men's

VII

THE ROUT OF LUDFOKD

liearts were failing them. Their position on the Welsh
Border, with the King's army cutting them off from
England, and with the Welsh in arms behind them, was
unsatisfactory, and none of the Yorkist barons had
succeeded in joining them except Lord Clinton and Lord
Grey of Powis. The inaction of their leaders had
allowed them time to think over their position, and it
would appear that the news of the King's proclamation
had reached them, and the announcement of pardon
worked its effect. York seems to have recognised that
the use of the royal name against him was the fatal
thing, and proceeded to spread a rumour through his
camp that King Henry was really dead. He even
ordered his chaplains to celebrate the mass for the dead
in the midst of the camp. But the stratagem recoiled
on his head next day, when the truth became known,
and the King was seen, with his banner displayed at
his side, leading forward in person the van of the Lan-
castrian army. At nightfall on October 13th the armies
were only separated by the Teme, then in flood and
covering the fields for some way on each side of its
course. The Duke set some cannon to play upon the
King's line, but the darkness or the distance kept them
from doing any hurt. This was all the fighting that
was destined to take place.

That night demoralisation set in among the Yorkist
ranks. It commenced with the veteran Trollope, who
secretly led off his six hundred Calais troops from
their place in the Yorkist line and joined the enemj-.
Lord Powis followed his example, and at dawn the
whole army was melting away. York bade the bridges
be broken down, and began to draw off, l)ut nothing

IVARWICK"

CHAP. VII

could keep his men together ; they were dispersing with
such rapidity that he could no longer hope to fight.
Accordingly he bade those who still followed him to
save themselves, and made olf with his two sons Edward
and Edmund, Warwick and Salisbury, and a few devoted
retainers, to seek some place of refuge.

Thus by the Rout of Ludford all the work of Blore
Heath and St. Albans was entirely undone.

CHAPTER VIII

WARWICK IN EXILE

The adventures of Warwick after the army of York
broke up have luckily been preserved to us in some
detail. He and his father, together with the Duke and
his two sons Edward and Edmund, fled southwards
together with a few score of horse, hotly pursued by Sir
Andrew Trollope and his men. So close was the chase
that John and Thomas Neville, who lingered behind
their brother and father — both having been wounded
at Blore Heath — were taken prisoners. Presently the
2)arty was forced to break up by the imminence of their
peril. The Duke of York and his second son Edmund
turned off into Wales, with the design of taking ship for
Ireland. Salisbury, Warwick, and Edward Plantaganet,
tlie young Earl of March, York's eldest son and Salis-
bury's god-child and nephew, accompanied by Sir John
Dynham and only two persons more, fled across Here-
fordshire by cross-roads, avoiding the towns, and then
by a hazardous journey through Gloucestershire and
Somersetshire reached the coast of Devon, apparently
somewhere near Barnstaple. There the fugitives turned
into a fishing village, Avhere Sir John Dynham bought
for two hundred and twenty-two nobles — the sum of the

WARWICK

CHAP.

party's resources — a one-masted fishiiig-smack. He gave
out that he was bound for Bristol, and hjred a master
and four hands to navigate the little vessel.

When they had got well out from land Warwick asked
the master if he knew the seas of Cornwall and the
English Channel. The man answered that he was quite
ignorant of them, and had never rounded the Land's
End. " Then all that company was much cast down :
but the Earl seeing that his father and the rest were
sad, said to them that by the favour of God and St.
George he would himself steer them to a safe port. And
he stripped to his doublet, and took the helm himself,
and had the sail hoisted, and turned the ship's bows west-
ward," much to the disgust, we doubt not, of the master and
his four hands, who had not counted on such a voyage
when they hired themselves to sail to Bristol town.

It was not for nothing that Warwick had ranged the
Channel for two years. He now proved that he was a
competent seaman, by navigating the little vessel down
the Bristol Channel, round the Land's End, and across
to Guernsey. Here they were eight days wind-bound,
but putting forth on the ninth ran safely up the Channel
and came ashore at Calais on November 3rd, just twenty
days after the rout of Ludford. Counting the crew,
they had been eleven souls in the vessel.

Warwick found Calais still safe in the hands of his
uncle Fauconbridge, whom he had left in charge of the
town and of his own wife and daughters when ho went
to England two months before. Overjoyed at the news,
Fauconbridge came to meet him on the quay, and fell
on his neck. " Then all those lords went together in
pilgrimage to Notre Dame de St. Pierre, and gave thanks

VIII

IVARIVICK REGAINS CALAIS

for their safety. And when they came into Calais, the
Mayor and the aldermen and the merchants of the Staple
came out to meet them, and made them good cheer.
And that night they were merry enough, when they
thought they might have found Calais already in the
hands of their enemies."

Such indeed might well have been their fortune, for
the Duke of Somerset was already at Sandwich, with
some hundreds of men-at-arms. The King had aj^pointed
him Captain of Calais, and he was on his way to remove
Fauconbridge and get the town into his own keeping.
But the south-west wind which blew Warwick up from
Guernsey had kept Somerset on shore.

That very evening the wind shifted, and late at night
Somerset's herald appeared before the water-gate to
warn the garrison that his master would arrive to take
command next day. " Then the guard answered the
herald that they would give his news to the Earl of
Wai'wick, who was their sole and only captain, and that
he should have Warwick's answer in a few minutes.
The herald was much abashed, and got him away, and
Avent back that same night to his master."

No one in England knew what had become of War-
wick or Salisbury, and Somerset's surprise was as great
as his wrath when he found that they had anticipated
him at Calais. Next morning he set sail Avith his forces,
of which the greater part were comprised of Sir Andrew
TroUope's soldiers, making for Guisnes, with the inten-
tion of attacking Calais from the land side. But a
tempest rose up while he was at sea, and though lie and
most of his men came ashore at Guisnes, the vessels that
contained their horses and stores and armour were

IVARIVICA'

CHAP.

driven into Calais harbour for safety, and compelled
to surrender to AVarwick. The Earl "thanked Pro-
vidence for the present, and not the Duke of Somerset,"
and was much pleased at the chance, for his men were
greatly in want of arms. He had the prisoners forth,
and went down their ranks ; then he picked out those
that had been officers under him and had sworn the
oath to him as Captain of Calais and threw them into
prison, but the rest he sent away in safety, saying that
they had but served their King to the best of their
knowledge ; only Lord Audley, Somerset's second in
command, son to the peer whom Salisbury had slain at
Blore Heath, was not permitted to depart, and was con-
signed to the castle. But the men who had broken
their oath to AVarwick Avere brought out into the market-
place next day, and beheaded before a great concourse
of the citizens.

Somerset and Sir Andrew Trollope had been received
into Guisnes, and made it their headquarters. But for
some time they could do nothing against Calais, because
they were in want of arms and horses. It was not till
they had got themselves refitted by help of the French
of Boulogne that they were able to harm AA^arwick.
]\Ieanwhile they were practically cut off from England,
for AA^arwick's ships held the straits, and neither news
nor men came across to them. Presently Somerset set to
work to intercept AA^arwick's supply of provisions, which
was drawn mainly from Flanders, and the Earl had to
arrange that every market-day parties of the garrison
should ride out to escort the Flemings and their Avaggons.
It might have gone hard with Calais if this source of
supply had been cut off, but ^A"arwick had concluded a

VIII IVARIV/CA"S FIRST CAPTURE OF SANDWICH 83

seci-et agreement with Duke Philip, by which the intro-
duction of food into the town -was to be winked at by
the Flemish officials, notwithstanding any treaties with
England that might exist. Neither Somerset nor War-
wick got much profit out of the continual skirmishes
that resulted from the attempts of the Lancastrians to
cut off the waggon-trains from Dunkirk and Gravelines.

So passed the months of November and December
1459, with no stirring incidents but plenty of bickering.
But Christmastide brought with it abundant excitement :
the Queen had at last taken measures to reinforce
Somerset, and Lord Rivers with his son Sir Antony
Woodville had come down to Sandwich with a few
hundred men to take the first safe opportunity of
crossing to Guisnes. But the time was stormy and the
troops mutinous ; they got little or no pay, and scattered
themselves over the neighbourhood to live at free
quarters, so that Eivers lay in Sandwch almost un-
attended.

" So at Christmastide the Earl called together his
men-at-arms, and asked whether it was not possible to
get back his great ship that he had used when he was
admiral, for it lay at Sandwich in Lord Rivers' hands
with several ships more. And Sir John Dynham
answered ' yea,' and swore to take it back with God's
aid if the Earl would give him four hundred men to sail
with him. So the Earl bade his men arm, and fitted out
his vessels, and he gave the charge of the business to
Sir John Dynham, and Sir John Wenlock that wise
knight, who had done many feats of arms in his day."
They set out at night, and arrived off Sandwich before
dawn. Waiting for the tide to rise, they ran into the

IVARIVICA'

CHAP.

harbour at five in the morning. No one paid any atten-
tion to them, for the men of Sandwich thought they
were but timber-ships from the Baltic, as all the men-at-
arms were kept below hatches.

There was no stir in the town, and Wenlock was
able to seize the ships and fit them out in haste, while
Dynham swejst the streets and caught Lord Rivers' men-
at-arms as they turned out to see what was the matter.
Sir Antony Woodville was captm-ed one hour later, as
he rode into the town from London, whither he had
gone to ask the Queen for a sujjply of money. Lord
Rivers himself was found, still asleep, in his bed at the
Black Friars, and carried on board his own ship l^efore
he could realise what was happening.

The men of Sandwich, like the rest of the Kentish-
men, had no desire to harm the Yorkists, so that there
was no fighting, and Dynham and Wenlock sailed home
at their ease, without striking a single blow, with their
prisoners and all the war-ships in the port save the
Grace, Dieu alone, which was found quite unready for
the sea.

That evening they were again in Calais, and landed
in triumph to deliver their spoils to "Warwick. A
quaint and undignified scene followed when the prisoners
were brought out. " So that evening Lord Rivers and
his son were taken before the three Earls, accompanied
by a hundred and sixty torches. And first the Eai-1 of
Salisbury rated Lord Rivers, calling him a knave's son,
that he .should have been so rude as to call him and
these other lords traitors, for they should be found
the King's true lieges when he should be found a traitor
indeed. And then my Lord of Warwick rated him,

viir

THE RATING OF LORD RIVERS

and said that his father Avas but a squire, and that he
had made himself by his marriage, and was but a made
lord, so that it was not his part to hold such language
of lords of the King's blood. And then my Lord of
March rated him in like wise. Lastly Sir Antony was
rated for his language of all three lords in the same
manner."

If Rivers had any sense of humour, he must have felt
the absurdity of being rated by the Nevilles — who more
than any other race in England had risen by a series of
wealthy alliances — for having " made himself by his
marriage." But probably anger and fear were suffi-
cient to keep him from any such reflections. We
could wish that Warwick had been less undignified in
the hour of his triumph ; but if his words were rough
his actions were not : Eivers and his son were sent to
join Lord Audley in the castle, but they were well
treated in their captivity and came to no harm. Before
many months were out they joined their cajjtor's cause.

It would have been hard for the actors in the scene
to foresee the changes that ten years were to make in
their relations to each other. By 1470 Eivers was
destined to find himself the father-in-law of the young
Earl of March, who was now exercising his tongue
against him in imitation of the Nevilles, and to lose
his life in the service of the house of York. Warwick,
on the other hand, was to become the deadly enemy of
the young Prince whom he was now harbouring and
training to arms, and to adopt the Lancastrian cause
which Rivers had deserted.

The months of January and February passed in
continual skirmishing with Somerset and the garrison

IVARWICK

CHAP.

of Guisnes, which led to no marked result ; hut about
the beginning of Lent news arrived at Calais that the
Duke of York, of whom nothing definite had been heard
since October, was now in great force in Ireland, where
he had got possession of Dublin, "and was greatly
strengthened by the earls and homagers of that country."
Warwick at once resolved to sail to Ireland to concert
measures with his uncle, and to learn if it would be
possible to invade England ; for it was obvious that
unless some vigorous offensive action were taken in the
spring, the Lancastrians would finally succeed in bringing
enough men across to form the siege of Calais, and then
the town could not hold out for ever.

Accordingly, though the storms of March were at
their highest, Warwick equipped his ten largest ships,
manned them with one thousand five hundred sailors
and men-at-arms, "the best stuff in Calais," and sailed
down the Channel for Ireland. The voyage was un-
disturbed by the enemy, but terribly tempestuous and
protracted. However, the Earl reached Waterford at last,
and found there not only York and his son Rutland,
but his own mother, the Countess of Salisbury, who had
fled over to Ireland when she heard that her name was
inserted among the list of persons attainted by the
Lancastrian Parliament which met at Leicester in
December 145'9.

Warwick found the Duke in good spirits, and so
hopeful that he was ready to engage to land in Wales
in June with all the force that could be raised in
Ireland, if Warwick would promise to head a descent on
Kent at the same moment. This plan was agreed upon
and the Earl set sail to return about May 1st, taking

VIII ]VARIVICA"S VOYAGE TO IRELAAW

with him his mother, who was anxious to rejoin her
husband whom she had not seen for nearly a _year.

Meanwhile the news of Warwick's departure for
Ireland had reached the Lancastrian government, and
the Duke of Exeter, Warwick's successor in the office of
admiral, had sworn to prevent him from returning to
Calais. Accordingly Exeter " with the great ship called
the Gn-ace Dicu, and three great carracks, and ten other
ships all well armed and ordered," Avas now besetting
the Channel. When Warwick was off Start Point the
vessel which sailed in advance of his squadron to
reconnoitre the way returned in haste, with the news
that a squadron was lying oiT Dartmouth and that some
fishing-boats, with whom communication had been held,
reported the Duke of Exeter to be in command.

Warwick was resolved to fight, though the enemy
was considerably superior in force. He sent for his
captains on board his carvel " and prayed that they
would serve him loyally that day, for he had good hope
that God would give him the victory," to which they
answered that they were well disposed enough for a
fight and that the men were in good heart. Accord-
ingly the Earl's ten ships formed line and bore down on
the Duke's fourteen. A fight appeared imminent, when
suddenly the whole Lancastrian fleet went about, and
fled in disorder into Dartmouth harbour, which lay
just behind them. This unexpected action was caused
by mutiny on board. When the Duke had given orders
to prepare for action, his officers had come to him in
dismay, to announce that the men would not arm to
fight their old commander, and that if he came any
nearer to the Earl, the crews would undoubtedly rise

WARIVICR'

CHAP.

and deliver them over to the enemy. Accordingly
Exeter gave orders to retire into harl)our.

Warwick, however, could not know of the cause of
the enemy's retreat, and having a good west wind behind
him and a great desire to get back to Calais, from
which he had now been absent more than ten weeks,
pursued his journey without attempting anything against
Dartmouth. He reached Calais in safety on Jime 1st,
and was proud to restore his mother, " who had suffered
grievously from the sea during her voyage," to his
father's arms. Salisbury and Fauconbridge had been
much alarmed at the length of his absence, and the
more faint-hearted of the garrison had begun to murmur
that he had deserted them for good, and had fled to
foreign parts to save his own person.

Now, however, all was stir and bustle in Calais, for
Salisbury and Fauconbridge thoroughly approved of the
plan of invasion which had been concerted at Dublin.
The news from England indeed was all that could be
desired. The reckless attainting of all the Yorkists by,
the Parliament of Leicester had met with grave dis-
approval. The retainers of the Lancastrian lords had
been committing all sorts of misdoings, chief among
which was the unprovoked sack of the town of Newbury
by the followers of Ormond Earl of Wiltshire. London
was murmuring savagely at the execution of seven
citizens who, in company with a gentleman of the
house of Neville, had been caught in the Thames on
their way to Calais to join the Earls. The "unlearned
preachers" whom the Government put up to preach
against York at Paul's Cross were hooted down by the
mob. The Commons of Kent were signifying in no

YIII PROJECTED INVASION OF ENGLAND 89

doubtful terms their willinguess to join the Earls, the
moment that the banner of the White Rose should be
unfurled in England. A fragment of a ballad hung by
an unknown hand on the gate of Canterbury in June is
worth quoting as an expression of their feelings.

Send lionie, most gracious Jesu mcst benigne,
Send home the true l;)lood to liis iiroper vein,
Eichard Duke of York thy servant insigne,
Wlioiu Satan not ceaseth to set at disdain,
But by thee preserved he may not be slain.
Set him ' ut sedeat in principibus ' as he did before.
And so to our new song Lord tliyne ear incline,
Gloria, laus et honor tibi sit Christe redemptor !

Edward the Earl of March, whose fame the earth

shall spread,
Richard Earl of Salisbury, named Pmdence,
With that noble knight and flower of manhood
Richard Earl of Warwick, shield of our defence.
Also little Faulconbridge, a knight of grete reverence,
Jesu ! restore them to the honoiu- they had liefore !

Nor was it only the Commons that Avere ready to join
in a new appeal to arms. The partisans of York among
the great houses, who had not definitely committed
themselves at the time of the rout of Ludford, and so
had escaped arrest and attainder, let it be known at
Calais that they were ready for action. Chief among
them were the Duke of Norfolk and the two brothers
Lord Bourchier and Bourchier Archbishop of Canterbury,
who pledged themselves to put their retainers in motion
the moment that Warwick should cross the sea.

It was in no spirit of recklessness then that Warwick
resolved to cross into Kent in the last week of June,
with every man that could be spared from Calais. As

IVARIVICK

CHAP.

a preliminary to his advance, he had resolved to clear
away the only Lancastrian force that was M-atching him —
a body of five liundred men-at-arms which had been sent
down to Sandwich, to replace Lord Rivers' troops and
to endeavour to communicate with Somerset at Guisnes.
This body was commanded by Osbert Mundeford, one of
the officers of the Calais garrison who had deserted
Warwick in company Avith Sir Andrew Trollope.

Accordingly, on June 25th Sir John Dynham, the
captor of Rivers, sailed over to Sandwich for the second
time, and fell on ]\Iundeford's force. There was a hot
skirmish, for on this occasion the Lancastrians were not
caught sleeping ; but again the Yorkists won the day.
D3'nham indeed was wounded by a shot from a bombard,
but his men stormed the town, routed the enemy, and
took Mundeford prisoner. He was sent over to Calais,
where he was tried for deserting his captain, as the
prisoners of November 3rd had been, and beheaded next
day outside the walls.

On the 27 th Warwick himself, his father, the Earl
of March, Lord Fauconbridge, Wenlock, and the rest of
the leaders at Calais, crossed over to Sandwich with
two thousand men in good array, leaving in the town
the smallest garrison that could safely be trusted with
the duty of keeping out Somerset. They had published
before their landing a manifesto, which set out the
stereotyi^ed Yorkist grievances once more — the weak
government, the crushing taxes, the exclusion of the
King's relatives from his Council, the diversion of the
revenue into the pockets of the courtiers, the misdoings
of individual Lancastrian chiefs, the oppression of the
King's lieges, and all the other customary complaints.

VIII

iVARlVICA' CAPTURES LONDON

The three Earls had only been in Sandwich a few
hours when, as had been agreed, the Archbishop of
Canterbury came to join them with many of the tenants
of the see arrayed in arms. They then moved forM'ardj
with numbers increasing at every step, for the Kentish-
men came to meet them by thousands, and no one raised
a hand against them.

The Lancastrians had been caught wholly unprepared.
They seem to have been expecting raids from Warwick
on the eastern coast, not on the southern, and except
IMundeford's routed force there was no one in arms
south of the Thames. The King and Queen were at
Coventry, and most of the Lancastrian lords scattered
each in their own lands. Lord Scales and Lord Hunger-
ford were in command of London, where there were
present a few other notables — Lord Vesey, Lord Lovell,
and John de Foix titular Earl of Kendal. These leaders
endeavoured to fortify the city, posting guns on London
Bridge and placing their retainers in the Tower. But
the aspect of the citizens was threatening, and "Warwick
was known to be coming on fast. The landing had
taken place on the 27th, and on July 1st the three Earls
and the Archbishop of Canterbury were already before
the walls of London. They had marched over seventy
miles in four days, taking the route of Canterbury,
Rochester, and Dartford, and were at hand long before
they were expected.

When the Archbishop's herald summoned the town
there was some attempt made by the Lancastrian lords
to ofTer resistance, but the mob rose and drove them
into the Tower, while a deputation of aldermen went
forth to offer a free entry to the Yorkist army.

WARWICK

CHAP, vni

On July 2nd the three Earls entered London in state,
conducted by the Archbishop and a Papal Legate, a certain
Bishop of Teramo who had been sent by Pius the Second
to endeavour to reconcile the English factions and to get
them to join in a crusade. He had allowed himself to
be talked over by AVarwick, and did all in his power to
further the cause of York.

The Earls rode to St. Paul's and there before a great
multitude, both clerical and lay, Warwick "recited the
cause of their coming in to the land, how they had been
put out from the King's presence with great violence,
so that they might not come to his Highness to excuse
themselves of the accusations laid against them. But
now they were come again, by God's mercy, accompanied
by their people, for to come into his presence, there to
declare their innocence, or else to die upon the field.
And there he made an oath upon the Cross of Canter-
bury, that they bore true faith and liegeance to the King's
person, Avhereof he took Christ and His Holy Mother
and all the Saints of Heaven to witness." We shall see
that this last j)romise was not an entirely unmeaning
formula in Warwick's mouth, and that his oath was not
like the deliberate perjuries to which others of his con-
temporaries— notably Edward the Fourth — were prone.

CHAPTER IX

VICTORY AND DISASTER — NORTHAMPTON AND
ST. ALBANS

When the arrival of the three Earls in London was
known, all the Yorkist peers who were within touch of
London came flocking in ^vith their retainers. Thither
came Warwick's uncle Edward Neville Lord Aberga-
venny, and his brother George Neville Bishop of Exeter,
and his cousin Lord Scrope, and Clinton one of the
victors of St. Albans, and Bourchier and Cobham and Say,
and the Bishops of Ely, Salisbuiy, and Rochester. It is
strange to read that Audley, who had been Warwick's
prisoner in Calais ever since last November, also joined
the Yorkists in arms. He had come to terms with his
captor, and had agreed to forget the death of his father
at Blore Heath and to serve the cause of York. In a
few days an army of more than thirty thousand men
had been gathered together.

The fii'st task of the Yorkists was to provide for the
blockade of the Tower of London, where Hungerford and
Scales abode in great wrath, " shooting wild-fire into the
toAvn every hour, and laying great ordnance against it."
Salisbury agreed to remain in charge of the city and to
undertake the siege. With him were left Lord Cobham,

IVARIVICK

CHAP.

Sir John AYenlock, and the greater part of the levy of
London, commanded by the Lord Mayor and by one
Harrow, a mercer. They brought batteries to bear on
the Tower from the side of St. Katherine's Avharf, " so
they skirmished together daily, and much harm was
done."

Meanwhile Warwick and the young Earl of March set
out on Saturday July 5th, having with them the other
Yorkist lords, "and much people out of Kent, Sussex,
and Essex with much great ordnance." Marching by
the great north road, past St. Albans and Towcester, they
made for Northamjjton, where they heard that the King
was collecting his host.

The invasion of England had been so sudden and its
success so rapid that the Lancastrians had not had time
to call in all their strength, more especially as it lay to
a great extent in the extreme North and West But the
Midlands were well roused, and, if a Yorkist chronicler
is to be believed, the Queen "had it proclaimed in
Cheshire and Lancashire that if so the King had the
victory of the Earls, then every man should take what
he might, and make havoc in Kent, Essex, Middlesex,
Surrey, and Sussex." The Duke of Buckingham had the
chief command, though he was not of the Court party
nor a great lover of the Queen's, but out of sheer loyalty
he now — as formerly at St. Albans— came out A\'ith all
his retainers when he received the King's missive. With
him were Egremont and Beaumont, both deadly enemies
of the Nevilles and favourites of the Queen, the Earl of
Shrewsbury, Lord Grey de Eutliyn, and many more.
Their forces, though very considerable, were still some-
what inferior to those of the Y'orkists.

THE BATTLE OF NORTHAMPTON

The King's camp was pitched just outside North-
ampton town, in the meadows south of the Nen, near
the Nunnery between Sandiford and Hardingstoue.
The jwsition had been strongly entrenched, and the
earthworks were lined with a numerous artillery; the
river covered both flanks, the lines being drawn from
l^oint to point in a broad bend of its course.

Warwick, in accordance with his declaration at St.
Paul's on the previous Thursday, made three separate
attempts to secure j^ermission to approach the King's
person ; but Buckingham sternly refused to listen to his
envoys, the Bishops of Rochester and Salisbury. "You
came here not as bishops to treat of peace, but as men-
at-arms," he said, pointing to the squadrons arrayed
under the bishops' banners in the Yorkist host. Nego-
tiations were fruitless, and at two in the afternoon
Warwick drew out his army on the rising ground by the
old Danish camj), the Hunsborough, which overlooks
the water-meadows, and descended to the attack.
Fauconbridge led the vanguard on the left, the Earl
himself the centre, Edward of March, now seeing his
first stricken field, conducted the right wing. Before
the attack it Avas proclaimed that every man should
spare the Commons, and slay none but the knights and
lords, with whom alone lay the blame for the shedding
of all the blood that might fall that day.

The first assault on the Lancastrian lines failed com-
pletely. The obstacles were far greater than AVarwick
had imagined ; it was six feet from the bottom of the
ditch to the top of tlie rampart, and the trenches were
full of water, for it had rained heavily in the morning.
How the day would have gone if treachery had not come

WARWICK

CUAP.

to the succour of the Yorkists it is imjiossible to say ;
but only a few minutes after the first gun had been fired,
Lord Grey de Ruthyn on the Lancastrian left mounted
the badge of the Ragged Staff, and his men were seen
beckoning to the Yorkists to approach, and leaning over
the rampart to reach their hands to pull them up.
Assisted in this way, the Earl of March's column got
within the entrenchments, and sweeping along their
front cleared a space for Warwick to burst in. All was
over in half an hour and with very little bloodshed.
Only three hundred men fell, but among them were
nearly all the Lancastrian leaders. On foot and in their
heavy armour the lords and knights could not get away.
The aged Buckingham fell at the door of his own tent,
and Beaumont, Egremont, and Shrewsbury close to the
King's quarters, as they strove to protect his retreat.
But the King, helpless as ever, was too late to fly, and
fell into the hands of an archer named Henry Montford.
His capture, however, was not so important so long as his
wife and child remained at large ; and Margaret — as
adroit as her husband was shiftless — Avas already speed-
ing away with the young Prince, bound for North Wales.

Warwick and March conducted King Henry back
with all respect to London, where he was lodged in the
palace at Westminster. They had done their work so
rapidly that they had not needed the assistance of the
Duke of York, whose arrival from Ireland — he was two
months later than his promise — was just announced from
the AVest. Even before he appeared the victors of
Northampton had begun to reconstitute the King's
ministry. Henry was made to sign patents appointing
Salisbury Lieutenant in the six northern counties ; his

TRIUMPH OF THE YORKISTS

son, George Bishop of Exeter, received the Chancellorship ;
John Neville another sou was made the King's Chamber-
lain, and Lord Bourchier got the Treasury. Warwick
himself Avas re-established de jure in the position he had
been so long holding de facto, the captainship of Calais.

The garrison of the Tower of London surrendered
nine days after the battle of Northampton. Most of
the defenders went away in safety, but Lord Scales, who
was much hated by the populace of London, was not so
fortunate. He took boat for the sanctuary of West-
minster, but was recognised as he rowed along by some
water-men, who gave chase to him and slew him on the
river "just under the river wall of Winchester House."
His body was stripped and thrown ashore into the
cemetery of St. Mary Overy, whence it was removed
and honourably buried by the Earls of March and
Warwick that night. "Great pity was it that so noble
a knight, so well approved in the wars of France and
Normandy, should die so mischievously," adds the
chronicler.

A Parliament was summoned by the Yorkists to meet
on October 9th. Meanwhde Warwick was well employed.
When August came round he ran across to Calais to see
to his old antagonist at Guisnes. Somerset was now in
low spirits, and willingly met the Earl at Newnham
Bridge, there to be reconciled to him and make peace.
But after he had embraced Warwick and assented to all
his conditions, he secretly departed with his follower
Trollope, fled through Picardy to Dieppe, and took refuge
in his own south-western county. Meanwhile the Earl
conducted his mother and wife in great state back to
London, and re-established them in their old dwelling of

WARWICK

CHAP.

" the Harbour." He spent September in going on a
pilgrimage with the Countess to the shrine of the Virgin
at Walsingham in Norfolk. On this journey he ran
great peril, for Lord Willoughby, an unreconciled Lan-
castrian, lay in wait for him near Lichfield on his return,
and was within an ace of making him prisoner.

So Warwick came at last to his own Midland estates.
And there all the knights and ladies of his lands came
to him "complaining of the evils that they had suflfered
in the past year from the Duke of Somerset, who had
pilled and robbed them, and sacked their towns and
manors, and usurped the Earl's castles ; but notwith-
standing all their troubles they praised Heaven for the
joyous return of their lord."

York had reached Chester early in September, and
had marched slowly through his estates in the Welsh
March towards London. When he came to Abingdon
" he sent for trompeteres and claryners from London,
and gave them banners with the royal arms of England
without distinction or diversity, and commanded his
sword to be borne upright before him, and so he rode till
he came to the gates of the palace of Westminster."
This assumption of royal state Avas the beginning of evils.

Meanwhile the Parliament was already sitting before
the Duke's arrival. King Henry opened it with due
solemnity, and heard it commence its work by reiiealing
all the Acts of the Lancastrian Parliament of Leicester,
and by removing the attainders of the Yorkist lords.
On the third day of the session, Richard of York came
up in the evening, and entered the palace, where he
rudely took possession of the royal apartments. " He
had the doors broken open, and King Henry hear-

WARIVICA' WITHSTANDS YORK

ing the great noise gave place, and took him another
chamber that night."

This unceremonious eviction of his sovereign was only
the beginning of the Duke's violent conduct. Next
morning he went to the House of Lords, and approaching
the throne laid his hand on the cushion as if about to
take formal possession of the seat. Archl)ishop Bourchier
asked him what he would do, and the Duke then made
a lengthy reply " challenging and claiming the realm and
crown of England as male heir of King Richard the
Second, and proposing without any delay to be crowned
on All Hallows' Day then following." The lords listened
Avith obvious disapproval and dismay, and York did not
even venture to seat himself on the throne. The meet-
ing broke up without further transaction of business.

"Now when the Earl of Warwick, who had not been
present that day, heard this, he was very wroth, and sent
for the Archbishop and jjrayed him to go to the Duke
and tell him that he was acting evilly, and to remind
him of the many promises he had made to King Henry."
Warwick in short remembered his oath of July 4th,
and was determined that Henry should not be despoiled
of his throne, but only placed in the hands of Yorkist
ministers. The Archbishop refused to face the Duke.

Then the Earl sent for liis brother Thomas Ne\dlle, and
entered into his barge, and rowed to the palace. It was all
full of the Duke's inen-of-arms, but the Earl stayed not, and
went straight to the Duke's chamber, and found him stand-
ing there, leaning against a side-board. And there were
hard words l)etween them, for the Earl told him that neitlier
the lords nor the people would sutt'er him to strip the King
of his crown. And as they wrangled, tlie Earl of Rutland
came in and said to his cousin, " Fair sir be not angry, for

lOO

WARWICK

CHAP.

you know that we liave the true right to the crown, and
that niy Lord and Father here must have it." But tlie Earl
of March his brother stayed hiui and said, '• Brother, vex no
man, for all shall he well." But the Earl of Warwick would
staj' no longer when he understood his uncle's intent, and
went off hastily to his barge, greeting no one as he went save
his cousin of March.

Jv^ext day, when his wrath had cooled down, the
Earl sent to his tmcle the Bishops of Ely and Rochester,
Lord Aiidley, and a London citizen named Grey, to beg
and beseech him to give tip his enterprise. The Duke
sent them away, with the answer that he would be
crowned the very next Monday, the day of the trans-
lation of St. Edward the Confessor (October 13th).
The preparations for the coronation were actually made,
and the crowd was mustering in the Abbey, when on a
last aj^peal made by Sir Thomas Neville in the name of
his brother and of all the lords and commonalty of Eng-
land, the Duke Avavered. Fearing to offend his greatest
supporters beA'ond redemj^tion he temporised, put off
his coronation, and began to negotiate.

Richard Neville, in fact, had matched his will against
that of his imperious uncle and had won. The Duke was
never crowned. The arrangement at which the parties
arrived was that Henry should be King for life, that
York should be made Protector, named Prince of "Wales,
Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, and should be
acknowledged as heir to the crown. The Duke, on the
other hand, swore to be faithful to the Iving so Ions: as
he should live. On All Saints' Daj^ the agreement was
solemnly ratified at St. Paul's, whither the lords went in
procession, Warwick bearing the sword before the King,
and Edward of March bearing the King's mantle. " And

YORK MADE HEIR TO THE THRONE

lOI

the crowd shouted ' Long live King Henry and tlic Earl
of Warwick,' for the said Earl had the good voice of
the people, because he knew how to give them fair
words, showing himself easy and familiar with them,
for he was very subtle at gaining his ends, and always
spoke not of himself but of the augmentation and good
governance of the kingdom, for which he would have
spent his life : and thus he had the goodwill of England,
so that in all the land he was the lord who was held in
most esteem and faith and credence."

The Act of Parliament which recorded the agreement
of York and King Henry made no mention of Queen
Margaret or of the Prince her son. But it was of little
use passing Acts of Parliament while she was at large
and the Lancastrian lords of the North and West
unsubdued. Margaret's first move had been to stir up
the Scots, and at her bidding James the Second crossed
the Border and laid .siege to Roxburgh, which was then
an English toAvn. Fauconbridge, AVarwick's uncle, was
sent north to defend the place, but later events deprived
him of aid from England, and he was forced to sur-
render, though not till after the King of Scots had
fallen, slain by the bursting of one of his own siege
guns.

But the Scotch invasion was only one of Margaret's
schemes. Her main hope lay in a rising of the Lancas-
trians who had not suffered at Northampton ; and from
her retreat at Harlech in North AVales she sent to
summon them together. Their mustering-place was in
the North, where the Earl of Northumberland and Lord
Neville, brother of Ralph Earl of Westmoreland, and
Clifford son of the Clittbrd who fell at St. Albans,

102

WARWICK

CHAP.

united their retainers as the nucleus of an army. To
them fled Somerset, regardless of his oath at Calais, and
Exeter the late Admiral, and Courtney Earl of Devon, and
WilloTighby and Koos and Hungerford, and many more.

The danger was so imminent that the Duke of York,
after wearing the honours of the protectorate for no more
than three Aveeks, resolved to march north and disperse
the gathering of the Queen's friends. He took with
him his second son Edmund of Kutland, a boy of seven-
teen ; Salisbury accompanied him, and he also left his
first-born at home and went out with his fourth son
Thomas Neville. The Duke and the Earl raised about
six thousand men, and proceeded on their way, uno})-
posed save by a small Lancastrian force which they beat
at AVorksop, till they reached Sandal Castle, one of York's
family strongholds, close beside the town of Wakefield.
When they arrived there, about Christmas Eve, they
learnt that the Queen's army Avas much stronger than
they had reckoned, and sent south for reinforcements.
But on December 30th they Avere themselves assailed
by forces tripling their OAvn small host, under Somerset
and Clifford. The Duke rashly fought in the open,
though many of his men Avere scattered OA'er the country-
side foraging. It is said that he relied on help treacher-
ously j^romised him by some of the Lancastrian leaders •
but he Avas disappointed. No one played for his benefit
the part that Grey de Euthyn had carried out at
Northampton.

The defeat of the Yorkists Avas decisive. Two
thousand two hundred men out of their five thousand
Avere slain. The fate of Avar fell heavily on the leaders,
hardly one of Avhom escaped. The Duke fell on the

YORK SLAIN AT WAKEFIELD

field, with Thomas Neville and William Loid Harington.
The Earl of Rutland, " the best-disposed young gentle-
man in England," was slain in the pursuit as he fled
across Wakefield Bridge. Salisbury's fate was more
unhappy still ; he was taken prisoner, and beheaded
next day at Pontefract by the Bastard of Exeter,
" though he offered great sums of money that he should
have grant of his life." The heads of Salisbury and
his son, of Harington, and of five knights, were set on
spikes over the gate of York, with that of Duke Richard
in the midst, crowned with a paper crown in mockery
of the prospective kingship that he had never enjoyed.

All the Lancastrians of the North and the Midlands
rose at once to join the Queen. She was soon at the
head of forty thousand men, largely composed of the
lawless moss-troopers of the Scotch Border, who looked
upon war as a mere excuse for raids, and boasted that
everything beyond the Trent was in an enemy's country.
Before moving south they harried most thoroughly the
estates of the northern Yorkists. Salisbury's patrimony
about Middleham and Sherif Hoton bore the brunt of
the plunder, at the hands of the retainers of the elder
branch of Neville, whose head. Earl Ralph of West-
moreland, put his men under the charge of his brother
Thomas, one of the most rabid Lancastrians in the
North Countr3^

About the middle of January the Queen's armj' began
to roll southward, pillaging recklessly on all sides, and
sacking from roof to cellar the towns of Grantham,
Stamford, Peterborough, Huntingdon, Royston, Mel-
bourn, and Dunstable, as they passed down the Ermine
Street.

I04

WARIVICK

CHAP.

The news of the battle of AYakefield reached London
about January 5th, and set the Avhole South Country in
dismay. AVarwick, who had been keeping his Christmas
on his own estates, was forced to ride up to the capital
at full speed, and assume the direction of affairs, for
there was now no one to share the responsibility with
him. His uncle, in whose cause he had fought so long,
and his father, whose prudent counsels had guided the
party, were both gone ; his cousin of IMarch, the head of
the family, was no more than nineteen years of age, and
was moreover at this moment far awa}' by the Severn,
looking after the Welsh ]\Iarch. It devolved on AVar-
wick to assume the responsibility for the government of
the kingdom and the safetj^ of the Yorkist party.

Though there were traitors enough ready to change to
the winning side, as was always the case in this unhappj'
war, the south-eastern counties were firm to York even
in the darkest hour. Warwick found ready assistants
in the Duke of Norfolk, the Archbishop of Canterbury,
the Earl of Arundel, the Lords Bonville, Cobham,
Fitzwalter, and the Commons of Kent and London.
"In this country," wrote a partisan of York, "every
man is well walling to go with my Lords here, and I
hope God shall help them, for the peojjle of the North
rob and steal, and are appointed to pillage all this
country, and give away men's goods and livelihood in
all the South Country, and that shall be a mischief."

To resist the advance of the Queen on London,
AA'arwick marched out to St. Albans and arrayed some
thirty thousand men to cover the London road. His
army was drawn up not in the great masses which were
usual at this time, but in detachments scattered along a

SECOND BATTLE OF ST. ALBANS

105

front of three miles ; the right on a heath called No
Man's Land, the left in St. Albans town. The country-
side was full of woods and hedges, which were manned
by archers, supported by a body of Burgundian hand-
gun-men Avhom AVarwick had hired in Flanders. King
Henry was taken along with the army, and stationed in
the rear, in charge of Lord Bonville. The position was
strong, but the communication between its various parts
was bad, and the whole force of Warwick's men seems
to have been ill placed for concentration. Owing to
some mismanagement of the officer commanding the
mounted scouts, the Lancastrians attacked before they
were expected. " The Queen's men were at hands with
the Earl's in the town of St. Albans while all things
were set to seek and out of order, for the prickers came
not home to bring tidings that the Queen was at hand,
save one, and he came and said that she was yet nine
mile off." The first Lancastrian attack on the left, in
St. Albans town, was beaten back, but in another part
of the field a fatal disaster took place. A Kentish
squire named Lovelace, who led a company in the right
wing, went over to the enemy, and let the Lancastrians
through the Yorkist line. King Henry was captured
by his wife's followers "as he sat under a great oak,
smiling to see the discomfiture of the army." When
the news ran along the front that treachery was at
work, and that the King was taken, the bulk of the
Yorkists broke up and fled. Not more than three
thousand were slain or taken, but the whole force was
irretrievably scattered, and the greater part of the
leaders fled home to their own lands as if the war was
over.

io6

WARWICK

CHAP. IX

Queen Margaret showed her joy at the recovery of
her husband's person by an exhibition of savage cruelty.
Lord Bonville and Sir Tliomas Kyrriel, who had been in
charge of Henry and had been captured with him,
were brought before her. " So she told them they
must die, and sent for her son the Prince of \Yales, and
said that he should choose %yhat death they should
suffer. And when the boy — he was eight years old —
was brought into the tent, she said 'Fair son, what
manner of death shall these knights, whom you see
here, die % ' And the young child answered ' Let them
have their heads taken off.' Then said Sir Thomas,
' May God destroy those who taught thee this manner
of speech,' but immediately they drew them out and
cut off both their heads" (February 17th, 1461).

CHAPTER X

TOWTON FIELD

The dispersion of the Yorkist army seems to have been
so complete that Warwick could not gather together
more than four or five thousand of the thirty thousand
men who had stood in line at St. Albans. With this
small force he considered himself unable to protect
London, and he therefore retreated not southward but
Avestward, intending to fall back on his own Mid-
land estates, to raise fresh troops, and join the Earl of
March in the west. He only sent to London to order
that his young cousins George and Richard of York —
now boys of eleven and nine respectively — should be sent
over-sea to take refuge in Flanders.

Accordingly Warwick now marched by vile cross-
country roads, and in the worst days of a February which
was long remembered for its rains and inundations,
across Buckinghamshire and Oxfordshire to Chipping
Norton. Here he met with the Earl of IVIarch, whose
proceedings during the last month require a word of
notice.

Edward was at Gloucester when the news of Wake-
field reached him, and saw at once that trooj).s must be
raised to help WarAvick to defend London. Accordingly

io8

WARIVICK-

CHAP.

lie moved into the "Welsh Marches, and hastily called
together some ten or eleven thousand men. AVith these
he -would have marched east, if it had not been that
Mid AVales had risen in behalf of Queen Margaret, and
that he himself Avas beset by forces headed by Jasper
Earl of Pembroke, Jasper's father Owen Tudor, the
husband of the Queen Dowager, and James Earl of
Wiltshire. Before he could move to succour Warwick,
he must free himself from these adversaries in his rear.
The campaign in the West was short and sharp. The
Earl of March met the Welsh at Mortimer's Cross, in
north Herefordshire near Wigmore, on February 2nd,
and gave them a crushing defeat. Owen Tudor was
taken prisoner and beheaded, and his head was set on
the highest step of the market-cross at Hereford. " And
a mad Avoman combed his hair and washed away the
blood from his face, and got candles, and set them about
the head burning, more than a hundred, no one hinder-
ing her." The Earls of Pembroke and AYiltshire
escaped, and joined Queen Margaret with the wrecks of
their army.

The moment that he had crushed the Welsh Lancas-
trians and settled the affairs of the March, Edward had
set out for London, hoping to arrive in time to aid
AVarwick. He could not achieve the imjDOSsible, but he
had passed the Severn, crossed the bleak Cotswolds,
and reached Chipping Norton by February 22nd.
Having left some of his troops behind in AA'ales, he had
not more than eight or nine thousand of his IMarchmen
with him, under Hastings — destined one day to be the
x-ictim of Richard of Gloucester — Sir John AA'^enlock, and
AA'illiam Herbert the future Earl of Pembroke.

X WARWICK' AT CHirPlNG NORTON 109

The news that reached AVarwick and the Earl of
March at Chipping Norton was so startling that it caused
them to change their whole plan of operations, and to
march straight upon London, instead of merely gather-
ing fresh strength to make head in a new campaign in
the west Midlands.

The course of events after the fight of St. Albans had
been exactly the reverse of what might have been ex-
pected from the Queen's fiery temper and the reckless
courage of the Northern bands that followed her.

The battle had been fought uj^on February 17th,
the troops of Warwick had retired westward on the
18th, the victorious army was within thirteen miles
of London, and there was nothing to prevent the Queen
from entering the city next day. It is one of the most
curious problems of English history to find that the
Lancastrians lay for eight days quiescent, and made no
endeavour to replace the King in his capital. Knowing
the extraordinary ajiathy which the citizens displayed
all over England during the Wars of the Roses, we may
be sure that the Londoners, in spite of their preference
for York, would not have ventured to exclude the
Northern army when it claimed admittance at their
gates.

But on this one occasion Queen Margaret displayed
not only her usual want of judgment, but a want of
firmness that was foreign to her character. King Henry,
asserting for once some infiuence on politics, and assert-
ing it to his own harm, had determined to spare London
and the home counties the horrors of plunder at the
hands of the Northern hordes. Not an armed force
but a few envoys were sent to London, while the main

JVAJilVICK

CHAP.

body of the trooi)S were held back, and the van pushed
no farther than Barnet. Simultaneously the King issued
strenuous proclamations against raiding of any kind.
This ordinance caused vast murmuring among the
Northern Men, observes the Abbot of St. Albans, on
wliom the King was quartered, but had not the least
effect in curbing their propensity to plunder.

The Londoners had quite made up their minds to
submit; their only thought was to buy their pardon
as cheaply as possible at the King's hands. On the
20th they sent the Duchesses of Bedford and Bucking-
ham— the widows of the great Regent of France and of
the Lancastrian Duke slain at Northampton — together
with certain aldermen, to plead for grace and peace at
the hands of the Queen. The King and Queen were
found at Barnet, whither they had moved from St.
Albans, and gave not unpropitious answers, although that
very morning Margaret had doomed to execution the
unfortunate Bonville and Kyrriel. As a proof of their
good intentions they undertook to move back their army
out of reach of the city ; accordingly on Thursday the
25th the Northerners, in a state of deep disgust, were
sent back to Dunstable.

The first demand which the Queen had made on
London was for a supply of provisions for her army ;
and on Friday the 26th the Mayor and aldermen
gathered a long train of waggons, laden with " all sorts
of victuals, and much Lenten stuff," and prepared to
despatch it northward. The city, however, was in a
great state of disturbance. Public feeling was excited
by the plundering of the Lancastrians, and news had
arrived that the cause of York was not lost, and that a

WAJiWICA' RELIEVES LONDON

Yorkist army was marching to the relief of London.
To the horror of the more prudent citizens, a mob, headed
l)y Sir John Wenlock's cook, stopped tlie carts at
Newgate, plundered the provisions, and drove the
waggoners away.

Such an act was hound to draw down punishment,
and that same afternoon a great body of Lancastrian
men-at-arms, under Sir Baldwin Fulford, was pushed
up to Westminster to overawe the city. The Londoners
had to make up their minds that Friday evening
whether they would fight or submit, and many were
the heart -searchings of the timid aldermen ; but on
Saturday morning their grief was turned into joy.
News arrived that Warwick and the Earl of March were
at hand : Fulford's men abandoned AVestminster and
fell back northward ; and ere the day was out the travel-
stained troops of the Yorkist lords were defiling into
the city. By nightfall ten thousand men Avere within
the gates, and all thought of surrender was gone.

Thus King Henry's good intentions and Queen
Margaret's unexpected irresolution had lost London to
the Lancastrians. But their army still lay in a threat-
ening attitude at Dunstable, and it seemed inevitable
that the Earl of March would have either to fight a
battle or to stand a siege before he was a week older.

But before the fate of England was put to the arbitra-
ment of combat there was one thing to lie done. The
cruel deaths of York and Salisbury had driven the quarrel
between York and Lancaster beyond the possibility of
accommodation. In spite of all the personal respect that
was felt for King Henry, it was no longer possible that
the heir of Duke Ricluird should be content to jwse

112

WARWICK

CHAP.

merely as the destined successor to the throne. Now
that Henry was again in the hands of his wife and the
Beauforts, it was certain that the royal name would be
used to the utmost against the Yorkists. They must
have some cry to set against the appeal to national
loyalty which would be made in the name of King Henry.

No doubt Warwick and Edward had settled the whole
matter on their ride from Chipping Norton to London,
for their action showed every sign of having been long
planned out. On the Sunday morning, within twenty-
four hours of their arrival in the city, their army was
drawn out " in the great field outside Clerkenwell," and
while a great multitude of Londoners stood by, George
Bishop of Exeter, the orator of the Neville clan, made
a solemn statement of Edward's claim to the throne.
At once soldiers and citizens joined in the shout, " God
save King Edward ! " and there was no doubt of the
spontaneity of their enthusiasm. The heart of the
people was with York, and it only remained necessary
to legalise their choice by some form of election.

Save the three Nevilles, Warwick, Fauconbridge, and
Bishop George, there seems to have been no peer wth
Edward at the moment. Warwick felt that it would
not look well that his cousin should ostensibly receive
his crown from the Nevilles alone, whatever might be the
reality of the case. Accordingly the few Yorkist peers
within reach were hastily summoned. The Archbishop
of Canterbury came in from Kent, where he had been
" waiting for better times." The Duke of Norfolk, Lord
Fitzwalter, Lord Ferrers of Chartley, and the Bishop of
Salisbury appeared ere two days were out. Then these
eight jieers, spiritual and temporal, with a dozen or so

EDWARD PROCLAIMED KING

113

of knights, and a deputation of London citizens, solemnly
met at Baynard's Castle and declared Edward King.
There had not been an instance of the election of a
monarch by such a scantj^ body of sujjporters since the
meeting of the Witan that chose Henry the First. The
house of Neville and their cousin of Norfolk were practi-
cally the sole movers in the business.

Next day, Thursday March 4th, Edward rode in
state to Westminster with his scanty following of
notables. There before the high altar he declared his
title, and sat on his throne, with the sceptre of Edward
the Confessor in his hand, beneath a canopy, receiving
the homage and fealty of his adherents. Then embarking
in a state barge he returned by water to the Tower
where he fixed his abode, deserting the York family
mansion of Baynard's Castle. Meanwhile the heralds
proclaimed him at every street corner as Edward the
Fourth, King of France and England, and Lord of
Ireland.

Every one had been expecting that the coronation
would be interrupted by the news that Queen Margaret's
army was thundering at the gates ; but no signs of the
approach of an enemy appeared, and that same day it
was known that the Queen had broken up from Dun-
stable and marched away northward. Her troojjs were
in a state of incipient disbandment : they had refused
to obey the King's proclamation against plunder, and
had melted away by thousands, some to harry the Home
Counties, some to bear off booty already obtained.
The men that still adhered to the standards were so few
and so discontented that the Lancastrian lords begged
the Queen to retreat. They had heard exaggerated

114

IVAKJVICK'

CHAP.

rumours of the strength of King Edward, and dared
not fight him. Accordingly Henry, his wife and son,
and his nobles, Avith their whole following, rode off
along the Watling Street, sending before them mes-
sengers to raise the whole force of the North, and to
bid it meet their retiring army on the borders of
Yorkshire.

The festivities of the coronation had not prevented the
Yorkist lords from keeping the imminence of their danger
close before their eyes. The ceremony had taken place on
Thursday afternoon ; by early dawn on Friday Mowbray
had ridden off eastward to array his followers in Norfolk
and Suffolk. On the Saturday Warwick himself marched
out by the great North road, with the war-tried troops
who had fought under him at St. Albans and accom-
panied his retreat to Chipping Norton. He moved on
cautiously, gathering in the Yorkist knights of the Mid-
lands and his own Warwickshire and Worcestershire
retainers, till he had been joined by the whole force of
his party. For four or five days after Warwick had set
forth, the levies of the Southern Counties continued to
pour into London. On the 10th the main body of in-
fantry marched on to unite with the Earl ; they were
some fifteen thousand strong, Marchmen from the
Welsh Border and Kentishmen ; for Kent, ever loyal to
York, had turned out its archers in full force, under a
notable captain named Robert Horne. Finally, King
Edward — who had remained behind till the last available
moment, cheering the Londoners, bidding for the sup-
port of doubtful adherents, getting together money, and
signing the manifold documents which had to be drawn
up on his accession — started with his personal following,

X WARWICK PURSUES THE LANCASTRIANS 115

amid the cheers of the citizens and cries for vengeance
on King Henry and his wife.

Warwick had pushed forward cautiously, keeping in
his front some light horse under John Katclift", who
claimed the barony of Fitzwalter. King Edward, on the
other hand, came on at full speed, and was able to over-
take his vanguard at Leicester. Mowbray, with the
troops from the Eastern Counties, was less ready ; he was
several days behind the King, and, as we shall see, did
not come up till the actual eve of battle.

There had been some expectation that the Lancas-
trians would fight on the line of the Trent, for the
Northern lords tarried some days at Nottingham. But
as Warwick pushed on he had always found the enemy
retreating before him. Their route could be traced by
the blazing villages on each side of their path, for the
Northern men had gone homewards excited to bitter
wrath by the loss of the plunder of London. They had
eaten ujj the Avhole countryside, swept ofi' the horses,
pulled the very houses to pieces in search of hidden
good.s, stripped every man, Avoman, and child they met
of purse and raiment, even to the beggars who came
out to ask them for charity, and slain every man that
raised a hand against them. Beyond the Trent, they
said, they were in an enemy'is country. Li the eyes of
every Southern man the measure of their iniquities was
full.

When Warwick and King Edward learnt that the
Queen and the Northern lords had drawn their plundering
bands north of the Trent, they had not much difficulty
in settling the direction of their marcli. It was practic-
ally certain that the Lancastrians would be found on

ii6

WARIVICK'

CHAP.

one of the positions across the Great North Road Avhich
cover the approach to York. Now, as in every age
since tlie Romans built their great line of communication
between north and south, it would be on the line between
York and Lincoln that the fate of Northern England
would be decided. The only doubt was 'whether the
Lancastrians would choose to defend the Don or the
Aire or the Wharfe, behind each of which they might
take up their position.

On the Friday, March 26th, the Yorkists crossed
the Don unmolested, but the news was not long in
reaching them that the enemy lay behind the next
obstacle, the Aire, now swollen to a formidable torrent
by the spring rains, and likely to cause much trouble
ere it could be crossed. King Henry with his Avife and
son lay at York, but all his lords with their retainers
lay in the villages about Tadcaster and Cawood midway
between the Wharfe and Aire, with their central camp
hard by the church of Towton, which was destined to
give its name to the coming battle.

To secure the passage of the Aire was now the task
that was incumbent on the Yorkists. Accordingly
their vanguard under Lord Fitzwalter was sent forAvard
in haste on to Ferrybridge, where the Roman road
crosses the stream. Contrary to exjjectation the place
was found unoccupied, and its all - important bridge
secured. The line of the Aire was won ; but the
Friday was not destined to pass without bloodshed.
The Northern lords, cursing the carelessness which had
lost them their line of defence, determined to fall on the
advanced guard of the enemy, and beat it out of Ferry-
bridge before the main body should come up. Lord

X SKIRMISH A T FERR YB RIDGE 1 1 7

Clifford, M'lio commanded the nearest detachment, rode
off at once from Towton, and charged into Ferrybridge
while the newly-arrived Yorkists were at their meal.
Fitzwalter had kept as careless a watch as his
enemies ; he was taken unprepared, his men were
routed, and he himself slain as he tried to rally them.
At nightfall Clifford held the town, and slept there
undisturbed.

Next morning, however, the situation was changed.
Somerset, or rather the council of the Lancastrian lords,
had taken no meastires to supi)ort Clifford. He was left
alone at Ferrybridge with the few thousand men of his
original force, while the main army was slowly gathering
on Towton hill-side eight miles to the rear. Meanwhile
the Yorkist main body was approaching Ferrybridge
from the south, and a detached column under Lord
Fauconbridge, stoutest of Warwick's many uncles, was
trying the dangerous passage at Castleford, three miles
away, where there was no one to resist them. Hearing that
Fauconln-idge was already across, and was moving round
to cut him off from his base, Clifford evacuated Ferry-
bridge and fell back towards his main bod3^ He had
already accomplished six of the eight miles of his journey,
when near Dintingdale Fauconbridge suddenly came in
upon his flank with a very superior force. Clifibrd had
so nearly reached his friends that he was marching in
perfect security. The Yorkists scattered his men before
they could form up to fight, and killed him ere he had
even time to brace on his helmet. The survivors of his
detachment were chased in upon the Lancastrian main
army, which was so badly served by its scouts that it
had neither heard of Fauconbridge's approach nor taken

ii8

WARWICK

CHAP.

any measures to liring in Cliflford's part}- in safety.
Nay, so inert were the Lancastrian commanders, that
they did not, after the skirmish, march out to beat off
Fauconbridge, whose friends were still miles away,
painfully threading the bridge of Ferrj'bridge or the
ford at Castleford.

All through Saturday the Yorkists were slowly coming
up to reinforce their vanguard, but the roads and the
weather were so bad that the rear was still on the other
side of the Aire when night fell. However, the main body
was safely concentrated on a ridge south of Saxtou village,
and probably thirtj--five thousand out of Edward's forty-
eight thousand men were in line, though much famished
for victuals. The belated rear-guard, Avhich was destined
to form the right wing of the army on the morrow, was
composed of the troops from the Eastern Counties under
Mowljray ; with him were Sir John Wenlock and Sir
John Dj'nham, two of Warmck's most trusted friends.
They were not expected to come up till some hours after
daybreak on Sunday morning. "With the Yorkist main
body were the King, Warwick, his brother John, his
uncle Fauconbridge, Lord Scrope, Lord Berners, Lord
Stanlej', Sir AVilliam Hastings, Sir John Stafford, Sir
Walter Blunt, Eobert Horne, the leader of the
Kentishmen, and many other South-Country knights
and squires.

Tavo miles north of the Yorkist camp at Saxton, the
Lancastrians lay in full force on Towton hill-side. They
had with them the largest army that was ever put into
the field during the whole war. Somerset, Exeter,
James Butler the Irish Earl who had endeavoured to
rival War\vick's power in Wiltshire, Courtney Earl of

THE LANCASTRIAN ARMY

119

Devon, Moleyns, Hungerford, and Willoughby had
brought in the South-Country adherents of Lancaster,
those at least of them whom the fiekls of St. Albans and
Northampton had left unharmed and unabashed. Sir
Andrew Trollope was there, with the remnant of the
trained troops from Calais who had deserted York at
Ludford in the i)revious year. But the bulk of the
sixty thousand men who served under the Red Rose
were the retainers of the Northern lords. Henry Percy
of Northumberland appeared in person with all his
followin". The Durham vassals of the elder house of
Neville were arrayed under John Lord Neville, the
younger brother of Ralph of Westmoreland, though the
Earl himself was (now as always) not forthcoming in
person. Be.side the Neville and Percy retainers were
the bands of Lords Dacre, Welles, Roos, Beaumont,
Mauley, and of the dead Clifford — of all the barons and
knights indeed of the North Country save of the younger
house of Neville.

The Lancastrian position was very strong. Eight
miles north of Ferrybridge the Great North Road is
flanked by a long plateau some hundred and fifty feet
above the level of the surrounding country, the first
rising ground to the west that breaks the plain of York.
The high road to Tadcaster creeps along its eastern foot,
and then winds round its northern extremity ; its
western side is skirted by a brook called the Cock,
which was then in flood and only passable at a few
points beside the bridge where the high road crosses it.
The Lancastrians were drawn up across the plateau,
their left wing on the high road, their right touching
the steep bank of the Cock. One flank was completely

120

JVARIVICK

CHAP.

covered by the flooded stream, wliile the other, the one
which lay over the road, could only be turned by the
enemy if he went down into the plain and exposed him-
self to a flank attack while executing his movement.
The ground, however, Avas very cramped for an army of
sixty thousand men ; it was less than a mile and a half
in breadth, and it seems likely that the Lancastrians
must, contrarv to the usual English custom, have formed
several lines, one in rear of the othei", in order to crowd
their men on to such a narrow space.

The Yorkists at Saxton lay just on the southern
declivity of the plateau, within two miles of the
Lancastrian line of battle, whose general disposition
must have been rendered sufiiciently evident by the
countless watchfires along the rising ground.

Although they knew themselves to be outnumbered
by the enemy, AYarwick and King Edward were
determined to attack. Each of them had a father to
revenge, and they were not disjjosed to count heads.
Before it was dawn, at four o'clock on the morning of
that eventful Palm Sundaj', the Yorkist array was
drawn out. The King rode down the line bidding them
remember that they had the just cause, and the men
began to climb the gentle a.scent of the Towton plateau.
The left ^Wng, which was slightly in advance of the
main body, was led by Fauconbridge ; the great
central mass by AYarwick in person ; the King was in
command of the reserve. Of the details of the
marshalling we know no more, but the Yorkist line,
though only thirtA^-five thousand strong, was drawn up
on a front equal to that which the sixty thousand
Lancastrians occupied, and must therefore have been

FAUCONBRIDGE AT TOIVTON

121

much thinner. When Norfolk and the missing right
wing should ajjpear, it was obvious that they would
outflank the enemy on the side of the plain. "Warwick's
plan, therefore, was evidently to engage the Lancastrians
so closely and so occupy their attention that Norfolk
should be able to take them in flank without molestation
on his arrival.

In the dusk of the March morning, Avith a strong
north wind blowing in their faces, the clumps of Yorkist
billmen and archers commenced to mount the hill. No
opposition was made to their approach, but when they
had advanced for one thousand yards along the summit
of the plateau, they dimly descried the Lancastrian host
in order of battle, on the farther side of a slight dip in
the ground called Towtondale. At the same moment
the wind veered round, and a heavy fall of snow com-
menced to beat in the faces of the Lancastrians. So
thick was it that the two armies could only make out
each other's position from the simultaneous shout of
defiance which ran down each line. Fauconbridge, whose
wing lay nearest to the enemy, determined to utilise the
accident of the snow in a manner which throws the
greatest credit on his presence of mind. He sent for-
ward his archers to the edge of the dip in the plateau,
with orders to discharge a few flights of arrows into the
Lancastrian columns, and then to retire back again to
the line of battle. This they did ; the wind bore their
arrows into the crowded masses, who with the snow beat-
ing into their eyes could not see the enemy that was
molesting them, and considerable execution was done.
Accordingly the whole Lancastrian line of archers com-
menced to reply ; but as they were shooting against the

122

WARWICK

CHAP.

wind, and as Fauconbridge's men had withdrawn after
dehvering their voile}-, it resulted that the Northeners
continued to pour a heavy flight of arrows into the
unoccupied ground forty yards in front of the Yorkist
position. Their fire was so fast and furious that ere
very long their shafts began lo run short. "When this
became noticeable, Fauconbridge led his men forward
again to the edge of Towtondale, and recommenced his
deadly volleys into the enemy's right wing. The
Lancastrians could make little or no reply, their store of
missiles being almost used up ; their jjosition was
growing unbearable, and with a simultaneous impulse
the whole mass facing Fauconbridge plunged down into
Towtondale, to cross the dip and fall on the enemy at
close quarters. The movement spread down the line
from west to east, and in a few minutes the two armies
were engaged along their whole front. Thus the
Lancastrians, though fighting on their o^to chosen ground,
had to become the assailants, and were forced to incur
the disadvantage of ha^^ing the slope against them, as
they struggled up the southern side of the declivity of
Towtondale.

Of all the battles of the "Wars of the Roses, perhaps
indeed of all the battles in English history, the fight of
Towton was the most desperate and the most bloody.
For sheer hard fighting there is nothing that can com-
pare to it ; from five in the morning to mid-day the
battle never slackened for a moment. No one ever again
complained that the Southern men were less tough than
the Northern. Time after time the Lancastrians rolled
up the southern slope of Towtondale and flung them-
selves on the Yorkist host ; sometimes they were driven

IVARIV/CK AT TOIVTON

123

down at once, sometimes thoy pushed the enemy back
for .1 sjjace, but they could never break the King's line.
Each time that an attacking column was repelled, newly-
rallied troojjs took its place, and the push of pike never
ceased. We catch one glimpse of Warwick in the midst
of the tumult. Waiu-in tells how "the greatest jn'ess
of the battle lay on the quarter where the Earl of Warwick
stood," and Whethamsted describes him "pressing on like
a second Hector, and encouraging his young s(fldiers ;"
but there is little to be gathered about the details of the
fight. ^ There cannot have been much to learn, for each
combatant, lost in the mist and drifting snow, coidd tell
only of what was going on in his own immediate neigh-
bourhood. They have only left us vague pictures of
horror, "the dead hindered the living from coming to
close quarters, they lay so thick," "there was more red
than white visible on the snow," are the significant
remarks of the chronicler. King Henry, as he heard
his Palm-Sunday mass in York Minster ten miles away
— "he was kept oiT the field because he was better at
praying than at fighting," says the Yorkist chronicler —
may well have redoubled his })rayers, for never was there
to be such a slaughter of Englishmen.

At length the object for which Warwick's stubborn
billmen had so long maintained their ground against
such odds was attained. The column under the Duke
of Norfolk, which was to form the Yorkist right
wing, began to come up from Ferrybridge. Its route

' There is nothing authentic to be discovered of tlie story men-
tioned by Monstrelet, and popularised in Warwickshire tradition,
that tlio Earl slew his charger at Towton to show his men that ho
would not fly.

124

IVARIVICA'

CHAP.

brought it out on the extreme left flank of the Lancas-
trians, where the high road skirts the plateau. Too
heavily engaged in front to suspect that all the army of
York was not yet before them, Somerset and liis
colleagues had made no provision against a new force
appearing beyond their left wing. Thus Norfolk's ad-
vancing columns were able to turn the exjjosed flank,
open an enfilading fire upon the enemy's left rear, and,
what was still more important, to cut him off from all
lines of retreat save that which led across the flooded
Cock. The effect of Xorfolk's advance was at once
manifest ; the battle began to roll northward and west-
ward, as the Lancastrians gave back and tried to form
a new front against the unsuspected enemy. But the
moment that the)- began to retire the whole Yorkist line
followed them. The arrival of Xorfolk had been to
Warwick's men what the arri^-al of Bliicher was to
\Vellington's at "Waterloo; after having fought all the
day on the defensive they had their opportunity at last,
and were eager to use it. When the Lancastrians had
once begun to retire they found themselves so hotly
pushed on that they could never form a new line of
battle. Their gross numbers were cnished more ajid
more closelj- together as the pressure on their left flank
became more and more marked, and if any reserves yet
remained in hand, there was no way of bringing them
to the front. Yet, as all the chroniclers acknowledge,
the Xorthem men gave way to no panic ; they turned
again and again, and strove to dispute every step
between Towtondale and the edge of the plateau. It
took three hours more of fighting to roll them off the
rising ground : but when once they were driven down

ROUT OF THE LANCASTRIANS

125

their position became terrible. The Cock wlien in
flood is in many places unfordable ; sometimes it
spreads out so as to cover the fields for fift}' yards
on each side of its wonted bed ; and the only safe
retreat across it was by the single bridge on the
Tadcaster road. The sole result of the desperate
fighting of the Lancastrians was that this deadly obstacle
now lay in their immediate rear. The whole mass was
compelled to pass the river as best it conld. Some
escaped by the bridge ; many forded the Cock where its
stream ran shallow ; many yielded themselves as
prisoners- — some to get quarter, others not, for the
Yorkists were wild with the rage of ten hours' slaughter.
But many thousands had a worse fortune ; striving to
ford the river where it was out of their depth, or trodden
down in the shallower parts by their own flying com-
rades, they died Avithout being touched by the Yorkist
steel. Any knight or man-at-arms who lost his footing
in the water was doomed, for the cumbrous armour
of the later fifteenth century made it quite impossible
to rise again. Even the billman and archer in his
salet and jack would find it hard to regain his feet.
Hence we may well believe the chroniclers when they
tell us that the Cock slew its thousands that day, and
that the last Lancastrians who crossed its waters
crossed them on a bridge composed of the bodies of
their comrades.

Even this ghastly scene was not to be the end of the
slaughter ; the Yorkists urged the ])ursuit for miles from
the field, nearly to the gates of York, still slaying as
they went. The hapless King Henry, with his wife and
son, were borne out of the town by their flying followers.

126

IVARIVICA'

CHAl'.

who warned them that the enemy was still close behind,
and were fain to take the road for Durham and the
Border. Only Richard Tunstal, the King's Chamber-
lain, and five horsemen more guarded them during the
flight.

When Warwick and King Edward drew in their men
from the pursuit, and bade the heralds count the slain,
they must have felt that their fathers were well avenged.
Nearly thirty thousand corpses lay on the' trampled
snow of the plateau, or blocked the muddy course of the
Cock, or strewed the road to Tadcaster and York ; and
of these only eight thousand were Yorkists. The sword
had fallen heavily on the Lancastrian leaders. The Earl
of Northumberland was carried off by his followers
mortally wounded, and died next day. Of the barons,
Dacre, Neville, Mauley, and Welles, lay on the field.
Thomas Courtney the Earl of Devon was taken
alive — a worse fate than that of his fellows, for the
headsman's axe awaited him. Of leaders below the
baronial rank there were slain Sir Andrew Trollope, the
late Lieutenant of Calais, Sir Ealph Grey, Sir Henry
Beckingham, and many more whom it would be tedious
to name. The slaughter had Ijeen as deadly to the
Northern knighthood as was Flodden a generation later
to the noble houses of Scotland ; there was hardly a
family that had not to mourn the loss of its head or
heir.

The uphill fight which the Yorkists had to wage
during the earlier hours of the day had left its mark in
their ranks ; eight thousand had fallen, one man for
every six in the field. But the leaders had come oft"
fortunately ; only Sir John Stafford and Robert

LOSS£S OF THE YORKISTS

127

Home, the Kentish captain, had fallen. So long
indeed as the fight ran level, the knights in their
armour of proof were comparatively safe ; it was always
the pursuit which proved so fatal to the chiefs of a
broken army.

CHAPTER XI

THE TRIUMPH OF KING EDWARD

On the evening of that bloody Palm Sunday, King
Edward, Warwick, and the other Yorkist chiefs, slept in
the villages round the battle-field. Next morning, how-
ever, they set their weary army on the march to reap
the fruits of victory. In the afternoon they appeared
before the gates of York, where the heads of York and
Salisbury, bleached with three months of winter rains,
still looked southward from the battlements. The
citizens had, as was usual in the time, not the slightest
intention of offering resistance, but they must have felt
many a qualm as Edward's men, drunk with slaughter
and set on revenging the harrying of the South by the
Queen's army, drew up before their walls.

Edward, however, had already fixed on the policy
from which he never swerved throughout his reign —
hard measure for the great and easy measure for the
small. The Mayor and citizens were allowed to "find
means of grace through Lord Berners and Sir John
Neville, brother to the Earl of Warwick" — doubtless
through a sufficient gift of rose nobles. These two lords
led the Mayor and Council before the King, who promptly
granted them grace, and was then received into the town

CHAl'.

KING EDWARD AT YORK

129

" with great solemnity and processions." There Edward
kept his Easter week, and made every arrangement for
the subjugation of the North. His first act was to take
down the heads of his father and his uncle from over
the gate, and provide for their reverent burial. His
next was to mete out to his Lancastrian prisoners the
measure that York and Salisbury had received. The
chief of them, Courtney Earl of Devon and the Bastard
of Exeter, were decapitated in the market-place, and
their heads sent south to be set up on London Bridge.
James Earl of AViltshire — long Salisbury's rival in the
South — was caught a few days later, and suffered the
same fate.

The submission of the various Yorkshire towns was
not long in coming in, and it was soon ascertained that
no further resistance was to be looked for south of the
Tees. The broken bands of the Lancastrians had dis-
appeared from Yorkshire, and Warwick's tenants from
Middleham and Sherif Hoton were now able to come in
to explain to their lord how they had fared during the
Lancastrian ascendency at the hands of his cousins of
Westmoreland. In common with the few other Yorkists
of the North, they had received hard measure ; they had
been well plundered, and probably constrained to pay up
all that the Westmorelands could wring out of them, as
arrears for the twenty years during which the Yorkshire
lands of Neville had been out of the hands of the senior
branch.

A few days after Easter, Warwick and Edward moved
out of York and pushed on to Durham. On the way
they were entertained at Middleham with such cheer as
the place could afford after its plunder by the Lancas-

130

WARWICK

ciiAr.

trians. Nowhere did they meet with &wy resistance, and
the task of finishing the war appeared so simple that
the King betook himself homeward about May 1st,
leaving Warwick with a general commission to pacify
the North. John Neville remained behind with his
brother, as did Sir Robert Ogle and Sir John Coniers,
the only two Yorkists of importance in the North outside
the Neville family. The King took with him the rest
of the lords, who were wanted for the approaching
festivals and councils in London, and with them the
bulk of the army.

The task which Warwick had received turned out to
be a much more formidable matter than had been
expected. King Henry, Queen Margaret, the Dukes of
Somerset and Exeter, Lords Hungerford and Roos, with
the other surviving Lancastrian leaders, had fled to
Scotland, where they had succeeded in inducing the
Scotch regents — Kennedy, Boyd, and their fellows — to
continue the policy of the late King, and throw them-
selves heartily into the war with the Yorkists. The
inducement offered was the cession of Berwick and
Carlisle, and the former town was at once handed over
" and well stuffed with Scots." Nor was it only on
Scotch aid that the Lancastrians relied ; they had deter-
mined to make application to the King of France, and
Somerset and Hungerford sailed for the Continent at
the earliest opportunity. They were stayed at Dieppe
by orders of the wily Louis the Eleventh, who was
averse to committing himself to either party in the
English struggle while his own ci'own was hardly three
months old ; but their mission was not to be without its
results. Putting aside the hope of assistance from France

SIEGE OF CARLISLE

and Scotland, the Lancastrians had still some resources
of their own on which they might count. A few scattered
bands of Percy retainers still kept the field in North-
umberland, and the Percy crescent still floated over
the strong castles of Alnwick, Bamborough, and Dun-
stanburgh.

The problem which fell into Warwick's hands was
to clear the routed Lancastrians out of Northumberland,
and at the same time to keep good watch against the
inroads of the Scotch and the English refugees who were
leagued with them. Defensive and offensive operations
would have to be combined, for, on the one hand, the
siege of the Percy castles must be formed — and sieges
in the fifteenth century were slow and weary work —
while, on the other, the raids of the lords of the Scotch
Border might occur at any time and place, and had to be
met without delay. Warwick was forced to divide his
troops, undertaking himself to cover the line of the Tyne
and observe the Northumbrian castles, while his brother
John, who for his services at Towton had just been
created Lord Montagu, took charge of the force which
was to fend off" Scotch attacks on the Western Marches.

In June the Scots and the English refugees crossed
the Border in force ; their main body made a push to
seize Carlisle, which the Lancastrian chiefs, the Duke
of Exeter and Lord Grey de Rougemont, promised to
deliver to them as they had already delivered Berwick.
The town, however, shut its gates ; and the invaders
were constrained to content themselves with burning its
suburbs and forming a regular siege. But as they lay
before it they were suddenly attacked by Montagu, who
came up long before he was expected, and beat them

132

WARIVICK'

CHAP.

back over the Border with the loss of several thoiisajid
men ; among the slain was John Clift'ord, brother to the
peer who had fallen at Towton.

Almost simultaneously another raiding party, led by
Lord Roos and Sir John Fortescu, the late Chief-Justice,
and guided by two of the Westmoreland Nevilles,
Thomas and Humphrej^, slipped down from the Middle
Marches and attempted to raise the county of Durham.
But as they drew near to the ancestral Neville seat of
Brancepeth, they were fallen upon by forces brought
up by Warwick, and were driven back on June 26th as
disastrously as the main army for which they had been
making a diversion.

These two defeats cooled the ardour of the Scotch
allies of the house of Lancaster. Moreover, trouble was
soon provided for them on their own side of the Border.
There were always discontented nobles to be found in
the North, and King Edward was able to retaliate on
the Scotch regents by concluding a treaty with the Earl
of Ross, which set a considerable rebellion on foot in the
Highlands and the Western Isles. By the time that the
autumn came there was no longer any immediate danger
to be apprehended on the Borders, and Warwick was
able to relinquish his northern viceroyalty and come
south, to pay his estates a flying visit, and to obey
the writ which summoned him in November to King
Edward's first Parliament at Westminster.

While Warwick had been labouring in the North, the
King had been holding his Court at London, free to rule
after his own devices. At twenty Edward the Fourth
had already a formed character, and displayed all the
personal traits which developed in his later years.

XI CHARACTER OF EDWARD THE FOURTH 133

The spirit of the fifteenth century was strong in liini.
Cultured and cruel, as skilled as the oldest statesman in
the art of cajoling the people, as cool in the hour of
danger the oldest soldier, he was not a sovereign
with whom even the greatest of his subjects could deal
lightly. Yet he was so inordinately fond of display and
luxury of all sorts, so given to sudden fits of idleness, so
prone to sacrifice policy to any Avhim or selfish impulse
of the moment, that he must have seemed at times
almost contemptible to a man who, like Warwick,
had none of the softer vices of self-indulgence. Still
in mourning for a father and brother not six months
dead, with a kingdom not yet fully subdued to
his fealty, with an empty exchequer, with half the
nobles and gentry of England owing him a blood-feud
for their kinsmen slain at Towton, Edward had cast
aside every thought of the past and the morrow, and
was bearing himself with all the thriftless good-humour
of an heir lately come to a well-established fortune. It
seems that the splendours of his coronation-feasts were
the main things that had been occupying his mind while
Warwick had been fighting his battles in the North.
Reading of his jousts and banquets and processions, his
gorgeous reception by the city magnates, and his lavish
distributions of honours and titles, we hardly remember
that he was no fii-mly-rooted King, but the precarious
sovereign of a party, surrounded by armed enemies and
secret conspirators.

In the lists of honours which Edward liad distributed
after his return homeward from T(jwton field, Warwick
found that he had not been neglected. The offices
which he had held in 145^-59 had been restored to him;

134

IVARWICK

CHAP.

he was again Captain of the town and castle of Calais,
Lieutenant of the March of Picardy, Grand Chamberlain
of England, and High Steward of the Duchy of
Lancaster. In addition he Avas now created Constable
of Dover and Warden of the Cinque Ports, and made
Master of the Mews and Falcons, and Steward of the
Manor and Forest of Feckenham. His position in the
North, too, was made regular by his appointment as
AVarden and Commissary General of the East and West
INLarches, and Procurator Envoy and Deputy for all
negotiations with the Scots.

Nor had the rest of the Neville clan been overlooked.
John Neville had, as we have already mentioned,
received the barony of Montagu. George Neville the
Bishop of Exeter was again Chancellor. Fauconbridge,
who had fought so manfully at Towton, was created
Earl of Kent. Moreover, Sir John Wenlock, Warwick's
most faithful adherent, who had done him such good
service at Sandwich in 1459, was made a baron. We
shall always find him true to the cause of his patron
down to his death at Tewkesbury field. Although
several other creations swelled the depleted ranks of
the peerage at the same time, the Nevilles could not
complain that they had failed to receive their due share
of the rewards.

Nor would it seem that at first the King made any
effort to resent the natural ascendency which his cousin
exercised over his counsels. The experienced warrior
of thirty-three must still have overborne the precocious
lad of twenty when their wills came into contact. The
campaigns of 1459-60, in which ho had learnt soldiering
under War\vick, must have long remained impressed

PREDOMINANCE OF WARWICK

135

on Edward's mind, even after he had won his own
laurels at Mortimer's Cross and shared with equal
honours in the bloody triumph of Towton. So long as
Richard Neville was still in close and constant contact
with the young King, his ascendency was likely to
continue. It was when, in the succeeding years, his
duties took him for long periods far from Edward's
side, that the Earl was to find his cousin first growing
indifferent, then setting his own will against his
adviser's, then deliberately going to work to override
every scheme that came to him from any member of
the Neville house.

We have no particular notice of Warwick's personal
doings in the Parliament which sat in November and
December 1461 ; but the language of his brother
George the Chancellor represents, no doubt, the atti-
tude which the whole family adopted. His text was
"Amend your ways and your doings," and the tenor
of his discourse was to point out that the ills of England
during the last generation came from the national
apostasy in having deserted the rightful heirs so long
in behalf of the usurping house of Lancaster. Now
that a new reign had commenced, a reform in national
morality should accompany the return of the English
to their lawful allegiance. The sweeping acts of
attainder against fourteen peers and many scores of
knights and squires which the Yorkist Parliament
passed might not seem a very propitious beginning for
the new era, but at any rate it should be remembered
to the credit of the Nevilles that the King's Council
under their guidance tempered the zeal of the Commons
by many limitations which guarded the rights of numer-

136

IVARIVICK

CHAl'. XI

ous individuals who would have been injured by the
original proposals.

Moreover, the Government allowed tlie opportunity
of reconciliation to many of the more lukewarm
adherents of Lancaster, who had not been personally
engaged in the last struggle. It is to Warwick's credit
that his cousin Ralph of Westmoreland Avas admitted
to pardon, and not taken to task for the doings of his
retainers, under the conduct of his brother, in the
campaign of Wakefield and St. Albans. Ralph was
summoned to the Parliament, and treated no worse
than if he had been a consistent adherent of York.
The same favour was granted to the Earl of Oxford,
till he forfeited it by deliberate consj^iracy against the
King. Sanguine men were already beginning to hope
that King Edward and his advisers might be induced
to end the civil wars by a general grant of amnesty,
and might invite his rival Henry to return to England
as the first subject of the Crown. Such mercy and
reconciliation, however, were beyond the mind of the
ordinary partisan of York ; and the popular feeling of
the day was probably on the side of the correspondent
of the Pastons, who complained " that the King receives
such men as have been his great enemies, and great
oppressors of his Commons, while such as have assisted
his Highness be not rewarded ; which is to be considered,
or else it will hurt, as seemeth me but reason."

CHAPTER XII

THE PACIFICATION OF THE NORTH

Whatever the partisans of peace may have hoped in
the winter of 1461-62, there was in reality no prospect
of a general pacification so long as the indomitable
Margaret of Anjou was still at liberty and free to plot
against the quiet of England. The defeats of her Scotch
allies in the summer of 1461 had only spurred her to
fresh exertions. In the winter, while Edward's Parlia-
ment was sitting at Westminster, she was busy hatching
a new scheme for simultaneous risings in various jaarts
of England, accompanied by descents from France and
Brittany aided by a Castilian fleet. Somerset and
Hungerford had got some countenance from the King of
France, and Margaret's own hopeful heart built on this
small foundation a great scheme for the invasion of
England. A Scotch raid, a rising in Wales, a descent of
Bretons upon Guernsey and Jersey, and a great French
landing at Sandwich, were to synchronise : " if weather
and Avind had served them, they should have had one
hundred and twenty thousand men on foot in England
upon Candlemass Day." But weather and Avind were un-
propitious, and the only tangible result of the plan was to
cost the life of the Earl of Oxford, who had been told

■38

IVARIV/CK

CHAP.

off to head the insurgents of the Eastern Counties. He
had been taken into favour by King Edward, and we
need have small pity for him when he was detected in
corresjjondence with the Queen at the very time that he
was experiencing the clemency of her rival. But it was
an evil sign of the times that he and his son were
executed, not after a regular trial before their peers, but
by a special and unconstitutional court held by the Earl
of Worcester as Constable of England. For this evil
precedent AVarwick must take the blame no less than
Edward.

But Margaret of Anjou had not yet exhausted her
energy. So soon as the storms of winter were over
and Somerset returned from France without the promised
succours, she resolved to set out in j^erson to stimulate
the zeal of Louis the Eleventh, and to gather help from her
various relatives on the Continent. Escaping from Scot-
land by the Irish Sea, she rounded the Land's End and
came ashore with her young son in Brittany. The Duke
gave her twelve thousand crowns, and passed her on to her
father Ren6 in Anjou. From his Court she went on to
King Louis, who lay at Rouen. With him she had more
success than might have been expected, though far less
of course than she had hoped. Louis was able to show
that he had already got together a fleet, reinforced by
some Breton and Castilian vessels, in the mouth of the
Seine. In return for an agreement by which ]\Iargaret
promised the cession of Calais, and perhaps that of the
Channel Isles, he undertook to engage frankly in the
Avar, and to })ut at ]\Iargaret's disposition a force for the
invasion of England. The way in which Louis chose a
leader for this army was very characteristic of the man.

XII WARIVICA' TREATS WITH THE SCOTS 139

He had in close confinement at the time a favourite of
his father and an enemy of his own, Peter de Br6z6,
Count of Mauldvrier and Seneschal of Normandy. De
Br6z6 was a gallant knight and a skilled leader ; only a
few years before he had distinguished himself in the
English war, and among other achievements had taken
and sacked Sandwich. The King now offered him the
choice of staying in prison or of taking charge of an
expedition to Scotland in aid of Margaret. De Br6z6
accepted with alacrity the latter alternative, as much,
we are told, from chivalrous desire to assist a distressed
Queen as from dislike for the inside of the dungeons of
Loches. Quite satisfied, apparently, at getting an enemy
out of the country on a dangerous quest, Louis gave
him twenty thousand livres in money, forty small vessels,
and about two thousand men, and bade him take the
Queen whither she would go.

While Louis and Margaret were negotiating, their
English enemies had been acting with their accustomed
vigour. When May came round Warwick again resumed
command of the Northern Border, and marched out to
finish the work that had been begun in the previous
year. He was already on Scottish ground, and had
taken at least one castle north of the Border, when he
received a herald from the Scotch regents offering to
treat for peace. By his commission, drawn up in the
last year, Warwick was authorised to act as pleni-
potentiary in any such matter. Accordingly he sent
back his army and went himself to Dumfries, where
he met Mary, the Dowager Queen of Scotland, and
the majority of the regents. They concluded an armis-
tice to last till St. Bartholomew's Day, and then set

140

IVARIVICA'

CHAP.

to work to discuss terms of peace. The common report
ran that the Scots were ready not only to give up the
Lancastrian cause, but even to deliver over the person
of King Henry. Moreover, there was talk of an alliance
by marriage between the English King and a Scotch
Princess. This new departure, mainly brought about by
the Queen-Dowager's influence,' was not without its effect
on the Lancastrian partisans, who found themselves left
unsupported to resist Warwick's army, which was, during
the negotiations, put under the command of his brother
Montagu and set to reduce the Northumbrian fortresses.
King Henry fled from the Scotch Court and took refuge
in one of the castles of the Archbishop of St. Andrews,
the chief member of the regency who opposed peace
with England. Lord Dacre, brother of the peer who fell
at Towton, surrendered himself to Montagu, and was
sent to London, where King Edward received him into
grace. Even Somerset himself, the chief of the party,
lost heart, and began to send secret letters to Warwick
to ascertain whether there was any hope of pardon for
him. Meanwhile Naworth Castle was surrendered to
Montagu, and the more important stronghold of Alnwick
yielded itself to Lord Hastings, who had been detached
to form its siege. Bamborougli was given up by Sir
William Tunstal, and of all the Northern fortresses only
Dunstanburgh remained in Lancastrian hands, and it
seemed that this place must fall ere the year was out.

Believing that the war was practically at an end,
Warwick now turned south, and rode up to London to

1 Queen Mary had, so the story runs, shown overmuch favour
to the Duke of Somerset. He openly boasted of his success in
love, and the Queen was ever after his deadly enemy.

XII QUEEN' MARGARET IN THE NORTH 141

lay the Scotch proposal before the King. But he had
not long left the Border when the whole aspect of affairs
was once more transformed by the reappearance of
Queen Margaret on the scene.

While Montagu and Warwick had been in the North,
King Edward had been sorely vexed by rumours of
French invasion. Seventy French and Spanish ships
were roaming the Channel, and Fauconbridge, who had
set out to find them with a hastily -raised fleet, came
homo without success. A French force had mustered
in Picardy, and Queen Margaret lay all the summer at
Boulogne, tampering with the garrison of Calais, who
had fallen into mutiny on account of long arrears of
pay. But Calais failed to revolt, Louis made no serious
attempt on England, and the Queen at last grew
impatient and determined to start herself for England,
though she coidd only rely on the assistance of Peter
de Br6z6 and his two thousand men. Setting sail
early in October, she passed up the eastern coast, and
landed in Northumberland, expecting that all the North
Country would rise to her aid. No general insurrection
followed, but Margaret's arrival was not without effect.
Both Alnwick and Bamborough fell into her hands — the
former by famine, for it was wholly unvictualled and
could not hold out a week ; the latter betrayed by the
governor's brother. Nor was this all ; the presence of
the Queen moved the Scotch regents to break off their
negotiations with England, and denounce the truce
which they had so recently concluded. All that the
statesmanship of Warwick and the sword of Montagu
had done for England in the year 14G2 was lost in the
space of a week.

142

WARIVICK

CHAP.

The moment that the unwelcome news of Margaret's
advent reached London, Warwick flew to repair the
disaster. Only eight days after the fall of Bamborough
he was already at the head of twenty thousand men,
and hastening north by forced marches. The King,
ill-informed as to the exact force that had landed in
Xorthumberland, had sent out in haste for every man
that could be gathered, and followed himself with the
full levy of the Southern Counties.

The nearer the Yorkists apj)roached to the scene of
action the less formidable did their task appear. The
approach of winter had prevented the Scots from put-
ting an army into the field, and the Lancastrians and
their French allies had made no attempt to push out
from their castles. All that they had done was to
strengthen the three strongholds and fill them with
provisions. In Alnwick lay Peter de Brez6's son and
some of the Frenchmen, together with Lord Hungerford.
Somerset, who had dropped his secret negotiations Avith
^Yar^vick when his mistress returned from France, held
Bamborough ; with him were Lord Eoos and Jasper Earl
of Pembroke. Sir Ralph Percy, the fighting-man of the
Percy clan — for his nephew the heir of Northumberland
was a minor — had made himself strong in Dunstanburgh.
MeanM'hile the Queen, on the approach of Warwick, had
quitted her adherents and set sail for Scotland with her
son and her treasure, under convoy of de Br6ze and the
main body of the French mercenaries. But the month
was now November, the seas were rough, and oflf Bam-
borough she was caught in a storm ; her vessel, ^vith
three others, was driven against the iron-bound coast,
and she herself barely escaped with her life in a fishing-

XII

A WINTER CAMPAIGN

143

boat which took her into Berwick. Her treasures went
to the bottom ; and of her French followers four hun-
dred were cast ashore on Holy Island, where they were
forced to surrender next day to a force sent against
them by Montagu.

Warwick had now arrived at Newcastle, and King
Edward was but a few days' march behind him. Though
the month was November, and winter campaigns,
especially in the bleak and thinly-populated North, were
in the fifteenth century as unusual as they were miser-
able, Warwick had determined to make an end of the
new Lancastrian invasion before the Scots should have
time to move. Luckily we have a full account of his
dispositions for the simultaneous siege of the three
Percy castles, from the pen of one^ who served on the
spot.

The army was arranged as follows. King Edward
with the reserve lay at Durham, in full touch with York
and the South. The Duke of Norfolk held Newcastle,
having as his main charge the duty of forwarding con-
voys of victuals and ammunition to the front, and of
furnishing them with strong escorts on their way, to
guard against any attem2)ts made by roving bands of
Scots or Percy retainers to break the line of communi-
cations, thirty miles long, which connected Newcastle
with the army in the field. The force under Warwick's
immediate command, charged with the reduction of
the fortresses, was divided into four fractions. The
castles lie at considerable intervals from each other :
first, Bamborough to the north on a bold headland
projecting into the sea, a Norman keep surrounded
with later outworks ; next Dunstanburgh, nine miles

144

CIIAI".

farther south, and also on the coast; lastly, Alnwick,
five miles south-west of Dunstanburgh, on a hill,
three miles from the sea-coast, overlooking the river
Alne. Dunstanburgh and Bamborough, if not relieved
from the sea, could be surrounded and blockaded with
comparative ease ; Alnwick, the largest and strongest of
the three castles, required to be shut in on all sides, and
was likely to prove by far the hardest task. Luckily
for Warwick the Roman road known as the Devil's
Causeway was available for the connection of his out-
lying forces, as it runs almost by the walls of Alnwick
and within easy distance of both Dunstanburgh and
Bamborough. To each castle its own blockading force
was attached. Opposite Bamborough, the one of the
three which was nearest to Scotland and most exposed
to attack by a relieving army, lay Montagu and Sir
Robert Ogle, both of whom knew every inch of the
Border. Dunstanburgh was beleaguered by Tiptoft Earl
of Worcester and Sir Ralph Grey. Alnwick was ob-
served by Fauconbridge and Lord Scales. Warwick
himself, with the general reserve, lay at Warkworth,
three miles from Alnwick, ready to transfer himself to
any point where his aid might be needed.

The forces employed were not less than thirty thou-
sand men, without counting the troops on the lines of
communication at Newcastle and Durham. To feed
such a body in the depth of winter, in a sparsely-peopled
and hostile country and with only one road open, was
no mean task. Nevertheless the arrangements of
Warwick worked with perfect smoothness and accur-
acy,— good witness to the fact that his talent for
organisation was as great as his talent for the use of

XII

IVARIVICA' BESIEGES ALNWICK

145

troops in the field. Every morning, we are told, the
Earl rode out and visited all the three sieges " for to
oversee ; and if they wanted victuals or any other thing
he was read}' to purvey it to them Avith all his power."
His day's ride was not less than thirty miles in all.
The army was in good spirits and sure of success. "We
have people enow here," wrote John Paston, whose
duty it was to escort Norfolk's convoys to and fro,
" so make as merry as ye can at home, for there is no
jeopardie toward."

A siege at Christmastide was the last thing tliat the
Lancastrians had expected at the moment of their
rising ; they had counted on having the whole winter
to strengthen their position. No hope of immediate
aid from Scotland was forthcoming, and after three
weeks' blockade the spirits of the defenders of Bam-
borough and Dunstanburgh sank so low that they
commenced to think of surrender. Somerset, as we have
already mentioned, had been in treaty with "Warwick
six months before, with the object of obtaining grace
from King Edward. He now renewed his offer to
Warwick, pledging himself to surrender Bamborough in
return for a free pardori. Kalph Percy, the commander
of Dunstanburgh, professed himself ready to make
similar terms.

It is somewhat surprising to find that Warwick
supjjorted, and Edward granted, the petitions of
Somerset and Percy. But it was now two years since
the tragedy of Wakefield, both the King and his cousin
were sincerely anxious to bring about a pacification, and
they had resolved to forget their blood feud with the
Beauforts. On Christmas Eve 1462, therefore, Bam-

146

JVARIVICA'

CHAP.

borough and Dunstanburgh threw open their gates,
such of their garrisons as chose to swear allegiance to
King Edward being admitted to pardon, while the rest,
headed by Jasper of Pembroke and Lord Eoos, were
allowed to retire to Scotland unarmed and with white
staves in their hands. Somerset and Percy went on to
Durham, where they swore allegiance to the King.
Edward took them into favour and "gave them his own
livery and great rewards," to Somerset in especial a
grant of twenty marks a week for his personal expenses,
and the promise of a pension of a thousand marks a year.
As a token of his loyalty Somerset offered to take the
field under Warwick against the Scots, and he was
accordingly sent up to assist at the siege of Alnwick.
Percy was shown equal favour ; as a mark of confidence
the King made him Governor of Bamborough which
Somerset had just surrendered.

After the yielding of his chief adversarj', ICing
Edward thought that there was no further need for his
presence in the North. Accordingly he returned home
with the bulk of the army, leaving Warwick with ten
thousand men, commanded by Norfolk and the Earl of
Worcester, to finish the siege of Alnwick. Somerset lay
with them, neither overmuch trusted nor overmuch
contemned by his late enemies. Warwick's last siege,
however, was not destined to come to such an uneventful
close as those of Bamborough and Dunstanburgh. Lord
Hungerford and the younger de Br6z6 made no signs of
surrender, and j^rotracted their defence till January 6th
1463.

On that day, at five o'clock in the dusk of the winter
morning, a relieving army suddenly ajjpeared in front of

XII

RELIEF OF ALNIVICK

147

Warwick's entrencliments. Though it ^yas midwinter,
Queen Margaret had succeeded in stirring up the Karl
of Angus — the most jjowerful noble in Scotland and at
that moment practical head of the Douglases — to lead
a raid into England. Fired by the promise of an
English dukedom, to be given when King Henry
should come to his own again, Angus got together
twenty thousand men, and slipping through the Central
Marches, and taking to the Watling Street, presented
himself most unexpectedly before the English camp.
With him was Peter de Brez6, anxious to save his
beleaguered son, and the Queen's French mercenaries.

For once in his life Warwick was taken by surprise.
The Scots showed in such force that he thought himself
unable to maintain the whole of his lines, and concen-
trated his forces on a front facing north-west between
the castle hill and the river. Here he awaited attack,
but nothing followed save insignificant skirmishing;
Angus had come not to fight, but only to save the
garrison. When the English blockading force was with-
drawn, a party of Scotch horse rode up to the postern-
gate of the castle and invited the besieged to escape ;
accordingly Lord Hungerford, the younger de Br6z6,
Sir Eichard Tuustal, and the great majority of the
garrison, hastily issued forth and joined the relieving
force. Then Angus, to the surprise of the English,
drew off his men, and fell back hastily over the Border.

Warwick had been quite outgeneralled ; but the
whole of his fault seems to have been the neglect to
keep a sufficient force of scouts on the Border. If he
had known of Angus's approach, he would have been
able to take proper measures for protecting the siege.

148

WAKIVICK

CHAP.

But the main feeling in the English army was rather
relief at the departure of the Scots than disgust at the
escape of the garrison. " If on that day the Scots had
l)ut been bold as they were cunning, the}' might have
destroyed the English lords, for they had double their
numbers," writes the chronicler. The thing which
attracted most notice was the fact that the renegade
Somerset showed no signs of treachery, and bore himself
bravely in the skirmish, " proving manfully that he was
a true liegeman to King Edward." Henceforth he was
trusted by his colleagues.

Some of the Alnwick garrison had been either un-
willing or unable to escape with Angus. These pro-
tracted the defence for three weeks longer, but on
January 30th they offered to surrender, and were
allowed to depart unharmed to Scotland. The castle
was garrisoned for the King, and entrusted to Sir John
Ashley, to the great disj^leasure of Sir Rali^h Grey to
whom it had been promised. We shall see ere long
what evils came from this displeasure.

It seemed now as if the war could not be far from
its end. No single place now held out for Lancaster
save the castle of Harlech in North Wales, where an
obscure rebellion had been smouldering ever since 1461.
We must not therefore blame Warwick for want of
energy, when we find that in March he left the inde-
fatigable Montagu in command, and came up to London
to attend the Parliament which King Edward had sum-
moned to meet in April. Nevertheless, as we shall see,
his absence had the most unhappy results on the Border.

AVe have no definite information as to AVarwick's
doings in the spring of 1463, but we cannot doubt that

xri

REVOLT OF 1463

149

it was by his counsel ami consent that in April his
brother the Chancellor and his friend Lord Wenlock, in
company with Bourchier Earl of Essex, went over-sea
to Flanders, and contracted with Philip Duke of
Burgundy a treaty of commercial intercourse and a
political alliance. Philip then conveyed the English
ambassadors to the Court of Louis of France, who was
lying at Hesdin, and with him they negotiated a truce
to last from October 1st till the new year. This was to
be preliminary to a definite peace with France, a jtlan
always forward in AYarwick's thoughts, for he was
convinced that the last hope of Lancaster laj'' in the
support of Louis, and that peace between Edward and
the French King would finally ruin Queen Margaret's
plans.

But while George Neville and the Burgundians were
negotiating, a new and curious development of this
period of lingering troubles had commenced. Once
more the Lancastrians were up in arms, and again
the evil began in Northumberland. Sir Ralph Grey
had been promised, as we mentioned above, the
governorship of Alnwick, and had failed to receive it
when the castle fell. This so rankled in his mind that
he determined to risk his fortunes on an attempt to
seize the place by force and deliver it up again to the
Queen. In the end of May he mastered the castle by
treachery, and sent for the Lancastrians from over the
Border. Lord Hungerford came u]), and once more
received command of the castle which he had evacuated
five months before. The news of this exploit of Grey's
was too much for the loyalty of Sir Ealph Percy, the
renegade governor of Bamborough. When de Br6z6

WARWICK

CHAP.

and Hungerford came before his gates he deliberately
surrendered the castle to them without resistance.

The exasperating news that the North was once
more aflame reached "Warwick as he l)anqueted with
King Edward at Westminster on May 31st. "With his
customary energy the Earl set himself to repair the
mischief before it should spread farther. On June
2nd he was once more marching up the Great North
Eoad, with a new commission to act as the King's lieu-
tenant in the North, while his brother Montagu was
named under him Lord "Warden of the Marches. War-
wick's i^lan of campaign this time was not to reduce the
castles at once, but to cut off the Lancastrians from their
base by forcing the Scots to conclude peace. Accordingly
he left the strongholds on his right and made straight
for the Border. His first exploit was to relieve Norham
Castle, on the English side of the Tweed, which was
beset by four thousand Scotch borderers, aided by Peter
de Br6z6 and his mercenaries. Queen Margaret herself
was in their camp, and had dragged her unfortunate
consort down to the seat of war. AVIien the English
appeared, the Scots and French raised the siege and
retired behind the Tweed, where they set themselves to
guard the ford called the Holybank. But AVarwick was
determined to cross; he won the passage by force of
arms, and drove off its defenders. A few miles across
the Border he found de Br^ze's Frenchmen resting in an
abbey, and fell on them with such vehemence that
several hundreds were taken prisoners, including the
Lord of Graville and Eaoul d'Araines, de Br6z6's chief
lieutenants.

One chronicler records a curious incident at this fight.

XII WARWICK INVADES SCOTLAND 151

" At the departing of Sir Piers de Bressy and his felloAv-
ship, there was one manly man among them, that pur-
posed to meet with the Earl of Warwick ; he was a
taberette (drummer) and he stood upon a little hill with
his tabor and his pipe, tabering and piping as merrily as
any man might. There he stood by himself ; till my
lord Earl came unto him he would not leave his ground. "
Warwick was much pleased with the Frenchman's pluck,
bade him be taken gently and well treated, "and there
he became my lord's man, and yet is with him, a full
good servant to his lord."

The moment that Warwick was actually across the
Tweed, the Scotch regents offered him terms of peace.
To prove their sincerity they agreed to send off Queen
Margaret. Such pressure was accordingly put upon her
that "she with all her Council, and Sir Peter with the
Frenchmen, fled away by water in four balyngarys,
and they landed at Sluis in Flanders, leaving all their
horses and harness behind them, so sorely were they
hasted by the Earl and his brother the Lord Montagu." ^
With the horses and harness was left poor King Henry,
who for the next two years wandered about in an aim-
less way on both sides of the Border, a mere meaningless
shadow now that he was separated from his vehement
consort.

Now at last the Civil War seemed at an end. With
Margaret over-sea, Somerset a liegeman of York, the
Northumbrian castles cut off from any hope of succour,

1 The famous story of the robber and Queen Margaret, phaced
by .so many writers after the batthi of Hexham, seems quite impos-
sible. If the incident took j)lacc at all, it happened on the other
side of the Channel.

IV AR WICK

CHAP.

and the Scots suing humbly for peace, Warwick might
hope that his three years' toil had at last come to an
end. That, after all, the struggle was to be protracted
for twelve months more, was a fact that not even the
best of prophets could have predicted.

After the raid which drove Queen Margaret away,
and turned the hearts of the Scots toward peace, we lose
sight of Warwick for some months. We only know
that, for reasons to us unknown, he did not finish his
exploits by the capture of the Northumbrian castles, but
came home in the autumn, leaving them still unsubdued.
Perhaps after the winter campaign of 1462-63 he wished
to spend Christmas for once in his own fair castle of
Warwick. His estates indeed in Wales and the West
Midlands can hardly have seen him since the Civil War
recommenced in 1459, and must have required the
master's eye in every quarter. His wife and his daughters
too, now girls growing towards a marriageable age as
ages were reckoned in the fifteenth century, must long
have been without a sight of him.

While Warwick was for once at home, and King
Edward was making a progress round his kingdom with
much pomp and expense, it would seem that Queen
Margaret, from the retreat in Lorraine to which she had
betaken herself, was once more exerting her influence
to trouble England. At any rate a new Lancastrian
conspiracy was hatched in the winter of 1463-64,
with branches extending from Wales to Yorkshire.
The outbreak commenced at Christmas by the wholly
unexpected rebellion of the Duke of Somerset. Henry
of Beaufort had been so well treated by King Edward
that his conduct appears most extraordinary. He

XII

Somerset's last RisiiVG

1S3

had supped at the King's board, slept in the King's
chamber, served as captain of the King's guard, and
jousted with the King's favour on his helm ; yet at mid-
winter he broke away for the North, with a very small
following, and made for the garrison at AluAvick.
Probably Somerset's conscience and his enemies had
united to make his position unbearable. The Yorkists
were always taunting him behind his back, and when
he appeared in public in the King's comjiany a noisy
mob rose up to stone him, and Edward had mixch ado to
save his life. But whether urged by remorse for his
desertion of Lancaster, or by resentment for his treat-
ment by the Yorkists, Somerset set himself to join the
sinking cause at one of its darkest hours.

His arrival in the North, where he came almost alone,
for his followers were wellnigh all cut off at Durham,
was the signal for the new Lancastrian outbreak.
Simultaneously Jasper of Pembroke endeavoured to stir
uj) Wales. A rising took place in South Lancashire and
Cheshire, in which at one moment ten thousand men are
said to have been in the field : a band set out from Alnwick,
pushed by the Yorkist garrison at Newcastle, and seized
the Castle of Skipton in Craven, hard by Warwick's
ancestral estates in the North Eiding ; and Norham on
the Border was taken by treachery.

In March Warwick set out once more to regain the
twice-subdued North. The rising in Cheshire collapsed
without needing his arms to put it down, and he was
able to reach York without molestation. From thence
he sent to Scotland to summon the regency to carry out
the terms of pacification which they had promised in
the previous year. The Scots made no objection, and

154

iVARW/CA^

CHAP.

offered to send their ambassadors to York if safe escort
was given them past the Lancastrian fortresses. Accord-
ingly Montagu started from Durham to pick up his
troops at Newcastle, where Lord Scrope was already
arrayed with the levies of the Northern Counties. This
journey was near being Montagu's last, for a few miles
outside Newcastle he was beset by his cousin Sir Hum-
phrey Neville, the Earl of Westmoreland's nephew, who
fell on his escort with eighty spears as he passed through
a wood. Montagu, however, escaped by a detour and
came safely into Newcastle, where he took charge of
Scrope's force and marched for the Scotch Border.

At Hedgeley Moor he found Somerset Avith all the
Lancastrian refugees barring the way. There had
mustered all the survivors of the campaigns of 1461-2-3,
Eoos and Hungerford, and Tailboys Lord of Kyme, and
the two traitors Ralph Grey and Ralph Percy. On April
15th their five thousand men fell on Montagu, whose
forces were probably about equal. The shock was
sharp but short ; and when Ralph Percy, who led their
van, was struck down, the Lancastrians dispersed.
Percy, if the tale be true, refused to fly with the rest,
and died crying, "I have saved the bird in my bosom,"
meaning his loyalty to Henry. He should have remem-
bered his faith a year before, when he swore fealty to
Edward at Durham.

Montagu was now able to reach Scotland i^nmolested.
He brought the Scots Commissioners back to York, and
a fifteen years' peace was safely concluded, the Scots
promising to give no further shelter to the Lancastrians,
and the English to disavow the Earls of Ross and Douglas
whom they had armed against the Scotch regency.

XII

BA TTLE OF HEXHAM

"An the Scots be true, the treaty may continue fifteen
years," said the chronicler, "but it is hard to trust Scots :
they be ever full of guile and deceit."

Somerset and his followers were now without hope.
Their refus-e in Scotland was cut off and their North-
umbrian strongholds doomed to a speedy fall, for King
Edward had been casting all the winter a train of great
ordnance such as England had never seen before, and the
pieces were already on their way north. Nevertheless the
desperate adherents of Lancaster hardened their hearts,
gathered their broken bands, and made one last desperate
stand for the mastery of the North. On the Linhills, by
the toM'n of Hexham, they arrayed themselves against
Montagu on May 1 3th. But when the Yorkists came in
sight the hearts of the followers of Somerset failed them.
All save five hundred melted away from their banners,
and the small band that stayed to fight was broken,
beaten, surrounded, and captured by Montagu's four
thousand men with perfect ease.

The Lancastrian lords had fought their last field ; one
and all were slain or captured on the hill a mile outside
Hexham town, where they had made their stand.
Montagu marked his triumph by the most bloody exe-
cutions that had been seen throughout the whole Avar.
At Hexham, next day, he beheaded Somerset, Sir Edmond
Fitzhugh, a moss -trooping captain called Black Jack,
and three more. On the next day but one he slew at
Newcastle Lord Eoos, Lord Hungerford, and three
others. Next day he moved south to his brother's
ancestral scat of ]\Iiddleham, and executed Sir Philip
Wentworth and six squires. Finally, he conducted to
York and beheaded there Sir Thomas Hussey and thir-

156

JVAKIVICK

CHAP.

teen more, the remainder of the prisoners of rank who
had come into his hands.

For these sweeping executions "Warwick must take
part of the blame. But there is this to be said in
defence of Montagu's stern justice, that Somerset and
three or four others of the victims were men who had
claimed and abused Edward's pardon, and that Roos and
several more had been spared at the surrender of Bam-
borough in 1462. The whole body had shown that they
could never be trusted, even if they professed to submit
to York ; and the practical justification of their death
lies in the fact that with their execution ceased all
attempts to raise the North in favour of the house of
Lancaster. Public opinion among the Yorkists had
nothing but praise for Montagu. "Lo, so manly a man
is this good Lord Montagu," wrote a London chronicler,
"he spared not their malice, nor their falseness, nor their
guile, nor tlieir treason, but slew many, and took many,
and let smite off their heads " !

Even before the battle of Hedgeley Moor King
Edward had set out to reinforce Warwick and Montagu.
The news of their victories reached him on the way, but
he continued to advance, bringing with him the great
train of artillery destined for the siege of the North-
umbrian fortresses. This journey was important to
King Edward in more ways than one. How he spent
one day of it. May 1st, when he lay at Stony Stratford,
we shall presently see. If Warwick had but known of
his master's doings on that morning, we may doubt if he
would have been so joyous over his brother's victories or
so remorseless with his captured enemies.

The King came up to York in the end of May, " and

xii JVAiaV/CA'^S SIEGE OF BAMBOKOUGH 157

kept his estate there solemnly in the palace, and there
he created John Lord Montagu Earl of North iini-
berland," in memory of his good service during the
hist few months, handing over to him, together with
the Percy title, the greater part of the great Percy
estates — Alnwick and Wark worth and Langley and
Prudhoe, and many more fiefs between Tyne and Tweed.

Warwick now advanced northward to complete the
M'ork which his brother had begun in the previous month,
while the King remained behind in Yorkshire and
occupied himself in the capture of Skijjton Castle in
Craven. On June 23rd the Earl appeared before
Alnwick and summoned the place. The Lancastrians
had lost their leaders at Hexham, there was no more
fight in them, and they surrendered at once on promise
of their lives. Dunstanburgh and Norham followed the
example of Alnwick. Only Bamborough held out, for
there Sir Ealph Grey had taken refuge. He knew that
his treachery at Alnwick in the last year could never be
pardoned, and utterly refused to suiTender. With him
was Sir Humphrey Neville, who had so nearly de-
stroyed Montagu two months before.

We happen to have an account of the siege of Bam-
borough which is not without its interest. When the
ai-my appeared before the castle Warwick's herald sum-
moned it in form —

Offering free pardon, grace, body, and livelihood to all,
reserving two persons, Sir Ralph Grey and Sir Humphrey
Neville. Then Sir Ralph clearly determined within himself
to live or die within the place, though the herald charged
him with all inconvenience and shedding of blood that might
befall : saying in this wise : " My Lord ensureth yon upon
his honour to sustain this siege before you these seven years

158

WARiVICK

CHAP.

XII

SO that he win you : and if ye deliver not this je-\vel, which
the King our dread Sovereign Lord hath greatly in ftivour,
seeing it marches so nigh unto his enemies of Scotland, wliole
and unbroken with ordnance, and if ye sutler any great gwns
to be laid against it, it shall cost you a head for every gun
shot, from the head of the chief man to the head of the least
person within." But Sir Ralph departed from the herald,
and put him in endeavour to make defence.

AVarwick was therefoi-e compelled to have recourse to
his battering train, the first that had been used to effect
in an English siege.

So all the King's guns that were charged began to shoot
upon the said castle." " Newcastle, the King's greatest gun,
and " London," the second gun of iron, so betide the place
that the stones of the walls flew into the sea. " Dijon," a
brass gun of the King's, smote through Sir Ralph Grey's
chamber oftentimes, and " Edward " and " Richard," the
bombardels, and other ordnance, were busied on the place.
Presently the wall was breached, and my lord of Warwick,
■with his men-at-arms and archers, won the castle by assault,
niaugre Sir Ralph Grey, and took him alive, and brought
him to the King at Doncaster. And there the Earl of Wor-
cester, Constable of England, sat in judgment on him.

Tiptoft was a judge who never spared, and Grey
a renegade who could expect no mercy. The prisoner
was sentenced to be beheaded, and only spared degrada-
tion from his knighthood " because of his noble ances-
tor, who suffered at Southampton for the sake of the
King's grandfather, Eichard Earl of Cambridge." His
head Avas sent to join the ghastly collection standing
over the gate on London Bridge.

AVith the fall of Bamborough the first act of King
Edward's reign was at an end.

CHAPTER XIII

THE QUARREL OF WARWICK AND KING EDWARD

With Hedgeley Moor and Hexham and the final surren-
der of the Northumbrian castles ended the last desperate
attempt of the Lancastrians to hold their own in the
North. The few surviving leaders who had escaped the
fate of Somerset and Hungerford left Scotland and fled
over-sea. Philip de Commines soon after met the chief of
them in the streets of Ghent "reduced to such extremity
of want and poverty that no common beggar could have
been poorer. The Duke of Exeter was seen (though
he concealed his name) following the Duke of Burgundy's
train begging his bread from door to door, till at last he
had a small pension allowed him in pity for his sub-
sistence." With him were some of the Somersets, John
and Edmund, brothers of the Duke who had just
been beheaded. Jasper of Pembroke made his way
to Wales and wandered in the hills from county to
county, finding friends nowhere. No one could have
guessed that the cause of Lancaster would ever raise its
head again.

The times of war were at length over, and Warwick,
like the rest of Englishmen, might begin to busy him-
self about other things than battles and sieges. In

i6o

IVARIVICA'

CHAT.

July he was at last free, and was able to think of
turning southward to seek for more than a passing
visit the Midland estates of which he had seen so
little for the last five years. After a short inter-
val of leisure, we find him in September sitting in
the King's Council, and urging on two measures
Avhicli he held necessary for the final pacification of the
realm. The first was the conclusion of a definite treatj'^
of peace with France. It was from King Louis that
the Lancastrians had been accustomed to draw their
supplies of ships and money, and while England and
France were still at war it was certain that King
Edward's enemies would continue to obtain shelter and
succour across the Channel. Accordingly the Earl urged
on the conclusion of a treaty, and finally procured the
appointment of himself and his friend and follower
AYenlock as ambassadors to Louis. The second point
of his schemes Avas connected Avith the first. It was
high time, as all England had for some time been say-
ing, that the King should marry. ^ EdAvard was now
in his twenty -fourth year, "and men marvelled that he
abode so long without any wife, and feared that he was
not over chaste of his living." Those, indeed, who were
about the King's person knew that some scandal had
already been caused by his attempts, successful and
unsuccessful, on the honour of several ladies about the
Court. Rumour had for some time been coupling
Edward's name Avith that of various princesses of a

1 There seems to be no foundation for the theory that Warwick
wished the King to marrj' his daughter Isabel. The Earl moved
strongly in favour of the French marriage, and his daughter was
too young, being only thirteen years of age, for a king desirous of
raising up heirs to his crown.

XIII

MARRIAGE PROPOSALS

i6i

marriageable age among foreign royal families. Some
had said that ho was about to marry Mary of Gueldres,
the Queen Dowager of Scotland, and others had sj^ccu-
lated on his opening negotiations for the hand of Isabel
of Castile, sister of the reigning Spanish King. But
there had been no truth in these reports. Warwick's
scheme was to cement the peace with France by a
marriage Avith a French princess, and in the preliminary
inquiries which the King permitted him to send to
Louis the marriage question was distinctly mentioned.
Louis' sisters were all married, and his daughters were mere
children, so that their names were not brought forward,
for King Edward required a wife of suitable years, " to
raise him goodly lineage such as his father had reared."
The lady whom Warwick proposed to the King Avas
Bona of Savoy, sister to Charlotte Queen of France, a
j^rincess who dwelt at her brother-in-law King Louis'
Court and in whose veins ran the blood both of the
Kings of France and the Dukes of Burgundy.

King Edward made no open opposition to Warwick's
plans. The project was mooted to King Louis, safe
conducts for the English Embassy we-re obtained, and
Warwick and Wenlock were expected at St. Omer about
October 3rd or 4th. But at the last moment, when
Warwick attended at Reading on September 28th to
receive his master's final instructions, a most astounding
announcement was made to him. We have an account
of the scene which bears some marks of truth.

The Council met for the formal j^urpose of approving
the marriage negotiations. A speaker, probably Warwick,
laid before the King the hope and expectation of his
subjects that he would deign to give them a Queen.

l62

CHAP.

Then the King answered that of a truth he wished to
marry, but that perchance his choice might not be to the
liking of all present. Then those of his Council asked to
know of his intent, and would l)e told to what house he
would go. To which the King replied in right merry guise
that he would take to wife Dame EHzabeth Grey, the daughter
of Lord Rivers. But they answered him that slie was not
his match, however good and however fair she might be, and
that he must know well that she was no ^^-ife for such a high
prince as himself ; for she was not the daughter of a duke or
earl, but her mother the Duchess of Bedford had married a
simple knight, so that though she was the child of a duchess
and the niece of the Count of St. Pol, still she was no wife
for him. "Wlien King Edward heard these sayings of the
lords of his blood and his Council, which it seemed good to
them to lay before him, he answered that he should have no
other wife and that such was his good pleasure.

Then came the clinching blow ; no other wife could he
have — for he was married to Dame Elizabeth already !

In fact, five months before, on ]\Iay 1st, when he
ought to have been far on his way to the North, Iving
Edward had secretly ridden over from Stonj- Stratford
to Grafton in Northamptonshire, and wedded the
lad)^ No one had suspected the marriage, for the
King had had but a short and slight acquaintance with
Elizabeth Grey, who had been li\ang a retired life ever
since her husband, a Lancastrian knight, fell in the
moment of victory at the second battle of St. Albans.
Edward had casualty met her, had been conquered by
her fair face, and had made hot love to her. Elizabeth
was clever and cautious ; she Avould hear of nothing but
a formal offer of marriage, and the young King, perfectly
infatuated bj' his passion, had wedded her in secret at
Grafton in the j^resence of no one save her mother and

XIII Edward's marriage announced

two other witnesses. This was the urgent private
business which had kept him from appearing to open
his Parliament at York.

The marriage was a most surprising event. Lord
Rivers, the lady's father, had been a keen Lancastrian.
He it was who had been cajitured at Sandwich in 14G0,
and brought before Warwick and Edward to undergo
that curious scolding which we have elsewhere recorded.
And now this " made lord, who had won his fortune l)y
his marriage," had become the King's father-in-law.
Dame Elizabeth herself was seven years older than her
new husband, and was the mother of children twelve
and thirteen years of age. The public was so astonished
at the match that it was often said that the Queen's
mother, the old Duchess of Bedford, must have given
King Edward a love philtre, for in no other way could
the thing be explained.

Warwick and the rest of the lords of the Council
were no less vexed than astonished by this sudden
announcement. The Earl had broached the subject
of the French marriage to King Louis, and was
expected to aj^pear within a few days to submit the
proposal for acceptance. The King, knowing all the
time that the scheme was impossible, had allowed him
to commit himself to it, and now left him to explain to
King Louis that he had been duped in the most egregi-
ous way, and had been excluded from his master's
confidence all along. Very naturally the Earl let the
embassy drop ; he could not dare to appear before the
French King to ask for peace, when the bond of union
which he had promised to cement it was no longer
possible.

CHAP.

But vexed and angered though he must have been at
the way in which he had been treated, Warwick was too
hjyal a servant of the house of York to withdraw from
his master's Council. He bowed to necessity, and
acquiesced in what he could not approve. Accordingly
Warwick attended next day to hear the King make
public announcement of his marriage in Reading Abbey
on the feast of St. Michael, and he himself, in com-
pany with George of Clarence the King's brother,
led Dame Elizabeth to the seat prepared for her
beside her husband, and bowed the knee to her as
Queen.

For a few months it seemed as if the King's marriage
had been a single freak of youthful passion, and the
domination of the house of Neville in the royal Councils
appeared unshaken. As if to make amends for his late
treatment of Warwick, Edward raised his brother
George Neville the Chancellor to the vacant Arch-
bishopric of York, and in token of confidence sent the
Earl as his representative to prorogue a Parliament
summoned to meet on November 4th.

But these marks of regard were not destined to
continue. The favours of the King, though there was
as yet no open breach between him and his great
Minister, were for the future bestowed in another
quarter. The house of Elvers was almost as prolific as
the house of Neville ; the Queen had three brothers,
five sisters, and two sons, and for them the royal in-
fluence was utilised in the most extraordinary way
during the next two years. Nor was it merely inordi-
nate affection for his wife that led King Edward to
squander his wealth and misuse his power for the

XIII THE VVOODVILLE ALLIANCES 165

benefit of her relativ^es. It soon became evident that he
had resolved to build up with the aid of the Queen's
family one of those great allied groups of noble houses
whose strength the fifteenth century knew so well — a
group that should make him independent of the control
of the Nevilles. A few days after the acknowledgment
of the Queen, began a series of marriages in the Rivers
family, which did not cease for two years. In October
1464, immediately after the scene at Reading, the
Queen's sister Margaret was married to Thomas Lord
Maltravers, the heir of the wealthy Earl of Arundel.
In January 1465 John Woodville, the youngest of her
brothers, wedded the Dowager Duchess of Norfolk.
This was a disgraceful match : the bridegroom was just
of age, the bride quite old enough to be his grandmother ;
but she was a great heiress, and the King persuaded
her to marry the sordid young man. Within eighteen
months more, nearly the whole of the family had been
married off : Anne Woodville to the heir of Bourchier
Earl of Essex ; Mary Woodville to the eldest son of
Lord Herbert, the King's most intimate counsellor after
Warwick in his earlier years ; Eleanor Woodville to
George Grey heir of the Earl of Kent ; and Catherine
AVoodville, most fortunate of all, to the young Duke of
Buckingham, grandson of the old Duke who had fallen
at Northampton. To end the tale of the alliances of
this most fortunate family, it is only necessary to add
that even before Queen Elizabeth's marriage her eldest
brother Anthony had secured the hand of Elizabeth,
heiress of the Lord Scales who was slain on the Thames
in 1460. Truly the Woodville marriages may compare
not unfavourably with those of the Nevilles !

CHAP.

AVliile the King was heaping his favours ou the
house of Rivers, Warwick was still employed from time
to time in the service of the Crown. But he could no
longer feel that he had the chief part in guiding his
monarch's policy. Indeed, the King seems to have even
gone out of his way to carry out every scheme on a
different principle from that which the Earl adopted.
In the spring of 1465, at the time of the Queen's formal
coronation in ^lay — a ceremonj" which he was glad
enough to escape — Warwick went over-sea to conduct
negotiations with the French and Burgundians. He
met the Bui'gundian ambassadors at Boulogne, and those
of France at Calais. It was a critical time for both
France and Burgundy, for the War of the Pulilic Weal
had just broken out, and each party was anxious to
secure the friendship, or at least the neutrality of
England. AVith the Burgundians, whom War^rick met
first, no agreement could be made, for the Count of
Charolois, who had now got the upper hand of his aged
father Duke Philip, refused to make any pledges against
helping the Lancastrians. He was at this very time
pensioning the exiled Somersets and Exeter, and almost
reckoned himself a Lancastrian jjrince, because his
mother, Isabel of Portugal, was a granddaughter of John
of Graunt. Warwick and Charles of Charolois were
quite unable to agree. Each of them was too much
accustomed to have his own way, and though they held
high feasts together at Boulogne, and were long in
coimcil, thej' parted in wi-atL There would seem to
have been something more than a mere difference of
opinion between them, for ever afterwards they regarded
each other as personal enemies. King Louis, whose

XIII

KING HENRY CAP J URED

ambassadors met Warwick a month later, proved far
more accommodating than the hot-headed Burgiindian
prince. He consented to forget the matter of the mar-
riage, and agreed to the conclusion of a truce for
eighteen months, during which he engaged to give no
lielp to Queen Margaret, while Warwick covenanted
that England should refrain from aiding the Dukes of
Burgundy and Bretagne, now in full rebellion against
their sovereign.

Late in the summer of 1465 Warwick returned home
just in time to hear of a new stroke of fortune which
had befallen his master. Henry the Sixth had just been
captured in Lancashire. The ex-king had wandered
down from his retreat in Scotland, and was moving
al)out in an aimless way from one Lancastrian household
to another, accompanied by no one but a couple of
priests. One of Henry's entertainers betrayed him, and
he was seized by John Talbot of Basshall as he sat at
meat in Waddington Hall, and forwarded under guard
to London. At Islington Warwick rode forth to meet
his late sovereign, and by the King's orders led him
publicly through the city, with his feet bound by leather
straps to his stirrujis. Why this indignity was inflicted
on the unfortunate Henry it is hard to say ; there can-
not possibly have been any fear of a rescue, and Warwick
might well have spared his late master the shame of
bonds. Henry was led along Cheapside and Cornhill
to the Tower, where he was placed in honourable custody,
and permitted to receive the visits of all Avho wished to
see him.

That AVarwick was not yet altogether out of favour
with King Edward was shown by the fact that he was

WARWICJir

CHAP.

asked to be godfather to the Queen's first child, the
Princess Elizabeth, in the Febraary of the follo^nng
year 1466. But immediately afterwards came the
succession of events which marked the final breach
between the King and the Xevilles. In ]\Iarch Edward
suddenly dismissed from the office of Treasurer Lord
!Mountjoy, a friend of "Warwick's, and gave the post to
his wife's father Lord Rivers, whom he soon created
an earl. The removal of his friend was highly displeas-
ing to Warwick ; but worse was to follow. Warwick's
nephew George Xe^■ille, the heir of his brother John,
had been affianced to Anne heiress of the exiled Duke
of Exeter ; but the Queen gave the Duchess of Exeter
four thousand marks to break off the match, and the
young lady was Avedded to Thomas Grey, Elizabeth's
eldest son by her first marriage. This blow struck the
Nevilles in their tenderest point ; even the marriages
which had made their good fortune were for the future
to be frustrated by roj-al influence.

The next slight which AVarwick received at the
hands of his sovereign touched him even more closely.
His eldest daughter Isabel, who had been bom in 14:51,
was now in her sixteenth year, and already thoughts
about her marriacje had begun to trouble her father's
brain. The Earl counted her worthy of the highest
match that could be found in the realm, for there was
destined to go with her hand such an accumulation of
estates as no subject had ever before possessed — half
of the lands of Xe-viUe, Montacute, Despenser, and Beau-
champ. The husband whom War^vick had hoped to
secure for his child was George Duke of Clarence, the
King's next brother, a young man of eighteen years.

XIII

GEORGE OF CLARENCE

169

Clarence vviis sounded, and liked the prospect well
enough, for the young lady was fair as well as rich.
But they had not reckoned with the King. After a
long visit which Clarence and his younger brother
Richard of Gloucester had paid to Warwick in the end
of 1466, Edward got wind of the ijroposed marriage.
" When the King knew that his brothers had returned
from their visit to the Earl at Cambridge, he asked them
why they had left his Court, and who had given them
counsel to visit the Earl. Then they answered that
none had been the cause save they themselves. And
the King asked whether there had been any talk of
affiancing them to their cousins, the Earl's daughters ;
and the Duke of Clarence" — always prompt at a lie—
" answered that there was not. But the King, who had
been fully informed of all, waxed wroth, and sent them
from his presence." Edward strictly forbade the
marriage, and for the present there was no more talk of
it ; but Clarence and Warwick understood each other,
and were always in communication, much to the King's
displeasure. It did not please him to find his heir pre-
sumptive and his most powerful subject on too good
terms.

The King waited a few months more, and then pro-
ceeded to put a far worse insult on his old friends and
followers. In May 1467 he sent Warwick over-sea,
with a commission to visit the King of France, and turn
the eighteen months truce made in 1465 into a per-
manent peace on the best terms possible. The errand
seemed both useful and honourable, and Warwick went
forth in good spirits ; but it was devised in reality
merely to get him out of the kingdom, at a time when

170

IVAKIVICA'

CHAP.

the King Avats about to cross all his most cherished
plans.

Louis -was quite as desirous as Warwick himself to
conclude a permanent peace. It was all-important to
him that England should not be on the side of Burgundy,
and he was ready to make the Earl's task easy. The
reception which he prepared for Warwick was such as
might have been given to a crowned head. He went
five leagues down the Seine to receive the English
embassj'^, and feasted Warwick royally on the river
bank. AYhen Rouen was reached "the King gave the
Earl most honourable greeting ; for there came out to
meet him the priests of every parish in the town in
their copes, with crosses and banners and holy water,
and so he was conducted to Notre Dame de Eouen,
Avhere he made his offering. And he was well lodged
at the Jacobins in the said town of Rouen. Afterward
the Queen and her daughters came to the said town
that he might see them. And the King abode with
Warwick for the space of twelve days communing with
him, after which the Earl departed back into England."
And Avith him went as Ambassadors from France the
Archbishop of ISTarbonne, the Bastard of Bourbon
(Admiral of France), the Bishop of Bayeux, Master
Jean de Poupencourt, and William Monipenny, a Scotch
agent in whom the King jjlaced much confidence.

Warwick and the French Ambassadors landed at
SandAvich, where they had a hearty reception ; for the
people of Sand^vich, like all the men of Kent, were great
supporters of the Earl. Posts were sent forward to
notify their arrival to the King, and the party then set
out to ride up to London. As they drew near the city

XIII IVARIV/CA S MISS JON TO FRANCE 171

the Earl was somewhat vexed to find that 110 one came
forth to welcome them on the King's behalf ; but pre-
sently the Duke of Clarence came riding alone to meet
him, and brought him intelligence which turned his
satisfaction at the success of the French negotiations
into bitter vexation of spirit.

When Warwick had got well over-sea, the King had
proceeded to work out his own plans, secure that he
woidd not be interrupted. He had really determined to
make alliance with Burgundy and not with France ; and
the moment that the coast was clear a Burgundian
emissary appeared in London. Antony "the Grand
Bastard," the trusted agent of the Court of Charolois,
ascended the Thames at the very moment that Warwick
was ascending the Seine. Ostensibly he came on a
chivalrous errand, to joust with the Queen's brother
Lord Scales in honour of all the ladies of Burgundy.
The passage of arms was duly held, to the huge delight
of the populace of London, and the English chroniclers
give us all its details — instead of relating the important
political events of the year. But the real object of the
Bastard's visit was to negotiate an English alliance for
his brother ; and he was so successful that he returned to
Flanders authorised to promise the hand of the King's
sister Margaret to the Count of Charolois.

But Warwick had not merely to learn that the King
had stultified his negotiations with France by making an
agreement with Burgundy behind his back. He was
now informed that, only two days before his arrival,
Edward had gone, without notice given or cause assigned,
to his brother the Archbishop of York, who lay ill at his
house by Westminster Bari's, and suddenly dismissed him

172

WAKJVICA'

CHAl".

from the Chancellorship and taken the great seal from
him. Open war had been declared on the house of
Neville. 1

But bitterly vexed though he was at his sovereign's
double dealing, Warwick proceeded to carry out the
forms of his duty. He called on the King immediately
on his arrival, announced the success of his embassy, and
craved for a day of audience for the French Ambassadors.
" When the Earl spoke of all the good cheer that King
Louis had made him, and how he had sent him the keys
of every castle and town that he passed through, he per-
ceived from the King's countenance that he was paying
no attention at all to what he was saying, so he betook
himself home, sore displeased." '

Next day the French had the audience. The King
received them in state, surrounded by Rivers, Scales,
John Woodville, and Lord Hastings. " The Ambassa-
dors were much abashed to see him, for he showed him-
self a prince of a haughty bearing." Warwick then
introduced them, and Master Jean de Poupencourt,
as spokesman for the rest, laid the proposals of Louis
before the King. Edward briefly answered that he had
pressing business, and could not communicate with them
himself ; they might say their say to certain lords whom
he would appoint for the purpose. Then they were
ushered out of his presence. It was clear that he would
do nothing for them ; indeed the whole business had

1 It seems impossible to work out to any purpose the statement
of Polidore Vergil and others that Warwick's final breach with the
King was caused by Edward's offering violence to a lady of the
house of Neville. Lord Lytton, of course, was justified in using
this hint for his romance, but the historian finds it too vague and
untrustworthy.

XIII

rilE FRENCH EMBASSY SLIGHTED

173

only been concocted to get Warwick out of the way. It
was abortive, and had been intended to be so.

The Earl on leaving the palace was bursting with
rage ; his ordinary caution and affability were gone, and
he broke out in angry words even before the foreigners.
" As they rowed home in their barge the Frenchmen had
many discourses with each other. But Warwick was so
wroth that he could not contain himself, and he said to
the Admiral of France, ' Have you not seen what traitors
there are about the King's person?' But the Admiral
answered, 'My Lord, I pray you grow not hot; for
some day you shall be well avenged.' But the Earl
said, ' Know that those very traitors were the men who
have had my brother displaced from the office of Chan-
cellor, and made the King take the seal from him.' "

Edward went to Windsor next day, taking no further
heed of the Ambassadors. He appointed no one to treat
with them, and they remained six weeks without hearing
from him, seeing no one but Warwick, who did his best
to entertain them, and Warwick's new ally the Duke
of Clarence. At last they betook themselves home,
having accomplished absolutely nothing. On the eve of
their departure the King sent them a beggarly present
of hunting-horns, leather bottles, and mastiff's, in return
for the golden hanaps and bowls and the rich jewellery
which they had brought from France.

Warwick would have nothing more to do with his
master. He saw the Ambassadors back as far as Sand-
wich, and then went off' in high dudgeon to Middleham.
There he held much deep discourse with his brothers,
George the dispossessed Chancellor, and John of Mon-
tagu the Earl of Northumberland. At Christmas the

174

IVAJilVIC/C

CHAP. XIII

King summoned him to Court ; he sent back the reply
that " never Avould he come again to Council while all
his mortal enemies, who were about the King's person,
namely. Lord Rivers the Treasurer, and Lord Scales
and Lord Herbert and Sir John Woodville, remained
there present." The breach between Warwick and his
master was now complete.

CHAPTER XIV

PLAYING WITH TREASON

Great ministers Avho have been accustomed to sway the
destinies of kingdoms, and who suddenly find themselves
disgraced at their master's caprice, have seldom been
wont to sit down in resignation and accept their fall
with equanimity. Such a line of conduct requires a
self-denial and a high-flown loj^alty to principle which
are seldom foiuid in the practical statesman. If the
fallen minister is well stricken in years, and the fire has
gone out of him, he may confine himself to sermons on
the ingratitude of kings. If his greatness has been
purely official, and his power entirely dependent on the
authority entrusted to him by his master, his discontent
may not be dangerous. But Warwick was now in the
very i)rime of his life, — he was just forty,- — and he was
moreover by far the most powerful subject within the
four seas. It was sheer madness in King Edward to
goad such a man to desperation by a series of deliberate
insults.

This was no mere case of ordinary ingratitude. If
ever one man had made another, Richard Neville had
made Edward Plantagenet. He had taken charge of
him, a raw lad of eighteen, at the moment of the

176

PVARWICA^

CHAP.

disastrous loiit of Ludford, and trained him in arms
and statecraft with unceasing care. Twice had he
saved the lost cause of York, in 1459 and in 1461. He
had spent five years in harness, in one long series of
battles and sieges, that his cousin might wear his crown
in peace. He had compassed sea and land in embassies
tliat Edward might be safe from foreign as well as from
domestic foes. He had seen his father and his brother
fall by the axe and the sword in the cause of York. He
had seen his mother and his wife fugitives on the face
of the earth, his castles burnt, his manors wasted, his
tenants slain, all that the son of Richard Plantagenet
might sit on the throne that was his father's due.

Warwick then might well be cut to the heart at his
master's ingratitude. It was no marvel if, after the
King's last treachery to him in the matter of the French
embassy, he retired from Court and sent a bitter answer
to Edward's next summons. After the open breach
there were now two courses open to him : the first to
abandon all his schemes, and betake himself in silent
bitterness to the management of his vast estates ; the
second was to endeavour to win his way back to power
by the ways which medieval England knew only too
well — the way which had served Simon de Montfort,
and Thomas of Lancaster, and Eichard of York; the
way that had led Simon and Thomas and Richard to
their bloody graves. The first alternative was no doubt
the one that the perfect man, the ideally loyal and
unselfish knight, should have chosen. But Richard
Neville Avas no perfect man ; he was a practical states-
man— "the cleverest man of his time," says one who
had observed him closely ; and his long tenure of

XIV

WA/^lVICk' DISGRACED

177

power had made him look upon the first place in the
Council of the King as his right and due. His enemies
the AVoodvilles and Herberts had driven him from his
well-earned precedence by the weapons that they could
use — intrigue and misrepresentation ; what more natural
than that he should repay them by the wea^jon that he
could best employ, the iron hand of armed force 1

Hitherto the career of Warwick had been singularly
straightforward and consistent. Through thick and thin
he had supported the cause of York and never wavered
in his allegiance to it. It must not be supjjosed that he
changed his whole policy when his quarrel with the
King came to a head. As his conduct in 1469, when
his imgrateful master was in his power, was destined to
show, he had no further design than to reconquer for
himself the place in the royal Council which had been
his from 1461 to 1464. Later events developed his
plans further than he had himself expected, but it is
evident that at first his sole design was to clear away
the Woodvilles. The only element in his programme
which threatened to lead to deeper and more treasonable
plans Avas his connection with his would-be son-in-law
George of Clarence. The handsome youth who pro-
fessed such a devotion to him, followed his advice with
such docility, and took his part so warmly in the quarrel
Avith the King, seems from the first to have obtained a
place in his affections greater than Edward had ever
won. But Clarence had his ambitions ; what they were
and how far they extended the Earl had not as yet
discovered.

Warwick had now the will to play his master's new
ministers an ill turn ; that he had also the power to do

178

JVARIVICK

CHAP.

SO none knew better than himself. The lands of Xeville
and Moutacute, Beauchamp and Despenser united could
send into the field a powerful army. Moreover, his
neighbours, in most of the counties where his influence
prevailed, had bound themselves to him by taking his
livery ; barons as well as knights were eager to be of
his " Privy Council," to wear his Ragged Staff and ride in
his arra3^ The very aspect of his household seemed to
show the state of a petty king. Every one has read
HoUingshead's famous description, which tells how the
little army of followers which constituted his ordinary
retinue eat six oxen daily for breakfast.

Nor was it only in the strength of his own retainers
that Warwick trusted ; he knew that he himself was the
most popular man in the kingdom. ]\Ien called him ever
the friend of the Commons, and "his open kitchen per-
suaded the meaner sort as much as the justice of his cause."
His adversaries, on the other hand, were unmistakably
disliked by the people. The old partisans of York still
looked on the AVoodvilles as Lancastrian renegades, and
the grasping avarice of Rivers and his family was stirring
up i^opular demonstration against them even before
Warwick's breach M-ith the King. A great mob in Kent
had sacked one of Rivers' manors and killed his deer in
the autumn of 1467, and trouble was brewing against
him in other quarters. A word of summons from
Warwick would call rioters out of the ground in half
the .shires of England. Alread}' in January 1468 a
French ambassador reports : "In one county more than
three hundred archers were in arms, and had made
themselves a captain named Robin, and sent to the
Earl of Warwick to know if it was time to be busy, and

XIV

NEW LANCASTRIAN TROUBLES

179

to say that all their neighbours were ready. But my
Lord answered, Ijidding them go home, for it was not
yet time to be stirring. If the time should come, he
would let them know."^

It was not only discontented Yorkists that had
taken the news of the quarrel between Warwick and
his master as a signal for moving. The tidings had
stirred the exiled Lancastrians to a sudden burst of
activity of which we should hardly have thought them
callable. Queen Margaret borrowed ships and money
from Louis, and lay in force at Harfleur. Sir Henry
Courtney, heir of the late Earl of Devon, and Thomas
Hungerford, son of the lord who fell at Hexham, tried to
raise an insurrection in the South-AYest ; but they were
caught by Lord Stafibrd of Southwick and beheaded at
Salisbury. As a reward the King gave Stafford his
victim's title of Earl of Devon. In Wales the long-
wandering Jasjjer Tudor suddenly appeared, at the head
of two thousand men, supported by a small French fleet.
He took Harlech Castle and sacked Denbigh ; but a few
weeks later Warwick's enemy, Lord Herbert, fell upon
him at the head of the Yorkists of the March, routed his
tumultuary army, retook Harlech, and forced him again
to seek refuge in the hills. Herbert, like Lord Stafford,
was rewarded with the title of the foe he had van-
quished, and became Earl of Pembroke. While these
risings were on foot, Lancastrian emissaries were busy all
over England ; but their activity only resulted in a series

^ Letter of AVilliam Monipenny to Louis the Eleventh. He
calls it Ic 2Mys de Surfiorksidre, a cross between Suffolk and York-
shire. But the latter must be meant, as Warwick had no interest
in Suffolk, and the captain is obviously Robin of Redesdale.

WARWICK

CHAP.

of executions. Two gentlemen of the Duke of Norfolk's
retinue were beheaded for holding secret communication
with the Beauforts while they were in Flanders, follow-
ing the train which escorted the Princess Margaret at
her marriage Avith Charles of Charolois, who had now
become Duke of Burgundy. In London more execu-
tions took place, and Sir Thomas Cooke, late Lord
Mayor, had all his goods confiscated for misprision of
treason. Two of the Lancastrian emissaries alleged,
under torture, the one, that Warwick had promised aid
to the rising, the other, that Lord Wenlock, \Yarwick's
friend and supjjorter, had guilty knowledge of the
scheme; but in each case the King himself acknow-
ledged that the accusation was frivolous — the random
imagining of men on the rack, forced to say something
to save their own bones. It was not likely that Warwick
would play the game of Queen Margaret, the slayer of
his father and brother, and the instigator of attempts on
his own life.

Startled by the sudden revival of Lancastrian energy,
but encouraged by the easy way in which he had
mastered it, King Edward determined to give the war-
like impulses of his subjects vent by undertaking in the
next year a great exj^edition against France. He had the
example of Henry the Fifth before his eyes, and hoped
to stifle treason at home by foreign war. Among his
preparations for leaving home was a determined attempt
to open negotiations with Warwick for a reconciliation.
The King won over the Archbishop of York to plead
his cause, by restoring to him some estates which he
had seized in 1467; and about Easter George Neville
induced his brothsr to meet the King at Coventry.

XIV Warwick's treachery i8i

"Warwick came, Init it is to be feared tliat he came fully
resolved to have his revenge at his own time, with his
heart quite unsoftened toward his master ; yet he spoke
the King fair, and even consented to be reconciled to
Lord Herbert, though he would have nothing to say to
the Woodvilles. He was also induced to join the com-
pany which escorted the Princess Margaret to the coast,
on her way to her marriage in Flanders. After this
Warwick paid a short visit to London, where he sat
among the judges who in July tried the Lancastrian
conspirators of the city. Clarence accompanied him,
and sat on the same bench. He had spent the last few
months in moving the Pope to grant him a disposition
to marry Isabel Neville,^ for they were within the pro-
hibited degrees ; but under pressure from King Edward
the Cviria had delayed the consideration of his re-
quest.

The autumn of 14G8 and the spring of 1469 passed
away quietly. Warwick made no movement, for he
was still perfecting his j^lans. He saw with seciet
pleasure that the French, with whom peace would have
been made long ago if his advice had been followed,
kept the King fully employed. It must have given him
peculiar gratification when his enemy Anthony Wood-
ville, placed at the head of a large fleet, made two most
inglorious expeditions to the French coast, and returned
crestfallen without having even seen the enemy.

Meanwhile the Earl had been quietly measuring his
resources. Ho had spoken to all his kinsmen, and
secured the full co-operation of the majority of them.
George the Archbishop of York, Henry Neville heir to
^ Clarence's motlier was Isabel's great aunt.

WARWICK

CH.W.

Warwick's aged uncle Lord Latimer, Sir John Coniers
of Hornby, husband of his niece Alice Xeville, his cousin
Lord Fitzhugh, and Thomas "the bastard of Faucon-
bridge," natural son to the deceased peer who had fought
so well at Towton, were his chief reliance. His brother
John of Montagu, the Earl of Northumberland, could
not make up his mind ; he did not reveal Warwick's
plans to the King, but he would not promise any aid.
William Neville of Abergavenny was now too old to be
taken into account. The rest of Warwick's uncles and
brothers were by this time dead.

By April 1469 the preparations were complete. Every
district where the name of Neville was great had been
carefully prepared for trouble. Kent, Yorkshire, and
South Wales were ready for insurrection, and yet all had
been done so quietly that the King, who ever since he
had thrown off the Earl's influence had been sinking
deeper and deeper into habits of careless evil-living and
debauchery, suspected nothing.

In April War^ack took his wife and daughters across
to Calais, apparently to get them out of harm's way.
He himself, professing a great vnsh. to see his coixsin
Margaret, the newly -married Duchess of Burgundy,
went on to St. Omer. He there visited Duke Charles,
and was reconciled to him in spite of the evil memories
of their last meeting at Boulogne. To judge from his
conduct, the Earl was bent on nothing but a harmless
tour ; but, as a matter of fact, his movements were but a
blind destined to deceive King Edward. While he was
feastins; at St. Omer he had sent orders over-sea for the
commencement of an insurrection. Li a few days it was
timed to break out. Meanwhile Warwick returned to

XIV

ROBIN OF REDESD ale's RISING

'83

Calais, and lodged with Wenlock, who was in charge of
the great fortress.

His orders had had their effect. In the end of June
grave riots broke out in the neighbonrhood of Yorlv.
Ostensibly they Avere connected with the maladministra-
tion of the estates of St. Leonard's hospital in that city ;
but they were in reality political and not agrarian.
Within a few days fifteen thousand men were at the
gates of York, clamorously setting forth a string of
grievances, which were evidently founded on Cade's
manifesto of 1450. Once more we hear of heavy taxa-
tion, maladministration of the law, the alienation of the
royal estates to upstart favourites, the exclusion from
the royal Councils of the great lords of the royal blood.
Once more a demand is made for the punishment of
evil counsellors, and the introduction of economy into
the royal household, and the application of the revenue
to the defence of the realm. The first leader of the
rioters was Eobert Huldyard, known as Robin of
Redesdale, no doubt the same Robin whom the Earl
had bidden in 1468 to keep quiet and wait the ap-
pointed time. John Neville the Earl of Northumber-
land lay at York with a large body of men-at-arms, for
he was still Lieutenant of the North. Many expected
that he would join the rioters ; Init, either because he
had not quite recognised the insurrection to be his
brother's work, or because he had resolved to adhere
loyally to Edward, Montagu surprised the world by
attacking the band which beset York. He routed its
vanguard, captured Huldyard, and had him beheaded.

But this engagement was far from checking the
rising. In a week the whole of Yorkshire, from Tees

i84

WARWICK'

CHAR

to H umber, was i;p, and it soon became evident in
whose interest the movement was working. New leaders
appeared. Sir Jolm Coniers, the husband of Warwick's
niece, and one of the most influential Yorkists of the
North, replaced Huldyard, and assumed his name of
Robin of Redesdale, while with him were Henry
Neville of Latimer and Lord Fitzhugh. Instead of
lingering at the gates of York, the great body of in-
surgents— rumour made it more than thirtj- thousand
strong — rolled southward into the Midlands. They
were coming, they said, to lay their grievances before
the King ; and in every place that they passed they
hung their articles, obviously the work of some old
political hand, on the church doors.

King Edward seems to have been taken quite un-
awares by this dangerous insurrection. He had kept
his eye on Warwick alone, and when Warwick was over-
sea he thought himself safe. At the end of June he
had been making a progress in Norfolk, Avith no force
at his back save two hundred archers, a bodyguard
whom he had raised in 1468 and kept always around
him. Hearing of the stir in Yorkshire, he rode north-
ward to Nottingham, calling in such force as could be
gathered by the way. As he went, news reached him
which suddenly revealed the whole scope of the insur-
rection.

The moment that his brother's attention was drawn
off by the Northern rising, the Duke of Clarence had
quietly slipped over to Calais, and with him went George
Neville the Archbishop of York. This looked suspicious,
and the King at once wrote to Clarence, Warwick, and
the Archbishop, bidding them all come to him without

XIV

clarence's marriage

delay. Long before his orders can have reached them,
the tale of treason was out. Within twelve hours of
Clarence's arrival at Calais the long -projected marriage
])etween him and Isabel Neville had been celebrated, in
full defiance of the King. Warwick and Clarence kept
holiday but for one day ; the marriage took place on
the 11th, and bj' the 12th they were in Kent Avith a
strong party of the garrison of Calais as their escort.

The unruly Kentishmen rose in a body in Warwick's
favour, as eagerly as when they had mustered to his
banner in 1460 before the battle of Northamjiton. The
Earl and the Duke came to Canterbury with several
thousand men at their back. There they revealed their
treasonable intent, for they published a declaration that
they considered the articles of Eobin of Redesdale just
and salutary, and would do their best to bring them to
the King's notice. How the King was to be persuaded
was indicated clearly enough, by a j^roclamation which
summoned out the whole shire of Kent to join the
Earl's banner. Warwick and his son-in-law then marched
on London, which promptly threw open its gates.
The King was thus caught between two fires — the open
rebels lay to the north of him, his brother and cousin
with their armed persuasion to the south.

Even before Warwick's treason had been known, the
King had recognised the danger of the northern rising,
and sent commissions of array all over England. Two
considerable forces were soon in arms in his behalf.
Herbert, the new Earl of Pembroke, raised fourteen
thousand Welsh and Marchmen at Brecon and Ludlow,
and set out eastward. Stafford, the new Earl of
Devon, collected six thousand archers in the South-

iS6

WARmCK

OHAP.

Western Counties, and Jet out northward. The King
lay at Nottingham with Ijord Hastings, Lord Mount-
joy, and the Woodvilles. He seems to have had nearly
fifteen thousand men in his company ; but their
spirit was bad. "Sire," said Mountjoy to him in full
council of war, " no one wishes your person ill, but it
would be well to send away my Lord of Rivers and his
children when you have done conferring with them."
Edward took this advice. Rivers and John Woodville
forthwith retired to Chepstow ; Scales joined his sister
the Queen at Cambridge.

Meanwhile the Northern rebels were pouring south
by way of Doncaster and Derby. Their leaders Coniers
and Latimer showed considerable military skill, for by
a rapid march on to Leicester they got between the
King and Lord Herbert's army. Edward, for once out-
generalled, had to follow them southward, but the York-
shiremen were some days ahead of him, and on July
25th reached Daventry. On the same day Herbert
and Stafford concentrated their forces at Banbury ; but
on their first meeting the two new earls fell to hard
words on a private quarrel, and, although the enemy
was so near, Stafford in a moment of pique drew off his
six thousand men to Deddington, ten miles away, leaving
Pembroke's fourteen thousand Welsh pikemen altogether
unprovided with archery.

Next day all the chief actors in the scene were con-
verging on the same spot in central England — Coniers
marching from Daventry on to Banbury, Pembroke from
Banbury on Daventry, Avith Stafford following in his
rear, while Warwick and Clarence had left London
and were moving by St. Albans on Towcester ; the

XIV

THE BATTLE OF EDGECOTT

King, following the Yorkshiremen, was somewhere near
Northampton.

Coniers and his colleagues, to whom belong all the
honours of generalship in this campaign, once more got
ahead of their opponents. Moving rapidly on Banbury
on the 2Gth, they found Pembroke's army approaching
them on a common named Danesmoor, near Edgecott
Park, six miles north of Banbury. The Welsh took uji
a position covered by a small stream and offered battle,
though they were greatly inferior in numbers. The
Northerners promptly attacked them, and though one
of their three leaders, Henry Neville of Latimer, fell in
the first onset, gained a complete victory ; " by force
of archery they forced the Welsh to descend from the
hill into the valley," though Herbert and his brothers
did all that lirave knights could to save the battle. The
King was only a few hours' march away ; indeed,
his vanguard under Sir Geoffrey Gate and Thomas
Clapham actually reached the field, but both were old
officers of Warwick, and instead of falling on the rebels'
rear, proceeded to join them, and led the final attack on
Herbert's position.

Thunderstruck at the deep demoralisation among
his troops which this desertion showed, the King
fell back on Olney, abandoning Northampton to the
rebels. Next day — it was July 27th — the brave Earl
of Pembroke and his brother Richard Herbert, both
of whom had been taken prisoners, were beheaded in
the market-place by Coniers' command without sentence
or trial. Their blood lies without doubt on Warwick's
head, for though neither he nor Clarence was jjresent,
the rebels were obviously acting on his orders, and if

II'ARIVICK

CHAP.

he had instructed them to keep all their captives safe,
they would never have jiresumed to slay them. Several
chroniclers indeed say that AVarwick and Clarence had
expressly doomed Herbert for death. This slaughter was
perfectly inexcusable, for Herbert had never descended
to the acts of the Woodvilles ; he was an honourable
enemy, and Warwick had actually been reconciled to
him only a year before.^ The execution of the Herberts
was not the only token of the fact that the great Earl's
hand was pulling the strings all over England. His
special aversions, Rivers and John Woodville, were
seized a week later at Chepstow by a band of rioters —
probably retainers from the Despenscr estates by the
Severn — and forwarded to Coventry, where they were
put to death early in August. Even if Pembroke's
execution was the unauthorised work of Coniers and
Fitzhugh, this slaying of the Woodvilles must certainlj'
have been Warwick's own deed. Stafford the Earl of
Devon, whose desertion of the Welsh had been the
principal cause of the defeat at Edgecott, fared no better
than the colleague he had betrayed. He disbanded his
arm}' and fled homeward ; but at Bridgewater he Avas
seized by insurgents, retainers of the late Earl of Devon
whom he had beheaded a year before, and promptly
put to death.

It only remains to relate King Edward's fortunes.
When the news of Edgecott fight reached his army, it
disbanded for the most part, and he was left, with no
great following, at Olney, whither he had fallen back
on July 27th. Meanwhile Warwick and Clarence,

^ It is fair to say tliat Herbert was universally disliked ; he was
called the Spoiler of the Church and the Conimops.

XIV

IVARIVICA' SEIZES THE KING

marching from London on Northampton along the
1-loman road, were not far off". The news of the King's
position reached their army, and George Neville the
Archbishop of York, who was with the vanguard,
resolved on a daring stroke. Eiding up by night with
a great body of horse he surrounded Olney ; the King's
sentinels kept bad watch, and at midnight Edward was
roused by the clash of arms at his door. He found the
streets full of Warwick's men, and the Archbishop wait-
ing in his ante-chamber. The smooth prelate entered
and requested him to rise and dress himself. " Then
the King said he woidd not, for he had not yet had his
rest ; but the Archbishop, that false and disloyal priest,
said to him a second time, ' Sire, you must rise and
come to see my brother of Warwick, nor do I think that
you can refuse me.' So the King, fearing worse might
come to him, rose and rode oft" to meet his cousin of
Warwick. "

The Earl meanwhile had passed on to Northampton,
where he met the Northern rebels on July 29th, and
thanked them for the good service they had done Eng-
land. There he dismissed the Kentish levies which had
followed him from London, and moved on to Coventry
escorted by the Yorkshiremen, many of whom must have
been his own tenants. At Coventry the Archbishop, and
his unwilling companion the King, overtook them. The
details of the meeting of AYarwick and Clarence with
their captive master have not come down to us. But
apparently Edward rej^aid the EaiTs guile of the past
year by an equally deceptive mask of good humour.
He made no reproaches about the death of his adherents,
signed everything that was required of him, and did not

IVARIVICK

CHAP.

attempt to escape. The first batch of privy seals issued
under Warwick's iutiuence are dated from Coveutry on
August 2nd.

The great Earl's treacherous plans had been crowned
Avith coniijlete success. He had shown that half England
would rise at his word ; his enemies were dead ; his
master was in his power. Yet he found that his troubles
were now beginning, instead of reaching their end. It
was not merely that the whole kingdom had been thrown
into a state of disturbance, and that men had commenced
everywhere to settle old quarrels with the sword — the
Duke of Norfolk, for example, was besieging the Paston's
castle of Caistor, and the Commons of Northumberland
were up in arms demanding the restoration of the Percies
to their heritage. These troubles might be put down by
the strong arm of Warwick ; but the problem of real
difficulty was to arrange a modus vivendi with the King.
Edward was no coward or weakling to be frightened
into good behaviour by a rising such as had just occurred.
How could he help resenting with all his passionate
nature the violence of which he had been the victim 1
His wife, too, would always be at his side ; and though
natural affection was not Elizabeth Woodville's strong
point, ^ still she was far too ambitious and vindictive to
pardon the deaths of her father and brother. Warwick
knew Edward well enough to realise that for the future
there could never be true confidence between them again,
and that for the rest of his life he must guard his head
well against his master's sword.

But the Earl was proud and self-reliant ; he de-

^ As witness lier dealings with Richard the Third after he had
niurdered her sons.

XIV WARIVICA' MAKES TERMS WITH EDIVARD lyi

termined to face the danger and release the King. No
other alternative was before him, save, indeed, to slay
Edward and proclaim his own son-in-law, Clarence, for
King. But the memory of old days sjjent in Edward's
cause was too strong. Clarence, too, though he may have
been willing enough to supplant his brother, made no
open proposals to extinguish him.

Edward was over a month in his cousin's hands.
Part of the time he was kept at Warwick and Coventry,
but the last three weeks were spent in the Earl's northern
stronghold of Middleham. The few accounts which we
have of the time seem to show that the King was all
smoothness and fair promises ; the Earl and the Arch-
bishop, on the other hand, were careful to make his
detention as little like captivity as could be managed.
He was allowed free access to every one, and permitted
to go hunting three or four miles away from the castle
in comijany with a handful of the Earl's servants. AVar-
wick at the same time gave earnest of his adherence to
the Yorkist cause by putting down two Lancastrian
risings, the one in favour of the Percies, led by Eobin
of Holderness, the other raised by his own second-
cousin, Sir Humphrey Neville, one of the elder branch,
who was taken and beheaded at York.

Before releasing the King, Warwick exacted a few
securities from him. The first was a general pardon to
himself, Clarence, and all who had been engaged in the
rising of Robin of Redesdale. The second was a grant
to himself of the chamberlainship of South Wales, and
the right to name the governors of Caermarthen and the
other South Welsh castles. These offices had been in
Herbert's hands, and the Earl had found that they

192

IVARIVICA'

CHAP. XIV

cramped his own power in Glamorganshire and the
South Marches. The third was the appointment as
Treasurer of Sir John Langstrother, the Prior of the
Hospitallers of England ; he was evidently chosen as
Rivers' successor, because two years before he had been
elected to his place as prior in opposition to John Wood-
ville, whom the King had endeavoured to foist on the
order. The chancellorship, however, was still left in the
hands of Bishop Stillington, against whom no one had a
grudge ; George Neville did not claim his old prefer-
ment.

By October the King was back in London, which he
entered in great state, escorted by Montagu, the Arch-
bishop, Richard of Gloucester, and the Earls of Essex
and Arundel. "The King himself," Avrites one of the
Pastons that day, " hath good language of my Lords of
Clarence, Warwick, and York, saying they be his best
friends ; but his household have other language, so that
what shall hastily fall I can not say." No more, we may
add, could any man in England, the King and Warwick
included.

CHAPTEE XV

WARWICK FOR KING HENRY

The peace between Warwick and King Edward lasted
for a period even shorter than might have been ex-
pected; seven months, from September 1469 to March
1470, was the term for wliich it was destined to endure.
Yet while it did hold firm, all was so smooth outwardly
that its rupture came as a thunderclap upon the world.
Nothing, indeed, could have looked more promising for
lovers of quiet times than the events of the Avinter of
1469-70. A Parliament ratified all the King's grants
of immunity to the insurgents of the last year, and
while it sat the King announced a project which pro-
mised to bind York and Neville more firmly together
than ever. Edward, though now married for six yeais,
had no son ; three daughters alone were the issue of his
union with Elizabeth Woodville. He now proposed to
marry his eldest daughter, and heiress presumptive, to
the male heir of the Nevilles, the child George, son of
Montagu.^ To make the boy's rank suitable to his

' This plan, as Lingard astutely observes, may have two mean-
ings. Either, as we said above, it was a ratification of peace
with the Nevilles, or — and this is quite possible — it was intended
to draw Montagu apart from his brothers, by giving him a special
interest in Edward's prosperity.

194

WARWICK

CHAP.

prospects, Edward created him Duke of Bedford.
Montagu had not joined with his brothers in the
rising, and had even fought with Robin of Redesdale, so
it was all the easier for the King to grant him this
crowning honour.

In February Warwick was at Warwick Castle,
Montagu in the North, while Clarence and King Edward
lay at London. All was quiet enough, when suddenly
there came news of troubles in Lincolnshire. Riotous
bands, headed by Sir Robert Welles, son of Lord
Willoughby and Welles, had come together, sacked the
manor of a certain Sir Thomas Burgh, one of Edward's
most trusted servants, and were raising the usual sedi-
tious cries about the evil government of the realm. At
first nothing very dangerous seemed to be on foot. When
the King sent for Willoughby, to call him to account
for his son's doings, the old peer came readily
enough to London to make his excuses, relying on
the safe conduct which was sent him. But the riots
were now swelling into a regular insurrection, and
soon news came that Sir Robert Welles had called
out the whole shire -force of Lincoln, mustered fif-
teen thousand men, and was bidding his troops to
shout for King Henry. Edward at once issued
commissions of array for raising an overwhelming
force against the rebels. Two of the commissions wei'e
sent to Warwick and Clarence, who were bidden to
collect the men of Warwickshire and AVorcestershire.
Their orders Avere dated March 7th, but before they
were half carried out, the purpose for which they were
issued had already been attained. EdAvard, taking Lord
Willoughbj' with him as a hostage, had rushed north

LOSE-COAT FIELD

195

with one of these astonisliing bursts of energy of which
he was now and again cajjable. Leaving London on
the 6tli, he reached Stamford on March 11th, with the
forces of the home and eastern counties at his back.
On the 12th he met the rebels at Enipingham near
Stamford, and when Welles would not Ijid them disperse,
lieheaded his aged father Willoughby in front of his
army. The Lincolnshire men tied in disgraceful rout
before the fire of the King's artillery, casting off their
cassocks with the colours of Welles in such haste that the
fight was known as Lose-coat Field. Sir Robert was
caught and beheaded at Doncaster a few days later, and
tlie rising was at an end. On Tuesday the 21st the
King reviewed his troops : "It was said that never were
seen in England so many goodly men, and so well
arrayed for a fight ; in especial the Duke of Norfolk
was worshipfully accompanied, no lord there so well."
Warwick and Clarence, with a few thousand men from
the shires they had been told to raise, lay that day at
Chesterfield, converging, in accordance with their orders,
on Lincoln.

Suddenly Edward announced to his army that he
had learnt from the dying confession of Sir Eobert
Welles that Warwick and Clarence were implicated in
the rising. Though Welles had sometimes used King
Henry's name, it was now said that he had really been
proposing to place Clarence on the throne, and was
acting with Warwick's full approval. Edward added
that he had already sent to the Duke and the Earl,
bidding them come to his presence at once and imaccom-
panied. They had refused to come without a safe
conduct, so he now proclaimed them traitors, but would

196

CHAP.

grant them their lives if they would appear before him
in humble and obeisant wise Avithin a week. The army
was at once directed to march on Chesterfield, but when
the proclamation reached Warwick and Clarence they
did not obey it, and fled for their lives.

This series of events is the most puzzling portion of
the whole of Warwick's life. The chroniclers help us
very little, and the only two first-hand documents which
we possess are official papers drawn up by King Edward.
These papers were so widely spread that we meet them
rejieated word for word and paragraph for jmragraph
even in the French writers, — with the names, of course,
horribly mangled.^ Edward said that down to the very
moment of Welles' capture he had no thought but that
Warwick and Clarence were serving him faithfullj' : it
was Welles' confession, and some treasonable papers found
on the person of a squire in the Duke of Clarence's livery
who was slain in the pursuit, that revealed the plot
to him. The second document which the King published
was AVelles' confession, a rambling eff"usion which may
or may not fully represent the whole story. Why Welles
should confess at all we cannot see, unless he expected
to save his life thereby ; and if he expected to save his
life he would, of course, insert in his tale whatever
names the King chose. Welles' narrative relates that all
Lincolnshire was afraid that the King would visit it
■\vith vengeance for joining Robin of Eedesdale last year.
Excitement already prevailed, when there came to him,
about February 2nd, Sir John Clare, a chaplain of the
Duke of Clarence's, who asked him if Lincolnshire would

^ E.cj. Waurin makes Ranby Howe, the muster-place of the in-
surgents, into Tabihorch, and Lancashire into Lantreghier.

WELLES' STORY

197

be i-eady to rise supposing there was another trouble
this year, but bade him make no stir till the Duke
should send him Avord. Without waiting, according to
his own tale, for any fui-ther communication, AVelles
raised all Lincolnshire, making proclamation in the
King's name as well as that of the Duke of Clarence.
Some days after the riots began there came to him a
squire in the Duke's livery, who told him that he had
provoked the King, and that great multitudes of the
Commons must needs die unless they bestirred them-
selves. So this squire — Welles could not give his sur-
name but only knew that he was called Walter — took
over the guiding of the host till he was slain at Stam-
ford. Moreover, one John Wright came to Lincoln, bear-
ing a ring as token, which he said belonged to the Earl
of Warwick, with a message of comfort to say that the
Earl had sworn to take such part as Lincolnshire should
take. "And I understand that they intended to mak'e
great risings, and as far as ever I could understand, to
the intent to make the Duke of Clarence King, and so
it was largely noised in our host." According to his story,
Welles had never seen either Warwick or Clarence
himself, and had no definite knowledge of their purpose.
He only understood that the purpose was to crown
Clarence ; all his information came from Clare and the
anonymous squire.

This is a curious tale, and suggests many doubts. If
Warwick wished to act again the comedy of last year,
why should he send to a county where he had no influ-
ence, to a staunch Lancastrian family (Welles' grand-
father fell in Henry's cause at Towton, and his father
was the Willoughby who tried to kidnap AVarwick

198

IVARIVICK

CHAP.

in 14G0) in order to provoke a rising] And if he had
phmned a rising in Liucohi, Avhj- did he make no attempt
to support it by calling out his own ]\Iidland and South
AVelsh retainers, or raising Yorkshire or Kent, where he
could command the M'hole county '? That the Earl was
capable of treasonable double-dealing he had shown
clearly enough in 1469. But was he capable of .such
insane bad management as the arrangements for Welles'
insurrection showl Last year his own relatives and
retainers worked the plan, and it M'as most accurately
timed and most successfully executed. ^Vhy should he
now make such a bungle '?

It is, moreover, to be observed that while Welles
puts everj'thing doMTi to Clarence in his confession,
Warkworth and other chroniclers say that he bade his
men shout for King Henr}-, and all his connections were
certainly Lancastrian. Is it possible that he Avas trying
to put the guilt off his own shoulders, and to make a
bid for his life, acting on Edward's hints, when he
implicated "Warwick and Clarence in his guilt 1

It is certainly quite in keeping with Edward's char-
acter to suppose that, finding himself at the head of a
loj-al and victorious army, it suddenly occurred to him
that his position could be utilised to fall on Warwick
and Clarence and take his revenge for the deaths of
Pembroke and Kivers.

Whether this was so or not, the Duke and the Earl
■\rere most certainly caught unprepared when Edward
marched on Chesterfield. They left a message that they
would come to the King if he would give them a safe
conduct, and fled to ^Manchester. Edward threw his
army between them and York, where they could have

FLIGHT OF WARWICK

199

raised men in abundance, and the fugitives, after vainly
trying to interest I^ord Stanley in their cause, doubled
back on the Midlands. With a few hundred men in
their train they got to Warwick, but apparently there
was no time to make a stand even there. The King had
sent commissions of array out all over England to trusty
hands, and forces under staunch Yorkists Avere closing
in towards the Midlands on every side. Edward calcu-
lated on having an enormous armj'^ in the field by April;
he himself was coming south with quite twenty thousand
victorious troops, and he had called out the whole of
the levies of Shropshire, Hereford, Gloucester, Stafford,
Wiltshire, Devon, Dorset, and Somerset. When he heard
that Warwick was moving south, he sent to Salisbury to
order (juarters and provisions for forty thousand men,
who would be concentrated there if the Earl tried to
reach the Montacute lands in that quarter.

So unprepared was the Earl for the assault that,
])acking up his valuables in Warwick Castle, and taking
with him his M-ife and his two daughters, he fled for the
South Coast without waiting to be surrounded by his
enemies. He quite outstripped the King, who had barely
reached Salisbury when he himself was at Exeter. There
the Duke and Earl seized a few ships, which they sent
round to Dartmouth ; more vessels were olitaincd in the
latter place, for the whole seafaring population of Eng-
land favoured the Earl. When Edward drew near,
AYarwick and his son-in-law went on board their hastily-
extemporised fleet and i)ut to sea. They ran along tlie
South Coast as far as Southampton, where they made an
attempt to seize a part of the royal nav}', including the
great ship called the Trimly, which had lain there since

200

WARIVICK

CHAP.

Scales' abortive expedition in 1469. But Scales and
Howard occupied the town with a great Hampshire levj^ ;
the Earl's attack failed, and three of his ships with their
crews fell into the enemy's hands. Tiptoft Earl of
Worcester, "the great butcher of England," tried the
captured men, and a squire named Clapham and nineteen
more were hung and then impaled by him. This atrocious
punishment sent a shock of horror through England,
and Tiptoft's name is still remembered rather for this
abomination than for all the learning and accomplish-
ments which made him Caxton's idol.

Warwick made for Calais, where his friend Wenlock
was in charge, expecting free admittance. But the King
had sent Galliard de Duras and other officers across to
watch the governor, and Wenlock, who was somewhat of
a time-server, dared not show his heart. When Warwick
appeared in the roads he refused him entry, and shot
off some harmless cannon toAvard the ships. At the
same time he sent the Earl a secret message that " he
would give him a fair account of Calais upon the first
opportunity, if he would betake himself to France and
wait." While Warwick lay off Calais his daughter,
Clarence's wife, was delivered of a son. Wenlock sent
out for her use two flagons of wine, but would not give
her a safe conduct to land — "a great severity for a
servant to use towards his lord," remarks Commines.

Repulsed from Calais, though we hear that the
majority of the garrison and inhabitants wished to
admit them, Warwick and Clarence turned back, and
sought refuge in the harbour of Honfleur, where they
trusted to get shelter from Louis of France. On
their way between Calais and Honfleur they made

HE IS RECEIVED BY LOUIS

201

prizes of several ships belonging to the Duke of Bur-
gundy, because they understood that he was arming
against them. Louis kept away from Warwick for a
time ; but he sent his secretary, Du Plessis, to see him,
and his admiral, the Bastard of Bourbon, gave the
fugitives a hearty welcome. Louis was still at war with
England, and still dreading a descent by King Edward
on the French coast. He was delighted to learn that he
could now turn Warwick, whose abilities he had learnt
to respect, against his master — anything that would
breed trouble in England would keep his enemy occupied
at home. The King's first orders to his ofiicers were to
allow Warwick to fit out his ships, give him a sujjply of
money, and send him off to England as quickly as
possiljle. But the narrow seas were too well watched.
Charles the Bold, irritated at Warwick's capture of his
merchantmen, had collected a great fleet of seventy sail,
which swept the Channel and watched the mouth of
the Seine.

The enforced delay in Warwick's departure allowed
time for a new idea to ripen in the French King's restless
brain. Warwick had now broken hopelessly with King
Edward ; they could never trust each other again. Why
therefore should not the Earl reconcile himself to the
cause of Lancaster % No sooner was the idea formed
than Louis proceeded to send for Queen Margaret out
of her refuge in the duchy of Bar, and to lay his plan
before her and the Earl, when they all met at Angers
in the middle of July.

The scheme was at first sight revolting to both parties.
There was so much blood and trouble between them
that neither could stomach the proposal. If Margaret

202

WARWICK

CHAl'-

coukl bring herself to forget that Warwick had twice
driven her out of England, and had led her husband in
ignominy to the Tower, she could not pardon the man
who, in his moment of wrath, had stigmatised herself as
an adulteress and her son as a bastard.^ Warwick, on
the other hand, if he could forgive the jjlot against his
own life which the Queen had hatched in 1459, could
not bear to think of meeting the woman who had sent
his gray-haired father to the scaffold in cold blood on the
day after Wakefield. King Louis asked each party to
forget their whole past careers, and sacrifice their dearest
hatreds to the exigencies of the moment.

If Warwick and Queen Margaret had been left to
themselves, it is most improbable that they would
ever have come to an agreement. But between them
Louis M'ent busily to and fro, for his unscrupulous mind
was perfectly unable to conceive that passion or senti-
ment could override an obvious political necessity.
Gradually the two parties were brought to state their
objections to the King's scheme, the first step towards
the commencement of negotiations. Warwick was the
first to yield ; the Queen took far longer to persuade.
The Earl, she said, had been the cause of all the trouble
that had come on herself, her husband, and her son.
She could not pardon him. Moreover, his pardon would
lose her more friends than he could bring to her.
Warwick's answer was straightforward. He owned all
the harm he had done to her and hers. But the offence,
he said, had come first from her who had plotted evil
against him Avhich he had never deserved. What he

^ Foreign writers record tliat Warwick used this language to
the legate Coppini in 1460.

XV /S RECONCILED WITH MARGARET 203

had done had been done solely in his own defence.
But now the new King had broken faith with him, and
lie was bound to him no longer. If Margaret would
forgive him, he would be true to her henceforth ; and
for that the King of France would be his sui-ety. Louis
gave his word, praying the Queen to pardon the Earl,
to whom, he said, he was more beholden than to any
other man living.^

The Queen so pressed, and urged beside by the coun-
sellors of her father King Rene, agreed to jiardon AVarwick.
Louis then broached the second point in his scheme. The
new alliance, he urged, should be sealed by a marriage ;
the Prince of Wales was now seventeen and the Lady
Anne, Warwick's younger daughter, sixteen. What
match could be fairer or more hopeful %

But to this the Queen would not listen. She could
find a better match for her son, she said ; and she showed
them a letter lately come from Edward offering him the
hand of the young Princess Elizabeth.^ Louis, how-
ever, was quietly persistent, and in the end the Queen
yielded this point also. On August 4th she met Warwick
in the Church of St. Mary at Angers, and there they
were reconciled ; the Earl swearing on a fragment of
the true cross that he would cleave to King Henry's
quarrel, the Queen engaging to treat the Earl as her

' All this comes from the invahiablo "Manner of the dealing of
the Earl of Warwick at Angiers," printed in the Chronicle uf the
White llosc.

- This is a not impossible tale. Edward, fearing Warwick's
alliance to the Queen, might hope to separate tliem by olfcring
Margaret's son the ultimate succession to the throne. For he
himself having no male heir, the crown would go with his eldest
daughter Elizabt-th.

204

IVARIVICK

CHAP.

true and faithful subject, and never to make him
any reproach for deeds gone by. The Earl placed his
daughter in the Queen's hands, saying that the marriage
should take place only when he had won back England
for King Henry, and then departed for the coast to make
preparations for getting his fleet to sea.

One person alone was much vexed at the success of
Louis' scheme. The Duke of Clarence had no wish
to see his father-in-law reconciled to the house of
Lancaster, for he had been speculating on the notion
that if Warwick drove out Edward he himself would
become King. But wandering exiles must take their
fortune as it comes, and Clarence had to be con-
tented with Queen Margaret's promise that his name
should be inserted in the succession after that of her
son, when she and her husband came to their own again.
The Prince was a healthy promising lad, and the jH'osjiect
offered was hopelessly remote ; Clarence began to grow
discontented, and to regret that he had ever j^laced
himself under Warwick's guidance. At this juncture
his brother sent him a message from England, through
a lady attending on the Duchess, praying him not to
wreck the fortunes of his own family by adhering to the
house of Lancaster, and bidding him remember the
hereditary hatred that lay between them. Edward
offered his brother a full jjardon. ' Clarence rejjlied by
promising to come over to the King so soon as he and
Warwick should reach England. Of all these negotia-
tions Warwick suspected not a word.

Edward was so overjoyed by his brother's engage-
ment to wreck the Earl's invasion, that he laughed at
Charles of Burgundy for squandering money in keeping

HE INVADES ENGLAND

205

a fleet at sea to intercept Warwick, and declared that
what he most wished was to see his adversary safely
landed on English soil, to be dealt with by himself.

He had his wish soon enough. In September the
equinoctial gales caught the Burgundian fleet and
blew it to the four winds, some of the vessels being
driven as far as Scotland and Denmark. This left the
coast clear for War\vick, who had long been waiting to
put to sea. The Earl had already taken his precautions
to make his task easy. A proclamation, signed by himself
and Clarence, had been scattered all over England by
Avilling hands. It said that the exiles were returning
" to set right and justice to their places, and to reduce and
redeem for ever the realm from its thraldom;" but no
mention Avas made either of Edward or Henry in it, a
curious fact which seems to point out that the Lancastrian
alliance was not to be avowed till the last moment.
But more useful than many proclamations was the
message which the Earl sent into the North Country ;
he prayed his kinsman Fitzhugh to stir up Yorkshire
and draw the King northward, as he had done before,
when he and Coniers worked the rebellion of Robin of
Kedesdale.

Fitzhugh had no difficidty in rousing the Neville
tenants about Middleham ; and Edward, as Warwick
expected, no sooner heard of this insurrection than he
hurried to put it down, taking with him his brother
Richard of Gloucester, Scales, Hastings, Say, and many
more of his most trusted barons, with a good part of the
army that was disposable to resist a landing on the
South Coast. Near York he was to be met by Montagu,
who had adhered to him for the past year in spite of

2o6

WARWICK

CHAP.

his brothers rebellion. But the King had paid
^lontagu badly for his loyalty-. He had taken from
him the Percy lands in Northumberland, and restored
them to the young heir of that ancient house, compen-
sating, as he thought, the dispossessed Neville by
making him a marquis, and handing him over some of
War\\-ick's confiscated northern estates. ]\Iontagu com-
plained in secret that " he had been given a marquisate,
and a pie's nest to maintain it A\-ithal," and was far
from being so contented as the King supposed.

On September 25th Warmck landed unopposed at
Dartmouth. In his company was not only Clarence but
several of the great Lancastrian lords who had been
living in exile — Jasper of Pembroke, Oxford, and
manj' more. They brought with them about two
thousand men, of whom half were French archers lent
by Louis. The moment that the invaders landed,
Warwick and Clarence declared themselves, by putting
forth a proclamation in favour of Iving Henry. Devon
and Somerset had always been Lancastrian strong-
holds, and the old retainers of the Beauforts and of
Exeter came in by hundreds to meet their exiled lords.
In a few days "Warwick had ten thousand men, and
could march on London ; the King was at Doncaster,
and his lieutenants in the South could make no stand
without him, A little later AVarwick's own ^lidland
and "Wiltshire tenants joined him, the Earl of Shrewsbury
raised the Severn valley in his aid, and all "Western
England was in his hands.

Meanwhile King Edward, who had up to this
moment mismanaged his affairs most hopelessly, moved
south lj4" Doncaster and Lincoln, with Montagu and

FLIGHT OF EDWARD

207

many other lords in his train. On October 6th he lay
in a fortified manor near Nottingham with his body-
guard, while his army occupied all the villages round
about. There, early in the morning, while he still lay
in bed, Alexander Carlisle, the chief of his minstrels,
and Master Lee, his chaplain, came running into his
chamber, to tell him there was treachery in his camp.
Montagu and other lords were riding down the ranks of
his army crying, "God save King Henry!" The
men were cheering and shouting for Warwick and
Lancaster, and no one was showing any signs of striking
a blow for the cause of York.

Edward rose in haste, drew up his bodyguard to
defend the approach of the manor where he lay, and
sent scouts to know the truth of the report. They met
Montagu marching against them, and fled back to say
that the rumour was all too true. Then Edward with
his brother Gloucester, Hastings his chamberlain, Say,
and Scales, and their immediate following, took horse
and fled. They reached Lynn about eight hundred
strong, seized some merchantmen and two Dutch
carvels which lay in the harbour, and set sail for the
lands of Burgundy. Bufteted by storms and chased by
Hanseatic j^irates, they ran their ships ashore near
Alkmaar, and sought refuge Avith Louis of Gruthuyse,
Governor of Holland. King, lords, and archers alike
had escaped with nothing but what they bore on their
backs; Edward himself could only pay the master of
the ship that carried him by giving him the rich gown
lined with martens' fur that he had worn in his flight.

CHAPTER XVI

THE RETURN OF KING EDWARD

The expulsion of King Edward had been marvellously
sudden. Within eleven days after his landing at Dart-
mouth Warwick was master of all England. Not a blow
had been struck for the exiled King. From Calais to
Berwick every man mounted the Red Rose or the
Ragged Staif with real or simulated manifestations of
joy. On October 6th the Earl reached London, which
opened its gates with its accustomed readiness. It had
only delayed its surrender in fear of a riotous band of
Kentishmen, whom Sir Geoffrey Gate had gathered in
the Earl's name. They had wrought such mischief in
Southwark that the Londoners refused to let them in,
and waited for the arrival of Warwick himself before
they would formally acknowledge King Henry. Mean-
while all the partisans of York had either fled from the
city or taken sanctuary. Queen Elizabeth sought
refuge in the precincts of Westminster, where she was
soon after delivered of a son, the first male child that
had been born to King Edward.

Riding through the city Warwick came to the Tower,
and found King Henry in his keeper's hands, "not wor-
shipfully arrayed as a prince, and not so cleanly kept as

CHAl'. XVI

RESTORA TION OF HENR Y

209

should beseem his state." The Earl led him forth from
the fortress, — whither he had himself conducted him, a
prisoner in bonds, five years before, — arrayed him in
royal robes, and brought him in state to St. Paul's, the
Lord Mayor and Sheriffs, with all the Common Council,
walking before him, " while all the people to right and
left rejoiced Avith clapping of hands, and cried ' God
save King Henry ! ' " Then the King, after returning
thanks for his deliverance in the Cathedral, rode down
Cheapside and took u]) his residence in the palace of the
Bishop of London.

Henry was much broken and enfeebled by his cap-
tivity. " He sat on his throne as limp and helpless as
a sack of wool," says one unfriendly chronicler. " He
was a mere shadow and pretence, and what was done in
his name was done without his will and knowledge."
All that remained unbroken in him was his piety and
his imperturbable long-suffering patience. But his
weakness only made him the more fit for Warwick's
purjiose. His deliverance took place on the 6th, and on
October 9th we find him beginning to sign a long series
of documents which reconstituted the government of the
realm. It was made clear from the first that Warwick
and his friends were to have charge of the King rather
than the Lancastrian peers. In the first batch of
appointments Warwick became the King's Lieutenant,
and resumed his old jjosts of Captain of Calais and
Admiral. George Neville was restored to tlie Chan-
cellorship, and Sir John Langstrother, Prior of the
Hospitallers, received again the Treasury, which
Warwick had bestowed on him in 1469. The Duke of
Clarence was made Lieutenant of Ireland, a post he had

2IO

WARWICK

CHAP.

enjoyed under his brother till his exile in 1470. Among
the Lancastrians, Oxford was made Constable, and
Pembroke joint-Lieutenant under Warwick. The rest
received back their confiscated lauds, but got no official
preferment.

Oxford's first exercise of his power as Constable was
to try Tiptoft Earl of Worcester, one of the few of
King Edward's adherents whom no one could pardon.
Oxford had to avenge on him his father and brother,
whom the Earl had sentenced to be drawn and quar-
tered in 1462, while Warwick remembered his adherents
impaled in the previous April. The Butcher of Eng-
land got no mercy, as might be expected, and was
beheaded on October 18th.

A few days before summonses had been sent out in
the King's name for a Parliament to meet on November
26th, for Warwick was eager to set himseK right
with the nation at the earliest opportunity. Every
care was taken to show that the new rule was to be
one of tolerance and amnesty. The whole of the sur-
viving peers who had sat in Edward's last Parlia-
ment were invited to present themselves to meet King
Henry — however bitter their Yorkist partizanship had
been — save six only, and of these four had fled over-sea
— Gloucester, Scales, Hastings, and Say.

The Parliament met and was greeted by George
Neville the Chancellor with a sermon adapted to the
times, on the text from Jeremiah, "Turn, O ye back-
sliding children." The proceedings of the session
arc lost, but we know that they were mainly formal,
confirming the King's appointments to offices, ratifying
the agreement made between Queen Margaret and

XVI

iyARlVICA"S TREATY WITH FRANCE

211

Clarence, that the latter should be declared heir to
the throne failing issue to the Prince of Wales, and
reversing the attainder of Somerset and Exeter and the
other Lancastrian lords, who were thus able to take
their seats in the Upper House.

The most important political event of the restoration,
however, was the conclusion of the treaty with France,
which Warwick had had so close to his heart ever since
the first abortive negotiations in 1464. An embassy,
headed by the Bishop of Bayeux, titular Patriarch of
Jerusalem, appeared in London when Warwick's power
was firmly established, and a peace for twelve years and
treaty of alliance was duly concluded. Its most im-
portant feature was that it bound England to take the
French King's side in the struggle with Burgundy.
When he heard that Edward had been expelled and
could no longer aid Charles the Bold, Louis had at once
attacked the towns on the Somme, and taken Amiens
and several other important places. Next spring his
contest with the Duke would begin in earnest, and he
was overjoyed to know that the English power would
be used for his aid, by one who had a strong personal
dislike to the Burgundian. Warwick at once took steps
to strengthen the garrison of Calais, which was at this
time entirely surrounded by the Duke's territory, and
began to make preparations for a campaign in the next
spring.

It is rather difficult to gauge with accuracy the feel-
ing with which England received the restoration of King
Henry. The nation, however, seems on the whole to
have accepted the new government with great equanim-
ity if with no very marked enthusiasm. The Lancas-

212

WARWICK

CHAP.

trians were of course contented, though they would
have preferred to have Avon back their position b}' their
own arms. Of the Yorkists it was supposed that most
of the important sections held by the Earl and not
by King Edward. This was certainly the case, as later
events showed, with the Commons in most parts of the
country, and notably in Yorkshire and Kent, which
had up to this time been so strongly attached to the
cause of York. There were, however, classes in which
the restoration was not so well received. It was dis-
liked by such of the Yorkist nobility as were not
Nevilles. The Duke of Norfolk and all the Bourchier
clan — Essex, the Archbishop, Cromwell, and Berners^ —
had not been displeased when "Warwick chastened the
Queen's relatives, but had not wished to see Edward
entirely deposed. Other peers, such as Grey Earl of
Kent, and the Earl of Arundel, had committed them-
selves even more deeply to Edward's side, by allying
themselves by marriage Avith the Woodvilles. It Avas
gall and bitterness to all those heads of great houses to
have to seek for pardon and favour from their late
enemies. "What, for example, must have been Norfolk's
feelings Avhen he was compelled, as the Paston records
describe, to sue as humbly to the Lancastrian Earl of
Oxford as his own dependents had been wont to sue to
himself 1

Another quarter where the restoration Avas taken ill
Avas to be found among the merchants of London. The
late King had been a great spender of money, and Avas
at the moment of his exile deep in the books of many
wealthy purveyors of the luxuries in Avhich he delighted.
All these debts had noAv become hopeless, and the

XVI THE DISCONTENTED CLASSES 213

unfortunate creditors were sulky and depressed. More-
over, Edward's courteous and affable manners and
comely person had won him favour in the eyes of the
Londoners in whose midst he habitually dwelt, and
still more so, unless tradition errs, in the eyes of their
wives. Few persons in the city, except declared Lan-
castrians, looked upon the new government witli any
approach to enthusiasm.

There was one individual, too, whose feelings as to
the new government were likely to be of no mean im-
portance. George of Clarence, though he had followed
Warwick to London and taken a prominent part in all
the incidents of the restoration, was profoundly dissatis-
fied with his position. Even Avhen he had been made Lieu-
tenant of Ireland — an office which he chose to discharge
by deputy — and presented with many scores of manors,
he was in no wise conciliated. He was farther from the
throne as the Prince of Wales' ultimate heir than he had
been in the days of his own brother's reign. Had the
chance been given him, it seems likely that he would
have betrayed Warwick and joined King Edward after
his return to England. But events had marched too
rapidly, and he had found no opportunity to strike a
blow for York. During the winter of 1470-71, however,
he put himself once more in communication with his
brother. The correspondence was carried on through
their sisters — the Duchess of Exeter on the English side
of the Channel and the Duchess of Burgundy over-sea.
By this means Clarence renewed his promises of help to
Edward, and swore to join him, with every man that he
could raise, the moment that he set foot again in Eng-
land. Meanwhile Warwick had no susj^icion of his son-

214

WARWICK

CHAP.

in-law's treachery. He trusted liim to the uttermost,
heaped favoiu's iipon him, and even got his name joined
witli his own and Pembroke's as Lieutenants for King
Henry in all the realm of England.

For five months the Earl's reign \vas undisturbed.
There was no one in the country who dared dispute his
will. Queen Margaret, whose presence would have been
his greatest difficulty, had not yet crossed the seas. Her
delay was strange. Perhaps she still dreaded putting
herself in the hands of her old enemy ; perhaps the King
of France detained her till Warwick should have made
his power in England too firm to be troubled by her
intrigues. But the Earl himself actually desired her
presence. He several times invited her to hasten her
arrival, and at last sent over Langstrother, the Trea-
surer of England, to urge his suit and escort Margaret
and her son across the Channel. It was not till March
that she could be induced to move ; and by March the
time was overdue.

Meanwhile King Edward had received but a luke-
warm rece])tion at the Court of Burgundj'. Duke
Charles, saddled with his French Avar, would have pre-
ferred to keep at peace with England. His sympathies
were divided between Lancaster and York. If his wife
was Edward's sister, he himself had Lancastrian blood in
his veins, and had long maintained Somerset, Exeter,
and other Lancastrian exiles at his Court. But he was
driven into taking a decided line in favour of Edward by
the fact that "Warwick, his personal enemy, was supreme
in the counsels of England. If the Earl allied himself
to Louis of France, it became absolutely necessary for
Duke Charles to lend his support to his exiled brother-

XVI EDWARD SAILS FROM FLUSHING 215

in-law, with the object of upsetting Warwick's do-
mination.

Edward himself had found again his ancient restless
energy in the day of adversity. He knew that in the
last autumn he could have made a good defence if it
had not been for Montagu's sudden treachery, and was
determined not to consider his cause lost till it had been
fairly tried by the arbitrament of the sword. He was
in full communication with England, and had learnt that
many more beside Clarence were eager to see him land.
The adventure would be perilous, for he would have to
fight not onl}^, as of old, the Lancastrian party, but the
vast masses of the Commons whose trust had always
been in the great Earl. But peril seems to have been
rather an incentive than a deterrent to Edward, when
the reckless mood was on him. He took the aid that
Charles of Burgundy promised, though it Avas given in
secret and with a grudging heart. After a final inter-
view with the Duke at Aire, he moved off in February
to Flushing, where a few ships had been collected for him
in the haven among the marshes of Walcheren. About
fifteen hundred English refugees accompanied him, in-
cluding his brother of Gloucester and Lords Hastings,
Say, and Scales. , The Duke had hired for him three
hundred German hand-gun men, and presented him with
fifty thousand florins in gold. With such slender resources
the exiled King did not scruple to attempt the reconquest
of his kingdom. On March 11th he and his men set sail.
They were convoyed across the German Ocean by a fleet
of fourteen armed Hanseatic vessels, which the Duke
had sent for their protection. Yet the moment that
Charles heard they were safely departed, he published,

2l6

WARWICK'

CHAP.

for Warwick's benefit, a proclamation Avarning any of
his subjects against aiding or abetting Edward of York
in any enterprise against the realm of England.

However secretly Edward's preparations were con-
certed, they had not entirely escaped his enemy's
notice. Warwick had made dispositions for resisting a
landing to the best of his ability. A fleet stationed at
Calais, under the Bastard of Fauconbridge, watched the
straits and protected the Kentish coast. The Earl him-
self lay at London to overawe the discontented and
guard King Henrj'. Oxford held command in the
Eastern Counties — the most dangerous district, for
Norfolk and the Bourchiers were rightly suspected of
keeping up communication with Edward. In the North
Montagu and the Earl of Northumberland were in charge
from Hull to Berwick -vnth divided authority.

As Warwick had expected, the invaders aimed at
landing in East Anglia. On March 12th Edward and
his fleet lay off Cromer. He sent two knights ashore to
rouse tlie country ere he himself set foot on land. But
in a few hours the messengers returned. They bade liim
hoist sail again, for Oxford was keeping strict watch over
all those parts, and Edward's friends were all in prison
or bound over to good behaviour. On receiving this
disappointing intelligence, Edward determined on one of
those bold strokes which were so often his salvation. If
the friendly districts were so well watched, it was likely
that the counties where Warwick's interest was supreme
would be less carefully secured. The King bade his
pilot steer north and make for the Humber mouth, though
Yorkshire was known to be devoted to the great Earl.

That night a gale from the south swept over the

xvr EDWARD LANDS AT RAVENSPUR 217

Wash and scattered Edward's ships far and wide. On
Marcli 15th it abated, and tlio vessels came to land at
various points on the coast of Holderness. The King
and Hastings, with five hundred men, disembarked at
Eavenspur — a good omen, for this was the same spot at
which Henry of Bolingbroke had commenced his victori-
ous march on London in 1399. The other ships landed
their men at neighbouring points on the coast, and by
the next morning all Edward's two thousand men were
safely concentrated. Their reception by the country-
side was most discouraging. The people deserted their
villages and drew together in great bands, as if minded
to oppose the invaders. Indeed, they only needed
leaders to induce them to take the offensive ; but no
man of mark chanced to be in Holderness. Montagu
la}^ in the West-Riding and Northumberland in the
North. A squire named Delamere, and a priest named
AVesterdale, the only leaders whom the men of Hol-
derness could find, contented themselves with following
the King at a distance, and with sending news of his
approach to York.

A less resolute adventurer than Edward Plantagenet
would probaljly have taken to his ships again when he
found neither help nor sympathy in Yorkshire. But
Edward was resolved to play out his game ; the sight of
the hostile country-side only made him determine to eke
out the lion's hide with the fox's skin. Calling to mind
the stratagem which Henry of Bolingbroke had practised
in that same land seventy -two years ago, he sent
messengers everywhere to announce that he came in
arms not to dispossess King Henry, but only to claim
his ancestral duchy of York. When he passed through

2l8

IVARWICK

CHAP.

towns and villages he bade his men shout for King
Henry, and he himself mounted the Lancastrian badge
of the ostrich feathers. In these borrowed plumes he
came before the walls of York, still unmolested, but
without having drawn a man to his banners. Hull, the
largest town that he had approached, had resolutely
closed its gates against him.

The fate of Edward's enterprise was settled before
the gates of York on the morning of March 18th. He
found the walls manned by the citizens in arms ; but
they parleyed instead of firing upon him, and when he
declared that he came in peace, aspiring only to his
father's dignity and possessions, he himself with
sixteen persons only in his train was admitted within
the gate. Then upon the cross of the high altar in the
Minster he swore " that he never would again take upon
himself to be King of England, nor would have done
before that time, but for the exciting and stirring of the
Earl of Warwick," " and thereto before all the people he
cried, ' King Harry ! King Harry and Prince Edward ! "'
Satisfied by these protestations, the men of York ad-
mitted the invaders within their walls. Edward, how-
ever, only stayed for twelve hours in York, and next
morning he marched on Tadcaster.

This day was almost as critical as the last. It was
five days since the landing at Ravenspur, and the news
had now had time to spread. If Montagu and North-
umberland were bent on loyal service to King Henry,
they must now be close at hand. But the star of York
was in the ascendant. Northumberland remembered at
this moment rather his ancient enmity for the Nevilles
than his grandfather's loyalty to Lancaster. He gathered

XVI

HE PASSES MONTAGU

219

troops indeed, but he made no attempt to march south
or to intercept the invaders. It is probable that he was
actually in treasonable communication M-ith Edward, as
the Lancastrian chroniclers declare. Montagu, on the
other hand, collected two or three thousand men and
threw himself into Pontefract, to guard the Great North
Road. But Edward, instead of approaching Pontefract,
moved his army on to cross-roads, which enabled him
to perform a flank march round his adversary ; he
slept that evening at Sendal Castle, the spot where his
father had spent the night before the disastrous battle
of Wakefield. How Montagu came to let Edward get
past him is one of the problems whose explanation will
never be forthcoming. It may have been that his scouts
lost sight of the enemy and missed the line of his flank
march. It may equally well have been that Montagu
overvalued the King's army, which was really no larger
than his own, and would not fight till he should be
joined by his colleague Northumberland. Some con-
temporary writers assert that the Marquis, remembering
his old favour with the King, was loath that his hand
should be the one to crush his former master. Others
say that it was no scruple of ancient loyalty that moved
Montagu, but that he had actually determined to desert
his brother and join Edward's party. But his later
behaviour renders this most unlikely.

Montagu's fatal inaction was the salvation of Edward.
At Sendal he received the first encouragement which he
had met since his landing. He was there in the midst
of the estates of the duchy of York, and a considerable
body of men joined him from among his ancestral
retainers. Encouraged by this accession, he pushed on

220

WARWICK

CHAP.

rapidly south -ward, and by marches of some twenty miles
a day reached Doncaster on the 21st and Nottingham
on the 23rd. On the way recruits began to flock in,
and at Nottingham a comj^act body of six hundred men-
at-arms, under Sir James Harrington and Sir William
Parr, swelled the Yorkist ranks. Then Edward, for the
first time since his landing, paused for a moment to take
stock of the position of his friends and his enemies.

Meanwhile the news of his march had run like wild-
fire all over England, and in every quarter men were
arming for his aid or his destruction. Warwick had
hoped at first that Montagu and Northumberland would
stay the invader, but when he heard that Edward had
slipped past, he saw that he himself must take the field.
Accordingly he left London on the 22nd, and rode hastily
to Warwick to call out his Midland retainers. The
guard of the city and the person of King Henry was left
to his brother the Archbishop. Simultaneously Somerset
departed to levy troops in the South- West, and Clarence
set forth to raise Gloucestershire and Wiltshire. Oxford
had already taken the field, and on the 22nd lay at Lynn
with four thousand men, the force that the not very
numerous Lancastrians of Norfolk, Suff'olk, and Cam-
bridge could put in arms. From thence he directed his
march on Newark, hoping to fall on Edward's flank
somewhere near Nottingham.

At that very moment the invader had thrown off the
mask he had hitherto Avorn. Finding himself well
received and strongly reinforced, he laid aside his pre-
tence of asking only for the duchy of York, and had
himself proclaimed as King. But his position was
perilous still : Warwick was gathering head in his front ;

XVI

IVAI^iyiCK'S PROCLAMATION

221

Montagu Avas following cautiouslj' in his rear ; Oxford
was about to assail his Hank. The enemies nuist be
kept apart at all hazards ; so Edward, neglecting the
others for the moment, turned fiercely on Oxford. He
marched rapidly on Newark with some five or six
thousand men. This decision and show of force fright-
ened the Earl, who, though joined l)y the Duke of
Exeter and Lord Bardolph, felt himself too weak to
fight. AVhen the vanguard of the Yorkists appeared, he
hastily left Newark and fell back on to Stamford in
much disorder.

Having thus cleared his flank, Edward turned back
on Nottingham and then made for Leicester. Here he
was joined by the Yorkists of the East Midlands in great
numbers ; of the retainers of Lord Hastings alone no
less than three thousand came to him in one body.

Warwick, who lay only two short marches from the
invader, was straining every nerve to get together an
army. His missives ran east and west to call in all the
knights of the Midlands who had ever mounted the
Ragged Staff or the Red Rose. One of these letters was
found in 1889, among other treasures, in the lumber
room of Belvoir Castle. It was addressed to Henry
Vernon, a great Derbyshire landholder. The first part,
written in a secretary's hand, runs as follows :

Right Trusty and Wellbeloved — I grete you well, and
desire and heartily pray you that, inasmuch as yonder man
Edward, the King oiu' soverain lord's great enemy, rebel, and
traitor, is now arrived in the north parts of this land, and
coming fast on south, accompanied with Flemings, Easter-
ling.s, and Danes, not exceeding the number of two thousand
persons, nor the country as he coineth not falling to hiin, ye
will therefore, incontinent and forthwith after the sight hereof.

222

CHAP.

dispose j'ou to make toward me to Coventry with as many
people defensibly arranged as ye can readily make, and that
ye be with me in all haste possible, as my veray singular heart
is in you, and as I may do thing [sic] to your weal or worship
hereafter. And may God keep you. — Written at Warwick
on March 25 th."

Then in the Earl's own hand was written the post-
script, appealing to Vernon's personal friendship :
" Henry, I pray yon ifayle me not now, as ever I may
do for you."

Sad to say, this urgent appeal, wellnigh the only
autograph of the great Earl that we possess, seems to
have failed in its purpose. Vernon i)referred to watch
the game, and as late as April 2nd had made no pre-
paration to take arms for either side.

On March 28th Warwick Avith six thousand men
advanced to Coventry, a strongly-fortified town facing
Edward's line of advance. On the same day his adver-
sary, whose forces must now have amounted to nearly
ten thousand, marched southward from Leicester. Next
morning Warwick and the King were in sight of each
other, and a battle was expected. But the Earl was
determined to wait for his reinforcements before fight-
ing. He calculated that Montagu must soon arrive from
the north, Oxford from the east, Clarence from the
south-west. Accordingly he shut himself up in Coventry,
and refused to risk an engagement. Edward, whose
movements all through this campaign evince the most
consummate generalship, promptly marched past his
enemy and seized Warwick, where he made his head-
quarters. He then placed his army across the high road
from Coventry to London, cutting oft' the Earl's direct

XVI

CL A KENCE 's THE A CHER Y

223

communication Avith the capital, and waited. Like the
Earl he was expecting his reinforcenients.

The first force that drew near was Clarence's levy
from the south-west. With seven thousand men in his
ranks the Duke reached Burford on April 2nd. Next
day he marched for Banbury. On the 4th Warwick
received the hideous news that his son-in-law had
mounted the AVhite Kose and joined King Edward. The
treason had been long meditated, and was carried out
with perfect deliberation and great success. A few miles
beyond Banbury Clarence's array found itself facing that
of the Yorkists. Clarence bade his men shout for King
Edward, and fall into the ranks of the army that confronted
them. Betrayed by their leader, the men made no
resistance, and allowed themselves to be enrolled in the
Yorkist army.

Clarence, for very shame we must suppose, offered to
obtain terms for his father-in-law. " He sent to Coventry,"
says a Yorkist chronicler, " offering certain good and
profitable conditions to the Earl, if he would accept
them. But the Earl, whether he despaired of any dur-
able continuance of good accord betwixt the King and
himself, or else willing to maintain the great oaths,
pacts, and promises sworn to Queen Margaret, or else
because he thought he should still have the upperhand
of the King, or else led by certain persons with him, as
the Earl of Oxford, who bore great malice against the
King, would not suffer any manner of appointment, were
it reasonable or unreasonable." He drove Clarence's
messengers away, " crying that he thanked God he was
himself and not that traitor Duke."

Although Oxford had joined him with four thousand

224

WARWICK

CHAP.

men, and Montagu was approaching, "Warwick still felt
himself not strong enough to accept battle when Edward
and Clarence drew out their army before the gates of
Coventry on the morning of April 5th. He then saw
them fall into column of march, and retire along the
London road. Edward, having now some eighteen
thousand men at his back, thought himself strong enough
to strike at the capital, where his friends had been
busily astir in his behalf for the last fortnight. Leaving
a strong rear - guard behind, with orders to detain
Warwick at all hazards, he hurried his main body along
the Watling Street, and in five days covered the seventy-
five miles which separated him from London.

Meanwhile Warwick had been joined by Montagu as
well as by Oxford, and also received news that Somer-
set, with seven or eight thousand men more, was only
fifty miles away. This put him in good spirits, for he
counted on London holding out for a few days, and on
the men of Kent rallying to his standard when he
approached the Thames. He wrote in haste to his
brother the Archbishop, who was guarding King Henry,
that if he would maintain the city but forty-eight hours,
they Avould crush the invading army between them.
Then he left Coventry and hurried after the King, who
for the next five days was always twenty miles in front
of him.

But all was confusion in London. The Archbishop
was not a man of war, and no soldier of repute was at
his side. The Lancastrian party in the city had never
been strong, and the Yorkists were now organising an
insurrection. There were more than two thousand of
them in the sanctuaries at Westminster and elsewhere,

XVI

EDWARD SECURES LONDON

225

of whom three hundred were knights and squires. All
were prepared to rise at the first signal. When news
came that Edward had reached St. Albans, the Arch-
bishop mounted King Henry on horseback and rode with
him about London, adjuring the citizens to be true to
him and arm in the good cause. But the sight of the
frail shadow of a king, with bowed back and lack-lustre
eyes, passing before them, was not likely to stir the
people to enthusiasm. Only six or seven hundred armed
men mustered in St. Paul's Churchyard beneath the
royal banner.^

'Such a force was obviously unequal to defending a
disaifected city. Next day, when the army of Edward
appeared before the walls, Urswick the Recorder of
London, and certain aldermen Avith him, dismissed the
guard at Aldersgate and let Edward in, no man with-
standing them. The Archbishop of York and King
Henry took refuge in the Bishop of London's palace ;
they were seized and sent to the Tower. George Neville
obtained his pardon so easily that many accused him of
treason. It seems quite possible that, when he found at
the last moment that he could not raise the Londoners,
he sent secretly to Edward and asked for pardon, pro-
mising to make no resistance.

The capture of London rendered King Edward's
position comparatively secure. He had now the base of
operations which he had up to this moment lacked, and
had established himself in the midst of a population

' 'Y^Q Arrival of King Eckoard says " only six or seven thou-
sand " in the printed text. This must be a scribe's blunder, being
not a small number but a large one ; and Waurin, who copies the
Arrival verbatim, has " 600 or 700."

226

JVARWICK

CHAP.

favourable to the Yorkist cause. Next day he received
a great accession of strength. Bourchier Earl of Essex,
his brother Archbishop Bourchier, Lord Berners, and
many other consistent partisans of York, joined him
with seven thousand men levied in the Eastern Counties.
His army was now so strong that he might face any
force which Warwick could bring up, unless the Earl
should wait for the levies of the extreme North and West
to join him.

On Maundy Thursday London had fallen ; on Good
Friday the King lay in London ; on Saturday afternoon
he moved out again with his army greatly strengthened
and refreshed, and marched north to meet the pursuing
enemy. Warwick, much retarded on his way by the
rear-guard which the King had left to detain him and
by the necessity of waiting for Somerset's force, had
reached Dunstable on the Friday, only to learn in the
evening that London was lost and his brother and King
Henry captured. He pushed on, however, and swerv-
ing from the Watling Street at St. Albans threw him-
self eastward, with the intention, we cannot doubt, of
cutting Edward's communication with the Eastern Mid-
lands, where York was strong, by placing himself across
the line of the Ermine Street. On Saturday evening his
army encamped on a rising ground near Monken Hadley
Church, overlooking the little town of Barnet which lay
below him in the hollow. The whole force lay down in
order of battle, ranged behind a line of hedges ; in front
of them was the heathy plateau, four hundred feet above
the sea, which slopes down into the plain of Middlesex.

An hour or two after Warwick's footsore troops had
taken post for the night, and long after the dusk had

XVI WARWICK AND EDWARD FACE TO FACE 227

fallen, the alarm was raised that tlie Yorkists were at
hand. On hearing of the Earl's approach the King had
marched out of London with every man that he could
raise. His vanguard beat Warwick's scouts out of the
town of Barnet, and chased them back on to the main
position. Having found the enemy, Edward pushed on
through Barnet, climbed the slope, and ranged his men
in the dark facing the hedges behind which the Earl's
army lay,

much nearer than he had supposed, for he took not his
ground so even in the front as he should have done, if he
might better have seen them. And there they kept them
still without any manner of noise or language. Both .sides
had guns and ordinance, but the Earl, meaning to have
greatly annoyed the King, sliot guns almost all the night.
But it fortuned that they always overshot the King's host,
and hurt them little or nought, for the King lay much nearer
to them than they deemed. But the King suffered no guns
to be shot on his side, or else right few, which was of great
advantage to him, for thereby the Earl should have found
the ground that he lay in, and levelled guns thereat.

So, with the cannon booming all night above them,
the two hosts lay down in their armour to spend that
miserable Easter even. Next day it was obvious that a
decisive battle must occur ; for the King, whose interest
it was to fight at once, before Warwick could draw in his
reinforcements from Kent and from the North and West,
had placed himself so close to the Earl that there was
no possibility of the Lancastrian host withdrawing with-
out being observed. The morrow would settle, once for
all, if the name of Richard Neville or that of Edward
Plantagenet was to be all-powerful in England.

CHAPTER XVII

BARNET

The Easter morning da-n-ned dim and gray ; a dense fog
had rolled up from the valley, and the two hosts could
see no more of each other than on the previous night.
Only the dull sound of unseen multitudes told each that
the other was still before them in position.

Of the two armies each, so far as we can judge, must
have numbered some twenty-five thousand men. It is
impossible in the conflict of evidence to say which was
the stronger, but there cannot have been any great
difference in force.-^ Each had drawn itself up in the
normal order of a medieval army, with a central

^ The Yorkist author of the Arrival of King Edward says that
his patron had only nine thousand men. But we can account for
many more. Edward landed with two thousand ; at least six
hundred joined at Nottingham, at least three thousand at Leicester ;
Clarence brought seven thousand, Essex and the other Bourchiers
seven thousand more. This makes nineteen thousand six hundred,
and many more must have joined in small parties. On the other
side Warwick had at Coventry six thousand men ; Oxford met him
with four thousand, Montagu with three thousand, Somerset with
seven thousand, and he too must have drawn in many small, unre-
corded reinforcements. The Yorkists called his army thirty
thousand strong — probably overstating it by a few thousands.
Their own must have been much the same.

cHAi'. xvri-

WAR WICK'S ARMY

229

main-battle, tlie van and rear ranged to its right
and left, and a small reserve held back behind the centre.
Both sides, too, had dismounted nearly every man,
according to the universal practice of the English in the
fifteenth centurj^ Even Warwick himself, — whose wont
it had been to lead his first line to the charge, and then
to mount and place himself at the head of the reserve,
ready to deliver the final blow, — on this one occasion sent
his horse to the rear and fought on foot all day. He
wished to show his men that this was no common battle,
but that he was risking life as well as lands and name
and power in their company.

In the Earl's army Montagu and Oxford, with their
men from the North and East, held the right wing ;
Somerset with his West-Country archery and billnien
formed the centre ; Warwick himself with his own
Midland retainers had the left wing ; with him was his
old enemy Exeter, — his unwilling partner in the famous
procession of 1457, his adversary at sea in the spring of
1460. Here and all down the line the old Lancastrians
and the partisans of Warwick were intermixed ; the
Cresset of the Hollands stood hard by the Ragged
Staff ; the Dun Bull of Montagu and the Radiant Star
of the De Veres were side by side. We cannot doubt
that many a look was cast askance at new friends who
had so long been old foes, and that the suspicion of
possible treachery must have been present in every
breast.

Edward's army was drawn up in a similar order.
Richard of Gloucester commanded the right wing ; he
was but eighteen, but his brother had already learnt to
trust nmch to his zeal and energy. The King himself

230

WARWICK

CHAP.

headed Clarence's men in the centre ; lie was determined
to keep his shifty brother at his side, lest he might re-
pent at the eleventh hour of his treachery to his father-
in-law. Hastings led the rear-battle on the left.

The armies were too close to each other to allow of
manoeuvring ; the men rose from the muddy ground on
which they had lain all night, and dressed their line
where they stood. But the night had led King EdAvard
astray ; he had drawn up his host so as to overlap the
Earl's extreme left, while he opposed nothing to his ex-
treme right. Gloucester in the one army and Montagu
and Oxford in the other had each the power of out-
flanking and turning the wing opposed to them. The
first glimpse of sunlight would have revealed these facts to
both armies had the day been fair ; but in the dense fog
neither party had perceived as yet its advantage or its
danger. It was not till the lines met that they made
out each other's strength and position.

Between four and five o'clock, in the first gray of the
dawning, the two hosts felt their way towards each other ;
each side could at last descry the long line of bills and
bows opposed to it, stretching right and left till it was
lost in the mist. For a time the archers and the bom-
bards of the two parties played their part ; then the two
lines rolled closer, and met from end to end all along
Gladsmore Heath. The first shock was more favourable
to Warwick than to the King. At the east end of the
line, indeed, the Earl himself was outflanked by Gloucester,
forced to throw back his wing, and compelled to yield
ground towards his centre. But at the other end of the
line the Yorkists suff"ered a far worse disaster ; Montagu
and Oxford not only turned Hastings' flank, but rolled

XVII ROUT OF THE YORKIST LEFT 231

up his line, Ijroke it, and chased it right over the heath,
and down toward Barnet town. Many of the routed
troops fled as far as London ere they stopped, spreading
everywhere the news that the King was slain and the
cause of York undone. But the defeat of Edward's left
wing had not all the effect that might have been ex-
pected. Owing to the fog it was unnoticed by the
victorious right, and even by the centre, where the King
and Clarence were now hai'd at work with Somerset,
and gaining rather than losing ground. No panic spread
down the line "for no man was in anything discouraged,
because, saving a few that stood nearest to them, no man
wist of the rout : also the other party by the same flight
and chase were never the greatlier encouraged." More-
over, the victorious troops threw away their chance ;
instead of turning to aid his hard-pressed comrades,
Oxford pursued recklessly, cutting down the flying
enemy for a mile, even into the streets of Barnet. Con-
sequently he and his men lost themselves in the fog ;
many were scattered ; the rest collected themselves
slowly, and felt their way back towards the field, guid-
ing themselves by the din that sounded down from the
hillside. Montagu appears not to have gone so far in
pursuit ; he must ha ' retained part of his wing with
him, and would seem to have used it to strengthen his
brother's hard-pressed troops on the left.

But meanwhile King Edward himself was gaining
ground in the centre ; his own column, as the Yorkist
chronicler delights to record, " beat and bare down all
that stood in his way, and then turned to range, first on
that hand and then on the other hand, and in length so
beat and bare them down that nothing might stand in

232

WARIVICK

CHAV.

the sight of him and of the well-assm-ed fellowship that
attended truly upon him." Somerset, in short, was
giving way ; in a short time the Lancastrian centre
would be broken.

At this moment, an hour after the fight had begun,
Oxford and his victorious followers came once more upon
the scene. Lost in the fog, they appeared, not Avhere
they might have been expected, on Edward's rear, but
upon the left rear of their own centre. They must have
made a vast detour in the darkness.

Xow came the fatal moment of the daj'. Oxford's
men, whose banners and armour bore the Eadiant Star of
the De Veres, were mistaken by their comrades for a
flanking column of Yorkists. In the mist their badge
had been taken for the Sun with Eays, which w^as King
Edward's cognisance, ^^'hen they came close to their
friends they received a sharp volley of arrows, and were
attacked b)' AVarwick's last resen es. This mistake had
the most cruel results. The old and the new Lancastrians
had not been without suspicions of each other. Assailed
by his own friends, Oxford thought that some one — like
Grey de Euthyn at Northampton — had betrayed the
cause. Eaising the cry of treason, he and all his men
fled northward from the field. ^

The fatal cry ran down the labouring lines of War-
Avick's army and wrecked the Avhole array. The old Lan-
castrians made up their minds that "Warwick — or at least
his brother the Marquis, King Edward's ancient favourite

^ Compare this with an incident at Waterloo. Ziethen's Prussian
corps, coming upon the field to the left rear of the English line,
took the brigade of the Prince of Saxe-"\Veimar for French owing
to a similarity in uniform, attacked them, and slew many ere the
mistake was discovered.

XVII

DEATH OF WARWICK

233

— must have followed the examj)lo of the ijerjurcd
Clarence. Mauy turned their arms against the Nevilles,^
and the unfortunate Montagu was slain by his own allies
in the midst of the battle. Many more fled without
striking another blow ; among these was Somerset, who
had up to this moment fought manfully against King
Edward in the centre.

Warwick's Aving still held its ground, but at last the
Earl saw that all was lost. His brother was slain ; Exeter
had been struck down at his side ; Somerset and Oxford
were in flight. He began to draw back toward the line
of thickets and hedges which had lain behind his army.
But there the fate met him that had befallen so many of
his enemies, at St. Albans and Northampton, at Towton
and Hexham. His heavy armour made rapid flight
impossible ; and in the edge of Wrotham Wood he was
surrounded by the pursuing enemy, wounded, beaten
down, and slain.

The plunderers stripped the fallen ; but King Edward's
first desire was to know if the Earl was dead. The field
was carefully searched, and the corpses of Warwick
and Montagu were soon found. Both were carried to
London, where they were laid on the pavement of St.
Paul's, stripped to the breast, and exposed three days to
the public gaze, " to the intent that the people should
not be abused by feigned tales, else the rumour
should have been sowed about that the Earl was yet
alive."

' There seems no valid reason for accepting Warkworth's
theory that Montagu was actually deserting to King Edward. But
there is every sign that the Lancastrians imagined that he was
doing so. If he had wished to betray his brother, he could have
done it much better at an earlier hour in the battle.

234

WARWICK

CHAP.

After lying three days on the stones, the bodies were
given over to George Neville the Archbishop, who had
them both borne to Bisham, and buried in the abbey,
hard by the tombs of their father Salisbury and their
ancestors the Earls of the house of Montacute. All
alike were swejat aAvay, together with the roof that
covered them, by the Vandalism of the Edwardian
reformers, and not a trace remains of the sejjulchre of
the two unquiet brothers.

Thus ended Richard Neville in the forty-fourth year
of his age, slain by the sword in the sixteenth year since
he had first taken it up at the Battle of St. Albans.
Fortune, who had so often been his friend, had at last
deserted him; for no reasonable prevision could have
foreseen the series of chances which ended in the disaster
of Barnet. Montagu's irresolution and Clarence's
treachery were not the only things that had worked
against him. If the winds had not been adverse. Queen
Margaret, who had been lying on the Norman coast since
the first week in March, would have been in London long
before Edward arrived, and could have secured the city
with the three thousandmen under Wenlock, Langstrother,
and John Beaufort whom her fleet carried. But for
five weeks the wind blew from the north and made the
voyage impossible ; on Good Friday only did it turn and
allow the Queen to sail. It chanced that the first ship,
which came to land in Portsmouth harbour the very
morning of Barnet, carried among others the Countess of
Warwick ; at the same moment that she was setting her
foot on shore her husband was striking his last blows on
Gladsmore Heath. Nor Avas it only from France that
aid was coming ; there were reinforcements gathering in

XVII

JUS ILL FORTUNE

235

the North, and the Kcntishmen were only waiting for a
leader. Within a few days after Warwick's death the
Bastard of Fauconbridge had mustered seventeen thou-
sand men at Canterbury in King Henry's name. If
Warwick could have avoided fighting, he might have
doubled his army in a week, and offered the Yorkists
battle under far more favourable conditions. The wrecks
of the Jjarty were strong enough to face the enemy on
almost equal terms at Tewkesbury, even when their head
was gone. The stroke of militaiy genius which made
King Edward compel the Earl to fight, by placing his
army so close that no retreat was possible from the
position of Barnet, was the proximate cause of Warwick's
ruin ; but in all the rest of the campaign it was fortune
rather than skill which fought against the Earl. His
adversary played his dangerous game with courage and
success ; but if only ordinary luck had ruled, Edward
must have failed ; the odds against him were too many.

But fortune interposed and Warwick fell. For
England's sake perhaps it was well that it should be
so. If he had succeeded, and Edward had been
driven once more from the land, we may be sure
that the Wars of the Roses would have dragged on
for many another year; the house of York had too
many heirs and too many followers to allow of its
dispossession without a long time of further trouble.
The cause of Lancaster, on the other hand, was bound up
in a single life ; when Prince Edward fell in the Bloody
Meadow, as he fled from the field of Tewkesbury, the
struggle was ended perforce, for no one survived to claim
his rights. Henry of Richmond, whom an unexpected
chance ultimately placed on the throne, was neither in

236

IVARIVICA'

CHAP.

law 1101' in fact the real heir of tlie house of Lancaster.
On the other hand, Warwick's success would have led,
so far as we can judge, first to a continuance of civil
war, then, if he had ultimately been successful in rooting
out the Yorkists, to a protracted political struggle
between the house of Neville and the old Lancastrian
party headed by the Beauforts and probably aided by
the Queen ; for it is doubtful how far the marriage of
Prince Edward and Anne Neville would ever have served
to reconcile two such enemies as the Earl and Margaret of
Anjou. If Warwick had held his own, and his abilities
and his popularity combined to make it likely, his victory
would have meant the domination of a family group — a
form of government which no nation has endured for
long. At the best, the history of the last thirty years of
the fifteenth century in England would have been a tale
resembling that of the days when the house of Douglas
struggled with the crown of Scotland, or the Guises with
the rulers of France.

Yet for Warwick as a ruler there would hav(. been
much to be said. To a king of the type of Henry the
Sixth the Earl would have made a perfect minister and
vicegerent, if only he could have been placed in the
position without a preliminary course of bloodshed and
civil war. The misfortune for England was that his
lot was cast not with Henry the Sixth, but with strong-
willed, hot-headed, selfish Edward the Fourth.

The two prominent features in Warvnck's character
which made him a leader of men, were not those which
might have been expected in a man born and reared in
his position. The first was an inordinate love of the
activity of business ; the second was a courtesy and afFa-

XVII

HIS AMBITION

237

bility which made him the friend of all men save the one
class he could not brook — the " made lords," the parvenu
nobility which Edward the Fourth delighted to foster.

Of these characteristics it is impossible to exaggerate
the strength of the first. Warwick's ambition took the
shape of a devouring love of work of all kinds. Prom-
inent though he was as a soldier, his activity in war was
only one side of his passionate desire to manage well and
thoroughly everything that came to his hand. He never
could cease for a moment to be busy ; from the first
moment when he entered into official harness in 145.5
down to the day of his death, he seems hardly to have
rested for a moment. The energy of his soul took him
into every employment — general, admiral, governor,
judge, councillor, ambassador, as the exigencies of the
moment demanded ; he was always moving, always
busy, and never at leisure. When the details of his life
are studied, the most striking point is to find how seldom
he was at home, how constantly away at public service.
His castles and manors saw comparatively little of him.
It was not at Warwick or Amesbury, at Caerphilly or
Middleham that he was habitually to be found, but in
London, or Calais, or York, or on the Scotch Border.
It was not that he neglected his vassals and retainers —
the loyalty with which they rallied to him on every
occasion is sufficient evidence to the contrary — but he
preferred to be a great minister and official, not merely
a great baron and feudal chief.

In this sense, then, it is most deceptive to call War-
wick the Last of the Barons. Vast though his strength
might be as the greatest landholder in England, it was as
a statesman and administrator that he left his mark on

238

WARWICK

CHAP.

the age. He should be thought of as the forerunner of
Wolsey rather than as the successor of Robert of
Belesme, or the Bohuns and Bigods. That the world
remembers him as a turbulent noble is a misfortune.
Such a view is only dra%vn from a hasty survey of the
last three or four years of his life, when under desperate
provocation he was driven to use for personal ends the
vast feudal power that lay ready to his hand. If he
had died in 1468, he would be remembered in history as
an able soldier and statesman, who with singular perse-
verance and consistency devoted his life to consolidating
England under the house of York.

After his restless acti\-ity, Warwick's most prominent
characteristic was his geniality. No statesman was ever
so consistentlj' popular with the mass of the nation,
through all the alternations of good and evil fortune.
This popularity the Earl owed to his unswer\'ing courtes}'
and affability ; " he ever had the good voice of the peoj^le,
Ijecause he gave them fair words, showing himself easy
and familiar," says the chronicler. Wherever he was
well kno^vn he was well liked. His own Yorkshire and
Midland vassals, who knew him as their feudal lord,
the seamen who had served under him as admiral, the
Kentishmen who saw so much of him while he was cap-
tain of Calais, were all his unswerving followers down to
the day of his death. The Earl's boundless generosity, the
open house which he kept for all who had any claim on
him, the zeal with which he pushed the fortunes of his
dependents, vill only partially explain his popularity.
As much must be ascribed to his genial personality as to
the trouble which he took to cornet the people. His
whole career was possible because the majority of the

XVII

HIS POPULARITY

239

nation not only trusted and respected but honestly-
liked him. This it was which explains the " king-
making " of his later years. Men grew so accustomed to
follow his lead that they would even acquiesce when he
transferred his allegiance from King Edward to King
HenrJ^ It was not because he was the greatest land-
holder of England that he was able to dispose of the
crown at his good will ; but because, after fifteen years of
public life, he had so commended himself to the majority
of the nation that they were ready to follow his guidance
even when he broke with all his earlier associations.

But Warwick was something more than active, genial,
and popular ; nothing less than first-rate abilities would
have sufficed to carry him through his career. On the
whole, it was as a statesman that he was most fitted to
shine. His power of managing men was extraordinary ;
even King Louis of France, the hardest and most un-
emotional of men, seems to have been amenable to his
influence. He was as successful Avith men in the
mass as with individuals ; he could sway a parliament or
an army with equal ease to his will. How far he sur-
passed the majority of his contemporaries in political
prescience is shown by the fact that, in spite of Yorkist
traditions, he saw clearly that England must give up
her ancient claims on France, and continually worked to
reconcile the two countries.

In war Warwick was a commander of ability ; good
for all ordinary emergencies where courage and a
cool head would carry him through, but not attaining
the heights of military genius displayed by his pupil
Edward. His battles were fought in the old English
style of Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth,

240

JVARWICA'

CHAP.

by lines of archery flcanked by clumps of billmen and
dismounted knights. He is found employing both
cannon and hand-gun men, but made no decisive or
novel use of either, except in the case of his siege-
artillery in the campaign of 1464. Nor did he
employ cavalry to any great extent ; his men dis-
mounted to fight like their grandfathers at Agincourt,
although the power of horsemen had again revindicated
itself on the Continent. The Earl was a cool and capable
commander ; he was not one of the hot-headed feudal
chiefs who strove to lead everj^ charge. It was his wont
to conduct his first line to the attack and then to retire
and take command of the reserve, \v\t\\ which he
delivered his final attack in person. This caution led
some contemporary critics, especially Burgundians who
contrasted his conduct with the headlong valour of
Charles the Eash, to throw doubts on his personal
courage. The sneer was ridiculous. The man who was
first into the High Street at St. Albans, who fought
through the ten hours of Towton, and won a name by
his victories at sea in an age when sea-fights were carried
on by desperate hand-to-hand attempts to board, might
afford to laugh at any such criticism. If he fell at
Barnet "somewhat flying," as the Yorkist chronicler
declares, he was surely right in endeavouring to save
himself for another field ; he knew that one lost battle
would not wreck his cause, while his own life was the
sole pledge of the union between the Lancastrian party
and the majority of the nation.

Brave, courteous, liberal, active, and able, a generous
lord to his followers, an untiring servant to the com-
monweal, Warwick had all that was needed to attract the

XVII

HIS FAULTS

241

homage of his contemporaries : they called him, as the
Kentish ballad-monger sang, "a very noble knight, the
flower of manhood." But it is only fair to record that
he bore in his character the fatal marks of the two sins
which distinguished the English nobles of his time.
Occasionally he was reckless in bloodsheddiiig. Once
in his life he descended to the use of a long and deliber-
ate course of treason and treachery.

In the first-named sin Warwick had less to reproach
himself with than most of his contemporaries. He never
authorised a massacre, or broke open a sanctuary, or
entraj)ped men by false pretences in order to put them
to death. In battle, too, he always bid his men to spare
the Commons. Moreover, some of his crimes of blood-
shed are easily to be palliated : Mundeford and the other
captains whom he beheaded at Calais had broken their
oath of loyalty to him ; the Bastard of Exeter, whom
he executed at York, had been the prime agent in
the murder of his father. The only wholly unpardonable
act of the Earl was his .slaying of the Woodvilles and
Herberts in 1469. They had been his bitter enemies,
it is true ; but to avenge political rivalries with the axe,
without any legal form of trial, was unworthy of the
high reputation which Warwick had up to that moment
enjoyed. It increases rather than lessens the sum of his
guilt to say that he did not publicly order their death,
but allowed them to be executed by rebels Avhom he had
roused and might as easily have quieted.

But far worse, in a moral aspect, than the slaying of
the Woodvilles and Herberts, was the course of treachery
and deceit that had preceded it. That the Earl had been
wantonly insulted by his thankless master in a way that

242 IVAKWICA' CHAF.

would have driven even one of milder mood to despera-
tion, we have stated elsewhere. An ideally loyal man
might have borne the King's ingratitude in silent dignity,
and foresworn the Court for ever : a hot headed man
might have burst out at once into open rebellion ; but
Warwick did neither. When his first gust of wrath had
passed, he set himself to seek revenge by secret treac' cry.
He returned to the Court, was superficially reconciled to
his enemies, and bore himself as if he had forgotten
his wrongs. Yet all the while he was organising an
armed rising to sweep the Woodvilles and Herberts
away, and to coerce the King into subjection to his will.
The plan was as unwise as it was unworthy. Although
Warwick's treason was for the moment entirely successful,
it made any confidence between himself and his master
impossible for tlie future. At the earliest opportunity
Edward revenged himself on Warwick with the same
weapons that had been used against himself, and drove
the Earl into exile.

There is nothing in Warwick's subsequent reconcilia-
tion with the Lancastrians which need call up our moral
indignation. It was the line of conduct which forced
him into that connection that was evil, not the connec-
tion itself. There is no need to reproach him for chang-
ing his allegiance ; no other course was possible to
him in the circumstances. The King had cast him oif,
not he the King. When he transferred his loyalty to
the house of Lancaster, he never swerved again. All the
offers which Edward made to him after his return in
1471 were treated with contempt. Warwick was not
the man to sell himself to the highest bidder.

If then Warwick was once in his life driven into

XVII

THE END OF ALL

243

treachery and bloodthirsty revenge, we must set against
liis crime his fifteen long years of honest and consistent
service to the cause he had made his own, and remember
how dire was the provocation which drove him to betray
it. Counting his evil deeds of 1469-70 at their worst,
he will still compare not unfavourably with any other of
the leading Englishmen of his time. Even in that
demoralised age his sturdy figure stands out in not un-
attractive colours. Born in a hapjiier generation, his
industry and perseverance, his courage and courtesy, his
liberal hand and generous heart, might have made him
not only the idol of his followers, but the bulwark of
the commonwealth. Cast into the godless times of the
\7.i.rs of the Roses, he Avas doomed to spend in the cause
of a faction the abilities that were meant to benefit a
whole nation ; the selfishness, the cruelty, the political
immorality of the age, left their mark on his character ;
his long and honourable career was at last stained by
treason, and his roll of successes terminated by a crushing
defeat. Even after his death his misfortune has not
ended. Popular history has given him a scanty record
merely as the Kingmaker or the Last of the Barons, as
a selfish intriguer or a turbulent feudal chief ; and for
four hundred and ten years he has lacked even the
doubtful honour of a biography.

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LIST OF PUBLICATIONS.

YONGE (Charlotte M.).— A Book op Golden
Deeds, i Snio. 4^. 6rf.
Cheap Edition. i8mo. \s.
Globe Readings Edition. Globe 8vo. is.

P's AN'D Q's ; OR, The Question of

Putting Upon. Illustrated. Gl.Svo. i,s.f>d.

- — The Lances of Lynwood. Illustrated.
Globe 8vo. 2S. 6d.

Little Lucy's Wonderful Glohe.

Illustrated. Globe 8vo. ^s. td.

The Little Duke. Illustrated. Globe

8vo. ■zs. id.
A Storehouse of Stokibs. 2 vols. Gl.

8vo. 25. id. each.

A Book of Worthies : gathered from

THE Old Histories and written Anew.
i8mo. 45. ad.

Cameos from English History. E.\tra

fcp. 8vo. 55. each. — Vol. I. From Kollo to
Edw.\rdII. — Vol. II. The Wars IN France.
— Vol. III. The Wars of the Roses.
— Vol. IV. Reformation Times. — Vol. V.
England and Spain. — Vol. VI. Forty
Years of Stuart Rule (1603 — 1643). —
Vol. VII. The Rebellion and Restora-
tion (1642—78).

Scripture Readi.ngs for Schools and

Families. Globe 8vo. u. dd. each ; also
with Comments, 35. bd. each. — Genesis to
Deuteronomy. — Second Series: Joshua
to .Solomon. — Third Series : Kings and
the Prophets. — Fourth Series : The Gos-
pel Times. — Fifth Series: Apostolic Times.

France. i8mo. 15.

History of;France. Maps. i8mo. y.dd.

VONGE (Charlotte M.).— The Life op John
Coleridge Patteson. 2 vols. Crown
8vo. 12s.

The Pupils of St. John. Illustrated.

Crown 8vo. 6s.

Pioneers and Founders ; or, Recent

Workers in the Mission Field. Crown
8vo. 6s.

The Story of the Christians and

Moors in Spain. i8mo. 4J. 6d.

History of Christian Names. New

Edition, revised. Crown 8vo. js. 6d.

The Herb of the Field. A New

Edition, revised. Crown 8vo. $s.

The Victorian Half-Century. Crown

8vo. IS. 6d. ; sewed, is.

The Two Penniless Princesses: A

Story of the Time of James I. of Scot-
land. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 12s.

YOUNG (E. W.).— Simple Practical Me-
thods OF Calculating Strains on Gir-
ders, Arches, and Trusses. 8vo. js. 6d,

ZECHARI-\H. The Hebrew Student's
Commentary on Zech.-^kiah, Hebrew and
LXX. By W. H. Lowe, M.A. 8vo. ios.6d.

ZIEGLER.— A Text-Book of Pathologi-
cal A.natomy and Pathogenesis. By
Er.nst Ziegler. Translated and Edited
for English Students by Donald Mac-
Alister, M..\., M.D. With Illustrations.
8vo. — Part I. General Pathological
Anatomy. 2nd Edition. 12s. 6d. — Part II,
Special Pathological Anatomy. Sections
I. — VIII. 2nd Edition. 12s. 6d. Sections
IX.— XII. 8vo. i2s.6d.

MACMILLAN AND CO., LOxMDON.

V1/30/1/91

J. palmer, printer, ALEXANDRA STREET CAMBRIDGE.

Princeton Theological Seminary Libraries

1 1012 01219 4173

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