ype of property deed, and the establishment of early communities.
Between 1821 and 1836, land with quit-claim deeds changed
owners more frequently than land held under other deeds. In 1836,
for example, parcels with quit-claim deeds were heavily concen-
trated in the upland forest areas of the western townships. Most of
the forest areas were owned by absentee landowners who made
little if any improvements to their properties. It is likely that the
absentee landowners were primarily speculators who were more
interested in short-term profits than in permanent settlement. It
should be remembered that quit-claim deeds could be purchased
for as low as the amount of delinquent taxes. To be sure, the
previous owner had the option of re-purchasing the land within two
years, but the odds that this would happen were so slim that
quit-claim deeds could be bought with little financial risk to the new
owner. Because there was a minimum of investment and the
promise of a substantial profit if land prices increased, quit-claim
deeds were highly speculative and, accordingly, had successive
owners.
The establishment of new communities may have influenced the
number of land sales as well. The largest concentration of
successive land transfers shown in Figure 6 corresponds to the
location of Griggsville, which was platted in 1834. It is possible,
although by no means certain, that the number of times land was
bought and resold in the Griggsville area was due to land
speculation that often accompanied the founding of a new
community. A lesser concentration of land transfers is found in the
vicinity of Barry, which was platted in 1836. Here, the pattern
appears related more to speculation associated with quit-claim
deeds than with the founding of a new community.
Figure 7 shows that land sales in 1836 were concentrated in both
upland forest and prairie areas. It also illustrates that the price of
prairie lands often exceeded $10 per acre, while forest areas were
sold for as little as $.01 per acre.
Several explanations may be given for this contrast in land
prices. One is that most of the prairie areas were not entered for
sale until after 1830, and so they automatically commanded higher
SETTLEMENTOF NORTHERN PIKE COUNTY
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SETTLEMENTOF NORTHERN PIKE COUNTY 19
prices because there were relatively few parcels available for
purcfiase. A second explanation is that prairie areas were more
expensive because they were sold with a warranty deed while most
of the forest areas were sold with quit-claim deeds. A third
explanation is related to the parcel size of the prairie areas that were
purchased. The most common warranty deed was for 40 acres,
which suggests that the land was purchased for agriculture and not
for speculation.
A final step in tracing the pattern of settlement in northern Pike
County involves determining how the initial entry of land sales
varied over the 1821-1836 period of investigation. Figure 8 shows
that land sales before 1830 were concentrated in the forest areas of
the western townships. After 1830, other land parcels were
purchased for the first time, notably the prairie areas in the eastern
townships. Most of these parcels were bought by Pike County
residents.
A closer examination of the post-1830 land entries indicates that
the parcels sold and subsequently settled were mainly on the edge
of the prairie where there was access to timber. Some scholars have
argued that settlement on prairie land was due to population
pressure— that is, as more people migrated into an area, the late
arrivals were forced to settle on prairie areas. ^ The higher prices
paid for prairie land in 1836 support this view. However, a counter
argument is that the prairie lands were selected by preference. By
locating on the prairies or on the prairie-forest margin,^ early
settlers had reasonable access to both agricultural land and to
timber for building materials, fences, and fuel.
Summary
This study of land deed records from northern Pike County
demonstrates that the earliest land transactions were concentrated
in the forest areas of the western townships. These areas were often
held in quit-claim deeds by absentee landowners and went through
a succession of land transfers during the fifteen-year period under
investigation. By 1836, the concentration of land sales had shifted
to the prairie or prairie-forest margin areas of the eastern
townships. The latter parcels carried warranty deeds; they were
sold at a higher price than upland forest areas, and they were
purchased primarily by Pike County residents.
Of course, the founding of the first communities, such as
Griggsville, influenced the early settlement of northern Pike
County. While the platting of new towns undoubtedly encouraged
speculation and ted to high land prices, their presence as early
market centers made them focal points for permanent settlement
20 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
around which farmland could be purchased, Improved, and made
the basis of an agricultural economy.
What, then, can be said about the pioneers' evaluation of good
farmland in northern Pike County? The answer to this question is
complicated by the initial sale of bounty land deeds to absentee
owners, especially speculators. While these early land transactions
were concentrated in forest areas, the evidence presented suggests
that the parcels were purchased for speculation and not for
agricultural settlement. In other words, speculators probably did
not consider soil fertility or ease of cultivation, but availability of
wood and access to water, as the prime factors in determining
which parcels to purchase for resale. This may or may not have
been the view of the earliest homesteaders.
Later land transactions were in the prairie areas. Because most
of the buyers were Pike County residents, it can be assumed that
there was some first-hand knowledge of the parcels and that they
were clearly regarded as good farmland. In short, later settlers did
prefer prairie parcels for agricultural reasons. This pattern of land
evaluation was probably repeated in the early history of other
western Illinois counties where there was a similar diversity of
timber and prairie, and where speculation and homestead
purchases were both in evidence.
NOTES
' Douglas R. McMannis, The Initial Evaluation and Utilization of the Illinois
Prairies, 1815-1840, Research Paper No. 94 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press,
1964), p. 2.
^ Carl O. Sauer, Geography of the Upper Illinois Valley and History of
Development, Illinois State Geological Survey Bulletin No. 27 (Urbana: Univ. of
Illinois Press, 1916), pp. 153-56; Harland H. Barrows, Geography of the Middle
Illinois Valley, Illinois State Geological Survey Bulletin 15 (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois
Press, 1910), pp. 76-80, and Ralph H. Brown, Historical Geography of the United
States (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1946), pp. 206-11.
^ Arlin D. Fentenn, "The Physical Environment," in Illinois: Land and Life in the
Prairie State, ed. Ronald E. Nelson (Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/ Hunt, for the Illinois
Geographical Society, 1978), pp. 87-89.
^ Atlas Map of Pike County, Illinois (Davenport, Iowa: Andreas Lyter and Co.,
1872); and Cyril G. Hopkins et al., Pike County Soils, Soil Report No. 11 (Urbana:
Univ. of Illinois Agricultural Experiment Station, 1915).
^ Theodore L. Carlson, The Illinois Military Tract: A Study in Land Occupation,
Utilization, and Tenure, (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1951), pp. 2-44.
SETTLEMENTOF NORTHERN PIKE COUNTY 21
° Arthur N. Cole, "Cyclical and Sectional Variations in the Sales of Public
Lands, 1816-1860," in The Public Lands: Studies in the History of Public Domain,
ed. Vernon Carstensen (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1968), p. 241.
^ William V. Pooley, The Settlement of Illinois from 1830 to 1850 (Madison:
Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1908), p. 397.
° Terry G. Jordan, "Between the Forest and the Prairie," in Geographic
Perspectives on the American Past: Readings on the Historical Geography of the
United States, ed. David Ward (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1979), p. 60.
LAND SPECULATION
IN FULTON COUNTY 1817-1832
Gordana Rezab
When Congress voted to distribute free land to veterans of the
War of 1812, it hoped to achieve two objectives: pay off its soldiers
and encourage migration to the West. By granting land which was
located in the nnost remote frontier sections of Ohio, Illinois, and
Missouri, Congress sought to secure firmly those territories. It
expected that the hardy veterans would become pioneer settlers in
lands which the Indians still contested. But this second objective of
Congress did not materialize. Theodore Carlson has given a
thorough account of what actually happened.'' As land titles first
were issued in October of 1817, they rapidly passed into the hands
of speculators. Only a few veterans ventured west and even fewer
actually settled on their lots. Thus, the lands which Congress
meant to populate with sturdy pioneer stock instead became the
investment properties of eastern businessmen.
Research on Land Speculation
In the early phases of midwestern land ownership, investors and
speculators played an important role, not only in the Illinois Military
Tract, but also throughout the frontier. Whenever new territories
became available for purchase, speculators were among the most
important prospective buyers. They commanded more money and
political influence than either settlers or squatters and thus were
able to compete successfully for any land they desired. At federal
land sales they frequently acquired large unbroken tracts, which
were easier to administer than scattered holdings.
Speculators' purchases in the Illinois Military Tract differed from
those at federal land sales. In the Tract, speculators had to buy in
increments of 160 acres, the amount given to each individual
soldier. They could not hope to build up large contiguous holdings
because the locations of soldiers' grants were determined by
lottery and thus were widely scattered.
There has been considerable research devoted to nineteenth-
century midwestern land speculation in general and that of the
22
LAND SPECULA TION IN FULTON COUNTY
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24 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Illinois Military Tract in particular. This research is characterized by
three main points of view regarding early speculation activity on the
frontier.
Some scholars consider speculation a hindrance to the orderly
development of pioneer communities. Their conclusions reflect
settlers' complaints that withholding property from the market in
anticipation of higher prices resulted in fewer farms and less
population to bear the burden of taxes for supporting schools,
roads, and local political offices.^ Settlers harbored particular
resentment against out-of-state land owners, because taxes on land
belonging to non-residents went to support state government while
taxes owned by resident owners benefitted the local counties.
A second group of scholars feel that speculators were
indispensable to the money-tight frontier market because they
frequently purchased land which was offered at auction by the state
in order to collect delinquent taxes. In many instances, original
owners re-purchased their lots when able to pay. Speculators thus
extended a form of credit to frontiersmen which contributed to the
survival of pioneer homesteads and communities."*
The third major view regarding speculative activities concen-
trates on profit margins. After examining land transactions by a
number of speculators, Carlson concludes that only large
landholders realized profits and that small investors almost always
lost money. He explains the difference by the ability of large
speculators to retain their holdings while they waited for land
values to rise.^ Robert Swierenga, on the other hand, contends that
speculators made profits less by holding land than by buying
tax-defaulted properties and reselling them for amounts far in
excess of standard interest rates. ^
Most scholarly literature on land speculation has bypassed the
question of what type of land and what geographic locations
speculators preferred. This lack of attention may have stemmed
from contemporaneous nineteenth-century views on speculation.
According to Michael Chevalier, land speculation was not confined
to any class of real estate. Wild lands, swamp lands, improved
agricultural lands, town lots, and city real estate were all included.^
Governor Robert Morris, America's foremost land boomer, is said to
have preferred large tracts. He claimed they insured against
mistakes and misrepresentations by surveyors and that even
inferior land brought good prices when adjacent land was already
developed.^ Allan G. Bogue maintains that the highest profits were
realized by speculators who scattered their holdings enough so that
they would benefit from the improvements of neighboring farmers
but yet concentrated them sufficiently so that administration was
LAND SPECULA TION IN FULTON COUNTY
25
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26 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
not too expensive. 9 Such generalizations about speculators'
preferences did not encourage research which emphasized spatial
aspects of speculation activities.
Swierenga's studies of deed records in Iowa are a notable
exception to the predonninantly econonnic treatment of land
speculation. He specifically concentrates on the question of site
and soil preferences. Based on land transactions from ten Iowa
counties, his research concludes that speculators were more
interested in good agricultural lands than in proximity to county
seats, major towns, or important rivers.''^
This article will examine deeds from one county of the Illinois
Military Tract in order to determine how land purchases by
residents of that county differed from those made by speculators.
Because land purchases in the Military Tract could be executed only
in increments of up to 320 acres per holding, it is assumed that
speculators purchased land here with more discrimination than
when buying large unbroken tracts, thus revealing a more detailed
pattern of soil and site preferences.
Land Sales in the Military Tract
It has been mentioned earlier that, rather than take possession
of their land grants, most veterans were happy to sell their warrants
for whatever price they could get. Carlson estimated that by 1825
most land had passed into the hands of speculators who, in future
years, became the main suppliers of land for settlers. ^^
The history of land transactions from speculators to settlers is
far from simple. Land records indicate that properties often
changed hands with no evidence that there was any change in the
use of land. This was due to the system of taxes. If veterans owned
their land, they were not required to pay taxes the first three years.
Any owner who was not the original grantee was required to pay
immediately. If taxes were not paid, the land was auctioned to the
lowest bidder, usually for the amount of unpaid taxes. The original
owner had the right of repossession within two years if he
compensated the new owner for all taxes and in addition paid a stiff
interest rate. If the land was not redeemed in this way, full title
passed on to the new owner. In case the latter wanted to dispose of
property for which he held the tax title prior to the expiration of the
two-year redemption period, he could sell it with a quit-claim deed.
The new owner, however, still did not possess full right to his land
until the two years had passed. Land prices thus depended to a
large measure on the type of deed. Tax deeds could be bought for
less than one cent per acre, while quit-claim and warranty (full title)
deeds ranged from one cent to $6.25 per acre. The price of a
LAND SPECULATION IN FULTON COUNTY 27
quit-claim deed was largely dependent on how "secure" the title
was. Properties for which the two-year redemption period was
about to expire brought more than recently auctioned ones. Resale
of tax-defaulted properties occurred frequently. Land was some-
times resold on the same day it was bought at auction, often for
double the price.
Another reason for frequent changes of land ownership resulted
from the process of settlement. A pioneer farmer seldom settled on
the first piece of land he acquired. Usually his family made several
moves, most of which involved land purchases. Labor on the
frontier was scarce and expensive; hence any type of improvement
brought good returns. Farmers frequently settled on one lot, built a
cabin and laid out fields, then sold it to buy another larger or better
property. "Farms— somewhat improved, are almost daily exchang-
ing owners, and a considerable spirit of enterprise has been
awakened," wrote John M. Peck in his guide for emigrants.^^ Deed
records, however, do not include information on any improvements,
although these must have substantially affected sale prices.^^
Study Area and Methodology
Fulton County was chosen for analysis because it was the
earliest county in the Military Tract to develop sizeable towns.
Lewistown, later to become the county seat, was platted and
promoted as early as 1822. The founding of Canton followed three
years later. Fulton County was also in the path of major migration
routes into the Tract's northern and western prairie counties. By
1839 the county had well-established roads connecting Lewistown
with Canton, Knoxville and Peoria to the north, and Rushville,
Quincy, and Springfield to the south and west. Havana, on the east
side of the Illinois River opposite the mouth of Spoon River, served
as a major connecting link with St. Louis.
Fulton County is basically an eroded upland. Nearly one third of
the county is rough land where narrow divides alternate with steep
slopes. One fourth of the surface is bottom land along the Illinois
and Spoon rivers. Prairies located in northern townships account
for another seventeen percent of the area. It is estimated that at the
time of settlement sixty percent of the county was timbered,
covering primarily slopes and some bottom land. This mix of
woodland and prairie was particularly conducive to early
settlement. As Carlson has stated, any distance of more than one
half mile from farm to timber was considered an intolerable
burden.^'*
As mentioned above, the purpose of this study is to analyze
early land transactions in Fulton County in order to distinguish
28
WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
FULTON COUNTY TOWNSHIPS
UNION
LEE
HARRIS
FARMER
VERMONT
ASTORIA
FAIRVIEW
FARMINGTON
CANTON
ORION
miles
Figure 3. Fulton County Townships.
LAND SPECULATION IN FULTON COUNTY 29
between purchases made by county residents, those executed by
local speculators, and those involving out-of-state investors. More
specifically, this study is designed to answer questions as to who
paid higher prices, what quality of land and location were preferred,
and whether tinne affected choices. A computerized data set
developed in conjunction with the West Central Illinois Land Deed
Conversion Project was utilized. Data from Fulton County covered
all transactions from 1823 to 1832 and a number of deeds from 1817
to 1823.''^ This data set was analyzed with the SPSS program
(Statistical Package for Social Sciences), a choice which made it
possible to isolate and examine a number of elements: price,
category of buyer, location of purchase, soil quality, and type of
deed.
In order to arrive at a scale which would measure the desirability
of land for each lot or quarter section, the study utilized one of the
earliest published descriptions of the Military Tract. ""^ Nicholas
Biddle Van Zandt's guide described every quarter section's capacity
for agriculture, nature of soil, and vegetation. Occasionally,
additional information was appended regarding navigability and
velocity of streams, availability of milling stone, and the presence
of coal. This volume and similar publications must have guided
purchases by non-residents of the county. For this reason. Van
Zandt's land descriptions, although somewhat loosely worded in
comparison to modern soil evaluations, were utilized to construct a
scale of land types (Table 1).
Land Sales in Fulton County 1817-1832
It was pointed out above that land purchases in the Military
Tract could be executed with a warranty, a quit-claim, or a tax deed.
Table 2 summarizes information on prices paid for these three types
of deeds and the average land type purchased. In this tabulation
several values stand out. Fulton County residents paid by far the
highest average price for warranty deeds and bought the lowest
land-type property. The high purchase price undoubtedly reflects
improvements in which the other two kinds of buyers were not
interested. The low land type probably reflects the fact that farms
with poorer land changed hands more often than better types. By
buying poor land, improving the property, and selling it, pioneers
increased their equities. Once they were able to afford good quality
land, they usually did not trade it.
Purchases by the Ross family exemplify activities by local
speculators. Ossian Ross was an army officer who received 320
acres as a military bounty. Prior to coming to Fulton County in
1821, the family acquired additional properties from soldiers at a
30 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
TABLE 1. FULTON COUNTY LAND TYPE CATEGORIES
Description Land type value
Overflooded by branches 1
Flooded by Spoon River 1
Broken thin soil 2
Rough broken land 2
Poor broken land 2
Third rate farming land 3
Second rate land 4
Good second rate farming land 5
Good farming land 6
Very good farming land 7
Rich second rate soil 8
Excellent second rate soil 8
Rich first rate soil 9
First rate rich land 9
Source: Nicholas Biddle Van Zandt, A Full Description of the Soil, Water, Timber,
and Prairies of Each Lot, or Quarter Section of the Military Lands between the
Mississippi and Illinois Rivers, Washington, 1818.
TABLE 2. AVERAGE PURCHASE PRICE PER ACRE AND AVERAGE LAND TYPE
VALUES, 1817-1832
Buyer
Price (in cer
Its)
La
nd type value
War ran ty
Quit claim
Tax deed
Warranty
Quit claim
Tax deed
Fulton County
residents
46.0
56.0
3.17
2.19
Ossian Ross
71.0
78.0
5.3
4.89
3.89
3.71
Non-resident
speculators
75.0
56.0
1.0
3.27
3.50
2.00
Source: Fulton County Deed Records.
high price of $1 .48 per acre. In Fulton County, however, Ross was
able to purchase warranty deeds considerably cheaper. This
coincided with a temporary deflation of prices after the initial
post-1817 land-sale boom. It should be noted that Ross paid almost
the same average price as out-of-state speculators.
The high prices paid by Ross for quit-claim deeds probably
indicate these deeds were quite secure. The relatively high prices he
paid for tax deeds may reflect his interest in partially improved
property which would have been taxed higher. He also may have
preferred to deal in good quality land. As can be seen from Table 2,
Ossian Ross consistently bought property with higher land type
values. Compared to out-of-state speculators, he appears to have
LAND SPECULATION IN FULTON COUNTY 31
been a much more discriminating buyer in regard to land quality.
However, land quality did not seem to affect the price of
warranty deeds to any great extent, nor was higher rated land
purchased more often during the later years. Table 3 shows
relationships between these variables for each category of
buyers. It will be noted that the only conclusive correlation is
between price and year of purchase. Thus, Fulton County residents
paid more for their land in later years, while Ossian Ross and
out-of-state speculators paid less.
Lack of a conclusive relationship between price and type of land
is particularly puzzling. Three explanations are possible, all of
which would require data which were not available in deed records.
It has been noted earlier that improvements raised the value of
property considerably. In the case of Fulton County residents, the
rise in value due to improvements could have effectively nullified
the lower prices of inferior land types.
Ross, on the other hand, probably did not purchase improved
land, although his transactions also do not show a clear price and
land type relationship. We know that Ross paid large sums for his
early warranty purchases. In later years he acquired first hand
knowledge of Fulton County properties and was able to purchase
them at relatively lower prices. With his documented preference for
better land types, he appears to have been in a position to pick up
bargains.
The third factor which might have contributed to the lack of
proven relationship between price and land type is the presence of
TABLE 3. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PRICE PER ACRE, LAND TYPE, AND YEAR OF
PURCHASE FOR ALL WARRANTY DEEDS, 1817 1832
Price per acre Price per acre Land type
Buyer Land type Year Year
Fulton County
0.0210''
0.1667
-0.0781
residents
Sig=0.389^
Sig=0.010
Sig-0.134
Ossian
0.1220
-0.2464
0.0091
Ross
Sig=0.149
Sig=0.017
Sig=0.491
Non-resident
-0.0124
-0.0777
0.0096
speculators
Sig=0.302
Sig=0.001
Sig=0.335
Pearson's correlation coefficient shows the extent to which two variables are
related. The value fluctuates from 1 .0 to -1 .0. 1 .0 indicates a perfect relationship,
indicates no relationship, and a negative value indicates an inverse relationship.
Sig refers to significance level, which is the probability that a relationship is
more than just by chance. Common accepted significance levels are 0.05 and 0.01 .
Higher values indicate that the relationship could be explained by a chance factor
and therefore could not be accepted as reliable.
Source; Fulton County Deed Records.
32
WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
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LAND SPECULATION IN FULTON COUNTY 33
coal. Van Zandt's guide mentions coal only a few times, yet
according to state geologist Amos Worthen, coal outcroppings
could be found "on all principal streams in the southern and
western portions of the county . . . while the thickest and most
valuable seams underlie the central and northeastern portions of
the county."^'' He named numerous mines which were exploited on
a commercial basis in 1859 and stated that some had been worked
since the earliest settlement of the county. However, the slopes
where coal occurred were generally regarded as the poorest
agricultural land. It would be reasonable to assume that if such
sites were considered profitable they would have brought good
prices despite their marginal value for agriculture.
Distribution of Purchases
The spatial distribution of warranty deed purchases constitutes
the third area of investigation. Table 4 presents these purchases by
four major periods, and several facts stand out. By the end of 1825
Ossian Ross had stopped buying warranty deeds. This is
unfortunate because it prevents an analysis of his purchases in
comparison to those of non-resident speculators during the
remaining seven years. An examination of all transactions
attributed to Ross indicates that from 1825 to 1832 he sold the
greater part of his Fulton County holdings. He is known to have
operated a ferry across the Illinois River, starting in 1823, and in
1829 he moved to the present site of Havana, which he then platted.
It is not known, however, why he moved from Lewistown, which he
founded and named after his son, nor why he divested himself of
most of his Fulton County holdings.
Another fact that should be noted is the relatively large
percentage of purchases by Fulton County residents in the same
townships where Ross originally owned property. Lewistown,
Cass, and Bernadotte Townships were particularly favored, and all
three were considered to have large amounts of good quality land
(Fig. 3). Ross invested also in Isabel and Waterford Townships. A
site on the Spoon River several miles upstream from the river's
mouth for a while promised to develop into a growing town,
Waterford. As that name implies, the Spoon River could be forded
at this particular location. The site also marked the point where
corn and wheat were loaded on flat boats to be taken to St. Louis''^
and where immigrants left river transportation to proceed overland.
Ross' ferry to Havana also operated from that point. Ross' holdings
in Isabel Township did not belong to that general area. They were
located several miles to the east on good agricultural land.
34 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Fulton County residents bought heavily in three townships
which Ross apparently did not favor. These three townships,
Putman, Buckheart, and Joshua, flank Canton Township and
exhibited fairly extensive prairies. Lots purchased by county
residents were frequently located in transitional zones between
prairie and timber while most of Ross' holdings were located on
broader divides. According to Worthen, Buckheart and Putman
Townships were also early mining sites. However, there is no
evidence that Fulton County residents at that time bought land with
the intention of mining, although coal was used by the pioneers for
domestic purposes.
The third noteworthy fact in Table 4 is the remarkably even
distribution of purchases by non-resident speculators. For any
given period, the total percentage of their purchases in nine of the
approximately twenty western townships does not exceed
fifty-seven percent. Slight concentration of non-resident purchases
seems to coincide with those of county residents.
Summary
Fulton County deed records were examined under the
assumption that small land transactions would reveal a more
detailed pattern of preference on the part of speculators than has
been thus far documented by other studies. The performed
analyses did not bear this out to the extent that was expected.
Non-resident speculators, however, did exhibit a distinctly different
pattern of land purchases than Ossian Ross, who resided in the
area. Ross concentrated his purchases on sites which promised a
quick return, sites such as the vicinity of Lewistown and Waterford
and the numerous scattered holdings considered suitable to the
agricultural techniques of the day.
Out-of-state speculators seemed to purchase land as if
immediate profit was of little concern. Their holdings were rather
evenly distributed, and the quality of their land was significantly
lower than that owned by Ross. Especially noteworthy was the
extremely low land-type value of properties which non-resident
speculators bought with tax deeds (Table 2). An average value of
two implies that speculators frequently purchased land subject to
flooding. Such land was usually not redeemed by former owners.
Thus the speculators must be credited with foresight that was
lacking in Ossian Ross. The land which Van Zandt, Ross, and
Fulton County pioneers bypassed is today some of the most
productive in the county.
LAND SPECULATION IN FULTON COUNTY 35
NOTES
' Theodore L. Carlson, The Illinois Military Tract: A Study of Land Occupation,
Utilization, and Tenure (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1951), pp. 1-9.
^ Carlson, p. 54.
^ Robert P. Swierenga, Acres for Cents: Delinquent Tax Auctions in Frontier
Iowa (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1976), p. 106.
^ Carlson, p. 41 .
^ Carlson, p. 40.
° Swierenga, p. 7.
'^ Michael Chevalier, Society, /banners and Politics in the United States (1839),
as quoted in A. M. Sakolski, The Great American Land Bubble (New York: Harpers,
1932), p. 239.
S Sakolski, pp. 170-71.
^ Allan G. Bogue, From Prairie to Corn Belt, Farming on the Illinois and Iowa
Prairies (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1963), p. 44.
'^ Robert P. Swierenga, Pioneers and Profits: Land Speculation on the Iowa
Frontier (Ames: Iowa State Univ. Press, 1968), p. 98.
Carlson, p. 41 .
'^ John M. Peck, A New Guide for Emigrants to the West, New edition (Boston:
[no publisher], 1843), p. 317.
1 ?
"^ Data on land improvements can be found in county assessor's books of real
estate.
^^ Carlson, p. 34.
^ The project was initiated by Robert Sutton of the Western Illinois University
History Department. Fulton County deeds were transcribed and keypunched by
CETA personnel underthe supervision of the author. Deeds executed from 1817 to
1823 were recorded in deed books of Madison and Pike Counties, of which Fulton
County was part prior to its formation in 1823. In order, however, to bring titles up
to date many transactions in later years were preceded by a record of all previous
deeds involving those properties. For statistical pruposes, these 1817 to 1823
deeds were considered a random sample of all transactions for those years.
'° Nicholas Biddle Van Zandt, >A Full Description of the Soil. Water. Timber, and
Prairies of Each Lot, or Quarter Section of the Military Lands between the
Mississippi and Illinois Rivers (Washington: [no publisher], 1818).
^^ A. H. Worthen, "Geology of Fulton County," Geological Survey of Illinois
(Springfield: Published by the authority of the Legislature of Illinois, 1870), Vol. IV,
103, see also pp. 90-103.
'° Historic Fulton County: Sites and Scenes — Past and Present (Lewistown:
Mid-County Press, 1973), p. 255.
ARCHEOLOGICAL EXPLORATIONS
AT JUBILEE COLLEGE HISTORIC SITE
Joan I. Unsicker
Historical archeology as a field of study attempts to enhance
our understanding of cultural events that occurred during time
periods for which written records are available. Interpretation of
historical documents is an important part of historical archeology,
for such studies give direction to research designs and aid in the
identification and interpretation of the recovered archeological
data. Conversely, archeological findings provide new perspectives
from which to view documentary accounts. By articulating
historical and archeological data (both of which often are
incomplete), a more thorough and accurate view of the past may
emerge.
An ideal situation for the combined efforts of historians and
archeologists recently presented itself at the Jubilee College
Historic Site. That college, located in central Peoria County, was
founded in 1839 by Bishop Philander Chase. An Episcopalian
school and one of the earliest frontier institutions of higher learning
in Illinois, Jubilee College faced many of the hardships associated
with frontier existence— lack of financial support, isolation, and
scarcity of materials and equipment. The school flourished until the
early 1860's, but with the advent of the Civil War, student
enrollment dropped and financial assistance from Episcopal
dioceses in the South was withdrawn. By 1862 the burden of
indebtedness became so great that the college was closed, and
thus began a series of repeated failures for the institution.
The school re-opened in 1867, only to close again in 1878. In
1883 the Reverend Thomas Haskins of Alton again opened the
doors, this time in an attempt to educate American Indian students,
but financial difficulties forced its closing two years later. After
1885 the chapel was used by local parishoners. However, around
the turn of the century, the chapel too fell into disuse. The building
sat vacant, suffering from neglect and vandalism until 1931 when
the heirs of Bishop Chase sold the property to George A. Zeller,
Managing Officer of the Peoria State Hospital. Since Mr. Zeller
36
JUBILEE COLLEGE HISTORIC SITE 37
wanted to see his investment put to good use, he presented the
land to the Boy Scouts as a pernnanent camp site and the chapel
building to the parish of St. Paul's in Peoria. Unfortunately, the
scout organization was unable to develop the property In
accordance with the terms of the deed of trust, and so early in 1934
the title was returned to Mr. Zeller. Later that same year, he donated
the land and buildings to the State of Illinois.'' Presently, the
original chapel and the attached dormitory wing (Fig. 1), both of
which were constructed of hewn native sandstone, are the only
remaining structures surviving from this early educational
endeavor.
During the summer of 1979, the Illinois Department of
Conservation contracted with Illinois State University to conduct
exploratory archeological testing at the Jubilee College Historic
Site, in order to obtain archeological information regarding the
location of features and structures mentioned in archival
documents. Two specific objectives were outlined by the
Department of Conservation for these excavations: (1) to determine
the original contour of the ground and record any features
immediately north of the dormitory wing in anticipation of a
planned construction project designed to correct a drainage
problem there, and (2) to find the remains of a boarding house and
the Samuel Chase residence, two former structures associated with
the college. Regarding the first objective, test excavations revealed
a very shallow stratum of topsoil underlain by loess (post-glacial
windblown deposits) in the area adjacent to the building on the
north. The stratigraphy indicates that the ground there has been
scraped down and cut back, presumably to provide a level surface
upon which to construct the building. This action resulted in the
prominent rise which parallels the north and west sides of the
dormitory wing. An eight-meter test trench, extending from the
north edge of the building through the top of this rise, and several
other smaller test holes to the north and west of the building were
excavated, but no features were discovered there. It was
determined, therefore, that the proposed construction project will
destroy nothing of cultural significance.
The second project goal— that of uncovering structural
remains— also was accomplished. A difference in the vegetation
pattern, frequently a good indicator of subsurface remains, was
noticed in two large areas north of the existing building. These were
thought to represent the locations of the two former structures, and
initial explorations proved this assumption to be correct as the
partial remains of both structures were found within the two areas.
Figure 2 shows the position of the excavated building remains, as
38
WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
JUBILEE COLLEGE HISTORIC SITE
39
Pier of Samuel Chase residence
Possible root cellar
Cistern
Cistern
Ceramic tile drain
Exposed portions of
boarding house foundation
Dormitory
Chapel
Figure 2. Archeological base map showing several features un-
earthed during the excavations. Graphics by James Baldoni.
40
WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Figure 3. Building pier of the Samuel Chase residence.
JUBILEE COLLEGE HISTORIC SITE
41
Figure 4. Brick cistern and cerannic tile drain associated with the
boarding house.
42 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
well as a number of other features, in relation to the extant chapel-
dormitory building. The foundation of the former boarding house, a
two-story frame structure which stood from 1840 until 1902,^ was
found approximately twenty-five meters north of the chapel-
dormitory building. Historical documents indicate that the boarding
house measured forty-eight by thirty-two feet,^ and the unearthed
portions of the foundation corresponded exactly with these
measurements.
Only one section of the west wall was completely excavated,
and its foundation there extended from just beneath the sod to a
depth of 2.1 meters below the ground surface. It was composed of
large, irregular sandstone pieces which were laid up dry and
shimmed with smaller, tapered pieces of sandstone— a relatively
common construction method during the early and mid-nineteenth
century.^ No other structural remains of the boarding house were
found, but this was expected since the historical sources indicate
that all usable material was sold when the building was razed early
in this century. 5
Approximately fourteen meters west of the boarding house
researchers found a building pier twenty centimeters beneath the
ground surface (Fig. 3). Presumably this was a corner support for
the Chase residence. It measured approximately one meter square,
was composed of sandstone, and was constructed in a similar
fashion to the boarding house foundation. Seventy centimeters
below the ground surface the pier rested upon a footing comprised
of bricks held together with mortar binding. The other piers for this
structure were not found, and so its exact orientation is not known.
A number of other features were unearthed at the Jubilee Site,
and three of these are particularly worthy of mention, for they
appear to have been associated with the former structures.
Unfortunately, these features could not be excavated because of
time and monetary limitations inherent in the contract. Two
features occurred very near the above-mentioned building pier. One
was a plaster-lined brick cistern which measured one and a half
meters in diameter (only the west half of this was exposed), and the
other was a darkly stained area, two and a half meters across, which
may represent the remains of a root cellar associated with the
Chase residence. As these were not excavated, their depths were
not determined. However, probing showed both to be at least one
and a half meters deep.
The last feature to be discussed was another plaster-lined brick
cistern (Fig. 4), found in association with the boarding house. The
top was located directly beneath the ground surface about ten
meters north of this former structure and was joined to its
JUBILEE COLLEGE HISTORIC SITE 43
northwest corner by a ceramic tile drain. The top of the cistern
nneasured one meter in diameter, but as it was not excavated, its
depth is unknown. Regrettably, a modern barbecue grill has been
built almost directly over the center of this feature, prohibiting
exploration into the cistern. As mentioned above, these features
could not be excavated due to contract limitations, and so they
were covered with heavy plastic in order to protect them before the
test holes were backfilled. It is probable that the remains of other
features (privies, wells, etc.) associated with the two structures still
exist, but these must await further explorations.
Artifacts from the site, currently in storage at the Archeology
Laboratory at Illinois State University, range in time from the mid-
nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. Large amounts of
building hardware and nails were collected near the boarding house
foundation, and a great number of ceramic, glass, and
miscellaneous items were found here and in other areas of the site.
Several artifacts— a glass writing fluid bottle, a stoneware ink
bottle, and slate pencils— clearly are Indicative of the site's
educational focus.
A number of typical mid-nineteenth-century decorations
occurred on many of the ceramic pieces— for example, sponge/
spatter, shell-edging, mocha, and "worm" designs, as well as slip
banding.^ Also found were examples of the Bennington and
Rockingham glazes which typically were used on heavier, utilitarian
tableware.^ One salt and lead-glazed stoneware ink bottle (Fig. 5a)
and two glass bottles (Fig. 5b and 5c) were recovered in perfect
condition. The glass bottles were mold blown, and both have a
basal pontil mark, a reliable indicator of pre-1850 manufacture.^ A
nearly complete ceramic pipe bowl (Fig. 5d) decorated with stars
and displaying the letters "LF" probably was made by the French-
based L. Foilet Company during the first quarter of the 19th
century.^
The recent work at Jubilee College is of interest to both
historians and archeologists because it provided the opportunity to
obtain additional information about the college site as it appeared
in the mid-nineteenth century and to develop a perspective on the
residents which cannot be gained solely from the historical
documents. Further exploration of the unexcavated features, as
well as efforts to locate additional archeological remains
associated with the main buildings, would certainly augment our
understanding of frontier educational sites.
44
WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Figure 5a.
Stoneware
ink bottle.
Figure 5b.
Glass writing
fluid bottle.
Figure 5c.
Glass medicine
bottle.
Figure 5d.
Ceramic
pipe bowl,
JUBILEE COLLEGE HISTORIC SITE 45
NOTES
This article was adapted from a paper presented at the Midwest Archeological
Conference, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, October 13, 1979.
^ Lorene Martin, "Old Jubilee College and its Founder, Bishop Chase," in
Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society, Publication No. 41 (Spring-
field: Illinois State Historical Library, 1934), pp. 133-46.
^ Bishop Philander Chase, Journals of the Protestant Episcopal Church
Diocese of Illinois 1835-1856, Report of the Bishop, June 1841. Available at the
Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield. "Jubilee College Board of Trustees
Minutes," November 1901 and August 1902. Originals held by the Episcopal
Church Historical Society, Austin, Texas. Copies available from the Reverend
Dibbert, Chicago Historiographer for the Illinois Episcopal Diocese.
2 Samuel Chase and Bishop Philander Chase, "An Account of the Landed
Estate, Houses, and Other Property of Jubilee College," April 1842. Available from
the Citizen's Committee to Preserve Jubilee College Collection, Accession No.
74.2/3. Bishop Philander Chase, Journals of the Protestant Episcopal Church
Diocese of Illinois 1835-1856, Report of the Bishop, June 1841 .
^ Henry Lionel Williams and Ottalie K. Williams, Old American Houses and
How to Restore Them (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1946), pp. 52-53.
^ "Jubilee College Board of Trustees Minutes," November 1901 and August
1902.
^ Ralph Kovel and Terry Kovel, Know Your Antiques (New York: Crown, 1973),
pp. 27-29.
'' Don Raycraft and Carol Raycraft, American Country Pottery (Des Moines,
Iowa: Wallace-Homestead, 1975), pages opposite Plates 8 and 9.
^ A pontil mark resulted from the attachment of a metal pontil rod to the bottle
base so that the bottle could be held securely while the neck and lip were finished.
When the rod was removed, the diagnostic "scar" remained on the base. William C.
Ketchum, Jr., A Treasury of American Bottles (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1975), p.
34.
^ Richard V. Humphrey, "Clay Pipes From Old Sacramento," Historical
Archaeology, 3 (1969), 26-30. Ivor Noel Hume, "Tobacco Pipes and Smoking
Equipment," in Artifacts of Colonial America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970), p.
307. Rex L. Wilson, Clay Tobacco Pipes From Fort Laramie National Historic Site
and Related Locations (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior,
National Park Service, Division of Archeology and Anthropology, 1971), pp. 17-18.
THREE ANTISLAVERY LEADERS
OF BUREAU COUNTY
Karen Ber field
Owen Lovejoy is a familiar name to students of Illinois history,
but few people know much about the antislavery activities of this
abolitionist leader, especially as they relate to Bureau County,
where he lived for most of his life. Even less well known is the fact
that Lovejoy was not the only man from his county who was a leader
in the struggle to free the slaves. John Howard Bryant was very
active in antislavery activities, and his nephew, Julian Bryant, was a
noted military commander, who led Negro soldiers in the Civil War.
Through these men, the county made a remarkable contribution to
the antislavery cause.
One of the most influential families in pre-Civil War Bureau
County was the Bryant family. Dr. Peter Bryant, a physician and
state senator in Massachusetts, taught his five sons to believe in
"the universal brotherhood of man," and in his home he hired both
black and white sen/ants and treated them alike. Hence, a dislike for
slavery became prominent in the political stands of both William
Cullen and John Howard, the most well-known Bryant sons. The
former was the only son who never lived in Bureau County. The
others— Austin, Arthur, and Cyrus, as well as John Howard-
moved there well before the Civil War.""
The most prominent of these was the youngest, John Howard
Bryant, who came to the Princeton area in 1831 and built a cabin on
the land where, years later, his elegant mansion would stand. He
was one of those responsible for the formation of Bureau County,
and over the years, he held a number of local offices. In 1842 and
1843, he was elected to the legislature for Bureau, Stark, and Peoria
counties. Four years afterward, he became one of the editors of the
first newspaper to be issued in Bureau County, the Bureau County
Advocate, an antislavery publication.
During the pre-Civil War years, Bryant worked with the Under-
ground Railroad, thus assisting a number of slaves in their
struggles to achieve freedom. Nor did his efforts diminish because
of the legislation of 1850, which gave the South a more effective
46
ANTISLA VERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY
47
John Howard Bryant,
Courtesy of the Bureau County Historical Society.
48 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
fugitive slave law. In 1854, for example, he had as many as fifteen
runaway slaves in his home at one time. Frequently, he was
involved in episodes for which Owen Lovejoy is now fully credited.
Bryant was also instrumental in organizing the Republican Party
in Bureau County. On July 4, 1854, an antislavery celebration was
held in his yard for that purpose, and in the next election, the
county voted Republican and elected Owen Lovejoy to the state
legislature. In 1856, Bryant (along with Lovejoy) was a delegate to
the Republican convention in Pittsburgh, and in 1860 he was a
delegate to the party's convention in Chicago, which nominated
Lincoln for President.
When the Civil War began, Bryant contributed time and money
toward raising and equipping the Union armies. His efforts took
him to Springfield and Washington. In addition, he spoke
frequently for the purpose of encouraging appropriations to pay the
military bounties and other expenses of the war.^
Although not as famous as his older brother, Bryant was also a
poet, and his antislavery sentiment was occasionally expressed in
his lyrics. For example, the opening stanzas of "A Tribute to the
Memory of the Late Honorable Owen Lovejoy," written shortly after
his friend's death in 1862, express his admiration for that famous
abolitionist:
Oh! Tis easy to stand for truth and for right
When pride and oppression are yielding to might;
Tis easy for freedom and justice to toil
When the chain of the bondsman is ready to fall.
But oh! when the night is all starless and cold,
When a stone o'er the grave of sad freedom is rolled,
Then true is the spirit and noble and brave
That fearlessly toils on behalf of the slave. ^
And in "Welcome to the Returned Veterans" and "Welcome to the
Returned Soldiers, 1865" he celebrates the victory of Union
soldiers, with special reference to those from Bureau County— as
the opening stanzas of the former poem indicate:
Welcome home our gallant brothers.
Welcome home ye brave and true;
Rebel hordes had trod these prairies
But for you and such as you.
Bureau boys at bloody Shiloh,
Pea Ridge, Gibson, Donelson,
Corinth, Vicksburg, Raymond, Jackson,
Fought the rebel foe and won.'^
ANTISLAVERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY
49
c
o
"S
o
c
Q_
c
E
o
c
l_
CD
"O
(0
o
X
c
x:
o
-3
50 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
One of Bryant's finest lyrics is a sonnet entitled "Death of Lincoln,"
in which he praises the martyred president as the Great
Emancipator:
"Make way for liberty," cried Winkelried,
And gathered to his breast the Austrian spears.
Fired with fresh valor at the glorious deed,
O'er the dead hero rushed those mountaineers
To victory and freedom. Even so
Our dear, good Lincoln fell in freedom's cause.
And while our hearts are pierced with keenest woe,
Lo, the black night of slavery withdraws,
And liberty's bright dawn breaks o'er the land:
Four million bondsmen, held in helpless thrall,
Loosed by his word, in nature's manhood stand.
And the sweet sun of peace shines over all.
The blood that stained the martyr's simple robe
Woke the deep sympathies of half the globe. ^
Perhaps John Drury, in his history entitled Bureau County,
Illinois, was thinking of this poem when he compared Bryant to
Lincoln. Both men certainly had the same desire to free the slaves.
Drury also mentioned that Bryant "was probably the most useful
citizen in his community," which might also have been said about
young Lincoln at New Salem. ^
Julian Bryant, the nephew of John Howard Bryant and son of
Arthur Bryant, was born in 1836 in Princeton. It was only natural
that the abolitionist sympathies of his father and his uncle should
be instilled in him during his early years. Also, by the time he was
born, his famous uncle, William Cullen, was editor of the New York
Evening Post, and the latter was also speaking out against slavery.
In his early twenties, Julian Bryant was primarily interested in
drawing, and so, in 1859, he became an art instructor at the Normal
School in Bloomington.'' When the Civil War began shortly
afterward, he returned to Princeton and initiated a recruiting station
for a teachers' brigade. It became Company E of the 33rd Illinois
Volunteer Infantry Regiment, popularly called "the brain regiment,"
and was composed of both students and teachers from all over the
state. Bryant was elected lieutenant of the company.
Bryant's regiment was immediately moved to Missouri, and it
was there that he was directly involved in action that was apparently
the first time during the war that slaves were liberated and armed.
The federal command had learned that Higginbotham Plantation
was being used as a rendezvous for recruits who were entering the
army of Confederate General Sterling Price. Being assigned to spy
on these operations, Bryant and a friend posed as southern
ANTISLA VERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY
51
IP" -••»r
Julian Bryant.
Courtesy of the Bureau County Historical Society.
52 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
sympathizers and were admitted as Confederate recruits. That
night, the Union forces captured the plantation and armed some
twenty blacks, who then marched their owners to the 33rd
Regiment's camp. As a result of this episode, Bryant began
considering the possibility of using blacks as soldiers, although
official sanction was not given to this practice until November,
1862.
In the early days of his Civil War activity, Bryant produced a
graphic record of the Missouri-Arkansas region through which he
marched. He had a special talent for quick pen-and-ink drawings,
and so he drew many sketches of camp life, fortifications, marching
troops. Union gunboats and river transports, flood refugees, and
backwoods natives. These drawings are now preserved by the
Bureau County Historical Society. After the Battle of Vicksburg, his
increased command responsibilities forced him to discontinue his
sketching.
In 1863 Bryant was appointed major of the newly organized 1st
Regiment, Mississippi Infantry African Descent, which was later
designated the 51st United States Colored Infantry. Only superior
white officers were chosen for this assignment since it was a
formidable task to train slaves who had just been freed. Many
people doubted that such blacks were capable of achieving military
effectiveness, even with the best of leadership.
Bryant's first assignment was to lead his regiment in the Battle
of Millikin's Bend. Here, the policy of using blacks was tested.
Located just above Vicksburg on the Mississippi River, the garrison
was weak. It consisted of the 23rd Iowa Volunteer Infantry and the
African Brigade, the latter being composed of the 9th Louisiana, the
11th Louisiana, and the 1st Mississippi Negro regiments. The total
number of Union defenders was approximately 1,000 men (160
whites and 910 blacks). The Confederates, on the other hand, had
1 ,500 well-trained troops. According to Donald M. Murray, author of
"Colonel Julian E. Bryant: Champion of the Negro Soldier," Bryant
was "conspicuous for his gallantry and energy in rallying and
leading the troops after they had been driven to the brink of the
river. "8 The black soldiers had been handed their weapons shortly
before the battle, and so they knew little about them. However, they
were determined fighters who were not afraid of the hand-to-hand
combat that ensued. The best tribute to their bravery was a
testimonial by Assistant Secretary of War Charles A. Dana, who
happened to be in the area at the time for the purpose of reporting
on the Vicksburg campaign: "The Engagement at Millikin's Bend
became famous from the conduct of the colored troops. General E.
S. Dennis, who saw the battle, told me that it was the hardest
ANTISLAVERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY
53
■^ry-" *:-^^-
Courtesy of the Bureau County Historical Society.
Civil War Sketches by Julian Bryant.
54 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
fought battle he had ever seen. It was fought mainly hand-to-hand.
'It is impossible,' said General Dennis, 'for men to show greater
gallantry than the Negro troops in that fight.' "^
Early in 1864, Bryant organized a new black regiment, the 46th
United States Colored Infantry. Before assuming command,
however, his concern about the treatment of these men led him to
write the following letter to his uncle, William Cullen Bryant, on
January 22, 1864:
Dear Uncle:
A short time ago you published in your paper a statement
concerning the treatment received by colored troops at
Charleston. The same state of affairs exists here, that is there
complained of. For the past three months the colored regiments
have been constantly at work upon the fortifications, doing
common labour's duties at the landings, loading and unloading
boats and barges, while white regiments are lying idle in camp,
or are occupied only in soldierly duties.
It is true that these duties must necessarily be performed,
but if the colored troops are recognized as United States
soldiers, it is not only an injustice but a violation of military
regulations to show such partiality in assigning them to duty.
I make these statements hoping that you may see fit to give
this subject a ventilation. Of course, it is not my place to
criticize the actions of my superiors, but if this matter were
brought before the public, I think that it might influence the
action of some of our officers, who have an eye to their own
future political prosperity.
Sincerely yours,
Julian E. Bryant
Lieut. Col. 1st Miss. Vol. Infty.""^
After receiving this letter, the famous poet-editor wrote a very
heated editorial in the Evening Post on the mistreatment of black
soldiers. None of his earlier editorials had criticized the government
as strongly as that one, published on February 19, 1864. As a result.
General Thomas called for a more careful selection of officers for
the black regiments. A second event that was influenced by the
editorial occurred on June 15 of that year, when Congress passed
an act which authorized black soldiers to receive the same
uniforms, arms, equipment, rations, medical assistance, and pay
as white soldiers.
In September, Julian Bryant was appointed colonel of the 46th
United States Colored Infantry. In February of 1865, the regiment
was sent to New Orleans and then on to Clarksville, Texas on the
Rio Grande River. At Brazos Santiago, Texas, on May 14— just three
days after he had arrived at his new post— Bryant was drowned
ANTISLAVERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY 55
while bathing in the Gulf of Mexico.'''' Thus ended the brief but
active career of a soldier whose military acconnplishments were an
outgrowth of his concern for blacks, as both enslaved workers and
free soldiers.
Of course, the most famous antislavery leader from Bureau
County was Owen Lovejoy, the younger brother of abolitionist
martyr Elijah Lovejoy, who was murdered at Alton in 1837. After
that event, Owen moved to Jacksonville, where he was ordained an
Episcopal minister. When he applied for a parish position, the
bishop offered to secure him an assignment only if he would not
preach the antislavery doctrine. His answer was that he would not
have his right of free speech infringed upon, even by the church,
and so he promptly offered himself to the Congregational Church,
which was noted for its liberal tendencies.
Hearing of two vacancies, one at Rock Island, and the other at
Princeton, he decided to take the latter. Arriving in Princeton, and
exhibiting his usual antislavery beliefs, he was soon warned by a
local group that if he was ever seen on Main Street, he would be
mobbed. ""^ Unconcerned, perhaps even stimulated, Lovejoy
became the permanent minister of the Hampshire Congregational
Church at Princeton.
At this time, the town was a very religious community, but there
had been little attempt to organize the populace against slavery.
Because the two hundred residents were mostly from New England,
Princeton was a fertile field for the growth of antislavery sentiment.
In fact, certain individuals had already expressed that point of view,
including Eli and Elijah Smith and Cyrus,. Arthur, and John Howard
Bryant. However, they were in the minority, for most people had
thought little about slavery and did not want to get involved in the
controversy. Hence, it was something of a jolt when the new
Congregational minister began to preach that slavery was cruel and
unjustified and that a slave-catcher was the worst of criminals. ^^
But, as Matson says in Reminiscences of Bureau County, Princeton
soon became famous for its abolitionist activity:
From that time Princeton became a place of note; although
containing but few inhabitants, and having but little commercial
relation with other parts of the world, it was nevertheless the
head center of abolitionism for the West. Newspapers of that
day reported state conventions held here and great speeches
made in favor of immediate emancipation, so that Princeton was
known in abolitionist circles throughout the Union. Even slaves
of the South heard of it, and many of them came to see it, which
caused Colonel Barksdale, in a speech in Congress, to
denounce Princeton as one of the greatest Negro stealing places
in the West.'''*
56
WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
r »«
Courtesy of the Bureau County Historical Society.
Owen Lovejoy.
ANTISLAVERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY 57
Lovejoy married Eunice Starrs Dunham, a widow, whose former
husband had built the house in which the Lovejoys and their nine
children would live, and which came to be known as "The Owen
Lovejoy Estate." Built on 1300 acres, mostly out of black walnut
timber, the fifteen-room house hid many Negroes, who were on
their way to Ottawa. Among the secret closets was a particularly
spacious one on the first floor, where slaves could be kept for long
periods of time in comparative comfort. ^^
In 1848, when Benjamin Lundy came to northern Illinois, he
wanted to "fill the gap" left vacant by the collapse of the Alton
Observer. With the help of Owen Lovejoy, he printed the last issues
of the Genius of Universal Emancipation just a few miles from
Princeton. After Lundy died, the new Genius of Liberty was
established, continuing the same principles as its predecessor. In
turn, it later became the Western Citizen, which was published until
slavery was abolished. At the same time, Lovejoy was instigating
the organization of antislavery societies all over northern Illinois. ""S
In 1843 Lovejoy's antislavery sympathies were widely publicized
when he was indicted for keeping a black woman called Agnes in
his home. The purpose of this indictment was to bring him before
the public as a lawbreaker. Since he had been in Princeton less than
five years, it was hoped by his opponents that the episode would
diminish his influence among the townspeople. The plan did not
succeed.'"''
Next he was charged on a count involving a slave named Nancy,
and that case came to trial on October 7, 1843. Lasting nearly a
week, the proceeding pitted Lovejoy and his counsel, named
Collins, against States Attorney Fridley. When Fridley became
aware of the radical nature of Lovejoy's accusers, and developed an
appreciation for the noble stand which the latter held, he answered
the demands for imprisonment with the following retort: "Prison!
Lovejoy to prison! Your prosecution will be a damned sight more
likely to send him to Congress. "^^ Perhaps the trial contributed to
that end, although Lovejoy was not elected to Congress until the
next decade.
It was established during the trial that the Denham home had
been a shelter for escaped slaves, even before Lovejoy married
Eunice Denham. However, the prosecution lost the case primarily
because of an accidental disclosure on the part of Nancy's former
owner, who stated that he had been taking the slave girl from
Kentucky to Missouri through Illinois. He did not realize that if he
brought a slave into a free state, the slave became free, according to
law. 19
Lovejoy also objected strenuously to a criminal code which
considered certain acts illegal when committed against a white man
58 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
but legal when committed against a black. One case in Princeton
clearly illustrates this point of view. A well-dressed black man on a
fine horse sought out Lovejoy one morning, explaining to him that
he had spent the night in town, and when he had given his landlord
a ten-dollar bill for a seventy-five-cent charge, the man would not
give him the change. Lovejoy helped the wronged man bring his
case to court, but when it became apparent that the case would be a
mockery of justice, Lovejoy advised the black man to leave
Princeton. A man named Davis attempted to detain him, but with
Lovejoy's help, the black man escaped. Davis later brought charges
against Lovejoy, stating that the latter had "interferred with
justice." The famous abolitionist was fined fifty dollars, but he later
had the decision reversed on appeal to the Circuit Court. ^°
Lovejoy's next publicized court case occurred in September of
1849, and it involved efforts to recapture and return a black named
John, who had taken up residence in Princeton several months
before. An eye witness indicated that John was seized while
mowing grass, that his arms were tied behind him, and that he was
put into a wagon. The two men who had seized him then stopped at
a store for food, leaving John tied to a hitching post. Lovejoy, who
was then an attorney, immediately swore out a warrant for the arrest
of the slave-catchers, who were charged with kidnapping.
At the trial which followed, bedlam was inevitable because of
the clash of feelings on such matters among the local people. At
the height of the trial, John was hustled out the door. Obeying
Lovejoy's orders, he began to run down the street, and after him
came Lovejoy, hatless and out of breath, crying, "Run, John." As
the latter ran, someone tripped him, but he managed to pick himself
up and get to Peru Street, where he was rescued by Lovejoy's hired
man. When the hostile crowd arrived at the Lovejoy home, the
famous abolitionist stood inside the gate, allowing none to enter.
There are at least two versions of what happened next. One account
indicates that the crowd was lured away by someone dressed like
John, and then the former slave made his escape. Another story
contends that a black woman came outside frequently, and when
she (really John) finally left in a wagon, no one reacted. On the
following Sunday, Lovejoy's sermon strongly reprimanded those
who had shown no kindness to John.^^
On another occasion, Lovejoy kept a runaway slave and his wife
and four children over night, sending them on to Ottawa the next
morning, which resulted in an indictment being brought against
him. This time the prosecution felt sure of conviction because they
knew that John Porterfield, who worked for Lovejoy, had taken the
black family to LaMoille, and they intended to put him on the stand.
However, they did not know that John Porterfield had a twin, James
ANTISLA VERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY
59
60 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Porterfield, who worked in the nearby town of Dover. Because
Lovejoy could not ask John to lie on the witness stand, he secretly
brought James to the court room to testify instead. Asked his
name, he replied, "J. Porterfield." He was then asked if, on the
specified day, he had seen the Negro family in question at Lovejoy's
house. His truthful answer was, "No, sir." When asked if he had
taken them to LaMoille, he replied that he knew nothing about it.
The prosecution could not prove its case, and Lovejoy was
discharged. 22
In 1854, Lovejoy was elected to the Illinois Legislature, and two
years later, he was elected to Congress. He remained in Congress
from the day of his first election until the day he died, March 25,
1864, in Brooklyn, New York.^^ During that time, his fame as an
antislavery orator increased steadily.
Lovejoy's speech at Neponset, located in western Bureau
County, on September 26, 1856— shortly before his election to
Congress— revolved around four points, which were to be
repeatedly emphasized in later speeches. He spoke at some length
on the principles of the Republican Party, stressing that "we are
trying to advance the equality of all." Secondly, he reminded his
audience that their duty to their children was the same as that of
their ancestors to them, to keep the northern section of the United
States free from slavery. In an attempt to emphasize the negative
results of slavery, he gave an account of the outrages in Kansas,
saying that in that state no man could be a witness in any suit
unless he supported slavery. Finally, Lovejoy swore that if he was
victorious in the upcoming congressional elections, he would vote
against the "alien laws" which were coming up for consideration.
The audience was no less than wildly enthusiastic.^"*
In 1858, when receiving his second nomination to Congress,
Lovejoy spoke to the members of his party at Joliet on the subject
of slavery. He shouted (which was his most effective method of
emphasis) in closing, "But if we cannot speed the ball to the brain
and cause instant death, let us aim behind the shoulder where the
heart throbs, and, if we may not do that, let us seize a club and give
it a blow on its spinal column, so at least as to cripple it."^^ images
of violence are present in other Lovejoy speeches as well, perhaps
testifying to his intuition that a violent resolution to the problem
was coming.
Another effective speech was related to Lovejoy's assistance of
a slave named "Old Mose," whose owner, a Mr. Lombard, had
brought him to Illinois, telling him that he would be freed. When
Lombard decided that a trip to Mississippi was necessary first,
Mose ran away. He spent the night at Lovejoy's home on his way to
Chicago.
ANTISLAVERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY 61
When Lombard found out, he was furious, and he wrote to
Lovejoy, warning him that his unlawful activities would be brought
before the House of Representatives— of which Lovejoy was then a
member. In that letter, however, Lombard admitted that the black
man was free. Furthermore, he claimed that he had just wanted to
take Mose to Mississippi for a short visit, and he spoke of his
attachment for the former slave. In any case, a short excerpt from
Lombard's angry letter was read in Congress, and it referred to
"rascally church members and thieving abolitionists."^^
Lombard turned over his grievances to O. R. Singleton, a
member of Congress from Mississippi. The latter was a man who
never did anything hurriedly, preferring to catch an enemy off
guard. The occasion presented itself when Lovejoy proposed an
amendment to a bill which appropriated public money for jail fees
of fugitive slaves. When Singleton demanded that Lovejoy return to
Lombard the slave he had stolen from him, the former replied that
he had never stolen a slave since, in fact, Lombard had never owned
one. However, he did admit that he had fed those who came to his
door. Singleton answered that Lovejoy did not know the meaning of
the word "stealing." "Stealing," replied Lovejoy, "is taking a man
and holding him in slavery. "2'' Singleton came to his feet,
sputtering angrily in his indignation and saying he had no doubt
that Lovejoy's ancestors were engaged in stealing Negroes from
Africa. Swelling to his full height, Lovejoy drew attention to
Singleton's reference to stealing African Negroes and concluded
that Singleton and all the slaveholders in the South were "the
receivers of stolen goods." He closed his address by shouting a
defiant admission of his Underground Railroad activity:
I do assist fugitive slaves. Proclaim it then upon the
housetops; write it upon every leaf that trennbles in the forest;
nnake it blaze from the sun at high noon, and shine forth in the
milder radiance of every star that bedecks the firmament of God;
let it echo through all the arches of heaven, and reverberate and
bellow along all the deep gorges of hell, where the slave
catchers will be very likely to hear it. Owen Lovejoy lives at
Princeton, Illinois; and he aids every slave that comes to his
door and asks it. Thou invisible demon of slavery! Dost thou
think to cross my humble threshold, and forbid me to give bread
to the hungry and shelter to the houseless? I bid you defiance in
the name of my God!^^
Lovejoy's most famous speech in Congress was given on April
5, 1860. He began with his usual condemnation of slavery, and then
he stated, "The theory is that if a man is old and weak, strike
him— he can't strike back; if he is a child, deceive him."^^ In saying
this, he was ridiculing the view that blacks should be enslaved
62
WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
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ANTISLA VERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY 63
because they were of an inferior race. While not responding directly
to the charge of inferiority, he indicated that even if blacks were not
equal to whites, there would still be no nnoral basis for nnistreating
them, for inferiority is no reason for abuse. Lovejoy's strong words
were often emphasized with energetic gestures, his most frequent
action being the raising of his clenched fist and shaking it at the
slavery supporters.
As the speech continued, members of Congress left their seats,
running down the aisle, some calling for order and others
denouncing Lovejoy. Congressman Barksdale of Mississippi and
other Democrats (Crawford, Dejarnette, Burnett, and Singleton)
rushed toward Lovejoy, but Republicans Farnsworth and Potter
placed themselves between the southerners and the outspoken
abolitionist, and then other supporters formed a circle around him
as the chairman tried to restore order. When matters were finally
brought under control, Lovejoy continued his condemnation of
slavery, shouting to his opponents, "You cannot silence us either
by threats or by violence. "30 This clearly reveals the courage and
determination of the great abolitionist congressman.
When Lovejoy died in 1864, his body was returned to Princeton
by train, accompanied by floral tributes and a governmental
committee. The subsequent procession which moved from the
Congregational Church to Oakland Cemetery at the west edge of
town was the most impressive that Princeton had ever known.
Regardless of how controversial he was elsewhere, he was deeply
respected and appreciated in Bureau County. And perhaps more
importantly, he had made an impact on the one man who could
bring about the result to which he had dedicated his life, as is
indicated by the letter of condolence that Lincoln sent to the
Lovejoy family: "My personal acquaintance with him . . . has been
one of increasing respect and esteem, ending, with his life, in no
less than affection on my part. . . . Throughout my heavy and
perplexing responsibilities here, to the day of his death, it would
scarcely wrong any other to say, he was my most generous
friend. "31
Owen Lovejoy alone would have brought recognition to
Princeton and Bureau County in the antislavery movement, but the
dedicated efforts of John Howard Bryant and Julian Bryant are also
noteworthy contributions to that great cause. Of course, these
three men had the support of numerous others in the county, but
through their distinctive achievements, they emerged as leaders
whose influence extended well beyond their home area. Because of
them, no Illinois county has a more significant antislavery heritage
than Bureau.
64 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
NOTES
George B. Harrington, Past and Present of Bureau County, Illinois (Chicago:
Pioneer Publishing Co., 1906), p. 174.
^ H.C. Bradsby, History of Bureau County, Illinois (Chicago: World Publishing
Co., 1885), pp. 158-68.
o
^ George Owen Smith, The Lovejoy Stirine (Princeton: Tribune Printing Co.,
1949), p. 33.
^ Life and Poems of John Howard Bryant, ed. E. R. Brown (Elmwood: [no
publisher], 1894), p. 127.
^ Life and Poems, p. 160. For a discussion of this and other poenns by Bryant,
see John E. Hallwas, "The Poetry of John Howard Bryant," MidAmerica VII (1980),
27-39.
" John Drury, Bureau County, Illinois (Chicago: The Loree Company, 1955),
p. 9.
' Donald W. Murray, "Colonel Julian E. Bryant: Champion of the Negro
Soldier," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 63 (1963), 257. See also
"Sketch of the 52nd Illinois Volunteers" (paper on file in the Princeton Museum).
^ Murray, p. 270.
9 Murray, pp. 270-71.
'^ As quoted in Murray, pp. 276-77.
'''' Murray, pp. 278-80.
^^ G. Smith, p. 9; Isaac B. Smith, Sketches and Statistics of Princeton
(Princeton: Isaac B. Smith, 1857), p. 41, and Edward Magdol, Owen Lovejoy:
Abolitionist in Congress (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1967), pp.
35-36. Magdol's book is the only extensive study of Lovejoy.
"■2 G. Smith, pp. 9-12; Bradsby, pp. 336-37.
^'^ N. Matson, Reminiscences of Bureau County (Princeton: Republican Book
and Job Office, 1872), p. 364.
^^G. Smith, p. 24. See also Marcia Mall, "Princeton's Famous Preacher,"
Illinois History, 14 (1960), p. 61.
'° Lundy Memorial Committee of the John Swaney School Alumni and Society
of Friends, Memorial to Benjamin Lundy, Pioneer Quaker Abolitionist, 1789-1839
(Princeton: Lundy Memorial Committee, 1939). See also Theodore Calvin Pease,
The Story of Illinois (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1949), p. 149.
'''' Bradsby, pp. 332-33; G. Smith, p. 17.
"•^ Bradsby, pp. 333-34.
"•^ Bradsby, pp. 333-34; G. Smith, p. 20.
2^ Bradsby, pp. 337-38; Bureau County Court Record, vol. I, pp. 399, 407, and
464.
^' "S. P. Clark Present When Lovejoy Set Negro Slave Free," Bureau County
Republican, 8 March 1923, p. 1; Bradsby, p. 338; G. Smith, pp. 20-23. See also the
newspaper article collection at the Tiskilwa Library.
^^ "Twins Save Lovejoy," Bureau County Republican, 8 Mar. 1923, p. 1.
^^ Bradsby, p. 333.
^^ "Lovejoy in Neponset," Princeton Post, 16 Oct. 1856, p. 2.
ANTISLAVERY LEADERS OF BUREAU COUNTY 65
2^ "Remarks of Mr. Lovejoy on Receiving the Nomination at the Convention
Held at Joliet, June 30th," Bureau County Republican, 8 July 1858, p. 2.
^^ "Lovejoy, Singleton, Lombard and 'Old Mose,' " Bureau County Republican,
17 Feb. 1859, p. 2.
27
Ibid.
28 Bradsby, pp. 334-35.
2^ Aver J. Jeffrey, Antislavery Disunion (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), p.
114.
^^ "A Democratic Mob in the House," Bureau County Republican, 12 Apr. 1860,
p. 1.
^^ As quoted in Magdol, p. 410.
THE MEN'S UTERARY CLUBS
OF JACKSONVILLE
Walter B. Hendrickson and John N. Langfitt
In Jacksonville, Illinois, there are two men's literary societies.
Others exist in the United States, but they are not numerous, and so
little is known about them and there is such slight communication
between them that many of these organizations suspect they are
unique. Men's literary societies represent a significant social and
intellectual movement in the United States, and each is of
importance in its own community.
The societies in Jacksonville are The Club, founded in 1861 , and
The Jacksonville Literary Union, founded in 1864. Although these
are not, and never have been, strictly concerned with "literary"
matters, they are groups of about twenty men who meet twice a
month, except in the summer, to discuss political, social,
economic, educational and other current topics. The membership is
made up of businessmen, college professors, school teachers,
clergymen, lawyers, and doctors who represent the intellectual
elements of the town.
The Club and the Union carry on their affairs in much the same
manner: at each meeting an appointed reader presents a paper, and
each man in turn comments on it and often also comments on the
remarks of those who precede him. The choice of a subject is left to
the reader, but in the early years, the subjects were sometimes
assigned. The members only discuss and comment on the subject
of the evening, and no stand is taken by the group as a whole on any
matter. However, there have been notable exceptions, as when
Jonathan Baldwin Turner of The Club, in 1867, persuaded his
fellows to adopt a resolution urging the people of Jacksonville to
work to bring the proposed land grant university to the city. (The
Club's action was ineffective, because the University of Illinois was
established in Urbana.) Another instance occurred when the
Literary Union, following its original constitution, proposed the
establishment of a public library, but nothing came of it.
Because the Jacksonville literary clubs are private, as are most
of the others which the authors know about, the general public is
66
LITERARY CLUBS OF JACKSONVILLE
67
/
,//////////
Courtesy of Illinois College Library.
Jonathan Baldwin Turner, early member of The Club.
68 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
not conscious of their existence, although occasionally in the
1870's the secretary of the Literary Union published condensed
minutes in the local newspaper. Although the names of members
were never given, the Union later passed a resolution forbidding the
secretary to mal<e public the proceedings. Also, the 25th, 50th, and
100th anniversaries were publicly noticed, and brief mention of the
societies is found in local histories. It is probable that the private
nature of the Jacksonville clubs is common to other similar
organizations. But both The Club and the Union have distinguished
histories, and since their minutes are conscientiously preserved,
they constitute a unique historical record of the thinking of
educated professional and business men on all kinds of topics that
are of public concern.^
Many historians have remarked upon the tendency of men in
Western society to draw together in groups to achieve some social
purpose, and considering the rapidity with which voluntary groups
of all kinds have spread across the United States, it would be
remarkable if there were not organizations similar to the literary
clubs of Jacksonville in other places. We all know that since the
eighteenth century there has been a continuous effort on the part of
the men of Western civilization to educate and inform themselves
about all manner of subjects, not only through formal educational
institutions, but through mutual self-help organizations. Two
well-known examples are the club of literary lights that revolved
around Samuel Johnson in London in the 1780's, and the Junto
Club founded by Benjamin Franklin as a medium through which the
members pursued their mutual education and improvement.
Eventually, out of the Junto arose the American Philosophical
Society, to which many of the intellectuals of both Philadelphia and
the nation belonged.
Other roots of the literary societies were in the many debating
societies, library societies, and early lyceums, founded in the cities
and town of the United States.^ In the case of the Jacksonville
clubs, since many of the members were college graduates, there
was an influence from the student literary societies of Illinois
College in Jacksonville at the time that the clubs were
organized— Sigma Pi and Phi Alpha. In such societies the purpose
was mutual self-improvement as well as companionship, and at
their meetings were debates and discussions on many subjects.^
More specialized than the Junto were the numerous scientific
academies and natural history societies founded in American and
European communities in the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies.'* Also, the Workingmen's Institutes fostered in the United
States by William Maclure had elements of self-help. 5
LITERARY CLUBS OF JACKSONVILLE 69
Among the several organizations similar to The Club and the
Literary Union that have come to the attention of the authors are the
Saturday Club of Concord, Massachusetts (1855-1956), the Social
Circle, founded in 1791 and still meeting, and the Concord School
of Philosophy (1879-1884), revived in 1977 (the latter two had both
men and women as members). Concord, so long associated with
American writers, had other clubs also.^ Jacksonville itself had a
flourishing Plato Club (1880-1900), led by Hiram K. Jones, M.D., a
member of the Literary Union, in which both sexes were members/
There was also the Roundtable, a club for young men, that existed
in the latter part of the nineteenth century.^
A national organization, the Torch Club, founded in the 1920's,
has chapters in several cities, including Youngstown, Ohio^ and
Schenectady, New YorkJ^ Among local clubs are the QC
(Quarter-Century) of Indianola, Iowa'"'' and the Guiatenon of Craw-
fordsville, Indiana. The latter was founded in 1883, and it has
fifty-five active and a number of honorary and associate members.
Its programs are given by volunteers, and a single discussant is
named; other discussion is voluntary. ""^ Also, Macomb, Illinois has
The Macomb Philosophy Club, which was founded in 1926 with the
encouragement of Western Illinois University's president at that
time, Walter P. Morgan.
In Montpelier, Vermont, is The Club, and at St. Albans,
Vermont, is the Owls Club, the latter of a "convivial nature until
recently, when it has become of more serious purpose. "^^
Hopkinsville, Kentucky, is the home of the Atheneum, with forty
members, which meets monthly and hears two papers at each
session. Discussion is voluntary.^'* On many college campuses
there were, and are, faculty discussion groups such as that at
Indiana University at Bloomington in the 1940's, which admitted
only one person from each department. In Washington, D. C. were
the Cosmos Club, composed entirely of men and still going, and
the Literary Society of Washington, which included both men and
women and is now defunct. That city has seen many clubs, often
scientific or professional in nature. ^^ The Jacksonville Literary
Union had a satellite at Redlands, California, which was founded in
1895, and was called the Fortnightly Club. Whether it is still in
existence is not known.
The authors have discovered the above organizations by writing
to libraries in likely towns and by conversations and cor-
respondence with friends. Negative replies were received from
Hamilton, New York, Boston, Massachusetts, Syracuse, New York,
and Ann Arbor, Michigan. The following towns in Illinois were also
written to, but negative answers were given: Bloomington,
70 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Carlinville, Decatur, Galesburg, Hamilton, Quincy, Rockford, Rock
Island, and Springfield. In Chicago there were several societies, the
oldest being the Chicago Literary Club, founded in 1875 and still
meeting in the late 1970's.^^
From this limited evidence, we can conclude that the clubs of
Jacksonville were alone in central and northwestern Illinois, except
for those in Chicago and, after 1926, Macomb. The reason for this
we are not able to determine, because the founders of The Club and
the Literary Union never said anything about their sense of
uniqueness. It is our guess that the matter never entered their
heads, and that they thought of themselves as a sort of natural
extension of the literary societies at Illinois College, where so many
of their members were connected. One other place where there is a
link with college literary societies is Oxford, Ohio. When the Miami
University literary societies were replaced by fraternities, the names
and traditions of those societies were carried on by adult town
groups.^''
We also need to answer the question, "Why have the
Jacksonville clubs existed for so long a time?" We think that the
answer lies in the intellectual and educational life of the
community. Jacksonville was, and is, an educational center, with
Illinois College, MacMurray College, and state institutions for the
blind, the deaf, and the developmentally handicapped being there.
Also, Jacksonville, being the seat of a rich agricultural county,
attracted many lawyers, and it has been a medical center for many
years, ever since the first medical college in Illinois was founded by
Illinois College before the Civil War. (The school lasted but a short
time, but the doctors continued to be an important element in the
community.) We have also pointed out above that Jacksonville,
before the Civil War, had debating societies, lyceums, and other
group activities that influenced the culture of the town. This matter
is given full discussion in Don Harrison Doyle's The Social Order of
a Frontier Community: Jacksonville, Illinois, 1825-1870.^^ Another
factor is the pride that the city takes in its history. It had one of the
early historical societies in the state, and its Old Settler
organization held annual picnics that were well attended. There
are many fine nineteenth-century mansions still preserved and lived
in, and there is deep respect for tradition. Other communities have
similar conditions, and yet there are no men's literary clubs, but we
think that the particular mix in Jacksonville provided for the nurture
of The Club and the Literary Union.
The following brief histories of The Club and the Literary Union
are adapted from duplicate copies of manuscripts that were
deposited in a Time Capsule in Jacksonville in 1975, the year of the
LITERARY CLUBS OF JACKSONVILLE 71
city's sesquicentennial, and not to be opened until 2025. Dr.
Hendrickson is Professor Emeritus of History at MacMurray College
and a member of The Club since 1943. Dr. Langfitt is Professor of
Religion and Chaplain of Illinois College, and was the secretary of
the Literary Union in 1975. The sources are the minutes of the
respective organizations.^^
The Club, 1861-1980
The first meeting of The Club was held on September 12, 1861 .
The first secretary, Elizur Wolcott, a man of independent means
who was interested in intellectual pursuits, recorded the initial
meeting thus: "A number of gentlemen met at the residence of W.
D. Sanders, Professor of Rhetoric and Composition at Illinois
College, for the purpose of forming a club." President Julian M.
Sturtevant of Illinois College, who was also Professor of Intellectual
and Moral Philosophy and Mathematics, was the chairman, and the
sixteen men who were present were looked upon as the charter
members. ^° In addition to Sturtevant, Sanders, and Wolcott, they
were: Samuel Adams, Professor of Natural Philosophy, Chemistry
and Natural History at Illinois College; R. C. Crampton, Professor
of Mathematics and Astronomy at Illinois College; William C.
Gallaher, Minister of the Presbyterian Church at Pisgah, Illinois; D.
E. Hamilton, Minister of Westminster Presbyterian Church; C. M.
Marshall, occupation unknown; Henry K. Jones, M.D., Professor of
Obstetrics at Illinois College; David A. Smith, lawyer; M. F. Ayres,
businessman and banker; Rufus Nutting, Professor of Latin and
Greek at Illinois College; E. P. Kirby, lawyer and later county judge;
Jonathan B. Turner, Professor of Rhetoric and English Literature at
Illinois college, also educator and horticulturist; and W. S. Russell,
Minister of the Disciples of Christ Church.
A few of these initial members were particularly notable men.
President Sturtevant was a leading member of the community,
having been one of the Yale Band that founded Illinois College in
1829. During the Civil War he was sent to England by President
Lincoln to speak out for United States policies toward the South.
Another man whose broad interests transcended local concerns
was Jonathan Baldwin Turner, who came to Jacksonville and
Illinois College in 1833. He was a proponent of tax-supported
schools, an advocate of improved agricultural methods, an early
champion of the land grant college idea, and later the president of
the Illinois Natural History Society. He retired from teaching at an
early date and developed a lively horticultural business, one of the
products of which was the osage orange tree hedge that made it
possible to fence the prairies. In his later years, he turned to
72
WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Courtesy of Illinois College Library.
Julian Sturtevant, early member of The Club.
LITERARY CLUBS OF JACKSONVILLE 73
philosophy and religion and often delivered long papers to The Club
on those subjects. Professor William Sanders was also an
important community leader. In the 1870's he founded a prosperous
girls' school in Jacksonville that was entitled The Athenaeum.
At the first meeting of The Club, David E. Hamilton presented a
constitution which had been prepared for the occasion. It said that
the purpose of The Club was "mutual entertainment and instruction
of the members by conversation and discussion." Why "The Club"
(always capitalized) was chosen as the organization's title is not
known. An examination of the original constitution indicates that
possibly the place for the name was left blank and later filled in as
"The Club," perhaps because no one proposed a more precise
name. And from that day forward, members have had to explain that
The Club is the name of the organization.
Membership was by nomination, and voting was by secret
ballot. Then, as now, a unanimous affirmative vote was necessary
for admittance. Meetings were held every two weeks for many
years, even in the summer time, until 1896, when it was agreed that
The Club year would begin with the second Monday in October, and
would continue until the second Monday in May. This practice is
still followed.
There were no officers other than the secretary, who kept the
minutes and collected the dues, which were mainly used to mail
notices of meetings, including a postcard to be returned to the
host. Dues ranged from twenty-five cents a year, when postcards
were a penny, to three dollars in 1980, when postage was twenty
cents a member for each meeting. Members frequently discussed
the utility of sending notices with return postcards, because they
often did not return the cards, but presented them to the host when
they came to meeting! In 1976, it was decided, tradition
notwithstanding, that only a notice would be sent, and that
members would telephone the host if they could not attend.
In the early days the discussion leader was selected at each
meeting for the next. By the 1880's the secretary was working out a
schedule and arranging in advance for a host and a reader for each
meeting of the year. The host presided until 1941 , when a president
was selected and, with the secretary, planned the year's program.
The Rev. C. W. Meeker, who was a member from 1928 to 1943, said
that the basis of such officer selection was a long-felt need, but The
Club had never taken precipitous action on any matter. The
question of having a president was long debated, and discussion on
other matters went on for months, even years, before a vote was
taken. Another change in organization was not made until 1960,
when two secretaries were provided for— one to record the
74 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
meetings, and a corresponding secretary and treasurer to send out
notices and collect dues.
The 1861 constitution has never been amended, and there are no
formal bylaws. From time to time, committees have been named to
make recommendations for action, which The Club may accept or
not. One frequently discussed matter of policy was that of
membership. Although sixteen members were present at the first
meeting, and the total membership was placed at twenty in the
constitution, sometimes there were no more than six or eight at a
meeting. It was early recognized that the success of The Club
depended on having an adequate number of members so that
various occupations and professions would be represented. At
three times in its history this matter was dealt with, and
membership committees were set up to encourage recruitment by
members. However, the right of any member to propose a man for
an existing vacancy has not been limited.
As has been noted, little time was ever spent on organizational
matters, and it was only in 1969 that a sort of updated set of bylaws
was accepted, which is still in effect in 1980. It defines the
obligations of membership and gives a statement of the duties of
the officers and creates a new class of associate members to take
the place of men who can no longer attend regularly.
During the 1940's and 1950's there were both May and October
picnic dinners, many held at the country home of Mr. and Mrs.
Charles Gibson. But such meetings were dropped because they
made extra work for the wives. The matter of entertainment of wives
was satisfactorily solved in 1954 when the practice of holding an
annual joint meeting with the Literary Union began. The Union
started it by asking The Club members to be paying guests at a May
meeting. The Club reciprocated the next year, and the custom
continues. Each organization arranges for the meeting of which it is
the host, and secures an outside speaker, usually someone in
politics, or who is knowledgeable about history or public affairs.
The president of the host club presides and the president of the
guest club makes remarks. The secretaries of each club give
summaries of the year's meetings, usually with clever remarks. In
1977, the secretary of The Club, Allan Metcalf, Associate Professor
of English at MacMurray College, cast his report in the form of a
long rhyming poem. The dinner is considered to be one of the
highlights of the social season in Jacksonville.
In 1961, The Club observed its one-hundredth anniversary by
holding a dinner at the Dunlap Hotel. At that time, the members of
Sorosis women's literary society presented The Club with a gavel,
which has since been placed in a handsome walnut box, made and
LITERARY CLUBS OF JACKSONVILLE 75
carved by Club members Lawrence Crawford and Howard Corey.
The gavel is kept by the current president, and is used at the
opening meeting of each year and on ceremonial occasions.
The membership of The Club has always included men who play
a leading part in the life of the community. Among the members are
usually four or five faculty members each from Illinois College and
MacMurray College. They are from all departments, but principally
from the science, social science, history, English, and philosophy-
religion departments. Among the town members are school
teachers, bankers, lawyers, businessmen, and doctors.
Although many men were members of The Club for twenty-five,
thirty, or forty years, only two reached their fiftieth year— Judge
Edwin P. Kirby, a charter member who had been a fledgling lawyer
in 1861, and Victor H. Sheppard, Professor Emeritus of Education
at MacMurray College, who entered in 1926 when he was a young
teacher of history in the high school.
What is it that makes such faithful and devoted members of The
Club? The answer is found in the tribute to Jonathan Baldwin
Turner, a member of thirty-eight years standing when he died in
1899. Dr. J. E. Bradley, chairman of a committee to memorialize
Turner, wrote:
Professor Turner was one of thie founders and originators of The
Club. Its pure intellectual atmosphere and freedom of belief and
discussion well illustrated his high cast and independence of
thought. He maintained in common with the other founders of
this club, that its sole aim should be the improvement and
enjoyment of its members, that carefully prepared papers
should be presented for its consideration and deemed
confidential, for the discovery of truth anql, not for publication or
any other ulterior purposes. Professor Turner made its
meetings, so far as it was in his power, a training not only in
intellectual clearness and social courtesy, but also in open
mindedness and its hospitality to the truth whatever it might be.
It is impossible here to review the thousand and more papers,
book reviews, travel talks, and so on that have been presented to
The Club during its 119 years of meetings. These papers were the
heart of The Club's life, for little attention was paid to
organizational matters, and more often than not, the president
announced, after the reading of the minutes of the previous
meeting, "There being no business, we will turn our attention to the
reader for the evening." The papers, for the most part, were related
to current events, and so the minutes of the meetings are a
reflection of the history of the United States— governmental
policies, economic problems, religious controversies, educational
matters, agricultural developments, etc. A great many papers came
76 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
out of the personal experiences of members in their daily lives, as
teachers, businessmen, or professionals. There were also reports
of travels to various parts of the nation and the world.
The flavor of the meetings during the early years of The Club is
evident from the titles of some of the papers. On September 30,
1861 , Sturtevant was the leading speaker on the topic "What Should
be the Immediate Policy of the Government with Regard to the Slave
Problem?" Other papers during the 1860's were also devoted to
problems that arose out of the Civil War. The first of many papers
on education was given in 1865: "Common School Education, and
What Modification of our Present System is Desirable?" One of the
rare literary evenings in The Club's history was on April 24, 1864,
when Professor Samuel Adams led a session on poetry. He read
two poems by Whittier, and then Turner followed with extracts from
Scott's Marmion, and Dr. Jones recited Mrs. Hemans' "Treasure of
the Days." The discussion centered around the question "What
Constituted a True Poet?" At the end, a vote was taken to determine
who was the greatest poet (other than Shakespeare), and Byron
won with four votes out of the twelve cast.
Meetings of The Club have traditionally been held in the homes
of members. In the beginning there was a supper at 6:30, followed
by the paper or presentation. Soon, however, meetings were held at
7:30 p.m., to be followed by refreshments at 10:30. After the
president, or the host, if the president is absent, calls the meeting
to order, the minutes of the previous meeting are read. Throughout
its history, with few exceptions. The Club had minutes that were
kept by men who wrote with literary distinction, and so it is a
pleasure to read them today. As they ended the minutes,
secretaries made appreciative remarks about the refreshments
served by the hostesses. Secretary Thomas Rogers, an English
teacher at MacMurray College, reached the height of this literary
from when he said in 1957, "Food came to man tonight, and kept on
coming. Rolls and sweet rolls, chocolate and hot chocolate, and
other good things beggar description of either their variety or their
savoriness. Chaucer would have said, 'Weel weren essed atte
beste,' and Mark Twain would have said, 'Its an elegant feed,' and
Dr. Johnson would have said, 'It was a dinner to ask a man to.' They
would all have been honoring Mrs. Hellerberg." Mrs. Arthyr
Hellerberg, a former Home Economics teacher, was the hostess for
that evening.
The Club is not an action group, as we have noted, and with a
few exceptions, has never tried to reach a consensus on any
subject. Each man speaks for himself, and contributes what he can
to the enlightenment of his fellows. Even on the most controversial
subjects, there is never any attempt to change another man's mind.
LITERARY CLUBS OF JACKSONVILLE 77
The Literary Union, 1864-1980
The Literary Union was organized on April 14, 1864. The minutes
report the event as follows: "Complying with the invitation of the
Hon. William Brown, a number of gentlemen assembled at his
home this evening to consider the propriety and practicability of
forming a Literary Association." A committee was appointed to
draw up "a simple form of constitution, and William Brown,
chairman, L. Glover, William Dodd, and John Loomis were named
to the task. At the same time. Brown, in the chair, appointed Glover
to present the reasons for the formation of a library in connection
with the association, to be followed by a full discussion of the
subject."
At the second meeting, on April 21, the constitution was
reported and adopted, the object of the Literary Union being "to
provide useful knowledge and correct taste among its members,
and to devise plans for the good of society." While this object is not
incompatible with the formation of a library, there is no mention
that Glover ever brought up the subject.
The charter members of the Literary Union were: Rev. L. M.
Glover, Pastor of the State Street Presbyterian Church; Professor
B. F. Mitchell, Principal of the Jacksonville Female Academy;
Clinton (Charles on some lists) Fisher, M.D.; William Brown, Jr.,
lawyer; Elisha W. Brown, cashier at the William Brown Bank; Hon.
William Brown, lawyer, banker, and later judge; Hiram H. Jones,
M.D., Professor of Anatomy and Physiology at Illinois College;
John Woods, bank clerk; Professor John Loomis, teacher and
principal at the Illinois Institution for the Education of the Blind;
Phillip G. Gillett, Superintendent of the Institution for the
Education of the Deaf; William Dodd, Professor of Language and
Mathematics at Illinois College; Rev. Theodore N. Morrison, Rector
of Trinity Episcopal Church; Andrew McFarland, M.D., Superin-
tendent of the Illinois State Asylum for the Insane; and E. R. Elliott,
occupation unknown. Morrison, McFarland, and Elliott were con-
sidered to be among the charter members by historians of the
Literary Union, although their names do not appear among those
present at the first meeting. Possibly they were invited but could
not be present.
The constitution, adopted on April 21, 1864, provided that the
officers were to be the president, vice-president, secretary, and
librarian, although the last of these was soon dispensed with. The
number of members was set at twenty, and they were to be elected
unanimously by written ballot.
There have been few changes in the constitution, the most
significant being a revised statement of purpose in a pamphlet
78
WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
r
•/
Courtesy of Illinois College Library.
S. M. Glover, early member of the Literary Union.
LITERARY CLUBS OF JACKSONVILLE 79
printed in 1912: "The object of this Union shall be to pronnote useful
knowledge among its own members, and to provide for the free and
impartial discussion of literary, scientific, and civic questions." On
March 24, 1930, a category of associate membership was
established, but it has been irregularly implemented.
The president and vice-president were at first elected to
three-month terms, and other officers to one-year terms, but with
the reduction of meetings from once a week to the current two a
month for eight months, elections now take place in April and all
three officers are elected for one-year terms. The secretary was
frequently elected for several terms. An earlier historian. Professor
Ernest G. Hildner, Jr., wrote, "Dr. H. W. Milligan, a teacher at the
School for the Deaf and later Professor of History and English
literature at Illinois College, and an amateur scientist with a large
curiosity about everything, was perhaps the best secretary the
Union ever had. His notes are comprehensive and give in detail the
discussion which followed a presentation. ... In addition, he was
ready with a program when the leader assigned for the evening was
unable to attend. "^^
As we have noted, the original constitution was amended
spasmodically, but in 1971 it was codified so as to include
amendments that had been made over the years. At the same time,
items that had been unwritten, or were in motions in the minutes,
were brought together as "Customs and Usages of the
Union"— serving, in effect, as bylaws.
Like The Club, the Literary Union reflected various aspects of
American and world culture in the early papers, and this pattern has
been followed ever since. For example, "Punishment of Rebel
(Confederate) Leaders," "Payment of the National Debt," "The Love
of Money, the Prominent Defect in the American Character," and
"Ancient and Modern Eloquence" were all subjects for debate in the
early years. And after the debate format was dropped, such papers
as these were given: "Negro Suffrage," "Origin of the Races,"
"Cemeteries," "Spriitualism," and "Andrew Johnson and His
Administration."
For some time the programs followed one of four formats:
conversation, debate, essay, or selected readings. Time and use,
however, revealed the defects of a fixed formula, and gradually it
evolved that members may choose their own subjects, and their
own way of presenting them. Occasionally, and with decreasing
frequency, a member is asked to consider a given subject, but the
resolve to follow the suggestion rests with the member himself. The
manner of presentation seems to vary in relation to the habits and
peculiarities of the reader. William W. Wood, a member of the
Union for many years, wrote:
80 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Freedom in choosing a subject, freedom in handling it, and
freedom on the part of the members in discussing it have
together operated to make interesting and spirited meetings.
With science and religion, politics and business never absent,
and with doctors and preachers, lawyers and businessmen
always present, sharp differences are clearly inevitable, though
in fact with an amount of bitterness so slight as to be negligible.
. . . The membership of the Union has not been so like-minded
as to make the proceedings tame nor so otherwise-minded as to
make them turbulent. The rule of give and take has prevailed, but
with limitations prompted by toleration and liberty, said to be
the essence of liberalism. The observance of both sections of
the rule hasn't always been found to be an easy matter, and
some have not been equal to having their own asservations
questioned or denied, and have gradually withdrawn. In general,
new members conform to the unwritten code of which they are
soon made aware; and in the matter of new mernbers youth has
been no bar to admission or advancement. .
22
From time to time, some members have protested against this
passive attitude, and have said that any organization in a
community should take a stand on current matters and attempt to
do something to change them. On the other hand, throughout its
life, Literary Union members were and are individually active in the
affairs of the city as businessmen, public office holders, directors
of church activities, or as members of public committees. We have
no way of knowing whether men have used the ideas gained
through Union meetings, but it does seem almost certain that there
is such influence. If men did not welcome the "give and take," they
would not be such steadfast attendants at Union meetings, as many
are. Also, the organization might not have lasted all these years if
there were not an opportunity to have informal conversation during
the social hour that follows the meeting, in which the host's wife
serves refreshments.
For the last forty years, the programs, for the most part, have
been in the form of book reviews. These have not been short
critiques, but thirty or forty-minute summaries of books, along with
comments by the reader. Thus a subject is opened up so that it
stimulates comments. When the reader has made his presentation,
each member is required to make a five-minute comment on the
subject. Then visitors are asked to comment, and finally the leader
has a short time for rebuttal, if he wishes. The custom of allowing
members to pick topics of interest to themselves has had the effect
of widening the horizons of the group.
The routine has at times and places been broken for good cause.
As Dr. Carl E. Black wrote, "Often over the objection of some
'hide-bound' member, such as Professor Milligan, who did not
allow the Fourth of July, Christmas, New Years or any other
LITERARY CLUBS OF JACKSONVILLE
81
^ ,«
^
)
Courtesy of Illinois College Library.
Hiram Jones, early member of the Literary Union.
82 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
ephemeral excuse to interfere with constitutional regularity . . . the
Union did adjourn occasionally for lectures such as that of
Frederick Douglass, or in deference to the Week of Prayer, or the
State Sunday School Convention."
Rarely were other events scheduled in Jacksonville on Monday
nights when both the Union and The Club held their meetings.
Notable exceptions were the visits to the city of the famous lieder
singer, Lottie Lehmann, and the leader of the first revolutionary
government in Russia, Alexander Kerensky. On some occasions,
well-known pubic figures— like William Jennings Bryan, three
times the Democratic candidate for President and a graduate of
Illinois College, and William Henry Milburn, the noted blind lecturer
and Chaplain of the United States Senate, whose family were early
Jacksonville settlers— spoke at one of the organizations while
visiting the town.
Throughout the history of the Union and The Club there has
been a friendly rivalry, which in recent years has been carried on at
an annual meeting. This has resulted in a wider acquaintance
between the members of each group and broader cultural
stimulation for all.
Although length of existence is not the only way to measure the
value or appeal of an organization. The Club has lasted for 119 years
and the Literary Union for 116. Both societies can claim a certain
vitality for having resisted disintegrating influences and remained
sane and solvent over the years. Other groups in Jacksonville have
had their day and are now simply a part of local history. As
organizations which possess open forums and offer worthwhile
adult education, The Club and the Literary Union are not unmindful
of their past experience or their potential for the future.
NOTES
' The minutes of each society are microfilmed and deposited in the Illinois
State Historical Library, and the originals are in the care of the Illinois College
Librarian.
^ Carl Bode, The American Lyceum, Town Meeting of the Mind (New York:
Oxford Univ. Press, 1956) is the authority on the subject.
^ See Thomas Harding, College Literary Societies: Their Contribution to High
Education in the United States (New York: Pageant Press, n. d. [1970?]), pp. 19,
24, 25, 317.
^ Walter B. Hendricksen, "Science and Culture in the Middle West," Isis, 60
(1973), 326-40.
LITERARY CLUBS OF JACKSONVILLE 83
^ William E. Wilson, The Angel and the Serpent: The Story of New Harmony
(Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1964), pp. 188-89. See also Bruce Sinclair,
Philadelphia's Pholosopher Mechanics: A History of the Franklin Institute
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1974), pp. 1-27, for a discussion of other
self-help societies.
^ Marcia E. Stone, Reference Librarian, Concord Free Public Library, Concord,
Mass., to Walter B. Hendrickson, Nov. 24, 1977.
^ Paul Russell Anderson, "Hiram K. Jones and Philosophy in Jacksonville,"
Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 23 (1940), 469-520.
^ William F. Short, Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois and History of Morgan
County, ed. Paul Selby and Newton Bateman (Chicago: Munsell Publishers, 1896),
p. 742.
" Alvin W. Skardon, Professor of Urban History, Youngstown, Ohio, to Walter
B. Hendrickson, Jan. 5, 1977.
^^ Dorothy C. Neff, Librarian, Reference Department, Schenectady County
Library, Schectady, N.Y., to Walter B. Hendrickson, Nov. 23, 1976.
^^ Charles J. Ginter, Public Library, Indianola, la., to Walter B. Hendrickson,
Oct. 23, 1976.
^^ James E. Ayers, Crawfordsville, Ind., to Walter B. Hendrickson, Oct. 4, 1977.
^^ Seymour Bassett, Archivist, University of Vermont, Montpelier, Vt., to Walter
B. Hendrickson, Feb. 24, 1977.
^'^ Norman Lazare, Synnymede Farm, Pembroke, Ky., to Walter B. Hendrickson,
Apr. 23, 1977.
^^ Kirkpatrick Flack, Desideratum in Washington: The Intellectual Community
in the Capital City. 1870-1900 (Cambridge: Schenkan Publishing Co., 1975), pp.
38-40, 82, 83.
^^ Thomas A. Orlando, Curator of Special Collections, Chicago Public Library,
to Walter B. Hendrickson, Dec. 11 , 1979.
^^ Conversation with Walter E. Havighurst, Professor Emeritus of History at
Miami University, Oxford, Ohio, May, 1979.
^^ The Social Order of a Frontier Community: Jacksonville, Illinois, 1825-1870
(Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1978), pp. 156-93.
^^ See also these two brief histories: Ensley Moore, "The Club," and William D.
Wood, "The Literary Union," in Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, 18
(1925), 201-04 and 205-08.
^^ It should be noted that there were no members associated with Illinois
Female College, now MacMurray College, because at the time there were no men
on the faculty except the president and the head of the music department.
^^ Ernest G. Hildner, "Centennial: The Literary Union," a paper read at the
annual meeting of The Club, April 27, 1964.
^^ W. D. Wood, "After Seventy Years," a paper read at the annual meeting of The
Club, April, 1934.
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS
Since our last issue we have received several communications
which prove that western Illinois is an unmined field of historical
and literary material. The Historical Society of Quincy and Adams
County (Caroline Sexauer, Acquisitions Chairperson) writes that it
is presently inventorying its collection of manuscripts and is unable
to present a full summary of its holdings. However, the Society
does house some Orville H. Browning letters, at least one Lincoln
letter, various manuscripts pertaining to local history, letters and
diaries of local historical and regional figures, and almost 2,000
volumes containing historical and genealogical information about
Quincy and Adams County. The Society is also restoring the home
of Governor John Wood, a Greek revival structure built in the early
1800's, and it also retains control over the papers and memorabilia
of that early Illinois political leader.
We have also received a rather astounding listing of documents
and materials recently catalogued at the First Presbyterian Church
of Jacksonville, Illinois. There, in its vault, are the session records
and minutes dating back to 1827, the various minutes and actions
of the trustees of the First Presbyterian, the session minutes and
records of the Westminster Church (1860-1952), the session
minutes and records of the Annual Congregational Meetings of the
State Street Church (1885-1952), and materials relating to the
merger of the First Presbyterian and other Jacksonville churches in
1887. Mr. M. F. Stewart of Jacksonville, who sends us this
information, also details items ranging from record books to copies
of sermons and printed histories of church activities in Morgan
County. The list is too long to enumerate specifically, but we
should mention the following: a history of the Exiles Church written
in 1902; a typewritten history of Westminster Church, 1899; copies
of semi-centennial proceedings of First Presbyterian, 1878; and a
handwritten document entitled "History of Presbyterianism in
Morgan County."
84
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 85
Also included in the information forwarded by Mr. Stewart is a
brief printed history of the First Presbyterian Church covering the
period from 1827 to 1977. One of the more interesting aspects of the
pamphlet is a detailing of the care extended by the Presbyterians of
Jacksonville to Portuguese refugees from the island of Madeira in
1849. Under the leadership of President Julian Sturtevant of Illinois
College, numbers of Portuguese people were brought to
Jacksonville, while others were settled in Waverly and in
Springfield. This must have been a remarkable effort for, it should
be added, Jacksonville Presbyterians were also deeply involved at
the same time in activities of the Underground Railroad.
Our thanks go to the First Presbyterian Church for its efforts in
attempting to preserve its own valuable records. Perhaps other
churches in western Illinois will follow its lead.
While we have no indication that St. Paul's Roman Catholic
Parish of Macomb is cataloguing and organizing its records, we
have an indication that the members of that church are attempting
to compile a history of the parish. A small eight-page pamphlet
listing major events in the history of Macomb Catholics was
published in 1979, and therein one may find that the parish was
established in 1854 by Father O'Neil and six area families. Three
years later the small congregation managed to buy property on
Washington Street in Macomb, and the house there was used for
services. The first true church building was constructed in 1867 and
that lasted until 1925 when it was razed to make way for the present
brick structure. Priests for the parish over the years have included
Fathers O'Neil, Libert, Lentz, Ryan, Coffey, Haddigan, and
Buttgen— the last passing away in 1977. The present pastor of the
parish is Father Pricco, and he heads the history committee which
has been established to commit the story of St. Paul's into print.
A most interesting letter has been received from Professor
Charles Frey, the Special Collections Librarian at Bradley
University. Professor Frey has provided information on holdings at
Bradley which again serves to demonstrate the amount of historical
materials to be found in western Illinois.
Frey heads the Virginius H. Chase Special Collections Center at
Bradley, and his letter points up four areas of specific interest to
possible researchers in Illinois history. The Center maintains a
"Bradleyana" collection, a mass of archival materials relevant to the
history of Bradley University and to Peoria as a whole. In the
collection are complete runs of the school newspaper, yearbooks,
and catalogues of the institution. In addition to a vertical file
86 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
covering people and events of significance to Bradley, there are a
number of complementary institutional histories compiled by
former faculty members. Part of the "Bradleyana" collection
consists of books once owned by Lydia Moss Bradley as well as
artifacts pertaining to the Bradley family and to the founding of the
Polytechnic Institute.
A second important collection at Bradley is that created by
Charles Alpheus Bennett, the founder of the Manual Arts Press,
presently the Charles A. Bennett Company. In the late 1930's
Bennett donated his personal library to the school, a largesse of
about 1,000 books and 6,000 pamphlets. Altogether, the total
collection can be divided into four categories: (1 ) books purchased
by Bennett to complete research into his own publications, the
History of Manual and Industrial Education Up to 1870 and the
History of Manual and Industrial Education, 1870-1917; (2)
materials gathered during Bennett's forty years as editor of the
Industrial Education Magazine; (3) technical books and course
outlines published during the early years of the manual training
movement in Sweden, England, France, Germany, and the United
States; (4) and books on art instruction published prior to the
mid-Nineteenth Century. Professor Frey claims that the Charles
Alpheus Bennett library "represents one of the finest retrospective
collections of its type in the Midwest."
Also in the Bradley University Special Collections Center are
some 2,500 items relating to Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War.
Most of these came from the Martin L. Houser Collection of 1 ,300
volumes and pamphlets given to the University some time ago.
Houser was an authority on books which the self-educated Lincoln
read during his formative years, and he collected duplicates of every
volume Lincoln was purported to have studied. One of the books is
documented as having been owned by the Great Emancipator
himself.
A second part of the Lincoln materials consists of 650 items on
twenty-one reels of microfilm. Ranging from broadsides to books,
these are drawn from the Lincoln Collection at Lincoln Memorial
University and are almost impossible to view in their original form.
Of all of the materials housed in the Special Collections Center
at Bradley, we find the Chase Collection to be most unique, and in a
sense, it fits in with the slightly religious emphasis of this segment
of "Notes and Documents." Philander Chase was the first Episcopal
bishop of Ohio, a relative of the more famous Salmon Philander
Chase, and the founder of Kenyon and Jubilee Colleges in the
middle third of the nineteenth century.
The Chase Collection is the result of a broad based effort
involving gifts to the Bradley Library, purchases of special items,
NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 87
and efforts by the Citizens Committee to Preserve Jubilee College.
At the heart of the collection is a group of over 1,300 manuscript
letters from and to Bishop Chase and his family. Also in the
collection are numbers of books, pamphlets, images, and artifacts.
There is a rare edition of Chase's Reminiscences published serially
in Peoria in 1841, and a unique two-volume second edition of the
same work that originally belonged to James Dow, who was its
publisher. Of special interest, too, is a copy of a memorial sermon
preached by the Rev. Dudley Chase at Jubilee College in 1852.
We owe a special thanks to Professor Frey for his informative
letter. Perhaps it will lead some young researcher into a further
study of the remarkable Bishop Chase and his works.
Further still along the religious line, it is worth noting that the
Rev. L. Eugene Clements, minister to the Mcintosh, Florida,
Presbyterian Church, has donated a collection of materials valued
at $1,800. The collection, given to the Library at Western Illinois
University, includes a complete set of Hastings Commentary on
sermon topic. There are thirty-six of these volumes in all.
The University Library in Macomb has also received an original
edition of Early Western Travels, a series of annotated reprints of
some of the best and rarest descriptions of travel in the Middle and
Far West during the period from 1748 to 1846. Published circa 1905
to 1910, the edition was the gift of Martin M. Love and his wife of
Lewistown, Illinois.
Certainly not in the religious vein were the gifts and donations
to the University Library in Macomb by Burl Ives, noted actor and
folksinger. The Ives Collection consists of seventeen boxes of
correspondence, fifty-eight manuscripts, 229 books, over 1,000
recording masters (some of a religious nature), phonograph records
and tape recordings, costumes, props, and personal belongings,
including a fine painting of Ives himself. Together with other
donations from television and screen comedian Red Skelton,
Western's new additions offer insights into aspects of theatre, folk
music, and radio-television entertainment as they have developed
over the last thirty years.
Back to religion, but only briefly, we note that Historic Illinois, a
publication of the Illinois Department of Conservation, has
discovered the rare architectural beauty of the Table Grove, Illinois
Community Church (see the August, 1979 issue). We always
appreciate visits by state officials to what some people call
"Forgottonia."
88 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Other issues of Historic Illinois during 1979 have listed various
sites approved for nomination to the National Register of Historic
Places. Those in western Illinois include the William S. Warfield
House and the State Savings Loan and Trust Company of Quincy;
the aforementioned Table Grove Community Church, the J. Newton
Conger House in Oneida, the George Stickney House in Fulton
County, the Golden Eagle-Toppmeyer Site and Schudel No. 2 Site
in Calhoun County, and the Robert W. Gardner House in Adams
County.
The Western Illinois University Museum Newsletter, wrongly
dated Fall, 1980, also contains a little note about "Forgottonia."
There is, believe it or not, a Forgottonia Depression Glass Club. We
would never have supposed that such an organization existed. Also
included in the issue is a short but interesting piece about the
partial restoration of Hills Grove Cemetery, southwest of
Tennessee, Illinois. Particular attention has been given to the
restoration of the Roswell Tyrrell monument, so the article states.
Tyrrell was the first settler in Tennessee township.
Two interesting historical finds have been made lately in
McDonough and Hancock Counties. Dr. John Hallwas, the
peripatetic Director of Regional Collections at Western Illinois
University Library, recently discovered that the Warsaw, Illinois
Public Library possesses a John Hay scrapbook. Whoever brought
the material together was diligent enough to include a long
genealogical study of the Hay family as well as a collection of
newspaper clippings. Also in the scrapbook are some items of
correspondence from Hay, including one penciled note to a
Hancock County inhabitant. The library also has four scrapbooks of
newspaper clippings about the history of Warsaw. Dr. Hallwas
recently published an article entitled "Warsaw: An Old Mississippi
River Village" in Illinois Magazine (the December, 1979 issue).
Individuals working on the restoration of the McDonough
County courthouse have found an interesting Civil War lithograph.
Hidden in the recesses of the attic for over a century, the lithograph
details aspects of the 16th Illinois Infantry camp life near Nashville,
Tennessee. If one looks closely at the picture, however, he will note
that the camp is being visited by a cluster of generals on horseback.
One of them, a bearded officer looking much like General Grant, is
being welcomed by a private soldier who, in conformity with both
fact and tradition, is offering the general a bottle of white lightning.
No branch water was included.
Victor Hicken
Western Illinois University
REVIEWS OF BOOKS
JOHN L. LEWIS: A BIOGRAPHY. By Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren
Van Tine. New York: Quadrangle/ The New York Times Book Club,
1977. Pp. xvii, 619. $20.00.
How different is this biography from that written almost thirty
years earlier by Saul Alinsky! In his John L. Lewis, Alinsky
constructed a man who never was, a character whose possessions
and artifacts might have eventually filled the reliquaries of the
United States. Dubofsky and Van Tine's Lewis is more of what he
really was, a labor czar, part labor goon and part labor hero, and a
man whose noble rhetoric was often belied by his ignoble deeds.
Early in the biography, the authors trace Lewis's Welsh heritage,
his childhood in Iowa, and his crucial move in 1908 to the little town
of Panama in Montgomery County, Illinois. There Lewis, with his
many brothers and his father, quickly seized control of the local
union. Using that position as a catapult, he extended his power
across the county line into Macoupin County, described by the
authors as the most "organized and militant county of coal miners
in the state" (p. 21).
Soon Lewis moved his base of operations of Springfield, where,
as the strongest force in the crucial District 12 of the United Mine
Workers of America, he attracted about himself a mixed bag of both
gangsters and dedicated labor organizers. Among this strange
assortment of characters were such men as Frank Farrington from
Fairbury, Illinois, and Allan Haywood of Witt in Montgomery
County, and later Taylorville, in Christian County. After he attained
the presidency of the United Mine Workers, Lewis quarreled with
almost every one of his subordinates, including the ordinarily loyal
Haywood. As the authors point out, the reasons for such
dissensions were clear. They included both the worsening
economic condition of mine workers throughout the nation, and
Lewis's inordinate ambition to completely dominate the mine labor
union movement. Votes were stolen by Lewis lieutenants, and the
man himself appeared willing to use any choice bit of information
as blackmail against his opponents whenever necessary.
89
90 WESTERN ILLINOIS REG ION A L STUDIES
By the time of Pearl Harbor, he had both reconciled himself to
his main opposition (except the small but militant Progressive
Miners of America), and he had further extended his influence over
American labor with the organization of the Committee of Industrial
Organization. Allan Haywood went with him in that venture, being
installed by Lewis as the national director of the C.I.O.
The authors detail Lewis's wartime struggles with President
Roosevelt, his peacetime quarrels with President Truman, and his
eventual death. In this later portion of the book, Dubofsky and Van
Tine make a horrendous error in proofreading by entitling the last
chapter "From Resistance to Resignation, 1941-1969." (Lewis died
in 1959, as they point out in the chapter.)
All in all, the new Lewis biography is excellent, and is
particularly relevant to Illinois because of its circumspect coverage
of Lewis's early years in Montgomery and Sangamon Counties.
Macoupin County also receives a good deal of attention by reason
of its special place in the radical aspects of the mine labor union
movement.
Victor Hicken
Western Illinois University
THE MORMON EXPERIENCE: A HISTORY OF THE LATTER-DAY
SAINTS. By Leonard J. Arrington and Davis Bitton. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1979. Pp. xiv, 404. $15.00.
This is the much-needed and long-awaited volume to which
textbook writers and general readers can turn with reasonable
confidence for facts and perspectives on Mormon history. Leonard
Arrington is not only the most prolific and esteemed writer among
the growing crop of historians of Mormonism, but as head of the
History Division of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
since 1972, he has helped launch an archives management and
utilization program of revolutionary proportions. Davis Bitton
divides his time between the History Division and a professorship in
European history at the University of Utah. Both men are active
Mormons, but this book is not church sponsored.
The sixteen chapters of The Mormon Experience are divided into
three parts: "The Early Church," "The Kingdom in the West," and
"The Modern Church." The treatment of church beginnings is
interpretive and sophisticated; Joseph Smith emerges as a very
human "prophet," capable of remarkable insights and surprising
quirks. Extensive recent research is incorporated in the sections on
Missouri and Illinois. One can admire and sympathize with the
REVIEWS OF BOOKS 91
Saints and still understand why sonne of their Gentile neighbors
found them intolerable. The Brigham Young years are handled in
conventional narrative fashion, with more emphasis on social
history than some of the conflict-centered books which this one will
supersede. Polygamy is presented in only slightly defensive terms.
The authors estimate that up to 5 percent of married men, 12
percent of married women, and 10 percent of Mormon children were
involved in "the principle" between its public promulgation in 1852
and its official abandoment in 1890.
The chapters on the twentieth century are topical, and some of
the material will be new to Mormon as well as non-Mormon readers.
"Mormon Sisterhood: Charting the Changes" concludes on this
intriguing note: ". . . their own past is complex enough and
populated with enough strong, achieving female personalities that
they are able to continue pushing on the boundaries, trying
different options, and resisting an excessively narrow conception of
their role." (p. 240) "The Temporal Foundation" deals with
economics and politics; like other chapters, it confronts the
questions usually raised by outside critics, and among tenable
answers it prefers those which are compatible with institutional
allegiance. On the other hand. The Mormon Experience contains
both information and judgments which will distress those whose
faith is in infallible prophets or an unerring church.
The volume is attractively printed, with two helpful maps and a
pictorial section. The back-of-the-book notes contain informational
tidbits as well as source citations; they would be more helpful if
they were cross-references to pages in the text. The selective
bibliography is up-to-date and contains both unfriendly and friendly
works. Editorial and indexing lapses have already been mostly
corrected in the second printing.
The Tabernacle Choir, Readers Digest inserts, Sonia Johnson
and 28,000 full-time missionaries have given the Latter-day Saints
high visibility in recent months. The Mormon Experience is
recommended to anyone who wants to find out what it's all about.
Richard D. Poll
Western Illinois University
LETTERS OF VACHEL LINDSAY. Edited by Marc Chenetier. New
York: Burt Franklin & Co., 1979. Pp. xxx, 474. $21.95.
The centenary of Lindsay's birth was most notably marked by a
festival in his home town and by the publication of these Letters of
Vachel Lindsay. The three-day festival had a spirit about it which
92 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
would have earned Lindsay's approval. There was no stuffiness, no
trumped-up reverence, no ladies' literary club gushiness. Those
who planned, participated in, or attended the conference seemed to
do so out of genuine affection for Lindsay and his work. They were
friends. The absence, though, of a larger public suggests how we
regard Vachel Lindsay today.
Lindsay has been dead for almost half of the hundred years
since his birth, and his reputation has not fared well. Indeed, these
letters make clear that no sooner had Lindsay achieved fame with
the publication of General William Booth and Other Poems (1913)
and The Congo and Other Poems (1914) than he was beset with the
problem of literary reputation. As soon as he hit the world of poetry
with a "boomlay," he became famous and typecast as a "jazz poet."
He struggled for the remainder of his life against that sobriquet,
and that struggle, I believe, emerges as the dominant theme which
both gives a sense of continuity to these letters and reveals a
pattern in Lindsay's life that ultimately led to his suicide. The
portrait of the American artist is here in these letters— a man
crushed by the hostility of a materialistic culture to art. It's a
familiar enough theme, and perhaps most succinctly stated in
Sherwood Anderson's review of Edgar Lee Masters' biography of
Lindsay {New Republic, Dec. 25, 1935), but painful and moving to
read in an extended first-person narration.
After the first flash of adulation, Lindsay never felt that he had
the respect that was due him. He wanted to be taken seriously and
to convert as many people as possible to his ideas for achieving a
good society. His audiences, however, only wanted him to recite
"General William Booth" and "The Congo," and this incessant
demand made him hate performing those poems because that act
reinforced the image of the jazz poet. Thus, the public's prejudices
would not allow them to see Lindsay as he wanted to be
perceived— as a serious social reformer and a poet who could speak
in a variety of voices.
In order to hear what he wanted to hear, Lindsay wrote most
frequently to those critics, such as Harriet Monroe and Louis
Untermeyer, who understood his need for supportiveness and were
sympathetic toward new directions in his art. The development of
Lindsay's career after the initial success of General William Booth
and The Congo is recorded in his published and unpublished
writings, and the energy he devoted to articulating his vision of the
good society, such as in The Golden Book of Springfield, is
recorded in many of the letters in this volume. Neither the weight of
Lindsay's non-jazz poems nor the force of his pronouncements
could, however, triumph over public and critical opinion in his own
REVIEWS OF BOOKS 93
day; and those judgments have not been significantly revised since
Lindsay's death. Today readers and critics may view Lindsay's work
with great sympathy but still not find more than a handful of poems
of enduring interest— among which are those Lindsay grew to
despise reciting. What, then, do these selected Letters of Vachel
Lindsay contribute to our view of the man and the poet?
First, a word on the superb format of this book. The editing by
Marc Chenetier is a first-rate job. The letters are arranged
chronologically, conveniently numbered throughout the text, and
listed in a table of contents which is a model of clarity. Chenetier
has provided a brief but provocative Introduction, a marvelous
Foreward by Lindsay's son, a very handy Chronology, and an Index
admirable for its inclusiveness. The List of Sources, which
indentifies the location of each letter, will be especially appreciated
by researchers. All in all, the care with which this volume has been
put together makes it an indispensible reference work for any one
who wishes to know more about Lindsay. Furthermore, Chenetier's
exemplary footnoting provides in itself a cogent record of the
significant shaping forces and events in Lindsay's life.
Chenetier has chosen 199 letters "out of the thousands
available." Obviously, Lindsay was a prolific letter writer. Near the
end of his life he even felt with some regret that if he hadn't put so
much energy into letter writing, he may have written a few more
good poems or pages of prose. Letter writing was, nevertheless, as
Chenetier remarks, "a part of Lindsay's vision of life." Given such
bountiful resources, the crux of the editing process becomes the
principles of selection that have led Chenetier to include these 199
letters and omit others.
He includes only a few of the important letters to A. J.
Armstrong since those were published in 1940 and only one to Sara
Teasdale since those are expected to be published as a separate
correspondence. Stylistic quality, variety, and coherence were
other critieria that Chenetier used, but his "general approach has
consisted of including those letters that seemed most appropriate
both for an in-depth grasp of Vachel Lindsay's poetic explorations
and imagination and for a clear, practical overall view of his life."
Chenetier's selection of these specific letters does not, I feel,
achieve the first half of his expressed intention as fully as it does
the second. In these letters Lindsay does comment extensively
about his poetry, but his remarks are more useful for clarifying his
purpose in particular poems than they are for insights into his
poetics, which are more carefully explained elsewhere by critics
writing on Lindsay.
The real value of these Letters of Vachel Lindsay lies in the
splendid manner in which Chenetier's judicious selection has
94 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
realized the second half of his purpose in presenting an "overall
view" of Lindsay's life. These letters, with their illuminating
footnotes, may constitute the best biography of Lindsay now
available. The major book-length studies by Masters, Mark Harris,
and Eleanor Ruggles are illuminating, but each is a decidedly
partial — in both senses— portrait. Lindsay's own words are
freighted with implications about his own life and are one of the
best sources for capturing its essence.
Though these letters, then, cannot be expected to substantially
revise our estimation of Lindsay's poetry or to salvage his
reputation, they will, I hope, enable us to appreciate and better
understand the richness, variety, and expanse of Lindsay's life and
work. His place in American letters is more important and his
significance greater than current critical evaluations acknowledge.
He deserves more recognition for his many and various
achievements, and the publication of these letters is a welcome
step in that direction.
A principal aim of Chenetier in preparing this volume was to
attempt to efface our view of Lindsay as the jazz poet and to draw
more attention to Lindsay's "less well-known preoccupations."
Lindsay merits this kind of revision of the standard image of him,
but these letters in and of themselves are not sufficiently
compelling to either erase that image or to replace it with a different
one. Perhaps if the letters were more consistently interesting in
their presentation of Lindsay's preoccupations, we would more
readily be persuaded of their claims and might even enjoy the
writing qua writing more. Instead, the letters often seem
repetitious. What they repeat, building an incremental power
reminiscent of Lindsay's most rhythmic poetry, are Lindsay's
frustrations with audiences who would not take him for what he
wanted to be. He needed friends that the dialectic of his own
culture could not or would not supply. Thus, unfortunately and
perhaps inevitably, the power that comes through these letters
shows how, in Chenetier's words, "a man of insight is fashioned
into a freak and ultimately destroyed."
Jay Balderson
Western Illinois University
CARL SANDBURG REMEMBERED. By William A. Sutton.
Metuchen: N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1979. Pp. vii, 304. $12.50.
William A. Sutton's Carl Sandburg Remembered is not so much
a book as a published scrapbook, filled with letters, journal
excerpts, interviews, and periodical articles about the famous poet,
REVIEWS OF BOOKS 95
biographer, folksinger, journalist, and American personality.
Indeed, the volume is not really "by" Sutton, for he contributes only
two short introductory paragraphs, a one-page Foreword, and a
six-page account of his meeting with Sandburg in 1967. Rather, it is
written by more than seventy-five people who knew, met, or saw the
famous man of letters, and whose accounts were gathered by
Sutton over a ten-year period.
The book is divided into two unequal sections, the first of which
is entitled "Excerpts from the Perry Manuscript." Mrs. Lilla Perry,
who lived in Los Angeles, was a friend of Sandburg's, and over
many years she kept a diary that included information about the
poet, which she compiled into a manuscript after he died. As a
whole, the excerpts are disappointing, for they offer little insight
into Sandburg and are essentially focused on trivial matters— the
kind of thing that no biographer would feel obligated to mention.
However, some passages are of interest— such as those which
reveal the poet's admiration for Charlie Chaplin (p. 11), his
encouragement to a young novelist, Kenneth Dodson (pp. 17-18,
30), and his intention to write a play called "The Laughter of
Lincoln" (p. 28).
The second part of the book, "A Host of Encounters," contains
some 200 pages of accounts by people who generally had very brief
experiences with Sandburg. As a result, most of the items offer
only surface impressions — however vivid some of those may be.
Since many accounts center around public appearances, there is
much celebration of Sandburg, as "The greatest figure in the field of
American letters" (p. 102), "America's troubadour" (p. 145). and so
on. Of course, from such appearances, .and such comments, the
Sandburg legend was created.
While most of the accounts do not offer very perceptive
comments about the man, a few of them do. For example, Alfred
Frankenstein, who wrote down the music for The American
Songbag, said of Sandburg in an interview, "He had a great
mystical feeling about the Middle West. It shows up in everything
he does, even the children's stories. It involves the effort of the
immigrant to prove that he belonged in America" (p. 149). Even
more important is the occasional significant remark by Sandburg
himself that was taken down by some listener— such as the
following one recorded by Cyril Clemens in the 1930's: " The kind
of poem most congenial to me is neither the etching nor the
symbolic poem of industrialism, but a kind of condensed fable, a
snapshot of some scene or action, so written as to set in motion in
my reader's mind some trail of reflections; I like very much to invest
the single incident with cosmic significance' " (p. 139).
96 WESTERN ILLINOIS REGIONAL STUDIES
Carl Sandburg Remembered makes no claim to be anything
other than a compilation of accounts, and as such, it is useful for
scholars who want to search for helpful tidbits of information. The
Index should be of value to some who have that purpose.
Otherwise, the book is tedious to read. The accounts in part two are
not only unconnected, but also unorganized by the editor. They
might have been presented in chronological order, or even grouped
by general content— Sandburg at home, public appearances,
friendships, etc. — but they were not.
This disorganization, combined with the inherent limitations
that first-person accounts by acquaintances and strangers are likely
to exhibit, makes the book a poor place in which to search for an
understanding of Sandburg. Indeed, one could argue that Carl
Sandburg Remembered is not so much a book about the man as
about the American people who so deeply responded to him, as to
some admirable and articulate aspect of themselves. As one man
said of a poetry and folksong performance, "Mr. Sandburg's hearers
felt that they were listening to authentic America. His voice, they
were convinced, is from the soul of the country. . ." (p. 143).
John E. Hallwas
Western Illinois University
CONTRroUTORS
KAREN BERFIELD received her master's degree in history from
Western Illinois University in 1965. Her thesis was about Bureau
County, where she has lived for the past twenty years. Since
completing her work at Western, she has taught at three different
high schools in that area.
WALTER B. HENDRICKSEN, Professor of History, Emeritus, at
MacMurray College, is the author of books and articles on various
aspects of American intellectual and cultural history. He has
written extensively on the history of science and is the author of a
short history of MacMurray College. Presently, he is a volunteer
historian and archivist at the Illinois School for the Visually
Impaired in Jacksonville, and he has written a history of that
institution as well.
JOHN W. LANGFITT, Associate Professor of Religion and Chaplain
at Illinois College, has published articles on the church's ministry
in higher education as well as a guidebook entitled "Looking
Toward Marriage: A Guide for Creating Your Own Wedding
Service." He is the co-author of a recent book, The College 1
Experience: Integrating Work, Leisure and Service (1980).
SIYOUNG PARK is an Assistant Professor of Geography at Western
Illinois University. She received her Ph.D. in 1977 from the
University of Minnesota.
GORDANA REZAB is Archives and Special Collections Librarian at
Western Illinois University. She recently completed her second
master's degree, which is in the field of geography, at the University
of Illinois.
JOAN I. UNSICKER is a Research Associate in Archeology at
Illinois State University, and she has worked extensively at the
Cahokia Courthouse Site, the Mt. Pulaski Historic Site, and the
Jubilee College Historic Site. At the last of these, she has been the
principal investigator and field supervisor. She is also the managing
editor of the new publication series in archeology at ISU.
97
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