A
WELSH GRAMMAR
.
HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE
BY
J^MORRIS JONES, M.A.
PROFESSOR OF WELSH AT THE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF NORTH WALES, BANGOa
LATE RESEARCH FELLOW OF JESUS COLLEGE, OXFORD
PHONOLOGY AND ACCIDENCE
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1913
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK
TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY
HUMPHREY MILFORD M.A.
FUBLISHKR TO THE UXIVER8ITY
PREFACE
" THIS book ", as V. Henry says of his Breton Lexique, " has
the misfortune to have a history." It would be tedious, even if
it were possible, to relate it in detail ; but the long delay in the
appearance of the work calls for a brief account of the facts by
way of explanation and apology.
In the early nineties I contributed to the new edition of the
Welsh encyclopaedia T Gwyddoniadur an article on the Welsh
language, which contained a sketch of Welsh grammar. This
sketch was expanded in a course of lectures delivered to the
Junior and Intermediate classes at Bangor after the foundation
of the University of Wales. The idea occurred to me of prepar-
ing the substance of the lectures for publication as a textbook of
Welsh grammar ; but I was unable at the time to carry out the
investigation which seemed to me necessary before such a book
could be properly written.
The work was intended to be a descriptive grammar of Modern
Welsh with special reference to the earlier period. Late Modern
Welsh is more artificial, and in some respects further removed
from the spoken language, than Early Modern Welsh, owing
largely to the influence of false etymological theories ; and the
object which I had in view was the practical one of determining
the traditional forms of the literary language. Even scholars
have been deceived by the fictitious forms found in dictionaries ;
thus " dagr " given by Silvan Evans, after Pughe, as the sg. of
dagrau, is quoted as a genuine form even by Strachan, Intr. 33 ;
see below p. 212 Note. I had however chiefly in mind the ordi-
nary writer of the language, to whom a clear idea of the literary
tradition is at least equally important. The first draft of the
a2
iv PREFACE
1'ottk was begun in 1899 ; bat I was dissatisfied with it, and
made a fresh start a year or two later. The progress of the
second draft was much hindered by examination work which
took up the greater part of my long vacation for some years. In
1907 I had finished the accidence and written more than half of
the syntax. As Early Modern literature consists almost wholly
of verse in the strict metres, I found myself in the syntax quoting
more and more from Medieval prose. At last I was forced to the
conclusion that the Medieval period would have to be dealt with
in the earlier portion, which would therefore have to be entirely
ro-written. Many Medieval forms had already been quoted in
it, in order to show that the Early Modern forms followed the old
tradition, especially where the late written form is artificial ; in
some cases the etymology also was given, in order to show further
that the traditional form had developed regularly. In re-casting
the first portion I thought it would be well to bring together
the laws by which Welsh sounds are derived from Keltic and
Primitive Aryan, so that by reference to them any formation or
word might be compared with its cognates, and traced to its
origin. Thus from a descriptive grammar of Modern Welsh the
book grew into a Welsh Grammar Historical and Comparative.
In its present form the work was commenced early in 1908 ;
and the Phonology and Accidence now published were completed
in the Spring of 1912. The volume has taken a year to print ;
and I have not found the time too long for the final revision of
the copy and the correction of proofs.
A few words may here be said of the most important previous
works on the subject. The earliest known Welsh grammar is
that preserved in the Red Book of Hergest (E.G.), and printed
from a late copy as Dosparth EJeyrn Dafod Aur by Ab Ithel ; apart
from the treatment of sounds and metres this is little more than
a definition of the parts of speech. Simwnt Vychan's grammar
(P.IL.) is also of value only for its prosody. The first printed
PREFACE v
Welsh grammar was written by Dr. Griffith Roberts, and
appeared at Milan in 1567. It gives an interesting account of
the language as it was written before the influence of Salesbury
made itself felt ; but the most remarkable feature of the book is
the section on etymology, which records the discovery by the
author of the fact that the sound-changes which take place in
Latin loan-words were capable of being stated as laws. Dr. J. D.
Rhys's grammar appeared in 1592. The author wrote excellent
Welsh, though his peculiar alphabet makes it appear uncouth ;
and his grammar is an attempt to describe the language as he
wrote it. It is cast almost wholly in the form of tables, and
is less systematic in reality than in appearance. The prosody,
which is valuable, was contributed by contemporary bards. In
1593 a small grammar was published by Henry Salesbury, in
which literary and dialectal forms are given, but are not
distinguished.
Dr. John Da vies published his grammar in 1621, the year
after the appearance of the revised Bible, which is believed to be
chiefly his work. The grammar represents the result of a care-
ful study of the works of the bards. It was the first Welsh
grammar to be based on an examination of the actual facts of the
language of standard authors. Medieval bards are quoted in
modernized spelling ; in that respect, therefore, the work is not
in the strict sense historical. But the author's analysis of the
Modern literary language is final ; he has left to his successors
only the correction and amplification of detail.
The grammar of William Owen (later W. O. Pughe) prefixed
to his Dictionary, 1803, stands at the opposite pole. It is
written on the same principle as the dictionary, and represents
the language not as it is, or ever was, but as it might be if any
suffix could be attached mechanically to any stem. The author's
method can best be realized by imagining a Latin grammarian
evolving out of the stems of volo the presents ind. volo, voli#, volit ;
mo, vis, nt ; v nlo, vuls, vult ; veto, vds, velt ; vello, vellis, vellit,
vi PREFACE
and the infinitives volere, tfare, vulere, velere,vetlere, with perhaps
a note stating that these infinitives are " seldom used " (see his
Gr. a 66, 68), or alternatively a footnote to the effect that vellt
" is as often used " (do. 67). Examples are quoted of such form-
as are genuine ; and the impression is conveyed by the suggestio
falsi of " seldom ", " as often ", and the like, that the others also
occur. To the author truth meant conformity with his theory ;
facts, perverse enough to disagree, were glossed over to save their
character.
In 1853 appeared the first edition of Rowland's work, which
was regarded for more than a generation as the standard grammar
of Modern Welsh. It is for the most part a description of the
written Welsh of the ipth century ; but the paradigms contain
many of Pughe's spurious forms. The author had practically no
knowledge of any Welsh older than that of the Bible translation ;
he records recent usages, but is unable to throw any light on
them, or to decide between genuine and counterfeit forms. The
use which he makes of Dr. Davies often shows that he was in-
capable of understanding him ; e.g. in professing to give
Davies's table of diphthongs, after including iw icy among the
falling diphthongs he imagines that he has done with those
combinations, and omits them from the rising class, without
perceiving that the very object of the classification is to dis-
tinguish between falling iw icy and rising iio wy. But his book
contains a quantity of sound, if ill-digested, information about
Late Welsh ; and marks the return to common sense after the
domination of Pughe.
The foundations of modern Keltic philology were laid by
I. C. Zeuss in his great Grammatica Celtica, which was published
in 1853. The sections devoted to, Welsh grammar contain a
wonderfully complete and accurate analysis of the language of
the Red Book Mabinogion (ed. Lady Charlotte Guest, 1849),
the Black Book of Chirk (in A.L., 1841), and the Welsh passages
in Liber Landavensis (ed. Rocs, 1840).
PREFACE vii
In 1908 appeared the first part of Pedersen's Vergleichevde
Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen ; two of the remaining three
parts have since been issued. This important work is mainly
comparative as its title suggests, and deals with the derivation
and development of the grammatical forms of all the Keltic
languages. It records the latest results of Keltic philology, but
is in some respects rather markedly individual.
Strachan's Introduction to Early Welsh appeared posthumously
in 1909. It contains a Medieval Welsh grammar, reader and
glossary. The grammar was written by Strachan in a few weeks
in 1907, and one cannot but wonder with his editor at "the
amazing rapidity with which he toiled ". The work embodies
forms from texts inaccessible to Zeuss, and is naturally the pro-
duct of a more advanced knowledge. Its value is somewhat
lessened by the fact that a large number of forms and phrases
are quoted without references.
Of the scope of the present work I have already spoken. It
embraces roughly that of the grammars of Davies, Strachan, and
Pedersen (so far as this relates to Welsh). The sections dealing
with the derivation of Welsh sounds were planned and partly
written before the appearance of Pedersen's work ; but I had
the advantage of consulting the latter in filling in the detail.
I have however examined each rule for myself; many new
examples are adduced, and the conclusion arrived at differs in
some cases from Pedersen's. In 75, 76 I have attempted a
solution of the extraordinarily difficult problems presented by
the development of original diphthongs in Welsh. I hope the
result is in the main sound, though some of the details are tenta-
tive. In 63 I have endeavoured to compress into a few pages
an account of the Aryan vowel system, a knowledge of which is
essential to an understanding of the vocalism of the derived
languages. The section follows the lines of Hirt's suggestive
work Der idg. Ablaut ; the notation (R, F, etc.) is an adaptation
viii PREFACE
and elaboration of Hirt's. Apart from the Welsh examples the
section contains nothing new except the notes on the place of a
in the system (v (a)) and the treatment of long diphthongs
(vii (5)). In the discussion of philological questions generally
my obligation to Brugmann's great work is so obvious as hardly
to need statement; for the writing of prehistoric forms his
scheme has been adopted, and is departed from in only one par-
ticular : e r, e n etc. are used here, as by Hirt, instead of rr, nn etc.
I have also learnt much from Meillet's brilliant Introduction, and
have borrowed from him the convenient use of the term " sonant "
to denote the sounds which oscillate between vowels and con-
sonants in Pr. Ar. In the search for the origin and cognates of
Welsh vocables I have made extensive use of Walde's Worterluch,
which contains, in a concise form and fully indexed, a vast collec-
tion of the results of recent investigation in this field ; Boisacq's
Dlctionnaire I have also found most valuable. For the purposes
of Keltic philology I have consulted with much profit Thurney-
sen's admirable grammar of Old Irish. The sections treating of
the derivation of sounds are fuller than they were originally
intended to be ; and with the material thus provided I was led
further to attempt to trace to their origin all inflexions and im-
portant grammatical forms. But in order to save space I have
generally given only the explanation which seemed to me in
each case the most probable ; thus the fact that Pedersen's
equation of W. ynteu with Ir. intl or his derivation of eib-aw from
*esio is not mentioned does not necessarily mean that it has not
been considered, but that I regard it as less likely than the
explanation offered in the text.
I have to express my gratitude to Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans,
who was kind enough to lend me for the purposes of this work
his manuscript referred to as TR., his transcripts of numerous
poems by G.Gr., G.G1., Gu.O., D.N., D.E., H.D.,I.F. and IL.,and
to furnish me with proofs of W.M. before it was issued, and of K.P.
PREFACE ix
and B.T. which have not yet appeared ; and to Mr. J. H. Davies
who generously lent me for several years his transcripts of about
200 of the poems of T.A., and verified readings for me in MSS. at
the National Library. For the latter service I am also indebted
to Mr. T. Gwynn Jones at the National Library, and to Mr. J.
Ifano Jones at the Free Library, Cardiff. I have to thank
Mr. Shankland for the readiness with which he has assisted me
in various ways at the Library of the University College of
North Wales. The first proof .of every sheet was read by my
colleague Professor Hudson-Williams ; proofs of the Accidence
were read by my assistant Mr. Ifor Williams ; proofs of the
Phonology and revises of the Accidence were read by Sir John
Rhys. To each of them, and to the Reader at the Press, I
am indebted for the correction of errors which had escaped
me. Every reference to a printed book was verified by myself
in the first proofs, and I hope few errors remain unconnected ;
references to MSS. were compared with my notes and with entries
in the Report on Welsh Manuscripts, but it was of course impossible,
except in a few cases, to check the reading with the original. My
thanks are due to Mr. Ifor Williams for much valuable criticism
and many hints ; I owe to him the explanation of i'w, Ml. yw>
as a metathesis of wy p. 377, see p. xxvii below. I desire to
acknowledge my deep obligation to my teacher Sir John Rhys,
who has always been ready to help with criticism and advice.
Lastly, I owe a debt of gratitude to the Fellows of Jesus College
who elected me to a research fellowship for a period in order to
enable me to devote my long- vacations to the work.
J. MORRIS JONES.
May 3 id, 1913.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION : PAGB
OBIGIN AND GENERAL HISTORY i
PHONOLOGY :
ORTHOGRAPHY AND PRONUNCIATION :
The Alphabet 9
The Vowels . . . . . . . . .11
The Consonants . . . . . . . .18
Note. Transcription . . . . . . . 29
Sounds in Combination :
Syllabic Division ....... 30
Diphthongs. Falling Diphthongs . '. . . 31
Rising Diphthongs . . . . . . -37
Ambiguous Groups . . . . . . 41
Accentuation . . 47
Quantity 65
THE ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC ..... 74
ARYAN VOWEL GRADATION ...... 78
KELTIC VOWELS IN BRITISH AND WELSH . . . .85
The Short Vowels 85
Affection of Short Vowels . . . . . .89
The Long Vowels ........ 93
The Diphthongs . . . . . . . 97
Later Modifications of Vowels no
VOWEL VARIATION IN MODERN WELSH . . . .116
Vowel Mutation . . . . .. . .116
Vowel Affection . . 120
THE ARYAN CONSONANTS IN KELTIC AND BRITISH . .122
The Explosives . . . . . . . .124
The Spirants . . 133
The Sonants . . . . . . . . .147
INTERCHANGE or CONSONANTS :
Consonant Alternation . . . . . . 155
Assimilation, Dissimilation, and Metathesis . . . 159
xii CONTENTS
BRITISH AND LATIN CONSONANTS IN WELSH : PACK
The Soft Mutation .... .161
The Nasal Mutation ... .167
The Spirant Mutation . i?5
Initial Mutation . . . . . -176
Later Consonant Changes :
Loss of Voiced Spirants and Sonants . . 177
Provection ... ... .181
Loss of Syllables . 188
ACCIDENCE :
THE ARTICLE .... . . 192
NOUNS .... . . 194
Number ... 195
Parisyllabic Nouns 195
Imparisyllabic Nouns ... ... 198
n-eteius . . . . . . . .198
n-stems ',.* 2O
t-steras .... . 202
<-stems ...... . 206
r-etems ......... 209
Vowel Changes . . . . . . , .210
Plural of Nouns with Singular Endings , . .213
Plural formed from Derivatives . . . . .214
Double Plurals . , . . . . . .215
Plural Doublets 216
Singular Doublets . . . . . . .217
Desynonymized Doublets . . . .218
Anomalous Plurals . . . . . .219
Nouns with no Plural . . . . . . .220
Nouns with no Singular .221
Gender . . . . . . . . . .222
Derivative Nouns ...... .229
ADJECTIVES :
Number. . 234
Gender 238
Comparison . . . . . . . . .241
Derivative Adjectives . . . . . . -255
NUMERALS 258
COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES 260
CONTENTS xiii
PRONOUNS : PAGE
Personal Pronouns . . . . . . .270
Possessive Adjectives . . . . . . .282
The Relative Pronoun . . . . . . .284
Interrogative Pronouns, Adjectives and Adverbs . .289
Demonstrative Pronouns and Adjectives . . . .294
Pronominalia . . . . . . . . -299
VEBBS 315
The Regular Verb ........ 317
Notes and Additional Forms . . . . . '3*9
Origins of the Welsh Verb :
The Aryan Verb . ....... 330
The Welsh Verb ....... 331
Contracted Forms ........ 340
Irregular Verbs :
The Verb 'To Be* 346
Compounds of the Verb ' To Be ' . . . . 351
Af, Gumaf, Deuaf ....... 359
Verbs with Old Perfects ...... 369
Verbs with i-Aorists . . . . . . . 372
Defective Verbs .. . . . . . 373
Verbal Stems ......... 380
Verbal Nouns ........ 385
Verbal Adjectives . . . . . . ... 396
Compound Verbs . . . . . . . -397
PREPOSITIONS . . . . . . . . 397
ADVERBS 422
CONJUNCTIONS ......... 440
INTERJECTIONS ......... 450
INDEX .... . . .453
ABBREVIATIONS
I. SIGNS
V 'root'.
< 'from, comes from'.) The angle points in the direction of the
> ' giving, gives '. ) change.
: ' (is) cognate with ', used to connect forms having a common
element, but usually varying in formation or vowel -grade. The
common use of the sign as roughly equivalent to ' viz.' does not clash
with the above, and has been retained.
= is used for three purposes; (i) between forms which according
to the laws of their respective languages imply the same ground-form;
it replaces the usual colon only where it is desired to point out identity
of formation as well as of root, etc. ; (2) between references to, or
various readings of, the same passage in two different MSS. ; (3)
between two designations of the same MS., book or person ; or two
characters of the same value, etc.
= ' (is) pronounced ' ; it generally introduces a phonetic transcrip-
tion, see Note p. 29 ; but in some cases the phonetic spelling occurs
in contemporary texts, and a reference is given.
| denotes syllabic division, see p. 31 ; division of feet on p. 18.
/ ( i) between words quoted denotes that they rhyme, or correspond
in cynghanedd, i.e. have the same consonantism or accentuation or
both; (2) between letters denotes that they alternate, see e.g. 101
iii ; (3) in references, see VI i.
* prefixed to a form denotes that it is not attested, but only inferred
from a comparison of cognates, or from the known action of sound-
laws. It also marks hypothetical forms (and meanings) generally.
A dot under a vowel denotes that it is sounded close.
A comma under a vowel denotes that it is sounded open.
t under a vowel denotes that it is nasalized ; thus Fr. ban = bq.
Marks and symbols explained in the body of the work : accent
marks 39; t, u 100; w 17 xi U; wy 38 i; |, m, n, r 57; e n,
etc. 61 i (2), 62 i (a), 63 ; 57 ; I, g, q, g, f , g* 84 ; *>,
17 vi; 19 iv; y 16 ii ( 3 \ 25 iii; y 16 v (2); v. V 16 i ;
f 22iv; 5 17 iv; 8 19 iii; x , X 17iii 5 6 14ii(a); F, F,
L, L, V, R, R, Rj etc. 63.
Meanings are given in single inverted commas ; double inverted
commas are used to quote the words of the original when the words
explained are taken from a translation ; also as ordinary quotation
marks.
ABBREVIATIONS
xv
IL TERMS
abl. 'ablative '
ace. ' accusative '
adj. ' adjective '
adv. 'adverb*
aff. 'affixed' (in Index
' affirmative ')
anal. ' analog-y, -ical '
aor. ' aorist '
auto. ' autograph '
cf. ' compare '
conj. ' conjunctive ' or
' conjugation '
cpv. ' comparative '
dat. ' dative '
def. ' definite '
denom. ' denomina-
tive'
do. ' same book (or
author) '
e. g. ' for example '
eqtv. ' equative '
f., fern. ' feminine '
gen. ' genitive '
gl. ' gloss on '
ib. ' same book and
page'
id. ' same meaning '
i. e. ' that is '
impers., imps. c im-
personal '
impf. ' imperfect '
impv. ' imperative '
ind. ' indicative '
indef. ' indefinite '
inf. ' infixed '
inj. ' injunctive '
instr. ' instrumental '
interr. ' interroga-
tive '
intj. 'interjection'
I.e. 'in place cited'
lit. ' liter-ary, -ally '
loc. ' locative '
m., mas., 'masculine'
nom. ' nominative '
obj. ' object(ive) '
obi. ' oblique '
orig. ' original(ly) '
perf. ' perfect '
pers. ' person(al) '
pi. ' plural '
plup. ' pluperfect '
pos. 'positive'
pref. ' prefix(ed) '
prep. ' preposition '
pres. ' present '
prob. ' probably '
pron. 'pronoun' or
' pronounced ' ac-
cording to context,
prov. 'proverb'
q.v. ' which see '
redupl. ' redupli-
cated '
rh. * rhyming '
sc. ' scribal '
sg. ' singular '
spv. ' superlative '
subj. ' subjunctive ',
rarely ' subject '
suff. ' suffix '
s.v. ' under the word '
unacc. ' unaccented '
v.a., v.adj. ' verbal
adj.'
vb. ' verb '
v.n. ' verbal noun '
voc. ' vocative '
III. LANGUAGES
Abbreviations denoting languages are obvious contractions of the
names of languages given on p. i .
Mn. 'Modern'. Ml. 'Medieval' or 'Middle'. O. 'Old'. Pr.
' Primitive '.
Note that Ir. means ' Old Irish ' as in Thurneysen Gr., Vendryes
Gr., and Windisch, Irische Texte. Ml. and Mn. Ir. are so named.
O.E. < Old English '= Anglo-Saxon. O.H.G. ' Old High German '.
Gathav. ' Gathic Avestic ', Oldest Avestic.
Hes(ych). designates forms and meanings from the Lexicon of
Hesychius.
xvi ABBREVIATIONS
IV. AUTHORITIES
PERIODICALS AND WORKS ON GRAMMAR AND PHILOLOGY
Ab Ithel, see Dosp. Ed.
Anwyl, Gr. : A Welsh Grammar for Schools ... By E. Anwyl, M.A.
Oxon. London 1898-9.
Arch. Camb. : Archceologia Cambrensis.
Boisacq : Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue grecque . . . Par
Emile Boisacq. a 6px~. Heidelberg and Paris 1907-13.
Brugmann : Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogerma-
nischen Spracheri* . . . Strassburg, I 1897, II i 1906, II ii 1911.
[The Eng. trans, of the ist edn., vol. iv, 1895 = ' II iii revised,
has also been used.]
Camden 4 : Britannia . . . Londini 1594.
GIL. : Corpus Inscrijrtionum Latinarum. Berolini 1862 ff.
Coel. y B. / Traetliauxi ar f/ynafiaeth ac Awdurdodaeth Coelbren y
Beirdd . . . Gann Taliesin Williams (Ab lolo). Llanymddyfri
1840.
Cymmrodor : T Cymmrodor, the Magazine of the Honourable Society
of Cymmrodorion.
D. : Antiqvce Lingvce Britannicce, nunc communiter dictce Cambro-
Britannicae . . . Rvdimenta . . . Londini 1621, by Dr. John Davies
of Mallwyd, author of D.D. below ; see above, p. v.
D.D. : Antiques Linguae Britannicce, Nunc vulgo dictae Cambro- Britan-
nicce . . . et Lingvae Latince Dictionarium Duplex . . . Londini,
Impensis Joan. Davies SS. Th. D. An. Dom. 1632.
Dosp. Ed.: Dosparth Edeyrn Davod Aur ; or the Ancient Welsh
Grammar ... to which is added T Pum Llyfr Kerddurriaeth . . .
With Eng. trans, and Notes, by the Rev. John "Williams Ab
Ithel M.A. Llandovery 1856.
Fick 4 ii : Urkeltischer Sprachschatz von Whitley Stokes. tJbersetzt
. . . von Adalbert Bezzenberger. Gb'ttingen 1894, being the and
vol. of the 4th ed.of Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermani-
schen Sprachen von August Fick.
G. Mechain : Gwaith y Parch. Walter Davies A.C. (Gtcallter Mechain).
Dan ol. y Parch. D. Silvan Evans B.D. 3 vols. Caerfyrddin
1868.
G.R. : Dosparth Byrr ar y rhann gyntaf t ramadeg cymraeg . . .
[Milan] 1567. Reprinted as a suppl. to RC. 1870-83 under
the title A Welsh Grammar and other Tracts by Griffith Roberts.
Henry (or Henry Lex.) : Lexique etymologique des termes les plus
usuels du breton moderne. Par Victor Henry. Rennes 1900.
Hirt Abl. : Der indogermanische Ablaut , . . von Herman Hirt.
Strassburg 1900.
Holder : Altceltischer Sprachschatz. Leipzig 1891 S.
ABBREVIATIONS xvii
IA. : Anzeiger fur indogermanische Sprach- und Altertumskunde.
Supplement to IF.
IF. : Indogermanische Forschungen. Zeitschrift fur indogermanische
Sprach- und Altertumskunde, herausgeg. von K. Brugmann und
W. Streitberg. Strassburg.
J.D.E. : Cambrobrytannicce Cymraecceve Lingvae Institvtiones et
Rvdimenta . . . conscripta a Joanne Dauide Rhseso Monensi Lan-
uaethlseo Cambrobrytanno. Londiui 1592.
J. J. : Transcripts and original notes on orthography etc. in the
hand of John Jones of Gelli Lyfdy, fl. 1590-1630.
KZ. : Kuhn's Zeitschrift = Zeitschrift fur vtrgleichende Sprachfor-
schung aufdem Gebiete der indogermanischen Sprachen.
Legonidec : Grammaire celto-bretonne . . . Par J. F. M. M. A. Legoni-
dec. Paris 1807
Lhuyd : Archceologia Sritannica . . . By Edward Lhuyd. . . Oxford
1707.
Lindsay: The Latin Language: An Historical Account of Latin
Sounds, Stems, and Flexions. By W. M. Lindsay. Oxford
1894.
Lindsay EWS. : Early Welsh Script. By W. M. Lindsay. Oxford
1912.
Llyfryddiaeth: Llyfryddiaeth y Cymry . . . Gan y diweddar Barch.
William Rowlands (Gwilyrn Lleyn). Ed. by D. Silvan Evans.
Llanidloes 1869.
Loth Voc. : Vocabulaire vieux-breton . . . Par J. Loth. Paris 1884.
Macbain : An Etymological Dictionary of the Gaelic Language. By
Alexander Macbain. 2 Stirling 1911.
Meillet Dial. : Les dialectes indo-euroj)eens. Par A. Meillet. Paris
1908.
Meillet Intr. : Introduction a I 'etude comparative des langues indo-
europeennes. 2 Paris 1908.
Mendus Jones Gr. : Gramadeg Cymreig Ymarferol . . . Gan J. Mendus
Jones ^Llanidloes 1847), 2 Caernarfon n.d.
Mona Ant. : Mona Antiqua Restaurata . . . By Henry Rowlands.
1 Dublin 1723.
MSL. : Memoires de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris. Paris.
O'Donovan (or O'Don. Gr.) : A Grammar of the Irish Language . . .
By John O'Donovan. Dublin 1845.
Paul-Strong: Principles of the History of Language. By Hermann
Paul. Trans, by H. A. Strong. London 1891.
Pedersen Gr. : Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprac/ien,
von Holger Pedersen. i Gottingen 1909; ii, i. Teil ib. 1911.
Sir J. Price : see Y.L.H. under VI u.
R. I. Prys : Orgraph yr laith Gymraeg. Gan R. I. Prys a Thomas
Stephens. Dinbych 1859.
Pughe : A Dictionary of the Welsh Language . . . To which is pre-
fixed a Welsh Grammar. By W. Owen Pughe. * Denbigh 1832.
RC. : Revue Celtique . . . Paris.
xviii ABBREVIATIONS
Rhys CB. : Celtic Britain. By J. Rhys. London 2 i884.
Rhys CC. : A'otes on The Coligny Calendar. By Sir John Rhys.
From the Proceedings of the British Academy iv.
Rhys CF. : Celtic Folklore Welsh and Manx. By John Rhys . . .
Oxford 1901.
Rhys CG. : Celtae and Galli. By John Rhys. From the Proc. of the
British Acnd. ii.
Rhys CIFI. : The Celtic Inscriptions of France and Italy. By John
Rhys. From the Proc. of the Brit. Acad. ii.
Rhys GIG. : The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul. By Sir John Rhys.
From the Proc. of the Brit. Acad. v.
Rhys LWPh. : Lectures on Welsh Philology. By John Rhys. 2 London
1879.
Rhys no. : Number of inscription in LWPh 2 .
Richards : Antiquce Linguce Britannicai Thesaurus, being a British,
or Welsh-English Dictionary ... By . . Thomas Richards. 3 Dol-
gelley 1815.
Rowland : A Grammar of the Welsh Language ... By Thomas Row-
land. 4 Wrexham [1876].
Salesbury : A Dictionary in Englyshe and Welshe ... by Wyllyam
Salesbury. London 1547. Cymmrodorion Soc. Reprint. See
also under V.
Seebohm : see under VI ii.
Silvan Evans : A Dictionary of the Welsh Language. By the Rev.
D. Silvan Evans, a en-. Carmarthen 1888-1906.
Silvan Evans, Llythyraeth : Llythyraeth yr laith Gymraeg. Gan D.
Silvan Evane. Caerfyrddin 1861.
Sommer : Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre . . . Von
Dr. Ferdinand Sommer. Heidelberg 1902.
S.R. : Si6n Rhydderch = GyrtMnacZe<7 Cyvnraeg . . . O Gasgliad, My-
fyriad acArgraphiad John Rhydderch . . . Mwythig (Shrewsbury)
1728.
T. Stephens : see R. I. Prys.
Stokes, Fick : see Fick.
Strachan Intr. : An Introduction to Early Welsh. By the Late
John Strachan . . Manchester 1909.
S.V. : Pump JLyfr Kerowriaeth [Welsh Grammar and Prosody by
Simwnt Vychan, see V] ; see P.HJ. under VI n.
T. Charles : Geiriadur Ysgrythyrol . . . s Bala 1836.
Tegai : Gramadeg Cymraeg . . . Gan Hugh Hughes (Tegai). 3 Caer-
narfon [1859].
Tegid : A Defence of the Reformed System of Welsh Orthography . . .
By the Rev. John Jones M.A. [Tegid]. Oxford 1829; and
another tract ; confuted by W. B. Knight, to whom the chief
credit is due for saving the Welsh Bible from the vandalism of
Pughe's followers.
Thurneysen Gr. : Handbuch des Altirischen . . . Von Rudolf Thur-
neysen. i. Teil : Grammatik. Heidelberg 1 909.
ABBREVIATIONS xix
Thurneysen KR. : Keltoromanisches. Von Rudolf Thurneysen. Halle
1884.
T.J. : The British Language in its Lustre, or a Copious Dictionary
oj Welsh and English . . . Compiled by the great Pains and
Industry of Tho. Jones. London 1688.
TPS. : Transactions of the Philological Society. London.
Tr. Gym. : The Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmro-
dorion. London.
Troude : Nouveau dictionnaire pratique breton-francais . . . Par A.-E.
Troude. Brest 1876.
Troude, Die. Fr.-Bret. : Nouveau dictionnaire pratique francais 4*
breton . . . Par A. Troude. 8 Brest 1886.
Vendryes Gr. : Grammaire du vieil-irlandais . . . Par J. Vendryes . . .
Paris 1908.
Walde : Lateinisches etymologisches Wdrterbuch, von Dr. Alois Walde
. . . Heidelberg ' 1906, 2 1910.
Whitney : A Sanskrit Grammar ... By William Dwight "Whitney.
'Leipzig 1896.
Williams Lex : Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum . . By the Rev. Robert
Williams M.A. . . Lland every 1865.
ZE. : Grammatica Celtica . . . Construxit I. C. Zeuss . . . Editio Altera
curavit H. Ebel . . . Berolini 1871.
ZfCP. : Zeitschrift fiir celtische Philologie, lag. v. Kuno Meyer und
L. Chr. Stern. Halle a. S.
Other references seem to require no explanation. The most im-
portant of the works used, but not referred to, are the following :
A New English Dictionary. Skeat, An Etymological Dictionary of
the English Language * 1910. Kluge, Etymologisches Worterbuch der
deutschen Sprache 7 1910. Prellwitz, Etymologisches Worterbuch der
griechischen Sprache 2 1905. Macdonell, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary
1893. Wiedemann, Handbuch der litauischen Sprache 2 1897.
Wright, A Primer of the Gothic Language z 1899. Windisch, Irische
Texte mil W'Crterbuch 1880. Loth, Les mots latins dans les langues
brittoniques 1892. Rhys, The Outlines of the Phonology of Manx
Gaelic 1894.
V. AUTHORS
(m. before an author's initials in brackets denotes that the quotation
is from a marwnad in his memory.)
A.R. : Absalom Roberts (Conway Vale), d. 1862 (?), see IL.M.
B.A. : Bedo Aeddren (Llangwm, IL 15/44 R.), c. 1500.
B.Br. : Bedo Bnvynllys (Brec.), c. 1460.
B.D.: Bleddyn Du [BleSyn Tu 111 vii (2)], c. 1350.
B.F. : y Brawd Fadawg ap Gwallter, c. 1250.
B.Ph.B. : Bedo Phylip Bach, c. 1480.
b2
xx ABBREVIATIONS
B.V. : Bleddyn Vardd, fl. 1250-90.
C. : Cynddelw (Powys), fl. 1150-1200.
Ca. : Casnodyn, c. 1320.
Ceiriog : John Ceiriog Hughes, 1832-87.
D.B. : Dafydd Benfras, fl. 1200-50.
D.E.: Dafydd ab Edmwnd (Flintsh.), fl. 1450-80.
D.G. : Dafydd ap Gwilym (N. Card.), fl. 1350-80; ref. to Bardd-
oniaeth Dafydd ab Gwilym . . . Llundain, 1789.
D.I.D. : Deio ab leuan Du (Card.), c. 1480.
D.IL. : Dafydd Llwyd ap Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, c. 1480.
D.N. : Dafydd Nanmor (Beddgelert), c. 1460.
Dr. M. : William Morgan (C'vonshire), 1541-1604; Bp. of St.
Asaph, translator of the Bible, 1588.
Dr. P. : Richard Parry (Ruthin), 1560-1623 ; Bp. of St. Asaph, editor
of the revised Bible, 1620. Internal and other evidence points
to the version being largely if not mainly by Dr. John Davies.
D.W. : Dewi Wyn o Eifion = Dafydd Owen (Llanystumdwy), 1784-
1841 ; ref. to Blodau Arfon . . . Caerlleon (Chester), 1842.
D. y C. : Dafydd y Coed, c. 1330.
E.F. : Eben Fardd = Ebenezer Thomas (S. C'von), 1802-63 ; ref. to
Gweithiau Barddonol Eben Fardd. [Pangor, n.d.]
E.M. : Edward Morris (Cerrig y Drudion), d. 1689 ; ref. to Edward
Morris . . . f-i Achau . . etc. Liverpool 1902.
E.P. : Edmwnd Prys, Archdeacon of Merioneth, 1541-1623; ref. to
Edmwnd Prys . . . Gan. T. R. Roberts (Asaph). Caernarfon 1899.
PS. refers to his metrical version of the Psalms.
E.S. : Elidir Sais, fl. 1160-1220.
E.U. : Edward ab Urien, c. 1610.
G. : Gwalchmai (Anglesey), fl. 1 1 50-90.
G.B. : Gwynfardd Brycheinog (Brec.), c. 1 1 70.
G.C. : Gruffudd ap Cynfrig Goch, p. 119, error in p 64/1 2 2 E. for
Rhys ap Cynfrig Goch P 97/244 ("nai . . i I.G." 1) ; p 100/408 ;
n, 133/129 R.(< = RG.G.).
G.D.A.: Gwilym Ddn o Arfon, c. 1300.
G Gl. : Guto'r Glyn (Denb.), fl. 1450-80.
G.Gr. : Gruffudd Gryg (Anglesey), c. 1370.
G.Gw. : Gruffudd ap Gwrgeneu, c. 1200.
G.H. : Gruffudd Hiraethog (N. Denb.),.fl. 1520-60.
G.I.H. : Gwilym ab leuan Hen, c. 1460.
G.I.IL.F. : Gruffudd ab leuan ap Llywelyn Fychan (Denb.), fl. 1500-
25; selected poems ed. by J. C. Morrice, Bangor Welsh MSS.
Sec. 1910.
G.J. : Griffith Jones, Rector of Llanddowror, 16841761.
G.M.D. : Gruffudd ap Maredudd ap Dafydd, c. 132050.
Gr.O. : Goronwy Owen (Anglesey), 1723-69; ref. to Gwaith y
Parch. Goronwy Owen . . . Llanrwst, 1860. (In R. Jones's
edn., 1876, the text is tampered with.)
G.S. : Guto ap Siancyn y Glyn=G.Gl.
ABBREVIATIONS xxi
G.T. : Gwilym Tew (Glam.), c. 1450.
Gu.O., Gut.O. : Gutun Owain (Denb.), fl. 1450-90.
G.V. : Gruffudd Vychan, c. 1320.
G.Y.C. : Gruffudd ab yr Ynad Coch, c. 1280.
H.A. : Huw Arwystl c. 1550.
H.C.1L. : Huw (or Hywel) Cae Llwyd, c, 1480 [E, B. p. 428 footn.
for 1525 read I475J-
H.D. : Huw Dafi, or Hywel ap Dafydd ab leuan ap Rhys (Brec.), c.
1480.
H.K.: Hywel Kilan (1 = 1-1) (Ltyn 1), c. 1480.
H.M. : Hugh Maurice (Uenb.), 1622-1709; ref. to Eos Ceiriog ... 2
vols. Wrexliam, 1823.
H.O.G. : Hywel ab Owain Gwynedd, Prince of the House of
G-wynedd, d. 1170.
H.R. : Hywel Rheinallt, c. 1480.
H.S.: Hywel Swrdwal (Montgomerysh.), c. 1450; ref. to Gwaith
Barddonol Hywel Sivrdwal ai Fab leuan, ed. by J. C. Morrice,
Bangor Welsh MSS. Soc., 1908.
I.B.H. : leuan Brydydd Hir (Merioneth), c. 1450.
I.C. : lorwerth ab yCyriawg, c. 1360.
I.D.: leuan Deulwyn (Carra.), fl. 1460-80; ref. to Gwaith leuan
Deulwyn, ed. by Ifor Williams, Bangor Welsh MSS. Soc. 1909.
I.F. : lorwerth Fynglwyd (Glam.), c. 1490.
I.G. : lolo Goch (Denb.), fl. 1370-1405; ref. to Gweithiau lolo
Goch . . . Gan Charles Ashton, Cymmrodorion Soc., 1896.
I.H.S. : leuan ap Hywel Swrdwal, c. 1470; ref. as for H.S., q.v.
I.ILaf. : leuan Llavar, c. 1590.
Io.G.=I.G.
I.E.: leuan ap Rhydderch ab leuan Llwyd, e. 1420.
I.T. : leuan Tew o Gydweli, c- 1460 (often confused with the later,
and lesser, leuan Tew who graduated at the Caerwys Eisteddfod
of 1568).
L.G.C.: Lewis Glyn Cothi, fl. 1440-^80; ref. to Gwaith Lewis Glyn
Cothi.. . Oxford 1 837.
L.M. : Lewis Morris (Llywelyn Ddu o Fon), 1701-65.
L.Mon: Lewis Mon, c. 1500.
L.Mor. : Lewis Morgannwg, c. 1520.
IL. : Llawdden (Llandeilo, I.MSS. 320), c. 1460.
1L.G. : Llywelyn Goch Amheurig H6n, c. 1380,
M. : Meilyr (Anglesey), c. 1137.
M.B. : Madog Benfras, c. 1380.
M.D. : Madog Dwygraig, c. 1370.
M.K. : Maurice Kyffin; ref. to Deffynniad Ffydd Eglvoys Loegr 1595,
reprint ed. by Wm. Pochard Williams, Bangor 1908.
M.BJ. : Morgan Llwyd o Wynedd, 1619-1659; ref. to Gweithiau
Morgan Llwyd o Wynedd, i ed. by Thomas E. Ellis, Bangor 1899 ;
ii ed. by John H. Davies, Bangor 19*08.
M.R. : Maredudd ap Rhys, c. 1440.
xxii ABBREVIATIONS
O.G. : Owain Gwynedd, c. 1580.
P.M. : Llywarch ap Uywelyn, Prydydd y Moch (Wigwer, St. Asaph ;
" wele [gwely] Pridith Mogh " at " Wyckewere ", Seebohm 3 1 ),
c. 1160-1220.
E.G. : Rhys Cain, c. 1580.
R.D. : Richard Da vies (Conway), Bp. of St. Davids, 1501-81 ; trans-
lator of some epistles in Wm.S.'s N.T. 1567.
R.G.D. : Robert ap Gwilym Ddu = Robert Williams, Betws Fawr,
Llanystumdwy, 1767-1850; ref. to Gardd Eifion . . . Dolgellau
1841.
E.G.E. : Rhys Goch Eryri (C'vonsh.), c. 1430.
R.G.G. : Rhys Goch Glyndyfrdwy, c. 1420 (?), see G.C.
R.IL. : Rhys Llwyd ap Rhys ap Rhicart, c. 1460.
R.M. : Richard Morris (Anglesey, brother of L.M.), 1703-79; editor
of Bible, 1746, 1752.
R.V. : Rowland Vaughan, Gaer Gai, Llanuwchllyn, d. 1667.
Salesbury, see Wm.S.
S.B. : Sion Brwynog (o Frwynog ym Mon), d. 1562.
S.C. : Sion Cent (Kentchurch), c. 1420.
S.M. : Sion Mawddwy (native of Glam.), c. 1580.
S.Ph. : Sion Phylip (Ardudwy, Mer.), 1543-1620.
S.T. : Sion Tudur (Wigwer, St. Asaph), d. 1602.
S.V. : Simwnt Vychan (Ruthin), born c. 1530, d. 1606; author of
P.1L.
T. : Talhaiarn = John Jones, Llanfair Talhaearn, 1810-69 ; ref. to
Gwaith Talhaiam, i London 1855, ii London 1862, (iii Llanrwbt
1869).
T.A. : Tudur Aled (N. Denb.), fl. 1480-1520.
W.IL. : Wiliam Ll$n (1 Llyn ; res. Oswestry), 1535-80; ref. to
Barddoniaeth Wiliam Llyn . . . Gan y Parch. J. C. Morrice M.A.
Baiigor 1908.
W.M. : William Morris (brother of L.M.), 1705-63.
"Wm.S. : Wyllyam Salesbury (Llanrwst); translator of the bulk of
N.T. 1567 ; joint tr. and ed. of Pb. 1567, 1586 ; etc.
Wms. : William Williams, Pant y Celyu (Carm.) ; hymn-writer,
1717-91 ; ref. to Gwaith Prydyddawl . . . William Williams . . .
sefyr Holl Hymnau . . . Caerfyrddiu, 181 1, definitive edn. by his
sou.
ABBREVIATIONS xxiii
VI. SOURCES
T. COLLECTIONS OF MANUSCRIPTS
The name of the collection is denoted by a sm. cap. initial without
a stop ; the number of the MS. follows, and generally the number of
the page or folio, separated by an oblique stroke; thus P 99/469
means Peniarth MS. 99, page (or folio) 469. The MSB., except those
of the Brit. Mus., are numbered as in the Historical Manuscripts
Commission's Report on Manuscripts in the Welsh Language. E. after
a reference indicates that the words quoted appear in the Report. As
many of the quotations are taken from transcripts in some of which
only the p. or fol. of the opening lines of a poem was given, the refer-
ence may be to the piece beginning on the p. or fol. named.
A = British Museum Additional Manuscripts.
c = Cardiff Free Library Manuscripts.
j = Manuscripts in the Jesus College Library, Oxford.
IL = Llanstephan Manuscripts, now in the National Library of
Wales.
M = Mostyn Manuscripts, at Mostyn Hall.
p = Peniarth Manuscripts, now in the National Library of Wales.
Stowe = British Museum Stowe Manuscripts.
II. MANUSCRIPTS AND TEXTS
0. W. materials are distinguished thus t. References are not
usually given to the pages of ox., ox. 2, juv. and M.C., as Loth Voc.
forms an index to these MSS. The reference is to pages except where
otherwise stated below.
fA.c. : Annales Cambrice in Y Cymmrodor ix 152-169; reference
to years. [Early i2th cent, literal transcript of late roth
cent. orig. by scribe ignorant of Welsh, see Philliinore's
preface.]
A.G. : Athravaeth Gristnogavl [Milan 1568]. By Morys Clynoc ;
ed. by G.R. Cymmrodorion Soc. Reprint 1880.
A.L. : Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales ... 2 vols. 1841.
B.A. : The Book of Aneirin = c i, circa 1250. Facsimile and
Text by J. Gweuogvryii Evans. Pwllheli 1908. [Parts are
transcribed literally from older copies not understood by the
scribe.]
BAR. : Barddas . . . With trans, and notes by J. Williams ab Ithel.
i Llandovery 1862 ; (ii London 1874). [Late Gwentian.]
xxiv ABBREVIATIONS
B.B. : The Black Book of Carmarthen = P i, end of 1 2th cent. Ed.
by J. Gwenogvryn Evans. Pwllheli 1906.
B.CH. : The Black Book of Chirk = p 29 = A.L. MS. A., circa T 200.
Quotations taken from the orig. MS. (Quotations from A.L. are
referred to the latter.)
B.cw. : Gweledigaetheu y Bardd Cwsc. [By Ellis Wynne]. Llun-
dain 1703. Reprint ed. by J. Morris Jones, Bangor 1898.
BK. : Y Brython. i Weekly; ii-iv Monthly ; v Quarterly. Tre-
madoc 1858-63. [Contains old cywyddau etc.]
fB.8.CH : The Book of St. Chad. 9th cent, entries in W., see
Lindsay EWS. 1-6 ; transcribed (with facsimiles) in L.L.
pp. xliii xlviii ; ref. to nos. of entries ib.
B.T. : The Book of Taliessin = p 2, circa 1275; ref. to the edn.
about to be published by Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans.
C. i and c. ii : Ceinion LUnyddiaeth Qymreig . . . Dan olygiad y
Parch. Owen Jones. 2 vols. London 1876.
C.B.Y.P. : Cyfrinach Beirdd Ynys Prydain . . . .Dan olygiad . . .
lolo Morganwg. Abertawy (Swansea) 1829.
c.C. : The Cefn Coch MSS. ... Ed. by the Rev. J. Fisher. Liver-
pool 1899. [Late 1 6th and i7th cent.; mostly poetry.]
C.G. Cant o Ganeuon. Gan John Ceiriog Hughes. Wrexham [ 1 863].
C.IL. : Cynfeirdd Lleyn : 1500-1800 . . . Cynuulledig . . . gan J. Jones
(Myrddin Fardd). Pwllheli 1905.
C.M. : Ystorya de Carolo Magno. From the Red Book of Hergest.
Ed. by Thomas Powell. Cymmrod. Soc. 1883.
fCP. : Fragment of an Old Welsh Computus. 23 lines [loth cent].
Fac., transcr. and transl. by E. C. Quiggin. ZfCP. viii 407-10.
Ref. to lines.
CY. : Reproductions in Y Cymmrodor.
D. : Quoted in D., see under IV.
D.G. : By G.Gr. etc., printed in D.G. ; see under V.
D.P.O. : Drych y Prif Oesoedd . . . Gan Theophilus Evans . . .
2 Mwythig (Shrewsbury) [1740]. Reprint ed. by Samuel J.
Evans . . . Bangor 1902.
D.T. : Diddanwch Teuluaidd : neu Waith Beirdd Mon ... * Caer-
narfon 1817.
E. : Egluryn Phraethineb . . . Gan Mr. William Salesbury, a ...
Mr. Henri Perri . . . Lhundain 1595 ; "Llaurwst 1829. Ref.
to chapters.
E.G. : Eos Gwynedd . . . Gan . . John Thomas, Pentre'r Foelas.
Dan olygiaeth G. Caledfryn. Llanrwst[i845].
: Quoted in E.P. ; see under V.
Flores Poctarum Britannicorum ... gasgliad J[ohn] D[avies]
SS. Th. D. . . . Mwythig (Shrewsbury) 1710.
F.K. : Y Flodeugerdd, Newydd. Casgliad o gywyddau . . . Wedi eu
golygu gan W. J. Gruffydd. Cardiff 1909. [Early Mn. verse.]
G. : Gorchestion Beirdd Cymru . . . O Gasgliad Rhys Jones . . .
Amwythig (Shrewsbury) 1773. [Early Mn. verse.]
ABBREVIATIONS xxv
G.c. : The History of Gruffydd ap Cynan. The Welsh Text with
trans., intr., and notes. By Arthur Jones. Manchester 1910.
[Pp. 102-142 = P 17/1-16, mid-i3th cent.]
tGEN. Old-Welsh Genealogies in Y Cymmrodor ix 169-83; ref.
to nos. of genealogies. [From the same MS. as A.C., q.v.]
G.B. Quoted in G.R., see under IV.
ORE. (or Greal) : Y Gi-eal ; sev Cynnulliad o Orchestion ein
Hynaviaid . . . Llundain 1805-7.
H.G. : if en Gwndidau, Carolau, a Chywyddau...[Ed.^ by Hopcyn . . .
and Cadrawd . . . Bangor 1910. [Gwentian 1 6th 1 7th cent.]
Hyff. Gynn(wys) : Hyfforddiad Gynnwys I Wybodaeth jachusol o
Egwyddorjon a Dyledswyddau Crefydd . . . Gan Weinidog
o Eglwys Loegr [Griffith Jones]. Llundain 1749.
H.M. ii : Selections from the Hengwrt MSS. . , in the Peniarth
Library. Vol. ii. Ed. . . by . . Robert Williams . . . transl. contd.
by . . G. Hartwell Jones . . London 1892. [Vol. i is referred
to as S.G.]
I.MSS. : lolo Manuscripts . . . Coll. . . by . . Edward Williams, lolo
Morganwg . . . Llandovery 1848. [Contains cywyddau etc.
besides late Gwentian memoranda].
t Juv. : Glosses in the Juvencus MS., Cambridge Univ. Libr. Pub-
lished by Stokes in Kuhn's Beitrage iv 385-421. [9th to nth
cent., Lindsay EWS. 16.]
\ Juv. SK. : The verses in the Juvencus MS., printed in Skene's Four
Ancient Books of Wales ii 1-2.
L.G.C. : Appearing in L.G.C., see under V.
1- L.L. : Liber Landavensis, c. 1 1 50. The Text of the Book ofLlan Ddv
. . . by J.Gwenogvryn Evans . . . [and] John Rhys . . Oxford 1893.
[Contains documents with O.W. forms literally transcribed].
IL.A. : Llyfr yr Ancr, dated 1346. The Elucidarium and Other
Tracts in Welsh . . . Ed. by J. Morris Jones . . . and John Rhys
. . . Oxford 1894.
IL.B.M. : Llyfr Bychan Mawddwy, a i6th cent. MS. in the National
Libr. of Wales.
HJ.H. : Y Llyfr Hir in the National Libr. of Wales. [MS. collection
by W. Jones (Bleddyn), of Early Mn. cywyddau. J
HJ.M. : Lloches Mwyneidd-dra . . . Gan Absalom Roberts. Llanrwst
1845. [Contains coll. of old penillion telyu.]
M.A. : The Myvyrian Archaioloyy of Wales ... 3 vols. London
1801-7. [Corpus of Ml. poetry and prose. 2 Denbigh 1870.]
t M.C. : Glosses on M artianus Capella in the Libr. of Corpus Christi
College, Cambridge, ed. by Stokes in Arch. Camb. 1873 PP-
1-2 1. [Mostly 9th cent., Lindsay EWS. 22.]
M.E. : Mil o Englynion = Pigion Englynion fy Ngwlad . . . Gan
Eifionydd. i a and ii, Liverpool 1882.
M.L. : Morris Letters. Tlie Letters of Lewis, Richard, William and
John Morris, of Anglesey . . . 1728-1765. Transcr. . . and ed.
by John H. Davies ... 2 vols. Oxford 1906-9.
xxvi ABBREVIATIONS
M.M. : Meddygon Myddfai. The Physicians of Myddvai. . . Transi.
by John Pughe . . F.R.C.S. . . and ed. by . . John Williams Ab
Ithel. Llandovery 1861. [Pp. 1-34 are from E.B. 928 ff.]
N.T. : New Testament.
O.B. : Oriau'r Bore. Gan John Ceiriog Hughes. 2 Wrexham n.d.
O.H. : Oriau'r Hwyr. Gan John Ceiriog Hughes. 5 Wrexham [1872].
f ox. : Oxford Liber Commonei and Ovid, Bodleian Libr., Auct.
F 4. 32. Date 817, Lindsay EWS. 7 (812, Dosp. Ed. 10).
Glosses in W. and notes in mixed Lat. and W., printed in
ZE. 1052-60.
t ox. 2 : Cod. Oxoniensis Posterior. Glosses in Bodl. 572 printed
in ZE. 10603 as W. ; given as Corn, in Loth Voc. ix; shown
to be W. by Loth, RC. xiv 70 ; loth cent.
Pb. : Prayerbook.
P.G.G. : Pattrwm y Gwir-Gristion . . . Chester 1723. Reprint ed. by
H. El vet Lewis. Bangor 1908.
P.JL. : Pump ILyfr KerSwriaeth by S.V. = J 9 autograph; printed
(from a copy by J.J. of a copy of the orig.) in Dosp. Ed. pp.
xlii cxxviii. P.IL. refers to the latter, j 9 to the auto. MS.
E.B. : The Red Book of Hergest=j i, late i4th and early igth cent.
Quotations taken direct from the MS. ; ref. to columns.
B B.B. : Red Book Bruts. The Text of The Brutsfrom the Red Book
of Hergest. Ed. by John Rhys . . . and J. Gwenogvryn Evans.
Oxford 1890.
R.G. : Red Book Grammar; cols. 1117-1142 of E.B. Ref. to
columns. The Bangor MSS. Soc. will shortly publish an
edn. by the writer.
EH.B.S. : Rheol Buchedd Sanctaidd . . . Llundain 1701. Transi. of
Jer. Taylor's Holy Living by Ellis Wynne, author of B.cw.
E.M. : Red Book Mabinogion. The Text of the Mabinogion . . .
from the Red Book of Hergest. Ed. by John Rhys . . . and
J. Gwenogvryn Evans. Oxford 1887.
E.P. : Red Book Poetry ; quotations taken from corrected proofs of
the edn. about to be published by Dr. J. Gwenogvryn Evans.
Ref. to columns.
Ruthin Court Rolls : The Court Rolls of the Lordship of Ruthin
of the Reign of King Edward the First. Ed. . . by
R. A. Roberts. Cymmrod. Record Series. London 1893.
[Contains Welsh names in Norman-Fr. spelling.]
Seebohm Trib. Sys. : The Tribal System in Wales ... by Frederic
Seebohm . . . London 1895. [Contains reproductions of Norman
documents with Welsh names.]
s.G. : Selections from the Hengwrt MSS. . . Vol. i. T Seint Greal . . .
Ed... by .. Robert Williams. London 1876 [ = PII, end of
1 4th cent.]
SK. : The Four Ancient Books of Wales . . . By William F. Skene.
Edinburgh 1868. Vol. ii. [Texts; now superseded except
pp. 1-2, see JUT.]
ABBREVIATIONS xxvii
TB. : Tremvan MS. ; cywyddau etc. in the hand of Robert Vaughan
of Hengwrt 15921666 ; used by the editor of G. ; now in the
possession of Dr. J. Gwenogvryn Evans.
w. : 1 3th cent. MS. copied by Dr. Davies in 1617, since lost sight
of, recently re-discovered; Davies's copy in A 14869, the
source of the poems of M., G., H.O.G., etc. in M.A. i.
A reproduction, ed. by the present writer, will be issued in
the IJniv. of Wales Guild Series.
W.B. : The White Book of Rhydderch = p 4 and 5.
W.M. : The White Book Mdbinogion . . . Ed. by J. Gwenogvryn Evans.
Pwllheli 1907. From the White Book of Rhydderch =p 4,
late 1 3th cent. Ref. to columns. The volume also contains
other early versions of the Mabinogion, inch the fragments in
p 6/i, ii, circa 1225 ; ref. in this case to pages distinguished
by " p."
W.M.L. : Welsh Medieval Law . . . Harl. MS. 4353 . . . isth cent. . . .
By A. W. Wade-Evans. Oxford 1909.
Y.L.H. : Tn y Ihyvyr hwnn y traethir GwySor kymraeg, etc., 1546.
By Sir John Price. Reprint ed. by John H. Davies . . Bangor
1902.
CORRECTIONS
P. 54, 44 i, 1. 9, read Kellynnawc (H = l)
P. 71, 54 ii, 1. i, after b, d, g, insert f, dd,
P. 113, 78 i (2), 1. 7, delete ; raccw 210 x (3)
P. 131, iv, 1. 8, insert * before ghuer-
P. 153, 1. i, read di\e\fyl
P. 1 66, iv (3), 1. 6, for * ad-rim- read *ad-rlm-
P. 194, 1. 9, insert * before is-le.
P. 277, 1. 7, delete * before wy
The metathesis was suggested by Mr. Ifor Williams ; unfortunately
I overlooked his note in his Cyfranc Lludd a Llefelys (1910), p. 20, in
which he adduces examples of wy M.A. Z 1456 and uy do. 2276, so that
the form need not have been starred. The same explanation is given
by Pedersen Gr. ii (1911), p. 158.
INTRODUCTION
ORIGIN AND GENERAL HISTORY
1. i. The Welsh Language is a member of the Keltic branch
of the Aryan (also called the Indo-European or Indo- Germanic)
family of languages. .
The languages of this great family are classified as follows,
names of branches and groups being printed in spaced type :
(1) Indian, comprising (a) Sanskrit; (b) Prakrit dialects,
from which are descended numerous modern languages in India.
(2) Iranian : (a) Avestic (East Iranian, also called Zend or Old
Bactrian) ; (1} Old Persian (West Iranian), later Pehlevi ; (c)
Modern Persian.
(3) Armenian.
(4) Greek, which comprises many dialects, the most important
being (a) Ionic- Attic ; (b) Doric ; (c) Aeolic : Lesbian, Thessalian,
Boeotian ; (d) Arcadian and Cyprian ; (e) Pamphylian.
(5) Albanian.
(6) Italic : (a) Latin, from which are derived the modern
Romance languages ; (6) Oscan, Umbrian.
(7) Keltic : (a) the Q division, consisting of dialects in Gaul
and Spain, and the Goidelic group, comprising Irish, Scotch
Gaelic and Manx ; (b) the P division, consisting of Gaulish, and
the British group, comprising Welsh, Cornish and Breton.
(8) Germanic : (a) Gothic ; (b) the Norse group, including
i. Swedish, Gutnish, Danish; 2. Norwegian, Icelandic; (c) the
West-Germanic group, including i. Old English (or Anglo-
Saxon), now English ; Frisian ; Old Saxon, now Low German ;
Dutch, Flemish ; 2. Old High German, now German.
(9) Baltic-Slavonic: (a) the Baltic group : Old Prussian,
Lithuanian, Lettish ; (b) the Slavonic group: Old Bulgarian;
Russian, Bulgarian, Illyrian ; Czech, Sorabian, Polish, Polabian.
(10) Tocharish, recently discovered in East Turkestan.
1402
2 INTRODUCTION 1
ii. All these languages are descended from a common ancestor
called the Aryan parent language, Primitive Aryan, or briefly
Aryan. Similarly, the languages of each branch may be re-
ferred to a common parent called Primitive Keltic, Primitive
Italic, Primitive Germanic, etc., as the case may be. Some of the
above branches are perhaps to be regarded rather as groups ; Indian
and Iranian are often classified together as the Indo-Iranian
branch ; and the common features of Keltic and Italic are such as
to render it certain that the two branches were united and shared
the same development for a period after their separation from the
others ; hence we may classify them together as Italo-Keltic ;
see 86 ii (2), 113 i (3), 147 iv (a), 203 vii (3).
iii. Our earliest knowledge of the various languages varies widely
in point of date, and naturally those of which we possess the most
ancient records on the whole bring us nearest the fountain head.
But the Baltic group, of which our knowledge is only recent, are of
a remarkably archaic character ; Lithuanian, whose earliest text is
dated 1547, and which has changed comparatively little since, pre-
serves to this day some forms which are practically identical with
those which we have to postulate for Primitive Aryan itself.
From the cradle of Aryan speech various tribes migrated at different
periods in different directions, establishing themselves in distant
lands, in which their speech prevailed, though the aborigines cannot
have been exterminated, since the speakers of Aryan languages in
historical times belong to many races, and it is still matter of dispute
which of these has the best claim to be regarded as representing the
original Aryans. The dispersion commenced not earlier than about
2000 B.C. according to Hirt, Die Indogermanen 22. The centre of
dispersion is now generally believed to have been somewhere in
Europe.
A parent language is not necessarily isolated ; analogy rather
suggests the contrary. As Latin, which is the parent of the Romance
languages, is derived from Aryan and allied to the other Aryan
languages, so Aryan itself must be derived from some remote
ancestor, and it is improbable that it is the only descendant of it which
survived. Sweet, by a comparison of the pronominal and verbal forms
of Aryan and Ugrian, has made out a strong case for supposing that
the two families are allied; see his History of Language pp. 112 ff.
On the other side Moller,in his Semitisch undlndogermauisch i (1907),
has compared the consonant sounds of Aryan in detail with those of
Semitic, and in KZ. xlii 174 ff. the vowels ; and claims to have proved
their derivation from a common source. But none of these affinities
can yet be regarded as established.
2 INTRODUCTION 3
2. In the oldest forms of Goidelic found in the ogam inscrip-
tions, Primitive Keltic q* from Aryan q* remains ; but in the
oldest British it had already become _p, and it isjt? in Gaulish.
Traces of a Keltic q* language in Gaul are seen in names like
Sequani ; and in some recently discovered inscriptions further
evidence of the survival of such a language is believed to have
been found. As the change of q* to p is the earliest sound-
change known which is not common to the whole branch, it seems
reasonable to classify the Keltic languages as above 1 i (7).
The more usual classification adopted in recent yeai's is that in which
the Keltic languages are grouped into " insular " and " continental ".
But this is a negation of all classification; it is as if we were to group
together English and Icelandic as insular Germanic ! Thurneysen
now calls it a "geographic" classification (Gr. i), which is equiva-
lent to saying that it is no classification at all. It arose out of the
view put forward in Rhys's LWPh. 2 (1879) pp. 16 ff. that the
language of the ogam inscriptions in Wales is an old form of Welsli.
Thurneysen, KR. (1884) pp. 7 ff., adopts this view; dismisses Rhys's
later view, CB. (1884) p. 215, that the ogams are Irish ; and concludes
that, as the ogams have q*, the change 3* > p in British is much later
than the same change in Gaulish. Of course, if the ogams are Welsh,
there was no difference in the 5th cent, between Welsh and Irish, and
"both differed from Gaulish, which alone had p. Hence the classification
into insular and continental. But the assumption on which it is based
is groundless ; no one now holds that the ogams are Welsh.
If it is denied that a systematic classification of the groups is
possible, it would be better to take them separately than to adopt a
classification which implies a close relationship between Goidelic and
British. But there seems no sufficient reason for separating British
from Gaulish. It is now admitted that Brit, p from q* is ancient ; and
it is extremely improbable that this p developed independently of
Gaulish p. Tacitus, Agricola xi, tells us that the speech of the Britons
differed little from that of the Gauls. The Gaulish forms Ilevvo-ovivS-
os, Vindomag(os), ambact(os), Voretovir(os) are identical with the
British forms which we have to postulate as the originals of the Welsh
penwyn ' white-headed ', gwynfa ' paradise ', amaeth ' serf ', gwaredwr
' saviour'. It is for those who would separate British and Gaulish to
prove that Tacitus was wrong.
For the continental <?** dialect or group of dialects various names
have been suggested, as Sequanian (Nicholson), Pictavian, Celtican
(Rhys), Ligurian (Jullian). The language of the Coligny calendar con-
tains both qu and p ; but whether the latter is secondary, or borrowed
from Gaulish, or represents Aryan p, cannot yet be decided, since
independent evidence as to meaning is lacking. The presence of Ar. p, '
if proved, would constitute these dialects a class apart.
B2
4 INTRODUCTION 3
3. i. Welsh, Cornish and Breton are descended from
British (properly Brittish), the language of the ancient Britons.
The speakers called themselves Brittones, and their language
*Brittonikd.
The Old English name wnsBrittisc orBryttisc,asOnBryttisc sprecende
Guthlac, Godw. 42, 17 (cf. Rhys, CF. 676), which in later spelling was
Jirittish, misspelt British* under the influence of the Lat. Britannia.
The name continued to be used for the derived languages: "The Gaulish
speach is the very Brittish, the which was very generally used heere in all
Brittayne before the coming in of the Saxons ; and yet is returned of the
Walshmen, the Cornishmen, and the Brittons," Spenser, State of Ireland
(Lloyd's Enc. Die.). It was commonly used for Welsh as late as the
1 8th and beginning of the ipth cent. : "In these Schools . . . Men,
Women and Children being ignorant of the English Tongue, are taught
to read their native British language," Welsh Piety 1754 p. 53, 1755
p. 47 etc. Cf. dedication of Grawn Awen (Caledfryn) 1826.
ii. The Welsh call themselves Cymry, from *kom-brogl ' fellow
countrymen'; but the use of this as a national name is subse-
quent to the separation of the Welsh from the Cornish and the
Bretons. The old name, which survived in poetry, was Brython
B.T. 1 3 from Brittones ; the corresponding name of the language
Brythoneg was superseded by Cymraeg, but some memory of it sur-
vived (D.D. gives Brythoneg, but with no quotation). The Bretons
call their language Brezonek, and Cornish was called Brethontc', all
these forms imply an original *BrUlonika. Sir John Rhys in his
LWPh. 2 1 6 adopted the names Brythons and Brythonic for the
Brittones and their language, remarking, however, that he would " like
to have called them Brittons and their language Brittonic ". I prefer
to call the language by its traditional English name British, which in
this connexion involves no ambiguity. The "term Brythonic suggests
a later period, and tends to disguise the fact that the language meant
is the speech of the ancient Britons.
iii. The name Britto, sg. of Brittones, probably owes its tt to its
being a formation of the type of Gk. NIKOTTW etc.. see 93 iii (2), for
an earlier Britann(os), pi. Britannl. Similarly we have a late Bpirria
for Britannia. *Brittia survives in Bret. Breiz 'Brittany', and
* Britannia, in Ml. W. Brydein used as a variant of the more usual
Prydein as in B.B. 100, 'tnilvir Prideln 1. 5, milguir Bridein 1. 7.
Britan- seems to be for Pritan- by British alternation p:b 101 iii
(2) ; cf. PKIT(AN)NII Holder i 564, PRITWII do. ii 1046. Pritto also
occurs as a personal name beside Britto, and Prittius beside Brittius
(see Holder s. w.). The view now generally held that the members of
these pairs are unrelated rests on no other basis than the assumption
that British p- could under no circumstances pass into b-. The fact,
* It ia of course still pronounced BriUish, rhyming with tkiltish, not with
whitish.
3 INTRODUCTION 5
however, is that Pritan- and Britan- are synonymous. The P- goes
back through Diodorus Siculus probably to Pytheas (4th cent. B. c.).
Polybius (2nd cent. B. c.) seems to have used B/aeT^ai/iKcu vrja-oi ; but
Strabo and Diodorus have Upcr^aviKat VVJ<TOI and Hper^avoL ; later
Ptolemy and Marcian used II-. Stephanus of Byzantium (c.' A. D. 500)
wrote BpcTTavtSes vrjcroi and Bperravot, remarking that I)ionysius
(Periegetes ; Augustan age) wrote "one t . . . Bperdvot " [read Rptravvoi],
and that others used " p, nperaviSes vfjo-oi, as Marcian and Ptolemy " ;
elsewhere Stephanus himself wrote HperaviKr) and n/acravoi Holder i
560. The e in Uper- = Brit. ?, see 66 i. Pritan- is an w-stem
representing original (*q*rt t n- or) *q*rit e n-; for the see 62 i (2).
The surviving forms show that the old P- forms had one t ; thus W.
Prydain ' Britain ', Ml. W. Prydein, implies *Pritan(n}ia and Ir.
Cruithnech 'Pictish' implies a Pictish * Pritenikos ', hence the -TT- iu
HpfTTavLKat is probably a misspelling of copyists, due to the Britt-
forms which prevailed later. The forms with -on- had -tt- ; thus W.
Brython < Brittones, Bret. Brezonek <*Brittonika, and Ml. Ir. Bretain
' Britons ' represents Brittones regularly. As the new form Brittones
spread, Britannia became Brittannia which survives in Fr. Bretagne ',
later we find Britlania BpeTravio; etc. which were substituted for
older forms in MSS. There is no possible doubt that the oldest 2?- form
is Britann- : Catullus (died 54 B. c.), Propertius, Vergil, Horace, Ovid,
all scan Britann-. The evidence of the dated coins and inscriptions in
Holder is as follows (the numbers in brackets refer to Holder i) : coins
of Claudius A. D. 41, 46 have Britannia, Britanni., Britann. (564,
36, 37); inscriptions: A. D. 41 Britannia (589, 52); time of Claudius
Britannia (590, ay); A. D. 43 Britannic(um) (598, 34); A. D. 49
Britan(nicin) (599, 34). In A. D. 49 or 50, at least a century after the
first evidence of Britann-, -tt- appears first in two inscriptions in the
name of Claudius's son Britannicus : Britta\nico\ (602, 18), Brittanici
(602, 22); in eight other cases it is Britannicus or B/acrawi/cos (602).
The early appearance of tt in this name may mean that Britto was
in use as an abbreviated personal name earlier than as meaning
4 Briton '. In the national name the single t continued in use : A. D. 54
Britan(nicum] (600, 22) ; A. D. 65 Britannico (599, 5) ; A. D. 80
Britannica (598, 37). In A. D. 85 Brittones first appears in the gen.
pi. Brittonum side by side with Britannica (607, 41-2). In A. D. 90
first occurs Brittanniae (588, 7); in A. D. 98 and 103 Britannia again
(590, 25; 588, 9); in A. D. 99 Brittonum (607, 43); in A. D. 105
Brittan[nia~\ (588, 10), in A.D. no Brittanniae (590, 5) and Britannica
(598, 40). In the 2nd cent. Britann- and Brittann- are both common.
Brittania first occurs on a coin in A. D. 185 (590, 50) and Brittanicae
in A.D. 210 (599, 51).
The W. Pryden ' Picts ' 121 iii from *Pritenes, Prydyn B.T. 13 4 Piot-
land ' from *Priterii, and the Ir. Cruithen Cruithnech seem to have the
F-grade -en- of the stem-ending, probably a Pictish form. The Picts
were Britons, as shown by the fact that p < q* abounds in Pictish
names. They kept in their own name the P- which also survives in
6 INTRODUCTION 4, 5
W. Prydain ' Britain ', and so came to be distinguished from the
Southern Britons, who called themselves Briltones. Picti, which is
i;ot known to occur before A. D. 297, seems to be a Latin translation
of *Pritene8 explained as meaning 'figured' (:W. pryd 'form', Ir.
cruth), jus-t as W. Brithwyr ' Picts ' is a translation of Picti. This
explanation of *Pritenes is probably only a piece of popular etymology ;
but even if it had some old tradition behind it, the name is equally
applicable to the other Britons, for they all painted or tattooed them-
selves, Caesar B.G. v 14, Herodian iii 14, 7. Indeed the objection to
accepting it as the true explanation is that at the time when it was
first applied it could not be distinctive.
The etymology of a proper name is always uncertain, except when,
like Albion, it hardly admits of more than one meaning, and that
meaning fits. Britain like Albion must have been a name given to
the island by its Keltic invaders, and Albion suggests the feature most
likely to impress them. There is an Italo-Keltic root of some such
form as *q*rei- which means 'chalk ' or 'white earth ', giving Lat. creta,
and W. pridd ' loam ', Irish ere ; the attempt to derive the Welsh and
Irish words from the Latin is a failure the root must be Keltic as
well as Italic ; and it may have yielded the name Pritannia meaning
' the island of the white cliff's '.
4. i. Gaulish ajid British are known to us through names
on coins, and words and names quoted by Greek and Latin
authors. No inscriptions occur in British, but British names are
found in Latin inscriptions. A number of inscriptions in Gaulish
have been preserved. Goidelic is known from the ogam inscrip-
tions, of which the oldest date from the 5th century.
ii. The scanty materials which we possess for the study of
Gaulish and British are sufficient to show that these languages
preserved the Aryan case-endings, and were at least as highly
inflected as, say, Latin. The great change which transformed
British and converted it into Welsh and its sister dialects was
the loss of the endings of stems and words, by which, for example,
the four syllables of the British Maglo-cunos were reduced to the
two of the Welsh Mael-gwn. By this reduction distinctions of
case were lost, and stem-forming suffixes became a new class of
inflexional endings; see 113, 119 i.
5. The history of Welsh may be divided into periods as
follows :
(i) Early Welsh, from the time when British had definitely
become Welsh to the end of the 8th century. Of the forms of this
5 INTRODUCTION 7
period we have only echoes, such as the names found in Bede,
1131(4).
(2) Old Welsh (O. W.), from the beginning of the 9th to the
end of the nth century. The remains of this period are a number
of glosses, and some fragments of prose and anonymous verse.
But O. W. forms are preserved in later copies in the genealogies,
the Book of Llandaf, the Laws, the Book of Aneirin, etc.
(3) Medieval Welsh (Ml. W.), from the beginning of the
1 2th to the end of the I4th century and somewhat later. The
orthography varied much during this period, and was at first in
an unsettled state. It will be convenient to refer to the language
of the I2th and early I3th century as Early Ml. W., and to that
of the T4th and early i5th as Late Ml. W.
(4) Modern Welsh (Mn. W.), from Dafydd ap Gwilym to
the present day. Though D. ap Gwilym wrote before the end
of the 1 4th century, he inaugurated a new period in the history of
the language, and is in fact the first of the moderns. The bards
of the I5th and i6th centuries wrote the bulk of their poetry in
the cywydd metre popularized by Dafydd ; and the forms used by
him, with some alterations of spelling (ai, au for ei, eu 79),
were preserved unchanged, having been stereotyped by the
cynghanedd. The language of this body of poetry may be called
Early Mn. W.
At the introduction of printing, Wm. Salesbury attempted in
his works, including the New Test. (1567), to form a new literary
dialect, in which the orthography should indicate the etymology
rather than the sound. His practice was to write Latin loan-
words as if no change had taken place in them except the loss of
the ending, thus eccles for eglwys ' church ', descend for disgyn ' to
descend ' ; any native word with a superficial resemblance to a
Latin synonym was similarly treated, thus i ' his, her ' was
written ei because the Latin is eius (perhaps eu ' their ' suggested
this). But Dr. Morgan in his Bible (1588) adopted the standard
literary language as it continued to be written by the bards,
though he retained some of Salesbury's innovations (e.g.ei for i
f his'). Some dialectal forms used by Morgan (e.g. gwele for gwelai
' saw ' 6 iii) were replaced by the literary forms in the revised
Bible (1620), which became the standard of later writers. Thus
8 INTRODUCTION 6
Late Mn. W., which begins with the Bible, though influenced
to some extent by Salesbury, is based upon Early Mn. W., and
forms a continuation of it. In the iQth century several neologisms
were introduced, chiefly under the influence of Pughe ; the
language of this period will be referred to, when necessary, as
Recent Welsh.
6. i. The spoken language has four main dialects, as
follows :
(1) Venedotian, the dialect of Gwynedd or North West
Wales. (Gwyn. dial.)
(2) Powysian, the dialect of Powys, or North East and
Mid Wales. (Powys dial.)
(3) Demetian, the dialect of Dyfed or South West Wales.
(4) Gwentian, the dialect of Gwent and Morgannwg, or
South East Wales.
N. W. is used as an abbreviation for * North Wales ' or
1 North Walian ', S. W. for ' South Wales ' or ' South Walian '.
ii. The two N. W. dialects differ from the two S. W. chiefly in
the choice of words to express some common ideas, the most
noticeable difference being the use of o, fo in N. W., and e,fe in
S. W., for the pronoun ' he ' or ' him'.
iii. In the final unaccented syllable the diphthongs ai and an
are mostly levelled with e in the dialects. In Powys and Dyfed,
that is, in an unbroken belt from North East to South West, the
three are sounded e ; thus cader, pethe, bore for cadair ( chair ',
pethau ' things ', Lore ' morning '. In Gwynedd and Gwent
they are sounded a, as cadar (Gwent cd\far), petha, bora. When
ai is significant (e.g. as denoting the plural) it is ai in Gwynedd,
i in Gwent, sometimes i in Powys, as Gwynedd defaid ' sheep ',
llygaid (when not ll'gada) ' eyes ' ; Gwent defid, lly\cid ; Powys
defed, llygid ; Dyfed defed, llygecl.
Dialectal forms, chiefly Demetian and Powysian -e, begin to
appear in the MSS. of the I5th century ; but the rhymes of the
bards of the I5th and i6th centuries, with the exception of some
poetasters, always imply the literary form, which is still used in
the written language except in a few words. See 31 ii.
PHONOLOGY
ORTHOGRAPHY AND PRONUNCIATION
THE ALPHABET.
7. i. Welsh, in all its periods, has been written in the Latin
alphabet.
The ogam inscriptions are Irish. The letters of the ogam alphabet
consist of scores and notches on the edge of the stone ; one to five
scores, cut at right angles to the edge on either side, or obliquely
across it, form 15 consonants; one to five notches on the edge form
5 vowels.
The "alphabet of Nemnivus", contained in ox., dated 812, and
reproduced by Ab Ithel in Dosp. Ed. 10, n, is stated in the MS. to
have been formed by Nemnivus " ex machinatione mentis suae " in
answer to a Saxon's taunt that the Britons had no letters. Most of
the signs are forms of Latin characters made to imitate runes ; two
(^ n and A u) are runes, while others seem to be arbitrary inventions.
There is no evidence of the use of this alphabet. The "winged
alphabet" given by Ab Ithel ibid. 12 consists of two classifications
of Scandinavian tree-runes, the top line representing the two schemes
of classification. The reason given for supposing the scribe to be a
Welshman is too ridiculous to need refutation.
Among the "traditions " invented by the Glamorgan bards in support
of their claim to be the successors of the druids was the " wooden book " ;
though all the accounts of it are in lolo Morgannwg's handwriting,
contemporary evidence of its existence in the early ifth cent, is
afforded by Rhys Cain's satirical englyn (Ab lolo, Coel. y B. 50) ; but
it cannot be traced further back. The ' bardic alphabet ' called coelbren
y beirdd was a conventional simplification of ordinary characters
adapted for cutting on wood ; its letters are derived from the hand-
writing of the period, as V b, ) d, <\ ts (= e), K A, M n, K* r, except
where it was easier to adapt the Latin capitals, as A A, C' G. With
one or two exceptions, such as U IL, the " derived characters " denoting
consonant mutations, so far from proving the coelbren's antiquity, are
its very latest development, Pughe acknowledging himself to be the
author of five of them (L.G.C. 260 footnote). lolo's memoranda (Coel.
y B. 27) refer to an old form given by Gwilym Tew in his grammar;
but this work is preserved in G.T.'s own hand in p 51, which does
not mention the coelbren. The famous transcriber of MSS. John Jones
10 PHONOLOGY 7
of Gelli Lyfdy compiled two collections of the alphabets known to him
p 307, IL 144, but neither contains anything like the coelbren. No
MS. is written in it, for the simple reason that it was easier to write
ordinaiy characters than the coelbren caricature of them. The writing
in P 54 pp. 359 ff., stated in the R. to be in " ' bardic ' characters, which
are widely different from Roman characters ", bears no resemblance to
the coelbren, and is no more " widely different from Roman characters "
than the coelbren itself is ; it is the hand of an illiterate person ; the
letters are written separately, but all are clumsy copies of the script
characters of the period, mostly formed with awkward curves, the
antithesis of the coelbren angles. There is a somewhat similar scribble
written upside down on the bottom margin of B.CH. = p 29, p. 19.
The wooden book consisted of squared inscribed sticks in a frame; it
was called peithynen from its resemblance to a weaver's reed, and not
the reverse, as lolo asserted, for peithyn(eri) comes regularly from Lat.
ace. pectin-em ' comb, weaver's reed '. The absurdity of the supposition
that such a device ever served any serious purpose of literature is
manifest when one considers what a cartload of wooden books would
be required to carry the contents of a small manuscript volume.
ii. The earliest Welsh alphabet given as such is that found in the
B.G. col. 1117: a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, k, I, m, n, o, p, q, r, s, t, v, x, y,
to, If. It contains q, which is not used in Welsh, and omits all the
digraphs except II ; they could not be included in the traditional
number, 24.
Sir J. Price's alphabet in T.L.H, (1546) is as follows: a, b, c, d, d,
e,ff,f, g, h, i, k, I, Ih, m, n, o, p, r, rh, 8, t, v = u, v, y, w.
VV. Salesbury gives the following alphabet in his Playne and Familiar
Introductio, 1567 (written in 1550): A, b, c, ch, d, dd, e,f,ff, g, h, i,
k, I, tt, m, n, o, p, r, s, t, th, v, u, w, y. He distinguishes between u
and v, using the latter for Eng. v, Welsh/.
G.R., (1567), who uses d, I, u for dd, II, w, gives the following
alphabet : a, 6, c, ch, d, d, e,f, g, i, h, I, I, m, . o, p, r, s, t, th, u, u, y,
omitting ng and ph (both of which he uses, the latter to the exclusion
of^"), to make the number 24.
S.V., (1568), gives the following alphabet of 24 letters: a, b, d, dd,
e > ft ffi 9> j ^> I, tt m , n , > Pt *} *> t, v, w, y, ch, th, adding that h is
the sign of a breathing, J 9/3.
J.D.R., (1592), used h to form all his digraphs, thus bh = f, dh = dd,
gh = ng. His alphabet is as follows : a, b, bh, c, ch, d, dh, e, g, gh,
yhh, h, i, Ih, I, m, mh, n, nh, o, p, ph, rh, r, s, t, th, u, y>, y, y. It
contains a character for each simple sound in the language, including
the two sounds of y ; but it was too cumbrous to win general adoption.
The alphabet of the present day is first met with in D. (1621), with
the single difference that D. has two forms of the letter y ; thus, a, b,
c, ch, d, dd, e, f,ff, g, ng, h, i, I, II, m, n, o, p. ph, r, s, t, th, u, w, y/y.
It omits mh, nh, ngh, rh. The names now given to the letters are, in
the above order, in Welsh spelling (all vowels not marked long to be
8,9 THE VOWELS 11
read short) : a, In, ec, ech, dl, ecfd, e, ef t eff, eg, eng, dets, I, el, ell, em,
en, o, pi, yff 'vrffl, er, es, ti, eth, u, w, y. The names 7>a, he, hi given
to the letter h by some writers on Welsh grammar and orthography a
are figments. The name is nets, borrowed from Eng. or Fr. (Eng. aitch,
Fr. ache, Span, atche):
H. arall it sy Harri
Wyth yw 'r dyn a 'th eura di. T.A., c. i 340.
' Thou hast another H. Henry the Eighth is the man who will
ennoble thee.' The first line is to be read Aets arall it sy Harri, as
shown by the cynghanedd : t s r t a r.
Lhuyd, (1707). used ^ for ch, X for II, and b for dd. The last has
survived iu the form 8 in ordinary handwriting, but manuscript 8 is
printed dd.
8. The orthography of Mn. W. is almost purely phonetic :
each letter of the alphabet has one standard sound, except y which
has two. It will therefore be convenient to give the values of
the letters in the modern alphabet, and then, rising the modern
characters to represent the sounds of the language, to show in
detail how each sound was written in earlier periods, noting any
changes which have taken place in the sounds themselves.
THE VOWELS.
0. The letters a, e, i, o, u, w, y represent vowel sounds.
The following diagram shows the approximate relative positions
of the vowels at the present day. y and y denote the two
sounds of y. Vowels pronounced with rounded lips are enclosed
in brackets. The more open the sound the less the rounding.
Front Back
The vowel sounds i, e, a, o t w, except in certain diphthongal
combinations, have probably undergone no material change from
* G.R., Rowland, Silvan Evans, Tegai. Rowland's Aaitch is a S.W. vulgarism.
12 PHONOLOGY 10 -14
the O. W. period to the present day ; the sounds a, e, o,
have always been represented by the characters a, e, o, a and the
sound i always by i, with some exceptions in Early Ml. W.,
16 ii (2).
10. The sound of a is that of the English a in father. It
occurs long as in tad 'father', medium as in td\dol ' fatherly ',
and short as in mam ' mother '.
The sound does not occur short in English, the a of Eng. man being
a more forward sound, which may be denoted by ce. This sound ce is
heard in Welsh in a narrow strip stretching from the English border
to Harlech, and in Glamorganshire.
11. The sound of e, when long or medium, is the middle
e, as in the Eng. men, let ; thnsgwe/t ' smile ', gioe\nu ' to smile ' ;
when short it is generally more open, tending towards the Eng.
e in there ; ihusywenn ' white '. For its sound in diphthongs, see
S 29, 79.
12. The sound of i is the close i of the French ^rc?', si, or
the North Eng. i in king, machine. The Southern Eng. i is
more open. It occurs long as in gwin ' wine ', medium as in
gwi\noed(l ' wines ', short as v&prin ' scarcely '.
13. The sound of o, when long or medium, is the middle o,
midway between the close o in Eng. note and the open o in not ;
thus ton ' tune ', t6\nau ' tunes ' ; when short it is more open,
tending towards the o of not, as tonn ' wave ', tonnau f waves'.
14. i. The sound of w is that of the French ou in sou, or
the North Eng. oo in food, book. The Southern Eng. sound is
more open. It occurs long as in gwr ' man ', medium as in gw\rol
' manly ', short as in trwm ' heavy '.
ii. (i) The sound to was written u in O.W., and thus could not
be distinguished (except by the context) from the sound w, 15 i,
which was also written u (though sometimes i, 15 ii).
(2) In Early Ml. W., the sound w, both vocalic and conso-
nantal was written u (or v) and w, and as the former also repre-
sents the sound u, and both represent the sound/", the spelling is
often ambiguous. In Late Ml. W. the uncertainty is partly re-
moved by the restriction of w and the use of (a peculiar shape
* Here and in the following sections up to 26, a letter printed in heavy type
represents the written letter j a letter printed in italics represents the sound.
15 THE VOWELS 13
of v) to represent the to sounds. The characters w and repre-
sent both w and w almost indifferently. Theoretically perhaps
w stood for w, and the R.B. scribe wishing 1 to distinguish between
gwyr ' men ' and gwifr e knows ' writes them gwyr, g6yr respectively,
R.G. 1118 ; there seems to be a slight predominance of the w
value for w, but no systematic distinction is made between the
sounds, whole pages frequently occurring, e.g., in W.M., where 6
is used exclusively for both.
<? In this work Late Ml. W. is transcribed w, as nothing is
gained by reproducing a distinction which would often be misleading
if taken to have a phonetic significance.
(3) In Mn. W. the sound is represented by w.
G.R. uses u; and J.D.E. a peculiar character based on 6, a late
script form of 6 ; 7 ii.
15. i. (i) In Late Mn. W. the sound of u, long, medium,
and short, is the same as the clear sound of y, 16 i ; thus the
words hun ' sleep ' and Jiyn ' older ' have now absolutely the same
sound. But in O. and Ml. W. u had the sound of the French
it, that is, an i pronounced with rounded lips. In accented
syllables it retained this sound down to the end of the i6th cent.,
as is shown by the fact that J.D.R. (pp. 33, 34) describes both n
and y, and distinguishes between them with a phonetic truth
which could only be derived from actual acquaintance with both
as living sounds.
(2) In the final unaccented syllable the original u sound became 7
as early as the I4th cent.; see ZfCP. iv 118. Hence we find u
and y confused from the 1 4th century on. Kymry ' the Welsh, Wales '
often appeared as Cymru ; see y Cymru ' the Welsh ', G.R. p. [v] ;
M.IL. (3 Ader. Title). Later, the misspelling Cymru came to be used
for ' Wales ', the true form Cymry being retained as the pi. of Cymro.
In the 3rd pi. of prepositions, arnunt ' on them ', etc., in dywedud ' to
say ', anoddun ' deep ', credadun ' believer ', arofun ' intend ', munud
' minute ', y is in Late Mn. W. wrongly written for u ; for testun ' text ',
ysgrythur ' scripture ', see 82 iii (3). The converse error was frequent
in the i6th cent., Dr. M. writing fellu, i fynu, gorthrymmudd, etc.
The view that the distinction survived in monosyllables down to a
late date is corroborated by the fact that out of about 140 monos. in
use containing either u or tf only one, crud 'cradle' (crut IL.A. 72,
R.P. 1418), is now commonly misspelt; and even this misspelling is
due to Pughe's bringing the word under the same head as cryd
14 PHONOLOGY 16
' quaking, fever ' obviously on a false etymological theory. D.D. and
Richards have crud ' cradle ', cryd ' fever '.
ii. The O. and Ml. W. sound above described was written n.
It was therefore not distinguished in writing in the O. and
Early Ml. period from the sound w which was also written u.
We may call O. W. u the front u, or , when it corresponds to
Mn. W. u, and the back u when it represents Mn. W. w. It is
certain that the two sounds were as distinct then as they were
later, for in O.W. we find the u sound written i, as in fdpanr
juv. 'barn', Mn. W. ysgubor. Still earlier evidence of is
furnished by Bede's spelling Dinoot of a name which was later
Dunawd.
10. i. y has two sounds, the clear and the obscure.
The clear sound of y is a peculiar z'-sound very difficult to
acquire. It is a dull i produced further back than ordinary i.
The sound is very similar to French u in its effect upon the ear,
and has the same absolute pitch ; but it is produced quite differ-
ently. The French u is an i pronounced with rounded lips, but
the Welsh y is an * pronounced further back, but with open
lips; see the diagram, 9. Ml. W. had both sounds, written u
and y respectively ; but gradually the roiinded sound, which was
written u, was replaced by the unrounded sound, though still
continuing to be written u, the result being that Welsh has now
the unrounded sound only, written u and y.
The sound y is long as in dyn ' man ' or short as in bryn
' hill '. It cannot be medium except when written as w, as in
lino ' to unite ', and in the word gyda for gyd a, 82 ii (2).
In S. W. dialects both M and y are sounded as i or nearly so.
The obscure sound of y is the sound of the Eng. o in ivory. It
is medium or short in the penult, or short in an unaccented
syllable. It is long in the penult before a vowel or h as cjj-oedd,
c$-hoedd, and in the name of the letter y.
<Jsr In this grammar the character y is used as in ordinary
written Welsh to represent both the clear and the obscure sound ;
but when it is required to distinguish between them, the character
H is used to denote the clear, and y to denote the obscure sound.
Note that y is the clear \ in the diphthong wy, and when cir-
cumflexed, y.
16 THE VOWELS 15
A special character for the sound y was used by some i6th century
scribes, and is regularly employed by J.D.R. and Dr. Davies in their
grammars. A distinctive character is also needed for the clear sound ;
and n is convenient because it suggests u which has now the same
sound.
NOTE. The idea that y has borrowed its clear sound from u,
which, as we have seen, is the exact reverse of the truth, has led
some writers to call y the primary, and y the secondary sound of y.
The former is of course secondary, being the obscured form of y and
other sounds.
11 On the use of the two sounds of y see 82.
ii. (i) In O. W. the sounds of y are denoted by i, and are
therefore not distinguished in writing- from the sound i. That
y and i were then distinct requires no further proof than that
they are different in origin, and if the difference had been lost it
could not have been recovered.
(2) In Early Ml. W. MSS., as in the B.B., y and i are used in-
differently to express the i sound and the sounds of y. In B.CH.
( = A.L. MS. A.) y is used in some parts almost to the exclusion of
i, as Irenyn, tyr for brenin ' king ', tir ' land ' ; yx p. 9 for ix ' nine '
(printed nau in A.L. i 18 !) shows that the scribe treated y and i
as identical. In some early MSS. the sounds of y were repre-
sented by e ; see the passage in ancient orthography in A.L. ii
36-8, where y lie, y dqn appear as elle, eden ( the place ', ' the
man'.
(3) In Late Ml. MSS., as in Mri. W., the sounds y, y are written
y, and are not confused with i which is written i (except that y
also represents i, 25 iii).
In a few monosyllables of frequent occurrence, if by constant repeti-
tion advanced to the easier front position of i towards the end of the
Ml. period. These are y ' to ', y ' his ' or ' her ', ny, nyt ' not '. The
latter often appears as ni, nit in W.M., see 46, 48, showing the thinning
of the vowel to be so early. That the sound was once y is shown
by the fact that ni/d, written nifdd (dd = double d, not 8) by J.D.R.
in 1592, may still be heard in Anglesey.
<SJr In this grammar the Ml. W. y ' to ' and y ' his ' or ' her ' are
dotted thus, y, to distinguish them from the article y = y. As the y
was probably sounded i some time before it came to be so written, it
may be read i. [There can be no confusion with y = i, which never
stands by itself, 25 iii.]
iii. Though not indicated in writing, the difference between y and
16 PHONOLOGY 16
y goes back to the O. W. period. That O. W. i represented iiot only
the clear if hut also the obscure y is shown by such forms as cimadas
(zzcyfaddas) M.c. Here cyf- comes from *kom-\ the y results from
the indistinct pronunciation of o, 65 iv (2), and was never sounded
if ; hence the written i must have meant y. See also 40 iii (2).
In Ml. MSS. generally, as in Mn. W., no distinction is made l>etween
if and y. But in some parts of 13. OH., e stands for y, and y for if
regularly; thus Ylety yu ety muyhaf ene tref akemeruedaf ac y kyd ac
ef erey auenno or teylu, A.L. i 12 = if lety ifw y tif mivifhaf yny dref
a chymherfeSaf, ag if gqd ag ef y rei a vynno o'r teilu, ' His lodging is
the largest and most central house in the town, and with him such as
he may please of the household.' The scribe's observance of the rule
is remarkable ; and though there are many slips due to mechanical
copying, his spelling in some cases helps to decide the sound in obsolete
forms.
iv. (i) In Early Ml. W. if and y were probably nearer e than at
present. If we assume the line a if more inclined towards the line
a i in the diagram p. 1 1 above, it will be seen at a glance not only
why both were written e at that time, but why the B.CH. scribe uses y
to represent both i and if, and e to represent both e and y.
(2) The sounds if and y in these forward positions were less stable,
being not merely felt to be near enough to e to be represented by e
in writing, but also liable to be confused with e in speech. Some
examples of this confusion survived, and are met with in the later
language: (a) Interchange of y and e: Myrddin, Merddin D.G. 471 ;
tymestl, temestl G. 153; ystifnv. 24, esttfn; cybyddiaeth, a cheby&yaeth
IL.A. 1 44 ; y bellynnic IL.A. 1 26, 1 46, pdlennig ; ketymdeith, cydymaith ;
ynnill, ennill ; cynfigen, cenfigen ; Tal-y-bolion M.A. 131 501, explained
as tdl ebolyon W.M. 45 ; Pen-e'-goes for *Pen-y'-goes, see 46 ii (3).
(y8) Interchange of if and e : velle IL.A. 148 for fellif ; Late Mn. W. wele
'behold' for (a) ivelif 'dost thou see?' 173 iii (3); Mercher for
Merchifr B.A. 17, B.B. 48, see 69 v ; hiody C.M. 31, hiode R.M. 173;
mifwn, mewn; Lhfifn, Lletfn. Dial, edrech for edrych, -ech for -ifc/t
2iid sg. pres. subj. 176 iv. (y) In Ml. W. if hun 'himself, herself
is written e hun, the e modification being preferred owing to the
difficulty of sounding unrounded if and rounded ii in consecutive
syllables, cf. 77 viii. Dissimilation also occurs in e IwerSon
W.M. 59 for if IwerSon. Similarly te\ifrn for *tif\ifm 103 ii (i);
diell for di-hyll 146 ii (2).
In Breton *y has generally become e ; thus nevez = W. newydd ;
2)emp = W. pifmp ; kevrann = W. kyvran ; ened =. W. ynifd.
(3) y before a nasal tended to be lowered towards a, and is some-
times written a in the B.CH., as cantaf A.L. i 84 for cyntaf; kannal,
do. 154 for kynnal; kafreiht do. 130 for kyvreith. Hence y and o
interchange before a nasal : Yngharad, Angharad ; ymheraiudr, am-
herawdr; ymddifad, amddifad; . canhorthwy, cynhorthwy; mynach,
manach, etc.
Unaccented a is sometimes weakened to y in the dialects, but
16 THE VOWELS 17
examples are rare in lit. W. : rhyglyddu ' to merit ', for rhaglyddu, see
faclySei W.M. 428.
(4) In Mn. W. since y has become quite neutral, it is apt in some
cases to be coloured by neighbouring sounds : after w or followed by
w in the ultima, it becomes w, 66 ii. When immediately followed
by another vowel it is assimilated to it, 82 ii (3).
v. (i) In Ml. W. an inorganic y is written between two consonants
at the end of a word in the following groups : i. cons. + r, 1 or n ;
2.rm, rf, 1m, If; 3. 8f; 4. rarely rch, Ich ; thus pobyl for pobl 'people',
vy ian//w.M. 59 for/y mar/ 'my beard'. In O. W. it appears as i,
as in reatir juv., Mn. W. rhaeadr ' cataract ', but is of rare occurrence,
being usually omitted as in Mn. W., thus cruitr, disci JTTV. dail, scribl
ox. It occurs medially as i in centhiliat JTJV. ' singer ' for centhliat,
as o in cenitolaidou ox., Mn. W. cenedlaetliau 'generations'. In Early
Ml. W. it appears as i, y, and e, as perygil B.B. 31 ' danger', cathil do.
1 6 'song', autyl do. 15 'ode', coloven A.L. i 10 'column'. It occurs
sometimes in initial groups : o gynaud B.B. 84 ' of flesh ' ; keleuuet
A.L. i 40 = clywed ' to hear '.
(2) The sound intended to be represented was the glide between the
consonants, which was becoming perceptible as a dull sound resembling
y. It was naturally written i in O. W., e in B.CH., these being the
signs for y, see iii above. It was not written where no audible glide
developed, as in nt, rth, r8, and was rare where the glide was
voiceless, as before ch. It did not form a full syllable in Ml. W., at
least in the standard pronunciation, for (a) it is occasionally written in
groups where it is generally omitted, and which seem never to have
been syllabic, as in meirych W.M. 41 = meirch K.M. 28 ' horses ' ; (/3) it
is sometimes found medially where it could not be syllabic, as in
kenedyloeft IL.A. 1 1 = kenedloeft IL.A. 169 'nations', dadeleu A.L. i 20
= dadleu ' lawsuit ' ; (y) it does not affect the accentuation ; thus in
co\lofyn gwe8 e\ofyn y gwe\fa\eu, B.P. 1239
' Upholder in fearless manner of prayers ', the e of eofyn is accented to
correspond to the i of gwe&ieu ; (8) it does not count as a syllable in
Ml. verse ; the above is a line of nine syllables ; in the following cy wydd
couplet the cynghanedd requires chalych to be read as an absolute
monosyllable, as it is pronounced at the present day :
Pwy a attei, pei pennsaer,
peintyaw a chalych pwynt vy chwaer? I.G.,R.P. 1408.
' Who could, though he were a master, paint with chalk my sister's
mien ? '
W In the quotations in the present work this non-syllabic y is
represented thus, y.
(3) In Mn. lit. W. the epenthetic y is simply dropped ; thus pobl,
ffeneslr, ofn. The non-syllabic pronunciation continued to be the
only one admissible in cynghanedd, and so remained the standard
literary form ; and the mute y came to be dropped in writing to prevent
ambiguity. [In one form of cynghanedd, however, exemplified by
not C
18 PHONOLOGY 17
Da os6diad hyd i satvdl. D.N., o. 1 58,
-1 answers a syllable -tad in the cynghanedd, though it does not count
as a syllable in the metre, an inconsistency which shows that such
a word as this, treated as a monosyllable in verse generally, sounded
like a disyllabic when it ended a sentence.]
In the spoken language, when the word was disyllabic the final liquid
was lost, thus perig,ffene8t for perigl ' danger ', ffenestr 'window', or
metathesized as in ewyrth for ewythr' uncle'. In monosyllables the glide
was assimilated to the vowel of the syllable or the second element of
its diphthong and became syllabic ; thus pobol, cefen, tttffqbyr, sowdwl,
bara' for pobl ' people ', cefn ' back ', llwybr ' path ', sawdl ' heel ', barf
' beard '. Some examples of this assimilation already appear in Late
Ml. W., as budur IL.A. 18 ' dirty ', kwbwl C.M. 87 'all ', vy maraf K.M.
42 ' my beard '. The colloquial syllabic pronunciation is the one
generally implied in recent verse in the free metres ; thus Anne
Griffiths's Llwybr cwbl groes i natur, though so printed in all hymn-
books, is intended to be sung Llwybyr \ cwbwl \ grdes i \ ndtur. But
in N. "W. dialects the parasitic vowel did not arise in groups containing
/; thus in the greater part of N. W. ofn, ' fear ', cefn ' back ', llyfr
' book ', barf ' beard ' are purely monosyllabic to this day. Forms like
march, calch are everywhere monosyllabic.
I For prosthetic y- see 21 iii, 23 ii, 26 vi (4).
THE CONSONANTS.
17. The values of the letters representing consonants in the
Mn. alphabet are as follows :
i. Voiceless explosives (tenues) : p = English p ; t, normally
more dental than Eng. , but varying to Eng. t; c = Eng. k, having
two sounds, front c (%} before i, e, like k in Eng. king, back c (q)
before a, o, w, n g, like e in Eng. coal.
ii. Voiced explosives (mediae) : b = Eng. b ; d corresponding
to W. t as above ; g front and back (g, g], like Eng. give, go.
iii. Voiceless spirants : ff or ph = Eng. f, labiodental ; th =
Eng. th in thick (which may be denoted by /) ; ch = Scotch ch
in loch, German ch in nock (x), but not German ch in ich (x).
Even after e and i, as in llech ' slate ', gwlch ' squeak ', the ch is
the back sound x-
i + back x is an awkward combination, and becomes difficult in
the short time available when the i is the second element of a
diphthong ; hence baich, braich are generally pronounced bayx, brayx
(with the short a of the original diphthong). This pronunciation is con-
demned by D., p. i o ; but the spelling ay is common earlier, e. g. J.D.K.
271. But beichiau, breichiau are so sounded, with back x (not x).
& 17 THE CONSONANTS 19
3
iv. Voiced spirants : f = Eng. v, labiodental ; dd = Eng. th
in this (8). O.W. had also the guttural voiced spirant, which
may be represented by 5, corresponding to ch ; see 19 i.
v. Voiceless nasals : mh ; nh ; ngh. The nasals can only be
made voiceless by a strong emission of breath, which causes a
distinct aspirate to be heard as a glide after the consonant.
Thus nh is somewhat similar to Eng. nh in inhale.
vi. Voiced nasals : m ; n ; ng. The last has two positions
corresponding to those of g, namely front , back K>.
vii. Voiceless liquids : 11 ; rh. The former is a voiceless / pro-
nounced on one side. It is produced by placing the tongue in
the I position, raising it so as to close the passage on one side,
and blowing between it and the teeth on the other. The
common imitation thl conveys the effect of the " hiss " (voiceless
spirant) in the th, and gives the side effect in the I. But 11 is of
course a simple sound, which may be described shortly as a " uni-
lateral hiss ". The sound of rh is the Welsh trilled r made voice-
less by a strong emission of breath, causing an audible aspirate
glide after it. Briefly, it is r and h sounded together.
viii. Voiced liquids : 1 ; r. The latter is trilled like the strong-
Scotch r, or the Italian r. The trilled r is a difficult sound to
acquire ; young children usually substitute I for it. A few never
acquire it, but substitute for it a guttural r ( = 5). This is
almost the only defect of speech to be found among speakers of
Welsh ; it is called tafod tew ' thick tongue '.
ix. Sibilant : s. Welsh has no z ; such a pronunciation as
z&l *zeal* is pure affectation; unsophisticated persons say sel,
seloff. Before i as in eisiau, 9 now tends to become Eng. sh, and
in some S.W. dialects after i. But many old speakers cannot
pronounce shibboleth at all. Standard Welsh * is the ss in hiss.
x. Aspirate : h. The aspirate is distinctly sounded, and is
never misused except in Gwent and Glamorgan. It is really
the voiceless form of the vowel which follows it, or the glide
between a voiceless nasal or liquid and a vowel.
xi. Semi-vowels : i ; w. As these letters also represent vowel
sounds, they will be marked , w in this work where it is neces-
sary to point out that they are consonantal, i is the sound of
the Eng. y in yard ; w is the Eng-. ^o in will.
c2
20 PHONOLOGY 18
^T Welsh w is the same sound as that which is written u in the
hypothetic forms of Ar., Kelt., Brit., etc. Thus Mn. W. wir ' indeed '
is identical with the first syll. of Kelt. *mr-08 'true'<Ar. *uer-os.
18. i. The characters p, t, o had the values in O.W. of
modern p, t, c. They also represented the mutated sounds b, d, g,
see 103 iii; as in scipaur i\rv. = 8cubaicr, Mn. W. ysgubor
'barn', creaticaul ox. = creadigawl, Mn. W. creadigol 'created'.
When they have this value they are sometimes doubled ; thus
in M.c. we find catteiraul, Mn. W. cadeiriol ' cathedral ' adj.,
carrecc, Mn. W. carreg ' stone ', hepp, Ml. W. heb ' says '. Possibly
this is due to the influence of Irish spelling. [In Old Ir. original
*nt > *d-d written t and sometimes tt.]
ii. In Ml. W. p, t, c no longer represent b t d, g medially, but
finally after a vowel they continued to do so even down to the
Mn. period. The facts are briefly as follows : In the B.B., late I2th
cent., the final labial is written p, but often b (mab 27, 28, 29) ;
the dental is always d, because t is used for the soft spirant 8 ;
the guttural is always c. In the I4th cent, the labial very
generally appears as b, though often as p ; the dental is always
t, the guttural always c. In the J5th cent. (e.g. IL 28) we
have b, d, c. In the 1620 Bible b, d, g, but c in many forms,
unic, lluddedic, etc. The final c is still written in ac and nac,
which should be ag, nag, 222 i (i), ii (3). On the sound of the
consonant in these cases see 111 v (4).
Finally after a consonant p, t, c have always represented the
voiceless sounds.
iii. In Ml. W. and Early Mn. W., initial c is generally written
k. The chief exceptions are the combinations cl, or. Medially
we find c, k, cc, ck. Finally after a consonant, though we
generally have c, we also find k (or even ck) ; as grafangk, oer-
drangk K.P. 1321, diagk etc. do. 1314, digelk do. 1364, lork K.B.B.
397, carbunck, IL.A. 170. In these words the sound was, and is,
voiceless. Note that after a vowel, where the sound is now g,
it is never written k in Ml. W. Thus k, which represents the
tenuis only, is clearly distinguished from c, which also finally
represents the media.
NOTE. In O. W. and the earliest Ml. W., as in L.L. (about 1 1 50),
c alone is used ; k appears in B.B. and was general in Ml. and Early
19 THE CONSONANTS 21
Mn. W. G.R. discarded k on the principle of " one sound one letter ",
p. 20. But the decisive factor in its banishment from the "Welsh
alphabet was its replacement by c in Salesbury's N. T., published the
same year (1567). This being one of the many innovations ' ' quarrelled
withall" in his orthography, Salesbury,' in the Prayer Book of 1586
gave his reason for the substitution: "C for K, because the printers
haue not so many as the Welsh requireth," Llyfryddiaeth 34. It is
curious to note that a letter which was thus superseded because of its
greater prevalence in Welsh than in English was classed 160 years
later among "intruders and strangers to the Welsh language", Gor-
mesiaid a dieithriaid i'r laith Gymraeg, S.R. ( 1*7 2 8) p. i.
19. i. The characters b, d, g, in O.W. represented initially
the modern sounds b, d, g ; but medially and finally they stood
for the mutated sounds f, 8, 5, as in gilbin Juv., Mn. W. gylfin
'beak', guirclglas M.C. = ffw$rrb%las, Mn. W. gwyrddlas 'greenish
blue '. Medially and finally/" was also represented by in, though
in this case the spirant was doubtless nasalized then, as it is
still normally in Breton ; thus nimer ox. = niver, Mn. W. nifer
' number ', heitham ox.,, Mn. W. eithaf ' extreme '.
ii. (i) In Ml. W., b represented the sound b, but no longer the
sound/.
(a) The sound/ was written in Early Ml. W. u or v, w and f ;
thus in B.B., niuer 7 = nifer; vaur zi=fawr 'great'; sew 45
= sef 'that is'; dihafal ZQ = dihafal 'unequalled'. We also
find ff, as affv 2,1= a fu 'who has been', bariffvin 53 =
barfwyn ' white-bearded ,' tiff 50 = tyf ' grows '.
As u and v also represented the vowel ii, and as u, v, and w repre-
sented w as well, the orthography of this period is most confusing.
(3) In Late Ml. W. the sound /was written medially u or v
and fu; finally it was represented by f regularly (the few
exceptions which occur, e.g. in W.M., being due to mechanical
copying). Thus, IL.A., vy i =fy ' my ' ; llamir 3 = ttafur ' labour ' ;
kyfuoet/tawc 55, Mn. W. cyfoethog ' rich ' ; gyntaf 3 ' first ', dywedaf
3 ' I say ', ef 3 ' he ', etc. u and v continued to be used medially
for /during the Early Mn. period ; but G.R. has f everywhere, and
was followed by Dr. M. in the 1588 Bible, which fixed the Late
Mn. orthography.
As u and v also represented the vowel ii, the word fu may be found
written w, vu, uv, uu. But there is much less confusion than in the
22 PHONOLOGY 19
earlier period, for (i) w is distinguished from il ; (2) finally u and /
are distinguished ; thus nev means neu ( or ', not nef' heaven '.
The distinction between the characters u and v is a modern one ;
double v (i. e. w) is still called " double u " in English.
In the quotations in this grammar the letter u or v
(for it was one letter with two forms) is transcribed u when it
stands for the vowel, and v when it represents the consonant f,
irrespective of the form in the MS. , which depended chiefly on
the scribe's fancy at the moment.
(4) The sound which is now the labiodental f (= Eng. v)
was in O. W. and probably also in Ml. W. a bilabial J, like the
South German w. It was the soft mutation of b or m, and
resulted from these bilabial sounds being pronounced loosely so
that the breath was allowed to escape, instead of being stopped,
at the lips. It was sometimes confused with w, 26 v ; and
was so soft that it might, like w, be passed over in cynghanedd,
e.g.jjwynt vy ckicaer p. 17 above; see Tr. Gym. 1908-9, p. 34.
iii. (i) The letter d in Ml. W. stands for both d and dd (8).
(a) In some Early Ml. MSS., of which the most important is the
B.B., the sound 8 when it is an initial mutation is generally repre-
sented by d, but medially and finally is represented rather illogi-
cally by t; thus B.B., cly divet ig = dy biweb ' thy end ' ; imtuin
32=ymbwyn 'to behave'; guirt $3=gwyrb 'green'; betev 63
= bebeu ' graves '. Medially, however, we also have d, as adaio
41 E Abaf l Adam ' ; and occasionally, by a slip, finally, as oed i
= oeb ' was ' (conversely, by a rare slip, final t = d, as imbit
jo=ym myd 'in the world '). In B.CH. usage is still looser.
(3) In the Late Ml. period the sound 8 is represented by d,
rarely by dd, see IL.A. p. xxii. Initially and medially d and 8
cannot be distinguished at this period, but finally they can,
since final d is written t, 18 ii, so that final d must mean the
sound 8. But it often happens that -d for -d and -t for -8 are
copied from an earlier MS.
While w. is distinctly Late Ml. W. in the representation of ic,
i, y, it has -d for -d and medial and final t for 8 ; also occasionally
dd, as ar dderchet izoa = arberc/ieb.
(4) dd came generally into use in the I5th cent. In the i6th
Sir J. Price, 1546, used dr ; G.R., 1567, used d ; Salesbury, 1567,
20 THE CONSONANTS 23
used dd and * ; Dr. M. in the Bible, 1588, used dd, which in.
spite of J.D.R.'s dh, 1592, has prevailed.
*r In this grammar Ml. W. d when it stands for dd (8) is
transcribed 8.
iv. (i) In Ml. W. the letter g stands initially and medially
for the sound g. The voiced spirant 5 had then disappeared.
(a) But g is also used as well as ng for the sound ng ()
(as in Eng. song). "When final, g must mean the nasal, for the
explosive is written c, 18 ii ; thus Hog B.B. 90, W.M. 180,
E.M. 87 must be read llong ' ship '.
&r In this work Ml. g when it represents the nasal ng () is
transcribed g.
(3) Medially ng sometimes stands for n\g (pronounced wg like the
ng in the Eng.^mgw) ; thus Sangor, pronounced Banger. The simple
sound represents original iog as in angel ( = awnel 54 i (2)) < Lat.
angdus ( = atogelus) ; the composite sound occurs where the nasal and
explosive came together later, and the g is the soft mutation of c, as
in Ban-gar, radical cor ; un-glust ' one-eared ', dust ' ear '. In O. W. the
composite sound appears as nc, as uncenetticion M.C. = un-genedigion,
gloss on ' solicanae '. Cf. Bede's Bancor, doubtless the Early W. spelling.
20. i. (i) The sound ff\s represented in O.W. by f, as/w,
fionouM.c. = ffynn ' sticks ', ffionou 'roses'; sometimes medially
by ph as in ciphillion M.C. ' sprouts ', grephiou M.C. ' pencils ',
Griphiud A.C. 814, 36 ii, and p or pp as Gripiud B.S.CH. I,
Grippi(ud) GEN. xxx.
(2) In Ml. W. the sound ff is represented initially by f, both
when it is radical and when it is a mutation of p, though in the
latter case ph is perhaps more usual ; rarely we have ff; thus
banfoher B.B. 5 'when they are put to flight \fort do. 33 = fforb
' way ', nyforthint do. 34 ' they did not cherish ', ny phercheiste
do. 21 Hhou hast not respected'; A fa le e maynt A.L. i 160,
MS. A., a phy . . . MS. D., ' and where they are ' ; heb bant yn y
fenn W.M. 453 . . .ynyphenn R.M. 101 'without a tooth in her
head' ; ffoes B.B. 44 ' fled '. Medially and finally it is generally
ff, as diffuis B.B. 35 = diffwys 'steep', proffuid do. 85 ' prophet ',
grofft B.M. 52 ' croft ', aiiffurvaw do. 29 ' to disfigure ', gorffen do.
5 'to finish', sarff do. 186 'serpent', hoff W.M. 72 'desirable'.
It also appears as ph, as corph B.B. 20 ' body ', (g)orphen do. 76
' end ' ; and often as f, as deu gorf B.M. 5 ' two bodies ', anfuryf do.
24 PHONOLOGY 21
29 ( = anffu)f) 'disfigurement', yn braf W.M. 53 (=yn bran')
' strong ', graft do. 73 ' croft'.
(3) In Mn. W. ff and ph are used, the latter generally as a
mutation ofj) only ; but G.R. and J.D.R. use ph exclusively.
Many modern writers use ph in all positions where they
perceive that it is derived from /?, as in corpk < Lat. corpus, writing
ff where it does not appear to them to be so derived, as in cyff
1 stem, trunk \ffon 'stick*. It is mostly a distinction without
a difference : cyff comes from Lat. cippus, and ffon is from Pr.
Kelt. *spond-, 96 iv (i). The attempted differentiation is a
useless one ; and as the etymology of too many words is still
uncertain, it cannot be earned out. It is better, therefore, to
write ff always where the sound is immutable, and ph only as
a conscious mutation of initial /; ; thus coiff, cyff, ffon ; chwe
phunt, chwepkunt ' 6 ', gwragedd aphlant ' women and children ',
blith draphlith c higgledy-piggledy '.
ii. (i) The sound th (/) is represented in O. W. by th, as brith
Juv. ' variegated ' ; by d, as papedpinnac M.C. =pa betk bynnag
'whatsoever'; by t after r, as gurt OK.=gicrth, Mn. W. wrtJt
' against ' ; and Ly )?, as papefi Juv. = pa lieih ' what '.
(a) In Ml. W. the sound is generally written th, though in
some early MSS., as B.CH., sometimes t (after r) as kemyri A.L. i 4
= kjmyrih ' took '. In Mn. W. it is always written th.
Such a form *& perffeidyaw IL.A. 19 is no exception to the rule. The
th had been voiced to dd, and the word was perffeiddiaw. It is so
written in Early Mn. W., and the Late Mn. W '. perffeithio is a re-fornia-
tion. See 108 iv (2).
iii. (i) The sound ch (x) is written ch in O. "W., as liclian ox. =
lyclian ' little '. Once we have gch, in iurgc/iell M.C. ' fawn ', Mn. W.
lyrchell.
(2) The sound is written ch consistently in Ml. and Mn. W.,
and there seem to be no variations to note.
21. i. The sounds m/i, nh, and ngh were written mp, nt, and
no in O. W. ; and mp, nt and nc, ngk, or gk in Ml. W. These
combinations continued to be written throughout the Ml. period,
though the modern signs appear as early as W.M. or earlier ; see
107.
< 22 THE CONSONANTS 25
In Early Ml. W. we also fincf m for ink, n for nh, and g for
ngJi ; see 24 i.
ii. The letters m, n, ng have always represented the sounds
m, n, 10 ; but m also represented v in O. W., 19 i ; ng may
represent %>g in Ml. and Mn. W. ; and x> was also written g in
Ml. W. ; 19 iv.
iii. Initial n has sometimes a prosthetic y- ; as ymung e yniver ef
ac yniver y llys . . . yr yniveroeS W.M. 40 ' between his host and the
host of the court . . . the hosts '. It is also written a as bnadreS
C.M. 21 'snakes', smniver W.M. 65.
22. i. In O. W. the sound II was written 1 initially, and 11
medially and finally; as leill ox. 'others', lenn M.c. 'cloak'
guollung juv. =gwollwng ' release '. In dluithruim Juv., if rightly
analysed into llwytk ' weight ' and rhwyf ' oar ', we have dl- for
pi-, the usual imitation of the II sound, 17 vii, proving the
sound to be as old as the 9th cent., though then usually written
1- initially. The imitation thl is common in the earliest Norman
records, but has not been used by Welsh writers.
ii. In Ml. W. the II sound is represented by 11 ; in some MSS.,
e.g. the K.B., it is ligatured thusli, enabling it to be distinguished
from double 1 as in callon R.M. 106 'heart ', lotto R.P. 1369, 1407,
kollyn R.B. 1073 ' pivot ', which we now write colon, lolo, colyn,
54 ii. The ligatured capital IL has been used from the Ml.
period to the present day in lettering done by hand.
iii. In Mn. W. 11 is used.
Several attempts have been made from time to time to find substi-
tutes : G.R. used 1, Sir J. Price and J.D.R. used Ih ; Ed. Lhuyd used
In and X; but 11 has held the field.
iv. The sound rli was written r in O. and Ml. W. The scribes
use r for rh even when the h has a different origin, and some-
times even when it belongs to another word, as in y gwanwyn
ar^B.B.B. 194 fory gwanwyn a'r haf 'the spring and summer'.
fcs- Ml. W. r for rh is transcribed / in our quotations.
v. In the late I5th and early i6th cent, the sound rh was
represented by rr and B- ; it was not until the middle of the
1 6th cent, that the present digraph rh, which seems to us so
obvious and natural a representation of the sound, came into
general use.
26 PHONOLOGY 23
vi. The sounds / and r have always been represented by the
letters 1 and r.
23. i. The sound * has always been written s. In O. W.
it is sometimes doubled as in dritn JUY. = dryai ' thorns ', i*9
M.C., Ml. W. ya ' is'. In Ml. W. it is usually doubled medially
between vowels, as in lessu B.B. 25, 50, IL.A. I, 19, etc., Saewon
B.B. 48, messur B.B. 3 ' measure ', etc., but sometimes written
single as in Saesou B.B. 60. Initial ss also occurs, as ssillit B.B.
99 = sylly^y Mn. W. *ylli ' thou g-azest '. z for 8 is rare : tryzor
IL.A. 17 ' treasure'.
ii. Initial s followed by a consonant has developed a prosthetic
y- (written y, e, i, etc. 16), as in ysgol ' school '.
It is not derived from the late Lat. prosthetic '- as in iscola, since
Corn., Bret., Ir. scol do not show it, and it appears in native words in
W., as ystrad. It arose in W. for the same reason as in late Lat., a
syllabic pronunciation of 8- after a consonant. The earliest recorded
examples are Istrat, Estrat, beside Strat in L.L. see its index s.v. Istrat.
In the spoken language it is not heard except in words in which it is
accented, as ysgol, ystrad, ysbrqd, etc., and sometimes in derivatives of
these, as ysgdlion; but sgtibor, strodur, sgrifen, stryd. In O.W. it is
not written : scipaur JUV., strotur M.C., scribenn M.C. In Early Ml. W.
we have gwastavel A.L. 14 = gwas-stavell for the later gwas ystavell
\V.M. 183, E.M. 85. In the oldest verse it does not count as a
syllable :
Stavell Gyribylan ys tywyll heno (10 syll.) B.P. 1045.
' The hall of Cynddylan is dark to-night.' In later verse it usually
counts after a consonant and not after a vowel :
Mi Iscolan yscdheic ( = Mi 'Scolan yscdlhe\ic, 7 syll.) B.B. 8 1 .
'I am Yscolan the clerk/ But in B.B. 91 we seem to have scolheic
after ivyd, see 41 iii (2).
Mae sgrifen uwchben y bedd. L.G.C. 20.
' There is a legend above the tomb.'
Damasg a roed am i sgrin. T.A., A 31101/115.
' Damask was spread over his coffin.'
Ac ysgrln i geisio gras. D.G. 60.
' And a coffin to seek grace.'
The y- was general in late Ml. MSB., but it is possible that when
unaccented the actual spoken sound consisted of a gradual beginning
of the s, which like a vowel preserved the r of the article, etc. G.R.,
1567, says that yr is used before st, sc, sp, as yr stalwyn, though some
24, 25 THE CONSONANTS 27
write yr ystalwyn, p. 68. He himself also writes ag scrifennu, p. 69,
etc. In the 1620 Bible we find sceler, sclyfaeth, serif ennedic, but
yscubor, yspeilio, yscrifen, each word generally written in the same
way whether it follows a vowel or a consonant. The r of the article is
retained before forms without y-, as yr scrifenyddion Barn, v 14,
Matt, vii 29. The y- is introduced more freely in the 1690 edition;
but its insertion everywhere is late, and of course artificial, since it
never became general in natural speech.
24. i. The letter h has always been employed to denote the
aspirate ; but it was not used to represent the aspirate glide after
r until the modern period, 22 iv ; and in some Early ML
MSS. m/t, nh and ngh were written m, n and g, as emen ( =ymhen)
A.L. i 84, eurenynes ( =y vrenhines) do. 4 ; vy gerenhyt w. 30
( = vy ngherennkyfy yg gadellig do. 90 (=.yng Ngkadelling).
ii. In O. and Ml. W. h seems also to have been used to denote
a voiced breathing ; see 1 1 2.
25. i. Consonantal i is represented in O. W. by i, as iar
3W. = iar ' hen', hestoriou ox., pi. of hestawr, cloriou ox., Mn. W.
cloriau 'boards', mellkionou M.C., Mn. W. meillion 'clover'.
Before -oil it is also found as u (once iu), as enmeituou ox.,
Mn. W. amneidiau ' beckonings ', damcirchinnitou Juv. 'circuits' ;
dijiciwrn JUV. ' defects ' ; here it was probably rounded into u in
anticipation of the final u ; cf. 76 iii (3). Where it is the soft
mutation of front g it appeal's as g in O. W., as in Urbgen in
Nennius = Urfien, Mn. W. Urien ; Morgen GEN. xxv = Morten.
Here the i was doubtless heard with more friction of the breath
being the spirant 5 corresponding to front g ; see 110 ii.
ii. In Early Ml. W. i is represented by i, except in MSS. where
y is used for ?', 16 ii (2) ; thus tirion B.B. 26, pi. of tir ' land ',
dinion do. 45 ( = dynipti) ' men '.
iii. In late Ml. W. it is represented initially by i, rarely by y ;
as lemt, B.B. 25, 50, IL.A. i, 19, etc., leuan IL.A. 78, iarll, iarlles
W.M. 136 ' earl, countess', iaivn R.M. 16 'right', yawnhaf do. 24
' most proper ', Ye*u, Yiessu, IL.A. 100. Medially it is written
y, as dynnyon W.M. 32 'men', bedybyaw do. 32 'to baptize',
me&ylyaw do. 34 ' to think ', etc., etc., rarely as i, as ymbilio n.M.
3 ' he may entreat.'
iw When y represents i it will be dotted as above in the quota-
tions in this book.
28 PHONOLOGY 26
iv. In Mn. W. i is written i ; but often j in the i8th cent., see
e.g. Llyfryddiaeth 1713, 4 5 I74&, 4, 8 ; 1749, 2.
v. Voiceless i occurs where the word or syllable preceding i
causes aspiration, and is written hi (also hy in Ml. W.), as y
Jriarllaeth R.M. 178 ' her earldom ', kennhyadu IL.A. 79 ' to consent '.
If pronounced tensely hi becomes the palatal spirant \ as in the
German ich, but this does not occur in Welsh : hi remains a voiceless
seini- vowel. Cf. 17 iii.
26. i. Consonantal w is written gu in O. W. as in petgv.ar
ox. =pedwar 'four '. See 112 ii (i).
ii. In Early Ml. W. w is represented by u, v, and w ; in Late
Ml. W. by w and 0. Its representation is the same as that of the
vowel w ; see 14 ii (2). In Mn. W. it is written w.
The letter w sometimes appears in the form uu, as in keleuuet A.L.
i 40 ( = cylywed) ' to hear '.
iii. Initial w- had become gw- in the Early Welsh period ; see
112 ii (i) ; but it is w- under the soft mutation, thus gicallt
' hair,' dy wallt ' thy hair '.
Initial gw may come before I, r or n, as in gwlad ' country ', gwraiy
' wife', gymdf 1 1 do ', each one syllable. The initial combinations are
practically gl, gr or gn pronounced with rounded lips, the rounding
taking place simultaneously with the formation of the g, so that the
off-glide of the g is heard as w. When the g is mutated away the
initial is I, r or n with w as an on-glide ; thus dy wlad ' thy country
sounds like dyw lad, except that the syllabic division is dy \ wlad.
iv. In Ml. and Early Mn. W. final w after a consonant was
consonantal ; see 42. Now the w is made syllabic.
The exceptions to the rule were forms in which -w represents earlier
-wy, as hwnnw ; Mn. W. acw, Early Ml. W. raccw, Ml. "W. racko ; assir,
gwrw, banw 78 i (2). It may have been made consonantal in the last
three by analogy, coming after s, r, single n.
v. Medial w is liable to interchange withy ; thus cawod, cafod
' shower ' ; cyfoeth, cywaelh 34 iv ; diawl ' devil ' for *diafl.
The old verbal noun from lliw ' colour ' is Uifo ' to dye ', a newer
formation is lliwio ' to colour '. The reason for the interchange
is that f was once a bilabial, 5, 19 ii (4), and so, very similar
to w, being in effect 10 with friction of the breath at the lips in-
stead of at the back.
vi. (i) Voiceless w, by being pronounced tensely, has become
26 THE CONSONANTS 29
a rounded ck ) written chw. It is the result of pronouncing
voiceless w with the mouth-passage narrowed at the back so as
to produce audible friction, which is heard as cli (x) accompany-
ing the w. In S.W. dialects the loose voiceless w (written wh
or hw) prevails initially. In O.W., in Juv. and M.C., cliwi ' you '
appears as liui ; later this word was everywhere c/twi, the cJi
being still heard even in S.W. (though now unrounded in this
word, thus chi). Initial chw prevails in Ml. W. and later, as
chuerv B.B. 83, 84 = chwerw ' bitter ', cJiuec do. 84 ' sweet ',
chuant do. 34 ' lust ' ; chwythu W.M. 47 ' to blow ', chwaer do. 41
' sister', chwedfl do. 42, E.M. 29 ' tale', chwythat IL.A. 9 ' breath',
chwant do. II ' lust', and so generally in Mn. W. ; but wh fre-
quently occurs in Ml. MSS. and sometimes in Early Mn. poets, as
whechet IL.A. 147 ' sixth ', whennychu do. 149 'to desire', whaer
R.M. 28, whedlG. 147.
(2) Initial rounded ch is heard with w as an off-glide, as in chwaer ;
final rounded ch has w as an on-glide, as in iwch ' to you ', ewch ' go
ye '. In the latter case the sound is ch in all the dialects, not h.
(3) Initial chw sometimes interchanges with gw; as Gware dy
chware E.M. 154 'play thy game', chwith, gwith do. 301 'sinister';
this is due to the variability of original initial s-, 101 ii (i);
*su- > chw- ; *u- > gw-. nghw for chw is due to a preceding n
(nhw > nhw), as chwaneg, anghwaneg ' more ' ; yn chwaethach K.M. 7,
ygkwaethach do. 85, 108 'rather'.
(4) Initial chw has often a prosthetic y-, as yclnvaneg 'more',
ychwanegu W.M. 44 'to add'.
(5) Final rounded -ch, of whatever origin, becomes unrounded if
the syllable is unaccented ; thus welewch W.M. 50 ' ye saw ' is welech.
But -ijwch gave -wch, as in cerwch 'ye love' for *ceri[wch, see 173
viii; so peswch for *pesywch : pas, 201 iii (2). The form ydych is
due to the analogy of ydym; so Late Mn. W. gennych after the ist
pi. for Ml. and Early Mn. gennwch.
NOTE.
TKANSCKIPTION. By means of the devices mentioned in the above
sections (the use of 8, g, r, etc.) the forms of Late Ml. W. can
generally be transcribed eo as to indicate the approximate sound while
preserving the exact spelling of the MS. But, as we have seen, the
orthography of 0. and Early Ml. W. is so irregular that no such plan
is possible. Accordingly, for these periods, the form in the MS, 13
given, followed, where necessary, by a transcription introduced by the
sign = , giving the probable sound in modern characters.
The works of Early Mn. poets are often found in late MSS. and
30 PHONOLOGY 27
printed books containing not only dialectal forms inconsistent with
the forms implied by the rhymes of the bards, but also late inventions,
such as ei, eich, etc. In these cases the spelling has been standardized
in the quotations in this work. The spelling of the ,MS. is here of no
importance, as the cynghanedd, rhyme or metre is in every case relied
on as showing the exact form used by the author.
All quotations are given with modern punctuation, including the
insertion of the apostrophe, and the use of capital letters.
SOUNDS IN COMBINATION.
Syllabic Division.
27. i. In Welsh, a single consonant between two vowels
belongs normally to the second syllable ; thus ca\nu ' to sing ',
gwe\le\dig ' visible ' ; when there are two or more consonants the
first belongs to the first syllable, as can\tor ' singer ', can\wtd
'song', tan\wydd 'fire-wood', can\tref ' hundred (district)'. A
double consonant belongs to both ; thus in can nu ' to whiten ',
the first syllable ends after the stoppage of the mouth-passage
for the formation of the n, and the second begins before the
opening of the passage which completes the formation of the
consonant. Thus a double consonant implies not two indepen-
dent consonants, but a consonant in which the closing of the
passage takes place in one syllable and the opening in the next,
and both count. This is seen most clearly in a word like drycin
1 storm ', where the c closes as a velar q and opens as a palatal k
(drf(i\%iii), and yet is not two complete consonants. The conso-
nants p, t, c, m, s, ng, 11, are double after accented vowels,
though written single; thus ate&, canasant = at\tel, cdna$\sanf.
See 54.
ii. A consonant which is etymologically double is simplified
after an unaccented syllable; as cy\nJ\Jiit R.M. 183 'familiar'
(cyn-Tief-in < *kov.-<\.om-mo- : Lat. domus) ; whe\ny\chu K.B.B. 89
(from chwaut] 'to desire'; ym\gy\Tiull\aw, do. 49 (from cynnull)
1 to gather together '. But this phonetic rule is not regularly
observed in writing, except in the final unaccented syllable, calonn
' heart ' (pi. calonnau), Cdlann (from vulg .Lat. Kaland-\ etc., being
generally written colon, Calan, etc.
iii. In modern writing the division of syllables where required, as
at the end of a line, is made to follow the etymology rather than the
28, 29
SYLLABIC DIVISION
31
sound ; thus it is usual to divide can-u ' to sing ' so, can being the
stem and u the ending, instead of ca-nu, which is the true syllabic
division. In the case of more than one written consonant the division
is usually made to follow the sound ; thus, canrnu ' to whiten ', plen-tyn
' a child ', the etymological division being cann-u, plent-yn. Ml. scribes
divided a word anywhere, even in the middle of a digraph.
In this grammar syllabic division is indicated when required by | as
above ; and the hyphen is Used to mark off the formative elements of
words, which do not necessarily form separate syllables.
Diphthongs.
28. A diphthong consists of the combination in the same
syllable of a sonantal with a consonantal vowel. When the
sonantal element comes first the combination is a falling
diphthong. When the consonantal element comes first it is a
rising diphthong. " Diphthong" without modification will be
understood to mean falling diphthong.
Falling Diphthongs.
29. i. In O. W. falling diphthongs had for their second
element either i, front u, or back u. The O. W. diphthongs with
their Ml. and Mn. developments are as follows :
O. W. Ml. W. Mn. W.
Front ii
Back u
ai
oi
ui
ei
ou (au)
au
eu
iu
iu
ou
a\i, ae
on, oe
wti
ei
eu
aw
ew
iw
uw, yw
yw, ew
aii, ae
(on), oe
wy
ei, ai
eu, au
aw
ew
iw
uw, yw
yw, ew
ii. (i) As i in O. W. represented both i and ?/ the exact value of
the second element in O. "W. ai, oi, ui cannot be fixed ; but it was
probably receding in the direction of if. In wy it has remained ?/.
The former diphthongs are generally written ae and oe ; but the
spellings ay, oy are commonly met with in Early Ml. W., and
sometimes in MSS. of the Mn. period; as guayt 'blood', coyt
'timber', mays 'field' L.L. 120; croyn 'skin' A.L. i. 24, mays do.
1 44 ; Yspayn ' Spain ', teyrnassoi/8 ' kingdoms ' P 9 R. In E.M. 1 1 8
32 PHONOLOGY 30,31
we have hatarn, in 119 hayarn ' iron '. Though now always written
ae, oe, the sound in N. W. is still distinctly ay, o?/; thus maes,
coed are read mays, coifd. In Mid and S. Wales the sound approaches
the spelling ae, oe. In parts of S. W. the diphthongs are simplified
into a, o in the dialects : mas, cod. In Pembrokeshire oe becomes
to-e and even we.
(2) Ml. W. ae and oe are derived not only from O.W. ai and oi,
but also from O.W. disyllabic a|e and o e ; thus saeth < sa\eth < Lat.
sagitta ; nw.es < ma\es (rhyming with gormes, B.T. 25) < *ma%es ; troed
pi. traed (rhyming with vrithret / bryssyet K.P. 1042) from *troget-,
*traget-, 65 ii (i). They may also represent a contraction of a|u.,
oju. as in daed 212 iv, troent, 185 i (i).
iii. Ml. W. ei had an open and a close e according to position ;
these developed into Mn. W. ai and ei ; see 79 i. The present
sound of the form ei is n, where 9 is an obscure vowel which is
hardly, if at all, distinct from y.
iv. O.W. ou ( = ou) occurs once as au, in anutonau juv. ' perjuria ',
which in ox. is anutonou. The o was unrounded in Ml. W., becoming
an indistinct vowel, open and close, written e ; the two forms became
Mn. W. au and eu ; see 79 ii.
v. O.W. au and eu (back u) have remained the same phonetically,
the back u being written w in the later language. O.W. iu repre-
sented three distinct diphthongs according as i represented i or either
sound of y. The diphthongs yw and yw are even now of course both
represented by a single group yw in ordinary writing. The rules for
distinguishing between them are those that apply to ?/ and y generally ;
82 ii (4).
vi. O.W. ou (back u) represents the diphthong yw, written yw and
also ow at a later period, 33 iii (2). Thus diguolouichetic ox.;
Ml. W. llywychedic R.M. 84 'shining', llywifch B.P. 1153, which appear
beside llewych E.P. 1154, Mn. W. lleimich corr. into llew^rch 'light';
76 vi, viii.
30. The diphthongs ae or aq and oe or oq followed by w
form the falling triphthongs aew, oew or auw, ouw, in gwayw
'spear', gloifw l bright ', Jioipv 'sprightly', croyio 'clear', which
remain strictly monosyllabic in the cynghanedd of the Early Mn.
bards. In late pronunciation the w is made syllabic, except
when a syllable is added, as in the pi. glo^won which is still
disyllabic. In ddi/wcft, contracted from da ywch, the ci^w has
now been simplified into aiv ; see 212 iv.
31. i. Unaccented ae in the final syllable was often re-
duced to e in the Ml. period, especially in verbal forms and proper
names ; as in adwen for adwaen ' I know ', chware for chivarae ' to
play ', Mel for ItJiael, O. W. ludJiail ( = iiti-liail).
32 FALLING DIPHTHONGS 33
Pan aeth pawb allan y chware R.M. 1 1 6 ' When everybody went out
to play'; see also R.M. 15, 38, 84, 87, 153, etc.
Lloches adar i chwarae,
Llwyn mwyn, llynar llun y mae. D.G. 37.
'A retreat for birds to play, a pleasant grove, that is the manner
[of place] it is.' See also D.G. 40, 58, 465 (misprinted -au in 169).
Nid gwr heb newid gware :
Nid Hong heb fyned o'i lie. G.G1. c. i 197.
' He is not a man, who does not change his pastime ; it is not a ship,
that does not move from its place.'
For examples ofadwen, see 191 ii (2).
ii. (i) The simplification of final unaccented ai and au to e are
dialectal and late. Such forms as llefen for llefain, gwele for gwelai
are avoided by the Early Mn. bards in their rhymes, but they begin
to appear in MSS. in the late isth cent., and were common in the
1 6th and i7th cent. But the literary forms never fell out of use,
and ultimately supplanted the dialectal forms in the written language,
though some of the latter have crept in, as cyfer for cyfair, Ml. AV.
kyveir 215 iii (9), ystyried for ystyriaid 203 iii (2).
(2) The levelling in the dialects of the sounds mentioned gave rise
to uncertainty as to the correct forms of some words. The word bore
'morning' began to be wrongly written boreu or borau in the isth
cent. a ; see o. 190. The forms camrau, godreu, tylau are later blunders
for the literary forms camre 'journey', godre ' bottom edge', pi. godreon,
K.M. 147, and tyle 'hill; couch'. The new ychain for ychen 'oxen'
121 iii is due to the idea that -en is dialectal. In Gwynedd ychain
is heard, but is a dialectal perversion like merchaid for merched.
Tesog fore gwna'r lie 'n lion,
Ac annerch y tai gwynion. D.G. 524.
'On a warm morning make the place merry, and greet the while
houses.' See bore B.B. 31, 55, 82, 92, 108, W.M. 56, 73, etc.
Ni adewais lednaia le
Ynghymry ar fy nghamre. I.G. 201.
'I left no noble place in Wales on my journey.' See kamre, R.P. 1269.
Lluwch ar fre a godre gallt,
A brig yn dwyn barug-u-allt. D.G. 508.
' Snowdrift on hill and foot of slope, and branch bearing hair of hoar-
frost.' See also R.P. 1036.
A phan edrychwyt y dyle K.M. 146 'And when the couch was
examined.'
32. The diphthong- ai is wrongly written ae by most recent
writers (under the influence of Pug-he) in the words afiaith
\ & / v **
* There ia one example in C.M. 5, which stands quite alone in the R.B., and so
is prob. a scribal error.
ioa I)
34 PHONOLOGY 33
' delight ', araith ' speech ', cyffaith ' confection ', disglair ' bright',
goddaitk ' conflagration ', gweniaith (or gweiniaith) ' flattery ',
rhyddiaith 'prose', talailh 'crown; realm'. See 202 iv (i).
The word diffaitJi, Ml. W. diffeith, ' waste, wild, evil ' (from Lat.
defect-u*) is generally written so in the good periods (e.g. diffeilh
B.B. 1 06, B.M. 183); but some early examples occur of a new forma-
tion fvomffaeth 'cultivated' (from Lat. ./<<*), R.P. 1047, 1. a.
Yn y nef mae 'n un afiaith
Yn son archangylion saith. Gr.H. G. 101.
' In heaven in pure rapture there speak archangels seven.' See D.G. 358,
where afiaith is printed afiaeth in spite of its rhyming with gobaith.
See also G. 122.
Ef a gdr awdl ac araith,
Ef a wyr synnwyr y saith. H.D. P 99/469.
' He loves song and speech, he knows the meaning of the seven
[sciences].' See G. 118; areith B.B. 9, 15.
Disgleir Siweir Veir vorwyn. Ca., R.P. 1247.
' Bright chaste virgin Mary.'
Coed osglog, caeau disglair,
Wyth ryw yd, a thri o wair. D.G. 524.
' Branching trees, bright fields, eight kinds of corn and three of hay.'
See D.G. 54, 120, 209, 404. See B.CW. 8, early editions of Bible, etc.
Fal goddaith yn ymdaith nos. D.G. 13.
' Like a bonfire on a night's march.' See goSeith B.P. 1042, B.B. 73.
Gwenwyn ydiw eu gweiniaith,
Gwynt i gyd gennyt eu gwaith. I.F. M 148/721.
' Their flattery is poison, to thee their work is all wind.'
Twysog yw, enwog i waith,
Teilwng i wisgo talaith. E.U.
' He is a prince whose work is famous, worthy to wear a crown.'
Trees dilyw tros y dalaith,
Torri ar rif tyrau'r iaith. Gu.O. A 14967/62.
' A deluge has overflowed the realm, thinning the number of the
nation's towers.' See G. 80, 87, 199, 218, 257.
Tro 'n d'61 at yr hen dalaith ;
Digon yw digon o daith. E.P. IL 124/283 B.
' Turn back to the old country ; enough is enough of travel.'
33. Late Contractions, i. (i) We have seen that a-e
and o-e were contracted early into ae and oe ; 29 ii (a). This
contraction also took place later, as in Cymraeg ' Welsh ', Groeg
^ 33 FALLING DIPHTHONGS 35
' Greek ', and in verbal forms such as aed ' let him go ', rhoed 'let
him give ', rhoes 'he gave ' ; see 185.
In B.P. 1189 Gro-ec is a disyllable rhyming witli chwec, ostec,
Cyni\ra\ec, tec; in the E.G. 1119 it is stated to be a monosyllable;
D.G. uses it as a monosyllable, 53, as well as rhoes 6 ' gave ', troes 68
'turned', gwnaed 149 'let her do', doed 145, 228 'let him come',
ffoe.s 191 'fled', but ffo\es 61. He uses Cym\rdeg as a trisyllable
rhyming with teg, 2, 179; so G.Gr., D.G. 243. This form persisted
in the 1 5th cent. ; as
Cymro da i Gym ra|eg,
Cymered air Cymru deg. G.G1., M 146/281.
' A Welshman of good Welsh, let him take the praise of fair Wales.'
In the 1 5th cent., however, we meet with the contracted form ; see
T.A. G. 251. Later, this was usual :
Da i Gymjraeg, di-gytnar oedd,
. Di-dldwd ym mlwb dadl ydoedd. W.IL. 1 20 (in.S.B.).
' Good [in] his Welsh, incomparable was he, resourceful in all debate.'
(2) The contraction of the accented penult with the ultima results
in an accented ultima 41 iii. But in newly-formed compounds,
contracted forms such as maes, troed are treated like other mono-
syllables, and the accent falls on the penult; thus glyn-faes D.G. 135
'vale', mein-droed do. 262 'slender foot', deu-droed 'two feet'.
ii. The R.G., 1119, states that ey is always a disyllable. This
is not necessarily the case in the penult, for in such forms as
Aeyryb, 122 ii (3), pi. of Icaer 'fort', trei/t/it/c/i R.P. 1153 from
traethaf ' I treat ', etc., it is an old affection of ae. In other
oases, however, the diphthong is late, and the disyllabic form
is used in poetry down to the i6th cent. Thus:
Lloer yvi a dawn llawer dyn,
Lleuad rh'ianedd Llolqn. G.G1., M 148/191.
She is the moon and the grace of many women, the moon of the
ladies of Lleyn.' See also I.G. 388, 405.
Salbri ieuanc sel bre|\ir
Sydd i gael swyddau a gwyr. Gu.O. A 14967/94.
' Young Salesbury of the stamp of a chieftain [is he] who is to have
offices and men.'
Nid di na chaivr na dyn chivy rn,
Heb haint Dmv, a'n pen te|nrn. T.A. c. ii 81.
' Neither a giant nor a violent man, without the scourge of God, could
take our liege lord.' See G. 176, r. 14, 33. See heqrn / tejurn /
kcdyrn E.P. 1226.
D 2
36 PHONOLOGY 33
The contracted form sometimes occurs ; as
Penfar he\\rn.panfo'r hirnos. D.G. 267.
' A head-dress of iron spikes when the night is long.' To the holly.
The name LUi/n is now pronounced Llifn, and regarded as an
exception to the rule that Welsh is written phonetically. Llyn, as
the name should be spelt, is a contraction of Llyyn, which also occurs,
B.B.B. 307, 342 ; and has been written in the contracted form from
the 1 6th cent. The contraction is as old as the i4th, for we find
llyyn in B.P. 1360, where the metre proves the sound to be llijn.
Lyn i Dywyn, yn dau,
Dywyn i dir Dean. W.IL., G. 297.
' From Llyn to Towyn, we two, from Towyn to the kind of the south.'
iii. (i) The Mn. W. diphthongs oi, ou and ow are always
late contractions ; as in r/ioi for rho\i from rhoddi ' to give ' ;
ymarhous c.c. 330 for ymarJio\u% ' dilatory ' ; rhmcch for rho\wch
' give ye ' ; rhoist for rho\ei%t ' thon gavest ' ; r/ioi for rho\ei ' he
gave'.
These contractions occur in common words in the i4th cent.; see
roi B.P. 1206, 1210, rhoi D.G. 206, 521, 524, rhois do. 206, rhoist
do. 2, B.P. 121 1 ; rout (printed roit) D.G. 206, roi, rown do. 243. But
uncontracted forms occur even later ; trb\ais D.G. 307, tro\i I.G.,
cyffro\i L.G.C., D. 16.
(2) The diphthong ow is pronounced with the o unrounded, thus
9w, where the 3 is closer than the first element in the Eng. oiv, and is
scarcely distinguishable from the obscure y ; in fact the yw in cywydd
and the ow in rhowch are identical. Hence in the I5th, i6th and
1 7th cent, the old diphthong yw was often written ow; as in cowydd
or kowydd for cywydd, see Mostyn B. pp. 2, 3, etc., 26, 27, etc. etc.
iv. A late contraction may take the form of one of the old
diphthongs, or even of a simple vowel ; as gla\nJtdu for
gla\nhd\u ' to clean ' ; plan K.P. 1 222 for pld\eu ' plagues ' ;
di\leu for di\l^u 'to delete'; awn for d\wn 'we go'; gla\nhdd
for gla\nJid\ad * cleansing ' ; (g)icnai W.M. 54, 250 for gwna\ei
'did', cf. B.B. 64; cy\tun for cy\tu\un ' united'; oum for bu\um
'I have been'; gwy\bum for gwy\bu\um 'I knew'; can for cdt\u
' to shut '. These forms occur uncontracted in Ml. W. : gunaun
B.B. 8 1 ( =gwna\wn rhyming with ten) ' I would do ' ; yn gyttuun
B.B.B. 238; cayu IL.A. 167 ( = cdy\u), kaeu W.M. 24 ( = kde\n).
Uncontracted forms are met with as late as the i6th cent.
Dy gam a wybu|um ;
Darllain dy bylgain y bdm. H.S. 5.
34 FALLING DIPHTHONGS 37
'I have known [what it is] to love thee; I have been reading thy
vigil.' See D.GK 38.
v. A late contraction usually takes place when a word ending in
a vowel is followed by i 'his' or 'her', Ml. y, and often when it is
followed by the preposition i ' to ', Ml. y. Ac, ag lose their final
consonant and form a diphthong with the former, as a'j Ml. W. ae, ay
' and his, with his ', but not with the latter : ac i ' and to '.
Ancr wyffi'n cyweirio \fedd. 7 syll. 44 vi.
Do, i Gymraeg, di-gymar oedd. 7 syll., i above.
Nos do, i walch onest y Waun. 7 syll. G. 177.
' Good night to the honest fellow of Chirk.'
Rising Diphthongs.
34. i. The rising diphthongs in the Mn. language are as
follows :
ia as in caniad, idr ; wa as in anwar ;
ie as in iechyd ; we as in adwen ;
io as in rhodip, ipr ; wi as in cedwir ;
iw as in iwrch, rhodiwn ; wo as in gwalwor ;
iy as in iyrchell ; wu as in galwut ;
wu. as in edwi/n ;
wy as in penwynni.
In Ml. W. i is generally written y, 17. The combinations
ii, iy, in, mo do not occur in Mn. W. They occur in verbal
forms in ML, W. but are generally simplified ; see 36 i, ii.
ii. When j or w comes before a falling diphthong the com-
bination becomes a mixed triphthong ; as iai in with ' language ' ;
iau in teithian 'journeys'; waw in ywawd 'song, mockery';
iwy in meddyliwyd ' it was thought', neithiwyr, D.G. 424 (now
generally neithiwr 78 i (a) ) ' last night'. We have a tetraph-
thong in the old pronunciation of gwayw (or gwaew) 30.
iii. When an unaccented i comes before any other vowel
the two are frequently contracted into a rising diphthong ;
thus di\6\ddef ' to suffer ' becomes a disyllabic d'i6\ddef D.G. 137.
Some early examples occur, as er\ioed ' ever' for *er \ i \ oed
' since his time '. dioer ' by heaven ' 224 iv (a) is a mono-
syllable, as the metre shows in R.P. iao6, D.G. 46, 51. diawl
' devil ' must have been contracted into a monosyllable in O.W.
38 PHONOLOGY 35
when the accent fell regularly on the ultima ; otherwise it
would have become *di\awl.
iv. The rising diphthongs wa and wo are frequently inter-
changed ; as gwatwar W.M. 185, gwatwor D.G. 136 'to mock';
marwar IL.A. 39, marwor ' embers ' (cf. maroiyn 36 Hi) ; cainttf,
caicod ' shower ' ; pedwar, pedwor ' four '.
Pedwor tri/sor tir lesu. H.R., c 7/114.
'The four treasures of the land of Jesus.'
The change takes place both ways ; wa becomes wo in cawad R.M.
180, K.P. 1223, D.G. 57 (rhyming with brad) and cawodydd or cafod-
ydd D.G. 305 (penult rhyming with bod} ; wo becomes wa in cynawau
C.M. 21 for cynawon pi. of ceneu 125 iii ; dywad for dyiyod from
dyfod 193 ix (3").
v. (i) The rising diphthongs ivy and wy are of course not
distinguished in ordinary writing, both being represented by
wy; see 82 ii (5). Note then that wy represents three
distinct diphthongs, the falling wy as in mwyn ' gentle ', swyno
' to charm ' ; the rising wy, short in gwynn ' white ', long in ywyr
' men ' ; the rising icy as in tywynnu ' to shine '. See 38.
(2) In ordinary writing the falling iw and the rising iw are
also not distinguished. See 37.
35. i. Many stems end in i, which appears before all
inflexional endings beginning with a vowel (with the exceptions
mentioned in 36), but is dropped when the stem has no
ending; thus 'tnyfyrmf 'I meditate', myfyr{ant 'they meditate',
myfyrjp ' to meditate ', myfyrwl ' meditating ', but myfyr ' medita-
tion '.
In words borrowed from Lat. the i can be traced to its source
in short ? ; thus myfi/r < memoria ; synn, syniaf < sentio ; ystt/r,
ystyriaf < historia. In native words it represents original i, as in
dyn 'man' pi. dynion from Kelt. *donios : Ir. duine 100 iv; cf.
also 201 iii (6). In a few new formations the i is ignored as in
di-ystyru ' to ignore ', dynol ' human ' a new formation which has
replaced Ml. "W. dynyaivl IL.A. 12, 24, 38, etc.
ii. (i) In Mn. lit. W. i generally appears after syllables
having ei, as in ysbeilmf ' I rob ' (ysbail ' spoil '< Lat. tpo&*m) ;
teithntf'- 1 journey ' (faith ' journey'), geirian ' words' (ffai/- ' word'),
neith'no(yy 'last night', Ml. W. neithwyr 98 i (3). In these
cases the i is omitted in S. W. dialects and most Ml. MSS., as
36 RISING DIPHTHONGS 39
keinhauc B.B. 54 = keinhaicc B.T. 28 ; but the oldest Ml. prose
MSS. (the early MSS. of the laws) and Mn. lit. W. follow the
practice of the N. W. dialects and insert the i, as keynyauc
A.L. i 24 MS. A., cf. 22 MSS. B., D., Mn. W. ceinwg ' penny '.
(2) There are, however, several exceptions to this rule besides
those mentioned or implied in 36. The i is omitted before
the substantival terminations -en, -es, -edd; as dellen (M.IL.
i 155 has the unusual deilien) 'leaf, bugeiles 'shepherdess',
cyfeilles (printed cyfeitties in D.G. 75) c amie ', meithedd ' lengthi-
ness ' ; before endings of comparison, as meithed, meithach, meithaf
(maitJi ' long '), meined, meinach, meinaf (main ' slender '), except
rheit-ied, -{ac/i, -iaf 149 i, stems in -eidd- as manwe&yach
IL.A. 8 'finer', perelddiaf ' sweetest', and some stems in -eith-
as perffeithjaf l most perfect ' ; before the pi. endings -edd, -oedd,
as ieithoedd ' languages ' ; in a few isolated words as teilo ' to
manure' (but teylyaw in B.CH. 102), adeilad 'building' (but
adeilyat in R.P. 1220), cymdeithas 'society', eiddo 'property'.
(3) Medial ei before a consonant originally simple must be due to
affection by i after the consonant ; and the i in ysbeiliaf etc. is the
affecting i preserved, -eith- generally represents *-ekt- a verbal noun
and adj. formation, as in perjfeith ' perfect ', and the i in perffeithio is
probably analogical, 201 iii (6). From these the i has tended to
spread. But there is necessarily no original reason for it when ei
comes from -ek- or -eg- ; hence the exceptions meithach, cymdeithas,
teilo (tail < *tegl- 104 ii (i)), etc.
iii. i is also added to many stems having i or u\ as cil
1 back ', pi. ciliaU) cUiaf ' I retreat ' ; fir ' land ', old poetic pi.
tirion B.B. 26, R.P. 1144, tirw 'to land', tiripg 'landed' (but pi.
tiredd, tiroedd); grudd 'cheek', pi. gruddiau ; linn 'form', pi.
lluniau, llunio ' to form ', lluniaidd ' shapely ' ; ystudyaw, llavuryaw
IL.A. 1 1 ' to study ', * to labour '. In some of these cases also
the i is lost in S. W. dialects.
iv. Many stems end in w which forms rising diphthongs
with the vowels of all endings, except with w 36 i ; thus galw
' to call ', galwaf ' I call ', gelwaist ' thou calledst ', gelwynt ' they
called ', etc.
36. i. w drops before w, and i drops before i. The semi-
vowel is sometimes written (as w or y) in Ml. W., but is often
40 PHONOLOGY
omitted. Thus while B.M. 51 has mi a gadwwn, mi ae kadiown,
the older W.M. 71 has in the same passage mi a gadwn, mi ay
cadwn. Similarly we have vedybyil in IL.A. 48 but ledybir
earlier, p. 42.
The syllable closed by the w or i remains closed after its loss ; thus
cad\wwn, be\dydd\iir became cdd\wn, be\dydd\ir (not cd\dwn, be\dy\ddir).
By re-formation the w is sometimes restored in the spoken lang. in
forms like ber\wwch ' boil ye ' impve., on account of the strength of the
analogy of ber\wi, ber\waf, ber\wo8, etc. But the lit. and ordinary form
is ber\wch, and the absence of ww in the traditional pronunciation
accounts for the well-known W. pronunciation of E. wood as 'ood, etc.
ii. i drops before if and n in monosyllables and final syllables ;
as yrch A.L. i 20, IL.A. 67 for *iijrch pi. of iwrch ' roebuck ' ; udd
! lord'<O. W. Jud- ('*warrior') ; peidynt B.M. 90 (from peidyaw
'to cease', cf. peidywy* E.M. 98); Maredub R.P. 1194 for
*Marediub t O. W. Morgetiud GEN. xiii ( = Mory;tiub), GruffwU<
O. W. GripMitd ( = Griffiub). It is often found written in Ml.
W., 9*y*tyryyck E.P. 1153 'thou ma} r st consider', liilyynt IL.A. u
' they would breed', llafvuryus do. 28 'laborious', metylyut W.M. 103
' thou wouldst think ' ; but the spelling is perhaps theoretical ;
see below.
Initial iu in polysyllables has given i, as in Iddew ' Jew ' for
*inbew ; Ithel < *iu8-/iael, O. W. Indfiail.
See I8ew p 14/1 R. (isth cent.); itewon (t = 8) B.B. 102; so in
IL.A. see its index, and in E.B., see B.B.B. index. Salesbury wrote
Ivddew, which he inferred from the derivation. The Bible (1588
and 1620) has Iddew ; but late editors have adopted Salesbury 's
unphonetic spelling. D. includes iu among rising diphthongs ; but
his only example is the artificial luddew.
It is seen that iu became u in the syllables which were accented
in 0. W., and i in syllables unaccented at that period, 40. The
simplification must therefore have taken place before the shifting
of the accent ; and Ml. W. forms with yu ( = iu) are analogical forma-
tions, and perhaps artificial.
iii. w sometimes drops before o ; as in the prefixes go-, gor- for
f/wo-, gwor- ; thus Ml. and Mn. W. goleuni ' light ', O. AY.
guolleuni juv. But analogy has tended to restore it ; thus while
we find athraon M.A. i 256, ii 319 for athrawon IL.A. 112, E.M. 19,
E.P. 1234 'teachers', canaon B. A. 38, M.A. i 261, 315 for kanawon
E.B.B. 147 'whelps', lleol H.M. ii 234, 235 for llewot IL.A. 10
37 RISING DIPHTHONGS 41
'lions', maroryn IL.A. 25 for marworyn D.G. 363 'ember', it
generally remained in these words. Late examples of its loss :
Ml. W. etwo (varying with etwa by 34 iv) gives elto K.P.
1357, Mn. W. eto ( = etto) 'again'. So penwag became *penwog
whence pennog ' hening ', the pi. retaining the w : penwaiy
L.G.C. 158, Ml. W. penweic A.L. i 66.
*gwolchi ' to wash ' gave golchi, whence gylch ' washes ' ; but in
M1,~W. the latter was gwylch, as y dwfvyr a wylch pob peth IL.A. 18
' water washes everything.'
Mor a wylch mioyn amgylch Mdn. Ca., B.P. 1244.
' The sea washes the sweet coast of Mon.'
iv. i drops before w owing to the extreme difficulty of pro-
nouncing the combination, but it remains before vocalic w ;
thus gweithiwr ' worker ', gweitkiwyd ' was worked ', but gweithwifr
' workers ' (not ^gwcitJtiw^r}. Of course vocalic i remains in all
cases : ysbi-wr ' spy ', pi. ysfji-wifr.
v. i drops after w following a consonant, or following a
diphthong ; thus ceidwad for *ceidwiad ' keeper, saviour ',
geirwon for *geirwwn, pi. of gurw ' rough ', lioywoti for *koywion>
pi. of hoyw ' sprightly '. But when w follows a simple vowel
the \ remains, as in glewion, pi. of gleio ' bold ', glawip ' to
rain '.
It is kept in gwidlen when contracted (as in D.G. 60) for gwi\d\len,
75 vi (2).
vi. j drops after u> as in duon for *dwon, pi. of (lit ' black ',
goreuon for *goreuion pi. of goreu ' best '.
vii. i drops after r or I following a consonant, as meidrol for
meidriol 'finite' (veidryawl R.P. 1233, veidrawl do. 1234), budron
for tfwdrjpn, pi. ofbudr ' dirty ', crwydrad for crwydrwd ' wanderer ',
meistraid for meistriaid ( masters ', teimlo for *teimlio ' to feel ',
treiglo for treigljp ' to roll '.
This rule is not always observed. In some late Bibles crwydrad
has been altered into crwydriad. We also find meistriaid in Mn. W. ;
dinistrio always retains i, and mentrio occurs for mentro.
Ambiguous Groups.
37. i. As above noted iw in ordinary writing represents
both the rising diphthong iw and the falling diphthong iw.
42 PHONOLOGY 37
ii. iw in the ultima followed by a consonant is iw, as iwrch
'stag', rftod{icctt 'walk ye', cofmn 'we remember', ntyrddiu-n
'a myriad'. The only exceptions are the Mn. forms itcch for
Ml. yicc/i ' to you ', and niwl for Ml. nywl 77 v, 90.
The Deuietian disyllabic niwl (D.D. s.v., D.G. 150 ni-wl /na-wyr)
is <*niwwl < *niw#l < nqwl with irregular epenthetic vowel 16
v (3) (y> to after w 6G ii (2)). Nifwl existed beside *niwwl. But
the standard form appears to be a monosyllable (D.G. 70 niwl / nos) ;
and all the derivatives are from niwl-, as nhvliog or niwlog ' misty ',
niivlen ' a veil of mist '.
Initial iw became *uw and then uw in uwd 'porridge' < Ml. \Y.
iwt ( = iwd) K.B. 1 06 1, Bret. eo ; but m>rc& remained because it is
easier so than if another consonant were added to the group at the end
of the syllable.
iii. In all other cases iw is iw ; thus (i) finally, as in i'w,
Ml. yw ' to his ', rJiiw ' hill ', hnw ' wound ', edliw ' to reproach',
Jieddiw 'to-day'.
There is no exception to the rule in lit. W. In the Powys dialect
lieddiw is sounded heddiiv, and in Gwynedd lieiddiiv ; but the Demetian
hecldi' implies heddiw. The bards always rhymed it as Jwddiw, till it
came to be written heddyto in the 1 5th cent, (one example in R.P. 1286),
an artificial restoration, see 77 v.
Nid oes fyd na rhyd na rhiw
Na lie rhydd na llcnor heddiw. D.G. (to the snow), 408.
' There is no world or ford or hill or any free place or ground to-day.'
See also D.G. 16, 26, 82, 86, 126, 153, 194, etc.
Ni fu hawdd nofio heddiw
7 un affrwd yn i ffriw. T.A., F. 22.
' It has not been easy to swim to-day for one with the stream in his
face.'
(2) In the penult or ante- penult, as diwedd ' end ', ni\weidio
' to harm ', ciwdod ' race, people '. Exceptions are the borrowed
words siwrnai 'journey ', srwr ' sure ', and diicrnod ' day ' when
contracted, as in Gr.O. 88, for di\wrnod for Ml. W. diwyrnawd,
AV. la (generally in Ml. W. diwarnaivt, a S. W. form).
iv. iw is disyllabic when it is formed by adding a syllable
beginning with w to a syllable ending in i ; thus giceddi ' prayer ',
gweddi-wu ' let us pray ', gweddi-wr ' suppliant '. In such words
the i is generally written in Mn. W. with a diaeresis
gweddiwr.
38 AMBIGUOUS GROUPS 43
v. The combination iwy has four sounds : (i) the mixed triphthong
iwy, as in neithiwyr, 34 ii. It occurs in verbal forms when the
terminations -wyf, -wyd, -wys are added to stems in i, 35 ; as
rhodiwyf ' I may walk ', tybiwyd ' it was thought '.
(2) iwy disyllabic. It occurs when the above endings are added
to stems in vocalic i, as gweddiwyf (3 syll., see example in 201 ii (2) ) ;
and in compounds of di- with stems having ivy, as in di-wyr ' not bent '
(gwyr 'bent').
(3) i^Ui or (4) z V2/> according to position, as in lliw^dd G. 164
' painter ', pi. lliwyddion ; diwqd ' diligent ' spv. diwytaf. These
sounds may occur either when iw is followed by y or y or when i is
followed by wif or wy in word- formation.
38. i. The distinction between the falling diphthong wy
and the rising diphthong wq, both written wy, is an important
one. The difference between them is seen most clearly in mono-
syllables such as ffwyr ' he knows ', gwyr ' men '. In other posi-
tions they are liable to be confused in the dialects, and in a few
cases we find confusion even in lit. W.
In ordinary written W. the falling diphthong when long is
denoted by wy (only used initially and after g, c/i), but when
short or unaccented there is no method in ordinary use by which
it can be distinguished ; in that case it is printed wy, where
necessary, in this book. The rising diphthong is indicated by
marking the w a consonant.
ii. In monosyllables wy represents the falling diphthong ex-
cept when preceded by g or ch ; thus dwyn ' to bring ', lrwi[n
' rashes ', civyn ' complaint ', chvyd ' hurdle ', llwylr ' path ',
h'lrifnt 'they, them', cwymp 'fall'. Words beginning with g
or ch have usually the rising diphthong, as gwyn ' white ',
gwifrdd ' green \gwydcl ' trees ', chw^rn ' roaring ', chwyth ' blows ' ;
the exceptions are Gwif ' the Wye ', gwydd ' goose ', gi&ydfl ' pre-
sence ', ffwyl 'vigil, holiday', f/wifl 'modest', ywidl 'goblin',
1^ 'knows', ffivyr 'a bend', gwystl ' pledge', gwi[th 'anger',
' swelling '.
Note the following words which conform to the rule, though spelt
like some of the above-mentioned exceptions : gwydd ' trees ', gwyl
'sees' 173 iv (i), gwifll 'darkness'.
iii. When a word has the falling diphthong wt[ in its simple
form, the diphthong remains so in all derivatives ; thus miv//n
44 PHONOLOGY 38
' gentle ', mwynach ' gentler ', mwynhau ' to enjoy ' ; cwyn ' com-
plaint ', pi. cwynion, v.n. cwyno ' to complain'. Similarly the
rising diphthong remains rising, the i/ becoming y according to
rule, 82 ii (5) ; thus gwyn ' white ', gwynnach ' whiter ', gwpnnu
' to whiten'.
In N. W. dialects wy has come to be sounded wy in the penult
after c, g or ch, as cwyno for cwyno ' to complain ' ; gwtidd.au for
gwyddau ' geese ' ; chwyddo for chwyddo ' to swell '. But original
yrtf, which in the penult is properly toy, has become w in all dialects,
as chwthu for chwythu ' to blow ', chivrnu for chwyrnu ' to roar ',
gwnnu for givynnu ' to whiten ' ; see 66 ii.
iv. When a word in its radical form begins with wy the diph-
thong is the falling one ; thus wy ' egg ', wyl/t ' eight ', wythnos
' week ', wybr ' sky ', wylo ' to weep ', wyl ' weeps ', wyneb ' face '.
wybr, wylo and wyneb are frequently mispronounced ; and in N. W.
dialects the w of wyneb having been made consonantal a g has been
prefixed to it giving gwqneb. This vulgarism hardly occurs before the
i pth cent.
fthaid im ddwyn pridd ar f wyneb a
Ithag bod i'ln adnabod neb. D.G. 307.
' I must bear earth upon my face, so that no one shall know me.' See
vyrth f wyneb D. G. 23, yn f 'wyneb do. 442.
Amlwg fydd irwyn ar wyneb ; a
Afraid i ni nodi neb. E.P. 212.
' Plain is the nose on a face ; we need mention no one.'
A'r anadl oil a'r wyneb b
Fal aroglau siopau Sieb. D.G., 330.
' And all the breath and face like the perfume of the shops of Cheap-
side.' See also G. 49.
Os wyneb b iarll sy 'n y bedd,
larll a aned erllynedd. D.N., c. i 1 6 r .
' If an earl's face is in the grave, an earl was born last year.'
So always in the Bible; Beefy wyneb f Gen. xliii 3, Ex. xxxiii 20,
Lev. xvii 10, etc. ; eu hwynebauf Gen. xlii 6, etc. An early indication
of the mispronunciation is found in y wynebeu, B.cw. (i 703), p. 7, which
should be yr wynebeu, but has not yet become y gwynebeu.
v. Final wy is always the falling diphthong ; as pwy ' who ? '
Conwy, Myfanwy, arlwy ' a spread ', dirwy ' fine ', llywy ' beautiful ',
* Pronounce the wyn of wyneb so that it rhymes with the wyn of ddtcyn, tncyn
as the cynghanedd lusg demands.
b Not a'r tjwyneb, os gwyneb, the g being ruled out by the cynghanedd.
c Not/y ngtoyneb, eu gwynebau.
38 AMBIGUOUS GROUPS 45
Tawy ; also medial wy followed by a vowel, as mwyar ' black-
berries ', gwyar ' gore '.
Tlawd a wyr talu dirwy :
Ki tJielir math Lowri mwy. T.A., A 14879/20.
' The poor are accustomed to pay forfeit ; they will never more forfeit
such a one as Lowri.'
But in the Ml. and sg. pres. hid. of verbs with w stems, as in
gelwii l thou callest ', kedwy ' thou keepest ' 173 iii (i), Mn. W.
gefwi, cedwi, the diphthong- is of course the rising- one.
vi. When a word has wy in the last syllable and a in the
penult, the wy is the falling- diphthong; thus arwydd ' sign.',
arglwydd ' lord ', annwyd ' cold ', addwyu D.G. 355 ' g-entle ', cann-
wyll * candle ', gwanwyn ' spring', cadwyn ' chain ', annwyl' dear ' ;
awyr ' air ', awydd ( desire ', see x below. Except in compounds,
such as tanwifdd ' firewood ', etc. ; see 83 iii.
Rhaid i'r ywan ddal y gannwyll
Tr dewr i wneuthur i dwifll. E.P. 235.
' The weak must hold the candle for the bold to do his deceit.'
Oer gennych eira gwanwyn :
Oerach yw 'inyd er ych inwifn. T A., c. i 342.
' Cold you deem the snow of spring : colder is my plight because of
you.' See D.G. 321, 408, 525.
Aur a gdd yn ddwy gadwyn,
A'i roddi'n faich i'r ddyn fwyn. D.G. 64.
' Gold was brought in two chains, and laid as a burden on the gentle
maiden.' See also o. 250.
Dyfynnodd i'w dai f annwyl
Da o le inae 'n dala i wi[l. H.D., p 99/430
' He has summoned to His mansions my dear one it is a good place
where he is keeping his holiday.' See 54 i (3).
vii. wy is the falling diphthong when it is derived from Kelt,
ei corresponding to Irish la or e, as inj)ivi/ll ' thought ', Ir. eiall,
fjib/ldd ' goose ', Ir. ged, gwyM ' pledge ', Ir. giall, etc. ; or when
it is derived from Latin e, ig or I, as in r/twyd ( net ' from refe,
cwyr ' wax ' from cera, eglwys ' church ' from ecclesia, egwyddor
' alphabet ' from dbeceddrium, gwenwyn ' poison ' from venenum,
dii-qs ' intense ' from densus, swyn ' charm ' from signum ; sjniiwyr
1 sense ' from sentire. Rule vi may be verified in many words
46 PHONOLOGY 38
by applying the test of derivation ; e. g. canuwyll from candela,
ceulwyn from catena,* parddwys from paradtsits.
Geiriau da a gwyr i'w dwyn
A ddinistr y ddau wenwyn. D.I.D., F. 1 1 .
' Good words and men to bring them will destroy the two poisons.'
Y doetJk ni ddywaid a wyr ;
JVtVZ o son y daw synnwyr. G.I.H., o. 144.
' The wise does not say what he knows ; it is not from talk that sense
comes.' See also o. in, 175, 234, 296.
viii. wy is the falling diphthong in the substantival termina-
tions -rwydd ' -ness ', -wyx ' -ians ', and in the verbal terminations
-wyfi ~wy s > -wyd, but is the rising one in -wyr pi. of -wr ' -er '.
The ending -wys ' -ians ' added to names of places is probably derived
from the Latin -crises.
II yd Tork y bu hydrefdwifs,
A'r gwamct[n ar y Gwennwys. L.G.C. 421.
' As far as York it has been a very autumn, while it was spring to the
men of Gwent.'
ix. The following words may be mentioned as those most
commonly mispronounced : wy is the falling diphthong in
cerwyn 'vat', dissgwyl 'look, expect', Gwynedd 'Venedotia',
Gwyndiid, id., morwyn ' maiden ', terwyn ' fervent ' ; it is the rising
diphthong in oherwydd 'because of, cychwifn 'rise, start',
erchwyn ' protector, [bed]-side ', dedwydd ' happy '. See terwyn /
gwyn / bnoyn R.P. 1206; cerwyn / coll-lwyn D.G. 347.
Tferch addfwyn o Wynedd,
Sy ymysg osai a medd, D.G. 314.
' The gentle maid of Gwynedd, who lives in the midst of wine and
mead.' See also L.G.C. 219.
Mi a eurafbob morwyn
eiriau maiol er i mw^n. D.G. 281.
' I will gild every maiden with words of praise for her sake.' See
also D.G. 126, 236, 297, 298, 356, and G. 119, 229, 243.
Ar ifarch yr di f ' erchwuji
Yn y llu ddoe'n Hew o ddyn. T.A. o. 234.
Puglie, deriving cadwyn from cadw, made it cadwyn, and asserted that it was
masculine. He then inferred a fem. cadicen, which (as cadwyn is fern.) was un-
fortunately adopted by many igth cent, writers. But no one has had the courage
to write cndwenni for the pi. ciidusyni. There is an old word cadiren or cadwent
which means ' a battle ', from ccul.
39 AMBIGUOUS GROUPS 47
' On his steed went my protector in the host yesterday, a man like
a lion.' See also L.G.C. 143, D.G. 510.
The word kyfrwifs ' shrewd' (rhyming with henwerifs and ynys in
B.T. 78, and with prises pry s and chuis = chwys in B.B. 57) is now
sounded kyfrwys on account of the difficulty of the consonantal group
frw. The word celwtfdd has undoubtedly the rising diphthong ; see
kelwtfi / kynnyS B.P. 1 223, cf. 1 251, and D.G. 338 ; probahly gwifdd /
yelwydd, D.G. 256, is a misreading, but this form occurs in the i6th
cent., see F. 36.
x. wy after a vowel has generally been changed to wii, except in
verbal terminations. Thus awyr/ hwyr / llwyr R.P. 1029, and generally
so rhymed, see D.G. 395, 416, is now pronounced awyr, and the rhyme
with i[r occurs already in the i3th cent. : awyr / syr B.T. 23, G.Y.C.
R.P. 1418. Similarly awy8 / rtinfi / arwyS R.P. 1180 is later a-wydd.
Powys L.G.C. 381 is pronounced Powys 192 ii (2); tywyll as in
tywill / canmll B.B. 30, tywyll / gannwyll / pwyll R.P. 1045, tywyll/
amwyll D.G. 267, twqll / tywyll do. 117, 283 is now tywyll, and
already in D.G. rhymes with hyll 71, 285, 421, and with cyll 173, 185 ;
ewyn R.P. 1036, later ewtfn 'foam'. On the other hand glanha-wyd
' was cleansed ' and all similar inflected forms are still so pronounced.
Lat. dvtdus would have given *ewydd in Welsh ; awtidd cannot be
derived from it, see 76 iii, iv.
Accentuation.
39. i. In a polysyllabic word, one syllable is always pro-
nounced with more emphasis than the others ; this is called the
syllable bearing the principal accent, or, simply, the accented
syllable. In Welsh the accent is a stress accent.
A syllable may be emphasized either by raising the tone of voice or
by a more forcible utterance. The two tilings may go together ; but
speakers of various languages unconsciously adopt one or the other as
their principle of accentuation. The first produces musical or pitch
accent, the second produces expiratory or stress accent. In Pr. Aryan
the accent before the dispersion is believed to have been predominantly
pitch, though vowel gradation, 63, points to the working of a strong
stress accent. In Keltic, as in Italic and Germanic, the accent became
predominantly stress, and has remained so, though its position has
varied greatly. .
<to~ The syllable bearing the principal accent is denoted by an
acute accent ' placed above its vowel.
ii. The remaining syllables of the word are also pronounced
with varying emphasis, but this may generally be disregarded,
and they may all be considered as unaccented syllables. In
48 PHONOLOGY 40
some cases, however, one of them may attain a decided pro-
minence in comparison with the others ; such a syllable may
be said to bear a secondary accent.
*s* The vowel of the syllable bearing the secondary accent is
denoted where necessary by the grave accent \
iii. Most monosyllables are stressed, but many frequently-
recurring monosyllables bear no stress, but are pronounced in
conjunction with another word. These are proclitics, which
precede the accented word, and enclitics, which follow it.
The Welsh proclitics are the article y, yr, the prefixed pronouns fy,
dy, etc., which are always unstressed. Usually also the relatives a,
2/8, y r i y> the negative, interrogative and affirmative particles, most
conjunctions as the a in bara a chaws ' bread and cheese ', and often
prepositions as the rhag in rhag ofn ' for fear '.
The Welsh enclitics are the auxiliary pronouns i, di, etc. They are
often written in MSS. where they do not count in the metre, as in
Arduireaue tri B.B. 36 (ArSwyreaf-i drf) for Arddwyreaf dri (5 syll.)
' I will exalt Three '. These may however be accented for emphasis.
40. i. In Mn. W. all polysyllables, with a few exceptions
named in 41, are accented on the penult ; as cd\naf ' I sing ',
cdn\iad ' a song ' t 'can id\dau ' songs '.
ii. The position of the accent was certainly the same in the
Late Ml. period. This is proved by the fact that in the I4th
cent, the cynghanedd was fully developed in its modern form in
which the penultimate accent plays an important part, ZfCP.
iv 123 ff.
iii. (i) But certain vowel values point to a period when the
accent fell generally on the ultima. The evidence seems to show
that this was the case in O. W., and that the transition took
place in the Early Ml. W. period.
(2) The clear sound if occurs in the ultima only; the obscure sound
y, which must have been the sound when unaccented, occurs in all
other syllables. Hence the ultima must at one time have borne the
accent. In monosyllables which have always been unaccented such as
the article yr, y, the sound is y ', but in those which have always been
accented, such as dy8 ' day ', it is if. There has been no shifting of
the accent in y dq8 ' the day ', which therefore preserves the accentua-
tion that resulted in the vowel sequence y ...?/ Hence a word like
mywfi, which contains this sequence, must once have been accented
41 ACCENTUATION 49
Similarly Brit, u remains (written w) in the ultima ; but appears as
y in other syllables, 66 i ; ei remained and became ai in the ult., but
became ei giving ei ( = n) in the penult, 79 ; Brit, a is aw in the
ult., o in the penult, 71 i ; uw in the ult. is u in the penult, 77 x ;
from til we find ii in the ult. and monosyllables, the easier i in the
penult, 36 ii.
(3) In one or two words the vowel of the old penult has dropped
since the separation of "W. and Bret.; thus W. cri/8 'shoemaker'
< *ceryS < Brit. *kar(p}uo: Bret, kere, 86 i (5); W. ysbryd <
*spryd < *spyryd < Lat. spiritus : Bret, spered.
On the other hand in some words an intrusive vowel developed
before the accented syllable ; Ml. W. dyly ' deserves, owes ' comes
through *dyly < *dlyi, 199 ii (2); the y spread from this to other
forms of the verb. Ml. W. taraw ' to strike ', tereu ' strikes ' < *tardw,
*tereu <*traw, *treu. The vowel did not spread from these to trawaf;
the late Mn. tarawafis an artificial lit. form, 202 i (3).
(4) The accent in ysgol, ystrad, etc., now falls on a syllable that at
one time had no existence. It is obvious that the shifting took place
after the introduction of the prosthetic vowel. There is no evidence
of that vowel in O. W. In the earliest Ml. W. we find Istrat and
Strat, 23 ii. The latter may be an archaic spelling, but it seems to
show that the accent was on the a. We may therefore infer that the
transition took place in the Early Ml. period. In some words the
prosthetic vowel was never firmly established ; and the accent remains
in its original position in these, 41 i.
iv. In Brit, the accent was apparently free as in Pr. Ar. As
unaccented a was shortened, it is seen that in *brateres (> broder) the
accent was on the ante-penult ; as a which remained accented gives
aw, the accent to give o must have shifted to the er in O. W., according
to the general rule at that period. By the second shifting it went back
to its original position, the new penult. Two shiftings must be
assumed to explain such a form as ysbryd, which involves a shifting
from *(y)spryd, which in turn implies a shifting from spirit-us. It will
be seen in the following pages that British cannot have shared the
fixed initial accentuation of Goidelic.
41. In some words in Mn. W. the accent falls on the
ultima. These are
i. A few disyilables in which the first syllable is (i) ys- 01(2)
ym-\ as (i) ysgrin 'shrine, coffin', 23 ii, ystryd ' street ',
ysgrech ' screech. ', ystor ( store ' ; (2) ymwel ' do thon visit ', ymad
' do thou leave '. But most words with these initial syllables
are accented regularly, as ysgol ' school', yzbryd ' spirit ', ysgwyd
' to shake ', ymdaith 'journey', ymgudd D.G. 374 'hides'. In
some cases we have both accentuations, see ymwel below ;
1403 E
50 PHONOLOGY 41
occasionally with different meanings, as fimladd ' to fight ',
ymladd ' to tire one's self ' ; fymcldwyn ' to behave ', ymddwyn
* to bear '.
Y dydd ar awr, nfm daivr, dod ;
ymwel d mi dan dmod. G.I.H., TR. 91.
' Fix the day and hour, I care not [when] ; visit me under [that]
condition.'
Arthur o'i ddolur oedd wan,
Ac o ymladd cad Gdmlan. L.G.C. 450.
' Arthur was weak from his wound, and from fighting the battle of
Camlan.' See also T.A., c. ii 78.
Yf/>,rc7i weddw ddifryckeuddeddf
Wedi'r ymladd a'r drem leddf. D.E., p 112/840.
'The widowed woman of spotless life after the prostration and
disconsolate aspect.'
ii. The reduplicated pronouns myfi, tydi, etc. Rarely these are
accented regularly ; see 159 ii (2).
iii. (i) Words in which the last syllable has a late contrac-
tion, 33, such as pa\ra\t6i for Ml. W. pa\ra\to\i ' to prepare ',
cy\tun for Ml. W. cy\tu\un ' united ', Gwr\tkeifrn for Gwr\f.he\i/rn,
Cym\rdeg for Cym\ra\eg,pa\rTiad for pa\rhd\ad t continuance '. It is
seen that in these words the accent in Ml. W. was regular, and
kept its position after the ultima was merged in the penult.
(2) In the word ysgolhdig, Ml. W. yscolheic ' scholar ', the con-
traction in the last syllable seems to have taken place early in
the Ml. period, as Nid vid iscolkeic nid vid eleic unben B.B. 91 (10
syll. ; read scol\keic, 23 ii), but it was necessarily subsequent to
the fixing of the present accentuation ; in B.B. 81 the uncontracted
form occurs, rh. with guledic. A similar form is pen-dig ' chief.
The vtOT&ffelaig seems to have been accented regularly ; thus in
R.P. 1221 we bttveffelcic/jfili/, the latter being the imt.Jilii.
Tudur waed Tewdwr ydoedd,
A phenaig cyff leuan oedd. Gu.O., G. 196.
' He was Tudor of the blood of Tudor, and chief of the stock of
leuan.'
iv. A few words recently borrowed from English ; as apel,
' appeal '.
42 ACCENTUATION 51
v. Disyllables in which h stands between two vowels are accented
regularly ; thus cyhyd as in Cyhyd a rhai og Jidearn D.G. 386
' [spikes] as long as those of an iron harrow ' ; and hyd gyhyd c.c.
312 'full length'; cyhoedd ' public ', as in gyhoedd/gdeat, K.P. 1283;
gweheirddD.G. 20 'forbids '. Contraction has taken place in some of
these, thus cyhoedd > *cohoedd > coedd, D.G. 524 ; so gwdhan >
gwdn, which gave rise to gwahan. This appears to be the reason for
gwahdn, cyhyd, gwahdrdd, etc. in recent W.
42. In Ml. and early Mn. W. final w after d, b, n, I, r, *
was consonantal, 26 iv ; thus meddw ' drunk ', marw ' dead ',
delw ' image ', were monosyllables, sounded almost like meddf,
marf, delf. Hence when a syllable is added the w is non-sylla-
bic for the purposes of accentuation ; thus meddwon 'drunkards ',
mdrwol ' mortal ', mdrwnad ' elegy ', delwau ( images ', drddelw ' to
represent, to claim '. The w is usually elided between two con-
sonants, as medd-dod ' drunkenness ', for meddwdod. In B.B. 84
we have uetndaud (=febwdawd), but in Ml. W. generally such
words were written without the w, as mebdawl, B.P. 1217, 1245,
1250, 1269, IL.A. 147 ; gwebdawt B.T. 31, R.P. 1261 ' widowhood '.
The w inserted in these words in recent orthography is artificial,
and is commonly misread as syllabic w, thus medd\w\dod, the
accent being thrown on the ante-penult, a position which it
never occupies in Welsh. The correct form medd-dod is still the
form used in natural speech. When final, in polysyllables, the
w is now dropped, and is not written in late W., so there is not
even an apparent exception to the rule of accentuation ; thus
drddelw ' to claim ', fd/berw ' proud ' are written drddel, sjfber. In
(iwdrchadw ( to guard ', ym6ralw ' to attend (to) ', metathesis took
place about the end of the Ml. period, giving gwdrchawd, ym6r-
awl, which became gwdrckod, ymdrol in Mn. W.
In all standard cynghanedd the w in these words is purely non-
syllabic :
Da arSelw kynnelw K^nSelw keinftawn. B.P. 1229 (9 syll.)
' A good representation of the exemplar of Cynddelw exquisitely
gifted.' The accentuation of K^nSelw corresponds to that of
keinbawn. Cf. Jcyvarch / k^fenw, 1230.
I H6rf am pair yn Hwyrfarw
hud gwir ac o hoed garw. D.G. 208.
' Its [the harp's] body makes me faint away from real enchantment
and sore grief.'
E2
6.2 PHONOLOGY 42
Dyn marw a allai f'drwain
Weithian drwy eithin a drain. D.I.D., G. 182.
' A dead man might lead me now through furze and thorns.'
fen aid hoen geirw afonydd,
Fy nghaniad.dy farwnad yy 7c. 1L.G., F.N. 30.
' My beloved of the hue of the foam of rivers, my song thy dirge
shall be.' Cf. i firvmad efo D.I.D., o. 184.
Marwnad ym yw awr yn d'ol. T.A., A 14894/35.
* It is a lament to me [to live] an hour after thee.'
Pwy a'th eilw pe d'th wayw onnl T.A., A 14975/102.
' Who will challenge thee if with thy ashen spear 1 '
The last example shows that eilw could still be a pure monosyllable
at the. end of the i5th cent., for the present disyllabic pronunciation
mars the cynghanedd. Even stronger evidence is afforded by the
accentuation deu-darw / dodi B.Ph.B., Stowe 959/986. Although final
w was non-syllabic, yn or yr following it was generally reduced to 'n
or V, being combined with the w to form wn or wr, 26 iii.
A'ch gwaed, rhyw ywch gadw'r heol. T.A., A 14965/46.
' With your blood it is natural to you to guard the road.'
Murnio da, warw'n y diwedd. D.1L., F. 31.
' Stowing away wealth, [and] dying in the end.'
In a compound like marwnad the w was not difficult, for tni
(rounded n} is common in Welsh, 26 iii. But the colloquial pro-
nunciation is now mawrnad, with metathesis of w. In i6th and i7th
cent. MSS. we also find marnad and barnad. The combination is more
difficult in such compounds as derwgoed ' oak-trees ', mdrwddwr ' stag-
nant water', chwerw-der 'bitterness'; and though the etymological
spelling persisted in these, the pronunciation der-goed, mdr-ddwr,
chwer-der is doubtless old.
Lie dirgel gerllaw ddrwgoed. D.G. 321.
'A secret place near oak -trees.' Cf. derwgist, T.A., G. 232.
Trofy chwer'der ynfelysdra. Wms. 657.
' Turn my bitterness into sweetness.'
Gyr chw6rwder o garchdrdai ;
Newyn y lleidr a wna'n llai. D.W. 112.
' [Charity] drives bitterness from prisons ; it makes less the hunger of
the thief.'
NOTE i. The rule that such words as marw, delw are monosyllabic
was handed down by the teachers of cynghanedd, but the bards of the
igth cent, hardly knew what to make of it. Thus R.G.D. 97 uses
marw and delw, and E.F. 185 uses tnw and gano as monosyllables,
while at the same time rhyming them. They no more rhyme as
43 ACCENTUATION 53
monosyllables than if they were marf, delf, or enf, garf. In standard
cynghanedcl, rtiarw rhymes with garw, tarw only, and delw with elw,
ywelw only ; see below. The disyllabic pronunciation may be traced as
far back as the i5th cent. In a couplet attributed to D.G. (see D.G.
322) bw rhymes with galw, a rhyme condemned by S.V. because
yalw is a monosyllable whose vowel is a, P.IL. xcii.
Some old rhymes are syberw/hirerw/derw/chwerw, B.B. 69 ; agerw/
chwerw/syberw/gochwerw, B.A. 19; helw/delw,\\>.; dijveinw/dyleinw,
B.T. 21 ; divanw/llanw, M. A. i 475; ymordlw/salw, do. 466; cadw/
achadw/bradw, I.G. 422 ; enw/senw, do. 407 ; geirw/teirw, D.G. 500;
syberw/ferw, E.P. 203.
NOTE 2. In hwnnw, acw (earlier raccw) the w was vocalic; also
probably in other forms in which it is a reduction of -wy, see 78 i (2).
43. i. No Welsh word or word fully naturalized in Welsh
is accented on the ante-penult. Such forms as Sdesoneg ) Sdesones
are misspellings of Sdesneg, Sdesnes.
A'r gyfreith honno a droes Alvryt vrenhin o Gymraec yn Saesnec
R.B. B. 79 'And that law did king Alfred turn from Welsh into
English.' See ib. 64, 95, 96, etc.
The following words for different reasons are now sometimes wrongly
accented : catholig, omega,* penigamp ' masterly ', periglor ' parson ',
Uadmerydd ' interpreter ', ysgelerder ' atrocity ', olewydd ' olives '.
A thdlu'rffin gath61ig. S.C.
'And to pay the catholic fine.' Cf. c.c. 25; I.G. 491 ; L.M., D.T. 196.
Cyngor periglor eglwys. M.R., r. 12.
' The counsel of a church parson '.
Pendig y glod, penigamp
Pennod i chompod a'i champ. M.B. (m. D.G.), A 14967/183.
' Master of the [song of] praise, supreme the height of its compass
and achievement.'
Alpha ac Ome'ga tndwr. A.R. (1818), E.G. p. xiii.
'Great Alpha and Omega.' Cf. IL.M. 2. See Wms. 259, 426, 869.
ii. A few words recently borrowed from English are accented on
the ante-penult, as melodi, philosophi ; but derivative forms of even
these are accented regularly, e.g. melodaidd, philosopliydd.
* Tins word has been naturalized in Welsh as in other languages, and the natural
Welsh pronunciation is probably nearer the original than the omega now some-
times heard from the pulpit in imitation of the English fashion. The adjective is
not an enclitic in > ptya. The natural accentuation, as used by the hymn-writers,
is unconsciously adopted by those like A. Eoberts who are not affected by a little
learning.
54 PHONOLOGY 44
44. i. In a regularly accented word of three syllables the
first syllable is the least stressed ; thus in can\ja\dait the stress
on can is lighter than that on dau, both being unaccented as
compared with {a. Hence the vowel of the first syllable is
liable to drop when the resulting combination of consonants
is easy to pronounce initially ; as in Mn. W. pladur * scythe ',
for Ml. W.paladur, C.M. 95 (paladurwyr W.M. 425, 426) ; Mn. W.
gwrando 'to listen', for Ml. W. gwarandaw, R.M. 16, C.M. 29;
Mn. W. Clynnog for Ml. W. Kelynnawc, IL.A. 124.
Some shortened forms are found, though rarely, in Ml. prose and
verse : gwrandaw, C.M. 27 ; kweirywyt for kyweirywyt ' was equipped ',
R.P. 1276 (the y was written, and then deleted as the metre requires) ;
pinywn R.P. 1225 from E. opinion ; grennyS do. 1055 for garennyS.
For dywedud ' to say ' we generally have dwedud in Early Mn.
poetry (written doedyd in the r 6th cent.) ; so twyaog, E.U. 3 2, B.CW. 7 1 ,
for tywysog ' prince ' ; cledion c.C. 334, 390, pi. of caled ' hard'; clonnau
for calonnau ' hearts ', in Tyrd, Ysbryd Gldn, i 'n clonnau ni, R.V.
ii. In words of four or more syllables, when pronounced de-
liberately, the first syllable has a secondaiy accent, as ben\dfye\dig
' blessed ', pi. len\di\ge\diy\ion. This also applies to trisyllables with
the accent on the ultima, as cyj \iaw\nlad f justification '. The least
stressed syllable is the second ; and this is often elided, in which
case the secondary accent disappears ; as in Mn. W. gorchfygu for
gorclyfygu IL.A. 1 5, and in Mn. W. verse tragwyddol for tra\gy\wy\ddol>
' eternal ', partoi for pa\ra\toi ' to prepare ', llythrennau for
llytJiyrennau ' letters \perthndsau ' relations ' for perthyndsau, etc.
Gwaeddwn, feirdd, yn dragwyddol ;
Gwae ni nad gwiw yn i ol. Gu.O., A 14967/120.
' Bards, let us cry for ever ; woe to us that it is useless [to live] after
him.' See a. 160, 255.
Yn ddyfal beunydd i bartoi. Wms. 259.
' Assiduously every day to prepare.'
iii. When a vowel is elided, as in i, ii, or v, the same vowel
disappears in the derivatives of the word ; thus plailtirwyr
1 mowers ' ; ticysoges B.CW. 1 1 ' princess \ from twysog, for tywysog ;
tragwyddol-deb ' eternity ', ymlartoi ' to prepare one's self, 'wyllys-
gar ' willing' (ewyllys, 'wyllys ( will ').
44 ACCENTUATION 55
Wedi 'mrawd ymar ydwyf\
Ato, Dduw, ymbartdi dd wyj. L.Mor. (m. I.F.).
' After my brother I tarry here ; to him, Oh God, I am preparing
[to go].' (The metre proves the elision, but not its position.)
In tragwyddoldeb the lost syllable is the second, so that there is no
departure from the general principle laid down in ii ; but in pladur-
wyr the first is lost because the word is formed from the reduced
pladur. If paladurwyr had been reduced directly it would have given
*paldurwyr ; similarly twysoges, etc.
iv. Occasionally in Mn. W. haplology takes place, that is, a
consonant, if repeated in the following syllable, is lost with, the
unaccented vowel ; as erledigaeth for erlidedigaeth ' persecution ',
crediniol for credaduniol, 132 (8), ' believing 1 '. (Cf. Eng. singly
for single -ly t Bister for Sicetier, Lat. stipend ium for ttijnpen-
dium, etc.)
v. An unaccented initial vowel sometimes disappears, as in
Late Ml. W. pinywn K.P. 1225 * opinion', borrowed from Eng. ;
'wyllys for ewyllys in verse ; and in Late Mn. W. machlud ' to
set ' (of the sun) for Ml. and Early Mn. Vl.ym-achludd, D.G. izi,
111 vii (3). As a rule, howevei', this elision only takes place
after a vowel :
Tebig yw V galennig Mn
/ 'dafedd o wlad If an. I.D., TE. 142.
' The fair new year's gift is like threads from the land of [Prester]
John.' Another reading is 7 edafedd gwlad I fan, I.D. 22.
Ac ef gyda'i ogyfoed
Yw gwr y wraig oreu 'rioed. L.G.C. 318.
' And he with his mate is the husband of the best wife [that] ever
[was].'
In the dialects it is very common : morol ' attend (to) ' for ymorol,
molchi for ymolchi ' to wash ', deryn for aderyn ' bird ', menyn for
ymenyn ' butter ', mennyB for ymenny?* ' brain ', etc.
vi. In a few disyllables the vowel of the final unaccented
syllable is sometimes elided ; thus onid ' but ' appears generally
as ond in Mn. W. Other examples met with in Mn. (rarely in
Late Ml.) verse are mynd for mfned ' to go ', tyrd for tyred
' come ! ' gweld for gweled ' to see ', llond for llonaid ' full (capa-
city) ', cans for cdnys ' because ', namn for ndmyn * but ', all except
the last two in common use in the dialects. Similarly er ys be-
comes ers, 214 vii.
56 PHONOLOGY 45
Ancr wi/fji'n cyweirio i fedd,
Ond aroa mqnd i orwedd. D.G. 295.
1 1 am an anchorite making ready his grave, only waiting to go to
rest.'
Cans ar ddiwedd pob gweddi,
Cofcywir, yr henwir hi. D.G. 235.
' For at the end of every prayer, unforgotten she is named.'
MaSeu, kanys ti yw'r me&ic. K.P. 1298 (7 syll.).
' Forgive, for Thou art the Healer.' The length of the line shows that
kanys is to be read kans. It occurs \vritten cans in W.M. 487.
Ni edrychodd Duw V achwyn ;
Ni mynncdd aur, namn i ddwyn. G.G1., M 148/256.
' God did not regard the lamentation ; He desired not [to have] gold,
but to take him away.' See also I.G. 380.
See examples of tyrd, dyrd in 193 viii (2).
vii. The vowel of a proclitic is often elided
(1) After a final vowel, y is elided in the article^/*, 114 ; the
pronouns yn ' our ', $ch ' your ' (now written ein, eie/t), 160 ii (i) ;
the oblique relative y or yr, 82 ii (i), 162 ii (2) ; the pre-
position yn, 21 iv.
(2) Before an initial vowel, y is elided in fy ' my ', dy ' thy ',
160 i (i).
(3) The relative a tends to disappear even between consonants,
162 i.
(4) The vowel of pa or py ' what ? ' sometimes disappears even
before a consonant, as in pie ' where ? ' 163 ii (2).
(5) After j90, nfw tends to become ry and r, 163 ii (6).
45. i. (i) Compound nouns and adjectives are accented
regularly ; thus gwiti-llan ' vineyard ', cadeir-fardd ' chaired
bard ', gwdg-law or lldw-wag ' empty-handed '.
Gwawd-lais mwyalch ar g6ed-lwyn,
Ac eos ar lios Iwyn. D.G. 503.
' The musical voice of a thrush in a grove, and a nightingale in many
a bush.'
Yn i dydd ni adai wan
Acw 'n Haw- wag, Gwenllian. L.G.C. 232.
' In her day she, Gwenllian, left not the weak empty-handed there.'
(2) Even a compound of an adjective and a proper name may
be so accented ; as
45 ACCENTUATION 57
Ddyrau am urddedig-Rys
Yw'r mCr hallt, os gwir marw Rhys. G.G1., M 146/171.
1 The salt sea is tears for noble Rhys, if it is true that Rhys is dead.'
See TTch el- Grist, D.G. 259. The name Bendig6id-fran 'Bran
the Blessed ', was so accented, and the /was lost, 110 iii (3), giving
Bendigeidran (corrupted into Benegridran in Emerson's English
Traits, xi).
Bondogwydr Bendigeidran. T.A., A 14976/166; c. ii 83.
' The glass eaves of Bendigeidran.'
(3) When the first element has one of the mutable sounds ai, au, w,
if it is mutated in the compound, becoming ei, eu, y, y respectively,
because it is no longer ultimate when the compound is treated as a
single word; thus gweith-dy 'workshop' (gwait/t 'work'), heul-des
' heat of the sun ' (haul ' sun '), dryg-waith ' evil deed ' (drwg ' evil '),
melyn-wallt ' yellow hair ' (tnd^n ' yellow '). In old compounds aw
also is mutated, as in llofrudd, 110 iii (i).
$& A compound accented as above may be called a strict
compound.
ii. (i) But the two elements of a compound may be sepa-
rately accented ; thus coel grefydd ' false religion ', gdu br&ffwyd
1 false prophet ', hen wr ' old man ' (sometimes accented regularly,
ftenwr, B.CW. 64).
(2) The difference between a secondary accent and a separate
accent should be noted. A secondary accent is always subordinate
to the principal accent ; but when the first element of a compound
has a separate accent it is independent of the accent of the second
element and may even be stronger if the emphasis requires it. Again,
the first element when separately accented has the unmutated ai, au,
to, or Y in its final syllable ; thus in cyd-ndbyddiaelh ' acquaintance '
there may be a secondary accent on cyd (short y\ but in cyd gynull-
iad there is an independent accent on ci(d (long ?/). In fact, when
there is a separate accent, the first element is treated as an indepen-
dent word for all purposes of pronunciation (accentuation, vowel
quantity, and vowel mutation).
Cw A compound accented as above may be called a loose
compound.
(3) Sometimes the elements of a loose compound are now hyphened,
thus coel-grefydd ; but as any positive adjective put before a noun
forms with it a loose compound, in the vast majority of such com-
pounds the elements are written as separate words. See 155 iii.
iii. An adjective or noun compounded with a verb or verbal
58 PHONOLOGY 46
noun forms a loose compound, as cfinffon lonni ' to wag- the tail ',
piysur redant ' they swiftly run '.
Pel y niwl o afael nant
Y dison ymadawsant. R.G.D. 149.
' Like the mist from the grasp of the valley have they silently passed
away.'
iv. (i) Prefixes form strict compounds with nouns, adjectives,
and verbs ; as athrlst ' very sad ' (trixt ' sad '), dm-gylch ' circum-
ference ', cyn-nal ' to hold ', etc., etc.
(2) But compounds with the prefixes an-, di-, cyd-, go-, gor-,
gwrth-, rJiy-, tra- may be either strict or loose ; as dn-awdil or
an hdwdd 'difficult', 148 i (6); dn-aml/ynys G. 103, an ami,
164 i (i) ; di-wair, di wdir ' chaste ' ; rJiy-wyr ' high time ' and
r/iy hwyr ' too late ' ; trd-mawr Gr.O. 51, tra, mdwr ' very great ' ;
trd-doetk do. 52, tra doetJi ' very wise '.
Di-dad, amddifad ydwyf,
A di frawd wedi i farw wyf. L.Mor. (m. I.F.).
' Fatherless, destitute, am I, and without a brother after his death.'
Y mae 'r ddwyais mor ddiwair. D.G. 148.
' The bosom is so chaste.'
Fwyn a di wair f'enaid yw. D.G. 321.
' Gentle and chaste she is my soul.' Cf. D.G. 306.
Tra da im y try deu-air. I.F., c 18/11.
' Very good for me will two words turn out.'
In late Mn. W. new compounds are freely formed with these
elements separately accented ; thus tra, go and rJiy are placed before
any adjectives, and treated as separate words; 220 viii (i).
When both elements are accented, the second has generally the
stronger accent, unless the prefix is emphatic ; in gor-tiwch ' above ',
gor-is ' below ', the first element has lost its accent, though these are
also found as strict compounds, thus goruwch, O.G., G. 257, Gr.O. 34.
46. i. Expressions consisting of two words in syntactical
relation, such as a noun and a qualifying adjective or a noun
and a dependent genitive, are in some cases accented as single
words. $? These may be called improper compounds. Mu-
table vowels are mutated (y >p, etc.) as in single words.
They differ from proper compounds in two respects : (i) the initial
of the second element is not softened except where the ordinary rules
46 ACCENTUATION 59
of mutation require it; (2) the words are arranged in the usual
syntactic order, the subordinate word coming last, except in the case
of numerals, ii (5) below.
Cf. in Latin the improper compounds pater-familias, juris-dictio, in
which the first element is an intact word, by the side of the proper
compounds patri-dda juri-dicus in which the first element contains
the stem only.
ii. Improper compounds accented on the penult consist of
(1) Some nouns qualified by da, as gwr-da ' goodman ', gwreig-dda
' good wife ', hin-dda ' fair weather ', geir-da ' good report '. Names of
relatives with maeth, as tdd-maeth ' foster father ', mdmaeth (for mdm-
faeth, 110 iii (i)) 'foster mother', mdb-maeth, brdwd-maeth, chwder-
fueth. A few other combinations, such as heul-wen ' bright sun ' a
(haul fern., 142 iii), coel-certh 'bonfire' (lit. 'certain sign'). See
also (3) below.
A bryno tir d braint da,
Yn i drdal d'n ^frr-da. L.G.C. 249.
' He who buys land with good title in his neighbourhood will become
a goodman.'
(2) Nouns with dependent genitives: tref-tad 'heritage', dydd-
brawd or dydd-barn (also dydd brdwd, dydd bdrn) 'judgement day ',
pen-tref 1 village ', pen-ctrdd ' chief of song ', pen-tan ' hob '. See also
(3) and (4) below.
(3) Nouns with adjectives or genitives forming names of places ;
as Tre-for or Tre-fawr, Bryn-gwyn, Mynydd-mawr, Aber-maw, Mm-
ffordd, Pen-tir, Pen-mon, Pen-mon MdwrP
Even when the article comes before the genitive, the whole name is
sometimes thus treated, the accent falling upon the article ; as Pen-y-
berth near Pwllheli, Tal-y-bryn in Llannefydd, Clust-y-blai8 near
Cerrig y Drudion, Moel-y-ci (pron. Moy\lyc\i), a hill near Bangor,
Llan-e-cil near y Bala, Pen-e-goes near Machynlleth, Pen-e-berth near
Aberystwyth (e for y, 16 iv (2)). Cf. (7) below.
Mi afi ganu i'm oes
I bendig o Ben-6-goes. L.G.C. 429.
' I will go to sing while I live to a chieftain of Pen^goes.'
(4) The word duw (or dyw) followed by tlie name of the day in the
genitive ; as Duw-sul ns well as Duw Sul or Dydd Sul ' Sunday' ; so
Diiw-llun ' Monday ', Duw-mawrth ' Tuesday ', and Dif-iau for Duw
Idu ' Thursday '. Similarly dd(w)-gwyl ' the day of the feast (of)'.
* It is often supposed that heulwen is a proper compound of haul and gwn,
meaning the ' smile of the sun ' ; but erroneously, for heulwen is the ' sun ' itself,
not ' sunshine '.
b The common spelling Penmaenmawr appears to be due to popular etymology.
Cainden, 4th ed., 1594, p. 18, has Pen-mon maur, and the word is now pronounced
Pen-mon-mduir.
60 PHONOLOGY 46
Echrys-haint, och, wir lesuf
Ddyfod i Idl Ddif-iau du. T.A., G. 235.
' A dreadful plague, Oh true Jesus ! that black Thursday should have
visited Yale.' See 214 vii, ex. 2.
Both accentuations are exemplified in
BAm i'r gog swyddog Dduw Sul ;
^Yy ddi-swydd, a hyn Dduw-sul. T.A., A 14976/108.
' I was an officer of the cuckoo on Sunday ; I am without office, and
this on Sunday.' (Gwas y gog ' the cuckoo's servant ' is the hedge-
sparrow.)
(5) A numeral and its noun, as deu-lwys ' 2 Ibs.', dwy-bunt ' 2 ',
can-punt '100', etc. Cf. E. twopence, etc. Though the order is the
same here as in proper compounds, and the mutation is no criterion, it
is certain that most of these are improper compounds. In the case of
un, proper and improper compounds can he distinguished : un-ben
1 monarch ' is a proper compound, the second element having the soft
initial, but un-peth is precisely the combination un peth ' one thing '
under a single accent.
(6) The demonstrative adjective after nouns of time. See 164 iii.
(7) Very rarely the article with its noun, as in E-fenechtyd for
y Fenechtyd ' the monastery ', in which the article, taken as part of
the word, acquired a secondary accent.
iii. Improper compounds accented on the ultima consist of
(1) A few combinations of two monosyllabic nouns, of which the
second is a dependent genitive and the first has lost its accent ; as
pen-rhdith ' autocrat ', pen-Had ' summum bonum ', pry-nhdwn for pryt
naion.
Tr eoff, rJi"ywiog ben-rhaith,
At Wen dos eto un-waith. D.G. 148.
' Thou salmon, gentle master, go to Gwen once more.'
A 'in cerydd mawr i 'm cdriad,
Ac na'th gaion yn lldwn ben-llad. D.G. 513.
' And my great punishment for my love, and that I might not have
thee as my whole delight.'
(2) A number of place-names of similar formation, as Pen-tyrch.
NOTE. (i) From this and the preceding section it is seen that
accentuation does not always accord with the formation of words.
A loose compound is etymologically a compound, but its elements are
accented as separate words. An improper compound is etymologically
a combination of separate words accented as one word. The accentua-
tion of improper compounds is to be accounted for thus : in O. W.
we may assume that gwr da, Aber Maw, Pen y berth were originally
accented as they would be if they were formed now, with the main
47 ACCENTUATION 61
stress in each case on the last word. When each combination came
to be regarded as a unit, the main stress became the only accent ; thus,
*gwr-dd, *Aber-mdw, *Pen-y-berth. This was at that time the
accentuation of ordinary words, such as *pechadur, 40 iii. When the
accent shifted, and *pechadur became pechddur, *gwr-da became gwr-
da, *Aber-mdw became Aber-maw and * Pen-y-berth became Pen-y-
berth. In most cases of a combination like the last, each noun retained
its individuality, and the original accentuation remained ; hence
Pen-y-berth, which is a common place-name, is usually so accented, and
the accentuation Pen-y-berth is exceptional. In such a phrase as pryt
ndwn ' time of noon ', each noun retained its meaning to the Ml. W.
period ; then, when the combination came to be regarded as a unit,
the first element became unstressed, resulting in pryt-ndwn, whence
pry-nhdwn, 111 v (5).
(2) Improper compounds having thus become units could be treated
as units for all purposes ;'thus some of them have derivatives, such as
gwr-da-aeth, ' nobility ', tref-tdd-aeth ' heritage ', di-dref-tdd-u s.G. 306
' to disinherit', prynhdwn-ol ' evening ' adj.
(3) On the other hand, in some proper compounds each element was
doubtless felt to preserve its significance ; and the persistence of this
feeling into the Ml. period resulted in loose compounds.
47. i. In compound prepositions the elements may be
accented separately, as oddi dr. But the second element has
iisually the stronger accent ; and in some cases the first element
becomes unaccented, as in Ml. W. y gdnn, which became gan
' by ' in Late ML and Mn. W. by the loss of the unaccented
syllable.
On the analogy of y gdnn, y ibrth, etc., derivative and other old
prepositional and adverbial formations retained the O. W. accentuation,
as oddn, yrwng, yrhdwg.
The separate accent often persists in Mn. W., as in oddi wrth (Ml.
W. y wrth), and in adverbial phrases like oddi yno (in the dialects
odd yno as in Ml. W.). In the latter the first element may become
predominant, thus odd yno ' from there ' in the spoken language (often
contracted to oSno and even ono).
ii. In prepositional and adverbial expressions formed of a
preposition and a noun (whether written separately or not), the
last element only is accented ; thus uwch-ben ' above ', dra-chefn
' again ', ger-br6n ' before ', uwch-ldw ' above ', ymlaeii ' forward ',
ynghyd ' together ', * gyd ' together ', erioed ' ever '.
These expressions thus form improper compounds accented on the
ultima. The adverb achlan (achldri) ' wholly ' is similarly accented.
G2 PHONOLOGY 47
Heats fal orohian
I chlod yng Ngwynedd achlan. D.G. 235.
' I have sown her praises like a paean through the whole of Gwynedd.'
iii. Many adverbial expressions of three syllables, consisting
of a monosyllabic noun repeated after a preposition, form im-
proper compounds accented on the penult ; as ot-fin-ol ' track in
track ', i. e. ' in succession ',* len-drd-phen ' head over head ',
law-fn-llaio ' hand in hand ', etc. The first noun may have a
secondary or separate accent, as Itith drd-phlith ' helter-skelter '.
The first noun being in an adverbial case has a soft initial.
A daufrawd ieuaf ar 61
Eli enwog ol-^n-ol. G.G1., c. i 201.
'And two younger brothers in succession after the famous Eli.'
Oes hwy no thri, Sidn, y'th roer,
Law-^n-llaw d'th lawen-lloer. T.A., A 14866/746.
' For a life longer than three, Sion, mayst thou be spared, hand in
hand with thy bright moon.' See also E.P. 240.
Ael-^n-ael d'i elynion. D.N., c. i 160.
' Brow to brow with his enemies.'
Dal-^n-nal rhwng dwy Idnnerch. D.N., M 136/147.
' Face to face between two glades ' ; ynnal for yn-nhal, 48 ii.
Daw o deidiau dad-i-dad, b
GoUwyn hen, nid gwell un had. W.IL.
' He comes from forebears, father to father, like an ancient hazel-grove
there is no better seed.'
Arglwyddi 1m 6-lin yntfi L.G.C. 460.
' They are lords from line to line.'
See wers dragwers IL.A. 164 'reciprocally', gylch ogylch do. 166
'round about', ddwrn trd-dwm, law drd-llaw, L.G.C. 18. In many
cases the first noun also is preceded by a preposition, as
Marchog o 1m 6-lin oedd. L.Mor., I.MSS. 292.
' He was a knight from line to line.'
See o Iwyn i-lwyn D.G. 141,0 law i-law do. 145. Cf. Late Mn. W.
i-gam it-gam l zig-zag '.
The last ol of olynol was mistaken about the middle of the last century for
the adjectival termination -ol (= -awl), and from the supposed stem olyn an
abstract noun olyniaeth was formed to render ' succession ' in ' apostolical succes-
sion ' !
b In all the above examples the cynghanedd is either Ta or C2, which implies
the accentuation indicated. See ZfCP. iv. 124, 137.
6 The cynghanedd is 84, which implies the accentuation marked.
48 ACCENTUATION 63
The ordinary accentuation is also met with in the bards :
O hfcyn i 1-wyn, ail tfnid. D.G. 84.
' From bush to bush, [maiden] second to Enid.'
iv. When pa or py is followed by a preposition governing it,
the latter only is accented: pa-hdm (for pa am, 112 i (2))
' what for ? why ? ' often contracted into pam by the loss of the
unaccented syllable, 44 vii. So were doubtless accented the
Ml. W. pafidr A.L. i 108, 134, pa Mr do. 118 (for pa ar) ' what
on ? ' pa rdc B.B. 50, pyrdc R.M. 136 ' what for ? '
48. i. When the syllable bearing- the principal accent
begins with a vowel, a nasal, or r, it is aspirated under certain
conditions, 112 i (4) ; thus ce\nhed\loedd ' nations ', from cenedl;
bo\nhe\ddig (vonkebic K.P. 1331) from bonedd 'gentry', 104
iv (i); cy\nhdliwyd, from cynnal 'to support' from cyn + dal
(d normally becomes n, not nh, 106 ii) ; di\hdng\ol from di-anc
'to escape'; a phlannhedeu R.P. 1303 'and planets', usually
planedau ; kenhadeu W.M. 1 84, offcener in Ml. W. kennadeu do. 42
'messengers'.
A'i aur a'i fedd y givyr fo,
Fonhe'ddig, a fy nyhuddo. L.G.C. 188.
' With his gold and mead doth he use, as a gentleman, to comfort
me.'
ii. On the other hand, an h required by the derivation is
regularly dropped after the accent ; as Cannes ' warm ', for
cyn-nhes from cyn + les (t gives nh, 106 iii (i)) ; bre\nin ' king ',
for bren\nhin from bre\en\nkin from *breenlin, Cornish brentyn ;
tdn\nau ' strings ', for tdn\nheu from O. W. tantou M.c. ; eany
' wide ', for eh-ang from *eks-ang- ; dnawdd IL.A. 109 for dn-hawdd
' difficult' ; draul ' bright', for dr-haul, which appears as arJieul
in R.P. 1 1 68. The h is, however, retained between vowels in
a few words, as ehud ' foolish ', dehau and deau ( right (hand),
south ' ; and in nrh, nhr, b nghr, and Irh, as dnrhaith ' spoil ',
anlirefn ' disorder ', dnghred ' infidelity ', 6lrhain ' to trace '.
The h is also dropped after a secondary accent, as in
L. G. C.'s editors print voneddig in spite of the answering h in nyhuddo.
b nrh and nhr have the same sound bat differ in origin : nrh = n + rh ; nhr i
from n + tr. They are often confused in writing.
64 PHONOLOGY 48
Ireninidelhau 'kingdoms'. So we have cenedldethau 'genera-
tions', bbnedcUgaidd 'gentlemanly' (vonebigeib R.G. 1129).
iii. Note therefore the shifting of the h in such a word as
illliareb 'proverb', Ml. W. dihaereb R.P. 1326, pi. (llarfiebwn,
Ml. W. diaerhebyon R.B. 974, 975, 1083. The word has etymo-
logically two h's : di-kaer-heb, but only that is preserved which
precedes the principal accent.
iv. The above rules may be briefly stated thus : an intrusive h
sometimes appears before the accent, and an organic h regularly dis-
appears after the accent. It is obvious that the rule cannot be older
than the present system of accentuation ; it is indeed the direct result
of that system, and is probably not much later in origin. The first
change was the weakening and subsequent loss of h after the accent,
giving such pairs as brenin, brenhinoedd ; angen, anghenus ( < *nken-,
Ir. ecen) ; cymar, cymharu (< Lat. compar-): here h vanishes in the
first word of each pair. Later, on the analogy of these, other pairs
were formed, such as bonedd, bonheddig ; cenedl, cenhedloedd ; where
an intrusive h appears in the second word of each pair.
In O. W., when the accent fell on the ultima, it was easy to say
bre\en\nhin; but when the accent settled on the penult, it required an
effort to sound the aspirate after the breath had been expended on
the stressed syllable. Hence we find, at the very beginning of the
Ml. period, breenhineft and breenin L.L. 120. But the traditional
spelling, with h, persisted, and is general in B.B., as minheu 12 ;
synhuir ( = synnhwyr) 17 ; aghen agheu 23 ; breenhin 62 ; though we
also find a few exceptions, as kayell 35. In B.M. it still survives in
many words, as brenhin 2 ; ayheu 5 (hut angeu ib.) ; mwyhaf 1 1 ;
minheu 1 2 ; but more usually vwyaf 1 3 ; minneu 3 ; gennyf 8 ; synn-
wyr 13; amarch 36; llinat (for llin-had) 'linseed' 121. In the B.P.
we find dnawS 1227, 1264, 1270, 1299 ; dneirdd, dnoew 1226 ; diagyr
(for di-hagr) 1289; lldwir (for llaw-hir 'long-handed') 1207, 1226;
laufiir 121 4, with h inserted above the line an etymological correction ;
owrhonn 1271, with h deleted by the unclerdot a phonetic correction.
Intrusive h makes its first appeai-ance later, and is rarer in Ml. W.
than lost h. In A.L., MS. A., we find boneoyc ii 6, 14, but in this MS.
n may be for nh; in later MSS. bonhebyc i 176-8, MS. E. ; bonhe&ic in
311. W. generally. In other cases it is less usual; thus kennadeu is
the form in B.M., though the older W.M. has sometimes kenhadeu 184,
249 ; kenedloeS K.B B. 259, IL.A. 169, so generally.
The orthography of the 1620 Bible generally observes the phonetic
rule ; thus brenin, brenhinoedd Ps. ii 6, 2 ; cenedl, cenhedloedd do.
xxxiii 12, ii i ; angeu, anghefol do. vi 5, vii 13; aros, arhasodd Jos.
x 12, 13; bonheddig, boneddigion Es. ii 9, i Cor. i 26; ammarch,
ammherchi Act. v 41, Rhuf. i 24; etc. There are some irregularities
and inconsistencies; e.g. diharebion Diar., title, i i, and anghall
Diar. i 4 beside the phonetic angall do. viii 5. The Bible spelling was
49,50 ACCENTUATION 65
generally followed, and the use of h medially was fairly settled on
phonetic lines, when Pughe introduced confusion by discarding it
wherever his mad etymology failed to account for it. His wildest
innovations, such as glandu, jyardu for glanhdu, jxtrhdu, were rejected
by universal consent ; but his principle was adopted by the " new
school " including T. Charles, Tegid and G. Mechain, who disregard the
accent, and insert or omit h in all forms of the same vocable according
to their idea of its etymology.* Silvan Evans (Llythyraeth, 68) writes
as if the cogency of this principle were self-evident, and imagines that
to point out the old school's spelling of cyngor without, and cynghorion
with, an h, is to demonstrate its absurdity. In his dictionary he
writes brenines, boneddig, etc., misquoting all modern examples to suit
his spelling; under ammeuthun (his misspelling of amheuthun) he
suppresses h ia every quotation.
In spite of the determined efforts of the " new school " in the thirties,
present-day editions of the Bible follow the 1620 edn. with the excep-
tion of a few insertions of etymological h, as in brenin, ammarch,
which appear as brenhin, ammharch.
Quantify.
49. In Mn. W. all vowels in unaccented syllables are
short.
Unaccented syllables here include those bearing a secondary accent,
in which the vowel is also short, as in ctnedldetliau, though before a
vowel it may be long in deliberate pronunciation, as in dealltwriaeth.
In Late Ml. W. the same rule probably held good, but not
necessarily earlier. In O. W. it was clearly possible to distin-
guish in the unaccented penult the quantities preserved later
when the syllable became accented, 56 iv.
60. Vowels in accented syllables in Mn. W. are either
(i) long, as the a in can 'song'; (2) medium as the a in
eanu\ or (3) short, as the a in cann 'white', cannu 'to
whiten*.
In monosyllables a long vowel (except i or u) is generally
circum flexed before n, r or 1, 51 iv, and in any other case
where it is desired to mark the quantity. Short vowels are
marked by x which is sometimes used instead of doubling the
consonant, as in D.D. s.v. can = gan ' with ', and before I which
G. Mechain (iii. 224) writing to Tegid, assents to brenin, breninoefld "though
from habit I always read brenhinoedd with an aspirate ; but the root does not
warrant such reading." His pronunciation was correct ; and it just happens that
the " root" does warrant it ; see 103 ii (i).
140J
66 PHONOLOGY 51
cannot be doubled in writing-; dal B.CW. 91, hel do. 95, calon
Hyff. Gynnwys (1749) PP- 3> 20, 319 bis.
rln this grammar the circumflex has been retained in most
cases where it is, or might be, used in ordinary writing. But
where the position of the accent has to be indicated, "* is used ;
where there is no need to point out the accent, and the word is
not usually circumflexed, " is used. As every long vowel must
be accented in Mn. W., it will be understood that ", J and A in
Mn. W. words mean the same thing. In Brit, and earlier a vowel
marked " is not necessarily accented. As v is required to denote
a secondary accent it would be confusing to use it to mark
a short accented vowel ; hence * is used here for the latter
purpose, where necessary. The accent mark ' denotes accent
without reference to quantity. A medium vowel can only be
indicated by showing the syllabic division ; thus cd\nn.
NOTE. The medium vowel, or short vowel with open stress, which
occurs in the penult, is not heard in English where a penultimate
accented vowel, if not short as in fathom, is long as in father. Silvan
Evans calls the medium vowel "long", and J.D.R. often circumflexes
it. But the a of cd\nu is not long, except in comparison with the a of
cdn\nu ; beside the a of cdn it is short. It is a short vowel slightly
prolonged past the point of fullest stress, so as to complete the syllable,
and the following consonant is taken over to the ultima.
51. i. If a vowel in a monosyllable is simple its quantity
is determined by the final consonant or consonants, the main
principle being that it is long before one consonant, short before
two, or before a consonant originally double ; see 56 ii.
ii. The vowel is short before two or more consonants, or
before p, t, c, m, ng ; as cant ' hundred ', torf ' crowd ', p&rth
' portal ', bardd ' bard ', at ' to ', ll&c ' slack ', cam ' crooked ', Hong
' ship '.
Nearly all monosyllables ending in p, t or c are borrowed ; some
from Irish, as brat ' apron ', most from E. as hap, top, het, pot, cndc,
which simply preserve the original quantity. E. tenuis after a long
vowel becomes a media, as W. clog < E. cloak, W. grdd G. 157 < E.
groat, re-borrowed as grdt ; so the late borrowings cot, gr&t (but in
S. W. cot}.
W. dt is an analogical formation, 209 vii (2); ac, nac should be
a<7, nag in Mn. orthography 222 i (i), ii (3).
51 QUANTITY 67
Exceptions to the above rule are the following :
(1) In N. W. words ending in s or 11 followed by another consonant
have the vowel long ; as trlst ' sad ', cosb ' punishment ', Jidllt ' salt '
adj., etc., except in borrowed words, as cast 'trick'. In S. W., how-
ever, all such words as the above conform to the rule.
(2) The vowel is long when it is a late contraction, 33 iv; as tint
' they go ', for a-ant ; Mm ' I have been ', for bu-um ; bont ' they may
be ', for bo-ont ; rhont ' they give ', for rho-ant. In ?/m ' we are ', ynt
1 they are ', the vowel is pronounced long ; it is marked long by J.D.E.
94 ; but E.P., PS. Ixxv i, rhymes ynt with hynt, and in Ml. "W". it is
written ynt (not *yyn) ; hence the lengthening is probably due to
false analogy.
Cdnt ' they shall have ' is for ca-ant and has long a ; but cant ' sang '
is for can-t; and is therefore short. Even gweld, 44 vi, from gw$l,
has the e shortened by the two consonants ; a fortiori, in cant ' sang '
where the final double consonant is older, the a must be short. Silvan
Evans (s. v. canu) adopts the error of some recent writers, and circum-
flexes the a in cant, even where it rhymes with chwant, and in
quoting Gr.O. 82, where no circumflex is used. The word never
rhymes with dnt, gwndnt, etc.
Sr The vowel is circumflexed when long befoi'e two consonants,
except where the length is dialectal.
(3) The mutated form deng of deg ' ten ' preserves the long vowel of
the latter in N. W.
iii. The vowel is long if it is final, or followed by b, d, g, f,
dd, ff, th, oh, 6 ; as ty ' house ', lie ' place ', mob ' son ', tad
1 father ', gwdg ' empty ', dof ' tame ', rhodd ' gift ', doff ' lame ',
crotk ' womb ', cock ' red ', glas ' blue '.
Exceptions : (i) Words which are sometimes unaccented, vi below.
(2) Words borrowed from English, as sad ' steady ', twb, ffldch
(from flash), lack (from lash). Sud, also written sut, 'kind, sort' from
suit (cf. Chaucer, Cant. Tales 3241) is now short; but in D.G. 448 it
is long, rhyming with hud.
(3) Some interjectional words, such as clvwaff, piff, ach. The inter-
jection och is now short, but is long in the bards; see Och/Goch
D.G. 464. Cyjfis now sometimes incorrectly shortened.
<W A long vowel need not be circumflexed before any of the above
consonants. In the case of a contraction, however, the vowel is usually
marked ; thus rhodd ' he gave ' for rhoodd for rhoddodd. In such forms
the circumflex is unconsciously regarded as a sign of contraction, and
may be taken to indicate that the vowel is long independently of the
character of the consonant.
The circumflex is also used in ndd ' cry ' to distinguish it from ntid
' that not '.
iv. If the vowel be followed by 1, n or r, it may be long or
F2
68 PHONOLOGY 51
short : tdl ' pay ', dal ' hold ', can ' song ', can f white ' ; car ' rela-
tive ', car ' car '.
Each of these consonants may be etyraologically single or double.
Dill is from *dalg- 110 ii (2), so that the final 1 represents two root
consonants. In O. and Ml. W. final n and r when double in origin
were doubled in writing, as in penn, ' head ', Irish cenn, in other
cases of course remaining single as in hen ' old ', Irish sen ; thus the
principle that the vowel is short before two consonants, long before
one, applied. The final consonant is now written single even in words
like pen, and only doubled when a syllable is added, as in pennaf, cf.Eng.
sin (O. E. sinri) but sinner (though even medial -nn- is now sounded
-n- in Eng.). It is therefore necessary now to distinguish between long
and short vowels in these words by marking the vowels themselves.
&&- In a monosyllable, a long vowel followed by 1, n or r is circum-
flexed ; thus, tdl ' pay ', can, l song ', dor ' door ', del ' may come ', hyn
' older '. But i and u need not be circumflexed, since they are always
long before these consonants, except in prin, and in (= Ml. W. ynn
'to us '), and a few words from English as pin, Hil. The common
words dyn, hen, ol are seldom circumflexed.
Ml. W. -nn is still written in some words, e. g. in onn ' ash ' pi. ynn,
as in the names Llwyn Onn, Llwyn Ynn. Doubling the consonant is
preferable to marking the vowel when it is desired to avoid ambiguity,
as in cann ' white ', a yrr ' drives '. It is not sounded double now when
final ; but the consonant is distinctly longer e. g. in pen than in Jien.
In Corn., penn became pedn.
NOTE. The a is long in tdl ' forehead, front, end ', and was circum-
flexed down to the latter part of the i8th cent.; see D.D. s.v., G. 68.
The 1 is etymologically single, as is seen in the Gaulish name Cassi-
talos. In the spoken language the word survives only in place-names,
and is sounded short in such a name as Tal-y-bont because this has
become an improper compound accented on the ultima, 46 iii, so
that its first element has only a secondary accent, 49. When the
principal accent falls on it, it is long, as in Trwyn-y-tAl near the
Rivals. Tegiflil o tal, Edeirnaun, Idl B.B. 74 ' Tegeingl to its end,
Edeirnawn, [and] Yale.' The rhyme with Idl shows the quantity
of tdl.
Yfun araf, fain, eirian,
A'r t&lfal yr aur mdl mdn. D.G. 330.
' The calm, slender, bright girl, with the head like finely milled
gold.'
v. When the word ends in 11 the quantity varies. In N. W.
it is short in all such words except oil, Jioll ; in S. W. it is long,
except in gall ' can ', dull ' manner ', mwll ' sultry ', cyll ' loses ',
and possibly some others.
52 QUANTITY 69
vi. Many prepositions, adverbs and conjunctions, which are
long- by the above rules, by being often used as proclitics have
become short even when accented, more especially in N. W. ; as
rhag ' against ', heh ' without ', md, nod ' not ', dan ' under '
(originally one ), mal,fal,fel ' like', ag (written ac) ' and ', naff
(written nac) ' nor ' ; but ag ' with '.
The long vowel is preserved in some of these in S. W. The word
nes 'until', 215 i (2), was circumflexed even by N. W. writers as
late as the i8th cent., see nes G. 237 ; it is now sounded nes (already
nes in B.CW. 83, 115 beside nes 'nearer' 13, 109, no). In D.G. dan
' under ' has long a :
Serchog y cdn dan y dail. D.G. 225.
' Lovingly it sings under the leaves.'
52. i. If the vowel in a monosyllable is the first element of
a diphthong, its quantity depends chiefly upon the form of the
diphthong.
ii. The vowel is long in ae, oe, wy ; thus trded f feet ', den ' lamb ',
hwyr ' late ', cde ' field ', cdem f we might have ', doe ' yesterday ',
mwy ' more ', cwyn ( complaint ', hwynt ' they ', bloesg ' blaesus ',
rhwysg ' pomp ', mdent ' they are ', troent ' they might turn '.
But except before -sg, wy is short before two or more consonants or
m ; as twym, twymn, ' hot ', rhwym ' bound ' (also rhwym), cwymp ' fall '
(now pron. cwymp in N. W.), llwybr ' path ', rhwystr ' hindrance '
brwydr ' battle ', pwynt ' point ' ; hwynt is influenced by hwy ' they '.
Similarly mdent formed from, and influenced by mae. The other
cases are examples of contraction : caem < ca-em, trdent < tro-ynt.
iii. The vowel is short in all other falling diphthongs ; as bai
' fault ', byw ' alive ', trSi ' to turn ', llaid ' mud ', Inw ' wound ',
duw ' god ', bmoch ' cow ', haul ' sun ', aur ' gold ', dewr ' brave ',
bawd ' thumb ', mawl ' praise ', etc.
Exceptions: (i) In N. W. aw, ew are long when final only; as
taw ! ' be silent ', baw ' dirt ', llew ' lion ', tew ' fat ' ; otherwise short
as above. In S. W. the diphthongs are short in both cases.
(2) au is long in traul ' wear, expense ', paun ' peacock ', gwaudd
'daughter-in-law', ffau 'den', gwdun 'meadow', caul 'rennet',
pan 'country'. The form gwaen is a recent misspelling- of gwdun.
In West Gwynedd the word is pronounced gweun (e = &), Ml. W.
yweun, O. W. guoun.
(3) The vowel is long in du when contracted for a-au, as in pldu
' plagues ' ; but in cdu for cde-u, 202 iii, it is short. It is long in di
for a-ai, and di for o-ai when final, as gwndi, trot 3rd sg. impf. ; but
70 PHONOLOGY 53, 54
ui for o-ai not final, as in trois for tro-ais. On account of the long
vowel gwndi, trdi, etc. are generally sounded and often written gwnae,
troe, etc. ; but in the bards -di rhymes with ai, see wn&i / ehedai
G. 242. Both forms are seen in Ml. W. gwnai W.M. 25, 54> g^onay
B.M. 237 (ae=ay, 29 ii (i)).
(4) The vowel is long iu o'i, a'i, da i, etc., 33 v, of course
only when accented. In Ml. W. o'i, a'i are written oe, ae or oy, ay.
53. When the accent in a polysyllable falls on the ultima,
the above rales apply as if the ultima were a monosyllable ; thus,
short, pahdm l why ? ', penaig, 41 iii (2), parhau ' to continue ',
ywyrdroi ' to distort ' ; long, Cymraeg, par/idnt (for par/td-ant),
gwyrdrol (for gwyrdro-ai] ' he distorted ', penllad ' summum
bonum '.
In parhau, caniatau, etc., some recent writers circumflex the a,
possibly a practice first intended to indicate the long vowel in the
uncontracted form -ha-u, 54 iii. When contracted the o is short.
In D.D. and Bible (1620) it is not circumflexed. J.D.K. 144 writes
cadarnhdu. But see 55 ii.
54. In the accented penult
i. (i) The vowel is short, if followed by two or more conso-
nants, or by p, t, c, m, ng, 11, s ; as harddwck ' beauty ', plentyn
' child ', cannoedd ' hundreds ', byrrach ' shorter ', estron ' stranger ',
epil 'progeny', ateb 'answer', amen, ' to doubt ', angen 'need',
allan ' out ', lesu ' Jesus ', glandeg ( fair ', glanwaith ' cleanly ', tanio
* to fire ', tybiaf ( I suppose '. There is no exception to this rule,
though before m the vowel is sometimes wrongly lengthened in
words learnt from books, such as tramor * foreign ', amirys
' ambiguous '.
Silvan Evans marks many obsolete words, such as amwg, amug
with long a, for which there is no evidence whatever; it merely
represents his own misreading of Ml. W. -in-, which always stands
for -mm-.
(2) The consonants above named are each double in origin. In
Ml. W. t, c, s were usually doubled in this position, as atteb, racco
or racko, messur ; but -m- is generally written single, owing to the
clumsiness of -mm- and its frequency ; possibly -p-, which is not very
common, followed the analogy of -m- ; II and ng being digraphs can
hardly be doubled in writing. In early Bibles m and p are doubled ;
and Gr.K. wrote gallu, doubling / (his / = ff). As however each is
etymologically double (except in borrowed words), the double origin
54 QUANTITY 71
is sufficiently indicated by writing the letter ; thus ateb is necessarily
the same as atteb ; mesur is necessarily messur. So every medial or
final m, ng or 11 means mm, wn, or fttt etymologically, and is so
pronounced in the accented penult.
6w But in the case of n and r the consonant is not necessarily
douhle ; hence a distinction must be made between single and double
n and r. The a in cannu ' to whiten ' is short because it is followed
by nn, representing original nd (cf. Lat. candeo) ; the a in canu 'to
sing ' is medium because it is followed by a single n (cf. Lat. cano).
The distinction is made in nearly all Ml. MSS., and generally in Mn.
MSS. and printed books down to Pughe's time.
(3) The accented syllable is " closed " (stopped, blocked) by the first
of the two consonants, thus glan\deg, pl$n\tyn, cdn\nu. Even i and w
cause the preceding consonant to close the penult ; thus glan\waiih
from gldn ' clean '. Ml. scribes, knowing that the syllable was closed
by two consonants, and not knowing that the second in this case was
i or w, sometimes doubled the first consonant, as in dynnyon W.M. 32,
(g)lannweith R.M. 52 ; but as a rule, perhaps, it is written single, as
in dynyon R.M. 21, (g)lanweith w.M. 72. A consonant originally
double cannot be distinguished from one originally single in this case ;
thus tdn-io ' to fire ', from tdn ' fire ', and glan-io ' to land ', from glann
' shore ', form a perfect double rhyme. It is therefore unusual to
double the consonant in the modern language in these forms ; glannio
and torriad are written glanio and toriad, which adequately represent
the sound (cf. pentreffor penntref, etc.). Thus in ysgrifennwyd ' was
written ' the double n indicates that the w is a vowel; in ysgrifenwyr
' writers ', the single n indicates that the w is consonantal. Hence
some words like annwyl C.M. 70, synnwyr R.M. 116 are now written
with one n owing to a common, but by no means general, mispronuncia-
tion of wy as wif ; see P.IL. xcvi, where Llyr / ssynwyr is condemned
as a false rhyme.
ii. The vowel is medium if followed by b, d, g, flf, th, ch, 1,
single n, or single r ; as g6\baith 'hope', d\deg 'time', se\gur
' idle ', e\ffaith 'effect ', e\thol ' to elect \pe\chod ' sin ', cd\nu ' to
sing', 6o\re ' morning', cd\lan ' new year's day '.
In this case the accented syllable is " open " (free), that is, it ends
with the vowel, and the consonant is carried on to the next syllable.
See 50, Note; 27 i.
In a few forms we have a short vowel before 1, as in lSl\o (often
mis-read I6\lo) ; cal\on ' heart ' ; c$l\yn ' sting ', 0. W. colginn JUV. ;
btl\wst 'colic' < *bolg-; dtl\ir 'is held' for d$l\iir 36 i <*^/jm
In Ml. W. such forms are written with double 1, 22 ii.
Double I cannot be from original II, which gives the voiceless "Welsh
II (U). It occurs only in a new hypocoristic doubling as in fol-lo, or
where a consonant now lost closed the syllable before disappearing :
72 PHONOLOGY 55
in colon the lost consonant is w ; in colyn it is i < 3 ; w drops before o,
and i before y 36 iii, ii; colon (Corn, colon, Bret. Jcalon, kaloun)
< *kaluond- : W. coZweS B.A. 6 ' heart ', coludd ' entrail ' : Skr.
krodd-h ' breast, interior ' : G!k. ^oXaSes, O. Bulg. zelad-'&ku ' maw ' with
gh- (q/gh alternation). For Early Mn. W. calyn ' to follow ' the
Ml. canlyn has been restored in writing.
A short vowel also occurs in cddwn, tybir, etc. 36 i.
iii. The vowel is long if followed by a vowel or h ; as e\og
( salmon ', de-hau ' right, south ', Gwen\llt\an.
iv. It is short in all falling diphthongs; as cae\ad 'lid',
mwy\af 'most', llei\af 'least', rhwy\dau 'nets', llwy\brau
'paths', htu\log 'sunny', teiv\dwr 'thickness', byw\yd 'life',
cndw\dol e carnal '.
But in N. W. the vowel is medium in aw, ew, iw before a vowel,
that is the w is heterosyllabic ; thus td\wd ' silent ', te\wi ' to be
silent ', lle\wod ' lions ', ni wed ' harm '. In S. W., however, these are
sounded taw\el, t$w\i, iWw od, ntw\ed.
65. i. The above are the quantities of the vowels in the Mn.
language. They were probably the same in Ml. W. where the
vowel is simple. Thus map or mab, tat, givac had a long a like
their modern equivalents mad, tad, gwdg ; for where the vowel
was short and the final consonant voiceless ( = Mn. p, t, c), the
latter was doubled, as in bratt R.G. 1117, Mn. W. bratt D.D., or
Irat ( = brat} ( rag, apron '. In the case of Ml. single -t, both the
long vowel and the voiced consonant are attested in the spelling
of foreigners ; thus the place-name which is now Bod Feiriy,
which in Ml. W. spelling would be *ot veuruc, appears in
Norman spelling in the Extent of Anglesey, dated 1294, as
Bode-ueuryk (Seebohm, Trib. Sys. 1 App. 6), where bode doubtless
means bod, the Mn. W. sound. Again in the Extent of Denbigh,
dated 1335, the Mn. W. RJtos appears as Roos (op. cit. 72), show-
ing the vowel to be long before s then as now. The N. W. long
vowel before st is attested in 1296 in the Ruthin Court Rolls
p. 15, 1. 10 in the spelling Neeste of the name Nest. The dis-
tinction between medium and short in the penult is everywhere
implied in Ml. spelling ; and we are told in R.G. 1120 that the
vowel is long when followed by another, as the i in Gwenlliant,
Mn. W. Gwen-lli-an. Thus the quantity of a simple vowel was
56 QUANTITY 73
generally the same in all positions in Ml. and Mn, W., even local
usage agreeing ; except in shortened words 51 vi.
ii. But in diphthongs many changes must have taken place.
As a " vowel before a vowel " was long then as now, tro-'i must
have had a long o, so that, when first contracted, it was still long ;
it remains long in Montgomeryshire ; thus the short o in
troi is probably late. Similarly short ei for e-i, du for a-u, 6u
for o-u. Other diphthongs also probably differ, and we can infer
nothing as to Ml. W. quantity in diphthongs from the Mn. W.
pronunciation.
58. i. The quantity of a vowel in British determines its quality
in Welsh ; but its quantity in Welsh depends, as we have seen, on the
consonantal elements which follow it in the syllable.
ii. A short accented vowel in Brit, or Latin followed by a single
consonant was lengthened in Welsh; thus Brit. *talos gave tdl, 51 iv
Note, *rdta (cognate with Lat. rota) gave rhod, Lat. sonus gave son,
etc. This took place after the change in the quality of long vowels,
for while original a gives aw 71, long a lengthened from a remains d.
It also took place after the reduction of pp, tt, cc intoff, th, ch, for the
latter are treated as single consonants for this purpose ; thus Lat.
saccus became *sa%os with single ^, which gives sack ( = sd^) in
Welsh. Long vowels remained long, as in ptir from Lat. purus.
On the other hand, a vowel originally long was shortened before two
consonants ; thus the o of Lat. forma became U, which was shortened
in the Welsh ffurf. Hence the general rule 51 i, which probably goes
back to Early Welsh and beyond ; for the lengthening of short
vowels originated at the time of the loss of the ending, and is due
to compensation for that loss.
iii. There is no reason to suppose that this lengthening took place
only in monosyllables. Thus O. W. litan ' wide ' (: Gaul, litanos in
KoyKo-Airavos, Smertu-litanus, etc., Ir. lethan) was probably sounded
*lly-dan, while guinlann was doubtless *gwM(l)ann. In Ml. W.
when the ultima became unaccented this distinction was lost, the a of
ll'ydan being shortened, 49, and the nn of gwm-llann being simpli-
fied, 27 ii. The rule forbidding the rhyming of such a pair was
handed down from the older period, and is given in B.G. 1136 ; such
a rhyme is called trwm ac ysgawn 'heavy [with 2 consonants] and
light [with one] '. But the bard's ear no longer detected any difference
in the unaccented ultima ; he is therefore instructed to add a syllable
to find out whether the syllable is "heavy" or "light": kallonneu
(11 = 1-1) is given as an example to show that the on(n) of kallon [sic]
is " heavy ", and amkaneu to show that the an of amkan is " light ".
The Early Ml. bards avoid trwm ac ysgawn ; but in the first poem in
B.B., where the rhyme is -ann, several forms in -an occur, as imuan i
(: gwanaf ' I wound '), darogan 7 (: canaf ' I sing '), which shows that
74 PHONOLOGY 57, 58
the distinction was beginning to disappear. The Late Ml. poets frankly
give it up ; e.g. Ca. bychan / glan / kyvan(ri) / diflan(ri) / daroganf . . .
kalan(n) / kan / Ieuan(n), K.P. 1233-4. Yet in O. W. the distinction
was a real one, for it is reflected in the ordinary spelling of words ; as
bichan ox. 'little' (cf. in/chanet W.M. 44, K.M. 31), atar ox. 'birds'
(cf. adaren B.B. 107), scribeuu M.C. 'writing' (cf. yscrivenuu IL.A. 2),
comnn ox., guinlaun. JUV M etc. The dimin. endings -yn, -en appear
as -z'nn, -mn ; the pi. ending -ion is always -ton.
iv. In the unaccented penult in 0. W. the distinction between an
open and a closed syllable was preserved ; the vowel must have been
shorter in the latter, as it was later when the penult became accented.
v. The diversity in the present quantity of vowels before U and ,
and the fixing of the present quantities of diphthongs, are due to
complicated actions of analogy, which it would take too much space
here to attempt to trace.
THE ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC
57. Parent Aryan had the following vowel-system :
Short vowels a e i o u a
Long- vowels a e i o u
Short diphthongs ai ei oi au eu cm
Long diphthongs ai ei 6i au eu 6u
Short vocalic 1 m n
Long vocalic 1 m n j
e and o were probably pronounced open ; u has of course its Latin
value = "Welsh w (not Welsh u) ; 9 was an obscure vowel whose exact
quality is uncertain, but which was probably not unlike W. y ; vocalic
1, m, n, r arose from reduced el, em, en, er ; when long they repre-
sent the contracted reductions of two syllables 63 vii (2).
58. i. The Aryan short vowels remained unchanged in
Primitive Keltic, except a, which became a as in all the other
branches except Indo-Iranian, in which it became /, see vii below.
ii. Ar. a (Lat. a, Gk. a). Lat. dacruma (facruma), Gk. SaKpv,
Goth, iagr : W. pi. dagrau 'tears' < Pr. Kelt. *daknnia. Ar.
*ago > Lat. ago, Gk. ayco : Ir. off aim ' I drive', W. of for a-af
for *az<zf 'I go ' < Pr. Kelt. *ag-. Lat. sal, salis, Gk. aAy,
Goth, salt : Ir. salann, W. Jialen ' salt' < Pr. Kelt. *sal-.
iii. Ar. e (Lat. e, Gk. e). Ar. *bher- > it&t.fero, Gk. 0ep<w,
O. E. leran ' to bear' : Ir. berimm ' I bear', W. ad-feraf 'I re-
59 ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC 75
store ' < Pr. Kelt. *ber-. Ar. * medhu- > Gk. peQv ' wine ',
O. H. G. metu ' mead ', O. Bulg. medu ' honey ', Skr. mddhu
( honey' : W. medd ' mead', meddw f drunk ' < Pr. Kelt, *med^l-
*medu-. Ar. * ekiMS > Lat. equns, Skr. dsva-h : Ir. ech ' horse ',
Gaul. Epo- (in Epo-redia, etc.), W. eb-ol' colt' < Pr. Kelt. *eku-.
iv. Ar. i (Lat. i, Gk. *). Ar. *?W- (</ueid- 'see, know') >
Lat. video ' I see ', Gk. Horn. FiSfJitv, Goth, ivitum ' we know ' :
Ir. fas ' knowledge ', W. gwys ' summons ' < Pr. Kelt. *ui8-,
87 ii. Ar. *uliqfl- (Vueleicf*- ' wet ') > Lat. liqueo : Ir. fliuch
' wet ', W. gwlylt ' wet ' < Pr. Kelt. * ulicj*-.
v. Ar. o (Lat. <?, Gk. o). Ar. *o%to(u) > Lat. 0^0, Gk. OKTU :
Ir. oc/^, W. wyth 'eight' < Pr. Kelt. *oktd t 69 iv (2). Ai\
* logh- (Vlegh- 'lie') > Gk. Xoxos 'bed, couch, ambush', O.
Bulg-. s^-logu ( consors tori ' : W. go-lo-i, R. p. 1040, ' to lay, bury '
<Pr. Kelt. *%-. Ar. *tog- (V (#)theg- ' cover')>Lat. toga : W.
to 'roof, 104 ii (2).
vi. Ar. u (Lat. u, Gk. v). Ar. weak stem *$*- > Gk. gen.
sg. KVVOS, Goth, bunds, Skr. gen. sg. sunah : W. pi. cwn * dogs ' <
Pr. Kelt. *kun-es. Ar. *sru-t- (V reu- 'flow') > Gk. pvros
f flowing ', Skr. srutdk ' flowing ', Lith. sruta ' dung-water ' :
Ir. snith ' stream ', W. rhwd ( dung- water ' < Pr. Kelt. *srut-.
vii. Ar. 9 (see i). Ar. *pUr *pster- > Lat. pater, Gk. irarrjp,
Goth, fadar, Arm. hair, Skr. pitdr- : Ir. athir 'father' < Pr.
Kelt. *(p)atir. Ar. *szt- (*/&e- 'sow')>Lat. satus : W. had
'seed' < Pr. Kelt. **at-, 63 vi (i).
59. i. The Aryan long vowels a, i, u remained ; but e be-
came I ; and 6 in stem syllables became a, in final syllables u.
ii. Ar. a (Lat. a, Gk. Dor. a, Att. Ion. 77). Ar. *6&rdt-er,
-er-, -or, -or- > ~L&i.f rater, Gk. Dor. <f>paTr)p ' member of a clan ',
Goth, brofiar, Skr. bhrdtar- : Ir. Irdthir, W. brawd ' brother ', pi.
broder, brodorion 124 i < Pr. Kelt. *brdt-lr, -er-, -or-. Ar.
*mdt-er, -er-, -r- > Lat. mater, Gk. Dor. pdrrip, Skr. mdtdr- :
Ir. mdthir ' mother ', W. modr-yb ' aunt ' < Pr. Kelt. *indt-er, -r-.
iii. Ar. e (Lat. e, Gk. 77). Lat. verus, O.. Bulg. vera ' faith ' :
Ir./w-, W. gwlr 'true ' < Pr. Kelt. *ttlros. Lat. rex, Skr. raj-
' king ' : Ir. rl, Gaul, rlx, W. rhl < Pr. Kelt. *riks, *rig-.
iv. Ar. I (Lat. , Gk. I). Ar. *qril- (V<j*reid- ' buy ') > Skr.
krildh ' bought ' : Ir. crtthid ' inclined to buy ', W. pnd
76 PHONOLOGY 60, 61
' precious ' < *Pr. Kelt, cpflt,-. O. H. G. rim, O. E. rim ' number ' :
Ir. rim, W. rJilf ' number ' < Pr. Kelt. *rim-. Ar. suffix *-lno-,
as in Lat. su-mus : W. -in 153 (10) < Pr. Kelt. *-lno-.
v. Ar. 6 (Lat. o, Gk. co). Lat. odor, Gk. O>KV$, Skr. dSit/i
' quick ' : Ml. W. di-awc, Mn. W. di-og ' idle ' < Pr. Kelt. *dk-u*.
Lat. ignotus, notus, Gk. yvtoros : Ir. gndth ' known, accustomed ',
W. gnawd 'customary ' < Pr. Kelt. *gnato*. Lat. ^05, O. H. G.
lluot 'bloom': Ir. Math, Ml. W. Uawt 'blossom' < Pr. Kelt.
*bldt-.
In final syllables Ar. 6 > Kelt, u ; this became ti, kter I in
Brit., and affected a preceding vowel, 69 i ; it remains as -I in
W. cl ' dog ' 132 (i). But when followed by a final nasal o be-
came o in Pr. Kelt. ; thus Ir. gen. }?\.fer ( of men ' implies *uiron
from *uirom *-om : Gk. -a>/).
vi. Ar. u (Lat. u, Gk. v). Lat. tu, Gk. rv-vr), O. Icel. fru,
A vest, tu : Ir. tu, W. tl c thou ' < Pr. Kelt. *tu. O. H. G. runa,
O. Icel. run ' secret, rune ' : Ir. run, W. rhln c secret ' < Pr. Kelt.
*/-. Lat. culus : Ir.cul, W. dl 'back' < Pr. Kelt. *kul-.
60. The Aryan short diphthongs remained in Pr. Kelt. ;
see examples in 75, 76. In the long diphthongs the long
vowels developed as elsewhere ; thus ai, au remained ; ei > li ;
eu > lu ; in syllables not final 6i, 6u became ai, au respectively ;
in final syllables 6i>ui, later doubtless u, but seemingly still
written -ovi in Gaulish, Rhys CIG. 5 ; 6u>uu ; 75, 76.
61. i. (i) Aryan 1, (Lat. ul, or ; Gk. aX, Xa, ap, pa ;
Germ, ul, iir ; Skr. r, r) probably remained in Pr. Kelt., but
developed in all the groups as li, ri. Thus Ar. *m^c-t- (Vmelg-
' milk ') > Lat. mulctus : Ir. mlicJit, blicht, W. blith ' milch ' <
*mlikt-<T. Kelt. *m%kt- (W.ar-mel 'the second milk', mel-fock
'suckling pigs ' < F-grade *melg-). Ar. *^-t- (\/%el- 'hide')
>Lat. oc-cult-us : Ir. clethi 'celandum', W. clyd 'sheltered'
< Pr. Kelt. *M-. Ar. *pft- (</per-)>Ia,\,.porfa8 t O.H.G.furt :
Gaul, -ritum, O. W. rit, Mn. W. rhyd ' ford ' < Pr. Kelt, *(/^-.
Ar. *q*r > m-is ' worm '> Skr. krmi-k, Lith. kirmis : Ir. cruim,
'worm'<Pr. Kelt. *tfgmi*. Ar. *dr&- (</ fhrb~) > Gk.
' I saw ', Skr. dfs- ' look ' : Ir. drech ' aspect ', W. drych
* appearance ', e-drychaf ' I look ' < Pr. Kelt. *dfk-.
62 ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC 77
Ir. cru comes from q^ri before i, e or u, as shown by cruimiher
' priest ' which appears in ogam as q^rimitir < Early W. primter,
Thurneysen Gr. 135; therefore this proves nothing as to Kelt. r. But
Kelt. *rk gave Brit. *rkk > "W. rych as in drych above, rhych < *prk-
101 iii (i), Zupitza KZ. xxxv 256, while Kelt, rik gives W. ryg as
in cryg 101 ii (2).
(a) Before vowels and i and u, Ar. preserved an older form of
these sounds, which we may write e l, e r, where e represents an
indistinct or murmured vowel. These give Kelt, ar, al, see
63 iii.
ii. Ar. 1, r (Lat. Id, rd ; Skr. Ir, ur for both) appear in Pr.
Kelt, as la, ra. Thus Ar. *pl-no- ' full' (Vpele-) >Skr. purnd-h
: Ir. Ian, W. ttawn f full ' < Pr. Kelt. *(p)ldnos.Ax. *mLt-
(Vmeld- 'grind ') > W. blawd 'flour' < Pr. Kelt. *mldt-. Ar. *grn-
(</gerd 3; - 'rub, grind') >Lat. grdnum, Skr. jlrnd-h ' worn out' :
Ir. gran, W. grawn ' grain ' < Pr. Kelt. *grdn-. See 63 vii (2).
62. i. (i) Ar. m, n (Lat. em, en ; Gk. a ; Germ, urn, un ;
Skr. a) remained in Pr. Kelt., and appear as am, an in Brit,
and Gaul., and *em, *en in Ir. (becoming e before c, t, and
im, in before b, d, g}. Thus Ar. Icrgtom ' hundred ' > Lat.
cen^tm, Gk. Z-KCITOV, Goth, hund, Lith. szimtas, Skr. satd-m :
Ir. cef, W. cant. Ar. *dnt- ' tooth ' > Lat. dent-, Goth, tun/ms,
Skr. dat- : Ir. det, W. dant. Ar. *- negative prefix > Lat. in-,
Gk. a-, Germ, un- : Ir. in-gnatli ' unwonted ', e-trocar ' un-
merciful', W. an- 156 i (5).
(2) Before vowels and i and u, the forms were e m, e n, see
61 i (2) ; these gave am, an in Kelt., and appear so in Ir. and
W. ; thus W. adanedd ' wings ' < *p e tjwid8 ; O. W. -ham, W.
-(h)af spv. suffix <*-is e mos. But when e n followed the accent
it seems to have become ann in Kelt, (through nn ?) ; thus Ir.
anmann ' names' < *dnm e na < *dii9m e 'nd 121 iv, 63 v (2) ;
Ir. Erenn ' of Ireland ' < *eriann < *luerii.n-os beside W. Iwerbon
f\ "6
' Ireland ' < *luerion- ; Brit. Britann- < *q*rit e n- 3 iii ; with
the same suffix W. pell-enn-ig ' stranger' ; W. griddfan ' groan '
pi. griddfannau 203 ii (4) ; "W. Gofannon, Gaul. Gobannicnos,
Ir. goba ' smith ', gen. gobann ; etc. Final -ann either remains
as -an, or is reduced to -a 110 v (2), or tended to become -ant
(through -and?) 121 iv, 203 ii (4).
78 PHONOLOGY 63
This development is precisely parallel to that of the It-grade of ei
after the accent in Brit., which gave cm > "W. -oeS, the second i
becoming 8. Similarly oil after the accent gives W. -eu, prob. from
'-ouu- 76 iii (2).
ii. Ar. in, n were doubtless ma, na in Pr. Kelt. Thus Ar.
*sn- (R 2 of Vsene-, see 63 vii (2)), >Ir. snd-that, W. no-dwy<Jrl
{ needle '. Ir. gndth, W. gnawd ' known, accustomed ' might be
from *gn- like Lat. gnd-rus, but is more probably from *gno- like
Lat. ndtns, J gene-. The Gaul, -gnatus ' born ' is assumed to have
a, in which case it may be from *gn- ; but it may have a from d,
like W. ynad 'judge', Early Ml. W. pi. Jiygneid B.B. 10, 84
seno-gnat- ' elder ' < *gn.9-t-, Vgene- ' give birth '.
ARYAN VOWEL GRADATION
63. i. In Parent Aryan, while the consonants of any morphological
element were comparatively stable, its vocalism varied according to
circumstances ; thisvariation is called " vowel gradation " or " ablaut ".
The system is similar to, but less highly developed than, that of the
Semitic languages, in which the only fixed elements of a word are its
consonantal skeleton. In Aryan what may be regarded as the
standard vowel was e ; this is the full grade, and may be denoted by
F. It interchanged with o ; this grade may be denoted by F. In
either case the vowel might be lengthened, becoming e or 5 ; the
lengthened grades may be denoted by L and L. The vowel might
become more or less indistinct ; in this case we write it below the line
thus e ; this is the reduced grade, R. Lastly it might vanish altogether ;
this is the vanishing grade, V. The same syllable in different com-
binations may occur in any or all of these grades.
ii. Taking the root *sed- ' sit ' as an example, the system is as
follows (for z in V-grade see 97) :
V R F F L L
zd s e d sed sod sed s~>d
Examples : V *-zd- : W. nyih, Lat. nidus, E. nest, etc. < Ar.
*ni-zd-os 97 ii, W. sytli < *si-zd-, ibid. R *s e d- : W. had!
< *s e d-lo- 111 vii (i). F *sed-: W. gorsedd 'high seat' < Kelt.
*uer-en-sed- ; eistedd ' to sit ' met. for *eitsedd < *ati-en-sed- ; Gaul.
esseda ' war-chariot ' < *en-sed- ; W. annedd ' dwelling ' for ann-hedd
< *^do-sed-, cyntedd ' porch ' < *Jcintu-sed-; heddwch 'peace' <*sed-;
Lat. sedeo, etc. F *sod- : W. hudd-ygl, Ir. suide ' soot ' 1 00 v ; "W".
arcs 'to stay' < *p e ri-sod-t- 187 iii. L *sed-: Lat. sedes, whence
W. swydd ' office '. L *sod- : W. soddi ' to sink ', saicdd ' subsidence '
< *sod-, O.E. sot, E. soot.
63 VOWEL GRADATION 79
Ved- ' eat ' : V *d- : W. dant, Lat. dent-, etc. < *d-nt- (parti-
cipial stem) '*eater'. F *ed-: W. ys 'eats' < *et s ti < *ed-ti, Lat.
edo, est. L *ed- : Lat. in-edia, Skr. adydh ' eatable '.
Vret- ' run ' : F *ret- : W. rhedaf ' I run ', gwa-redaf ' I succour ',
Gaul. Vo-reto-. F *rot- : IT. roth, W. rhod ' wheel ', Lat, rota. L
*rot- : W. rhawd ' troop ', Ml. W. gwarawt ' he succoured ' < *uo-rat-
< *upo-(re)rote.
In Kelt. e becomes a before explosives, as well as before I, r, m, n,
see iii below. Thus W. adar ' birds ' < *2 ) e t e r ~ > adanedd ' wings '
< *p e t e niids ; beside edn ' bird ' < *j>etn-, V pet- ' fly '. In Italic also
we seem to have a for it, as in Lat. quattuor < *q^ e tuores; in Gk.
i in TriVvpes; Hirt, Abl. 15, Meillet, Intr. 2 73.
iii. When the vowel is followed by one of the sonants I, r, m, n, the
scheme is as follows, er being taken as the example :
V R F F L L
r r r er or er or
o
Examples: suffix *-ter-\ V *-tr-: W. modryb 'aunt' < ma-tr-q^-i,
Lat. gen. ma-tr-ia. R*-r-: Skr. md-tr-ka 'grandmother'. F *-ter- :
W. bro-der ' brothers', Gk. ace. ira-rep-a. F *-tor- : W. bro-dor-ion
'brothers, clansmen', Gk. ace. <f>pd-Top-a. L *-ter- : Gk. Trcrnyp. L
-tor- : Gk. <f>pa-T(ap.
Vbher- ' bear ' : R *&^- : W. cymryd ' to take ' < *kom-bhr-t-
F *bher- : W. cymeraf I take ' < *kom-bher- ; Lat. fero, Gk.
(fifpu, etc.
Vkel- 'hide' : R *fc|- : "W. clyd ' sheltered' < *kl-t-, Lat. occultus
61 i (i). F *Jcel- : W. celaf'I conceal'. L *kel-: Lat. cel-o.
Before these sonants c appears as a in Kelt., giving al, ar, am, an.
In other branches thus : Ar. e l, e r give Gk. oA, ap, Lat. al, ar, Germ.
ul, ur, Skr. ir ur (for both), Lith. il ul, ir ur; Ar. f m, e n give Gk.
a/A, av, Lat. am, an or em, en (venio 1 00 i (4), tennis below), Germ.
um, un, Skr. am, an, Lith. im um, in un.
The V-grade occurs only before vowels. The form r, n, etc. of the
R-grade occurs only before consonants ; the form e r, e n, etc. before
vowels, and before i and u. Where in the derived languages the latter
appears before other consonants, a vowel following it has been elided
since the Ar. period. I use ' to mark this elision.
Examples : V-grade of el in "W. glas ' green ' see vii (3) ; of er in
rhann vii (2) ; of en in glin vii (4).
R-grade before consonants, I, r, m, n, see examples in 61, 62.
R-grade before vowels: W. malaf 'I grind' < *m e l-, Vmeld x -
' grind '; araith 'speech', Ir. airecht < * e req-t-, Vereq- 'speak':
O. Bulg. rekq, ' I speak ' (with V-grade of ist syll.)-; archaf ' I ask ',
Ir. arco < Kelt. *ar'k - < *;y e &-, <Sy>erek- : Lat. precor (with V-grade
of ist syll.); carr 'car', Ir. carr, Gaul. (-Lat.) carr(-us) < Pr. Kelt.
*kar'sot : Lat. currus < *qrs-os ; darn ' fragment ' < *d e r'n- <
*d e ry-n- : Skr. dlrndh ' split," divided ' < *drn- < *d e r9-n-, V dera-
80 PHONOLOGY 63
' split ' ; so sarn ' causeway ' : Skr. stirndh ' strewn ', Vsterd- ;
earn 'hoof, Galat. ndpvov 'trumpet' : Vkera x (u)- ; teneu 'thin',
Corn, tanow, Ir. tana : Gk. raw-, Lat. tennis, Skr. tami-h, all < Ar.
*t e nu- ; hafal ' like, equal ', Ir. samail ' likeness ' < *s e m e l- : Lat.
similis ; ganed ' was born ' < *g e n-, *S gene-.
R-grade before u : W. carw ' deer ' < *k e ru-os : Lat. cervus
< *keru-os ; marw ' dead ' : Lat. mortuus 204 ii (5); before i :
W. myned 100 iv?
The forms I, r, m, n are generally classed as V-grade ; but the
vowel of the syllable cannot be said to have vanished when it has
converted the consonant r into the vowel r. In fact r is the form that
e r takes before a consonant, and must therefore be the same grade.
iv. The treatment of the diphthongs ei, eu (properly ei, eu) is parallel,
i and u corresponding to I, r, m, n, and vocalic i, u to vocalic Z, r, m, n.
Thus:''
V R F F L L
i i, ( e i >) ii ei oi ei oi
u u, ( e u > ) uu eu ou eu ou
The R-grade forms i, u occur before consonants only ; the forms gt,
e u, which became ii, uu, occur before vowels.
Examples : V-grade : W. berwi ' to boil ', Lat. ferveo < *bheru- t
Vbhereu- ; W. duw ' god ' < *dwyw, Lat. deus both < *deiu-os,
V deieu-, vii (4).
V ueid- ' see, know ' : R : gwedd ' aspect ' < *uid-a ; gwys
' summons ', gwys ' it is known ', both < *uit s t- < *uid-t- ; Lat.
vid-eo; F: gwydd 'presence' < *ueid-, arwydd 'sign' < *p e ri-ueid-;
Gk. ei8o/u ; F : Gk. olSa < *uoid-a.
Vkleu- 'hear': R: clod 'praise' < *&lu-to-m 66 v; Gk.
Kf-K\v-6i; F: dust 'ear' < *khu-t-st- 96 ii (3).
VdeuJc- 'lead': R: dyg-af 'I bring', dwg 'brings' < *duk~;
dwyn ' to bring ' < *duk-n- ; F : Lat. duco, O. Lat. douc-o, Goth.
tiuh-an < *deuk-; L: dug 'brought' < *(du)-douk-, 182 ii (2).
The V-grade disappears between consonants ; see V q&neid- vii (4)
Vgeneu- ib. ; see viii (2) and 100 ii (2).
v. (i) As seen above, Ar. had the vowel e interchanging with o ;
the vowels i and u are secondary, being vocalized forms of i and u.
(2) a occurred in Ar. only in special cases, which Meillet, Intr. 2
139 gives thus : i. in child-language, as Skr. tata, Gk. TO.TO., Lat. tata,
W.tada; 2. in certain isolated words, possibly borrowed, as Lat.
faba ; 3. in a few endings, as 3rd sg. mid. *-tai, Gk. -rat, Skr. -te ; and
4. initially, interchanging with zero, as Gk. aa-rfjp : Lat. Stella, W.
seren, E. star.
As shown by Meillet (ib. 1 40) initial a- may coexist with the F- or
L-grade of the following syll., as in Gk. a.(F)iu with F *ueg- beside
avo>, Lat. augeo with V *ug- ; cf. aa-rrjp. This seems to imply that
a- might be a movable preformative, but it does not prove that it was
& 63 VOWEL GRADATION 81
5
outside the ablaut system ; in fact, the common gradation a : 9
necessarily implies the ablaut of a, as e : 9 does that of e ',' see vi.
Many indications point to a being an Ar. survival of a pre-Aryan
sole vowel a, which ordinarily split up in Ar. into e and o. It is pre-
served in child-language because this is conservative ; thus while Ar.
*tata gives W. tad ' father ', in W. child-speech it remains as tdda.
In the ordinary language a stands side by side with e/o, or occurs
where we should expect e/o, in the following cases: i. initially;
2. before *9 or i; 3. before gutturals. Thus i. at-, ati- : et-,eti- pref.
and adv. 'beyond, and, but' 222 i (3); O. W. anu, Ir. ainm 'name'
< *dn(9)mn, Armen. anun 'name' : Gk. oi/o/xa < *6nmn, Vono-/ano~.
2. The ending of the neut. pi. nom.-acc. is *-9 ; now the neut. pi. of
o/e-stems is -a from *-;?, where *-a- represents the stem vowel
instead of -o- (or -e-) ; similarly the fern, of o/e-stems is formed with
-a- for *-a9-; but io/ie-siems have beside -id- < *-ia9- the fern, form
-ie- < *-ie9-. Cf. also a : o ix below. In the dat. sg. of cons, stems
both -ai and -ei occur, as Gk. infin. suff. -/zei/cu : Osc. diuvei, paterei,
Solmsen KZ. xliv 161 ff.
In the positions indicated, a has R- and L-grades. Thus, i. Initially:
F *am- in Gk. a^i, Lat. arnbi- : R *m- in Ir. imb, imm, W. am, ym-,
Skr. abhi-tah (a- < *ra-) ' on both sides ' ; F *ar- in "W. arth, Gk.
a/DKTos : R *r- in Lat. ursus, Skr. rksah 98 i (2) ; F *ag- in Lat.
ago, Gk. <ryo> : L *ag- in Lat. amb-dges. 2. Before 9 or i : F *a
( < *a?) : R *9, see vi ; F *ai- in Gk. aWw, Ir. aed ' fire ', W. aelwyd
: R *i- in Skr. idh-md-s 'firewood'. For the fern, of io/ie-stems
there is beside -id- and -ie- a form -I- ; this may be explained thus :
RF *iia9, *iie9 give iia, tie : RR *iia>l, vii (2). Cf. vii (5).
3. Before gutturals : Vale- : oq- ' sharp, rugged ', as Gk. occpis,
ovs, Lat. ocris, W. oc^r : Gk. ax/oo?, Lat. acws, W. (h)agr ' ugly ' ;
Vdek/gh- ' to seem good, acceptable ; to apprehend, teach ' ; e in
Lat. decus, decet, Ir. dech, deg, ' best ' : o in Lat. doceo, Gk. OKC<I>,
ooyfjia : a in Gk. SiScur/cw (< *8i8aK<rKO)), 8t8ax^, "W. da 'good'
< *dag-, Gaul. Dago-, Ir. cfo<7- ' good '.
vi. (i) The long vowels e, o, a had R- and V-grades ; e had also the
F-grade o. The R-grade of each is 9. Before a vowel 9 regularly
disappears, giving the V-grade, as in Skr. dd-d-ati ' they give ', where
-d- is the V-grade of Vdo-. It also occurs before consonants, as in
Skr. da-d-mdh ' we give ' beside Gk. 8i-8o-p.ev ; but the disappearance
of 9 between consonants is believed to be due to analogy or elision
after the Ar. period. It is however lost in syllables not initial or
final in Germ., Balt.-Slav., Armenian, Iranian ; Meillet, Dial. 63.
9 appears to come from a guttural spirant resembling 5 ( 1 10 ii (2) ),
which played the same part as the sonants, so that the ablaut series
of e is parallel to that of ei or er, the F-grade e being for *e% ; thus
V (9 non-syllabic, lost) ; R 9 (syllabic) ; F e for *e$ ; F o for *09 ;
corresponding to V i (non-syllabic) ; R i (syllabic) ; F ei ', F oi.
This explains why 9 is the R-grade of all the long vowels.
1402 G
82 PHONOLOGY 63
In cases where the F-grade has not survived, or has survived only
in Indo-Iranian, where a, I, d all appear as a, so that the quality of
the vowel is unknown, it is usual to write it d x .
Examples: Vdo- 'give': F: dawn 'gift' < *do-n~; Lat. do-num;
Gk. Si-a>-/u. V : rfio-S-ant ' they give ' < *pro-d-nti ; Skr. dd-d-ati
<*de-d-nti. Vdhe- 'put': F: Gk. Ti-Orj-fju.; V: rJio-8-ant
'they put'. See 179 ii.
Vsiha- 'stand': R : gwa-sta-d 'level' < *upo-stha-t- ; Lat.
std-tus ; W. sa-f ' stand ' <*sth,9-m- 203 vii (5) ; F : saw-dl ' heel '
< *stJia-tl-.
Vse- ' sow ' : R : had ' seed ' < Ar. *s)-t- ; Lat. sd-tus. F : hll
' progeny ', Ir. sil < *se-l- ; Lat. se-vi, se-men.
(2) 9 generally appears as a in the European languages, as in the
above examples. (Cf. 110 ii (2).) But in Gk. if the F-grade is e
or 5, the R-grade often appears as e or o. Elsewhere e beside a is
probably to be explained as due to a variant of the root, with short
vowel ; thus W. tref, O. W. treb ' homestead ' < *treb- ; Lat. trabs
< *tr9b- Gk. rcpffjivov, repafivov both < *te?9b- ; Vtereb-.
vii. (i) As a rule the same morphological element could not contain
two F-grade syllables, though, of course, a word, made up of more
than one element, might. The diversity in different languages of
words of the same origin is largely due to the preservation of various
groupings of grades ; see for example *q*etuer- in (4) below.
(2) A large number of roots were disyllabic. A characteristic
form of Ar. root had a short vowel in the first syllable and a long in
the second. A very common form of reduction was RR, i.e. R-grade
of both syllables. When the consonant between the vowels was one
of the sonants i, u, RR was e i9, e u9, which gave ii&, uu9 ; these were
generally contracted to I, u respectively ; we may call this contraction
R 2 . On the analogy of these it is assumed that RR e l9, e r&, e m9, e n9
gave respectively R 2 I, r, m, n, 61 ii, 62 ii. The uncontracted
RR forms also survived, as in Gk. TraAa/xr; < *p e l9-md, Vpeld-, beside
W. llaw(f), Ir. lam < Kelt. *la-ina < *p\-ma ; W. taradr ' auger ',
Ir. tarathar < ER *t e r9-tr-, beside Gk. reperpov < FR *tera-tr-, Vtere-
' bore ' ; W. rhaeadr ' cataract ' < RR *rii9-tr-, beside Lat. rivus
<R 2 *ri-, Vreia- 'flow'. In many cases the 9 dropped, see vi (i),
as in Lat. palma < *p^,{9)-ma ; we may denote this by R(R). Beside
these we also have VR forms 19, r9, my, n9 ; thus beside W. gwaladr
' ruler ' < RR *u e l9-tr-, we have W. gwlad ' country ', Ir.Jlaith ' lord-
ship ' < VR *uld-t-, Vuele(i}- (: Lat. valere, E. wield); W. gwldn
' wool ' < VR *ul9n-a, beside Lat. Idna, Skr. urnd < R 2 *uln-a ;
W. rhann ' share ', Ir. rann id. < VR *prj-t-sna, beside Lat. part-
< R(R) *p e r(9)-t-, beside Skr. pur-t-dm ' reward ' < R 2 *pf-t-,
Vpero- ; W. ystrad ' dale ', Gk. o-Tparo's < VR *strd-t-, beside W.
sarn ' causeway ' < R(R) *st e r(9)n-, beside Skr. stlr-nd-h ' strewn ',
Lat. stra-tus < R 2 *stf-, V stero- 'spread out'. When the long vowel
after I, r, m, or n was a or 6 we cannot distinguish in Kelt, between
63 VOWEL GRADATION 83
R 2 and VF, since in Kelt. |, Id, Id, all give Id; we can only infer the
pi*obable original from a comparison of cognates ; thus O. E. flor
4 floor ' < VF *pld-r- suggests that Ir. Idr, W. llawr ' floor ' contain
VF *pld-r-, .Vpeld- ; and Gk. TraAa/x?? < RR as above suggests W.
Haw < R 2 . But where the vowel was e as in Vpele- ' fill ', we know
e. g. that "W. llawn, Ir. Idn ' full ' come from R 2 *pl-n-, since VF
*ple-n- as in Lat. plenus would give W. *llin, which does not exist*
and does give Ir. lln-, which is seen in llnaim ' I fill '.
R(R) is postulated instead of RV because the loss of 9 is late ; this
agrees with the fact that we have ar in W., implying * e r the form
before a vowel, the loss of which is therefore secondary, and not ry
from *r the form before a consonant. Similarly i may be taken as
R(R) of eie ; thus RR ijp > R(R) n(0) > i. Where ry occurs in W.
beside forms implying an original long vowel we may assume that the
former comes from a variant with short vowel of the root ; thus W.
gwrysg 'boughs, twigs' < *urd-sq-, RV of Vuerod-; Lat. radix
< *urd-, R 2 of </uerod-, 0. E. wrot < *urod-, VF of Vuerod-.
(3) A few examples are appended :
Vghele- ' green, yellow ' : VR *ghb- > Kelt. *gla-st- > Brit.
-glasos ' tawny ' (Gildas), W. glas ' green ' ; FV *ghel- > Lat. Jiel-us.
Vgeldk/g- ' milk ' : RR *g e hk- > Gk. yaAa, yaXaKTos ; VR *ghk-
> Lat. lact- (whence W. llaeth) ; *glakt-s > Ir. glass f milk ', W. glas-
dwr ' milk and water'.
Vqeuep- ' blow ' : VF *quep- > Lith. kvbpti ' blow ' ; RR *q e u9p-
> W. cawad 'shower', Ir. cua, gen. cuad; VR *qu#p- > Lat. vapor,
Gk. KttTTVOS.
Vg^eie- ' live ' : R 2 *g*i- > Lat. vi-vu-s, W. buan ' quick ' < Brit.
*bl-uo-no-s 76 ix (2) ; R(R) *g*i- > W. ly-w live ', by-d ' world ',
Gk.^ios ; VF *g*ie- > Gk. jfiv.
Vbheua- 'be' : R(R) *bhu- > Lat. fu-turus, Gk. ^>u-o-is, Kelt. *bu-td
> W. bod 'to be '; LV *bhou- > W.&w 189 iv (3) ; VV *bh(u}-
> f- in Lat.yto, b- in W. byS 189 iv (i).
(4) When the second syllable has a short vowel, the treatment is
similar : RR ii e > R 2 1, etc., as before ; RV is ?. Examples :
Vdeieu- 'god, day': FV *deiu-os > Lat. deus, W. *dwyw > duw
' god ' ; R 2 *dlu- > Lat. dw-us; RV *dm- > W. dyw ' day ' ;
RL *diieu- > Lat. dies, W. dydd ' day '.
Vqoneid- 'nit': FR *qonid- > Gk. KOVIS gen. xovi'Sos 'nit'; VR
*7ri/(- > O. E. hnitu, E. nit, O. H. G. Amz ' nit ' ; *s(q)nid-d > W.
nedd l nits ', Ir. sned ' nit ' ; FV *qond- > Lith. kandls ' moth ' ;
*sqond- > W. chwann-en ' flea '.
Vgeneu- 'knee': FR *genu > Lat. genu; FR *gonu > Gk. y6w,
with -en-, -er- forming names of parts of body : base *geneu-en- :
VR 2 *gnun-, by dissim. > Kelt. *glun- > Ir. glun, W. glln ' knee ' ;
base *geneu-er- : RVV *g e n(ufr- > *ganr- > W. garr ' knee ' (afal
garr ' knee cap').
Vqorou-: FR *qoru- > Gk. Kopv-<f>y ', VF *qrou- > W. crug ' heap,
hillock '.
G2
84 PHONOLOGY 63
Vbhereu ' boil ' : FV *bheru-, see iv above ; VR *bhru- > W. brwd
' hot, fervent ', Lat. de-frii-tum 'new wine boiled clown '.
*q*etuer- ' four ' : RF *q* e tuor- > Lat. quattuor ; FR *qUetu e r-
> W.pedwar, Ir. cethir, Gk.TeVrapcs; RL *qH e tuor- > Skr. calvarah,
Goth.jldwor ; FR (before cons.) *q*etur- > Gk. rerpa-, becoming by viii
(i) *q*etru- it gives Gaul. Petru-, W. pedry- as in pedry-fan.
(5) Long diphthongs must represent radical disyllables, and their
reduced grades can only be explained from the disyllabic forms. Thus
ei must be FV of *esei or *edai (ei/ai v (2) ) ; the R of the first syll.
is 9 which vanishes before a vowel, leaving ei or ai (properly VF of
*eei or *eaai) ; if the second is reduced we get ii, before a cons, i
(properly VR of *egei or *?at). We know that ei interchanges in
roots with eie or eia; this implies a metathesis of the sonants, for the
latter forms represent *(ie<) or *eia<> ; the RR of these is *ii which
gives I, see vii (2). Thus we have as reduced grades of ei the forms ei
or ai, i(i), I ; for convenience these may be distinguished thus : R le
ei, R la ai, R 2 ii, i, R 3 I. The same principle applies to the long
w-dipbthongs. [It has been assumed that ai is 91 (with 9 as R of e), but
Skr. has ay for it, whereas 9 is i in Skr. Besides, we should expect
9i like J to give *ii, as perhaps it does, for ii may also be for *si RV
of *?e.] Examples :
4/sei- ' late, long ' : F *sei- > Skr. saydm ' evening ', before cons.
*se- > Lat. serus, W. hir 'long', Ir. sir; R le *sei- > W. hwt/r
' late ' ( < *sei-ros), hwy ' longer ', Ir. ia ( < *seison < *sei-ison) ;
R 2 *- > W. %rf 'length' (< *sit-) ; R la *scw- > W. /to^Z 'life-
time ', Lat. saeculum ' age ', both < *sai-tlo-m 75 i.
Vuerei- 'laugh (at), shame' : VR 2 *uri- > *uri-zd- whence Lat.
video, Skr. vrid-a ' shame ' ; (VF *ure- or else) VR 3 *ufi- > Kelt.
*url-t- > W. gwrld 'blush' ; RR 2 *u e ri- > *uaritd in W. dan-wared
' to mimic ' ; RR 2 *y> e rii- > W. gwarae ' play ' 75 v (4). From
Vuere- (without i) : RR *u e r9- > *uarat- > AV. gwarad-wyb 'ehame'
(by dissim. for *gtvarad-rwy8) ', R(R) *w g r'- > *uar-t- > W. gwarth
' shame ' ; *s-uar-d- > W. chwarS ' laughs ' ; *s-uar-tln-l > W.
cliwerthin ' laughter ' 203 vii (3).
viii. (i) Certain combinations produced by the above laws are un-
stable ; thus ur is liable to become ru, as in *q^etru- vii (4) ; and u e r
may become ur as in *dhur- for *clhu e r- : *dhuor-, 91 i. While u e ,
l e , r e , etc., may remain and give ua, la, ra, etc., in Kelt., they may be,
and oftenest are, reduced to u, I, r, etc. Hence we are not obliged to
postulate eue, ele, ere, etc., where there is no evidence of the first e in
surviving forms. Thus :
Vsuep- 'sleep': F *suep-no- > Lat. somnus (< *suepnos), Ski 1 .
svdpnah ' sleep, dream ' ; E, *sup-no- > Gk. VTTVO?, W. hun ' sleep ',
Ir. man.
Vfdetke- : RR *pWi9- > Gk. TrXara-vos, Gaul. -Xira-vo-s, O. W.
lita-n, "W. llyda-n ' broad ' ; FV *pleth- > Skr. prdth-ah ' breadth ',
W. lied ' breadth ' ; RV *plth- > W. llys 'court' 96 ii (5), Gk.
64, 65 VOWEL GRADATION 85
n-Xar-vs; RV * 'fifth- > Armen. layn 'broad'; (without I, 101 ii (2))
RF *p e the- > Lat. pate-re, etc.
(2) Other combinations are unpronounceable or difficult ; thus ui
cannot be sounded before a cons. ; in that case i drops. Generally i,
u drop between consonants, see iv above.
ix. Some roots have more than one ungraded form ; thus radical a
may stand beside radical o, as in *ard- or *aro- ' scratch, bite ; plough,
dig ' : Lat. ard-re has F *ard- of the first, Gk. aporpov has R *ar9- of
the second. The F of both, with -d- extension, occurs in Lat. rad-o,
rod-o. Beside d we have sometimes to assume a, as in Skr. rddati
' scratches, digs ' (not 9 here, which gives i in Skr.). In many cases
all the forms cannot be explained without assuming an alternation of
long and short vowel in the root ; this may have come about by false
analogy. Another common form of root alternation is *teu- : *teud- or
*ghei- : *glieid- (Lat. hid-re) ; see vii (5).
NOTE. Ablaut is not to be confused with the changes due to
accentuation or other causes in the derived languages, such as the
shortening of unacc. d in Brit. 74, or the loss of a vowel in such
a word as cawr 76 iii (4), which would be *cur if the loss were
primitive 76 ii (i).
KELTIC VOWELS
IN BRITISH AND WELSH
64. From what has been said in 57-62 we arrive at the
following- vowel system for Pr. Kelt. :
Short vowels a e i o u
Long vowels a I u
Short diphthongs ai ei oi au eu ou
Long diphthongs ai ui au, lu
Short vocalic 1 m n r
THE SHOUT VOWELS.
65. i. The short vowels a, e, o remain unchanged in W. ;
see examples in 58 ; so Latin a, e, o ; unless affected by other
vowels 67-70. The exceptions are the following :
ii. (i) Before a guttural o in many cases became a, apparently when
unaccented in Brit. ; thus W. Qym.ro < *fcom-brogos, but Cymraes
' Welsh-woman ' < * kom-brogissd : *brog-, W. bro ' border, region ' <
*mrog-, VF of Vmarog-, whose FV gave Lat. niary-o ; W. troed ' foot '
< ace. *troyet-m, pi. traed < ace. pi. *troget-dss (< *-ns : Skr.
-uh\ or from gen. pi. *troget-6n (< *-6m which was generally
86 PHONOLOGY 65
accented in Ar.) as in gwyr traed ' infantry ' ; Vt/dhregh- : Gk.
Tpexu>, T P'x s > *he ^ had a * so a ^7 Ar. tt/e/o altern. 63 v (2),
as in Ir. traig ' foot ' < *tragets, but we can hardly suppose Ar. o/a in
the same word in Brit. Similarly in Lat. loanwords, as W. achos
1 cause ' < occasio. W. achub < *occup- for Lat. occup- 73 ii (4).
(2) On the other hand a > o in Pr. Kelt, before Ar. y v h in "W. oen,
Ir. van 'lamb' < *ognos < *ag^/inos: O. E. eanian 'yean' 101
Hi (i).
(3) In Brit, e became i before g folio wed by a vowel; so partly in Gaul;
as W. ty ' house ' O. W. tig < *tigos < *tegos, Brit. Cato-tigimi, also spelt
(in Cornwall) Tegerno-mali beside Tig&rinomalum Rhys LWPh. 2 404,
Gaul. Tigernuin, Ir. teg ' house', tigerne 'lord', V(s)theg- 92 i. W.
hy ' bold ' < *segos : Gaul. 2eyo-/x.apo5, Vsegh- : Gk. e^o> < *segho, Skr.
sdhah 'might'. W. gwe-ly 'bed' < *uo-leg- : Ir. lige < *legiio-
Vlegh-. Where e appears it is due to a-affection ; as in bre
'hill' < *briga 103 ii (i) ; thus lie ' place' < ace. *ligan < *leg-m,
Vlegh- ; gre 'herd' < *greg-m = Lat. gregem ', godre 'bottom
(edge of garment), foot (of hill) ' < *uo-tre.g-m, Vtregh-, see (i), pi.
godryon, godreon, both in R.M. 151.
But before a consonant eg remained : W. gwair m. ' hay ' < *uegr- :
Ir. fer ; W. tail ' manure ' < *tegl- 104ii(i) ; W. arwain ' to lead '
<*ari-ueg-n- Vuegh-: Lat. veho; olrein, etc. 203 iv (i); W. tew
' thick '" 76 viii. '
iii. (i) The mid vowels e and o were pronounced close in Brit,
before nasal + explosive and became i and u respectively. Examples :
e before nas. + exp. >W. y; thus W. hynt 'way' Ir. set <*sent-:
O. H. G. sind ' way ' < *sent-. 0. W.pimp, Ml. "W. pyinp ' five ', Gaul.
TTC/XTTC- < Pr. Kelt. *q^etyq^e < Ar. *2>enq^e. W. cy-chwynnu IL.A.
133 'to rise ', later ' to start ', Ir. scendim < Ar. *sqend- 96 iii (2).
The y becomes e by a-affection, as Gwent < Venta; cf. E.
Wintchtster 'Venta Belgarum'. In Lat. loanwords we have y,
as tymp < tempus ; tymor < tempora ; cymynn(af) < commend-o ;
esgynn(af) < ascend-o, etc.; but most nouns have -enn, Mn. W. -en,
as elf en < elementum; ffurfafen <Jirmamentum ; ysgrifen<scribenda,
all fern., having been treated like native nouns in -enn 143 i ;
mynwent fern. ' graveyard ' alone has -ent < pi. monumenta. (Calan
is from Vulg. Lat. Kaland-, which occurs.)
o before nas. + exp. > W. w; thus tncnc < *tronq- 99 v (3);
tvmg ' swears ' : Ir. tongim ' I swear ' ; hvcnt ' yonder ' : Eret. hont
220 ii (5). The change took place in Lat. loanwords, as pwnn
' burden ' < pandus ; ysbvmg < spongus ; except in fern, forms,
as Hong ' ship ' < longa (navis). W. pout ' bridge ' < Brit. ace.
*pontan (< -m) put for Lat. pontem, became fern. The 3rd pi.
subjunct. -ont instead of *-wnt is prob. due to the analogy of the other
persons, which have -o-.
(2) The same change took place before a liquid and explosive,
though here with less regularity.
65 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 87
e + liq. + exp. > W. y ; thus Ml. W. kymyrth < *kombert-et, with
a-affection kymerth 181 vii (i); gwyllt 'wild' < Brit. *gueltis: Ir.
geilt 92 iv. But usually it remains as e ; thus for nyrth~B.K. 68, the
ordinary form is nerth m. ' strength ' ; so perthyn < Lat. pertin- owing
to preference for the sequence e . . y. merch ' maid ', perth ' bush ' are
fern.; and mellt pi. 'lightning', gwellt pi. ' grass' may be neut. pi. in
*-a or fern. pi. in *-as.
o + liq. + exp. > W. w ; thus W. iwrch ' roebuck ', Bret, iourc'h ;
0. Corn, yorch: Gk. op; W. twrch 'boar', Bret, tourc'h: O. Corn.
torch, Ir. tore ; W. swllt ' money, shilling ' < Lat. sol'dus. torch
( torque ' is fern. : Ir. tore. But other exceptions occur as corff ' body '
< Lat. corpus ; porth m. ' gate ' f. ' harbour ' has exchanged genders
and keeps o in both. Formations like gor-ffen etc. are also exceptions.
(3) The same change took place before rn. Thus e: W. chwyrn
' whirling ' < *spern-, 96 iv (i) ; W. Edyrn beside Edern < Eternus,
W. gwern 'alder', and cern 95 ii (3) are fern.; so uffern 'hell'
<Vulg. Lat. Iferna. o: W. asgwrn ' bone ' < *ast-kom- 96 ii (4);
W. dwrn 'fist' : Ir. dorn. But W. corn 'horn' < Lat.
e before rr > W. y ; as byrr ' short ' : Ir. berr ; W. gyrr ' a drove '
<*gerks- 95 iv (2). But o remains, as in corr 'dwarf, torri 'to
break '.
(4) In many Lat. loanwords e or o before r + cons, became a (on
the analogy of the R-grade in sarn etc. 1) ; thus sarff < serpens ;
carrai ' lace ' < corrigia; parcliell B.B. 55 beside porchdl A.L. i 276
< porcellus ', tafarn < taberna ', Padarn < Paternus ; Garmon < Ger-
manus.
(5) e before ss > y ; as in ys (ys, ^s 82 ii (i)) < *esti l is' ; ys
' eats ' < *essi < *ed-ti : Lat. est. Also before Lat. st as in tyst
' witness ' < testis. But either affection or the sequence e . . y (or e . . u)
causes it to be e, as in ffenestr ' window ', testun ' text ' < testimonium.
iv. (i) In the present penult y appears for e and o before a nasal
whether followed by another consonant or not ; as in cychwynnu,
tymor iii (i); ffynnhawn, now ffynnon < Lat. fontana ; tyner < Lat.
tenerum ; inyfqr < Lat. memoria ', myned 'to go ' : Bret, monet ;
mynwent beside monwent < Lat. monumenta. But many exceptions
occui-, as cenedl 'nation', Conwy ; and derivatives like gwenu 'to
smile ' (: gwen ' smile '), tonnau ' waves ' (: tonn ' wave ') do not show
the change (exc. hynaf ' oldest ' assim. to the cpv. hyn, 148 i (i i)).
(2) o > y in the prefixes *ko-, *kom-, *kon-, *to-, *do~, *ro-; as
W. cywir ' correct ' < Kelt. *ko-uiros ; rhy-fawr ' very great ' <
*(2))ro-maro8 ; see 16 iii ; except when the vowel of the root is lost,
as in W. cosp ' punishment ', Ir. cose < *kon-8q%- 96 iii (5) ; W.
rhodd 'gift' < *(p)ro-d- 63 vi (i). When separately accented
rhy has acquired a new strong form r/i?/, as rA-y dda ' too good ' ;
similarly *dy, *8y, written di in 0. W. ( < *do ' to '), as a preposition
became *8if > Ml. W. y > Mn. W. i 'to' 16 ii (3). So cyn before
the equative, now sounded cyn, and dialectally fdn.
88 PHONOLOGY 66
v. (i) o and a interchange after u 34 iv. So we have gwa-
beside go- for gwo- < *uo- : Gaul, vo- < Ar. *upo ; thus gwa-red-wr
'saviour' < *uo-reto-uir- : Gaul. Voretovir- W. gwas 'servant':
Ir.foss < *upo-st- 96 ii (2). The I5th cent, pedwor 34 iv (so
Salesbury's Die. s. v.) has a new, perhaps local, o for a 63 vii (4).
We also find the interchange after ii (cons, or voc.), as breuan for
*breuon 76 iv (2) ; buan for *biion 76 ix (2); (Anglesey dial. neuo8
for neuaS).
(2) After m- there is an older change of a to o, as in "W. mor ' sea ',
Gaul. Aremorici, Ir. wim'r : Lat. mare ; W. myned < *monet-, Bret.
monet < *wiamte- 100 iv; W.morwyn < *marein- 125v(i).
(3) e after u becomes o/a in the following cases : Ar. *uper > Pr.
Kelt. *uer > Gaul, ver-, Bret, war ' ou ', W. ar, gwar-, gwor-, gor-
36 iii ; W. Cadwallon < Brit. Catu-veUaunos ; W. gosper < Lat.
vesper-. Probably the above show the influence of Brit, uo- ; cf. Ir.
for- < *uer- on the analogy of fa- < *uo-. Generally ue remains, as
in chtvech ' six ' < *sueks.
vi. (i) After i post-tonic a became e ; thus ivyneb ' face ' < *eni-eq^-,
100 v, < *eni-aqH-< *eni-9q%-, Voq* = Skr. driikam ' face' < *eni-9gXo-m.
But when pre-tonic the a remained, as in viyndb-, in composition,
from *eniaqU- ; gwyftiad < *uidi9to 180 iv (i).
(2) Pre-tonic io prob. became ia ; thus we have aea < *-iia-', but
no *aco <*-iio-', so that the latter perhaps became *-na- r 75 vi (2).
So the rel. a <**a < Ar. tos, 162 vi (i).
66. i. Pr. Kelt, i and u remained in Brit. Brit, i was
open, and is transcribed e by the Greeks, as in Hp^r(r}avLKri
(vrj(ros) '. W. (ynys) Prydain, but i by the Bx>mans as in Britannia
(Gk. i was close, Lat. i open). Brit, i gave W. y, which is y in
the ult. and accented monosyllables, y in non-ultimate syllables
and proclitics. Brit, u remains, now written w, in the ultima
and monosyllables, and becomes y (= y) in all other syllables.
See 40 iii. Examples: W. drych 'appearance', edrycJiaf 'I
look ' < Pr. Kelt. *clr&-, 61 i ; W. cioti ' dogs ', cyno* ' little
dogs ' < Pr. Kelt. *kun- ; W. cybqdd ' miser ' < Lat. cupidus ;
W. te-rfyn ' end ' < Lat. terminus.
?/ and y may interchange with e, and y with a, 16 iv.
u before a labial may develop irregularly, 73 ii.
ii. (i) y in the penult, whether from i or u becomes w hi Mn. W.
before to in the ult., as in cwmiol ' cloud ' for cymwl < *cumbul-
< Lat. cumulus; sio-mbivl < *stimbul- < Lat. stimulus; cwmwd
' comot ' < Ml. W.kymivt; dwthivn < dythwn < dydd hum 164
iii. When a syllable is added, both w's become y, as cymylau
' clouds '.
$ 67 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 89
(2) After w the obscure y became w; as (g}tvrthyeu IL.A. 83
' miracles ' for gwyrtldeu. In the spoken lang. and frequently in MSS.
we have gwnnach for gwynnach ' whiter ', 'wltys for ewyllys ' will ', etc.
The y was artificially restored in most of these forms in the lit. lang.
G.K. 31 states that the rising diphthong always becomes w in the
penult, the falling diphthong never, citing as examples gwynn,
gionnach; gwinwydd,gwimvdden; celwydd,celwddog,\>ut cwyn,cwynaw;
gwydd, gwyddau, etc. J.D.R. writes wy in givynnach, gwyrddach 63,
but (g}wrthieu [xvii].
iii. (i) Unaccented initial ui- before sonants became *uu->*gww-
> *(f w -, 36 i. Thus gwr 'man' < *uur-os < *uir-6s; gwrth-
' contra-', wrth 'against' < *uurt- < *uirt- < *uerto : Ir. frith <
*urt- 211 iv (2); gwnn 'I know' < *uindo, 191 iii (i). The w
thus produced is not mutated to y in the penult, e.g. givrol 'manly',
gibraidd id., wrtliyf' by me ' ; and gwnn seems to show that it was not
liable to affection; in that case gwyr ' men ' is analogical.
(2) Before other consonants initial unaccented ui- or ue- became
*oi- giving W. -, as in Ml. W. ugeint 'twenty' < Kelt. *uiknti : Ir.
Jlche; W. ucher 'evening' < (*uisqer- <) *uesper- 96 iv (2).
(3) Generally, however, initial ui- became gwy- regularly: as
gwys < *uid-t- 63 iv; gwynt < *uint- < *uent- < *uent- : Lat.
ventus; gwyw 'withered', 75 vii (3) \-gwyrth 'miracle' < Lat.
virtus. But gwy- later became gw-, ii (2) above.
iv. Ar. i in the ultima, or ending the first element of a compound gave
Gaul, and Brit. e. Thus Gaul, are-, W. ar- < *are- < *ari- < *p e ri ;
'W.am < *mbe < *mbhi : Lat. ambi-, Gk. ap.<f>i; W.mdr <*more,
Gaul, more < *mori : Lat. mare. The reason that final unaccented
short i does not affect a preceding vowel is probably that it had
become e.
v. Pretonic u became o, as in ion 'lord' < *iud-no-s, i*>r 'lord'
<*iud-ro-s:'W. uS 100 i (i);see 104 iv "(3); bon^m. 'base,
stem' < *bud-no- 104 iv (i); clod 'praise, fame' < klutom : Ir.
cloth (gen. cluith) id. < klutom, Gk. xAvroV, Skr. srutdm ' what has
been heard, tradition ', \/ fcleu- ' hear '.
AFFECTION OF SHORT VOWELS.
67. A short vowel (but no long- vowel) was liable to be
affected by a sound in a succeeding syllable. Affection is of two
kinds in Welsh : i. ultimate, when it takes place in the syllable
which is now the last, having been brought about by a sound
in a lost termination; 2. non-ultimate, when it takes place
in the present penult or antepenult, the affecting sound being
generally preserved in the ultima. Ultimate affection is caused
by a or i sounds ; non-ultimate by the latter only.
00 PHONOLOGY 68, 69
68. Ultimate a-affection. i and ii became respectively
e and o in the ultima when the lost ending had a ; thus gwedd
c aspect' < *idd-d 63 iv -,bod ( be ' < Kelt. *lv-td 189 iv (6) ;
ciwed ' rabble ' < Lat. cmitd* ; gramadeg < Lat. grammatica ;
colofn < Lat. columna.
Hence adjectives having* n, (<*) or w (<u) in the ultima
change these to e and o in the fern., the affection being due
to the lost fern, ending -a ; thus Brit. *uindos, *uindd gave
respectively gwynn, gwenn ' white '.
The adj. *briktos had regularly fern. *brikta, which by the rule became
*brekta; now *ikt > Ith and *ekt > eith, later aith 108 iv (i) ;
hence brtth ' speckled ', f. braith, which is thus seen to be quite regular.
The affection is original only in adjectives of the -os/-d declension ;
but after the loss of the inflexional endings, it spread by analogy to
other stems ; e. g. crwnn ' round ' < Brit. *krundis (: IT. cruind) has
f. cronn on the analogy of trwni < Brit. *trumbos (: Ir. tromm) f. from ;
and gwyrS < Lat. vir'dis has f. gwer8 on the analogy of ffyrf, fferf <
Lat. jtrmus,firma. Doubtless deilien wyrdd in M.IL. i. 155 represents a
local survival of the old fern., as in tonn wyrt (-t = -8) w. ga 'green wave'.
69. Ultimate z'-affection. i. This was caused by i, I
(from I, e, 5 or u), or by accented e or i. Kelt, post-tonic es
before a vowel became i and caused this affection 75 vii (i),
so e(p] see ib. ; also Lat. ?', and sometimes e, before a vowel.
ii. (i) a becomes Ml. W. ei, Mn. W. ai : eil, ail ( second '
< *a/ios : Lat. aliv.% ; yspeit, ysbaid ' space ' < Lat. spatium ;
rhaib ' spoil ' < Lat. rapio ; beirdd ' bards ' < *bardl ; meib 'sons '
< Brit. *majn ; itgeint, ugain 'twenty ' < *idkanii< AT. lulcmti;
tteidr ' thief ' < Lat. laird ; deigr ' tear ' < *dakru 120 iii (i).
(2) ak or ag before a consonant, which becomes ae in Ml.
and Mn. W. 104 ii (i), iii (i), 108 iv (i), is affected to ek or
eg which gives Ml. W. ei, Mn. W. ai, see ib. Thus Saxones >
Saeson but Saxo>*Sex > Seis, Sais ; *kaktos ' serf {<*qapto*) >
caefti, but pi. *kaktl > ceit/i, caith 'serfs'; *dragnos > draen
'thorn' 104 ii (i), pi. *dragnesa>*dragnia>t1rein, drain.
(3) In disyllables before consonant groups containing r, and
before c/i, the affection of a appears as ?/, which alternates with
ei in Ml. and early Mn. W. Thus fieyrn B.T. 29, B.M. 121, B.P.
1362, B.B.B. 47, pi. of Jtaearn 'iron'; reydyr R.P. 1301 beside
ryeidyr B.P. 1222, pi. of rfiaeadr 'cataract'; kcdyrn w.n. 51
69 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 91
beside kedeirn do. 40, pi. of cadant ' mighty ' ; so alarch pi.
eleirch, elyrch 117 i ; tywarchen pi. tyweircA, tywyrch 126
i (2) ; paladr, pi. peleidyr W.M. 179, Mn. W. pelydr; Mn. W.
bustt/ch, menych, 117 i. Also in the proclitic geir>gyr 'near'
214 ii.
The ?/ is probably the result of thickening the i before r + cons,
and before x in an unaccented syllable. (In accented syllables as
beir8, the i is still pure, but it has become y before x 1 7 iii.) Thus
ei > yq > if. From r + cons, it spread to cons. + r. Probably
gwesgyr (single r) for gwasgar 173iv(i)is due to false analogy.
(4) In polysyllables before a labial also, a is affected to i[ ; as in
modryb < *matr-aq*-l 122 iv (2); cyffelyb, ethryb also from *-ag#-
<*-* 2 - </dqx- 'face', cf. 143 iii (8); Caer-dyf Cardiff' : Taf.
-am- becomes -eu or -yf, except in analogical formations ; see 76
vii (i).
iii. (i) e becomes H: engyl 'angels' < Lat. angeli\ cyllyll
'knives' < Lat. cultelll\ so, cestyll, gweyll 117 i; erbyn
' against ' < Kelt. *ari quennoi 215 ii (4) ; gwyl ' sees ' 173
iv (i).
There appears to be no certain example of e becoming ei', dyweit
' says ' may be from *uat- 194 i (i).
(2) ek or eg before a consonant when affected became ik or ig
which gives i regularly ; as nith ' niece ' < ^nekti-s 86 ii (i) ;
llith ' lesson ' < Lat. lectio.
iv. (i) o becomes ei (Mn. ai) or q : yspeil, ysbail ' spoil ' < Lat.
sjwlium ; seil, sail ' foundation ' < Vulg. Lat. solea for Lat. solum,
cf. E. soil ; vnyfyr ' thought ' < Lat. memoria ; ystyr ' meaning '
< Lat. hisloria ; dyn c man ' < *donios : Ir. duine ; m?/r ' seas ' <
*mon 122 ii (4) ; esgyb ' bishops ' < Lat. epucojn ; Selyf<
Salomo ; tair Ml. W. teir for *ty-eir ' three ' fern. < *tigores 75
vi (3) ;j)air, Ml. peir ' caldron ' : Ir. coire 89 iii.
It is seen that ei occurs before I and r ; but in disyllables we have
il before the latter.
(2) ok or og before a consonant, which gives oe in W., becomes
wy when affected ; thus oen ' lamb ' < *0ffno$, pi. wyn < *ogm ;
myth ' eight ' < *0&.
v. u becomes q : Merchyr 16 iv (2) < JUercnrins ; cyn
' chisel ' < Lat. cimeits ; asgwrn ' bone ' pi. esgyrn ; ych ' ox ' <
92 PHONOLOGY 70
Ar. *nq$d, whence O.H.G. ohso y Skr. uk%a (Av. nxS- implies -q-) ;
the pi. ychen (<Ar. *uqgene, whence Skr. tihdnaA, E. oxen)
has y from u unaffected, 66 i.
u does not become ei; deifr as p). of dwfr is doubtful (M.A. i 556)
except as a late and artificial form; see Silvan Evans s. v.
vi. When any of the above changes takes place in the ultima,
a in the penult becomes e ; see keclyrn, elyreh, pelyd-r^ Selyf, esgyrn
above, o also became <?, as gosod ' to set ' gesyd * sets ', liable to
become y before st, as Ml. W. ebetfyl, ebystyl < apostoli, sg.
abostol < apostolus. In Ml. W. the affection extended, as in the
last example, to the ante-penult.
vii. The ei due to affection as above, also ei from ek or eg, had open
e, and was thus distinct from original ei which had close e. The
former (ei) gives ei, ai; the latter (ei) gives wy 75 iii (i).
On later modifications of y, ei, see 77, 79.
70. Non-ultimate affection, i. a and sometimes o in the
syllable which is now the penult became e when the following
syllable had I or i (now i or i/\ except where the i was itself
affected to e, 68. Thus cerydd ' reprimand' < *kamio(s) be-
side caredd ' fault ', Ir. caire, < * kariia ; Ml. W. gwedy ' after ',
O. W. guotig ; Ml. W. pebyll ' tent ' < *papttio < Lat. pdpilio ;
Ebritt < Aprllift ; cegiu < coqulna ; melin < Molina ; etc. In
Ml. W. the affection extends over two syllables, as ederyn ' bird ',
Mn. W. aderyn, pi. adar.
o seems to undergo the change chiefly after a labial or before
a guttural, where it might have become a if unaffected.
The restoration of a in the antepenult in Mn. W. is due to the
vowel in that syllable becoming obscure because unaccented, in which
case it was natural to re-form etymologically.
ii. (i) Before i the same change took place, and a and o
appeared as e in O. W. ; but the e was further affected by the /,
and became ei in Ml. and Mn. W. ; thus Maridnus > O. W.
Meriaun GEN. iii. > Ml. W. Meiryaivn B.B.B. Si, Mn. W.
Meirion \ so O. W. BricJiemauc A.C. 895, Mn. W. BrycJteiniog ;
O. W. mepion GEN. xii, Mn. W. meibion ' sons '. See 35 ii.
In the dialect of Powys ceiliog ' cock ', ceinioy ' penny ' are pro-
nounced celiog, ceniog. This is perhaps a simplification of ei, 78 v,
rather than old e retained.
71 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 93
(2) Original e also became ei before i ; thus Eternidnus >
Edeirnaun B.B. 74 Edeirnon W.M. 50, R.M. 35, Mn. W. Edeirnipn
(now wrongly spelt Edeyrnion) ; sopencerdd ' chief of song ' Ml.
pi. penkeirbyeit R.P. 1 230, Mn. W. penceirddiaid ; anrheg ' gift '
pi. anreigyon E.P. 1221 (generally anregyon II.B.B. 394, R.M. 257,
now anrhegipn) ; un-ben ' mon-arch ', unbeynyaeth, A.L. i. 34, 382,
' sovereignty ' (now unlennaeth, new formation) ; gonoedd* to lie ',
gorweiddiog ' bed-ridden ' ; giveiniaitk 32 for gweniaith ' flattery '.
(3) In later formations * does not affect the vowel ; forms like
personnyeit, Albany eit etc. 123 iv, and cariad, meddiant, etc., are
extremely common in Ml. and Mn. W. Also forms like anan
( silver' in which i is not original, but comes from g.
iii. The Ml. and Mn. diphthong ae, whether from ak- or ag-
before a consonant, or from a-e, becomes ei before I or i, as in
Ml. W. keiiliiwet < Brit.-Lat. *kaktmitds; saer 'craftsman*
pi. seiri ; gicaedd ' cry ', gweiddi ' to cry ' ; draen ' thorn ', dreiniog
'thorny'. Similarly og..l or ng..l > ei..i; as in gweiui
'to serve' < *no-gnlm-', heini 'active' < *su-gmm- : gnim-
203 vii (4). Before if it becomes ey, as in keyrydd pi. of kaer
' fort '. But, except in a few cases such as the above, this affec-
tion is usually ignored in writing, especially in the Mn. period.
iv. The affecting sound has disappeared in cenwch ' ye sing '
for an earlier ^cenifwch 26 vi (5) ; in the Ml. forms Edeirnon etc.
35 ii ; and in such forms as ceidwad for ceidwiad, 36 v.
v. The affection of a and o by a lost stem-ending -?-, -ip- y --,
of the first element of a compound is similar to ultimate affec-
tion : a > ei in meilin B.A. 18 'morning' (Mn. W. ers meitin
'some hours ago') < *matti-tm- (treated as a compound) < Lat.
mdtutimim ; o > y in syl-faen : sail, 69 iv.
In Ml. W. meinoeth B.T. 68, meinyoeth do. 45 ' midnight' < media
iiocte, we seem to have early metathesis of i, thus meinyoeth < *vnenyoeth
< *meda-niokte. The forms meiny8 B.T. 31, meinByS do. 55 'mid-day'
are formed on its analogy.
THE LONG VOWELS.
71. i. (i) Pr. Kelt, a (from Ar. a and 0) remained in Brit.
In Early W. it became an open like Eng. a in call, which we
may write o ; in O. W. this became o in unaccented syllables, an
94 PHONOLOGY 71
( = aw) in accented syllables. Latin a also shared this develop-
ment.
The Early W. o is attested in Bede's Dlnoot ( = Dunot\ Ml. W.
Dnnawt < Lat. Dondtus. In all syllables except the ultima it
became o, as broder ' brothers ' < Pr. Kelt. * Irdteres ; in this
position aw from a occurs only in late formations like mawriou
pi. of mawr ' great ', and after w 148 i (6). But in the ultima and
in monosyllables o > O.W. an = Ml. W. aw, as O. W. brant ox.
'judgement' < Pr. Kelt. *brdton, trintaut JUY. SK. < Lat. tnnitd-
tem ; Ml. W. brawt, trindawt. In Mn. W. aw remains in mono-
syllables, as brawd, but in the now unaccented ultima it has be-
come o, as in trindod. The following table summarizes the history
of Brit, (and Lat.) a :
Brit. (Lat.) Brit. Early W. O.W. Ml.W. Mn.W. Mn.W.
*br&teres . >/ broder penult.
trinit&tem I a o^ ./ trindod ult.
*br&ton ) \^au aw^
^ aw brawd mouosyll.
(2) a when unacc. was shortened and gives a 74 i (i) ; this might
happen in monosyllables as a ' of 209 vii (5), a ' whether ' 218 iii.
When ace. in Brit, and unacc. later, it gives o, as in pob 168 i (3),
mor 151 i, o ' from, of 209 vii (5), o, ' if 222 v (i).
ii. (i) ML W. aw in the unaccented ultima (whether from a as
above, or from ou 76 iii) survives in the spoken language in cardlaio
' hand-rail', darllaw ' to brew ', distaw ' silent ', eirlaw ' sleet ', ysgaio
(also ysgo) ' elder-tree ', llysfrawd ' brother-in-law ' ; in compounds
with numerals, as deunaw ' 1 8 ', dwyawr ' 2 hours ', teirawr ' 3 hours ',
etc. (except dwylo for divylaw ' hands ') ; and in compounds of mawr,
as dtrfawr 'very great', trystfaior 'noisy' (except in place-names,
Trefor, Coetmor). In a few book-words which have gained currency
it is not a genuine survival : as traethawd ' treatise ', catrawd ' regi-
ment ', bydysawd ' universe ', rhaglaw ' deputy ' ; and the forms ll'iaws
' multitude ', cyfiawn ' just ', lonawr ' January ', ansawdd ' quality ',
are influenced by the written language, which, however, had also llios,
cyfion, Jonor, ansodd lo.G. 187, formerly; see examples below.
Ohwefror has o always (generally sounded Chwefrol by dissimilation).
The recent written language has been influenced by mechanical ideas
of etymology in the substitution of aw for the regular o in ffyddlon
' faithful ', dwylo ' hands ', union ' straight ', cinio ' dinner ', anodd
'difficult', cpv. anas ( 48 iv, 148 i (6)); all these appear with
o in early Mn. poetry, and are pronounced with o in the spoken
language. On the misspelling athraw for athro see 76 v (5).
71 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 95
Ni fyn cariad i wadu,
Na'i ddangos i lios lu. D.G. 69.
' Love will not be disavowed, or manifested to many a host.'
Gwdhawdd Saeson bob lonor
I'r Deau maent ar hyd m6r. L.G.C. 155.
' They invite Saxons every January to the South across the sea.'
Anodd rhyngu bodd y byd, T.A. A 14967/29.
' It is difficult to please the world.'
(2) aw in the ultima began to be reduced to o in the Ml. period ;
thus we find Edeirnon W.M. 50, achos IL.A. 4, Meiryon R.B.B. 13. But
the bards even in the Mn. period continued to write the aw for the
purposes of rhyme. In recent times, owing to ignorance of the older
language, they have sometimes written aw for original o, as " esgawb "
for esgob ' bishop ', " dyniawn " for dynion ' men '. This is not due to
a confusion of the sounds of o and aw (for the a in aw is a pure a,
quite distinct from o), but to the blundering notion that as some o's
may be written aw, any o may. The Early Mn. poets generally use
aw correctly, guided by a living literary tradition. The distinction
is seen in Ml. W. yscol 'school', iscol B.B. 81 from Lat. sc(h}ola and
yscawl W.M. 189 'ladder' < Lat. scdla, both ysgol in Mn. W.
(3) In a few cases aw comes from o: praw(f) beside profi < Lat.
prob- ; mawl beside molaf'I praise', Ir. molim ; tymawr R.P. 1244
for the usual tymor < Lat. tempora. In each case the o comes before
or after a labial. In Vulg. Lat. there was a tendency to lower a vowel
before a labial so that prob- might become *prtf)- > prawf. But it is
more likely that all these are due to false analogy.
In awr ' hour ', and nawn ' noon ' we have aw < Lat. o. These
have been explained as late borrowings ; but historically this is im-
probable. Possibly the pronunciation of hora varied in Lat., since
Gk. W ( = o) was popularly sounded o (yXGxrcra > Ital. chiosd) ; p
would give y > aw. For nawn see 76 iii (4).
iii. ag > O. W. oil, Ml. W. eu, Mn. W. eu, au ; thus Ireuant
'wind-pipe ', O. W. -brouannou < *brdgnt- : Ir. Irdge gl. cervix,
O. Bret, brekant ; W, pau ' country ', O. Bret, pou, Corn, pow <
Lat. pdg- us; so ak or ag before a consonant : W. gwaun, O. W.
gnoun L.L. 156, 196 'lowland', Ir. fan < *udkn- < *uo-ak-n-
104 iii (i) ; W. ceido ( to congeal ' < *cdgl- < Lat. co-dg 7-0.
But before t the a is shortened 74 iv.
iv. -an- often gives onn in the present penult : cronni : crawn
202 v (2) ; -ffynhonnau 'fountains' < fontdn-\ Meiryonnifi
G.C. 123, R.B.B. 263, beside Meiryonyb do. 303, 306, < Marian-.
96 PHONOLOGY 72, 73
72. i. Pr. Kelt. I (<Ar. e, ei, l) remained in Brit., and
Brit, and Lat. l remain in W., 59 iii, iv. Further examples :
W. Mr ' long', Ir. sir < Pr. Kelt. *slros < *se-ro-s : Lat. serus ;
W.ffmn< Lat. mnum. It is, of course, shortened in W. before
two consonants ; as gw&n-llan ' vineyard '.
ii. Lat. 1 is treated as e or Kelt, ei in W. paradwys < paradlsus
< Gk. Tra/aaSewros ; and synnwyr < sentlre. In rustic Lat. I was often
sounded e, but whether only in words with original ei is not clear,
Lindsay, p. 29. In Lat. ign the i was often written long, or was
written e ; hence it probably differed little from Lat. f, and so gives
W. wy, as swyn ' charm ' < signum.
73. i. Pr. Kelt, ft, which remains in Ir., and apparently re-
mained in Gaul., as shown by the spelling 1 ov in the second element
of AvyovvTo-Sovvov, advanced in Brit, towards u, for it appears
as i in W., while Lat. u borrowed into Brit, gives u in W. ; thus
Pr. Kelt. *dunom > Ir. dun, W. din ' fort ', dinas ' city ' : O. E.
tu)i t E. town i Pr. Kelt. * glun- > Ir. glun t W. glln 'knee*
63 vii (4); Pr. Kelt. *ku > Ir. cu 'dog', W. cl, 89 iii.
But Lat. purns gives pur, mutus gives mud, etc.
ii. Some irregularities occur in the development of Lat. u and Brit,
and Lat. u before a labial :
(1) Lat. u in cupa gives I in W. cib, Bret. kib. This seems to be
the only example in W., and may be due to fluctuation between u and
i before a labial ; cf. conversely W. ujfern ' hell ', Bret, ifern < Vulg.
Lat. iferna, Lat. inferno,.
(2) Brit, and Lat. u before b followed by a vowel gave W. u ; as
du ' black ' for *duv < *dub- : Ir. dub ' black ' ; W. cu8ygl for *cufygl
< Lat. cubic'lum. But before n, r, I, ub gives wf regularly, as in
dwfn, dwfr, 90.
(3) u before m is regular, as shown by W. twf ' growth ', tyfu, ' to
grow ' < *tum- 201 i (8). But Lat. u in numerus gives i in nifer.
This may be due to a dial, pronunciation of Lat. u as u ; cf. Osc.
Niumsieis ' Numerii ', and the Oscanized Lat. Niwmeriis ' Numerius '.
Lat. itself had ii before m in an unacc. syll., as maximus, maxumus
= maxumus. The sound u would be identified with Brit, ii, and prob.
lengthened, giving the same result. W. vfyll ' humble ' < Lat. humilis
may perhaps be similarly explained, but with u for i as in uffern.
(4) u before p is regular, as seen in cyby8 ' miser ' < Lat. citpidus,
syberw l proud ' < Lat. superbus. In W. achub < Lat. occupo the u
may be due to the lengthening of the ii when it came to be accented,
as it did in Brit. 65 ii (i).
For Lat. e see 75 iii (i) ; for Lat. see 76 ii (i).
74, 75 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 97
74. i. (i) In Brit, a was shortened when unaccented.
Thus W. pechadur ' sinner ' < *peccator- < Lat. ace. peccdtor-em
beside pecTiod 'sin ' <peccatum\ W. meitin 'morning-' < *meid-din
<*matu-('i,n-<~Lak. mdtutinum \ W. agwyhawr for *afgwj/awr<
Lat. dbececldrium ; W. Mad-run < Lat. mdtrona beside modryS
' aunt '< Kelt, ^mdtraq^l; W. ceiliagwydd 'gander', Ml. W.
keylyacuyt A.L. i 380 < *kaHaka-geidos beside ceiliog ' cock ' <
*kaliakos ; W. parat6i ' to prepare ', 201 iii (5) , beside parod
' ready ' < Lat. pardtus, etc., etc.
Naw mwy i frag na cheiliagwydd,
Naw gwell i synnwyr na gwydd. S. T., c 16/93.
'Nine times more boastful than a gander, nine times more sensible
than a goose.' (The recent spellings parotoi, ceiliogwydd are false ;
the words are pronounced as spelt above.)
For the apparent exception in lonawr a sufficient explanation is
the secondary accent which was required to distinguish Januarius
from Februarius, and which for emphasis might even become primary.
(2) Words like swyddogol ' official ' are formed in W., and mostly
late, by adding ~ol to -og, and are not derived in full from Brit., for
Brit, -ak-al- would give -ag-ol. The .word Jluosqg is an old forma-
tion, but it is not formed from Ihe original of Tliaws; the latter has
a, from o, the formation being *-os-tdts, while the former has 6, the
formation being *-os-tos, extended to *-os-takos, 75 iii (3).
ii. It is seen in the above examples that other long vowels
remained long when unaccented ; and that l and u need not
have been accented to cause affection of a preceding vowel.
iii. In Ir. the shortening of long vowels is carried further and is
independent of the Brit, shortening of a. The latter had not set in
in Pr. Kelt, as is shown by the development of du, which when
unaccented in Brit, gave au, while Kelt, au gave ou 76 v (5).
iv. All long vowels were shortened before groups of sonant + explo-
sive, as in gwynt 'wind' < *uentos < *uentos; so Lat. ventus. W. dyall
< *diidlt- < *diialt- 75 vi (4). Also before two explosives ;
*-o-aki- *-akt- >*-akt- > -aeth 203 i (4).
THE DIPHTHONGS.
75. i. (i) Ar. ai remained in Kelt. It appears in Ir. as di,
de, in Gaul, as ai or e. Before a consonant it appears in O. W.
as oi, and in Ml. and Mn. W. as oe (ouj 29. Thus W. coeg
' empty' (as a nut without a kernel), coeg-ddall ' purblind ', Ir.
1401 H
98 PHONOLOGY 75
caech ' one-eyed ' : Lat. caecus ' blind ', Goth, haihs ' one-eyed ',
Skr. kekara-h ' squinting '< Ar. *qaiq-; W. hoedl 'lifetime,
life', Gaul. Setlo-ceni-(ae Deae) : Lat. saeculum < *sai-llo-m
111 vii (i); W. coed 'wotfd, forest', Gaul. Ceto-bnga<
*kaito- : Goth, haifii, O. H. G. heida, E. heath, Lat. bn-cetum
(S for ae owing to confusion with the suffix -etum).
(z) Before a vowel ai fell together with ii, see iv below. But
as in the penult, followed by e (or i), gave a new ai which gives
W. oe>o 78 i (i); thus Brit. *karaset>*karoe, caro 'may
love '. Followed by * it falls together with ii and gives -ei,
as *uornastm > arnei ; when the * was unacc. it gives -* as
*u6rnaslm > erni & 209 vii ( i ).
^ /
But in the ante-penult a vowel before s drops 113 i (2); hence
*kara-se-re > kar-her ' may be loved '.
(3) Kelt, ai > W. wy, as in mwy ' greater ' < *ma-ios or *mai*on :
Ir. mao for *mau < *mdios. When unaccented it was shortened
and so gives oe, as prob. in Ml. W. moe IL.A. 142 ' more '.
A new di was produced before a vowel in Brit, when as
was followed by I or e\ thus *karas-it>*kardilt>karwy 183
ii (i).
A new di might be produced before a cons, by metath. of i
100 v ; thus Lat. occasio > W. acho8> but Brit. pi. *acca8iones >
*accaisones > Ml. W. achwysson.
(4) W. oe >ae after w or m, etc. ; oe >wae after g 78 ii (2).
ii. (i) Ar. oi remained in Pr. Kelt., and appears in Ir. as
di, oe. In W. it became u before a consonant. Thus Ar. *oinox
*one'>Gk. o/i/oy, oivrj 'ace', O. Lat. oinos, Lat. unus : Ir. oe,
W. un ' one '. W. ud in anudon ' perjury ', Ir. oeth ' oath ' :
Goth. aip~s ' oath '. W. grug ' heather ' for *gwrug (Pemb.
dial, gwrig), ^Lv.froech<*'%roiko-$ : Gk. fptKr)<*uerei&d.
Before or after u in Brit., oi became ai which gives W. oe (oy); as
in gloyw ' shiny, glossy ' < *gloi-uo-s : Gk. yAotos < *yA.oi/ r os, 92 i ;
ky(h)oe8 ' public' < *ky-woe < *ko-uoid- : W. gwyS 'presence' < *ueid-,
Vueid- 'see'; here -w- dropped; where it remained, woe again gave
wae 78 11(2); thus gwaethaffor *gwoethaf< *uaidisamos < *uoidi-
samos < *uo-ed-isamos < *upo-ped-isjno-s 148 i (5).
(a) Before a back vowel oi gave W. wy ; as *-oian>*-wy-)i
>~wn 180 iii (i) ; cf. 76 v (4). But before i or e the /'
75 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 99
dropped 100 vi, and o before the vowel developed like u before
a vowel, that is, as ou ; thus *d6 eso > *d6iu > *dol > *d6ul > *deu
76 v (i), whence deuaf 193 x (5) ; and *do eset>*doiet>
*doet>*douet>daw, or without diphthongization *do-et>do t see
ib. ; so *moi esto>*mo estl>*mo ys>moes 200 ii. Followed
by I after the accent it gives -i, as in -bi f. sing. ' to her ' <
*'-d 'oil <*' '-do-si 210 x (i).
(3) Ar. 6i gave Kelt, ai and developed accordingly.
iii. (i) Ar. ei remained in Pr. Kelt. In Gaul, it is written
e or et, as Devo-gnata, Atiovova. In Ir. it appears as e or la.
In W. before a consonant it became wy. Thus W. gwyb
1 presence ' for *gwwy < Ar. *ueid- 63 iv ; mor-dwy ' sea
voyage '< *mori-teig- 103 ii (i), etc.
In Brit, and Gaul, it was probably sounded as ei, Latin e which
was sounded e, was identified with this sound in Brit., and shared its
development in W., thus rete > rhwyd, remus > rhwyf, plebem >
plwyf, cera > cwyr, etc. Lat. oe which seems to have varied from
o to e appears in W. as t, oe or wy, as ciniaw ' dinner', poen 'pain',
cwyn ' supper '.
(2) Before a vowel ei fell together with ii, see below.
(3) Ar. ei before a vowel > Kelt. ? > W. i. Thus W. dtod,
Ml. diawt ( drink' < *dhei-dti-s> Vdfiei- 'suck '. W. itiaws ' multi-
tude ', Bret. /^<Brit. *liassd8<*llastdts<*(p)lws-tdt8) a noun
in *-tdt- from the cpv. *ple-io8 : Lat. insc. pleores, Gk. irXeiatv.
Before Kelt, o it becomes u, as in lluoog t Ml. lluossauc < Brit.
*liuossako-8 an extension tf*ll*o8so-8<*(p}lws-to-s an adj. formed
from *ple-ids like Lat. honestu* from hono%\ see 76 ix (2),
74 i (2), 169 iii (3). Before a consonant ei>e giving Kelt.
I, W. *.
iv. ai and ei fell together with ii before vowels. After the
accent the \ became 8, in other positions it remained as j. Thus :
(1) Accented fj (or aj or 6j), which is generally in the penult,
but may be ante-penultimate, gives W. -y8 ; thus W. rhyb
' free ' < *priios : Goth, freig, Eng. free ; trefyb ' towns ' <
*trebiies\ trydyb 'third' m. < *lriftio8 ; with -a in the ult. it
gives -e8, as try deb ' third ' f. < *trit{jd. In the ante-penult -y8-,
as W. yslyhacl ' thorn ' : Ir. see, gen. pi. sciad.
(2) Post-tonic '-i\ gave *aii, which became oeS, 62 i (2) ;
H2
100 PHONOLOGY 75
thus moroeb ' seas ' < *m6rna : Lat. maria ; Ml. W. gwlafloeb
' countries ' < *uldtiieg ; dannoeb fern. M.M. 8 ' toothache ' <
*(ldntiia ; oeb ' would be, was '< *'swt, 180 ii (3).
v. Before the accent, in the penult the result varies accord-
ing to the quality of the accented vowel in the (now lost)
ultima ; thus :
(i) ii6 > W. -i, as in tri ' three ' m. < *lriies (accented like
the f.)< Ar. *treies (f. *ti*ores) see 103 i (3) ; W. trefi 'towns'
(2) iii > Ml. W. -ei, Mn. W. -ai, as in W. rei, rliai ' some '
165 vi, carai ' would love' 180 ii (2) ; cf. nei, nai vii (2).
(3) iio > W. -yw as in rhyw ' some ' 165 vi ; cf. gwyw
vii (3)-
(4) iia > O. W. -ai, Ml. and Mn. W. -ae, -e, also Ml. W. wy ;
as in O. W. guarai, later gwarae, gware, c/twarae, cJiware 'to play',
Bret, choari. Corn, kwaiy < Brit. *(s-)uariid < *ii e rii- y */uerei
63 vii (3) ; a variant is guarvy B.B. $o=gwarwy.
vi. Before the accent in the ante-penult the result varies
according- as the accent fell on the lost ultima, or on the penult.
(1) In the former case the penult had generally a reduced
vowel a (<9 or e ) ; the combination -iia-' gave W. -aea- (also
written aya), 0. Bret, -ofa-, Bret, -oua-, -oa-. Thus W. claear
'lukewarm', Bret, klouar : Gk. x\iapo$ (Ar. alternation k / gJi) ;
W. gaeaf, gayaf, Bret, goanv ' winter '< *ghiwm6-s : Skr. himdli,
Lith. zema, Gk. xtifjuov, x ^ a > Lat. kiems : Gaul. Giamon.., Ir.
gem-red (e for id) ; W. traean ' third part ' : Ir. trian ; W.
rhaeadr ' cataract ' < ^riis-tro- : Ir. riathor : Lat. nvus, Vreid-
f flow'; W. daear '-earth', Bret, douar < *ghdii e rd 98 iii.
-isa- or -esa- gives the same result: Pr. Kelt. *igarno- (*is
R-grade of *a?'# : Lat. aes) : Gaul. Ysarno- Iserno- : W. fiaearn,
hayarn ' iron ', O. W. Gur-haiernn GEN. xxiii, O. Bret, hoiarn.
Before the loss of the accented ending the accent must have shifted
to the present penult, which had the next highest stress. In Gwent
and part of Dyfed the unaccented a was generally lost ; thus doer
'earth' now ddr 29 ii (da'r a nen Wms. 785). The O. W. dair,
dayr L.L. 120, gaem B.S.CH. 3 represent this dialect. The reduction is
general in doer ' bright ' beside claear ' lukewarm ', with differentia-
tion of meaning. From doer comes daerawl IL.A. 130, 164.
(2) After a labial the above group takes the form -wya-
75 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 101
interchanging- with -ia- ; thus W. mwyar ' blackberries ', miaren
4 bramble ', Ir. smer ' blackberry ' < *$miiar- < *smiioro- ( 65
vi (2)) : Gk. popov (/j.<opov, Hes.) (with ^e-<**j[-?), Lat. morum
prob. <Gk. ; W. gwyal (for *gwwyal) in morwyal 'laminaria',
gwial ' twigs, osiers ' < *uiid-l-, Vueia x -. ' weave ' : Lat. vieo,
etc.; W. gwyar 'blood, gore ' < *uii e r- : Lat. virus \ W. IwyM
4 axe ' < *biiald-, met. for *biiadl- : Ir. bidil, Ml. Bret, bouhazl
<*biwdl- : O. N. *t7d, O. H. G. fea< *&// *&# : Lat. findo,
Vbheied-t W. hwj/ad 'duck', Gwyn. dial. chw'iadan<*s-uiiat-,
Va-uei- : Skr. vdya-h 4 bird ' ; W. mwyalch ' ousel ' < *mes e l- :
Lat. merula<*mesula, O.H.G. amsala, Ger. Amsel. 6so developed
similarly (since post- tonic s did not give 8) ; thus *suesores >
chw'ior-e'b 4 sisters ', with -eb added, Bret, choarezed with two
additions.
The labial changed the diphthong (Early W. *oi)- to wy. Under
the new accent wy remained, but became i in the present ante-penult ;
thus mwyar : miaren *gwwyal : gwidlen, a new pi. gvnal being then
formed from the latter. Where the sound comes in the present ante-
penult in old formations, the form is undecided ; thus O. W. gui-
annuin ox. ' Spring ', Early Ml. W. guaiannu(i)n, guayanuhin A.L.
1142, also gwahanwyn do. 308, Ml. and Mn. W. gwannwyn, gwanwyn
< Brit. *uesant- f : Skr. vasantd-h 'Spring', Lat. ver < *uesr.
(3) When the following a or o was affected, the diphthong
became y or e, liable to be assimilated and lost ; thus ryeidyr,
reydfr 'cataracts', heyrn 'irons' 69 ii (3), Gwyn. dial. Ayrnfor
hyqrn ; W. fair ' three ' f., Ml. and O. W. teir for *tyeir (cf.
breint, Seint 103 ii (i)), Ir. teoir < *tisores : Skr. turdh ; so
W.pedair 'four' f., Ir. cetheoir<^(^etesores\ Skr. cdtasrah.
Such forms as heiyrn, rheieidr are quite late and artificial. But
some old re-formations occur when the diphthong stood in the present
ante-penult, as deyeryn (-yn = -in) B.A. 12 'earthen', heyernin ib. 'of
iron', daeerin B.P. 1281, mieri, pi. of niitiren.
(4) Secondly, the vowel following the diphthong is accented.
In that case the diphthong became e or y liable to be assimilated
and lost, as in (3) above. Thus W. eog 4 salmon '< *esak- : Ir.
eo, gen. iach ; W. deall, dyatt, dalU 82 ii (3) 4 understanding',
deaUt-wriaeth id., N.W. dial. ddttt<*diidlt- < *diidtt- & 74 iv, met.
r\ r* $
for*diid-tlo-, Vdheid- 'appear, perceive' : Skr. dliyd-yati 'thinks',
dhirah ' intelligent ' j ML W. dyat ' thought ' < *dijd-t- with
102 PHONOLOGY 75
analog, accentuation for original *dhiis-t6- ; Ml. W. gorffywys,
later, with y lost, gorffwys ' rest ' < *uer-q*iiei-st-, </(j*eiei- : Lat.
quiesco.
(5) Latin pretonic f or e before a vowel is treated as i, thus did-
b(o)lits gives diawl 100 ii (i).
vii. Except as above, -es-, -is- before a vowel developed
differently from -ii-, chiefly because post-tonic * did not, like i,
become 5.
(1) In the penult after the accent -es- > -i- ; thus Ml. W. tei
1 houses ' < *tigia < *tigesa 104 ii 2 ; W. clyw ' hearing ' <
*kloui- 76 v (2) <* Alettes-, nom. *kleuos : IT. clu, Gk. AcXeoy<
*kleuos, neut. #-stem. So -ep- : W. ceifn ' distant cousin ' <
*kom-nid* < *k6m-nepdt-s, see 123 v.
(2) In the penult and ante-penult, when 6s came before -e-,
contraction took place, and 6se > ei > W. wy ; thus W. wy-t
' art ' < *ese tu < Ar. *esi ' art ' ; W. neithiwyr < *nokti dieer-
98 i (3). So 6pe: W. twymn<*tepe8m(e)n- 86 i (3).
In the penult -6s- before -I- gave oe ; thus W. chwaer for
*chwoer i (4), Corn. hoer<*8uefftr<*3uesdr\ W. doe 'yesterday'
< *desi < *ghyieei : Lat. fieri, Gk. xOts, Skr. hydh. Corn, noi
' nephew ' < *nepots. es- before t prob. gave ei (like -ii- before
-i-, see v), and Ml. W. nei, Mn. nai ' nephew ' may represent
*nepots (accented like the f. *nepUs : Skr naptiK). es- before
-?-' gave y, as in Ml. W. y ' his ' < *esi<$, y ' her ' (for e ?) < *esia#,
160 iv.
Lat. -aii- > Ml. W. ei, Mn. W. ai as in Mei, Mai ' May ' < Maiius
(Sommer 225); Ml. "W. Kei < Caius.
(3) Before lost u or o, -es- or -is- gives yw (ew) ; as Ml. W.
Ywein, JEwein, later Owein < *Esu-ganios : Gaul. Esugen(ios), Ir.
Ecgan : Gk. .Euyewos. So perhaps in the (pretonic) penult :
W. gwyw ' withered ' < *uisii- : Ir. feugud gl. marcor, Icel. visenn :
Lith. i$stu ' I wither ', Lat. viesco.
So is before lost u or o gives iw, and ais gives oew : W. gwiw
1 good ' < *uisus < *ue*u-s : Gaul. Visu-rij& : Skr. vdsu-h, Gk. eu,
/eueseu- ; W. gwaew ' spear ' for *goew 78 ii (2) < *gaison :
Gaul, gaiton whence Lat. gaezum : Ir. gae.
Lat. e in the penult gives ew before lost o or u : W. llev)
76 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 103
' lion ' < leo ; pydew * pit ' <putens ; olew ' oil ' < oleum. But Lat.
i in the same position gave i which affected the vowel : W.
yspeil < spolinm ; so sometimes e : W. cyn ' chisel ' < Lat. cuneus.
viii. (i) In final syllables, lost in W., Ar. ai, oi, ei became I
in Brit, and Gaul. ; thus the nom. pi. ending of noun 0-stems,
which in Pr. Kelt., as in Lat. and Gk., was *-oi (instead of Ar.
*-6s), became -I (though -oi also survives in a North Italian
Kelt. insc. : Tanotalihwi, Rhys, CIFI. 60) ; thus Brit. *bardos
pi. *bardl>^N '. bardcl, pi. leirdd.
-ai unaccented > ai > *, thus Gaul. BrjXrjorafjii dat. of a name
whose nom. occurs as Belisama ; oi > ui, in Pr. Kelt, later u, 60,
cf. Ir. dat. fiur ' to a man ' < dat. *uiroi ; -ei doubtless gave -.
(2) But in monosyllables Ar. -ai, -oi, -ei remained in Kelt.,
and developed as follows in W. :
-ai>-oe, thus Ar. *uai>*gwoe>gwae 78 ii (2).
-ei > wy ; W. wy ' they ' < *<?i : Ir. e.
-oi > wy ; W. pwy ' who ? ' < *q*o-i = Lat. qm 163 vi ; when
unaccented it became eu (O. W. ou, oi) 78 iii, thus Ar. *mvi,
*foi>W. meu, ten 161 iv.
76. i. The Ar. diphthongs au, eu, ou were distinct in Pr.
Kelt., but tended later to become one sound, which is written
ou. In Gaul, eu was still written as well as ou in forms having
original eu, as in teuto- beside TOOVTIOVS and Neviod... beside
Noviodunum ; we also find av, iii (4). In Brit, we may assume
ou for all three. In W. it takes a variety of forms according to
its position. The same development is shared by uu whether
from Ar. uu 63 iv or from Lat. u before a vowel.
ii. (i) Before a consonant, except s, the diphthong became u
(= ) in W., ua in Ir. Thus W. tud 'people, country', Ir.
tuath < *teutd, Gaul, teuto- : Goth, piuda, etc.; W. rliucld
' red', Ir. ruad < *roudk-o8, Gaul. Roud-ius : Goth, ravfis ; W.
cudd ' hidden ', cuddio ' to hide ' < *qeudh- : Gk. KevOa, O. E.
liyde, E. hide ; W. lugail ' shepherd ' < *bou-kolip% <
* ff*ou-qoli6s : Gk. /3ou^6Ao?.
In Brit, it was probably sounded Q* ; and Lat o ( = o) and u shared
its development ; thus W.ffurf< Lat. forma', mur < Lat. murus, etc.
(2) But original eus gives W. ew, aa rhew ' ice ' < *preu*- :
104 PHONOLOGY 76
Lat. prnlna < *prusulna; W. trew 'sneeze' < *(s)treu-s-,
Vpstereu- 96 ii (4) ; W. blew ' hair ' < *bleus- 101 iii (2).
The reason seems to be that *eus became *ehfl before the degrada-
tion of the first element of the diphthong.
(3) The diphthong was liable to be simplified by dissimilation when
the following syllable contained u or u ; thus Ar. *tauros ' bull ' became
Kelt. *tauruos (in imitation of *uerud > Ml. Ir. ferb ' cow ', Vendryes
MSL. xii. 40), whence Kelt. *taruoa > Ir. tarb, "W. tarw f bull '. Later,
when au had become ou in Brit., *ou-tut- > * outfit- > W. odid ' rarity ',
beside Ir. othad, uathad < *au-tat-, both from *pau- : Lat. pau-cu-s,
O.R.G.foh, E.few.
iii. (i) Before a vowel the diphthong became aw when un-
affected. Thus W. 11 aw ' nine ' < Brit. * nouan < Ar. * neun :
*> n Q J
W. haw 'dirt' < *bou-, beside budr 'dirty' < *bou-tro-
Vpeu(d x )- : Lat. pus, etc. 101 iii (2); W. awydd 'desire'
for * awicyb (rh. with rhwyb 38 x) < *aueid- : Lat. avidus <
* auid-, Vauei-. So Brit, au for unacc. du as in Ml. W. andaic
' listen ', met. for *adnaw < *dti-gnd-u- ' attend to ' < *gn-u-
Vgene- : Lat. ndvus, Ir. aitfigne ' cognitio '. So also uu for Lat.
u before a vowel, as W. cystrawen ' syntax' < Lat. const mend a.
(a) But in the penult (the present ult.) post-tonic '-ou- gives
Ml. W. -eu, Mn. W. -au; thus the pi. endings *'-oues, * f -oua
give W. -eu, -au, as in cadau 'armies' < * kdtoues, dagran
* tears ' < Ar. *dakruu9 ; similarly angau ' death ' < * dnkou- ;
cigleu ' I have heard ' < *1cukloua 182i.
In this case -eu does not affect a preceding a as it does when it is
itself the result of affection 69 vi, as in teneu < *tanouis.
The above change may be due to a doubling of u, see 62 i (2), thus
*auu > *iiu > *uu > *6u > 0. W. oil, Ml. W. eii.
(3) iou- gives W. ieu ( = ieii). Thus W. ieuanc ' young ' <
Brit. *wuanko8 < Ar. iuunkos : Lat. juvencus 100 i (i) ; W.
Ienan<*Joudnnes for lodnnes ; Mn. W. lau, Ml. W. Ieu ' Jove '
< Brit. gen. *Iou-os for Lat. Jovis ; Mn. W. iau, Ml. W. ieu
' yoke ' < *iou-on < *jng-6m, see vi (i). Here we have the assimi-
lation of u to i by which it becomes ; cf. the assim. of i to u in
-iouiu. O. W., 25 i.
An alternative form ief-, if- appears in the penult : iefanc, ifanc ;
lefan, I fan. The latter is attested in the I4th cent : ivanghet C.M. 84.
Later it is common : Paivb yn eu rhif yn ifanc S.C., c. i 1 14 'all in
their [full] number young '.
76 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 105
Ifanc, ifanc a ofyn :
Htnaint, at henaint y tyn. S.Ph. BK. iv 391.
' The young seeks the young : old age is drawn to old age.' The
form ief- is probably older, but cannot be verified ; Ml. W. ieu- is
ambiguous, but doubtless generally meant ieil-. The latter form is
seen in
Paham, a minneu 'n ieuanc,
Yr wyf yn rhwym ar fy nkranc ? B.A. IL 133/77.
' Why, when I am young, am I bound at death's door 1 ' The dialects
now have if-, as I fan, ifanc, but itnctid for ieuenctid ' youth '.
(4) The ante-vocalic form aw may occur before a consonant
where the vowel after it has dropped, as in W. cawr ' giant ' <
Brit. *kouar6s : Gaul. Kavapos, Ir. caw (< W. ?) Vheud-. We
also have aw regularly for Lat. au, as in awdur < Lat.
au(c)torem ; llawb 'praise' < laudem\ Ml. W. Pawl < Paulus
(the biblical Pawl is merely the Eng. form, and is pronounced
Pol).
W. nawn ' noon '< *nouna possibly dial. Lat. for nona ( < *nouena),
cf. Pelignian Nounis ' Nonius ', and Lat. old spelling noundinum. Sir
John Rhys suggests the influence of Brit. *nouan. See 81 iii (2).
(5) Except when affected as in iv (4), v (3) (5), Brit, au gave u
in W., as in lu 'has been' < *(be)bdne < Ar. *bhelhoue 189
iv (3) ; earn 'to love' < *kara-u- 20.2 ii. When unaccented
a was shortened, iii (i), 74.
iv. The penultimate affection of the diphthong has the forms
ew, yw, and eu ; thus
(1) Before or I remaining as y or i, it appears as ew, as in
newyb 'new', Bret, nevez < *nouiips < *neuiipg\ W. cnewyll
'kernels' < *kneu- : E. nut < *knu-d- ; W. ewythr 'uncle' <
*auon-ter : Lat. avun-culvs < *aiion- (nom. * auo see v (5));
Bret, eoutr (eo for eu; i lost), Corn, en i tor (-tor = tr?) ; W.
ewyllys ' wiH'<*0-, V auei-. Similarly rhewin ' ruin ' derived
from the Lat. ruma.
(2) Before i when pretonic it is eu ( = eii), the i being lost ;
thus W. breuan 'handmill' for *breuon < *bronion-(: Corn.
brou, Bret, breo, Ir. brdu all from nom. *bromd, Ir. gen. broon) :
Goth, quairnus, E. quern, Vg*erd-.
But when accented it is yw as in ultimate aff. ; thus cyw
106 PHONOLOGY 76
' young- of an animal ' < *k6uip pi. cywion < *k6uiones, see v (6) ;
distrywiaf < * di-strduia-mi, v (2); llywiaf 'I steer' : llyw
' rudder ' ib.
In late formations i has no effect : gwrandawiad ' hearing ' from
guirandaw ' to listen '.
(3) Where it remained a diphthong before a consonant iii (4),
its affected form is eu ; thus ceuri p 94/1 79 E. ' giants ' now ceiri
(in Tre'r Ceiri, etc.) by 77 ix, pi. of cawr ; the usual pi. cewri
w. M. 441, IL.A. 44 is a re-formation ; W. beudy < Brit.
*boui-tigo8, a later formation than *boukolio* ii (i) (cf. Lat.
ndufragus, later ndvi-fragus] ; Ml. W. Meuruc 77 viii <
Mauritius', Ml. W. cyngheussaeth < * con-caus-i-act- : cyngaws
' lawsuit ' < Lat. causa.
(4) am became aj, giving wy 75 i (3) ; as andwyo ' to mar,
spoil ' met. for *ad-nwy-o < *ati-ndu-i-, niwed ' injury ' for
*nwyet 78 iv < ndu-iat- < *nou-i- : Lith. noryti 'to afflict '<
*nom-.
v. In the present ultima the diphthong, when affected, takes
various forms, as follows :
(i) The ordinary affection is Ml. W. eu, Mn. W. au ; this
occurs :
1 . Before unaccented -I ; as dau { two ' m., Ml. deu, O. W. dou
< *dom < Ar. *duwd(u) : Gk. Sva), 8vo, Lat. duo, Skr. duvd(u) ;
W. tau 'is silent' < * toy/it < * (s}tup-eit>, beside taw 'be
silent!' < *t6ue\ W. cenau ' whelp ' < *kanoul < *kan6iw\
Ir. cana : from *k(u} e n- : Lat. canis.
2. Before accented 2 ; as W. teneu ' thin ' (Corn, tanow, Bret.
tanao) < *tanouis < *t e nuuu : Lat. tenuis, Skr. tanuh f. tanvi.
3. Before a consonant ; as W. haul * sun ' < Brit. *saulifo <
*gdueli6s : Gk. ^tAioy, fjXios, Dor. deXioy Lith. tdule, Skr. surya-Jt ,
Lat. sol < * sduol< * sauel. ( ' -li- would have given W. II ; hence
we assume Brit, -li- ; see also 113 i (5).)
Ml. W. eur, Mn. W. aur ' gold ' cannot be from aurum which gave
Ml. aur ( = aivr), and Bret. aour. The Mn. W. aur, Ml. eur represents
the adj. *aurio8 for aureus, which spread from expressions like modrwy
aur 'gold(en) ring', etc. The noun is seen in ef guisgus aur (u = w)
B.A. 38 ' he wore gold '.
H The above is the ordinary affected form, which is used e. g. in the
76 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 107
formation of the 3rd sg. pres. ind. of verbs ; thus tereu ' strikes ' : taraw
= satf: saf 173 iv (i). It is seen that when -eu is the result of
affection as above, an a before it is affected to e ; see iii (2).
(a) -<5ui- gives -yw. Thus W. dilyw ' flood ' (now generally
misspelt diluw) < *dll6uio- < Lat. diluvium ; distryw ' destruc-
tion ' < *dl-str6ui- : Goth, straujan, Lat. destruo ; the vb. is
dutryw\af iv (2) ; W r . llyw f rudder ', < *louio- : Ir. lue<*hi-iio- :
Gk. TrXooy, */ pleu- ; W. clyw ' hearing ' < * kloui- < Ideues-
75vii(i).
There is no reason to suppose that uu became iu in Brit., as stated
by Pedersen, Gr. i 61 ; yw is from oui as above. Clywaf 'I hear' is
a denominative from clyw, cf. clywyaf C.M. 32 (the pres. stem of Vkleu-
meant ' to be named ', and clywaf cannot come directly from it ; cf.
Meillet, MSL. xv 337).
(3) -aui- became -di- which gives -wy 75 i (3) ; thus W.
wy ' egg ' < Brit. *auion < Ar. *ouiom : Gk. &iov, $ov, Lat.
ovum ; Cornwy < Corndui-(a)\ Aethwy R.P. 1419 < * Oethwy
78 ii (3) < Octavius.
Pedersen Gr. i. 66 suggests that Ir. og is borrowed from W., but
this is improbable, and does not help to explain the -g. Thurneysen
IA. xxvi 26 insists upon a Kelt. *ugoa, *uges. The fact, however,
seems to be that ui under certain conditions became in Ir. a spirant
written g] thus Ir. ugaire 'shepherd' < *oui-arius : di, ui 'sheep',
Lat. ovis; Mn. Ir. ughachd 'will' < *oui-akt-, Vauei-, iv (i). Eng.
egg is from Icel. egg < Pr. Germ. *ajja- < *ouio-.
(4) -out or -oui- / was similarly simplified to -o-t, -oi~, which
gives -wy ; thus W. dwy ' two ' f. < *doyi < *duudi : Lat. duae,
Skr. duve < * duudi ; W. aswy ' left (hand) ' < *at-soui-d :
Skr. savyd-h ' left '.
-wy as in (3) and (4) may be weakened to -eu ; as Corneu, asseu ;
these are not direct affections, as shown by the unaffected a- ; also
to w, assw, see 78 iii, i.
(5) -aui, -aui- or -aui-' by the shortening of unacc. a became
-aui, -aut- or -aui-' simplified to -a-i, -a-i- or -ai-, which gives
-oe. The simplification here was late, so that -aui did not, like
~asi t give -ei. It did not take place in Bret, and Corn., in which
the groups appear as -ou (-ow). In W. -oe generally becomes
-o, 78 i (i). Examples: -(g}no in proper names ; lud-noe L.L.
176, 187, Balch-noe D. G. 43; Gueithgno L.L. 144,
108 PHONOLOGY 76
(wrongly wr. guipno) GEN. v, Mn. W. Gwyddno ; Mochno B.B. 61,
Beuno IL.A. 119, Mn. W. Tudno, Machno, etc., all < *-gndul6-s :
Lat. Gnaeus < *gnd-uio8 < *#-, V gene- ' be born '. (With the
accent on the a it gave -nwy by (3), as Mochnwy B.B. 47, Gronwy
78 i (2), weakened to -new, see (4), as Guitneu B.B. 98, 106,
ludnou L.L. 73, 77, etc.) ; W. do 'lock' <*qldu-i* : Gk. AC A 77/9,
Lat. cldvis, </(s)qldu-; W. noe 'large bowl ' < *? : Lat. ndvitt,
udvis, Gk.vavs, Ion. j/^Os-jSkr. na-uh ; ^i. athro 'guardian, teacher ',
< *altrdui< *altrduo< *altro-auo, 155 ii (i) : *auon- iv (i) ; pi.
athrawon, alllrawon < *altrau6ne8 ; f. elltrewyn ' stepmother ' <
* altrdudnl ; Bret, aouirou ' seigneur ', Corn, alirou ' fosterfather '.
The mas. eg. is athro in all Ml. W. texts : B.B. 86 ; A.L. i 338 ; W.M.
128, 452-3; *-M. 100-1, 202; JL.A. 3, 6, 49, 107, 113; B.P. 1225,
1241, 1255, 1345, 1348 ; R.B. 975 ; lo. G. 640, etc. ; and in the early
edns. of the Bible. The- late athraw (Salesbury, Die.) is an artificial
form deduced from the pi. Cae Athro (near Carnaivou) is so named
locally ; Cae-athraw is a misspelling which came through the Sunday
school from late edns. of the Bible. The sg. alltraw is also artificial.
(So in late W. cenaw is written for cenau in defiance of the pronuncia-
tion in all the dialects, which is cene or cena implying cenau 6 iii.)
Pughe's fern, elllrewen is his own invention ; -en would not affect the
-aw- to -ew-.
Other examples of the same development, though the orig. forma-
tion is not so clear in these, are W. glo ' coal ' for *gwloe < Brit.
*gulduis, Vgud(a x }- : E. coal, Skr. jvdlati ' blazes ' ; W. gro ' gravel '
<*graui8<*ghrou-, Vghreu- : Lat. rudus, E. grit; W. tyno 'plain,
meadow ' for *tno, O. W. tnou L.L. 32, 44, 74, Bret, tnou (: W. teneu,
Vten- 'stretch'?).
(6) Doublets occur for several reasons. i. Difference of accentua-
tion in Brit. ; thus W. gwryw ' male ', benyw ' female ' < Brit. *uir6vios,
*banouios, beside guru, banu A.L. i 272 = Gwyn. diaL^torw, banw for
*gwrwy *banwy < *uirouio8, *banouios. 2. Difference of ending, as
in ceneu 'whelp' < *kanouo, see (i) above, beside cnyw 'young of
an animal' < *k(a}n6uw, whence, by 101 ii (2), cyw 'young of an
animal' pi. cywi(m<*k(n)buione8. 3. Difference of strong and weak
forms ; as asswy beside asseu and assw, Gronwy beside Gronw, Cornwy
beside Corneu, see 78.
NOTE. It is to be observed that -o does not produce t'-affectiori
in Bret. ; hence W. aff. dau, but Bret, unaff. daou, < *duuo. On the
other hand W. aff. Iwul, Bret. aff. heol both from *sau'lios. The
assumption usually made that au gives W. -eu, -au based entirely
upon these two words (taken as *d(u)du, *saul-) does not explain the
difference in Bret.
vi. (i) ug before a vowel > nu in Brit, and developed like
76 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 109
ordinary uu or ou. Thus W. traw-qf 'I strike ' <*trug-ami<
*prug- for *purg-, V (s)pkuereg- 97 v (3) ; after?'-, iii (3), W.
iau 'yoke' : Lat. jugum, Gk. vyov, Skr. yugam all<Ar. *jiigom;
before i retained as y, W. llewych ' light ' < *lvg-isk- ; before
lost i, O. W. poullor-aur, Ml. W. peullawr B.T. 25 ' writing-
tablet ' < Lat. pugilldres ; before -u, W. go-lev, ' light ' < Brit.
*uo-liigu. For itg before i see 104 ii (a).
(2) But oug has the regular development of ou before a con-
sonant, and gives *wj > ii, as W. llu ' host ', Ir. ttluag < *slovg-,
95 i ; W. tru, tru-an ' wretched ', Ir. truag < *troug-os ; W.
bu-arth ' farmyard ' < *bou-r/art- : Lat. hortus 99 vi.
vii. In Brit, m between vowels or sonants was already
loosened to nasalized v or u ; after a vowel it is therefore treated
partly as a consonant and partly as the second element of a
diphthong.
(1) am generally gives af as in the spv. ending -haf 147 iv
(2), hafal ' like, equal ' : Ir. samail 94 i ; affected it gives
medially ef before a vowel, eif before i, ef or eu before n, as in
flefuydd or deunydd F. 37 ' material ' < *dam-n / iio- : Ir. damnae id.,
Vdemd- ' build ' ; cyniefi-g ' primitive ' : cyntaf 'first ' ; finally,
eu, as W. edau, edeu ' thread ' < *etaml, O. W. etem ( = ed?/v ?), pi.
edqf<eb<.*etam4jeu<*feto- ) Vpefe- ; so Ml. W. gwelleu ' shears',
Mn. W. gwellau pi. gwelleifiau ; Mn.'lit. gwellaif\s, deduced from
the pi. ; hynaif is doubtless analogical ; so drycheif, dyrckaif,
188 iii. The variant of -eu is -yf: crog-edyf ' dropwort '.
(2) em gives ef finally, as in nef 100 v ; medially ef as in
gefell ' twin ' < Lat. gemellus ; or yf as in Dyfed < Demeta ; or
(before wy] y(w) as in tywyll 111 i (2), tywyb 86 i (5) ; affected,
finally, -yf or -eu; as clebyf or clebeu ' sword '< *klad-emo (cf.
Gk. a/cpe/zcoi/), V qoldd- ; pi. cleddyfau a new formation ; so nebyf
or nebeu ' adze ', 130 i.
(3) om gives of as in dof tame ' : Lat. domdre; affected, yf as
in Selyf 69 iv (i) ; before -- it gives af as in safti ' mouth'
< *stom-n- : Gk. (rro/xa ; affected, eif as in ceifn 75 vii (i),
simplified to ef, 78 v, in the improper compound cefnderw,
O. W. pi. ceintiru 137 ii.
(4) um before a vowel gives -w(f), -yf-, as in tw(f) ' growth ',
tyfu ' to grow ' : Lat. tumeo ; before n it gives aw, af or w, as in
110 PHONOLOGY 77
Ml. W. y9ffawn>S.W. y*gon t also y*gafn, Mn. W. and N. W.
ysgafn, Ml. W. ysgw n 101 iv (3).
viii. (i) After the prefixes *ko-, *lo~, *do-, *ro- an initial u- was
heterosyllabic, and the o of the prefix becomes y regularly
65 iv (2), as in cy-wir ib., ty-wysog 'prince ', dy-wedaf 194' I
say ', rhy-wynt ' hurricane '.
(a) The vowel also develops regularly before ffu, as in tew
' thick ', Ir. ting < * tegu- : E. thick ; cf. ii (a).
ix. (i) iu and lu occurred as V- and R-grades of eieu, eieu,
etc. ; Kelt. Iu. also < Ar. eu. The i or I appears regularly in W.
as y or i. Thus byw ' live ' < g*iu- 63 vii (3) ; W. lliw < * llu- :
Lat. llvor. i
(a) luo gives W. iio or iia ( 65 v (i)) ; thus W. Iman ' quick '
<Brit *biuo-no-s 63 vii (3) ; W. hual ' shackle' for */ual<
*fluol < Lat. fibula ; original w > luo > iio as in lluossawc
75iii( 3 ).
LATER MODIFICATIONS OF VOWELS.
77. i. In Late Ml. W. y, when short, became t before g (then
written c) or ng. Thus in the unaccented ultima in Late Ml. W. we
generally find tc, sometimes ing, as tebic W.M. 122, 129, 142, B.M. 164,
213, etc.; meddic W.M. 141, K.M. 113, 212, 306, B.P. 1298; kyving
K.M. 1 10 (hut kyvyng W.M. 46, 465, R.M. 32). Such words are rhymed
by the bards with monosyllables having i (not ^)
Ond dychmygion dynion dig,
A cham oedd pob dychymig. D.G. 22 ; see 246.
' [They were] but jealous men's fancies, and every fancy was false.'
Rhinwedd mab leuan feddig
Ar dy rudd fal aur a drig. L.G.C. 348.
'The virtue of Ab leuan the physician will dwell as gold on thy
cheek.'
A'ifrig yn debig i ddn. D.E., o. 125.
'And its tips like fire.' To a woman's hair. See 133, and D.G., 27,
285. See tebig / diwig / cerrig / llewig / rhyfig, etc. E.P. 283.
In a monosyllable before g the vowel is long, 51 iii, and therefore
remains y, as in plyg ' fold ', cryg ' hoarse ' see plyc W.M. 89, K.M. 65 ;
but before ng it is short, 5 1 ii, hence ing ' anguish ', which is for
yng K.P. 1286, 1407 ; cf. the derivative ygder B.M. 119.
The only words in which the vowel is sounded t{ in the unaccented
ult. are compounds of plyg, cryg etc., as dyblyg D.G. 258, (g)wyrblyy
2 55> ogryg 244, deubyblyc IL.A. 68; also the 3rd sing. pres. ind. of
77 LATER VOWEL CHANGES 111
verbs with stems ending in ~og, as ysgyg D.G. 370 'shakes' (though
we have ennic C.M. 13 from annoc ' incite'). In other cases the sound
is ig. The late Mn. spellings meddyg, tebyg etc., are purely artificial,
deduced from meddygon, tebygu etc. A few words of this class are
still written phonetically, as cerrig.
The sound was y in Early Ml. W. as shown by the rhyme cerryg /
plyg C. M.A. i 24 1, and the assonance metic / bid B.B. 76 ( = meSyg / fyd) ;
and y the mutation of y remains in the penult. Hence we have two
forms : (i) -ig for -?/gr<-?c-, which becomes -yg- in the penult ; (2) -ig
for -ig<-lc-, which is -ig- in the penult. Thus (i) meddig < Lat.
medicus, pi. meddygon, (2) lleithig < Lat. lectlca, pi. lleithigeu. In
Mn. W. one or two words of the second class have passed over to the
first : perigl ' danger ' < Lat. penclum ; cynnig l to offer ' < Lat. con-
dlco, though still sounded perigl, cynnig are written perygl, cynnyg
because, by false analogy, derived forms have come to be sounded
with y as peryglus, cynygiaf. In Ml. W. the penult had t in these,
as periglwys R.B.B. 44-5, periglus IL.A. 146, berigleu B.B.B. 121, gynig-
wyt W.M. 1 68, gynnigywyt B.M. 234, kynnigywys do. 144.
ii. y becomes i in the unaccented ult. in some cases after g or ng ;
thus ergyt W.M. no, in 'shot'; ergit B.M. 80, 81, K.B.B. 42, now
ergid (written ergyd) ; efengil R.1L., F. 5, E.P. 278 ' gospel ' ; so sounded
now though written efengyl ; megis / dis, D.G. 315; cregin for *cregyn.
But as a rule y remains ; egyr ' opens ', diogyn ' idler ', negydd ' denier ',
dengys ' shows ', are so pronounced, owing to the influence of analogical
forms without g or ng.
iii. In the same position y frequently becomes i after penultimate
i or ei; thus llinyn W.M. 75 'string', but llinin four lines earlier,
also 78, llinin R.M. 54, 56 (each time), dibin C.M. 91 'hang', am&iffin
p 2 i/i K. 'to defend', gwlithin W.M. 455, B.M. 102 'dewdrop', gili8
W.M. 9, 134 'other', origin IL.A. 122 'a moment', (double dim. of awr
'hour'), dilin D.G-. 343 'to follow'.
D erf el wrth ryfel a thrin
Dewr oedd, a da i wreiddin. D.I.D., G. 178.
' He was a brave Derfel in war and encounter, and of good stock.'
Herwydd nas gwnai ddyhirin
Fentrio i oes o fewn trin. S.T., G.B. 369.
' Because a dastard would not risk his life in battle.'
But analogy has always tended to preserve the termination -yn :
Ysbys y dengys y dyn
ba radd y bo i wreiddnn. T.A., F. 33.
' Plainly does a man show of what degree his origin is.'
cJiyrch dyrfa, deca' dyn,
Daw i'w harail dihirnn. D.G., 173.
' If she hies to a gathering, fairest maid, a knave comes to watch her.'
112 PHONOLOGY 77
The sound is now i, as llinin, dibin, amddffin, giliB, gwrei&in, etc. ;
tlie y written is an etymological spelling. Sometimes it is wrongly
written, as in ers meityn for era meitin 70 v. This may also occur
in Ml. W. as in yr meityn W.M. 17, R.M. 1 1 beside the correct er meitin
W.M. 128, 138, yc meitin R.M. 280, cf. meitin/jfin B.A. 18 ; dilyt beside
dilit W.M. 41.
iv. In Mn. W. ?/ followed by i in some common groupings became
i ; thus cerif di ' thou lovest ' became ceri di, and cert supplanted eery
as the regular form. So ivrthtffi, wrtltift ti became wrthifi, wrthit ti,
and the 1620 Bible has wrthif, wrthit; so gennif, gennit; but later
the Ml. forms with y were restored in writing. [The dialects developed
new formations.]
v. The diphthong yw is now sounded iw after front consonants:
after c ( = &) in cyw = Jciw (but pi. cywion = qsuion), after r in rhyw
and its compounds amryw, cyfryw, etc., in dryw, ystryw, gwryw, after n
in benyw, and initially in yw 'is', yw ' to his ' now written iw. (Gwryw,
benyw, yw ' is ' are not dialectal forms in N. W., but are sounded with
-iw in reading or quoting.) Ml. W. nywl R.M. 46, W.M. 64 'fog' is
now written niwl, 37 ii. In distfyw, dilyw the -iw sound is earlier,
on account of the preceding i; both are often spelt with -iw in Ml.W.
After d and 8 the sound iw is still earlier ; thus ydiw, he8iw are so spelt
in ML W. in MSS. where i and y are distinguished.
The only words remaining now with i[w are byw, cfyw, Uyw ' prince '
and llifw ' rudder ' (also sounded lliw), gwyw ' withered ' in addition
to Duw which is sounded Dqw in Late Mn. W. ; and compounds of
these lledfyw, hyglyw, etc.
vi. In the Mn. language y in the unaccented ult. is sounded i before
II in some words ; as cyllyll ' knives ', gwyn'yll ' fan ' ; in some, as
candryll 'shattered' (lit. ' 100 bits' 1 ), both y and i are heard; others
have if always, as sefyll. This modification sometimes appears in
late MSS. ; but is not recognized in the rhymes of the bards.
vii. (i) In Ml.W. u ( = u) was unrounded to i after the labial in
govut 'pain'; the usual Ml. form is govut W.M. 138 1. 15; 231 ; but
gofit W.M. 138 1. 4; 131, 141, etc.; Mn.W. gofid.
(2) In a few cases if came to be rounded after a labial; thus jpwmp
' five ' for an earlier pymp, O.W. jrimj) ', bustl ' gall ' for *bystl : Bret.
bestl (Bret, e = W. y 16 iv (2)).
viii. As it was difficult to pronounce unrounded i or tf and rounded
u in consecutive syllables, assimilation took place : *iSunt ' to them '
(cf. iBaw ' to him ') became uSunt and always appears so in Ml. W. see
A.L. i 2 ; p 17/1 K.; H..A. 7, 8, n, 21, etc. ; W.M. 6, 26 ; R.M. 4, 7, etc.
The natural sound in Gwyn. is u8un, though the artificial Mn. lit.
iddynt and the analogy of iddo may have influenced the pronunciation
of some speakers. Similarly ei became eu, as in reudus W.M. 21, R.M. 13,
R.P. 1238 for rheidus 'needy' ; teulu 'household troops' for teilu, the
form implied in the spelling teylu of A.L. i 2, 12, etc.; eulun often
later for eilun, and now sounded eulun. In the reverse order we have
Ml. W. Meuruc for Meuric.
78 LATER VOWEL CHANGES 113
ix. In Mn. W. u having come to be sounded y, it becomes i in those
positions where y would be so treated : thus barrug, esgus, cynnull
are sounded barrig, esgis, cynnill. D.G. rhymes menig / sarrug 8.
Before i or i it is sounded i. Dr. M. writes iniawn Job i i ; we now
say inion ' straight ' for union, inig for unig, tostirio for tosturio, etc.
Hence carut ti became carit ti, and -it in Late Mn.W. replaced -ut as
the 2nd sg. impf. ending.
x. u being rounded in O. and Ml. "W., final ch after it retained its
rounding ; thus uch ' higher ' = u%ch, sometimes written uwch in Late
Ml. W. ; when the M was unrounded the glide remained, and the sound
became 1/wch as implied in ywch R.P. 1295 ; this is the present sound ;
it is written uwch in Mn. W. But in the penult we have uch, as in
uchel ' high '. Hence the mutation, uw :u, 81.
xi. The modern pronunciation cited in this section is that of
Gwynedd, where the sound y or u is quite distinct from the sound i.
78. i. (i) The diphthong oe or oy, O. W. oi, remains finally in
only two words : noe ' basin ', doe ' yesterday ' ; Ml. W. had moe 'more '
also. Elsewhere it is regularly reduced to -o, as in creto ' may believe '
for *cred-hoe appearing as cred~doe B.B, 53, a stray survival, 183 ii;
and in -no in personal names for -noe, do for *cloe, etc. 76 v (5); in
am-do 'shroud' for *am^doe 104 ii (2) ; th or 8 may be lost after it
as in heno ' to-night '< O. W. henoid Juv. si\. = henoeth R.P. 1040; it
became ui by assim. in hunnoid ox.>hunnuid M.c.>Ml. and Mn.W.
hwnnw; and hinnoid gave hynny by analogical assimilation (-d = -8
in O.W.). A late example is y ddannodd ' toothache '< Ml. W. y 8annoe8
75 iv (2), in which however the final -8 remains.
Final -aeth>-a in the same way in yna, etwa for ynaeth, etwaeth.
(2) Similarly wy, 0. W. ui, may be reduced to w ; cf. hwnnw above.
Thus llw ' oath' 104 ii (2) ; Gronwy W.M. no, m>Gronw do. 101,
104, 105; Gronwy, Goronwy for *gwronwy < *u(f)ro-gnauios 76
v (5) ; both forms survived : Pont Ronw (Llanedwen) is called Pont
Ronwy by some, but whether the latter is of lit. origin is difficult to
decide. So assu A.L. i 144 ( = assw) < asswy 'left'; guru, banu <.
*gwrwy, *banwy 76 v (6) ; raccw 210 x (3). Before a consonant :
aor. 3rd sg. -wys>-ws 1 75 i (5) ; tyngwt B.A. 4 for tyngwyt ; adettwt,
rannwt G.c. 106, 108 ; and doubtless impf. ist sg. -wn is for an earlier
*-wyn 180iii (i); -wwfor *-wyn 215 iii (i). So mwrtJnvl W.M. 46,
R.B. 968, D.G. 430, myrthwl R.M. 32 beside mortuyl B.CH. 77,
morthwyl, mwrthwyl D.D., mortlwyl Bible, spoken lang. mwrthwl pi.
myrlhwylion. Late Mn. W. neithiwr ' last night ' < neitliwyr 34
ii, Ml. W. neitkywyr S.G. 43.
Some cases occur of the late substitution of wy for w: madws 'high
time' W.M. 22, B.M. 14 ( : Sequ. matu.., Lat. mdtiirus) is given by
Wm.S. and D.D. s.v. as madwys, which is not attested; cyfarws,
W.M. 454, 459-60, later cyfarwys, see Silvan Evans s.v.
ii. (i) In some words oe in the ultima was reduced to e, and wy to
y thus *nammoen ' not more [than] ' became namen B.A. 15,16' only ',
1409 I
114 PHONOLOGY 78
and namwyn B.P. 1056 gave Ml. and Mn. W. namyn 'but, except',
222 iii (3); *muhar-oin (variant maharuin, B.S.CH. 3), Early Ml.W.
maharaen A.L. 1278, Ml. and Mn. W. maJiaren ' ram ', pi. *meheruin>
ineheryn; mahar-<*mas- K ro- 'male': Lat. mas, suff. 153 (5), + oen
65 ii (2) ; *adwoen (written adwaen but rh. with hoen,poen B.B. 70)
>adwaen, adwen 'I know'; brenhinoet B.B. 53>brenhine8, but -oeS
remains in N. W. and Mn. Lit. W. ; so cefnderweS, ewythreB.
The change seems to be due to unrounding by dissimilation with a
labial in the word (teyrneS followed the synonymous brenhineS). Later
examples are Cawlwyd, Mawddwy now sounded Cowled, Mowddq ; cf.
also a(w]wyr>aw^r, etc. 38 x.
(2) After a labial 0. W. ot>Ml. W. ae; asO. W. guoilauf&.^.Gs. 6
> Ml. gwaelawl, Mn. gwaelod ; W. gwae ' woe ' for *gwoe<*uai : Lat.
vae, Goth, wai; W. gwae8 'cry' for *gwoe8, Ir. faed<*uaid- : Lith.
waidi 'lamentation' ; bae8 'boar'<*ioe8 (written bae8 but rh. with
oe8 B.T. 26, 1. 17).
After g-, oi (oe, oy) became way, woe as in gwayw ' spear ' for *goyw
75 vii (3) written gvaev but rhyming with gloev (gloyw) B.B. 72;
gwaed ' blood ' for *goed = Bret, goad, Leon he c'hoad ' his blood '
(c'h<g}; see gwaet rh. with coet, eiryoet B.P. 1046.
(3) In the penult oi (oe) became ae before wy in aelwyd ' hearth ' :
Corn, oilet, Bret, oaled 104 iv (3); Aethwy<*0ethwy 76 v (3).
iii. -wy, or rather Early W. -ul, was liable when unaccented to be
weakened to oil > Ml. W. eu ; thus eu ' their ' for *wy from *eisom
160 iv; meu, ten 75 viii (2), 161 iv; pi-eu 'whose is?' with
eu for *wy<*eset 1 79 ix (3), 192 ; asseu, Corneu, Guitneu, ludnou
76v( 4 ),(5); wM219i(2).
iv. (i) ui (wy) finally or before a vowel was liable to be metathesized
to yw; as in yw 'is' for *wy 179 ix (3); yw 'to his, to her' for
*wy 160 iv (2) ; nyw ' who . . . not . . . him ' for earlier nuy 160
ii (2). After a dental it became iw, 77 v, as in Ml. W. ydiw 'is*
for *yd-wy ; W. niwed ' harm ' for *nwyet 76 iv (4). In Bret, and
Corn, this metathesis was carried further : Bret, piou, Corn.pyw, pew :
W. pwy ' who ', etc.
(2) This might happen before a consonant also ; but in that case
*yw became ii; thus *dwyw ' god ' > *dyw-w > duw ; the form *divyw
is attested in B.T. 10, where, though spelt duw, it rhymes with plwijw
(=plwyf1); and it remained in all derivatives, as O. W. duiutit
'divinity', Ml.W. dwywes 'goddess ',dwywawl, TULn.W.dwyfol' divine';
the forms duwies ' goddess ', duwiol ' pious ' etc. are late deductions
from duw; similarly Early Ml.W. verbal noun deweduyt A.L. i 146,
152, etc. gwedy dywedwyd w. i5a 'after saying '> Ml. W. dywedut
'to say'; the wy remains in dywedwydat W.M. 63, K.M. 45 'saying',
dywedwydyat s.G. 171 'babbler'.
v. In the penult oe, ae, ei tend to become o, a, e respectively before
two consonants, more especially in Mn.W.; thus otva K.P. 1208, S.G. 303,
79 LATER VOWEL CHANGES 115
Mn. W. odfa for oedfa ' appointment, meeting ' ; Mn.W. add fed ' ripe '
for aeddfed, Ml.W. aeSvet W.M. 73, IL.A. 166, K.B.B. 175 ; Mn. W. glendid
for Ml.W. gleindit ' cleanliness, beauty '. (Dial. gwergloS for gweirglo8,
comoth sgernoth for coesnoeth esgeimoeth.)
ae>a in aeth- 108 iv (2).
vi. In the ult. ae sometimes became e 31.
79. i. (i) Old and Ml.W. ei appears as ai and ei in Mn.W. With
some exceptions, 81 iii (i), ai appears in the ultima and in mono-
syllables, and ei (pronounced 9i 29 iii) in other syllables. Thus
Mn. W. ai stands in the syllable generally accented in O. W., and ei
in the syllable then unaccented. The natural inference is that the
Mn. mutation ei / 'ai is an exaggeration of a difference in the pronuncia-
tion of ei going back to O. W.
(2) O. W. ei was originally ei with open e, 69 vii. But in un-
accented syllables it came to be sounded ei to avoid lowering the
tongue to e and raising it again to i in the short time available. The
same thing took place in accented syllables ending in a group of
consonants, as beirS, since the time required to pronounce the conso-
nants left less time to sound the diphthong. But in accented syllables
with a simple or* no consonantal ending the ei remained. Ml. W. ei
therefore represented ei and ei ; the former gave Mn.W. ei, sounded 91 ;
the latter gave ai. The old distinction is reflected in the Gwynedd
pronunciation of a preceding guttural : ceiniog, ceirch are sounded
foiniog Ttnrch ; but caib, cats are qaib, qais ; the velar and palatal
alternate in the same word : qaib, faibio ; it may be added that before
ordinary y ( = 9) the consonant is the velar, thus cybyS, cynnar are
q9bifS, qdnnar. It is seen therefore that the first element of &i must
be from close ?, for it differed from that of ai which comes from open e,
and also from the old y ( = a). The present sound si seems to be as
old as the i6th cent., for rhdir contracted for rhy-hir (rh-hir) is
written rheir in G.E. 101. The present sound ai is at least as old as
the 1 4th cent.: gwnai (<gwnaei) is rhymed with delei in R.P. 1271
by M.D., and with divei R.P. 1293 by G.V. The oldest appearance of
the spelling ai seems to occur in the Red Book : benn raith E.P. 1 194,
diwair do. 1200, kain 1205, arynaic 1227, kain, main 1318; but
Norman scribes heard the ei as ai much earlier, to judge by such a
form as Trefwalkemay in the Extent of Anglesey dated 1294 (Seebohm,
Trib. Sys. ] App. 10), Ml.W. Gwalchmei, Mn.W. Gwalchmai.
ii. O. W. ou ( = ou) has a somewhat similar history. The o was
probably close in unaccented and open in accented syllables. In Ml.W.
it was unrounded in both cases, giving a close 9 and an open 9, both
written e, so that the two sounds of the diphthong were written eu.
The close 9 remains in Mn. W. eu, sounded 9u ; the open 9 gave a in
Mn. W. au. That the former was a close 9 and not a close e is shown
by the fact that in Gwynedd ceunant, ceulo are sounded q9unant qsulo.
The two sounds eu and au occur in the same positions in the word as
ei and ai respectively; see 81.
12
116
PHONOLOGY
80, 81
VOWEL VARIATION IN MODERN WELSH
80. The above are the changes that have taken place in
vowel sounds. Many of them depend upon accentuation or the
influence of neighbouring sounds ; hence in the Mn. language a
vowel may have its original sound in one form of a word, and a
changed sound in another, or two different changes of an original
vowel may appear in two different forms of a word. It will be
convenient now to bring together the more important variations of
the same originals that occur in Mn. W.
VOWEL MUTATION.
81. i. Vowel mutation is the regular alternation of vowels
and diphthongs according to their position in a word. Certain
sounds occurring in the ultima and in monosyllables are regu-
larly modified in other positions.
The following is a table of the vowel mutations (numbered for
reference). The numbers in the last column indicate the sections
where the changes resulting in the mutation are dealt with.
In final,
In
No.
and mono-,
other
Example?.
syllables.
syllables.
I
at
ei
adait, adeilad', caib,ceibio
79 i.
2
au
Oil
haul, heulog ; aur euraid
79 ii.
3
aw
o
tlawd, tlodion, tlodi t tlotaf
71 i.
4
w
y
trwm, try union i trymach
66 i.
5
M
y
bqr, lyrion, lyrder
66 i.
6
uw
u
buwch, buc/wd, buc/ies
77 x.
As a general rule the respective forms appear only in the
positions indicated. The exceptions are noted below.
ii. There is no exception to the rule that at and an appear as
ei and eu in the penult. Such forms as daiar, graian, Aaiarn,
rhaiadr, traian, cauad, cauodd, gauaf, cynhauaf&rQ not exceptions
but misspellings of daear, graean, haearn, rhaeadr, traean, caead t
caeodd, gaeaf, cynhaeaf, the diphthong ae (also written ay 29 ii)
being one which does not undergo mutation in Lit. W., but re-
81 VOWEL MUTATION 117
mains the same in all positions (unless affected 70 iii). See
dayar R.M. 4, 5, 73, 78, etc., W.M. 100, 456, 459, daear B.B. 70,
W.M. 107, R.M. 9J,gaeaf E.B.B. 277, R.P. 1269, kynhaeaf W.M. 73,
R.M. 53, R.B.B. 271, P 14/11 R., kynhayaf B.T. 8, haearn R.M. 118,
hayam 119, raeadfr R.P. 1255. The sound is attested in
cynghanedd lusg :
Cyfled i cAae d daear. D.G. 205.
' Her demesne is as wide as the earth.'
Ba le mae 'r gorsied g&ead ? L.G.C. 372 ; cf. 28, 1. i.
' Where is the closed gorget 1 '
The spelling ai, as in daiar, used by Saleshury and in the early
Bibles, is a mistranscription of Ml. W. ay, due to the fact that Ml. W. y
sometimes represents i, 25 iii. (Salesbury has dayar also, and gayaf
always.) gauaf is phonetically correct now that u has come to be
sounded if, so that the error is only an orthographic one exactly similar
to writing dun for difn ' man '. In cauodd etc. the error was suggested
by the fact that the verbal noun is cau ' to shut ', a contraction of cay\u
or cae\u 33 iv. Such spellings as the latter-day traithawd for the
usual and correct traethawd are due to bungling etymological theories.
Pedersen, Gr. i 67, imagines from these false spellings that the difference
between ?/ and ai is small in diphthongs and vanishes where the second
element is heterosyllabic. It is not heterosyllabic in these diphthongs,
see 54 iv; and 1{ and i are perfectly distinct wherever the dialect
distinguishes between y and i as vowels. The possible forms in the
penult are ae, eu, ei, now sounded in Powys ay, sy, ai, and in Gwyuedd
9if, 9i{, n- No one in Powys or Gwynedd sounds an i in daear.
iii. The exceptions to the general rule are the following
(' ultima ' being understood to include ' monosyllable ') :
(i) ei occurs in the ultima when followed by two consonants, or by
I for Zj, r for rr', thus beirdd 'bards', teift 'throws', eithr 'except',
(jwelmrdd D.G. 20 'forbids', ineirw pi. of marw 'dead', deil 'holds'
for *deil%, ceir ' cars ', pi. of carr. Before U usage varies : lleill ' others ',
y naill ' the one ', ereill or eraill ' others '. In polysyllables it some-
times occurs before m or ch ; dychleim Gr.O. 90 ' leaps up ', myneich
' monks '. But ai appears before nc, nt, sg, as cainc ' branch ', rnaint
' size ', Jtenaint ' old age ', braisg ' thick ' ; also in Aifft, enghraifft,
aillt.
As a contraction of e-i the diphthong is now written and spoken ei
(that is 9i), as ceir, gwneir ; but ai was common formerly, as cair,
gwnair.
eu is now commonly written, when absolutely final, iu polysyllables,
except when it is a plural or pronominal ending; as goreu, goleu,
dechreu for gorau, golau, dechrau. It survived from Ml. W. under the
118 PHONOLOGY 82
influence of dialectal -e, and its use was extended in the igtli cent.
because of an idea that -au suggested the pi. ending.
In Ml. W. ei and eu appear in all positions, so that the mutation is
not represented in writing, 79. But -e-u, -d-u were distinct, as
are contracted -eu, -du now : dileu, parhdu, 33 iv.
(2) The mutation aw : o is not of general application. The penulti-
mate o does not come from the ultimate aw, but both come from J>:
see 71 i. Hence when aw is an original diphthong < Brit, or Lat.
<m or au, it remains aw in the penult, as in awdur < Lat. au(c)tdrem ;
so cawgiau pi. of cawg< late Lat. caucus', awydd, etc. 76 iii ; cana-
won, athrawon, 36 iii. This shows nawn which gives prynhawnol,
prynhawngweith, etc., to be from *nouna 76 iii as opposed to awr
which gives oriau, oriog, etc., and is from *(h)ora 71 ii (3). In late
formations aw < a is unmutated as in mawrion 144 iii (i), ardder-
chawgrwydd beside ardderchogrwydd. Before a consonant, penulti-
mate aw is sounded &w, and sometimes written ow, as cowgiau D. 40,
ardderchowgrwydd.
Where Ml. W. aw in the unaccented ult. has become o, 71, the
mutation of course disappears ; thus it appears in Ml. W. pechawt,
2)echodeu, but is lost in Mn. W. pechod, pechodau. Where at the same
time the aw represents a Brit, diphthong, as in gwrando, gwrandawaf,
the rule of mutation is reversed. So in final -o for affected au, in
athro, athrawon 76 v (5).
(3) w appears in the penult in some words; see 66 ii, iii. For
other exceptions to mutations 4 and 5 see 82.
(4) The mutation uw : u occurs only before ch, 77 x. In late
formations it is neglected ; thus beside lluwch ' (snow)drift ', we have
the old lluchio 'to hurl', and the new lluwchio 'to drive (dust or
snow)'. For the derivatives of duw see 78 iv (2).
(5) On unmutated forms in loose compounds see 45 ii (2).
82. i. From the table in the above section it is seen that
the use of the two sounds of y is regulated by the law of vowel
mutation. The general rule in its special application to these
sounds may be stated as follows :
y has the y sound in monosyllables and final syllables, and the
y sound in all syllables not final ; as edr^ch, edrychtvck, bryn,
bryniau, mynqdd, wynyddoedd, lyrddau, pn/d, prydferth, dyfod,
ii. The exceptions to the rule are
(i) A few proclitics, which, though monosyllabic, have the y sound.
These are yr, y ' the ', yn ' in ', fy ' my ', dy ' thy ', yn ' our ', ych ' your ',
inyn, ym ' by ' (in oaths).
Pre-verbal yS, yr, y (whether the relative, 162, the affirmative
particle, 219 ii, or the conjunction, 222 x) is now always sounded
82 VOWEL MUTATION 119
with y. In B.CH. it is regularly written ed, e (implying yS,y, 16 iii) ;
see A.L. i 2, 4, 6, 1 2, etc. But in the 1 5th cent, and later it was often
written ir, i, as I'r tri oessawl ir a'r teirswyS, L.G.C. B.P. 1412,0 Vran
i deuan do. 1411. J.D.R. and D. regularly write it with y ( = ?/) ; but
Dr. Davies later in his D.D. (opp. p. i) says that the sound is y. The
explanation doubtless is that it was originally if and y according to the
accent; and both survived, the if becoming i (like the preposition, 16
ii (3)). It is often non-syllabic after a vowel in poetry ; if its vowel
is written it must be read as i or ^ forming a diphthong with the
preceding vowel, 33 v.
Hen(e)iddio ir wy\ hyn oedd reid. I.G., P 53/91 B.
Ac yno y trie enaid Rrys. H.D. (auto. 1 ?), P 67/149 B.
But it is most commonly elided, in which case we have to assume
that the lost vowel was y, 44 vii (i).
Astudio 'dd wyf, was didwyll. An., P 54/27 B. (i5th cent.).
Meddylio 'r wyf, mau ddolur. G.C., P 64/1 2 2 B. (Auto. S.V.).
Thomas ddulas, lie 'dd elwyf. H.D. (auto. 1), P 67/212 B.
Ac yno 'trie enaid R(li)ys. R.C. (auto.), P 68/19 K -
ys as a proclitic is ys, as ys gwir 'it is true', often 's gwir 221
iii ; when accented it is ys ' there is, people are '.
Llenwi, dros yr holl yntfs,
Dagrau ar ruddiau yr ys. Gut.O., A 14967/120.
' Over the whole island, there is a shedding of tears on cheeks.'
(2) The old forms qmi{, ^Y, V m *> Y w *> e ^ c - f I7m > l '**> e * c ^ a ^ Y ^ n
the penult, 212 ii. gqda also has tf; but this is for gyd d, Ml. W.
y gyt a, 216 ii (2). G.R. writes it gida and J.D.R. gyda (his y = if) ;
both these pronunciations survive.
(3) Non-ultimate y before a vowel is now mostly y; but originally
it was y regularly, for it may come from o as in dy-, rhy-, or was
followed by 5 so that at first there was no hiatus. In many cases
the y was assimilated to the following vowel 16 iv (4), and contrac-
tion took place ; thus Early Ml. W. deodreven ( = dyodrevyn) A.L. i 80
>doodreven do. 94 > Mn. W. dodrefn 'furniture'; ryodres B.A. 5 >
rootdres B.B.B. 195 > rhcdres ' pomp ' ; kyoe8 B.P. i 206 > *cooe8 > coeB
41 v ; gwelyeu > gwelyau > gweldu Ps. cxlix 5, Can. vi 2 (1588 and
1620), B.CW. 23 ' beds '; *cyd-dy-un > Ml.W. cyt-tu-un > Mn. W. cytun
33 iv; dylyed>*dyleed>dyled 199 ii (2). But it also remained
unassimilated, as in hundyeu B.M. 4, dylyet do. 5, camlyeu B.P. 1297.
In that case it tended to become e 16 iv (2), thus deun B.P. 1217, deall
beside dallt I.D. 1 2, N.W. dial, ddllt ; godreon beside godryon 65 ii (3);
darlleaf 203 iv (3) ; or was raised to y, which broke up later into
9t( (written eu) ; thus godreuon J.D.R. [xxi] for godryon, lletteuodd
Gen. xxxii 21, dyleuaf so printed in D.G. 35, beside gwelyeu J.D.R.
(whose y = y) [xiv, xix], dhylyei [xix, xxi], dhylyedic [xvi, xix]. Cf.
rht{<rhy 65 iv (2). (But hqawdl is a misspelling of huawdl, Ml.W.
120
83
huawdyl K.P. 1301.) It is probable that the misspelling boreu for
bore 31 ii 2 sprang from boreuach the debased form of boryach.
(4) yw follows the rule, as byw, byunjd, bywiog ; clyw, clywed ; Uifio,
llywifdd, llywio, etc., except in late formations, especially from forms
in which qw became iw 77 v, as in amrywio (sounded amriwio),
distrqwiaf (dislriwiaf), etc. J.D.R. writes amrywio (y = y) [ xv i]>
distriwiaw fxix]. So niwliog, niwloedd 37 ii.
(5) The rising diphthong wy follows the rule : gwyrdd, gwyrddimi,
etc. ; but wy generally becomes w 66 ii. Such a pronunciation as
gwyntoedd is recent ; but gwywo ' to wither ' may be old, as the tf may
have resisted mutation between two W'B.
(6) The rule does not apply to the falling diphthong wy, in which
the y is consonantal. In this y must necessarily be y always, as mwyu,
mwynach, mwynion ; and the if remains when the wy is mispronounced
as wry 38 iii, as Gwqnedd for Gwynedd.
iii. (i) In the words sylw, gwyry, the final w and y were non-
syllabic 42, 110 ii; hence the y is y ; thus aqlw (but sylwi),
(2) With the exceptions mentioned in ii, the sound which is now
common to y and u, if it occurs in the penult, is to be written u.
Thus we write nmnud, munudau, papur, jxtpurau. Following this
rule the translators of the Bible were misled by the late disyllabic
pronunciation of sylw to write it sulw ; in late editions this error is
corrected.
(3) In a few cases u in the ultima has come to be mistaken for y
and mutated to y in the penult ; as in ysgrythyrau in the Bible (but
ysgrythurau correctly in the 1727 edn.) pi. of ysgrythur (< Lat.
scriptura) regarded as ysgrythyr on the analogy of llythyr ' letter '.
So testy nau for testunau, Early Mn.W. testunion, pi. of testun (<Lat.
testimonium) treated as testyn ; corynau ' crowns ', corynfoel B.cw. 33
' bald-headed ', from corun H.B.B. 171 (< Lat. coraiia) treated as coryn.
VOWEL AFFECTION.
83. The following tables show the affected and unaffected
forms of vowels as they alternate in Mn. W.
i. Ultimate c-af fee ti on, 68.
No.
Unaffected.
Affected.
Examples.
I
U
e
gwyn, f. gwen ; cryf, f. cref
2
w
trwm, f. trdm ; tlibs, f. fids
The affected sound occuis in the ultima. It is occasionally found
in the penult in compounds, as in cromlech (crwm ' arched ') ; and in
superlatives, as gwennaf, tromaf 147 iii. In bychan, f. bechan, the e
83
VOWEL AFFECTION
121
seems to be a variant of y, chosen for the f. on the analogy of the
usual f. e caused by affection.
ii. Ultimate /-affection, 69, 76 v.
No.
Un-
affected.
Affected.
Examples.
ai or ei
bran, brain; bardd,beirdd; dal, deil
i
u.
tafarn, ie/eirn or tef^m
2
ae
ai
draeti, drain ; (jtraedd, cyrraidd
3
6 i
(angel, engifl ; ateb, etifb ; seren, syr
4
f
u.
f/ffor, egyr ; ffon, fftpi
5
w )
asgwrn, esgyrn ; swrth, sqrth.
6
oe
wy
oen, wf/n ; croen, crwyn
(
au or eu
taw, tau ; taraw, Ml. W. ^<?^?^
7
aw
n
taraw, Mn. W. ^r^
The change occurs only in the ultima, a or o in the penult becomes
e 69 vi. Final w, being originally consonantal, does not count as
a syllable for the purposes of affection : marw ' dead ', pi. meirw.
As to the forms ai and ei of No. i, see 81 iii (i); the form ?/
occurs only in the unaccented ultima, 69 ii (3).
The form ?/ of No. 7 is not a phonetic development of eu, but is due
to false analogy ; when taraw had become ta.ro the 3rd sing. pres. ind.
teni was formed from the latter on the model of ayor : ey>[r. See
173iv( 3 ).
iii. Penultimate affection, 70. The affecting sound is
usually preserved in the ultima, but has in some cases dis-
appeared, 70 iv.
No.
Un-
affected
before
is affect-
ed to
Examples.
1
a
i
ei
mab, meibjpn ; cym-ar t -/teiriaid
2,
e
i
ei
gorwedd, gonveiddiog
3
a
i or q
e
fruan, trueni ; plant, plenti/n
4
ae
iori
ei
ffwaedd, gweiddi ; draen, dreinwg
5
ae
H
evi
caer, ceyrydd ; saeth, seytfiydd
6
ae
u
eu
aeth, euthum
7
aw
i or vi
ew
taw, tewi, tewych ; cawr, cewri
122
PHONOLOGY
84
NOTE i. No. i occurs only in old formations; -tad denoting the
agent affects, -tad abstract does not, 143 iii (18), iv (5). No. 2,
though common as a fixed affection, is comparatively rare in inflexion.
No. 3 is usual in inflexion, but rare in composition, e.g. rhdn-dir
1 allotment ', hdf-ddqdd ' summer's day ', cdn-dm{tt ' shattered ', d-dtfn
' wretch ', dd-ft/d ' adversity ', tdn-ltyd ' fiery ', hdd-yd ' seed ' (had + ifd,
but hed-qn ' a seed '). No. 4 is only written in old combinations, as
gwei&i K.M. 174, seiri ; it is rare before i, see 144 iii (2). Nos. 5
and 6 also occur only in set forms, and ey is now wrongly written eu,
as meusydd.
NOTE 2. In Ml. W. a in preceding syllables had become e before
y, or before one of the above affections ; in Mn. W. the a is generally
restored, 70 i, as enryde8 now anrhydedd ' honour ', gwerendeivt(ch,
now gwrandewych. It occasionally remains as in llefer^dd ' speech '
(: llafar id.), and even spreads, as in llefaru for llafaru.
NOTE 3. ?/ in the falling diphthong wy does not affect : arwydd
etc. 38 vi.
NOTE 4. u does not affect a : canu, ])arcJtu, etc. But crededun
occurs R.P. 1368, 1424, beside credadun do. 1298, 1235.
84. The Aryan parent language had the following conso-
nant system :
Labial.
Dental.
Palatal.
Velar.
Labio-
velar.
Explosives:
Tenues
P
t
k
q
q9
Tenues aspiratae
ph
th
kh
qh
qh
Mediae
b
d
ft
9
9 s
Mediae aspiratae
bh
dh
gh
gn
9h
Spirants:
Voiceless
*>
Voiced
,
j
Sonants :
Nasals
m
n
Liquids
l,r
Semivowels
i
W
u
84 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 123
NOTE i. In the aspirated tenues the breath was allowed to escape
after the explosion ; thus th. was probably sounded somewhat like the
t in W. tad, or like t before an accented vowel in Eng. or N. German,
in all of which breath is heard as an off-glide. Aryan t on the other
hand was sounded like French or South German t with no escape of
breath between the explosion and the vowel.
The exact pronunciation of the aspirated mediae bh, etc., is not
known. The conventional European pronunciation is b -j- h, etc., as
in Eng. abhor, adhere. In India the element represented by h is
a voiced throat spirant. But the sounds were undoubtedly simple
like the aspirated tenues, and were probably voiced forms of the
latter.
NOTE 2. It is generally held that there were as above three series
of gutturals. The palatals were sounded on the hard palate like W.
c in ci or E. k in king. The labiovelars were sounded between the
root of the tongue and the soft palate, so far back that the lips were
naturally rounded, as in the foimation of the vowel u, W. w, E. u in
full. These two series are established by such equations as Skr. S =
Lat. c < Ar. k, and Skr. k, c = Lat. qu < Ar. qS. But another
equation often occurs : Skr. k, c = Lat. c, which points to Ar. q inter-
mediate between the two others, too far back to give Skr. s and too
far forward to give the labialized Lat. qu. In the Western languages
Kelt., Ital., Germanic, Greek, there is no difference between Ar. k and
q ; both give k which is generally accommodated to the following
vowel ; thus Ar. kmtom gives W. cant pronounced qant, not *kant.
Where a guttural occurs in a form only found in Westera languages,
we can only write it k, g, etc., with no diacritic mark. In the Eastern
languages (except Tocharish) the palatals became sibilants, thus k >
Skr. s (an sh sound) ; but the velars remain, or became tch sounds (as
in fetch) before front vowels, thus q > Skr. k, or c (a tch sound), the
latter before an Ar. front vowel. Meillet, Intr. 2 63 ff., admits only
two series, k and q*, and regards Skr. k = Lat. c as a special treat-
ment of Ar. k in Skr. and the Eastern group. He points out that the
supposed q occurs chiefly before r, before a, and after s.
The frequent alternation of A; and ^101iv(i) makes it probable
that originally, at any rate, the two are the same. A recent advance
from q to k has taken place in Eng. before d, now sounded ce ; thus
old borrowings in W. have q, as in the Anglesey dial, qap ' cap ',
qaban ' cabin ', qario ' to carry ', but later borrowings have k as kab
' cab ', kdbinet ' cabinet ', karej ' carriage ', the a being the same, but
the & with a perceptible i glide. The example shows how q may
become k before a forward vowel, and how the k, once introduced,
may remain before a back vowel. The same processes might have
taken place in Ar., and it is quite possible that k and q represent an
original neutral k.
NOTE 3. The " sonants " play a special part in Ar. phonology ;
they occupy an intermediate position between consonants and vowels,
and in R-grades become vocalic ; see 63.
124 PHONOLOGY 85, 86
It is usual to include in the Ar. nasals , occurring only before , g,
kh, gh, and w occurring only befoie q t g, etc. These are secondary
sounds due to the assimilation of m, n to gutturals ; and it is not
certain that such assimilation had taken place in Ar. We find e. g.
mt in *kmtom still remaining in Lith. szimtas, 62 i.
THE EXPLOSIVES.
85. In Pr. Kelt, the aspirated explosives fell together with
the unaspirated, thus th and dh are treated as t and d respec-
tively ; there is one exception 92 iii. The velars fell together
with the palatals, thus q, like k, gave k. Hence, g, gh, g, gh
all appear as g in Kelt.
86. i. Ar. p (Lat. p ; Gk. n ; Germ. f\ Skr. p) and Ar. ph
(Skr. ph ; Gk. <) disappeared in Kelt, (i) initially before a
vowel, (2) initially before a sonant, (3) between vowels, (4)
between a vowel and a sonant, (5) between a sonant and a vowel,
(6) between sonants.
Examples : (i) Ar. *pib- > Skr. pi&dmi ' I drink ', Lat. lllo
(<*jpilo) : Ir. Him ' I drink ', O. W. iben Juv. SK. ' we drink',
'W.yfaf'I drink'. AT. V pet- 'fly'>Lat. penna <*pdsnii:
O. W. eln, Mn. W. edn ' bird ' < *petno-. Ir. athir ' father '<
*pdter, W. edryd ' parentage, descent ' < *pdfr-t- t edr/dd ' patri-
mony ' (e. g. M.A. i 247) < *p9triip- t edryf id. < *p9tr-m- : Lat.
pater, Gk. irarrfp, etc., Skr. pitrtvd-m ' paternity ', pitriyah 'pater-
nal, ancestral ', Gk. Trarpioy, etc. Ir. air-, W. ar- ' fore- ', Gaul.
are- < *p e ri- : Gk. Trapd. Ar. *prt- > Lat. portus : O. W. rit, W.
rkyd ( ford ', 61 i. Ar. *pln->W. llawn, 63 vii (2).
(2) Ar. -*pi'o> Lat. pro-, Gk. irpo, Skr. prd : Ir.ro-, O. W. ro-,
W. rhy-. Ar. *pldr- > O. E. fior : Ir. Idr, W. llawr ' floor ',
63 vii (2). Ar. *priio* > Goth, freis, O. E. freo, E. free : W.
rhydd ' free '. W. ll'taws 75 ii (2). W. llydan 63 viii (i).
(3) Ar. *<?/j0^->Skr. ndpdt-, Lat. e/3o# : Ir. nia, Ml. W. w^i
'nephew', 75 vii (2). Ar. *w/?0->Pr. Kelt. * wo- > Gaul. o-,
Ir. fo-, W. ^wo-, ^o-. W. twymn ' hot ', twymyn ' fever ' < * ^<?#-
Mew-, 75 vii (2).
(4) Ir. lene ' fire ' < * tepnet-, W. ^a id. < *t e p-n- : Lat. ^/>#o,
Skr. Idpas ' heat '. Ir. solam, W. ^y/a? ' handy ' < Pr. Kelt.
*su-lam-o8 < Ar. *//-, 63 vii (2). W. dyro ' give ' <
86 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 125
*do-pro-d-, */do-, 63 vi (i). *mpl-*mpr->*aml- t *amr->W.
af-l-, af-r-, as af-les ' harm ', Ir. am-less\ thus of- spread for an-<
*- (neg. prefix) before / and r, see 156 i (5).
(5) Ir. col, Bret, col, W. cwl ' fault ' : Lat. culpa, O. Lat. colpa.
Ir. cilornn g\. urceus, O. W. cilurnn ( ~ cylwrnn] gl. urnam, W.
celwrn, Bret, kelorn : Lat. calpar, Calpurnms , Gk. KaXirr], Skr.
karpara-h 'shell' (Kelt. * or e in first syll. unexplained). W.
crydd 'shoemaker' (for *eerydd 40 iii (3)), Bret. kere<
*karpiw, Ir. cairem<* karpimo- : Lat. carpisculum, Gk. KprjTTis :
V qerd x p- ' shoe '. *mp>*m>W.forw:W. tywyclcl ' weather '
for *tywwy < * tempes-edo : Lat. tempestas.
The view that rp, contrary to every analogy, gives rr is based upon
one or two examples in which the group may have been rps or even
rs, as Ir. serr, W. serr ' bill-hook ' (: Lat. sarpo), which may be <
*serp-s- or *ser-s- (cf., without p, Skr. srni ' sickle '), and upon such an
equation as W. gwarr ' the back between the shoulders ' and Lith.
vdrpa ' ear of corn '.
(6) *mpl, *mpr gave *ml, *mr } W. fl,fr t as cyjlawn ' full'<
* kom-pln-, cyfran ' share ' < * kom-prdt-snd 63 vii (2).
ii. (i) Before t, Ar. p became qS>k (89 ii) in Pr. Kelt.
Thus Ar. *septm>~Pr. Kelt. * sefc/m>Ir. secJit n-, W. satth : Lat.
xeptem, Gk. cVra, etc. Ar. *qap-tos > Pr. Kelt. *kaktos > Ir.
cacht, W. caeth ' serf : Lat. captus. Ar. *neptis > Pr. Kelt.
*&&>Ir. necht, W. YA f niece ' : Lat. neptis. W. llitJiro ' to
slip' < *slikt,r- < *slij)-tr- ) */ slei-b- extension of Vslei- : E. 5^)?,
etc., 95 i.
Before or after $ also, p was liable to become q? in Kelt.,
96 iv ; also before n, see iv below.
(a) Initially in anticipation of medial q~, Ar. p became qS in
Italo-Keltic ; as Ar. ^penq^e ' five ' > Skr. panca, Gk. Treire : Lat.
quinque, Pr. Kelt. *q* e ioq*e > O. W. pimp, Ml. W. pymp, pump, Ir.
co/c, Gaul. TTCfjare-. Ar. *$*g*-, *poq*- > Gk. ireirobv, TTOTTCLVOV :
Lat. co^o (<*queqiio), coctus, Bret, /w'ii, W. jt?c>^z 'to bake'
'hot'
(3) In anticipation of k or q, Ar. p- seems in some cases to have
become t- ; thus Ir. tore (beside ore), W. twrch ' boar ' : Lat. porous ;
see turio 101 iii (i) ; W. tanc ' peace ' : Lat. pax,pango, Vpafc/g- ;
W. teg ' fair ', Gaul. Tecos : 0. E. fcegr, E. fair, Vpek- ; W. gwar-
126 PHONOLOGY 87
theg ' cattle ' : Lat. pecus, Lith. pekus, Skr. pdsu ' cattle ' ; W. talch
' flake ': Lat. plancus, R. flag-stone, flake, Vpelaq-; W. twll ' hole '<
*tuk-slo-8,tyllu ' to pierce' : Ij&t.pungo,punctum, Vpeuk/g-. It seems
also as if p at the end of a root or Btem beginning with a guttural
sometimes became t, as W. jrryd ' personal appearance ', Ir. cruth : Lat.
corpus, Skr. kfp- ' aspect ' < *q*rp- ; W. cawad ' shower ' : Ar.
*qeuep- 63 vii (3); W. caled 'hard', as a noun 'difficulty' B.B. 65:
1 Gk. xaXeTros (x- < gh-).
iii. Ar. p, before disappearing in Kelt., doubtless first became
a bilabial / then h. When the stop of the p was beginning to be
loosened, any reaction in favour of the explosive articulation would
naturally take the form of transferring the stop, that is, of substituting
for the loosening labial y>, the labiovelar q* ; or, where the word had
a guttural already, the dental t. Before s, both the substitution and
the regular development took place ; the former, -q v s-, attested later
as -x- in Gaul. Crixos, gives W. -ch- ; the latter, -fs-, gives W. -ff~.
Before t, I have assumed the former, as the substitution of q* for p,
known to occur, seems more likely than that of x f ur f> s that pt >
q%t > x* i s more probable than pt > ft > x^
iv. Before , p><^ > % k after a rounded vowel ; thus * upset- >
*u*foel->*ou&sel->Tfl . uc/iel, Ir.uasal', *lopsq->*lu*ksk->'W.
llusgo 96 iii (5) ; similarly before n ; * supn- >*#*/#- >W.
hun ' sleep ', Ir. suan, 63 viii (i) ; *n-uo-dup-n->'W. an-o-bun
'bottomless', cf. annwfn 102 iv (2), Vdheup/b-; so possibly
before t ; W. tilth ' trot ' <* tupt- : O. Bulg. tupati ' pal pi tare ',
tuputati ' palpitare, calcare ', Gk. TVTTTO). Original q* before t had
become k earlier (in It.-Kelt.), and develops as k, as in poeth
above, m before p prevents the diphthongization : W. Host <
*lomjist-9Q ii (3).
' 87. i. Ar. t (Lat. t ; Gk. T ; Germ. /, <?; Lith. t ; Skr. t) and
Ar. th (Gk. T ; Skr. th) appear in Pr. Kelt, as t. Thus Ar.
*taw0$>Lat. taurus, Gk. ravpos : Ir. tarb, W. tarw ; Ar. *tep- :
W. tes, twymn, tan 86 ; Ar. * treies > Skr. trayas, Gk. rpefy,
Lat. tres : W. tri, Ir. tri, 'three'. Ar. *artrom > W. aradr
'plough' : Gk. dporpov. Ar. *pltk->(j(k. TrXaraj/oy, Gaul.
-Xtrai/oy, O. W. litan, W. llydan ' broad ', 63 viii (i).
ii. In Ar. the first t in the group tt had become an affricative ;
this stage is represented thus t*t ; in Skr. it went back to tt (just
as tst, with original s, gave tt in Skr.), in Gk. it became or, in
Germ. *#, in Lat. ##, in Pr. Kelt, ss, appearing in W. generally
as s. Example : base meleit- ' honey ' : FR *melit-tos ' honeyed '
88, 89 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 127
> W. meJys ' sweet ', Ir. mills. As dt became tt, 93 i, the same
result followed; thus Ar. Vueid- 'see, know', gave *uid-t->
*uitt->*uit s ->W. gwys 'it is known' 63 iv : Skr. vitta-h
' known ' ; Ar. V (s)kheid-/(s)qheid- : R-grade nasalized > Lat.
scindo, F-grade *keid-t->*keit s t-> W. cwys 'furrow', Ir. eels.
So W. cas ' hate ' < * ksd-t-, */Md- : E. hate ; F-grade, Vf.cawdd
' insult ' : Gk. KrjSos. Similarly Ar. dd >d z d >zd, 91 ii.
88. Ar. k (Lat. c ; Gk. K ; Germ, h, -g- ; Lith. sz ; Skr. ),
Ar. kh (Gk. %), Ar. q (Lat. c ; Gk. K ; Germ. A, -g- ; Lith. k ;
Skr. k, c), Ar. qh (Gk. x, Skr. kh) appear in Kelt, as k. Examples :
Ar. *kmt6m ' 100 ' > Lat. centum, Gk. -Kar6v } O. E. hund, Lith.
szimtas. Skr. satd-m : Ir. cet, W. cant < Pr. Kelt. *kntom. Ar.
9 O
/qd-, F-grade Lat. earns, Skr. kdyamtina-h ' fond ', R-grade W.
caraf 'I love'. Ar. *qap- > Lat. capio: W. cael 188 iv Ar.
*qrekt > Ir. crecht, W. craith ' scar ' < Pr. Kelt. *krekt- : Skr.
karjati ' injures' < *qerg-, */ qereg-. Ar. * e reqt- >Pr. Kelt. *are&-
> W. aralth ' speech ' 63 iii.
89. i. Ar. qS (Lat. qu ; Gk. TT, but r before e or rj, and K
before or after v ; Germ, hw, -f-, -w-, -g- ; Lith. k ; Skr. k, c) and
probably Ar. q*h (Skr. M ; Gk. 0, ?) were q in Pr. Kelt.
This remains as q* in the ogam inscriptions, but became c in Ir. ;
in Gaul, and Brit, it appears as p. Examples : Ar. *-q^etuer- (in
various grades 63 vii (4)) > Lat. guattuor, Skr. catvarah :
"W. pedwar, Ir. celliir. Ar. V q*ela x - / q*el- > W. pell ' far '
(<*q Vt el-s-o-): Gk. rfjXe. Ar. Jseq*-: Lat. inquam < *lnsqudm :
Ml. W. hep, heb ' says '. W. prynaf < I buy ' 201 i (4) ; Ar.
V leiff*- > Gk. XeiVco : W. llwyb-r 'track' : Lat. linquo (w-infix).
ii. (i) Before t, s and prob. n, Ar. qS became k in Kelt.
Thus Ar. *pog*t- > *foft->*q*o&t->W. poeth, 86 ii (a).
Ar. *noq*t- (Vnog*-) > Kelt. *nokt- >Ir. nocht, W. o<?^ ' naked ' :
Lat. nudus < *nog*edhos. W. gwlyb, O. W. gulip ' wet ' < *uliq*- :
Lat. liqueo ; W. gwlith ' dew ' < *ulikt- < ^uliq^t- ; gwlych ' liquid '
(such as gravy, etc.) < *ulik-n- or ulik-s- : */ ueleicf*-.
For Ar. *^ H , ^%, see 96 iii.
(2) After / or r also (but not I, r), we have k for Ar. q? ; thus
W. golch ' slops ', golchi ' to wash ' (Ir.folcaim) < *uolk- < *uolq*-
100 ii (2) : Xuliq*-, as above. W. cynnyrch ' crop, produce ' <
128 PHONOLOGY 90
*kon-derq*-, i/dereq*- : Gk. 8ptira> ' I mow, reap ', S
1 sickle '. Except in compounds, where the initial of the second
element is treated as an initial, as gorffwys, 75 vi (4).
(3) Before u it appears as k, as in Ml. W. cw ' where ?' < the
Ar. interrog. stem *^%-, 163 i (7). vi.
iii. Ar. kyi or qu, like q*, gives pin Brit, and Gaul. : W. pry*
' brushwood ' < Jurist- : O. H. G. hns ' twig ', hurst, E. hurst t
O. Bnlg. cJivrasiu 'brushwood', Vhuereu-. W. pair 'caldron'
< *quorip- ) Ir. coire id. : O. N. hverna ( pot ' < *quer- : Lat.
scrinium. Ar. *ekuo-s > Lat. equus, Gk. CTTTTO? (i< e ?), Skr. dsvah :
Ir. ech, Gaul. Epo-, W. ebol 'colt'. W. penn 'head', Gaul.
Hevvo-, Ir. cenn < *quenno- < *quept-sno- : Goth, hanbip, E. head,
Germ. Haupt, base *qauepet- met. for *qapeuet- (Slitterlin IF.
xxix 123) whence Lat. caput (<*qapuet-). In later formations:
Ar. V 'male- 'grow': R *md7c- > Gk. fjiaxpos : W. mag-u 'to
nurture ' ; *mak-uo-s > W. mob ' son, youth ', Ir. mace, ogam
gen. maq^q^i. W. epil ' offspring ' < *eb-hil < *ek-uo-sll-, */ se-
63 vi (i), cf. W. gwe-hil-ion i Bren. xiii 33 < *uo-sll-.
But before u it gives k, as in W. ci ' dog' < *ku< *kuu< *lcuo
= Skr. Svd ; cf. ii (3) above.
In the Eornan period, therefore, there was no Brit, q* or qu, and
Lat. qu gives k ; as in carawys, garawys ' lent ' < quadragesiina ; W.
cegin ' kitchen ' < coquma.
iv. It was clearly possible to distinguish in Ar. between q* and
qu ; probably the rounding in the latter was much more pronounced.
But qu was also felt as a double consonant, and gives -TTTT- in Gk.,
whereas q* gives -TT- only.
90. Ar. bh (Lat./, --; Gk. ; Germ. l\ Lith. I ; Skr. Ih)
and the rarer Ar. b (Lat. b ; Gk. /3 ; Germ, p Lith. b ; Skr. b)
both appear as b in Pr. Kelt. Examples: bh: Ar. <v/^f->Lat.
fero, Gk. $e0o>, E. bear, Skr. bhdrati ( bears ' : Ir. berimm ' I bear ',
W. cymeraf ' I take ' < *kom-ber-. Ar. *bhrdter, *bhrdter- > Lat.
f rater, Gk. 0paro>p ' member of a clan ', E. brother, Skr. bhrdtar- :
Ir. brdthir, W. brawd 'brother'. Ar. <*/ bhereu- >~Lfoi. ferveo :
W. benoij 63 vii (4). Ar. *M->"W. bod, 63 vii (3). Ar.
*/enebh-: VF *64->Gk. ve<f>os, vefaXij, Lat. nebula : Ir. tiel
' cloud ' < *neblo-, Ml. W. nywl ' fog ' < *neblio- ; see 37 ii.
b: Ar. Vbregh- 'short': Lat. brevis, Gk. /S/ja^^s : Ir.
91, 92 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 129
berr, W. byrr 'short', see 101 ii (2). Ar. </ dfieub- > Gotfn.,
diups ' deep ' : R *dhub- > Gaul. Dubno-, W. clwfn ' deep ', Gaul.
dubron, W. diefr ' water '.
01. i. Ar. dh (Lat./-, -d-, -6- ; Gk. 6 ; Germ, d ; Lith. d ;
Skr. dh) and Ar. d (Lat. d\ Gk. 5; Germ. *; Lith. d\ Skr. d)
appear as d in Kelt. Examples : dh : Ar. *dhuor- : *dkur- >
Lat. foris, Gk. Ovpa, E. door : W. ddr<*dtiur-d, drws ' door '<
*dhru-%t- < *dhur- 63 viii (i), Ir. 6?orw* (intrusive 0?). Ar.
*dhub->^N. dwfn 90. Ar. </ereudh->Tj&k,. ruber, Gk. tpvdpos:
W. riwW 'red' < Kelt. *roud-. d: Ar. </demd- : FR
*domd- > Lat. domi-tus : W. ^o/" ' tame ' ; RR *d e m&- > Gk.
d-SdfjLa-ros : W. dafad 'sheep'. Ar. *^/&^>Lat. decem, Gk.
Sf<a, Goth, tat/iun, Lith. deszimt, Skr. r/a'5a : Ir. deick n-, W. deg
' ten '. Ar. */deieu->W. dnw, dydd, 63 vii (4). Ar. '/uerod- :
R 2 urd- > Lat. radix ; VR *urd- > Gk. pdSap.vos, Lat. radius :
W. gwraidd 'roots'; RV *y,rd->\v. frem l rooi' <*urd-md i
W. greddf 'instinct' for *gwrebf 102 iii (2) <*urd-ma,,
63 vii (3).
ii. Ar. d or t + d(h) became d z d(h), which gave zd in Kelt.,
and fell together with Ar. zd, giving Ir. t (U), and W. th 97 ii.
Thus W. peth ' some, a certain quantity of, something, thing ',
beth ' what ? ', Ir. cuit ' part, share ' < *^id-dm : cf. Lat. quid-dam.
W. rhathu 'to scrape, smooth '< *rdd-dk- (or *r9d-zd&-) : Lat.
rddo, 63 ix. W. metJt ' miss, failure ' < *mit-dh- : Ir. mis-, mith-
' miss-', E. miss, </meit- : Lat. muto.
92. i. Ar. g (Lat. g ; Gk.y; Germ. k\ Lith. & ; Skr./), Ar. gh
(Lat. I ; Gk. X ; Germ, g ; Lith. 6 ; Skr. A), Ar. g (Lat. g ; Gk. y ;
Germ. A; Lith. g ; Skr. #, j), Ar. gh (Lat. h ; Gk. x ; Germ, g ;
Lith. g ; Skr. gh, h) all appear in Kelt, as g. Examples : g : Ar.
grn- > Lat. granum, Goth, kaurn, Lith. &irnu, Skr.jirnd-h : Ii'.grdn,
W. ^rraw;w 61 ii. Ar. V gene- > Lat. genitor, Gk.
Bkr.jdnati 'begets' : W. geni 'give bh-th'. Ar.-/a
argentum, Gk. dpyvpos, Skr. rajatd-m ' silver ' : W. ariant, Ir.
awy^ ' silver ' < Pr. Kelt. *argnt-. gh : Ar. *gfiei-em- >
Lat. hiems, Gk. x et > : w - ^/, 75 vi (i). Ar. </^->Gk.
lx<B (<*#egho), Skr. #a^a&? ' vanquishes ' : W. hy ' bold ' < *seg-os,
Gaul. <%o- ; /5a<?^ ' generous ' < *sag-lo-<*s e gh-lo- ; /ta<?r ' impor-
io K
130 PHONOLOGY 92
tunate ' < *sag-ro- . g : Ar. V glei- ( sticky, liquid ' : Lat.
ylSt<*ffloi-9 t Gk. y\oio$<*y\oiFos : O.W. gloiu gl. liquidum,
W. gloyw ' shiny ', gloyw-u ' glossy black' < *gloi-uo-9 75 ii (i),
Ir. gle,glae 'bright' < *fflei-nos, *gloi-uos, O. Corn, digluiuhit ox. 2
gl. eliqua, W. gloywi 'to drain (after boiling), to clarify, to
polish'; K, *gli- > Lat. gli-*, Gk. yXi-vrj, Lith. gli-tite ' smooth,
sticky', Ir. glenim, W. glynaf*\ adhere'. Ar. */ (s)theg->~L&i.
tego, Gk. orcyoy, reyoy, Skr. sthdgati 'covers' : Ir. tech, teg,
O. W. tig t W. ty ' house ' <*tegos ; P *()*%-> Lat. fcy, W. to
'roof, 104 ii (2). gh : Ar. Vghabh->l^&i. habeo, Lith.
gabana ' armful ' : W. gafael ' to take hold ', Ir. ^oim ' I take '.
Ar. Vlegh- 'lie J > Lat. lectus, Gk. \e\os : W. /& ' place', Ir. lige
' bed ', W. gwe-ly ( bed ' ; L *legh- > Lith. pulegis ' confinement to
bed ' ; F *logh- 58 v.
ii. Ar. gS (Lat. v, gu after n, g before cons, and n ; Gk. /9,
5 before e or 77, y before or after v ; Germ. ^ ; Lith. ^ ; Skr.
y,y) gave Pr. Kelt. b. Thus Ar. </^'<?->Lat. wvo, Gk. j8/by :
W. byw, etc., 63 vii (3). Ar. *y*0tt*>Lat. ^o# (Umbr.-Samn.
form for true Lat. *vds), Gk. /SoiJy : Ir. bo, W. iiw, pi. bu.
iii. But Ar. gSn (Lat../-, -v-, -i-, ^ after n ; Gk. 0, ; Germ.
#7, ^ ; Lith. g Skr, gh, h) forms an exception to the general rule,
85, and does not fall together with the unaspirated consonant.
It remained a rounded guttural in Pr. Kelt., and gave g in Ir.
with loss of rounding ; but the rounding was retained in Brit., and
we have in W. initially gw, medially f ( = v) between vowels.
Thus Ar. V g*hen- > Gk. 0e/Vo>, 06^op, Lat. de-fen-do : Ir. gonim
* I wound ', W. gwanu ' to stab ' < *gwon- 65 v, gwanaf l swathe '
(hay cut at one sweep). Ar. V g*her- > Lat. formus, Gk. 0ep/zoy,
E. warm : Ir. gorim ' I warm ', W. gori (<*gwori 36 iii), Bret.
ffori, gwiri ' to incubate ', W. gori ' to suppurate ', gor f pus ',
W. giores 'heat', 95 iii (i). Ar. */ tf*hele- 'green, yellow'
> Lat. fldvus : W. gwelw ' pale ', gwellt ' straw, gi-ass ', Ir. gelim
'I graze', gelt- 'fodder'; the doublet */le&->Skr. hdri-h 'yellow,
greenish', Gk. \\6rj 'verdure, grass', x\6os 'green': ~W.gled(l
'turf, glas 'green', glat-wellt 'grass', 101 iv (i). Ar.
vV*4o&->Gk. Tro^e, 6f(T(ra(rOai : Ir. guidim 'I pray', W.
gweddi 'prayer'. Medially: Ar. V sneig*h->^&i. ninguit, nix,
nivi*, Gk, vtya : Ir. snigid 'rains', snechta 'snow', W. nyf
93 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 131
'snow'. Ar. </ d/tegWt- >li&i. foveo, Gk. Tt<j>pa : Ml. Ir. daig
' fire ', W. deifio ' to singe '.
iv. Unlike ku, which is treated as (^ in Kelt., Ar. gu (gu, gu)
does not fall tog-ether with g*. The change q*>p is Gaul.-Brit.
but not Goidelic, while the change g*>b is Pankeltic, and there-
fore much earlier. The double consonant gu remained, and gives
medially W. w, Ir. g, as in W. tew * thick ' < *teguos, Ir. iiug :
E. thick 76 viii. Ar. gnu develops like g*h, giving initially W.
gw-, Ir. g- ; thus Ar. *ghuel-t- > W. gwyllt, Ir. geilt ' wild ' : Goth.
wityeis, E. wild, parallel to Ar. ghuer- > ~L&i.ferus, Gk. Orjp.
v. When the guttural follows a nasal we have the following
results :
ng? >W. m (for mm), Ir. mb ; as Ar. *ng*en- > Ir. imb, W.
ymen-yn ( butter ' : Lat. unguen.
ng?h >W. ng ( = ##), Ir. ng ; as W. llyngyr ' lumbrici' : Lat.
lumbncus. W. angerdd ' heat ' < *n-g Vt her-d- ; angar ' heat ' <
*$-ff*fte r ~> */ff*fo r -, see iii ; ager ' steam ' 99 vi (i).
nghu > W. w, Ir. ng ; as W. ewin ' nail ', Ir. ing en < *itghu-,
*J onoqJi/gh- : Skr. nakhd-h ' nail ', Gk. Svvg, Lat. unguis.
nghu > W. f, Ir. ng ; as W. &)/0^ c tongue ', Ir. few^e : O. Lat.
dingua (Lat. lingua), E. tongue < Ar. *dng7iua. W. ^/& ' to lick '
<*lingh-u- : Ir. llgim, Gk. Xe/x, X^^f^Wj Lat.
The first two groups contain two consonants each ; gr > 6, and
consequently the nasal became m ; but gvh remained a guttural so
that the nasal became w, and the group became KMO#, which was
unrounded in W. as in Ir. The other groups contain three consonants ;
in Ir. the u dropped as usual, leaving m> ; but in W. the u remained,
K> > before a consonant, and w dropped, 106 ii (i).
93. i. In Ar., when two explosives came together, a tenuis
before a media became a media, and a media before a tenuis
became a tenuis ; thus p + d > bd, and b + 1 > pt. Only the
second could be aspirated, and the aspiration, if any, of the
first was transferred to it ; thus bh + d > bdh. In this case
if the second was a tenuis it became an aspirated media, thus
bh + 1 > bdh ; this however only survives in Indo-Iran. ; else-
where we have two tenues ; thus Gk. has KT from gh + 1,
as in evKTos : e^o/iat, Meillet, Intr. 2 106. So in Italic and
132 PHONOLOGY 93
Keltic; thug Lat. lecitis, Ir. lee hi 'grave', Vlfgfi-', ^
' fois ', It.fechK Pr. Kelt. *uekt-, Vuegh- 100 i (2).
ii. (i) -Ar.'-pt-, -kt-, -qt-, -q?t-, all gave -kt- in Pr. Kelt.,
86 ii, 88, 89 ii ; this appears in Ir. as -cht, in W. as -ith, etc.
108 iv (i).
(a) In other groups of dissimilar explosives the first was
assimilated to the second in Pr. Kelt. ; thus tk > kk > Ir. cc,
W. ch ; as W. achas ' hated ', Ir. accais ' curse ' < *akkass- <*ad-
fod-t- 87 ii. W. achar ' loves '< *akkar- < *ad-q9r- : Lat. earns
88. Lat. -pt- was introduced too late to become -kt- as above,
and so became tt, as the habit of assimilation persisted in Brit. ;
this gives W. th ; as pregetJi ' sermon ' < prqceptum, ysgrythur <
scriptura.
(3) When the group consisted of mediae, the double media
became a single tenuis in Brit., giving a media in W. ; thus
dg > gg > Brit, c > W. g; it gives Ir. c or cc sounded gg, Mn.
Ir. g. Examples : Ir. acarb, W. agarw ' rough, rocky, unfertile '
W.H. T.%o<*aggaru-<*ad-gh e rsu- : Ir. garb, W. garw ' rough ' <
*$h e r' > su- : Gk. xep<roy, Skr./trsi/dh 'bristling', Av. zarstva- ' stone',
Lat. Aorreo, hirsutus, '/gheres-, 95 iv (3). W. aber, O. W. aper
'confluence', aberth 'sacrifice' < *abber- < *ad-bher-, V bher-.
There seems no good reason to suppose that gd, db could give jSJ 8/
in W. "W. gwydd ' goose ' cannot coine from Stokes's *gegda (if g
were not assimilated, eg would give ei, not wy, in W.), and Pedersen's
breuddwyd < *brogd- (Gr. i 109) is not convincing. W. 8/can only
come from zb, or zg 97 iii, iv, or from dm; words like addjwyn,
addfain come from ad-m- (mwyn ' gentle ', main ' slender '), not from
*ad-b-. II Two soft spirants coming together, where no vowel has
fallen out between them, can only occur when the first was already
the spirant 8 < z in Brit., or when the second was the sonant m.
iii. (i) Ar. tt became ft, and Ar. dd(h) became d z d(h), 87 ii,
91 ii, giving W. s (ss) and th respectively. But when d + t
or t + 1 came together in Kelt., they became tt, which, like Lat. tt,
appears in W. as th ; thus W. athecJi ' skulking ' < *ad-teg-$- :
W. techu 'to skulk, lie hidden', V (s)theg- 92 i. W. saeth
' arrow ' < Lat. sagitta. For tt + liquid see 99 v (4).
Similarly d-d when they came together in Kelt. > Brit, t >
W. d ; as in edifar ' repentant ' < *ad-dl-bar- : W. bar ' indigna-
94 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 133
tion', Ir. lara : Lat. ferio. W. credaf 'I believe', Ir. cretim
(t = d-d) < *kred d- : Skr. srad dhd- ' confide, believe '.
Ar. *hred dhe- lit. ' set (one's) heart (on) ' was not a fast compound
(cf. Skr. Srdd asmdi dhatta 'believe in him'); thus the W. credaf is
explained by the d-d coming permanently together in Kelt, (for Ar.
d-dh>W. th 91 ii), Brugmann 2 I 670, 691. Lat. credo is also irregu-
lar, as if *do ' give ' had been substituted for *dhe ' put ', Sommer 251.
When d-d came together later in Brit., they seem to have been
simplified to d giving W. 8, as in atysg c education ' < Lat. addisc- ;
so W. abef ' home ' < *ad-dem-, Vdentd- 91 i.
(2) The change of the first t in tt to the affricative t s was
perhaps due to the tendency in Ar. to avoid double consonants,
which in other cases seem to have been simplified. Gemination
however was a special characteristic of diminutives and hypo-
coristic or pet names, and of child-language, which was in a sense
a language apart ; and in these even tt remained unchanged.
Thus Gk. NiKOTT<t> (for NiKOT\ia), AIKK&, &OKKO>, $/AAioy,
KpiTTis, HOttsvcs, O. H. G. Sicco (for Sigench or Sigbertus), Lat.
Varro (beside Varus), Brit. Commios (beside Comux, Gaul. Comus),
W. lol-lo (with double I in Ml. W. 22 ii, for lorwerth), Gutfo
(for Gruff ub) ; Gk. drra, Lat. atta 'papa' ; Skr. akkd 'mama',
Gk. 'AK KO>, Lat. Acca Larenlia (: W. y nawfed ach ' the ninth degree
of consanguinity ', lit. ' the ninth *mother ', cf. " the 4 th mother "
123 v ; ach ac edryd ' descent ', lit. ' *mat- and pat-ernity ' ;
achoedd, achau 'lineage'). As the above examples show, the
habib of doubling in such forms persisted in new creations, and
may account for the q*q* in the ogam maqVqXi, and for the U in
Brit. *genettd > W. geneth K.P. 1359 'girl'. So in tribal names:
Brittones beside Britannl ; Galll beside FaXdrat. Also in names
of animals: Lat. racca; W. bwch 'buck' (ch<kk) i Skr. bukkas\A.',
Gaul, caltos, W. cath ; Ml. W. buck 'cow'<*&?wMa ; W. mochyn
' pig', Ir. mnccy Germ. dial, mocke l sow ' ; Ir. socc, \V. hwch ' pig,
sow ' ; O. E. dogga ' dog ' ; Persson, IP. xxvi 68.
THE SPIRANTS.
94. i. Ar. B was of very frequent occurrence. It remained
generally in Pr. Kelt. Initially Ar. s before a vowel (Lat. *,
Gk. * , Germ. #, Lith. #, Skr. *) appears in Ir. as *-, in W. gene-
134 PHONOLOGY 94
rally as h-, sometimes as s-. Examples : Ir. samail ' likeness ',
\V. hafal ' like ' < *s e m e l- : Lat. similis, Gk. 6/zaXoy, Vsem- ' one '.
Ir. sam, W. haf ' summer ' : O. H. G. sumar, E. summer, Skr.
mmd ' year '. Ir. sen, W. hen ' old ' : Lat. senex, Gk. vos, Skr.
sana-h 'old ', Lith. senas ' old '. W. had : Lat. satus 63 vi (i).
W. hnn ' sleep ' : Lat. somnus, Gk. VTTVOS, 63 viii (i). W.
% ' way ', Ir. get, 65 iii. W. hir ' long ', Ir. sir : Lat.
72. Ir. #<?c^ n-, W. *a^ ' seven ' : Lat. sepfem, Gk.
etc. <Ar. *septm 86 ii (i). W. *e/ ' progeny, seed', beside hit
< *se-l-, Vse- 63 vi (i). W. serr, Ir. *err, 86 i (5). W.
saer, Ir. sder<*sapero-? : Lat. gapio.- W. suguaf, Ir. sugim 'I
suck ' : Lat. sucus, sugo, O. E. sugan, #ucan ' suck '.
ii. Medially between vowels Ar. s remained after the separa-
tion of the P and Q divisions ; and is found in Gaulish, as in
Isarno-. In Ir. and W. it became h, and generally disappeared,
except where it became initial by metathesis, as in W. haearn,
though it is in some cases still written in Ml. W. ; thus W. eog,
Ml. W. ekawc, Ir. eo t gen. z'#c^<Kelt. *esdk-<*esok-, Lat. esox
< Kelt. The reduction of vowel-flanked s gave rise to new diph-
thongs in Brit., which developed largely like original diphthongs ;
see 75 i, ii, vi, vii, 76 ii (3).
iii. The change of s to h differs from the soft mutation ; in the
latter a voiceless consonant becomes voiced, thus t > d; the corre-
sponding change of s would be to 2. But s did not become voiced ;
it remained voiceless, but was pronounced loosely, and ultimately
became h. It must have been loosened already in the Roman period,
for Lat. intervocalic s introduced at that period remains, as in caws
< caseus. Now Lat. explosives undergo the soft mutation ; the loosen-
ing of Brit, s is therefore earlier, and so the interchange s/h does not
enter into that system. Before such a system of interchanges was
organized it was natural to choose one or the other sound for the same
word ; and the postvocalic reduced s was chosen for most in Brit., the
postconsonantal full s for others. It is quite possible that the two
forms persisted in many words for a considerable period, so that we
have e. g. W. Hafren beside Brit. (-Lat.) Sdbrina. There is only one
certain example of Lat. initial s- giving h- ; that is hestawr < sextarins ;
this either was a trade term borrowed early, or has followed the analogy
of words like Hafren. Possibly a transition stage is represented by
Ixarninus, Isxaminus beside Isaminus Rhys LWPh. 2 418. (The Ir.
reduction of s is independent, and is included in the Ir. system of
initial mutation.)
95 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 135
iv. Ar. su- remained in Pr. Kelt., and gives s in Ir., chw-, hw-
in W. 3 26 vi. Thus Ar. *suesor > Ir. siur, "W. chwaer ' sister '
75 vii (2). Ar. *suid-t- > *$uil s t- > W. chwys f sweat ' : Skr.
sviflyati 'sweats' : Lat. sudor<*suoid- : E. sweat. Ar. *sue'k3 > W.
chwech, Ir. se : Gk. *fe, 101 ii (2). Ar. **#tf()f t ~>W. chwegrwn
' father-in-law ', chwegr ' mother-in-law ' : Lat. socer, socrns, Gk.
Kvp6$, eKvpa, Skr. SvdSurafi, svasruh. W. chwi ' you ' < *s-ues :
Lat. vds 159 iv. Before o from a it was unrounded to h, as in
hawdd<*suad- 148 i (6).
Medial -us->>&*>W. w 76 ii (3).
95. i. Ar. sm-, sn-, si-, sr- remained in Pr. Kelt, and appear
in Ir. unchanged, in W. as m-, n-, 11-, rh-. Thus, sm- : Ir.
swer ' blackberry ', W. mwyar ' blackberries ' 75 vi (2). Ir.
smir gen. smera ' marrow ', W. mer id. : Gk. (rnvpigco, fj-vptgo)
*I anoint', E. smear, Lith. smarsas 'fat'. sn- : Ir. sneckta,
W. nyf snow' : Lat. ninguit, O. H. G. sueo, E. snow 92 iii.
Ir. gndim 'I swim', W. nawf 'swimming' : Lat. ndre, Skr.
sndti ' bathes '. Ar. Vsene(i)- ' thread ' : Ir. sn'iim, W. nydilaf
' I spin ', Ir. sndthat, W. nodwydd ' needle ' : Lat. nere, E. snare,
Ski', sndyu ' bowstring '. si- : Ir. slernun, W. llyfn ' smooth ' :
Lat. lubricus < *sloibricos, E. slip. Ir. sluag, W. llu ' retinue ' :
O. Bulg. slvga ' servant '. sr- : Ar. * sreu- : Ir. sruth * stream ',
W. rhwd 'dung-water' (rhwd tomydd I.G. 238), rJiewyn 'gutter':
Lith. sruta ' dung- water ', Gk. /di/roy, pevpa, etc. 58 vi,
76 iv (i). Ir. sron ' nose ' < *srokn-, W. rhoch ' snore '
99 vi (3) : Gk. /oeyx<, /oeyKco 'I snore', poyyos 'snoring',
' pig's snout ', 97 v (3).
As 8- before a vowel sometimes remains in W., so a few examples
occur of s- before a sonant, as (y)moden ' band, lace ', Ir. snathe gl.
filum < *snt- J Vsene(i)- \{y)slath beside Hath ' lath ', Ir. slat :
E. lath, O. H.G. Zaife without s-. The N.W. dial, slywen 'eel' is
prob. for *syllywen : Corn, selyas, syllyes ' eels ',Bret. silienn (stlaonenn)
1 eel ' ; the Mn. lit. "W. llysywcn, S. W. dial, llyswen, seems to be
a metathesized form ; prob. Vselei- : Lat. Umax. The second element
is perhaps -onghu- : Ir. esc-ung ' eel ' : Gk. ly^eXus ' eel ' (the root has
many forms, see Walde 2 s.v. anguis).
ii. (i) Medial -sm-, -sn-, -si-, -sr- probably remained in Pr.
Kelt., but became -mm-, -nn-, -11-, -rr- in both Ir. and W.
(In W. -mm- is written -m-, and II is now the voiceless tt,
136 PHONOLOGY 95
properly double U 54 i (2)). Examples : sm : W. twymyn
' fever '< *tcpes-men- 86 i (3). W. ym 'we are', Ir. amwl
< Kelt. *esme8i 179 ix (3). sn : W. onn-en 'ash', Ir.
huinn-iui <*os-n- : Lat. ornus<*osinus, O. H. G. as-k, E. ash.
W. Ironn ' breast ', Ir. bruinne id. < *brus-n- : O. H. G. Irus-t
'breast'. si: W. coll 'hazel', Ir. coll < *qos-l- : Lat. cornli/*
< *cosulus, O. H. G. hasal, E. hazel, Lith. kasulas ' spear '. sr :
W. fferru ' to congeal ' < *spis-r- : Lat. spissus ' thick '. After
a long vowel or diphthong n or r is simplified, as inffun 'breath'
< *gpois-n- 96 iv (T) ; gwawr ' dawn ' < *uos-r- : Lat. i~er
' spring ' < *ues-r, V eues-. But the simplification took place too
late to give */, *l for m, II in twymyn, pwyll, etc. ; and -m, -II
remained double after simple vowels and shortened them, as in
drum 100 v, dull (a) below.
(2) An explosive before one of the above groups simply
disappears ; thus *prd-t-snd>W. rhanti 63 vii (2) ; *tuk-slo-s
> W. twll 86 ii (3) ; *drk-smd > W. drem 'sight', V derlt-
61 i ; W. rhwym ' band ' < *reig-smen> Vreig- : Lat. corrigia ;
W. pwyll, Ir. clall ' thought ' < *q*eit-sl- : Skr. cit-td-m 'thought ',
caityah ' soul ' ; W. dull ' manner, appearance ' < *doik-sl-,
J deilc- : Gk. SeiKvv/Jii.
(3) But a sonant in the above position remains. Examples :
W. garm 'shout', Ir. gairm<*gar-smn, ^ 'gar- : Lat. garrio\
W. telm 'snare', Ir. tailm, gen. ielma<*tel-sm- : Gk. reXafuav
' thong ' ; Ml. W. anmyneb (now amynedd), Ir. ainmne ' patience '
< *n-smeniid, */menei ' thought ', pref. n- ' in ' ; W. mymryn ' a
little bit ', Ir. mw J a bit of flesh ' < *memsro-m (I shortened in
Brit., m lost in Ir.) : Lat. merrihrum < *memsrom, Gk. [typos
< *memsros or ^mesros, Skr. mas ' flesh ' ; W. cern ' back of
cheek' < *kersn- : Lat. cernuus<*%ersn-, Gk. Kaprjvov<*k e rasnotn )
Lat. cerebrum < *kerasrom ; W. carr yr en 'jawbone' either
< *k e rs-r- (: cf. Lat. cerebrum) or simply * e rV ; W. amnaid
' nod ' (for *anmeid), O. W. pi. enmeituou, O. Bret, enmetiam gl.
innuo < *en-8met- : Ir. smetim 'I nod' < *sment-. It is to be
observed that m, in these groups = mm, and is not mutated to./".
iii. (i) Ar. -ms-, -ns- became -ss- in Pr. Kelt., and appear so
in Gaul., Ir., and W. Thus Gaul, esseda ' war-chariot ' < *en-sed-d
63 ii ; and ace. pi. -ass in artuass (like Lat. -as) < *-dns. In
95 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 137
W., where ~ss- became final by loss of the ending, it became -s
early ; but medially it is still double, though now written -s-
54 i (2). Examples : W. crasu, Ml. W. crassu ' to bake ', eras
' baked '< * Arams- < *qrm-s-, Vqerem-: Lat. cremo, Gk. /ce/ja/ioy,
W. cramwyth ' pancake ' < *kram-pok-ll ; W. mis ' month ', Ir. ml
gen. mis < *mensis : Lat. mensis, Gk. ^77 j/, Lith. menu,menesis ' moon,
month ' ; W. gwres ' heat ' < *g*hrens-os ) V g*her-, 92 iii : Skr.
ghrgsdh ' heat of the sun ' < *g Vf hrens-6s ; Ml. W. cysseb ' sitting
together ' < *kon-sed-.
(2) The same change takes place before an explosive ; thus nst
> st ; nsqS > sp ; as W. cystadl, cystal ' as good ' 96 ii (3) ; cosp
< *konsq*- 96 iii (5).
(3) The nasal also disappears when an explosive came between
it and the s, as in W. cysefin 'primitive', Ml. W. cyssefin
< *kinfsamlnos, beside. cyntaf 'first' 106 iii (3), cyntejin ' Spring'
< *kintii-samlno-.
iv. (i) Ar. -Is-, -rs- probably became -11-, -rr- in Pr. Kelt.
Examples of the former are uncertain in W., because -/-, '-li-
also give W. II ; perhaps W. pell ' far ' < *q*el-s- : Gk. reXoy.
W. carr, Ir. carr, Gaul. carr-(us) < *q e r'sos 63 iii ; W. twrr
' crowd ' (B. B. 44, 45), ' heap ' < *tur'-8-, ur<u e r 63 viii, </tuer-:
Lat. turla, turma (W. torf<lia,L).
(2) An explosive between the two sounds disappears, giving
the same result; probably the majority of W. rr's come
from such groups as -rks-, -rts-. Examples : W. gyrr ( a drove '
(of cattle) < *gerks- < *gerg-s- : Gk. yepyepa TroXXd Hes.,
Lat. grex> W. gre ; W. torn ' to break, cut ' <i:*torq-s-, Vtereq- :
Lat. truncus<*tronqos, W. trwch 'broken, cut ' < *tronqois ; W.
carreg ' stone '< *k e rq-s-ikd, Vkereq- : Skr. sdrkarah 'pebble',
Gk. KpoKaXrj ' pebble ', W. crogen ' shell', craig ' rock ' <*&roqi- ;
W. torr ' belly ' (generally of an animal), torrog ' pregnant ',
Ir. torrach ' pregnant '< *torks- : Lat. tergus ' body of an animal,
hide ' ; W. gwarr ' tipper part of back ', gwarr heol G. 300 ' ridge
of the roadway ' < *uort-s- : Lat. vortex, W. gwarthaf ' summit '
< *nort e mo- ; W. corr ' dwarf ' < *qort-$- : Lat. curtus, Ir. cert
' little ', V (&)qer-. Possibly we have 11 from -Iks- in W. callestr
' flint '< *y e ?<is- : Lat. calx, Gk. x<*^> V q(h}eleiq- parallel to
*Jlcereq- above.
138 PHONOLOGY 96
(3) An explosive following the group remains, and the 9
disappears ; thus W. torth ' loaf ', Ir. tort < *torst- ' baked ' : Lat.
tostus < *tors(i)tos : torreo < *torseio ; W. tarth ' vapour, mist '
(tarth mwg Act. ii 19 ' vapour of smoke ', tan twym tarth B. 1. 38
'hot scorching fire ') < *t e rs-t- : Gk. Ttpcraiv<a, */ teres- 'dry
up'; W. garth 'promontory, hill', Ir. gart < *gh e rst- : Gk.
\tpvos, Vgheres- 93 ii (3) (not to be confused with garth
'enclosure' : Lat. hortus 99 vi (i), 76 vi (a)).
96. i. Ar. s + tenuis remained in Pr. Kelt. In Brit, the
group either remained or became a double spirant ; thus sk gave
either (i) sk or (2) xx an< ^ st gave either (i) st or (2) a sound
between// and ss, which became**. It is probable that form (i)
occurred after a consonant, and form (2) after a vowel, being
caused by a loose pronunciation of the *. Both forms occur
initially and medially, and in the latter case form (i) can be
shown in a large number of cases to have followed a consonant
now vanished. In Ir. st gave ss, initially s-, and the other groups
remained unchanged.
Tenuis + s also became a double spirant in Brit. A media
before s had become a tenuis in Ar., and gives the same result.
An aspirated media before s changed it to z in Ar., thus dhs >
dhz (dzh) ; the group became tenuis + s in Kelt., with the same
result.
When s is combined with two explosives in any order it is the
first explosive that drops: thus Host < *lompst- ii (3); asgwrn<
*ast-korn- ii (4) ; nos<*nots<*noq*ts ii (5). The same simplifica-
tion took place later in words borrowed from Lat. : W. estrou
' stranger ' <extrdneus, astrus < alstrusus, etc., 103 i (5).
ii. (i) Ar. st- became s- iu Ir., st- or s- in Bret., Corn., and W.
Examples : Ir. sal, W. sawdl, Bret, seul ' heel ' < *std-tl- 63 vi
(i) ; Bret, steren, Corn, steren, W. %eren 'star' : Lat. stella <
*ster-ld, Gk. da-r^p, O. H .G. sterno, E. star : Ar. *sler- ; Bret.
staon 'palate ', W.sqfn ' mouth ' : Gk. o-ro/za ; Ir. sere, W. serch
' love ', Bret, serc'h ' concubine ' : Gk. <rrepya> : Ar. *ttcrk/g-\ W.
(y)stani, Bret, starn, stern 'harness' beside W. sarn ' causeway '
63 vii (2), V stero- ' spread out '. It is not to be supposed that
st- became B- in W. in seren etc. after the separation of W.
and Corn., since Lat. st- generally remains (not always ; swmlivl
96 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 139
66 ii (i)) ; but rather that at- and s- existed side by side, and
one form or the other prevailed ; cf. 94 iii. The lisped form/-
is attested in Gaul, in the name Dirona, also spelt Sirona (? star-
goddess, < *ster-).
(2) Medial -st- gave Ir. ss, Bret., Corn., W. ss. When ss
became final in W. it was simplified early ; but it remained
double medially, and is still double after the accent, though now
written s 54 i (2). Examples : Ir. ross ' promontory, forest ',
W. r/ios ' mountain meadow ' (Richards), ' moor ' < *pro-sth- : Skr.
prasthak 'table-land on a mountain, plain', Vst/td- 'stand';
Ir. cas-achtach ' cough ', W. pa% ' whooping-cough ', Bret, pas
' cough ' < *(j*9st- : O. E. hwosta, Germ. Husten ' cough ' : Lith.
koseti ' to cough ', Skr. kasate * coughs ' ; Ir. foss * servant ', W.
ffwas ' servant ', gwasanaeth ' service ' < *upo-slhd-n-dkt- 203 i (4) :
Skr. upa-sthd-na-m 'attendance, service' ; ^ff.gwas B.T. 4 'abode',
Ir. foss ' rest, stay ' < *uost- : Gk. do-rv < Fdcrrv, Skr. tdslu
'dwelling-place, homestead'. The alternative lisped form //
is attested in Brit. Addedomaros beside gen. Assedomari CIL. iii
5291 (Rhys CB. 2 277), W. Guynn-assed B.B. 67, with a66-, ass-
perhaps < *ast- : Gk. DOTCOM, Skr. dsthi ( bone', W. a*en ' rib ',
a is ' breast '.
(3) When -st- is preceded by a nasal or explosive or both, the
whole group gives W. st. Examples : W. cystal, older cystadl
' as good ' < *kom-sthd-dhlo- ' standing together ' : Lat. stabulum
< *sthd-dhlo-m ; W. trwst ' tumult ' < *trum-st- (ru < ur 63
viii (i)), Vtuer- : Lat. turma, turla, Gk. o-vpffr), Att. rvpftr] ;
Ir. loss, los (i. erball) ' tail ', Bret, lost ' tail ', lostenn ' petticoat ',
lostek ' tailed, trailing ', W. Host ' tail ' in llost-lydan ' beaver ',
arllost c the butt end of a spear ' < *lomp-st~, Vleb- ' hang down ' :
Skr. Idmbate ' hangs down', Lat. limbus 'hem of a garment '<
*lemlos, E. lop in lop-eared, lop-sided : W. llusgo ' to trail, drag
behind ' < *lop-sq- ; W. cynllwst ' kennel' < *&uno-loq-st-, V Itgh-
' lie' ; W.gast ' bitch '< *ganst- for *kan-si- 101 iii (2) < *&(u) e ti-
' dog' 76 v (i) ; W. dust ' ear', Ir. cluass<*kleut-st-, a Kelt,
formation < Ar. *lcleutom ' hearing ' : Av. sraota-m, Goth, hliuf.
(For the group after a liquid, see 95 iv (3).)
After a prefix both forms occur : W. gwa-sarn ' litter ', V stero-',
giva-stad ' level ', V 'sthd- ' stand'; di-serc/i 'unlovely', V ' sterk/g- (i)
140 PHONOLOGY 96
above ; di-stadl ' insignificant', lit. ' without standing-', cf. cystadi
above.
We have perhaps to assume *uos- (cf. Lat. sus-) beside uo- and
*des- beside *de-, giving *-sst- beside *-st-, resulting in -st- beside --.
It is however to be borne in mind that forms with prefixes were not
originally fast compounds ; and thus the form after a prefix may
represent the old initial.
(4) Before r or 1, Ar. st remains in all positions in W. Thus
W.ystrad< *str0-t-, V stero- 63 vii (a) ; "W.ystrew, trew 'sneeze'
< *streus- 76 ii (2), */ pstereu- : Lat. sternuo, Gk.
W. ystlys ' side ', Ir. sliss ' side ' < *stlt-s- : Lat. latus <
V stel(a)- ; W. arwettr 'band, (apron-)string ' < *are-uest-rd :
Gk. Dor. Fto-rpa (yta-rpa ' crToXrj Hes.),Lat. vestit ; W. rkwyttr
' obstacle ' < *reig-s-tro- ' *snare ' : W. rhwym 95 ii (2) ; W.
lustl ' gall ' (u for y 77 vii (2)), Corn, bistel, Bret. bestl< *bis-tl- :
Lat. bilis <*bis-lis (different suffixes -tl- : -I-} ; W. destl 'neat,
trim', di-ddestl 'clumsy, unskilful' D.G. 196, 240 < *defo-tl- :
Lat. dexter, Gk. oV^toy, W. dehau 'right', etc. It is seen that
a consonant before the group drops.
On the other hand when st came before an explosive the t
dropped ; thus stk>sk, as in W. asgwrn, Ml. ascwrn 'bone'<
*agt-kon : Gk. ovrtov, see (2) above (initial a/o altern. 63 v
(2)) ; and llosgwrn ' tail ' similarly formed from *lompst-, see (3) ;
W. gwisg ' dress ' < *ue8t-q-, di-osg ' to undress ' < *de-uosl-q-,
V yes- : Lat. vestis, etc.
(5) Ar. ts gives ss in Ir. and W. Original ds and dhz became
ts, giving the same result. W. blys ' strong desire' < *mlit-s-,
noun in -s- beside melys ' sweet ' participle in -t- 87 ii, base
*meleit- ; W. llys ' court', Ml. Bret, les, Ir. list, Ie8*<*(p)lt-s-.
with an -s- suffix which lost its vowel, added to *ptfh- 63 viii
(i) ; W. aswy, Ml.W. asswy^ asseu ' left (hand) ' < *at-soui6-s < *ad-
seu{6s : Skr. savydh ' left '. An explosive before the group drops ;
thus W. nog ' night ' < nom. *not-s < *noq*t-s beside noeth in
trannoeth 'the following day', heno, O. W. kenoid ( = henoyt/t}
*to-night ' from oblique cases *nokt- ; so glas- ' milk ' < ^ghkt-s^
63 vii (3) ; les ' heat ' < *tekt* < *tep-t-8 : Lat. tepeo, etc. A
nasal before the group drops, 95 iii (3) ; but a liquid remains,
and the group becomes II or rr, 95 iv (2).
iii. (i) Ar. sk- appears as sc- in Ir., as sc- or h- (< x) in W,
96 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 141
In W. sc has become sg, and initially ysg-, 23 ii. Thus W. ysg'ien,
Ir. sclan 'knife', </s%fie(i)- : Skr. ckydti 'cuts off"; Ml. W.
isgand B.B. 35 'darkness', Ir. scdth ( shadow ' < *skdt- : Goth.
sfradus, E. shade, Gk. oveoroy, Skr. chdddyati ' covers ' ; W. Jiegl
' shank ' < *skek-l- : E. shank +/ slceq/g- : W. ysgogi ' stir, shake ',
E. shake, Lith. szokti ' to leap, dance'.
After a prefix : W. cysgod, gwasgod ' shade ' < *skdt-, as above.
(2) Ar. sq- gives Ir. sc-, W. sc- (ysg-) or. chw- (or before a
round vowel h-). Thus W. ysgwyd 'shield', Ir. sclath<*sqeit-om :
Lat. scutum <*sqoit-om, O. Bulg. stilu ' shield ' < *sqeit-om ; W.
ysgar 'to separate', Ir. scaraim, Vsqer- : Lith. skirti 'to separate' ;
W. chwith ' left (hand) ' < *sqi-tn-, chwiclr ' perverse, fickle ' <
*sqi-tr-, Mn. Ir. ciotach ' left-handed ' <*-sqi-tn-, W. ysgoewan f.
' fickle one ' < *sqai-u-, all R-g-rades of *sqei- ' left, oblique ' : Lat.
#caevu8,G]s.. <rKai(F)6$, E. shy\ W. chwalu 'to scatter', Bret. skula t
Ir. scailim ' I scatter ', */ sqel- 101 iv (2) : hollt ' split ' iv (i) (/3).
With a prefix : W. gwa-sgar-af l I scatter ', >/8qer- 101 iv (2) ;
cy-chwynn-af ' I rise, start ', Ir. scendim : Lat. scando, Skr.
skdndati ' leaps, bounds ', V sqend- ; W. osgo ' slant ', nyt osco-es
B.T. 25 <ne swerved not' <*op-sqaiu-\ Ml. W. amry-scoyw,
Mn. W. amrosgo ' diagonal, awkward ' < *sqaiu- : Lat. scaevus,
see above ; W. cy-huddo ' to accuse ' : Icel. */^^a ' a taunt ',
156 i (9).
ski-, skr-, where they remained in Brit., survived in W., now
ysgl- ysgr-, as ysglyfaeth 101 iv (2), ysgrafell ' rasp ' : E. scrape,
iv (3). But these were mostly reduced early to */-, sr-, 101 ii (3).
Medially we may have -chl~, -chr-, 156 i (ii), (13).
(3) Ar. sqS- gives Ir. sc-, W. chw-. Thus Ir. seel, W. chwedl,
Corn, whethl 'news, a tale ' < *sq*-e-tlo-> Vseq*- 'say'. With
a prefix: Ml. W. ky-chwedfl B.T. 38 *news' = Ml. Bret, quehezl,
Bret, kel ; W. dym-chwel-af ' I overthrow ' : Gk. <r(f>d\\<t>, Skr.
skhdlati 'stumbles', 4/sq*/iel-; W. dy-chwel-af ' I return '<
*do-sq*el-, V 'q*el- ' turn ', 101 iv (2). sp in the old compound
cosp, see (5).
(4) Medially between vowels Ar. -sk- > W. ch, but is hardly to
be found except in old compounds likeyoc/iet' to guard (against)',
ym-ochel ' to take shelter ' < *ujpo-s-&el-, Vhel- 63 iii. Ar. -sq-,
-sq 8 - gave x w , generally unrounded to ch ; in Ir. all appear as ss.
142 PHONOLOGY 96
Thus Ar. verbal suffix *-sqe- (: Skr. -ccha-, Gk. -O-KOO, Lat. -sco),
appears as cli in W. cliwenychqf '; finally -wc^ < *-#"x < *-*'-*?-
(: Gk. -I-<TKQ>) 201 iii (2) ; Ml. W. amkaw^ W.M. 453 c replied'
< *am-x*-awb 156 i (4) < *$$*-*2*-| V seq*- 'say'; suffix
182 iii.
(5) After an explosive or nasal, however, Ar. -sk-, -sq->W.
-sc- (-sff-), and Ar. -sq->W. -sp- ; in Ir. -#<?-. Thus W. mysgu,
cymysgu 'to mix',-Ir- mescaim ' I mix' < *mi&-*q- : Lat. misceo,
Gk. fifyvvfjii, Skr. miSrd-h 'mixed', */meik/g-; W. llusgo 'to
drag ' < *lop-sq- ii (3) above ; W. heag ' sedges ', Ir. sescenn
' swamp ' < *seq-sq- : E. sedge, O. E. secg */seq/g- ' cut ' : Lat. seco
etc.; W. llesg 'languid, infirm, sluggish', Ir. lesc 'slothful '<
*Zeq-sq-, */ (s}leg- : Skr. langa-h 'lame' < *leng-, Lat. langueo
< *&fl^-, Gk. Xayapoy ; W. gtorysg ' twigs ' < *urd-sq- : Lat.
rdmus < *urd-mo-s, Vuerod- 91; W. diaspad f. 'a cry' <
*de-ad-$q%-9td, Vseq*-, sufF. 143 iii (18) ; W. co*jo 'punishment',
Ir. co*c ' correction, reprimand ' < ^-kon-sq*- ' talk with '.
As the group -sku- or -squ- contains three distinct consonants,
it gives -sp- in -W. (not -ch-) ; thus W. hysp ' dry ' (without
milk), di-hysb-yddu ' to bail ' (a boat, a well, etc.), di-Tiysb-ydd
' inexhaustible ' < *sisq-uo- redupl. of Vseiq- ' dry ' : A vest.
hisku- f. hukvi-, Lat. siccus < *sicos (W. sych, Ir. secc < Lat. ?).
(6) Ar. -ks-, -qs-, -qSs- give Ir. ss, W. Bret. Corn, -ch- or -h-.
Thus Ir. dess 'right (hand) ' <*deks-, W. deJieu 'right, south '<
*deksouios, Gaul. Dexsiva dea : Lat. dexter, Gk. Segios, Goth.
taihswa, O. H. G. ze'sawa ; Ir. ess-, W. eh-, ech- 156 i (15) :
Lat. ex, Gk. e ; ^N.ych 'ox' (Ml. Ir. os8)<*uqso : Skr. ^.?,
O. H. G. 0/^0, 69 v. So finally : W. chwech ' six ', Ir. se, sess-
< *sueks : Av. xsvas, Gk. e (Te^), Lat. sex, Goth, saihs, E. *c
<Ar. *suelcs, *selcs 101 ii (2).
As before is, an explosive or nasal before the group dropped ;
but in that case -ks- probably, like -sk-, did not become x> but
remained and developed like Lat. -x- ; so perhaps train ' oppres-
sion' < *treks- < *trenk-s- : W. trenn, Ger. streng 148 i (13).
A liquid before the group remains, 95 iv (2) ; -hi-, -ksm- etc.,
95 ii (2).
iv. After s, Ar. p in Kelt, either (a) became *f as usual ;
or (ft) was altered to q* and developed accordingly.
96 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS v 143
(1) (a) Ar. sp(h)->W. ff-, Ir. s- (mutated to/-). Thus W.
ffun ' breath ' < *spois-n- : Lat. splro < *speis-o ; W. ffer f ankle ',
Ir. seir ' heel ' (ace. du. di pherid) < *sper- : Gk. o-fyvpov ' ankle,
heel ' < *sphu e r- : Iiai.perna, Gk. irTepva<*puer-n- (Jacobsohn,
KZ. xlii 275), Vsphuere- see (2) below ; W. ffonn f stick ', Ir.
sonn ' stake '< *spondh- : E. spoon, O. E. spou 'chip of wood',
Icel. spdnn, sponn ' chip ', Gk. cnrdOrj ' spatula ', O-^TIV ' wedge ',
Vsp(h}e-, spend- ' hew '. Similarly before a liquid : W.
ffraeth 'eloquent, witty '< *sphrdkt-, Vsphereg- : Germ, sprechen,
O. E. sprecan; E. speak , see 97 v (3) ; W. ffrwst ' haste '<
*sprut-st- : Goth, sprauto 'quickly', W.ffrwd 101 ii (3);
W. fflochen ( splinter ' < *sphloc[-n- : Skr. phalakam ' board, plank ',
Vsp(h)el- : Germ, spalten, E. split, cf. W. talch 86 ii (3).
(/?) sp(h)- > Kelt. sqS > W. chw- (h-) or sp-, Ir. sc-. Thus
W. chwynn 'weeds' (prob. originally 'furze', as E. whin which
comes from it) < ^sq*inn- < *spid-sn- : Lat. pinna < *pid-snd ; Ir.
see gen. pi. sciad, W. yspyddad 'hawthorn' < *sq*ii-at- : Lat.
splna, splca, V$pei-\ W. chwyclu 'to vomit', cJiwycl 'vomit'
100 ii (3), Vspeieu- : Lat. spuo, E. spew, etc. ; W. hollt ' split',
hottti ' to split ', beside (a) Bret, faouta ' to split ' < *spol-t-,
Vspel- 101 iv (2) ; W. yspar ( spear ', Bret, sparr : Lat. spams,
O. H. G. sper, E. spear, V sphuere- 97 v (3) ; W. cliwyrn ' swift'
< *sphern-, hwrb ' a violent push '< *sphuri- 100 iii (2).
(2) Medially, Ar. -sp- gives (a) W. -ff-, or (/8) W. -ch-, Ir. -sc-.
Thus W. dual (a) uffarnau (/?) ucharnau ' ankles ' <*ui-sp(u) e r-n-
: sg. ffer, Lat. perna above; (/?) W. ucher 'evening', Ix.fescor
: Lat. vesper, Gk. eo-Trepos 66 iii.
After a consonant (a) -sp->W. ff; unlike -st-, -#-, which
preserve the explosive, sp had become -sf-, and there was no
explosive to preserve. Thus W. effro ' awake '< *eksprog- dissim.
from *eks-pro-gr- : Lat. expergiscor for *ex-pro-gnscor (Walde,
s. v.) : Av. fra-yrisdmno ' waking ', Skr. jdrale ' wakes ', Gk.
eye/pco, V ger-, gerei-.
(3) Ar. -ps- also gives (a) W. -ff-, or (($} W. -ch-, but Ir.
-as-. Thus (a) W. craff 'sharp, keen' < *qrap-s- < *qrab-s- :
Icel. skarpr, O. E. scearp, E. sharp, E. scrape, W. crafu 'to
scratch'; W. praff * burly '< q*r e p-&- : Lat. corpus, etc.;
(/?) W. uwch 'higher', ucliel 'high', Ir. uasal t vassal, Gaul.
144 PHONOLOGY 97
Uxello-dunum < *upg-, *upsel- : Lat. sus-, Gk. t/i/rt, 1^77X69
' high', ti\lri(oi' ' higher' ; W. crych ' curly', Gaul. Crixus, Crixsus
: Lat. crispus (prob. < *cripsos) : Lith. kreipti 'to'turn', V qer-
' turn', extd. *qreip- ; W. llachar ( bright', Ir. lassair < *laps e r-
: Gk. \dfjiira> ; W. crach f scabs' < *qrap-s- : eraff above, see
101 ii (a). As in the case of -h-, see iii (6), the *-c/<- may
become -h-, as in cah-el beside caff-el<*qap-s- 188 iv.
97. i. Before a media or aspirated media, s had become z
medially in Pr. Ar. Thus the V-grade of / sed- was -zd-. Ar.
z became 8 in Pr. Kelt. This remained in Brit., and the media
following it was reduced later to the corresponding voiced spirant.
ii. Ar. -zd- > Kelt. d. In W. this became th, through 58 ; in
Ir. it appears as t, U ( = d-d), Mn. Ir. d. Thus Ar. *nizdos
' nest ' >Ir. net, nett, Mn. Ir. nead, W. nyth : Lat. nidus, O. H. G.
nest, E. nest, Skr. nifld-h, V sed- 63 ii ; W. syth 'upright',
sythu ' set erect ', Ir. seta ' tall ' < *sizd- : Lat. sldo < *sizdd, Skr.
sidati 'sits' for *slr]ati<*sizd-, Gk. ifo<*&izdo, */sed-, redupl.
*sizd- ; W. gwyth ( anger', ad-wyth ( hurt, mischief, misfortune '
< *gheizd~, Ml. Ir. goet ' wound ' < *ghoizd- : Skr. heda-h ' anger '
< *gheizd-os, heclati ' angers, vexes, hurts ', Lith. zdizda ' wound ',
zeidzib ' I wound ', Av. zdizda- ' hateful ' ; W. brathu ' to stab,
bite ', brat/i ' a stab, a bite ' < *lhrazd(k)- : Russ. brozdd'lnt, bridle'
< *bkrazd(h)-, O. Bulg. bruzda id.< *bhrzd(Ji)- : with -st- t Skr.
bhnti-h 'tooth, point', Lat. fastlgium for *farsti- (<*frasti-?),
Vbhera-s-t "Walde 2 375, extension of Vbher- 'prick' : W. ber
' spear, spit ' ; d- presents : W. chwythaf ' I blow ' < **uiz-d-,
Ir. setim id. < *sueiz-d- : Skr. ksvedati ' utters an inarticulate
sound, hisses, hums' < *ksueiz-d- : with -t-, O. Bulg. svistati
' sibilare '.
After a consonant the result is the same, for the consonant
had dropped in Brit., and though st of that period remains (e. g.
Lat. -st-}, the mutation d>8 is later, so that Brit. -5<"7>85>th.
Thus the prefix *e&s- + d- gave *e(g)zd->*ed->eth- as in ethol
' to elect ' < *egz-dol- : E. tale, Ger. Zahl ' number ', W. didoli
' to segregate ', Skr. ddlam ' piece ', Lith. dafas ' part ', Vdel-
' divide'.
iii. Ar. -zg(h)-, -zg(h)- > Kelt. -8g- ; in Ir. it appears as dg
( = 8j) ; in W. *$3 became j8 by met. ; after w, *5j >8f. Thus
97 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 145
W. maidd e whey ' < *me%b-, met. for *meb%-; Ir. medg c whey ',
Gallo-Lat. mesga (s for 5 ? cf. 96 ii (i)) : Lat. mergo, Lith.
mazgoti ' to wash ', Skr. majjati ' sinks ' < *mezg- ; W. haidd
' barley ' < *se-zg-, redupl. of *seg- : Lat. seges ; perhaps W.
twddf 'a swelling' for *tub%-<*tuzff-, #-stem of -/tend- (: Goth.
pus-} + -g- suff. : Lat. turgeo (Walde 2 rejects his first suggestion
that this is from *tuzg- in favour of Solmsen's *iurigo, IF.
xxvi naff., with -igo (: ago), though this is usually ist conj.,
as navigdre),
W. gwSf ' throat ', N. W. dial, gw$w, pi. gySfe, gyBfa, S. W. dial.
gwSwg, pi. gy^ge, gythce, Bret, gouzoug, with -g for -5, 1 1 1 vii (4),
seems to require *guzg- ; 1 ghu-s- t V'ghZu-, (: Lat. fauces) + -g-, as
in mum-g ' mane '.
iv. Ar. -zb(h)- > Kelt. oi > Ir. <$, W. 8f. Thus W. odd/
'knag, knot, nodule', Ir. odb : Gk. oo-0uy (<*ost-lhu-t).
v. (i) The ahove groups are found only medially. Initially
Ar. s- did not become z-, but changed a following media to a
tenuis ; thus s&- > #jo-, *M- > sph, etc., Siebs, KZ. xxxvii 277 fF.
Hence the initial alternations b- : sp- and dh- : sth-, etc., as in
Germ, dumm, E. dwmb<*dk- : Germ, stumm, W. di-slaw < sth-,
156 i (u).
(2) As a- could be prefixed or dropped in Ar. and for a long time
after the dispersion, 101 ii (i), Siebs 1. c. holds that the above ex-
plains the initial alternation of a media and tenuis. In a large
number of cases it undoubtedly does so. Where the media is general
and the tenuis exceptional, it affords a satisfactory explanation, as in
the case of the Kelt, t- in tafod ' tongue ' corresponding to d- elsewhere
(O. Lat..cfoVi<jrwa), which is parallel to the t in taw I 'be silent' (s still
kept in di-staw) corresponding to the *dh- which gives the d- of E.
dumb. But it hardly explains the alternation when the tenuis is
general and the media exceptional, as in W. craidd, Lat. cord-, Lith.
szirdis, E. heart, Gk. KapSta < *k- : Skr. Jid- t Av. zzwda, < *gh-,
since k < skh, without a trace of the s- in the whole of Europe, is
improbable. But whatever the explanation may be, the fact of the
alternation can hardly be called in question.
(3) As an example of the variety of forms produced by variable s- f
we may take Vbhuere-, extd. *bhuere-g-/-gh-/-q-, orig. meaning
i. ' hurl ', 2. ' smite ' ; hence from i. ' sprinkle, cast (seed) ; roar, snore ;
rattle ; talk ' ; from 2. ' break ; crash, break out, burst ; smell '. bh- :
W. Iwrw 'hurl, smite ', bwrw glaw 'to rain ', bwrw had 'to cast seed '
< *bhur'g- (ur < u e r) Lat. frango < *bhrmg-, fragor < *bhrg-, frd-
1403 L
146 PHONOLOGY 98
grdre, E. break, burst, W. brych, brith ' speckled ' ; sph- : W. hwr&
100 iii (2), chwyrn 'swift' 90 iv (i), chwyrnu ' to roar, snore' ;
Skr. sphurdti ' spurns, darts, bounds ', sphurjati ' rumbles, roars, rattles,
crashes ' < *sphurg- ; Lat. sperno, spargo ; E. sjntrn, sprinkle ; Gk.
<r<apayo; Vf.ffraeth 96 iv (i), ffro&n, < * 'sphmg-nd (ru < ur) ;
p(h)-: W. erch ' speckled ', Gk. Trep/cvos ; W. arch-fa 'stench' < *phfQ" ',
arogleu ' a smell ', compound j) e roqo-prdg- ? (p . . . g > t . . . g 86 ii
(3)) trywy& ' scent ', trwyn ' nose ' < *prug-no-, trawaf ' I strike ' <
*prug- (ru < ur) ; spr > sr 101 ii (3): W. rhuo 'roar, talk
loudly ' < *srogi-, Gk. pe'yxu, pe'y/cw, poy\o<s, puyx?> W. rhoch ' snore '.
98. i. (i) In Gk. and Kelt, a dental explosive sometimes
appears after a guttural where the other languages have s ; this
is explained by the supposition that Ar. possessed after gutturals
another spirant, similar to E. th in think, W. th, which is written
J>. After an aspirated media, as s became z, 96 i, so J> became
3 ; thus gl>P >ghti (gtili). Brugmann 2 I 790 ff.
(2) Ar. k]?- (Lat. *., Gk. KT-, Skr. h-) gave Kelt. t-. Thus
W. tydwet, tydwed a B.B. 20, 36 ' soil, land ' < *tit- : Lat. situs
' site ', Gk. KTIO-IS ' settlement ', KTIO> ' I found ', Skr. ksiti-h
' abode, earth, land ' : Vkfiei- * earth', see (3) below.
Ar. -kjj- (Lat. -a?-, Gk. -ACT-, Skr. -fa-) gave Kelt. -kt-. Thus
W. arth ' bear', Ir. ari<*artog<*arktos : Gk. a/wcroy, Lat. wr*u*
< *urcsos. Skr. tksah : Ar. *arkj>os, *|J^oi 63 v (2).
(3) Ar. gh- (Lat. h-, Gk. X 0-, Skr. h-, Germ. <;-, Lith. *-)
gave Kelt. d-. Thus Ir. indfie, W. </oe ' yesterday ' < *desi = Lat.
heri : Gk. x^ey, Skr. //ya^, 75 vii (2) ; this occurs medially in
W. neithiwyr 'last night' 78 i (2) for *neith-tiwyr < *nokti
dieserdi (assuming the case to be loc.) : O. H. G. gestaron, E.
yester-, Lat. liesternus : Ar. *ghdies-, suff. *-ero-/-tero-. W. ly-tyn
' a measure of land, a small farm ' lit. ' *house-land ', tref-tyn B.T.
14, gwely-tyn (gwelitin B.B. 64), Ml. pi. tytynneu for *-ifnjfU
< *domi- : Lat. humus, Gk. \6a>v : Ar. *ghfam- ' earth ' ; allied
to this as meaning ' terrestrial ' are the names for ' man ' : W.
dyn i \T.duine<*donio-<*ghdomi- : Lat. homo, Lith. zmu, zmo-gus
pi. zm6nes, Goth, guma pi. gumans : Ar. *gh(Hein-. This may be
for *gh$iem- as Pedersen suggests, Gr. i 89-90 ; in that case the
root must be *g?idei-> which therefore must be the same as
In Late W. wrongly spelt tudwedd from a fancied relation to tud ' people ',
whence ' country '. The examples in B.B. both rhyme with -ed.
99 THE AKYAN CONSONANTS 147
ei- above, with Ar. alternation %-/gh- ; hence W. claear { earth '
(4) gh- (Gk. <f>0-) gave Kelt. d-. Thus W. dar-fod 'to
waste away, perish ', dar-fodedigaeth ' phthisis ' < *dar- < *g*Jtd e r-
: Gk. (fiOeipw < *g*7ider- ; W. dyddfu ' to pine, waste away ' <
*di-d-m- redupl., -m- suff. : Gk. (fidta, airo-QOiQco ; in Skr. with
*^-, as ksdrati ' flows, passes away, perishes ', ksiyate ' decreases,
wanes '.
ii. In Gk. we sometimes find where the other languages
have i-. This equation is held to imply an Ar. palatal spirant j
(the sound which is written 5, i. e. palatal j, in other connexions
in this book ; it differs from * in being pronounced with more
friction of the breath). Examples are W. iau ' yoke ', 1 La,t.juff2im,
Skv. yugd-m, Gk. vyov, all < Ar. *ji<g6m ; W. ids ' a seething ',
Skr. ydsyati ' seethes, bubbles ', Gk. ^eoo : Ar. */je*- ; W. uwd
' porridge ', Ml. W. iwt 37 ii, Bret, iot, Lat. jus, Skr. yusa-m
' broth ', Gk. ^v^rj : Ar. Vjeu- ; W. iwrch, O. Corn, yorch
: Gk. 6p 65 iii (2) ; W. ioli : Gk. ^Xoy 201 iii (2).
THE SONANTS.
99. i. Initially before vowels, and medially between vowels,
Ar. 1, r, m, n (so in most of the languages, but r- > e/>- in Gk.)
remained unchanged in Pr. Kelt. In W. initial 1- and r-
became 11- and rh-, 103 i (4). Many examples occur in the
above sections ; as W. Host < *lompst- 96 ii (3) ; W. halen
'salt' 58 ii ; W. rhwym, */reig- 95 ii (2) ; W. adferaf, */bher-
58 iii ; W. mis l month ' 95 iii (i) ; W. 7iqf, Ir. sam ' summer '
94 i ; W. naw ' nine ' 76 iii (i) ; W. ychen ' oxen ' 69 v. The
treatment of these sonants in combination with s has been
discussed in 95, and in combination with s and an explosive in
96. There remains the combination of sonants with one
another and with explosives.
ii. (i) Ar. ml-, mr- remained in Pr. Kelt., but in Brit, they
became bl-, br- and appear so in W. ; in Ir. both m- and b-
appear. Thus W. blys <*mlit-s- 96 ii (5) ; W. Iro ' region',
Ir. mruig ' boundary ' < *mrog- : Lat. margo, O. H. G. mar&a,
O. E. mearCj E. march 65 ii (i) ; W. brag ' malt ', Ir. mraich
L2
148 PHONOLOGY 99
<*mr9q-, W. braenu 'to rot'<*tfzrp^--, ^Mtrfcq- 'decay' : Lat.
f races 'oil-dregs', Gk. dfiopyrj (< *d(jLopKd, whence Lat. amurca
Walde 2 464). Similarly Ar. m- before \ or r, short or long :
W. blith milk, milch ', Ir. mlic/tt, blicht < *m$t-, 61 i ; W.
llawd 'flour' < *mjt- 61 ii. The same change probably took
place medially also ; in that position both m and b would now
appear as/, but in O. W. v from m is written m, while v from b
appears as b ; and such a form as amcibret ox. < *qibi-kom-(p)ro-ret-
156 i (9) implies v<b; so Brit. Sabrina probably contains
*sam-. In the Coligny calendar tio-cobrextio very probably
contains *kom-rekt- = W. cyfrailh, Rhys CG. 16. But. W. cyv~
<*kom- persisted by analogy : cymreith (m = v) L.L. 120 ; cf. 16
iv (3). (Lat. m ...I became mb . . . / in cumulus, stimulus 66
ii (I).)
(a) Ar. medial -1m-, -rm- remained in Pr. Kelt., and -Imp-,
-rmp- became -1m-, -rm- ; they appear so in Ir. ; in W. the m
appears as f or w. Thus W. celfydd ' skilful ', celfyddyd ' craft ', O.
Bret, celmed gl. efficax, Ir. calma 'doughty '< *qj'mp- : Lat. scalpo,
Lith. sklempiu ' I polish ', Skr. kalpand ' fashioning, invention ',
' arranged, trimmed, cut ' : E. skill, Goth, skilja ' butcher ' ;
l- } extd. *(s]qelep- ; W. cwrf, cwrw, Ml. W. kwryf, coll.
cwrw for cwrwf or cwrw 'beer', Ir. cuirm, Gaul. Kovpfj.1, <
*korm- : Lat. cremor ( thick juice obtained from vegetables ' ; Jit.
' *decoction ', V qerem- 95 iii (i) ; W. serfyli 'prostrate* <
*af a rm- : Lat. strdmen, Gk. crrpco/ta, Skr. sldriman- ' strewing ',
V stero- 63 vii (2). So in old compounds : W. gorfynt 'envy',
Bret, gourvent, \v.formai<*mr-ment- : Lat. gen. mentis, E. mind
: Gk. vTrfp-fjL 6^-179 with same pref. and root : V 'men- ; but later
compounds may have rm, as aor-mob ' too much '.
Probably the T was already somewhat loose in Brit., as Gaul.
ceruesia ' beer' beside KOU/J/U shows it to have been in Gaul. Hence
new formations with a new m might be treated differently. Thus, in
Lat. loanwords, while we have usually If, rf, as in palf < palina,
terfi/n < terminus, we may have 7m, rm, as in Garmon < Germdnus,
salm < psalmus, prob. borrowed later.
iii. (i) Ar. -nl-, -nr- became -11-, -rr- respectively in Pr. Kelt.
Thus W. gwall 'want, defect', gwallus IL.A. 154 'negligent',
now ' faulty ', Bret, gwall ' defect '< *uan-lo- t V uan- : Lat. vdni/s,
99 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 149
E. want ; W. garr ' knee ', Bret. garr ' jambe '<*gan-r- 63 vii
(4). But in compounds in which the sounds came together after
the Brit, period, the n remains, and the group becomes -nil-,
-nrh- in W., as in an-llad, an-rheg^ 111 i (i).
(2) Ar. -In- also became -11- in Pr. Kelt. Thus W, datt
' blind ', Ir. dull ' blind ', clnas-dall ' deaf ' < *d/t.(u)al'-no- : Goth.
dwals ' foolish ', O. E. ge-dwelan ' to err ', Vdhuela?-. But -rn-
remained, as in W. chwyrn * swift' < *sphern- 96 iv (i) ;
W. earn ' hoof, Bret, karn, Galat. Kapvov rr\v crdX-rrLyya, Hes.
< *k e rn-, */herd x u- ; W. darn, sarn, etc. 63 iii ; Kelt, suffix
*-arn- < *- e rn-, as in W. haearn, cadarn.
iv. (i) Ar. -mn-, -nm- remained in Pr. Kelt., and appear so
in Ir. (or with an epenthetic vowel) ; in W. the mutated form f
(or w 102 iii (i)) takes the place of m. Thus W. safn
' mouth ', Bret, staon ' palate ' < * stom-n- : Gk. oro/m 76 vii
(4) ; W. cyfnesaf ' kinsman' < *kom-nessam-, 148 i (i) ; Ir.
ainm 'name', O. W. anu < *anmn 63 v (2) ; W. menw-yd
' mind, pleasure ', Ir. menme c mind ' < *men-m- : Skr. mdnman-
' mind, thought ' ; W. an-fad ' atrocious ' (: mad ' good '), Gaul.
(Seqn.) anmat. . . ' unlucky ' < *n-mat- : Lat. mat-urns orig. ' in
good time ' Walde 2 470.
An explosive probably dropped before the group : W. pythefnos,
pythewnos ' fortnight ' lit. '15 nights' for *jyymthevnoeth (dissim. of
nasals) < *pempfde(K)m-noktes < Kelt. *q^e^q^edekm noktes.
(2) Ar. -rl- aud -Ir- can hardly be traced ; we should expect them to
give -II- and -rr-. Late -rl- gave -rll- 111 i (i).
v. (i) A group consisting of 1, r, m or n and a single explo-
sive remained in Pr. Kelt, (except that p dropped, 86, and a
nasal assumed the position of a following explosive). The further
development of such groups in W. is dealt with in 104-6.
(a) When a liquid came before two explosives the first explo-
sive dropped; thus W. perth 'bush' <*pertd<*q v <erq*-t- : Lat.
quercu*< *perc/*us 86 ii (2) : O. H. G.forha, O. E./M, E./r, Skr.
par kail ' ficus religiosa ' ; W. cellt ' flint '< *qelq-t- : Lat. calx
95 iv (2) ; W. arth, Ir. art<*arktos 98 i (2).
(3) But when a nasal came before two explosives, the nasal
dropped ; thus W. trwyth ' wash, lye, urine ' < *tronkt- : W. trwnc
' urine ' < *tronq- : Lith. trenkb ' I wash ' (W. trochi ' to bathe ' <
150 PHONOLOGY 99
*fronq-, see vi (3)) : Lat. tttercus^rei.gtroTik 'excrement'. It is
seen that the loss is later than the change onk>unk 65 iii (i) ; it
also takes place in Lat. loanwords, asW. pwyth 'stitch' <punctum ;
but in the later of these the first explosive drops, as in sant <
ganctus.
(4) When two explosives came before a liquid or nasal, the
group remained in Pr. Kelt. ; thus W. eithr ' except ', Ir. echtar
< *ektro-s : Lat. extents, extra, Osc. ehtrad (~x- for *-<?- is a Lat.
innovation, Walde 2 263) ; W. aetlin-en ' aspen ' < *aktn- < *aptn-
: Lith. aputze ' aspen ', O. H. G. apsa, O. E. ops, E. asp : Lat.
populus < ^ploptol-, Gk. TTTeAea ' elm '.
But a double explosive before a sonant was not distinguished
in Ar. from a single ; thus ettre was not distinct from etre, Meillet,
Intr. 2 102. In Homer and the Veda the first syllable is metric-
ally long ; in Plautus and Aristophanes, short ; ordinarily in Gk.
and Lat., doubtful. In old Kelt, formations we have one t for
two, as in Gaul. Atrebates, W. adref ' homewards ' < *atreb- <
*attr- < *ad-tr-. In later formations the double consonant re-
mained, as in W. athrist ' sad ' < *attrlstis < *ad- + Lat. trislis.
kr, tr may develop as kkr, ttr in W. as in ochr, rhiithr 104
iii (2). A double media in Brit, is treated regularly as a single
tenuis in W., as in edrych ' to look '< *etr-< *ed-dr-< *ad-dr- or
*eg-dr- ; once as a double tenuis ; see 1. c.
vi. (i) A group of the form nt or nd, followed immediately
or mediately by a liquid or nasal, has tended from an early period
in Kelt, to become a double explosive tt or dd with nasaliza-
tion of the preceding vowel. In Ir. the double consonant was
simplified before the sonant ; see ceol, abra, cobrith (b = t) below.
The change, being a case of dissimilation of the continuants, does
not take place regularly, 102 i ; it often exists side by side with
the regular development of the group. Thus O.W. ithr ' between ',
Bret, elre, Van. itre, Ir. eter (not *et- the regular Ir. for *ent-)
beside Bret, entre, Corn, yntre : Lat. inter, Skr. antdr ; W.
athrugar ' pitiless ' < *0ttr- beside Ir. elrocar < *entr-, both <
*n-trougakaros ; W. cathl 'song' < *kqttlo-, Ir. ceol id. < *kf(l)lo-,
O. W. centhliat, cenihiliat (en =g) gl. canorum, beside Ir. cclal<
*kentlo-, Bret, kentel ' lesson' ; W. allwedd f. ' key' for *alchwedd,
Bret, alchouez metath. for *achlweb < *n-ql(9)u-^ia (' unlocker ',
100 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 151
cf. agoriad 'opener' used instead in N. W.), also allwydd m.<
-tips : Lat. claudo, cldvis, Gk. K\rjfs, etc. ; W. achles ' shelter '
< *n-kl-std (n- ' in '), Vhel- ' hide ' : O. H. G. hulst ' cover ', W.
clyd 63 iii ; W. achenog ' needy ', achen ' need ', beside W.
anghenog, angen, Ir. ecen f need ' < *nk-en- : Gk. avdyicq.
Mediae : W. adyn ' wretch ' < *gddonios< *n-donios ' not-man ',
beside the later annyn l wretch', annynol 'inhuman', Mn. Ir.
anduine ; W. agor ' to open '< *%ggor- < *n-ghor- (n- negative),
beside egor id. < *eggor- (pref. *&), \fkffr- ' enclose ' : Lat. hortus,
Gk. \6pro<i ) W. garth ; W. wybren ' cloud, sky ', O. Corn, kuibren,
Ml. Corn. <?ro#, Bret. Van. ebr, beside Ir. imrim 'storm' : Lat. imber,
100 v; W. hebrwng 'to accompany, convey', O.CoTn.febren
Mn. Corn, hembronk, Ml. Bret, hambrouk < *sem-broK)k- : Skr.
' with ', Goth, briggan, E. bring ; Bret, abrant ' eyebrow ', Corn.
abrans < *abbr-, Ir. a^ra < *abr-, beside W. amrant < *am-brant-
(n- ' in') : Lat. gen. front-is ; Ir. cobrith ' help ', beside W. cymryd
'to take' < *kom-bhr-t-. The nasalized vowel sometimes develops
a new nasal, resulting- in a new nd, etc., which does not become
nn ; thus W. enderig ' steer ', O. W. enderic gl. vitulus, beside W.
aww^r ' heifer' which contains old nd ; Gwyn. dial, an-gar 'hot
breath, steam ' for lit. W. ager ' steam ' < *%gger- t beside anger dd
(vg = ) < ^-amger-, all < *n-g Vl her- 92 v.
Similarly Itr > *ttr > thr in athro 76 v (5).
(2) It has been conjectured that an explosive + n sometimes
became a double explosive in Kelt.; Pedersen, Gr. i 158, suggests
that this took place immediately before the accent. Thus Ir. brecc,
W. brych ' speckled ' < *brikkos < *bhrknos : Gk. Trep/cvos 101 iii (2) ;
as. -cc occurs in Ir., the doubling here is not Brit, rkk < rk 61 i (i) ;
W. crwth a kind of fiddle, croth ' womb ', Ir. cruit ' harp, hump ' <
*qrutn- : Lith. krutis ' woman's breast ', krutlne ' breast '. But many
doublings attributed to this cause are due to other causes ; see
Thurneysen Gr. 88.
(3) It seems as if n + explosive coming after a sonant might
become a double explosive, as in W. rhoch ' snore ' : Gk. poy^os, pe'yicw
97 v (3). We have nk > kk > ch after a nasal in the Bret, muta-
tion after ma ' my ', nao ' nine ', as va c'haloun ' my heart ', nao c'hant
' 900 ' ; but the development is regular in W.
100. i. (i) Ar. i- (Lat. j-, Gk. *, Germ, j, Lith. j, Skr. y-)
remained in Pr. Kelt. ; it disappears in Ir., but remains in W.
Thus W. ieuanc, Bret, iaoiiank, Corn, iouenc, Ir. dac, oc : Lat.
152 PHONOLOGY 100
juvencw, O. H. G. Jung, E. young, Skr. yuvasdk ( youthful ' < Ar.
ini/nkos W. iaith ' language ', Bret. iez<*iek-t- : O. H. G.jeftan
f to say ' ; O. W. Tud- ( *warrior ', W. udd ( lord ' < *ieudh- ; ion,
{dr ' lord ' < Kelt. *iud-nfo, j/ud-r6s 66 v : Gk. va-pivrj ' battle ',
Skr. yodliah ' warrior ', yudh id., yudhyati ' fights ' ; */ieud/t-.
(2) Ar. u- (Lat. v-, Gk. F- (lost), Germ, w-, Lith. v-, Skr. t-)
remained in Pr. Kelt. ; it appears in Ir. as f-, in W. as gw-.
Thus W. gwaith f. ' fois ' (fair gwaith ' 3 times '), Ir. fecht id.
< *uekt-, W. ar-wain ' to lead ' < *ari-ueg-n- 203 iv : Lat.
re/io, Gk. %x os H es -> ^X 09 ' Skr. rt *&ati ' conveys, draws, leads ',
O. H. G. wagan, E. wain, way ; /uegh- ; W. gwlr 'true ', Ir.
fir : Lat. veru*, O. H. G. war ; Ar. *ueros ; W. gwedd, gwy 63
iv ; gwall 99 iii (i). So before 1 or r : W. gwtyb 58 iv, gwlad
63 vii (2), gwraidd 91.
Though gwr- generally remains, it became gwn- in gwna ' make, do ' :
Bret, gra, Corn, gwra < *urag- : cf. Corn, gwreans ' work ', gwrear
' worker ' < *ureg-. In the Oldest W. r remains : guragun tagc
( = gwra%wn tame) B.S.CH. 2 'let us make peace ', wreith B.A. 22 ' was
made ' < *urekt- ; later gwnech L.L. 120, BT. 64' may do ' < *urek-s- ;
Ml. W. goreu ' did ' < *uerag- < perf. *ue-uroy-e Vuereg- : E. work,
Gk. epyov (Fipyov). Also in gwmo ' to sew ' : Bret, gria id., Corn.
gwry ' seam ' < *urcg-, same loot ; cf. Ir. fracc ' needle ', /ra?'<7 ' osier ' :
Gk. pfjyos, etc. (orig. meaning ' bend ', hence ' weave ', hence ' work ' ;
see Walde s. v. vergo).
When gwr- or gwl- is followed by a rounded vowel or ?-diphthong, it
may become gr- or gl- by dissimilation : W. grvg for gwrug 75 ii ;
glyw for gwlyw 102 iii (2).
(3) Ar. -i- and -u- between vowels remained in Pr. Kelt. ; they
disappear in Ir., but generally remain in W., though sometimes
altered ; see 75, 76, and iii (i) below.
ii. (i) After an initial consonant j or u was liable to drop
from the earliest period 101 ii (2) ; thus W. doe, Lat. heri, Gk.
X 0e'y : Skr. hydh 98 i (3) ; W. dall : Goth, dwah 99 iii (2).
But u remained in Brit, after guttural mediae, 92 iv, and after
s- 94 iv ; and i remained in some forms. In W. in this position
i generally became i ; thus W. dteu ' days ' for dieu as in Mn. W.
trid'iau ' 3 days ' (the accentuation implies O. W. di-) < Brit.
*dioues, < *dieues (iou > W. ieu 76 iii (3)). The hesitation
between i and i must go back to O. W. when the accent was on
the ult. and the i would be unaccented. Lat. i became | early, and
100 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 153
we have diawl monosyll. 34 ii<diab(o)lus, but pi. di\ef\yl 3 syll.
M.A. i 1920 for *diefyl<diaboll.
After medial consonants u and i remained, as in W. pedwar
' four ' 63 vii (4) ; W. celwydd 'lie ' < *kaluiio- : Lat. calumnia <
*caluomnid ;- W. dedwydd ' happy ' < *do-tuiios : Lat. tueri, tutus,
O. Icel. fiyfta ' friendship ', Goth, fillip ' good ' noun, Vteuefy-
(not Vteud- ' swell, increase' according- to Walde s. v. tueor) ;
W. pi. ending -ion 121 i ; verbal suffix -i- 201 iii (6) ; see
also iii (2) below.
(2) Between two consonants u and i had dropped in Brit. ;
thus W.garr 'knee'< *ganr-< *g e n(u)r- 63 vii (4) ; chwann-en<
*sqond-<*s-qon(?)d- ib. ; <j/olcM<*uol&-<*uol(i)q 1 *- 89 ii (2).
On -w- which came later between consonants in W., see 42.
(3) Between i or i and a consonant, u dropped ; as in chwyd
' vomit '<*spi(u}t-, Vspeieu- 96 iv (i) ; W. hoed 'grief, Ir.
saeth < *sai(u)t- : Lat. ftaevus (orig. 'sore, sad ', see Walde s.v.) ;
W. oed ' age ' < *a%(u)t- : Lat. aetas, older aevitas. Hence while
W. has final -yw, -oyw it has no -ywd, -oywd, -ywg> etc.
iii. (i) In Brit., in the diphthong ii (ei, ai), when accented
or following the accent, i became a spirant probably like French J,
which became 8, and appears so in W. Thus -tips > -y, -nd>-eb ;
'-ii, > -oeb 75 iv. But the change did not take place in
oi or li.
(2) The same change took place after 1 or r following the
accent ; thus lj > *lb > W. 11 ; and 'ri > *rb = W. r8. Examples :
Ii : W. gaUaf ' I can ' : Lith. galiu 'I can ' ; W. all- in ail-fro
f foreigner ', Gaul. Allo-broges < *alio- : Lat. alms, Gk. aXAoy <
*dlips ; W. gwell ' better ' : Skr. vdrya-h ' eligible ', vdriydn
'better' : O. E. wel, E. well, orig. ' choice ', Vuel- ' wish '. rj :
W. arddaf ' I plough ' : Lith. ariu ' I plough ', Goth, arjan ' to
plough ' ; Pr. Kelt. Iuer-ion~, -iann- > W. Iwerddon * Ireland ',
Ir. gen. Erenn ; W. morddwyd ' thigh ' : O. H. G. muriot ' thigh ' ;
W. hwrdd ' a violent push' < *tspuri- (ur<u e r6S viii (i))
Vsphuere- 'hurl, smite ' 96 iv (i) : Lith. spiriu 'I kick' (ir
< e r 63 iii) ; also possibly W. g-ordd f em. ' mallet ' (g- excrescent
112 ii (2)), O. W. ord ox. 2, Bret, orz < *puri-d ' smiter' : Gk.
o-<f>vpa ' mallet ' < *o-<pvpia ; in that case Ir. ordd is from British
(a not improbable borrowing, cf. Pedersen Gr. i 22-4).
154 PHONOLOGY 100
(3) The change of t to *8 in the above cases took place before the
Roman period, for there is no example of it in any word borrowed
from Lat. The alteration was therefore earlier than the period of vowel
affection, and the *8 could not affect; hence ar8af, not *eir8af, etc.
The fact that the change does not take place initially corroborates
the view that it did not happen before an accented vowel. All forms
that occur can be explained under this supposition ; thus all- < *dlio- t
but ail ' second ' < * olios, etc. ; see 165 vi.
iv. Ar. -mi- became -ni- in Pr. Kelt. ; as W. clyn ' man ', Ir.
duine < *ghdomw-, 98 i (3), 121 i ; W. myned, ' to go ', Ml.
Bret, monet, Corn, mones < *momi- for *mami- 65 v (2), by assim.
for *bam-i- < *ff* e m-i-, V g*em- : Lat. venio, Gk. (Saivca both <
*ff*e m i> Goth, qiman, E. come. The -i- disappeared before the -e- of
the snffix ; the suffix may have been -at-, 203 ii, which follow-
ing the accent would become -et- after i, see 65 vi (i). The i
was lost in the compounds an-fon, dan-fon ' to accompany, send ',
prefix 156 ii (i).
v. In some cases metathesis of i took place in Brit. Thus Ir.
guide * soot ' comes from *sodio-, but W. Jnuld- in hnddygl ' soot '
implies *soid- O. E. sot, Lith. sudziai 'soot ' have L-grade ; so W.
suddaf ( I sink ' < *soid-< *8odi- beside W. soddaf ' I sink ', sawdd
' subsidence ' < *sod-, V sed- 63 ii. W. drum ' ridge ' < *droimm-
< *drommi- < *dros-mi- : Ir. druimm < *drommi- (z'-stem) : Lat.
dorsum < *drs-so-m, Gk. Seipds < *ders-ad-, Skr. drs-dd ' rock,
millstone ', Vderes- ; W. turio ' to delve ' < *toirg- < *torgi- : Lat.
porca 101 iii (i) ; W. ar-o-fun 'intend ', dam-(f}un-aic, dym-
un-o ' desire ', with -fun- < *moin- < *moni- : Lat. moneo,
extension of '/men- ' mind ' ; W. ulw ' ashes, powder' <
< *polui- : Lat. pulvis < *polms ; W. Urien, O. W. Urb-gen
25 i < *oirlo-gen- < *orbio- : Gaul. Orbius ' heir ', Lat. orbns,
Gk. 6p<f>av6$ ; W. wyneb ' face ', in comp. wynab- B.M. 30 <
*einep-,*einap-<*eni-9(j*- ( 65 vi (i)) : Skr. dtilkam 'face'<
*eni-dq*-, V oq*- ; the un-metathesized form is seen in O. W.
einepp, where ein- is from *en(i)- 70 v, since old ei had then
become ni = Mn. wy ; O. W. enep, Corn, eneb Bret, enep, Ir. cnech
show i lost, which occurs before e in Brit., see vi below, and cf.
35 ii (2), and is usual in Ir v cf. i above ; W. wybr, wybren
' cloud ' IL.A. 104, 91, 'sky ', O. Corn, huibren gl. nubes < *eibbr-
<*embhri- 99 vi (i) : Lat. imler gen. imbris (/-stem) < *emWiri-
101 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 155
( : Gk. a0po9 ' foam ', Ir. imrim l storm ') ; without metathesis
and with i lost, Bret. Van. ebr, Corn, ebron, ebbarn ; again, with
metath., W. nwyf-re ' sky'<*neib- < *nebhio- ; the root is *enebh- t
of which *embh- is FV, and *nebk- is VF ; with 4- suffix, 90.
(W. nef' heaven ' is however from Vnem- * curve ' hence ' vault ',
as shown by Bret, nenv, Ir. nem ; also seen in W. nant ' vale ' <
*nm-t-.)
vi. i drops before * or e, see iv, v, above ; cf. 75 ii (a).
INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS
CONSONANT ALTERNATION.
101. i. Comparison of the derived languages points to certain
alternations of consonants in Pr. Aryan ; they are mostly the result of
dialectal variation, and of the accidents of consonant combination.
The same causes produced the same results after the dispersion ; and
while some of the alternations mentioned below may be primitive,
others are certainly later, and some comparatively recent. Three
kinds of alternations may be distinguished: (i) the consonant alter-
nates with zero; (2) the manner of articulation varies; (3) the place
of articulation varies.
ii. The cases where the consonant alternates with zero are the
following :
(1) Initial 8- before a consonant is variable; thus Gk. oreyos,
Lith. st6gas 'roof, Skr. sthdgati 'conceals': Gk. rcyos, Lat. tego,
W. to 'roof; V(s)theg-', Ir. scaraim, W. ysgaraf 'I separate'
Lith. sMriu id. : Lat. caro ' flesh ', orig. ' piece (of flesh) ', Gk. Kipo>,
Skr. Jcrntdti ' cuts ' : V(s)qer- ; W. chwech ' six ' < *suefes : Armen.
vec < *ueks; Lat. spar go, E. sprinkle : Gk. TrepKvds, W. erch
'speckled, grey' < *perq-, 97 v (3). This treatment of s- per-
sisted long after the dispersion ; and many of the examples found
are undoubtedly cases of the dropping or the adding of s- in the
derived languages. In Kelt, s- seems to have been added and
dropped with a freedom hardly equalled elsewhere. As -s was an
extremely common ending in Ar., it is natural to suppose that -s st-
would be confused with -s t-, so that it would not always be easy to
decide whether the initial had s- or not. But some scholars regard
the s- as a " preformative " or more or less meaningless prefix ;
see Schrijnen KZ. xlii 97 ff.
(2) A consonantal sonant after an initial consonant was sometimes
dropped. Thus W. chwech, Gk. 'fe^ < *sueks : Lat. sex, Goth. saihs<
*seks ; Gk. TrXarv's, W. llydan, Vplethe- 'spread out, stretch ' : without
-1-, Lat. i>G.iere t Gk. Trcrawv^t, "W. edau 'thread'; W. brau 'brittle'
156 PHONOLOGY 101
< *bhrag-, Lat. frango, E. break : Skr. bhandkti ' breaks ', Ir. cotn-
boing ' confringit ', Armen. bek ' broken ' ; W. cryg ' hoarse ' < *qri-q-,
ysgrech ' scream ' < *s-qriq-na, Gk. Kpio), Kpiyq, E. shriek, Lat.
crlmen, Vqrei- : without -r-, W. cwyn ' complaint ' < *qfi-no-, Ir.
coinim ' I mourn ', Germ, heiser ' hoarse ', O. E. has > E. hoarse (in-
trusive r); W. craff 'sharp', crafu 'to scratch', crach 'scabs',
E. scrape : without -r-, W. cafn ' trough ' (scooped out), E. scab,
shave, shape, Gk. or/caTTTO), cnca<os, Lat. scabo, Lith. skabus ' sharp ' :
*sqra-b-/-bh-/-p-; Lat. brevis < *breghuis, Gk. ySpa^vs < *brghus :
without -r-, Ir. berr, W. byrr, Corn, ber, Bret, berr ' short ' < *bek'-s-
ro-s (with -ro- suff. like W. hir 'long' < *se-ro-s); Ir. bec(c) 'small '
<*beggos with dimin. gemination; W. bach ' small ' < *b e g}t(u)so- ;
byclian ' small ', O. W. bichan, Bret., Corn., bichan < *biksogno-
< *briks- < *brgh{u)80- ; bechan < *begh(u)so-, assumed to be f. in W.
Later examples of lost -r- are E. speak : O. E. sprecan, Germ.
sprechen; W. gwaith 'work': (g]wreith 100 i (2); Guto(t = tt)
hypocoristic form of Gruffudd.
(3) Between initial - and a sonant, a labial or guttural was liable
to drop ; thus spr : sr, and sql : si, etc., Siebs, KZ. xxxvii 285 ff.
W. cleddyf 'sword', ar-choll 'wound' 156 i (6), dais 'bruise'
< *qhd-ti-, claddu ' to bury ', Vqolad- ' strike, cut, dig ' : W. lladd
' kill, cut off, mow ', Ir. slaidim ' I strike, cut ' < *slad- < *sql9d- ;
^N.ffrwd ' stream \ffrydio ' to gush ' < *spru-t-, Germ. Sprudel ' fount,
gush, flow of water ' : W. rhwd, rhewyn, etc., 95 i, < *sru- ;
Vf.ffroen f. ' nostril ', Ir. sron f. ' nose ' < *sprugna ; without s- (p . . . g
> t . . . g 86 ii (3)), W. trwyn m. ' nose ' < *prugno-s, trywyft
' scent' < *prugiio- : Gk. pvyx s ' P^' s snou ^ '< *f>runghos 97 v (3).
So prob. Lat. scaevus, W. chwith 96 iii (2) < *sq-, by (2) above for
*sql- : Lat. laevus, Gk. Aatds < *sl- ; by (2) *sl- > *-, whence W.
ast>wy < *ad-soui-, Skr. savydh; as sfc- alternates with sq-, see iv (i),
the sin pie root is perhaps *klei- : Lat. cl'ino, cllvus, W. cledd 'left
(hand)', go-gledd 'north'. So perhaps Lat. lact- for *slact- for
*sqlact- : Gk. yoXa, W. glas dwr 63 vii (3); W. ffreu B.B. 37
' fruit ' < *sprag- : Lat. fragum < *srag-.
(4) A semivowel after a long vowel was often dropped : Skr.
aslau ' eight ', Goth, ahtau : Skr. asta, Gk. OKTW, Lat. octo. The
reduced grade may come from either form ; see */ure(i)- 63
vii (Si-
Other sonants might disappear finally after long vowels, as Gk.
KVWV : Skr. Sva 'dog', Lith. szu, Ir. cu, W. ci] Gk. fj^frtjp : Skr.
mdta.
iii. "While the place of articulation remained the same, the mode of
articulation might vary.
(i) At the end of a root a tenuis frequently alternated with a media.
Thus O. E. d[/fan, E. dire < *dheup- : W. dwfn 'deep', Gaul, dubno-,
Lith. d/tbus ' deep ' < *dhub-, Vdheup/b- ; Lat. gen. pacis : Lat.
pango Vpak/g-; Lat. sparg-o : Gk. TrepK-vos, W. erch, ii (i) above;
Lat. plancus, W. talch : E. flake, Vpeldq/g- 86 ii (3) ; Lat.
101 INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS 157
luceo, Gk. ACVKOS, W. Hug ' light ' : W. go-leu ' light ', Gaul. Lugu-,
Vleuq/g-. So Lat. porca, W. rhych ' furrow ' < *prk : W. turio ' to
delve ' < *torgi- (t- for p- 86 ii (3)) ; W. tyrchio ' to delve ' is a late
form from twrck = Lat. porcus, prob. allied to the above words de-
spite Armen. herk ( newly ploughed land ' which implies -q- ; (Lith.
parszas 'pig' implies --) ; see iv (i).
In the same position an aspirated media alternated with a media :
W. oen ' lamb ', O. E. eanian ' yean ' < *ag%hn- : Gk. d//,vos
Lat. agnus ambiguous ; Skr. budhnd-h ' bottom ', Gk.
< *bhudh- : O. E. botm < *bhud- : W. b3n ' bottom ' < Kelt.
*budn-o- ambiguous.
An aspirated tenuis alternated with an aspirated media : Skr.
nakhd-h ' nail ' : Ir. ingen, W. ewin, Lat. unguis, Lith. nagas ' nail '.
(2) Initially a tenuis alternated with an aspirated media, more
rarely with a media. Thus W. craidd, Lat. cord-, Gk. /capSta, Lith.
szirdls, E. heart, Sk. srad-, all from k- : Skr. hrd-, Av. zsrdda, from
*gh- ; Ir. cingim ' I go, stride ', W. rhy-gyngu ' to amble ', Ir. ceimm
' stride ', W. cam id. < *kngh-smen- : Germ. Gang, E. gang-way, Gk.
KO-X&VV] for *Kax<avr) < *ghngh-, Lith. zengiu ' I step, stride ' < *ghengh- ;
cf. Vskeg- 96 iii (i) ; Lat. porcus, Ir. ore, tore, W. twrch, 0. H. G.
far(a)h < *p- : O. H. G. barah, O. E. foarft < *6^- ; O.Lat. dingua,
O. H. G. zunga, E. tongue < *c?- : Ir. Zen<7<?, "W. <a/oc?, Corn, tavot,
Bret, ^eoc? < *t-, see 92 v, 97 v (2); W. erch 'grey, speckled',
Gk. TrepKvos : W. bryc/i, brith ' speckled ', z0no ' cast, sprinkle ', see
97 v (3). As in the last equation, several examples occur in W.
and Ir. of b- for j>- pointing to the alternation of p- : b(h}- before
the disappearance of p- in Kelt. Thus Lat. pus, puter, Gk. TTVOJ/,
Trutfo/Acu, Goth, fills, E. foul, Skr. puyati ' putrefies, stinks', Vpeu(d x )-,
pen- : W. baw ' dirt ' < *b(h)eu-, budr ' dirty ' < *b(h}eu-tr- ; also
with i for u, iv (i), Lat. paedor < *pai-d-, Vpei- : W. baeddu 'to
dirty ' < *b(h}ai-d- (-d- present) ; Lith. pluskos ' hair ', O. E. Jteos,
E. fleece, Ger. Fliess, Vpleus- : W. 6?ew ' hair ' (mostly of animals,
not of man's head in W., as in Corn, and Bret.) < *b(h)leus-; Lat.
pasco, Gk. Trareo/xai, Goth, ftdjan, E. food, W. yd 'corn ', Ir. iih id.,
Skr. pitu-h ' food ', Vpa(i)- '. O. W. bit ' food ' < *b(h)it-, Ir. b'iad id.
< *b(h)ii- ) W. fow/d do. < *b(Ji)ei-t- ; Lat. piget, Lith. peikti ' to
blame', O. E.^coZ, T&.jickle, Vpeiq/g- : W. 6az ' blame, fault' < ace.
*b(h)igim ; Gk. TreV/Dwrai, Ziropov, Lat. |>ars, W. rAem, Vpero- 63 vii
(2) : VV. &?. ' judgement '< *b(h) e r'n-, brawd id., Ir. 6ra<7* id.
< *b(h}rt- (for meaning cf. Germ. Teil ' part ' : Urteil l judgement ').
The above alternation may be accompanied by a similar alterna-
tion medially ; thus Lat. caper, Gk. /caTrpos, W. caer-iwrch ' roebuck ',
all < *qap(e)r- : W. gafr ' goat ', Ir. gabor, gabur, Gaul. Gabro- <
*g(h)ab(h)r- ; Lat. capio, Goth, hafjan, W. caffel ' to get ' < *qap- :
Lat. habeo, W. gaf-el ' to take hold (of) ' < *ghdbh-.
There seems to have been a later tendency to substitute a media
for a tenuis initially before a sonant in Brit, and Goidelic; as in
Brit Britan- for *Pritan- 3 iii ; so W. brig ' top (of a tree), crest
158 PHONOLOGY 101
(of a wave), hair of the head, border (of a country) ', briger ' hair of
the head'<*6rifc- for *prlk-, metath. for *knp- > W. crib 'comb,
crest, ridge (of a roof) ' : Ir. crlch ' boundary of a country ' < *qri-q-uo-
broken redupl., Vqerei- 'separate, divide, cut off' : Lat. crena
' notch ', arista ' crest ', crinis ' hair of the head ' ; Ir. droch ' wheel ' :
"W. tro ' turn ' ; Ir. gee : W. cainc ' branch ' < *knq- : Skr. Sakha
'branch'; W. gast 'bitch' : ci 'dog' 96 ii (3).^ Of. W. Grawys,
Oarawys 'Lent' 138; < Lat. quadragesima. Still luter is the
softening of the initial of an adverb, and of a proclitic, as dy ' thy ' ;
these are regarded as mutated forms, and are not mutated further
(except occasionally by false analogy).
(3) Alternations like the above occur also in suffixes; as *-tro- :
*-dhro- and *-tlo- : *-dhlo-.
(4) Though I and r are not mixed indiscriminately, several doublets
occur in which they alternate, as Vghuer- / ghuel- 92 iv. These
alternations may have originated, as suggested by Meillet, Intr. a
143, in reduplicated forms in which, by dissimilation, r may become
I, or even n. Thus Vg % ere- ' devour ' gives *g*er-g'*d-, *g v < e n-g*r- t etc.,
also with g for g* by dissim. ; thus Gk. /?i/?pw'o-KO), Lat. vorare, W.
barus ' greedy ' < *g* e r- '. (broken redupl.) Gk. l/J/ao^e, MI. H. G.
krage, Ir. brdge, W. breuant ' windpipe ' < *g v rg-nt- : (full redupl.)
Lat. gurgulio, O. H. G. querechela, Gk. yayypaiva. : Lat. gula.
iv. The place of articulation might vary.
(1) The different gutturals sometimes alternate. Thus, q/k :
Vleuq/'k- : Skr. rocate ' lights, shines ', rokd-h ' bright ', Lith. Idukti
'to expect', with *-q- : Skr. rusant- 'bright, white', Lith. luszis
1 lynx ' with *-k- ; the suffix *-qo- : *-ko-, as Skr. maryakd-h (mdrya-h
' young man ') with *-q~ : Skr. yuvasd-h (yuvan- ' young ') with *-k- :
Lat. juvencus, W. ieuanc ambiguous ; Vak-/oq- 63 v (2) ;
V^kei- : Vqoi- : Vq^eie-, see Walde s.v. civis. For a large number
of examples see Brugmann 2 I 545 ff. After s-, -q- predominates,
84 Note 2 ; and k/q alternate, as Skr. chindtti ' cuts, severs '< *sk-
Lith. skedziu 'I separate '< *sq-, V sk(Ji)eid-/8q(h}eid-.
g*h/gh : Lat. fl-lum ' thread ' < *g*hl- : W. gl-au ' nerves, sinews '
<*ghl-; W. gwres, Gk. ^cp/xds, etc.<*^"A-, 92 iii : Lith. Zaryjos
'glowing coals', Alb. zjar ' fire ' < *</A- ; W. gwelw 'pale', Lith.
geltas 'tawny' < *g*h- : Lith. zeliu green, W. glas 'green' < *gh,
92 iii.
Exactly the same change of position as the last is involved in the
alternation of u and i, which occurs in some roots, as Vgheu- :
4/ghei- ' yawn '.
(2) The Ar. consonant series p, t, k, q, q* is not a line with p and
gt as loose ends, but as it were a circle, in which p and q* approach
one another, q* combines the back with the lip position, and the
shifting of the stop to the latter position makes it p. It is not sur-
prising therefore that q* became p in some languages as W., Osc.-
Umb., Gk., or that under certain conditions^) > q*, 96 iv. Already
in Ar. there seem to be some cases of p alternating with q*, and even
102 INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS 159
with q ; this takes place before I, and before r when it is a variant
of I. Thus we have the parallel roots *pel-, *q%el-, *qel- 'to turn',
also with r, *q%er. Examples : *pel- : Lat. poples 'bend of knee',
Ir. imb-el, W. ym-yl ' rim, edge ' < *mbi-pel-, W. cyf-yl ' border,
vicinity ' < *kom-pel-, ol-wyn ' wheel ', Gk. TreAo/xai < *pel- (since
q^e > re 89 i) ; *qSel- : Lat. colo, incola, Gk. reXe^o), TroAevw, W.
dy-chwel-af 'I return' < *do-sq%el-; redupl. Gk. xu/cAo?, O. E.
hweohl, E. wheel; *qel- : Gk. KeAAdv a-rpefiXov Hes., Lat. coluber',
qer- : Lat. curvus, Gk. Kopuvrj, Ir. cor ' circle ', W. cdr ' circle, close ',
cored 'round weir', Ml. W. at-coraf'I return', Ir. cruind, W. crwnn
' round '. So the roots *spel-,*sq%el-, *sqel-, *sqer- 'to split, separate,
scatter'; thus *spel- : O. H. G. spaltan, E. split, Skr. sphatdyati
' splits ', Bret, faouta ' to split ', W. ffloehen ' splinter ', hollti ' to
split' 96 iv (i); *sqSel-, *sqel- : Lith. skeliu 'I split', Bret.
skula, W. chwalu 'to scatter', Ir. scdilim 'I scatter'; *sqer- :
Lith. skiriu, W. ysyar, etc. ii. (i); also in the sense of 'snatch-
ing ' ; with p, Lat. spolium : with q, W. ysglyfio ' to snatch ', ysgly-
faeth ' prey ' < *sql-m-. So Gk. TrAevpov, irvevfuav ' lung ', Lat.
pulmo (for *plumo), O. Bulg. plusta, O. Pruss. plauti ' lung ', the
' light' member (cf. E. lights 'lungs'), W. Human ' banner '< *pleus~
m e n- : Skr. Kidman- ' right lung ' < *qleumon-, W. ysgy faint dual
'lungs' < *s-qum e n- (I lost ii (2), see also 121 iv), Bret, skevent,
Ml. Ir. seaman (1 < Brit.), Ml. W. yscun B. B. 4 = ysgwn ' light,
soaring ', O. W. scamn-, ~W. ysgawn, ysgafn, Bret, skanv ' light ' <
*s-qumn- 76 vii (4) ; W. cwhwfan for *cy-chwyfan ' to wave in the
breeze, flutter' <*ko-squmon-, chwyf ' waving ' < *squmo : Vpleu-/
(pneu-) ' float, waft '.
(3) The change of p to t, which sometimes occurs is doubtless
always secondary, as in Skr. sthivati ' spews' (: Lat. spuo, E. spew)
where the p is due to the following palatal, cf. Gk. TTTUW < *piuio. In
Kelt, p became q% before q%, but sometimes t before a palatal or velar
86 ii (3), perhaps a compromise between the labial and guttural
positions.
ASSIMILATION, DISSIMILATION AND METATHESIS.
102. i. Assimilation, dissimilation and metathesis of consonants
have taken place at all periods ; most of the examples occurring have
arisen since the Ar. dispersion. In many cases the change has become
a phonetic law ; but most of the changes, especially of dissimilation
and metathesis, occur only accidentally.
ii. (i) Assimilation of joined consonants : (a) Ar. pd > bd etc.
93 i ; sd > zd 97 ; ghj>>glid 98. (b) In most of the derived lan-
guages mt > nt, etc. 84, Note 3. (c) In Kelt, tk > kk, etc. 93,
ii (2), (3); nl > U, nr > rr, In > U 99iii; IS > II 100 iii (2).
(d) In W. nt > nnh etc. 106, lit > II 105 ; d8 > d-d > t
11 1 vii (2) ; Zj > 1 1 110 ii (2). In Late Mn. W. nff > nth in
benthyg < Ml. W. benjfic < Lat. beneficium.
160 PHONOLOGY 102
(2) Assimilation of separated consonants: Italo-Kelt. p . , . 9" >
q* . . . q* 86 ii (2). Kelt. b. . . m > m. . .m in *momiat- > "W.
myned 1 00 iv.
iii. (i) Dissimilation of joined consonants: (a) Ar. U > t s t 87 ii.
(b) When two continuants come together there is often a ten-
dency to alter one of them either to an explosive or to a semi-
vowel : thus in Brit, ml- > bl-, mr- > br- 99 ii (i) ; in W. n8 >
nd as in bendith ' blessing ', sS > sd, 18 > Id > lid, IIS > lid 1 1 1
vii (2) ; 81 > dl as in bodlon, 8r > dr as in cadr 111 vii (i) ; m% >
me as in amcan 156 i (4); nv > nw as in O. W. anu 99 iv (i),
rv > rw as in syb&rw 105 ii, ft > wl 104 v. In many cases the
spirant disappeared: fn, > n 110 iii (4), 8n > n 104 iv (i).
(c) In W. mni > ml in teimlo ' to feel ' < *tetmnio < *tamn- <
*tang-smen- : Lat. tango.
(2) Dissimilation of separated consonants : (a) Already in Ar.
r . . . r > r . ..I etc. 101 iii (4); and tr... r >t...r in *tisores ' three '
fern. > "W. tair, Skr. tisrdh 69 iv. (b) In Kelt, gn . . . n > gl . . . n
in *glun- > W. glin ' knee ' 63 vii (4) ; 1. . .1 > r. . .1 in *aralios
> "W. arall ' other ', Ir. araile. (c) In W. gw . . .w > g . . . w in glyw
' lord ' < *gwlyw < *uli-uo-s, VR of Vuele(i)- 63 vii (2) ; gw . . . v >
g...vm gre8f 'instinct' (gre8fu 'to be inbred') < *urd-ma : Ir.
frem 91 ; r . . . r > r...lin Chwefrol 138 i (2) ; I . ". I > I . . . r
in llefrith ' new milk ' for *lle-flith < *lo-vlith ' *calf-milk ' ; th . . . th
> t . . . th in gwrtaith ' manure ' < *uer-tek-t, Vtheg- 92 i ; I . . . 8 >
I . . . d in late Hn W. machlud for Ml. W. ymachlvti etc. 1 1 1 vii (3) ;
... Z ><... Hn p^cfoZ ' horseshoe ' for *pe8awl < Lat. pedalis.
iv. (i) Metathesis of joined consonants : (a) Nasalized stems may
be the result of the metathesis in Ar. of the suffix -n- with the last
consonant of the root ; thus *jug-n- > *jung- > iiat.jungo, Vjeug- ;
if so, forms like Skr. yundkti ' joins ' are analogical formations which
arose in imitation of forms with n as part of the root ; but the effect
is the same as that which would be produced by an Ar. infix -ne-.
(b) In Biit. di > id, etc. 100 v. (c) In W. Ig > gl in annwyl
' dear ' < *induglens < Lat. indulgens ; chl > Ich in allwe8 ' key '
for *alchwe, Bret, alchouez, for *acM- 99 vi (i); nm > mn in
amnaid ' nod ' < 0. W. enmeit 95 ii (3) ; dn > nd in andaw ' listen '
for *adnaw 76 iii (i), andwyo 76 iv (4).
(2) Metathesis of separated consonants : (a) Ar. *bhudh/d- 'bottom'
and *dhub- ' deep ', if not originally the same, are confused in the
derived languages : W. annwfn ' hell ' < *n-dub-n- for *n-bud-n-
' bottomless ' : Gk. a-/2wo-os ; cf. 0. Bulg. d uno ' bottom ' and Arraen.
andundk' " a/3va-cros " with d . . . d for b . . . d by assimil. (b) In Kelt.
n...r>r...win Gaul. Taranis ' Juppiter tonans ', Taranu-, W.
taran ' thunder ', Ir. toran ' din ', < *taran-, *toran- for *t e nr-
*ton&r- : Brit. (-Lat.) Tanar-o Chester insc. (re-metath. t), O. E.
bunar t E. thunder, Lat. tono, Gk. O-TCVW V(s)tend- ; b . . . g > g . . . b
in Ir. goba, W. gof ' smith ' < Kelt. *gobann- for *bog- < *bhog- :
Gk. ^>d)y<o, E. bake < *bhog-, Germ, backen < *bhog-n-, Lat. focus
103 INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS 161
VbJwk/g-; in early Kelt, before the loss of p, k...p>p...k in
W. archen ' shoe ', Bret, archen < *park- for *karp- < *q e rp-
VqeraPp- 'shce' 86 i (5). (c) In Brit. n...l > l...n in W.
telyn f. ' harp ', Bret, telen, Corn, tehin < *telenl for *ten-el-i ) Vten-
' stretch ' : W. tant ' harpstring ', Lat. tendo, Gk. reivw, etc. >(d) In
W. I...8 > 8...Z in wi8aZ 'soft' for *mda8 < * meted- : Lat.
mollis < *molduis, Skr. mrdu-h ' soft ', etc. Vmela x - ; and in 8tZ
'feeble' for *#&, 156 i (2) : ymZaS 204 i, Vied- 'weary, weak'.
BRITISH AND LATIN CONSONANTS IN WELSH
THE SOFT MUTATION.
1O3. i. (i) Brit, and Lat. p, t, k, b, d, g, m between vowels
became b, d, g, f, 8, j, f respectively in W. Thus W. Cyndaf <
Brit. Cunotam(os) ; W. saetk ' arrow ' < *8a%etk < Lat. sagitta ;
W. cleg ' ten ' < Brit. *dekan < Ar. *dekm W. cybydd ' miser' <
Lat. cupidiis ; W. llafnr ' labour ' < Lat. laborem. Numerous
examples occur in the above sections. The change is called the
" soft mutation ".
(2) As the same changes took place generally between a vowel
and a sonant (see the details 104), and as every initial consonant
must be followed by a vowel or a sonant, it follows that where the
preceding word ended in a vowel the initial is changed as above ;
thus while Brit. *oinos markos gave un march ' one horse ', Brit.
*oind mamma gave unfam ' one mother ', not *un mam.
(3) The conditions are, however, not quite the same initially
as medially. Medially -sk- became -\\- by the reaction of the two
sounds on one another before the period of the present changes.
But in the case of final -s and initial k- no reaction took place in
the earlier period, and the sounds came down to later Brit, un-
changed. It was then too late for sk to give \X> as shown by
the retention of Lat. sc, see (5), and of Brit, medial sk from ksk
etc. 96 iii (5) ; thus the k- remained, and the final syllable with
its -# ultimately disappeared. For similar reasons final -# pre-
served an initial media or m- intact. Hence we have the radical
consonant after words or classes of words which ended originally
in -#, such as mas. sg. nouns or adjectives; thus *d{teu* dagos>
dydd da ' good day '.
162 PHONOLOGY 103
But when the final syllable of the first word was accented, its
-* combined with an initial tenuis, which thus became a spirant.
For this reason we have the spirant mutation of a tenuis after
Ml. W. y ' her' (now written ei)<*d?m#=Skr. agyak ' her ' ; in
' three ' < Brit. *trei* (for *treies would have given *trydd} ;
a ' with ' and a ' and ' < Brit. *agg6* 213 iii ( i ) , 222 i (3). On
the mutation after ni, see 217 iv (i) ; after chwe 108 iii.
fair and pedair had the same accentuation, and in Bret, ter, peder.
and also pevar (=pedwar), cause the spirant mutation. The radical
has been substituted in W., as in the majority of cases where the
spirant occurred from the above cause.
(4) After final -* initial 1 and r were unvoiced ; cf. si- > U- ;
tr->rh-, 95 i ; but between vowels 1 and r underwent no change.
Thus we have 11 and rh now in those positions where the radical
occurs of the consonants mentioned in (i) above, and 1 and r in
those positions where the said consonants are softened. Welsh
grammarians therefore speak of 11, rh as " radical ", and 1, r as
" mutated " consonants. Though the reverse is historically the
case, it is convenient to retain the old terminology in dealing
with the interchange of the sounds in the present language.
NOTE. The term "soft mutation", first applied to the change
where it occurred initially, is due to Dr. Davies, who called it
"forma mollis" D. 26. It has also been called "vocal" and
" middle ". The latter name, used by Rowland, owes its origin to
the term " forma media " used by Davies as a name for the change
of the tenues to the mediae ; as applied to the six others it is mean-
ingless. Continental scholars use " Lenition " a^ a term embracing
the Welsh " soft mutation ** and the corresponding Irish " aspira-
tion ".
(5) Lat. sp, st, sc remained, as Ml. W. y spell < apolium 69
iv (i),^*^ < historic ib., escyn < ascend-. An explosive before
the group dropped in W., as in estron < extrdneus ; so after the
loss of an intervening vowel, as W. esgob < episcopus, W. egud
1 active '< exsecutus. See further 111 vi (2). Except where c
dropped as above Lat. x > is, 108 v.
, ii. (i) Medially between vowels j, the soft mutation of g, dis-
appeared completely after the O. W. period ; as in saeth i (i) ;
29 ii (a) : Gaul, -magus ; teyrn ' ruler '< *tyyrn
103 THE SOFT MUTATION 163
< tiffirn- ; also finally, as da ' good ' < *dag- 63 v (2) ; ty
' house ' < tigos 65 ii (3) ; bro < *mrog- 99 ii (i) ; Ire (prob. f.)
' hill ', Corn, bre f. < *brigd, Gaul, -briga < *bfirgh- : Germ. Berg ;
bore 'morning-', O. W. more in B.A. 17 1. 20, Bret, beure < ace.
*mdrig-an (<*-m) : Ir. imbdrach, Mn. Ir. mdrach<*mdrig- : Kelt.
*mdrig- < *morigk- LR 2 of */ mere(i}q/gh- : Skr. mdncih ' ray of
light'. Goth, maw-gins, E. morn. Already in O. W. we find
nertheint (<-e%inf), beside scamnkegint (g = j).
ig gives y, affected to e, as above ; it is often assimilated to
the following vowel, as in dyled<W[. W. dylyet<*dliget- 8.2 ii
(3) ; Ml. W. breenhin ' king ' < *brigant-m- : Skr. ace. brhdnt-am,
gen. brhat-dh ( high, great ' < *bhrgh-ent-, -nt-. Before ei it was
lost, as in braint ' privilege ', Ml. W. breint< O. W. bryeint L.L. 120
< *briganti- ; Ml. W. Seint< *Sigontwn ' Segontium '. wy comes
not from ig, but from eig, as in mod-rwy ' ring ' < F-grade *reig-,
as in rhwym 95 ii (2) ; mor-dwy ' sea-voyage ' < *teig-, Ir. tlagu
'I go ' : Gk. o-rer^co ; so cankorthwy f assistance ' < *kanta-uer-
teig-, lit. ' *go over with '. ag gave eu, au, 71 iii.
Initially j disappeared completely ; but as the initial of the
second element of a compound it often became > i after a dental
(d, 8, n, /, r), as Llwyd-iarth < *leito~garto- 95 iv (3) ; Pen-iarth
< *penno-garto- ', mil-iast D.G. 278 beside mil-ast 'greyhound
bitch' ; arw-floedd-iast 157 ii (i) ; Mor-ien, O.W. Mor-gen ' *sea-
born ' ; Ur-ien, O. W. Urb-gen 100 v.
For before and after sonants see 104 ii, 105 ii, 110 ii.
(2) The soft mutation of m was originally the nasalized spirant
v. The nasalization generally remains medially in Bret., but
disappeared in W. towards the end of the O. W. period. As f was
thereafter the soft mutation of both b and m, there has always
been the possibility of its being referred to the wrong radical.
This probably accounts for the substitution in some cases of one
for the other, as in lawd ' thumb ', O. W. maut f. (y fawd ' the
thumb '), still with m- in mod-rwy orig. ' thumbrring '. In a few
cases m- and b- interchange, as bath and math (y fath 'the kind
of '), baeddu and maeddu ' to dirty '.
Nid adwaen, iawn yw dwedyd,
Weithian i bath yn y byd. G.I.H.
' I know not, it. is right to say it, her like now iu the world.'
M2
164 PHONOLOGY 104
Och imi / pe vnarw chwemwy,
bydd i math mtum bedd mwy. D. N., F.N. 90, c.C. 267.
'Woe is me! though six times more died, [I doubt] if her like will
ever more be in a grave.'
In bore for more we may have dissim., as in mr- > br-.
iii. In O. VV. softened consonants were represented by the
corresponding- radicals ; see 18 i, 19 i. It would be wrong 1 to
conclude from this that the softening had not then taken place,
for its occurrence initially is due in almost every case to a vocalic
ending which was then already lost. The difference between
the radical m in un march and the softy in un Jam cannot be
accounted for if assumed to have taken place since the O. W.
period when 'one' was un ; it mut-t be referred to the Brit. m.
*oinos, f. *oind. The O. W. spelling was doubtless a survival
from the time when the mutated consonant could still be re-
garded as a debased pronunciation of the radical. On the Ml.
final tenues see 111 v.
104. i. The mutable consonants, p, t, k, b, d, g, m normally
underwent the soft mutation between a vowel and a sonant ;
thus pr >br in W. Ebrill< Lat. Apnlia ; W. go-bryn-af ' I merit '
< Brit. *uo-prinami, Vq*reid- 201 i (4) ; pl>bl in W. pohl<
Lat. fop'lus; tn>dn in W. edn ' bird ' < * pet-no- 86 i ; tu
> dw in W. pedicar < Brit. *petuares 63 vii (4) ; kr > gr in W.
gogr, gwagr ' sieve '< *uo-kr~, Vqerei- : Lat. cnbrum; br>fr in
W. dwfr ' water ' 90 ; bn > fn in W. dwfn ' deep ' ib. ; W.
cefn ' back ' < *kebn- : Gaul. Cebenna ' les Cevennes ' {*qeb- allied
to *qamb/p- 106 ii (i)) ; dm>8f, see iv (2).
ii. (i) g before /, r, n gave j, which became i forming a diph-
thong with the preceding vowel. The Mn. developments are as
follows : ag > ae ; eg > ei or ai ; ig > i ; og > oe ; ug > wy ; ag
> eu or au ; ig > i. Thus W. aer 'battle', Ir. dr ( slaughter '<
*agr- : Gk. dypd ; W. draen ' thorn ' < *dragn-<*dhr g}in- : Gk.
rpeyyos ; W. tail ' manure ' < *tegl- 35 ii (3), V ' (g}theg~ ' cover '
92 i, cf. gwrtaith ' manure ' < *uer-tekf- ; W. oen ' lamb ', Ir.
uan < *ognos 65 ii (a) ; W. oer ' cold ', Ir. uar < *ogr- : Gaul.
(Seq.) Ogron... name of a month ; W. annwyl 102 iv (i) ;
104 THE SOFT MUTATION 165
\V. ceulo < *cdgl- 71 iii. Examples of gm are uncertain. On
swyn< Lat. siffnum see 72 ii.
Following the accent, g after a became 3 and disappeared ; as
in the suffix -agno-, < *'-o-gno- (*-o- is the stem vowel, which
becomes a in Ir., and when unacc. before g in Brit.), as seen in
Brit.-Lat. Maglayni, Corbagni, Broccagni giving W. Maelan, Car/an,
Bryc/tan ; Ir. -a# as Broccdn ; so O. W. bic/tan, W. bychan, Ir. becdn.
For the affected forms of the above groups see 69, 70.
(2) gi>j>i; thus W. cae 'enclosure, field '< *kagw-, Gaul.
5th cent, caium, whence Fr. qnai, V kagh~/kogh- : Lat. cohus, E.
hedge, Germ. Hecke ; Ml. W. daeoni ' goodness ' < *dag-ipno~
gnlm- (re-formed as da-ioni in Mn. W.). It is seen that the
vowel is not affected by the i, but it may be by a following t<o ;
thus W. llai, Ml. W. llei ' less ', Ir. laigiit, both < *lagips <
*l gh(u)ids : Lat. levis, Gk. eXx^y ; W. -(/i)ai, Ml. ~(h)el <
*-#affio 121 i, 201 iii (4). So igi affected by a gave egi be-
coming -ei, -ai, as W. tai, Ml. tei ' houses ' < *tigia < *tigesa, pi.
of *ligos 'house'; W. carrai 'lace' < Lat. corrigia. When
tmaffected, igi gave ii>\ ; as in bn ' honour '< *brigio- : brenin,
braint 103 ii (i) ; and Ifion in Ml. W. Kaer-llion < *ligiotio#,
Brit. gen. for Lat. legiduis.
Similarly ogi>0<?>-o, 78 i (i), in to ' root' <*fogio- : Ir.
tuige gl. stramen, and amdo 'shroud ' <*/nbi-togio- : Ir. im-t/tuige
' clothing' : Lat. toga, V (s)theg~. ugi > wy > -w, 78 i (2), in
llw 'oath' < *lugion : Ir. luige, lugae<*lugiwn. (Ml. W. pi. llyeu,
llyein, Mn. llivon, dial, llyfon are all analogical formations.)
(3) gu>j*>w : W. tew ' thick '< *teffu- 76 viii (2). ogVj,
> oui > eu in euod ' worms in sheep ' < *og*l- < Ar. *og*hi- : Gk.
o0 ty, Skr. ^//^ 'snake 1 .
iii. (i) Before n Brit, k > x > j, so that kn gives the same
result as gn ; thus W. dwyn ' to bring ' < *duk-n- 203 iv (3) ;
braenu 'to rot ' < *brakn- < *mnq-n- 99 ii (i) ; croen 'hide,
rind ' < *kroku-, Bret, croc hen, Ir. crocenn < *krokn- (kn > kk) <
*qroq- } \Y of *qereq- broken redupl. of V qer- ' divide, rip ' : Lat.
corium, cortex, O. Bulg. (s)kora ' rind ', konci a kind of vessel, W.
cwrwgl ' coracle ' ; W. gwaun < *udkn- < *uo-akn- : W. ochr see
below ; W. tin ' buttock ' < *llknd < *tuqnd, Ir. ton < *tuknd :
E. thigh O. H. G. dioli. This may be due to gemination of k^
166 PHONOLOGY 104
see (a) below ; in many cases kn>gn regularly ; thus W. *ngno
'to suck ' <*seuk-n-,V seuq/g- : Lat. sucug, suffo, E. wick, etc.;
W. dygn ' grievous * < *dikn- < *devgn- : Ir. dingim ' I press down ',
O. E. tengan ' to press ' ; W. rhygnu ' to rub ' < *rukn- : Gk.
pvKavr\ ; W. dogu ' portion, dose ' < *dok-n-, J dele- : Gk. ScKOfiai,
Sotcavr} ' $77*77.
(2) Before r, k, t give g, d regularly, as in gogr i above ;
chwegr<*suekr- 94 iv ; W. deigr ' tear ' < *dakru 120 iii (i) ;
W. aradr<K\-. *ar9trom 87 i ; W. modryb 69 ii (4) ; etc.
But W. ochr ' edge, side ' beside Ir. ochar < *o&r-, V ak-/oq-,
W. rhuthr 'rush' beside Ir. ruathar<*reu-tro-, Vreu- : Lat. ruo,
imply Mr, ttr for kr, tr 99 v (4). Compounds like go-chrwm :
cricm ' bent ' may owe their ch to this, or to * before k.
An example of k < gg giving the same result is Ml. W. achreaivdpr
B.T. 9 ' gathering ' < Lat. aggregatio, with excrescent -r ; cf. cyng-
reawdr < congregdtio in Cyngreawdyr Fynydd (' Mount of Assem-
bly') ' The Great Onne'. a Similarly g before r may be treated s
gg and give g, as in llygru ' to injure, violate, corrupt ' : Gk. Avypos,
Lat. lugeo, Skr. rujdti ' breaks ', Lith. luzti ' to break ', Vleug/g-.
iv. (i) Brit, dn > W. n (not *nn) ; as in W. Mn ' stem '
< *bud-no- t bonedd ' nobility ' < *budniw, : Ar. *bhudh- ' bottom '
102 iv (2) ; W. blynedd < *bMniias 125 v (i).
(2) Brit. dm>W. 8f ; as W. greddf ' instinct ' 102 iii (2) ;
W. deddf 'law' < *dedmd < *dfied/i-md, V dhe- : Gk. refyzoy,
60fj.6s<*dhedh-mos', W. add-fwyn etc. 93 ii (3), q. v.
(3) Brit, dl, dr after a back vowel became 5/, 8r ; the 8
remained after the accent, and was provected to d, as hadl, cadr
lllvii(i), and disappeared before the accent, as in idr<*ind-ros
66 v. After a front vowel dl, dr > gl, gr, and developed
accordingly, ii (i) ; thus W. cada'ir, Ml. kadeir<^Lo,i. cat(h}edra ;
W. eirif ' number ' < *ed-fim- < *ad-rim- : Ir. dram ; W.
i waered 'downwards ' < *di woiret<*do upo-ped-ret-; gwael'b&se '
< *upo-ped-lo8, '/ped- ' foot ' ; W. aelwyd ' hearth ', Bret, oaled,
O. Corn, oilet < *aidh-l-e1i- : Gk. atOaXos ' soot ', Lat. aedes,
Vaidh- 'burn', cf. 78 ii (3).
v. bl > fl or wl, as in gafl ' fork ' : Ir. gabul, Lat. gabalu*
The identification of the name (treated as two common nouns by Silvan Evans)
is the discovery of Professor J. E. Lloyd, Tr. Cym. 1899-1900, p. 158.
105, 106 THE SOFT MUTATION 167
< Kelt. ; Ml. W. nywl 90, diawl 100 ii (i). ml, mr 99 ii.
mn 76 vii, 99 iv.
Other groups of explosive + sonant are regular.
105. i. After r Brit, and Lat. p, t, k become respectively
ff, th, ch ; thus W. corff< Lat. corpus ; W. gorffwys 89 ii (2) ;
W. porth < Lat. portm ; W. arckaf 63 iii, etc.
Ik > Ich, as W. golchi 89 ii (2) ; W. calch< Lat. calc-em.
Ip > Iff, as W. Elffin < Gallo-Lat. Alplnm. It > lit, as in Ml. W.
h/feillt 'friend' = Ir. com alt e 'foster-brother' < *kom-all(i}ic8 ;
W. allt 'declivity; grove ' <*alt-, V al- 'grow, nourish' : Lat.
alo, altus ; medially it becomes 11 as in W. cyllell ' knife '< Lat.
cultellus ; W. di-wt/llio ' to cultivate ' : gwyllt ' wild ' 92 iv ;
except in re-formations, as in hollti ' to split ' from hollt 96
iv (i) ; the t is sometimes lost finally in an unstressed syllable,
as in Mn. W. cyfaill, Ml. and Mn. dealt 75 vi (4).
ii. rb > rf, as in W. barf ' beard ' < Lat. larba ; also rw, as in
syberw ' proud ' < Lat. superbus. rd > r8, as in bardd < Brit.
*bardos (fiapSoi ' doiSol rrapa FaXdraiy, Hesych.). Medially
rg > ri as in arian 'silver' = Ir. #zVv^<Kelt. *argnt-om : Lat.
argentum, Skr. rajatd-m : Gk. apyvpos, Vareg-. Finally rg > -r,
-ry, -ra, -rw 110 ii.
Ib > If, as in gylfin ' beak ', O. W. gilbin : Ir. gulban id. < Kelt.
*gulb-. Medially Ig > Ii, as in datiaf 110 ii (2) ; for final Ig
see ib. Medially Id >11 as in callawr 'caldron' < Lat. calddrinm ;
finally lit as in swllt ' money, shilling ' < Lat. sol'dus.
iii. rm>rf or rw 99 ii (2) ; lm>lf, ib. ; nm>nf or nw
99 iv (i).
THE NASAL MUTATION.
1O6. i. (i) A nasal before an explosive was assimilated to
it in position where it differed; thus Ar. Icmtom 'ioo'>Brit.
*kanton ; Ar. *penq*e ' 5 ' > Kelt. *^%0^"tf > Brit. *pempe. This
may be assumed to have taken place in Late Brit, when the
nasal ended one word and the explosive began the next if the
syntactical connexion was a close one. Subsequently a media,
or (later) a tennis, was assimilated to the nasal, becoming itself
a nasal. This is called the " nasal mutation " of the explosive.
168 PHONOLOGY 10G
The order of the changes was the following : j/n ' in ' + "Bangor
first became jon "Banger, and then ym JS.angor. The recent
spelling yn JUangor is therefore not only a misrepresentation of
the present sound, but a falsification of its history.
(2) There is a sporadic assimilation of n to t in the groups ? or
ein, the n becoming K> ; thus pringhaf K.P. 1278, spv. of prln ' scarce'
ih. 1280 (< *q*rlt-sno-s : prid 'precious', Vg^reid- 'buy'); meitk-
r'vng (-) D.G. 69 for meitlirin 'to nourish '; Eitiion is often written
Eingion or JSingnion = eiwon, which has become evnyan in Gwynedd,
e. g. Llan-engan near Pwllheli.
ii. (i) Brit, mb, nd, g became respectively mm, nn, :
they remain so in W., mm being generally written m ; nn finally
written -n (but -nn in monosyllables in Ml. W.) ; written ng
(and Ml. W. gg or g)\ see 51 iv, 54 i (2). Thus W. etc in
'valley' < Brit. *kumbo-, V qeub/p. 'curve' : Lat. cupa, -cumto,
Gk. KVfiftos, etc. ; W. cam ' bent, crooked ' < Brit. *kambo-
: Gaul. Camdo-dtinum, Gallo-Lat. camlidre : Lat. campus (orig.
'vale'), Gk. Kafj-Trrj, Ka/nrreo, Vqamb/p- 'curve'; W. twnn
' bruised, broken ' f. tonn < Brit. *tund-os, -a : Lat. {undo, Skr.
tundate 'strikes', V(s)teu-d-\ W. tonn 'wave' < Brit. *tundd
<*tum-dd : Lat. tumeo, W. tyfu, Vteud*- 'swell'; "W. cann
' white ', cannu ' to whiten ', U6er-gan ' moon-lit ' < *qand- : Lat.
candeo, Gk. KavSapos < *qand-, beside W. cynneu ' to kindle ',
cynne 'a burning', cynnitd- 'firewood', Ir. condud<*qond- : Skr.
cand-, scand- ' shine '< *(s)qend- : */ sqand-fxqend- ; W. Hong
' ship '< Lat. longa; W. angel < Lat* angelus. So before a
sonant, as Cymro pi. Cymry < Brit. *kom-brog-os, -I ; W. amrwd
' raw ' : brwd 63 vii (4) ; Cyngreawdr 104 iii (2) ; except
where the nasal has become a media 99 vi (i). The double
nasal was simplified after an unaccented syllable 27 ii, and
before a sonant 54 i (3).
Kelt, ng* ( < Ar. ng*h) was unrounded and gave , as in llyngyr,
angerdd 92 v. When ton came before a sonant, including u, it was
first simplified to and then lost, as in ewin, tafod, see ib. So we
have naivra8 K.P. 1331, O.K. [372] 'nine degrees' < Brit. *nouaw-
grad- (nargraS B.B. 42 may have old , but is prob. analogical);
W. cyni (one n) 'trouble ' < *kowriim- < *kvn-grii-mu- 203 vii (4) ;
W. aren ' kidney ', Ir. aru < *atyr- < Kelt. *aag v r- < *ang^hr-,
V 'aneg^h- : Gk. vc</>/3os, Lat. Praenest. nefrones, Lanuv. nebrundines
106 THE NASAL MUTATION 169
(: Lat. inguen with g*, Walde s.v.). But after e or i and before r or
I, the <K> became v> and gave i, as in eirin Deut. xxiii i for *eiryn,
77 iii, < *ex>rt/n pi. of aren above; W. cilydd 'mate' < *cix>ly8
(ii > W. i not y, cf. 104 ii (2)) < *kengliio8 ( 65 iii (i)) = Ir.
cele < *kemjliios : Ir. cingim 'I go', W. cam 'stride', see 101 iii
(2); for meaning, cf. Ml. W. kmnat 'mate' < cam. The rule only
applies to old formations where the w already existed in Brit. ; in
newer formations, and Lat. derivatives w remains, as Cyngreawdr
above.
(2) The above changes took place before the loss of Brit,
syllables, for nd coming- together after the loss of a syllable
remains, as in irindod < Lat. tnnitdt-em. Initial mediae were
assimilated to final nasals before the latter were lost ; e. g. naw
mlynedd 'nine jears'<*nouam mlidnua8<*neun II-.
Every Brit, nd became nn, so we have no words ending in nd
except where a vowel has been lost in the Mn. period between the
sounds, as in ond etc. 44 vi; see iii (4).
iii. (i) Brit, mp, nt, k remained finally as in W. pump,
jiymp<J$rit. *pempe ; W. caw<Brit. *kanton\ W. ieuanc <Brit.
*ipuawkos 100 i (i). For exceptions see (2). Medially they
became mmh, nnh, auh respectively, as in Ml. W. ymheraicdpr
< Lat. imperdlor ; W. cynhesu ' to warm '< Brit. *kon-tess-, Vtep-^
96 ii (5) ; W. angJieuol ' deadly ' < Brit. *awkoM-, Vanek- : Lat.
neco, Gk. VKVS, vtKpos, etc. After an unaccented vowel the
nasal is simplified as in the above examples, 27 ii ; after an
accented vowel the aspiration was lost, as in cynnes ' warm ',
angeu ( = avveu) ' death ' 48 ii, iv.
(2) Final nt, mp are mutated in gan i with ' = gann 211 iv (i);
in cant ' 100 ', pump ' 5 ' which appear as cann^pum before nouns; in
vgeint ' 20' which appears as ugeyn as early as A.L. MS. A. ^ee i 4,
8, 12, etc., and is ugain in Mn. W. ; in aryant A.L. i 6, now arian
' silver '; in diffrint (i = y] K.B. 9 1 ' vale ' ( < *dyfr-hynt ' water-way '),
already diffrin in B.B. 74, Mn. W. dyffri[n\ in cymaint sometimes,
especially in the phrase cytnain un Eph. v 33 ; and often in poetry,
as always in the spoken language, in the 3rd pi. of verbs and pre-
positions 173 x, 208 iii (2). It is seen in these examples that
the /* of the nasal mutations of t and p is lost finally ; this is because
it follows the accent of the word, see (i) above. But the aspirate
was often retailed before a word beginning with an accented vowel,
as kymein hun IL.A. 116 'every one'; can hwr W.M. 136 ' 100
men'; Pum heryr ' 5 eagles' G.G1. M 1/606.
170 PHONOLOGY 106
Gwledd eclidoe a doe 'n i dy,
Gwledd cann Taannedd cyn hynny. G.G1. M 146/278.
' A feast yesterday and the day before in his house, the feast of a
hundred dwellings before that.'
Llyfr Ofydd a fydd i fcrch,
Ag yn hwn ugain hannerch. B.Br., IL.H. ii 99.
' The maid shall have a book of Ovid, and in it a hundred
greetings.'
Final -BO was often mutated in Ml. W. where the tenuis was
generally retained, and survives in Mn. W. ; e.g. ceing W.M. 108,
Mn. W. came ' branch '. v>c is often written ngc (cf. 18 iii), but nc
is adequate and unambiguous, as nk in Eng. bank.
(3) Medial nt, etc. remain when originally followed by h as in
cyntedd 'porch' for *cynt-he8 < *kintu-sed- 63 ii ; cyntaf ' first '
< *cynt-haf < *kint-isamos\ and in newer formations, as plentyn
1 child ' from plant, llanciau ' lads ', sg. llanc. Some vocables, with
mutation in Ml. W., are re-formed without mutation in Mn.W., as
amranneu W.M. 41, amrantau Job xvi 16; seinnyeu 128 ii, Mn. W.
seintiau 'saints'; gwynnoe8 IL.A. 5, gwyntoedd Matt, vii 25; hein-
yeu HJ.A. 123, heintiau Luc xxi ii; ceigheu, ceinyeu IL.A. 144,
ceingciau Can. vii 8.
(4) The nasal mutation of the tenues does not date from the
Brit, period, for the nasal endings of *)iouan ' nine ', *dekan
f ten ', etc., while they mutated initial mediae, did not mutate
initial p, t y k; thus naw cant ' 900', cleg pwys ' 10 lb?.' The
mutation of the tenues was caused by nasals which survived the
loss of the Brit, endings ; it takes place after the prefixes an-,
cyn-, and in other cases where mp, nt, x>k occurred medially.
There is no trace in O. W. of an wnmutated media ; we
find e. g. am- for Mn. W. am- < *mbi-, gcribeun M.c. < Lat.
scribend-, mmn- M.C. 'round* (: Ir. crttintf), etc., but no mb, nd.
But the tenues are found unmutated, as in tantott, Mn. W.
fannau, sometimes mutated as in bronannou M.C., pi. of breuant
' windpipe '. In pimpJiet ox. ' fifth ', lianther ox. ' half is perhaps
reflected the transition stage in which, as the p and t were
disappearing, the h was becoming more noticeable ; see 107
v (i). In any case it is safe to conclude that this mutation
came about in the O. W. period.
In Ml. W. the tenuis is mutated, as in breenhin B.B. 75,
103 ii (i), agheu, ayhen B.B. 23, emen etc. 24 i. Though
107 THE NASAL MUTATION 171
often written unmutated after a prefix and after yn, there is
evidence that it was in fact mutated, 107 iii, v.
iv. The nasal mutation of an explosive does not mean its
disappearance, but its conversion into a nasal by the loosening
of its stop. In annoeth ' unwise ' < Brit.-Lat. *an-doct- the d
became a continuation of the n, so that nn represents an n which
is continued during- the time it took to pronounce the original nd.
As the W. tenues are really aspirated, that is t = t-h, see 84
Note i, when the stop was loosened the aspirate remained ; thus
nt, properly nt-k, became nnh. That Early Ml. W. nh as in
gynhuir 48 iv is short for nnh, is proved (i) by such spellings
as morcannhuc, brennhin L.L. 120, and (2) by the fact that when
it lost its aspirate after the accent it appeared as nn, as synnwyr
R.M. 13, W.M. 20, while breenhin in which nn had become n after
the long vowel, is brenin (not *brennin], and an original single
n + h always gives n, as in gldnqf for gldnhaf, superlative of gldn
' clean '. It is clear therefore that the mutation of nt is strictly
n-nJi, not n-h.
107. i. While initial mediae are nasalized after several
numerals, initial tenues are nasalized only after yn ' in ' and fy
' my ', and this mutation is not original after fy.
ii. Taken in conjunction with the following noun, yn 'in'
( < Brit. *<?) has a secondary accent, but fy ' my ' ( < Brit.
*men < Ar. *mene gen. sg. of the 1st pers. pron.) is wholly
unaccented the emphasis when required is thrown on an
auxiliary pronoun : 'my head ' is not *fy m/ten, but fy mJien i.
This difference between yn and fy is old, for Brit. *en has kept
its -n, but *men (already a proclitic in Brit. 113 ii) had lost its
-n before the O.W. period. This is clearly seen is phrases where
the following word began with a vowel or an immutable initial ;
thus yn : ynn lann L.L. 120, in alld B.B. 64, in llan do. 63, 64,
yn amgant do. 66, in llurv do. 65, etc. ; but fy : mi-hun M.C., vy
argluit 8.8.51, wi-llav-e (=fy Haw i) do. 50, vy lien do. 59, 62, etc.
Thus yn before a consonant is necessarily a closed syllable, closed
by its -n, while fy is an open syllable, ending with its vowel.
The O.W. ny L.L. 120 'in its ' is probably n y, with syllabic n or
nn, a pronunciation still often heard.
iii. After yn in Early Ml. MSS., b and d are generally mutated,
PHONOLOGY 107
and probably g is to be read . Thus in B.B. we find
inneckreu 29, innvfin (= yn nwfii) 87, inyffrin 65, inyganhvy 47,
3^ ffodir, ygodir 63 ; in A.L. MS. A. enlokel ( = y/j niogel) i 46, 50,
mow e kolouen ( = ym man y golofu) i 10. Non-mntation is rarer :
ym Irin B.B. 33, w diffiin 47, 48. On the other hand
p, t, c are rarely mutated, the usu;il forms being in tytio, impop
B.B. ^^ympob 87, im pen 42, 57, impell 82, yg coed, 49; en ty
e-clochyd A.L. i 52, e-fo/ e-ueig 72. But examples of mutation
also occur, mh, nh, ngh appearing 1 at first as m, n, g 24 i, as
ymlith B.B. 20, ' hal art do. 49, <?^/^ ( = ynghyd) A.L. i 40, emop
lie do. 60. These examples show that the mutation had already
taken place, and that the written radical was a survival of
O.W. spelling. It is to be noted that the n of yn is in every
case assimilated in position to the explosive, even where that
is unmutated. So before m, as im mon B.B. 61, im minit
eidin do. 95.
iv. Since yn kept its nasal, it is natural that it should mutate
tenues as well as mediae ; but as^ lost its nasal ending early,
we should expect it to mutate the mediae but not the tenues,
like naw, which gives naw rofynedd ' 9 years ', but naw pwy*
* 9 Ibs.' In O.W. and Early Ml. W. this is, in fact, the case.
Thus in O. W. we have mi-telu ' my household ', mi coueidid
' my company ', Juv. SK. (9th cent.) ; and in B.B. we find vy tud
13, vy perchen, vy parch 42, wy dun 49, vy pen, vy crawn 62,
vy penhid 81, vy ki 99 ; the form wympechaud 83 is a rare excep-
tion, and in no case is the tenuis nasalized. But b and d are
generally nasalized in B.B., g being also probably for ; thus vy
nruc 24, wy-nragon 51, vi-mrid (= fy mryft) 82, wi-nvyioron ( = fy
tiwyfron] 100, wy-nihenit 50, vy martrin 67. The occurrence of a
number of examples like vy lartrin 67, wy duu 82, vy dewis, vy
Devs 42, is probably due to the influence of the regular non-
mutation of p, t. We do not seem to meet with such forms
as vyn drwc, vym bryd which appear in later MSS. ; vy is written
as an open syllable, and p, t, k are not mutated after it. The
later mutation of these is analogical ; the mutation caused by^
in the mediae was extended to the tenues in imitation of the
complete and consistent system of mutation after yn.
But in spite of the levelling of the mutation after the two
107 THE NASAL MUTATION 173
words, the difference between the words themselves the closed
yn and the open fy remained, and persists in the ordinary
spelling of to-day, as in yn nhy fy nhacl ' in my father's house '.
v. (i) The representation of the nasal initial mutation after ynand
fy has presented considerable difficulty to writers of the language. In
Late Ml. W. MSS. p, t, k appear unmutated, and fy is treated asfyn ;
thus yn ty vynntat i IL.A. 35. That this is a conventional spelling is
shown by the fact that scribes so rendered forms already mutated in
their copies. Thus where A.L. MS. A. has emen i 84, the later MS. B.
has em pen. Similarly the K.B. scribe writes down the radical of
a consonant mutated in the same passage in the W.B., as vyyhofw.M.
104 =vyg CO/K.M. 76, vymhechawt W.M. %gg=vy)n pechawt K.M. 255,
etc. Further, the cynghanedd always implies the mutated form ; as
yn-trugare8 yn & guririon, B.P. 1216;
o syrth ym-perigy-l swrth amharawt, do. 1250 ;
where ntr is to be read nhr to correspond to nr, and mp must be
ink to answer mh. In W.M. and w. we sometimes find a survival of the
curious transitional form met with in O. W. 106 iii (4); thus
ymphen W.M. 256, vygchret do. 390; vyy khof w. 76. The last
example shows that what is meant is not the voiceless spirant, for ^
is never written kh.
(2) The mediae b, d also are frequently written unmutated,
especially after yn; thus yn diben W.M. 129 made yn niben in B.M.
202 ; conversely ymlaen W.M. 54 made ym blaen in B.M. 38 ; both have
ymon colofy-n W.M. 181, B.M. 84. Here again the cynghanedd belies
the non-mutation, as in
yg-karchar -yn-daear yn yt, B.P. 1168,
where we must read yn naear (to give nd/ny as required by the
cynghanedd sain). With yn, g is generally doubled, as in yyyovot,
yggwyS W.M. 123, but is sometimes single, esp. before w, as in yguales
W.M. 57 ; in all cases it is doubtless to be read . After fy the single
nasal is used; thus in W.M. we have vy mot 32, vy maryf 59, vy
mrawt 62, vy-gioreic 62,vy ni waradwy&uw 43 ; more rarely the nasal
and mute, as vym-brawt 51, vyn da 459. It is seen that in spite of
inconsistencies, the difference between closed yn and open fy is
unconsciously reflected in these spellings.
(3) In MSS. of the 15th and i6th cent, the consonant is regularly
mutated, and the two words are generally joined ; thus in the Report
on the Peniarth MSS., we find ynghaer llion 50/90, ymyellt, ynghaer
53/126, ymorgannwg 54/37, vymod 54/21, vyngwaUt 54/280, ymhob
54/209, vymhennadur 57/27. Sometimes the words are separated;
thus yn nef 75/172; ym hob 54/250, 61/18, 67/330; y mendith
('y forjy) 54/78 ; vy nolur 56/72.
(4) Salesbury wrote vi-dew, vi-popul for fy Nuw, fy mhobl, " to saue
the word the lea maimed," as he explains (1586 Pb. Preface). G.R.
174 PHONOLOGY 107
mutated the consonants and. joined the words, fynhy 41, ynnhy 79;
he states that m is double " ymhob a leissiir ymmhob " 80 (see 54
i (2) ). His reason for joining fy appears to be that ng cannot be
initial, "cany* rhy ano8 yw sillafu fy ngtvaith, fy nghatcs" 42.
Dr. Morgan separated the words in the case of n and m ; as fy nhy
Job xix 15, yn nhy do. i 13, fy mhen xxix 3,ym mha betft vi 24 ; but
he appears to think like G.K. that ng cannot be initial, and writes
fyng-halon xxxvii i, yng-hilfach xxxviii 16, thus missing the distinc-
tion which he elsewhere observes between yn and fy, and wrongly
representing^/ as a closed syllable. The prejudice against initial ng
was overcome in the 1620 Bible, &ndfy nghalon was written as freely
as fy nhy. That settled the matter as far as fy was concerned.
But the representation of yn in the same combination still presented
a difficulty. The ng ( = w) was part of the preposition yio ; at the
same time ngh or ng was the initial of the noun, and Dr. M.'s hyphen
in the middle of the trigraph ngh was absurd ; the 1620 Bible there-
fore used ynghilfachau, returning to the MS. forms. Here ng does
double duty, the inconvenience of which appears when the noun
requires a capital initial. Dr. M. wrote yng-Hrist ; M.K. has
yngHymryp. [iv]; the 1620 Bible ynGhrist i Cor. xv 18, 19, 22 ; so
in the Bibles of 1677 and 1690. Later, we find yng Haerlydd T.J.
title (1688); yn Ghyinru KH.B.S. dedic. (1701); Yngroeg S.R. 16
(1728). In all these the capital is misplaced by being either put in
the middle of the trigraph or transferred to the preposition. The
form yn Ngh- which appears about this time, see B.CW. Ixxv, grew out
of yn Gh- because it was felt that the initial was Ngh- ; it is objec-
tionable because n is not accepted as a symbol for except before k
or g. The later form y 1 Ngwynedd D.G. 41 (1789) misrepresents the
preposition as an open syllable. Pughe adopted yn Ng-, yn M-,
because, in the teeth of all the facts, he denied that the n of yn was
mutable. This unphonetic spelling, which stultifies the history of the
nasal mutation, 106 i, has predominated since his day.
J.J. wrote yng nolau p 3i2/iv/i u., and Dr. Davies pointed out in
1621 that ynghanol was short for yng-nghanol D. 202; but it was
not until about a hundred years later that the form yng Ng(h)- came
into regular use. . We find yng Nghrist in the 1717 Bible, and subse-
quently in those of 1727, 1746, 1752, and nearly all later editions.
This form has been used and advocated by most of the Welsh scholars
of the i gth cent., including lolo Morgannwg (who denounces "dull
ffiaidd Mr Owen Pughe" C.B.Y.P. 237), K. I. Prys, T. Stephens,
T. Rowland, and Silvan Evans.
(5) Fy being unaccented, the following nasal, though of double
origin, is simplified, and belongs to the second syllable 27 ii,i; thus
the syllabic division is fy\nuw. As words are separated in modern
orthography, the usual spelling fy Nuw is in every way correct.
Similarly fy merch, fy ngardd. But yn is accented, and the double
consonant remains, extending to both syllables 27 i ; hence yn\nuw,
ordinarily and correctly written yn Nuw. In the same way we have
108 THE NASAL MUTATION 175
ym Mangor, yn JDwynedd. With our present alphabet we have to
write the last yng Ngwynedd ; so yng Nghadelling. It is objected to
this that it is clumsy ; but that is the fault of the alphabet. It is the
only way of expressing the sound fully and correctly, and is the exact
equivalent in modern characters of the Ml. W. yggwyned w.M. 108,
yg gadellig w. 90, 24 i.
(6) There are, however, a number of adverbial and prepositional
expressions, in which yn, followed by the nasal mutation, is wholly
unaccented. In this case the nasal is single, as after fy ; and the
preposition is naturally joined to its noun, exactly like the in in the
Eng. indeed. These expressions are ynghyd, ynghylch, ynglyn,
yngholl, ynghudd, ymhell, ymhlith, ymysg, ymron, ymlaen,
ymhen, yngham, ymhellaeh, ynghynt, etc. No principle of
accentuation is violated in this spelling, as asserted by Silvan Evans,
Llythyraeth 50, who recommends yng nyhyd etc. See above 47 ii.
THE SPIRANT MUTATION.
108. i. Brit, or Lat. pp, tt, kk gave W. ff, th, ch re-
spectively. Thus W. cyff* stem '< Lat. cippus ; Brython < Brit.
Brittones ; peckocl < Lat. peccdtum ; hwck : Ir. socc, etc., 93 iii
(a). It occurs when an initial tenuis follows an explosive in
word-composition, as in achas 93 ii (2), athecli 93 iii (i),at/trist
99 v (4). This is called the " spirant mutation " of the tenuis.
ii. In Brit, a + tenuis had already become a double spirant
96 i ; and original oxytones ending in - caused the spirant
mutation of a following initial tenuis 103 i (3), as fri chant
' 300 '. In this case th- and ph- were chosen as the mutations
of t- and p-, as their relation to the radicals is clearer than that
of the alternative forms s, x*-
iii. The spirant mutation after chwe ' six ' is irregular. From Kelt.
*sueks kantom we should expect *chwe cant, since ksk gives sk, and
final -s would drop. But the independent form of *sueks was already
*X^ e X i u Brit. > an d we may assume that this was generalized, so that
the ch- in chwe chant comes from -^ k-.
iv. (i) Brit, or Lat. kt > *x^ > *x^ > // ; the i forms z'-diph-
thongs 29 i, cf. 104 ii (i) ; thus akt > aeth ; okt > oeth ;
ukt > wyth ; ekt > eith, Mn. aith ; ikt > ith. Thus W. caet/t
< Brit. *kaktos 86 ii (i) ; doeth < Lat. doctus ; ffrwyth <
Lat. fructus ; sait/K Brit. *ge/ctan< Ar. *8epty ; perffalth< Lat.
perfectu* ; brith < Brit. *irikto* < *bhrktos 101 iii (a) ; eit/tin
176
PHONOLOGY
109
' furze ' < *ektln- < *ak-tln-, Vak-foq- ; teithug ' fruitless ; <
*ftek-tonk- < *seq'*- 1 without ' + *teu-q-, V teua x - ' increase ' ; eilhaf
1 extreme ' < *ek-t e m-08 : Lat. exfirmis.
(2) In Ml. W. there was a tendency to voice this th to 8, as in
perffeibyaw IL. A. 1 9 from perffeith, now re-formed as perffeithio ' to
perfect'; arhwaeddont do. 32 'they may taste' (: chweith 'taste').
The 8 survives in cynysgae&u from cynysgaeth ' endowment '. In aeth
4-vb. 'to be 'forming old perfects and pluperfects, the diphthong was
simplified, giving ath-, affected to eth-, as ethyw IL.A. 82, more com-
monly eSyw 'went'; so 8oeS 'had gone', etc., 193 vi (3), (5).
Final 8 so produced disappeared in lieno, yna, etc. 78 i (i).
v. Lat. x >*x$ > ** ; thus ax >aes, etc. ; as W. llaes 1 trailing'
< laxus ; pais, Ml. W. pets < pexa (tunica] ; coes ' leg- ' < coxa.
So Saeson < Saxones, Sais < Saxo 69 ii (2). Similarly Brit, -ks-
from -nks- etc., 96 iii (6).
INITIAL MUTATION.
109. We have seen that Welsh has nine mutable consonants.
Initially the radical and mutated forms exist side by side in the
living language. The use of the various mutations is determined
by syntactical rules which have sprung from generalizations of
prevalent forms. Thus an adjective after a fern. sg. noun
has its soft initial because most fern. sg. nouns ended in a vowel.
The following table shows all the mutations of the nine
mutable consonants :
Radical
Soft
Nasal
Spirant
P
b
mh.
ph
t
d
nh
th
c
g
ngh
ch
b
f
m
d
dd
n
g
ng
m
f
11
1
rh
r
No change
No change
No change
The words " No change " in the table mean that the con-
sonants under which they are placed retain their radical forms
in those positions where the others undergo the respective muta-
tions. Thus after yn, which nasalizes the explosives, m, 11, and
110 INITIAL MUTATION 177
rk remain unchanged ; and words which cause the tenues to
become spirants do not alter the other six. This is always
understood when the nasal or spirant mutation is named, and there
is no need to particularize except in case of irregularity.
Strictly speaking, of course, words which caused the nasal and
spirant mutations changed I, r to II and rh: But for practical pur-
poses it is simpler to treat the changes as above ; see 103 i (4).
LATER CONSONANT CHANGES.
Loss of Voiced Spirants and Sonants.
110. i. The soft mutations of b, d, g, m have all tended to be
softened to the vanishing point. Being very soft " buzzes " S and /
were liable to be confused ; and so we find one substituted for another
as in cuddygl (ku&ygyl w.M. 140, B.M. 211) 'cell' for *cvfygl < Lat.
cubic' lum (prob. influenced by cudd 'hidden'); Eiyony B.P. 1287
for Eifionydd (eiwonit B.B. 69) ; Late Mn. W. Caer Dydd for Caer Dyf
'Cardiff'; or two metathesized, as in clefySeu B.M. 182 for clebyveu
do. 126, and in clefytaud (t = 8) B.B. 48 for clefy/fawd : W. cleddyf,
76 viii (2) (Ir. claideb ' sword ' < W.). S.V. (P.IL. xci) says of the
line Kawn vedd rhad kyneddvau Rhys (by H.K., see c.c. 344) that it
pleases the ear though it violates the rule. The ear does not notice
the inversion v 8 / 8 v.
ii. (i) The soft mutation of g has uniformly disappeared as an
initial sound. Thus *dy ytrdd has become dy ardd 'thy garden'.
Medially it disappears or becomes i before a vowel, or before I, r or n
103ii ( i), 104 ii. Medial n^n>n, as in ynad 62 ii; cf. 106
(2) Medially after I or r it appears as i, 105 ii, which is lost
before y, as in c8lyn<O.W. colginn 54 ii. This palatalization of j
to J>* after a liquid is comparatively late, for it does not take place
finally ; in that position g remained dark, and became non-syllabic y t
as in Ml. W. daly (i syll.) ' to hold' ; this was either assimilated to
the 7 as in N. W. ddl (<*dal-l, double I, not K), or was lowered to a
and became syllabic, as in S. W. dala ; from Brit. *ddlg- < *d e l'gh-,
Vdela x gh- : Skr. dlrghdh 'long', Lat. indulgeo, longus. Medially it
is i from the same stem, as in daliaf 'I hold, maintain, continue'.
So we have Ml. W. hely 'to hunt', N. W. hel 'collect', S. W. hela;
Ml. W. boly ' bag, belly ', N. W. bol, S. W. bola ; Ml. W. gwaly, Mn. W.
gwala 'sufficiency'; Ml. W. eiry 'snow', Mn. W. (N. and S.) eira,
and eir in eir-law 'sleet', ces-air 'hail'; Ml. W. llary 'generous'
< Lat. largus, Mn. W. llariaidd. The form -a appears in writing as
early as the B.B., e. g. llara 7, where, however, the word counts as only
one syllable in the metre.
140] N
178 PHONOLOGY 110
In the 1 6th cent, the sound of -y in the above Ml. W. forms was
not known. J.D.R. writes it y ( = y), p. 136 ; but Dr. Da vies compares
it with Eng. final mute -e, as in take, and writes it y, as boly, hely
D. 19. The correctness of this transcription is -confirmed by the B.CH.,
where it appears as e ( = y, 16 iii), as dale A.L. i 20 = daly. [j >y >a
forms an interesting parallel to the supposed Pre-Ar. j giving 9 and
then mostly a.]
(3) Lat. virgo > W. gwyry (t syll.) D.G. 156, IL.A. 84, 87, 90, etc.,
whence gwyrdawl B.B.B. 119, though we have also gweryndawt IL.A.
J 7> 5 84, B.B. 40, direct from virginitaiem. In B.B. 70 occurs the pi.
gwirion < Brit. *uirgone.s. Later we find morwyn wyra A.L. i 518;
Gwynedd dial, wenyn gwyrS (for *gwyr-r cf. dal-l) ' unsalted butter ',
Dyfed menyn gyyyra, Rhys CO. 46. We also have gwyrf (i syll.) D.G.
1 1 8, gwyryf vireindawl (4 syll.) B.P. 1199, and gweri/8 (2 syll.) B.P.
1200, D.G. 137, pi. gweryoon (3 syll.) B.P. 1199, B.B. 71. The latter
cannot be derived from virgo ; no medial syllabic irrational y is known
in Early Ml. W. ; gweryb must be Kelt, and may represent *g'*herii<),
pi. *g v heriiones : Ir. gerait ' virgin ', gerait (i. mac bee) ' little boy '
O'Dav. : redupl., Gk. -n-apOevos < * g*hr-g*hen- (not : Skr. prthukah
'boy, calf, since *th>Gk. T), Lat. virgin- < *g*er-ghen-, dissim. for
*g y her-g*hen-, and perhaps W. gwyrf < *g*herg*ho, which fits exactly,
92 iii. Dr. Davies wrongly takes Ml. W. gwyryf as a disyllable
gwy\ryf, which it may have become dialectally, 16 v (3). The
biblical pi. gwyryfon is formed from the new disyllable.
(4) In bwrw < *burg- 97 v (3), llwrw < *lurg- < *lorg- 215
ii (7), the -j was rounded by the preceding w, and became -to. In
derived forms, however, it became i regularly ; as Ml. W. byryaf 1 1
cast down ', now bwriaf.
(5) In hy 'bold' (<*% < *sig- < *sego- : 92 i) a final /is now
wrongly written. The /is not pronounced, and there is no evidence
of it in Ml. W. or the poets ; see hy B.B.B. 265, D.G. 42, 269, 313,
etc. It does not occur in old derivatives : kyn-hyet S.G. 277, hy-der,
hy-ddb. In the dialects, however, /is inserted in new derivatives, as
hyf-dra, hyfach, which, like llefydd, brofydd, dial. pi. of lie, bro, are
due to false analogy. Other spurious forms like hyf occur in late
MSS., such as daf, lief, brof for da, lie, bro. In none of these is the /
an old substitution for j ; they are sham-literary forms made on the
analogy of treffor the spoken tre '.
iii. (i) Final f was lost before the Ml. period after aw, as in llaw
'hand' < *llawf < Kelt. *ldma < Ar. *plmd 63 vii (2); rhaw
'spade' < *rhawf< *ra-md, Vard- 63 ix. When a syllable is
added and aw is replaced by o 81 i, the / reappears, as in llof-rudd
' murderer', lit. ' red-handed ', llof-yn D.G. 107 'wisp ', lloffa ' to glean '
< *llof-ha, rhqfiau ' spades '. So praw IL.A. 24, B.P. 1215 ' proof for
yrrawf a back-formation from provi IL.A. 38, 72 < Lat. probo. The
re-introduction of / in praw is artificial, and inconsistent with the
N.W. pron.^raw, 52 iii, Exc. (i).
110 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 179
No, wrthod, ferch, dy berchi ;
Na phraw ymadaw d mi. D.G. 108 ; see 238, 240.
' Refuse not, lady, to be honoured ; do not try to leave me.'
It was lost after iw \nRhiwabon 'Ruabon' for riw vabon R.B. 1066,
and after w in tw 'growth', dwr 'water', reappearing in tyfu 'to
grow ', dyfroedd 'waters ', in which w is mutated to y. It disappeared
regularly after u, as in plu ' feathers ' sg. pluen < Lat. plama ; cu
' dear', O.W. cum(m = #),Corn. cuf, Bret. kun,kunv, Ir. coim<*koi-m-,
Vkei- : Skr. seva-h ' dear ' < *kei-u-os, Lat. clvis ; du ' black ', Corn.
dttv, Ir. dub < *dhubh-, Vdheubh- : Gk. rv^Xos ; so in derivatives
cu-dab, cu-ed, da-ach, etc.
f being originally bilabial, 19 ii (4), when it followed w, w or
u ( = u), it was in effect little more than the narrowing of the lip-
rounding at the end of the syllable, and so came to be disregarded.
For a similar reason, when f followed m, it was also lost or assimilated,
as in mdmaeth for *mdm-faeth ' foster-mother' ; im 'y hun for imfy hun
'for myself.
Ni byddai bwn, heb ddau bdr,
Im 'y hunan o'm heiniar. I.D. TR. 138 ; cf. E.P. 277.
' Without two pairs [of oxen] there would not be [even] a burden for
myself of my crop.' It remained in cam-fa ' stile (Gwyn. dial, cam-
oa, Dyfed can/a by dissim.).
(2) Initial f often disappears infy 'my', especially in poetry, the
following nasal mutation showing that 'y means ' my ' not ' the ' ; as
ygkorn ( = 'y nghorn) ym ne8eir B.T. 35 ' my horn in my hand ' ; 'Y
mam B.M. 194, 1. 5 ' my mother' (' the mother ' is y fam) ; so 'Y myd
wen 136 iii, 'y mun D.G. 17 'my girl', 'y nghffn,, 'y mraint, do. 274,
etc. It is lost in vab ' son ' in patronymics, as Hywel ab Einion ;
in ychydig for fychydig, rad. bychydig.
Deuaf- myfi yw d' cos
D'iau, 'y nyn, o daw nos. D.G. 114.
' I will come [for] I am thy nightingale assuredly, my lady, if
night comes.'
(3) Medial f drops after an explosive, when followed by a rounded
vowel or a liquid, as in testun ' text ' for *testfu,n < Lat. testimonium.
Hence in compounds, where it is the initial of the second element, it
is often lost, as in Bod-organ for *Bod Forgan (' Morgan's dwelling '),
Bod-wrog for *Bod Fwrog, etc. ; Bendigeidran 45 i (2) for Bendigeid-
Vran (Bendigeitvran, first written without the v in B.M. 26, and v
inserted above the line). Between a consonant and liquid it dropped
early in some cases as in yr llynedd, Gwenlliant 111 i (r) and
Hydref do. vii (i). Rarely before an explosive, as in agwybawr for
*afgwy&awr 74 i (i).
(4) Final fn in unaccented syllables is generally reduced to n,
especially after rounded vowels, as in eon for eofn ' fearless ' 1 56 i
N2
180 PHONOLOGY 110
(15); tinon Gr. O. 118 for tin'ofn 'one fear'; annwn for annwfn
' hell ' ; dcdren in the dialects, and sometimes in the bards, for
dodrefn 82 ii (3); colon for colofn, see example; ygnfn 'light'
retains its /in N.W. dial.; in S.W. ysgawn or ysgon is used.
Val Samson wrth golon gynt
A fu'n rhwym yw fy nhremynt. G.G1. p 83/59.
' Like Samson, who was bound to a column of old, is my condition.'
Final fl gave I in S.W. c6l L.G.C. 280, for cofl ' bosom, embrace.'
(5) Final f began to disappear very early in the spoken language ;
we already find gwartha for gwarthafin L.L. 196. Its earliest regular
loss (apart from the cases cited in (i) above) occurred after i, as in the
v. n. termination -i, e.g. moli ' to praise ' for *molif, O.W. molim juv.
SK. ; Hi for llif 'flood'; dirri E.P. 1149 f r dtf r tf 'serious'; cyfri
D.G. 4 for cyf-rif to count'. But in the I4th cent, it had come to
be freely dropped after any vowel, as the following rhymes show :
ne '/bore G.Gr. D.G. 238, ydwy'/mwy D.G. 72, cry '/lesu do. 474,
ha'/Efa do. 157; so wna' D.G. 72,kynta E.P. 1277. The word is
treated in every way as a word ending in a vowel ; thus it is followed
by 'n for yn, 'r for y or yr, etc., as ofnwy V D.G. 321 for ofnwyf y ;
ydwy'n for ydwyfyn 125 iii ex. I ; Tre'rkastell E.P. 1210 for Tref
y Castell.
Final f is not known to drop in the old words glaif ' sword ', of
' raw ', blif ' catapult ' or in lit. W. lief 1 cry ', sef ' that is '. It is still
retained in the spoken language in dof ' tame ', rhwyf ' oar ', href
'bleat', prif 'chief, Taf'T&S', and in borrowed words, as braf
1 fine ' : Fr. brave, E. brave.
iv. (i) Initial 8 in 0. "W. di ' to ' disappeared, giving Ml. W. y,
Mn. W. , ' to ' 65 iv (2).
(2) Medial 8 disappears in meivn : Ir. medon 215 iii (i); in the
verb rhoddaf, v.n. rhoddi ' to give ', which became rho-af > rhof, v.n.
rhoi ; see rhoist, etc. 33 iii (i) ; but the 8 also persisted in the
written language; see 186. Similarly arJioaf for *arhoddaf 187
iii. Medial 8 also disappears in tydd'fn > tt/n in place-names of the
form Ti[n-y-mae$ (*tyi[n > *tyi[n, *tijn, tyn).
Medial 8 is sometimes lost as the initial of the second element of
a compound; thus rheg-ofydd (rec ouyt M.A. i 324, 344) 'lord of gifts'
for rheg-8ojydd (rec8ovy8 W.M. 452, K.M. 100); Duw Ofydd for Duw
Ddofydd, Cred-ofydd for Cred-8ojydd, etc. It was also lost before an
explosive, as in Blegywryt A.L. i 338 (MS. I-.) for Ble-gywryd
(Bledcuurit L.L. 222); diwedydd (diwedit B.B. 90) 'evening' for
*diwe8-dy8 ; gwybed ' flies ' for gwy8bed (gwy8bet E.M. 54).
(3) Final 8 was lost in the relative ydd before a consonant, 162 i.
It disappeared early in the 2nd sg. pres. ind. of verbs, 173 iii (2).
It dropped in yssy8 ' who is ' (often issi = yssy in B.B.), though sydd
may still be heard as well as sy. Sometimes in naw Duw I F.X. 63
for naw8 Duw I ' God's protection ! ' (i.e. God help us !). In i fynydd
111 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 181
' up ' the final -8 was lost early, though it is sometimes found written
iu Ml. W., as kyvodi y vynyS IL.A. in, and survives to this day in
parts of Dyfed. With its 8, ifyny lost all trace of'ils original signifi-
cation, as seen in the unconscious lepetition in y vyny y vyny8 Oliver
H.P. 1 280 ' up to Mount Olivet '. The final -8 of eisteS also disappeared
very early ; it is eiste in the B.B. and B.CH. So in W.M., e.g. 4 times in
col. 449, in each case changed to eisteB in K.M. 293-4. The -8 is
deduced from euteSaf, etc., and its re-insertion finally is artificial ; it
is not sounded in eiste in the spoken language. Final -8 also dis-
appeared in hwnnw etc. 78 i (i).
v. (i) The final -r of the article yr was lost before a consonant
after the O. W. period; see 114 iii. So -r after a consonant in
brawd 113 i (i).
(2) Final -nn was sometimes lost in unaccented syllables ; as cyfa
' whole', Ml. W. kyfa R.P. 1285 for cyfan(ri), cf. kyfannu W.M. 129 ;
yma 'here' for yman(n) 220 ii (n); (f)fMy ' so ' < *l<efel hynu
' like this ', cf. fell hynn 215 iv (2) ; Ml. W. ky- for kynn ' as ' before
the eqtv. 147 iv (4) ; -fa for -fann 143 iii (16). The tendency was
arrested, and -nn generally remains; it had not gone far in kynn
before it was checked, and -n(n) was restored. The loss also occurs
in Corn, and Bret., so that it must be referred to an early peculiarity
in the pronunciation of -nn.
Projection.
111. i. (i) When n or r came before a liquid after the loss of an
intervening vowel, the liquid became voiceless ; thus nl > nil ; rl >
rll ; nr>nrh; rr>rrh. Examples: gwinllan ' vineyard '<*gwt'n-
lunn < *wno-landd ; hirllaes 'long trailing ' for "liir-laes ; penrhi/n ' pro-
montory ' for *penn-ryn; an-rheg 156ii(i); Henllan, Henllys, etc.
Also in combinations in which no vowel had intervened, as gdr-!lanw
' high tide ', an-llygredig ' incorruptible '. So initially : yn llawn for
yn lawn ' full ' ; yn rhad, mor llawn, mor rhad (yn and tnor generally
cause lenition of adjectives) ; so pur llawn ' very full ' ; lien Hew Job
iv n (1620), hen llys P 121/35 R.
This change had taken place before the loss of 3 and 8 as described
in 110, and did not take place later. So where j or 8 originally
stood between the sounds it did not occur. Thus we have Cyn-las <
*Cyn-%la8 < Cuno-glasos ; tor-Ian ' brink ' < *torr-^kinn ' broken
bank ' ; Hdr-lech < Ifar8-lech W.M. 38 ; c6r-lan ' fold ' < *corS-lann.
Thus yn Idn, mor Idn from glun ' clean, fair ' ; and while we have
y llan ' the hamlet ' from *yr lann from llann ' enclosure ', we have
y Idn ' the bank ' from *yr %lann from glann ' bank ', both nouns being
fern. But / appears in some cases to have dropped out early enough
to allow of the change ; as in y llynedd more fully yr llynedd for
*yrjlyne8 ; GwenUian < *gwmn-ftiant.
(2) 1 was palatalized and became 11 in two positions : (a) after Brit.
182 PHONOLOGY 111
ei, Lat. e ; thus cannwyll < Lat. candela ; twyll ' deceit ' < Lat. tela
tywyll ' dark ' 38 x for *tyw-wyll 76 vii (2) < *temeil- < *temes-elo-8 :
Bret, teral, ttnval for *tenvol, Corn, tiwul, Ir. temel : Lat. tenebrae <
*ttmesrai, Skr. tamasdh dark-coloured ' ; but not after Brit. CM', e. g.
coel ' omen ' < *kail- < *qai(u}l- : O. H. G. heitison ' augurari ' : Ir.
eel < *&ei'Z-. (/?) Between two t''s, as in Ebrill < Lat. Aprllis ; pebyll
' tent ' < Lat. papilio.
ii. (i) When b-b, d-d, g-g came together after the loss of a vowel
they became double p, t, c respectively, simplified before the accent,
and before a sonant ; as in Cateyrn for Catte^rn < *Cad-di^irn- <
Brit. Cato-tigim- (Rhys no. 47); meitin < *meid-din < Lat. matutl-
num 70 v ; wynepryd 'countenance' < *wyneb-bryd; and in the
example byuriocledd < bywiog gledd :
A'm bwcled a'm bywi6cledd
Yn arfau maen ar fy medd. G.G1., M 146/198.
'And my buckler and live sword as weapons of stone [carved] on my
grave.'
When the explosives came together in different words they resulted
in a double consonant, voiced at the implosion, but voiceless with the
new impulse at the explosion. This change is not now represented in
writing ; but in MSS. and early printed books -d d- etc. frequently
appear as -d t- etc. ; thus Nid. Toethineb heb len P 54/356 B. 'Tl eie
is no wisdom without learning ' ; Gwnaed tuw ag enaid howel P 63/7 B
' Let God do with the soul of Howel ' ; Ygwaed. ta a vac teyrn p 52/22
' Good blood begets a king ' ; Glowed, tim ond y glod. tau c.c. 342 'To
hear anything but thy praise ' ; i'r wlad. iragwyddol B.cw. 86 ' to the
eternal land'; Y Ddraig Goch ddyry cychwyn G. 177 'The Red
Dragon gives a leap '. " Two /b/ standeth in force of /p/. . . . mob byxan
most be pronounced as if ytt were wrytten mab py^an " J. J. IL 144/51.
In all cynghanedd prior to the ipth cent, such a combination corresponds
to a tenuis. The writers of the recent period sometimes treat it as
a media.
(2) 88 became th in nyth, syth, etc. 97 ii; cf. dial, rhoth for
*rho88 < rho8o8 ' gave '. Similarly jzj became ch in dichon 196 ii
(2). But generally two voiced spirants remained, written single, as
in prifarS for prif-farS ' chief bard '.
iii. (i) When a media was followed by h the two became a double
tenuis ; thus ateb (t = tt) ' reply ' < *ad-heb < *ati-seq^-, V seq*- ' say ' ;
dry tin ' &torm ' 27 i < *dn/g-hin ; gwlypaf 'wettest' for *gwlyb-
/,/ 147 ii.
When the sounds came together in different words they gave the
double sound dt etc., see ii (i) above ; and in all standard cynghanedd
-d h- corresponds to t, -b h- to p, -g h- to c - as Oer yw heb hwn, wr
hy pert Gr.H. G. 99.
(2) Similarly in some cases fh > ff; 8h > th ; as in lloffa 'to
glean' 1 10 iii (i), 201 iii (4) ; diwethaf ^last' 149 i ; rhotho 186 ii ;
111 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 183
bytho 189 ii (4). So fr-h>ffr in dyffryn 106 iii (2) ; f-rr >f-rh
>ffr in cyffredin 156 i (9). But as a rule the groups remain, as
dyddhdu, dyfrhdu ; and -/ h-, -8 h- do not correspond to ff, th in
cynghanedd.
iv. When two similar consonants, whether explosives or spirants,
one voiced and the other voiceless, came together, they became a
double voiceless sound medially, simplified where double consonants
are usually simplified, as before a consonant ; thus y&peih (]> = pp) <
*pob-peth ' everything ' ; gwrtJirych * object ' < *gwrth-lrych. In
ordinary pronunciation the result is the same when the sounds occur
in different words ; and in Ml. W. MSS. -th 8- frequently appear as th
only ; thus afhiwe8 IL.A. 157 for oUth 8iwe8 'and thy end ; Aihf-lw
aihwylaw ar llet B.P. 1220 'And Thy image with Thy hands ex-
tended ' ; cf. 1205 1. 34, 1321 1. 32 ; similarly weirillian tec 1424 for
(G}wenlliant deg; cereint i duw 1220 (d deleted by dot, t substituted).
v. (i) When two unlike mediae came together, the group was
unvoiced at the implosion, but not necessarily at the explosion. In Ml. W.
both are usually written as tenues; thus dicier B.P. 1209, atkessynt
1 309, hepoor 1 2 30, dywetpwytw.N. 96, ducpwyt do. 183, attpaivr B.B.
35. The second is, however, often written as a media, as o waoder B.P.
1280, aiboryondo. 1208, fryfbar do. 1300, llygatgall do. 1308. In the
1620 Bible we have atcas, datcuddiad, etc. ; but the more usual
spelling later was atgas, datguddiad, etc., which perhaps represents
the sound more accurately. When however the second consonant was
a dental it tends more to be voiceless. In the Bible we find such forms
as digter for dieter, the g being due to dig. In cynghanedd either
consonant may correspond to a tenuis or a media. Pughe's etymo-
logical spellings adgas. vdgorn, hebgor, etc., misrepresent the sound,
which is as nearly as possible atgas, utyom, hepgor.
(2) A media was frequently, though not necessarily, unvoiced before
1, r, m, n, 8, f and even w, j. Thus in Ml. W. we find llwtlaw B.P.
1222 ' Ludlow ', atraw8 1251, tatmaetheu B.M. 24, atneioy8wys 93,
wreio8a 23, dynghetven 73, atwen .245, lletyeith B.P. 1222. But while
B.M. has grwytraw 86, the older w.M. has in the same passage
grwydraw 183. In B.P. 1269, 1303 we have sygneu 'signs' but in
1214, 1215 it is written syGneu. Indeed the B.B. scribe, who had no
ear for cynghanedd, writes tenuis and media where they should corre-
spond ; as heidyaw/ehetyat B.P. 1283, chene<Uoe8/chynatleu 1204,
dilitya/dy aelo&eu 1216. In the last example the sound is certainly d,
as aelodeu cannot have t. It might therefore be supposed that the sound
was always a media, and that to write it a tenuis was a mere ortho-
graphical convention. But though the sound is now generally a media,
there is evidence that it might be, and often was, a teuuis : (a) D.G.
has such correspondences as Dadlitia 'r/diwyd latai p. 19, neitnor/
natur 133 ; and (/3) the tenuis has survived in a number of examples,
as Coetmor (for coed-mor < coed mawr) ; tycio ' to prevail ' < twg
'prosperity' < *tuq- t Vteua x -, cf. 108 iv; eto for etwo < edwaeth
184 PHONOLOGY 111
220 ii (7); ysgatfydd 'perhaps'; Llan Decwyn; cantitio 'to
brighten ' (of the moon) < cannaid ; cartref, pentref.
(3) The mediae were unvoiced before voiceless consonants ; thus
atsein B.T. 20, datsein E.M. 289, Botffordd G. 102. In Late Mn.
orthography etymological spellings prevail, as adsain Ezec. vii 7,
Bodffordd. The latter, the name of a place in Anglesey, is always
sounded Botffordd, in spite of the spelling with d.
(4) It is seen from (i), (2) and (3) above that a media is liable to
be unvoiced before any consonant in the middle of a word. But we
have seen in the preceding subsections that a change which took
place medially also occurred when the group belonged to different
words. Hence final mediae must frequently have been sounded as
tenues before an initial consonant ; and this is very probably the
reason why they were so commonly written as tenues, the pre-conso-
nantal form being generalized in writing. The facts are briefly
summarized in 18 ii.
But before an initial vowel it is certain that a final explosive,
though written as a tenuis. was in fact a media in the i4th cent. In
the following examples from B.P. (which might easily be multiplied)
it is seen that the final t or c in heavy type must be pronounced d or
g to correspond to a media in the other part of the line :
DigystuS anrec am (dec ystwyll 1202,
Glot oleu yn (glew d.alu 1203,
Gwledic eurswllt \ vu (gwlat a gorseS 1208 ;
so before a liquid :
Temyl y grist \ teu amlwc rat 1200.
Such a slip as Set libera nos a maloiL.A.. 150 shows that the scribe
was in the habit of writing final t where the sound was d. Cf. also
18 iii. That the written tenuis does not mean that the vowel was
short in a monosyllable like gwac now gwdg is proved by such a
spelling as yn waac...y gadeir waac W.M. 449, E.M. 293. Cf. 55 i.
The final media before an initial consonant, however, corresponds
to a tenuis in much later cynghanedd, especially when the initial is
voiceless :
Heb swydd \ mor (hapus a hwn G. 239
Brigffydd \ a bair "koffa hwn, etc., P.IL. Ixxix.
Though the explosive is now a media before an initial consonant as
well, we have a trace of the tenuis in ap forab (for fab 110 iii (2) ),
as in ap Gwilym beside ab.Edmwnd.
(5) Since the explosive was a tenuis before a consonant we have -p
m- and -t n- these combinations were mutated to mh and nh in the
following examples, the voicelessness of the tenuis being retained after
its assimilation: Am/iadawc P 61/18 E. for Ap Madawc, Amhredydd
c.c. 334 for Ap MareduS, am mydron B.B. 94 (m = mh 24 i), etc. ;
pryrihawn "W.M. 70, E.M. 50, IL.A. 121 for pryt nawn W.M. 162, R.M.
1 1 1 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 185
229. The late spelling prydnawn is an artificial reconstruction ; the
spoken language preserves the traditional pronunciation prynhdwn.
Ag un lliw, gannwyll awyr,
Y barnwn haul brynhawn hwyr. I.D. 7.
'And of the same colour I judged the late evening sun, the candle of the
sky.' Cf. brynhawn/bery'n her D.G. 73, Barn, "hen/brytihawn do. 428.
vi. (i) A media was unvoiced after nasal + tenuis. The following
cases occur : nk-d > rakt or Bt, as in ieuenctid ' youth ' also written
ieaengtid ; nt-g>rok, as in difancoll D.G. 387 ' perdition '< *dif ant-
gull; deincryd D.G. 385, R.P. 1 157 ' gnashing of teeth ' < *deint-gryd.
(2) A media was generally unvoiced after a voiceless spirant ; as
glastwfyr K.M. 146 for glandwfr 96 ii (5) ; neillparth do. 148 for
neillbarth ; dywespwyt do. 90 ; gwnaethpwyt do. 89 ; gwallco B.cw. 37
for gwallgof ; alltud for all-dud. On the other hand p and c are
voiced, sometimes even in Ml. W., after s ; thus while we have yskyn
K.M. ii, kyscu do. 21, yspryt IL.A. 99, we also find disgynntnt B.M.
14, goresgyn do. 91, ysbryt IL.A. 3, esgussawd "W. ia, pasgadur ib.
Though the tenuis was commonly written up to the i8th cent.,
Dr. Davies's orthography has generally prevailed since the appearance
of his dictionary ; in this the media is written except in the groups
at, lit, cht, fit, thp.
(3) An initial media is sometimes found written as a tenuis after
a voiceless spirant : Canys collyghy W.M. 78 changed to Kan nys
gollynghy in E.M. 56 ; Bei ys Guypun B.B. 81 'If I knew '; os Tiovyn
A.L. ii 1 8 ' if he asks it'; seith pechawt IL.A. 143 for seith \>echawt
s.G. 36 ' seven sins ' ; a'th ealedrwydd EH.B.S. 74 ' and thy hardness.'
vii. (i) 81 > dl, as in bodlon ' satisfied' < *bo%-lawn. The recent
spelling boddlon is a reconstruction due to Pughe ; the natural pro-
nunciation is bodlon (S. W. bSlori) cf. Fo&lon im dan feAwlwyn ir
D.G. 172' contented with me under fresh birch-trees ' ; Bodloni bydol
annyn Gr.O. 34 ' to satisfy a worldly wretch ' ; hadl ' lying in ruins '
for *ha&l < *s e d-lo-, Vsed- ' settle ' 63 ii. Similarly 8r > dr, as
in cadr ' puissant ' for *caBr : Gaul. JBelatu-cadrus ep. of Mars, O. Bret.
cadr gl. decoreo, Bret, cazr, kaer ' handsome ' : Gk. KCKaS/xeVos, Skr.
SaSad- 'distinguish oneself. It took place after the loss of /; thus
Ifydref ' October ' < hySfref (fte&vref A.L. i 24, calan hyddfref M.A.
i 3466 'Oct. ist '), dedryd ' verdict' < *deSf-fryd.
On the other hand d ( < orig. t) is sometimes treated as 8 before
a sonant, and in S. W. dial, has remained 8 or disappeared. Thus
cenedl is kenetyl in B.B. 10, 16, where t = 8, but in 0. W. is cenetl
B.S.CH. 2, where t = d (S. W. dial, cenel) ; heedl (with d < t, cf. Late
Brit. Vennisetli, and see 63 vii (5) ) is treated as hoeU by Casnodyn,
lioebyl / hebwch K.P. 1248, cf. 1234, 1241, but G.M.D. has A?/dcr/
hoedyl do. 1320, cf. 1212 ; so I.G., Hudol / hoedl 310. S. W. hweSel
for chwedl cannot mean that the suff. was *-dhlo-, for -edl- would give
186 PHONOLOGY 112
eil 104 iv (3). So S. W. gwaSan for gwadn ' sole ' has orig. t, since
dn gives n ; gwadn < *#o-J-w- < *uo-dd-no- < *upo-bd-no- ' "under
foot', Vpfd-.
The late change of drum, drem to trum, trem is probably due to the
soft mutation 8r- becoming dr-, and the d- being then mistaken for
the soft mutation of t-. It certainly is not a phonetic law that dr-
should become tr-, for drwg, drych, drain, drud, etc., all retain dr-.
(2) 8 > d after , t, d, and in old formations after I, U, n; thus
treisdwyn for *treis-wyn ' a taking by force ', dreis-dwyn/drisiyt
R.P. 1288; atdl ' to withhold ' < *ad-dal% < *ad-oal% < *ati-dalg-;
llygeitu for llygeid-^u, etc. ; bendith for *ben-oith < Lat. benedictio ;
melltith or melldith for *mel$ith < Lat. maledictio.
This change also takes place initially ; thus wos da ' good night '
146 iii (2), nos du Diar. vii 9 'black night', for *nos 8- (no* being
f. the orig. mutation was rad. after *no(k)ts, but this cannot be
assumed to have survived) ; so yr wythnos diwethaf ' last week' ; tros
"Dafydd G. 237, tros daear E. xiv for tros 8- ; Bleoyn tu R.P. 1284 for
Eleoynt du for Bk8ynt 8u ; lleian du D.G. 20 ' black nun ' ; Siwan
du L.G.C. 319, 321 ' black Joan ' ; holl daear do. 446.
Pan aeth Tomos ap Rhoser
At Duw ar saint trwy y ser. L.G.C. 38.
' When Thomas ap Ehosser went up to God and the saints through the
stars.'
Llyma 'r blaid lie mae'r blodau
A 'r holl dawn o'u rlyw ill dau. T.A., c. ii 83.
' This is the band [of children] in whom are the flowers and all the gift
of their [the parents'] two natures.'
Yna nosa, myn lesu,
Einioes dyn inegis nos du. G.GL, c 7/44.
'Then, by Jesus, man's life darkens like black night.'
(3) 8 > d before or after the above sounds, and continuants such
as m, f, even when separated from them, see 102 iii (2); as Late
Mn. W. machlud < ym-aMudd 44 v < Lat. occludo ; Late Mn. W.
gormod for gormoB the usual form in the bards ; Maesyftd ' Eadnor '
for Maes HyfeiS; didol < *di-8awl 156 i (n), jxdol 102 iii (2).
The change, being a form of dissimilation, is only accidental.
(4) The change of j to g and of f to b under similar conditions
is rare: arglwyB 'lord' beside arlwyS (both in \V.M. 160) < *ar-
ZwlwyS < *p e ri-ulei-VR le of Vuelei-; cf. glyw 102 iii (2) ; cwbl for
*cwfl 168 iii (3) ; parabl 'saying' for *paraf, < Lat. parabola ; cabl
' calumny ' for *cafl < *kaml- met. for *kal'men : Lat. calumnta 100
ii (i) ; so Bret, cabins, Cdrn. cabal.
112. i. (i) In O. W. and Early Ml.W. an initial vowel or a
medial vowel in hiatus seems to have been pronounced with a distinct
breathing which is often represented by h. This breathing was voiced,
112 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 187
and so differed from h < 8, which was voiceless. Examples are,
initial : O. W. ha, hoc ox. ' and ' ; heitham do., Ml. and Mn. W. eilhaf
108 iv (i) ; Ml. W., from A.L. i, huydvet (wythfed) 58 ; hiichof ib.
' above me ' ; hun din (un dyn) 124 ' one man ' ; yr hun (yr un) 256 ;
liuiui (wyf i) 114; er Jiyd (yr yd) 326 ' the corn '; ohyd (o yd) 82 ' of
corn' ; hercki (erchi) 152 ; hodyn (odyn) 78, etc. Medially it occurs
not only where a soft spirant had disappeared, as in diheun.M. 181 <
*di-%eu, Mn. W. diau ' truly ' ; rohi A.L. i 1 18 < roSi ; but also where
no consonant ever existed, as in diheu IL.A. 2 1 ' days ' ; dihagei
E.B.B. 48 ' escaped '.
(2) Although this breathing has generally been smoothed away, it
was liable to become voiceless before an accented vowel, and in that
case it survived as A; thus medially in dihangol 'escaped, safe';
initially, after a vowel in pa ham for *pa am ' what for ', pa "hachos
IL.A. 123, pa hawr do. 13 ; after r in un ar hugain ' 21 ', yr Ta.oll
168 ii (3); in all positions in hogi 'to whet' for *ogi < *ak-,
*/ak-/oq- : W. agalen ' whetstone'. This occurs in several cases in
which an initial accented vowel was followed by two consonants, so
that it was pronounced rather forcibly ; thus W. hagr ' ugly ' for *agr,
Bret, akr, Tiakr, Vak-/oq- ; W. hardd 'handsome' for *r8 'high' :
Ir. ard, Lat. arduus, cf. HarS-lech orig. quite evidently ' high rock ' ;
so sometimes henw ' name ' (henw ' noun' E.G. 1121), generally with
h- in Gwyn. dial., but anwedig without it : Bret, hanv, hanu, hano,
Corn, hanow ; 0. W. anu, Ir. ainm, see p. 81.
(3) On the other hand initial h (<*) might come to be confused
with the soft breathing, and so disappear before an unacc. vowel, as in
eleni 'this year'< *he-fleni : Bret, hevlene, with the same prefix as
TieSiw 'to-day'; yvetiy W.M. 41 for *hefelly, see 110 v (2); 0. W.
anter-metetic gl. semiputata (hanner mededig).
(4) In O. W. the breathing is found (rarely) before a suffix where
it was clearly marked off from the stem, as in casulheticc (casul-edig)
M.C., but no trace of a breathing in such a position remains. We
have, however, a medial h before an accented vowel under the
following conditions : (a) Where the vowel is followed by two con-
sonants, as cenhedloedd Ps. ii I ; kynhel-lis K.B.B. 234, cynhaliaeth
(l-l and li<*l%)', cymhedrawl M.A. ii 343 (cymedrawl ib. 355); cyn-
hyrcliol Marc iv 8 ; but this never became a strict rule ; it is carried
somewhat further in the recent than in earlier periods : cynneddfau
Diar.xxxi cyn.(i62o),cynheddfau iulate edns. (y8) Where n stands for
8, as in bonheddig from bonedd < *budniia, as if the 8 had left a soft
breathing ; blynyddoedd is a late formation 122 iv (2) and has no h.
(y) Where r comes after n, as in anrheithi ; this occurs even after the
accent, as anrhaith 111 i (i).
An h which has always been voiceless occurs before the accent (a) in
the nasal mutation of p, t, c 106 iii (i), as danheddog for *dant-eSawc ;
kymhellaw8 K.B.B. 327 < Lat. compell-; anghenus<*aiok-; angheuol<
*a-K>k-, etc. ; probably plannhedeu 48 i followed the analogy ofplan-
hiyion<* plant-', canhwylleu E.B.B. 380 Eeems to be due to the treat-
188 PHONOLOGY 113
ment of Lat. nd as nt, cf. Corn, cantnil, Bret, cantol. (b) For original g,
as in anheoeu W.M. 81, cyfanheddu do. 73, Arihebu mewn crwyn hy&od
IL., from ann(h)e& < *ndo-sed- 63 ii ; glanhdu, parhdu etc. 201 iii (4);
probably -he- in iscolheic B.B. 91, pi. yscolheigon K.B.B. 235, Mn. W. sg.
ysgolhdig is the suffix -ha- < *sag- see ib. -s- between sonants dis-
appeared, e. g. umynedd 95 ii (3) ; but kenhadeu 48 i may contain
a reflection of it: keniwd 'message, messenger ' < *&ms-n-0<a, Vkens-
' speak with authority, etc.' see Walde 2 151 : Lat. censeo, W. dangos
156 ii (i). The h which provects mediae always comes from a;
in no case is provection caused by an " accentual h ", or h developed
from a soft breathing.
ii. (i) The semivowels i, w, U seem to have been pronounced in
Early Ml. W. with friction of the breath, which is oftefl represented
by h before i or u, especially in the B.CH. Thus yhu (yw) A.L. i 6 ;
Mahurth (MawrtK) 64 ; entehu (ynteu) 130 ; neliuat (neiiao) 78 ; arnehy
(arnei) 100. More rarely it occurs between two w's (uu = ?), or two
z"s, as in arnauhu (arnaw) 132 ; doissihion (doythion) 124. With w
such a breathing would be equivalent to back j, and at an earlier period
it was represented by g, which survives in enguy A.L. i 100 for enwi
' to name ' (which never had the media g, as the w is from m) ; this
also may stand between two u's in this MS., as dim or auguenel
(a wnel) dyn medii B.CH. 1 20 ' anything that a drunken man does ' ;
auguenelhont (a ymelhont) do. 118. In O. W. w is written gu as in
petguar ox. for pedwar ' 4 '. The sound of w, then, was virtually j 5 *;
this after h<s became -^, written ehw- 26 vi, 94 iv. Initially on
the analogy of g : j it became g* in the position of a radical con-
sonant, remaining j 5 * as a soft mutation ; later gw- : w-. This had
taken place before the separation of Bret, and Corn.
(2) The breathing before a vowel might also take the form j, so as
to give a new initial g-; thus *or8 100 iii (2)>gor8 f. B.T. 7 through
*jor8, this being taken for the soft mutation after the art., as in ir
guit ( E yr jw^S) f. B.B. 97 ' the goose '. Later gdllt for alh f. ' slope ' ;
gerfydd beside Jierwydd for erwyS 215 ii (5). The Mn. godidog
G. 252 for odidog 'rare', and N.W. dial, gonest for onest probably
involve a confusion of initial o- with the prefix go- 156 i (16).
(3) Conversely initial g is sometimes lost, as in euog 'guilty' for
geuog (geuawc IL.A. 155 " mendaces", gau 'false') ; dor f. ' bier' for gelor
M.A. i 2050, met. for *g&rol<~Lo,i. gerula (elawr G. 234 is factitious).
Loss OF SYLLABLES.
113. i. (i) The last syllable of every Brit, word, or Lat.
word borrowed in the Brit, period, which contained more than
one syllable, is lost in W. Thus W. gwynn f. gwenn ' white '
< Brit. *uindos f. *uindd, W. ciwed < Lat. civitas, W. ciwdod <
Lat. clvitdtem, 115 i. The syllable doubtless became unaccented
113 LOSS OF SYLLABLES 189
in all cases ; its vowel then became indistinct, and was ultimately
lost, with the final consonant, except when the latter was a
sonant. Brit, final -I is unknown, and -m had become -n ;
the only final sonants therefore were -r and -n. When the
syllable ended in one of these it seems to have become *-r or
*-, which became non-syllabic. Final -r remained, as in W.
c/nvaer < Brit. *#ueslr < *suesor, 75 vii (2) ; W. ymherawdr
< Lat. imperdtor ; but in common words it disappeared after a
consonant in W., as in brawd ' brother ' for *brawdr (= Bret.
breur) < Brit. *brater. Final -n nasalized a following initial
media 106 ii (2), and was lost before other initial consonants.
In the comparative it attached itself to the following 1 o, as in
glanacJt no 'cleaner than' for *glanachn o 147 iv (3). It
survived after a vowel in namen 78 ii (i), cymerwn 180 iii (i).
A sonant coining before the final vowel also remained, as in ffenestr
<Lat. fenestra, per?^<Lat. perw'lum; later this was liable to drop
where the new ultima was unaccented 16 v (3), and probably the
vacillation between liquid and zero accounts for the development of
excrescent liquids in some words : tymestl < Lat. tempestas, achreawdyr
104 iii (2).
(3) The vocalic ending of the first element of a compound,
155 ii (i), became an obscure vowel, and disappeared ; thus
Brit. Mafflo-cunos>W. Maelgwn ; Brit. *Katu-manno8 >W. Cad-
fan ; Brit. Mori-rlunon > W. Myrddin ; Lat. bene-dictio > W.
bendith. Similarly the vowel before the suffixes -tdt-, -tut-, -tero-,
etc., as ciwdod < Lat. ace. dvifdtem, gwendid ' weakness ' < Brit,
ace. *uanno-ttitan ; and the -/- in the spv. suffix *-i$amos ) as
tecaf ' fairest ' for *teghaf < *tek-isamo$. In many words of four
or more syllables the vowel of the second syllable was elided,
as Ml. W. agwybawr < Lat. dleceddrium, meitin < mdlullnutn,
Saesneg < *Saxonikd, etc. Stems in -a- had -o- in composition ;
thus Kelt. *teufd ' people ' was Teuto- in compounds ; and a in
the second syllable generally remains in nouns, as in Caradog <
Brit. Caratdcoft, ffnrfafen < Lat. firm amentum. But in many
formations -a- in the ante-penult was lost, as in Ml. W. karhont
< *karasonti 183 ii (i), and the suff. -gar < *-dkaros 153 (8).
The'loss of the root vowel in such forms as allwe8< *n-qVu-')ia 99
vi (i), dedwy8<*do-t'u-iios 100 ii (i) had probably already taken
190 PHONOLOGY 113
place in Brit. So in some cases the -t- of the spv., as iu Ml. W. neasaf
<*ned'8ainos 148 i (i).
Disyllabic and compound prefixes are treated like the first
element of a compound ; thus Kelt. *ari- > Brit. *are- > W. ar- ;
Brit. *kanta- > W. cannh- 156 i (6), (7) ; *kom-(p}ro- loses its
-o- and gives cyfr- as in cyfr-goll ; so *uor-en-sed- loses its -e- and
gives gorsedd ' high seat ', as if from *uore-8sed-.
(3) The inscribed stones (5th to 7th cent.) do not throw much light
on the above changes. The ogam inscriptions are Goidelic, and those
written in Roman letters are in bad Latin, while many of the names
even in the latter are Goidelic in form. In some cases a name has
the Lat. nom. ending -us, as Catamanus Rhys no. 6 (LWPh. 2 364),
Aliortus no. 14, Veracius g, but most have the Lat. gen. ending -i, as
Cunogusi hicjacit 5 ' [the body] of C. lies here'. The names and the
following mac^q^i of the ogams show that -i is gen., and not a debased
form of the Brit. nom. -os. (The ogam -i is the Kelt. gen. suffix *-l,
being .the Italo-Kelt. gen. of -o- stems.) As a rule the Lat. jfc* agrees,
but often does not, thus Dervacifilius Justi ic jacit 37. Fern, nouns
end in -e, which is doubtless the ordinary late Lat. -e for -ae, though
the noun in apposition stands in the nom., as Tunccetace uxsor Daari
hicjacit 77, et uxor eius Caune 20. A nom. in -a appears in Avitoria
filia Cunigni Eglwys Cymun insc. Possibly a Brit. nom. ending in -o
for -os occurs in Aliortus Elmetiaco Me jacet Rhys 14 (the only stone
wtthjacet) and Vitaliani Emereto 76. In a few cases no ending occurs :
Etterni fili Victor 71, in which the legend is complete, and Victor is
gen.; Velvor filia Broho 32. These and the false concords seem to
indicate that the case endings were lost in the spoken language.
The stem-vowel u appears as -u- and -o-, as Catu-rugi Rhys 60,
Cato-tigirni 47 ; and -o- appears as -o-, -u-, -e-, -i-, as Cuno-gusi 5,
Vendu-magli 45, Vinne-magli 21, Vende-setli 12, Venni-setli 67, pointing
to -9- for which the Roman alphabet has no symbol. The form -a- for
-u- or -o-, as in Cata-manus 6, is Goidelic; cf. in bilingual stones
Cuno-tami in Roman characters, Cuna-tami in ogam 75 ; Trene-gussi
in Roman, Trena-gusu in ogam 73. In some cases the stem-vowel was
preserved, and forms containing it survive beside forms in which it is
lost; thus Dumnagual beside Dumngual both in GEN. v. That the
former is not merely an archaic spelling of the latter is shown by the
survival of both in the Mn. language :
Mai mob i Ddyfnwal Moel-mud
Yw Phylij) lyraff i olud . . .
Mae yn llaw hil Dyfnawal
Yr erwi maior ar aur mdl. L.G.C. 209.
' Like a son of Dyfnwal Moelmud is Philip of vast wealth. In the
hand of the descendant of Dyfnawal are the broad acres and the milled
113 LOSS OF SYLLABLES 191
gold.' Other similar doublets are Tudwal and Tudawal K.P. 1394,
Dingad and Dinogat B.A. 22. The aw in Dyfnawal is the regular
development of ou before a vowel, see 76 iii (i) ; before another
consonant the -o- remains, as seen in Dinogat.
(4) The forms used in writing are always traditional, and in the
above inscriptions the names have probably archaic forms preserved
with the Latin in which they are embedded, since other evidence
points to the loss of the terminations at this period. The re-formations
consequent on the loss of the endings are largely the same in Bret,
and W. ; thus W. -au, Bret, -ou represents the pi. -ones of w-stems,
120 i; these stems could not have been very numerous, and the
addition of "W. -au and Bret, -ou to nouns of all classes denoting
common objects, and to tad, mam and others, can hardly be an
accidental coincidence, and is clearly subsequent to the breakdown
of the Brit, declension. It seems therefore probable that the new
language was in an advanced stage of development before the separa-
tion of the two dialects.
In the oldest MS. of Bede, A.D. 737, the stem-vowels and termina-
tions are completely lost, as in Car-legion, Ban-cor, Dinoot. The
reduction was therefore an established fact in the early 8th cent.
(5) The vowel of the penult is sometimes lost after a diphthong,
apparently when the accent originally fell on the ultima, as in claer
< *kli%ar6s 75 vi (i) ; haul< *saueU6s 76 v (i) ; so probably cawr<
*kouaros 76 iii (4). "With haul ' sun' < *sau'U6s < *sauelios con-
trast the disyllable huan ' sun ' < *sauanos < *sau e nos (with w-suff.
like E. sun, cf. Walde 2 721); affected au, short because unaccented,
gives W. au 76 v (r); and accented au gives W. u 76 iii (5);
see 76 v Note, p. 108.
ii. In a disyllabic proclitic a final short vowel might disappear
in the Brit, period ; thus Ar. *mene ' my ( ' > *men, and caused
the nasal mutation, 107 ii, iv.
iii. (i) The final consonant of a monosyllabic proclitic was
lost in W. ; thus Brit. *men ( my ' gave 'W.fy ' my ' ; but not
till after it had mutated the following 1 initial (in this case
causing the nasal mutation of mediae 107 iv).
(2) But the consonantal ending of an accented monosyllable
was in general retained ; thus W. chwech ' six ' < Kelt. *$uek$
(but chwe before a noun) ; W. nos ' night ' < Brit. *noss <
*nots < *noq*ts 96 ii (5) ; W. mock ' early ' : Lat. mox ; W. yn
1 in ' < Brit. *en < Ar. *en.
ACCIDENCE
THE ARTICLE
114. i. The definite article is yr, V ory. There is no indefinite
article in Welsh.
ii. The full form yr is used before a vowel or ^, as yr afott ' the
river ', yr Jiaul 1 the sun ', dwfryrqfon,gwre8 yr haul ; the^ is elided
after a vowel, as ir a/on ' into the river ', o'r ty ' from the house ' ;
before a consonant the r is dropped, unless the y has been elided
as above, as yn y fy ' in the house '.
w- counts as a consonant : y waedd 'the cry'; t- as a vowel in
Mn. W. yr iaith ' the language ' ; in Ml. W. as a vowel or a con-
sonant, as yr iarll K.M. 188 1. 25 ; 189 11. 13, 30 ; 190 L 7 ; y iarll
189 11. 2, 20. As initial wy is wy 38 iv, we have in the standard
language yr wy ' the egg ', yr wyr ' the grandson ', yr wyth ' the
eight ', yr wythnos ' the week ', yr wylo ' the weeping ', yr wyneb ' the
face ', yr wybren f the sky '. Similarly yr wyddfa ' Snowdon ', yr
wyddgrug ' Mold ', with radical gwy- fern., see v.
iii. O. W. has only the first two forms, written ir and r ; thus
ir tri ox. c the three ', ir pimphet do. ' the fifth ', ir bis bichan do.
' the little finger ', ir want do. ' the thumb ', ir guolleuni JL T V. ' the
light ', or deccolion M.c. gl. decadibus, or bardaul leteinepp M.C. gl.
epica pagina, dir escip L.L. 120 ' to the bishops '. After a diph-
thong we have ir, as nou ir emid M.C. ' that of the brass '. The
form y is in regular use in early Ml. W., as E betev ae gulich y
glav B.B. 63 ' the graves which the rain wets'.
In Ml. W. r is used after a ' and ; with ', o ' from ', y c to ', a
{ nor ', no ' than ' ; but usually y or yr after other words ending in
vowels, as kyrchu y llys, ... a chyrchu y bordeu W.M. 5, ttyna y llys
do. 6, etc. The reason is probably that the article, as a proclitic, was
generally joined to the following word, thus y% ' the court ', so
that these groups became isolated in the scribe's mind, and were
written in their isolated forms. On the other hand, the article could
not be separated from the above monosyllables (cf. yny which is the
regular form of yn y 'in the '), hence after these it assumes its post-
114 THE ARTICLE 193
vocalic form. It was undoubtedly spoken r after all vowels then as
now, except when a pause came between the words ; for we find early
examples of r even after diphthongs ; thus kir Haw r eirccheid B.B. 10
'beside the suppliants', mi yw r iarll W.M. 137 'I am the earl',
gwiryon yw r vorwyn do. 138 'the maid is innocent', erglyw r pob-
loeS B.P. 1 20 1 'the peoples will hearken'. In some cases y is
written where the metre requires r as Pa gur yw y porthawr ? B.B.
94 ' What man is the porter ? ', where we should have yw r, as the line
is 5 syll. Sometimes yr is written before a consonant : Pieu ir bet
B.B. 66 for pieu'r be81 'whose is the grave?'; llyma yr we8 K.M. 2
for llyma'r we8 ' this is the manner'. In the early Mn. bards 'r is
regular, esp. after pure vowels; and it is general in later prose, e.g.
the 1620 Bible, though not without exception here. Pughe attempted
to substitute y for it everywhere, and under his influence y was adopted
in many late edns. of the Bible, except after a, o, i, na. This pre-
ference for y is chiefly due to the mistaken notion that r forms no
part of the word, but was put in before vowels " for the sake of
euphony ". We have seen above that the article is yr, and of the
clipped forms 'r is older than y.
iv. The Ir. article is ind, after prepositions sind, from Kelt.
*sendos, which gives W. hynn 'this', see 164 vi. This occurs in
W. in yn awr ' now ', lit. ' this hour' (O. Bret, annaor, Ir. ind or so),
and y naill for *yn aill 165 (Bret, ann eil 166 iii, Ir. ind-ala),
The art. in Corn, is en or an', in Ml. Bret, an; in Mn. Bret, ann
before vowels, t-, d-, n- and h-, al before 1-, ar before other con-
sonants (so the Bret, indef. art. eunn, eul, eur, from un ' one ').
Pedersen Gr. i 153 ff. quotes late examples of n > r after a cons,
in Ir. dialects and Bret., and one or two cases of the change before a
cons, as Ml. Ir. marbad for O.Ir. mainbad, Bret, mor-go 'horse collar'
for *mon-go (obviously cases of dissim. of nasals). No such change
as n > r is known in Welsh, which prefers to change r to the easier
n 100 i (2). W. yr can only be identified with Ir. ind by a rule
made ad hoc ; this is the only form of the art. in W. (yn awr is not
' the hour' but 'this hour') ; the -r abounds in the earliest period,
and cannot be compared with Bret, -r, which is late, and may have
spread from ar before r-. The fact that there is a demonst. pron.
ar in W. used before the rel., see 164 v, makes the derivation of yr
from Jtynn still less probable. There is no reason why the W. and
Ir. articles should be the same word ; the use of a demonst. as art. is
much later than the separation of the P and Q groups. Gaulish has
no art.; Pedersen Gr. ii 177 quotes o-oo-iv ve/xr/rov 'this temple* as
an example of the art. in Gaul., which is as if one were to quote
in hoc tumulo from a Lat. iuscr. as an example of the Latin
" article " hie.
Though common in the O. W. glosses and prose fragments, the art.
seldom occurs in the early poetry; it is not found in juv. SK., and is
rare in the B.A. : Gwyr a aeth Gatraeth '[the] men who went to
Catraeth '. It does not occur in O. Corn, or O. Bret., see Loth Voc.
140|
194 ACCIDENCE 115
38 (ann is the demonst. in annaor above). Brit, no doubt had several
demonstratives used before nouns; but the adoption of one to be
used as an art. seems to be later than the separation of W., Corn, and
Bret., and independent in each. The origin of the W. yr is not clear.
Brit, had an ^-demonstrative seen in Ml. W. y tteill beside y neili
165 vi, cf. yU 160 i (2); and -I is more likely than -n to have
become -r. But yr may come from a demonst. with locative -r-
suffix, as in E. here, there, which might be declined with stem -ro-,
cf. Lat. supra ; yr < *is-roa 1 cf. Lat. ille < is-le.
v. The initial consonant of a fern. sg. noun (except II- and rh-)
undergoes the soft mutation after the art.
Note initial gwy- : yr wyl ' the holiday ', yr wydd ' the goose ' ;
initial gwy- : y wyrth ' the miracle ', y wys ' the summons '.
The mutation shows that the art. had the o/a-declension in Brit.
NOUNS
115. i. The old Keltic declension is lost in W., 4, 113 ;
a noun has one form for all cases. This is usually derived from
the old nominative, as ciwed ' rabble ' < Lat. clvitaa ; sometimes
from the accusative, as ciwdod ' people ' < civitdtem. (In W.,
ciwed and ciwdod are different words, not different cases of the
same word.) Traces of the oblique cases survive in adverbial
and prepositional expressions, 215, 220.
ii. The noun in W. has two numbers, the singular and the
plural. Traces of the use of the dual are seen in deurudd ' cheeks ',
dwyfron ' breasts ', dwylaw ' hands ' ; the last has become the
ordinary pi. of llaw ' hand '.
The dual of o-stems may have given the same form as the sg.,
as in Ir., where we have fer ' man' < *uiros, and fer '(two) men',
apparently from *uir8, as *uiro would have given *fiur (cf. Gk. Svo,
Vedic voc. -a ; but W. dau implies -o in *duuo itself). Thus W. dau
darw 'two bulls' (deudarw p. 52), deu-wr L.G.C. 185 'two men'
(-ivr keeps its sg. form while the pi. became gwyr 66 iii (i)). But
in nouns with consonant stems the dual must have taken the same
form as the pi. ; thus Ar. *uqso > W. ych ' ox ', but the dual *uqaene,
and the pi. *uqsenes both gave ychen ; so we have Ml. W. deu ychen
R.M. 121 'two oxen', deu vroder do. 26 'two brothers'; and, by
analogy, dwy urrageS A.t,. ii 98 ' two women '. In Late Mn. W. the
8g. form only is used.
116,117 NOUNS 195
The dual, whether it agreed in form with the sg. or the pi., formerly
preserved the effect of its old vocalic ending in the soft mutation of
a following adj., as deu wybel vonllwm W.M. 56 ' two bare-backed
Irishmen ', y ddwy wragedd fywiogach L.G.C. 127 'the two women
[who are] kinder '.
iii. In W. the noun has two genders only, the masculine and
the feminine.
The following traces of the old neuter survive : (i) nouns of vacilla-
ting gender 142 i. (2) The neut. dual in Kelt, had been reformed
with -n on the analogy of the sing., e.g. Ir. da n-droch ' 2 wheels';
hence in W. after dau, some nouns, originally neuter, keep p-, t-, c-
unmutated 106 iii (4) ; thus dau cant or deucant ' 200 ', dau tu or
deutu ' both sides ' ; and by analogy dau pen or deupen ' two ends '.
NUMBER.
116. The plural of a noun is formed from the singular either
by vowel change or by the addition of a termination, which may
also be accompanied by vowel change. But where the singular
has been formed by the addition to the stem of a singular
termination, this is usually dropped in the plural, and sometimes
a plural termination is substituted for it, in either case with or
without change of vowel. There are thus seven different ways
of deducing the pi. from the sing. : i. change of vowel ; ii. addi-
tion of pi. ending ; iii. addition of pi. ending with vowel change ;
iv. loss of sg. ending ; v. loss of sg. ending with vowel change ;
vi substitution of pi. for sg. ending ; vii. substitution of pi. for
sg. ending with vowel change.
Parisyttabic Nouns.
117. i. The vowel change that takes place when the pi. is
formed from the sg. without the addition or subtraction of an
ending is the ultimate z-affection ; see 83 ii. This was originally
caused by the pi. termination -l of 0-stems ; thus *bardos gave
barb 'bard', but *bardt gave beirb 'bards'; and also by -i of
neut. z-stems, as in myr ' seas ' < *morl 122 ii (4) ; possibly -u
of neut. w-stems, but original examples are doubtful. Later,
when the cause of the affection had been forgotten, it came to
be regarded merely as a sign of the pi., and was extended to all
classes of stems.
o 2
196 ACCIDENCE 117
Examples: Ml. and Mn. V?. march 'horse', pi. meirch ; tarw 'bull',
pi. teirw ; carw ' deer ', pi. ceirw ; gwalch ' hawk ', pi. gweilch ;
alarck 'swan', pi. eleirch, elyrck\ mini 'psalm', pi. Ml. seilym
IL.A. 107, beside salmeu R.P. 1303, Mn. ialmau; llygad 'eye', pi.
Ml. llygeit, Mn. llygaid ; dafad ' sheep ', pi. Ml. deveit, Mn. defaid ;
bran ' crow ', pi. Ml. brein, Mn. iram ; Ml. manach, Ml. and Mn.
mynach ' monk ', pi. Ml. meneick, myneich, Mn. menych, myneich
(late mynachod) ; paladr ( beam, ray ', pi. peleidr, pelydr ; Mn.
bustach ' bullock ', pi. bustych ; ML and Mn. w<?# ' stone ', pi.
Ml. rnein, Mn. wa/ Dat. xvii 4 (later meini) ; cyllell ' knife ',
pi. cyllyll; caztell 'castle', pi. ces/yll; gwaell ' knitting needle ',
pi. gweyll D.G. 458 ; kerb ' song ', pi. kyrb R.P. 1245 (poet.) ; mor
' sea ',.pl. wyr D.G. 146 (poet. ; in prose generally moroedd) ; porth
'gate', pi. pyrth\ Cymro, pi. Cymry\ esgob 'bishop', pi. esgyb, see
129 i (i) ; amws W.M. 473 ( horse ', pi. emys do. 85 ; a*gwrn ( bone',
pi. esgyrn ; croen f skin ', pi. crwyn ; oen ' lamb ', pi. wyn ; croet
Across', pi. crwys, later croesau, but crzty* as late as Wms. 102.
Ni roddwn yn Hiraddug
Fy eleirch er dengmeirch dug. D.I.D., 1048/676 H., D. 36.
' I would not exchange my swans in Hiraddug for teu of a duke'a
horses/
M'redudd Fychan Idn i lys,
Oedd ami i dda a'i emys. G.GL, 11146/188.
' Maredudd Fychan of the bright court, many were his goods and his
horses.'
Myneich a rhent, main a chrwys,
Mintai rugl mewn tair eglwys. G.Gl., M 146/271.
' Monks with a rental, [and] stones and crosses, a prosperous com-
munity in three churches.'
There does not seem to be an example of aw > eu in a pi. noun ;
hut another affection aw > yw ( 76 v (2)) occurs in alaw ' water-lily ',
pi. elyw B.T. 32.
ii. haearn ( iron ' has pi. heyrn, and rJtaeadr ' cataract ' has
rheydr, rhyeidr 69 ii (3), 75 vi (3) ; pennog ' herring ' has
penwaig 36 iii ; iwrch ( roebuck ' has qrch 36 ii, later iyrchod
O. 167; gwr ' man' is for *gwwr and has pi. gwyr 66 iii (i),
and so its compounds, as pregethwr ' preacher ', pi. pregethwyr ;
gwrda ' goodman ', pi. gwyrda.
118 NOUNS 197
D. 38 gives ieirch rh. with llenmirch ; but the pi. of Uannerch
' glade ' is llennyrch ; the correct reading seems to be t[rch/llennyrch
Bee I.G. 287.
iii. Anomalous vowel changes occur in (i) troed ' foot ', pi.
trued 65 ii (i) ; and ty l house ', pi. Ml. tei, Mn. tai 104 ii
(2). The compounds of the latter have -tei Mn. -tai, or -tyeu
Mn -tyau; as Mordei B.A. i, gwindei R.P. 1202 ' banqueting
houses'; llettyeu R.P. 1274 ' lodgings', clafdyeu do. 1269
'hospitals', hundyeu W.M. 5 ' sleeping rooms'.
In Gwynedd -dai is generally accented, as beu-dai ' cow-houses ',
pop-tai ' ovens ', gweith-dai ' workshops '; but eleusendai ' alms-
houses '.
(2) Ml. W. biw ' ox ' (e. g. karcharaur goruit, cul biw B.B. 90
' the horse is a prisoner, the ox is lean), pi. bu (e.g. can-mu W.M.
455 ' 100 oxen ') ; biw is also frequently pi., e. g. B.T. 59.
biw < Brit. *buus < *g v ous ; bu < *baues < *g^oues ; pi. biw from
a re-formed *buues.
(3) Other cases are carreg, pi. cerrig (for cerryg] 77 i ; crogen,
crag en, pi. cregin (for cregyii) 77 ii ; asyn ' ass ', Ml. pi. essynn W.M.
8 1, H.M. ii 226 (the irregularity is in the sg., where the orig. a
was restored), Mn. pi. asynnod', llo ' calf ' pi. lloi for llo-i B.T. 59.
iv. Ml.W. pebyll m. 'tent' 70 i (ip\. pebylleu), Mn. pebyllsg.
W.IL. 216, is treated as pi. in the Bible, with a new sg. pabell f.,
from Wm.S.'s hypothetic pabell Jiwn glossing y pebyll hynn sg.
2 Cor. v 4. It is generally supposed that amws is a similar, but
natural and early, analogical sg. from emy* assumed to be pi. <
admissus (rather *ammissus since -dm- > /") for admissdrius, but
such an error is unlikely at an early period when the word was in
common use ; e...y in the sg. is not unusual, e.g. ceffyl.
118. i. In many parisyllabic nouns, after the loss of the
Brit, endings, the pi. was not distinguished from the sg. by
affection as above. These were (i) neut. nouns, whose pi.
ending -d did not affect ; thus Brit. *arganton, pi. *argantd >
W. arian, which is sg. and pi. 133 ii. (2) Nouns in which the
vowel is not capable of e'-affection (Brit, i, a, etc.) ; thus Lat.
piscis, pi. pitce* > W. pysc ' fish' sg. K.M. 131, usually pi. (3)
198 ACCIDENCE 119,120
Nouns in which the vowel is affected in the sg. and pi. ; thus
Brit. *uradiot, pi. *uradil > W. gwraidd ' root ' or c roots '.
ii. As it is inconvenient to have the same form for sg. and pi.,
new distinctions grew up. These took three forms: (t) Nouns
belonging to the first of the above classes had their vowel
affected to form a pi. ; probably some of those mentioned in
117 i are examples of this. (2) A pi. termination was added ;
thus as Lat. meclicus, medicl had both become mebyg, a new pi.
mebygon was formed ; and for ip\.j)y*ff a. collective pyscawt Mn. W.
pytgod was used, 123 iii. (3) A eg. termination, m. -yn(n), f.
-en(n) was added ; thus gwraidd in the sg. became gwreiddyn ;
and as pysg continued to be used as a pi., a new sg. pysgodyn was
formed from the pi. pyscawt.
Imparisyllabic Nouns.
119. The W. pi. terminations are the Brit, stem-endings
of imparisyllabic nouns, which were lost in the sg. representing
the old nom. sg., but survived in the pi. after the loss of the pi.
endings *-es, neut. *-0, 113 i. Thus Lat. latro and its Brit. pi.
*latrone8 gave W. lleidr, pi. lladron, by regular sound-change ;
then the -on of the latter and similar nouns naturally came to be
regarded as a pi. ending, and was added to nouns of other declen-
sions where a pi. sign was needed, as to meddyg, see above.
Such additions were made on some analogy, mostly of meaning,
sometimes of form.
120. i. Mn. W. -au, Ml. W. -eu, O. W. -ou comes from
Brit. *'-<?#<?*, *'-oua the pi. endings of a-stems ; thus Brit. *katus,
pi. *kdtoues, gave W. cad ' battle ', pi. cadau. This termination
spread and became the commonest in W. (and Bret.). It was
added to
(i) <nost names of common objects ; 2&penn-eu W.M. 41, Mn. W.
pennau ' heads ' ; clust-en ib., Mn. clugtjau ' ears ' ; guefl-eu ib.,
Mn. gweflau ' lips' ; amrann-eu ib., E.P. 1270, Mn. amrannau, late
amrantau, sg. amrant ' eyelid ' ; arv-eu W.M. 7, Mn. arfau l arms ' ;
tly**-eu do. 37, Mn. tlysau, sg. tlws 'jewel' ; loygou L.L. 120 (gg
E ), llongeu W.M. 39, Mn. llongau 'ships'; badeu W.M. 39, Mn.
120 NOUNS 199
badau ' boats ' ; tonnou JITV., Ml. tonneu, Mn. tonnau ' waves ' ;
pebylleu W.M. 44 ' tents ' ; betev (t = 8) B.B. 63, Mn. beddau
' graves ' ; fruytheu, llannev do. 56, ^Hn.ffrwylkan ' fruits ', ttannau
( churches ', etc. So drysau ( doors ', cadeiriau ' chairs ', canhwyllau
1 candles ', llyfrau ' books ', etc. etc.
The chief exceptions are nouns taking -i, see 122 ii (2), and names
of implements taking -ion, 121 ii (2).
(2) Some nouns denoting persons, as tad an ' fathers ' ; mamau
' mothers'; kenkadeu W.M. 184 ' messengers ', Late Mn. W.
cenhadon ; meicheu W.M. 25 ( sureties ', now meichiau ; dwyweu
K.B.B. 67 c gods ', Mn. W. duwiau ; fern, nouns in -es, as breninesau
' queens ', etc.
(3) A few names of animals, as hebogeu W.M. 12 'hawks';
keffyleu W.M. 119 ; keilogeu IL.A. 165 ; bleiddiau 123 iv (4).
(4) Many abstract nouns, as drygau ' evils' ; brodyeu R.P. 1238
'judgements ' \poeneu W.M. 49, poenau ' pains ' ; gofidiau ' sorrows ';
meddylyeu 121 ii (3) < thoughts', etc. ; and abstract derivatives
in -ad or -lad, -aeth, -as, -fler, -did, -dod, -edd, -yd ; as bwriadau
f intentions ', gweledigaethau 'visions', priodasau 'weddings',
mwynderau ( delights ', gwendidau ' weaknesses ', pererindodau
' pilgrimages ', Iroseddau ' transgressions ', clefydau ' fevers'. Also
some names of times, seasons, etc., after dieu 132 (2) : oriau
'hours'; bore-en R.P. 1290 'mornings' ; noweu C.M. i, sg. nos
' night ', wythnosau ' weeks ' ; but misoedd, blynyddoedd 122.
(5) The neologists of the 1 6th cent, took aroglau ' smell ' for a
pi., in spite of popular usage which treats it as sg. to this day. They
manufactured a sg. arogl and a v.n. arogli, vb. aroglaf, which with
various derivatives are used in the Bible. But the word is aroglau, see
arogle.u IL.A. 81 translating "odor" 232, vb. arogleuaf B.T. 79, v.n.
arogleuo, present-day coll. 'ogleuo.
ii. When -an is added to a stem ending in i, 35, the com-
bination is -iau ; e.g. O.W. hestoriou, clorimi, enmeituou, dificiuou
25 i, Ml. W. grulyen W.M. 140, Mn. W. gruddiau 'cheeks' ;
glivyeu W.M. 434, gliniau ' knees '. In Mn. W. jau is used after
-ei-, as geiriau ' words ' 35 ii. It came to be generally used
to form new plurals, especially of borrowed words, e. g. words
in -p, -t, -c, 51 ii, as hetiau 'hats', capian 'caps', brat{an
' aprons ' (but Ml. W. bralteu W.M. 23 ' rags '), carpiau ' rags ',
llancian ' youths ', etc.
200 ACCIDENCE 121
iii. (i) In Brit, the nora.-acc. sg. neut. ending must in some cases
have been *-u (instead of *-w), cf. Lat. cornu, etc. (so sometimes in
Skr., see Brugmann 2 II ii 144), as in *dakru > W. deigr 'tear* (e.g.
Ifawer deigyr a wyleis i H.M. ii 129 ' many a tear have I wept', bob
deigr Dat. vii 17 " TTOV SaKpvov"). The pi. ending might be *-oua
(< *-uu9) or -u (< *'UU9 contracted, 63 vii (2)); deigr 'tears' from
the latter is doubtful, though used by Gr.O. 50 ; the former gives the
usual pi. dagrau 76 iii (2). See also 125 iii Note.
(2) cainc 'branch' may be a fern. Ma-stem, with nom. sg. in -u,
Thurneysen Gr. 182 ; thus cainc < *kawku, pi. cangau, Ml. W. cageu
B.B. 48 <*kd'K>kouas.
iv. The pi. ending -au does not affect a preceding vowel, see 76
iii (2); cegeu B.B. 47 is a scribal error as shown by cageu 48.
n-stems.
$ 121. i. -ion and -on come from Brit, -iones and -ones.
3 <
pi. ending-s of w-stems.
The Brit, forms were *-U < *-o, pi. -ones, as in Brittones; but
*-iu < -t5, pi. -tones, as in Verturiones, Gaul. Suessiones, seems to
have predominated, as in Goidelic (Thurneysen Gr. 202). Hence the
greater prevalence of -ion. in W. Borrowed words were of course
declined like native, and Lat. latrones > Brit. *latrones > W. lladron.
In Ar., nouns in -o(n), -io(n), -iw(n) (loss of -n 101 ii (4))
were (a) nomina agentis, frequently from adjectives with o-, to-, iio-
stems ; thus Gk. orpaj3a>v ' squinter' : orrpa/?o's ' squinting ' ; ovpavitav
' heavenly one ' : ovpavtos ' heavenly '; (6) abstract nouns, as Lat. ratio.
Thus the use of -ion in W., which is added to names of persons and
instruments, and to abstract nouns, corresponds roughly to the original
value of the suffix.
-on goes back to Brit, in nouns in which the vowel is affected in
the sg., 125 iii ; after -hai < *-sa^i5, pi. -heion re-formed for *-haeon
< *-sagiones, and after -ydd, pi. -yddion, re-formed for -yon < -itones,
as in gweryddon 110 ii (3). But in most cases it is a new addition
in W., as in ymerodron, pi. of ymherawdr < Lat. imperdtor. W.
dynion is also prob. an analogical formation, for Ir. duine implies
*doniios, and Bret, and Corn, use lud, tus ' people ' for the pi. The
adj. *donios and its pi. *donn would both give dyn, to which -ion
was added to form the new pi.
ii. -ion is added to (i) many norms denoting persons, as dyn
' man ', pi. dynion ; mob ' boy, son ', pi. meibion, Ml. meibon
35 ii (i), O. W. vnepion 70 ii (i) ; givas ' servant ', pi. gweision,
Ml. gweisson W.M. 33 ; wyr ' grandson '. pi. wyrion, Ml. wyron
JI.B.B. 49 ; gwaslrawd ' groom ', pi. gwastrodyon W.M. 33 ; including
derivatives in ~(h]ai, -ydd, -og Ml. -awe, -or Ml. -awr, -iff, -awdr,
as gweslai 'guest', pi. gwesteion IL.A. 168 ; crydd, pi. cryddion,
121 NOUNS 201
Bret, kere, pi. kereon 86 i (5) ; gwehydd ' weaver ', pi.
gwehyddion ; marchog ' knight ', pi. marchogion ; cantor ' singer ',
pi. cantorion ; pendefig ' chieftain ', pi. pendefigion ; dysgawdr
' doctor ', pi. dysgodron (in Recent "W. re-formed as dysgawd-wr,
-wyr) ; and adjectives used as nouns 145 iii. In a few cases
the ending is -on, as meddygon 118 ii ; Iddew 'Jew', pi.
Iddewon, Ml. W. Ibewon IL.A. 19, loeon do. 17; athrawon^ etc.
125 iii.
(2) Some names of implements : cyn ' chisel ', pi. cynion ;
ebill ' auger ', pi. ebillion ; trosol ( bar, lever', pi. trosolion ; ysffol,
Ml. yscawl 'ladder ', pi. ysgotion, Ml. yscolyon W.M. 189 ; ysgolion
'schools ' follows this probably.
(3) Some abstract nouns : rhybuddion ' warnings ' (Ml.
rybubyeu W.M. 72) ; esgusion ' excuses ' ; trafferthion ' troubles ' ;
with -on : gofalon ' cares ' ; cysuron ' comforts ' ; but most take
-au 120 i (4). H.M. has meddylion ii 194, M 147/639 R.,
for the usual meddyliau, Ml. W. mefylyeu R.P. 1201, 1303.
(4) ebol, Ml. ebawl ' colt ', pi. ebolion, Ml. eboJyon W.M. 45 ;
keneu, see 125 iii ; planhigion ' plants ', sg. planhig-yn.
iii. -en < Brit. *-enes < Ar. *-enes survives only in yclien
'oxen', sg. yc^ 69 v ; and in Ml. W. Pry den 'Picts' (Gynt a
Gwyfyl a Phryden B.A. 24 ' Danes and Irish and Picts '), O. W.
Priten GEN. xix.
Ar -en- was the F-grade of the suffix, of which -on- was the F-
grade, and -on the L-grade 63 iii.
The first occurrence of the misspelling ychain, 31 ii (2), known to
me is in Rhydychain in the title of the 1690 Bible ; it did not come
into common use before the ipth cent. The form is always ychen in
Ml. W. and in the rhymes of the bards before the recent period.
See ychen W.M. 480, R.M. 121, B.T. 59, IL.A. 109, K.P. 1241, M.A. i
230, 426 ; ryt ychen ' Oxford ' see indexes of R.M. and R.B.B.
Da'r artfd ychen mewn pen pant. W.1L. F. 8.
' Well do oxen plough at the end of a valley.'
Dig wyf am d&wi go/eg
Yn pen yn Jthydycben deg. H.D. (m. I.H.S.), P 100/125.
' I am wroth because the muse of our chief is silenced in fair Oxford.'
See ben/ychen D.G. 400, gen/ychen do. 318, men/ychen L.G.C.
189; wen/ Khydychen S.Ph. c.c. 189; rryd ychen/dakn P 54/2 42 R.
iv. The R-grade e n of the stem-ending became -ann- in Kelt. 62
i (2). In Ir. it appears as -ann ; in W. as a pi. ending it was affected
202 ACCIDENCE 122
in every case to -ein(ri), tending to become -eint or to be replaced by
-eu. The affection prob. comes from neut. dual forms, of which the
ending in Pr. Ar. was *-i. Thus Ml. W. ysgyveint M.M. 2, Mn. W.
ysgyfaint ' lungs ' < *squm e n-i, old neut. dual ; the noun has no
sg. ; O.W. anu ' name ' pi. emtein. Ml. W. pi. enweu, with a new sg.
enw, Mn. W. enw, pi. enwau (the a- survived in anwedig G.R. [122,
220], Gwyn. dial. 112 i (2)) : Ir. ainm, pi. anmann, neut.; cam
'step', O.W. pi. cemmein, now camau : Ir. ceim, pi. ceimmenn, neut. ;
-irhwym ' band ', 0. W. pi. ruimmein, now rhwymau ; gof 'smith ',
also gofan(ri) B.T. 7, pi. Ml. W. goveyn A.L. i 72, Mn. W. gofaint :
Ir. goba, gen. gobann; edn 'bird ', once ednan M.A. i 195, pi. ednein
(printed ednain M.A. i 207), etneint B.P. 1245, Mn. ednaint Gr.O.
10; llw 'oath', Ml. W. pi. cam lydn IL.A. 158, camlyeu R.P. 1201
' false oaths ', Mn. W. llwon, Gwyn. dial, llyfon.
i-stenti.
122. i. -i, -ydd, -oedd, -edd represent the Brit, endings
of i- } io-, id- and ie- stems.
ii. /-stems, (i) The vowel is not affected in the sg. All
the above endings occur in the pi.
The Ar. nom. endings were m.f. sg. *-is, pi. *-eies ; neut. ?g. *-i, pi.
*-iid, *~t. In Brit, the sg. *-is, *-i became *-es, *-e and did not cause
affection; the pi. *-eies became *-iies which gave -i, -ydd or -oedcTaccord-
ing to the accentuation 75 v, iv; the neut. pi. *-n > *-iia>-edd or
-oedd according to accentuation ; and *-l affected the preceding vowel
and dropped.
(2) -i and -ydd both form the pi. of tref ' town ' ; thus trewi
(= trefi) B.B. 54, trewit ( = trefy$) do. 91, Mn.W. trefi 160
iii (2), and tref ydd D.G. 3 ; cantref ' cantred ' makes canfrevoeb
E.B.B. 407 ff., but Mn. W. cantref-i, -ydd like tref; see 75 iv, v.
eglwys ' church ' follows tref in Mn.W. (eglwysyb p 147/5 R -)>
but Ml. W. has eglwysseu E.P. 1046, M.A. i 2730. In. Ml. W.
fforest follows tref: foresti E.B.B. 199, fforestyt> R.M. 195, Mn.
W. fforestydd only, plwyf 'parish ' (a late meaning) also takes
-i or -ydd in Recent W., but earlier plwyvau M.A. ii 613.
-i was added to some names of persons : saer ' craftsman ', pi.
seiri W.M. 189 ; maer f steward ', pi. meiri B.B. 54 ; cawr 'giant ',
pi. cewri (rarely ceuri) 76 iv (3) ; mert/iyr * martyr ', pi.
mert/iyri IL.A. 126; prophwydi ib. ; arglwydd, pi. arglwybi M.A. i
I98a ; so all in Mn. W. (in Late W. mertkyron also).
122 NOUNS 203
-i was also added to many names of things with e or a in the
sg., the -i of course affecting the latter; as llestr-i W.M. 6
'vessels'; gwernenn-i a hwylbrenn-i do. 5 1 ' masts and yards ';
canhwyllbrenn-i, also -au, both in I Chron. xxviii 15 ' candle-
sticks '; fenestr-i M.A. i 2j6a 'windows'; cethr-i I.G. 584
'nails'; pertJi-i R.P. 1272 'bushes'; banier-i M.A. i 197$
'banners ', sg. baniar ; per-i ib. ' spears ', sg. par ; defn-i ' drops '
202 v (3), for dafneu R.P. 1184 ; der-i R.P. 1318 ' oaks ', sg. ddr f.
The use of -i has been extended in Mn. W. ; thus Ml. W.
kerbeu W.M. 6 ' songs ', Mn. W. cerddi T.A. and later ; Ml. W.
garbeu R.B.B. 145 ' gardens ', Mn. "W. gerddi D.G. 258 ; Ml. W.
llwyneu R.B.B. 40 'bushes', so llwynau D.G. 60, later llwyni;
Ml. W. mein ' stones ' (sg. maeri), Late Mn. W. meini (Ml. meini
in ZE. 284 is an error for mein, see R.M. 196, 1. 5) j beddi
B.CW. 59 beside the usual beddau, Ml. beteu (t = 8) B.B. 63.
(3) -ydd and -oedd are found in avon-it ( = -yb) B.B. 91 ' rivers ',
avon-oeb R.B.B. 40, Mn. W. afonydd; gwladoeb M.A. i 1990, c.M.
2, R.B.B. 44, W.M. 190, later gwledyb in the last-quoted passage
in R.M. 91, Mn. W. gwledydd ; keyryb W.M. 192 'castles', kaeroeb
R.P. 1230, also caereu B.A. z6, Mn. "W. keyrydd "W.IL. 64, caerau
G.G1. M 146/163 ; dinassoeb W.M. i9o,R.M. 91, 93,Mn.W.^'wa0(?^,
rarely dinessyb p 147/5 R -> Gr.Gl. p 152/201. They are added to
nouns in -fa, as Mn. W. porfeydd, porfaoedd ' pastures ' (most
of them with only one in use), Ml. W. tyrvahoeb R.P. 1241
'crowds' ; as well as -an, Ml. W. -eu : presswylvaeu IL.A. 57 ' habi-
tations ', eistebvaen do. 62, ' seats ' (-aeu later contr. to -au).
-ydd alone occurs in meyssyb R.P. 1 188 ' fields ', Mn. W. meysydd
(wrongly spelt meusydcfy, sg. maes ; heolyb R.M. 175 'streets';
bro-y R.P. 1189 'regions'; dolyb do. 1188 'meadows' (also
doleu B.T. 33) ; gweunyb R.P. 1286 ' meadows', sg. gweun,gwaun
lluoss-it (= -y$) B.B. 66, R.P. 1188 ' hosts ', sg. lliaws ; nentydd
'brooks', poet, naint D.G. 25, sg. nant\ coedydd 'trees',
y stormy dd ' storms ', etc.
(4) Old neut. nouns take -oedd or -edd, sometimes alter-
nating with vowel-affection ; as mor m. ' sea ', pi. moroedd <
*m6riia beside myr < *mori, 117 i; dant m. 'tooth', pi.
dannedd < *dantna beside deint R.P. 1036, daint D.D. s.v. ; deint
is also sg., see iii (2). -oedd may be orig. m. or f. also, see (i).
204 ACCIDENCE 122
-edd and -oedd are added to nouns orig. of other declensions as
follows :
-e8 in Ml. W., -oedd in Mn. W. are added to tir m. ' land '
(an old neut. *-stem), pi. tiret (-t = -8) B.B. 33, tireb R.B.B. 40
(beside tirion 35 iii), Mn. W. tiroedd D.G. 436, 524 ; mynydd
m. 'mountain' (< *mon{io-), pi. mynybeb W.M. 250, B.T. n,
P.B.B. 40, Mn. mynyddoedd ; dwfr m. ' water ' (neut. o-stem),
pi. dyfreb IL.A. 54, 65, Mn. dyfroedd.
myny&eS having hecome mynySe in S. W. dialects (cf. eiste 1 1 iv
(3)), this was wrongly standardized as mynyddau by some recent
writers, but the traditional lit. form mynyddoedd prevails. The same
remark applies to blynyddoedd, now sometimes written blynyddau
for dial, blynySe < *blyny?>e8. In the above words -oeS may be old
as a N. W. form, the prevailing forms in Ml. W. being S. W.
-oedd was added to cant m. 'hundred' (neut. o-stem), pi.
cannoedd ; nerth m. ' strength ' (neut. o-stem) ; mil f. ( thousand ' ;
mur m. 'wall', pi. muroeb W.M. 191, muroedd G. 237, later
murlau ; llu m. ' host ' (m. 0-stem), pi. lluoeb R.M. 1 75, Mn.
lluoedd\ byd m. ' world ^ (m. -stem), pi. bydoeb M.A. i 199, Mn.
bydoecld ; nifer m. 'host', pi. niveroeb W.M. 54, Mn. niferoedd ;
mis m. ' month ', pi. misoedd ; teyrnas f. ' kingdom ', pi. tyrna&soeb
W.M. 50, Mn. teyrnasoedd ; twr m. 'tower' (< E. < Fr.), pi. tyroeb
W.M. 191, tyreu do. 133, Mn. tyrau\ iaith f. 'language', pi.
ieithoeb W.M. 469, B.T. 4, Mn. ieit/ioecld; gwledd f. 'feast', pi.
gwleddoedd D.G. 524, gwleddau do. 8 ; gwi&g f. ' dress ', pi.
gwisgoedd ; oes f. ' age ', pi. O. W. oisou (with 3 added at some
distance, see fac. B.S.CH. 2, for ' deest * according to Lindsay,
EWS. 46), Ml. W. oessoeb IL.A. 103, oeweu B.T. 15, 19, Mn. W.
oesoedd, oesau ; achoet (t = 8) B.B. 53> ^ n - adtoedd, achan
'lineage' both in L.G.C. 213, sg. ach f. ; dyfnderoedd 'depths',
blinder-oedd, ~au ' troubles '.
iii. 7o-stems. (i) The vowel is affected in the sg. ; the pi.
ends in -ydd, -oedd, -edd.
The Ar. nom. endings were m. sg. *-(i)ios, pi. *-(t)t5s ; neut. sg.
*-(i)iom, pi. *-(i)ia. In Kelt. *-(i)ios gave place to *-(i)ioi > *-(t)u;
this gave -y8 or -oeS according to the accent ; neut. *-?* gave -e8 ;
e8 in m. nouns is prob. for -oeS. Where neither sg. nor pi. had i
before t, we had e.g. dyn ' man ' and ' *men '; then a new dynion for
the latter 121 i.
122 NOUNS 205
(2) Ml. W. bugeil 'shepherd', pi. bugelyb IL.A. 109, R.B.B. 245
< *boukolios pi. *boukoUn. This was a rare type, and in Mn.
W. a new pi. was formed : bugail, pi. bugeiliaid. But the f.
adain ' wing ' (m-stem), pi. adanedd, had a new pi. made by
affecting 1 this, as if the word belonged to the -io- declension :
adain, pi. adenydd 125 iii.
The word for ' tooth ' seems partly to have passed over to this
declension ; thus *d antion pi. *dantna giving sg.deint IL.A. 67 trans-
lating "dens", Mn. W. daint, as heb un-daint D.G. 323 'without
one tooth ', pi. dannedd as for sg. dant ii (4) above. In Gwyn. dial,
the sg. is daint.
The ending was -oe8 in brenhinoet B.B. 53 ' kings ',Mn. W.
brenhinoedd ; but the more usual Ml. form is breenhineb L.L. 120,
bren/tineb W.M. 178-9, prob. with -eb for -oeb 78 ii. So teyrneb
R.P. 1313, D.G. 181 'kings', ewythreb R.M. 140 'uncles' ; cystlwn
' family ', pi. cystlyneb R.P. 1267.
Cystlynedd Gwynedd i gyd,
Gynafon Hwlcyn he/yd. G.G1. M i/no. 49.
' All the families of Gwynedd, and the scions of Hwlcyn too.'
iv. Fern, ie- and /a-steras. (i) The vowel is affected in the
sg. PI. ending -edd.
ie- and ta-stems have R-grade forms in -I, p. 81. In Lat. and
Bait, they remain distinct or have become so (Lat. duritia ; durities).
In Kelt, they seem to be mixed, see Thurneysen, Gr. i8of. ; hut
as e > 1 in Kelt., the meaning of the facts is often obscure. In other
branches -ie- and -id- are indistinguishable. The W. sg. may come
from *-id, *-ie, or *-l; pi. -e8 < *-iids.
(2) blwyddyn f year ' (Ir. blladain) < *bleidonl, pi. blynedd <
*bUdniias 125 v (i) ; this pi. form is used only after numerals ;
for other purposes a new pi. was formed by adding -edd to the
sg., as blwybyneb W.M. 37, then by metath. blwynybeb IL.A. 105,
Mn. W. blynyddoedd, S. W. dial. blynybe(b) (whence latterly a
false blynyddau see ii (4)). modryb ' aunt ' < *mdtr-aq*l (</oq**
69 ii (4)), pi. modrabedd c.c. 282 (so in Gwyn. dial.; -0-<sg.)
< ^mdtrac^'iids ; the form modrybeb R.P. 1362 seems to be re-
made from the sg., as modreped ox. 2. edau ' thread ', pi. edafedd
76 vii (i) ; adain ' wing' pi. adanedd, etc., see 125 iii.
206 ACCIDENCE 123
blivydd means ' a year of one's age ' or adj. ' year old ' pi. blwydd-
iaid, 145 iii Note, ttirblwydd 'three years old', ],ymtheymlavy&
R.B.B. 185 'fifteen years old ', etc. The use by recent writers of
llwydd for ' year ' is as foreign to the spoken language as it is to the
literary tradition, and the forms bltvyddau, blwyddi for ' years ' are
pure fabrications.
(3) -edd, later replaced by -ydd, was added to *chw'ior <
*suesores, the pi. of chwaer' sister', as chwioreb IL.A. 38, R.B.B.
39, W.M. 158 ; in the last passage chicioryb in R.M. 226 ; Mn. W.
chw'i6redd T.A., Wm.S., later only chwidrydd ; 75 vi (2).
t-stems.
123. i. -ed < Brit. *-ete* occurs in merched 'daughters',
Ml. W. merchet W.M. 469, merched (d = d) 468 ; pryfed ' worms ',
Ml. W. pryved (d = d) B.B. 81. D.G. has hued 30, 93 'hounds'
(sg. huad W.IL. 166, O.G. c 82 s.v.). In Ml. W. we also have
guyttviled B.B. 53 ' beasts ' ; and in O. W. atinet bronnlreitket
ox. gl. cicadae.
The stem-form is seen in Gaul. Cing-es, gen. -etos, and Nemetes
' nobiles ? ' beside the -eto- stem in nemeto- ' temple '. As it seems
to have been used to form names of persons it may be original in
merch, which would so be from *merke(s)8 < *merkets (pi. *merketes)
< *mer(i)k-et- : Skr. maryakdh 101 iv (i), Vmerei- 125 v (i).
pryf is an old t-stem 61 i (i), ending therefore in *-es (< *-t),
which seems to have been mistaken for *-() < *-ets.
ii. -od, Ml. W. -ot < Brit. *-otes occurs in llygod ' mice ', sg.
llyg (< */w^o(#).f) and llygoflen (Ir. luch 'mouse', gen. lochad,
Bret, logodenn, pi. logod) : Gaul. Lucot-ios, AOVKOT-IKVOS.
The above is an example of the survival in "W. of Brit, -ot- as seen
by its cognates ; but the ending -od became fertile in the formation
of new plurals. It was added to diminutives, and forms with
gemination, which is a peculiarity of child language, and of names
of animals 93 iii (2).
(i) It was added to most names of animals : llewot W.M. 229,
IL.A. 165 'lions', now Uewod\ eryrot IL.A. 167 'eagles', now
eryrod ; llydnot R.M. 52, W.M. 73, now llydnod, sg. llwdn ' pullus ' ;
hybot W.M. 158, now hyddod 'stags'; gwlberot do. 229, now
gwiberod 'vipers'; ednot IL.A. 130, now eduod 'birds' (also
ednainf, 121 iv, and in O. W. atinet i above). In Mn. W.
123 NOUNS 207
cathod, ttwynogod, ewlgod (Ml. W. ewigeb R.M. 118), ysgyfarnogod,
crancod (Bardsey crainc, so G.Gr. P 77/193), colomennod, etc.
(2) It was added to some names of persons : gwibonot W.M.
178 'witches'; meudwyot IL.A. 117 'hermits' (also meudwyaid
D.G. 409) ; gwrach 'hag-', pi. gwrachiot P 12/124 R., Mn. W.
gwrachtod D.G. 332, in which -od seems to be added to an old
pi. *gwrecki (cf. the adj. gwrachiaidd).
Er wyn a gwldn arwain glod
A chywydd i wrachtod. I.B.H., BE. iv 104.
' For lambs and wool he brings praise and song to old women.'
It is found in genetkod ( girls ' sg. genetJi (old geminated form,
93 iii (2)) ; and is added to diminutives in -an, as in babanod
' babies ', llebanod ' clowns ' (whence by analogy the biblical
pullicanod) ; in -ach, as in bwbackod ' bugbears ', corachod 'dwarfs '
(by analogy in Late W. mynachod for myneich ' monks ') ; in -yn(n)
or -en(n), as in lliprynnod 'weaklings ', mursennod ' prudes ', dyhirod
' knaves ' sg. dyhiryn ; and to other nouns originally in a con-
temptuous sense, as eurychod ' tinkers,' twrneiod a chlarcod B.CW.
62, Gwyddelod in Late W. for Gwyddyl ' Irishmen ', Ffrancod for
Ffrainc. The substitution in Late W. of -od for another ter-
mination in the names of relatives etc. comes from child-language,
as in tadmaelhod Esa. xlix 23 for tadmaethau. Ml. W. tatmaetheu
W.M. 37 ; ewythrod for ewythredd 122 iii (2), cyfnitherod for
cyfnitheroedd W.3L. C.IL. 132.
(3) It occurs after a few names of things : (a) geminated
forms, or what appeared to be such, as cyckod sg. cwch
' boat ' ; nythod ' nests ', Ml. W. nethod (e =y ) A.L. i 24 ; bythod,
sg. Iwth ' hut ' ; (|3) diminutive forms, as tenynnod ' halters '
sg. tennyn ; bythynnod 'cottages ', sg. bwthyn ; and by false analogy
Mn. W. tyddynnod ' small farms ', for Ml. W. tyfynneu A.L. i
1 68, 182 ; bwlanod sg. bwlan ' a vessel of straw ' ; (y) some names
of coins : dimeiot R.B.B. 384 now dimeiau ' halfpennies ' ; ffyrlligot
ib. now ffyrlingod 'farthings'; fjloringod D.G. 287 'florins',
hatMngod ' half-farthings ' ; (8) personifications etc. : angheuod
B.CW. 65 ' death-sprites ' ; eilunod ' idols ', erthylod ' abortions '.
iii. Ml. W. -awt occurs in pyscawt R.M. 52, W.M. 73, R.B.B.
149, B.T. 8, B.B. 89 'fish' < Lat.j9wm/w, 118 ii (a); and in
208 ACCIDENCE 123
gonvy^awt B.T. 36 ' horses ', sg. (jorwyb ; etystrawt B.T. 70 ' horses '
sg. eddystr or eddettr. The first survives as pysgod, in which
the ending- is now indistinguishable from old -od.
iv. -laid, Ml. W. -yeit, -eit, is the pi. formed by affection of
the ending- -m/7, Ml. W. -yat 143 iv (5) ; thus offeiriad ' priest ' pi.
o/eiriaid, Ml. W. offeireit IL.A. 117. All names of living things in
-{ad (except cariad) form their pi. so ; thus ceinyeid M.A. i 285
' singers ', Ueityeid (t = 8) ib. now lleiddiaid ' murderers ',
gleissyeid ib., now gleisiaid, sg. gleislad ' salmon ' ; but abstract
nouns in -iad have -iadau 120 i (4); cariad 'lover' is the
same as cariad ' love ' and has pi. cariadau Hos. ii 5, 7, 10.
But -laid is also added to form the pi. of names of living
things whose sg. does not end in -iad :
(1) Names of classes and descriptions of persons : personnyeit
IL.A. 117, now personiaid, sg. person ' parson ' ; conffessorieit do.
70 ; raclovyeit W.M. 456, Mn. W. rJ/aglafiaid, sg. rhaglaw ' deputy ' ;
larwnyeit R.M. 179, now banMiatd. sg. larwn 'baron'; mak-
wyveit W.M. 15, macktoyeit R.M. 9, sg. maccwy(f) ' youth' ; lyleyn-
yeyt A.L. i 24, sg. lilaen R.B.B. 123 'villain'; cytJireulyeit M.A.
i 25 1 5 'devils' ; ysgwieryeit s.G. II 'squires'; in Mn. W. pen-
naelhiaid Ps. ii 2, sg. pennaeth ; estroniaid ' strangers ', meutraid
' masters ', gefeilliaid ( twins ', Protestaniaid, Met/iodisliaid, etc.
Also adjectives used as nouns, 145 iii.
(2) Tribal and national names : Albany eit R.B.B. 271, also
Albanwyr do. 270, sg. Albanwr ' Scotchman ' ; Corannyeit R.M.
96, no sg. ; Brytanyeit do. 9 1 , no sg. ; y Groecieit a'r Lhadinieit
J.D.R. [xiv] ' the Greeks and Latins ' ; Rhufeiniaid, Corinlhiaid,
etc. Also family and personal names : y Llwydiaid ' the Lloyds ',
y Lleisioniaid L.G.C. no ' the Leyshons ', Koytmoriaid p 61/33 R.
(3) All names in -ur of living things \pecJiadury eit IL.A. 152 now
pechaduriaid, sg. pechadur ' sinner ' ; kreaduryeit do. 4, now
creaduriaid, sg. creadur ' creature ' ; awdurieid J.D.B. [xiv],
awduryeit R.P. 1375, sg. awdur ib. 'author' (the pi. awduron
seems to come from the gorseddic writings, the source of numerous
fabrications) ; ~M.n.W.ffoaduriaid, cysgaduriaid, henuriaid, etc.
Other nouns in -ur take either -taw, as gwniaduriau ' thimbles ',
pladuriau ' scythes ', or -au aspapivrau ' papers ', mesurau ' measures ',
or -on as murmuron, cysuron.
124 NOUNS 209
(4) Some generic names of animals; as anifelleit IL.A. '165,
W.M. 238, now anifeiliaid, sg. anifail ' animal' ; mileit R.M. 129,
Mn. W. milod, sg. mil ' animal ' ; so bwystmleit R.B.B. 40 now
bwystfilod, sg. bwy$tfil\ ysgrubliaid Gen. xlv 17 'beasts'. Also a
few specific names, as cameleit IL.A. 165, Mn. W. camelod ; Mn. W.
bleiddiaid Matt, vii 15 ' wolves', also bleiddiau T.A. G. 233, Ml.
Ueybyeu M.A. ii 230 ; gwenoliaid D.G. 20, sg. gwennol ( swallow '.
Strictly, of course, -laid is not a tf-stem but a to-stern ; thus ~iad
from *-iatos, pi. -iaid < *-iatl.
v. -ant < Brit. *-antes, m. f. pi. participial ending occurs in
carant B.A. 14, B.B. 46, IL.A. 153, R.M. 130, sg. car 'kinsman'
< *karants (Ir. care < *karants) < *1c e r- : Armen. ser ' progeny >
family ', E. >for-r7, Lat. cresco, "/leer- ' grow '. In Early Ml. W.
carant was already affected into kereint C. M.A. i 244, Mn. W.
ceraint, later also cerynt M.K. [71] f kinsmen' (not 'lovers').
On the analogy of this was formed the pi. of Ml. W. nei (now
nat) ' nephew' : neyeynt A.L. i 8, nyeint W.M. 89, IL.A. i2i,Mn.W.
neiaint ; and ofceifn ' 3rd cousin ' : keywneynt ( = keivneinf) B. CH.
76 defined ib. as ' children of the 4th mother ' (those of the 2nd
being 'cousins', etc.). Ml. W. meddweint IL.A. 55 'drunkards'
may be an old participial form. A few other nouns have -eint,
Mn. W. -aint affected for an earlier *-ann, 121 iv.
124. i. -er < Brit. *-eres occurs in Iroder W.M. 38, R.M. 26,
later affected to brodyr R.M. 140 ; Iroder survived, as in T.A. G.
229, Wm.S. e.g. Act. xv 23, but was at length ousted by
brodyr, cf. 122 iv (3). In Ml. W. brodorion also is used, R.M.
203, 207. Sg. brawd ' brother', 59 ii, 63 iii.
brodorion also meant 'fellow-countrymen, clansmen ' B.B. 5 r > 55
(cf. Gk. <paTo>p); in Late Mn. W. it came to mean 'natives'; brodor
' a native ' is a new sg. deduced from this pi.
-yr was added (instead of the old -awr) to gwayw ' spear '
(also in Mn. W. ' pain '), giving gwaewyr C.M. 48, but more usually
gwewyr R.B. 1074 (for *gweywyr}.
Of era' gwaith fu i'r gwyr
Eliaw tl i wewyr. D.N., p 99/598.
' It was the vainest task for men to anoint the marks of his spears.'
210 ACCIDENCE 125
ii. -awr is common in Early Ml. W. poetry : gwaewaur B.B. 58,
B.A. 9 (see fac.) ' spears', ysgwydawr B.A. 9 ' shields', cletyvawr,
bybinawr, llavnawr ib. ' swords, armies, blades ' ; later (in prose)
gwaewar W.M. i8a, R.M. 85.
-awr < Brit. *-ares < Ar. *-ores.
f^owel Changes.
125. The vowel changes which occur when an ending is
added to form the pi. are the following :
i. Mutation 81: brawd 'brother ', pi. brodyr ; brawd 'judge-
ment ', pi. brodiau ; daw ( son-in-law ', pi. dqfyon E.B.B. 68 ; rhaw
' spade ', pi. rhqfiau 110 iii (i) ; cwrr ' edge', pi. cyrrau ; di/n
' man ', pi. dynion ; sail ' foundation ', pi. seiliau ; ffau ' den ', pi.
ffeuau ; gwaun f meadow ', ^l.gweunydd ; biiwch ' cow ', pi. buchod,
etc. etc.
ii. Penultimate Affection 83 iii: The endings which cause
affection are -i, -ydd, -laid, -ion: par, peri ; dar, deri; maer, meiri ;
cawr, cewri ; 122 ii (a) ; caer, ceyrydd ; maes, meyxycld ; do. (3) ;
cymar ( mate ', pi. cymheiriaid; gefell R.P. 1302 ' twin ' (< Lat.
gemellus), pi. gefeilliaid ; penkeirbyeit, anreigyon 70 ii (a) ;
mab ' son ', pi. tneibion, etc. ; see 128 ii.
iii. Reversion. In some cases the vowel is affected in the sg.,
but reverts to (or, historically speaking, retains) its original
sound in the plural :
Fern, ie- or m-stems, with pi. ending -edd, 122 iv : adein B.B.
82, adain D.G. 132, 421 'wing', pi. adaneb R.M. 155, R^B.B. 64,
later affected to adenydd ; celain ' corpse ', pi. celanedd or cafaneb
R.B.B. 49 ; edeu, edau ' thread ', pi. edafedd or adaveb R.M. 154 ; elain
' fawn ', pi. elanedd or alaneb A.L. i 20 ; gwraig, Ml. W. gwreic, pi.
gwrageb neidr 'snake', pi. nod-redd ^ anadreb 21 iii, later nad-roedd;
riein R.P. 1339, M.A. i 3a9^, 4ai, Mn. W. rhiain D.G. 39, 95,
117, 130, 308, etc. 'maiden', pi. rianeb W.M. 166, R.P. 1282,
rhianedd D.G. 135, 234, 371. Neut. z'o-stem : daint, pi.
dannedd 122 iii (2). Fern, wa-stem, pi. ending -au : cainc
' branch', Ml. W. ceing W.M. 108, pi. cageu B.B. 48, now cangau,
see 120 iii (a). Neut. a-stem, pi. ending -an : deigr ' tear ',
pi. dagrau, see 120 iii (i). Mas. and fern, tt-stems, pi. ending
125 NOUNS 211
-on (Brit. nom. sg. -0, pi. -ones) 121 i : athro, pi. atkrawon 76 v
(5), athraon 36 iii ; keneu W.M. 483 ' whelp', pi. kanawon W.M.
28, canaon 36 iii, cynawon R.M. 18, cynavon R.P. 1209, late
cenawon\ draig 'drag-on', pi. dragon, later dreigeu IL.A. 153, now
dreigiau; lleidr 'thief, pi. lladron\ Sais 'Englishman', pi.
Saeson 69 ii (2), Ml. W. sg. Seis IL.A. 120, pi. Saeson B.B. 60, 66,
R.B.B. 41, 71, etc., Saesson B.B. 48, 51, B.A. 4. On 3^ (affection of
*wch), pi. ychen, see 69 v.
J^c^w ffi'i draed ydwy'n y drain,
A'r glud ar gil i adain. T.A., A 14866/201.
' I am a bird with his feet in the thorns, and the lime on the edge of
his wing.'
Hwde un o'i hadanedd ;
E heda byth hyd y bedd. I.F., M 160/456.
' Take one of its [the swallow's] wings ; it will fly always till death '
[lit. 'till the grave'].
Llathen heb yr adenydd
Yn y saeth a dynnai sydd. Gut.O., A 14967/50.
' There is a yard without the feathers in the arrow which he drew.'
Mai nodwydd ym mlaen edau
Y mas lliw hon i'm lleihau. D.G. 296 (1 T.A.).
' As a needle threaded, does her aspect make me spare.'
A ur a dyf ar edafedd
Ar y llwyn er mwyn a'i medd. D.G. 87.
' Gold grows on threads on the bush [of broom] for the sake of [her]
who owns it.'
Ni 'm cymer i fy rhiain :
Ni'rn gwrthyd fanwylyd fain. D.G. 429.
' My damsel will not have me : my slender love will not reject me.'
Er bod arian rhianedd
Fwy na'i bwys ar faen y bedd. H.D. P 99/402.
' Though there be [of] maidens' money more than his weight on the
gravestone.'
Fy mrawd, mi a rois fy mryd
Ar ddau genau oedd gennyd. G.I.H., P 77/384.
' My brother, I have set my heart on two whelps that thou hadst.'
Kedyrn ac ievainc ydynt,
Eynafon aur Kynfyn ynt. Gut.O., P 100/343.
' Strong and young are they ; they are the golden Bcions of Cynfyn/
P2
212 ACCIDENCE 125
NOTE. Reversion has puzzled writers of the late modern period,
jmd lexicographers, adain was used regularly by the Early Mn.
bards ; but the Bible has aden, deduced from the pi. adet/ydd ; from
adtn a spurious pi. cdyn was formed, which seems to occur first in
E.P., PS. Ivii i, but did not make its way into the spoken langunge.
In the 1620 Bible ceneu is, by a slip, correctly written in Esa. xi 6,
elsewhere it is carefully misspelt cenew; in later editions this became
cenaw, an impossible form, since -aw could not affect the original
a to e ; see 76 v (5). On athro, misspelt athraw, see ibid. Pughe
gives eleincd as the pi. of elain, and actually asserts that the pi. of
gwraig is gwreigedd ! He also invented the singulars rhian, cdan.
Silvan Evans s.v. celan notes this ; but himself inseits the equally
spurious dagr ' tear ' and deigron l tears '. In his Llythyraeth p. 17
he attempted to change the spelling of Saeson to Seison.
iv. Exchange of ultimate for penultimate affection : Ml. W.
bugeil, bugelyb, Mn. W. adain, adenydd 122 iii (2) ; Ml. W.
gwelleu K.M. 123, W.M. 483, ' shears ', Mn. W. gwellau, pi. gwell-
eifiau, new lit. sg. gwellaif\ 76 vii (i).
v. Anomalous changes : (i) morwyn 'virgin', pi. morpnion'B.B.
61, morynyon W.M. 99, IL.A. 109, R.B.B. 70. This was altered
to morwynion in the Bible, but persists in the spoken language as
m'rynion. Note the double rhymes in
Lle8y-f englynyon lliw ros gwynnyon,
lloer morynyon llawr MeiryonyS. I.C. E.P. 1287.
' Sad verses [to her of] the colour of white roses, the moon of the
maidens of the land of Merioneth.'
The same change occurs in blwyddyn, pi. blynedd 122 iv (2).
This change seems to be due to the survival in Brit, under diffe-
rent accentuations of two R-grades of ei, namely R le ei, and R 2 t,
63 vii (5). Thus morwyn < Brit. *moreinio < *marei- < *m e rei- ;
morynion < Brit. *rnoriniones < *m e n-, Vmerei- : Lat. man-tus <
*m e ri- with R 3 I. blwySyn ' year ', Ir. blladain < *bleidonl, a fern,
m-stem from an adj. *blei-d-ono-s from a vb. stem *blei-d- ' to blow ',
Vbhlci-, extension of*bhele-, *bhelo- whence O.H.G. Uuo-ian(< *bhlo-)
'to blossom', Ml. W. blawt 'blossom', Lat. Jids, etc. 59 v, thus
UwySyn ' *budding season' ; pi. blyneS < *blidniids ; tair blyneS 'three
* seasons '.
(2) chicaer pi. chw'iorydd 75 vi (2), vii (2).
(3) achos pi. achosion, Ml. W. achaws pi. achwysson IL.A. 129,
see 75 i (3).
126 NOUNS 213
(4) celfyfyd ' art ', Ml. W. pi. kelvydodeu.
celfybyd < *kalmiio-tuts ; kelvydod- < *kalmiio-tat-es, owing to the
interchange of -tut-, -tat-; 99 ii (2), 143 iii (10), (24).
Plural of Nouns with Singular Endings.
126. Nouns with the singular endings -yn and -en fall
into three classes for the purposes of pi. formation.
i. Class i. The sg. ending is dropped, with or without vowel
change ; thus, without vowel change : pluen ' feather ', pi. plu ;
mocJiyn 'pig', pi. mock ; cwningen 'rabbit', pi. owning G. 326 ;
Uewyn ' a hair ', pi. Hew. The vowel changes that take place
when the ending is dropped are the following :
(1) Mutation : conyn 'stalk ', pi. cawn-, deilen B.T. 28, Gen.
viii ii, 'leaf, pi. dail; cneuen ' nut', \>\.cnau ; gwenynen 'bee ',
pi. ffwenyn, etc.
(2) Ultimate Affection: collen 'hazel', pi. cqll; onnen 'ash',
pi. ynn ; dalen W.M. 231, E.M. 167, Ps. i 3 'leaf, pi. flail',
chwannen ' flea ', pi. chwain ; draenen ' hawthorn ', pi. drain ;
lywarchen ' sod ', pi. fyweirch, tgwyrch :
Drylliwr cwys i droi lle'r ceirch,
Daint haearn dan y tyweiroh. T.A. c. i 341.
' The cutter of a furrow to turn up the bed of the corn, an iron tooth
under the sods.'
(3) Reversion. As -yn causes penultimate affection, when
it drops the vowel reverts to its original sound \ plenty n 'child',
pi. plant ; aderyn ' bird ', pi. adar.
(4) Exchange of penultimate for ultimate affection : giewyn
'sinew', pi. giau ; Ml. W. llyssewyn IL.A. 97, 166 'plant', pi.
llysseu M.M. 3, Mn. llyssau W.1L. 99, llysiau.
ii. Class a. A plural ending is substituted for the sg.
ending, as diferyn ' drop ', pi. diferion ; crwydryn ' vagrant ',
pi. crwydraid ; meddwyn ' drunkard ', pi. meddwon ; plankigyn
* plant ', pi. planhigion ; cwningen ' rabbit ', pi. cwningod. The
following vowel changes occur :
(1) Affection : m'iaren 'bramble ', pi. mieri (mwyeri R.B.B. 48).
(2) Reversion: gelyn 'enemy', old pi. galon B.A. 26, and
214 ACCIDENCE 127
some nouns with two singulars, as deigryn 'tear', pi. dagrau
130 ii.
iii. Class 3. A pi. ending 1 is added to the sg. ending, as
gelyn 'enemy', pi. gelinion B.B. 71, gelynyon R.B.B. 71, Mn. W.
gelynion ; defnyn Gr.O. 48, defnynnau Luc xxii 44 ; dalen ' leaf ',
pi. dalennau Ex. xxxix 3 ; mursennod, bythynnod 123 ii.
iv. In some nouns final -yn or -en is not the singular
ending but part of the stem ; in these the n of -yn is not
necessarily double when an ending is added ; and -en is affected
to -yn ; thus telyn f. ' harp ', pi. telynau ; tyddqn m. ' small farm ',
98 i (3), pi. iyddynnod, Ml. W. tybynneu A.L. i 168, 180, 182 ;
maharen m. C.M. 2,6, myharen D.G. 202 'ram', pi. meJieryn\
crogen, cragen, ' shell ', pi. cregin 117 iii (3) ; elltrewyn 76 v (5),
pi. *-ynel not found ; bhoyfyn 122 iv (2).
Plural Formed from Derivatives,
127. The pi. of a few nouns is formed by adding a pi.
ending to a derivative : glaw 'rain', pi. glawogyb R.B : B. 324, G.
98 ; Ml. W. cristawn ' Christian' pi. cristonogion B.B. 71, Mn.W.
cristion, pi. cristipnogion, cristnogion ; llif ' flood ', pi. llifogydd ;
addurn 'adornment', pi. addurniadau ; crwydr 'wandering',
pi. crwydr(i}adau ; serch ' affection ', pi. serchiadau ; dychryn
'terror', pi. dyckryniadau, dychrynfeydd; rheg 'curse', pi. rhegfeydd;
dyn 'man', pi. dyniabon R.P. 1196, dynebon IL.A ii beside dynion\
cos Deut. vii 10 ' hater, foe ', pi. caseion W.1L. 8, also pi. cas do. 5.
Beside glawogydd the dialects have glawiau, evidently a new
formation, though Bret, has glaoiou. The misspelling gwlaw occurs
first about the end of the 1 7th cent., and was substituted in the Bible
for the correct form glaw by B.M., 1746. The word always appears
with gl- in Ml. W., as glav B.B. 63, glaw IL.A. 13, 42, K.M. 146, M.A. i
396, K.P. 585, 1032 (4 times), 1055; gwlaw s.G. 147 is of course
glaw in the MS., see P 11/956; and of course there is no trace of
gw- in the spoken language. The word cannot be from *uo-lau- as
is usually assumed, for there is no example of the reduction of the
prefix *uo- before a consonant to g- or even to gw- ', and that the
same reduction took place also in Bret, glao, Corn, glaw is incredible.
The etymology of the word is doubtful, but it probably represents
Brit. *glou- (1 *glo-uo- : Skr. jala- ' water, rain ').
camrau is used in the Bible for ' steps ' ; but the true pi. of cam is
camau TL 28/96 K.,M1.W. kammeu K.B.B. 149, 0. W. cemmein 121 iv ;
and camrau is a mere misspelling of kam-re, see 31 ii (2).
128 NOUNS 215
Double Plurals.
128. Double plurals are of common occurrence, and are
formed in the following ways :
i. A second pi. ending- is added to the first : celain ' corpse ',
pi. celanedd, double pi. celaneddau Ps. ex 6 ; deigr ' tear J , pi.
daffrau, double pi. dagreuoeb IL.A. 71, R.B.B. 146, 149; so Uodeu
' flowers ', double pi. blodeuoeb R.B.B. 40, sg. blodeuyn ; dieu ' days',
double pi. dieuoeb do. 9, 25, sg. dyb ; llysseu ' plants ', double
pi. Ilysseuoeb IL.A. 70; dynion, double pi. dynyoneu B..P. 1303;
neges ' errand ', pi. negesau, double pi. negeseuau M.L. ii 97 ; peth
'thing', pi. pet/iau, double pi. peiheuau do. 112, 119 'various
things' ; esgid 'shoe', esgidiau 'shoes', esgideuau 'pairs of shoes';
mack ' surety ', pi. meichiau, double pi. meichiafon.
ii. A pi. ending is added to a pi. formed by affection : thus
clock ' bell ', pi. clych s.G. 380, double pi. clychau ; sant v saint ',
pi. seint B,B. 85, IL.A. 69, double pi. seinvyeu H.M. ii 227, Mn. W.
seintiau] angel 'angel', pi. engyl M.A. i 282, double pi. engylyon
H..A. 155, w.M. 1 1 8, B.B. 70 etc., Mn. W. angylion (e->a- 83 iii
Note 2).
In old formations -ion affected the preceding vowel, thus the ei of
meibion is the affection of a by i, as shown by the intermediate form
mejrion 70 ii (i). But meibion seemed to be the pi. meib with
-ion added ; and on this analogy -ion was added to engyl. The y in
angylion is not an old affection of the e by i, for that would be ei,
cf. anreigyon, etc., 70 ii (2). angelion is a new formation probably
due to Wm.S., and, though used in the Bible by Dr. M. and Dr. P.,
has failed to supplant angylion as the spoken form. Silvan Evans's
statement that angelion very frequently occurs in Ml. MSS. is a gross
error, supported only by a quotation from a i yth cent. copy,H.M. ii 337,
of a tract appearing in IL.A., where the reading is egylyonn 129.
In most cases however -ion is added to the sg., and does not affect
ae, e, o : kaethyon K.P. 1272, ysgolion ' schools '.
iii. The diminutive pi. endings -ach (-iach) and -os are added
to pi. nouns, as cryddionach Gr.O. 208, dynionach do. 93, J.D.R.
[xx]; dreiniach 'thorns'; planlos, gwragedhos, dilhados (d/t = b,
Ih = 11} J.D.R. [xv] ' children, women, clothes ' ; cyno% ' little
dogs' ; more rarely to sg. nouns: branos R.M. 154, L.G.C. 148,
' little crows ', caregos ' pebbles ', dernynnac/t ' bits '.
Sometimes a final media is now hardened before the ending : jrry-
fetach, merchetos. This is prob. due to late diminutive doubling (d-d >
tt, etc.).
216 ACCIDENCE 129
iv. A noun with a pi. ending sometimes has its vowels
affected as an additional sign of the pl. f as ceraint for carant
123 v, adenyb for adaneb 125 iii, brodyr for broder 124 i,
which are therefore, in a sense, double plurals.
Plural Doublets.
129. i. A noun not ending in -yn or -en may have more
than one pi. form in the following ways :
(1) One pi. may be formed by affection and one by the addi-
tion of an ending : mor ' sea ', pi. myr, moroeb 122 ii (4) ; arf
'weapon', pi. arveu W.M. 97, 99, etc., poet, eirf D.G. 2; esgob
' bishop ', pi. etgyb, later esgobion (i5th cent, Gut.O. A 14967/87),
ezgobiaid (T.A. A 14975/61), the first and last now obsolete; Ml.W.
kevy-nderw 'cousin', pi. kevyndy.ru, A.L. i 222, Mn. W. cefnder,
pi. cefndyr, cefnderoedd L.G.C. 167.
In Recent Welsh new and^indegant weak forms are sometimes
found, as castelli, alarchod for cestytt, elyrch. On the other hand in
the late period we meet with spurious strong forms, such as edyn
125 iii Note ; and latterly emrynt for amrannau (amrantau) 120 i
(i) ; brieill for briallu 134 ii; creig for creiyiau.
(2) Two or more plurals may be formed by adding different
endings : tref ' town ', pi. trefi, trefydd 122 ii (2) ; kaer ' castle ',
pi. keyrydd, kaeroedd, caereu, do. (3); achau, achoedd L.G.C. 213
' ancestry' ; dyn 127, etc. See 131 i.
(3) Two plurals with the same ending may have different
vowel changes ; thus Ml. W. ceing old pi. cangeu 125 iii,
newer pi. ceingheu IL.A. 144 ; these survive in Mn. W. as cainc
pi. cangau, ceinciau. So cawr c giant ', pi. ceuri, cewri 76 iv (3) ;
achaws, achos 'cause* pi. achwysson 125 v (3), achuygyon
A.L. i 30, and achozion.
ii. A noun ending in -yn or -en may have more than one pi.
form as follows :
(i) Some nouns of class i, 126 i, have two plurals, one
without and one with the vowel affected; as yw'ialen 'twig',
pi. gwial or gwiail ; *eren ( star ', pi. ser B.T. 26, or syr IL.A. 5, the
latter now obsolete ; collen ' hazel ', pi. coll M.M. 32, generally
evil ; onnen ' ash ', pi. onn, more usually ynn ; mellten ' flash of
lightning', pi. mellt IL.A. 107, rarely myllt R.B B. 259.
130 NOUNS 217
Ni thawaf, od af Jieb ddl,
Mwy nog eos niewn gwial. D.G. 418, cf. 151.
' I will not be silent, though I go without pay, more than a nighting-
gale in the branches.
E gaeodd Mai d gwiail
Y llwybrau yn dyrrau dail. D.G. 442, cf. 87, 162, 225.
' May has blocked up with twigs the paths into masses of leaves.'
Mawr yiv seren y morwyr,
Mwy yw no swrn o'r mdn syr. L.G.C. 459.
' Great is the star of the mariners, greater than a cluster of small stars.'
Dy ryw cyn amled ar onn, * MS- awr.
Derwgoed yufr* dreigiau dewrion. T.A. A 149757* *
' Thy kindred are as numerous as ash-trees, but the brave dragons
are oaks.'
(2) A noun may fall in more than one of the classes mentioned
in 126; thus cwningen, pi. i owning, 2 cwningod; gelyn, pi.
1 galon, 3 gelynion ; dalen, pi. I dail, 3 dalennau ; defnyn, pi.
2 dafnau, 3 defynnau ; asen ' rib ', pi. I ais, 2 a&au, 3 asennau.
Rhyfedd yw'r ais, a'i rhifo,
Fal cronglwyd lie tynnwyd to. I.B.H., F. 17.
' Strange are my ribs, and to be counted, like rafters where the roof
has been taken away.'
Ef a wys ar fy asau
Am gelu hyn im gulhau. B.Br.b p 8 2/2 93, cf. D.G. 295.
' It is evident from my ribs that I have become lean through conceal-
ing this [secret].'
Si6n ffriw ac asennau Ffranc
Sy lew brau Salbri ieuanc. T. A., A 14965/44.
' Sion, of the face and frame of a Frank, is a spirited lion young
Salesbury.'
Singular Doublets.
180. i. A noun not ending- in -yn or -en may have two forms
of the sg. owing to various phonetic accidents: (i) -yf ' : -eu
76 vii : clebyf'R.v. 1236 c sword', clebeu do. 1369, pi. clebyfeu ;
ncbyfdo. 1237 ' adze ', and nebeu.
(2) dant, daint 'tooth ', pi. dannedd 122 iii (2).
(3) gwyry, <J w yrf, gwerydd ' virgin ', pi. gweryddon 110 ii (3).
b Wrongly attributed in the MS. to D.G. ; see A 14967^0. 222, and the cover
of Greal no. 6 Mae rhyw amwynt.
218 ACCIDENCE 131
(4) paret W.M. 92, parwyt B.T. 27 (the latter obsolete), pi.
pancydydd ' walls ' (of a house).
(5) gwartJiafl 'stirrup', Mn. W. gwarthol (-afl>-awl>-ol),
pi. gwarthafleu, Mn. gwarthaflau.
(6) dydd ' day ', ^#? in %w Sul etc., pi. dyddiau, diau.
ii. A noun may have a sg. form with, and one without, a sg.
ending ; as deigr, deigryn ' tear', pi. dagrau ; erfyn, arf ( weapon ',
pi. arfau 129 i (i) ; edait, edefyn ' thread ', pi. edafedd, 125 iii.
The diminutive form has sometimes a pi. of its own ; as dafn
' drop ', pi. dafnau 122 ii (2), and defnyn ' drop ', pi. defnynnau
126 iii ; cainc '' branch ', pi. cangau, ceinciau 129 i (3) ; cangen
'branch', pi. canghennau T.A. G. 251.
iii. Nouns ending in -yn or -en, Class i 126 i, may have two
singulars, (i) one formed with each ending; thus adar 'birds',
sg. m. aderyn and f. adaren B.B. 107, the latter obsolete ; ysgall
' thistles ', sg. ysgellyn and ytgatlen^ both in use ; cawn, sg. conyn
' stalk ', cawnen ( rush ' ; gwial or gwiail, sg. gw'ialen, or gw'ielyn
c.c. 265.
(2) With different vowel changes ; as dail ' leaves ', old sg.
dalen 126 i (2), newer sg. deilen, re-formed from the pi.
126 i (i).
Desynonymized Doublets.
131. i. Many pi. doublets, especially those with different
endings, 129 i (2), have been desynonymized, some early, as
bronneu W.M. 94, D.G. 233 'breasts', tronnyb M.A. i 415, D.G. 70,
' hills', sg. Iron 'breast, hill' ; personiaid 123 iv (i) 'parsons', per-
sonau ' persons ' (personyeu C.M. 19), sg. person in both senses. The
following occur in Mn. W. : canoniaid ' canons ' (men), canonau
'regulations', sg. canon; cynghorion 'counsels', cynghorau 'councils',
sg. cyngor ; llwythau ' tribes ', llwythi ' loads ' (but llwytJiau ' loads '
Ex. v 5, vi 6, llwythi 'tribes' J.D.B. 291), sg. llwyth; pry diau
1 times ', prydau ' meals ', sg. pryd ; pwysau ' weights ', pwysi
' Ibs. ', sg. pwys ; ysbrydion ' spirits ' (beings), yslrydoedd ' spirits '
in other senses (but Ml. W. ysprydoeb, S.G. 308-9, ysprydyeu do.
310, both in the former sense); anrheithiau 'spoils', anrheithi
'dear ones', sg. anrhaith 'booty; darling', 156 ii (i).
132 NOUNS 219
ii. In some cases the desynonymization is only partial : tadau
means both ' fathers ' and ' ancestors ', but teit JL.A. 121, Mn. W.
taid means the latter only, as
Penaethiaid yw dy daid oil. G.I.H., IL 133/211.
' All thy ancestors are chieftains/ teidiau 'ancestors' is perhaps
to be treated as the pi. of taid 'grandfather', a derivative
(<*(atios?) of tad, cf. nain 'grandmother' (<*nanid?). The
pi. ais, while continuing to mean ' ribs ', was used for ' breast '
D.G. 316, and became a sg. noun, fern, (like bron), as
Am Robert y maer ebwch
Yn f ais drom anafus drwch. T.A., G. 230.
' For Robert is the cry in my heavy wounded broken breast.'
But asau and asennau retained their literal meaning. In the
spoken language now, ais is ' laths ' (sg. eisen), asennau ' ribs '
(sg. aseti).
iii. Partial desynonymization extends to the sg. in deilen
'leaf (of a tree only), dalen 'leaf (natural or artificial), dail
'leaves' (of trees or books), dalennau 'leaves' (artificial only,
but Ml. W. dalenneu B.B. 101 'leaves' of trees). Complete
desynonymization has taken place in the sg. and pi. in cors
f. ' marsh ', pi. comydd> and corseti f. ' reed ', pi. cyrs (in Ml. W.
cors, corsydd meant ' reed, reeds ' also, see Silvan Evans s. v.) ;
tant ' harp-string ', pi. tannau, and tennyn ' halter ', pi. tenynnod.
iv. Desynonymization occurs in the sg. only in conyn ' stalk ',
cawnen ' reed ' ; gw'ialen ' twig, wand ', gw'ielyn ' osier ' (used in
wicker-work the original meaning, 75 vi (2)).
In the dialects also coeden ' tree ' " vox nuperrime ficta " D.D. and
coedyn 'piece of wood'. The word for 'tree' in lit. W. is j>ren' t cf.
ny elwir coet o un prenn R.P. 1044 ' wood is not said of one tree.'
In some cases, of course, the diminutive was from its earliest forma-
tion distinct in meaning from its base ; as yden f. ' a grain of corn '
from yd ' corn ' mas. sg. (yr yd hwn ' this corn '), pi. ydau ' varieties
of corn '.
Anomalous Plurals.
132. A few anomalous plurals remain to be noticed : (i) ci
' dog ', pi. cwn ; ci < Kelt. *ku < *kuu < Ar. *&(u)uo : Skr. sva
89 iii; cwn < Brit. *kune9<Ax.
220 ACCIDENCE 133
(a) dydd ( day ' < *diieus : Lat. dies, and dyw ' day ' in dyw
Gwener f on Friday ' etc. from an oblique case (Ar. gen. *diue*,
*diu6s), pi. d'ieu < Brit. *die'ues 100 ii (i), beside dteuoeb
128 i, and dybyeu IL.A. 51, R.B.B. 9, re-formed from the sg.,
Mn. W. dyddiau, now the usual form, though tridiau is still in
common use.
Bluitinet a hir dieu (t = 8) B.B. 56 ' years and long days '; deugein
niheii IL.A. 21 'forty days'; seith nieu B.B.B. 54; deugain nieu
D.G. 198, etc.
(3) duw ' god ', O. W. duiu- 78 iv (a) < *deiuos (: Lat.
is the same word as the above with different vowel grades
63 vii (4). The Ml. pi. dwyweu IL.A. 73 is formed from the
old sg. ; geu-dwyeu also occurs do. 44 with loss of w ; the Mn. pi.
duwiau is a second re-formation.
(4) diawl 'devil', pi. d'iefyl 100 ii (i), also a late pi. diawl(i)aid
(loss of i by dissim. is usual) ; the pi. dleifl used by Gr.O. is
artificial, as possibly the sg. dia/ft. Wm.S. invented a new sg.
diafol, which was adopted in the Bible, and so is considered
more respectable than the genuine form.
(5) Uwyddyn ' year ', pi. blynedd, blicyfyneb, llynyddoedd
122 iv (a), 125 v (i).
(6) aren pi. eirin 106 ii (i), new pi. arennau\ eirin 'plums',
new sg. eirinen.
(7) pared, pi. parwydydd 130 i (4); ffer 'ankle', pi. (old
dual) uffarnau, ucharnau 96 iv (a), late f>\.fferau, fferi. Other
cases of anomalous vowel changes in 125 v, 117 iii.
(8) One or two examples generally quoted of irregular plurals
are due to haplology, 44 iv, and are irregular in the late
period only. Mn. W. cydymaitk ' companion ', pi. cymdeithion ;
Ml. W. sg. cedymdeith W.M. 10, pi. cydymdeithon do. i ; Mn. W.
credadun ' believer ', pi. credinwyr, a corrupt re-formation from
crediniol for creduniol, 77 ix, for credadunipl ; Ml. W. credadun^
pi. credadunion M.A. i 566.
Nouns with no Plural.
133. The following nouns are used in the sg. only :
i. Many abstract nouns, simple, as gwanc 'voracity', llwnc
134 NOUNS 221
'swallowing'', llafur 'labour', cred 'belief, tywydcl ' weather ';
or derivative as syched ' thirst ', tristwch ' sadness ', ffyddlondeb
' fidelity ', glendid ' cleanliness '.
But a large number of abstract nouns have pi. forms : chwant
' desire', pi. chwantau; coel ' belief, pi. coelion, etc.; see 120 i (4),
121ii( 3 ), 122ii( 4 ).
ii. Nouns denoting material or substance, as mel ' honey ',
glo ' coal ', ymenyn ' butter ', gwaed ' blood ', baw ' dirt ', llaeth
' milk ', etc.
There are many exceptions : dyfroedd ' waters ', sg. dwfr ; cigau
'meats', ydau 131 iv, etc.
arian in the sg. means ' silver ', thus yr arian hwn ' this silver ',
arian byw ' quicksilver '; but arian is also pi., and as pi. means
'money', as yr arian hyn 'this money', arian gwynion or arian
gleision ' white ' or ' grey money ', i. e. silver coins. More rarely aur
is pi. in a similar sense: aur melynion or aur rJiuddion W.IL. 2.
Similarly heyrn the pi. of haearn means ' irons ' as fire-irons, etc.
The names of woods have the same form as the pi. of the names
of trees ; thus derw ' oak ' or ' oak-trees ', sg. derwen ' oak-tree '. The
same form is used (like arian, aur, haearn, etc.) as an adj. : cadair
dderw ' oak chair ' ; onn ' ashen ', etc. (but not ifnn etc.) :
Llithio 'r wyd y llaih hir onn
Ar galonnau'r gelynion. T.A., A 14975/95-
' Thou feedest the long ashen spear on the hearts of the enemies.'
iii. Diminutive nouns in -an, -iff, -cyn>> -cen ; as dynan ' a little,
person', oenig 'a little lamb', bryncyn 'hillock', llecyn 'place',
ffolcen ' foolish girl '.
If the word does not exist without the suff., or if without the suff. it is
an adj., it has a pi. in -od, rarely -au ; mudanod ' deaf-mutes ', llebanod,
etc. 123 ii (2), eurigod do. (i); crymanau 'sickles'.
iv. Archaic and poetical words such as bun ' maid ', ior ' lord ',
cun 'lord', huan 'sun' 113 i (5).
v. Proper names of places, months, days, feasts ; as Cymru,
JEbrill, Calan, Nadolig. Except Suliau 'Sundays', Sadyrnau
; Saturdays '. Other days thus : dyddiau Llun ' Mondays ', etc.
Nouns with no Singular,
134. A few nouns are used in the pi. only :
i. bonedd 'gentlefolk'; rh'ieni 'parents'; nouns in -wys denoting
inhabitants, as Motiwys ' men of M6n ' 38 viii.
222 ACCIDENCE 135, 136
Bonedd Gwynedd a genais,
Blodau'r sir heb kdryw Sais. T.A., A 14966/27 7.
' I have sung the nobility of Gwynedd, flowers of the shire with no
Saxon alloy.'
The eg. rhiant (pi. rJiiaint) given by Pughe seems to be his own
invention.
ii. aeron e fruits'; gwartheg 'cattle'; crerfion 'parings'; gwreich-
ion ' sparks ' ; names of certain vegetables : bresych ' cabbages ',
chwyn(n] 'weeds', br'iallu B.T. 25, H.M. ii 162 'primroses'; in
Mn. W. ymysgaroedd 'bowels', but Ml. sg. ymysgar S.G. 214.
For pi. names of vegetables a sg. is sometimes formed by adding
-en, as hesg ' rushes ', sg. hesgen, or -yn as blodeu-yn, rhos-yn. The
new and spurious sg. briallen is based on the assumption that -u is a
pi. ending ; so also the spurious pi. brieilL
iii. Adjectives used as nouns : (i) persons : fforddolion
' wayfarers ', tlodion ' paupers ' ; (2) qualities : prydferthion
'beauties', 145 iii.
TF For the pi. of compound nouns, see 157 iii.
GENDER.
136. The gender of a noun denoting an animate object agrees
in general with the sex of the object ; thus the nouns gwr ' man,
husband ', ceffyl ' horse ', brawd ' brother ', gwas ' servant, youth '
are m., and gwraig ' woman, wife ', caseg ' mare ', chwaer ' sister ',
morwyn ' maid ' are f.
136. i. When the same noun is used for both sexes it is
generally epicene, that is, it has its own gender whichever sex
it denotes.
The following are mas. epicenes : plentyn ' child ', baban ' babe ',
bar cut ' kite ', etyr ' eagle '.
The following are fern, epicenes : cennad ' messenger ', calk
' cat ', colomen ' dove ', bran ' crow ', ysgyfarnog ' hare '. Thus we
say y gennad (not *y cennad] even when we mean a man.
Kymer y gennat honn, a dwc efy dy Ernallt C.M. 33 ' Take this
messenger and bring him to the house of Ernault '. See also E.B.B. 68,
IL.A. in and 2 Sam. xi 19-25.
These nouns do not change their gender by the addition of gwryw
' male ' or benyw ' female ', as old-fashioned grammarians taught. In
136 NOUNS 223
eryr "benyw ' female eagle ' the non-mutation of the 5- of benyw shows
that eryr remains mas. In fact the gender of a noun must be ascer-
tained before gwryw or benyw can be added to it.
ii. There are however several nouns of common gender in
Welsh, that is, nouns whose gender varies according to the sex
of the individual meant. Such are dyn ' man ' or ' woman ',
dynan ' little person ', cyfyrder ' second cousin ', wyr ' grandchild ',
tyst ' witness ' (< Lat. testis com.), mudan ' deaf-mute ', perthynas
' relation ', gefell ' twin ', cymar ' mate', ttatai ' love- messenger ',
etc. 139 v, cyw ' pullas ', llo ' calf. Thus y -aaudan oxy fudan ;
y perthynas or y "berthynas ; llo %wryw or llo fenyw.
See cyw f. D.G. 94, usually m. ; un gymar f. D.G. 274 ; teir wyryon
E.M. 112, W.M. 468 'three granddaughters'.
T ddyn fwyn oedd ddoe'n fannerch :
Aeth yn fud weithian y ferch. D.E., G. 117.
' The gentle lady yesterday greeted me : now the maid has become
silent.'
Wyr Cadwgon yw honno :
Wyr i fab Meilir yw fo. L.G.C. 367.
' She is the granddaughter of Cadwgon ; he is the grandson of Meilir's
son.'
Danfmaf, o byddaf byw,
At feinwen latai fenyw. 1L., IL 133/102.
' I will send, if I live, to the maiden a female messenger.'
The initial consonant of dyn is sometimes left unmutated after the
art. when f., as pwy yw'r dyn deg 1 D.G. 53 ' who is the fair lady ? '
But usually y ddyn as above, cf. 38 vi, ex. 3.
dynes is a N.Walian vulgarism which has found its way into recent
literature ; it does not occur in the Bible or any standard work. The
examples quoted by Silvan Evans are evident misreadings (dynes for
y ddyn and dynes sad for dyn sad) ; but it is found in the work of
a poetaster in p 112/365 (early lyth cent.). No pi. has been invented
for it. Other late formations are cymhares and wyres, the former used
in the 1 7th cent.
iii. Some mas. nouns used as terms of endearment, etc. become
fern, when applied to females ; as peth ' thing J , byd ( life ', cariad
( love ', enaid ' soul ' ; thus y loeth dlawd ' poor thing ' f.
'Y myd wen, mi yw dy wr,
A'th was i'th burlas barlwr. D.G. 156.
' My fair life, I am thy husband and thy servant in thy leafy parlour.'
224 ACCIDENCE 137
.F'enaid dlos, ni ddaw nosi
I ada.il haf y del hi. D.G. 321.
c My beautiful soul ! there comes no nightfall to the summer-house to
which she comes.'
iv. Similarly a mas. abstract noun, when personified is occa-
sionally treated as fern., as doethineb in Diar. i 20, ix 1-4.
137. i. Some mas. names of living objects "are made fern,
by the addition of -es, or by changing -yn to -en ; thus brenin
' king ', brenhines ( queen ' ; bachgen ' boy ', bachgennes Joel iii 3
' girl ' ; Hew f lion ', llewes ( lioness ' ; asyn ' ass ', f. asen ; coegyn
' fop ', f. coegen B.CW. 14.
arglwyS ' lord ', arglwySes W.M. 1 1 ' lady ' ; marchawc W.M. 2, Mn.W.
marchog ' horseman, rider, knight', marchoges, W.M. 13, B.CW. 58 ; iarll,
iarlles W.M. 254 ' earl ', ' countess ' ; amherawdyr W.M. 178 'emperor',
amherodres do. 162; cares I.G. 557 'relative' f. ; tywysoges ib. 'prin-
cess'; sanies do. 559 'saint' f. ; arglwyddes a meistres mCr Gr.O. 15
' lady and mistress of the sea '.
In old formations the -es is seen added to the original stem, as in
lleidr 'thief, f. lladrones B.CW. 21, see 121 i; Sais 'Englishman',
f. Saesnes<l$rit. *Saxo, *Saxonissd, 113 i (2). On the vowel change
in Cym.ro, f. Cymraes see 65 ii (i).
ii. In the following cases the distinction of gender is irregular :
nai ' nephew ', nilh ' niece ' ; cefnder(w) ' cousin ', f. cyfnUher(w) ;
chwegrwn ' father-in-law ', f. ckwegr ; hesbwrn, f. hesbin ' ewe ' ;
ffol ' fool', i.ffolog ; gwr, gwraig ; ci 132 (i), gast 96 ii (3).
nai < Ar. *nepots ; nith < Ar. *neptis 75 vii (2) ; cefnderw 76
vii (3) (O. W. pi. ceintiru) and cyfnitherw are improper compounds
representing ceifn derw and cyfnith Serw ', for ceifn lit. ' co-nephew '
see 75 vii (i) ; cyfnith<*kom-neptis l co-niece'; derw is an obsolete
adj. meaning ' true ', Ir. derb ' sure ' < *deruos, Ar. base *dereu- : E. true,
and doubtless W. pl.derwyS-on* ' soothsayers' < *d e ruiies (: G&ul.druides
<Brit., Caesar B.G. vi 13, Ir. erm'<Brit. ?) : W. dir 'true, certain',
Ir. dir ' due ' < LR *deru-s, chwegr 94 iv ; chwegrwn< * suetcru-no- ;
hesbin from W. hesb f. of hysb ' dry ' 96 iii (5) ; the formation of
hesbwrn is not clear; perhaps for *hesbrwn formed on the analogy
of chwegrwn; gwr < Ar. *uiros : Lat. vir; gwraig < *urakl prob. <
*u(i]r-ak-i, a noun in -I (: -iia, cf. pi. gwrageb) from a derivative in
-ak- of *uir-os : cf. Lat. virago.
This is more probable as a derivation of druid than that it comes from the
word for oak. There is however a distant connexion, since derw ' oak ', Gk. fyvs,
etc., are probably derived from the same Aryan base *dereu- ' fast, hard '.
138 NOUNS 225
iii. (i) As in other languages, near relations and familiar animals
have names of different origin for males and females : tad ' father ',
mam 'mother'; brawd, chwaer ; ewyt/ir, modryb; ceffyl, caseg ; etc.
(2) Names of birds are epicenes, mostly f. as y fwyalch or y fwy-
alcken ' the blackbird ', y fronfraith ' the thrush ', yr wydd ' the goose ',
y gog ' the cuckoo ', y frdn ' the crow ', etc. ; but almost an equal
number are m., as eryr 'eagle', dryw 'wren', barcut 'kite', hedydd
' lark ', alarch ' swan '. The male bird is in some cases distinguished
by using ceiliog followed by the specific name in the attributive geni-
tive, as y ceiliog bronfraith or y ceiliog mwyalch ; but this cannot be
done generally. Note ceilidgwydd 'gander' 74 i. The names of one
or two male animals are formed in a similar manner ; as bwch gafr
' he-goat ' ; gwrcath ' tom-cat '.
138. The gender of nouns denoting inanimate objects or
abstractions can only to a very limited extent be determined by
the meaning.
i. The following nouns are mas. :
(1) tymor 'season', and the names of the seasons: gwanwyn, haf,
hydr^f, gaeaf, see Jiydrefdwys a'r gwanwyn 38 viii; so y Garawys,
y Grawys 'Lent' with g- as a new radical 101 iii (2), cf. yr holl
Arawys A.L. i 338 'all Lent'.
( 2) mis ' month ', and the names of the months, as Chwefrol sydd
iddo 28 o ddyddiau 1620 Bible Almanac 'February has 28 days'.
(3) dydd 'day', and names of days, see Difiau dw 46 ii (4); so
y Pasg ' Easter ', y Nadolig ' Christmas ', y Sulgwyn ' "Whitsunday ',
y Calan ' New Year's Day ' ; but gwyl ' feast ' is f., so that Gwyl Fair
' Lady Day ', etc., are f.
(4) gwynt ' wind ', and the names of points of the compass : y gog-
ledd ' the north ', y dwyrain ' the east ', y deheu ' the south ', y gorllewin
' the west '.
(5) Nouns denoting material or substance : aur, arian, haearn, pres,
jyren, derw, ffawydd, glo, maen, pridd, calch, clai, tail, gwair, gwellt,
yd, bwyd, bara, cig, gwaed, gwin, cwrw, dwfr, gwydr, lltdr, lliain, sidan,
glaw, eira, etc.
(6) Verbal nouns; see 205.
ii. The following nouns are fern. :
(1) gwlad ' country ', teyrnas ' kingdom ', ynys ' island ', and names
of countries, etc. : Cymru Idn ' beautiful Wales ', Prydain T?awr ' Great
Britain ', y F6n fau Gr.O. 16 ' my Mona '. But tir ' land' is m., hence
Tir Groeg m. ' Greece '.
(2) tref'town', llan 'church', and names of towns and parishes:
Bangor Fawr yn Arfon ; JLanbadarn "Faivr.
(3) afon 'river', and names of rivers: Dyfi wendal D.IL. 'fair-
browed Dovey'.
(4) Names of mountains and hills : yr Wyddfa ' Snowdon ', Camedd
1102 Q
226 ACCIDENCE 139
Ddafydd, Moelyci ; but mynydd ' mountain ' and bryn 'hill' are m.,
and so therefore are names formed from them, as Mynyddmawr.
(5) iaith 'language', and names of languages: y Gymraeg wen
E.P. 217; but when the name denotes matter written in a language
it is m. : y Cym/raeg Tiwn ' this (piece of) Welsh '. llythyren ' letter '
is fern., and names of letters and sounds : a fain ' thin a ' (i. e. ' ce ').
(6) Names of trees : derwen ' oak ', ddr ' oak ', collen ' hazel ', etc.
(7) Collective nouns denoting communities, etc. : y genedl ' the
nation ', y werin ' the people, the crew (of a ship) ', y bobl ' the people ',
y bendefigaeth ' the nobility ', y gymanfa ' the assembly ', y gynulleidfa
' the congregation ', y gler ' the bards' (y fdn gler L.Gr.C. 71), y dorf,
y dyrfa ' the crowd ', y gynhadledd ' the assembly ' ; with some late
exceptions, as y cyngor ' the council ', y bvyrdd ' the board '.
139. The gender of a derivative noun is determined by its
ending 1 .
i. The following endings form m. nouns : -ach dim. sg., -aint, -awd,
-cyn, -dab -deb, -der, -did, -dod, -dra, -dwr, -edd, -hdd, -i -ni -ioni,
-iad -ad, -iant, -inab -ineb, -rwydd, -wch (-wg), -yd, -yn.
Examples : bwbach, henaint, traethawd, llecyn, un-dab, -deb, blinder,
gwendid, cryndod,ffieidd-dra, cryfdwr, amynedd, glanhdd, tlodi, noethni,
drygioni, cariad, teimlad, mwyniant, doethin-ab, -eb, enbydrwydd,
tywyll-wch, (-wg], iechyd, offeryn.
Exceptions : awdurdod, trindod ; buchedd, cynghanedd, trugaredd,
see 143 iii (13); cenadwri (f. after cennad}', adeilad 205; caniad
1 song ' (f. after can] but caniad ' singing ' m. ; galwad (f. after galwedig-
aeth); blwyddyn, elltrewyn, odyn, telyn, twymyn. In the last group
-yn is not the sg. ending -ynn, see 1 26 iv.
ii. The following endings form f. nouns : -ach (abstract), -aeth
-iaeth etc., -as, -ed, -ell, -en, -es, -fa, -ur.
Examples : cyfeillach, cosbedigaeth, athrawiaeth, teyrnas, colled, asgell,
seren, llynges, par/a, natur, pladur.
There are many exceptions in -aeth and -iaeth; as claddedigaeth,
darfodedigaeth, gwasanaeth, hiraeth, amrywiaeth, gwahaniaeth, llun-
iaeth. Other exceptions are lludded, caethiwed, syched, pared ; castell,
cawell, hiriell ' angel ' D. 43 ; maJiaren; hanes m. in N. W. gwriiadur
' thimble ' is m. in N. W. ; names of persons in -ur are mas. (f. -ures).
iii. The following endings form derivatives having the same gender
as the noun to which they are affixed : -aid ' -ful ', -an dimin., -awd,
~od ' stroke, blow ' ; as crochanaid m. ' potful ' ; llwyaid f. ' spoonful ;
niaban m. ' babe ', gwreigan f. ' little woman ', dynan com. ' little
person ' ; cleddyfod m. ' stroke of sword \ffonnod f. ' blow of a stick ',
dyrnod m., arfod f. (cleddyfawd f. D.G. 473 is exceptional).
iv. -og (-awe) forms m. titles and designations, as tywytsog ' prince ',
marchog ' knight ', swyddog ' officer ', cymydog ' neighbour ', taeog
' villain ' ; and f. terms of reproach, a.sffolog ' fool ' f., budrog ' slattern ',
slebog id. Names of inanimate objects in -og are generally f., as arffedog
1 apron ', clustog ' cushion ', mawnog ' bog '.
140 NOUNS 227
-ig forms m. titles, as gwledig 'prince', pendefig 'chief, and f.
diminutives as oenig, etc.
-in is m. in brenin ' king ', dewin ' sage ', budin ' drinking horn ',
ewin ' (finger-)nail ', gorllewin ' west ' ; otherwise f., as byddin, cegin,
cribin, gwerin, hesbin, megin, melin.
v. -ai, Ml. W. -ei (for -hei) forms nouns of com. gender, as llatai
136 ii; see cicai f. JD.G. 166.
140. i. No useful rule can be laid down for determining by
the form the gender of nouns without derivative endings. It is
true that nouns having w or y in the ultima are mostly m., and
those having o or e are mostly f. ; thus asgwrn, arddwrn, dwrn,
dwfr, ellyll, byd, bryn are m. ; colqfn, tonn, ffordd, ffenestr, gwen,
deddf are f. But exceptions are so numerous that the rule is of
no great practical value.
The reason for the rule is that Brit, u and i, which normally give
W. w and y, were affected to o and e by the lost f. ending -a, 68,
thus bringing about a preponderance of f. nouns with o and e. The
reasons for the numerous exceptions are the following: (i) o and e
may be original Brit., and not the result of affection at all, as in mdr m.
'sea', penn m. 'head' ; (2) y is often due to affection by the lost f.
ending -I; as in blwyddyn f., telyn f. etc. ; (3) endings other than -a, -I
caused no affection ; hence jfrwd f., hwch f. etc.
u seems to some extent to have followed the analogy of w, thus W.
cur m. < Lat. cura f. ; most monosyllables with u are thus m. ; but
dud ' vehicle ', tud ' people, country ', hug ' covering ', dun ' thigh ',
hun ( sleep ', punt ' i \ffust ' flail ' are f.
There is no reason why a, i and the diphthongs should be distinctive
of gender ; and rules which make them the basis of such a distinction
are arbitrary, and worse than useless. Thus Mendus Jones, Gr. 2 75,
states that monosyllables having a are f. ; Anwyl, Gr. 28, says they
are m., and names 13 exceptions (omitting gardd, sarff, barf, nant,
cad, Hath, barn, etc., etc.) ; actually, the proportion of m. to f. (excluding
Eng. words, and names of males and females, as tad, mam) is about
55 : 45. Similarly monos. with i are said to be in.; in reality the
numbers of m. and f. are practically equal : m., Hid, gwrid, pridd,
llif ' flood ', rhif, brig, cig, cil, mil ' animal ', jffm, llin, min, gwin, glin,
tir, mis, plisg, llith ' mash ' ; f., pi, crib, gwib, gwich, tid, ffridd, llif
'saw', gurig, pig, hil, mil ' 1000', hin, tin, trin, rhin, gwisg, cist, llith
' lesson '.
ii. A few doublets occur with m. -?-, f. -o- ; as cwd m. c bag ',
cod f. ' purse '. The others are borrowed words containing -or
+ cons. ; as iorf ' crowd ' < Lat. turbo, : twrf ' tumult ' ; fforch ' a
fork ' < liaLfurca : ffwrch ' the fork, haunches ' \-ffordd ' way ' <
Q2
228 ACCIDENCE 141, 142
O.E./ord : iffwrdd ' away ' ; bord ' board, table ' < M.E. lord :
Iwrdd id.<O.E. lord.
Also with -yn : -en, as ysgellyn : ysgallen 130 iii, coegyn : coegen etc.,
137 \,ffwlcyn :ffolcm, and S."W, dial, crwtyn 'boy' : croten 'girl '.
141. i. The gender of a compound noun is generally that
of its subordinating element; thus elusendy ' almshouse' m. like
ty ' house ', this being the subordinating, and elusen the sub-
ordinate element. So gwinllan ' vineyard ' f. like ttan ; can-
hwyllbren ' candlestick ' m. like pren.
There are a few exceptions, possibly due to a change in the gender
of the simple noun: cartref in. ' home', pen tref m. 'village' (though
tref is now f.) 111 v (2) ; pendro f. ' vertigo ' (tro m.), as Maer bendro
ar y llo ZZeza/R.P. 1278.
Epithetized compounds have the same gender as the sex of the
person ; thus all-tud ' exile ' generally m. (tud f.).
ii. The above rule also holds for improper compounds, 4fi, in
which the subordinating element comes first ; thus tref-tad
'heritage' f . ; dfdd-brawd 'day of judgement ' m. ; pont-bren
' wooden bridge ' f. ; pen-cerdd ' chief of song ' m.
142. i. There are many nouns of vacillating or uncertain
gender. Some of them are old neuters, like braich from Lat.
bracchium. In other cases the uncertainty is due to the action of
analogy.
ii. The gender sometimes varies according to meaning or use :
golwg 'sight' m., as in golwg byr 'short sight' (but f. in IL.A. 107) :
golwg 'appearance' f., as in teg yr olwg 'fair to see'; bath or math
' kind ' m., as dau fath ' two kinds ' : with the art. f., as y fath ' the
kind', y fath btth 'the kind of thing'; man 'spot' in., as yr Sen
van gochyon W.M. 140 'to the two red spots ', man gwan ' weak spot ' :
man ' place ' f. generally as in Matt, xxviii 6, often m. as in Jer. vii 3 ;
note yn y fan ' immediately ', yn y man ' by and by ' ; to ' roof m.
as in aderyn y to ' sparrow ' : to ' generation ' sometimes f., as in
L.G.C. 204; coes 'leg' f. :coes 'stalk' or 'handle' of a spade, etc.
(where there is only one) m., dim. coesyn m. Unrelated pairs :
gwaith ' work ' m., gwaith ' fois ' f., as in dwy waiih ' twice ' ; llif m.,
llif L ; mil m., mil f. ; llith m., llith f . ; 140 i.
iii. Some nouns have different genders in Ml. and Mn. W. This is
sometimes due to a break in the tradition owing to the word becoming
obsolete in the spoken language; in other cases it is due to, or has
been helped by, analogy. Early Mn. W. generally agrees with Ml. W. ;
the break comes in the Late Mn. period.
143 NOUNS 229
The following are m. in Ml. W., f. in Late W. : damwein W.M. 29,
K.M. 19 'accident'; Ireint L.L. 121, K.B.B. 71 'privilege'; dinas C.M.
3, 8, IL.A. 44, D.G. 325 'stronghold, city', still m. in place-names;
ne/TL.A.. 4 ' heaven ', S.Ph. (m. W.IL.) late i6th cent, has ne' gwyn, but
H.S. inid. 1 5th already has nef f., see 160 iii (2) (c) ; chwedyl R.M. 192
'tale', chwedl drwg Ps. cxii 7 ; gruS IL.A. 93 'cheek', y grudd, deu-
rudd in the bards, but f. in Bible; gweithret A.L. i 526, B.B. 7, IL.A.
132; ergit B.B.B. 42 ; krevyS IL.A. 143.
The following are f. in Ml. W., m. in late W. : tangneveS W.M. 43,
K.M. 30, 38 (but y tangneveS W.M. 55) 'peace ', m. in Bible ; gwirioneb
W.M. 29, B.M. 19 ' truth ', m. in Bible and later bards, c.c. 357 ; cygreir
C.M. 18, B.M. 160 'truce', m. in Bible, Deut. xxix 14 ; rydit K.B.B. 83
'freedom'; person C.M. 19, IL.A. 3 'person'; llynn W.M. 51, B.M. 36
' lake ' ; llys W.M. 5, K.M. 3 ' court '.
In some cases the gender fluctuates in Ml. W. : breich, as in C.M. 18
ar y breich ' on the arm ', and in the next line y'r vreich ' to the arm ' ;
it is m. in the Bible, but now f. except in place-names ; Jieul ' sun ',
m. IL.A. 3, f. do. 1 6 1, generally f. in the bards, m. in Bible, f. in Wms.
257, now in. ; heulwen is an improper compound of haul wenn 46 ii
(i) ; clot ' praise ' m. as clot bychan W.M. 142, K.M. 212, generally f. in
the bards G. 184, f. in the Bible, i Bren. x 7, now m., orig. neut. 66 v.
iv. The difference is in some cases dialectal: ciniaw 'dinner' f. in
W.M. 61, K.M. 43, now f. in S.W. but m. in N.W. ; troed m. in Ml.W.
e. g. deitdroet always (not dwy-], m. in N.W., f. in S.W. The following
are f. in S.W., m. in N.W. : cyflog, hanes, garr, gwriiadur, llyn, pwys,
munud, dorian (though ar y fumtd, yn y glorian in N.W. also); in
Mn. Lit. W. these are mostly m. as in N. VV. ; crib 'comb' now m. in
N. W., but crib ' ridge ' f. On the other hand in N.W. cusan (m. C.M.
58, 61) and cwpan (m. in Bible) are sometimes treated as f., doubtless
a late misuse, as also the use in some parts of canhwyllbren as f. But
dust m. R.B.B. 54, m. in S.W., is f. in N.W. and in the Bible. N.W.
is not uniform : sack m. in Gwynedd (<Lat. saccus) is f. in Powys.
DERIVATIVE NOUNS.
143. Derivative nouns are formed from simple nouns, from adjec-
tives, and verb-stems by the addition of the following endings :
i. Diminutive endings, largely used to form singular nouns 126 :
m. -yn, f. -en. The O. W. forms are -inn, -enn, and the n is doubled
in Ml. and Mn. W. when a syllable is added, as defnynn-au Can. v 2,
cang/ienn-au Luc. xiii 19. They probably represent the Ar. suffixes
-mo-, -ma- with dimiu. gemination 93 iii (2), giving Brit. *-inno-s,
*-inna.
They may also be added to adjectives and vb.-stems, as coeg-yn, ' fop ',
(coeg ' empty, vain '), ysgogyn, ' swaggerer ' (ysgog-i ' to shake ').
ii. Diminutive endings added to nouns: -ach, as corrach 'dwarf
< a Brit. *-akkos, with dimin. gemination ; an, as dynan ' little
ACCIDENCE 143
person ', gwreigan ' little woman ' ; this appears in late Brit, as -agn- ;
in Ir. it is -an; see 104 ii (i); ell, as in iyrchell 'a roe', < Brit.
*-elld or *-illd ; ig, as in oenig ' lamb ', < Brit. *-lkd ; cyn, f. -cen,
sometimes added to contracted personal names, as Hwlcyn for IJywel,
appears to be comparatively late, and may be from E. -kin.
iii. Abstract and collective noun endings, etc. : (i) -ach as cyfeillach
'friendship' cyfrinach 'secret' (< *-aksd, v.n. suffix 203 i (3) (4)). *
(2) -aeth 'act'< *-aktd, 203 i (i), as in gwasanaeth ' service '<
*uo-ssdn-dktd< *upo-std-no-aktd 96 ii (2) ; as *gwasan does not occur,
the suffix is here felt to be -anaeth. It takes the form -iaeth from
stems in -i, thus added to -aid in dysg-eid-iaeth ' learning ' ; hence
hyndjiaeth 'antiquity', gofdniaeth 'smithing'; hence -aniaeth in
gwlybdniaeth ' wet weather '. So -iaeth as marsiandiaeth ' commerce ' ;
-niaeth as saermaeth ' workmanship ', mechmaeth ' surety '. In ar-
glwyddiaeth, arglwyddiaethhoth accentuations occur, seeArglicyddtaeth
(4 syll.) D.G. 8 ; Gwledd Dduw a'i arglwyddtaeth Gut.O. M 146/397 R.
' The feast of God and his Lordship ' : Pe talai'r wydd arglwyddtaeth D.G.
2 10 'If the goose paid tribute '. The form in Late W. is the last. The
ending is also added to verbal adjectives in -adwy, -edig. as ofnadwyaeth
'terror', poenedigaeth 'torture', erledigaeth for erlidedigaeth 44 iv.
It is also seen in -adaeth, -dabaeth, -debaeth, -wriaeth, etc.
(3) -aid, Ml. W. -eit <*-atio-s, *-atid : llwyaid 139 iii.
(4) -aint, Ml. W. -eint : henaint 'old age; dioddefaint 'suffering'
203 ii (3), q.v.
(5) -an : cusan 'kiss', chwiban 'whistle', v.n. suff. 203 vi (i).
(6) -as < *assd : teyrnas f. ' kingdom ' ; also -ias, as trigias
'residence' : Ir. -as m. <*-asm- (: Goth, -assu-) : 1*-0t-td, *-9t-tu-.
(7) -awd, -od, Ml. W. -awt < *-dt- : traethawd 'treatise' < Lat.
tractdtus ; molawd ' praise ' : Ir. molad ; used to denote the stroke of
a weapon cleSyfawt, etc. 1 39 iii < *-dtio.
(8) -deb, -dab, -dabaeth, -dabaeth, -ineb, -inab all contain
*ap- < *9q%-, V ocj*- like Lat. antlquus, Skr. prdtlka-m 'face' and
W. wyneb 100 v. In -deb *ap- is added to a -ti- stem, in -ineb to
Brit, -mi- (as in brenin iv (10)) ; '-ia- > ie >e 65 vi ; in -dab -inab
to allied adj. stems in -to-, -ino- (cf. Brugmann 2 II i 285); '-oa- >
'-a- > a. Silvan Evans states s.v. duwdab that -dab etc. are "local
forms ", meaning that the -a- is Gwyn. a for e, 6 iii, which is absurd,
for dial, a does not extend to the penult as in -dabaeth (dial, atab,
atebodd, not *atabodd). The forms with a occur before any trace of
dial, a, and are used by writers of all parts : diweirdap p 14/2 R.
(circa 1250), dewindabaeth R.B.B. 16, 38, 41, 42, C.M. 93; doethinab
M 117 R. (c. 1285), R.B.B. fac. opp. p. i (c. 1310-1330); cowreindab
S.T., IL 169/39 R -j hydab L.G.C. 195; geudab Ps. Ixii 9.
Y Drindod a ro a tmdab a Printed dro.
Er deigr Mair deg ar i Mab. T.A. c. ii 78-
' The Trinity bring about union for the sake of fair Mary's tear for
her Son.'
143 NOUNS 231
(9) -der, -ter < *-tero- cpv. Buff. : dyfn-der ' depth '.
(10) -did, -tid, Ml. W. -dit, -tit< Ar. *-tut- : gwen-did 'weakness ';
-dod, -tod, Ml. W. -dawt, -tawt< Ar. *-tdt- : cryn-dod ' trembling ' ;
: Lat. vir-tut- ( < *uiro-tut-} ; civi-tat-.
-dra, -tra, see (22) below.
( 1 1 ) -dwr < *-turo-, prob. -ro- added to -tu- stem., cf. Gk. /xap-rv/aos :
cryfdwr ' strength '.
(12) -ed, Ml. W. -et, partly < -itds, as in ciwed < Lat. cwitas;
partly < *-e-to, Ml. W. dyly-et<*dligeto-n : Ir. dliget. syched 'thirst' ;
nodd-fd ' protection ', colled ' loss ', etc.
(13) -edd <*-%' : trugaredd ' mercy '< *trougdkariid : Ir. trocaire;
: Gk. -i'5, dvapxia, etc. Most nouns with this ending have become
mas. in W. ; but many retain the orig. gender 139 i.
(14) -eg < -ikd; as gramadeg < grammatical ; so hanereg 'half-
measure ' < Brit. *san-ter-ikd. It forms the names of languages as
Saesneg, Gwyddeleg, Ffrangeg, Gwyndodeg ' the dialect of Gwynedd ',
Gro-eg, Cymrd-eg. In the last two contraction took place. Wm.S.
took -aeg for the ending in Cymrdeg, and so, beside the correct
Saesneg, wrote Saesnaeg and Saesonaeg, see the headings in his Die.
Gtvyddelaeg, Ffrancaeg etc. were also formed, either by him or by his
imitators. D.D. s.v. aeg vehemently protests against these solecisms,
and against the use of aeg as a word meaning ' language '. a Kanys
Yspaenec a Sywedei y kawr C.M. 19 ' For it was Spanish that the giant
spoke '. Kymraee/c/twec E.P. 1 1 89. Ffrangec a loewdec Sttetyeith
do. 1225 ' Good clear pure French'.
Dysgais yr eang Pfrangeg;
Doeth yw i dysg, da iaith deg. I.R., P 82/309 K.
' I have learnt the rich French language ; wise is its learning, fail-
good tongue.'
(15) -es < *is$d : Inches 'herd of cows, place for milking' ; llynges
' fleet ', lloches ' hiding-place ' ; cf. iv (4).
(16) -fa: i.< *-mag- ' place ': por-fa 'pasture'; cam-fa 'stile';
trig-fa 'dwelling place'; cyrch-fa 'resort'. 2. Abstr. for -fan(n)
v.n. ending 203 ii (4), by loss of -nn 110 v (2) < Ar. *-m e n-
62 i (2): llosg-fa 'a burning'; lladd-fa 'slaughter'; cryn-fa
' tremor ' ; bodd-fa ' deluge '. The two are confused, and the second
class have plurals like the first, as llosgfeydd.
(17) -i is the same as the v.n. ending -i, see 202 ii ; thus tlodi
' poverty' (also as v.n. 'to impoverish '), noethi ' nakedness' (v.n. 'to
denude'), diogi 'idleness' (v.n. 'to idle '), caledi ' hardship '. gwegi
' vanity '. ymddifedi ' destitution '.
(18) -jad, -ad added to verb-stems is properly -ad, as shown by
a Tr aeg is of course parallel to the * ologies* in Eng., except that in Eng. no
one imagines ology to be a real word. It is strange that the false division was
not extended to -es; though a Welshwoman is Cymraes, no one has written
Gwyddelaes for Gwyddeles, or called his wife yr aei.
232 ACCIDENCE 143
such forms as carad, e.g. Hu du di-garad B.B. 86, and especially the
form -had (for -ha-ad), which would be *-haead if the ending were
-iad ; but with stems in -i- we have e. g. rhodi-ad ( : rhodiaf) ; from
these -iad was generalized, but too late to cause penultimate affection ;
hence cariad ' love ' (-iad agent affects, see iv (5) ). -ad, pi. -adau is
from *-9-tu- (Ar. *-tu- verbal-abstr. suffix) : Lat. supine genitum <
*gen9-tu-m ; -ad f. < *-9-td 203 iii (8).
(19) -iant is similarly -ant < *-nt-, participial suffix, as in Ml. W.
derewant IL.A. 152 ' stink ', Mn. W. dretviant ; it generally appears as
-iant in Ml. and Mn. W. : meSyant W.M. 8, Mn. W. meddiant
' possession '.
(20) -id in addewid f. ' promise ', perhaps < *-l-ta ( : Lat. flnitus) ;
in cadernid m. 'might' < *-l-tu- (: Lat. sup. vestltum) ; rhyddid is
a late re-formation of rhy(S)-did.
(21) -ni < Brit. *gnwnu-, O. W. gnim 'work' 203 vii (4) :
mech-ni ' bail' (mach 'a surety'), noeth-ni ' nakedness' ; -ioni < -iono-
gnim- 155 ii (i): haeUoni 'liberality'; also -oni in barddoni
(bard/tony A.L. i 78) ' hardism '. As -ni is for *-jra, and n%n > n
1 10 ii (i), the ending cannot be distinguished from -i after n ; thus
trueni ' wretchedness', gwrthuni 'unseemliness' may have -i or *-%ni.
(22) -red, lit. ' course ', < *-reto-, Vret- 63 ii : gweithred 'action',
Ml. W. brithred 'confusion' ( = Ir. brechtrad 'commingling'); in
a more literal sense, hydred ' length ', lledred ' breadth '.
-rwydd, lit. ' course ', < *-reido- : Gaul, reda ' waggon ' < *reida,
W. rhwydd ' easy, without let, perfunctory', lit. ' * running ' ; a fertile
abstr. suff. in W. : enbyd-rwydd ' peril ', gwallgof-rwydd ' insanity '.
-dra, -tra, lit. ' course' < *'-trog-, Vtregh- 65 ii (i) : e-ofn-dra
' fearlessness '.
(23) -wch < *-is-qo-, v.n. ending; see 201 iii (2) :
' darkness ', Jwddwch ' peace '. The -wg in the by-form
is prob. due to dissim. of continuants ; see 201 iii (3).
(24) -yd < *-o-luls, nom. sg. of *-o-tut- (10): byicyd 'life', Ir.
bethu < Kelt. *biuotuts', mebyd 'youth'; partly perhaps <*-i(i (: Lat.
-itia, and substituted for it, as tristyd < *tristitl < trlstilia).
(25) -ynt in helynt 'course'; tremynt (dremynt) 'sight'; prob.
*-en- + -tl.
iv. Endings denoting agent or person: (i) -adur < Lat. -atorem,
as in peclwdur < peccdtorem, extended to new formations : henadur
' elder ', penadur ' chieftain ' ; in creadur ' creature ' it comes of course
from -atura.
(2) -ai, Ml. "W. -ei, properly -hei for it hardens the preceding
consonant, < *-sagio ' seeker' 104 ii (2), as blotai ' beggar of meal '
(Mawd 'meal'), cynulai 'gatherer of firewood' (cynnud 'firewood')
etc. The late artificial formation mynegai ' index ' is wrong in form
(it should be *mynacai) and in meaning (it should denote a ' seeker ').
(3) -awdr < Lat. -dtor, as in ymherawdr < imperdtor, creawdr <
creator, extended in W., as in dysgaudr 'teacher', llyuiawdr 'ruler'.
143 NOUNS 233
For W. awdr ' author ' < Lat. au(c)tor (beside awdur < ace.
au(c}ldrem) the dial, form awdwr (with parasitic w 16 v (3)) came
to be used in Late W. The above words were then mistaken for
compounds of this, and wrongly spelt and accented ymherdwdwr,
credwdwr. Lastly the -w was mistaken for -wr 'man', (8) below,
and a new pi. ymherawdwyr formed instead of the true' pi.
ym(h}erodron ; but ym(h)erodraeth remains.
(4) -es < Brit. *-is$a : Lat. -issa : brenhines etc. 137 i.
(5) -iad : hebryngyat W.M. 4 ' guide ' ; it affects a to ei : lleiddiad
' killer ' (lladd ' kill '), datgeiniad ' singer ' ; after w the i is lost 36
v, as geilwad 'caller' (galw 'call'), ceidwad 'keeper, saviour' (cadw
' keep '). It implies Brit, -iatis (or iatd) : Gaul. Na/xavo-ans, TaXdrai
: Ir. -ith, i-stem ; the suffix is -ti- (or -to] : Gk. //,arris, Kpt-T^-<s ; -ia- or
-a- < -is- or -9- ; the affection of the vowel shows that the -ia- form
was already generalized in Brit.
(6) -og, Ml. W. -awe < Brit, -akos adj. suffix 153 (5) forms
m. nouns as tywysog 'prince', marchog 'knight', swyddog 'officer',
and f. nouns as ffolog, see 139 iv; the former have feminines in
-oges : tywysoges ' princess ', cymydoges ' neighbour '.
(7) -or, Ml. W. -awr < Lat. -arius as kaghellaur A.L. i 62, Mn. W.
canyhellor < cancelldrius, extended in W. : telynor ' harpist ', cantor
' singer ' ; f. -ores : canto-res.
(8) -wr ' man ' : pregethwr ' preacher ', gweithiwr ' worker ' etc. ;
-wraig ' woman ' : golchwraig ' washerwoman '.
(9) -ydd < Brit, -no : crydd ' shoemaker ' 86 i (5), melinydd
1 miller ', prydydd ' poet ' ; -edydd < -atiio : dringhedydd ' climber ',
nofadydd D.G. 502 'swimmer'; -idyS : llemidit W.M. 466 HemhidyS
E.M. no 'leaper'; f. -yddes : prydyddes 'poetess', -adyddes :
gwniadyddes ' sempstress '.
(10) Endings of more restricted use: -ig in pendefig 'chieftain',
gwledig 'prince', < *-l-ko-, 153 (9).
-in in brenin < *-1ni- ; cf. pi. brenhinoedd ; -in from Lat. -mo- in
deioin for *diwin < dlvlnus, perfjfyerin ' pilgrim ' < *pergefinos <
peregrlnus.
v. Endings denoting instrument or thing: (i) -adur, iv (i):
Ml. W. paladur, Mn. W. pladur ' scythe ', gwniadur ' thimble ' etc.
(2) -in < -ma : melin ' mill' < Lat. mollna ; ccgin 89 iii ; so
cribin, megin, etc. 139 iv. The m. buelin may have -in < *-ikno-,
cf. Gaul, celicnon 'tower', Vqel- 'high' : Lat. celsus, columen.
(3) -ell < -ella or -ilia : padell 'pan' < Lat. patella ; pibell 'pipe',
ffynhonndl ' fountain, source '.
(4) -og iv (6), besides names of persons, forms f. names of things,
as arffedog ' apron ', clustog ' cushion ', of plants, as tewbanog ' mullein ',
of places, as mawnog ' peat-bog ', brwynog ' marsh ', etc., and m. names
of birds as cyjfylog ' woodcock ', and animals, as draenog ' hedgehog ',
llwynog ' fox '.
(5) -wr iv (8) : crafwr ' scraper '.
234 ACCIDENCE 144
ADJECTIVES
NUMBER.
144. The pi. of adjectives is formed from tbe sg. as follows :
i. By change of vowel. The change is the ultimate e-affec-
tion 83 ii ; cf. 1 17 i. Examples : bychan ' little ', pi. bychein
IL.A. 2, Mn. W. bychain, so llydan ' broad ', truan ' wretched ',
buan ( quick ' ; cadarn ' strong ', pi. kedeirn W.M. 40, kedyrn do. 51,
Mn. W. cedyrn\ ieuanc 'young 7 , pi. ieueinc W.M. 181, Mn. W.
iettainc ; har 'handsome', pi. heirb ; bybar 'deaf pi. lybeir
R.P. 1196, Mn. W. byddair.
ii. By adding the ending -ion. Examples: mud ' mute ', pi.
miiflyon R.P. 1196, Mn. W. mnd\on\ coch ' red ', pi. cocfyon R.P.
T 236, Mn. W. cochion ; gkw ' bold ', pi. glewion ; cul ' narrow *,
pi. culion.
iii. The addition of -ion causes the following vowel changes:
(1) Mutation 81: tlawcl 'poor', pi. llodyon R.P. 1196,
Mn. W. tlodion; trwm 'heavy', pi. trymyon R.M. 14, Mn. W.
trymion \ llwm 'bare', pi. llpmipn\ Ifym 'keen', pi. llyntio* ',
mefyn 'yellow', pi. mefyt/ion; Mn. W .main 'slender', p\.meinion,etc.
The comparatively late pi. mawrion is an exception ; an older form
is perhaps moryon B.T. 45 ; but the original form mawr< *mdrl (like
the sg. ma^vr<*mdros) generally remained : lloppaneu mawr W.M. 23,
K.M. 14 ' big boots '. A similar exception is trawsion M.A. i 544.
(2) Penultimate affection 83 iii: glas 'blue', pi.
gleissyon R.P. 1196, now written gleision ; dall ' blind ', pi. deiltyon
ib., Mn. W. deillion ; claf sick ', pi. cleivyon ib., Mn. W. cleifion ;
gwag, pi. gweigion; cadr, pi. ceidryon R.P. 1169 (ceidron iv).
e is not affected: uchel 'high' pi. uchelion M.A. i 5650,; see gwel-
won etc. iv. a is unaffected in the late pi. meddcdion ; the old pi. is
meddal like the sg. : petheu clayr me&al IL.A. 70 "blanda et mollia ".
ae remains unaffected, and the ending in some old forms is written
-on, as haelon B.B. 3, R.P. 1169, M.A. i 2830,, later hadion,
iv. After the groups mentioned in 36 v-vii, the i drops, so
that the ending appears as -on : gwelw * pale ', pi. gwelwon R.P.
1196, gweddw 'widowed ', pi. gwebwon do. 1236 ; cJiwerw 'bitter',
pi. cliwerwon ; hoyw ' sprightly ', pi. Aoywon ; du ' black ', pi.
duon ; teneu ' thin ', pi. teneuon ; budr ' dirty ', pi. bndron ; gang
' rough ', pi. geirwon ; marw ' dead ', pi. meirwon ; llathr ' bright ',
145 ADJECTIVES 235
pi. lleithron (lleitfiyryon in w. yi). The affection of the vowel in
geirwon etc. bears witness to the lost i.
In most Ml. "W. MSS. the t, following ez, is lost after all consonants,
as in S.W. dialects, 35 ii, as deillon K.P. 1236 (beside deillyon 1196).
v. Some adjectives have two plurals, one formed by affection,
and one by adding -ion : harclcl ' handsome ', pi. heirdd, heirddion ;
garw ' rough ', pi geirw, geirwon ; marw ' dead ', pi. meirw, meirwon.
caled usually remains unchanged: rhai caled T.A. c. ii 79, pethau
caled Ex. xviii 26, cf. i Bren. x i, xiv 6; but caledion Judas 15
(though ccilet here also in Wm.S.), cledion c.c. 334. The spoken forms
are caled and cledion. The form celyd K.G.D. 96 seems to be a recent
invention; Wins. 372 has Yr hoelion geirwon caled, changed in
recent hymubooks to celyd. Similarly Cymraeg is sg. and pi. :
henweu Kymraec s.G. 172 ' Welsh names'.
145. i. The only pi. forms which are originally adjectival are
those produced by vowel affection; where these exist they generally
accompany pi. nouns, thus gwyr cedyrn, not gwyr cadarn. But we
have seen that from the Ar. period *-ip, pi. *-iones formed nouns
corresponding to adjectives in *-ios 121 i ; and there can be
no doubt that W. forms in -ion (from *-ione#) were originally
nouns, as they may still be, e.g. y tlodion 'the poor'. The dis-
tinction between these nouns and adjectives proper was obscured
by the fact that adjectives might be used as nouns, e.g. y kedyrn
W.M. 51 ' the mighty ' ; then, in imitation sigwyrcedyrn ' mighty
men ', expressions like plant tlodion 'poor children ' were formed
for the sake of formal agreement, as the agreement was not
apparent in an adj. like tlawd which had the same form for sg.
and pi. But the old tradition persisted, and the use of forms in
-ion was, and is, optional : eriron d-u, . . , cock, eririon gwinn,
. . . glas, . . . lluid B.B. 72-3 ' black . . . , red . . . , white . . . ,
blue . . . , grey eagles'; clynyon mwyn B.M. 21 'gentle folk',
meirch dqfdo. 31 ' tame horses ' ; and is more frequent in later than
in earlier periods, thus bratleu trwm of W.M. 23 appears as bratfeu
trymyon in the later R.M. 14. Hence we find (i) as forms in -ion
were not really needed, many adjectives remained without them,
and have no distinctive pi. forms ; (2) in many cases plurals in
-ion remain substantival.
ii. The following adjectives have no distinctive plui'al forms
in use :
236 ACCIDENCE 145
(i) The simple adjectives (or old derivatives no longer recog-
nized as such) : bach, ban, call, cas, certh, craff, cu, cun, ckweg, da,
dig, drwg, fflwck, gau, gwdr, gwir, gwymp, hafal, hagr, hawdd, /ie/i,
hoff, llawen, llesg, lion, llwyr, mad, man, pur, rkad, serfyll, serth,
sobr, swrth, teg.
bychain is pi. of bychan, not of bach, which is sg. and pi. like the
others in the above list; thus plentyn bach 'little child', pi. plant
bach.
Yr adar bach a rwydud
A'th iaith dwyllodrus a'th hud. D.G. 313. '
' Thou wouldst snare the little birds with thy deceiving words and
thy wile.'
drwg is also an abstract noun, pi. drygau 'evils', hagr is included
in D.'s list; Rowland's hagron is obviously spurious it would be
*heigron if genuine, hen is included because henyon IL.A. 95 is only
known to occur once, and that in verse. D. y C. has hyff as pi. of
hoff, as well as aghlyff, "pryff and cryff as pi. of anghloff, praff", craff
apparently extemporized K.P. 1361 (praff has pi. preiffion). mdn is
usually pi. as in cerrig mdn ' small stones ', often sg. as in gro mdn
' fine gravel '.
gldn ' clean ' has pi. gleinyon IL.A. 102, K.P. 1236, which is compara-
tively rare, and became extinct. D. 56 includes tywyll, but quotes
an example of tywyllion ; this and one or two others like melysion
(for melys pi., Diar. xxiii 8) are not uncommon in Late Mn. W.
(a) Adjectives of the equative or comparative degree. But
superlative adjectives have substantival plurals.
(3) Derivative adjectives in -adwy, -aid, -aidd, -ar, -gar, -in,
-lyd, 153. But adjectives in -ig, -og, -ol, -us have plurals in
-ion, which commonly precede their nouns, but may follow them,
as gwyr bonkebigyon S.G. 63 ' gentlemen '.
nefolyon wybodeu ac ysprydolyon gelvydodeu IL.A. 103 'heavenly
sciences and spiritual arts', cf. 102. Deddfolion ddynion a ddyfa-
lant M.A. i 26 ' law-abiding men they deride '. o'r nefolion ar daear-
olion a thanddaearolion ~beih.au Phil, ii 10. NerthoeS nefolyon . . .
neu wrlhytu fyveSolyon IL.A. 102 'heavenly powers or wonderful
miracles '.
Y mae'r sir wedi marw Sidn
Yn wag o wyr enwogion. Gut.O., G. 219.
' The county, after the death of Si on, is void of famous men.'
Rhoed yn un bedd man-redd Mon
Eu deugorff urddedigion. H.K.
' In one grave has been laid the greatness of Mon, their two noble
bodies.'
145 ADJECTIVES 237
(4) Most compound adjectives, as hy-glyw, Jiy-glod, e-ang,
ffrwytli-lon^ melys-lais, etc. But when the second element is an
adj. which may take -ion, the ending- is sometimes affixed to the
compound; thus claer-wynnyon IL.A. 92 'bright', gloytv-buon do*
93 'glossy-back ' ; glas-feinion D.G. 87 ' green and slender', tal-
gryfion Ezek. iii 7 " of an hard forehead ".
D. 56 quotes cyn-dynion, erchyllion (erch-hyllion) as exceptional
forms in
Dynion cyndynion dinerth
Hyllion erchyllion a cherth. Anon.
' Stubborn (but) weak men, ugly, hideous and strange.'
iii. Many adjectives have substantival plurals used partly as
abstract nouns as uckelion Gr.O. iao 'heights', but chiefly to
denote classes of persons ; the sg. is also in some cases substantival.
The pi. is formed either by affection or by adding -ion or -iaid,
Ml. W. -yon, -yeit ; the latter is used for persons only, and
causes the same penult, affection as -ion, except in late forma-
tions. Thus caeth ' slave ' pi. keith, Mn. W. caitTi L.G.C. 63, or
Ml. W. keitfiyeit or Mn. W. caethion ; byddar ' deaf pi. byddair>
later formation byddariaid ; lalch 'proud' pi. leilch R.P. 1334
1. 46, beilc/tion, beilchiaid', truan 'wretch' pi. truain, trueinion,
trueiniaid ; gwan ' weak ', pi. gweinyon M.A. i 22o5, gweinyeit R.P.
1196, Mn. W. gweiniaid ; dall ' blind' pi. deillion, deilliaid.
Ar ol y ferch ar wyl Fair
gloi'r bedd e glyw'r byddair. T.A., c. ii 83.
' The deaf hear [the lamentations] for the maid on Lady Day at the
closing of the grave.'
A'i lun gwrol yn gorwedd
Ef a wna i'r beilch ofni'r bedd. T.A., A 14975/107.
' Since his manly form lies [in it], he makes the proud fear the grave.'
Be chwilid pob ach aliwn,
Bylchau'n ach beilchion a wn. TA., A 14966/277.
' If every alien pedigree were examined I know gaps in the pedigree
of proud ones.'
A phlaid o feilchiaid a fydd. D.E., p 100/249.
' And there will be a company of the proud.'
NOTE, gweiniaid is often used adjectivally in Mn. W., as rhai
gweiniaid i Cor. ix 22 ; on the other hand gweinion is often a noun
238 ACCIDENCE 146
even as late as c.c. 338 (dated 1588). blwyddiaid is the only form of
the pi. of the adj, blwydd ' year old ', and is used adjectivally, as saith
oen blwyddiaid Lev. xxiii 18 ; see 122 iv (2), p. 206.
iv. Many superlatives have pi. forms which are substantival
only ; one, kynaif ' elders ', is formed by affection ; the others take
-ion or -laid, as goreuon, hytiafmid (the a of -qf is not affected) ;
eit/tafoeb R.M. 186, L.G.C. 140, 152 (beside eithajion} and pellqfoedd
are peculiar in having -oedd.
Hopcyn ar lasfryn a'i laif,
Hwnnw oedd fal yr hynaif. L.G.C. 167, cf. 10.
' Hopkin on a green hill with his sword, he was as the men of old.'
Llan Nefydd, lie i hynafiaid. T.A., A 31102/158.
' Llan Nefydd, the place of his ancestors.'
I wyth ynys y'th aned,
O'ih ofn crynn eithaflon Cred. T.A., A 14971/390.
'.For eight islands hast thou been born, the uttermost parts of
Christendom tremble for fear of thee.'
v. Derivatives in -ig, -Off, -ol, -us have substantival plurals in
-ion only ; as y dysgedigion ' the learned ', y cyfoethogion ' the
wealthy', meidrolion 'finite beings', rheidusion M.A. i 3150
' needy ones '.
Ac yr <wyf inneu yn mynet yn erbyn bonheSigyon y wlat hon
S.G. 293 'and I am going against the gentlemen of this country'.
Efe a dywallt ddirmyg ar foneddigion Ps. cvii 40.
vi. Many compounds have plurals used as nouns only :
kyvoedyon C. M.A. i 233^ ' contemporaries ', anwariaid ( savages ',
y ffyddloniaid ( the faithful ' ; pengryniaid and pengrynion ' round-
heads ' ; prydferthion ' beauties ', abstract.
GENDER.
146. i. Many adjectives containing w or q have f. forms in
which these vowels are affected to o or e respectively, 68, 83.
The change takes place chiefly in monosyllables.
ii. Monosyllables containing w or y may be classified thus :
(i) In the following the affection takes place in the f., in the
literary language: w : blwng I.G. 198 'angry', f. blong see ex.;
brwnt 'dirty'; bwlch (kic bwlch A.L. i 524 'meat in cut'), f. bolch
146 ADJECTIVES 239
E.P. 1327; crwm 'bent'; crwn 'round'; dwfn 'deep'; llwfr
'cowardly'; llwm 'bare'; mwll 'sultry'; mws R.P. 1348 'stale',
f. moa I.G. 406 ; pwl ' blunt', f. p6l IL. IL i33/2iia; tlws 'beauti-
ful'; trwch I.G. 491 'maimed', f. troch do. 285; trwm 'beavy';
trwsgl 'clumsy'; twll W.M. 133, G.Gr. D.G. 247 'perforated', f.
toll R.P. 1045; twnn I.G. 497 'battered', f. town, see ex. y : brych
' spotted ' ; byrr ' sbort ' ; cryf ' strong ' ; cryg ' hoarse ' f. grec K.P.
1274, I.G. 628, D.G. 2 2 3 ; ffyrf ' thick ' ; gwlyb 'wet'; gwyn(n)
' white ' ; gwyrdd ' green ' (but see 68); hysb ' dry ' ; llyfn ' smooth ';
llym ' keen ' ; aych ' dry ' ; syth ' upright ' ; tyn{n) ' tight '. All the
f. forms of the y-group are in colloquial use, except creg.
Rhoes hivrdd i'm Hong, rhoes flong floedd. G.Gr. P 5 1/4 9.
' [The billow] gave my ship a push, and gave an angry shout.'
Oer yw rhew ar warr heol ;
Oerach yw 'mronn dona yn d'ol. W.IL., G 300.
' Cold is the frost on the ridge of the roadway ; colder is my stricken
breast after thee.'
(2) In the following both the unaffected and the affected form are
used for the f. ; in some cases perhaps the affected is a conscious
formation, more or less artificial: w : fflwch, f. in D.G. 80, but
-ffloch in comp. I.G. 226 'flush'; pwdr 'rotten', f. Num. v 21,
but podr I.G. 399 ; rhwth ' distended ', geg-rwth f. D.G. 344, but
roth I.G. 406 ; swrth, f. sorth ' prostrate ' Gr.O. 59. y : clyd
'sheltered', did f. B.B. 62, but cled D.G. 221 and later poetry, see
ex., now clyd f. ; crych ' curly ', f. D.G. 75, -grech in comp. see iv
(i); chwyrn 'whirling', f. D.G. 418, late chwern P.P.O. 344; gwydn
' tough ', gwedn D.G. 50 ; gwymp ' fine ', I.R. has gwemp says
D- 54 > hyll, ^ DG. 71, nos hyll 'horrid night' do. 500, later f. hell,
but generally hyll, and so in spoken W. (the compound diell is not
necessarily f. as D. assumed, but is for di-hyll by dissim. 16 iv (2),
and may be mas. as diell deyrn M.A. i 4936).
Od aeth Rhys o'i glaerllys gled,
Yr wyf finnau ar fyned. D.N., M 136/109.
' If Ehys has gone [to the grave] from his warm bright home, I too
am about to go.'
(3) In the following the vowel is never affected, but the unaffected
form is m. and f. : w : brwd ' warm ', drwg ' bad ', glwth ' glutton-
ous ', gwrdd ' strong ', givrm ' brown ', llwgr ' corrupt '. y : dygn
'grievous'; grym 'strong'; gwych, f. D.G. 89, 143, 156, 315, 359
'fine' (gwech is a late fabrication); gwychr 'victorious'; gwyllt
see ex. ; hy ' bold ' ; hydr ' valiant ' ; myg ' admirable ' ; rhydd ' free ';
rhyn(n) f. D.G. 267 ' shivering, cold ' ; syn(n) ' astonishing '.
240 ACCIDENCE 146
Hed drosof hyd a dir Esyllt ' Misprinted .
berfedd gwlad Wynedd wyllt. D.G. 523.
' Fly for my sake as far as the land of Essyllt from the heart of the
wild region of Gwynedd.'
iii. The change takes place rarely in uncompounded poly-
syllables :
(1) Melyn ' yellow ' has f. melen always.
(2) D.D. gives " manwl et manol" s.v. but cites (from L.G.C. 318)
ntanwl f. ; the form manol seems a variant (? late) of manwl rather
than a f. For the f. of tywyll L.G.C. and D.E. wrote tyivell, whicli
is quite certainly a spurious form, for tywyll originally had in its
ult. not y but wy 38 x, 111 i (2), and could no more take a. f.
form than llwyd ' grey '. The true f. is tywyll : Stavell Gyri&ylan ys
tywyll K.P. 1045 'The hall of C. is dark'; Tywyll yw'r nos,...
tywyll yw'r fro D.G. 267 'dark is the night, dark is the land';
rhan dywyll Luc xi 36. D. 54 states correctly that tywyll is com.,
quoting as violating usage (" sed dixit poeta") the well-known
couplet
Nos da i'r Ynys Dywell;
Ni wn oes un ynys well. L.G.C., MI 46/1 40.
' Good night to the dark island ; I know not if a better island be.'
The name, which denotes Anglesey, is properly yr Ynys Dywyll
(Ynis Dowyll Camden 4 68 1, Ynys Dowyll Mona Ant. 1 24). Rowland
41 gives tywell as regular, and cites the couplet as an example,
borrowing it from D. or his translator, but lacking D.'s scholarship.
Some recent writers have used the form, having learnt it from these
sources ; and naturally Wms's tyicyll nos is everywhere " corrected "
to tywell nos in the new C.-M. hymnbook. The spoken language of
course preserves the traditional form nos dywyll.
In Ml. and Early Mn. "W. derivatives in -lyd had f. forms in -led :
croc creuled B.B. 41 'bloody cross'; y Sm'c danllet S.G. 294, 329
' the fiery dragon ' ; urf wyarlled G.G1. D. 59 ' gory weapon ' ;
Ac uybren drymled 1 * ledoer b Printed dremled.
A'i lluwch yn gorchuddwr lloer. D.G. 229.
' And a gloomy chilly sky, and its drift hiding the moon.'
(3) But the bulk of polysyllabic adjectives with w or n in the
ult., which are not conscious compounds, have no distinctive f. form :
w: agwrdd 'strong' amlwg 'evident', chwiimcth 'quick', teilwng
' worthy ', etc. ; y : melys ' sweet ', dyrys ' intricate ', hysbys
' known ', echrys ' terrible ', newydd ' new ', celfydd ' skilful ', pybyr
f. I.G. in' keen ', ufyll ' humble ', serfyll ' prostrate ', etc. etc.
iv. The affection often takes place in compounds :
(i) In the second element when it is an adj. as pen-grych B.w. 163
'curly-haired', f. benn-grech do. 232 (but ben-grych in the earlier
147 ADJECTIVES 241
W.M. 165); claerwyn M.A. i 92 'bright', f. claerwen D.G. 48;
mynygl-wen do. 137 'white-throated', drwyn-llem do. 395 'sharp-
nosed'; gwallt-felyn G. 157 'yellow-haired', f. gwallt-felen D.GK
107; di-syml ' artless', f. dt-seml D.G. 53.
Dywed, donn hfcys-gron, las-greg,
Chwedl da am ferch wiwdal deg. G.Gr. p 77/194.
1 Tell me, finely-curved blue hoarse wave, good news of the fair
sweet-faced maiden.'
Sometimes the first element is affected in co-ordinate compounds,
as tlos-deg D.G. 518 'beautiful and fair', sech-goeg I.G. 406 'dry
and void ' ; and in rare cases both elements, as cron-fferf D.G. 38
' round and firm '.
(2) But old compounds, consisting of prefix + adj. and others
which are not consciously felt to be compounds, retain their vowel
unaffected : hy-dyn ' tractable ', an-hydyn ' intractable ', cyn-dyn
' stubborn ', ed-lym ' keen ', cymysg ' mixed ', hy-fryd ' pleasant ',
dy-bryd ' ugly ', cyffelyb ' like ', amlwg, agwrdd, etc. iii (3),
v. The following are irregular :
(1) brith 'speckled' has f. braith, Ml. "W. breith, a special case of
a-affection, not originally irregular, see 68.
(2) The change takes place in the penult in bychan 'little', f.
bechan, see 101 11(2), and cwta 'short', f. sometimes cota] and
sometimes in comparatives and superlatives; see 147 iii.
vi. There is no distinctive form for the f. pi.
COMPARISON.
147. i. The adjective in W. has four degrees of comparison,
the positive, the equative, the comparative, and the superlative.
As the cpv. is followed by no, later na ' than ', the equative is
preceded by cyn and followed by d (unacc., a) : cyn wynned d'r eira
' as white as snow ' ; 'of after the spv. is expressed by o : y byrraf o'r
ddau lit. ' the shortest of the two '.
ii. (i) The derived degrees are formed from the positive by
the addition of -(X)ed, ~ac&, -(h}af respectively. The -h- of the
equative and spv. disappeared after the accent 48 ii, but hardened
final -b, -d, or -g to tenues, even when these were followed by
a sonant ; in Late Mn. W. the hardening is extended to the cpv.
Of course all mutable vowels are mutated, 81. Thus the
present-day comparison is as follows :
242 ACCIDENCE 147
Positive Eqtv. Cpv. Spv.
gldn 'clean* glaned glanach glanaf
teg 'fair* faced tecach tecaf
gwfyb ' wet ' gwlyped gwlypach 9wtyP a f
tlawd ' poor ' tloted tlotach tlotaf
6udr ' dirty ' butred butrach butrqf
' tough* gwytned gwytnack
(2) But in Ml. W. the final consonant of the positive was not
hardened in the comparative ; thus we have tebygach W.M. 44,
K.M. 30 'more likely ', tegach 'fairer* beside teckaf ' fairest* W.M.
226, R.M. 164, Ityfrydach R.B.B. 50 'more pleasant', hidyach
R.p. 1 249 ' more necessary '. The tenuis is rare : kaletach B.T. 64,
69 ' harder '. The media remained in Early Mn. W., e.g. rywiogach
L.G.C. see 115 ii; caledach G.G1. c. i 195; tegach T.A.
A 14967/89 ; tlodach see ex.
Aeth cerdd dafod yn dlodach ;
Aed ef i wlad nef yn iach. H.D., p 99/416.
' Poetry became poorer [by his loss] ; may he go safe to Leaven.'
The equative and superlative, however, always have the tenuis :
kyn-debycket W.M. 34, R.M. 22, teccet W.M. 181, R.M. 84, teccaf a
gwastataf W.M. 179, R.M. 83, etc. The -h- which caused this
hardening is sometimes preserved in Ml. W. : dahet R.M. 50 ' as
good* ; mwyhafvfM. 179, R.M. 83 ; ky vawhet, gurhaw 149 i (2) ;
pennhaw (-w = -f) B.B. 102 ; see 48 iv.
H On i before the ending, see 35 ii (2).
iii. In Ml. W. f. forms of the derived degrees arose, the endings
being added to the f. positive ; these are new formations, and are
less frequent in earlier than in later texts ; thus dissymlaf of
W.M. 6 becomes disemplaf in R.M. 4. Other examples are tromhaf
W.M. 82, R.M. 60 ; gwen(n)ach R.B.B. 60 ; gwennet R.P. 1239 ; do/net
do. 1276. A few survive in the Mn. period, eos dlosqf D.G. 402
' most beautiful nightingale ' ; lerraf F. 1 7 ; Wennaf Wen.
iv. (i) The comparison of adjectives in the Ar. languages is largely
formed by means of the Ar. suffix *-ies-. The L-grade *-ios gives Lat.
-tor nom. sg. m. f. of the cpv. ; the F-grade -ios gives Lat. -ius the
corresponding neuter; the R-grade -is is seen in the Lat. cpv. adverb
mag-is. The R-grade -is- with other suffixes gave many forms of the
cpv. and spv.
ADJECTIVES 243
(2) The W. spv. -haf (=Ir. -em, -am) is from Kelt. *-isamos,
*-isamd < Italo-Kelt. *-i8 e m-os, -a, cf. Lat. plurimus < *plois e mos.
This is formed by adding the ordinal ending *- g mos (: Lat. sept-imus)
to the suffix of comparison -is-, just as the other ordinal ending -tos
(: Lat. sex-tus) added to -is- forms the other spv. ending -istos familiar
in-Gk. and Germanic. [The -ss- of Lat. -issimus is due to some re-
formation, probably -is- 4- -simus newly compounded, the latter ele-
ment containing -(i)s- already.]
(3) The W. cpv. -ach (Bret, -oc'h) seems to come from Brit. *-aks-
for unaccented *-aks- 74 ; probably in full *-dk'son < *-ak-ison
(final *-on for *-on 59 v) the cpv. in *-is-on (: Gk. -uav, Goth, -iza)
of a derivative in *-dk-os of the adj. 153 (5). The general substitu-
tion of the cpv. of a derivative for the ordinary cpv. in *-ios is doubt-
less due to the fact that, after the loss of endings, the cpv. in -ips
did not differ from the pos. pi. (*katarn-ios would give *cedeirn), & or
in some cases from the pos. sg. (*meliss-ids would give *melys). The
suffix -ok- itself prob. had a heightening force, as it has in Lith. when
added to an adj. ; in Lettish -dks is the ordinary cpv. ending. The
suffix *-ison is formed by adding *-on to the suffix of comparison
*-is-. It occurs with loss of -i- in W. nes, haws, etc. 148 i, q.v. ;
the final *-on is the L-grade of a suffix -en-, which is perhaps
to be seen in amgen 148 ii and haeachen G. 234, apparently an obi.
case of haeach 220 iii (6). The final -n of the nom. sg. -son is prob.
the initial of no ' than ' 1 13 i (i).
(4) The W. eqtv. -het ( = Bret. exclamative -het) seems to be from
Brit. *-t8-eto-s, formed by adding the Kelt, ordinal suffix *-eto-s
154 ii (2) to the suffix of comparison *-is-. It contains the same
elements as the spv. suffix *-istos, but is a new and independent
formation, in which each element preserves some measure of its signi-
ficance : -is- ' superior ', -eto- ' in order'. It is equative in meaning
only when cyn is prefixed ; thus cyn deced A ' as beautiful as ', lit.
' equally excelling-in-beauty with '. Without cyn it is an exclamative,
as uchet y kwynaf K.P. 1417 'how loudly I lament!'; so Ml. Bret.
kazret den ' what a fine man ! ' (in the dial, of Leon the spv. is
substituted for it, as brasa den ' what a big man 1 '). In W. it is largely
used substantially as the obj. of a vb. or prep., meaning not the
quality denoted by the adj. but the degree of it : er i tJieced ' in spite
of her superior beauty '.
Zimmer, KZ. xxxiv 161-223, ne ^ ^ na ^ ^ ue eqtv. was a noun like
colled, etc., which became an adj. by being compounded with cyn,
which he regarded as *kom- ; cf. lliuo ' colour ', cyfliw ' of a like
colour'. His explanation did not account for the -h- iii the suffix;
hence Stern, ZfCP. iii 1 64, suggests that the eqtv. is a compound,
the second element being allied to Ir. sdith, Lat. satis, but this the
vowel does not admit of. The fact that teced is a noun in er i theced
no more proves it to be a noun originally than the use of gwaethaf
a Both survived for hen ' old ', but the pi. only as a noun ; thus h$n 'older '<
*sen^os, h$n ' ancestors '<*em.
n 2
244 ACCIDENCE 147
as a noun in er dy waethaf ' in spite of thy worst ' proves the spv. to
be a primitive noun ; the ordinal itself is so used, as ar vyn deu8ecvet
W.M. 83 ' on my twelfth ', meaning ' [I] with eleven others '. Zimmer
ignores the difference of meaning between the eqtv. and an abstract
noun; er fy nhlodi is 'in spite of my poverty', but er fy nJdoted is
' in spite of the degree of my poverty '; the former means ' thoifgh
I am poor ',- the latter ' however poor I may be ' ; the idea of ' degree '
is common to the W. eqtv. and Bret, exclamative, and it is absurd to
assert, as Zimmer does, that it is a meaning read into the form by us
moderns.
Some of the irregular equatives given in the next section begin
with cym-, cyn-, cyf-, cy-, which are the regular forms of Kelt. *kom-
in composition. These do not require cyn before them ; hence
Zimmer believed that cyn before an equative in -(h)ed was identical
with the above prefixes, and came from *kom~. But cyn is followed
by a soft initial, and its -n (Ml. -nri) is never assimilated to the
following consonant; Strachan, who accepts Zimmer's view, explains
this briefly as follows : " the form cyn- with analogical lenation
became the general form before all sounds," Intr. 29. Analogy
usually causes the one to conform to the many; but the above
explanation involves the assumption of the many conforming to the
one in the generalization of the pre-dental form cyn- (which did
not take place in any other compounds of *kom-); it involves the
same assumption in the generalization of the apparent lenition in
cy-w- (as in cy-wir) ; as the two things (-n and lenition) could not
co-exist in any formation from *kom-, the two generalizations would
have to be independent, so that the improbability is raised to the
second degree. Further, the -n- of ci/n is not only old enough to
provect I- and r- ( 111 i), as in cyn llonned, cyn rhated (as opposed
to cyf-laion, cyf-ran from *kom-), but is actually older than the
separation of W. and Bret., for in Ml. Bret, it is quen. Some other
explanation of cyn must therefore be sought.
cyn ( = eyn, in the dialects mostly kin) is now a proclitic, though
it may be accented for emphasis ; it was also a proclitic in Ml. W.
for it was generally joined to the eqtv. in writing, though often
separated, see below. But its -y- shows that originally it was a
separate word separately accented, and distinguishes it from all the
forms of *kom-, which have y. In cyn-ddrwg, cyn forms an improper
compound with the adj., and its y becomes y 46 i ; this is the only
case of y in cyn with lenition. While cyf- < *kom- can be prefixed
to a noun or adj. as cyf-liw, cyf-uwch, the form ci[n cannot be put
before a noun ; we cannot say *cyn harddwch, *cyn dlodi, *cyn rhaid,
*ci(n gymdeithas, but must say cyn hardded, cyn dloted, cyn rheltied,
cynn gytymdeithaset H.M. ii 419. Zimmer notes this, loc. cit. 197,
but does not draw the obvious conclusion. The only word in W. not
ending in -(h]ed used after cyn with lenition is drwg, and that is an
adj. In Bret, quen, ken (ker, kef) comes before positive adjectives :
quen drouc, quen bras. The inference is that forms in -(h)ed are
148 ADJECTIVES 245
adjectives. Bret, preserves traces of a wider use of ken which shows
that it is an adverb or conjunction : ken ar re binvidik, ken ar re
baour ' les riches aussi bien que les pauvres ' Troude, Die. Fr.-Bret.
s.v. aussi 3. The W. lenition is probably more original than the
Bret, non-mutation, as -n tends to cause provection. The base of
cynn is very probably *kom- as has been supposed, but it contains an
additional element, doubtless an adverbial suffix, probably the loc.
suffix *-dhi or *-dhe 162 vi (2), thus cynn < *kon-dhi' } cf. Umbr.
ponne l cum ' < *q^om-de, O.Lat. quamde ( quam '.
In Ml. W. beside kyn- as kyndebycket W.M. 34, and kynn written
separately as kynn decket IL.A. 19, 67, kynn gadarnnet do. 67, etc.
we sometimes find ky- as kygyfyghet K.M. 150, ky Sruttet ib. This is
due to the loss of final unaccented -nn, see 110 v (2).
The misspelling can for cyn arose in the i8th cent., and was
adopted by Pughe ; but there is absolutely no justification for it
either in the earlier written language or in the spoken dialects.
The Ir. eqtv. in -ithir, -idir is not phonetically related to the
W. eqtv.
148. i. The following adjectives are compared irregularly :
(1) agos ' near' 222 i (3) ; eqtv. mor ago* s.G. 34, Job xli 16,
Jcynnesset C.M. 58 ; cpv. nes ; spv. Ml. nessaf, now spelt nesaf.
W. nessaf, Ir. nessam < *ned-'s e mo-s : Osc. nessimas ' proximae ',
Umb. nesimei ' proxime ' : Skr. ndhyati ' binds ' (h < *dh), Vnedh-
' bind '. The cpv. nes ( = nes) < *ned-'son < *ned-son ; as final -on
became -on 59 v, it would not affect the vowel; see 147 iv (3).
In the dialects agos is often compared regularly (a)gosach, (a)gosa',
thus ffor' gosa' ' nearest way ' for lit. fort ( =ffor$) nessaf M.A. i
3676. These forms sometimes crept into the written language in the
late period ; see Silvan Evans s.v. agos.
(2) bychan ' small, little ' ; eqtv. bychaned, lleied ; cpv. Ml. llei,
Mn. llai ; spv. lleiaf.
bychan 101 ii (2); vychanet, yr byclianet W.M. 44 ; am beth kyn-
vychanet a hynny s.G. 107 ' for so small a thing as that '. For llai see
104 ii (2). Khys Brydydd used a spv. bychanaf, see Pughe s.v.
mymryn.
(3) cynnar ' early ', buau ' quick ' ; eqtv. cynted ; cpv. cynt ;
spv. cyntaf. buan is also compared regularly : buaned D.G. 132,
buanach do. 225, Galarnad iv 19; so cynnar, spv. cynharaj
' earliest ' etc.
.A T t wybwn i varch gynt . . . no hunn K.M. 9 ' I knew of no fleeter
steed than this '.
buan 63 vii (3); cynt (: Ir. cet, Gaul. Cintu-) is perhaps cpv.
in meaning only; it is believed to be cognate with Goth, hindumists;
246 ACCIDENCE 148
Eng. hind-er, be-hind, perhaps from V feent- 'point'; cf. blaenaf
'foremost, first': blaen 'point'; cyntaf^lOQ iii (3); cynnar 153
(4); eynffon ' tail ' < *cynh-ffonn shows cynt meaning ' hind '.
(4) da ' good ' ; eqtv. Ml. kynna B.T. 10, R.t. 1403 ; Ml. kystadyl
M.A. i 290, kystal B.T. 10, W.M. 4, 7, etc., Mn. cystadl, usually cysfal;
as a noun Ml. dahet W.M. 70, daet B.M. 207, Mn. daed, daed\
cpv. gweli', spv. Ml. goreuhaf-&.T. 65, B.B. ^^goreua/TL.tL. 49, but
usually goreu, Mn. W. goreu, gorau.
da 65 ii (i); kynna < *kom-dag-; daed and daed, disyll. and
monosyll., see exx. ; cystadl 96 ii (3), cf. distadl ibid. ; the frequent
use of the word caused the reduction -adl > -al ; J.D.R.'s cystadled,
and later cystled seem to be wrongly standardized forms of Gwyn.
dial, cystlad, which may well be for cystadl by metathesis; gwell
orig. ' choice ' 100 iii (2), prob. not cpv. in form ; goreu appears to
be formed from gor- 'super' 156 i (17) and some form of the base
*eueseu- 'good' 75 vii (3); it is not likely that goreu is shortened
from goreuhaf, for the dropping of the ending would be against all
analogy; rather goreuhaf is a rhetorical form made from goreu, and
apparently not largely used at any time; the Mn. form is goreu,
gorau, 81 iii (i); in the Early Mn. bards it rhymes with -au, see
ex. Pughe's gorafis a fiction.
Er da-ed fo J r gair di-werth,
jVt bydd gwir Jieb addaw gwertJi. I.F., M 148/59.
' However good a word without a bribe may be, it will not be [accepted
as] true without the promise of a bribe.'
Gwae ni dy ddaed gan dy ddwyn. T.A., G. 230 (7 syll.).
' Woe to us that thou wert so good since thou art taken away.' Cf.
L.G.C. 190.
gwyl gwr gael y gorau,
Oed i'r gwr hwn drugarhau. T.A., A 24980/85.
' If a man sees that he has the best [of it], it is time for that man to
relent.' So iau/orau H.C.IL., IL 133/2126; H.D.p 99/498.
(5) drwg ' bad' ; eqtv. kynfowc R.P. 1357, S.G. u, 34, 37, etc.,
cynddrwg Gen. xli 19 ; as a noun drycket W.M. 227, Mn. dryced
D.G. 40 ; cpv. gwaeth ; spv. gwaeihaf.
drwg, Bret, drouk, droug, Ir. droch-, drog- < Kelt. *druko-
Vdhreugh/q- : Skr. druh-, dhruk ' injuring, betraying ', druhyati
' hurts ', Germ. Trug : Lat. fraus; cynddrwg 147 iii (4); gwaeth,
gwaethaf, Bret, gwaz, gwasa, Vann. gwac'h, Corn, gweth, gwetha ; the
Bret forms show that W. wae is for woe, so that Stokes's *uakto-e
Fick 4 ii 26018 inadmissible; hence probably gwaethaf < *gwoe8-haf
< *uj)o-f>ed-is e mos 75 ii (i) : Lat. peesimus < *ped-s e mos; in that
148 ADJECTIVES 247
case gwaeth is formed from the superlative; see llydan (n) below.
These are, then, the compared forms of gwael ' base, vile ', the posi-
tive often having a suffix lost in comparison, cf. mawr, hir, uchel ;
and gwael represents *upo-ped-lo-s ; its derivative gwaelawt ' bottom ',
O. W. guailaut, preserves the literal meaning (' under foot '). Of
course in Ml. and Mn. W. gwael is compared regularly, its relation to
gwaethaf having been forgotten.
(6) hawdd 'easy'; eqtv. hawsset IL.A. 81, Mn. hawsed', cpv.
\ spv. hawssqfTL.k. 81, S.G. 13, Mn. kawsaf.
hawdd, originally ' pleasant ', as in hawddfyd ' pleasure ', hawdit
( = hawS-SyS) B.B. 90 'fine day ', hawdd-gar 'handsome' 153(8)
for *hwawdd 94 iv < Ar. *suadu-s : Gk. 1781;?, Skr. svddu-h, O. E.
swete, Lat. sudvis ( < *suddui-s), etc. ; cpv. haws < *sudd'son <
*8uddison=Qk. f)8t<av < *suadison\ spv. hawsaf < *sudd*s e mos\ the
-aw- instead of -o- in the penult is due to the lost w before it ; cf.
gwawd ' song ' < *uat-, Ml. pi. gwawdewR.P. 1216. In Gaul, we find
Suadu-rix, -genus (prob. -a-). For the development of the meaning
cf. E. ease ' comfort ; facility '.
In Recent W. we sometimes see hawddach and Jiawddaf which come
from the most debased dialect ; good speakers still use the standard
forms haws, hawsaf.
Similarly an-hawdd, anawS R.P. 1227, e ^c. 48 iv, Mn. anodd
' difficult', O.W. hanaud CP. ; eqtv. anhawsed\ cpv. dnaws, dnos;
spv. anhdwsaf.
Owing to its obvious formation the word is generally written
anhawdd in the late period; but the regular Mn. form is dnodd,
because h is lost after the accent 48 iv, and unaccented aw > o
71 ii (i). The spoken form is ano8, in some parts hdnoB by early
metathesis of h, as perhaps in the O.W. form above.
Maddau tin ym oedd anodd
^a bai yn fyw neb un fodd. I.D., o. 135; cf. c.c. 193.
' It was difficult for me to part with one whose like did not live.'
Eithr anos yw d'aros di. T.A., c. i 340.
' But it is more difficult to confront thee.'
But the prefix may be separately accented 45 iv (2), in which
case the word is necessarily dn-hdwdd ; this form is attested in
deuaf wyl i'w dai fo,
An-hawdd fydd fy nyhuddo. Gut.O., A 14967/60.
' If I come on a holiday to his houses, it will be difficult to com-
fort me.'
(7) hen ' old ' ; eqtv. Jiyned ; cpv. hyn B.T. 26 = Mn. hyn ';
liynach c.c. 342 ; spv. liynaf^ O.W. hinham.
248 ACCIDENCE 148
hen, Ir. sen < Ar. *smo-*=Gk. fvo?, Skr. sdnah, Lith. Snas 'old',
Lat. sen- ; cpv. //., Ir. ae'm'w < *smt'os=Lat. senior; spv. hyn(h)af
< *sen-is e mos, see ttydan below. The cpv. A^w is still in colloquial
use, though the later and weaker hynach is more common ; in S.W.
also a still later henach, henaf, re-formed from the pos.
(8) hir ' long ' ; eqtv. Icy'hyt W.M. 43, cyfiyd 41 v, contr. to
cijd; as a noun h yd, e.g. in er hyd 1 however long'; cpv. hwy ;
spv. hwyaf.
JT / V
hir 72 ; the root is * sei- ; cylyd ' as long ' < * ko-sit- ; Aye?
' length ', Ir. sith < *si-t-, E 2 *?- 63 vii (5); cpv. hwy, Ir. (Ha <
*seison for *sei-ison ib. ; so spv. hwyaf, Ir. tam < *seis e mo8.
The contracted form c$e is common in Mn.W. : cifd a rhaff D.G.
48 ' as long as a rope', ci[d a gwydd D.E. G. 124 ' as long as trees ',
cyd E.P. PS. xliv 23 'so long'; cyd a phregelh 'as long as a
sermon '. cyd < c^hifd (which gives Card. dial, dotyd).
(9) ieuancj iefanc, ifanc 76 iii (3) ' young ' ; eqtv. ieuanghet
R.M. 160, ivanghet C.M. 84; cpv. Ml. ieu B.T. 36, 28, Mn. iau\
also ieuanghach s.G. 66 ; ieuangach Job xxx i ; spv. ieuhaf ^A.L. i
543, i'ez^z/', j/Sz/*, ieuangaf.
ieuanc, Bret, iaouank, Ir. oac, contr. oc (whence W. Jiog-lanc ' lad ');
cpv. tm < *iuuios (Ir. oa with -a from the spv., see 1 1 below) :
Skr. ydviyas- ; spv. ieuaf, Ir. dam < *iuuis e mos.
(10) issel, now written isel * low ' ; eqtv. isset R.M. 94, Mn. ised ;
cpv. is ( = u) ; spv. ma/j wfl/.
W. z'sseZ = Ir. is(s)el. The origin of the word is not certain, but
it is most probably cognate with Lat. Imus. Brugmann IF. xxix 2 ioft*.
derives Imus, Osc. imad-en ' ab imo ' from ** or *ld an adv. from the
pron. stem *i-, as Lat. demus, demum is formed from de ; and quotes
other examples of ' here ' becoming ' here below '. The Kelt. adj. is
obviously formed after *upselo-s(> W. uchel i high' 86 iv); if the
orig. adv. was *ld, the adj. would be *id-selo-s > *1sselo-s, which gives
W. issel, Ir. issel regularly. Pedersen suggests *ped-selo-, V ped- ' foot ' ;
but the connexion with Ital. spv. Imo- is more probable.
(u) llydan ' wide ' ; eqtv. cyfled, as a noun lied; cpv. lied,
late lletach\ spv. lletaf.
W. llydan, Ir. lethan 63 viii (i); W. lied noun, see ibid. ; spv.
lletaf < *plet-is e mo-8. The cpv. lied, Ir. letha (-a added in Ir.) is
irregular; Osthoff derived W. lied from *plet-is (Thurneysen Gr.
227), but it is not clear why the adverbial form -is should be
generalized (the regular *pletios would give W. *llyd, Ir. *lithiu). As
many comparatives were the same as the superlative without its
ending, e. g. hwy, hwyaf, Ir. sia, slam, the probability is that some,
ADJECTIVES 249
which differed, were assimilated, so that lied is a re-formation of
*llyd on the analogy of lletaf. This seems also the simplest explana-
tion of Ir. letha and similar forms. In the same way "W. hynaf seems
to owe its y to the comparative Tiyn, 65 iv (i).
The cpv. lied in Job xi 9 is changed in late editions to llettach ;
the literary form is lied : thus Eidion lied no'r dunnell win IL.
A 14967/20 ' an ox broader than a tun of wine '; cf. L.G.C. 429.
drugareddpen Calf aria, sydd yn llawer lied nar byd. Wms. 490.
' Oh the mercy of mount Calvary, which is much wider than the world.'
(i 2) mawr ' large, great ' ; eqtv. Ml. kymeint, Mn. cymaint, and
Ml. kymein, Mn. cymain 106 iii (2) ; as a noun meint, Mn. maint ;
cpv. Ml. moe 75 i (3), Ml. and Mn. mwy, as an adv. mwyach also ;
spv. mwyhaf\ 147 ii (2), mwyaf.
W. mawr, Ir. mar, mor, Gaul. Seyo-jitapos < Kelt. *md-ro-s;
cpv. mwy, Ir. maa, moo, mou < *md-io8 75 i (3) ; spv. mwyhaf <
*mais e mos < *ma-is e mos; the eqtv. noun maint < *ma-nti-s <
*ma-nti-s 74 iv, with the suffix of numeral substantives such as
*dekantl-s < *dekm-ti-s : Skr. dasatih ' a decade ' ; cf. the formation
of eqtv. adjectives with ordinal suffixes ; cf. also pa veint C.M. 78
' how many ', y meint gwyr a oe8 i8aw K.B.B. 46 ' the number of men
that he had '=' as many as he had ', etc. The dialectal form cymin(t)
of the eqtv. is met with, though rarely, in the bards :
Nid cymin ar y min mau
Elys gwin a bias i genau. D.G. 317.
' Not so much on my mouth is the desire of wine as of the taste of
her lips.'
(13) tren(n) 'strong' ; cpv. trech (= trech); spv. trechaf.
Trechaf treisied, gwannaf gwaedded prov. ' let the strongest
oppress, the weakest cry'. S.T. has a new cpv. trechach P. 6.
W. trenn, Ir. tren < *trek-sno-8, V stereg- : Germ, stark, streny,
Eng. strong ; cpv. trech, Ir. Iressa (with added -a) < *trek-'son <
*treg-ison ; spv. trechaf, Ir. tressam < *trek- 8 e mo-8.
chweg ' sweet ' has Ml. cpv. chwechach W.M. 481, B.M. 121, formed
like trechach from an old cpv. *chwech < *suek-'son.
(14) uchel ' high '; eqtv. Ml. kyvuch, Mn. cyfuwch, contr. cuwch ;
exclam, uchet R.P. 1417 ; as a noun uchet W.M. 189 ; cpv. Ml. uch,
Mn. uwch ; spv. uchaf.
uchel 86 iv, 96 iv (3); wh, uwch < * ''up- 'son; uchaf < *up-
's e mos : Lat. s-ummus < *s-up-mo-s, Gr. vTraros < *up-m-to-s. On the
mutation uch- : uwch see 77 x. The form uwchaf sometimes met
with in Late W. ignores the mutation ; it is a re-formation from uwch,
as children say buwchod for buehod ' cows ', sg. buwch.
250 ACCIDENCE 149
ii. The following- have defective comparison :
(1) Spv. eithaf ' uttermost '< *ekt e mos : Lat. extimus, 109 iv
(i) (to cpv. eithr 'except, but', Ir. echtar < *eklro-s : Lat. extra 99
v (4) ; to positive eh- ech- < * eks- : Lat. ex).
(2) Cpv. amgen ' other ; better ' ; also a later amgenach s.G.
200, D.N. F.N. 91.
Ac amgen ledyr no hwnnw ny phrynei ef W.M. 67 'And other
leather than that he did not buy '.
amgen is a cpv. of similar form to hagen 222 iii (4), and may be
neg. in a(n)- of the cpv. corresponding to the spv. megys 2 1 5 iv (3)
' like ' ; thus *n-sm-ak-is-en- > *amgien > amgen 1 00 vi. (As the
2nd syll. drops -is- remained and gave i not h.)
(3) prif ' chief '< Lat. primus is not felt as a spv. in "W. ; it always
forms the first element of a compound : 155 iii (i).
iii. Equatives with the prefix cy- may have before this the
prefix go-, as gogymaint, gogyfuwch etc. Thus
A'r Hall a oeS yn kynSuet ac yn ogymeint a bran s.G. 99 ' and the
other was as black and as large as a crow '. yn ogyfuwch d Duw,
Phil, ii 6. This form is sometimes predicated of both the things
compared: Nid gogyhyd esgeiriau y cZo^Diar. xxvi 7.
149. i. Many nouns take the endings of comparison, and
thereby become adjectives of the respective degrees,
(i) The following are in common use in Mn. W. :
rhaid 'need'; eqtv. cyn rheitied D.G. 299 'as necessary, as
fitting'; cpv. Ml. reidyach E.P. 1249, Mn. rheitiack 'more
necessary, more fitting' ; spv. Ml. reittaf'Si.?. 1148, Mn. rkcitiaf.
rhaid < Kelt. *(p)rat-io- ' due, due share ' < *pr9t-, */pero- ' dis-
pose ' : W. rhad see below, rhann ' share ', Lat. part- 63 vii (2), W.
barn 101 iii (2).
elw ' profit ' ; cpv. elwach ' profiting more, better off', as (pd)
faint elwach fyddi di / ' how much better off wilt thou be ? '
elw is properly helw, still so pronounced in Gwynedd in phrases like
ar dy helw ' in thy possession ' ; helw = Ir. selb ' possession ' both
< *sel-uo-, V sel- ' take ' : Ir. selaim ' I take ', Gk. eAetv, Goth, saljan,
O.E. seflan, E. sell
blaen 'point, front' ; also adj. as troed blaen ' fore-foot' ; spv.
blaenaf, ' foremost, first' ; 215 iii (10).
61 ' rear, track', as yra 61 'after, according to' 215 iii (6), 61 troed
'foot-print'; also adj. as troed 61 i hind foot ' ; spv. olaf'l&st ' <
*ol-u 6 mos : Lat. ultimus < *ol-t e mos.
149 ADJECTIVES 251
pen(n) ' head ' ; spv. pennaf ( chief ; also in Ml. and Early
Mn. W. cpv. pennach IL.A. 89, G.GJ. P 83/58 ' higher, superior' ;
89 iii.
rhad 'gift, grace', having become an adj. 'cheap' from the
phrase yn rhad ' gratis ', is compared regularly.
rhad < *prt- : rhann, Skr. jmrtdrn ' reward ' ; see rhaid above.
diwedd 'end'; spv. diwaethaf ' last ' IL.A. 7, R.F. 1195, I3 49
1298, p 16/19 R -> J P etr i 5 ty R-D. (in Wm.S.); diwethaf IL.A.
43, 59, P 14/11 B., A.L. i 4, 48, 50, Matt, xx 8 Wm.S.; so in
Es. ii 2, xlviii 12, Jer. xxiii 20 in 1620; but generally in 1620,
and everywhere in late bibles, diweddaf.
A.L. i 48 dyuedafdoes not imply 8, as we have pemdec for pym-
the<7 on the same page. The form diweddaf seems to come from Wm.S.'s
dyweddaf Matt, xxvii 64 ; and as it seemed to be " regular" it ousted
the traditional forms in the written lang. of the ipth cent.; but the
spoken forms are dwaetha' (Powys), dwytha? (Gwyn.), and dwethct
(S.W.).
Caned dy feirdd cyntaffdm,
A diwaethaf y deuihum. T.A., A 14901/26.
'Let thy bards sing I was the first [of them], and I have come
last '.
The O.W. diued B.S.CH. 2 and Bret, divez, Corn, dewedh, Ir. diad,
dead show that the noun diwedd cannot be for *diwaedd ; on the
other hand diwaethaf cannot well be for diwethaf. The explanation of
the former seems to be that it comes from an intensified form with
*-uo-, which survived only in the spv. ; thus diwaethaf < *diwoe8-haf
< *di-uo-(u)ed-isamo-s, cf. gwaethaf (5) above.
diwedd is ' end ' in the sense of ' close, conclusion ', not a geo-
metrical term; hence from *di- 'out' + ued-, Vuedh- 'conduct,
lead' : Lith. vedu ' I conduct, lead', E. wed, etc., cf. W. gor-8iwe8af
' I overtake '.
(2) Many other cases occur in Ml. W. : gurhaw {=gwrhaf)
B.B. 41 'most manly'; amserac/i W.M. 9, K.M. 6 'more timely';
tlessach W.M. 17, R.M. n 'more beneficial' (lies 'benefit');
dewissach C.M. 1 1 ' preferable ' (dewis ' choice ' noun) ; pennaduryaf
do. 8 'most princely'; ky vawhet R.M. 149 'as cowardly', bawaf
J?.P. 1278 'most vile' (baw 'dirt').
ii (i) Equative adjectives are formed from many nouns by
prefixing cyf-, cgrm-, (as cyfled, cymaint); thus kyfliw R.B.B. 179
' of the same colour ' ; kyvurb W.M. 75 ' of the same rank ' ;
252 ACCIDENCE
kymoneb ib. ' as noble ' (boneb ' nobility ') ; kyvoet do. 27 ' of the
same age ' ; cyfryw ' of the same kind, such '.
(2) In one or two cases the second element no longer exists in its
simple form either as a noun or adj. : cyfred ' as swift ' (rhedeg ' to
run ') ; cyfref ' as thick ' (rhefedd ' thickness ').
(3) Compounds of un- ' one ' also form the equivalents of equative
adjectives: unlliw a D.G. 17 'of the same colour as'; neb un fodd
148 i (6), ' any one like ' (modd ' manner '), unwedd a ' like ', etc.
15O. Most adjectives may be compared regularly, including
i. Many derivatives in -aidd, -ig, -in (not denoting substance),
-off, -us-, asperaidd 'sweet', eqtv. cyn bereiddied, cpv. pereiddiach,
spv. pereiddiaf', so pvymeqf* most important ', gerwinaf" roughest ',
cyfoethocaf- richest ', grymusaf' mightiest '. But those containing
more than two syllables are mostly compared periphrastically.
Verbal adjectives in -adwy, -edig are not compared (except peri-
phrastically), though caredig ' kind ', no longer felt as a verbal adj.,
is, e. g. caredicaf ' kindest '. Adjectives in ~ol are rarely compared ;
those in -aid, -in denoting material, and in -lyd are not compared.
ii. Compounds in which the second element is an adjective ;
as gloyw-buqf IL.A. 93 ' of a most glossy black ', llathyr-w^nnaf
ib. ' most lustrously white ', klaer-u-ynnqf ib. ' most brilliantly
white', cyn vlaen-llymet . . . blaen-llymaf W.M. 176 'as sharply
pointed . . . most sharply pointed '.
Dwy fron mor wynion a'r od,
G-loyw-wynnach. na gwylanod. D.G. 148.
' Two breasts as white as enow, more luminously white than sea-
gulls.'
But when the second element is an adj. compared irregularly,
the compound cannot be compared, as maleis-ddrwg, troed-lydan,
pen-uchel, etc. A few of these may, however, be compared by
adding the endings to derived forms, as gwertJi-fawr ' valuable ',
spv. gwerthvawrussaf IL.A. 80, or gwerthfawrocaf '; clod-fawr ' cele-
brated', spv. clodforusaf. (G.M.D. has gwerthvoraf'R.v. 1195, an
unusual form.)
Adj. compounds with noun final as ysgafn-droed ' light-footed' can
only be compared periphrastically.
161. i. Adjectives which cannot take the endings of com-
parison as above may be compared periphrastically, by placing
before the positive mor, mwy, mtvyaf, to form the eqtv., cpv., spv.
151 ADJECTIVES 253
respectively, mor softens the initial of the adj. except when it
is II or rh ; but mwy and mwyaf take the radical ; thus mwy
dymunol Ps. xix 10, Diar. xvi 16 'more desirable'.
mwy and mwyaf are of course the cpv. and spv. of mawr. As
they do not cause lenition, they represent Brit, forms ending in con-
sonants, mwy may come directly from the neut. nom-acc. form
*mais < *ma- + -is as in Lat. mag-is ; the corresponding form of the
spv. would be *maisamon (cf. Lat. plurimum, Gk. TrActo-rov), which
would give mwyaf 'with the rad., since the nasal mutation of mediae
survived only after fy, yn and numerals 107 i.
mor is probably the pos. mawr unaccented, forming a loose com-
pound with the adj., thus representing Brit. *mdro-; and so causing
lenition. For o instead of aw see 71 i (a). It is now generally
accented, and pronounced m$r; D.D. gives it as mor ( = mSr), but
mor (cf. pob 168 i (3)) may sometimes be heard, when it is em-
phatic. It was first used as an exclamative, thus OW. mortru ox.
gl. eheu, morliaus do. gl. quam multos. The transition from the
literal meaning ' * greatly sad ' of the compound mor-dru, through
' *very sad ! ' to ' how sad ! ' is easy ; and as the last meaning is
equivalent to that of the exclamative eqtv., the form mor dru naturally
came to be regarded as a periphrastic eqtv., and was used later with
a ' as ' and the compared noun. See examples below.
ii. (i) mwy and mwyaf are only used to compare compounds
and derivatives where inflexional comparison is not feasible.
mwy da, mwy drwg, etc., are not used by adult speakers ; Wms.'s
enw mwyaf mawr 750 is a childish expression called forth by the
exigencies of rhyme.
(a) On the other hand forms with mor are, as shown above,
different in origin from the equative, and have had a separate
existence from the outset. Hence mor is used freely before all
adjectives at all periods. Thus :
Exclamative : mortru gl. eheu ! Mor truan genhyf mor truan
a 8eryv B.B. i ' How sad to me, how sad [is] what has happened.'
Poet emendigeit y gof ay digones . . . mor dost yw W.M. 477 'Ac-
cursed be the smith that made it, so painful is it.' mor Syrys yw
R.M. 1 20 'BO tangled is it.' mor hagy-r y gwelei y 8elw ry oed
arnaw W.M. 251 'so ugly did he perceive the appearance that he
bore.' mor oiryeit . . . mor dec K.P. 1385 ' how bad . . . how fair.'
Wylo'r wyf lawer afon
Drosti hi, mor drist yw hon. Gut.O., A 14967/1 19.
; I weep many a river for her, so sad is she.'
Truan, mor wann ywr einioes,
Trymed yw tor amod oesf T.A., J 17/201.
' Alas, how weak is life, how sad is the breaking of life's promise.'
254 ACCIDENCE 152
Eq native : am yyflavan mor anweSus ac a ryitmaethoeb W.M. 30
' for so horrible a murder as [that] which she had committed.'
pryf mor Sielw a hwnnw do. 78 'so vile a reptile as that.' peth
mor aghywir a hynny B.M. 177 'so wrong a thing as that '.
Ni bu fyd i- neb o Fon
Mor oer ag y mae'r awron. H.K.
' There has not been to any man of Mon so cold a world as it is now.'
(3) mor with a noun forms the equivalent of an eqtv. adj., as
O. W. morliavA gl. quam multos ; Ml. W. mor emeu E.P. 1428
' how necessary '. The construction is not common, and is now
obsolete, but several examples occur in the Early Mn. bards.
The construction arises naturally from the original meaning of
mor as explained above, for mor-liaws ' *great host ' could as easily
as mor-luosog ' *greatly numerous ' come to mean as an exclamative
' how numerous ! '
Nid mor ddihareb nebun
Tn gwlad ni a hi i hun. D.G. 440.
1 No one is so proverbial in our land as she herself.'
/ dad, mor wrda ydoedd/ L.G.C. 93.
' His father, how noble he was ! '
Nid marw ef, nid mor ofud. T.A., A 14879/20.
' He is not dead, it is not so sad [as that].'
Curiais yr ais mor resyn. S.T., JL 13 3/1 700.
' I suffered [in] my heart so sorely.'
(4) mor with the cpv. occurs in mor well Diar. xvi 16 'Oh
how much better ! ' The usual construction is cymaint gwdl ! but
the above may be a stray example of an idiom once in use. It is
quite consistent with the explanation of mor adopted above.
(5) In S.W. dialects mor is sometimes used instead of cyn before
the eqtv., as mor laned for cyn laned or mor Idn.
(6) The m- of mor is never mutated, but remains in all positions :
thus after f. sg. nouns : gyflavan mor anwebus (2) above ; arch
mor drahaus K.M. 227 'so insolent a request'. This may be due
to its exclamative origin.
152. i. A positive adjective is sometimes repeated to enhance
its meaning. As a rule the iteration forms a loose compound,
the second element having its initial softened, as A da dda hyd i
ddiwedd W.IL. 62 ' and very good till his death '. Very rarely it
forms a strict compound, as
153 ADJECTIVES 255
P611-bell, ar draws pob hyll-berth,
Po bellaf, gwaethaf yw'r gwerth. G.G1. M 146/154.
' Very far, across every horrid bush [I have driven my flock] ; the
further, the less is their worth.'
In some cases the initial of the second adj. is not softened, so
that the two do not constitute a formal compound ; as Da da fu o
grud hydfedd W.3L. 40 ' very good was she from the cradle to the
grave ' ; Drwg drwg Diar xx 14. Where the adj. begins with
a vowel or an immutable consonant, there is, of course, no indica-
tion of the construction ; e.g. isel isel Deut. xxviii 43.
ii. A cpv. is compounded with itself to express progressive
increase in the quality denoted by the adj. When the cpv. is
a monosyllable the compound is generally strict, as gwdeth-waeth
( worse and worse ', llei-lai ' less and less ', lled-led ( wider and
wider', nes-nes 'nearer and nearer', mwy-fwy Phil, i 9 'more
and more'. In present-day speech the compound is oftener loose,
as lldl Idi. When the cpv. is a polysyllable, the compound is
necessarily loose ; see the ex. below.
Ef d afon yn fwyfwy
Hyd y mdr, ac nid d mwy. L.G.C. 357.
' A river goes increasing to the sea, and goes no more.'
Gwr a wella'r gwyr w611well,
A gwyr a wna'r gwr yn well. D.N., v. 4, G. 161.
' A master who betters the men more and more, and men who make
the master better.'
A Dafydd oedd yn myned gryfach gryfach, ond ty Saul oedd
yn myned wannach wannach. 2 Sam. iii i.
The combination always forms a compound, for the second cpv.
has always its soft initial.
mwy na mwy ' excessive ', understood as 'more than more ', is doubt-
less originally ' more and more ', the n- of no, being the final -n of
the cpv. 147 iv (3).
DERIVATIVE ADJECTIVES.
153. Derivative adjectives are formed from the stems of nouns,
adjectives and verbs by the addition of the following suffixes :
(i) -adwy, -ediw, -edig, -awd verbal adjective suffixes, see
206.
Ml.W. -awdyr seems to be -awd with excrescent -r 113 i (i) :
256 ACCIDENCE 153
annyo&eivyawdyr Hi. A. 53 'intolerable', teimlyawdyr do. 42 'sensi-
tive ', reolawdyr C.M. 14 ' regular.'
(2) -aid, Ml.W. -eit : Ir. -the participial; as in cantiaid D.G. 64,
Marc ix 3 'bright'; llathraid D.G. 386 ' shining'; euraid do. 13, 64,
88, 220, 372-3, Ml.W. eureit W.M. 180 'golden'; ariannaid, Ml.W.
aryanneit B.M. 83 ' silvern ' ; it may represent Brit. *-at-io-s, a -to-
derivative of the participial -9t-, It is distinct from -aidd ; euraidd is
a late bungle (not in D.D.).
(3) -aidd, M1.W. -ei8 : Ir. -de ; added to nouns, as teyrneiS W.M.
20 ' kingly ', Mn.~W. gwladaidd ' rustic ', gwasaidd ' servile ' ; to the
v.n. caru in karuei8 W.M. 145, Mn.W. caruaidd 'lovable, loving' ; to
adjectives as peraidd ' sweet ', puraidd ' pure ', often modifying
the sense, oeraidd ' coldish ', tlodaidd ' poorish ' ; it represents Kelt.
*-adios, a -io- derivative of the adj. suffix *-ado-s : cf. Lat. -idius in
proper names beside adj. -idus which may be from *-ado-s, and cf.
Gk. -a8- in /uyas ' mixed ', etc.
Also -f aidd in arglwydd'iaidd D.G. 450 ' lordly', -oniaidd in bardd-
oriwidd do. 449 ' poetic '.
(4) -ar < Kelt. *-aro- < *- e ro- in byddar ' deaf ', Ir. bodar : Skr.
badhird-h ; cynnar ' early ', diweddar ' late ' ; cf. -ro- in mawr <
*ma-ro-s, etc.
(5) Ml.W. -awe, Mn.W. -awg, -og : Ir. -ach < Kelt. *-dko-s ;
Lat. -acus, Gk. -17*05, -5*09, Skr. -aka-h, Lith. -okas ; added to nouns,
as arvawc B.M. 270, Mn.W. arfog ' armed ', llidyawc W.M. 51, Mn.W.
llidiog ' angry ', gwlanog ' woolly ', gwresog ' hot ', jwoyttog ' deli-
berate ', etc. ; many of these adjectives have become nouns : marchog,
swyddog, etc. 143 iv (6), v (4).
The suffix is sometimes added to adjectives, as trugarog : trugar
'merciful'; duog, Ml.W. duawc B.M. 172: du 'black'; geuawc
: gau ' false '. The cpv. of the derivatives ended in *-dk 'son > -ach,
which was taken for the cpv. of the simple adj., and spread to all
adjs., 147 iv (3); hence added to -og itself, Mn.W.gwerthfawrocach.
(6) Ml.W. -awl, Mn.W. -awl, -ol < Kelt. *-alos : Lat. -alia in
liberolia, etc. ; an exceedingly common suffix ; added to nouns, as
nefol ' heavenly ' ; to adjectives, as estronol ' foreign ' ; and to verb
stems, as symudol ' movable, moving ', dymunol ' desirable '.
(7) -8e; occurring in Ml.W. verse: tan8e, euroe P.M. M.A. i 2926
' fiery ', ' golden '. It seems to be the Ir. -de ( = -8e : W. -ai8, see (3)
above) borrowed daring the 1 2th cent, bardic revival which drew its
inspiration from Ireland. It does not seem to occur in prose.
(8) -gar < *-ak-aro-s < *-dq- ro-s ; thus hawS-gar ' comely ' <
Brit. *suadakaros< Kelt, *sudd(u)-ak-aro-8 148 i (6); a combina-
tion of (5) and (4) above: added to nouns, as epilgar 'prolific' (epil
' offspring '), dialgar ' revengeful ', enillgar ' gainful, lucrative ' (ennill
'gain'); added to adjectives, as meistrolgar 'masterful', trugar
' merciful ' (tru ' miserable ', for meaning cf. Lat. misericordia) ; added
to verb stems, as den-gar ' alluring ' (dtnu ' to allure '), beiddgar
' daring '.
153 ADJECTIVES 257
The idea that -gar means ' loving ' (ca.ru ' to love '), which clearly
cannot be the case in epilgar, enillgar, dengar, etc., has resulted in
the formation in the late period of new adjectives in which it bears
that meaning ; as gwladgar ' patriotic ', wriangar ' money-loving '.
But many new formations in the dialects preserve the original force
of the suffix, as sgilgar ' skilful ' from E. skill. It need hardly be
added that Stokes's implied explanation of trugar as 'loving the
wretched' Fick* ii 138 is fanciful, as also the popular explanation
of hawddgar as ' easy to love '.
(9) -ig, Ml.W. -ic < Kelt. *-lkos : Skr. -lka-h, Lat. -lc-, Gk. -uc- ;
as unig ' only, lonely ', deheuig ' dexterous ', lloerig ' lunatic ', bon-
heddig ' gentle- ', etc. ; O.W. cisemic juv. gl. primus.
(10) -in < Kelt. *-lnos: Skr. -ina-h, Gk. -11/09, Lat. -mus, Lith.
-ynas (y = i); it is added to names of materials, as in derwin M.A. i
191 'oaken', lletrin B.T. 9 'leathern', meinin E.P. PS. xviii 29
' of stone ', daeerin, heyernin 75 vi (3); and to adjectives as gerwin
' rough ' (garw ' rough '), gwerthefin ' highest ', cysefin ' primitive '
95 iii (3), cf. O.W. cisemic above.
(n) -lawn, Mn.W. -lawn, -Ion ' -ful'=#aww 'full', 63 vii
(2) ; as ffrwytJdon ' fruitful ', prydlon ' punctual ', heddychlon ' peace-
ful', bodlon 111 vii (i), etc.
(12) -lyd, after n or r -llyd, Ml.W. -lyt, -llyt 'covered with'
<*(p)lt-, Vplethe- 63 viii (i); as llycMyt R.M. 145 'dusty', dysdlyt
chweinllyt do. 146 'dusty flea-infested', seimlyd 'greasy', rhydlyd
' rusty ', creulyd, gwaedlyd ' bloody ', tomlyd ' dungy ', tanllyd ' fiery '.
When added to adjectives it is the equivalent of lied- ' rather ' : Ir. let/i
' half ', which is ultimately from the same root (' *stretch out > *sur-
face > *eide > half) ; as gwanllyd ' rather weak ', oerllyd ' coldish '.
(13) -us < Lat. -osus ; originally in Lat. derivatives as dolurus
' sore ' < Lat. dolorosus, llafurus, Ml.W. llafuryus < Lat. laboi'idsus ;
as the nouns dolur, llafur had also been borrowed the adjectives
seemed to be formed from these by the addition of an adj. suff. -MS,
which was subsequently added to W. forms, gweddus ' seemly ' (gwedd
63 iv), clodus, clodforus 'renowned', grymus ' strong', etc.
NOTE. melua is a late misspelling ; melys ' sweet ' has y, as metis
(t = y 16 ii (2)) B.B. 83, 101, melys B.A. 3, IL.A. 42, 70, B.B.B. 208,
melyster IL.A. 129, 149, R.B.B. 44. The error is due to the late
levelling of u and if, 1 5 i, and the false notion that the word is
formed from mel ' honey ' by the addition of -us. In derived forms the
sound is y as melysach, as opposed to grymusach, and the v.n. is
melysu D.W. 112, as opposed to grymuso, see 202 iii, iv (Pughe's
meluso is a fiction), melys is cognate with Ir. milis, and is clearly
a direct derivative of Ar. base *meleit- 87 ii, and so is many cen-
turies older than any form in -us, a suffix borrowed from Lat.
1102
258 ACCIDENCE 154
NUMERALS
154. i. (i) The cardinal numbers are as follows : I, un.
2, m. dan, Ml. den, O. dou ; f. dwy. 3, m, tri ; f. fair, Ml. fair.
4, m. pedwar ; f. pedair, Ml. pedeir, 5, pump, pum, Ml. pump,
pymp, Q. pimp. 6, chwech, chwe. 7, saith, Ml. *ez7^. 8, wyM.
9, M#W>. 10, deg, deny, Ml. W?, <fe^. II, w ar cldeg. 12,
deuddeg, deuddeng, Ml. deubec, O. doudec. 13, tfn'(f. fozV) ar 0W^.
14, pedwar (f. pedair) ar ddeg. 15, jjymtheg, Ml. pymthec.
1 6, w ar bymtheg. 17, r/aw (f. dwy) ar bymtheg. 18, deunaw or
tri (f. tair) ar bymtheg. 19, pedwar (f. pedair) ar lymtheg. 20,
ugain, Ml. ugeyn, ugeint. 21, un ar hugain. 30, deg ar hugain.
31, un ar ddeg ar hugain. 40, deugain. 41, un a deugain or
deugain ac un. 50, deg a deugain, Early Ml. *W.pym(h)iont. 60,
trigain, Ml. trugein(t). 80, pedwar ugain. 100, cant^ cann.
101, cant ac un. 120, chwech ugain, chweugain. i^o^saith ugain,
etc. 2,oo,deucant or date. cant. 300, try chant, Late W. trichant.
1000, mil. 2000, dwyfil. 3000, teirmilor fair mil. 10,000, deug
mil, myrdd. 1,000,000, myrddiwn, miliwn.
tri (or tair) ar bymtheg is used in counting (i. e. repeating the
numerals in order) ; otherwise rarely, B.B.B. 404. The usual form is
deunaw C.M. 59, M.A. iii 45, Gen. xiv 14, 2 Cron. xi 21, Ezra
viii 9, etc. So in all combinations : deunaw ar hugain ' 38 '.
pymwnt B.A. 2, 9 from something like *y>efm,pvnte& for Kelt. *q*e'K>q*-
onta (:Ir. coica) for Ar. *peng*ekomt9 : Gk. Trevr^Kon-a. For the
history of the other forms consult the Index.
Forms like deuddeg, pymtheg, deunaw, deugain may be called
" compound numbers ", forms like un ar ddeg, un ar hugain, " com-
posite numbers ".
(2) Some of the cardinal numbers have pi. forms: deuoedd,
deuwedd, dwyoedd ' twos ', trioedd ( threes ', chwechau ' sixes ',
degau ' tens ', ugeiniau ' scores ', cannoedd ' hundreds ', miloedd
' thousands ', myrddiynau ' myriads '.
In the spoken lang. un-ar-ddegau, un-ar-bymthegau, etc., are in use
for ' \ i each ', ' 16 each', etc.
ii. (i) The ordinal numbers are as follows: i, cyntaf. 2, ail,
Ml. eil. 3, trydydd, f. trydedd. 4, pedwerydd, Ml. pedweryb,
pedwyryb ; f. pedwaredd, Ml. pedwareb, pedwyreb, O. petguared.
5, pumed, Ml. pymhet, O. pimphet. 6, chweched, Ml.
154 NUMERALS 259
huechet. 7, seithfed, Ml, seithvet. 8, wythfed. 9, nawfed. 10,
degfed, Ml. decvet. u, unfed ar ddeg, Ml. unvet arbec. 12,
deuddegfed, Ml. deubecvet. 13, trydydd (f. trydedd} ar ddeg. 15,
pymthegfed. 16, unfed ar tymtheg. 17, ail (or ei^7) ar tymtheg.
1 8, deunawfed. 20, ugeinfed. 30, degfed ar hugain. 40,
deugeinfed, 41, unfed a deugain. 100, canfed. 1000, milfed.
(2) cyntaf 148 i (3); ail 100 iii (3); trydydd, trydedd
75 iv (i); pedweryB < *q*etu e riios; pedwyry'b (later pedwrydd H.O.
54, 66 ii (2)) has -wy- < *-uu- re-formed for u < u f , 63 viii (i).
W. pymhet, Ir. cotmZ come from a Kelt. *q^eioq^etos, which, like
Skr. pancatha-h, implies the addition of the ordinal suffix -t(K]o-s to
the full form *penq*e, thus *penq*e-to-s, as opposed to Lat. qulntus,
Gk. 7re/x7rros, O.R.G.jinfto, which imply Ar. *penq*-to-s. In Pr. Kelt,
by the side of *qHeK>q*eto-s there arose *8ueksetos which gave Ir. eessed,
W. chweched', and thus -eto-s came to be regarded as the ordinal
suffix. Added to *sektam ( < *sej)tm) it gave *sektam-eto-s, which
gave Ir. sechtmad, W. seitfifed ; added to *dekam it gave *dekameto-8,
which is seen in Gaul.-Lat. petru-decameto (ablative) ' fourteenth ',
and gave Ir. dechmad, W. degfed ; similarly *kntom-eto-s > Ir. cet-
tnad, W. canfed. Then -ameto-s or -meto-s was used to form ordinals
for 8, 9, and 20, though the cardinals did not end in -m ; thus W.
nawfed, Ir. nomad, may come directly from *nouameto-s ; but
*oktameto-8 would give W. *oeth-fed, so that wyth-fed was again
re-formed from wyth ; so ugein-fed.
iii. (i) Multiplicatives are formed by means of gwaith, Ml.
gweith f. 'fois', preceded by cardinal numbers, the two generally
compounded, but sometimes accented separately ; as unwaith or
un waith 'once', Ir. denfecbt; dwywaith 'twice', teirgwaith 'thrice',
pedair gwaith ' four times ', pum waiih ' five times ', chwe gwaith^
seithwaith Lev. iv 6, 17, faith waith do. viii u, wythwaith,
nawwaith c.c. 227, dengwaith, ugeinwaith, canwaith, mihoaith.
(2) But before a comparative the m. cardinal only is g-enerally
used, the two sometimes compounded ; pum mwy D.W. 146
4 five [times] more ' i. e. five times as many, saith mu-y Lev. xxvi
18, 21 'seven times more' ; deuwell R.P. 1271, D.G. 157 'twice
as good', dau lanach c.c. 60 'twice as fair' ; yn gant eglurach
s.G. 10 ' a hundred times as bright'.
Afoea ugeinndl, moes gdnmwy,
A moes, moes im un mwy. Anon., M.E. i 140.
* Give me twenty thousand [kisses], give a hundred times as many,
and give, Oh give me one more.'
260 ACCIDENCE 155
Tristach weithian bob cantref;
Bellach naw nigrifach nef. G.Gr. (m. D.G.), F,N. 4.
' Sadder now is every cantred ; henceforth nine times happier is
heaven.'
(3) A m. cardinal is also used before another cardinal, as tri
t(1i)ry chant B.B. 18 '3 x 300 ', tri phumcant GRE. 166 '3 x 500 ',
dau wythgant ib. ' 2 X 800 ', naw cleg a saith ib. ' 9 x 10 + 7 '.
This method is now commonly used to read out numbers in the
arabic notation ; thus 376, tri chant, saith deg a chwech.
iv. Distributives are formed by putting bob before a cardinal,
the initial of which is softened; thus bob un, lob beu R.M. 132 ' one
by one, two by two', Ir. each din, each da\ bob ddau I.G. 180,
L.G.C. 381, 436; bob dri L.G.C. 148 'three by three'; also
bop un ac un C.M. 49 ' one by one ', bob un a dau F. 2,6 ; and bob
gannwr L.G.C. 383 'in hundreds', lit. 'every hundred-man',
cf. Ir, each coic-er ' every five-man '. Similarly bob ail ' every
other \pob eilwers W.M. 181 'alternately'.
In Late Mn. W. yn is inserted after bob ; as 606 yn ddau . . . bob
yn dri i Cor. xiv 27; bob yn un ac un Es. xxvii 12, Marc xiv 19;
bob yn ddau a dau Marc vi 7; bob yn ail ' every other'. As pob in
other constructions is followed by the radical, the yn may have been
introduced because it was felt that something was required to explain
the lenition. But the reason for the lenition is that the original form
of bob here was an oblique case ending in a vowel.
v. Fractions : -|, hanner ; ^, traean ; , pedivaran, chwarter
i, wyihfed ; -3^, canfed ; , deuparth |, Mn. tri cfiwarter ; f , tri
wythfed.
Rann truan : traean B.B. 973 'the share of the weakling: one-
third'. deujKirth . . . trayan W.M. 130.
COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES
155. i. Either of the elements of a compound may be a noun
(n) or an adjective (a) ; thus we have four possible types : i. n-n ;
2. a-n ; 3. a-a ; 4. n-a. The formation of compounds of these
types is an ordinary grammatical construction, and any elements
may be combined if they make sense, whether the combination is
in general use or not. The relation to one another of the elements
$ 155 COMPOUNDS 261
and the meaning of the resulting compound must be left to be
dealt with in the Syntax ; here, only the forms of compounds can
be considered.
ii. (i) The second element of a compound has its initial
softened ; thus : n-n hdf-ddydd ' summer's day ' ; a-n hdwdd-fyd
' pleasure ' ; a-a gwyrdd-las 'greenish blue' ; n-a pen-gam ' wry-
headed '.
The reason is that the first element in Brit, ended in a vowel, as in
Brit. Maglo-cunos > W. Mael-gwn', so *samo-dlie(u)s > "W. haf-
ddydd; *katu-markos > W. cad-farcTi, etc. In these, as generally in
the Ar. languages, the first element is the stem. In Kelt, when the
stem ended in a consonant an -o- was added to it ; thus the stem
*kun- ' dog ' is in compounds *kuno-, as Brit. Cuno-belinos > W.
Cyn-felyn ; W. cyn-ddaredd ' rabies ' < *kuno-da'K>g*r i iia < *-dhng*hri-
: Lat. febris < *dhegkri-s, Vdheg*h- 92 iii, cf. aren 106 ii
(i). This explains the suffix -ioni 143 iii (21); it is a compound
of a derivative in -ion- with *gnlmu- ; now * drukion-gnlmu- should
give *drygni by the usual loss of stem endings; but *drukiono-
gnimu- > *drygion-%nif > drygioni (since n%n > n 110 ii (i)).
When the second element began with a vowel, contraction took
place; thus *altro + auo > *altrauo 76 v (5), cf. Gk. Dor. o-Tpardyos
' leader of an army ' < *strto + ag-, Brugmann 2 H i 79.
(2) When the first element ends in n or r, and the second
begins radically with II or rfi, the latter is not softened : gwin-
llan, per-llan, pen-rhyn see 111 i (i) ; so gwen-llys L.G.C. 8,
eurllin D.G. 13, etc. ; similarly, though less regularly, in loose
compounds : Tien Hew, hen Hys, pur llawn 111 i (i).
When a compound is consciously formed both II and I are found
thus ysgafn-llefD.G. 37 ' light- voiced ', but eur-len D.G. 109 'cloth
of gold', geir-lon do. no 'of merry word'; ir-lwyn do. 504, per-
Ivoyn do. 518.
iii. The following adjectives generally precede their nouns, and
so form compounds, mostly loose, with them :
(1) prif ' chief ', as prif lys vfM..i^pnf-ly% R.M. i ' chief court ',
prifbinas W.M. 179 ' chief city ', prifgaer ib. ' chief castle ' ; y prif
ddyn ' the chief man '. It cannot be used as an ordinary adj. ;
such a phrase as *dyn j?n^does not exist.
(2) hen, as hen wr or hen-wr ' old man ' ; hen ddyn id., also hen-
ddyn whence E. quoth Hending; Hen-Han IL.A. 105, Hen-Hys etc.,
hen yd Jos. v 1 1, yr hen ffordcl Job xxii 15, yr hen derfyn Diar.
262 ACCIDENCE 155
xxii 28, yr hen bobl Es. xliv 7, etc. In the comparatively rare
cases where hen follows its noun, some antithetic emphasis is
enerally implied, as leuan Tew Hen ' leuan Tew the Elder '.
Er dae'd draw, rai llawen,
Mae gwae rhai am y gwr hen. W.EJ.
' However good [they may be] yonder, genial [young] people, the
lament of some is for the old master.'
(3) gwir ' true, genuine ', as gwir grefydd ' true religion '. As
an ordinary adjective it means ' true to fact ', as hanes gwir ' a
true story ' ; so as the second element of a compound : geir-wir
' truthful '. gwir is also a noun ' truth ' ; compounded, cds-wir
1 unpalatable truth '.
(4) gau ' false ', the antithesis of gwir, as geu bwyeu IL.A. 43
' false gods ', gau broffioyd ' false prophet'. As an ordinary adjec-
tive ' lying ' ; as a noun ' falsehood ' W.M. 29.
(5) cam c wrong, unjust ' ; as cam f am ( false judgement ' , cam
ran ' wrongful portion ', i.e. injustice. As an adj. ' crooked', as
ffon gam ' a crooked stick ' ; as a noun ' injustice '.
Tasgu bu twysog y byd
Gam ran i Gymru ennyd. S.T., c. ii 209.
' The prince of this world has inflicted wrong on Wales awhile.'
(6) unig ' only ' ; yr unig beth ' the only thing '. As an ordinary
adj. it means ' lonely', as dyn unig 'a lonely man'. Cf. Fr. seul.
(7) y naill, rkyw, y rhyw, amryiv, cyfryw, unrtyw, holl, cw&l, y
sawl, yckydig, ambell, ami, ttiaws, etc., 165, 168, 169.
iv. The following words precede adjectives, and are compounded
with them :
(i) lied ' half 153 (12), as lled-wac B.B. 49 < half-empty ',
lled-ffer M.A. ii 586 ' half-wild ', lled-ffol ' half-silly ', llecl-from
' half-frowning '.
Nid mawr well nad meirw i wyr,
Lle'd f6irw pan golled f'eryr;
Nid byw am enaid y byd,
L16d-fyw yngweddill ddfyd. T.A., A 14874/127.
' It is not much better that his men are not dead, [they were] half-
dead when my eagle was lost ; they were not alive for [want of him
who was] the soul of the world, [but] half-alive in the dregs of
adversity.'
156 COMPOUNDS 263
In the example lledfeirw is a loose, lled-fyw a strict, compound .
In Late Mn. W., lied usually forms loose compounds and means
' rather '.
lied is also compounded with nouns, as lied -ran ' half-share ',
lled-ioyl ( half-holiday ', lUd-fryd ' listlessness ', lled-iaith ' brogue,
foreign accent ', lied ymyl ' border near edge '.
(2) pur 'very', as j)iir-bu, pur-wynn R.M. 151, pur-goch 154;
pur-iawn ' very well ', now purion. It now forms loose compounds
mostly, as pur dda ' very good '. Used after its noun as an
ordinary adj. it means ' pure '.
156. i. The first element of a compound may be a prefix,
which was originally an adverb or preposition. Some other
vocables of adj. or noun origin have become mere prefixes ; for
convenience of reference these are included in the following list.
Where the mutation of the initial after the prefix is fairly regular,
it is noted in square brackets. Most of the prefixes form verb-
compounds also, and some are oftener so used ; hence it is con-
venient to include verbal nouns and verbs in the examples.
(1) ad- [soft] < Brit, ate- : Gaul, ate- < Kelt. *ati- : Skr. ati ' over,
beyond '; ati- ' very '; 222 i (3). Three distinct meanings occur
in W. : (a) ' very ', dt-gas 1 1 1 v (i) ' hateful ' ; (b) ' second ', dt-gno
' chewing the cud ', dd-ladd ' aftermath ', hence ' bad ' as dd-jftas
'after-taste, ill taste'; (c) 'over again, re-', dd-lam 'a leap back',
dteb ( < *ad-7ieb) ' reply ', dd-lais f echo '.
(2) a8- before a vowel or / (from m) < Brit. *ad- : Lat. ad ; in-
tensive; ddd-oer 'very cold', ddd-jwyn, ddd-fain 93 ii (3). Before
a tenuis it is a- followed by the spirant mutation, as dchas 93 ii (2),
dthrist ' very sad ' : trist ' sad '. Before a media it is a- followed by
the radical, dgarw 'very rough': garw 93 ii (3); but before d- it
is a- followed by 8, as a-Sef 93 iii (i) , a-8ail, etc. With initial s-
it gives as-, as in as-gloff ' lame ' < *ad-skloppos < vulg. Lat.
clojrpiM *8clopus : W. doff ' lame '. Before I- or r- followed by I
it gives ei- as in etrt/104 iv (3); eiSil 'feeble', met. for *eili8
102 iv (2) < *ed-M- < * ad-led-, Vied- : Lat. lasms, Gk. XiySeiv
'to be fatigued* Hes., 204 i. In aberth, aber 93 ii (3) it means
' to ' (or is aber < *n-bher- 1 ; cf. Gael. Inver-).
(3) all- < Brit. *allo- : Gaul, olio- 'other ' 100 iii (2); dll-fro
' foreigner '; dll-tud ' exile '.
(4) am-, ym- [soft] < Brit, dmbe-, ambi- : Gaul. 'A/&/&- : Gk.
afufri, Lat. amb-, ambi- 63 v (2); (a) ' around ' : dm-gorn ' ferrule ',
dm-gylch ' circuit ', dm-do ' shroud ', am-ddiffyn ' defence ' ; hence
(b) ' on each side, mutual ', ym-ladd ' battle ', ym-drech ' struggle ',
ym-gynnull ' a gathering together ' ; hence (c) reflexive, as ym-olchi
264 ACCIDENCE 156
' to wash oneself ' ; (d) ' round ' > ' different, changeable ' as dm-ryw
' of various kinds ', dm-yd ' corn of different kinds mixed ', am-liwiog
'parti-coloured', amheu W.M. 186 'to doubt', Mn. dmeu, vb. am-
heu-af< *mbi-8ag-, V sag- : Gk. i/yeo/iai, Dor. ay- 'I think, believe',
Lat. sagax. am-c- < *am-%- by dissim. of continuants, as dm-can
' design, purpose, guess' <*am-x<an < *ambi-8l&-n-, V skhe(f)- : Lat.
scio, Skr. chydti 'cuts off ' ; and amkaw8 W.M. 453 ' replied, said ' <
*am-x~awS 96 iii (4).
(5) an-, en-, etc., neg. prefix < Ar. *n- (K-grade of neg. *ne) ;
amhdrod ' unprepared ' : parod ' ready ' ; dmraint ' breach of privi-
lege' : braint; athrugar, anhrugdrog 99 vi (i); an-nedwy8 ' uu-
happy ' : dedwyB ' happy ' ; angharedig ' unkind ' : caredig ' kind ' ;
en-wir ' untrue, evil ' < *an-ulro-s, re-formed dn-wir in Mn. W. ;
dn-fwyn 'unkind' : mwyn; dn-fad : mad 99 iv (i) ; df-Us 86
i (4) : lies ' benefit '; df-raid ' needless ' < *am-(p)rat-io- < *n-pratio-
: rhaid 'need' 149 ii; so dfrad, dfryw ; before orig. l-\ an-
llygredig ; an + gldn should give *alan 106 ii (i) ; this is re- formed
in two ways, dn-lan, df-lan ' unclean ' ; 6 often follows the analogy
of m, as an-fonheddig : bonheddig ' gentlemanly '. The prefix when
not bearing the principal accent has often a strong secondary accent ;
this might become a separate accent, as in an allu ( = dn dUu) IL.A.
33 'want of power ' ; hence an hdwdd 148 i (6), dn ami 164 i (2).
(6) ar-, er- [soft] 'fore-'< Brit. *are- (< *ari-) : Gaul, are-
(in 'Apr)- the rj marks the quality rather than the quantity of the e)
< *p e ri- : Lat. prae, Gk. -n-epi ; ar-for (in arfor-dir ' maritime land ')
< *are-mor- : Gaul. Are-morica ; dr-gae ' dam ' : cae (: E. hedge) ; dr-
dreth ' chief rent ', etc. Exceptional mutation : er-myg ' admired '<
*are-smi-ko-, like ed-myg ' admired ' < *ate-smi-ko-, Vsmei- ' smile ' :
Lat. admiro, ml-ru-s (-ro- suffix), Skr. smdyati ' smiles ', Gk. /LUI&XW,
E. smile, O. Bulg. smSchu 'smile'; cf. dirmyg (12) below; ar-merth,
see dar-merth (13) below. Possibly Brit. *ar- : Lat. per, in drtaith
'pang', by dissim. for *ar-thaith < *ar-stik-ta, Vsteig- : Lat. instlgo,
Gk. oriyfia, Skr. tiktd-h ' sharp, bitter ' ; and dr-choH ' wound ' < *ar-
qold-, Vqolad- ' strike ' : Lat. clades, W. cleddyf ' sword ', coll ' de-
struction, loss '.
(7) can(nh)- [soft] 'with, after' < Brit. *kanta- < *knta : Gk.
Kara; cdn-lyn v.n. 'following'; canh-orthwy 103 ii(i) now spelt
cynhorthwy; can-hefatong 'funeral'; hebnvng 99 vi (i); cdn-Uaw
1 balustrade ; assistant in law-court '.
(8) cyd- [soft] ' together, common ', is not, as is often assumed,
identical with cyf-, but is the noun cyd as in i gt{d ' to-gether ', also
used as an adj. in tir cyd ' common land '. A few of the compounds
which it forms are strict, as cyt&n < *cyd-8uun ' united ', cyd-fod
1 concord ', cyd-wybod ' conscience '; but the bulk of those in use are
loose compounds in which the form of the prefix is cyd 45 ii (2);
in this form it is still fertile ; cqd ddinesydd ' fellow-citizen ', cyd
genedl ' kindred ', etc. The word seems to be a verbal noun *Jd~tu~
from */%ei- 'lie', cf. Ml. W. kyt gwr IL.A. 136, C.M. 21 ' cohabitation
$ 156 COMPOUNDS 265
with a man ' : Gk. xctrai ' lies ', O. E. hxman ' lie with, espouse ',
O.H.G. hiwo ' husband ', E. home, W. cu, Lat. clvis 110 iii (i).
(9) cyf- before vowels and i, I, r, n; cy- before to-, chw-, h- ; with
following -, cys- ; elsewhere cy(m)-, cyn-, cy(ng)- [nasal] ; < Kelt.
*kom- : Lat. com- ; (a) ' com- ', often followed by d ' with ', cyf-ar
'co-tillage'; cyf-liw, cyf-ur8, etc. 149 ii; cyf -ran 'share' : rhan
'part'; cymod 'concord' : bod 'be'; cyn-n(K)wrf 'commotion':
tuorf ; cynghdneS 'harmony' : cdn 'song'; cystal 148 i (4). (b)
Intensive ('together' > 'fully'); cyflavm 'complete': llawn 'full';
cyf-lym ' fleet ' : llym ' keen '. A few irregular forms are found,
which are due to false analogy, as cyf-8y8 ' dawn ', formed after cyf-nos
' evening '.
The form *ko- (beside *kom-) goes back to Italo-Kelt. It occurs
before u- as W. cywir, Ir. coir < *9co-mros; before m-, as W.
cof 'memory', Ir. cuman < *ko-men-, Vmen- 'mind' (but later
*kom- as in W. cymysg (m = mm)) ; sometimes before sq-, sq*-, s-, as
W. cy-huddo ' to accuse ' : Icel. sktita, skuti ' a taunt ', O.Bulg. kuditi
'to revile', Gk. Kv8aeiv 'to reproach', V(s)qeud- ; see 96 iii; cy-
Mfal ' co-equal ' : hafal 94 i.
cyfr- [soft] < *kom-(p)ro- 113 i (2); intensive, as cyfr-goll
'utter loss, perdition ' ; cyfr-wys (generally mis-pronounced cyfr-wys)
'trained, cunning ': gwys 'known'; cyfr-gain (kywrgein B.B. 10)
' very fine '. cyfr-r- > cyfrh- > cyffr as in cyffredin ' common ' <
*cyfr-red-in ; amgyffred ' comprehend ' < *am-gyfr-red : rhedeg
' run ' ; the O.W. amcibret may represent the stage amgyfred.
(10) cyn(nh)- [soft] 'former, preceding' < Brit. *kintu- 148 i
(3); cynh-deaf 'autumn' : gaeaf ' winter '; cyn-ddail 'first leaves',
cyn-ddelw ' pi-ototype ' ; the t is kept before h 106 iii (3), as
cyntaid for *cynt-haid ' first swarm ' (of bees) ; in the form cyn it
is used to construct new loose compounds as cifn fder ' ex-mayor',
etc.
(n) di- [soft] < Kelt. *dl- < *de- : Lat. de. Two meanings : (a)
' outer, extreme, off ', as di-ben ' end, aim ' : pen ' head, end ' ; di-dol,
Ml. di-dawl ' cut off, separated ', see below ; di-noethi v.n. ' de-nude ' ;
(b) ' without ', as dl-boen or di boen ' painless ', di-dduw or di dduw
' godless ', etc. In this sense it is freely used to form new com-
pounds, mostly loose, by being put before any noun or v.n., or even
a v.n. phrase, as di alw am dano ' un-called-for ' ; but, though
loose, the expression is still a compound, thus di gefn wyf c.c. 184
' helpless am I ', exactly like gwan wyf ' weak am I ', as opposed to
heb gefn, yr wyf ' without help am I ', the un-corapounded phrase
heb gefn, requiring yr after it. The compound is an adj. made from
a phrase in which the prep, dl governs the noun; the formation is
old, and gave rise at an early period to the idea that dl was a nega-
tive prefix, which therefore might be compounded with adjectives;
thus di-og 'lazy ', O.W. di-auc : *auc ' quick, active' : Gk. WKVS, Lat.
odor ; so di-brin ' not scarce ', di-drist ' not sad ', di-wael ' not
mean ' etc. Lat. de- seems to have been identified in Brit, with the
266 ACCIDENCE 155
native prefix, and gives W. di-, as diffyg ' defect '< de-fic-. Ex-
ceptional mutation : dl-chell 'wile ' < *de-sqel(p)la, Vsqelep- : W.cel-
fyddyd 'craft' etc. 99 ii (2); di-cfdyn 'exact, cautious, circum-
spect ', as v.n. ' to choose, discriminate ' < *de-sql-n-, */sqel- ' split,
separate ' ; di-chlais ' break (of day) ' < * de-8-ql9d-ti- or *de-kkl- for
*de-kl- 99 v (4), Vqoldd- ' strike, break ' : W. dais ' bruise', archoll
(6) above; dichon, dig&n 196 ii (2); W. didawl, didol for *di-8awl
(8 . . . Z > d . . .1 102 iii (2)) : gwd-Sawl ' endowment \Ir.fo-ddli 'deals
out' < *dol- : W. ethol < *dol-, see 97 ii.
dis- before t- < de-s-, where s is the initial of the second element,
often lost in the simple form : di-stadl 96 ii (3) ; distrych ' foam '<
*de-strk-, Vstereq- : W. trwyth 'wash, lye' 99 v (3); di-staw
' silent ' : taw ' be silent ' < *stuu-< *stup-, Vsteup/bJi- : Ger. stumm
' dumb ', Lat. stupeo : E. dumb, Vdheubh- (dh/st- alternation). Be-
fore other consonants < *de-eks-, as in disglair 201 iii (6). Also
from Lat. de-s- as in disgyn(n) < de-scend-.
(12) dir- [soft] 'vehemently' Richards, 'truly' < *deru- : dir
' true', Ar. base *dereu~ ' hard ' 1 37 ii ; dir-boen or dir boen ' great
pain ', dir-fawr ' very great ', dir-gel ' secret '. Exceptional muta-
tion : dir-myg ' contempt ' < *deru-smi-k-, Vsmei- 'smile ' ; here dir-
is not necessarily neg. for beside ' admiration ' as in ermyg, edmyg (6)
above, we have ' mockery ' from the same root, as in W. tre-myg
' insult ', O.H.G. bi-smer ' mockery ' ; nor in dir-west ' abstinence ',
which is literally 'hard diet', cf. E. fast.
(13) dy- [soft] 'to, together', often merely intensive < Brit.
*do- ; dy-fijn ' summons ' : mynnu ' to will ' ; dy-gynnull v.n. ' gather
together ', dy-gyfor W.M. i ' muster ' ; dy-weddi ' fiancee '. In a few
cases it interchanges with ty-, as Ml. W. dy-wallaw v.n. ' to pour
(into) ' : Mn. W. tywallt ' pour ' ; dy-ret ' come ! ' : ty-red ' come ! ' ;
very rarely ty- alone is found, as ty-wysog ' prince '. Except, mut. :
dy-ch- < *do-sk- or *do-kk- before r, I ; as dy-chryn ' fright ' : crynu
' tremble ', y acrid B.B. 31 ' trembles ', Bret, skrija ' to tremble from
fear ' ; dy-chlud : cludo ' to carry '. Hence dych- in dych-ldmu ' to
leap up '. In old compounds the o of do- was retained when the vowel
of the root was lost 65 iv (2), and might in that case be affected
to e, as de-dw-yS 100 ii (i).
dad- [soft] < *d(o)-dte- see (i) above : (a) intensive; ddt-gan v.n.
' proclaim ' : canu ' sing ' ; (b) ' un- ' (as in 'un-do ') ; ddd-lwytho v.n.
' to unload ', etc. The unacc. o of *do- was elided before a vowel.
dam- [soft] < *d(o)-ambe-, see (4); ddm-sang 'to trample ' : senyi
'to tread'; dam-wain 'accident' : ar-wain 'to lead' : Vuegh-.
Also dym- ; Ml. damunet, Mn. dymuniad ' desire ' for *dym-fu,n- :
ar-o-fun 'intend' 100 v. The m usually remains unchanged, but
seems to have become n by dissimil. in dan-waret 63 vii (5), unless
the prefix here is dan- below.
dan- [soft] < *d(o)-ando- ; ddn-fon, see ii (i) below.
dar- [soft] < *d(o)-are- < *do-p^ri- ; ddr-fod ' to have happened '
190 i; dar-ostwng 'to subdue' : go-stwng 'to suppress' < *MO(*)-
156 COMPOUNDS 267
' under ' + *stong- : Goth, stinqan ' to thrust '. The irregular mutation
in ddrmerth ' provision ' (of food, etc.) is due to -sm- > -mm-
*do-are-smer-t-, Vsmer- : Lat. mereo, Gk. /xepos, /xcpt's. In ddrbod,
ddrpar, the prefix had the form *d(o)-aros-, see 196 i (3). This form
may also account for the preservation of -st- in ddr-stain ' to resound ',
thus *d(d)-aro8-stani- : W. sain ' sound ', */sten-.
dos- < *d(o)-uo(s)- + initial s- ; dosbarth ' division, arrangement,
system ' : gosparth B.B. n ' rule, government ', Vsper- 101 iv (2).
dyr- (also written dry-] in dyrchdfd ' to raise ' < *do-(p)ro-, see
188iv; cf. cyfr-(g\
It is now generally held that the original form of the prep, is *to,
and that *do~ is a pretonic or proclitic form, like W. ti ' thou ', pro-
clitic dy 'thy '. But pretonic softening, though it occurs in W. and
Ir. cannot be proved to be primitive, and is obviously in most cases
comparatively late. The facts in this case are as follows : (a) In Ir.
the prep, is do, du, always with d- (as opposed to tar, mostly with t-) ;
the pref. is to-, tu-, at first both accented and pretonic, later pretonic
do-, du-. (/3) In W. pretonic d- for t- as in dy ' thy ' is not mutated
further (i.e. does not become *8-) ; but the prep, was *8y (written di in
O.W.) giving Ml. W. y, Mn. W. i; it starts therefore from Brit. *do,
and agrees in form with the Ir. ; the pref. is dy-, rarely ty-. There
is no trace of t- in the prep, proper in W. or Ir. ; and the supposed
original *to equates with no prep, in the Ar. languages. But in
Pr. Kelt, the possibility of t- for d- is proved by W. tafod, Ir. tenge, so
that *to-, which occurs only in composition, may be for *do-. Pr. Kelt.
*do : E. to, Ger. zu, Lat. en-do-, in-du-, O. Bulg. do, Av. -da 'to'.
Cf. W. ann- ii (i) from *n-do-, which places *do beyond doubt.
(14) dy- ' bad ' < *dws- : Gk. 8u<r-; dychan ' lampoon '< *dus-kan-
: cdn 'song '; reduced to *du- on the analogy of *su-, (19) below, in
dy-bryd ' shapeless, ugly ', Ir. do-chruth < *du-q*r-tu- : W. pryd, Ir.
cruth ' form '.
(15) eb- < *ek-uo-; in epil for *eb-hil 89 iii, ebrwydd 'quick'
:rhwydd 'easy' 143 iii (22).
e-, eh-, ech-<*eks- 96 iii (6); e-ofti, Ml. W. eh-qfyn 'fearless'
: Ir. esomwn, Gaul. Exobnus ; e-ang ' wide, extensive ' : *ang ' narrow '.
ech- developed before vowels, but spread by analogy : ech-nos ' night
before last ', ech-doe ' day before yesterday '. But the regular form
before an explosive is es- (ys-) as in es-tron ' stranger ' < Lat. extrdn-
tus ; estyn ' extend ' < ex-tend-, etc. ; es-gor ' to be delivered ' (of
young), V(a)qer- ' separate, cut '.
(16) go-, gwo-, gwa- [soft] 'sub-' < Kelt. *uo- < *upo- : Skr.
iipa, Gk. UTTO, Lat. s-ub, 65 v (i) ; gwo-br 'prize ' < *uo-pr- : prynu
'to buy' 201 i (4); gwd-stad 'level' 63 vi (i); go-fdned,
'desire', ar-6-fun (13) above. In Mn. W. go- freely forms loose
compounds with adjectives 220 viii (i).
gos-< *uo-s- + initial -; g6sgor8 ' retinue', Ml. W. gwoscoro B.B,
10 < *uo-skor-d-, */sqer-\ dosbarth (13) above.
(17) gor-, gwor-, gwar- 'super- ' < *uor- for *uer < *uper : Skr.
268 ACCIDENCE 156
updri, Gk. vrrep, Lat. s-uj)er 65 v (3); gor-ffen(rC) 'finish' : penn
1 end ' ; gor-fod ' conquer ' : bod ' be ' ; gwdr-chadw ' guard ' : cadw
1 keep ', etc. etc.
(18) gwrth- [soft] ' contra- ' 66 iii (i) ; gibrthun, Ml. "W. gwrth-
vun 'hateful' : dymuniad (13) above; gwrth-glawS 'rampart' : clawS
' dyke ', etc.
(19) hy- [soft] 'well, -able ' < *su- : Gaul, su-, Ir. su-, so- : Gk. v-
(iu v-yoys), Skr. su- (? from the base *eueseu- ' good ' with V-grade of
the first two syllables) ; hy-gar ' well-beloved, lovable ' : caraf 'I love';
hy-dyn ' tractable ' : tynnaf I draw ' ; Hy-wel ' *conspicuous ' : gwelaf
' I see ' ; hy-fryd ' pleasant ' : bryd ' mind ', etc.
(20) rhag- [soft] ' fore-' < *prako-, by 65 ii (i) < *pro-qo- (i.e.
*pro- with suffix -qo-) : Lat. reci-procu-s < *reco-proco-s ; rhdg-farn
'prejudice ' : barn 'judgement' ; rMg-fur 'contramure ' : mur 'wall';
rhdg-ddor ' outer door ' ; rhag-luniaeth ' providence ', etc.
(21) rhy- [soft] 'very, too' : Ir. ro- : Lat. pro-, Gk. -n-po, Skr. prd,
Goth, fra- ; rhy-wyr ' very late ' : hwyr ' late ', cf. Gk. Trpd-icaKos ' very
bad'; rhy-gyng, Ml. W. rygig ' ambling pace' < *(p)ro-fcengh- 101
iii (2). In Mn. W. it forms loose compounds with adjectives 65 iv (2),
220 viii (i).
(22) tra- [spirant] 'over, very, excessive' < *tar- < *t e ros-, 214
iii : Ir. tar-, Skr. tirds- ; trd-chwant ' lust ' ; trd-chas ' very hateful ' ;
trd-serch ( great love, adoration ' ; trd-chul ' very lean ' ; tramor ' over-
sea ' i.e. trammor for *tarmmor < *t e ros mart. ; trachwres B.T. 30 :
gwres 92 iii. It forms loose compounds by being placed before any
adj., 220 viii (i). The metathesis could have taken place when the
accent was on the ult. ; cf. 2 1 4 iii.
traf-, as in traf-lyncu ' to gulp ' (: llyncu ' to swallow) < *tram- :
Ir. trem-, tairm-, an m-formation from the same base : cf. Lat. tarmes,
trames; see 220 ii (10). There seems to have been some confusion
of the two prefixes : tramor above and tramwy ' to wander ' <
-*moui- (: Lat. moveo) may have either. This would help to spread
tra- for *tar-. trdnnoeth ' over night ' cannot be from *tram- which
would become traf- before n; trenny8 ' over the day' i.e. ' next day
but one ' is probably re-formed after trannoeth.
traws-, tros- 210 x (6) ; ML W. traws-cwy W.M. 83, 85, ' trans-
action ' ; in Mn. W. leniting, traws-feddiant ' usurpation ', prob. owing
to sc > sg etc. 111 vi (2), as in traws-gwy8 B.M. 60, 61.
(23) try- [soft] ' through, thoi-ough'; try-dwll 'perforated'; try-
loyw ' pellucid ' ; try-fer ' javelin ' : ber ' spear '. It seems to imply
Brit. *tri-, weak form of *trei > trwy 'through' 210 x (5).
ii. Some prefixes occur only in rare or isolated forms, and are
not recognized as such in the historical periods. The following
may be mentioned :
(i) a(n)- < *n- 'in'; dcJdes 99 vi (i), anmyneS 95 ii (3);
dnglao ' funeral' < *n-qlad- (claddu ' to bury') */qolad- 101 ii (3).
157 COMPOUNDS 269
ann- [soft] < *ando- < *n-do- : Lat. en-do-, in-du-, E. in-to ;
dnnedd 63 ii; dnnerch ' greeting '< *nd(o)-erk-, Vereq- 'speak'
63 iii ; en-byd ' dangerous ' (eribyd! ' beware ! ' in Festiniog quarries)
< *ndo-pit- : pyd ' danger ' < *qui-t-, Vqouei- ' be ware ' : Lat.
caveo, Grk. *oo : W. rhy-bu8 ' warning ' < *j)ro-quei-d- ; dn-rheg
' gift ' : rheg ' gift ' < *prek-, dn-rhaith ' prize, booty ; *bride, dear
one' < *ndo-prek-t-, Vpereq- 'acquire, buy' : Lith. perkti, 'I buy',
Gk. TriTrpaorKeD (*-prq-sqo), extension of Vper- in Gk. TrepvTj/At, ; dn-fon
< *ndo-mon- 100 iv ; anian ' nature' < *ndo-g e n- : Lat. in-genium.
dann- [soft] < *d(d)-ando- ; ddnfon : anfon above ; ddn-gos ' to
show ' (S. W. ddn-gos ; in N. W. with late assim. of -g-, ddwnos)
< *d(o)-ando-kons-, VJcens- : Lat. censeo, Skr. sysati l recites, praises,
reports, shows '.
y-, e- [nasal] < * en- ' in ' ; emhennyB M.M. 23 (from R.B.) ' brain ',
cf. M.A. ii 107, 337, emenny8 B.B.B. 54, S.G. 270 < *en-quennuo- :
Bret, em-penn, Corn, empinion, ympynnyon ; -nth- persisted in Mn.
W., see M.M. 140, o'mhoen (read o'm hun)/ymhennydd D.G. 501;
the usual form ymennydd with abnormal loss of -h- before the accent
may be due to early contamination with a form containing *eni- ; the
form in Ir. is in-chinn < *eni-quenn-.
(2) he- < *sem- ; hebrwng 99 vi.
(3) ban- < *sani- : Ir. sain ' separate ', W. gwa-han-u, Lat. sine,
E. sun-der, Skr. sanitur ' besides, without ' ; in hdn-fod ' being
from, coming from, origin, essence '.
157. i. No compound has more than two elements ; but any
element may itself be a compound. Thus anhyfryd ' unpleasant '
is compounded not of an + /ty + bryd but of an + hyfryd, though
hyfryd itself is a compound of hy + bryd ; similarly hardd-deg
ymdrech I Tim. vi 12 is a loose compound, each of whose elements
hardd-deg and ym-drech is itself a compound. All compounds
must be so analysed by successive bisections.
Deuriiddloyw fis dewisaf,
Dyred a'r haul daradr haf. G.Gr., p 5 1/49.
' Most exquisite bright-cheeked month, bring the sun of summer
ray.' DeuruSloyw fis is a loose compound ; its first element is a com-
pound of deuru8 and gloyw, deuruS itself being compounded of dau
' two ' and gru8 ' cheek '.
ii. (i) In compounds of three syllables in which the first element
is a compound, as pengrych-lon D.G. 74 'curly-headed [and] merry',
a strong secondary accent on the first syllable often becomes a separate
accent, and the syllable breaks loose, resulting in an illogical division ;
thus hir fein-wijn D.G. 16, for hirfein-rvyn, a compound of hir-fain
1 long slender ' aiid gwyn ' white ' ; tew gded-allt do. 328 for tewgded-allt
< tew-goed (do. 157) ' thick trees ' and (g)allt ' copse ' ; gdrw floedd-
270 ACCIDENCE 158
iast do. 82 < gdrw-JloeB ' rough- voiced ' + gast 'bitch' 103 ii (i);
inydr ddoeth-lef do. 293 < mydr-Soeth + lief ' of rhythmical voice ' ;
wan serliw G. 129 < mdn-ser + lliw 'of the colour of small stars' ;
pen sder-wawd do. 297 < pen-saer ' architect' + gwawd 'song' mean-
ing ' of masterly song '.
Y wawr d!6s-ferch ry dlysfain
Wrm ael a wisg aur a main. D.G, no.
' Dawn-bright maid, too beautifully slender, of the dark brow, that
wearest gold and [precious] stones ' ; gwawr dlosferch < gwdwr-dlos
' dawn-beautiful ' + merch ' maid '; ry dlysfain is a loose compound
ofrhy and tlys-fain, so that its accentuation is normal ; gibrm del is a
loose bahuvrlhi (or possessive) compound ' possessing a dark brow '.
(2) The same accentuation occurs when a compound number is
compounded with a noun, as ddu cdnn-oen G.G1. M 146/313 ' 200
lambs'; sdith ugein-waith L.G.C. 421 'seven score times'. The
separated syllable has the un-mutated (un-combined) form of its
diphthong dau, saith (not deu, seith) 45 ii (2).
iii. Strict compounds are inflected by inflecting the second
element, as gwindy pi. gwindei 117 iii, hwyl-brenni, canhwyll-
brenni 122 ii (2), claer-wpnnyon etc. 145 ii (4), an-wariaid etc.
145 vi, an-hawsaf 148 i (6), gloyw-buaf ehc. 150 ii.
But in loose a-n compounds the adj. is often made pi., as
nefolyon icybodeu etc. 145 ii (3). Indeed these formations
are so loose that the second element may be suspended, as in
nefolion- cCr daearolion- a thanddaearolion- betliau ibid.
An eqtv. or cpv. adj. before a noun is not compounded with it,
but the noun has always its rad. initial. A spv. adj. may or may not
be compounded ; see Syntax.
PRONOUNS
PERSONAL PRONOUNS.
158. The Welsh personal pronouns are either independent
or dependent.
Of these main classes there are several sub-divisions, containing
a form for each person sg. and pi., including two, m. and f. , for the
3rd sg.
The use of the 2nd pi. for the 2nd sg., so common in modern
European languages, appears in W. in the I5th cent. There are
numerous examples in T.A. (e.g. 38 vi), who mixes up sg. and pi. in
addressing the same individual :
159 PRONOUNS 271
Meined dy wasg mewn y tant,
Chwi a 'mdroech i'm dau rychwant. T.A. A 14866/105.
4 So slender is thy waist in the girdle, you would turn round in my
two spans.'
159. The independent personal pronouns are the forms used
when the pronoun is not immediately dependent on a noun, a
verb or an inflected preposition. They occur (a) at the beginning
of a sentence, see 162 vii (2); (b) after a conjunction or
uninflected preposition, including^, megis ; (c] after ys ' it is ',
mae (mat) ' that it is ', panyw id., pel ' if it were ', etc., and after
the uninflected lieb y ' said ' (heb y mi 198 i). Independent
personal pronouns are either simple, reduplicated or con-
junctive ; thus :
i. Simple: sg. I. mi, 2,. ti, 3. m. ef } f. hi\ pi. i. ni, 2. chwi, 3.
Ml. wy t wynt, Mn. hwy, kwynt (also occasionally in Late Ml. W.).
The h- of the Mn. 3rd pi. forms comes from the affixed forms ; thus
gwelant wy=gwdant-h wy mutated to gwelann-h wy, see 106 iv;
the -h was transferred to the pronoun, cf. 106 iii (2) ; and the inde-
pendent forms borrowed the h- from the affixed.
ii. Reduplicated: (i) Ml. W., sg. i. mivi, myvi, myvy, 2. tidi t
tydi, 3. [m. efo], f. hihi ; pi. i. nini, 2. cJiwickwi, chwchwi, 3. icyntwy,
hwyntwy. -Mn. W. sg. i myfi, 2. tydi, 3. [m. efo,fo (]&ierfe, efe
see below)], f. Tiyhi ; pi. i. nyni, 2. chwychwi (often pronounced but
rarely written chwchwi), 3. hwynt-hwy.
mivi, tidi W.M. 4, myfi (see vyvi 160 iii (i)), chwichwi B.B.B. 67,
chwchwi S.G. 164, hwyntwy B,M. 132, wyntwy s.o. 165.
(2) Tliese pronouns are usually accented on the ultima: myfi, tydi,
hwynt-hwy, etc. ; but they were formerly accented on the penult also,
and this accentuation survives in certain phrases used in Powys.
Examples of penultimate accentuation :
Du serchog ywth glog mewn glyn,
A myfi. sy'n d' ymofyn. D.G. 521.
' Of a lovely black is thy coat in the glen, and it is I who call thee.'
To the blackbird.'
Nid dldolc onid tydi ;
Nato Duw bod hebot ti. S.M., IL 133/261.
'There is none faultless but thee; God forbid [that we should] be
without thee.'
272 ACCIDENCE 159
Thus accented they also appear as myfi(, ttfdtf, etc. :
Mawr oedd gennyd dy fryd fry,
Mwyfwy dy son na m^f^. G.Gr., D.G. 246.
' Greatly didst thou boast thy intention yonder ; more and more noisy
[art thou] than I/
(3) The forms my ft, tydi sometimes lose their unaccented y after
a, na or no, giving a m'ft, a th'di, etc. ; as megys y8 ymydawssam
ath ti IL.A. 148 'as we forsook thee ', cf. 121, 1. 6.
Duw ath roes, y doeth ryswr ;
A th'di a wnaeth Duw yn ivr. W.IL. 8.
' God gave thee, wise hero ; and thee did God make a man.'
(4) In the spoken language efo, hyhi became yfo, yhi; and the
others followed, thus yfi, ythdi (in Gwynedd ychdi by dissim.) ym,
ychi, ynhw(y). These may sometimes be seen written yfo etc. in the
late period, e.g. c.c. 273, 340.
(5) Beside efo the reduced form/o appears in the i4th cent. The
inconvenience of having different vowels in fo and ef was overcome in
two ways : in N.W. fo replaced ef (except in a few stereotyped phrases,
as ynte ? for onid Jtef? ' is it not so ? ', ai e ? ' is it so ? ') ; in S. W. e(f)
remained, and fo was changed to fe. From the S.W. fe Wm.S. made
his'new efe 2 Thess. ii 16, which, however, he uses very rarely. Dr. M.
adopted this form, and used it throughout his Bible for the nom. case,
independent and affixed a remarkable observance of a self-imposed
rule ; that the rule was arbitrary is shown by the fact that efe is
used where W. idiom expresses ' he ' by an oblique case, as am fod yn
hojf ganddo efe y hi Gen. xxix 20, o Jierwydd ei farw efe 2 Sam. xiii
39. In Ml. W. the only form is efo, see iv (2), which is rare
compared with the simple ef. The bards also use efo, accented efo
and efo, see examples; but where it does not rhyme, late copyists
often change it to efe; thus in A fo doeth efe a dau G. 144, the MS.
actually used by the editor of G. has efo TB. 87. efe S.G. 53 is ef
in the MS., p 11/356; and eue C.M. 87 is euo (i.e. evo) in the MS.,
E.B. 474. The form efo survives in dial, efo 'with' for efo a
216ii( 3 ).
Nid oes offrwm, trwm yw'r tro,
Oen Duw ufydd, ond eib. R.B., F. 7.
' There is no sacrifice sad is the case except Him, the obedient
Lamb of God.'
larll Penfro, efo rydd fdrch. L.G.C. 355.
' The Earl of Pembroke, he will give a horse.'
iii. Conjunctive: (i) Ml. W., sg. I. mynkeu, minfteu, minnen,
2. titkeUj.fy r&.ynteu, $.hitheu\ pi. I. nynheit, ninfieu, ninneu,
2. chwitheuy 3. wynteu. Mn. W. sg. I. minnau, 2. tithau, 3. m.
yntau, f. hithau ; pi. i. ninnau, 2. cAwit/tau, 3. hwyntau t Jnvythau.
159 PRONOUNS 273
(2) A pronoun of this series is always set against a noun or pronoun
that goes before (or is implied) : Dioer, heb ef. . . . A unben, heb
ynteu W.M. 2 ' By heaven, said he. ... Ah ! prince, said the other.'
The series is in common use in Mn. W. ; sometimes the added mean-
ing is so subtle as to be untranslatable : chwi a minnau ' you and
I ', but as a rule minnau signi6es ' I too ', ' even I ', ' I for my part ',
' but I ', ' while I ', etc. The first term of the antithesis may be im-
plied : Wei, dyma finnau 'n marw Ceiriog O.B. no 'Well, now even
I am dying ' [not somebody else this time ; this is not said, but
finnau implies it]. A conj. pron. often stands in apposition to a
noun: Ynteu Pwyll VTM. n, cf. 12, 14 'he also, [namely] Pwyll'
i. e. Pwyll also ; a gwyr Troea wynteu B.B.B. 20 ' and the men of
Troy on their part '. The 3rd sg. ynteu answers naill in the expres-
sion naill ai ... ai ynteu ' on the one hand either or on the
other hand '. From its unaccented use as ' on the other hand '
it became a conjunction ' then ' : Paham, ynteu IL. A. 1 3 ' why,
then ] ' Pwy, ynteu do. 2 y ' who, then 1 ' Nyt oes un wreic, ynteu
A.L. i 176 'there is no woman, then'. In Ml. W. pronouns of other
persons are used instead of ynteu after ae, as kymer vedyS . . . ae
titheu ymla8 C.M. 13 'receive baptism ... or else fight'; as the
subject of an impv. cannot come before it, titheu here replaces ynteu
in ae ynteu ymlaS ' or else fight ' under the influence of ymla8 ditheu
'fight then!'
iv. Origin of the independent pronouns : (i) mi, Ir. me < ace. *me
: Skr. ma, Gk. /xe (the Ir. me seems to be *me lengthened, as original e
> Kelt. 1) ; ti, Ir. tu < *tu : Lat. tu, Av. tu, Gk. TV-V-TJ, O.H.G. du;
ti partly also from Ar. ace. *t(u)e; ef, O.W. em, Cora, ef, nom. -e,
Ml. Bret, eff, Ir. e, he ; f. hi, Corn, hy, Bret, hi, Ir. si. The 3rd sg.
pron. in Kelt, as in Germ, seems to have been *es or *is, f. *sl ; thus
O.H.G. er < *es : Ir. e or he < *es (: Umbr. es-to- ' iste ') ; the Corn,
nom. postfixed -e may represent this ; but in "W". it has been replaced
by ef; W. ef < *emen < *em-em = O.Lat. em-em, redupl. ace. of *es,
cf. Skr. im-dm < *im-em. As hi kept its h-, it is unlikely that ef is
for *hef, since the parallel could hardly fail to have been preserved ;
but in phrases where ef means ' so ' there are traces of h-, as in N.W.
ynte, S.W. ontef e ' is it not so 1 ' for onid hef (ef) ; here ef may be from
*semo-s ' same ' = Skr. samdh ' like, same '. W. hi < Ar. *sl : Goth.
si, O.H.G. si, si, Gk. f (Sophocles) ; *sl is an ablaut variant of *s(i)ia
122 iv (i), f. of the pron. *s(i)ios, *s(i)id, *t(i)iod (Skr. sydh, sya,
tydd) a derivative of *so, *sa, *tod (Skr. sd, sa, tdt, Gk. 6, 17, TO). PI.
rii, chwi, Ir. ml, si < *s-nes, *s-ues : Lat. nos, vos, Skr. nah, vah (or,
as the e-grade is not certain elsewhere, < *snl, *sul with nom. pi. -?
after o-stems) ; wy, Ir. e < *ei nom. pi. of *es ; wynt with -nt from
the 3rd pi. of verbs (so Ml. Ir. iat).
(2) The redupl. forms are the simple forms repeated, originally as
separate words : mi-vi < Brit. *nu rm, etc. As ef seems itself to be
a redupl. form it is natural that it is not found reduplicated (efe being
a figment ii (5)) ; the emphatic form is efo. In Ml. AV. this is chiefly
274 ACCIDENCE 160
an affixed accusative ,160 iii (i) : llyma efo W.M. 160 'see him
here ' ; mostly following other pronouns : gwassanaetha di evo K.M.
185 'serve thou him', cf. 164, 168, 170, 198, 280; the transition to
the indep. use is seen in a thra guSyych ti evo, evo a'th gu8 ditfteu
E.M. 173 ' and while thou hidest it, it will hide thee '. The form efo
is prob. for *efi)e8 78 i (i); this implies *emiio-, and may be ace.
*em-eiom : cf. Lat. gloss im-eum " TOV avrov " < *im-eiom.
(3) The conj. pronouns are re-formations based upon yntau which is
for *hynn-teu (loss of h- on the anal, of ef) < Brit. *aendo8 touos
'this other, the other'; * touos < *tuuos : Skr. tvah, tuah 'other',
mostly repeated tvah . . . tvah ' the one . . . the other ' ; the word is
always unaccented in Skr. ; this is also the condition to give -eu in
W. 76 iii (2). The origin is seen clearly in naill . . , yntau from
*sendod dlliod . . . sendod touod ; cf. Skr. tvad . . . tvad ' at one time
... at another ' or with tvad after the second member only. When
*hynn teu came to mean ' he too ' a fern. *hih teu was formed giving
hitheu ; then followed *mim teu > mynheu, minneu ; *tit teu > titheu ;
and on these are modelled the pi. forms.
160. Dependent personal pronouns are either prefixed,
infixed or affixed.
i. Prefixed pronouns, (i) The following stand in the genitive
case immediately before a noun or verbal noun ; the mutation
following each is given after it in square brackets. For the
aspiration of initial vowels see ii (5).
Sg- I- fy, /', >, ', [nasal], 2. dy\ cT [soft], 3. Ml. y, Mn. i, late
misspellings [m. soft, f. spirant] ; pi. i. Ml. an, yn, Mn. yn, late
misspelling /# [rad.], 2. Ml. awch, $rch, late misspelling eich [rad.],
3. eu (sometimes Ml. y, Mn. i) [rad.].
These pronouns are always proclitics, and are never accented ;
when emphasis is required an affixed auxiliary pronoun is added
to receive it ; thus dy len di ' t h y head '.
Before a vowel fy ' my ', dy ' thy ' tend to lose their y, and f\ d'
occur frequently in poetry : f'annwyl 38 vi, f'erchwyn 38 ix,
f'annerch 136 ii, f'wyneb 38 iv; deos 110 iii (2), d'adwyth
D.G. 35, d'adnabod do. 147.
fy often becomes 'y, see 110 iii (2). This occurs only when the
initial of the noun is nasalized, i. e. when its radical is an explosive (or
m- in f. nouns : 'y mam 110 iii (2), 'y modryb B.cw. 13 ' my aunt '),
for otherwise 'y could not be distinguished from the article y ; as it is,
it cannot be distinguished from unaccented yn 'in' ('y mhenn 'my
head', ymhenn 'at the end [of]'), except by the context. When the/-
vanishes as above, the y is liable to be lost after a vowel, leaving only
the following nasal initial to represent the pronoun :
160 PRONOUNS 275
Darfu, 'r ieuenctid dirfawr ;
dewrfu 'nydd darfu 'n awr. D.G. 529.
' Mighty youth is spent ; if brave was my day, it is spent now.'
Llongwr wyfi yn ddioed ;
Ar ben yr hwylbren mae 'nhroed. H.D., P 101/259.
' At once I am a sailor ; my foot is on the top of the mast.' See also
yw 'myd 38 vi, yw 'mron 146 ii (i).
Ml. y 'his, her' > Mn. i 16 ii (3). Occasionally t is already
found in Ml. W., as o achaws i drigiant efw.u. 12 'on account of his
residing '. The spelling ei is due to Wm.S., (4), who also changed
yn B.B. 1 08, ych do. 79 to ein, eich ; there is no evidence of the earlier
use of these forms ; and in the spoken language the words are i, yn,
ych, as in Early Mn. W. It is doubtful whether the correct spelling
can now be restored, as the misspelling is distinctive, enabling ei
' his ' to be distinguished from i ' to ', and i ' I ', as in gwelais i dy ;
and ein 'our* from yn 'in'; but the written ei, ein, eich should be
read i, yn, ych.
eu ' their ' is a Ml. form preserved artificially in lit. W. Already
in the i4th cent, y appears for it as ytat IL.A. 117, 1. 13 'their father',
ypenneu, ytavodeu do. 152 'their heads, their tongues'. In Early
Mn. MSS. it is generally i } distinguished from the sg. only by the rad.
initial which follows it.
(2) Before hun, hunan ' self ', 167 i (3), the following forms
occur in Ml. W. : sg. i. vy, vu, my, mu, 2. dy, du, 3. e ; pi. T. ny,
2. ?, 3. e.
a minneu vy hun W.M. 88 ' and I myself' ; am Ia8 o honafvu hun
vy mob do. 35 'because I myself slew my son'; namyn my hun
do. 88 'except myself; buw mu hunan B.P. 1045 'I myself [am]
alive ' ; dy anwybot dy hun W.M. 2 ' thine own ignorance ' ; du hun
do. 29 'thyself; ae 8wylaw ehun IL.A. 10 'with His own hands';
ehun IL.A. 77 'herself; arnam ny hunein W.M. 29 'on ourselves';
ar yn llun ny hun K.P. 1368 ' on Our own image ' ; a gewssynt e hun
W.M. 59 ' what they had had themselves ' ; yrygthunt e hun W.M. 421,
y ryngtunt ehunein B.M. 272 'between themselves'.
In Mn. W. the forms do not differ from those of the gen. given
in (i) ; but ny persisted in the sixteenth cent. ; Vn pec/tod ny/iun
A.G. 17 ' to our own sin ' ; * ni nyhun do. 35 ' for ourselves '.
Before numerals the forms are Ml.W. pl.i. an,yn, 2. (awch,ych),
3. yll, ell, Mn. W. i. yn (misspelt ein}, 'n, 2. ych (misspelt eick),
'ch t 3. ill.
ni an chwech W.M. 29 ' us six ', yn dwy IL.A. 109 'we two ' f., yll
pedwar W.M. 65 'they four'; arnaSunt wy yll seith s.G. 33 'oil the
T2
276 ACCIDENCE 160
seven of them ' ; ae owylaw yll dwyoeS do. 39 ' with both his hands ' ;
uSunt ell deu W.M. 182 'to them both '. In Mn. W. ni 'n dau 'we
two ', chwi 'ch tri ' you three ', hwy ill tri ' they three ', etc.
ii. Infixed pronouns, (i) The following stand in the genitive
case before a noun or verbal noun ; mutation is noted as before :
Sg. i. -m, now written 'm [rad.] ; 2. -tk y 'th [soft] ; 3. Ml. W.
-e, -y, Mn. W. -i, now written 'i [m. soft ; f. spir.] j pi. i. -n, 'n
[rad.] ; 2. -ch, 'ch [rad.] ; 3. Ml. -e> -y, Mn. -i, 'i, late misspelling
'u [rad.]. Also 3rd sg. and pi. -?, 'w after Ml. y, Mn. i ' to ' ; see
below.
The Ml. 3rd sg. and pi. -e or -y represents the second element of
a diphthong; thus oe or oy 'from his ' is simply o y contracted. The
Mn. sound is 6i (unacc. oi), and the late spelling oi rests on the false
assumption that the full form of the pronoun is ei. This contraction
may take place after any word ending in a vowel, see 33 v, and often
occurs after final -ai and even -cm. Similarly 'n, 'ch may occur after
any final vowel or diphthong, as Duw 'n Tad, Duw 'n Ceidwad D.G.
486 ' God our Father, God our Saviour ', since this is only the ordinary
loss of unaccented y, see 44 vii.
But 'm, 'th stand on a totally different basis ; these are not for *ym,
*yth, which do not exist in the genitive.* But am, a'th are properly
a m', a th' for *a my, *a thy with the old spirant mutation after a as
in a mam, a thad ; hence we find that in Ml. W. they occur only after
a ' and ', a ' with ' (including gyt a, tu a, etc), na ' nor ', no ' than ',
all of which cause the spirant mutation, and after y 'to', o 'from',
which caused gemination of the initial of a following unacc. word in
Kelt., thus W. i'm, ym 'to my' = Ir. domm 'to my'; see iv (2).
In biblical Welsh this tradition is strictly followed. But in D.G. we
already find yw ' is ' added to the above monosyllables (if the readings
are to be trusted), as ywm serch 498, yw'm Selyf 522, yw'th gdn 137,
yw'th wen 497. After other words 'm and 'th are rare in D.G., and
are possibly misreadings, as iddi'm traserch 498, yno'th ddwyn 478.
After neu 'or' and trwy 'through', fy aud dy are always used : neu
dy ladd 264, trwy dy hoywliw 180, Dyro dy ben drwy dy bats 107.
So after all ordinary words ending in vowels ; the only non-syllabic
forms of the pronouns being /', d' or the nasal mutation, see i (i)
above ; as hu'de f'anfodd 114 (not hwde'm anfodd), mae d' eisiau i g
(not mae'th eisiau), mae d' wyneb 107 (not maeth wyneb),colH 'na 303
(not colli 'm da), gwanu 'mron 502 (not gwanu 'm bron). The insertion
of 'm, 'th after all vocalic endings is a late misuse of these forms. The
converse practice of using fy and dy after a, o, i, na (as o fy for o'm,
i dy for i'th etc.) appears first in hymns to fill up the line, and is
usual in the dialects; but it is a violation of the literary tradition.
* One or two apparent examples (as ytA effeiryat C.M. 57) seem to be scribal
errors.
160 PRONOUNS 277
After the prep, i ' to, for ' the form w is used for the 3rd sg. and
pi. with the mutations proper to the usual forms, as i'w dy ' to his
house ', i'w thy ' to her house ', i'w ty ' to their house '. The combina-
tion appears in B.CH. as yu, as pan el e breni/n yu estavell A.L. i 48
' when the king goes to his chamber ' ; later yw voli C.M. 49 lit. ' for his
praising', yw swper do. 43 'for their supper ' ; itisprob. a metathesis
of *wy 78 iv (i) from *{d)oi } an early contraction of *do I 'to his',
*do being the orig. form of the prep. 65 iv (2). A later but still
old contraction gives oe, as A 8oei hi y gyt ac ef oe wlat 1 IL.A. 125
' would she come with him to his country ? ' In the i6th cent, oi ' to
his' was still used in Carnarvonshire, G.R. [129], But oe, Mn. o'i
also means ' from his ' ; as this is an obvious meaning (o being 'from'),
oe ' to his ' became obsolete. A third form of the combination is y,
a contraction oi y y 'to his ' ; this is a re-formation, with the prep,
taken from other connexions after it had become y', it is the usual
form in Ml. MSS., as y brenhin a aeth y ystavell C.M. 43 ' the king
went to his chamber ', Ynteu Pwyll ... a Soeth y gyvoeth ac y wlat
W.M. 1 1 ' Pwyll too came to his dominions and to his country '. In
B.B. we find y eu 66 1. 5 ' to their', a rare form. The form 1 ' to his,
to her, to their ' survives in Gwyn. dial. ; but the usual Mn. form is
i'w, which is the least ambiguous, and represents the oldest con-
traction.
'u is quite a late spelling ; it is sounded i in natural speech, and
thus has the same form as the 3rd sg., but takes the same mutation as
eu. In Ml. W. there is no trace of *au, *ou ; rarely we have o eu as
in P 6/ii ., and often ac eu, oc eu, e.g. W.M. 89 ; where these are not
employed, the forms met with are ae, oe or ay, oy like the sg. ; in
Early Mn. W. ai, oi. "Pro 'u pi. post istas particulas [a, na, o],
& scribitur & pronunciatur 'i, vt, a'i carodd, pro a'u carodd, &c."
D. 177. The 1620 Bible always has 'i both gen. and ace. : iachdodd
hwynt, ac a'i gwaredodd o'i dinistr Ps. cvii 20.
The forms m and i occur after er in Ml. W. eirmoet ' during my
time', eiryoet 'in his time', Mn. W. er-m-oed, er-i-oed', the latter
became the stereotyped form for all persons, and is the usual expression
for 'ever'. But ermoed survived in Early Mn. W., see L.G.C. 194.
(2) The following stand in the accusative case before verbs ; all
take the radical initial of the verb except y th, which takes the soft.
Sg. i. -m, now written 'm ; 2. -Ik, *tk ; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, -#, -w,
Mn. W. -i, } i, -s ; pi. i. -n, 'n ; 2. -ck, 'ck ; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, -#, -w,
Mn. W. -i, 'i (recent '), -*.
'm, 'th, 'n, 'ch are used after the relatives a and y, and where y is
lost after a vowel, as lie for lie y ' where ', yno for yno y ' it is there
that ', etc. ; after the affirmative particles neu, a, ef a, e,fo,fe; the
negative particles ni, na; the conjunctions o 'if, oni 'unless',
y 'that ', and^e 'if, Ml. pet, which is for pet y ' were it that ' ; and
in Ml. W. the tense particle ry. Thus :
278 ACCIDENCE 160
JVYth wyl drem i'th wdl dramawr ;
E'th. glyw mil, nyth y glaw mawr. D.G. 133.
' No eye sees thee in thy vast lair ; a thousand hear thee, [in] the
nest of the great rain.' To the Wind.
a'th euro, di 7 ii ; llethfagwyd D.G. 323 'where thou wast
reared ' ; am ssuinassei-e douit B.B. 24 ' the Lord created me ' ; e/a'm
lias G.G1. 175 iv (6) 'I was killed' ; o'm lleddi D.G. 59 if thou
killest me ' ; o'th gaf do. 524 'if I may have thee ' ; ora'th gaf do.
29 'if I have thee not' ; beiih leSit B.P. 1255 'if thou wert killed' ;
rym ffelivir B.T. 36 'I am called ' ; see 171 iii (2).
The 3rd sg. and pi. -e or -y, Mn. -i, 'i ('u) is used after the relative
a and the affirmative particles a, ef a, e, fo, fe ; as pawb ay dyly
W.M. 8 ' everybody owes it'; e'i gwelir D.G. 524 'it will be seen'.
It also follows the relative y, and is contracted with it to y (= y y
' that . . . it ') ; as llyma yr we8 y Tcejfy R.M. 2 ' this is the way that
(= in which) thou shalt have it ' ; sefval y guma/WM. 3 ' this is how
I will do it ' ; val y herchis C.M. 89 ' as he commanded them ' (val is
followed by y ' that '). In Early Mn. W. this is written i, later ei or
eu ; recently it has been written y'i and y'u in order to show the
construction ; but there is no authority for this, and the traditional
sound appears to be i (not yi).
The 3rd sg. and pi. - is used after ni, na, oni ' unless ' and o ' if ' ;
as Ae eiSaw nys arvollassant IL.A. 161 ' and his own received him
not'; onis cwplaa oe weithretoe8 C.M. 15 'unless he fulfils it in his
works'; os myn L.G.C. 187 'if he desires it'. It often serves to
save the repetition of the object in the second of two negative
sentences : ny mynneis iriheu un gwr . . . ac nys mynnaf R.M. 1 1
' I did not want a husband, and do not want one ' ; nyd enwaf neb ac
nys gwradwyddaf J.D.R. [xvii] ' I name no one, and disgrace him
not ' ; and often refers to a noun or pronoun placed absolutely at the
head of a sentence, as ond ef nis ywelsant Luc xxiv 24 'but [as for]
him, they saw him not ' ; Safnau'r mdr nis ofnir mwy D."W. 271 ' the
mouths of the sea one no longer fears them '. The form -s is also
used after pe, thus Mn. W. pes forpei y-s ' were it that . . . it ', aspei ys
gwypvm W.M. 42 ; in Ml. W. generally written pei as, as pei as mynhut
W.M. 142 'if thou wishedst it'. Similarly gwedy as gwelych C.M. 83
' after thou hast seen it '. After affirmative neu, as neus ro&es W.M. 20
' he has given it ' ; rarely after affirmative a, as -4s attebwys dofyS B.T. 24
'the Lord answered him '. In Late Mn. W. nis is sometimes treated
as if the s meant nothing ; such a misuse is rare in Ml. W. and, where
it occurs, is probably a scribal error, as Nys gwelas llygat eiroet y sawl
Synyon IL.A. 117 with nys repeated from the previous line. On os for o
'if see 222 v(i).
In Early Ml. verse we sometimes find nuy (= nwy) in relative
sentences corresponding to nis in direct statements (nwy from an old
contraction of *no i, cf. *wy (i) above, *no being the orig. form of the
neg. rel., see 162 vi (3)); as nis guibit ar nuy g(u)elho B.B. 7 'he
160 PRONOUNS 279
will not know it who has not seen it'; cf. do. 8 11. i, 13. Later by
metathesis this appears as nyw, as nyt ker8awr nyw molwy B.P. 1400
' there is no minstrel who does not praise him ' ; nyw deiryt do. 1273
' which do not belong to him '. Later nyw is used in direct state-
ments, as ac nyw kelaf B.P. 1 244 ' and I will not conceal it '. In B.CH.
occurs enyu ( = yn^w] teno tranoeth 14 (misprinted eny in A.L. 132)
' until he removes it the following day ', formed analogically. We also
find rwy rel., as rwy digonsei B.T. 24 ' who had made him '.
(3) After pan ' when ' and Ml. kyt ' since ' syllabic aecus. forms
are used : ym, yth,y, yn, ych, y. In Late Mn. W. these are written
y'm, y'th, ei, y'n, y*ch, eu ; the apostrophe is incorrect, see iv (a).
But even in Ml. W. after pan and other conjunctions ending in
consonants, an affixed ace. pron. after the verb is preferred to the
infixed; see iii (i).
yr pan yth weleis gyntafw.M. 1567 ' since I saw thee first' ; pan
i'm clywai dust Job xxix n; kid im guneit B.B. 23 (= cyd ym
gwneifS) ' since thou makest me '. In the early period also after nid
' there . . . not ', as nid ann-t?//8 B.B. 90 ' there will not be to us ' (ann
dat. see below).
(4) In Ml. and Early Mn. verse the forms in (2) and (3) are
also used in the dative.
Dolur gormo8 am do8yw E.G. 1127 'too much grief has come to
me ' ; car a'm oedd, ny'ia. oes G. M.A. i 201 ' a friend there was to me,
there is not to me ' (i.e. I had but have not); Am bo forth B.B. 34
' may there be a way for me ' ; pan im roted par do. 23 (t = 8) 'when
existence was given to me'; E'TO. rhoddes liw tea Iw teg D.G. 136
' [she of] the hue of summer gave me a fair pledge' ; Cerdd eos a'm
dangosai 'Y mun bert do. 499 ' the nightingale's song would show me
my comely maid '.
(5) Initial vowels are aspirated after the following prefixed
and infixed pronouns : all the forms of the gen. 3rd sg. fern., and
gen. 3rd pi. ; all the infixed forms of the ace. 3rd sg. m. and f.
and 3rd pi., except -*.
oe8 liw y hwynneb IL.A. 81 'was the colour of her face'; oc eu
hamsser do. 119 'of their time' ; mi a'i "hadwaen e/Gen. xviii 19.
After 'w, ' and yn gen. and ace. both aspirated and unaspirated
initials are found.
om Ta.anvo8 K.M. n, W.M. 18, om a,nvo8 B.M. 30, W.M. 43 'against
my will ' ; ynharglwy8 ni IL.A. 165, yn B,r8erchogrwy8 ni do. 168 ' our
majesty'. So in Early Mn. W. : A'm wnnwyl D.G. 219, a'm edwyn
ibid, 'knows me', o'm hanfcdd D.E. G. 113, i'm oes S.T. r. 29,
280 ACCIDENCE 160
i'm Taoed D.G. 498. In Late Mn. W. the h- is always used, and often
written superfluously after etch, 'ch.
iii. Affixed pronouns are substantive and auxiliary.
(1) Substantive affixed pronouns are used in the accusative
after verbs as sole objects ; they are identical with the indepen-
dent pronouns simple, reduplicated and conjunctive, with the
initials of the ist and 2nd sg. softened.
They occur where there is no preverb to support an infixed pronoun,
as when the vb. is impv. ; where the preverb ends in a consonant,
as pan, etc. ; and in some other cases where there is no infixed pro-
noun ; for the details see Syntax.
dygwchvi o&yma W.M. 8 'bear me hence'; hualwyd fl D.G. 47
' I have been shackled ' ; clyw fyfy do. 100 ' hear me ' ; jyann welsant
ef IL.A. 114 ' when they saw him '; ny roSassit hi do. 122 'she had
not been given '. They often follow auxiliary affixed pronouns, as
Pan geissych di vyvi K.M. 224 ' when thou seekest me '.
They are also used in the dative after interjections, as gwae fl !
' vae mihi ! '
(2) Auxiliary affixed pronouns serve as extensions of other
pronominal elements ; they are appended to words which already
have either personal endings, or prefixed or infixed pronouns.
The form of the ist sg. is i, in Early Ml. W. -e ( = y) ; in Late
Mn. W. it is written ji after -f, but this is an error, though
sometimes found in Ml. W. ; the 2nd sg. is di, after -t li,
Early Ml. -de ; 3rd sg. m. ef, efo, f. hi ; pi. i. ni, Early Ml. -ne,
2. chwi, 3. wy, wynt, later hwy, hu-ynt. There are also conjunctive
forms, innati, dittiau, etc.
Supplementing (a) the personal form of a verb : gtieleis-e B.B. 7 1
' I saw ', arSuireav-e do. 36 ' I extol ' ; pan roddais i serch D.G. 134
' when I set [my] affection', andau-de B.B. 61 'listen thou', Beth a
glywaist ti 1 D.G. 335 ' what didst thou hear 1 ' y del hi 136 iii, etc.
(b) the personal ending of a preposition : irof-e B.B. 23 'for me ',
arnat ti D.G. 136 'on thee ', iSaw ef W.M. 5 'to him', etc.
(c) a prefixed or infixed pronoun, gen., ace. or dat. : vri-llav-e B.B.
50 ( = vy-Uaw-if) 'my hand', f'enaid i D.G. 148 'my soul'; am
creuys-e B.B. 82 'who created me'; wyra. daw-e do. 62 'there comes
not to me ' ; dyn ni 'm cred i D.G. 1 73 ' a woman who does not believe
me'.
Ni cheisiwn nefna'i threvi
Be gwypwn was kai humn hi. H.S., P 54/1/257 B.
' I would not seek heaven and its abodes if I knew that he would not
attain it.'
160 PEONOUNS 281
iv. Origin of dependent pronouns : (i) Prefixed. fy < Ar. *mene
113 ii ; dy ' thy ' < Brit. *to(u) proclitic form of *toue < Ar.
*teue ; y ' his ' < Ar. *esip : Skr. asyd; y ' her ' < Ar. *esias : Skr.
asyah, 75 vii (2) ; an ' our ', Bret, hon, hor, all for *anr, which (like
Ir. ar n- for *anr n-] represents regularly ( 95 ii (3)) Kelt. *nsron <
*ns-rom : Goth, unsara, with suff. -(e)ro- : cf. Lat. nostrum with suflT.
-t(e)ro-; ny before hun < *nes or *nos : Skr. nah ace., gen., dat. ;
awch ' your ', formed from chwi on the analogy of an : ni ; eu ' their ',
O.W. ou, Bret, ho, is probably for *wy unaccented, and so from *eison
< Ar. *eisom : Skr. esam ' their ' < *eisom, Osc. eisun-k ; for the
weakening of unaccented wy to eu see 78 iii ; yn, ych before
numerals < *emes, *esues : Goth, izwis ' you ' ace. < *esues ; yll is
a form of an Z-demonstrative 165 vi, perhaps < ace. pi. *ollos <
*6lio- or *olno- : Lat. ollus.
(2) Infixed. Gen. m, -th see ii (i); Brit. *men caused the rad.
of tenues, the nas. of mediae 107 iv, and as the latter was generalized
for fy, the former was for 'm; e or -y is merely the prefixed y
contracted with the preceding vowel ; n, -ch are the prefixed forms
with the vowel elided ; e or -y ' their ', originally only after o 'from'
and *do ' to ' ; thus oe or oy ' from their ' < o *wy contracted ;
similarly the rarer oe ' to their ' ; ay ' and their, with their' is formed
on the analogy of oy, instead of the orig. ac eu which also survived, as
oc eu ' from their ' was formed on the analogy of the latter, instead of
orig. oy (o l from ' had no -c) ; i'w ' to his ', etc., Ml. W. yw met. for
*wy < *do ? 'to his' contracted after *esio ' his ' had become *?, but
early enough for *oi to become *wy, see ii (i); the metathesis is
actually attested in nuy ( = nwy) > nyw, see below.
Ace. (dat.). m, -th < *mm-, *tt- from ace. *me, *te, dat. *moi, *toi,
originally used after the neg. ny, the tense part, ry, etc., which
caused gemination of the initial ; in Ir. also the forms after rii, ro,
no, do, etc., are -mm-, -t- ( = tt) ; see 217 iv (i); after the rel. a
which causes lenition, -m, -th must be analogical ; the rad. initial
after -m is due to the analogy of -m gen. ; n (Ir. -nn-) < *nes,
see (i); -ch by analogy; the syllabic forms prob. developed thus:
*pann m cl- > *pann m cl- > pan ym clywai; so n > n > yn; yth,
ych by anal.; cf. heb yr 198 iii; on the whole this is more pro-
bable than that y- represents the vocalic ending of pann lost else-
where, which is the explanation of the corresponding Ir. forms
generally assumed (Thurneysen Gr. 246, Pedersen Gr. ii 145); in
any case the y- is not the rel. y, which is not used after pan 222
xi (2), so that the form pan ym is misleading and wrong; e, -y,
in ae, ay ' who . . . him ', for ai *l contracted ; syllabic y < *? ; *i <
*en < *em ' him ' ; the nasal ending caused the rad. of tenues, which
was generalized ; - from the fern. ace. *sHm ' her ', *a* ' them ',
with the initial doubled as in *mm~, *tt-, so that it gives -s (not
*A-); in Ir. -- is f. sg. only; in Corn, it is f. sg. and pi.; in "W.
extended to the m. because the m. *l was lost after ni ; thus *ni caf
ef became nis caf ef on the anal, of nis caf hi ; so ae ' who . . . her'
282 ACCIDENCE 161
instead of as on the anal, of ae ' who . . . him '; rel. nyw < nny
( = nwy) < *no 2> see ii (2).
(3) Affixed. The substantive forms are the same as the inde-
pendent forms. Auxiliary : i, B.B. -e ( = Y) < *r'j < *ego : Lat. ego,
Gk. eyw, etc. ; originally used as subject after a verb, it came to sup-
plement a ist sg. pron. in other cases; di, B.B. -de < *tu ; ni, B.B.
-ne < *nes or *nos (which may have become nom. like nos in Lat.).
^[ For pronouns suffixed to prepositions see 208-212.
POSSESSIVE ADJECTIVES.
161. i. A possessive adjective was placed after its noun,
which was usually preceded by the article, as y ty tau D.G. 1 8
' thy house ', sometimes by a pref. or inf. pron., as y'th wyndvt
teu R.P. 1202 'to thy paradise'; rarely it was added to an
indefinite noun, as
Ac i wneuthur mesurau
benillion mwynion man. D.G. 289.
' And to make measures out of sweet verses of mine.'
The above adnominal use is common as a poetical construction ;
in prose it survived only in one or two phrases like y rel ei&aw
IL.A. 20 " suos ". Ordinarily the possessive adjective stands as the
complement of the verbs ' to be ', 'to become ', etc., as malpei teu
vei R.M. 127 'as if it were thine'; or is used substantially
preceded by the article, as arnaf i ac ar y meu s.o. 268 ' on me and
on mine*.
ii. (i) The foims of the possessive adjectives in use in Ml. W.
are the following- :
Sg. i. meu PL i. einym
2. teu 2. einwch
3. m. eibaw, f. eibi 3. eibunt
In Mn. W. the first three forms became mau, tau, euldo, by the
regular change of final syllables; and new forms of the ist and
2nd persons arose ; see iii.
See Ml.W. einym R.M. 132, eiSunt do. 26, ei&i w.M. 476 ; einwch etc.
see below. The form ei^yaw IL.A. 129 shows i after ei 35 ii ; but
the present N.W. sound is euddo with no trace of -i- before -o, and
the intrusion is only sporadic in Ml. W.
(2) The above forms are sometimes extended by the addition of
auxiliary affixed pronouns ; thus men i or meu inneu, teu di or
161 PRONOUNS 283
leu ditheu, eibaw ef or eibaw efo, etc. In Mn. W. the ist sg.
takes the form maufi ov mau finnan.
Pa 8arpar yw yr einwch chwi P E.M. 292 'what preparation is
yours ? ' By ryw neges yw yr eiSaw ef? W.M. 40 'what business is
his 1 ' yr meu i s.o. 34 ' to mine ', y teu di W.M. 84 ' thine', y meu
inneu S.G. 251 ; A'r cwyn tau di . . .yw'r cwyn mau flnnau I.Gr.
392 ' and thy plaint is my plaint ' ; the /- is attested by the
cynghanedd in I.G. 318 q.v.
iii. In the I5th century new forms of the ist and 2nd sg.
and pi. sprang- up. Sion Cent has A'i natur . . . y*y eiddom
yn soddi c 7/86 ' and its [the earth's] nature is ours to sink us '.
T.A. has eiddoch A3i 102/121. We also find eiddod:
Gwyr gldn a gai air o glod;
Gorau oedd y gair eiddod. G.I.IL.F., c 7/no.
' Fine men got a word of praise ; the best was the word [spoken] of
thee.'
H.R. uses the curious 2nd sg. einwyd D. 185. G.R. (1567) gives
einofor eiddof, eiddot,einom p. [123] ; einom in A.G. 52. J.D.R.
gives eiddof, eiddol, eiddom, eiddoch 69. These are the forms
used in Late W., though mau and fan persisted in poetry.
Wm.S. used mau and tau in his N.T., which were mostly changed
into eiddof and eiddot by the translators of the Bible, see e. g. loan
xvii 6, 9, 10.
The forms of the 3rd sg. and pi. remain unchanged, except
that eiddunt is misspelt eiddynt in Late W.
iv. (i) It is generally assumed that meu is a new formation after
teu, and that the latter comes from the Ar. gen. *teue : Skr. tdva.
But Ir. mui shows that the formation is not very new; it goes back
at least to Pr. Kelt. The Ir. mui occurs as a gloss, but *tui is not
found, and neither form occurs in construction. It is probable there-
fore that the predicative and substantival constructions so common in
W. are secondary; for if original they might be expected to survive
in Ir. on account of their convenience. Hence we may conclude that
meu and teu were originally postfixes, a construction which dis-
appeared in Ir. and only survived in poetry in W. They may there-
fore be derived directly from the Ar. enclitic genitives *moi, *toi
: Gk. fj.01, rot (o-oi), Skr. me, te (e < *ai < *oi), Lat. mi (< *moi), see
75 viii (2).
(2) The Ar. 3rd sg. corresponding to *moi, *toi was *soi : Gk. ol,
Av. he, Se; this gives W. *(h)eu. Beside y meu and y teu, there
must have been yr *7ieu, which gives rheueS ' property, wealth '
(reue8 M.A. i 2440); and yr *(K)eu 'his property' became 'the
284 ACCIDENCE 162
property ' whence *(h)eu ' property '. "When *(h)eu became obsolete
as an enclitic it was replaced in the sense of ' property ' by meu,
which gives meue8 'property' (meuet M.A. i 3616). It was followed
by i ' to ' and a pronoun : Ae meu y minneu dy verch di weithon 1
Meu fteb ynteu K.M. 142, lit. ' is thy daughter property to me now ?
Property [i. e. Yes] said the other ' ; vy merch inneu a geffy yn veu
itt do. 125 ' and my daughter thou shalt have as property to thee ',
i.e. for thine own ; yn veu iSaw e hun do. 207 ' as property for him-
self. In its orig. form the last expression would be *eu i8aw;
of this eiSaw is an obvious contraction ; similarly eioi for *eu i&i ;
eiSunt for *eu iSunt. On the analogy of eiBaw ef (for *eu i8aw ef)
arose meu i, teu di. In eiSaw efihe ef is of course the ordinary affixed
pron. supplementing the personal ending of iSaw, see 160 iii (2) (6).
(3) The use of yn *eu for the later yn veu is attested in the O. W.
nou glossing genitives in M.C. ; as nouirfionou gl. rosarum = (y}n
*eu yr ffioneu ' as the property of the roses ', i.e. that of the roses (n-
representing yn before a vowel is common, e.g. ny L.L. 120 'in its'
107 ii). It is found before the ist pi. pron. : nouni gl. nostrum = (y)n
*eu (y)nny; later *eu ynny became einym on the analogy of the pre-
positional form of eiSaw, and of gennym ' (belonging) to us ' (mae
gennym ' we possess ') ; einwch was evidently formed from einym on
the analogy of gennwch.
The processes which produced these forms have repeated them-
selves at later periods: ei8o 'his' (like the old *eu 'his') became a
noun meaning 'property'; it began to be used with a dependent
genitive in the i4th century: a vu eiSaw dy vam di S.G. 270 'was
thy mother's property'; eiSaw nep IL.A. 35; eiddo'r Arglwydd
i Cor. x 26 ; thus O. W. n-on-ir-fionou would now be yn eiddo'r
ff'ion. From eiddo were formed the new ist and 2nd sg. and pi.
forms eiddof (ft), eiddot (ti), eiddom (ni), eiddoch (chwf), carrying
further the analogy of eiddo (ef). Lastly, there is a recent tendency,
instead of yn eiddo (ef), to say yn eiddo iddo (ef), which exactly
reproduces yn *eu i8aw (ef), which is the origin Of yn eiSo (ef).
THE RELATIVE PRONOUN.
162. i. The forms of the relative pronoun are nom. ace. a
[soft] ; adverbial cases, before vowels Ml. yd, yS, Mn. yr, before
consonants Ml. yd [soft], Ml. and Mn. y [rad.] ; in the genitive
and in cases governed by prepositions both a and yb (yr), y are
used.
Nom. : gyrru yr erchwys a la&yssei y carw eymdeith W.M. 2 ' to
send the pack that had killed the stag away' ; Gwyn ei fyd y dyn
a wnelo hyn Es. Ivi 2 ' Blessed is the man that doeth this'. Ace. :
o ymgael a'r gwr a Sywedy di W.M. 4 'to find the man whom thou
162 PRONOUNS 285
mentionest ' ; Ai'dyma'r ympryd a ddewisais ? Es. Iviii 5 ' Is this the
fast that I have chosen 1 ?' Adv. : or lie y& oe8 W.M. 39 'from the
place where he was ' ; e korneb euo e brenhyn A.L. i 76 ' the horn
from which the king drinks'. Nom. and adv.:
Afa mawl &fo melys
O'r tud yr wyffr tad Rys. G.S. P 55/31.
' I will go with praise that is sweet from the land where I am to
Father Rhys.'
The gen. rel. is supplemented by a prefixed personal pronoun to
point out the case : Mab ... a Sylivas ISas y leith B.B. 87 ' the Son
whose death Judas plotted'; 01 ... a Bucpwyd mochy dat W.M. 469
' Ol, whose father's pigs were stolen ' ; brawt y'r gwr y buost neithwyr
yn y lys do. 130 ' brother of the man in whose court thou wast last
night'; y neb y maddeuwyd ei drosedd Ps. xxxii i 'he whose trans-
gression is forgiven '. Similarly a preposition takes a personal
ending to show the gender and number of the relative : y'r neb
a welei newyn a sychet arnaw HJ.A. 126 lit. 'to the one whom he saw
hunger and thirst on him'; nyt amgen no'r prenn y dibynnawS yr
arglwyS arnnaw do. 61 'no other than the tree on which the Lord
was crucified '. Dat. y followed by i with suff. : y rhai y rhoddwyd
iddynt Matt, xix n 'they to whom it is given' ; also without the
prep. :
leuan deg a'i onwayw dur
Y perthyn campau Arthur. G.G1., P 83/58.
' Fair leuan with, his spear of ash and steel to whom belong the
qualities of Arthur.' Rhywia dyn y rhoed enaid T.A. A 14967/29
' the most generous man to whom a soul was [ever] given '.
The form ae in E betev ae gulich y glav B.B. 63 ' The graves which
the rain wets ' jnay be an echo of O.W. ai with the rad. after the ace.,
see vi (i).
By the elision of unaccented syllables a is often lost in Mn. W.
verse, as Y ddraig cock ' ddyry cychwyn D.I.D. G. 177 '[it is] the
red dragon that gives a leap '. Y gwr lien ' gdr holl Wynedd Gut.O.
G. 204 ' the learned man whom all Gwynedd loves '. The soft initial
remains to represent it. In Ml. W. it may be lost before initial a-.
The frequent dropping of the rel. a is a characteristic of much of the
slipshod writing of the present day.
ii. (i) The usual adverbial form before a vowel in Ml. W. is
y ; but yr t though rare, appears in the I4th cent., as yno yr
acleilawb Beuno eglwys IL.A. 133 ' [it was] there that Beuno built
a church ' ; hyt y seneb yr oebityn y aros do. 114 ' as far as the
synod where he was awaited'. In Mn. W.yr became the usual
form, but ^8 remained as a poetical form, the bards using both
indifferently according to the demands of the cynghanedd, as
286 ACCIDENCE 162
erw i gant yr d gwr :
ddwy i un ydd A anwr. I.D., TB. 150.
' [It is] from an acre to a hundred that a man goes, [and] a churl
from two to one.'
(2) Between vowels ^8 or yr may become '8 or 'r, e.g. wedi *dd
el L.G.C. 394 ' after [the time] when it goes ' ; but before a
consonant it is always y ; unlike the article, it cannot appear as V
after a vowel if a consonant follows. On the sound of the y in the
word see 82 ii (i).
iii. In Early Ml. W. the adverbial rel. often appears as yd
( =yd, not ^8), later written yt ; this occurs not only before vowels
but before consonants also, the latter usually undergoing the soft
mutation.
Tec yd gan ir adaren B.B. 107 ' [it is] sweetly that the bird sings ' ;
myn yd vo truin yd vit trev do. 83 ' [it is] there where a nose is
that a sneeze will be'; yn Aber Cuawc yt ganant gogeu B.P. 1034
' [it is] at Aber Cuawg that cuckoos sing '.
In the B.B. the soft occurs after yd twelve times ; the rad. occurs
four times (id p- 41, 53, id k- 85, 95), and in each case may be due
to provection. Before t-, d-, g-, ff-, s-, m- n-, only y [rad.] occurs ;
before k-, gw- t b-, II-, both y [rad.] and yd [soft] appear ; before p-,
r- only yd- before a vowel, y8, rarely yd.
iv. (i) The pres. iiid. of the verb ' to be ' has a relatival form
sydd, sy, Ml. W. yssyb, yssy, in the B.B. often issi (i = y). The
full form ysydd is also used in Mn. W., and is generally wrongly
divided y sydd, because the accent is on the second syllable.
The suffixed rel. is the subject of the verb, which always means
' who is ', ' who am ', etc.
Although originally 3rd sg., the rel. may have a noun or pron. of
any number or person as antecedent ; thus Diau mat chwychwi sy
boll Job xii 2 ' Doubtless it is you who are people'.
(2) In the verb pieu the interrogative element pi came to be
used as a relative ; see 192 ii (2), (3).
(3) pan, originally interrogative, is mostly relative in Ml. and
Mn. W. It is used for ' when ', chiefly where no antecedent is
expressed; see 222 vi (i). In questions and answers it expresses
' whence ', as o py wlat . . . pan henwyt C.M. 33 ' from what country
[is it] that (= whence) thou art sprung 1 ? ' Ae o bysgotta pan deny
di do. 53 ' is it from fishing that thou comest ? ' In these cases y&
may be used, and yr supplants pan in Mn. W. On pan in answers
see 163 i (6).
162 PRONOUNS 287
v. (i) The negative relative is nom. ace. ni, nid, Ml. W. ny,
nyt ; this form is also used in the gen., in the loc. after lie, and
in cases governed by prepositions ; but the adverbial form
generally (e.g. after pryd, modd, fel, megis, pafiam, pa f odd, etc.,
and adverbs like braidd, odid, etc.) is na, nad, Ml. W. na, nal. In
Late W. there is a tendency to use the a form everywhere.
Nom. : Nyt oes yndi neb ny7# adnapo R.M. 3 ' there is in it no one
who will not know thee '. Gwyn ei fyd y gwr ni rodia Ps. i i.
Ace. : yr liynn ny welsynt JL.A. 12 ' that which they had not seen ' ;
cenedl nid adweini Es. Iv 5 ; also with a redundant -s : llyna beth
ny-s gwrthodaf-i C.M. 42 'that is a thing which I will not refuse
(it) '. Gen. : y drws ny tylywn ny y agori B.M. 4 1 ' the door which
we ought not to open ', lit. ' whose its opening we ought not '. Loc. :
lie ny wyper IL.A. 26 k [in] the place where it is not known '. After
a prep. : ny ro8ei hi . . . iSaw B.M. 33 ' to whom she did not give '.
Adv. : pryt na IL.A. 26, W.M. 183, R.M. 85, pryd na Jer. xxiii 7, D.G.
29, G. 297 ; mal na C.M. 20; braidd na D.Gr. 50.
(2) The perfective particle ry may introduce a reL clause ; see
219 v.
vi. (i) The relative pron. a probably comes from the Ar. relative
*ios, *ia, *iod : Skr. yd-h, ya, ydd, Gk. 05, i;, o. It was a proclitic in
Brit., and pretonic *io might become *ia 65 vi (2); this was meta-
thesized to at the oldest attested form, as in "h&i-oid B.S.CH. 2 ' which
was ', ai torro hac ay dimanuo y bryeint hunn L.L. 121 ' who breaks
and who dishonours this privilege ', hai bid CP. ' which will be ' ; and
ai was reduced to a, a trace of ae occurring in Ml. W., see i. To
explain the soft mutation after it we have to assume that in Kelt, the
nom. sg. m. was *to like that of *so, *sa, *tod : Gk. 6, 17, TO (forms without
-* are older, and *io might be a survival). The verb si/8, yssy8
represents regularly *estiio = *esti io ; it differs from yssit ' there is ',
which sometimes precedes it, as yssit rin yssyS vwy B.T. 28 ' there is
a secret which is greater', 189 iii (3). The ace. a (< *iom) prob.
had a radical initial after it at first, cf. ae gulich i above, and a gulich
. . . ' which . . . moistens ' four times in B.B. 46.
. (2) In Ar. adverbs were formed from pronominal and other stems
by adding various suffixes, many of which began with a dental : thus,
denoting place, *-dhi (Gk. iro-Oi ' where ? ' o-0i ' where '), *-dhe, *-dha
(Skr. i-hd ' here ', Gk. i#a-yevr;s), *-ta (Gk. Kara, W. gan < *km-ta) ;
whither, *-te (Gk. no-a-cl < -re, Goth, hvafi 'whither?'); whence,
*-dhem (Gk. -6(v), *-tos (Skr. yd-tah ' whence ', Lat. in-tus, W. hwn-t
'hence'); manner, *-ti (Skr. i-ti 'thus', Lat. iti-dem), *-tha (Skr.
ka-tha ' how ', yd-tha ' as ', Lat. ita < *i-ta) ; time, *-dd (Skr. ya-da
' when '), *-te (Gk. o-re ' when ') ; Brugmann 2 II ii 728-734. To these
may be added the adj. of number formed with *-ti (Skr. kd-ti ' how
many ? ' W. pe-t id., Lat. quo-t, Skr. yd-ti ' as many ').
288 ACCIDENCE 162
The W. adverbial forms of the rel. prob. represent several of these
derivatives of the rel. *io- ; accented o would remain, and, becoming
unacc. later, would give y 65 iv (2). Distinctions of meaning were
lost, and the forms were adapted to the initials which followed them.
y8 before a vowel may represent *io-dhi 'where' or *io-dhem
' whence ' ; possibly in id thrice before aeth in B.B. 3, 97 (marg. bis)
an old distinction is reflected : id < *io-te 'whither'. yd [soft]
denoting manner as kelvit id gan B.B. 15 ' [it is] skilfully that he
sings ' < *io-ti or *io-thd ; denoting number, as pop cant id cuitin do.
95 '[it was] by the hundred that they fell' < *i$-ti, cf. Ml. W. pet
' how many ? ' y [rad.] prob. has two sources : i. yd [soft] before t-
gives *yd d- which becomes y t-, i. e. y [rad.], afterwards extended to
other initials ; 2. yB must have been orig. used before consonants as well
as vowels, and might take the rad. (y8 ' whence ' < *io-dhem) ; the -8
would be lost before the consonant 110 iv (3). As yr is not known
to occur before the i4th cent, it is improbable that it represents an
old r-derivative. It is most probably for Late Ml. yr as in val yr
lygryssit . . . y grofdeu W.M. 75 'the way that his crofts had been
ruined ', from y ry, as pob gwlat or y ry fuum do. 144 'every country
of those where I have been '. (Earlier, ry is used without y as Huchof
re traydhassam A.L. i 58.) The analogy of the art. y : yr might help
to spread yr rel. before a vowel.
(3) The neg. rel. ny may be < *no < *nio < *ne to. It caused
lenition because orig. unaccented, see 217 iv; later the mutation
after it was assimilated to that following ordinary ny ' not ' ; probably
nyt rel. is also analogical, na is probably the same as indirect na,
see ib.
vii. (i) The relative in all cases comes immediately before the
verb of the rel. clause (only an infixed pron. can intervene) ; and
is often preceded by the demonstratives yr tiwn, yr Aon, yr hyn,
ar as well as y sawl, y neb, yr un, y rhai. In translations these,
which are properly antecedents or stand in apposition to the
antecedent, are often attracted into the relative sentence, pro-
ducing a confused construction ; see Syntax. Before the
adverbial forms there occur similarly y lie ' [in] the place ' (the
rel. meaning 'where'), modd, mal, megis ' [in] the manner' (the
rel. meaning- ' in which '), pryd ' the time ' (the rel. meaning
' when '), etc.
(2) In sentences beginning with a noun or adverb followed by
a rel., the noun or adv. is the predicate and the rel. clause the subject.
Thus Dafydd a welais i means ' [it is] David whom I saw ' or ' [the
man] whom I saw [is] David ' ; ynia y ganed Dafydd means ' [it is]
here that D. was born '. In the spoken language the noun or adv. is
always emphatic and predicative, and the literal meaning is not
163 PKONOUNS 289
departed from. But in lit. W. sentences of the above form are used
rhetorically where the noun or adv. is not emphatic ; hence some
scholars have doubted that a and y8 are relatives. It seems clear
however that the sense preserved in the spoken language is the literal
one. This is confirmed by the use of the rel. verbs sydd, pieu, see
iv(i), 192ii( 3 ); cf.163v.
INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS, ADJECTIVES AND ADVERBS.
163. i. The interrogative pronouns, adjectives and adverbs
are the following (the form of the interrogative is the same
whether the question be direct or indirect) :
(1) Ml. and Mn. W. pwy ' who ?'
Puy guant cath paluc B.B. 96 ' who wounded P.'s cat 1 ?' Ac ny
wnn i pwy wyt ti W.M. 3 ' and I know not who thou art ' ; y bwy y
fo&it W.M. 402 'to whom it should be given ' ; Pwy a osododd ei
mesurau hi, os ywyddost ? neu pwy a estynnodd linyn ami hi ? Job
xxxviii 5. Bwy W.IL. 44, 59.
In Ml. W. pwy is also used for ' what is ? ' as dayar, pwy y llet
neu pwy y thewhet B.T. 20 ' the earth, what is its breadth or what is
its thickness 1 ' pwy enwyteir kaer do. 35 ' what is the name of the
three forts'? ' Cf. K.P. 1054. It is also found later with enw, as Pwy
dy henw D.Gr. 365 ' what is thy name ? ' This may be for py *wy
where *wy is an older form of yw ' is ' 78 iv (i) ; if so, in pwy yw
dy enw IL.A. 128 the yw is redundant.
The use of pwy before a^ noun is rare : Pwy ystyr yw gennyt ti
kclu . , . W.M. 454 ' what reason hast thou to conceal . . . ? ' Pro-
bably the yw here is redundant as above, and the construction was
originally that in Pwy ystyr nas agory ti do. 456 ' what is the reason
that thou wilt not open it ? ' This type of phrase might give rise to
the adjectival use of pwy, which occurs more frequently later, and is
common in the dialects : pwy wr TL 30/103, pwy ryw Jyd do. 480,
cf. pwy un ii (i) below.
(2) Ml. W. pa, py, ba, by, Mn. W. pa, la (rarely py)
' what . . . ? ' adjectival. It causes the soft mutation (B.B. pa
gur = pa %tcr).
Pa gur yv y porthaur B.B. 94 'what man is the porter T Pa
gyvarwydd a vy8 ymi W.M. 4 ' what indication will there be to me ? '
y edrych pa ve&wl yw yr ei&unt do. 39 ' to see what thought is theirs';
ym mha ddinasoedd y maent yn preswylio Num. xiii 19. Py 8rwc
yw hynny K.M. 178 'what evil is that ?' i.e. what does that matter?
py le pan Beuei W.M. 132, K.M. 204 'whence he came'. Ba beth
1402 U
290 ACCIDENCE 163
see (3), by &yn bynnac B.P. 1256. Forms with b- are common in
Early Mn. verse.
In Early Ml. W. pa, py is also used for ' what ? ' substantival, as
paroteiste oth dlud B.B. 20 'what didst thou give of thy wealth?'
Pa Sarvu W.M. 58, B.M. 41 'what happened?' Pa wnaf B.P. 1045
' what shall I do ? ' Py gynheil magwyr dayar yn bresswyl B.T. 28
' what supports the wall of the earth permanently 1 ' It is also used
for ' why ? ' as Py liuy ( = livy or liwy) di W.M. 454 ' why dost thou
colour ? ' Duw reen py bereist lyvwr B.P. 1032 ' Lord God, why hast
thou made a coward 1 '
(3) Ml. W. peth ' what?' substantival, usually beth, also pa beth.
ba beth : Mn. W. beth ^ pa beth.
A wSost ti peth wyt B.T. 2 7 ' dost thou know what thou art ? ' Xa
wn, heb ynteu, peth yw marchawc W.M. 118 ' I do not know, said he,
what a knight is ' ; Peth bynnac see iv.
beth yw dy arch di W.M. 20 ' what is thy request ? ' beth yw
hynny do. 28, 42 ' what is that ? ' beth yssyB yn y boly hwnn do. 54
' what is in this bag ? ' beth yssy?> yma ib. ' what is here ? ' Beth
a Sarvu yn y diweB iSaw ef HJ.A. 16 ' what happened in the end to
him ? ' beth am y rei bychein do. 4 1 ' what about the little ones 1 '
Beth . . . pel 'what if ' 12 times in IL.A. 67-8. Beth a gawn G. 228
' what shall we have ? ' Beth a wnawn i'n chwaer 1 Can. viii 8.
Pape}> bi juv. gl. quid ; papedpmiac M.C. gl. quoduis ; ba beth
oreu rac eneid B.B. 84 ' what [is] best for the soul ' ; Pa beth a
wnnant wy IL.A. 66 ( what do they do ? ' Pa beth yw dyn i ti i'w
go/to 1 Ps. viii 4.
(4) Early Ml. W. pet [soft] ' how many . . . ? ' (In Late
Ml. W. and Mn. W. this gave place to pa sawl ii (4).)
pet wynt, pet ffreu, pet avon B.T. 20 ' How many winds, how
many streams, how many rivers ' ; Gogwn . . . pet 8y8 ym blwySyn,
pet paladyr yg kat, pet 8os yg kawat do. 21-2 'I know how many
days [there are] in a year, how many spears in an army, how many
drops in a shower '.
(5) Early Ml. W. pyr ' why ? '
pir deuthoste B.B. 23 ' why hast thou come? ' pyr na'm dywedyS
B.T. 27 ' why dost thou not tell me ? ' pyr na thr(a)ethwch traethawt
do. 19 'why do you not make a statement?' pyr y kyverchy di
W.M. 486 (in B.B. 126 Py rac . . .) 'why dost thou accost [me]?'
A form pyt occurs once, and may be an error for pyr : pyt echems
drwc B.T. 27 ' why did evil arise ? '
(6) Ml. W. pan ' whence ? ' also ban B.B. 102. It is generally
repeated before the verb in the answer.
163 PRONOUNS 291
pan Soy di, yr yscolheic ? Pan Soaf, arglwyb, o Loygyr W.M. 76
' Whence comest thou, clerk ? I come, lord, from England.' In the
answer pan has become a relative, so that the original meaning would
be 'whence I come, lord, [is] from England', pan is similarly used
in the answer when it occurs as a relative (for y$) in the question ;
ba le pan Seuy di ? Pan 8eiutf, heb ynteu, o'r dinas B.M. 275 ' from
what place [is it] that thou comest ? I come, said he, from the city '.
On pan rel., see 162 iv (3).
(7) Early Ml. W. cw, cwd (cwt], cw8 ' where ? ' ' whence ? '
* whither ? '
mar, cv tTvreia cud echwit . . . Redecauc duwy-r . . . cvd a . . . cv
treigil, cv threwna(1),pa hid a, nev cud vit B.B. 88 ' The sea }j whither
it ebbs, whither it subsides . . . Running water, whither it goes,
whither it rolls, where it settles (?), how far it goes, or where it
will be '. kwt ynt plant y gwr W.M. 453 ' where are the children of
the man 1 ' (in the R.M. 101 ble mae for kwt ynt). Neunos cwt 8yuy8,
kwS Sirgel rac dyS B.T. 41 'or night, whence it comes, whither it
recedes before day'; cwS vy8 nos yn arhos dyS do. 28 'where the
night is, awaiting the day'. Ny wtant cwt (t = S) ant P.M. M.A.
1 284 'they know not where they go'.
(8) pi-eu ' to whom belongs ? ' See 192.
ii. Many interrogative expressions are formed by combining
pa, py with nouns and adjectives ; thus
(i) pa un, pi. pa rai ' which? ' (followed by o ' of), pwy un
is also found.
Am ba un o'r gweithredoedd hynny yr ydych yn fy llabyddio i ?
loan x 32. ywraig i bwy un o Jionynt yw hi? Luc xx 33.
Pa rei vu y rei hynny IL.A. 1 7 ' which were those ? '
pa un is also used sometimes for ' who ? ' as dywet titheu . . pa
un wyt ti s.G. 57 ' and do thou say who thou art '.
pa un and pwy un are sometimes contracted to p'un and pwy'n ;
thus pun wyt B.M. 222 'who thou art* (for W.M. 154 pwy wyt);
Brig kwyr, pwy ni wyr pwy'n yw S.Ph. c 19/274 '(Maid of) the
waxen hair, who knows not who she is ? '
(a) pa le, pie, ble ' where ? ' ' whither ? ' obale,o ble ' whence ? '
i ba le, i lie ' whither ? ' pa du ' where ? ' ' whither ? ' (These
forms supplanted cw, cwd, cwb in Late Ml. and Mn. W.)
Pa le y bu Babel IL.A. 44 ' where was Babel ? ' ble mae plant y gwr
B.M. 101, see i (7) above ; Pa le y8 aeth A8af yna IL.A. 13 "quo ivit
tune Adam?" Ble'dd dn' rluig blaidd o Wynedd T.A. A 14966/57
U 2
292 ACCIDENCE 163
' whither will they go from the wolf of Gwynedd ? ' O ba le y daw
breuSwydon IL.A. 57 ' whence come dreams 1 ' I ble y tyn heb weled
tir T.A. A 14979/143 (D.G. 296) ' whither will it (the ship) make for
without seeing land?' Pa du IL.A. 19 'whither 1 ?' py tu W.M. 484
' where '.
(3) pa Selw, pa we8, pa flftiryf, pa voS, late pa sut ' how ? '
Pa Selw y daw yr arglwyS y'r vrawt IL.A. 6 1 " qualiter veniet
Dominus ad judicium 1 " Pa weS do. 15 " quali modo 1 " Pa
ffuryf do. 4 ; pa voS do. 21.
pa bryd ' when ? ' pa awr (pa hawr 112 i (2) ), pa 8y8, etc.,
' what hour ? ' ' what day ? '
(4) pa faint 'how much? how many ?' followed by o 'of,
pa hyd ' how long ? ' pa sawl [rad.] ' how many ? '
ny 8i8ory pa veint o wyrda Ffreinc a Uvaer C.M. 78 'thou carest
not how many of the nobles of France are destroyed '. Pa faint o
gamweddau . . . ] Job xiii 23. Pa hyd arglwydd y'm anghofi ?
Ps. xiii i. Bysawl nef ysy8 IL.A. 128 'how many heavens are
there?' Pysawl pechawt a oruc A8af do. 131 'how many sins did
Adam commit ? ' Pa sawl ttyfr, pa sawl bedd ... a welsoch B.CW. 70
' How many books, how many graves have you seen ? '
maint and hyd are equative nouns 148 i (12), (8). pa may also
be put before any equative adj. with cyn; as py gybellet oSyma yw
y cruc W.M. 154 ' how far from here is the mound 1 ' It is also used
in Mn. W. with mor and a pos. adj. pa mor Sa, etc.
(5) P a gyfryw [soft] ' what manner of . . . ?' Mn. W.pa ryw
fath \$ott\, pa fath [soft] id.
Py gyfryw wr yw awch tat chwi pan olio lleassu pawb velly W.M.
152 'what manner of man is your father when he can kill everybody
so 1 ?' Pa ryw fath rai A.G. 36. cyfryw is the equivalent of an
equative 149 ii (i).
(6) pa ryw [soft] ' what . . . ? ' adjectival.
Sometimes pa ryw means ' what kind of ? ' as Pa ryw Inn yssyS ar
yr engylyon IL.A. 9 " qualem formam habent angeli 1 " But generally
it means ' what particular (thing, etc.) ? ' or ' what class of (things
etc.) ? ' preserving the older meaning of ryw 165 vi ; as pa ryw lu
sy'n poeri i lawr D.G. 409 ' what host is spitting down [the snow] ? '
ynteu a ofynnwys pa ryw 8ynyon oeS y rei hynny C.M. 14 ' and he
asked what class of men those were.'
pa ryw became pa ry (cf. amry- 165 iv (9)) wrongly written pa 'r
y, as pa 'r y ddyfnder M.IL. i 2 1 2 ' what depth 1 ' This is again
reduced to pa r' (wrongly written pa 'r), as pa r' ofid waeth T.A.
A 14866/201 ' what sorrow [could be] worse ? ' Perygl i wyr, pa'r
163 PRONOUNS 293
glwy waeth L.M. D.T. 145 'dangerous to men, what disease [is]
worse ?' a pha'r gledi sydd arno 'rwan B.CW. 73 'and what hard-
ship does he suffer now 1 ' -pa ryw KM ' which (particular) one ? '
becomes par'un M.IL. i 182, which is very common in Gwynedd, and
is sometimes further reduced to pr'un.
iii. pa or py might have a postfixed preposition, 47 iv. Of
the expressions so formed only paham ' why ? ' survives ; often
contracted to pam which is at least as early as W.B. Others in
use in Ml. W. are pa-har and pa rac or py rac ; for references see
47 iv.
Pam y kymerion inheu hynny gan y tayogeu lladron W.M. 68,
cf. 73 ' why should we take that from the thievish villains ? '
Ml. W. pabiw^py^iw ' to whom ? ' seems to belong to this class,
but its formation is obscure ; see vi.
O.W. padiu ox. ' for what ? ' glossing quid in " Quid tibi Pasiphae
pretiosas sumere vestes ? " issit padiu itau gulat juv. lit. ' there-is
to-whom-it-is that-comes lordship' (?) glossing est cui regia in
" Cunctis genitoris gloria vestri laudetur celsi thronus est cui regia
caeli ". Ml. W. geyr eu y eyr [ef ] paSyu y ro8es [pySiw nys ro8es~\
A.L.MS. A. [MS. D.] i 108 'his (the donor's) word is word (i.e. decides)
to whom it is that he gave it, to whom it is that he did not give it '.
gwynn y vyt pySiw y fo8?> kerennyS Duw R.P. 1056 ' Blessed is he
to whom is given the grace of God '. Later with a redundant y ' to ' :
y bySiw y bo gorSerch dec iSaw C.M. 3 2 ' [we shall know] to whom
it is that there will be a fair leman '.
iv. The forms pwy bynnag, petit bynnag^ beth bynnag, pa leth
bynnag, pa . . bynnag, etc., have lost their interrogative meaning,
and are used as " universal " relatives, meaning ' whosoever ',
' whatsoever ', ' what . . . soever '.
Pwybynnac a vynnho TL.A.. 1 38 " Quicunque vult ". Peth bynnac
o garuei&rwyS a vei yrungthunt W.M. 6 ' whatsoever of blandishment
there was between them.' A Duw a vi/8 y gyt a thi bethbynnac
a wnelych IL.A. 105-6 'And God will be with thee whatever thou
doest'. By Syn bynnac vych, by ger& a vettrych K.P. 1256 'what
man soever thou art, what craft [soever] thou art skilled in '. pa
ddaioni bynnag a umelo pob un Eph. vi 8.
In 8.W. dialects bynnag loses its final -g, and in late S.W. MSS. it
sometimes appears as bynna or benna. We also find in Late Mn. W.
bynnag put before pa, peth, as Bynnag beth sydd mewn creadur
Wms. 294 ' whatsoever is in a creature' ; bynnag pa V fodd M.L. i
82, 97 'however'; though used here by W.M., it does not seem to be
a N.W. construction. A dialectal form in S.W. of bynnag is gynnag,
294 ACCIDENCE 164
and gynnag pwy, gynnag beth are found in some lesser writings of the
late period ; more recently they appear in the corrupt and curiously
meaningless forms gan nod pwy, gan nod beth.
v. As the interrogative is always predicative it is followed regularly
in Ml. and Mn. "W. by the relative on the analogy of affirmative sentences;
thus jnvy a wyr ' who [is it] that knows 1 ' on the analogy of Duw
a wyr '[it is] God that knows', 162 vii (2). But this appears to
be an innovation in the case of the interrogative, as the oldest
examples omit the relative, as puy guant i (i), pa roteiste i (2), pir
deuthoste i (5).
vi. The stems of the interrogative in Ar. were *q v o-, *q*e-, f. q*d-,
also *q*i-, *q*u- the last in adverbs only (Brugmann 2 II ii 348). W.
pwy < nom. sg. mas. *q*o-i : Lat. qul < *q*o-i. W. pa, py adj. <
stem *q%o- compounded with its noun and so causing lenition ; o after
the labial becomes a, or remains and becomes y, cf. 65 iv (2). W.
pa, py subst. < nom., ace. sg. neut. *q^o-d, *q*i-d : Lat. quod, quid;
lenition is perhaps due to the analogy of the adj. pa, py. W. peth <
*q*id-dm 91 ii ; already in Brit, the word had become indef., mean-
ing ' something, thing ', hence pa beth ' what thing ? ' beth is not
necessarily a shortening of this, as pa is not omitted in such phrases
in Ml. W. ; but beth is for peth (= Ml. Bret, pez ' quid ? ') which
occurs in Ml. W., see i (3), with b- as in ba, by i (2), ftawB.B. 55, 56.
Ml. W. pet ' how many 1 ' Bret, pet < *q*e-ti 162 vi (2). Ml. Vf.pyr
'why? ' < *q*o-r : Goth., O.E. hwar ' where? ' < *q*o-r, Lat. cur <
*qi*o-r. W. pan < *qUan-de < *q^am-de : cf. O. Lat. quamde, Umbr.
ponne 147 iv (4) p. 245. Ml. W. cw, cwd, cw& represent different
formations of *q*u- (q* > k before u 89 ii (3)) by the addition of
more than one of the suffixes named in 162 vi (2); the different
forms have been confused, and can no longer be disentangled ; similar
formations are Skr. kii-ha (h < dh), Gathav. ku-da ' where ? ' Lat. ubi
< *q*u-dh-, O. Bulg. ku-de ' where ? '
W. pam, pahdm < *pa(S] am < *q*od mbhi ' what about ? ' paBiw or
pySiw is obscure ; no dative form seems possible ; an analogical
*pod-do might give *py8 (as d-d >d93iii(i)) and iw may be yw
' is ' 77 v ; so ' to whom it is ' or ' for what it is '.
W. bynnag, Bret, bennak, bennag, seems to be from some such form
as *q*om-de ' when ' + ac ' and ', so that in meaning it is the literal
equivalent of Lat. cum-que, and is, like it, separable (Lat. qul cumque
lit. ' who and when ').
DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS AND ADJECTIVES.
164. i. (i) The demonstratives hwn 'this', hwnnw 'that'
are peculiar in having- a neuter form in the singular. Both are
substantival and adjectival. The adjectival demonstrative is
placed after its noun, which is preceded by the article ; thusy gwr
164 PRONOUNS 295
hwn ' this man '. The different forms are sg. mas. hwn, hwnnw,
fern, hon, honno, neut. hyn, hynny, pi. m. and f. hyn, hynny.
The following forms occur in O.W. : hinn M.C., juv., CP. 'hyn';
Tiunnoid ox., hunnuid M.C. ' hwnnw ' ; hinnoid ox. ' hynny ' ; hirunn
juv. ' yr hwn ', ir hinn M.C. ' the one', m., see iv (i); hunnuith CP. f. f
hinnuith ib. m., hinnith ib. neut. and pi.
(a) hivnnw means ' that ' person or thing- out of sight, ' that '
in our minds. To indicate objects in sight, adverbs are added to
hwn ; thus hwn yna ' that (which you see) there, that near you ',
hwn acw, Ml. W. hwnn racko l that yonder'. So hwn yma 'this
here '. But yma and yna are also used figuratively ; hwn yma
1 this ' which I am speaking of, hwn yna ' that ' which I have just
mentioned. Hence we can have the abstract hyn before these ;
but not before acw which is always used literally of place.
Vy arglwybes i yw honn racko B.M. 175 ' that (lady) yonder is my
mistress'. Guttun Ywain a ysgrivennodd hwnnyma Gut.O. auto.
IL 28/33 B - ' Guttun Owain wrote this'.
An-dml yw i hwn yma
Nag ystor nag eisiau da. I.D., TK. 149.
' It is rare for this one to store or to want wealth.'
These expressions are sometimes used adjectivally as y wreic weSw
honn yman IL.A. 114' this widow ' ; o'r byt hwnn yma do. 1 1 7 ' from
this world ' ; y vorwyn honn yma s.o. 143 ' this maiden '. But for
this purpose the adverb alone is generally used : yn y byt yma
IL.A. 102, 155 ' in this world ' ; o'r esgobawt yma B.P. 1272 ' from this
diocese ' ; y vySin burwenn racco K.M. 151 ' the white jirmy yonder '.
Any other adverb of place may be similarly employed : y fan draw,
y tu hwnt, etc.
In the spoken language hwn 'yna, hon yna, ht[n yna are commonly
contracted to hw\na, ho\na, hy\na (not hwnna, etc.) ; and these forms
occur in recent writings.
(3) The neut. sg. hyn, hynny always denotes an abstraction ; it
means ' this ' or ' that ' circumstance, matter, thought, statement,
precept, question, reason, etc. ; or ' this ' or ' that ' number or
quantity of anything ; or ' this ' or ' that ' period or point of time.
Hynny, hep ef, ansyberwyt oeS W.M. 2 ' that, said he, was ungentle-
manliness ' (meaning ' that ' conduct) ; Pater noster . . . sef yw pwyll
hynny yn tat ni IL.A. 147 ' Pater noster . . . the meaning of that is
our Father '. A wnelo hyn nid ysgogir yn dragywydd Ps. xv 5 ;
wfdi hyn ' after this '.
296 ACCIDENCE 164
j\*id wylais gyda'r delyn
Am 'y nhad gymain a hynn. I.D. TK. 151.
' I have not wept with the harp for my [own] father as much as this.'
ii. (i) The neut. liyn or hynny is substantival, not adjectival.
In Mn. W. it is sometimes used adjectivally after certain nouns ;
but as the construction is unusual in Ml. W., it must be a
neologism : yn y kyfrwg Tiynny R.B.B. 1 1 for yg kyfrwg hynny do.
319, 320, 321. The examples show that it is added to nouns
expressing 1 ideas for which substantival hyn stands.
or chwedl hir hyn H.A. Hj 133/164 'of this long story ' ; A'r peih
hyn S.Ph. E.P. 275 'and this thing' [which thou knowest] ; y peih
hyn Dan. iii 16 'this matter' ; ein neges hyn Jos. ii 14, 20 'this our
business ' ; y pryd hynny i Sam. xiv 18 ; ai'r pryd hyn Act. i 6.
This use of hyn, hynny never became common, but seems to have been
more or less local. In Gwent hyn adj. has spread, and is now used
with all nouns. O.W. hinnith after ir loc guac in CP. 6 seems to be
an error for hinnuith as in 9, n, 14, 15, a form of hwnnw, with
y for w in the penult, cf. 66 ii (i).
(2) The pi. hyn or Jiynny is both adjectival and substantival.
The former use is extremely common. The latter is compara-
tively rare ; examples are
ny ihebygaf i y im o hyn vynet W.M. 35 ' I do not imagine any of
these will go', a hene ( = hynnif) a elguyr goskorth e brenyn
A.L. i 8 'and those are called the king's guard'. Ni phalla un
o hyn Es. xxxiv 16 ' No one of these shall be missing'.
The reason that this use is rare is that hyn or Tiynny pi. was
liable to be confused with hyn or hynny neut. sg. ; thus hyn
' these ' might be taken for hyn ' this (number) '. To avoid the
ambiguity ' these ' and ' those ' substantival were expressed by
y rhai hyn and y rhai Tiynny ', literally ' these ones ' and ' those
ones '. Though still commonly written in full, these expressions
were contracted, early in the Mn. period, to y rhain G.G1. c. i
198 andy rheiny do. do. 194, ory rfieiniT.A.. A 24980/85.
Angeu Duw fit 'Nyhedewain
O'i trysor hwy 'n treisiaw 'r rhain. L.G.C. 175.
'The death [angel] of God has been at Cedewain, robbing these [i.e.
the people there a ] of their treasure.'
a Cf. 0e/irro/c\77$ <pevyd KfpKvpav, wv avruv tvfpytrrjs, Thuc. i 136.
"Massiliam pervenit, atque ab iis receptua urbi praeficitur," Caes. B.C. i 36.
Paul-Strong 163.
164 PRONOUNS 297
Mae'r henwyr ? Ai meirw 'r rheini P
Hynaf ott heno wyf i. G.G1., P. 100/411.
4 Where are the elders ? Are those dead ? Eldest of all to-night
ain I.'
iii. Adjectival hwn and hon form improper compounds with
nouns of time ; thus yr awr hon > yr dwron ( 48 iv), yr dwran ;
y waith hon >M1. W. e iceythyon A.L. i 242 (MS. B) usually weithon,
Mn. weitkion, weithian ( 35 ii(i)) ; y pryd hwn > y prfitwn W.M.
102 ; y wers hon >y wershon W.M. 128 ; all the above mean ' now '.
So y nos hon > y n6wn ' that nig-ht ', and y dydd hwn >'y dfithwn,
y flwfhwn 66 ii(i) 'that day'. The form dythwn was still in
use in the I7th cent. ; see Silvan Evans, s.v. dwthwn.
Arwydd ydyw yr awron
Wreiddiaio Rhys o'r ddaear hon. L.G.C. 206.
' It is a sign now that Rhys is sprung from this land.'
Ar bob dllawr yr awr an
Y gwneir cost o'r gwin a'r cann. D.N., G. 149.
' On every altar now provision is made of wine and white [bread].'
Bardd weithian i leuan wyf. L.G.C. 275.
' I am now a bard to leuan/
By dissimilation yr awran (pron. yr owran 81 iii (2)) became yr
ovjan, and is now sounded in N.W. yrwan. The loss of the r goes
back to the ith cent. :
bu draw 'r bywyd ar ran,
Mae'r Eos yma 'r owan. G.I.H. P 77/384.
4 If his life has been spent partly away, the Nightingale is here now.'
As ' this day ' and ' this night ' were expressed by hebiw and heno,
the forms y dythwn and y noson were used for 4 this day ' or ' this
night ' of which we are speaking, i. e. ' that day ' or ' that night '.
When the composition of the words was forgotten hwnnw and honno
v/ere added for clearness' sake; thus in A.L. i 142, where MS. A. has
ni Sele y dithun kafail ateb 'he is not to have an answer that [same]
day', the later MS. E. has y dythwn hunnw. This is the Biblical
construction ; see y dwthwn hwnnw Jos. iv 14, vi 15, viii 25, ix 27,
etc.; y noson honno Dan. v 30, vi 18. Later, noson and dwthwn
were wrested from this context, and taken to mean simply 4 night '
and 4 day'; e.g. a dreuliodd y dwthwn yn sanctaidd RH.B.S. 215
translating " who has spent his day holily ".
iv. (i) The forms yr hwn, yr hon and yr hynQyvA, not *yr hivnnw
etc.) are used before the relative, meaning, with the latter, ' the
one who ' or ' he who ', ' she who ', and ' that which ' ; in the pi.
298 ACCIDENCE 164
y rhai ' the ones ' is used, which is more strictly the pi. of yr im
1 the one ' ; the latter is similarly employed, as are also y neb,
y sawl and definite nouns like y gicr Ps. i I , etc.
0. W. ir hinn issid M.c. ' he who is ' gl. ille ; ir hinn issid Christ
juv. 'he who is Christ'; hirunn Juv. gl. quern. The first two glosses
show that ir hinn might be mas. in O. W.
(2) The above forms may be qualified by superlatives : o'r hynn
odidockaf a wypych K.M. 163 'of the rarest that thou knowest ' ; o'r
hyn goreu a gaffer W.M. 428 'of the best that is to be had '. When
so qualified a rel. clause need not follow : o'r hyn lleiaf Act. v 15
' at least ' ; taled o'r hyn goreu yn eifaes ei hun etc. Ex. xxii 5. >So
with adverbial expressions : yr hwnn y tu a Chemyw W.M. 59 ' the
one towards Cornwall '.
(3) In the 1 6th cent, yr was often omitted before hwn in this con-
struction : hwn a fedd faivredd W.IL. G. 292 'he who possesses
greatness ' ; Hwn a wnaeth nef E.P. PS. cxxi 2 ' He who made
heaven ' ; i hwn a'th wahoddodd Luc xiv 9 ; i hyn a weddiller
Act. xv 17. In Gwyn. dial, yr hum has been replaced by hwnnw.
v. Before relatives we also have in Ml. "W. the form ar, which
is sg. and pi.
Idlune ar a beir B.B. 88 'let us praise Him who creates'; yno
kyrcheist ar a gereist o rei goreu G.M.D. R.P. 1202 'there thou
broughtest those whom thou lovedst of the best ' ; ar ny Bel yn uvy&
kymmdler o nerth cleSyveu W.M. 8 'let him who will not come
obediently be compelled by force of arms ' ; ac a vynnwys bedyo o'r
Sarascinyeit a adwys Charlys yn vyw, ac ar nys mynnwys a laSawB
C.M. 3 ' and [those] who would be baptized of the Saracens Charles
left alive, and those who would not he slew.'
It is chiefly found in the form r after o 'of.
Ac o'r a welsei efo helgwn y byt, ny welsei cwn un lliw ac wynt
W.M. i ' and of those that he had seen of the hounds of the world he
had not seen dogs of the same colour as these ' ; o'r a SeZei yr llys
W.M. 34 'of those who came to the court ' ; pob creadur o'r a wnaeth-
pwyt JL.A. 4 ' every creature of those that have been created' ; 606
awr o'r y hoetter C.M. 86 'every hour of those during which it is
delayed '.
In Mn. W. this construction survives with o replaced by a
na dim o'r sydd eiddo dy gymydoy Ex. xx 1 7. Pob peth byw a'r
sydd gyda thi Gen. viii 17, see ix 16. ym mhob dim a'r y galwom
arno Deut. iv 7. dim a'r a wnaethpwyd loan i 3.
vi. hwn and hon come in the first instance from Brit. *sundos,
*sunda; the neut. hyn from *sindod, and the pi. hyn from either
165 PRONOUNS 299
*sundl or *sindi. The -u- and -i- are undoubtedly for -o- and -e-
before -nd- 65 iii (i) ; we arrive, therefore, at *sondos, *sonda for
hwn, hon, *sendod for hyn neut., and *sondl or *sendl for %w pi. (In
the Coligny Calendar sonno and sonna occur, Rhys CG. 6, but the
context is obscure or lost.)
The most probable explanation of the above forms seems to be that
they are adjectives formed from adverbs of place, which were made by
adding a -d(h)- suffix, 162 vi (2), to *sem-, *som- : Skr. samd-h
' same ', Gk. 6/xo's, Ir. som ' ipse '. The form of the adverb would be
similar to that of Skr. sa-hd ' in the same place together ' < *sm-dhe ;
but the Kelt, formations have the full grades *sem-, *som- (instead of
the R-grade *sm-) and the demonstrative meaning ('in this place,
here '). For the formation of an adj. *sendos from an adv. *sende
cf. Lat. supernus : superne, and cf. the transference of the flexion to
the particle -te in Lat. is-te, etc.
It is probable that coming after its noun the form of the adj. was
m. *sondos, f. *sondd, neut. *sondod, pi. m. *sondl giving W. m. and
neut. hwn, f. hon, pi. hyn. This agrees with the fact that neut. adj.
hyn after a noun is an innovation ii (i). Before a noun the form
would be *sendos etc., whence the Ir. article (s)ind. This survives in
only a few phrases in W. The substantival form would also be m.
*sendos, f. *sendd, neut. *sendod, pi. m. *sendi which would give W. m.
hyn, f. *hen, neut. hyn, pi. hyn. We have seen above, iv (i), that ir
hinn was m. in O.W., but was already beginning to be ousted by hirunn
(for *ir hunn), as *henn had perhaps been already replaced by honn,
for in Corn, the forms are m. hen (= W. hynn), f. hon (= W. honn).
The result is that hyn remains as the neut. subst. ; but the m. and f.
substantives hynn, *henn were changed to hwnn, honn on the analogy
of the adjectives.
The form hwnnw comes from a derivative in '-MO- of the adj.
*sondos", thus *sondiios > hunnoiS 75 iv (2) > hunnui8 > hwnnw
78 i (i), (2). The fern. *sondiia would also give the same form,
which actually occurs as f. : ir bloidin hunnuith CP. ' that year ' ; honno
is therefore a re-formate on the analogy of hon ; so the last syll. of
hynny 78 i (i).
ar is prob. formed in a similar manner from an adv. with the suffix
-r which was mostly locative, Brugmann 2 II ii 735. The stem might
be *an- 220 ii (n); thus *an-ro-s > *arr > ar.
PRONOMINALIA.
165. i. Pronominalia expressing alternatives are substantival
and adjectival, definite and indefinite.
Subst. def. : y naill . . . y llall ' the one . . . the other ' ; pL
y naill . . . y lleill ' these . . . the others '. In Ml. W. the
first term is y neill ory lleill, thus y lleill . . . y llall * the one . . .
300 ACCIDENCE 165
the other '. "With an adj. or rel. clause, and in negative sentences,
the first term is yr un ' the one ', pi. y rhai, Ml.y rei ' the ones '.
Subst. indef. : un . . . arall ' one . . . another ' ; pi. rliai . . .
eraitt, Ml. hi . . . ereill ' some . . . others '.
In the following list of adjectival forms gwr, gwyr, gwraig show
the position and initial mutation of the noun :
Adj. def. : y naill wr . . . y gwr arall ' the one man . . . the
other man' ; y naill wraig . . . y wraig arall ; y naill wyr . . . y gwijr
eraill. For y naill Ml. W. has y neill or y lleill, and for eraill,
ereill, also used in Mn. \V.
Adj. indef. : rhyw wr . . . gwr arall ' a certain man . . . another
man ' ; un gwr . . . gwr arall ' one man . . . another man ' ; rltyv:
wraig . . . gwraig arall ; un wraig . . . gwraig arall ; rhyw wyr . . .
gwyr eraill ; Mn. W. rhai gwyr . . . gwyr eraill. Ml. W. ereill,
also used in Mn. W. 81 iii (i).
y naill (and Ml. y lleill) adj. ' the one ' and rhyw form compounds
with their nouns, which are lenited 155 ii (i), iii (7). The com-
pound is often a stiict one as y neillffbrdd, rhywbeth. As -II causes
provection of mediae, an initial tenuis after neill, lleill generally
appears unmutated in Ml. W., as y neillparth for y neillbarth, etc.,
111 vi (2); but analogy generally restores the mutation in Mn. W.,
especially when the compound is loose, as y naill "beth a'r Hall ' the one
thing and the other ' ; but neilltu, see ib.
Subst. : yn gyflytn y llaSawS y neill o'r gweisson, ac yn y lie y
UaSawB y llall B.M. 191 'he quickly slew one of the youths, and
forthwith slew the other'; yny orffei y lleill ar y llall K.M. 262,
W.M. 408 'until the one overcame the other'; a'r un y bybei borth ef
i8i a gollei y gware, a'r llall a Sodei awr W.M. 174-5 'and the one
that he supported lost the game, and the other gave a shout'. rei
ohonunt yn wylaw, ereill yn udaw, ereill yn cwynaw H/.A. 152
* some of them weeping, others moaning, others crying ' ; i un, . . . ac
i arall . . . ac i arall . . . etc. i Cor. xii 8-10; the second term may
of course be repeated when indef.
Adj. : o'r lleill b partli . . . ac o'r parth arall W.M. 421-2 ' on the
one hand . . . and on the other hand ' (6 beginning barth deleted by
uuderdot) ; am nat oe8 kyn Siogelet y neill^brS a'r llall s.o. 29 ' be-
cause the one way was not as safe as the other'. Or bwytey mywn
un ams&r yn y dyS, a symut hynny y amser arall M.M. 33 (from B.B.)
' if thou eatest at one time in the day, and changest that to another
time'; ryw Byn cynbhigennus . . . undyn arall J.D.R. [xxii]
' a jealous man . . . any other man ' ; Mn. W. rhai dynion . . . eraill
EH. B.S. 87 " some men . . . others " ; the use of rhai before a noun seems
to be late, but neb ret occurs so in Ml. W., iv (3).
165 PRONOUNS 301
ii. (i) The first alternative may be a noun or personal or
demonstrative pronoun, as ti ac arall ' thou and another ' (i. e
such as thou), hyn ar Hall ' this and that '.
Car yn cyhuddo arall !
Hawdd i'r llaw gyhuddti*r Hall. T.A., c. ii 78.
' A kinsman accusing another ! ' [It is] easy for the hand to accuse
the other.' kanys yr hynn a vynnei hwnn nys mynnei y Hall
s.G. 49 ' for that which this [one] desired the other desired not '. In
these cases the second term subst. pi. may be (y) rhai eraill ' (the)
others ' : mwy . . . oe8 honno rao'r rei ereill oil W.M. 180 'that [ship]
was larger than all the others ' ; Hog a oe8 vwy noc un o'r rei ereill
do. 185 ; cf. IL.A. 1 02.
(2) The first alternative may be implied, as in other languages ;
as y dydcl arall M.IL. i 178 ' the other day ' ; y nos arall I?.P. 1362,
D.G. 25 ' the other night ' ; Gad i evBillgadw arian T.A. F. 6 ' let
others hoard money '.
iii. All the forms of the first term except y naill subst. may be
used without a sequel as ordinary pronominalia meaning ' one,
some ' ; thus
(1) Adj. y naill 'one' in y naill hanner 'one half (now
generally ' about a half), y naill du my neilltu* one side ' (hence
neilltiio ' to retire ' etc.) ; neill-law see example.
JEiste8 a oruc Peredur ar neill law yr amherodres W.M. 164 (neill-
law E.M. 231) 'Peredur sat beside the empress', lit. 'on one side of
the e/ ond pan el o'r neilltu Diar. xx 14 ; see Gen. xxx 40; Barn,
vii 5 ; 2 Sam. iii 27 ; etc.
(2) Subst. un 'one', pi. rhai, Ml. rei 'some'; often with
qualifying adjectives un da 'a good one ', rhai drwg ' bad ones '.
Also yr nn ' the one ', pi. y rhai, Ml. y rei ' the ones ' ; these are
chiefly used with adjectives as yr un drwg ' the evil one ', or with
a relative clause 164 iv (i) ; and yr un instead of the indef. un
in negative sentences, as
Pa obeith yssyS i/r gler ? Nyt oes yr un IL.A. 40 ' What hope is
there for the bards? There is none.' Cf. S.G. 17, 1. 10.
Adj. yr un [m. rad., f. soft] ' the same', followed, if necessary,
by ac (ag\a 'as '. Also un [soft], forming compounds strict or
loose with nouns ; the compound is an adj. meaning ' of the
same ...', 149 ii (3).
302 ACCIDENCE 165
(3) Adj. rhyw' a (certain), some'. The noun with which rliyv
is compounded, see i, may be singular or plural.
fyv duted edmic B.B. 43 ' an admirable covering '. fyw Savatenneu
M.M. 6 (from K.B.) 'some warts'. Yr oedd gan ryw wr ddau fab
Luc xv ii " avBpwrros rts ". rhyw ddynion i Tim. v 24 ' some men ' ;
rhyw bethau 2 Petr. iii 16 'some things'; rnywn rhyw bhanneu
(bh = v) J.D.R. [xvii] ' in some places '.
iv. Subst. un, pi. rhai and adj. rhyw^ preceded by pronouns,
numerals or prefixes, form composite or compound pronominalia,
thus :
(1) Pa un, pi. pa rai ' which ? ' 163 ii (i) ; pa ryw un 163
ii (6).
(2) pob un ' every one ' , pi. pob rhai.
A fob un o honunt W.M. 7 ' and each one of them '. pop fey o('r)
rey henne A.L. i 8 'all of those '. Gofyn a oruc y Chyarlys ansawb pob
fei o naSunt C.M. 14 ' he inquired of Charles the condition of all (i.e.
each group) of them '.
(3) neb un or nebun subst. ' some one, any one ', adj. ' a
certain ', pi. neb rhai, generally in positive sentences.
* Subst. Nid mor ddihareb nebun 151 ii (3); neb fei o ovynnei
[read -eu\ bychein IL.A. 2 " quasdam quaestiunculas " ; nep fei drwc
do. 30 'certain bad ones'. Adj. neb un vrenhindref yni IL.A. 166
' a certain province of ours'; nebun genedyl K.B.B. 280 'a certain
tribe ' ; neb fei rinweBeu IL.A. 102 ' certain miracles '.
(4) rhyw un, rhywun ' some one ', pi. rhyw rai, rhywrai, Ml.
ryw rei.
rhyw un i Cor. xv 35 "TIS" ; achaws mileindra ryw rei . . .
kanys y inae fyw rei a'mllaSei i s.G. 320 ' On account of the brutality
of some people ; for there are some who would kill me '.
(5) dau ryw, tri rhyw, etc. * two (three, etc.) different, two
(three, etc.) kinds of.
Seithryw pechawt (read bechawt) marwawl ysyb IL.A. 147 ' there
are seven different deadly sins '. Tri fyw gywyS yssyB . . . Deu ryw
gywyS deu eir yssy8 E.G. 1134 'there are three kinds of cywyddau,
. . . there are two kinds of cywyddau deuair '.
(6) pa ryw 163 ii (6).
(7) pob rhyw ' every, all manner of.
Pob fyw 8a o'r a orchymynnei yr yscrythur Ian IL.A. 126 'Every
good that holy scripture commanded '. a phob fyw vlas yssyS ar y
165 PKONOUNS 303
dwfyr hwnnw do. 167 'and that water has every kind of taste'.
a phob ryw unpeth R.P. 1214' and every single thing '. i bob rhyw
aderyn Ezec. xxxix 4 ; o bob rhyw beth Matt, xiii 47.
(8) neb rhyw ' any, any kind of, in negative sentences.
canyt oes nep ryw greadur a dllo y drossi e/TL.A. 33 'for there is
not any creature that can turn Him', nyt argyweSa neb ryw
wenwyn do. 166 'no poison hurts'.
neb rhyw ddim, see 170 iv (2).
(9) amryw ( various, several '. In Ml. W. it was generally
used with a sg. noun ; in Late Mn. W. a pi. noun is generally
used. In the Bible the noun is sometimes sg., but often pi.
Yssit yn y holy hwnn amryw vlawt W.M. 54 ' There are in this bag
various kinds of flour'; amryw duted (t = 8) M.A. i 220, 'various
coverings ' ; amryw wleSeu IL.A. 70 ' various feasts ' ; amryw bwys, . . .
amryw fesur Deut. xxv 13, 14; amryw had . . . amryw ddefnydd
Deut. xxii 9, 1 1 ; amryw Golan Gr.O. 40 ' many a New Year's
Day'; amryw bwysau ac amryw fesur au Diar. xx 10 ; amryw
glefydau Matt, iv 24; amryw ddoniau . . . amryw weinidogaethau
. . . amryw weithrediadau . . . amryw dafodau i Cor. xii 4, 5, 6, 10.
amryw, like rhyw, forms the first element of a compound ; in
some cases the compound is strict, and amryw then appears as
amry- ; thus amrj-liw ' parti-coloured ' ; amrjson ' wrangle '
(s6n 'talk'); amrffus 'erring' (-fus <*mois- <*moit-t- : Lat.
miito, E. miss, W. metK).
The recent amrai is a fiction ; see Silvan Evans, s. v.
(10) cyfryw ' such ', usually with the article, y cyfryw ;
followed, if necessary, by ac (ay), a ' as ', which may be omitted
before a demonstrative pron. or a relative clause (the rel. itself is
' as ' in this case, cf. Eng. the same who ; and the demonst. prob.
represents an old obi. case of comparison).
.y kyfryw vwyt ac a oe8 ganthaw S.G. 200 ' such food as he had '
(lit. ' as what was with-him ') ; yn y kyfryw le a hwnn W.M. 10 ' in
such a place as this'; y kyfryw Syn a hwn W.M. 123 'such a man
as this '. Without ac ' as ' : y kyfryw varchawc y8 oe8 ef yn y 61
W.M. 138 ' such a knight as he was after ' ; y kyfryw Syn hwnn E.M.
198 ' such a man [as] this;' ; y'r kyfryw wr hwnnw K.B.B. 65 'to
such a man [as] that'. Without the art. : a galw kyfryw Syn a hwn
W.M. 123 1. 30 (beside y kyfryw 1. 16 quoted above) 'and to call such
a man as this'; cf. S.G. 316, Jer. v 9, Matt, ix 8.
On the analogy of y meint etc., y rhyw is used instead of
y cyfryw in the above constructions.
304 ACCIDENCE 165
Ny bu eiryoet y iywlewenyS ac a wnaethjnvyt S.G. 144 ' there never
was such a welcome as was prepared' ; y ryw bryf a hwnnw W.M. 77
' such a reptile as that '. Without ac ' as ' : y fy w genedyl a elwir y
pagannyeit IL.A. 166 ' such a tribe as IB called the pagans ' ; y ryw bryf
hwnnw K.M. 54 ' such a reptile [as] that ' ; y ryw gatwent honno
K.B.B. 58 ' such a fight [as] that '.
y cyfryw is also substantival.
lawer o'r kyfVryw IL.A. 49 ' many such '. Yn erbyn y cyfryw
nid oes ddeddfG&\. v 23.
pa gyfryw 163 ii (5) ; pob cyfryw ' all ' emphatic 168 i
(2) ; neb cyfryw ' any such ' 170 iv (3).
(ii) unrhyw, generally yr unrhyw 'the same', followed, if
necessary, by ac (ag), a ' as '.
a'r unry w ymadrawS ganlunt ac a 8othoe8 gan y marcJutwc cyntaf
K.M. 200 ' and [bringing] the same tale with them as came with the
first knight'. Rid yw pob cnawd un rhyw gnawd i Cor. xv 39.
NOTE. unrhyw came in the i9th cent, to be commonly used as
a translation of the English ' any ' ; thus ni welais unrhyw ddyn for
ni welais un dyn. Pughe in his Die. does not give the word this
meaning. (In D.G. 519 1. 46 unrhyw seems to be a mistake for yn
rhyw.) The phrase o un rhyw ' of any kind ' is older.
un rhyw or unrhyw ' same ' is also substantival.
Ponyt un ryw a gymerth ludas a Phedyr IL.A. 25 " Nonne Judas
idem accepit quod Petrus ? "
v. rhyw is also used as a noun m. ' kind ' ; and as an ordinary
adj. in the phrase rkyw i ' [it is] natural to . . . '. From rhyw
4 kind ' come rhywiog ' kindly, of a good kind ', rhywogaeth
' species ', afryw % afrywiog ' unnatural, harsh '.
Frhyw hwn Marc ix 29. mor oeS ryw ym llew llywyaw G.D.A.
K.P. 1226 'how natural it was to my lion to rule! ' Rhyw iddi roi
rhodd yr wyl T.A. A 9817/179 ' It is natural to her to give a gift at
the feast'. Nid rhyw iddaw ond rhoddi G.G1. P 152/102 ' It is only
natural to him to give '.
vi. y naill (Ml. y neilV) ' the one ' is for *ynn eill in which *ynn =
hynn 'this', Ir. ind 'the' < *scndo8 164 vi; *eill < *dVUos <
*dlalios, redupl. of * olios : Lat. alius, Gk. oXAos ; owing to the wrong
division the y is treated as the art. and becomes 'r after a vowel.
Ml. W. y lleill ' the one ' may be similarly for *yll eill, in which *yll
is an Z-demonstrative, like Lat. ille etc., ultimately allied to *alios
itself, Brugmann 3 II ii 340. y llall similarly for *yll all; all <
*dlio8 ; pi. y lleill with *eill < *dlii. aratt < *ardlio8 (: Ir. araile)
166 PRONOUNS 305
by dissim. for *aldlios 102 iii (2); pi. ereill < *ardln\ see 100 iii
(2), (3). Note the contrasted accentuation *dl(a)lios > *eill 'one' :
*aldlios > arall 'other'. un 'one' 75 ii (i). rhyw < *riio- ; rhai
< *rin 75 v ; *riip- < *pri-o- = -prio- in Lat. proprius : Lat. prlvus,
ihr. wrf.vif.r ' sincmlis '. mere ' sinoillaritfir '. Osr,. wreivatud ' Drivato.
natural to . . .' ; rhyw 'a particular kind'; etc,; *pri-o- may be an
adj. derived from the prep. *pri (: *prei, *prai) ' before ' (' prominent '
> ' characteristic '), spv. Lat. primus.
166. i. ' Each other ' is expressed by pawb i gilydd or pob
un i gilydd, literally ' each his fellow ' or ' each one his fellow '.
ac y tagnove&wyd pawb o naBunt ae giliS W.M. 451 ' and each of
them was reconciled to the other '. Llawen vu pob un wrtli y giliS
honunt do. 9 ' Each of them welcomed the other '. (For the form
gilib see 77 iii ; it is of course the spoken sound at the present
day.)
Yn iach weithian dan y dydd
Y gwelom bawb i gilydd. -S.T., c.c. 186.
' Farewell now until the day when we shall see each other/ lit. ' each
his fellow '.
In the 1 5th century pawb or pob mt came to be omitted, and
1 gilydd alone thus came to mean 'each other'.
Ni a gawn drwy flaenaw'r gwydd
Roi golwg ar i gilydd. Gut.O., A 14997/15.
'We shall see each other through the branches of the trees.' Ni
a ddylem garu i gilydd A.O. 25 ' we ought to love one another '.
In the familiar Salesburian orthography i gilydd is of course
ei gilydd ' his fellow '. As the antecedent is generally p]., the i
was mistaken in the spoken lang. for i ' their ' (written eu) ; and
after the ist and 2nd pi. yn and ych are substituted for it on the
analogy of the construction of hun ' self ; thus in the recent
period ein, eich, eu are written before gilydd, which owes its g- to
the fact that the pron. before it was the 3rd sg. m. i ' his '.
Wm.S. and Dr. M. sometimes misspell the pron. as eu (Salesbury
often confuses his own invention ei with eu ; the spoken form of both
was i then as now). In the 1620 Bible the 3rd sg. m. pron. is
correctly written in the orthography adopted in it : ar garu o honoch
ei gilydd loan xiii 34 ; os bydd gennych gariad t'w gilydd do. 35 ;
Byddwch yn vn-fryd d'i gilydd Khuf. xii 16 ; AnJwrchwch ei gilydd
i Petr v 14; Anwylyd carwn ei gilydd i loan iv 7, see n, 12. la
1402 X
306 ACCIDENCE 167
all these cases the 3rd sg. pron. was changed by E.M. (1746) to eich,
'ch, ein.
ii. (i) After yr un in negative sentences i gilydd often takes
the place of y Hall.
Ac nyt attebei yr un mwy noe gilyS B.M. 211-2 'and neither
answered more than the other '. nyoigawn yr un ohonunt votywrth
y gilyS IL.A. 128 'Neither of them can be away from the other'.
(2) It takes the place of arall after neu ' or ' ; as ryw ddydd
ne'i gilydd D.G. 337 [ne'i (for neu'i) misprinted noi\ ' some day
or other '.
(3) It is used instead of arall or y llall after a noun, 165 ii
(i), in such phrases as the following :
Srwc y [= y yj gilyS E.M. 141 'From one evil to another' ; or
pryt y [= y y] gilyS do. 62 'from one time to the other' (? the same
on the following day); or ysgraff jrwy gilyS s.G. 125 ' from one barge
to the other'; or mor pw y [gilyS] W.M. 180, o'r mor py[=py y]
gilyS E.M. 83, o'r mor bwy gilyS E.P. 1263 ' from sea to sea '.
Da iawn y gwyr dan y gwydd
Droi gw'ielyn drwy [i] gilydd. D.N. c.c. 265.
' Right well she knows under the trees [how] to plait an osier with
another.'
The noun would originally be mas., as it is in the above examples.
Breton has a form e-ben to be used instead of e-gile after a fern, noun ;
this is more likely to be original than the Corn, use of y-ben after
both genders. (The idea that this is pen 'head' is refuted by
Henry, Lex. 109.)
iii. Irish each a chele, the exact equivalent of pawb i gilydd, is used
in the same way. The Breton expression is ann eil egile (Legonidec
227) which in W. would be *y naill i gilydd.
The word cilydd is used as an ordinary noun in the older Welsh
poetry; as rac Davyt awch kilyt kilywch P.M., M.A. i 280 'before
David your comrade stand aside '. Duw y Cheli vu y chilyS B.D.
E.P. 1251 'God her Lord was her companion'. Also in the proverb
Ch(w)echach bwyt kilyS E.B. 966 'A neighbour's food is sweeter'.
For the etymology of the word see 106 ii (i).
167. i. (i) ' Self is expressed by sg. and pi. nun or sg.
hunan, pi. Mn. hunain, Ml. hunein with prefixed pronouns ; for
the forms see 160 i (2).
(2) fy hun means both 'myself and 'alone'; thus mi af yno fy
hun 'I will go there myself or 'I will go there alone'. After gen.
168 PRONOUNS 307
prefixed or infixed pronouns it means ' own ', as fy Ityfr fy hun ' my
own book '.
(3) fy hun, dy hun, etc. always stand in an adverbial case, meaning
literally 'by myself, etc.; they do not replace a pronoun or pro-
nominal element, but supplement it. Thus euthum fy hun ' I went
by myself (not *aeth fy hun 'myself went'); fy nhy fy hun 'my
own house ' (not *ty fy hun ' the house of myself ') ; amcanodd ei ladd
ei hun Act. xvi 27 ; cf. i loan i 8 ; lago 122; 2 Tim. ii 13 ; efe a'i
dibrisiodd' ei hun Phil, ii 7 ; similarly arn&t dy hun i Tim. iv 16
(not *ar dy hun) ; 2/wddo ei hun Es. xix 1 7 (not *yn ei hun) ;
drosiun e-hunein IL.A. 37 (not *dros e huneiri), etc. The reflexive
ym- counts as a pronoun : ymrooi e-hun IL.A. 120, cf. 89 and A.L. i
176. (In colloquial Welsh i hun is used alone as the object of a verb
or v.n., as wedi lladd i hun instead of wedi i ladd i hun, and this
neologism occurs in recent writings ; but in other connexions the old
construction survives, thus mi of fy hun, arnat dy hun etc.) But
after a conjunction joining it to another clause the pronoun which it
supplements is not necessarily expressed ; thus nyt archafinheu y neb
govyn vy iawn namyn my hun K.M. 64 ' I will bid no one demand
my indemnity but myself ; nad oes or tu yma 'r un ond fy hunan
B.CW. 68 ' that there is on this side none but myself ; ynuch womy-
hun IL.A. 67 ' higher than myself. When put at the head of the
sentence fy hun etc. are followed by the adverbial rel. y (3/8, yr), as
vy hun yr of I.D. 35 lit. '[it is] myself that I will go'; canys ei
hunan y gelwais ef, ac y bendithiais, ac yr amlheais ef Es. Ii 2.
ii. un ' one ' has a derivative *un-an lost in "W. but surviving in
Corn, onon, onan, Bret, unan; this and the fact that hun, hunan
express ' alone ' make it probable that the -un in these is the numeral.
But Corn, ow honan, Ml. Bret, ma hunan show that the h- in W. fy
h-unan is not merely accentual. Before u it may represent either *s-
or *su- ; thus hun may be from *su > oinom < *sue oinom (limiting
accusative) ; the reflexive *sue might stand for any person at first
(Brugmann 2 II ii 397), but personal pronouns were afterwards pre-
fixed, thus *me su oinom > my hun. The u in Ml. mu etc. is due to
assim. to the u of hun.
168. i. (i) Subst. pawb ' everybody '. Though sometimes
treated as pi., e.g. pawb a debygynt W.M. 463 ' everybody thought ',
pawb am gadawsant z Tim. iv 16, pawb is, like Eng. everybody,
properly sg.,and is mas. in construction :
Pawb ry-gavas y gyvarws W.M. 470 ' everybody has received his
boon '. So in a large number of proverbial sayings : Pawb a'i chwedl
gantho 'everybody with his story'; Rhydd i bawb i farn 'free to
everybody [is] his opinion' ; Pawb drosto 'i hun ' each for himself.
(2) Adj. pob [rad.] ' every . It sometimes forms improper
compounds with its noun ; as popelh ( = poppeth for pobpetk)
x 2
308 ACCIDENCE 168
beside pob peth ' everything ' ; pobman beside pob man ' every
place ' ; poparth G. 234 beside pob parth l every part ' ; o boptu
besides o bob tu ' on each side '.
The mutated form bob, by dissimilation of the consonants appears,
though very rarely, as bod, in late Ml. orthography bot : as y bot un
ohonunt IL.A. 3 ' to each one of them '. N.W. dial, bod yg un ' each
and all ', lit. ' and one ' ; earlier bod ag un IL.M. 9, T. i 346.
pob un, pob rhyw 165 iv, pob cyfryw ' every such ', as pob
cyfryw orfoledd lago iv 16 'all such rejoicing'. But ordinarily
pob cyfryw means ' every ' emphatic, ' all manner of, the cyf-
having the intensive meaning 156 i (9) (b). It is followed by
o ' of ' after pob (not by ag- ' as ' after cyf-, so that the cyf- is not
comparative).
pob kyfryw Syn eithyr Awt B.P. 1245 'every single person but
Awd '. Yr rei hynn oe8 gyfrwys . . . ym pob kyvryw arveu C.M. 10
' these were skilful in all manner of arms '. Pa le i mae Christ ?
Ymhob cyfriw le c.c. 319 ' Where is Christ ? In every single place '.
Pob cyfriw beth coll. ' every single thing '. o bop kyfryw vwydeu
or a rybuchd ehun s.G. 10 ' of all viands which (lit. of those which) he
himself desired '. Cf. K.M. 8, K.B.B. 50.
(3) pawb, Ir. each, gen. cdich < Kelt. *q*aq%08 ; the second ele-
ment is probably the interr. and indef. *q^os and the first, *q v a~, an
adverbial form of the same (Thurneysen Gr. 293).
pob, Ir. each is the same, with the vowel shortened before the
accent, which fell on the noun. The shortening is independent in W.
and Ir. ; the W. o (like aw) implies Brit, -a-, 71 i (2). Similarly
Bret, pep < *peup with *eu < -a-. The Ir. cech is an analogical
formation ; see Thurneysen ibid.
ii. (i) Adj. yr noil [soft] 'all the',/y Ml [soft], etc., 'all
my'. Before a definite noun the article or its equivalent is
omitted : Tioll Gymry K.B.B. 340 ' all Wales ' ; holl lyssoeb y bayar
W.M. 6 ' all the courts of the earth ' (lyssoeb being made definite
by the dependent gen.).
A wybyb yr holl seint a wnneuthum i yina IL.A. 7 1 ' Will all the
saints know what I have done here ? ' a'r holl bethau hyn Matt, vi 33
' and all these things'; dy l&ollffyrdd Ps. xci n.
A compound of holl of the form hollre IL.A. 166, holre do. 165, y
rolre (= yr dire) B.B. 71 is used much in the same way, but is rare.
The derivative hollol ' entire ' is an ordinary adj. following its noun,
but is used chiefly with yn as an adverb : a hynny yn hollawl n, A.
162 'and that wholly '; cf. Ps. cxix 8 ; Gen. xviii 21, etc.
168 PRONOUNS 309
(2) oil. This is always used in an adverbial case (of measure),
and generally follows the word or phrase which it limits, though
in poetry it may precede it.
Kemry oil A.L. i 2 ' all Wales ', lit. ' Wales wholly ' ; y byd oil
G. 294 'the whole world ', lit. 'the world wholly' ; gwadu oil y dadyl
A.L. i 396 ' to deny wholly the plea ' ; Nyni oil Es. liii 6.
It cannot be used in the nom. or ace. case, but is always adverbial,
limiting the pronominal element which is subj. or obj., and which must
be expressed ; thus aethant oil ' they went wholly ' (not *aeth oil ' all
went ') ; arnaSunt oil E.M. 113 'on them altogether ', Mn. W. arnunt
oil (not *ar oil), etc.; cf. fy hun 167 i (3).
NOTE. In Recent written Welsh a neologism yr oil has arisen to
express ' the whole ', instead of y cwbl which is the form used in the
natural spoken language, yr oil is even substituted for oil in late
editions of earlier works ; thus Ti sy 'n trefnu oil dy hun Wins. 555
appears in recent hymn-books as Ti sy 'n trefnu 'r oil dy hun. (Of
course yr + oil gives yr holl the adjectival phrase, see below.)
(3) W. oil < Kelt. *oliod (limiting accus.) ; Ir. uile < Kelt. *oliios ;
probably cognate with Eng. all, Germ, all, Goth, alls < *ol-no-s.
The h- of holl is caused by the -r of the article before the accented
vowel 112 i (2), and was transferred to cases where the article was
not used. But the adverbial oil remained, since the article never
occurred before this.
holbre seems to be compounded of holl and gre < *greg- : Lat. greg- ;
as in camre 127.
iii. (i) Subst. cwbl ' the whole ', followed by o ' of.
Ef a Soy am dy benn cwbyl oV govut W.M. 80 ' all the retribution
would have come upon thy head ' ; cwbyl a geveis i o'm hamherodraeth
do. 190'! have recovered the whole of my empire ' ; kaeawS kwbyl
orysseu . . . y neuao S.G. 5 ' closed all the doors of the hall ' ; kwbyl
o'r wirioneS do. 1 6 1 ' the whole of the truth ' ; y n 61 cwbl o gyfraith
Moses 2 Bren. xxiii 25 ; cf. Nah. i 5.
In Late Mn. W. the article came to be put before cwbl ; this
appears already in the Bible : Gen. xiv 20 (1620) ; in late edns.
in Ex. xxiii 22, 2 Chron. xxxii 31.
(2) Adj. cwbl [soft] ' complete '.
cwbyl waradwyS a geveis W.M. 42 ' [it is] a thorough insult that
1 have had ' ; cwbyl weithret, cwbyl sarhaet A.L. 1526' the complete
act, the full fine ' ; cwbl ddiwydrwydd 2 Pedr i 5.
It is also used after its noun : kanny bu weithret cwbyl A.L. i 526
' since there was not a complete act ' ; cymodlonedd cwbl M.A. i 348
' complete reconciliation '.
Adv. yn gwbl, o gwbl ' wholly ' : ac ereyll en kubyl a Sylcassant
310 ACCIDENCE 169
A.L. i 2 ' and others they entirely abrogated ' ; y bySei eur o gwbyl
R.M. 62 [where iron should be] 'there was gold throughout', cf. B.B.B.
280. In neg. sentences o gwbl 'at all' is in common use in spoken
\V. (pron. 6 gwbwl).
(3) W. cwbl, Corn, cowl, cowal probably represent *cwvl 1 1 1 vii (4)
< *kom-(p}lu-(s) : Gk. TroAvs, W. llawer 169 ii (3), the prefix having
its intensive meaning, as in com-plete, etc., 156 i (9) (b).
169. i. (i) Subst. y sawl sg. ' such ', pi. ' as many ', used only
before relative clauses, the rel. expressing- ' as ', 165 iv (10).
Y sawl ae gwelei kyflawn vySei oe serch B.M. 117' such as saw her
was filled with her love'; gwelet y sawl a welei o velineu W.M. 161
to see as many as he saw of mills '. Y sawl a'm car ant i a garaf
inneu Diar. viii 17.
Rarely sawl with a dependent genitive : a rwy o sawl y rei yssyb
R.P. 1 252 ' and more of the like of those that are '.
(2) Adj. y sawl [soft] ' as many ', usually with a pi. noun and
without ac ; but the noun may be sg. and ac expressed ; cf. 165
iv (10).
Ac ny ellit dwyn bwyt y'r sawl vilyoeS yssyB yma, ac o achaws
lynny y mae y sawl velineu (hynri) W.M. 162 (E.M. 229) 'and food
could not be brought to as many thousands as are here, and [it is] for
that reason that there are so many mills ([as] these) ; y sawl
vorynyon racko S.G. 33 ' as many maidens [as those] yonder '. y sawl
ryve&awt ac yssyS yn y wlat Jionn S.G. 1 8 'as many a wonder as there is
[lit. as which is] in this land '.
(3) The original meaning seems to be ' such ' ; hence probably sawl
< *s-tal- : Lat. tdlis, with Kelt, prefixing of s- 101 ii (i).
ii. (i) Subst. llawer sg. ' much ', pi. ' many ', followed, if need
be, by o ' of '. Also pi. llaweroedd ' multitudes '.
A guedy byryer llawer yndi W.M. 2 1 ' and when much has been
thrown into it ', i. e. much food ; llauer nys guir ae gowin B.B. 68
' many who do not know ask it ' ; a llawer o vein gwerthvawr ereill
IL.A. 1 66 ' and many other precious stones ' ; llawer a ddichon taer-
weddi y cyfiawn lago v 16 ; fy ngwas cyfiawn a gyfiawnhd lawer
Es. liii 1 1 .
In an adverbial case (of measure) llawer [rad.] before a cpv. and
lawer after a cpv. signify ' much ' adv. : llawer gwett ' much better ' ;
llawer iawn gwell Phil. 123 'very much better ' ; mwy lawer IL.A. 68
'much greater'; a rimy Wydyon noc ynteu lawer W.M. 106 'and
Gwydion [regretted] more than he, much ' ; mwy oe8 ef lawer no
hynny do. 229 'he was bigger much than that'. But o lawer is
perhaps more common after the cpv., as in the last two passages in
R.M. 77, 166.
169 PRONOUNS 311
(2) Adj. llawer [rad.] ' many a ' followed by a sg. noun.
a llawer damwein a 8igawn bot W.M. 28 ' and many an accident
may happen '.
Llawer merch weddw o'i pherchen,
Llawer gwr mewn llurig wen. D.IL., TK. 249.
'Many a woman widowed of her lord, many a man in a white
corselet.'
(3) W. llawer < *(p)luueros formed by adding the cpv. suffix -ero-
to *plu-, *p(a)lu- < *p e lu- ' Gk.
iii. (i) Subst. lliaws ' many, a multitude' ; lluosydd i&.
llyaus B.B. 5 (y = i); yn llvyr y guyr lluossit B.B. 66 (-it = -y?>)
' thoroughly does a multitude know it '. Na ddilyn liaws i wneuthur
drwg Ex. xxiii 2; lliaws o flynyddoedd Job xxxii 7. With a de-
pendent genitive : lliaws dy dosturiaethau Ps. li r.
(2) Adj. lliaws [soft] 'many a, much', with a sg-. or a pi.
noun ; this is the noun lliaws compounded with another noun.
The adj., used as a complement, is Ml. W. lluossawc, Mn. W.
lluosog.
Lliaws guryaw E.P. 1216 ' much suffering ' ; Cevtis i liaws awr
eur a phali M. M.A. i 192 'I had many a time gold and silk';
o liaws eirchyeid M.A. i 259 'of many suppliants '; i lios lu 71
ii (i) ; Mar lluosog yw dy weithredoedd Ps. civ 24.
(3) lliaws < *pleids-ta(t)8. The longer forms have u as lluossauc
K.P. 1043, lluossogrwyS W.M. 34, E.M. 22, lluosog in 1620 Bible.
These are not formed from lliaws but from an old adj. *pleiosto-s ) see
74 i (2), 75 iii (3) and 76 ix (2).
iv. (i) Subst. peth ' some, a certain quantity '.
Dywedadwy yw rac llaw o beth o vucheB Veuno IL.A. u 8 ' [the
story] is to be told in what follows of some of the life of Beuno ' ; ac
wrth hau, peth a syrthiodd ar ymyl y jford ... a pheth arall, etc.
Luc viii 5-8.
In an adverbial case, beth ' to some extent, for some time ' :
Dir yw in dario ennyd,
Ac aros beth gwrs y byd. D.IL., IL 120/258 K.
' We must tarry a little, and await awhile the course of events.'
(2) peth is the interrogative pronoun 163 i (3) used indefinitely
(cf. Gk. TIS) ; from ' some, something ' it came to mean ' thing ', and
thus became an ordinary noun, pi. pethau ; see 163 vi.
v. (i) Subst. bychydic, ychydig ' a little, a few'.
bychydic a dal vy nghyngor i y ti s.G. 43 lit. ' [it is] little that
312 ACCIDENCE 170
niy advice avails to thee ' i. e. my a. is worth little. Pa obeith ysayb
yr porthniyn ? Ychydic IL.A. 40 ' what hope is there for the
merchants 1 A little', ychydig o nifer Ezec. v 3 ; ychydig o Iwnaw
Job iv 12.
(2) Adj. ychydig [soft] sg. ' a little ', pi. ' a few '.
ychydig gysgu, ychydig fiepian, etc. Diar. vi i o ; ychydig win
i Tim. v 23. ychydig bechodau T.A. c 16/13 ' a ^ ew S ^ U8 ' > ychydig
ddyddiau Gen. xxix 20; ychydig betfiau Dat. ii 14.
(3) ychydig is for f ychydig mut. of bychydic : W. bychod ' small
quantity ', bychodedd ' scarcity, poverty ' ; Corn, bodtes ' a little ',
bocliesog, bochodoc ' poor ', Ir. bocht ' poor ' : *buk-so-t-, *buk-to- : with
Kelt, b- for *p- to Lat. paucus 1 101 iii (2).
(4) Subst. odid ' a rarity '.
edit a vo inolediw K.P. 1041 'a rarity [is he] who is worthy of
praise'; ac odit o'r rei hynny ysy8 yn gristonogyon IL.A. 165
"quarum paucae [lit. paucitas] sunt Christianae"; odid elw heb
antur prov. 'a rarity [is] (i.e. there is rarely) profit without enter-
prise '.
ond odid ' probably ', literally ' excepting a rarity '.
(5) odid : Lat. paucus, ~E.few 76 ii (3).
vi. (i) Adj. ami [soft] sg. ' many a ', pi. ' many ' ; ambell
[soft] ' an occasional '.
Ami iawn waedd am Elm wen,
Ami eisiau am elusen. T.A., c. ii 83.
' Full many a cry for fair Elin, many a need for charity.'
Ond o hirbell ymgellwair
(0 bai well ym] ymbell air. I.D. 23.
'But from afar bantering (if it were better for me) an occasional
word.'
y mae rJtai a graffant ar ymbell air M.K. [vii] ' there are some
who will look at an occasional word '. Ami ddrygau Ps. xxxiv 1 9,
dy ami drugareddau di Dan. ix 18 ; ambell dro ' occasionally '.
"The dialectal i sometimes heard before the noun is a recent
intrusion (? corruption of iawn as iii the first example).
Both these words are used as ordinary adjectives, and are compared;
see Silvan Evans s.vv.
(2) ami < Brit *amb'lu-s for *ambilus < *mbhi-(p)lu-, with *plu-
for *f e lu- : W. llawer ' many ', Gk. TTO\US, see ii (3) above.
ambell < *ambi-pell- 'mutually far'; for the prefix see 156 i (4)
(b) ; for the stem 89 i.
170. i. Subst. neb ' any one ', dim ' anything ', are used
chiefly with negatives ; as ni welais nel ' I did not see anybody ' ;
170 PRONOUNS 313
heb Dduw, keb ddim ' without God, without anything '. Also in
conditional sentences, as ophecha neb I loan ii i 'if any man sin ' ;
in questions ; in comparisons ; etc.
A derivative nebawd occurs : nebaud B.B. 21,43 'any one', ny
gwybyb nebawt B.T. 1 9 ' no one will know '.
ii. Owing- to constant association with negatives neb and dim
came to be used in certain phrases for ' nobody ' and ' nothing '.
As a rule it is the verb that requires the negation ; thus ' he gave
rue nothing ' is logically ' he did not give me anything ' ni roes efimi
ddim, since there was no giving. But the verbal idea may be
positive, as in ' it is given for nothing ' ; this has to be expressed by
fe'i rJioddir am ddim, where dim has to stand for ' nothing '. dim is
thus used as early as the i4th cent. ; see IL.A. 60, 89. But there
seem to be no Ml. examples of neb ' nobody '.
iii. dim and neb are positive in positive sentences in the
phrases
(1) pob dim ' everything' :
Pob dim kywrdn . . . goruc Kelvy8 B.D., R.P. 1251 ' every cunning
thing the Artist made '. Duw, madden bob dim iddaw I.F.
M 148/329 ' God forgive him everything'. Cf. i Cor. xiii 7; Deut.
iv. 7, xxviii 47, 48 ; Col. i 16.
(2) y neb ' the one, he ' before a relative 162 vii (i) :
twyllwr yw y neb a a8efvo kyfvrinach arglwyS y'r nep a wypo y
vot yn dyn i&aw IL.A. 26 ' he who betrays a lord's secret to him
whom he knows to be his enemy is a traitor'. Cf. IL.A. 28, 32, 33,
34, etc. Y neb a atdlio ei yd, y bobl a'i melldithia Diar. xi 26.
(3) neb un 165 iv (3),
iv. (i) neb is used adjectivally, thus neb [rad.] 'any' : ni bu
i/ma neb amarch F. 14 ' there has been no disrespect here '. It is
rarely adjectival except in the follov ing phrases :
(2) neb un above ; neb rhyw 165 iv (8) ; neb fyw Sim
' anything at all ', W.M. 64, 65, U.M. 46, 47 ; neb dyn ' any man '
IL.A. 126.
(3) neb cyfryw [soft] ' any at all ', cf. 168 i (2).
Kanyt oes neb kyfryw rym . . . y gallem ni vynet R.B.B. 178 'for
there is no power by which we might go '.
(4) nemawr, n&mor (for *neb rnawr), with a negative 'not
much, not many, but little '.
314 ACCIDENCE 170
ny weleiste eto nemawr o boeneu uffernn IL.A. 154 ' so far thou hast
seen but little of the pains of hell '.
Adjectival, with neg., nemor ddim ' hardly anything ', nemor un
1 hardly any one '.
yn emator s.o. 27, yn ymor C.M. 55, with prosthetic y 21 iii.
(5) n^pell (for * neb pell), with a neg. 'not far'.
er nad yw efe yn ddiau neppell oddiwrth bob un o honom Act.
xvii 27 ; yn epell s.o. 219.
v. (i) dim is probably never an adj. ; a noun following it is
a dependent genitive, as
heb Sim Ilyiveny8 IL.A. 147 'without anything of joy' i.e. without
any joy ; heb allel givneuthur dim lies S.G. 37 ' without being able to
do any good'; na wna ynddo ddim gwaith Ex. xx 10; cf. Ps.
xxxiv 10.
(2) But before a definite noun or pron. o ' of ' is used after dim :
ny wybant Sim ohonunt IL.A. 8 ' they know nothing of them ' ; ac
nyt oe8 dim ohonaw yno B.M. T 8 ' and there was nothing of him
there' i.e. he was not there; ny warandawei Sim o'r attep W.M. 53
' he would not listen to anything of the reply ' i. e. to the reply.
Sim o was of very frequent occurrence, and was reduced to mo in
the spoken lang. (chiefly N.W.) as early as the i4th cent, if D.G. 496
is authentic. Cf. E.P. 271, Diar. xxii 22, 28, Job xxxvii 23, B.CW.
i81. i.
Odid i Dduw, doed a ddel,
Fyth ddewis mo vath Howel. W.HJ. 45.
' Scarcely will God, come what may, ever choose such a one as Howel.'
(3) Used in an adverbial case bim signifies ' at all ', etc. Nac
efbim. IL.A. 48 'not at all ' ; cf. i Cor. xv 29, i Thes. v 3.
This adverbial ddim is nearly as frequent in the spoken lang. as pas
after a neg. in French.
vi. (i) W. neb, Ir. neck 'any one' (gen. neich) < Kelt. *neq*os
: Lith. nekcts ' something ', nekiirs ' quidam '. It is believed that the
*ne- is the neg. particle, so that the meaning was originally neg., and
became positive by the use of another neg. in the sentence (cf. Fr. nul).
But it is possible that this *ne- is positive, and is a form of the
w-demonstrative : Lat. ego-ne, see Walde 2 255 (where Lith. ne-kurs is
so explained, though differently in 510).
(2) W. dim : Ir. dim ' something', as in ni di naccadim, acht is du
dim ' it is not from no thing, but is from something '. The W. dim is
written with t in Ml. MSB. which distinguish t and if ; and dim in
"proest " with grym M.A. i 374 shows that its vowel was not ^ in the
171 PRONOUNS 315
early i3th cent. a The v.n. diddymu is a late i6th cent, word formed
from diddim on the false assumption that it stands for diddym as
dibin does for dibyn 77 iii, whence dibynnu', a more correct, and
pi-ob. older, form is diddimio M.K. [40]. In the laws dyn dioim
means ' a man without assets ', see A.L. ii 36. Hence we may suppose
W. dim < *di-smen ' share, part, fraction ', Vdai- ' divide ', K la *dai-,
R 2 *di-, R 3 dl- 63 vii (5) : Gk. Satofuu, Sat's, Skr. ddyate ' divides,
allots, possesses', ditih 'distribution' (E. time < Pr. Germ. *tvman-
' period ' < *di-) ; heb ddim lit. ' without a fraction '. A dimin. (or
obi. case) dimyn occurs in kymeint timmyn E.P. 582 ' every jot ' (cf.
kymein hun 106 iii (2)) ; whence perhaps Mn. bob tipyn (by dissim.
mm > bb, which gives pp\
VERBS
171. i. (i) The Welsh verb has three moods, the indicative,
the subjunctive and the imperative.
(2) The indicative mood has four tenses, the present, the imper-
fect, the past (aorist or perfect), and the pluperfect.
(3) The subjunctive mood has two tenses, the present and
imperfect.
(4) The imperative mood has one tense, the present.
ii. (i) The pres. ind. is often future in meaning. In the
spoken language the future is the usual meaning ; the present
sense is retained only in a few common verbs such as gicelaf 1 1
see', clywaf'l hear ', medraf'I can', tybiaf'I think '. (Ordinarily
the present meaning is expressed periphrastically.)
(a) The impf. indie, is seldom a mere impf. in meaning ; usually
it expresses Eng. ' would ' or ( could '.
The impf. is derived from the Ar. optative, and preserves its
original meaning. It is used now in spoken W. as it is used in
Homer and the Rig- Veda. Taking Meillet's examples (Intr. 2 193):
Vedic kamdyeta raja samrad bhdvitum 'a king would like to be
a supreme ruler' = W. carai brenin fod yn benadur, cf. Mi wn pie
mynnwn fy mod D.G. 501 'I know where I should like to be',
Mynnwn, pe nef a'i mynnai do. 288 'I would, if heaven would,
[that ...]'; xep/iaSiov o ov 8vo y av8pe <^epoiev, E 303 = W.
maen . . . ni chodai deu-ddyn, cf. Ni thynnai saith einioes hwn T.A.
* The metre called proe$t has instead of rhyme a correspondence of fina
consonants with varying vowels. The stanza referred to is by G.Gw. c. 1200 A.D.
316 ACCIDENCE 171
A 14975/107 'seven (men) could not take his life ' ; 0cos v* cfle'Awv . . .
u/mVovas . . . iTnrous Swp^o-airo, K 556 = W. rhoisai (plup.) duw
ewyllysgar well meirch ; Vedic y&t p&ceyuh kravyadam kuryuh = W.
pes pobynt gwnaent [y tdn\ yn gnawd-yaol (carnivorous), etc. It
denotes a possible or hypothetical as opposed to an actual thing ; cf.
() na weluon Wms. 508 ' Oh that I am unable to see ' i. e. would that
I saw ! The irapf. use comes through forms like gwelai ' he could
see ' > ' he saw ', as in ef a wdei lannerch . . . ef a welei carw etc.
W.M. i. The form oeS 'would be' W.M. 17, 1. 29, has passed over
entirely to the impf. sense, and forms periphrastic impfs. in the
spoken lang., which does not use the impf. of other verbs in that
sense. In speaking, we do not say fe safai 'r dref or y bryn ' the
town stood on the hill ' as the expression of a fact, but we do say fe
safai Dafydd yn segwr am oriau f D. would stand idle for hours '
expressing a possibility ; we say fe welai rywbeth ' he saw something '
(could see), but not/e safai yno 'he stood there' (was standing).
(3) The past is in the vast majority of cases aorist in meaning,
as it is predominantly in derivation. It may however have a
perfect meaning, as some verbs have perfect instead of aorist
forms, as treuliaisfy nghlod D.G. 138 'I have spent my reputation'.
(4) The plup. ind. is very rarely plnp. ind. in meaning ; it
usually means ' would have', ' could have ', etc. ; see (2).
(5) The pres. subj. in a principal sentence expresses a wish. In
a dependent sentence it expresses a general, as opposed to a par-
ticular, contingency ; thus doed a ddel ' come what may come *, as
opposed to y byd a ddaw ' the world which will come '.
(6) The impf. subj. is used in dependent clauses only ; it either
stands in the protasis before the impf. ind., or represents the past
of the pres. subj.
The uses of the tenses can only be dealt with fully in the
Syntax.
iii. (i) Each tense is inflected for the three persons of the sg.
and pi.
(2) Each tense has in addition an impersonal form, whose
implied indefinite subject means ' some one, some, they ', Fr. ' on ',
Germ. ' man ' ; as dywedir ' they say, there is a saying, on dit '.
The impersonal form is generally spoken of as a " passive " ; but as
it takes after it pronouns in the accusative case, it cannot be parsed
as a passive. Thus/ 'm cerir or cerirfi ' on m'aime' (not *cerir i ' I
am loved '). The older grammarians pretended to inflect it for the
different persons by adding accusative affixed pronouns 160 iii (i) ;
172 VERBS 317
as cerir fi, cerir di, cerir ef, etc., though Dr. Davies confesses that
" omnia verba passiua ad naturam impersonalium quam proxime
accedunt " D. 101. It has been argued that a substantival object has
a soft initial, as gwel yn ' he sees a man ' ; but this is a late use ; the
soft is rarely found after the 3rd sg. in Early Mn. poets. It arose to
distinguish the subject from the obj., but in the case of the impersonal
there is no ambiguity. Intransitive verbs including the verb ' to be '
are frequently used in the impersonal, and the forms are not felt to be
in any way different from transitive impersonals except that a trans,
verb requires an object : cychwynnir am ddau ' a start will be made
at two '.
The impersonal with its object is generally most conveniently
translated into English by a passive with its subject, thus cerir fi
' I am loved ' ; but this should not blind us to the construction in
Welsh.
iv. (i) Each verb has also a verbal noun and most have verbal
adjectives.
(2) The verbal noun is not strictly an infinitive ; it governs
the genitive, not the accusative, case. It may be used, like an
abstract noun, with the article or an adj., as the subject or obj. of
a verb or the obj. of a preposition ; but it is sufficiently distinct
from an ordinary abstract noun by reason of certain constructions
in which it cannot be replaced by the latter. See e.g. 204 ii.
(3) Verbal adjectives are used like ordinary adjectives, and have
not developed the peculiar uses of participles.
THE REGULAR VERB.
172. i. The regular verb caraf ( I love ' is conjugated as
follows ; Ml. forms are given in spaced type :
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
Ml. W.
pl.
<_ *
1. karaf i. karwn
2. kery 2. kerwch
3. kar 3. k aravi
Impers. kerir
Mn. W.
sg. pl.
1. caraf i. canvn
2. ceri 2. cerwch
3. car 3. carant
Impers, cerir
318
1. karwn
2. karut
3. karei
ACCIDENCE
Imperfect Tense.
Ml. W. .
pi.
1. karem
2. karewch
3. kerynt
Impers. kerit
i carwn
i. carit
3. carai
172
Mn. W.
pi.
1. car em
2. carech
3. cerynt,carent
Impers. eerid
Aorist Tense.
1. karassam
2. karassawch
1. kereis
2. kereist
3. karawb 3. karattaHt
Impers. karwyt
i.
2. ceraist
1. cara&om
2. carasoch
3. carodd 3. carasant
Impers. carwyd
Pluperfect Tense.
1. karassem
2. karagsewch
1. karasswn
2. karassut
3. karassei 3. karassynt
Impers. karassit
1. caraswn
2. carasit
1. carasem
2. carasech
3. carasai 3. carasynt, -ent
Impers. caresid, -asid
1. kar(K)wyf i. kar(li)om
2. ker(h)ych 2. kar(h)och
3. kar(h}o 3. kar(h)ont
Impers. kar(h)er
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
1. carwyf
2. cerych
3. caro
i.
2. caroch
3. caront
Impers.
Imperfect Tense.
1. kar(h)wn i. kar(h)em
2. kar(K)ut 2. kar(K)ewc
3. kar(h)ei 3. ker(h)ynt
Impers. ker(Ji)it
i . carwn
i.
2. carit 2. carech
3. carat 3. cerynt, carent
Impers.
IMPEBATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense,
i. karwn
2. ^ar 2. kerwch 2. car
3. karet 3. karent 3. ca;-/
Impers. karer
j. carwn
2. cerwch
3. carent, -ant
Impers. caw
173 VERBS 319
VEEBAL NOUN.
karu ; caru
VERBAL ADJECTIVES.
karedic, karadwy ; caredig, caradwy.
ii. Stems ending in -i- (Ml. W.j?) drop the i before i, y, and u ;
as rhodiaf, rhodir, rhodynt, rhodut ; soniaf, sonnir, etc. ; and stems
in -w- drop the w before w as cadwaf, cadwn ; see 36 i, ii.
NOTES AND ADDITIONAL OEMS.
173. Pres. Ind. i. In the 2nd sg. and pi. and the imps., a and
aw in the stem are affected ; thus Mn. "W. teli ' thou payest ', ceni
' thou singest ', gwrandewi ' thou listenest ', gwrandewch for gwran-
dewwch ' ye listen ', gofelir ' care is taken ', amcenir ' an attempt is
made '.
ii. The ist sg. ends in -af ; in B.B. written -aw, as dywedaw, kyuo-
daw, credaw 82 ( = dywedaf, cyfodaf, era/a/) ; in O.W., -am ( = av),
as ni choilam ox. 226 ' I do not believe '.
Traces of an ending -if occur : gwneif B.A. i ' I will do ', kuynhiw
B.B. 100 ' I complain ', kynn mudiflle~R.v. 1037 ' before I change [my]
place', cenif, dygif M.A. i 191 'I sing, I bring' ; cf. Bret. fut. kaninn.
iii. (i) The Ml. ending -y of the 2nd sg. remains in D.G., see ceny
186, rhedy 132, and is sometimes met with later; but in Mn. W.
generally it became -i, see 77 iv.
(2) The Ml. -y itself seems to be for -y8 = Bret, -ez by loss of -8,
110 iv (3); the form -y8 occurs in Early Ml. verse : ymwaredit
B.B. 19 (where -it = -y8) ' savest thyself, digonit ib. ' committest ',
guneit do. 23 'makest'; ro8y8 B.T. 57 'givest', mal y kynnullyS yt
wesceryS ib. ' as thou gatherest thou scatterest '. Before di the -8
was lost early : nerihiti ox. gl. hortabere, Ml. "W. nerthy di ' thou
strengthenest ' (cf. diwedyS for *diwe8-dy8 110 iv (2)).
(3) In some expressions in common use forms without an ending
occur; thus beside wely dy yna W.M. 36 we have wel dy yna B.M. 23
' seest thou there?' wel dy racco W.M. 59, etc. 221 iv (2). So os
myn di E.M. 93 ' if thou wilt ' ; and dial, fyn di l wilt thou ] ' gUpo di
'dost thou hear?' Without di we have os mjfn D.G. 113 'if thou wilt '.
iv. (i) The standard form of the 3rd sg. has no ending. The
vowel of the stem undergoes the ultimate {-affection 83 ii ; thus
daliaf ' I hold ', deil ' holds ' ; archaf ' I bid ', eirch ' bids ' ; galwaf
' I call ', geilw ; safaf ' I stand ', saif ; paraf ' I cause ', pair, petr ;
gannaf 'I am contained', v.n. genni 'to be contained' (< *glmd- :
Lat. pre-hendo, Gk. ^avSavw), 3rd sg. gain, see example ; in Ml. W.
(g}ein B.P. 1055, see vi (3) below, also geing by 106 i (2), whence
ng spread to other forms ; agoraf ' I open ', e gyr ; coUaf ' I lose ',
320 ACCIDENCE 173
cyll ; torraf ' I break ', tyrr, written tyr ; atebaf I answer ', etyb ;
gwelaf ' I see ', gwyl, in Late Mn. W. gwel ; cynhaliaf ' I hold ',
cynnail, cynneil ; gwaharddaf ' I prohibit ', gweheirdd D.G. 20 ;
ataliaf ' I withhold ', eteil ; gwasgaraf ' I scatter ', gwesgyr and
gwasgar ', tawaf ' I am or become silent', teu, tau; (g)adawaf
'I leave', edeu, gedy ; tarawaf'I strike', tereu B.B. 63, tery ;
giv(a)randawaf ' I listen', gwerendeu, gurrendy ; gosodaf'I set',
gesyd ; cyrhaeddaf 'I reach', cyrraidd; sorraf 'I sulk', syrr,
written syr ; somaf (siomaf) ' I disappoint, cheat ', sym ; dialcJutf
'I thank', diylch ', parchaf 'I respect', peirch B.B. 50, B.T. 17, G.Gr.
D.G. 254 ; arbedaf 'I spare', erbyd Diar. vi 34, E.P. 269 (but arbed
Es. Iv 7) ; rhangaf fodd ' I please ', reingk bo8 s.G. 277.
Ni ain o fewn main y mur,
Ni bu 'nf'oes neb unfesur. T.A., A 14967/916.
'There is not contained within the stones of the wall, there has not
been in my time, any one of the same stature.'
Am na ain d'aur mewn un dwrn. T.A. A 14975/16.
' Because thy gold will not go into one hand ' (is^more than a handful).
A fo doeth efo a dau ;
Annoeth ni reol enau. G.I.H., TK. 87.
' [He] who is wise is silent ; the unwise does not control [his] mouth.'
Pan vynner i8i tewi hi a teu K.M. 122 'when one wishes it (a certain
harp) to be silent, it is silent '. fel y tau dafad Es. liii 7 ' as
a sheep is dumb '.
syr, lie gwesgyr gwasgwyn,
O'm da^vr, Gwyn ap Nudd i'm dwyn. D.G. 246.
' If he sulks, where he scatters [his] gasconade, G. ap N. take me if
I care.'
Nid yw anair ond ennyd ;
Ni sym twyll mo bwyll y byd. E.P. 271.
' Calumny is but [for] a while ; deceit will not cheat the good sense of
the world ' ; ny'm sym B.P. 1198 ' will not disappoint me '.
/ Dduw Madog a ddiylch
Gan i chwaer hael cael y cylch. D.G. 292.
' Madoc thanks God that he has had the ring from his generous
sister.' Cf. 167, L.G.C. 70.
(2) In many verbs which have a, the vowel is unaffected; thus cdr
' loves ', can ' sings ', t&l ' pays ', gad ' leaves ' ; also in some with e, as
cymer ' takes ', adfer ' restores ', arfer ' uses '.
Some verbs with a have both the affected and unaffected form ;
thus gallaf'I can ', geill IL.A. 169, D.G. 29, or gall E.P. 259; d'ialaf
'I avenge', diail D.G. 162, G.G1., P 108/41 B., dial L.Mon 186 ii ;
chwarddaf'I laugh ', chweirS K.P. 1240, chwardd D.G. 402, L.G.C.
379, Job xli 29, Ps. ii 4 ; barnn HJ.A. 64 'judges ', beirn K.P. 1321.
173 VERBS
(3) The vowel of the stem, if mutable, is of course mutated when
the ending is dropped in the 3rd sg. ; thus cyrchaf ' I make for \
cyrch ; dygaf 1 1 bring ', dwg ' brings ' ; ceisiaf ' I seek ', Mn. W. cars
'seeks', Ml. keis, 81 iii (i). In many cases -o- is a mutation of
-aw-, the latter appearing in the 3rd sg., thus toddaf ' I melt ', tawdd
' melts ' ; boddaf ' I drown, or am drowned ', bawdd ' drowns ' ; holaf
' I ask ', Jiawl ' asks '. But in disyllabic stems, when the unaccented
-aw- in the ult. became -o-, it was in some cases treated on the analogy of
original -o- and affected to y ; thus adroSaf I narrate ', adrawS B.A. i
'narrates', later edryS B.P. 1253; halogaf ' I defile' (denominative
from halawc, Mn. W. halog), helyc IL.A. 34 'defiles'. In the i6th
cent, dichyn was used, 196 ii, but was supplanted later by the
original form dichon ' can ', Ml. W. dichawn. The substitution of -?/
as in t&ry C.M. 32 for the affected -eu of tereu, etc., see (i), is due to
the same analogy; see 83 ii.
A similar analogy gave rise to gwerchyd D.Gr. 175 'guards' from
the v.n. gwarchod for gwarchawd metath. for gwar-chadw ; the old 3rd
sg. was gwer-cheidw.
v. (i) Verbs with stems in -ha- had the vowel unaffected in the
3rd sg. ; the affected forms bwyty ' eats ', pery D.G. 441 'lasts' are
late ; the original 3rd sg. of bwytd-af ' I eat ' is bwyta W.M. 456
'eats', ef a vwytta IL.A. 170, and of parhd-af is pdr(h)a, as parha
B.T. 40 'lasts', ny phara B.P. 1046, W.M. 86 ' does not last', ni phara
T.A. G. 236. The accent falls regularly on the penult; and the -h-
after it was lost, 48 ii, as in pdra, but not before changing a media to
a tenuis as in bwyta ' eats ' (: bwyd ' food ').
(2) The -(h)a of the 3rd sg. is thus the unaffected stem-forming
suffix, but it came to be mistaken for a personal ending ; and as -ha-
forms the stems of denominatives, -(h)a seemed to be a 3rd sg. ending
of denominatives, and was used to form the 3rd sg. of denominatives
generally. This may have originated in doublets like neshd-af, v.n.
neshd-u and nes-af, v.n. nesu * to approach ' (: nes ' nearer ') ; the 3rd
sg. of the first is regularly nes-(h)a, which, being very naturally taken
to be the 3rd sg. of the second, suggested a 31*0! sg. ending -(h)a. For
exactly the same reasons it became a 2nd sg. imperative ending, and
is used as such in all verbs in which it appears in the 3rd sg. pres.
ind. In older examples the form is -ha, the -h- hardening a media or
remaining as an -h- ; such examples survive in Ml. W. side by side
with others in which the ending has come to be regarded as -a simply.
Thus we find gwata B.P. 1382 'denies', oetta impv. R.P. 1254 ' delay ',
gwatta M.A. i 31 pa ' denies ', ehetta do. 3196 ' flies ', tremycca IL.A. 150
'despises', poenha do. 28 'punishes', dielwha do. 147 'ruins' (makes
worthless), gwyhwa do. 148 'withers', cerSha do. 168 'goes', gwe&ha
do. 165 ' beseems', side by side with gwada B.P. 1256 ' denies', oeda
impv. do. 1285 'stay', llettya do. 1254 'lodges', ogana ib. 'satirizes',
a gylchyna M.A. i 3196 ' surrounds ', a boena IL.A. 147, kerdda do. 165,
ker8a do. 167, gweSa B.P. 1272. In the last examples simple -a has
become a 3rd sg. ending.
322 ACCIDENCE 173
(3) It is added to nearly all denominative stems which represent
a noun or adj. without a suffix; thus hwyba IL.A. 148 (: hwy8, chwy&
' a swelling '), a ge(i)thiwa ib. (: keithiw ' captive '), argyweSa do. 166
(: argyweS 'harm'), saetha B.P. 1272 'shoots' (: saeth 'arrow'),
amcana 1285 (: amcan 'design'), gwarchaea ib. (: gwarchae 'forti-
fication'), dilyssa ib. dilyssa 1254 (: dilys 'certain'), llaessa 1254
(: llaes ' slack '), sura B.M. 123 (: sur ' sour'), a gospa IL.A. 30 (: cosp
' punishment '), gwassannaetha do. 28 (: gwasanaeth ' service '), kyfvyr-
golla do. 35 (: cyfr-goll 156 i (9)), breinia M.A. i 3i8a (: braint
' privilege'), yssiya ib. (: ysig ' crushed '), diwedda do. 3186 (: diwedd
'end'), cynnydda 319^ (: cynnydd 'increase'), mynycha 3196
(: mynych ' frequent '), Iwydda ib. (: llwydd ' prosperity '), a gocha
B.B.B. 146 (: coch 'red '), kyflea B.P. 1286 (: cyf-le ' situation'), metha
1253 (: meth 'failure').
(4) It is also added to some stems not obviously denominative ;
thus cerddaf'T walk, go' has 3rd sg. cerSa in Ml. W., see examples
above, and in Mn. W., see Diar. iii 28, vi 3, but a ger8 B.T. 15 ; so
sathra IL.A. 147 'tramples', but sathyr B.B.B. 144; damuna IL.A. 148
' wishes ' (the noun is damunet ' wish '), traetha B.B. 8 ' relates ' (noun
traethawd ' treatise ' < Lat. tractat-us).
(5) It is added to stems in -i- mostly denominatives; as tykya
W.M. 14, Mn. W. tycia ' avails ' (: twg ' success ' < *tu-k-, Vteua- ' in-
crease ') used only in the 3rd pers., 196 v, llywya B.P. 1 285 ' governs ',
Mn. W. llywia 'steers' (: llyw ' rudder'), hwylia M.A. i 3180, Mn. W.
hwylia ' sails, governs ' (: hwyl ' sail ', cf. Lat. gubemdre ' steer,
govern '), cilia do. 3196 ' recedes ' (: cil ' back '), rhodia Ps. i i (: rhawd
' course ' < *rot-, L-grade of Vret- ' run '), Mn. W. preswylia ' resides '
Ml. W. presswyla IL.A. 169 (: presswyl ' residence '), distrywia (: distryw
' destruction '). But some i-stems do not take it : daliaf, deil (not
dalia), ceisiaf ' I seek ', cais (not ceisid), peidiaf ' I cease ', paid (not
peidia), meiddiaf, beiddiaf ' I dare ', maidd, baidd, ' dares '.
(6) It is added to denom. stems in -ych-; as gwledycha IL.A. 169,
M.A. i 3i8a ' governs ' ' ,fflammycha do. 3186 ' flames ', except whennych
B.M. 123, chwenJ(n)ych IL.A. 73 ' desires ' (: chwant ' desire').
(7) Lastly, it is added redundantly to -ha- itself, as mwynhaa M.A.
13176, Mn. W. mwynha 'enjoys', kyt-lawenhaa IL.A. 72, Mn. W.
llawenha 'rejoices', dynessaa B.B.B. 148, Mn. W. nesha 'approaches',
arwySockaa do. 144, Mn. W. ai-wyftoca 'signifies', Mn. W. glanha
' cleans ', edifarha ' repents ', etc., etc.
(8) A few verbs have two forms, one with and one without -(h)a ;
as plycca impv. B.M. 97 ' fold ', plyc B.T. 18 ' bends ' (pfygaf ' I bend ',
plyg 'fold'); tybia D.I.D. TB. 98, tyb T.A. r. 16 'imagines' (tybiaf
' I imagine ', tyb ' thought, fancy ') ; a dwylla Jer. ix 5, a dwyll IL.A.
147 'deceives' (twyllaf ' I deceive ', twyll ' deceit '); gweiny&a B.P.
1254 ' serves ', gweiny8 do. 1238 ; barn iv 2, barna Ps. cxxxv 14.
vi. (i) Sg. 3. -id, used where there was no preverb, is found in
Ml. W., and survived in proverbs, and rarely in verse ; like the fut.
-(h)awd it became -(h)id; thus O.W. prinii (without -h-) ox. 226
173 VERBS 323
' buys ' ; Ml. "VV. ottid B.B. 89 ' falls ' (of snow), meccid do. 90
* nourishes'; Trenghit golut, ny threingk molut B.B. 1082 'wealth
perishes, fame perishes not ' ; Tyfld maban, ny thyf i gadachan ' an
infant grows, its swaddling cloth does not grow'; Dirmycid merch . . .
wr ni welo G.Gr. p 77/194 ' a woman despises a man whom she does
not see '.
-yd occurs in e-yt (rh. with byt 'world') B.P. 1055 'goes'. It
seems to be confused with -id in megyt, meckyt B.P. 1029 'nourishes ',
gwlychyt do. 1032 ' wets '.
(2) An ending -(h)awd of the 3rd sg. occurs in Early Ml. "W. with
a future meaning : bithaud ( = byShawd) B.B. 7 ' will be ', reddavd
(dd ft for dh) do. 58 'will run', dirchavaud do. 61 'will arise',
pardhaud do. 100, parahawt B.T. 23 ' will continue', gyrhawt B.T. 13
' will drive '. These forms were survivals, and appear sometimes to be
misused as passives under the influence of the -t impersonals : cluttaud
B.B. 10 ' will be brought', briuhaud do. 58 'will be broken'.
(3) There are traces of a 3rd sg. in -y8, as ny wneyS gwir ny ein
ymro B.P. 1055 ' he who does not do justice will not be suffered [lit.
contained] in a country ' ; kyn noc y daw rwng y Swylaw y
gwesgeryS do. 1049 ' [it is] before it comes between his hands that
he scatters it '. This is quite distinct from -yd above, and comes, as
seen, after relatives.
There is no sufficient ground for the assumption, Arch. Camb. 1873
150, of a 3rd sg. -haw; for chaff aw B.B. 8 = chaff af ist sg., see ii
above, gwnaw SK. 126 is an error for gwnaho B.T. 16 1. 2 ; a wna6
B.T. 30 1. 1 8 is prob. a sc. error for wnaa6t ; the other examples are
from untrustworthy texts.
(4) In the dialects an ending -iff, in Gwynedd -ith, is in common
use. D. 85 regards it as falsely deduced from caiff, " Vt Cerffipro Car,
Perijf])YQ Pair . . . Quse nunquam sine indignatione audio." (As -$fis
not a syllable in caiff the suggested deduction is improbable.)
vii. Beside the usual -wn of the ist pi., we seem to have a ist pi.
pres. -en once in the O.W. cet iben juv. SK. ' we drink together '.
viii. The affection of the stem vowel in the 2nd pi. cerwch shows
that -wen must be for -ywch 26 vi (5). A trace of this form
occurs in chedywch HJ.A. 157 'ye keep' dissim. for *chedwywch', the
usual form is cedwch for cedwwch : cadwaf ' I keep '.
ix. (i) Corresponding to the 3rd sg. in -hawt, a 3rd pi. in -hawnt
occurs rarely in the earlier periods : cuinhaunt JUV. gl. defleb(unt),
gwnahawnt B.T. 13 ' they will make '.
(2) In O.W. a 3rd pi. pres. -int occurs, as limnint juv. gl. tondent,
scamnhegint juv. gl. levant, nertheint Juv. gl. armant. Some examples
occur in the early poetry : diwrissint kedwyr . . . mi nyd aw B.B. 108
' warriors hasten ... I go not ' ; vyS . . . pan 8yorf(y8)yn B.T. 1 3 ' will
be when they conquer ', discynnyn ib. ' they will descend '.
x. <&& The final -t of the 3rd pi. of this and of every other tense is
often dropped in poetry, even in Early Ml. W., 106 iii (2) : tirran
( = tyrran) B.B. 2 ' they muster ', dygan ib. ' they bring ', darparan
324 ACCIDENCE 174
do. 5 ' they prepare ', vidan ( = vy8ari) ib. ' they will be ' ; other tenses :
deutJum do, 2 ' they came ', wnaethan do. 4 ' they did ', darvuan do. 6
1 they perished ', cuitin ( = cwy8yn) do. 95 ' they fell '. The -t is lost
in the spoken language.
xi. (i) Beside the impers. in -ir, a form in -(h)awr, corresponding
to the 3rd sg. in -hawt, occurs in Early Ml. W. ; as talhaur B.B. 31
' there will be payment \ffohaivr B.T. 16 ' there will be flight ', dialawr
ib. ' there will be vengeance', dyrehawr do. 33 ' will be mustered',
agoratvr W.M. 456 ' will be opened ' ; Dygyn yw aSaw a garawr K.B.
1062 ' it is hard to promise what is loved ' ; Heul yn lonawr ny mat
welawr, M(a}wrth a Whefrawr ae dialawr K.B. 970 ' Sun in January
is not good to be seen, [in] March and February there will be retribu-
tion for it '.
(2) The ending -(h)er has a fut. ind. meaning in Early Ml. W., as
mock guelher y niuer B.B. 2 ' soon will the host be seen ' ; nytTi atter
ti y mywn W.M. 457 ' thou shalt not be admitted '.
(3) In the early poetry an impersonal in -itor, -etor, -ator, -otor
occurs : Jcenhittor kirrn B.B. 52 ' horns will be sounded ', canhator B.T.
75 ' will be sung ', megittor B.B. 62 ' will be brought about ', rewinetor
B.T. 68 'will be ruined ', traethatlor, molhatordo. 23, brithottor B.B. 33
' are variegated '. Forms in -etawr also occur : dygetavyr~&.i. 10 ' will
be brought', galwettawr do. 41 'will be called' ; in these the ending
has come under the influence of -hawr,
174. Imperf. Ind. i. The 2nd sg. ending in Ml. W. is -ud, as
dianghut K.P. 1037 ' thou wouldst escape'. In Early Mn. W. this
remains, as wyddud, atebud rhyming with mud in D.G. 460; but
-uddi became -it ti 111 ii, 77 ix ; hence Late Mn. W. carit. The
-i- not being original does not affect the -a- ; cent is an artificial
form : "secunda sing, fit etiam sine mutatione vocalis^ & fortasse rectius,
Carit " D. 89. In the dialects the vowel of the 2nd pi. is introduced,
as caret ; and this debased form occurs in recent writings.
ii. In the early poetiy a 3rd sg. -i is found, affecting -a- in the
stem (as well as the usual -ei, not affecting); thus efgelwi^.A.. 22 'he
called ', eflleBi ib. ' he slew ' (beside pan elei ib. ' when he went '), ny
cheri do. 26 ' he loved not' (beside ef caret ib. ' he loved '), ei8uni do.
1 6 ' he desired ', klywi ib. ' he heard ', a iceli B.B. 45 ' whom he saw '.
For the 3rd sg. in -iad see 191 ii (3).
iii. (i) The vowel of the pi. endings is -e-, which regularly becomes
-y- before -nt, 65 iii (i). The introduction of the -y- into the ist and
2nd as in hoff'ym Gr.H. G. 98 (for hoffeni) is rare, and doubtless arti-
ficial. On the other hand the -y- of the 3rd has tended to be replaced
by the -e- of the ist and 2nd since the isth cent., e.g. nis terfynen
L.G.C. 244 ' they would not end him ' (usually L.C.C. has -yn(t) : a
berynt 186, a'm ceryn' 206). In Late Mn. W. the re-formed -ent
became the usual ending, though -ynt remained in use in poetry, e.g.
E.F. 36,287, 316.
(2) In Ml. W. a re-formed 3rd pi. -eint, with the vowel of the 3rd
175 VERBS 325
eg., occurs ; as y wawt a ganeint JL.A. 95 ' the song which they sang ',
a oeiteint . . . a syrthyeint do. 97 'which came, [tears] which fell',
achubeint W.M. 466 'they seized'. It is sometimes found in Early
Mn. verse: anrhegaint D.G. 24 'they presented', oedaint, fyddaint,
rhedaint do. 25 ; occasionally later: rhedeint B.CW. 23.
175. A or. and PI up. Ind. i. The 3rd sg. aor. has a number of
endings :
(1) Ml. "W. -awS, Mn. W. -odd, is common in Ml. W., and almost
supplanted all other endings in the Late Mn. period. Ml. W. examples :
ker8au8 W.M. 9 'walked' (beside a gerbwys do. 8), cymhettau8 do. 17
'incited', wharyawB do. 163 ' played ', parawS ib. 'caused' see (4),
gofynnaw8 do. 164 'asked', diskynnawS do. 422 'descended',
rwymawS ib. ' bound ', frwynglymawS ib. ' fastened by the reins ',
dechreuawB K.B.B. 117 'began', dewissawS do. 319 'chose'. -08
already appears in Late Ml. W. : parhaoB, arvero8, Ila8o8 C.M. 92
' lasted, used, killed ', bratho8 do. 93 ' stabbed '.
(2) -as, in cavas B.B. 66, W.M. 10 'got', gwelas B.B. 101, W.M. 13
' saw '. It survived as the regular ending in these two verbs in Ml. W. ;
in Early Ml. W. other verbs take it, bradas, twyllas B.B. 81 ' betrayed,
deceived', erects G. M.A. i 196 'created', gallas B.V. do. 372 'could'.
In cafas it survived in Early Mn. W. :
Pwy mewn gaeaf a gafas
Fis Mai yn dwyn lifrai las? D.G. 265; cf. 116.
' Who in winter [ever] found a May-month wearing green livery ? '
(3) -es is added to stems having -o- or -oe- ; as dicones JITV. SK.
'wrought', rotes (< = 8) B.B. 42, ro8es W.M. 9 'gave', torres W.M. 94
'broke', arhoes do. 47 'waited \ffoes K.M. 152 'fled', ymhoeles B.B.B.
199 'returned'. It is common in Mu. W., more especially in the
earlier period : ffoes D.G. 61, siomes G.G1. c. i 196 'deceived', cottes
I.T. F. 43 'lost', codes do. 45 'rose', rhoddes Phil, ii 9 'gave', torres
Gr.O. 41 ' broke '. It survives in the spoken lang. in contracted forms
rhoes, trees. Contrary to analogy it replaced -as in gwelas in Late Ml.
and Early Mn. W., as gweles R.B.B. 130, D.G. 279, T.A. o. 235.
(4) -is is added to stems having -a- (which it affects to --), or -aw-
( > -ew-) : treghis B.B. 2 1 ' perished ', cedws do. 43 ' kept ', erchis IL.A. 2
'bade', dienghis W.M. 56 'escaped', peris do. 57 'caused', ettellis
(l-l, vb. ataliaf) B.B.B. 174 'withheld', cynliellis (l-l, vb. cynhaliaf)
do. 257 'held', edewis K.M. 169 'left', e8ewis K.B.B. 171 'promised'.
Also dechreuis W.M. 27, K.M. 17 ' began ' (beside dechreuwys W.M. 413,
R.M. 267). It is occasionally met with in Early Mn. W., as gadewis
D.G. 61.
Ni ivn a fAm yn iavm fis
Heb hiraeth, hi a'i peris. I.D. 20.
' I do not know that I have been well for a month without longing,
[it is] she that caused it.'
(5) -wys is perhaps the commonest ending in Ml.W. \pechuis B.B. 41
326 ACCIDENCE 175
* sinned ', guiscvis do. 43 'wore', treulwya W.M. 9 'spent', cyrchwys
ib. ' made for ', mebylywys do. 10 ' thought ', diffygi/wys do. 1 2 ' failed ',
trigywys B.M. 92 'resided', gallwys do. 108 'could', mynnwys K.B.B.
200 'desired'. It was simplified early to -ws 78 i (2), as bendigus
B.B. 36 ' blessed ',ffruincluymus(re&di -clymus) do. 93 ; cerSws p 14/6 B.
(mid- 1 3th cent.) 'walked', claftws P 14/14 K. 'buried', kemerrws
p 29/31 R. 'took'. The form -wys disappeared, but -ws is sometimes
met with in Mn. lit. W., and became the usual ending in parts of S. W.
Hadlyd liw hudol o dlws,
Hudolion ai hadeilws. D.G. 447.
' Perished colour enchantingly beautiful, it is enchanters that built it.'
(6) -t in -aorists, see iii (i).
ii. (i) The above are strictly stem-forming suffixes, with no personal
ending, added to the pres. stem. The i st sg. has -as affected to -eis ;
the 2nd sg. has the same with added -t ; the pi. has a similar suffix,
which takes three forms, to which the personal endings -am, -awch,
-ant are added. The forms of the suffix are Ml. W. -ass-, -yss- and
-8S-, Mn. "W. -as-, -s-.
(2) -ass- and -yss- are not sharply distinguished : thus dywedassam
B.M. 44 = dywedyssam W.M. 61 'we mentioned', collassam B.M. 52 =
colly ssam W.M. 72 'we have lost', cilyassant, torrassant B.M. 36 =
cylyssant, torryssant W.M. 52 ' they retreated, they broke '. Both forms
occur throughout the Ml. period, -ass- encroaching in later MSS. as the
examples show. Later -yss- disappeared, and in Late Mn. W. -as- alone
is used.
(3) -s(s)- is used after -I- and -r- and after the diphthongs -aw-,
-yw-, -eu- : gwelsom W.M. 50, B.M. 35 'we saw', cymersant W.M. 169
(= cymerassant B.M. 235) 'they took', adcorssant B.B. 46 'they re-
turned', ymadawssam H.M. ii 292, IL.A. 148 'we left', clywssont
W.M. 33 'they heard', dechreussant do. 41, 72 'they began', beside
dechreuyssant 44. In Mn. W. it is regularly found in gwelsom, and
always after -aw- as gwrandawsom ; sometimes in other cases, as
talsom, cymersom. In the dialects the -s- form became general.
(4) Beside the usual -aw, -awch, -ant in Ml. W., -orti and -ont are
often found, and are specially frequent in the W.M. ; -och is very rare :
doethoch W.M. 161 (= doethawch B.M. 228) 'ye came '. In Mn. lit. W.
-om, -och, -ant are the usual endings. In the spoken lang. mostly
-on, -och, on.
(5) In the old poetry there are traces of the 3rd sg. ending -id, as
in the pres. 1 73 vi (i ), as delyessit leuan . . . vab Duw . . . yn dwfyr
echwyS B.P. 1184' John held the Son of God in the water of baptism '
(the context shows that it is not impers. plup.), prinessit (re&dprynessit)
ib. ; also -yd, as keressyt B.P. 1168, pregethyssit (/kyt) B.T. 54.
iii. (i) A 3rd sg. ending -t added to the pres. stem is found in some
verbs, as cant B.A. i, W.M. 120, B.M. 196 'sang' (not cdnt as wrongly
assumed by some recent copyists), gwant B.M. 81, W.M. in' pierced' ;
*-er-t- regularly becomes -yrth 65 iii (2), hence dijjvrth, kymirth B.B. 40
175 VERBS 327
' saved, took ', with a-affection differth K.B.B. 213, kymerth W.M. 9, see
181 vii(i).
(2) These 3rd sg. aor. forms had come to be regarded in Kelt, as
aor. stems, and other persons were formed from them, 181 vii (i) ;
thus keint B.T. 33 'I sang', keintum w. i8a 'I sang'', ceuutost B.B.
21 'thou hast sung' ; gweint M.A. i ip4a 'I charged' (in battle).
iv. (i) The impersonal, like the 3rd sg., has various endings. Verbs
which take -as, -es, -is, -wys in the 3rd sg. have -ad, -ed, -id, -wyd
respectively in the impersonal.
(2) -ad in caffat B.M. 141 'was had', cahat W.M. 40, K.M. 27 'was
had', contracted cat E.B.B. 396, Mn. W. cad D.G. 189, etc. 'was had',
see 188 i (6), and in gwelat W.M. 51, K.M. 36 'were (was) seen '. In
the old poetry it is seen in other verbs, as artuad (t = 8) B.B. 23 ' was
blackened ' se-suinad ib. ' was conjured (1) ' (redupl. perf. ?)
(3) -ed, after -o-, -oe- : anvonet W.M. 84 'were sent', collet do. 472
'was lost', dodet do. 32 'was put', roSet do. 33 'was given' Mn. W.
rhodded F.N. 28, poened c.c. n, hoeliedf 49/546, etc.
It is also found in ganet W.M. 28, Mn. W. ganed ' was born': and
in Early Mn. W. gweled D.E. ID 163/119 'was seen' for Ml. gwelat,
like gweles for gwelas i (3) ; Ml. W. faved M.A. i 373, llaSed do. 220.
(4) -id, after -a-, -aw- : y delit . . . acy carcharwyt K.B.B. 338 'was
caught and imprisoned', edewit W.M. 58 'were left', e8ewit K.M. 162
' was promised '. Only the context, as seen in the first example, shows
that this is not the imperf., which ends in -id in all verbs. In Mn. W.
-id aor. gave place to -wyd to avoid the ambiguity : daliwyd ' was
caught ', gada(w)wyd ' was left '.
(5) -wyd, as in magwyt W.M. 33 ' was reared ', gollyngwyt, ryShawyt
do. 25 'was released, was set free', cyweirwyt do. 26 'was prepared',
treulwyt ib. ' was spent ', gomme&wyt ib. ' was refused ', etc., etc. This
is the usual ending in Mn. W., and has superseded the others except
in a few forms like ganed ' was born ', rhoed ' was put ', etc. Reduced
to -wt 78 i (2), whence dial, cawd 188 i (6).
(6) The *-t- of this suffix came without an intervening vowel after
some roots ending in -d-, early enough to give "W". -s for the group -dt-
87 ii. Thus lias W.M. 89 'was killed', also in Early Mn. W. and
later, beside lla&wyt H.D. P 67/277^; klas D.E. j 17/478 K. 'was
buried', usually claSwyt W.M. 89 ; gwys D.G. 236 'is known'.
Ef a'm lias i a'm nasiwn
Yr awr y lias yr iarll hwn. G.G1., c. i 193.
' I was slain and my nation the hour that this earl was slain.'
(7) Some verbs take -pwyd, which is generally added to the perf.
or aor. stem; thus aeihpwyt W.M. 59 'there was a going', deuthpwyt
do. 141 or doethpwyt do. 96 'there was a coming', gwnaethpwyt do. 32
' was done '. In these three verbs the form persisted and is the standard
Mn. form, as used e. g. in the Bible ; but in Recent W., dial, and quasi-
dial. forms aed, deuwyd (dial, dowd), gwnaed are also found.
Other examples are ducjnvyt W.M. 28 'were brought' (perf. st. dug-
328 ACCIDENCE 176
194 iii), gorucpwyt W.M. 452 'was done', clywspwyt R.B.B. 178 'was
heard', dechrewpwyt s.G. 291, canpwyt 182 iv (4).
It is added to the present stem in dalpwyt R.B.B. 388 ' was caught ',
kynnicpwyt do. 398 'was offered ', gatpwyt do. 399 'was left ', dywetpwyt
w.M. 52 beside dywespwyt do. 189 'was said'.
v. (i) The pluperfect is formed by adding the personal endings of
the imperfect to the aorist stem.
The impers. -it and 3rd pi. -ynt affect -aw- in the penult, thus
adewssynt B.B.B. 180 ' they had left ', edewssit B.M. 288 ' had been left '.
But -ass- usually remains unaffected : buassynt W.M. 89 (beside buessynt
IL.A. 19) 'they had been ', anvonassit K.B.B. 306 ' had been sent ', myn-
nassit B.M. 13 = mynyssit W.M. 20 'had been desired', collassynt
R.M. 42 = colly ssynt W.M. 60. D.G. 279 has dygesynt (if weles before
ilis the correct reading ; if welas, it would be dygasynC) for tebygesynt ;
the plup. of this verb is often syncopated, tygasvm etc. D. 134.
(2) Some verbs have a plup. formed by adding oe8wn, oe8ui etc. to
the aor. stem : cawssoeSwn etc. 188 i (7), roessoeS 186 iii, as well as
athoed etc. 193 vi (5).
(3) An impers. of the plup. formed by adding -adoe8, -ydoe8 to the
pres. stem occurs in some verbs : ganadoeS 197 'had been born',
a8awadoe8 G.c. 122 ' had been promised ', managadoeS M.A. ii 103 'had
been mentioned', magadoet, defnytadoet (t = 8) do. i 254.
176. Pres. and Impf. Subj. i. (i) The subj. stem is formed
by a suffix -h- which is added to the pres. ind. stem and hardens
a media to a tenuis; thus nottwyf W.M. 479 : nodaf ib. 'I specify'.
After vowels and sonants the -h- disappears because it follows the
accent 48 ii, but it is often written in Early Ml. W. as gionaho
B.T. 1 6, gunelhont B.B. 60.
In Early Mn. W. the teuuis generally remained, and survived later
in a few expressions as gato in na ato Duw ' God forbid ' : gadaf
T permit'. But from the i6th cent, the ind. stem has mostly been
used, and the media restored, as in Dyn a godo Duw'n geidwad S.T.
G.B. [375] 'A man whom God raises as a saviour '.
(2) Some verbs have special subj. stems, as el- : of 'I go', etc.
193 vii; b- : wyf 'I am' 189 ; Early Ml. W. ditch, gwares 183
iii(i).
ii. The ending of the 3rd sg. pres. is -o : talo W.M. 9 (: talaf ' I pay '),
adnappo do. 36 (adwaen 191), dycco do. 465 (: dygaf'J. bear'). This
is a simplification of -oe, which survives in creddoe (dd = tt < dJi) B.B. 53
(: credaf ' I believe '), see 78 i (i). The form -wy is a variant of -oe
183 ii (i), and the former not uncommonly occurs in Early Ml. W..
as gwelhvy B.B. 74 'may see', achupvy do. 75 (:achubaf'I seize'),
noltvy do. 76 (: nodaf ' I specify '), guledichuy do. 59 ' may rule ',
canhwi do. 48 ' may sing '.
iii. (i) The ist sg. ends in -wyf: cattwyj W.M. 125 for *catwwyf
(: cadwaf ' I keep '), ymgaffwyf a ib. ' I may meet ', etc. This is the
usual form in Ml. and Mn. W. The occurrence of -of is compara-
177 VERBS 329
lively rare : gwiscofvf.yi. 97 (= gwisgwyfuM. 71), cysgofs.u. ii 137,
gofynnof&o. 260. This is probably a re-formation from the 3rd sg.
(2) The 3rd pi. ending is -ont; rarely in Ml. W. -wyzit, as in
elwynt B.A. 2, 3 (: af ' I go '), and -cent, as pan venoent A.L. 122' when
they desire '. All are prob. formed from the 3rd sg.
(3) The ist and 2nd pi. end in -om, -och : diwyccom, digonhom
B.B. 30, crettoch B.M. 131.
(4) The impers. ends in -er; but there are examples of a form in
-wyr : rothwyr B.T. i for the usual r o8er ' may be given '.
iv. The 2nd sg. ending is -ych : ro8ych W.M. 4 ' thou givest ' (mayest
give), gwypych do. 14 ' thou knowest', gellych do. 151 (: gallaf ( I can').
In Late W. a dialectal form -ech sometimes occurs, 16 iv (2) (/3), as
lletteuech Kuth i 16, gwedd'iech Matt, vi 6, poenech Marc v 7. In the
present dialects the subj. is seldom used except in the 3rd sg. and pi. ;
and some recent writers have used -ot for the 2nd sg. Even -ost has
been written ; in "Wms.'s verse Marchog, lesu the last line Tyrd am
hynny maes o law 849 appears in recent hymnbooks as Pan y byddost
ti gerllaw. gellyt ZE. 512 is a misreading of gellych B.M. 220.
v. The impf. subj. is formed by adding the personal endings of the
impf. to the subj. stem ; thus (subj.) bet dywettut ti . . . (ind.) minheu
a Sywedwn W.M. 1 1 8-9 ' if thou wouldst say ... I would say '. In
Late W., owing to the levelling of the subj. with the ind. stem, the
distinction between the moods is not preserved in the impf., except in
af, gwnaf, dof, wyf, which have special subj. stems ; see i (2) above.
177. Pres. Impv. i. (i) The 2nd sg. is the bare stem of the
pres. ind. It differs from the 3rd sg. pres. ind. in never having its
vowel affected ; thus deil ' he holds ', dal ' hold ! ' tau ' is silent ', taw
1 be silent ! ' pair Zech. x i ' causes ', j)dr Ps. xxv 4 ' cause ! '
(2) Verbs which have -a in the 3rd sg. pres. ind. take it also in the
2nd sg. impv. : kerSa W.M. 83, B.M. 60, llunnya W.M. 25, E.M. 16, etc.,
see 173 v.
ii. (i) The 3rd sg. ends in -ed: kymeret W.M. 30, B.M. 19 'let hex-
take ', aet un W.M. 13, B.M. 9 ' let one go ', gadawed, dychweled Es. Iv 7.
(2) A 3rd sg. in -id added to the subj. stem is also met with : elhid
B.B. 101 (: a/'Igo'), rothid do. 93 'may he give', gwrthleBit Duw
IL.A. 26 'may God ward off', Trowyr ( = try-wyr), getid Duw'r ietuif
G.G1. M 146/185 'three men, God spare the youngest', gettid Mair
D.N. o. 154, Telid Duw iddynt M.K. [viii] ' let God repay them '.
iii. The 3rd pi. ending is -ent : diskynnent W.M. 22 'let them
descend', katwent A.L. i 138 'let them keep', traethent JL.A. 159 ' let
them speak ', deuent (rh. with stent) L.G.C. 66 ' let them come '. This
is obviously formed from the 3rd sg. in -ed (since orig. -ent would
have become -ynt). There is also a 3i'd pi. bint IL.A. 81 'let them be '
formed from bid. In the Bible a 3rd pi. in -ant is used : gwybyddant
Ps. lix 13 'let them know', dychwelant do. 14 'let them return'.
This is a late re-formation following the analogy of the ist and 2nd
pi. which are taken over from the pres. ind. , In spite of the use of
330 ACCIDENCE 178
this form in the Bible, the older form persisted in the late period :
Angylion doent . . . Rhoent eu coronau Wms. 320 ' Let angels come,
let them put their crowns.'
iv. The ist and 2nd pi. have taken the forms of the pres. ind.; but
an earlier ist pi. in -em occurs rarely, 184 ii (i).
ORIGINS OF THE WELSH VERB.
The Aryan Verb.
178. i. In order to trace the development of the Welsh verb,
some account, though it be in the briefest outline, must be given of
the Ar. verbal system. For a fuller, but still concise and most instruc-
tive description, see Meillet, Intr. 2 pp. 165-219.
ii. Stem form. Two kinds of stem may be distinguished. Thematic
forms were those ending in the thematic vowel -e- : -o- ; it was -o- in
the ist sg. and ist and 3rd pi., and -e- in the 2nd and 3rd sg. and
and pi. Athematic forms were those ending in a consonant or long
vowel.
iii. Personal endings. (i) The Ar. verb had personal endings
for each of the three persons of the sg., dual and pi. These were
either primary or secondary ; and the primary endings differed to
some extent for thematic and athematic stems. There were special
endings for the perfect.
In the following list I omit the dual ; and as the thematic vowel
cannot be separated from the ending in some primary forms, I insert
the vowel before the ending throughout, separating it by a hyphen,
where possible, from the personal ending proper : all the persons of
thematic stems are thus put on the same level.
(2) Active voice.
Primary. Thematic : sg. i. -o, 2. -eis, 3. -eit ; pi. i. -o-me8i,-o~inosi ,
-o-mes, -o-mos, 2. -e-the, 3. -o-nti.
Athematic : sg. i. -mi, 2. -si, 3. -Ii; pi. i. -mesi, -most, -mes, -mos,
2. -the, 3. after a consonant -enti, -nti, after a vowel -nti.
Secondary. Thematic: sg. i. -o-m, 2. -e-s, 3. -e-t; pi. i. -o-me,
-o-mo, 2. -e-te, 3. -o-nt.
Athematic: sg. i. after a vowel -m, after a cons, -m, 2. -8, 3. -t\
pi. i. -me, -mo, 2. -te, 3. after cons, -ent, -nt, after vow. -nt.
(3) Middle voice (medio-passive) ; ist and 2nd pi. omitted.
Primary. Thematic: sg. i. -o-mai, -oi, 2. -e-sai, 3. -e-tai, pi. 3.
-o-ntai.
Athematic : sg. i. -mat, 2. -sai, 3. -tai, pi. 3. -ntai.
Secondary. Thematic : sg. 2.-es-o, s.-e-to, pl.^.-o-nto. Athematic :
sg. 2. -so, -ths, 3. -to, pi. 3. -nto.
(4) Perfect. The following endings only need be mentioned.
Active: sg. i. -a, 3. -e.
179 VERBS 331
(5) The characteristic of the primary endings is final -i. The
difference in the sg. between primary thematic and athematic forms
may have arisen by phonetic change in the parent language ; thus we
should expect themat. sg. 2. -esi, but (though Skr. has bhdr-ast) the
Ar. form seems to have been -eis ; possibly by metath. and compensatory
lengthening, but this is quite uncertain.
iv. Mood and Tense Stems. (i) The present stem was rarely
the simple root. In most cases it was either the reduplicated root,
the root with thematic vowel, the root with stem-forming suffix, or
the root with the infix -n- or -ne-.
The present stem with primary endings formed the pres. ind. ; as
*di-do-mi (Gk. Si'So^i) ' I give ', Vdo- ; *bher-o-nti (Gk. Dor. <e'povri)
'they bear', Vbher-.
The present stem with secondary endings, and with the augment
before it, formed a past, as *e blwr-o-m (Gk. Ic^epov) ' I bore '. This
augmented past is called imperfect, because it is imperfect in meaning
in Gk. In Skr. it is merely a past.
(2) The stem of the s-aorist was formed with -s- (athematic) ; of
the future with -e- or -se- (thematic) ; of the optative with -w- etc. ;
these formations are noticed below.
(3) The simple root with or without the thematic vowel formed
aorist stems as follows, all the endings being secondary: firstly,
R-grade of V + them. vowel, as *e liq^-o-m (> Gk. lAnrov), Vleiq*-;
this may be called the thematic aorist ; secondly, F-grade of V (at
least in sg.), athematic, as *e bheid-m ( > Skr. dbhedam), Vbheid- 'split';
this is called the root-aorist.
v. The Augment was a separable accented preverb denoting past
time. It was lost entirely except in Gk., Armenian and Indo-Iranian.
The augment is always followed by forms with secondary endings.
These forms were also used without the augment ; they are then called
injunctive; thus Skr. Ved. bhdrat 'bore', Gk. Horn. <f>epc 'bore'<
Ar. *bhere-t beside impf. dbharat, <epe < *e bhere-t. Injunctive forms
are either past or pres. in meaning ; the augment makes them definitely
past.
The Wehh Verb.
179. Pres. Ind. i. In Ar. the verb was unaccented when it
followed a preverb such as a negative particle, or a preposition later
compounded with it. This was undoubtedly the rule in Kelt, (despite
deviations in Ir.), as it was in Italic. In the pres. ind. in Kelt, in
the 3rd sg. the accented verb had the primary ending, that is, the
regular present ending, but the unaccented verb had the secondary
suffix, that is, the injunctive form. Thus the W. proverb Trenghit
gdnt, ny threingk molut 173vi(i) represents Kelt. *trav>ld-ti uo...,
ne ttranfa-t mo... It has been suggested that this reflects the
original use of the Ar. primary and secondary endings ; and it
332 ACCIDENCE 179
certainly accords with the fact that the augment, an accented preverb,
is always followed by forms with secondary endings.
ii. The Ar. athematic stems, excepting those of a few common verbs,
ended mostly in the long vowels -a-, -e- t -5-. As medial -o- became
-a-, and -e- became -I- in Kelt., these characteristics were reduced to
two, -a- and -i-. The vowel had F-grade in the sg., R-grade in the
pi., as in Gk. IO-T^/AI < *si-sthd-mi, pi. 2. urrare < *sl-8th9-the. The
Kelt, forms of the ist sg. pres. were therefore *-a-mi, *-l-mi. As the
form was mostly unaccented, and unaccented -a- > Brit, -a- 74, the
prevailing Brit, forms were *-a-me, *-l-me. These give the W. -of,
~if, the latter comparatively rare, 173 ii, and now obsolete.
Examples: (i) Ar. *di-do-mi 'I give' > Kelt. *(p)ro (di-)dd-nii >
Brit. *rd-da-me > W. rho&af I give '; (2) Ar. *dhi-dhe-mi 'I put '
> Kelt. *(p}i"o (di-)dl-mi > Brit. *ro-dl-me, which would give W.
*rhoSif ' I put '. But the latter ending was rare, and was supplanted
by -af, the result being, in this case, that two verbs became one :
rhoSaf I give, I put '. The reduplicating syllable was probably lost
by haplology. Only the vowel of the syllable dropped in dodaf
1 1 give, I put ' < *do-tame or *do-time < *do d(i)-ddmi or *d<>
dh(i)-dhemi : Gk. 8i8<ap.i or riO-r^u., Usually dodaf is ' I put ' ; for dod
' give' see Ps. Ixxii i, Gr.O. 87.
iii. (i) The accented forms of the 3rd sg. *-a-ti, *-i-ti give the W.
strong forms -awd, -id. These are used at the head of the sentence,
like accented verbs in Skr. The introduction of -h- before the ending
in Ml. W., where not etymological as in trenghit (ngh < &), is
analogical, and partly artificial. The second form tended to oust the
first in this case, as seen in O.W. primt ' buys ' for *prinaut < Brit.
*2)rina-ti : Ir. cren(a)id; see 201 i (4). The -id form with the
initial of the affixed pron. fo, thus *-id-f, gave *-it-ff and then -iff,
the dial, ending, by loss of the t as in the 2nd pi., see vii. The West
Gwyn. -ith has recent th foi'ff.
Ml. W. -yd in eyt, 173 vi (i), is from *-etl < *-e-tai the middle
3rd sg. ending : Gk. <e/>Tcu; see 193 x (i).
(2) But the usual form of the 3rd sg. in W. is the stem without or
with vowel affection ; this comes from the unaccented injuuctive
form ; thus cdr loves < Brit. *kara-t ; rhydd ' puts ' < Brit. *ro-dl-t.
The latter, being more distinctive, spread ; thus rhydd ' gives ' instead
of *rhodd < *ro-da-t.
iv. (i) The Ar. thematic endings *-o, *-cia, *-eit would become *-u,
*-ls, *-lt in Kelt. ; and these in W. would all drop after affecting the
vowel. The ist and 2nd sg. so formed were lost because they were
not distinctive ; but prob. the 3rd sg. added to the number of affected
stems forming the W. 3rd sg.
(2) The thematic iujunctive ending -et of unaccented verbs dropped
without affecting the vowel; thus Ar. inj. *bher-e-t 'bears' gives
Kelt. *kfan beret > W. cymer ' takes ', and Kelt. *dti beret > W. adfer
'restores', etc. It is found not only in compound, but in simple
verbs, as eel ' conceals ' < *kelet, rhed ' runs ' < *retet, etc., because
179 VERBS 333
the unaccented was, as in the case of athematic stems, the commoner
form ; e. g. ni chel grudd gystudd colon prov. ' the cheek does not hide
the sorrow of the heart '.
(3) There is no *-ed, since the them. prim, ending was -eit, not *-eti
179 iii (5). The strong form of the above verbs is taken over from
the -1- conjugation ; as rhedid car gan anwaered prov. ' a car will run
down hill '. (So Ir. berid for *beri, with anal, -c?.)
v. The W. 3rd pi. -ant is from Kelt, -anti < Ar. *-9-nti which was
common to the -a- and -I- conjugations ; see ii above. There is no
trace of the thematic *-o-nti, because -ont came to be associated with
other tenses. The O.W. -int, Ml. W. -ynt, may represent the athem.
*-enti or the middle *-ontai, more probably the latter ; -(h}awnt is
certainly formed after -(K)awt.
vi. The 2nd sg. -y8 (which is the oldest form of the ending -y, later
-i) seems to come from accented forms of iteratives in -eie, or denomina-
tives and deverbatives in r -ie- the commonest stem-suffix in the Ar.
languages. In Kelt, from *karo-s ' dear ' the ie-denom. would be
*kare-iu, *kar6-iis, *kare-ilt ; all these would give W. keryS. But
the ist and 3rd sg. had more distinctive endings, and -y8 survived
in the 2nd only, though there are traces of it in the 3rd, see 173 vi
(3). The latter occur in relative sentences, where the verb was prob.
accented, as in Skr. The accented 2nd sg. is frequently used, and
answered by accented na and the unacc. i st sg.
vii. The ist and 2nd pi. in W. are re-formations, and it is useless to
attempt to derive them from Kelt, forms. The Kelt. 2nd pi. was,
them. *-e-te, athem, *-a-te. The former would give W. *-ed (Ml,
Bret, -et) ; to this was added the initial of the affixed pron. chwi, thus
*caret-c7i' > *carewch by loss of t, cf. iii (i) ; at this stage a ist pi.
*caren was formed on the analogy of the 2nd pi., with the initial of
the aff. pron. ni ' we ' ; this form is attested in O.W. iben, and survives
to this day in West Gwyn. in caran beside carwn ' we love ' (Gwyn.
-an = -en). As the 2nd pi. clashed with the impf. it was re-formed
with the vowels of the 2nd sg. thus *cerywch > cerwch 'ye love' ;
subsequently the vowel of this ending intruded into the ist pi., giving
carwn ' we love '. A statement in the 2nd pers. is always answered
in the ist, hence the influence of the forms on one another in the less
used pi.
viii. (i) In Pr. Ar. an ending *-r- formed impersonals. It survived
only in Indo-lranian and Italo-Keltic. In Skr. it takes the form -uh
(before a vowel -ur) in the active, and -re, -ire in the middle ; -uh
represents *-r or *-*, Meillet Intr. 2 203. These endings in Skr. form
the 3rd pi. ; this is natural enough when one considers that there is
only a shade of distinction in meaning between the impers. dywedir
' on dit ' and the 3rd pi. dywedant ' they say '.
(2) In Italo-Kelt. it was used in two ways ; first, it might be added
to the tense-stem, as Umbrian subj. ferar ' on portera ', pres. ind. ier
' on va ', Oscan subj. sakrafir (with ultiuinam for object) ' cysegrer '.
Secondly it was added to the 3rd sg. or pi. middle, and then extended
334 ACCIDENCE 179
to other persons in depouent verbs in Ir., and depoueut or passive in
Lat., as Lat. itur, Osc. vincter ' vincitur ', Umbr. emanlur ( emantur '.
On the impersonal use of the Lat. passive see Ernout MSL. xv
273-333-
(3) In Kelt, the ending may be taken to have been *-re (also *-ro 1).
The Brit, shorter forms of the -a-, -1-, and thematic conjugations in
the pres. were *-a-re, *-i-re and *-e-re respectively. These give the
W. pres. impers. -awr, -ir and -er. The second survives to this day,
see ix (2), and is in common colloquial use. The first was used in
Early Ml. W., and the third occurs also, but was obsolescent owing to
its clashing with the subj. form. The -h- sometimes seen before -awr
and -er is an intrusion from the subj.
(4) Longer forms, with *-re added to the 3rd sg. middle secondary
endings would be *-a-to-re, *-l-to-re and *-e-to-re. These give the W.
-ator or -otor, -itor and -etor. The dental should be ~d-, which occurs
in dygedawr B.T. 75 ; the -t- is partly due to the intrusion of subj. -h-,
partly a mistranscription of O.W. -t-, as these forms were obsolete at
the dates of our MSS. Since the above was written an O.W. example
has come to light in cephitor CP., with one -t- as in retec ib., Ml. W.
redec.
ix. (i) The reason why the Welsh pres. has always had a fut. meaning
is that it contains beside the pres. the Ar. -e- future, generally called
subjunctive. This tense is formed by adding the thematic vowel e/o
to the pres. stem. In the case of thematic stems the effect was to
lengthen the thematic vowel throughout. In the sg. this would make
no difference (Gk. subj. <f>tpw. ind. </>po> ; the subj. <f>fpy<i is a re-forma-
tion ; orig. *bhereis would give *<episas in the iud.). In long- vowel
stems the added thematic vowel simply converted them to thematic
stems, as Gk. subj. StSw beside ind. StSw/xi ; this introduces no new
element. The 3rd pi. fut. *-onti (Gk. Dor. <f>epd>vri) would have its
vowel shoiiened 74 iv, and so would not differ from the pres.
(2) In the impers. the fut. form for thematic stems would be *-e-re
>Kelt. *-l-re, beside the pres. *-e-re. All thematic stems therefore
would have a fut. in -ir beside the pres. in -er. This shows why -ir
became the prevailing pres. -fut. form.
(3) In consonantal athematic verbs the distinction between pres.
and fut. is much clearer ; thus the pres. stem *es- ' be ' has fut. stem
*ese- ; the former gives the Ar. pres. *es-mi, *es-(s)i, *es-ti ( > Skr.
dsmi, dsi, dsti); the latter gives the Ar. fut. i. *es-o (> Lat. ero),
2. *8-eis, 3. *es-eit, injunctive *es-et ( > Skr. asat, Lat. erit).
The W. pres. is a mixture of pres. and fut. forms. The Kelt. fut.
*esu, *eis, *eslt would give *oe for the three persons ; of this a trace
survives in OC-/B.B. 50 ' I am'. The pres. sg. 2. *ese (< Ar. *esi) and
3. inj. *eset would give *wy, whence sg. i. wy-f, 2. wy-t, 3. *wy rnetath.
to yw 78 iv; in pi-eu 'whose is?' it is weakened to -eu, 78 iii,
192. The Ar. 3rd sg. pres. *esti survives in W. ys, which has become
impersonal. The W. 3rd pi. ynt (for *hynt) comes from Ar. 3rd pi.
pres. *s-enti (*s- is V-grade of Ves-). The W. ist pi. ym (Ir. ammi)
180 VERBS 335
implies a Kelt. ** earnest, a confusion of pres. *smesi and fut. *esomesi.
The W. 2nd pi. ych is, as usual, a new form made to match.
As bySqfis used for the fut., wyfhas lost its fut. meaning except in
certain idioms, as yr wyfyno yfory ' I shall be there to-morrow '.
180. The Imperfect i. As above intimated, 171 ii (2), the
W. impf. comes from the Ar. optative. This was formed by means of
a suffix *-iie-, *-ie- with secondary endings.
ii. (i) In athematic verbs the suffix *-ie- was F-grade and accented
in the sg. ; the preceding vowel had R- or V-grade ; thus 3rd sg. Gk,
Ti0ei7/ < *dhi-dhe-iet (ei R le of ei), Skr. dadhyat < *dhe-dh-iet, the Skr.
preserving the original accentuation.
(2) In Kelt, the e became I, so that the forms would be *-a-nt,
*-e-nt ; these were levelled as *-i-ipt in Brit, and this gives -ai, 75 iv,
v (2) ; thus Kelt. *kara-nt > W. carat ' would love '. This form would
also result from the ist and and sg. forms *-a-iem, *-a-ies; hence the
endings for those persons were selected from thematic verbs.
(3) The consonant stem *es- 'be' gave Ar. *s-(T)ie-t, which gives
Skr. siyat or syat, O. Lat. siet ; in Kelt, it would be *sint. Coming
generally after a preverb, or after its complement, it was unaccented ;
and ^siilt gives regularly W. (h)oeS 'would be, was' 75 iv (2); the
h- is seen in yttoe8< *yd-hoe8< *ita siiit 'there would be' 219 ii.
The whole tense oe8wn etc. was built from the 3rd sg.
iii. (i) In thematic verbs the suffix ~ie- had its V-grade -t-, which
formed a diphthong with the thematic vowel, which was always -o- ;
thus the optative of *bhero ' I bear ' was sg. i . *bheroi-m > Skr.
bhdreyam (for *bharayam). In Kelt, it would be *beroi-m > Brit.
*beroi-an(n) > W. *cy-merwy-n > cym&rwn. The only possible ex-
planation of -vm is that it is for *-wyn, see 78i(2); on *oi > wy
75 ii (2); on the retention of -n 113 i (i).
(2) The W. 2nd sg. -ud comes regularly from the 2nd sg. middle
*-oi-thes. The ending *-tkes (: Skr. -thdh) is represented in the -the-r
of Ir. deponents ; and -ud spread from deponent to all verbs in W.
because it was distinctive.
iv. (i) In athematic verbs, in the middle voice where the ending
was syllabic, the sun , became R-grade *-ta- ; this coming before the
accent remains as -ia- ; thus in the deponent verb gwnn ' I know ' the
3rd sg. impf. is gwySiad for *gwSiad regularly representing the 3rd
sg. opt. mid. *uid-v3-t6.
(2) In long- vowel stems the reduced stem-ending and suffix would
thus be *9-i ; by 63 vii (5) this should give *ii > -i-, which is the
usual form (though other reductions are possible), as in Skr. da-dl-td
< *de-dl-to, Vdo-. Thus the 3rd sg. opt. mid. of Kelt. *kara-mi
would be *kar-l-t6, which gives regularly W. cerid, the impers. of the
imperf. ind. This middle was undoubtedly a passive in Kelt., and
was assimilated in its use to the impers. pres. in -r after the -r form
for this tense, namely *-tr, had gone out of use owing to its clashing
with the pres.
336 ACCIDENCE 181
(3) The 3rd sg. mid. of thematic stems ended in *-oito. We should
therefore expect -ud beside -id for the impers. in W. A trace of this
actually occurs in ac y haruetud etc. B.B. 20, which should be *ac yth
arwe&ud etc. ' and thou wert borne ', etc., where the scribe mistook
the impers. for the 2nd sg., which makes no sense if it is active, and
we can hardly assume the 2nd sg. to have retained a passive sense.
v. (i) In the ist and 2nd pi. of athematic stems the Ar. form was
*-ia- : *-i-. We can probably assume for Kelt. *kdr(a)-i9-me ; the m
was doubled on the analogy of the aor. ; and post-tonic *ia >ie>e in
W., 65 vi (i) ; hence W. carem. Similarly 2nd pi. * 'caret + chw- >
karewch, carech.
(2) The 3rd pi. ending was *-ient (for *-ieni). The form *-a-ient
gives W. -i 75 v (i); as tri ugeint canhur a sevi B.T. 55 ' 6000 men
stood ' ; hence the rare " 3rd sg." -. The 3rd pi. -ynt seems to be
a middle form < *-ento < *-i-nto (or *-into < *-l-nto), which spread
because it had the 3rd pi. sign -nt.
vi. (i) The impf. subj. is the optative of the s-aorist, cf. Lat.
vlderimus < *ueid-is-l-m-. Thus Kelt. *kara-siiit > Ml. W. karhei.
(2) The plup. is an optative formed from the new Kelt. s-aorist.
Thus Brit. *karassint > carassai.
The plup. is held to be a Brit, innovation. Strachan's examples of
the impf. subj. being replaced by the plup. in later texts, quoted in
B.B. 157, prove nothing as to the antiquity of the plup. ; its existence
in Bret, shows that it goes back at least to Brit., so that the evidence
of Ml. texts is irrelevant. We also find the plup. in early texts where
we should expect to find the impf. subj. as ri-udssud B.B. 20. The
fact is that the two aorists were not very sharply distinguished.
181. The Aorist. i. The Welsh aorist comes from a Keltic re-
formation of the -s- aorist. The orig. Ar. formation seems to have
been (i) L-grade of V + -s- (in Kelt. R-grade in the pi.), or (2) F-grade
of V + -is-. The endings are secondary.
ii. (i) With long-vowel stems the suffix is -s- ; thus Skr. d-pra-sam
< *e pU-s-m, Vpele- ' fill ', Gk. f<f>i\i)-a-a (intervocalic -a- restored
from cons, stems -\j/a, etc.). Thus Kelt. *kdra-s-m ' I loved '. Bearing
in mind that st > ss and that sm > mm the whole Kelt, tense may
be restored thus: sg. i. *kdrasm, 2. *kdrass, 3. *kdrass, pi. i. *kd-
rammo, 2. *kdrasse, 3. *kdrasnt.
(2) This tense was wholly reconstituted in Kelt., with stem sg.
*kdrdss-, pi. *kdrass-. The ist and 2nd sg. were made anew with
thematic endings; thus i. *kdrdssu, 2. *kdra88is (inj. -es). The ist
pi. became *kdras8ammo instead of *kdrammo ; then followed 2.
*kdrassate instead of *kdrasse. Unaccented a was shortened in Brit,
and Ir. and these formations gave regularly Ir. sg. i. ro-charus (2.
ro-charais), pi. i. ro-charsam, 2. ro-charsaid, and W. sg. i. kereis, 2.
kereis+t, pi. I. karassam, 2. *karassat + chw- > karassawch. The
ending of the 3rd pi. was made primary ; thus *kdra88anti > Ir. carsait,
W. karassant. As a variant the thematic vowel was brought into the
181 VERBS 337
pi. also ; thus Brit. *kdrass-o-mmos, *kdrass-o-nli giving W. karassom,
karassont ; from these followed carasoch.
iii. To the 3rd sg. two things happened, (i) It remained un-
changed; thus *kdrdss>W. *kar, which was extended to karawS to
distinguish it from the pres. ; for -aw8 see 182 iii. The Ir. ro-char
implies *karass with short a from the pi.
(2) It was re-formed with the thematic vowel, following the istand
2nd sg. ; thus *kdrdsset ; or with -a- from the pi. as *kdrassat. Either
of these would give W. *karas (caf-as 175 i (2)). The first gives
Ir. carats.
iv. The treatment of -I- stems was precisely similar. The
stem-ending in the sg. was *-iss-; this survives in the W. 3rd sg.
peris. In the ist and 2nd ?g. it was replaced by -els of -a- stems;
but in Gwyn. dial, -is survives in these persons also. In the pi. the
stem-ending was -ass-, as for -a- stems, the -a- representing 9, the
R-grade of the -e- from which the -I- is derived.
v. (i) Consonant stems formed the aoristwith *-is-, cf. Lat. vid-is-
tis, which developed similarly, and gives W. -yss- in eisteSyssant, etc.
In the 3rd sg. it appears in W. as -es from *-iss-at. In the ist and
2nd sg. it was replaced by -eis.
(2) The *-iss- suffix seems to have intruded into the thematic con-
jugation ; thus Brit. *kom bere-iss-at > W. kymerwys, kymerws.
vi. The impersonal forms -ad, -id, -ed, -wyd seem to have been
formed on the analogy of the impf. impersonal, with the vowels of the
3rd sg. aor.
vii. (i) The root-aorist, 178 iv (3), was treated similarly in Kelt.
Thus for the root *qan- 'sing' the orig. Kelt, root-aor. would be sg. i.
*kan-m, 2. *kan-s, 3. *kan-t. The 3rd sg. became the stem, and the
new tense formed from it was sg. i. *kantu, 2. *kantls, 3. *kantet or
*kaniat. These forms gave W. sg. i. keint, 2. *keint, 3. kant. To the
ist and 2nd sg. the perfect endings -um, -ost, 182 iv ( i), were added,
175 iii (2). gwant 'wounded' from gwanaf< *gwonaf: Ir. gonim,
Vg^hen-, is probably formed on the analogy of cant. The root *bher-
has this aor., which survives only in the 3rd sg. in W. ; thus W.
kymyrth < *kom bertet or kymerth < *kom bertat, 175 iii (i).
(2) Other examples that survived are from roots ending in gutturals:
dyrreith B.T. 54 'returned' < *do-(p)ro-rek-t-et, Vreg- : W. dyre
'come!' 193 x (8); maeth B.T. 74 1. i ' nursed ' <.*makt-<.*mdk-t-,
J mak- : magaf 'I nourish'. The root *uereg- 'work* had sg. i.
*urek-t-u, 3. *urek-t-et giving W. gwrith, gwreith ; the former occurs
in ef gwrith B.T. 26 (1 3rd s<r.) ; the latter seems to occur in gwnaeth
[read gw(r)eith] gwynnyeith gwreith e law B.A. 2 lit. ' work of
vengeance wrought his hand ' ; but this verb (ywnaf) being in the pres.
conjugated like /, this tense was assimilated to the perf. of of, and
became sg. i. gwneuthum. 3. gwnaeth. The quotation shows that
scribes changed old gwreith to gwnaeth, the wrong gwreith, viz. the
noun, being changed here. In Bret, the old form survived: Ml.
Bret. sg. 3. grez.
1402 Z
338 ACCIDENCE 182
182. The Perfect. i. In Pr. Ar. the vowel-grade of the root
was F in the ist sg., and L in the 3rd sg., as Skr. cakdra ' I made'
< *qeqora, cakara ' he made ' < *qeqore. Ml. W. kigleu f I have heard,
he has heard ', Ir. ro-chuala, ro-chualae. The W. form implies the
ist sg. Jcu-Hou-a : Skr. Su-srdva; for the long u of the reduplicator
cf. Skr. tu-tava, Vteu- 'be strong '. See 194 v (4).
ii. (i) The following old perfects are 3rd sg. only, and show
L-rade of the root : Vuereg- ' work ' gave *e-wre>gre>Brit. *uo-urage
>M1. W. guoreu, goreu 'did' (u lost hy dissim., ay > eu 71 iii);
Vret- 'run' gives gwa-red-af ' I succour'; perf. sg. 3. *re-rot-e>
Brit. *uo-(re)rale > Ml. W. gwarawt 'succoured'; </uet/d- 'say'
gives dy-wed-af I say ' ; perf. sg. 3. Brit. *do-uat-e or *do-uat-e >M1.
W. d'/wawt or dywat, dywot ' said ' (unacc. a shortened 74 ; wa : wo
34 iv).
(2) Vdeuk- had R-grade *duk- in the Brit, pres., giving W. dyg-af
(: Lat. duco < O. Lat. douco, F-grade); perf. sg. i. *du-douk-a >
W. *dy-Suc, 3. *du-douke>W. dy-Swc B.T. 4, 52. The tense was
re-formed with the perf. endings -um, -ost iv (i), 194 iii (2). The
verb amygaf ' I defend ' has similarly a 3rd sg. perf. amuc 194 iv (2).
iii. In verbs like eisteSaf ' I sit ', gorwebaf ' I lie ', arwe&af I carry ',
go(r)8iwe8af ' I overtake', etc., the form of the above perf. is seen in
go8iwaw8 W.M. 42 'overtook'; this being re-formed as gor8iwe&aw8
K.M. 29 (so eiste8aw8 W.M. 188, etc.), the -aw8 seemed to be a 3rd sg. past
ending ; and was added to suffixless aorists like *kar 181 iii (i)
giving karawS, Mn. W. carodd ' loved '.
iv. (i) Deponent verbs in Brit, had periphrastic perfects formed
like those of Lat. deponents. Thus Vag- : perf. sg. i. *aktos esmi>
*aktoimmi>aethum, euthum ; 2. *aktos (e)si >*aktossi > *aethos + t
= aethost ; 3. *aktos 'st > *aktosst > aeth ' went '. From these forms
ist and 2nd sg. endings -um, -ost were deduced, and added to other
formations, such as the root-aor. keint and the perf. due. This perf.
itself was completed in the pi. by the addition of the aor. endings -am,
-awch, -ant.
(2) The Ml. plup. is sg. 3. athoe8 for *aethoe8, which represents
*akto(s) siilt. The diphthong ae was simplified prob. by dissim. with
the diphthong oe. The second perf. athwyf etc. seems to be a new
creation formed on the analogy of the plup.
(3) The impers. lias ' was slain ' is an example of this formation.
It is not a root-aor. as it has R-grade of Vqoldd-. It is probably a
perf. passive ; thus *slad-tos (e)st > *slass-osst> lias ' was slain'. This
passive has a pi. Uesseint B.B. 63 ' were slain ' which seems to be re-
formed like impfs. in -ynt 174 iii (2), for *llessynt < *slassl senti ;
UeBessynt B.A. 9 * were slain ' seems to be another re-formate.
(4) The impers. of the above perf. is formed by adding the impers.
*bwyt of the verb 'to be' to the stem ; thus aeth-pwyt, etc. This
was extended to root-aorists, as *kant-pwyt > kanpwyt, perfects, as
duc-pwyt, and presents ; 175 iii (7). The form *bwyt does not occur
elsewhere ; prob. the whole formation is new.
183, 184 VERBS 339
183. Pres. Subjunct. i. The pres. subj. represents the Ar. fut.
with suffix -se- (fut. in -e- of -8- aor.), which gives Italic subj. also
: Lat. faxit. The W. forms are chiefly those of the -a- conjugation.
The accent in the sg. seems to have been on the a. In the B.B. it seems
sometimes to be a mere fut., e.g. vvnahont 61 11. 14-15.
ii. (i) Stem *kara-se- gives sg. i. *karaso >*karasu >*karan>
W. *karwy; -/was added to distinguish it from the 3rd sg. ; the 3rd
sg. *kara-sit > karwy, and the unacc. injunct. *kamset, the usual form
> *karoe > karo, 75 i (2), (3), 78 i (i) ; pi. i. *kara-so-mos, with m
doubled after the aorist pattern, gave kar-horn ; pi. 3. *kara-sonti gave
kar-hont.
(2) Impers. *kara-se-re > kar-her 75 i (2). The form rothwyr
1 76 iii (4) is most probably made from the 3rd sg. rothwy,
(3) According to the above the -h- belongs to the pi. and impers.
only; in the sg., therefore, it is an intrusion. In Ml. Bret, it is not
usual in the sg. but occurs regularly in the pi.
iii. (i) In consonant stems the -s- came immediately after the
cons. ; few examples survive because the conjugation had become
vocalic in the indie. Vuereg- ' work ' ; pres. ind. *urag-at> "W. gwna
' does ', subj. *urek-se-t > gunech L.L. 1 20 ' may do ', ny ofyn y neb a
tvnech B.T. 64 ' he asks no one what he may do ' ; Vdeuk- : pres. ind.
*duk-at>~W. dwg 'brings ', subj. *deu,k-se-t>duch~B,K. 40, later duwch
B.T. 28; Vret- : subj. *uo-ret-se-t > gwares 194 ii. The vowel of
the root is seen to be F-grade in this tense.
(2) Corresponding to the 3rd sg. gwnech the 2nd sg. *urek-sis would
give *gwnych ; this being re-formed as *gww-ych and gwnel'ych, the
latter form would naturally spread to el-ychand del-ych ; and as these
are three of the commonest verbs in the language, the ending -ych
might spread from them to all verbs, as being the only distinctive form
of the 2nd eg. pres. subj.
184. The Imperative. i. The 2nd sg. has always represented
the bare pres. stem. Thus W. cdr ' love thou ' < Kelt. *kara ; W. kymer
' t&ke'<*kom bere<Ar. *bhere : Gk. <f>epe,
ii. (i) For the other persons the optative seems to have been once
in use: ystyryem B.T. 33 'let us consider'. The 3rd sg. foims are
difficult. In Ir. the endings are -at, -et ; the lost vowel cannot be the
-5 of Lat. -to, or the -u of Skr. -tu (Thurneysen Gr. 351); it must be -o
or -a. The forms are the same in Ir. for active and deponent verbs ;
this suggests that the ending was the middle secondary *-to. In Ir.
also the forms are the same as those of the impf. ; the mid. forms of
the 3rd sg. opt. *-iv-to, *~l-to (W. gwy8iad, cerid) would give -ed, -id if
in the former the accent were shifted to the stem. The 3rd pi. may
have been *-ynt (Corn, -yns beside -ens), the form in the impf. ; but
it was re-formed with the vowel of -ed, rarely of -id as in bint 1 89
ii (5).
(2) The ist and 2nd pi. took the forms of the pres. ind. early; and
in the late period the 3rd followed.
340
ACCIDENCE
185
CONTRACTED FORMS.
185. i. (i) Verbs whose stems end in -o- or -a- (mostly
from Brit, -off- or -od- and -ag-) have many contracted forms,
more especially in the Mn. language. The following tables
show all the possible contractions ; the accent is marked in
each case, and the accented vowels which are long in the present
pronunciation are so marked, all others being short. Forms
that are never contracted are distinguished by a hyphen, as
parhe-ais. Any other form may occur uncontracted ; thus tro-af
as well as trof occurs in Mn. W.
Exx. trof for tro-af ' I turn ' (paratoffor parato-af ' I prepare ') ;
parhaf for parha-af ' I continue ' (glankaf for glanha-af ' I
clean ').
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
sg. pi.
1. trof I. trdwn
2. tr6i 2. trdwch
3. try 3. front
(3. jjarato-a)
Impers. tr6ir
sg. pi.
1. parhaf I. parkdwn
2. parhei a. parhewck
3. pdra, pery 3. parhant
(3. glanha)
Impers. parheir
Imperfect Tense.
J. frown i. troem I. parhdwn
2. trout a. troech 2. par/taut
3. troi 3. troent 3. parhai
Impers. troid
1. parhaem
2. parhaech
3. pdrhaent
Impers. parheid
I. ?$* i. troesom
a. ^zW a. troesoch
3. r<W, ^ro^ 3. troesant, -ont
Impers. tro-wyd^ troed
Aorist Tense.
I. parhe-ais
I. parhdsom
2. parhe-aist 2. parhdsock
3. parha-odd 3. parJtdsant,-ont
Impers. parJia-wyd
i. trdeswn, etc.
Pluperfect Tense.
j I. parhdswn, etc.
185 VERBS 341
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
I.
a.
3-
sg.
tro-wyf i .
troech a.
tro 3.
Impers.
pi,
trom
troch
tront
trio-er
i.
a.
3-
sg ;
parha-wyf
parhe-ych
parha-o
Impers
I. parha-om
a. parha-ock
3. parhd-ont
. parha-er
IMPERATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
I.
a.
(2.
3-
I.
tro a.
parato-a)
troed 3.
Impers.
trown
trdwch
troent
a.
(a
3-
para
glanha)
parhded
Impers
I. parhdwn
a. parhewch
3. parhdent
. parha-er
VERBAL NOUNS.
fr^' (parat6i\ para, parhdu (glankdu)
VEKBAL ADJECTIVES.
tro-edig, tro-ddwy, tro
(2) It is doubtful whether -er occurs contracted ; the 3rd sg. impv.
in -ed is mostly uncontracted.
(3) The contracted forms -oi, -at of the 3rd sg. impf. are often
pronounced and written -oe, -ae, see 52 iii (3).
(4) The aor. stem -oes- is generally misspelt -ois- in Recent W. ;
thus troesom Es. liii 6, paratoesant i Bren. xviii 26 (so in 1620)
appear as troisom and parottoisant ! in recent bibles.
(5) On the 3rd sg. pres. para, pery see 173 v (i).
ii. Stems ending in w-dipb.tb.ongs have contracted forms
when the endings -wn or -wch follow; thus tdwn for tdw-wn
4 let us be silent ', tewch for tew-wch ' be ye silent ' ; gwrandewck
for gwrandew-wck ' listen ye ' ; cl'f/wn for cljw-icn ' we hear ',
clj/wch (re-formed cltjwck} for clj/w-wck ' ye hear ' .or ' hear ye '.
iii. Other vowels and diphthongs are not contracted ; e. g.
gweddi-ir ' there will be prayer ', cde-ent (cdy-ent) ' let them
shut ', lei-id ' fault was found ', dile^er ' may be deleted ',
cynorthwy-ynt ' they assisted '. But for -a-odd in the 3rd sg. aor.
342 ACCIDENCE 186
we sometimes find -add in the Late Mn. period, e. g. ca&liddd
E.P. 222 for cashaodd, gwellhadcl c.c. 338 ; cf. cadd 188 i (6).
186. i. The full form rhoddaf ' I give, put ', v.n. rhoddi,
survives throughout as a literary form in Mn. W. ; but in the
living language the -8- had already disappeared in the Ml.
period, and the verb is also conjugated like tro-af, trof, in Ml.
and Mn. W. ; as roet (i syll.) E.P. 1317 ' was given ', roy A.L. i 6
'to give'; see 110 iv (2) and 33 iii (i). In the 3rd sg.
pres. ind. rfiydd the -b survives in the spoken lang. (and is
sometimes wrongly transferred to try) ; but r'hy is used commonly
in lit. W. as Duw a ry gwymp i'r drwg wr H.A. r. 10 ' God will
give the evil man a fall'. For rhy however, the compound
dy-ry is often found ; and dy-ro for the and sg. pres. impv. rho ;
by assim. of y, dyro became doro W.M. 53, 478, which is the form
used in Gwynedd. The bards use forms with and without -8-
indifferently :
Rhoddi gwin yn rhwydd a gaid,
Rhannu a rhoi i weiniaid. D.I.D., G. 179.
' There was a generous giving away of wine, a distributing and giving
to the weak.'
ii. In the subj. mood, we have ro-ho A.L. i 6, contracted to
ro W.M. 23 ; and *rob-tio giving rhoddo (roto, -t- = -8-, B.B. 29),
or rhotho by the comparatively rare change of bh to th (=/)
111 iii (2).
A ro gam i wraig o I&l,
Fo ry Duw rai a'i dial. L. Mon, A 31059/78.
' Whoever deals injustice to a woman of Yale, God will provide those
who will avenge her.'
Maer Rhuthun im a'i rhotho. T.A., A 14976/169.
' May the Mayor of Ruthin give it [the bow] to me.'
iii. Beside the aor. ist and 2nd sg. robeis, robeist (roteist,
-t- = -b-, B.B. 30), a perfect was formed for these persons by
adding -um, -ost to the aor. stem roes- ; see 182 iv (i) ; thus
roessum W.M. 63, IL.A. 124 'I have given '. There is also a plup.
3rd sg. roessoeb, 3rd pi. roessoebynt ; this survived in Early
Mn. W. but seems to be used as a perf. :
187,188 VERBS 343
Llaw Rys nid llai a roesoeS. H.D., p 99/482.
' The hand of Rhys has given no less.' Other Late ML forms are
roSassoeS, rossoeS, Cymmrodor ix 77. Gwent rysoeddyd H.G. 30.
iv. On the origin of rhoddaf, see 1 79 ii.
187. i. arhoaf W.M. 17 'I wait', contr. arhof, is conjugated
like tro-af, trqf, except that the v.n. is arhos W.M. 17, Mn. W.
aros; thus Mn. W. ind. pres. sg. I. arhof, 2. arkoi, 3. ery\
pi. I. ar/iown, 2. arJiowch, 3. arhont\ impv. sg. 2. dro 'stay I'
Ml. W. arho W.M. 17, aro do. 125 ; etc.
A gwaew hir gwae a'i hry. I.H.S. 26.
' Woe to him who awaits him with a long spear.'
Neidia goruwch hen adwy
I'r maes, ac nac aro mwy. D.G. 30.
' Jump over an old gap into the field, and stay no longer.'
Nid arhon* hwy draean hyn. I.F., M. 148/721.
' They will not remain one third of this [time].'
ii. The above conjugation persisted well into the Late Mn.
period, e.g. arhoent B.CW. 23, arhowch do. 102; but in the late
i5th cent, a new formation sprang up in which the v.n. aros
is substituted for the stem aro-, giving arkosaf, etc. The earliest
examples I have noted are in I.F.
Od ymddengys Rhys arhosaf. I.F., M 148/301.
' If Rhys appears, T will stay.' So Arhoswch farn, rhoesoch fedd
I.F. P 83/33, pan arhoser do. P 100/79.
iii. The only possible original of the -s of aros is either -d-t- or-s-t-
(the v.n. suffix being *--). The latter would imply -os- for the orig.
stem ; but where -*- came between vowels in Brit., the vowel before
it was either lost, or contracted with the following vowel in Brit.
itself, so that we could not have arho-af. We must therefore assume
that -8- has disappeared in this word as in rho-qf (the 8 of rho&af
being more or less artificial); hence arho-af for *ar-ho8-af< *ari-
sod-, Vsed- ' sit ' ; and aros < *ari-soss- < *p a ri-sod-tu- ' sit before ' ;
63ii, 110iv(2).
188. i. (i) caffaf 'I shall get' has stem kaff-, kah- or /ta-
in Ml. W., and ca- in Mn. W. with -ff- in 3rd sg. pres. ind. and
in subj. ; and is conjugated regularly, except in the aor. The
forms that occur are as follows.
344 ACCIDENCE 188
(2) Indie, pres. : Ml. W. kaffaf W.M. 459, cahaf H.M. ii 126, caf
W.M. 3 ; keffy W.M. 3, 23, 80, etc. (spelt Jcyjfy 3, 460), kehy R.M. 120,
key do. 293, 57, 118; ceif W.M. 25, 43 = ce^* B.M. 16, 30; caffwn
W.M. 34, cawra do. 84, B.M. 61 ; ceffwch E.M. 19, cewch W.M. 29 ; caffanl
W.M. 183 ; &^ir W.M. 83, B.M. 60, keir W.M. 85, keffitor A 14869/56,
O.W. cephitor CP.
Mn. W. ca/J cez, cdi ; cet^, c<$f ; catow ; cewch ; can ; ceir, cdir,
'
(3) The impf. in Ml. W. has kaff- or ka~ in the indie. : cawn W.M.
394, R.M. 251, caffut W.M. 396, B.M. 253 ; subj. : pei caffwn W.M. 18,
R.M. 12. In Mn. W. cdwn, caut, cat, etc., and sometimes caffwn etc. in
the subj.
(4) The pres. subj. seems to have kaff- chiefly : caffwyfw.M. 454
(twice) ; keffych do. 480 (4 times); kafont, kafoent (f ' = ff) B.CH. 4,
etc.; but caho IL.A. 150, caont do. 48. Mn. W. has caff- only.
(5) Impv. The vb. implies an absolutely passive 'getting' or
' catching ' (as ' catching ' a cold), and so has never been used in the
impv. except in the 3rd pers. (or impers.), in which case the command
is not addressed to the subject, and its carrying out is independent of
his will. The forms are Mn. W. 3rd sg. caffed, caed, 3rd pi. caffent,
caent ; impers. coffer.
(6) Aorist. The Ml. W. forms (all of very frequent occurrence
except the 2nd pi.) are, sg. i. keveis, 2. keveist, 3. kavas; pi. i.
kawssom, -am, (2. kawssawch), 3. kawssant, -out ; impers. kaffat,
kahat. (The apparent contraction a geis K.M. 253 is almost certainly
a scribal error for a ge(ve)is, cf. W.M. 395.) The Mn. "W. forms are
sg. i. cefais, 2. cefaist, 3. cafas 175 i (2), later cafodd; pi. i.cawsom,
2. cawsoch, 3. cawsant. In the I4th cent, the following contracted
forms are found, sg. i. ces D.Gr. 124, G.Gr. D.G. 254 ; sg. 3. cas
D.G. 294; impers. a gat B.P. 1299, cad D.G. 189, 409, 429, 430.
Later are found ces; cest; cos and cadd D. 130, cadd M.K. [61];
impers. cafad B.Br. F. 6, cad ; coed (prob. orig. a false spelling of cad) ;
cafwyd (cdwd c.c. 271, a dial, form used in late verse 175 iv (5)).
(7) Pluperf. The forms are Ml. kawsswn, etc., Mn. cawswn, etc.,
conjugated regularly. In Ml. W. is also found a plup. formed with
-oe8 : sg. i. kawssoe8wn s.o. 278; sg. 2. cawssoeSut do. 247 ; sg. 3.
kawssoeS do. 303, cawssoeSei H.M. ii 170, cawssoe^-yat s.G. 30, -at
H.M. ii 224 ; pi. 3. kawssoebynt s.G. n. It is seen that the forms are
found in Late Ml. MSS. They are also used occasionally by Early
Mn. bards, e.g. cawsoedd L.G.C. 18.
(8) Verbal Noun. Ml. W. caffaelvrM. 12, kaffel B.M. 8, 1^1, cad
W.M. 13, B.M. 8 (once, caffu B.B. 53). Mn. W. caffael, caffel, cael^
There is no *cavael ; the form cafael W.M. 60 = kaffael B.M. 43.
Nettlau's cauad does not exist; the word is gauad (= gavael) B.M. 7,
see below.
ii. (i) gafaelaf 'I take hold ' is conjugated regularly in Ml.
and Mn. W. with the v.n. qavael as stem.
188 VERBS 345
(2) The Ml. W. inflected forms are mostly those of the compound
ym-afaelaf ; e.g. 3rd sg. pres. ind. ymeveil W.M. 70, 71 ; 3rd sg. aor.
ymavaelawS B.M. 50.
(3) The verbal noun is gavael W.M. n, B.M. 7, ymavael B.M. 142,
ymavel ib. ; Mn. W gafael, gafel, ymafael, ymafel.
(4) Other forms of the verb occur in Late Mn. W. : ymaflaf, 3rd sg.
pres. ind. ymeifl, v.n. ymaflyd ; and ymaelaf, v.n. ymaelyd ; and re-
formations from the form gafel of the v.n. occur dialectally, as gafelafetc.
iii. dyrchafaf ' I raise, lift up ' is conjugated regularly. It is
also written drycJiafaf. The form derchafaf occurs in MSS. which
use e for y\ as M.A. ii 316. The v.n. is dyrchavael W.M. 39
or dt/rckavel R.M. 271 ; in Late Mn. W. this is superseded by
dyrchafu ; v. adj. dyrchafedig ' exalted '.
The 3rd sg. pres. ind. is Ml. W. dyrcheif H.M. ii 274 or drycheif
R.B.B. 144, Mn. W. drychaif G. 138, there printed dyrchaif the usual
form. There is also in Ml. W. dyrchevid B.B. 82 ' raises'. The 2nd
sg. impv. is dyrchaf S.G. 23, L.G.C. 144, becoming dyrcha Ps. iv 6
by the loss of -/ 110 iii (5). From this a 3rd sg. pres. ind. dyrcha
came into use in Late Mn. W., e.g. Ps. xxvii 6, Gr.O. 88; which
some recent writers have improved to dyrch, with v.n. dyrchu !
U A list of the forms of the above three verbs occurring in B.M. and
part of H.M. ii is given by Max Nettlau in Cymmrodor ix 1 1 1 ff., but
is inaccurate in some details, e. g. i (8) above.
iv. The facts in i show that the stem of caff of is caff- or cah-. The
form cav- occurs in the aor. sg. only, and must have been deduced
from the pi. at the stage between cawsant and *caffsant from the orig.
caff-. In Bret, kaf- ( = kaff-} remains in forms ordinarily unvoiced,
and kav- is extended to others ; but forms like kef (= W. ceiff), beside
kav, survive to bear witness to the original stem kaf- in Bret. also.
caffael and gavael seem to contain the doublet *qap- : *ghabh-
101 iii (2). The v.n. gavael has its exact equivalent in Ir. (ath-)
gabail from *gab-ag-li- formed with suff. -U- from a compound of
*ghabh- and *ag- 203 i (4). The vb. in Ir. is gabim, and the W.
gafaelaf prob. replaces an old *gaf-af equivalent to the Ir. (Dialectal
gafafis no doubt new.)
The W. stem caff- or cah- represents *qap-s-, 96 iv (3); hence
caff 'af from the fut. *qapso, with the usual reconstruction which gives
e.g. ad-feraf from *bhero. The pres. caffaf, caf is always fut. in
meaning ; and recent writers have used a fictitious 3rd sg. ca ' gets '
because caiff means ' will get '. (The pres. sense can only be expressed
periphrastically : yr wyfyn cael 'I am getting'.) The v.n. caffael,
cael is perhaps formed on the analogy of gafael.
It may be objected that dyrchafaf ' I raise, lift up ' shows stem
*cav-. But there is no reason whatever for the supposition that this
346
ACCIDENCE
189
verb has anything to do with the others. The prefix dyr- must
represent *do-(p]ro- 156 i (13), which cannot give -ch- from k- or g-.
The root seems to be *sqabh- ' fix, hang ' : Skr. skabhnali ' fixes,
supports ', O.Bulg. skoba ' fibula, clasp ', Lith. kabu ' I hang '. *sqabh-
gives -chaf- regularly, 96 iii (4). The v.n. dyrchafael may be
a similar formation to gavael, or, as is more likely, formed like ga.da.el
and gallael on its analogy, 203 i (2).
IRREGULAR VERBS.
The Verb 'To Be'.
180. i. The following- table shows the Ml. W. forms of
the verb ' to be'. Nearly all are used in Mn. W., so that it is
unnecessary to repeat them for that period. Forms that became
obsolete in Mn. W. are marked f ; where the Mn. form or
spelling- differs it is given in ( ).
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
1. wyf, ydwyf, yttwyf
2. wyt, ydwyt, yttwyt
3. yw, ydiw, yttiw (late ydyw),
pi.
1. ym,ydym, yttym
2. ywch,ydywch (ych,ydych)
3. ynt, ydynt, yttynt
y maent, maent
f ys&ydynt
y mae, mae, oes
fyssit 'there is', ^ osait 'if
there is ', -# in os ' if it is '
Relatival form : yssyb (y sydd), syb, yssy (y sy), #y.
Impersonal : ys, ydys, yttys.
Conjunctive : y mae or mae (late mai), f panyw, (dial. taw).
Consuetudinal Present and Future.
1. bybaf, "fbybif I. bybwn
2. byby (byddi) 2. by&cch
3. byb 3. bybant
Cons, bit (bid) f bybhawnt, f bint
Fut. f bi, f byWiawt, f 5m^^
Impers. (byddys, byddir)
189
1. oefiwn, f yttoebwn
2. oeb ut (-ml, -if)
3. oeb, yttoeb (ydoedd)
VERBS
Imperfect.
347
pi.
1. oebem
2. oebewch (oeddecK)
3. oefynt, f yttoefynt
Impers. oebif (oeddid)
Consuetudinal Imperfect.
Sg. i. lybwn, etc. regular.
Perfect.
1. buum, bum (bum)
2. buost
3. 6u
1. buam, -om
2. buawch (buoch)
3. buant, buont
Impers. buwyt (-wyd)
Pluperfect.
Sg. i. buasswn (buaswn, baswn), etc. regular; pi. 3. buyssynt,
beside buassynt, -essynt 175 iv (i). Also sg. 3. f buei, etc.
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
1. bwyf, lybmyf
2. bych, byfych
3. bo, byo, bytho
P L
1. bom (born), bybom
2. ^oc/5, ly^och
3. ^ow^ (bont), bybont, bythont,
boent,
Imperfect Tense.
1. bewn (bawn), bybwn
2. beut (baud,-it),by^ut (-ud,-it]
3. bei (bai], bybei (-ai),pci (pe)
1. beym (baem), bybem
2. (baech, byddech)
(baenf), bybent
Impers. bybit (-id), bytkit (-id)
348 ACCIDENCE 189
IMPERATIVE MOOD.
*
Present.
1.
a. byb
3. bit (bid), boet (-d) t poet (-d)
1. bybwn
2. bybwck
3. bybent, bint
(bydded)
VERBAL NOUN.
lot (bod)
U For a list of Ml. forms, with references, by Dr. J. G. Evans, see
BB. 109 ff.
ii. NOTES.^-(I) Pres. ind. Forms with ytt- (yt-) appear in poetry
in Mn. W. but are comparatively rare.
Trist fu'r gler tros dy fawr glwyf,
Trist eto trosot ftvryf. G.G1., M 146/161.
' Sad have been the minstrels for thy sore sickness, sad still am I.'
The 3rd sg. ydiw was so written up to the 1 6th cent. ; and rhymes
with words in -iw, as friw/ydiw D.G. 35, cf. 119, 144, 193, etc., and
G. 186, 193, 203, 206, 235, 247, also with yw ( = iw); see 77 v.
The Late Mn. ydyw is an etymological spelling, and is read ydiw,
except by a few affected persons. The N.W. dial, form is ydi (and, in
answering questions only, ndi, a curious attempt to sound y with the
tongue in the d position). S.W. dial., in questions and answers, odi.
ydys is sounded ydys; on ys see 82 ii (i). In Mn. W. yd- and
the rare yt- come only before monosyllabic forms, and always take
the accent, -^yssydynt W.M. 457 is formed from yssit 162 vi (i).
The Late Mn. spelling mat of the conj, form seems to come from
mai * 219 vi(l) ; elsewhere the pronunciation is mae = may or ma ;
the form mai owes its adoption to the popular notion that a con-
junction ' that ' must differ from a verb ' is '. The word means, not
' that ', but ' that it is ' ; as gvon mae Dafydd a'i gumaeth ' I know that
it is D. who made it '.
(2) The consuetudinal pres. is in use in that sense in the spoken
lang. (in N.W.), but the fut. is a commoner use. The form bit (bid) is
mostly impv., see (5) ; but it is sometimes indie, even in Mn. W.,
owing doubtless to the survival of proverbs such as bid anwadal ehud
' the fool is changeable ' ; thus
Bid gwaeth gwybodau a gair
Beirdd gwedi bardd y gadair. Gu.O., M 146/450 (m. D.E.)
' The sciences and renown of bards are worse after the [death of] the
bard of the chair.' Cf. bid sicr ' it is certain, to be sure, of course '.
The forms t&t B.T. 12, ^bybhawt W.M. 456, etc. are fut. only.
189 VERBS
(3) In the impf. the consuet. ind. by8^vn is distinguished from the
subj. bewn (bavm) ; the latter is never ind., but the former is used in
the subj., SiK pei by8ut, etc. IL.A. 67; also bythit W.M. 104, cf. (4).
The form pei for *pei y, before a vowel pei yt, ' were it that ' is used
in the sense of 'if with the impf. subj. or plup. With the 3rd pers.
infixed pron. 's, it is bei ys W.M. 424, later pei ass W.M. 17. In Mn.
W., the forms are pe, ped, pe's ; also with b- : be G. 128, 238, etc.
As the subj. stem seems to have been 6- or p- the orig. form of sg.
i. 2. should be bwn, *but like 3. bei; so in the pi. The phrase pei yt
vwn, occurring as bei et-vwn W.M. 7 1 , was contracted early to pettwn
'if I were', 2. pettut, ^.pettei; pi. i. pettem, etc. Thus bettut kynn
decket ac Absalon IL.A. 67 'if thou wert as fair as A.'; pettei do. 68 ;
Mn. W. pettwn B.CW. 10 'if I were', petynt 'if they were'. But
pei bySei IL.A. 67-8, be bai H.D. p 99/494, etc., are also used.
Traces occur of an old plup. with stem bu- : sg. 3. buei B.P. 1045, bwyat
(read bu-yat) do. 1038, pi. 3. bCyn (read bu-yn) ib., buyint B.B. 96.
(4) Beside the pres. subj. proper bwyf, the form by8wyf with ind.
stem is used ; also bytho T.A. c. i 342, bythont W.M. 47, with byS + h-,
a new subj. stem. The impers. boer M.A. i 20 is doubtful ; the context
suggests sg. 3. bo. But E.P. PS. xciv 13 uses boer. 3rd pi. bwynt
B.T. 5 ; boent A.L. i 106, L.Gr.C. 240.
(5) As stated above (2), bit (bid) is usually impv. : Bit y waet ef
arnam ni S.G. 25, IL.A. 83 'His blood be upon us'; na vit ofyn
arnawch B.M. 147 'let there be no fear on you' i.e. fear not; bit
W.M. 22, B.M. 14 'let there be '. The form bint IL.A. 81 'let them be'
is formed from bid ; it is rare in Mn. W., L.G.C. 240.
iii. (i) For the origin of wyf, wyt, yw, ym, ych, ynt, see 179
* x (3)- yd~ i s t ne affirmative particle 219 ii; yttynt < *yd hynt ;
from this ytt- spread to other persons.
(2) y mae, mae occurs at the beginning of a positive statement, or
positive rel. clause ; it seems to have meant originally ' there is ' or
rel. 'where is', since mae at the beginning of a question means
' where is 1 ' Thus mae ymma Matholwch W.M. 39 ' there is here M.',
y lie ymae Abel IL.A. 1 18 ' [in] the place where Abel is ', mae y mob ?
W.M. 29 'where is the boy?' The m- of mae is never mutated; this
points to *mm (Corn, -mm-) < *sm. The y m- is prob. ym- (often so
written in Ml. W.) representing the locative in -smi of the *e-
demonstrative (nom. sg. *es 159 iv (i)), as in Umbr. loc. esme 'in
hoc ' < *esmi, Av. ahmi. Thus *esmi est, ' here is, there is ' pronounced
*esmiiest > *ymoe8 75 iv (2), whence by loss of -8 and the change
of oe to ae after a labial 78 i (i) and ii (2) we have ymae. The rel.
form similarly from *iosmi est. The interrogative form mae ' where
is ? ' appears to be a new development in W., with the y- dropped
because it seemed to be affirmative ; it prob. comes from indirect
questions in which mae is rel., as manac imi mae Arthur W.M. 123
' tell me where Arthur is '. Corn, has pyma ? as if from *q^osmi est ?
The pi. y maent ( = ymaynt) must be a new formation from y mae.
350 ACCIDENCE 189
The Bret, form is ema, ma, Corn, yma, ymma, ma, pi. ymons ; the
last form confirms the assumption of oe by preserving the o.
(3) oes occurs after nyt (nid), not (nod), the interr. part, a, and od
1 if, in each case when the subject is indefinite, nyt oes represents
*nitaisli < *n ita esti ' there is not '. The positive *esti ita ' there
is' > *estlta > yssit. Similarly ossit 'if there is' < *a 'stita 222
v (i). In Ml. W. yssit is only a survival, having been generally
replaced by y mae. As nid oes means literally ' there is not ', it is
natural that its subject should be indefinite. But early examples of
a definite subject occur : cinnit hoys ir loc guac hinnuith in pag. reg.
CP. ' though there is not that empty place in the regular page ' ; nat
oes hi W.M. 470 'that there is not [such a one as] she'; in B.M. 113
this becomes nat ydiw y vorwyn ' that the maid is not '.
(4) yssy8, syS, etc. < *estiio < *esti io 162 vi (i). ys < *esti
179 ix (3) panyw ' that it is' 222 x (2).
(5) oe8 see 75 iv (2), 180 ii (3), yttoeS 180 ii (3), q.v.
iv. (i) From Vbheud- 'be' there was an iterative derivative
*bh(u)iio which gives Ir. bmu ' I am wont to be ', Lat. fio. The three
persons of the sg. *bhui.io, *bhmieis, *bhuUeit would all give W. by&,
which was afterwards inflected by&af, by&y, by8 by analogy. In Kelt.,
Ital., Germ., there are also athematic forms of this verb ; thus there
were sg. 2. *bhul-si > Lat. fls, 3. *bhui-ti > Lat. fit, W. bid. [Lat.
fio takes its long I from these.] The Early Ml. W. fut. bi is a future
of this form, representing *bhm-seit (or *bhul-eitV). The forms
by&hawt, biawt are of course formed by adding -(h)awt to byS, bi.
(2) The opt. of *bh(u)iio, sg. i. *bh(u)iioi-m might give byBwn, but
prob. the whole tense is a later formation from byS.
(3) The perf. bu-um, etc. is obviously formed from the 3rd sg. by
the addition of the perf. endings -um, etc. 182 iv (i). The 3rd sg.
bu, Ir. boi, bai represent Kelt. *(be-)baue < Ar. *bhe-bhoue : Av.
bavava ; 76 iii (5).
(4) The pres. subj. bwy(f) represents the -se- fut. of Vbheua- ;
thus *bh(u)a-sd > bwy etc. 183 ii.
The impf. subj. sg. 3. bei < *bittt < *batit < *bh(u)9-siet. From bet
was deduced bum as in bei et-vwn ii (3) ; but later bewn, as if bei were
*be-ei \ in Mn. W. when bei had become bai, the ist sg. became bawn;
and in the late period bai itself came on the analogy of this to be
treated as bai and sometimes written bae, see 185 i (3).
The initial^- is for *b-h- with -h- from pi. forms; see 183 ii (3).
(5) The impv. sg. 2. by8 is from *bh(u)iie the crude stem of
*bh(u)iio. The 3rd sg. bid is from *b/t(u)it6 the 3rd sg. opt. mid. of
stem *bhud-; see 184 ii (i) and 180 iv (2). The 3rd sg. boed or
poed is a re-formation from the subj. stem. The pi. forms are obvious
re-formations.
(6) The v.n. bod implies Brit. *butd, which (as there is both in Ir.
also) may be a Kelt, formation beside *bhu-t-is which gives Ir. buith
: Gk. <u0-. Like other v.n.'s bvd has been made mas. ; but in
compounds it remains f., as ha-fod, eisledd-fod, preswyl-fod.
190 . VERBS 351
Compounds of the Verb ' To Be '.
190. i. (i) The verbs of the v.n.'s canfod 'to perceive',
darfod ' to waste away ; to happen ' ; gdrfod ' to overcome ' ;
hanfod 'to be from; to come', are conjugated with the 6-
forins of the verb ' to be ' ; as canffiddaf, etc. In Ml. W. canfod
appears generally with the pref. ar-.
Pres. (fut.) ind. : sg. i. gorvySaf C.M. 61, 70; 2. henbybyw.M.. 97;
3. dervyS C.M. 43, gorvit ( = gorvy8) B.B. 52; dy-8erbi K.P. 578,
dy-worpi do. 585; impers. gorvy8ir w.M. 82, B.B.B. 152, C.M. 13.
Impf. ind. sg. i. gorvy8wn W.M. 131 ; 3. hanby8ei W.M. 141.
Perf. : sg. i. Mn. canfum 191 ii (5); s.kanvuR.v. 1143, arganvu
C.M. 50, S.G. 7, darvu C.M. 59, gorvu W.M. 89 ; pi. i. darfuam B.B.
105; 3. darvuan B.B. 6; impers. arganvuwyt W.M. 49, darvuwyt
K.P. 1296. Plup. : pi. 3. gorvuassynt C.M. 68.
Pres. subj. : sg. i. hanbwyf M..A. i 3016; 2. hanpych gwell B.M. 87,
W.M. 185, S.G. i, hanbych well p 16/44, Mn. W. henffych well 'may
you come well!' i.e. welcome ! (gwell not orig. cpv. 148 i (4));
3. darffo S.G. 17, C.M. 42, 59, gorpo B.B. 17, hanffo IL.A. 131, C.M. 33 ;
pi. 3. gorffont B.B.B. 222 ; impers. gorvySer C.M. 13, gorjfer do. 22.
Impf. subj. : Bg. 3. darffei C.M. 68, 29, gorffei B.M. 163, hanphei
C.M. 55, hampei do. 58.
Irnpv. : sg. 3. derffit R.P. 1044, B.M. 155 ; dervhid B.B. 91.
V.n. arganvot W.M. 54, darvot C.M. 32, gorvot W.M. 56, hanvot do. 460 ;
v. adj. darvodedic IL.A. 86, Mn. W. darfodedig 'perishable'.
(2) In darfod two verbs have prob. merged : (a) darfod ' to
waste away, to perish ' < dar- : Gk. <J)6fip<o 98 i (4) ; (b) darfod
'to happen' < *do-dri- 156 i (13). The latter is used in the
3rd sg. only, see 196, as Beth a barvu ubunt wy? IL.A. 7 'What
happened to them? ' ; often as a so-called "auxiliary" ; asjiei na
barjfei yr dwst gyvodi C.M. 68 ' if the dust had not risen ' ; deryw
in Ml. W. is generally thus used. In Mn. W. it is replaced by
darfu ; but the pres. had a past force from the sense of ' afore-
(time) ' in the prefix. The v.n. darfod introduces noun-clauses
corresponding to direct statements with deryw, as Ml. W. wrth
ry-barvot ibaw y robi S.G. 32 ' since he had given it '.
Examples: (a) derfydd r. 27 'will perish', darfu D.G. ( 160 i (i))
' is spent ', darfySant Job iv 9 ' they perish ', ni ddarfu i Bren.
xvii 1 6 'wasted not', darvuan B.B. 6 'they perished'; (b) darffo
i Cor. xv 54, darfu'm (for darfu ym) Gr.O. 98 ' it happened to me',
i.e. I did ; y darffai n. 112; a vynno Duw derffit B.M. 155 lit. 'what
God will let it come to pass '.
352 ACCIDENCE 190
(3) canfod, gorfod and hanfod contain respectively the prefixes
cannh- 156 i (7), gor- do. i (17), and han- do. ii (3).
gorfod is chiefly used in the 3rd sg. in Mn. W., as gorfu i or
gorfu ar 'was obliged' 196 vii. For the verb the v.n. is
often used, as gorfod iddo for gorfu iddo, cf. a hebiw yn gorvot
arnam . . . ymwahanu c.M. 50 ' and to-day we must part '.
ii. (i) In addition to the above forms Ml. W. has a pres. and
impf. formed with -wyf and -oebwn. These survived in Early
Mn. W. Before -yw, -ym, -ywch, -ynt, -a- is affected to -e- ;
the -e- often intrudes into forms with -wyf, -wyt, and vice versa
-a- often occurs before -yw, etc. Thus :
Indie, pi'es. : sg. i. hanwyf W.M. 3, henwyf B.M. 2, cannwyf D.G.
200; 2. hanwyt W.M. 3, 191, henwyt B.M. 2 ; 3. cennyw R.P. 1433,
D.G. 205, deryw, derw W.M. 99, henyw s.G. 13, hanyw L.G.C. 9 ; pi.
i. henym IL.A. 164; 3. henynt IL.A. 169.
Mil ar benn bryn a'i cennyw. G.GL, p 75/159.
' A thousand behold it [the mansion] on the top of the hill.'
^a sonier am a dderyw. I.G. 289.
' Let there be no mention of what has happened.'
Mawrserch Ifor a'm goryw ;
Mwy na serch ar ordderch yw. D.G. 3.
' The great love of Ivor overcomes me ; it passeth the love of woman.'
Impf. : sg. 3. canhoeS W.M. 64, E.M. 46 'could see', daroeS S.G. 25
'happened ', hanoeS do. 41 ; pi. 3. hanhoeftynt S.G. 15, E.P. 1047.
Ymddiried im a ddaroedd. G.GL, M 146/168.
' He trusted in me.' (Elliptical, for a BaroeS iSo ' happened to him ',
i.e. he did.)
O'r Tien arglwyddir hanoedd. L.G.C. 2.
' She was descended from the lords of old.'
O'r hen wydd yr hanoeddych. I.H.S., IL 133/2 1 2.
' You are descended from the old stock.'
(a) Beside hanwyf etc., Ml. W. has kandwi/f, handiryd, hand id,
handym, handoetud, handoet (t = 8) all in M.A. i 358, hand id
B.B. 33, 107, handoeb R.P. 1432, handoet w. la.
These seem to be formed from an extension of the prefix, such as
*sani-ti, cf. hefyd 220 ii (8), giving before a vowel hand- 113
i (2); by analogy *hand-fid > hand-id, cf. 110 iii (3); handyryt
M.A. i 358 makes the line too long. ny handei W.M. 183, E.M. 85
191 VERBS 353
makes no sense; a better reading seems to be ny hanSenei p 16/43
(W.M. p. 92) ' he could not rest ' (hanSen, by dissim. > Mn. W. hamSen
' leisure ', hamSenol ' leisurely, slowly ' ; han- l without ' + den, V dhen-
: Skr. dadhan-ti ' causes to run ').
iii. The verb cyfarfyddaf a ' I meet ' is conjugated like the
above verbs (v.n. kyvarvot W.M. 58, 125, perf. sg. 3. kyvarvu
do. 170, plup. sg. 3. cyfarvuassei ib.), except that the old forms
were obsolete in Late Ml. W. But D.B. has kyoeryw a, mi
R.P. 1385 'has met me, happened to me'; and ry-gyveryw a
occurs in W.M. 42, changed to ry-gynneryw a in R.M. 29, as if
it were a compound of deryw, the form cyveryw being apparently
unknown, and the u ( = v) mistaken for n.
iv. In the dialects darfyddaf and cyfarfyddaf, the most commonly
used of these verbs, are mostly conjugated as if they were regular
verbs ; and such barbarisms as darfyddodd, cyfarfyddais, canfyddais
occur in recent writings. The impf. hanoedd seems to have survived
the other obsolete forms ; this was mistaken for an aor. hanodd, from
which was inferred an imaginary v.n. hanu, common in recent bio-
graphies.
191. i. (i) The verbs gwnn (gwn) ( I know ', v.n. gwybot
(gwylod), and adwaen ' I am acquainted with ', v.n. adnaboi
(adnabod), are conjugated as follows in Ml. (and Mn.) W.
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
pi.
i gwnn (gwn)
2. gwbost, (gwyddost)
3.' gwyr (gwyr)
1. gwbam, -om (gwyddom)
2. gwbawch, -och (gwyddoch)
3. ffwbant (gwyddant)
Impers. gwys (gwys, gwyfys)
1. adwaen, adwen t atwen (ad-
waen, adwen)
2. atwaenost (adwaenost t adweini)
3. adwaen, adwen, atwen (ad-
waen, edwyn)
Impers. (adwaenir, adweinir)
A a
1. adwaenam, adwaenwn (ad-
waenom, adwaenwn)
2. adwaenawch, atweynwch (ad-
waenoch, adwaenwcfi)
3. atwaenant (adwaenanf)
354
1. gwybybaf (gwybyddaf)
2. gwybyty (gwybyddi)
3- gwyfyb (gwybydd)
ACCIDENCE
Future Tense.
191
pi.
i. gwybybwn (gwytyddwri)
a. gwybybwch (gtcybyddwch)
3. gwybybant (gwybyddant)
Impers. gwybybir (gwybyddir)
i. adnaby^af (adnabyddaf)
1. adnabyfy (adnabyddi)
3. adaebyb, ednebyb (adnebydd)
1. adnabybwn (adnabyddwri)
2. (adndbyddwcTi)
3. adndby'bant (adnabyddant)
Impers. adnabybir (adnabyddir)
Imperfect Tense.
I . gwybwn, gwytywn (givyddwn)
a. gwybut, gwy^yut (gwyddud^
gwyddit}
3. gwydyat, gwybat, gwybyei
i. gwybem, gwybyem (gwyddem)
a. gwybewch (gwyddech)
3. gwyfynt (gwyddynt, -ent]
(gwyddiad, gwyddai)
Impers. gwybit (gicyddid)
I. atwaenwn (adwaenwn)
a. atwaenut (adwaenud, -it)
3. atwaenat (adwdeniad, ad-
i. adwaenem (adwaenem)
a. (adwaenech)
3. atwaenynt (adwaenynt, -ent)
waenai)
Impers. etweinit (adwaenid, adweinid)
Perfect Tense.
ssr. I. qwi/buum(gw i/bum) ] 1 .^
j TLA .\ etc. like canfum
adnaouum (adnabum^
Impers. gwybuwyt, adnabuwyt (gtcybwoyd, adnabuwyd)
Pluperfect Tense.
sg. I. gwybuasswn (gux/buasicn) ]
adnabuasswn (adnabuavwn) J
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
sg. i . gwypwyf (gwypwyf, gu-ybyddwyf] j ^
adnapwyf (adndpwyf, adnabyddwyf}}
sg. 3. gwypwy, gwypo, adwpo(gwypo,gwyhyddo t adiiapo,adnahyddo}
191 VERBS 355
Imperfect Tense.
sg. i . gwypwn, gwybybwn (gwypwn, gwybjfddwn]
adnapwn, adnabyfavn (adndpwn, adnaby'ddwri)
IMPERATIVE MOOD.
Present Tense.
pi.
Vetc.
2. gwybyb (gwybyti)
3. gwypet, gwybybet (gwyped,
gwybydded]
1. gwybybwn (gwybyddwn)
2. gwybyftwch (gwybyddivch]
3. gwypent, gwybyddent
pent, gwybyddent, -ant)
Impers. gwyper, gwybyber (gwyper, gwybydder)
2. ednebyb, adnebyb (adnebydd)
3. (adnabydded)
1. adnabybwn (adnabyddwn)
2. adnebybwch (adnabyddwch)
3. (adnabybent, -ant}
(2) The verb cydnabyddaf ' I recognize ', v.n. cydnabod, has
pres. ind. cydnabyddaf, impf. ind. cydnabyddwn, and the rest of
the verb like adwaen.
ii. (i) In the pres. indie, the endings of the 2nd sg. and the pi.
are seen to be those of the perf. and aor. In the dialects the 3rd pi.
has -on beside -an.
But adwaen has also the pres. endings ; thus beside adwaenam
IL.A. 164 ' we know' we find adwaenwn W.M. 25 'we know'; so
atweynwch C.M. 1 2 ; Mn. W. adweini Es. Iv 5 ' thou knowest '.
(2) Both the ist and 3rd sg. pres. ind. were adwaen or adwen; the
Mn. W. 3rd sg. edwyn is a new formation from adwen (on the analogy
of etyb 'answers ' 173 iv (i)). Examples: ist sg. adwaen B.B. 102,
atwaen s.G. 72, atwen W.M. 390; 3rd sg. altwen H.M. ii 235, Atwen
mob ae UocJia, ac nyt atwen ae kar E.B. 964 ' a child knows who
fondles him, but does not know who loves him ' ; pawb adwaen pioy
I.G. G. 79 ' everybody knows who'.
Yr ydwyf, hyd yr adwen,
Yn dwyn haint ni'm gad yn hen. D.G. 443.
* I am, as far as I know, suffering from a disease that will not spare
me to old age.'
A'r un sud, er nas edwyn,
Y inesur Duw amser dyn. B.Br., F. 15.
' And in the same manner, though he knows it not, does God measure
man's life.'
Aa2
356 ACCIDENCE 191
(3) The 3rd sg. impf. ind. has the ending -yat, -at, Mn. W. -iad.
he ending -ei is rare in Ml. W. : gwybyei B.A. 6, R.P. 1264. The -y-
( = t) in gwy&ywn etc. doubtless spread from -yat ; it did not come
into general use. In Mn. W. -iad survived in poetry, but gwyddai,
adwaenai became the usual forms. See gwySyat W.M. 183, B.M. 85,
s.G. u, atwaenat s.G. 72, W.M. 150.
Tr oedd i rai a wyddiad
Obaith dyn o fab i'th clad. T.A., A 14694/117.
' There was, to those who knew, hope of a man in a son of thy father.'
See adwaeniad D.G. 430, T.A. o. 234.
(4) On the -t- for -d- before w, see 1 1 1 v (2).
(5) Note the accentuation of gwybum, adnabwn, in which the last
syllable has a late contraction, 41 iii. Uncontracted gwybu-um
occurs as late as the i5th cent. ; see 33 iv. The 3rd sg. gwybu,
adndbu has no contraction, and is accented regularly.
O'r tad Hywd a}) Cadell,
Nid adnabum dad neb well. T.A., c 84/849.
'[Sprung] from his father, H. ap C., I have not known a better
father to anyone.' Cf. adnabdm, so accented, B.CW. 105 ; so canf&m
do. 1 6, 91. Ml. W. gwybuum W.M. 389, adnabuuin ib.
iii. (i) gwnn probably comes from *uindo 66 iii (i), or middle
*uindoi : Skr. vindd-ti 'finds', Ir. ro-Jlnnadar'is wont to know', Vueid-
with -n- infix. The 3rd sg. gwyr seems to be a deponent form made
by adding the impers. *-re directly to the root 179 viii (2) ; thus
*ueid-re > *ueig-re ( 104 iv (3)) > gwyr. The 2nd sg. gwSost
represents a periphrastic form *uid6s'si, verbal adj. + verb ' to be ', the
remnant of a tense like euthum, re-formed in the pi. with aor. endings
182 iv (i). In Mn. "W., and occasionally in Late Ml. "W. gwB-
becomes gwy8- on the analogy of the other tenses. The impers. gwys
prob. represents a passive *uid-tos ('*#).
The tense replaces the old perf. with pres. meaning, *uoida : Gk. 0180.
(2) The impf. 3rd sg. gwy8iad may be for *gw&iad 180 iv (i).
The 2nd sg. gwy8ut may represent a thematic *ueidoithes, in which
case its wy is original ; and the 3rd sg. may have taken wy from this.
The wy is the falling diphthong : Fob meistrolrvry&d a vryddud
D.G. 460.
(3) The rest of the verb comes from periphrastic tenses formed of
a present participle of some such form as *ueidans and the verb ' to be '.
iv. (i) adwaen corresponds to Ir. ad-gen, which comes from
*ati-gegna, re-formed in Kelt, for *gegnou : Skr. jajnau, Lat. nov-i,
Vgerie- ; but W. adwaen, which is for *adwoen 78 ii (i) (2), contains
-uo- as pointed out by Rhys, RC. vi 22; it seems also to have the
vowel of the recluplicator elided ; thus adwzen < *ati-uo-kn-a <
*ati-uo-g'gn-a. It may however represent *ad-wo-ein < *ati-uo gegn-a.
The 3rd sg. had *- for *-a and gives the same result in W. The rest
192 VERBS 357
of the tense is formed from adwaen- as a stem on the analogy of
gwSost etc., or with pres. endings.
(2) The impf. ind. is a new formation from the same stem, except
the 3rd sg., which may be old. The form atwaenat may however be
for atweinat S.G. 36 which would represent regularly *ati-uo-gn-ia-to
< *-gn-id-td 3rd sg. opt. mid.
(3) The rest of the verb comes from periphrastic tenses formed with
the prefix *ati- only, and a verbal adj. *gnauos < *gn3-uo-s (: cf. Lat.
gnavus < *gn-uo-s), with the verb ' to be '. This implies that -nob-
is for -nawb- (cf. clybot 194 v (4)); the -aw- is attested in O.W.
amgnaubot ox., which must be the same formation with a different
prefix. (This -em- cannot be from -a-, which would give -o- in the
penult.)
192. i. (i) pieu (Mn, W. pi-au) ' whose is ? ' contains the
dative of the interrogative stem *q%i- and -eu ' is ', a weak form
of *wy, which elsewhere became yw 'is' 179 ix (3). The
forms of the verb that occur in Ml. W. are as follows ; most of
them are re-formations from pieu, the -eu- generally unrounded
to -ei- before v or ff :
Pres. ind. : sg. 2. piwyt see ii (i) below ; 3. pieu; pi. 3. piewynt
(for *pieu-ynt) W.M. 83.
Impf. ind. : sg. 2. pieuoetud (t = 8) see ii (3) below ; 3rd sg. p'oeS
W.M. n^pieuoeS B.M. ig6,piewoeS W.M. I2i,piewe8 do. 129, pioweS
do. 178, pieoeS do. 135 ; 3rd pi. pioeftynt S.G. 426.
Fut. : sg. 3. pyeuvyS (y = i) A.L. i 179 MS.B., pieivyB ib. MS.D., H.M.
ii 8 1 ; pi. i pieifybwn C.M. 42.
Perf. : 3rd sg. pieivu W.M. 394, E.M. 252, pievu W.M. 394.
Pres. subj. : 3rd sg. pyeyfo (y = i, /Ejf) A.L. i 196.
Impf. subj. : 3rd sg. pieiffd S.G. 299, jrieivySei do. 324.
(3) In Mn. W., only the 3rd sg. is used. The forms are
Indie, pres. p'wu; imperf. pioedd L.G.C. 168, I.ILaf. c.c. 352,
accented pwedd by T.A., c 84/849 ; fut. pieuvydd L.G.C. 291 ; the
other tenses rarely occur.
In the dialects the pres. piau only is used, and other tenses are
formed periphrastically by using tenses of the verb 'to be' with
relatival piau ; thus oedd pia(u) ' was who owns ' for pioedd ' who
owned '.
ii. (i) The verb 'to be' in pieu generally means 'is' in the
sense of ' belongs ' ; but sometimes it has a complement, in
which case the literal meaning of the compound is seen clearly ;
thus
858 ACCIDENCE 192
Hi a ovynnawS iSaw pioe8 mob s.G. 12 ' she asked him to whom he
was son ' (whose son he was). Piwyt gwr di do. 222 'to whom art
man thou 1 ' (whose man art thou ?).
(2) The interrogative meaning of the compound survived in
Ml. W. and Early Mn. verse ; but the usual meaning is relative.
Interrog. pieu in a question is often followed by rel. pieu in
the answer ; and this may represent the transition stage, as
in the case of pan ' whence ? ' 163 i (6).
Pieu yniver y llongeu hynn ? . . . ArglwyS, heb wynt, mae ymma
Matholwch . . . ac ef bieu y llongeu W.M. 39 'To whom belongs this
fleet of ships ? Lord, said they, M. is here, and [it is] he to whom the
ships belong '.
Piau rhent Gruffudd ap Rhys ?
Hywel pi'au 'n nhdl Powys. T.A., j 17/217.
' To whom belongs the rent of G. ap E. ? [It is] Howel to whom it
belongs on the border of Powys.'
When the relative became the prevalent construction, pwy
1 who ? ' was used before the verb to ask a question, thus pwy b'iau
1 who [is it] to whom belongs ? ' This occurs in Ml. W. ; as
Pwy biewynt wy W.M. 83 ' who [is it] to whom they belong ? '
Cf. 163 v.
Pwy biau gwaed pibau gwin ? T.A., A 14998/29.
' Who has the blood of pipes of wine 1 '
(3) Relatival pieu sometimes introduces a dependent relative
clause, as Dodi olew ar y gwrda bieu y gaer R.M. 1 74 ' adminis-
tering extreme unction to the goodman who owns the castle '.
But it is chiefly used to form the subject-clause after an emphatic
predicative noun, 162 vii (2), as in ef bieu y llongeu (2) above
' [it is] he who owns the ships'; Menryc bevyr bieuoetud M.A. i
2255 '[it was] bright Men rye to whom thou [sword] didst
belong ' ; a minneu bieu y bwy iarllaeth R.M. 239 ' and [it is] I to
whom the two earldoms belong '.
(4) As pi- is itself relative it is not preceded by the relative
a, ZfCP. iv 118; see examples above. Cf. also mi bieivu R.M.
252, mi biau . . . a thithau b'iau I.G-. 318, Dafydd bieuvydd
L.G.C. 291, etc. The initial of pi- is generally softened, as in
most of the above examples, but it frequently remains un-
changed, as E koc a'r clysteyn pyeu A.L. i 20 ' [it is] the cook and
193 VERBS 359
the steward to whom belong.. ..';<? gur ( = y gwr) pyeu do. 82 ;
Hywelpiau (2) above; Mipiau cyngor . . . mipiau nerth Diar. viii 14
(1620). In the spoken lang. both p- and 6- are heard; the
former prevails in N.W.
(5) As jrieu seemed to be a verb meaning ' owns ' though without
a subjective rel., it is sometimes found so used with an accusative rel.,
as castell Kaer VyrSin yr liwn a bie(u) y brenhin R.B.B. 297 ' the
castle of Carmarthen which the king owns' ; y castell fry a pieu
Belial B.C w. i o ; more rarely with subjective rel., ni ae pieifySwn
C.M. 42. Still rarer are re-formations like ti biy C.M. 14.
iii. pi- cannot come from *q%u(i) < *q*oi the dat. of *q%o-, since q%
became k in Kelt, before u ; it is probable therefore that pi- comes
from *q%l < *q%ii < *q%iiei : Oscan piei dative of the stem-form *q*i-
163 vi.
Jf, Gwnaf, Deuaf.
193. i. af ' I go ' and gwnaf * I make, do ' are conjugated
alike in Mn. W . except in the impv. ; deuaf ' I come ' is analo-
gous, but has different and varying vowels in its stems. In the
earlier periods each of the verbs has forms peculiar to itself. In
the following tables Mn. W. forms are given in brackets, marked
as in 185.
ii. af 'I go'.
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present.
sg.
i. af(df) ^
Z. ey (ei f di)
3. a, e-yt (a)
1. awn (awn)
2. aut (aut)
3. aei, aeg t ai (ai, ae)
pi.
1. awn (awn)
2. ewcJi (ewch)
3. ant (ant)
Impers. eir (eir, air)
Imperfect.
1. aem (dem)
2. (aech)
3. eynt (dent)
Impers. eit (eicl, did)
360
1. euthum (euthum)
2. aethost (dethott)
3. aeth (deth)
ACCIDENCE
Perfect.
193
pi.
1. aetham (dethom, -am)
2. aethawch (dethoch)
3. aethant, -ont (dethant, -ont)
Impers. aethpwyt (dethpuvyd)
Second Perfect.
1. athwyf, abwyf, etkwyf, ebwyf
(ethwyf)
2. athwyt> abwyt (eddwyd)
3. ethyw, ebyw (etkyw, eddy 10)
I. ethym
2.
3. ethynt, ebynt
Pluperfect.
i. aihoebwn (dethwn)
2.
3.
-it)
1. (aethevri)
2. (dethech)
3. athoefynt (aethynt, -ent)
1. el(K)wyf(e'lwyf)
2. el(h)ych (elych)
3. el (el, &lo}
aho
j. el(K)wn, (elwri)
2. el(h)ut (elud, -it)
3. el(K)ei (elai)
2.
3. aet t elhid (ded, eled)
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
Present.
1. el(h)om (elom)
2. el(h)och (Sloch)
3. el(h)ont, el(h)wynt (elont)
akont
Impers. el(h)er (eler)
Imperfect.
1. (elem)
2. (fleck)
3. el(h)ynt (elynt, -ent)
Impers. (elid)
IMPERATIVE MOOD.
Present.
1. awn (awn)
2. ewch (ewch)
3. aent (dent, dnt)
193 VERBS 361
VERBAL NOUN.
mynet (m'j/ned, mynd) c to go '
iii. gwnaf ' I make, do '.
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present.
eg. i. gwnaf (gwnaf), etc. like of (of) ; exc. strong 3rd sg.
gwneyb.
Imperfect.
sg. i . gwnawn (gwndwri), etc. like awn (dwn) ; pi. 2. gwnaeivch
(gwndeck).
Perfect.
A. sg. i. gwneutJmm (gwneuthum), etc. like euthum (eutkum).
B. sg.
1. gorugum
2. gorugozt
3. goruc, goreu
i. gorugam
2,. gorugawch
3. gorugant
pi.
Impers. gorucpwyt
Second Perfect,
sg. J. (gwneddwyf\ 2. (gwneddwyt), 3. gwnefyw (gwneddyw)
Pluperfect.
sg.
1. gwnathoebwn (gwndethwri)
2. gwnathoebut (gwndethud, -it)
3.
oeb (gwnaethai)
pi.
1 . (gwndethem)
2. (gwndetkeck)
3. gwnathoefynt (gwndetfiynt,
-ent)
Impers. gwnatJioebit (gwndethid)
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
Present.
sg. i. gwnel(K)wyf (gwnelwyf) etc. like el(Ji)wyf (elwyf} through-
out ; also sg. 3. gunechy gwnech.
Imperfect,
sg. i. gwnel(h)wn (gwnelwri), etc. like el(K)wn (elwri).
362
ACCIDENCE
IMPERATIVE MOOD.
193
Present.
2. gwna (ffwna)
3. gwnaei (ffwnded)
pi.
1 . gwnawn (gwnawn)
2. gwnewch (gwnewch)
3. gwnaent (gwndent, -ant)
Impers. gwnel(h)er (gwneler)
VERBAL NOUN.
gwneithur, gwneutJiur (gwneuthur)
VERBAL ADJECTIVES.
gwneithuryedic (gwneuthuredig, gwneuthurddu-y)
iv. deuaf ' I come '.
INDICATIVE MOOD.
Present or First Future.
pi.
1. demon, down (deitwn, down)
2. deuwch, dowck (deuwck, dowch)
3. deuant, doant (cleuant, dont),
dy^euant
1. deuaf, doaf (deuaf, dof)
2. deuy, dewy, doy (deui, doi)
3. daw (daw 52 iii (i) ), dybati
do, dybo
Impers. dybeuhawr (deuir, doir)
Second Future.
sg. I. dylybaf; 3. dyvyb, dylyb, dybyUawt, dyvi, dybi, clypi,
deubyb, deubi, deupi ; pi. 3. dybybant.
Imperfect.
1 . deuwn, down (deuwn, d6wti)
2. deuut, dout (deuut, dout, -it)
3. denei, doei, doey, doi (deuai,
doi)
i.
2.
pL
(deuem, doem)
(deueck, doecTi)
3. deuyni, doynt (deuynt, doent,
deuenf)
Impers. deuit (deuid, doid)
193
VERBS
Perfect.
363
A. sg.
i. deuthum, doethum (denthum)
2. deuthost, doethost (deuthost)
3. deuth, doeth (daeth, doeth)
pi.
i. doetham (deuthom)
2. doethawch, -ocJi (deuthoch)
3. deuthant, doetkant, doethont
(deuthant, -ont]
Impers. deutJipwyt, doetkpwyt (deuthpwyd}
B.
2. dymiost 2.
3. dyvu^ dybu, deubu
1. dothwyf, dcfowyf
2. dothwyt, dobwyt
3. dyvuant, dybuant
Second Perfect.
1. dofym
2. dofywch, doetJiywch
3 . doethyw, dotkyw, dobyw, debyw
. (doddyw, deddyw)
3. do'bynt
Pluperfect.
1. datkoebwn (deuthwn)
2. (deuthud, -it)
3. doethoeb) dothoeb, dathoeb
(deuthai)
1 . (deutkem)
2. (deuthech)
3. doetkoefynt, dothoefynt
(deuthynt, -ent)
SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD.
Present.
sg. i. del(K)wyf (delwyf), etc. like the el- forms of el(K)wyf
(elwyf) throughout; also sg. i. dylwyf\ 3. dyvo, dyffo, dyppo,
deupo, dyfouho ; pi. 3. dyffont, deuhont.
Imperfect.
sg. T. del(K)wn (delwn), etc. like el(K)wn (elwn) ; also sg. 3.
d^ia', dyfei dyffei.
IMPERATIVE MOOD.
Present.
sg. 2. dyret, dabre (clffydd, dyred, dqrd, if red, tyrd, ddbre, dyre,
dial, dere) ; 3. deuet, doet (deued, doed, deled) ; pi. i. down (deuwn,
down) ; 2. dowch t dewch (deuwch, d6wch, dewch) ; 3. deuent, doent
(deuent, doent).
364 ACCIDENCE 193
VEBBAL NOUN.
dyvot (dyfod, dywod, dywad).
v. Pres. and Impf. Ind. (i) The contracted forms ei, eir, eid,
gwnei, gtoneir, gwneid are now written and pron. with ei ( = 91); but
formerly ai was used as in uncontracted forms; 81 iii (i); as
Bwrdeisiaid a wnaid yn waeth G.G1. P 100/174. The 3rd sg. impf.
aei, gwnaei are already contracted in Ml. W., as ai W.M. 117, 252,
451, gwnai 54, 250, 389, gunai B.B. 56; similarly doei had become
dot W.M. 7. See 52 iii (3).
(2) For a Dr. M. used dial, aiff (now eiff} 179 iii (i); this is
condemned by D. 86. Some late writers have used gwnaiff also; but
the lit. gwna prevails. The old strong form of of is e-yt 173 vi (i) ;
of gwnafis gwrie-y do. (3).
(3) The stems deu-, do- are both used throughout the pres. and
impf. except in the 3rd sg. pres. ; thus doaf, doy B.M. 76, W.M. 55,
deuaf, deuy S.G. 15. In Mn. W. doaf is contracted to dof D.G. 355,
L.G.C. 206, 468 ; this is the usual spoken form, though doa(f) persists
in Dyf. dial. The 3rd sg. is daw; also do B.T. 38, dySau B.B. 32
(-u = w), dyBaw B.P. 1055, ^ I ^> dybo ib. L 23. O.W. gurthdo gl.
obstitit.
(4) The second future of deuaf is a survival, chiefly used in poetry:
sg. i. dybySaf B.T. 19 ; sg. 3. diwit ( = dyvyS) B.B. 51, dybit ( = dybyS)
do. 55, dyfy8 B.T. 10, dybyS K.P. 1190, dySybyS B.T. 42, dybyShawt
B.P. 1437, dyvi B.T. 72, dybi B.B. 60, dypi W.M. 478, deubyS B.T. 17,
deubi B.T. 3, deupi B.B. 61 ; pi. 3. dybyftant B.T. 26.
vi. Perf. and Plup. ^i) In late Mn. W. euthum, gwneuthum,
deuthum, are often misspelt aethum, gumaethum, daethum. In the
dialects the ist and 2nd sg. perf. are mostly replaced by new aorists
es, gwnes, dois on the analogy of ces and rhois, also eis and gioneis
(" balbutientium puerorum mera sunt barbaries" D. 117).
(2) In Ml. W. the perf. stem of deuaf is deuth- or doeth- ; and the
3rd sg. is deuth or doeth. Ml. W. daeth is doubtful ; y \ daeth B.B. 3
is prob. yd aeth, cf. 97 marg. In the Early Mn. bards the form
attested by the rhyme is doeth D.G. 259 (misprinted daeth), 287, as
there is no rhyme to dauth the regular Mn. equivalent of Ml. deuth.
Late Mn. W. daeth may be dauth H.G. 2 1 misspelt, as daethant is a mis-
spelling of deuthant. The N. W. dial, form is doth, 3rd pi. deuthon' or
doethon'. In S.W. doth is also heard. Impers. 175 iv (7).
Dan i ddant erioed ni ddoeth
Ar i enau air annoeth. D.N., M 136/123.
' Under his tooth there never came on his lips an unwise word.'
(3) The second perf. of of and deuaf is of frequent occurrence in
Ml. W. poetry, as athwyf, ethyw H.O.G. M.A. i 275, athwyd, ethynt
P.M. do. 289, a8wyf C. do. 216, etiw (t=8) do. do. 220; dothuif
B.B. 79, dotyw (t = 8) M. w. ia, dotynt ( = dooynt) do. do. 3, ethint
B.B. 33. It is also met with fairly often in Ml. prose : e8yw W.M. 456,
193 VERBS 365
ethyw K.M. 104, dothwyf W.M. 459, dobwyf do. 20, doSyw do. 457,
doSywch, do8ym do. 475, ethynt K.B.B. 205, but tends in later MSS. to
be replaced by the first perf.; thus dothwyf W.M. 459 appears as deuthum
in K.M. 105 ; doSyw W.M. 473 as doeth in R.M. 105. D.G. and his
contemporaries continued its use in poetry; afterwards it became
obsolete : deddyto D.G. 4, ethyw (misspelt eithiw, euthyw) I.G. 312 ;
Lliw dydd a ddaw a lie doddy w ; a Misprinted y daw.
Llewych haul ar y lluwch yw. D.G. 321.
' Daylight comes where she has come ; she is sunshine on the snow-
drift.' It was at this period, when the form was already an artificial
survival, that it first appears for gwnaf : gwneddwyf D.G. 115,
gwneddwyd do. 102, gwneddyw do. 429, gwneSyw l.C. R.P. 1286.
These imitations were shortlived.
(4) Both the first perf. in -th-um and the second perf. in -wyf are
probably original for of only. The older perfects of the other verbs
are:
gwnaf ': sg. i. gorugum W.M. 2269; sg. 2. gorugost K.M. 192 ; pi.
i. gorugam, 3. gorugant W.M. 227, 226 ; sg. 3. goruc of extremely
frequent occurrence, goreu surviving in poetry, B.B. 43, M. w. 2a,
E.S. M.A. i 349, guoreu B.A. 35, 38; impers. gorucpwyt W.M. 452
(= gwnaethpwyt K.M. 100), W.M. 454, K.M. 101.
deuaf : sg. 2. dyvuost W.M. 458 (= doethost K.M. 104); sg. 3. dyvu
W.M. 457 (= doeth R.JT. 104), dybu M. w. 16, 2a; pi. 3. dybuant
B.T. 6, B.P. 1405, G.B. do. 1192.
(5) In Ml. W. the plup. of all three verbs was formed by means of
-oe&wn; as doethoeS IL.A. 17 'had come', athoeS W.M. 13, a8oe8 do. 15
' had gone ', gwnaethoeS do. 30, gvnathoeS do. 440, gwnathoeSwn
S.G. 198, gwnathoeSut do. 274 ; dothoeB K.M. 200, dathoeS do. 197.
These forms are rare in Mn. W. : rhy-ionaethoeS D.G. 509. The Mn.
plup. is a new formation made, as in regular verbs, by adding impf.
endings to the perf. stem : gwnaethwnTijzec.Tr&'x.i 9, daethwnM.ait.x'x.v 27,
aethai Luc viii 2, etc. D. also gives elswn etc. ; this formation is
used for gwnaf in the Bible : gwnelswn i Chron. xxiii 5, gwnelsei
2 Chron. xxi 6.
vii. Subjunct. (i) The subjunct. stems are el-, gwnel- and del--,
as elwyf W.M. 457, delwyf B.M. 131, elych, delych do. 237, gwnelych
W.M. 456, delhich B.B. 84, gwneloch W.M. 475, elont B.M. 34, elwynt
B.A. 2 ; eZAwi B.B. 56, delhei do. 96 ; elher do. 33.
The peculiarity of the pres. subj. with these stems is that the 3rd
sg. lacks the usual ending -o (or -wy) ; thus a phan el ef . . . yny el
e/ W.M. 2 2 ' and when he goes . . . until he goes ', val not el neb do. 49
' so that no one may go ', Y kyn a el, hwnnw a orSir R.B. 1063 ' the
chisel that will go, that [is the one] that is hammered ', Guledic . . .
an gunel in rit (i = y, t = 8) B.B. 40 'may the Lord make us free',
y dit y del paup do. 41 'the day when each will come'. So in
Mn. W. ; thus, expressing a wish : D&l i'th fryd dalu i'th frawd
D.G. 34 'may it come to thy mind to repay thy brother ', cf. 341;
366 ACCIDENCE 193
I henaint yr 61 honno L.G.C. 10 'may she go [live] to old age',
cf. 476; D61 amorth yn ddl imi Gr.O. 59 'may misfortune come as
retribution to me ' ; in a dependent clause :
Pan dddl y Pasg a'r glasgoed,
Bun a ddaw beunydd i oed. D.G. 199.
' When Easter comes, and the green trees, [my] lady will come daily
to the tryst.' Sometimes in Late "W. the ending is added ; as gwnelo
162 i, doed a ddelo beside doed a ddel 'come what may come '.
(2) Other forms of the subjunctive occur as follows in Ml. W. :
of: pres. sg. 3. oho K.M. 140; pi. 3. ahont B.T. 17.
gwnaf ': pres. sg. 3. gunaho B.B. 70, gwnaho B.T. 10, 11. 13, 27,
gunech, gwnech 183 iii (i) ; pL 3. gvvnahont B.B. 61, gwnahon
B.T. 34.
deuaf ' : pres. sg. i. dybwyf K.P. 1183 ; sg. 3. dybo ib.,dyvo do. 584,
dyffo B.T. 10, dyppo B.B. 90, deupo B.A. 6, dySeuho, deSeuho B.T. 29 ;
pi. 3. dyffont M.A. i 136, diffont B.B. 59, 60, deuhont B.T. 3; imperfect
sg. 3. dyfei B.T. 3, dyffei do. 13, B.A. 2, dybei B.T. 6.
viii. Impv. (i) dos 'gol' e.g. dos yr llys W.M. 14 'go to the
court '. This is the usual meaning ; but the original meaning was
doubtless, like that of the Corn, and Bret, forms, 'come'. This is
preserved in some parts of Powys to this day ; and is sometimes met
with in Ml. W. ; e.g. dos yma B.M. 176, S.G. 221 'come here '.
(2) Ml. W. dyret W.M. 21, K.M. 173, JL.A. 99, etc.; dabre B.B. 102,
W.M. 17, K.B.B. 125, etc. Mn. W. dyfydd D.G. 41, dyred do. 107,
dabre (misprinted debre) D.G. 31, 134, 515, tyred, dyre I.G. 215,
Gwna ddydd a dyrd, Gwenddydd dec "VV.IL. 83 ' make an appoint-
ment and come, fair Gwenddydd ', Tyrd i'r bwlch, taro di'r bel I.T.
ID 133/213 'come to the breach, strike thou the ball', 44 vi, Dere
d'r cafodydd hyfryd Wms. 273 ' come with [i. e. bring] the gladsome
showers '.
(3) Sg. 3. : aet W.M. 13, 35, elhid B.B. 101, gwnaetRM. 26i,gvnaed
W.M. 406, deuet W.M. 186, deuhet B.M. 88, doet W.M. 122.
(4) PI. 2. : dowch W.B. vi B.., W.M. 407, 447, B.M. 261, 292, dewch
IL.A. 126.
ix. Verbal noun. (i) On myned, mynd, see 44 vi.
(2) The Ml. and Mn. v.n. of gwnaf is gwneuthur. D. 121 also
gives gwneuthud, but this is rarely met with. It is printed in D.G.
107, but is not attested by the cynghanedd. In the dialects a new
form gwneud arose ; this is in common use in the late period ; the
earliest example I have noted is in RH.B.S. i. (In D.G. 409 gwneud
makes a short line, and should be gwneuthur ; for it wr wneyd marnad
arall c. i 200 read vwrw'n y dwr farwnad arall P 77/158 ; so wherever
gwneud is attributed to an old author.) V.a. gwneithuryedic G.c. 114.
(3) The only v.n. of deuaf is dyfod ; but the / became w 26 v,
and wo interchanges with wa 34 iv, hence dywot IL.A. 80, dywod
T.A. A 14976/101, dywad D.G. 306, spelt dowad c.c. 369 (see 33
193 VERBS 367
iii), beside the original dyfod. The form dywad became dwad in the
dialects, and this is the spoken form both in IS", and S.W. But in
part of Dyfed a form dod developed (apparently from *dowod <
dywod] ; this was used by Wms., and has since been in common use,
chiefly in verse in free metres.
The noun dovol W.M. 33 'a find' is a different word, being for
do-ovot A.L. i. 94 (also dohovet [read -ot\ ib.) < *dy-wo-vot.
(4) All the forms given in dictionaries, containing the tense stems
of these verbs, such as du, athu, elu, eddu ' to go ', dawed, dawad,
delyd, doddi ' to come ', gwnelyd ' to do ', are spurious. Silvan Evans
misquotes D.G. 306 dywad as an example of dawad, s.v. ; but admits
that the others do " not occur in the infinitive " ! see s.v. delyd.
x. Origin of the forms, (i) af < *a%af: Ir. agaim 'I drive'
Vag- : Lat. ago, Gk. efyw, Skr. djati l drives '. The verb had middle
flexion in Brit., cf. e-yt ' goes ' < *ag-e-tai (' drives himself, goes ') 179
iii (i). Hence the perf. euthum < *aktos esmi 182 iv (i), and the
plup. athoeS ib. (2). For the voicing of th to 8 in eSyw, a8oe8 see
108 iv (2). Stokes's reference of e8wyd i ivisti ' to Vped- Fick*
ii 28 (still quoted, e.g. by Walde 2 s.v. pes) is made in ignorance of the
facts. On dos see (7); on mynet 100 iv.
(2) The subj. stem el- comes from the synonymous root *eld- : Gk.
eXaw ' I drive ' ; in the pres. ind. the stem was *ell-, prob. for *el-n-,
Thurneysen Gr. 314, as in Ir. ad-ella ' transit ', di-ella ' deviat ' ; in W.
*ell-af was driven out by af, but the subj. elwyf remained. W. delwyf
is probably, like gwnelwyf an analogical formation. The reason why
the 3rd sg. has no -o may be that these forms superseded an old 3rd
sg. middle *elhyt and 3rd sg. gwnech which had no -o. The view
that gwnel is a re-fortnation is borne out by the actual survival of
gwnech.
(3) The stem of gwnafis *urag-, Vuereg- ' work' 100 i (2). In
the pres. and impf. ind., therefore, the flexion was exactly the same as
for af, stem *ag- ; this led to its being assimilated to af in other
tenses. The old root-aor. sg. i. gwrith, 3. gwreith became gwneuthum,
gwnaeth like the perf. of af, 181 vii (2). The old perf. of Vuereg-
is preserved in the 3rd sg. in Ml. "W. guoreu, goreu 182 ii (i), Ml.
Bret, guereu, gueure, guerue. It does not seem possible to derive
goruc from the same root; this occurs as sg. i. 3. in Corn, gwrtik
(gr&g etc.) ; it probably represents a synonymous form associated with
goreu on account of accidental similarity ; possibly < *uer-oik-, Vpeifc-
: Skr. pisdti ' carves, adorns, forms, prepares ', pesah ' form ' (: Lat.
pingo, with -Ic/g- altern.) ; cf. Duu an goruc B.B. 39 ' God made us '.
(4) The v.n. gwneuthur is for gwneithur G.c. 112, 128, W.M. pp. 93,
94 (P 16), B.CH. 62 (cf. anghyfreiih wneuthur R.P. 1296, i. e. ivneithur)
77 viii. The original v.n. was * gwreith < *urek-tu- ; by the loss of
-r- after the initial this became gweith, gwaith ' work '. The form
*gwreith occurs, written guereit, in enuir ith elwir od guur guereit
B.A. 37, which appears elsewhere as enwir yt elwir oth gywir weithret
368 ACCIDENCE 193
do. 34, 1. 4, though the rhyming word is kyvyeith; but weithret is
also a genuine variant rh. with kiwet ib. 1. 9. Possibly the -r- was
first lost in the compound *giweithret by dissim. The -wr added to
*gwreith ' work ' may have come from the synonymous llafur < Lat.
laborem. The form *gwreithur might easily have become gwneithur
by dissim. 102 iii (2), as it was dissimilated to gurruthyl in Corn.
The -n- might spread from this to the verb ; but as gwn- is slightly
easier than gwr- the change may have taken place in the vb. itself
owing to its frequent occurrence. The old v.n. gweith with lost -r-
came to be dissociated from the vb., and gwneuthur remained the only
v.n. Ultimately from gwaith ' work ' a new denom. gweithiaf'I work'
was formed, with gweithio f to work ' as v.n. gweith i battle ' < *uiktd
(: Ir.fahim ' I fight', Lat. vinco) is a different word.
(5) deuaf is a compound of the verb ' to be ', as seen in the v.n.
dy-fod. The prefix is *do- which appears regularly as dy- before
a cons. The pres. is future in meaning, and comes from the fut. *eso ;
thus *d6 eso > *deu, which was made into deu-af 75 ii (2), so the
2nd sg. ; the 3rd sg. *do eset gave daw or do see ib. The pres. deuaf
would be in O.W. *doiiam; under the influence of 3rd sg. do this
became *do-am > Ml. W. doaf; thus deu- and do- became the stems
of the pres. and impf. ; and deu- was even substituted for dy- in some
other tenses as deu-bi for dy-bi, v (4). [Later the 3rd sg. daw was
made a stem in S.W. dialects, and dawaf, dawai, etc. occur in late
MSS.1
(6) Other tenses contain the b- forms of the vb. 'to be ' ; the fut.
dyvy8, dyvi, pres. subj. dyvo, dyffo are regular ; the perf. might be
either dyvu < *do-(be-)baue or dybu < *do-b'baue ; from the latter the
-6- spread to other tenses. The perf. dyvu or dybu was supplanted,
see vi (4), by a new perf. formed in imitation of aeth but with the
vowels of the pres. stems deu-, do- ; thus deuth, doeth ; and by a new
second perf. similarly modelled on e8yw, which like eSyw itself became
obsolete in Ml. W.
(7) The impv. of deuaf was dos, which was transferred to a/, see
viii (i). The Corn, forms are dus, dues, des, the Bret, is deuz. It is
clearly impossible to equate these forms either with one another or
with dos. What has taken place is that the vowel of other forms,
especially the 2nd pi., has been substituted for the original vowel ;
thus "W. dos after do-wch, Corn, dues after duech, des after de-uch,
Bret, deuz after deu-it ' come ye ' ; a late example is W. dial, (to
a child) dows yma ' come here ' after dowch. This leaves Corn, dus as
the unaltered form ; dus < *doistud < *do estod : Lat. estod, esto,
Gk. lo~ro).
(8) The loss of dos to deuaf was supplied by the impv. of verbs
meaning ' come ' from Vreg- : Ir. do-rega ' he will come ' ; thus dabre
< *dabbiriga < *do-ambi-reg-d ; dy-re < *do-rigd < *do-reg-a. The
forms with -d are generally referred to Vret- ' run ' ; but it would be
more satisfactory if they could be connected with the above. Ir. fair
'come' < *to-reg shows *reg- a thematic ; to athematic stems a 2nd
194 VERBS 369
sg. impv. *-dhi might be added (: Gk -Oi) ; thus *do-reg-di >
*do-red-di > dyred. It is true that -dhi was added to K-grade of root ;
but there are exceptions, as in the case of -tod (Lat. esto for *s-tod).
dyre also occurs as 3rd sg. pres. ind., B.P. 1036, 1. 28.
Verbs with old Perfects.
194. i. (i) dywedaf 'I say' has 3rd sg. pres. ind. Ml. W.
dyweit IL.A. 21, Early Mn. W. dywaid. In Late Mn. W. this
form is replaced by dywed, which is not so much a re-formate
from the other persons as a dial. pron. of dywaid t 6 iii. (In
Gwyn. the dial, form is dyfyd re-formed with the regular affec-
tion as in gweryd : gwaredaf.)
The 3rd sg. dyweit seems to contain the affected form of the R-
grade *uat- (*u e t-) of the root 201 i (3) ; cf. beirv B.B. 101 : berwaf.
(a) The aor. is dywedeis W.M. 10, dywedeist do. 63, dywed-
assam, etc., which is regular, except that for the 3rd sg. the perf.
is used : Ml. W. dywawt E.M. 5, 6, dywat do. 23, dywot W.M. 6, 7 ;
Early Mn. W. dywawd E/.G.E. D. 141, dywad, dywod, dyfod. For
these in Late Mn. W. a new formation dywedodd is used ; but in
Gwyn. dial, dywad, dwad may still be heard (Rhys, RC. vi 17).
Ni ddyfod ond yn ddifalch;
Ni bu na gorwag na balch. D.N., M 136/123.
' He spoke only modestly : he was neither vain nor proud.'
The impers. is the perf. dywespwyt E.M. 90, R.B.B. jo, dywet-
pwyt S.G. 17, Mn. W. dywetpwyd Matt, i 22 (1620). But the
aor. dywedwyd is more usual in Mn. W., and also occurs in
Ml. W. : dywedwyt IL.A. 115.
(3) The 2nd sg. impv. is, of course, dywet W.M. 121; Mn. W.
dywed. But in Early Mn. verse we sometimes find dywaid, D.G. 355,
G.Gr. do. 247, owing to the influence of the irregular 3rd sg. pres.
ind.
(4) The v.n. is Early Ml. W. dywedwyd >~M\. W. dywedut 78
iv (2), written in Mn. W. dywedyd.
In the dialects S.W. gw&ud (tha vb. also gwedaf), N.W. (dw$ud),
d$ud, dwyd, (e = 9).
(5) dywedaf : Vuet/d- ' say ' : Skr. vddati ' speaks ', "W. gwawd
' song ', Ir. faith ' poet ', Gaul. (-Gk.) pi. ovareis (whence Lat. vdtes,
Walde, s.v.) < Kelt. *uat- < L *uot-. Perf. dywawt, etc., 182 ii
(i). V.n. dywedwyd 203 iii (4), (8).
1402 B b
370 ACCIDENCE 194
(6) The verb, with the root-form *uat~, see (i), was used with-
out the prefix dy- before na 'that not', thus gwadaf na 1 1 say
that not, I deny that '. Hence gwadaf came to mean ' I deny ',
v.n. gwadu, though an objective clause after it is still introduced
by na. With neg. di- in Ml. W. diwat W.M.L. 92 ' denies '.
Oes a wad o sywedydd,
Lie del, nad hyfryd lliw dydd ? Gr.O. 38.
' Is there an astronomer who will deny that the light of day, where it
comes, is pleasant 1 '
ii. (i) gwuredaf * I succour, relieve ' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. O. W.
guorit juv. SK.. Ml. W. gweryt R.P. 1171, 1. 5, Mn. W. gweryd
Diar. xiv 25, Gr.O. 113; v.n. Ml. W. guaret W.M. 3, Mn. W.
gwared, gwaredu. The verb is quite regular. But in O. and
Early Ml. W. the 3rd sg. past is the perf. guoraut JTJV. SK.,
guaraud B.B. 39, gwarawt R.P. 1159.
There is also a 3rd sg. pres. subj. gwares seen in gwares Duw
dy anghen R.P. 577 ' may God relieve thy want ', 183 iii (i).
(2) gwared < *uo-ret- < *upo- 'under' + *ret- 'run': cf. Lat.
suc-curro < sub ' under ' + curro ' I run ' ; gwarawt 182 ii (i).
iii. (i) dygaf 'I bring' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. Ml. W. dwc
W.M. 398, Mn. W. dwg ( = dwg}\ v.n. Ml. and Mn. W. dwyn
( = dwyn). Old 3rd sg. pres. subj. duch 183 iii (i).
(2) Perf. sg. i. dugum W.M. 42 ; 2. dugost s.G. 246 ; 3. due
W.M. 42 ; pi. 3. dugant C.M. 107, S.G. 246, re-formed as ducsant
C.M. 59, dugassant s.G. 16. In Mn. W. the 3rd sg. dug (--)
remained the standard form, though a new dygodd has tended to
replace it in the recent period. But the other persons were
re-formed as aorists in the i6th cent., though the older forms
continued in use :
Dy wg yn hir y dugum ;
dygais, di-fantais film. W.1L.
' Thy resentment have I long borne ; if I have borne it, I have been
no gainer.'
(3) The compound ymddygaf is similarly inflected : v.n., Mn.
Vf.tfmddwyn ' to behave ', ymddwyn ' to bear' 41 i ; perf. sg. 3.
ymddug Can. iii 4, in late bibles ymddwg (and so pronounced).
(4) dygaf, dug 182 ii (2); dwyn 203 iv (3).
194 VERBS 371
iv. (i) Ml. W. amygaf 'I defend' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. amwe
B.T. 29 ; v.n. amwyn.
am-wyn seems to mean literally ' fight for ', since it is followed by
d 'with ' ; as amwyn y gorflwch hwn a mi W.M. 122 ' to fight for this
goblet with me ' ; amvin ae elin terwin guinet B.B. 57 ' to fight with
his enemy for the border of Gwynedd '.
(a) Perf. sg. 3. amuc B.B. 39, B.A. 12, neu-s amuc ae wayw B.A. 1 1
' defended him with his spear'. There is also a form amwyth used
intransitively, and therefore prob. a middle form like aetk ; as
pan amwyth ae alon yn LlecTi Wen B.T. 57 ' when he contended
with his foes at LI. W.' Plup. sg. 3. amucsei R.P. 1044.
(3) am-wg < *mbi-(p)uk-, Vpeuk- : Lat. pugna, pugil, Gk. TTUKT^S,
TTvy/xaxos, O.E. feohtan, ~E. fight. The perf. amuc with -uc < *-pouke,
like due 181 ii (2). The form amwyth prob. represents *amb(i)uktos
'st ; as it has the R-grade of the root, it cannot be a root-aorist. The
v.n. has -no- suffix 203 iv (3). See also 54 i (i).
The perf. has not been preserved in gorchfygaf ' I conquer ', Ml. W.
gorchyfygaf 44 ii < *uper-kom-puk-.
v. (i) clywaf ' I hear' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. clyw W.M. 54 ; v.n.
Ml. W. clylot W.M. 474, clywet G.Y.C. (anno 1282) R.P. 1417,
Mn. W. clywed.
(2) Perf. sg. i. cigleu W.M. 36, 83 = R.M. 23, 60, R.M. 129,
B.T. 33 ; ciglef R.M. 130, 168, W.M. 408, 423 = R.M. 262, 274,
c.M. 46, 48 ; sg. 3. cigleu W.M. I44 = E.M. 214, c.M. 50, S.G. 10, II,
etc. The rest of the tense is made up of aor. forms : sg. 2. clyweist
W.M. 230, R.M. 1 68 ; pi. 3. clywssont W.M. 33, B.M. 22; impers.
clywysbwyt IL.A. 117, clywspwyt S.G. 246.
In Early Mn. W. the 1st sg. ciglef survived in poetry, see ex.,
and I.G. 338. But the ordinary Mn. form is clywais D.G. 81.
Similarly the 3rd sg. cigleu is replaced by clywodd Luc xiv 15 ;
thus the tense became a regular aor. There is also a Late Ml.
and Mn. 3rd sg. clylu S.G. 362, Ex. ii 15, and impers. clyluwyd
Matt, ii 1 8 beside clywyd Ps. Ixxvii 1 8.
Doe ym mherigl y ciglef
Ynglyn aur angel o nef. D.G. 124.
' Yesterday in danger I heard the golden englyn of an angel from
heaven.'
(3) In Early Mn. W. a 2nd sg. impv. degle is found, e.g. G.G1.
B b 2
372 ACCIDENCE
i. MSS. 315 ; both form and meaning seem to have been influenced
by dyre (dial, dere) ' come ! '
Degle'n nes, dwg i liw nyf
Ddeg annerch oddi gennyf. D.G. 218.
' Lend nearer ear ! bring to [her of] the colour of snow ten greetings
from me/
(4) ctywaf, see 76 v (2). cigleu 182 i; the form ciglef is the
result of adding ist sg. -/to cigleu (euf > ef); it tends in late MSS.
to replace the latter; thus cigleu W.M. 144 = ciglef B.M. 214. The
cynghanedd in the example shows that the vowel of the reduplicator
is (as it is generally written), and not y ; hence we must assume
original *Jeu-. The ist sg. was most used, and prob. gives the form
cigleu. clybot is probably for *clyw-bot, cf. adnabot 191 iv (3).
vi. go&iweSaf ' I overtake ' : v.n. gobiwes 203 iii (7) so in
Mn. W., sometimes re-formed in Late W. as goddiweddyd. Perf.
sg. 3. gobiwawb, see 182 iii.
Verbs with t-Aorists.
195. i. (i) canaf c I sing ' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. can B.B. 13
= Mn. W. can ; v.n, canu. Aor. sg. i. keint, keintum, a. ceuntost,
3. cant 175 iii, 181 vii (i), impers. canpwyt 182 iv (4) ; there
are no corresponding forms in the pi. The -aor. was already
superseded in Late ML W. ; thus sg. 3. canawb IL.A. 117, Mn. W.
canodd ; but cant survived in the phrase X. a'i cant ' [it was] X.
who sang it ', ascribing a poem to its author, and is often mis-
written cant by late copyists 175 iii (i).
(a) gwanaf ' I wound ' is similar. Aor. sg. i. gweint, 3. gwant
175 iii ; Mn. W. gwenais, gwanodd.
ii. (i) eymeraf ' I take ', differaf * I protect ' : 3rd sg. pres.
ind. cymer, differ ; v.n. kymryt W.M. 8, 9, diffryt R.M. 132, 141.
Aor. sg. 3. kymerth, differth, kemirth ( = kym^rtK) A.L. i ia6,
diffyrth B.M. 139, 175 iii (i). Beside these, forms in -wys, -ws
occur in Ml. W., as kememcs 175 i (5), differwys G.B. B.P. 1191.
But cymerth survives in biblical W., e. g. Act. xvi 33, beside the
usual Late Mn. W. cymerodd c.c. 318, Matt, xiii 31.
(2) The v.n. cymryt, Mn. W. cymryd c.c. 335, cain-gymryd M.K.
[*37J> has been re-formed as cymeryd; but the prevailing form in the
spoken lang. is cymryd Ceiriog O.H. 1 10 (or cfim'yd). The translators
of the bible adopted cymmeryd, evidently thinking that it was more
196 VERBS 373
correct than the traditional form. On the other hand, the verb is
sometimes found re-formed after the v.n. ; thus Jcymreist R.G. 1128,
cymrodd D.G. 356, cymrais E.P. PS. cxix m.
(3) cymeraf < *kom-bher- 90 ; differaf < *de-eks-per-, Vper-
1 bring ' : Skr. pi-par-ti ' brings across, delivers, protects ' ; cymryt
< *kom-bhr-tu- 203 iii (8). cymerih, cymyrth 181 vii (i).
iii. Early Ml. W. dyrreith ' came, returned ' ; maeth ' nursed ' ;
gwreith ' did ' ; 181 vii (2).
DEFECTIVE VERBS.
196. The following verbs are used in the 3rd sg. only.
i. (i) Ml. W. dawr, tawr ' matters ', impf. dorei, torei, fut.
dorbi ; also with di- : dibawr, diborei, v.n. dibarfot. (The -8- is
inferred from Early Mn. cynghanedd, as deuddyn / diddawr D.G.
37.) The verb is chiefly used with a negative particle and dative
infixed pron. ; thus nym dawr R.P. 1340 'I do not care', literally
* it matters not to me '. It is generally stated to be impersonal ;
but this is an error, for the subject that which ' matters ' is
often expressed, and when not expressed is understood, like the
implied subject of any other verb. Thus, Ny'm tawr i vynet W.M.
437 ' I do not mind going' ; i is the affixed pron. supplementing
'm, and the subject of tawr is vynet, thus ' going matters not to
me ' ; so, Ny'm dorei syrthyaw . . . nef R.P. 1208, lit. 'the falling of
the sky would not matter to me'; odit am dibawr R.P. 1029
' [there is] scarcely anything that interests me '.
Pathawr (for pa 'th Sawr) W.M. 430 ' what does [that] matter to
thee ? ' Ny'm torei kyny by&wn W.M. 172 'I should not mind if
I were not '. Nyt mawr y'm dawr B.T. 65 ' it is not much that it
matters to me' ; ni'm dorbi B.B. 60, 62 'it will not matter to me'.
Without the dat. infixed pron. : ny SiSatw, ny Sawr cwt vo B.P. 1055
' it matters not, it matters not where he may be '.
(2) In Late Ml. W. the subject and remoter object came to be
confused in the 3rd sg. ; thus nys dawr c it matters not to him '
came to be regarded as, literally, ' he does not mind it ', -* ' to
him ' being taken for ' it '. Thus the verb seemed to mean ' to
mind, to care ' ; as am y korff nys diborei ef s.G. 64 ' about the
body he did not care ' ; heb bibarbot py fieth a bamweinei ibaw R.B.B.
225 ' without caring what happened to him '.
In Late Ml. and Early Mn. W. this new verb ' to care ' came
374 ACCIDENCE 196
to be inflected for all the persons ; as ny biborynt K.B.B. 216
' they cared not ', ni ddoraf D.G. 529 'I do not care ', ni ddorwn i
do. 296, ni ddawr hi, ni ddorwn do. 174. In spite of this per-
version the phrase ni'm dawr persisted, e.g. D.G. 138, G.Gr.
D.G. 248, Gr.O. 57 ; also o'm dawr ' if I care ', D.G. 246,
G.Gr. ib.
(3) The interchange of t- and d- suggests the prefix *to- : *do-;
the fut. dorbi and the v.n. show that the verb is a compound of the
verb ' to be ', the first element originally ending in a consonant, as in
adnabod, gwybod. Hence we may infer dawr < *ddros'st < *do-(p)aros
est ; *paros : Gk. Trapos, Skr. purdh, all from Ar. *p e ros ' before ' ; for
the development of the meaning cf. Skr. purds kar- ' place in front,
make the chief thing, regard, prefer ' ; with the verb 'to be ' instead
of ' to make ' we should have ' to be in front, to be important, to
matter '. The impf. dorei must therefore have been made from the
pres. dawr.
The reason for dar- in the v.n. is a different accentuation : *do-dros-
> dar- 156 i (13). The form darbod survives as a v.n. without
a verb, meaning ' to provide ', whence darbodus ' provident '. This
may have been a separate word from the outset, with *p e ros meaning
' before ' in point of time ; ' *to be before-hand ' > ' to provide for the
future'. The verb darparaf 'I prepare' seems to have the same
prefix compounded with *par- : peri ' to cause ' < *q v e r-, Vq*er-
' make ' influenced by Lat. paro (paratus > W. parod ' ready ').
From diSawr were formed the abstract noun diborde}) M.A. ii 346
and the adj. diddorol only occurring in Late Mn. W. and generally
misspelt dyddorol ' interesting '.
ii. (i) Ml. W. dichawn, digawn ' can ', Mn.W. die/ion, is rarely
used except in this form, which is 3rd sg. pres. ind.
ny Sichawn efeu gwnneuthur IL.A. 33 ' which He cannot do ', cf. 34,
35 ; llawer damwein a digawn bot W.M. 28, K.M. 18 ' many an accident
may happen '. Chwi ynfalch a ddichon fod T.A. A 98 1 7/1 84 ' you who
may be proud '. .A T i ddichon neb wasanaethu dau arglwydd Matt, vi 24.
Llawer a ddichon taer-weddi y cyfiawn lago v 16.
A subjunct. 3rd sg. occurs in kyn ny Sigonho y gero hon W.M. 488
'though he does not know this craft'. In G.c. 138 we find nas
dichonaf vi ac nas dichonwn pei ' that I cannot [do] it, and could
not if . . .'
The form dichyn M.K. [ix.] is an artificial re-formation which was
in fashion for a time, and then disappeared.
(2) dichon, dichawn < *di^^awn < Brit. *dl-gegane ; digawn <
Brit. *di-g'gdne ; < Ar. perf. sg. 3. *gegone : Gk. yeywva ' I make
known ' ; for meaning cf. Eng. can : Vgene- ' know . W. gogoniant
1 glory ' orig. ' *fame ' < *uo-g > gan-.
196 VERBS 375
(3) A stem of the same form (usually with -g-) is inflected
throughout in O. and Ml. W. in the sense of 'cause to be, do,
make ', v.n. digoni M.A. i 359.
Ind. pres. sg. 2. digonit B.B. 19 ( = digonyS) ; aor. sg. i. digoneis
M.A. i 27ia, sg. 2., 3. dicones JTJV. SK., 3. digones B.T. 40, dichones
M.A. i 273, impers. digonet W.M. 477 ; plup. sg. 3. digonsei B.T. 24 ;
subj. pres. sg. i. dichonwyfw.A. i 2710;.
(4) This seems to come from Vgene- 'cause to be, give birth to',
of which the pf. was sg. i. *gegona, 3. *gegone : Skr. i.jajdna, ^.jajana,
Gk. i. yeyova. Whether the two roots are originally the same has
not been decided. If the original meaning was something like ' to be
efficient', it might have become i. ' to produce, give birth to', 2. 'be
master of, understand '.
(5) Ml. W. digawn, Mn. "W. digon ' enough ' may have originated
in phrases such as digawn hynny ' that will do ' understood as ' that
[is] enough ' ; cf. digawn a Sodet yman K.M. 14. From digon ' enough '
a new verb was made in Mn. W., digonaf, v.n. digoni ' to suffice '.
iii. Ml. W. deryw, Mn. W. darfu 190 i (a).
iv. Ml. W. gweSa R.P. 1286 ' beseems ' 173 v (3), impf.gwebei
W.M. 178 ; Mn. W. gwedda, F. 30, impf. gweddai Eph. v 3, v.n.
gweddu I Tim. ii 10. Followed by i.
Other persons are found : gweS-af, -wyfiL.A.. 122, gweddynt Gr.O. 63.
gwedda is a denom. from gwedd ' appearance ' < *uid-d 63 iv.
v. Ml. W. tykya W.M. 14 ' avails ', impf. tygyei ib., v.n. tygyaw
do. 1 6 ; Mn. W. tycia Diar. x 2, impf. tyciai, v.n. tycio Matt,
xxvii 24. Followed by i.
Ny thykya y neb ymlit yr unbennes W.M. 1 4 ' it avails no one to
pursue the lady ' ; the subj. is ymlit ; thus ' pursuing avails not '.
tycia is a denom. from twg : Vteua x -, see 111 v (2); but the -c-
in the pres. is caused by the -h- of -ha.
vi. Ml. W. deiryt R.P. 1197 'pertains, is related' foil, by y 'to' ;
impf. deirydei s.G. 105. Mn. W. deiryd L.G.C. 272, Gr.O. 47.
A 'r lludw gorff, lie daw y gyt,
YV lludw arall lie deiryt. G.V., B.P. 1299.
' And [I commend] the body of dust, where it will all come, to the
other dust where it belongs.'
The last syll. -yt may be the 3rd sg. mid. ending 179 iii (i) ; this
would explain the limitation of the vb. to the 3rd sg. In that case
deirydei is a re-formation, and the prefix and stem are devr- < *do-gr- ;
the root may be *gher- 'hold' (:Lat. co-Aors); thus deiryt from
*do-ghretai ' holds himself to '.
376 ACCIDENCE 197, 198
vii. metha gan ' fails ', synna ar ' is astonished ' :
Pan fethodd genni' ddyfiisio B.C. 15 ' when I failed to guess', lit.
' when guessing failed with me ' ; metha gan y buan ddianc Amos ii 14 ;
si/nnawdd arnaf D.G. 386 'I was astonished at', synnodd arnynt
Matt, xiii 54.
These verbs began to take the person for the subject in the Late
Mn. period ; as synnodd pawb Marc ii 1 2. The transition stage is seen
in synnodd arno wrth weled Act. viii 1 3, where weled is no longer, as
it should be, the subject ; the next step is synnodd ef; then synnais,
etc., in all persons.
Other verbs are used in a similar way in the 3rd sg., but not
exclusively ; hiraethodd arno ' he longed ' ; llawenhaodd arno ' he was
rejoiced ' ; lleshaodd iddo ' profited him ' ; gorfu, arno or iddo ' he was
obliged ' ; perthyn iddo or arno ' belongs to him ' ; digwyddodd iddo
1 it happened to him ', etc. The subject is usually a v.n. : digwyddodd
iddo syrthio l he happened to fall ' ; gorfii arno fyned ' he was obliged
to go '.
197. i. The verb genir ' is born ' is used in the impersonal
only ; ind. pres. (and fut.) genir , impf. genid, aor. ganed, also Late
Mn. W. ganwyd, plup. Ml. ganadoeb, ganydoeb, ganyssit, Mn.
ganasid ; subj. pres. ganer ; v.n. geni.
Although the forms, except in the pres., are, as in other verbs,
passive in origin, they take the impers. construction, being accom-
panied by objective pronouns. The v.n. takes the obj. gen. : cyn fy
ngeni ' before my birth ', lit. ' before the bearing of me '.
genir, ganer, ganet IL.A. 37, genit, geni do. ii,ganadoe8 H.M. ii 263,
ganydoeS R.B.B. in, ganyssit do. 286.
A 3rd. sg. aor. genis 'begat' occurs in C.M. 19, in a translation, and
is prob. artificial.
ii. genir < Brit. *ganl-re < *g e ne-, V gene- : Lat. gigno, Gk. yiyvo-
fjai, etc. The ganad- in the plup. is the perf. pass. part. *ganatos <
*g e n9-to-s ; prob. -yd- is due to the anal, of ydoedd.
198. i. Ml. W. heb yr, heb y, or heb ' says, said ' is used for
all persons and numbers ; the yr or y is not the definite article,
as it occurs not only before proper names, but before pronouns.
The Mn. W. forms corresponding to the above are ebr, ebe, eb. In
Recent W. the form ebe (with -e for Ml. y 16 iv (2) ) is some-
times wrongly written ebai, the -e being mistaken for a dialectal
reduction of the imp ending -ai 6 iii.
Oes, arglwyo, heb yr ynteu W.M. 386 ' Yes, lord, said he ' ; heb yr ef
ib. ' said he ' ; heb yr wynt do. 185 ' said they ' ; heb yr Arthur do. 386
' said A.' ; heb y mi do. 46 ' said I ' ; heb y jxiwb do. 36 ' said every-
198 VERBS 377
body ' ; heb y Pwyll do. 4 ' said P.' ; heb 0/do. 2 ' said he ' ; heb ynteu
do. 3 'said he'; heb hi do. 10 'said she'; heb wynt do. 27 'said
they ' ; etc. Its use without an expressed subject is rare, and occurs
chiefly where it repeats a statement containing the subject : Ac yna y
dywat Beuno, mi a welaf, heb H..A. 126 'And then Beuno said, " I see,"
said [he] ' ; A gofyn a oruc i8aw, arglwyb, heb H.M. 1 79 ' and he asked
him, "lord," said [he] '; heb ef. . . heb R.M. 96.
Mn. W. (N.W.) eb ni Ps. cxxxvii 4 (1588), eb ef B.CW. 8 ' said he',
eb yr angel ib. ' said the angel', ebr ef do. 10, ebr ynteu do. 15, eb ej
M.K. [i i], hebr efdo. [20] ; (S.W.) ebe Myrddin D.P.O. 4, eb un do. 97,
ebe I.MSS. 154 ff. The N.W. dial, form ebr, e.g. ebr fi B.CW. 10, etc. is
now re-formed as ebra.
Yn 61 Sion ni welais haul,
Eb Seren Bowys araul. T.A., A 14975/107.
' Since [I have lost] Sion I have not seen the sun, said the bright Star
of Powys.'
ii. C. used hebaf and heb^t, see ex. ; P.M. imitating him (the
two poems are addressed to father and son) wrote ny hebwn hebod
M.A. i 394 ' I would not speak without thee'.
Ti hebofnyt hebu oe8 ten;
Mi hebot ny hebaf inneu. C., E.P. 1440.
' Thou without me it was not thy [wont] to speak ; I without thee
I will not speak either.'
The compound atebaf ( < *ad-keb-af) ' I answer ' is inflected
regularly throughout : 3rd sg. pres. ind. etyb, v.n. ateb. The rarer
compounds gwrthebaf* I reply \gohebaf l \ say' (now 'I correspond')
seem also to be regular : gohebych B.F. K.P. 1154 (Mn. W. 3rd
sg. pres. ind. goheba, v.n. gohebu).
iii. In O.W. only hepp M.C. ( = heb 18 i) occurs, before a consonant
in each case. In Ml. W. heb yr and heb occur before vowels, and heb
y before consonants. Assuming that the original form in W. was
*Jiebr, this would become either *hebr or heb before a consonant;
the former would naturally become hebyr, later heby ; this seems to be
the sound meant by heb y, the y being written separately because
sounded y as in the article. Before a vowel *hebr would remain, and
is prob. represented by heb yr (the normal Ml. spelling would be
hebyr = hebyr). In S.W. heb and heby survived, becoming eb, ebe ; in
N.W. heb and hebr, becoming eb and ebr.
If the above is correct, the original *hebr must be from a deponent
form with suffix *-re added directly to the root ; thus *seq*-re, Vseq*-
1 say ' ; cf. gwyr 191 iii (i). In the face of the compound ateb = Ir.
aithesc, both from Kelt. *ati-seq*-, Strachan's statement, Intr. 97,
that heb 'says' is of adverbial origin seems perverse. A sufficient
378 ACCIDENCE 199
explanation of its being uninflected is its deponent form. In com-
pounds it was regularized, and C.'s hebaf is deduced from these.
iv. The verb amkawS ' answered ' is a survival which occurs
frequently in the W.M. Kulhwch, and nowhere else ; the 3rd pi. is
amkeubant W.M. 486, -8, which the scribe at first wrote amkeua6t
do. 473, -7, -8, -9, mistaking n for u and writing it 6.
amk-awS, 96 iii (4); if the explanation there given is correct,
amkeuSant is a re-formation, possibly at first *amkeuSynt with affec-
tion of aw as in beunydd 220 iv (2).
199. i (i) meddaf ' I say ' is inflected fully in the pres. and
impf. ind. only : 3rd sg. pres. medd, impers. meddir 'it is said '.
There is no v.n.
Exx. i. Me8 seint Awstin IL.A. 42 'St. Augustine says'; 2. me8
yr ystoria do. 129 ' says the account ' ; 3. Dioer, heb y kennadeu, Teg,
me8 Pryderi oe8 y'r gwr . . . W.M. 88 ' " By Heaven," said the
messengers, " Pryderi says it would be fair for the man ...'";
4. Edyrn vab Nu8 yw, meS ef; nyt atwen inheu e/B.M. 259 ' He says
he is Edyrn son of Nudd ; but I don't know him '55. Blawt, meBei
y GwySel W.M. 54 ' " Flour," said the Irishman ' ; 6. Broch, rneSynt
wynteu do. 24 ' " A badger," said they'.
Mn. W. : meddaf I.F. I.MSS. 319, Col. i 20; meddi loan viii 52 ;
medd M.K. [20]; meddant 2 Cor. x 10.
(2) In the recent period medd has tended to take the place of eb,
and has almost ousted it in the dialects. But in Ml. W. the two are
distinct : heb is used in reporting a conversation, and is therefore of
extreme frequency in tales ; me8 is used in citing authors, as in exx.
i., 2., or in quoting an expression of opinion as in ex. 3., or an
answer not necessarily true, as in exx. 4., 5., 6. Hence we may infer
that me8 originally meant 'judges, thinks ', and is the original verb
corresponding to me&wl ' thought ' : Ir. midiur ' I judge, think ', Lat.
meditor, Vmed-, allied to Vine- ' measure '. To express ' think '
a new verb meSylyaf, a denom. from mebwl, was formed, 201 iii (6).
(3) The verb meddaf ' I possess ' is however conjugated regu-
larly throughout : 3rd sg. pres. ind. medd, 3rd sg. aor. meddodd
W.1L. C.IL. 105, v.n. meddu.
This verb is unconnected with the above, and probably comes from
/med- ' enjoy ' : Skr. mddati ' rejoices ' (from the sense of ' refreshing '
comes ' healing ' in Lat. medeor, medicus). W. meddaf is often
intrans., followed byar; meddu ar 'to rejoice in, be possessed of.
A common saying is Mae hwn yn well i feddu arno ( this is better to
give satisfaction ', lit. ' to have satisfaction on it '.
200 VERBS 379
ii. (i) The verb dlyaf (2, syll.), dylyaf (3 syll.) ' I am entitled
to, obliged to ' is conjugated fully in Ml. W. : 3rd sg. pres. ind.
dyly, 3rd sg. aor. dylyawb IL.A. 15, v.n. dlyu, dleu, dylyu. But in
Mn. W. the inflexion is restricted to the impf. and plup. ind.
with the meaning ' I ought ', more rarely ' I deserve ', and the
v.n. is not used.
D.G. has dyly 28 ; elsewhere the impf. dylyivn, dylyai (misprinted
dyleuaf, dylai) 35 'I deserve, she deserves'; Ni ddylyut ddile-u (mis-
printed Ond ni ddylit) 427 ' thou oughtest not to destroy'. The 3rd
sg. dylyai became dylai 82 ii (3), also without the intrusive y, dldi.
Hence sg. i. dyldwn, 2. dylaut. These forms may still be heard from
old speakers; but in the Late Mn. period a re-formed tense dylion, etc.
has come into use ; and the written form is dylwn 2 Cor. ii 3, dylit
Es. xlviii 1 7) dylei loan xix 7, dylem, i loan iv n, etc. The plup. in
any case would be dylaswn 2 Cor. xii n, etc. In the early i7th
cent, an artificial sg. 3. dyl was sometimes used.
Gwirion a ddlae a drugaredd ; a MS. ddylae,
Gwae'rferch a'i gyrro i'wfedd. D.E., c 49/33.
' The virtuous deserves mercy ; woe to the woman who sends him to
his grave.' On -ae for -di see 52 iii (3).
(2) The first y in dylyaf is intrusive, and comes from dyly < *dly%
40 iii (3). Related forms are Ml. W. dylyet, dlyet 'merit; debt',
Mn. W. dyledD.W. 80, died T.A. A 14967/29 'debt', 82 ii(3); the
latter is the Gwyn. dial, form ; late Mn. dyled ; Bret, die ' debt ', dleout
' devoir ', Ir. dligim ' I deserve ', dliged ' law, right ' ; all these may
represent either *dleg- or *d^g- in Kelt. : Goth, dulgs ' debt ' < *dhlyh-,
O.Bulg. dliigu ' debt ' ; the underlying meaning is ' to be due, or lawful '
either ' to ' (' merit') or ' from ' (' debt ') ; hence *dhlegh- ( law '. There
is nothing to prevent our referring to such a root O.E. lagu, E. law,
and Latin lex (ilex, Sommer 293), if for the latter we assume -gh/g-
101 iii (i).
200. i. hwde, hwdy ' here ! take this ' and moes ' give me '
are used in the imperative only ; in Mn. W. hwde has pi. hwdyyoch ;
moes has Ml. pi. moesswch R.M. 182, Mn. moeswch Gr.O. 58.
Hwde vodrwy W.M. 168, R.M. 234 'take a ring'; hwde di y
votrwy honn R.M. 173 ' take thou this ring ' ; hwdy ditheu ef CM. 31
' do thou take it ' ; hwdiwch M.K. [78], B.cw. 38.
Moes 154 iii (2) ex.; moes vy march W.M. 17 'give me my
horse ' ; moes imi y gorvlwch W.M. 164 ' give me the goblet ' ; Melys ;
moes mwy prov. ' [It is] sweet ; give me more ' ; moes i mi dy galon
Diar. xxiii 26; moes, moes do. xxx 15; moesswch rhyngoch air
Barn, xx 7.
380 ACCIDENCE 201
ii. hwde is not used for ' take ' generally, but is an exclamation
accompanying an offer, cf. Gwell un hwde no deu a8aw B.B. 968
' better one "take this" than two promises' ; hence possibly hw for
*hwy 78 ii < *s(u)oi 'for (thy) self the reflexive *sue- being used
orig. for all persons. In that case -dy or -de is the ordinary affixed
pron. (= B.B. -de, 160 iv (3), used because hw was taken for a verb),
or is perhaps voc. ; hwdy di then is *hw dydt. The S.W. hwre is
late, M.IL. ii 108 (not by him, see do. 319).
moes < *moi esto(d) 75 ii (2) ' be it to me ', i.e. ' let me have it ' ;
cf. est mihi ' I have '. If so, i mi ' to me ' after it is redundant ; but
its frequent omission makes this probable.
VERBAL STEMS.
201. i. The pres. stem of the \V. verb, from which in regular
verbs the aor. and subj. stems can be regularly deduced, may be
called the stem of the verb. It is found by dropping the -of of
the ist sg. pres. ind. The ending -of, as we have seen, comes
from ~Brit.*-ame for unaccented *-dmi, which is sometimes original,
and represents Ar. *-d~mi or *-o-mi ; but -of was often substituted
for -if < Brit. *-l-me < Ar. *-e-w,and for the affection caused by
Brit. *-u < Ar. *-o, the ending in thematic verbs. The W.
verbal stem represents
(1) F-grade of V, as in cymer-af 'I take', ad-fer-af 'I restore',
Vbher- : Lat. fero, Gk. <cpo>. So rhed-af 'I run', gwared-af 'I
succour ', eh-ed-af ' I fly ', etc.
(2) F-grade of V , as in gwan-af l I wound' < *gwon-, IT. gonim,
Vg*hen- : Gk. <}>ovd<a. So pob-af I bake ', a-gor-af ' I open ' 99
vi, etc.
(3) R-grade of V, as in dyg-af 'I bring' < *duk- 182 ii (2);
also V-grade, as in co-sp-af ' I punish ', Ir. co-sc-aim < *con-sq*-
(' talk with '), Vseq*- ' say '. (Though in rho-dd-af ' I give ' the dd
appears to be V-grade of Vdo-, in reality -ddaf represents Ar. *-do-mi
with F-grade, as in Gk. Si'&o/u.)
(4) R-grade of V with w-infix, as in gann-af ' I am contained '
<*ghnd- 173iv(i), V yhed- : E. get ; andin^wnTi'Iknow' <*uind-,
Vueid- 191 iii (i). W. prynaf ' I buy ' < *q*rina~mi ) V<j*reia.-
179 iii (i). The infix comes before the last cons, of the root, and
is syllabic (-ne~) before a sonant ; the last cons, in *q*reia- is (a=c#),
and before 9 the syllable is -na~ 63 v (2), hence *q*rina- ; cf. Gk. Dor.
(5) R-grade of V + j, as in seini-af ' I sound '< *st e n-f i -, Vsten- ;
sain ' a sound ' is an old v.n., cf. darstain ' to resound ' 156 i (13).
(6) V-grade of V + *ii > W. -y8-, as in b~yS-af 189 iv (i); and
gweiny-af K.P. 1244 'I serve', 3rd sg. gweinyB do. 1238, gioeinySa
201 VERBS 381
1254 < *uo-gn-n-, Vgerie-, 196 ii (4); the v.n. is gweini <*uo-
gnlm- 203 vii (4), These represent Ar. iteratives and causatives in
-eie- ( : -i- : -I-}.
(7) K-grade of V + *-isq->W. -ych-, as llewych-af (late corruption
llewyrchaf) < *lug-isk-, Vleuq/g- : Gk. -I-O-KW; F-grade of V + *-sq-
> W. -ch-, in Ml. W. pu-ch-af ' I wish ' < *quoi-sq-, Vquoi- : Lith.
Jcveczu ' I invite ', O. Pruss. quoi ' he will ', Lat. ms, 0. Lat. vois ' thou
wishest ', Lat. invltus, (qu > Lat. v), Gk. KOITCU ywaiKuiv cTrtdu/u'at Hes.
Ar. suff. *-sqe-.
(8) Other Ar. stem-forms, mostly deverbatives and denominatives,
such as -d- or -dh- stems, as rhathaf, rhathu 91 ii; -t- stems, as
gadaf ' I leave ' < *ghd-t- ii (2) ; -u- stems, as (gwr)andawaf ' I listen '
76 iii (i) ; stems with -m-, as tyfaf ' I grow ' < * tu-m- : Lat. tumeo,
Vteud x - ' increase ' ; etc.
ii. (i) Many verbs are denominatives formed from the v.n. as
stem. Old examples are gafaelaf ' I take hold ' from v.n. gafael
188 iv ; gwasanaethaf ( I serve ' from v.n. gwasanaeth ' to serve ' ;
as the latter was also an abs. noun meaning 1 ' service ', a new v.n.
gwasanaethu was made from the verb, 203 i (i) ; ymdcUr(i)edaf
' I trust ' from \.n.ymddir(i}ed ; andawaffrom andaw i (8) ; cadwaf
etc. 202 v. For later examples see (3).
(2) (a) The verb gadaf ' I leave, let, permit ', v.n. gadu, gadael,
gadel has a doublet adawaf'I leave, leave behind ', v.n. adaw (in
Late Ml. and Mn. W. gadawaf, v.n. gadaw, gaclo\ The two verbs
are conjugated regularly throughout ; thus
i. gadaf : 3rd sg. pres. ind. gad, 2nd sg. impv. gad, 2nd pi. do.
gedwch, 3rd sg. pres. subj. goto = galto B.P. 1271; na at K.P. 1299
> nat do. 1216, Mn. "W. nad ' let not ', na ato > nato ' forbid ' ; from
these we have nadafL forbid', v.n. nadu c.c. 187, Card, nadel.
Och arglwy8, heb y Gwalchmei, gat y mi vynet . . . Ae adu a wnaeth
Arthur K.M. 181 '"Alas lord," said G., " let me go." And A. let
him.' Ny adei ef hun vyth ar legat dyn W.M. 465 ' he never left
sleep on eye of man.' Ym-ad a P.G.G. 22 'forego ' impv.
Gwedd ewyn, cyd gweddiwyf,
Gadu ar Dduw rannu 'r wyf. D.G. 17.
' [Maid of] the colour of foam, though I pray, I leave it to God to
dispose.'
Ac ato'dd awn bei'm getid. G.G1. P 83/59.
' And to him would I go, if I were allowed.'
Nad i ferch newidio foes. D.G. 295.
' Let not a woman change my life ' (? read niweidio ' mar ').
382 ACCIDENCE 201
Nato Duw 159 ii (2), E.P. 274 ' God forbid' ; nadodd D.G. 105
' prevented '. Gredwch i blant bychain ddyfod attafi Marc x 14.
2. adawaf : 3rd sg. pres. ind. edeu, Mn. W. gedy, 2nd sg. impv.
adaw, 2nd pi. edewch, Mn. W. gadewch, 3rd sg. pres. sub), adawo, etc.
Adaw tiy lie hwnn IL.A. 105 ' leave thou this place '. Ac yn y
llestyr yS ymolcho y8 edeu y modrwyeu W.M. 475 ' and in the vessel
in which she washes she leaves her rings '. hyt nat edewis efwr byw
do. 54 ' till he left no man alive '. A el y chware adawet y groen
B.B. 965 ' whoso goes to play let him leave his skin behind '.
gadaf is itself prob. an old denom., i (8), from *gto-t-, Vghe- : Skr.
jdhdti 'leaves', Lat. he-res, Gk. x^P 0<s - adawaf is a denom. from
adaw, which may be an ad-compound of the same root with u- verbal
noun suffix 202 v(i); thus *ati-gh9-u- >Brit. *ate-gau- >ad-aw.
Initial^- begins to appear in adaw in the I4th cent. : gedewis IL.A. 106.
The verb gadaf is in common use in the spoken lang., but recent
writers seem to think that it is a corruption of gadawaf, and in late
edns. of the Bible gedwch I.e. has been changed by vandals to
gadewch.
(6) cyfodaf'I rise, raise', v.n. cyfodi, is generally reduced in
Mn. W. to codaf, codi (cflfod- > cywod- > co-wod- > cod-). But
in lit. W. the 3rd sg. pres. ind. cyfycl Matt, xvii 23, and 2nd sg.
impv. cyfod Gen. xxxi 13, remained. In the recent period, how-
ever, a dial, form cwyd ( < * cw\i/d < cgwqd) is sometimes used for
the former, and even as impv., e.g. Ceiriog C.G. 94.
In Gwyn. the dial, forms are cyfyd ' rises ', cw\ad ' rise ! ' the latter
now being replaced by a new cod from the vb. stem.
cyf-od-af < *kom-(p)ot-, Vpet- ' fly ' : Gk. Trorrj, irero/xat, O. Pers.
ud-a-patata' rises '\cyf-od- orig. ' rise ' (of birds, bees, etc.). The V also
means 'to fall' Walde 2 573, hence ."W. od-i 'to fall' (of snow), as
Ottid eiry B.B. 89 ' snow falls ' j hence od ' snow '.
(3) In Mn. W., especially in the late period, some verbs have
been re-formed with the v.n. as stem ; thus arhoaf became arhosaf
187 ii; adeilaf became adeiladaf 203 iii(i); olrheaf'Itr&ce',
v.n. olrhain 203 iv (i), became olrheiniaf-, and darlieqf'Ire&A'
became darllennaf, or darllenaf, formed from the dial. v.n. darllen,
for the standard form darllein, darllain.
As there is no early evidence of darllen it cannot be assumed to be
from Hen < lleen < Lat. legend-, darllennaf instead of *darlleiniaf
may be due to the influence of ysgrifennaf. But in S.W. it is sounded
darllenaf with single -n-, as if influenced by lien. In the 1620 Bible
the vb. is darllennaf Dan. v 1 7, but impv. darllain Es. xxix 1 1 ,
darllein Jer. xxxvi 6, v.n. darllein Act. viii 30.
201 VERBS 383
iii. The stems of denominatives are formed in W. either without
a suffix, or with the suffixes -ycJi-, -yg-, -ha-, -ho- or -i- ; thus
(i) Without a suffix: bwyd-af'I feed', v.n. bwyd-o, from bwyd
1 food ' ; meddiann-af ' I take possession ', v.n. -u, from meddiant
* possession ' ; pur-af ' I purify ', v.n. -o, from pur ' pure ' ; arfog-af
' I arm ', v.n. -i, from arfog ' armed '.
(a) Suff. -yen- as in brad-ych-af I betray ', v.n. bradychu, from
brad ' treason ' ; chwenychaf ' I desire ', v.n. chwenychu IL.A. 13,
whenychu E.B.B. 89, cJiwennych D.G. 91, from chwant 'desire';
tewgch-af ' I fatten ', v.n. -, from tew ' fat ' ; on the suff. see i (7).
The relation between this and the abstr. noun ending -wch 143 iii
(23) is seen in pas 'cough' < *q%dst- ( : O.E. hwosta), pesychaf'T.
cough ', pesychu ' to cough ', peswch ' coughing ' ; the last is a suffixless
v.n., and is still used as a v.n. in S.W. dialects. Ar. *-isq- > *-tf*x >
-wch 96 iii (4), 26 vi (5).
diolwch 'to thank' W.M. n, 'thanks' do. 34, became diolch 'to
thank' B.B.B. 134, 'thanks' do. 10, and *diolychaf ( I thank' became
diolchafwM. 104 even earlier; diolwch < *de-ial-isq- : W. iolaf 'I
praise ', v.n., ioli, eiriolaf ' I entreat ', v.n. eiriawl < *ar-idl- ; Kelt.
*idl- ' speak fervently ' < Ar. *jdl- ' fervent ' : Gk. ^Xos, Dor. SAos
'zeal'.
(3) Suff. -yg-, as in gwaethyg-af I become worse ', v.n. -n, from
gwaeth ' worse ' ; mawryg-af ' I extol ', v.n. -u, from mawr c great' .
The suff. is prob. a variant o-ych- after th, II, cf. -wg 143 iii (23).
The stem-form of Ml. W. gwellygyaw from gwall ' defect ' has been
influenced by the synonymous diffygyaw < Lat. de-fai-.
(4) Suff. -ha- ; the -k- unvoiced -6, -d, -g> and often -/, -8 111
iii. It has various uses :
(a) ' to seek ', added to nouns, forming v.n.'s without a v.n.
ending : card6ta ' to beg ' (cardod ' charity ') ; biota ' to beg meal '
(blawd ' meal ') ; cica ' to beg meat ' (cig ' meat ') ; fta ' to beg corn '
(yd ' corn ') ; py%g6ta ' to fish ' (pysgod ( fish ') ; cneua ' to gather
nuts ' (cnau ' nuts ') ; addra ' to go bird-catching ' (adar ' birds ') ;
cynuta ' to gather fuel ' (cynnud ' fuel ') ; llygota ' to catch mice '
(llygod 'mice'); gwreica 'to seek a wife' (gwraig 'wife'); lloffa
' to glean ' (ttaw(f) ' hand '), etc. None of these has a corre-
sponding verb, 204 i ; but many have a nomen agentis in -hai,
as bldtai, cynutai 143 iv (2).
These forms are proper compounds of noun stems with *sag-<*80g-,
384 ACCIDENCE 201
V sag- : Ir. saigim ' I seek ', Goth, sokjan, E. seek ; thus *mlato-8ag-
>*blod-ha-> biota. The noun suff. -hai < *sagifj ' seeker ' 104 ii (2).
(b) ' to go as, act as ', in Ml. W. marchockaaf ' I ride ', wa;--
chockaawb s.G. 34, marchocawn do. 35 ; v.n. marchogaeth do. I, 35.
A variant of the verb is formed without a suff. : marchogaf, 3rd
sg. pres. subj. marchoco A.L. i 24, imps, marckocer do. 264, also
with v.n. marchogayth ib.
Brit. *markakos agdme ' I go as rider ', treated as one word, gave
*marchogha^af > marchocdaf. But the v.n. was a proper compound
*markako-aktd > *markdkdktd > marchogaeth ' to ride '. In Dyfed a
new v.n. was formed from the vb. stem : marchocdu, now corrupted to
brochgdu. (-aaf implies active flexion, but the vb. wasorig. middle.)
(c) ' to become, be ' with adjectives ; as gwanhaf ' I become weak',
\.n.gwankdu ; cryfhdf' I become strong ', v.n. cryfhdu, dial, cryffdu ;
trugarhaf 'I am merciful, have mercy', v.n. trugarhdu, from
trugar ; etc.
Brit. *udnnos agame ' I go weak ' > *uanno8-agame > W. gwanhdaf,
Where a vowel drops before 8, the latter remains as h, cf. 183 ii (2).
It is a common usage to stereotype the nom. sg. mas. in such phrases ;
cf. Lat. 2>otis sumus, not *potes sumus, and Skr. pi. i . datasmas instead
of datarah smas following the sg. ddtasmi ' I shall give ' < data asmi
' I am a giver.' W. parhaf I continue ' (v.n. parUdu, pdrd)< Brit.
*paros-agame '-I go on the same'< Lat. par.
(d) ' to make ' with adjectives ; glanhaf ' I clean ', \.n.glanMn ;
ffioastataf f l flatten, straighten', v.n. gwastatdu', cadarnhaf 'I
strengthen', v.n. cadarnhdu.
Brit. * glanosagame > W. glanhdaf. The nom. sg. mas. was used
because it had been stereotyped in this form of phrase in group (c).
To this group should probably be referred difetha 'to mar, spoil'
< *di-fe8-ha ( to make unusable, unenjoyable ', Vmed- ' enjoy ', 199 i
(3). The verb was difetMaf, see difetha-awS R.B.B. 394, diffethe-eiat
W.M. 29, diffetha-er W.M.L. 137 (old ff for / 19 ii (2)) ; it is now
re-formed as difethaf, though the v.n. remains unchanged.
(e) ' to use ', etc., with nouns ; as dyfrhaf' I water ', v.n. dyfrhdu ;
coffaf'I remember', v.n. coffdu or coffa; bwytaf ' I eat', v.n.
Iwyta.
Gwyn. dial. byta<O.W. bit juv., ML "W. byd B.B. 84, variant ofbwyd
101 iii (2). This group follows the analogy of (b) as (d) does that
of (c).
U Similar formations abound in Ir., Thurneysen Gr. 314; but Ir.
202 VERBS 385
does not help us to decide the orig. forms, as intervocalic -s- simply
drops in Ir. The combination goes back beyond Prim. Kelt. ; in Lat.
it is a proper compound : mltigdre, remigdre, ndvigdre, etc.
(5) Suff. -ho-; in paratoaf ' I prepare' 185 i ; crynhoaf-\
compress, summarize ', v.n. crynhoi.
W. paratoaf < *parad-ho8-af < *pardto-sod- ' set ready ' < Lat.
pardtus + *sod-, V sed- 63 ii ; cf. arhoaf 187 iii ; see also 74
(6) Suff. -j- ; this is added to nouns, and is largely used : taniaf
'I fire ' (tan ( fire ') ; glaniaf ' I land ' (glan ' shore ') ; soniaf ' I
mention ' (son 'rumour ') ; meddylwfL think ' (meddwl ' thought ') ;
rhodiaf ' I go about ' (rkawd ' course ') ; etc.
This is the Ar. denominative suff. *-ie-, as seen in Skr. apas-yd-ti
' is active ' from dpas- ' act ' ; Gk. reXeio) ( < *reXr-<>) from reAeo-- ;
&7\oo> (< * 817X0- <>) <&7\o-s ; etc., Meillet, Intr. 2 183.
In old formations the -i- of course affects the preceding vowel in
W. ; thus niweidiaf'I injure ' : niwed, Ml. "W. er-nywed w. 480, 76
iv (4); imdiaf, \.n.peidio 'to cease, be quiet '<Brit. *pat- < *g?()9-t-,
Vq*eie- ; L&t.'quies.
In W. the suff. is not added to adjectives. But -at-, Ml. -ei- in the
ult. may be caused by the of the lost adjectival ending *-ios ; and
the i is kept in the vb. ; thus disglair ' bright ' < *de-eks-kl(t)ari6s
( : claer < *kliiaro8 75 vi (i)) ; hence W. disgleiriaf I shine , v.n.
disgleirip. From these forms it was extended to other adjectives with
-ei- as perffeithio, perffeibyaw from perffeith<^t&i. perfectus ; and with
-i-, as gwirio ' to verify ' from gwir 35 iii (but cywiro from cywir).
The suffix is generally used in verbs borrowed from Eng. ; thus
pasiaf ' I pass ', passiodd Can. ii 1 1 ; peintyaw ' to paint ' ( 1 6 v (2)) ;
yatopyawS S.G. 72 'stopped'. In some cases two forms are used;
thus ffadyaw s.G. 285 'to fail ', beside ffaelu do. 348, the latter being
the treatment of native words with -ae-; both forms are still in use.
So helpio and helpu.
VERBAL NOUNS.
202. i. (i) The v.n. often consists of the stem of the verb
with no ending: aieb 'to answer', vb. atebaf\ edrych 'to look',
vb. edrychaf\ dangos 'to show', vb. dangosaf\ adrodd 'to recite',
Ml. W. adrawb, vb. adroddaf\ anfon ' to send ', vb. anfonaf\ bwyfa
( to eat ', vb. bwytd-af ^etc. ; Ml. and Early Mn. W./o 223 i (2),
Late ffoi ' to flee '.
1401 C C
386 ACCIDENCE 202
(2) This form implies a lost monosyllabic ending, most probably
neut. *-os as in Gk. yeK-os, Lat. gen-us; thus ateb <*ati-seg*-o8. The
loc. *-es-i of this gives the Lat. inf. -ere ; thus O. Lat. genere ' gignere '
= genere abl. of genus, Brugmann 2 II i 525. The W. v.n. may be ace.,
in which case it often stands, as gattaf ateb 'I can answer'. But it
may also be nom. as ateb a wnaf [it is] answer that I will do'. The
word is the same as the abstr. noun ateb ' an answer ' ; and perhaps
need not be assumed to come from an oblique case.
(3) The verb trawaf HM. ii 252 has 3rd sg. pres. ind. tereu B.B. 63,
and v.n. taraw H.M. ii 253. The vowel in the first syll. of these two
forms is probably intrusive 40 iii (3) ; it does not occur in the other
forms of the verb in Ml. W. : trawei W.M. 24, B.M. 15 ; trewis W.M. 80,
90, H.M. 58, 66, C.M. 1 8 ; trawawS s.G. 18, trawssant do. 31, trawssei
do. 6 1 ; trawher W.M.L. 3, trawhet do. 29. The Late Mn. tarawaf,
tarawiad are artificial ; the natural forms are still trawaf, trawiad.
If the etymology trawaf < *trug-ami (ru<ur] 97 v (3) is correct, it-
does not admit of a vowel between the t and r.
(4) Many verbs which seem to have sufiixless v.n.'s are denomina-
tives formed from the v.n. 201 ii (i), (3), and v (i) below.
ii. The ordinary endings used to form verbal nouns are -u ;
-o, Ml. -aw ; -i.
-u and -aw represent forms of v.n.'s of verbs of the a conjugation.
-u < *-au-, prob. < \oc.*-a-uen (or nom.-acc. *-a-un) : Skr. dat. da-vdn-e,
Gk. Cypr. 80- f ev-ai, Att. Sowcu ; (*-a-uos is also possible, with the suff.
of byw 204 ii (5) ; but this is a rarer form). aw for *-aw(f]< loc.
*-a-men (or nom.-acc. *-a-mn) ; see 203 ii (4); but Ir. has also -mu-
203 vii (4), and -ma-, beside -m e n- flexion.
-i belongs to the I conjugation ; the O.W. form was -im ( = -iv)
110 iii (5) ; hence from *-i-men (or *-l-mn), as assumed above for
-aw ; thus rhoddi ' to put '<Brit. *ro-di-men<*pro-dhe-men.
In Ml. and Mn. W. the use of the above endings is determined
by the form of the stem, as follows :
iii. -u is added to stems in which the vowel of the last syllable
is a, ae, e or y ; as canu, pallu, diddanu, tarfu ; taeru, arfaethu,
saethu, gwaedu ; credit, trefnu, sennu, ttedu ; nyddu, crynu, prydyddu,
melysu. Exceptions : a few stems having a, v (3) ; gwaeddaf
' I cry ' has v.n. gweibi R.M. 174, IL.A. 154 ; tnedafbas medi B.B. 45.
Ml. W. cae-u W.M. 24 c to shut' is contracted in Mn. W. to caw
38 iv, 52 iii (3).
iv. -aw, Mn. -o is added to (i) j-stems ; thus mebylyaw W.M. 10,
tygyaw do. 16, rhodio, diffygjo, teitfiip, gweitJiip, seilio, hoelio, etc.
In Ml. W. the i is often omitted, as treufaw W.M. 6, Mn. \V. treulw ;
202 VERBS 387
keissaw do. 487, Mn. W. ceisio, 35 ii (i). Some -stems have
other endings, see 203 iii (a), vi (i), (a), vii (i).
A few i-stems have suffixless v.n.'s ; thus kynnigyaf has Icynnic
W.M. 30 'to offer'; disirywyaf has distryw E.B.B. 159, distriw do. 89,
now distrywio. In Late Mn. W. meddwl, son have superseded
meddylio, sonio as v.n.'s. In daliaf the. -i- represents original -g-,
and daly, ddla, late dal represent an original suffixless *dal%, see
1 10 ii (2). Similarly hely, hela, hel, vh. Jieliaf, heliodd Gen. xxvii 33
' hunted ' ; but N.W. has beside hel ' to gather ', hel-a ' to hunt ' where
-a may be the stem suff. -ha of a lost vb. *helhaaf, seen in O.W. in
helcha gl. in venando, helghati ' hunt thou '. The -i- of bwriaf is from
-g- which appears as w in the v.n. bwrw, see ib.
As ai is ei in the penult 81 i, and stems with -ei- take -*- 201
iii (6) it is seen that denominatives from nouns and adjs. with -ai-
must have v.n.'s in -io ; thus areithio, disgleirio, diffeithio,gwenhieithio
from araith, disglair, dijfaith, gweniaith. (If these had been araeth,
disglaer, etc., as now often misspelt, the v.n.'s would be, by iii above,
*araethu, *disglaeru, etc., which are never spoken or written.) There
is only one exception ; cyfieiihu (a late word) has -u because the vb.
cyfieithiaf became cyfieithaf by dissim. of i's ; the regular cyfieithio
also occurs, P 2 1 8/1 79 K.
(a) stems having i, u, en, wy ; as blino, gwrido, llifo, rHfo ; euro,
dymunO) grymM&o ; euro, heulo, ceulo ; bwydo, rhivyfo, arswydo, twyllo.
Ml. W. dinustyr M.M. 32 ' destroys ' has v.n. dinustraw K.P. 1246; in
Mn. W. dinustr became dinistr by 77 ix, and the verb is re-formed
with -i- suff., v.n. dinistrio Deut. xii 2. (The late dinystrio is a mis-
spelling ; the sound in the penult is not y but i. ) dinustr < *de-nou(i)-
stro- : niwed 76 iv (4), suff. as in Lat. monstrum.
Some stems ending in -eu have suffixless v.n.'s, as dechreu ' to
begin ', madden ' to part with, to forgive ', ameu ' to doubt ', vb.
amheuaf. Also in Mn. W. tramwy Job i 7, arlwy D.G. 104.
On account of the early change of wy to wy after a vowel, we have
-u for example in tywyllu ; in these cases, therefore, the suffix is no
guide to the orig. form, (tyunfll < tywyll 1 1 1 i (2).)
v. -i is added to (i) stems ending in w ; thus berwi, cAwerwi,
enwi, sylwi, gwelwi. Some of these have suffixless v.n.'s, as cadw,
galw, marw.
Two distinct formations are represented here. i. In verbs which
take -i the -w- either forms part of the root, as in berwi, Vbhereu- 63
iv, or belongs to the stem of the noun or adj. of which the verb is a
denom., as gwelwi, from gwelw ' pale '. 2. In verbs w 
