What does it mean to be a success? : the future goals and values of American teenagers

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE A SUCCESS?: THE FUTURE GOALS AND VALUES

OF AMERICAN TEENAGERS

By

KRISTIN E. JOOS

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
2003

Copyright 2003

by
Kristin E. Joos

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I have always been one to ask questions. As soon as I learned to speak, I began
relentlessly inquiring of my parents and teachers "why? and how come?" Instead of
placating me with responses like "because I said so," or "that's just the way it is," my
parents patiently dealt with my persistent questions and nurtured this inquisitive nature. I
feel fortunate to have to have grown up during the seventies and eighties, and to have
attended schools at a time when asking questions was not immediately considered a
challenge to authority or disrespectful.

My academic pursuits have been driven by a curiosity to understand "why things
are the way they are." I have learned to deconstruct everything from the mundane to
sophisticated postulates based on empirical evidence. These discussions (whether in
conversation with others or in my own mind) typically run in circles and are reduced to:
"What is reality?" I have come to question the very meaning of terms and concepts
typically taken for granted, and the assumptions upon which they are based.

This dissertation research grew out of a larger project on the goals and values of
teenagers as emerging adults who are constructing their identities. As a first year
graduate student, I was studying young peoples' expectations and aspirations for the
future and found that 89% of American high school students considered "being a
success" quite or extremely important. This finding was not entirely surprising, due to
the focus on achievement in American society, but it raised another question in my
mind, "what do they mean by 'success'?" And thus, this dissertation was born.

mi

Throughout the research and writing process, I faced stressful situations and
met many challenges. I able to make it through, only with the help and support of others.
I have been contemplating the feeling of gratitude and the difficulty of expressing the
depths of my thankfulness to so many people. Frankfurter expounded on the challenge
to communicate appreciation, saying, "Gratitude is one of the least articulate of the
emotions, especially when it is deep." I have often found myself speechless with awe at
the generosity of others, and could no better describe the situation than with this quote
by Steindel-Rast, "As I express my gratitude, I become more deeply aware of it, and the
greater my awareness, the greater my need to express it." What is gratitude? Massieu
says, "Gratitude is the memory of the heart," and Chesterton says, "I would maintain
that thanks are the highest form of thought, and that gratitude is happiness doubled by
wonder." There are many people to whom I would like to express my gratitude,
thankfulness, and appreciation...

I would like to begin by thanking the members of my committee: Connie Shehan,
Jay Gubrium, Barbara Zsembik, Richard Hollinger, Arne Heggestad, and Mary Ann
Clark. They have generously given so much of their time, support, and expertise during
this project and through out my graduate studies. I am especially grateful for the
mentorship offered by the chair of my committee, Connie, who has nurtured and
believed in me since I was a student in her undergraduate classes. She truly embodies
what it means to be a mentor and I respect her immensely. I would also like to recognize
professor Kendal Broad for her mentorship and advice, and for the giving me the
opportunity to work with her. She is a much admired scholar and a role model, and I
appreciate her generosity of time. The administrative staff in the department of
Sociology, Kanitra Perry, Justin Smith, and Sheran Flowers, have been quite helpful in
getting me through the system. I give my utmost thanks for administrative help to

IV

Nadine Gillis and Diane Buehn. Nadine deserves a doctorate for her extensive
knowledge about all things bureaucratic always shared with warmth and kindness. I also
thank to Debbie Wallen for her help in transcribing the interviews. Finally, I am indebted
to the McLaughlin family and the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences for supporting my
work with the McLaughlin Dissertation Fellowship Award.

I want to thank my fellow graduate students in the department, as they fulfill the
definition of what it means to be a "colleague." Sara Crawley and Lara Foley
successfully went through this process ahead of me, demystifying its complexities, and
providing much valued advice, time and time again. I also thank those who are just
ahead or just behind me, Laurel Tripp, Helena Alden, and Melanie Wakeman, for
reminding me that I was not alone in this often complex and frustrating process. I am
especially thankful to a few members of newer cohorts of graduate students, Ana
Pomeroy, John Reitzel, Danielle Dirks, Liv Newman, and Victor Romano, for helping me
this winter. Most importantly, I am thankful for the three remaining colleagues in my own
cohort with whom I have been privileged to study and work, laugh and cry: Shannon
Houveras, Yvonne Combs, and Leslie Houts. Thanks especially to Leslie who has been
my closest friend during this process; she is a most admired and respected person, not
just for her academic success, work ethic, and dedication, but because she is genuinely
kind, incredibly considerate, and wears a constant smile.

For the past four years, I have had the pleasure of teaching "Marriage and
Family" (which I insist on renaming "Families and Marriages") and problematizing the
notion of what it means to be a family. What is a family? Does it only include persons to
whom we are related through ties of blood and marriage? As a social scientist who
studies families, I answer with a resounding "no." I contend that friends are the families
we choose for ourselves. I would like to thank other students who have been friends to

me throughout graduate school, Dana Bagwell, Nicole Kitos, and Jana Bailey. I am
especially grateful for the humor and late night communications of Dana and Nicole- as
they often kept me awake and working. Next I would like to thank Renee Gibbons,
Stacey Cihlar, and my friends at Apeiron Pilates for their talents, kindness, and for
helping me stay balanced. I owe my health and well being to those who have
considerately cared for me over the years, Terry Burke, Joanne Block, and Miranda
Monkhorst. I also thank my childhood friends, Ceclia Prater, Rachel Morgan, Kelley
Kish, and Caren Morgan for their consistent friendship, despite long gaps in
communication. I would be remiss if I did not recognize two families, the Pratts and the
Fines, who have welcomed me into their homes and lives, and treated me as much
more than just a tutor. From the depths of my heart I thank the Haineses for welcoming
me into their home, especially these past few months.

I am most thankful for the friendship and support of the Sonlight community,
especially my former co-workers Erin Costello, Chris Slattery, Jocelyn Holt, Kristi
McClellan, and Amy Haines. Amy has given me an incredible gift of time, patience, and
editorial talent these past few months and I owe her immensely. I am also indebted to
the members of Sonlight in 1 998-2000 for willingly participating in this study, particularly
the class of 1999, who welcomed me into their world to observe and conduct interviews.
Other members of the Sonlight community have sustained me over the years with their
friendship and support: Lindsay Hollinger, Candy Hollinger, Sarah Stone, Alex Bishop,
and Liz Reiser. I cannot begin to express the depths of my appreciation, admiration, and
love for Rebecca Brown and her mission to understand young people from where they
are, and to help 'see the star' from their perspective. She has taught me, and so many
others, to risk love and risk a dream. Without the Sonlight community, I would not be

here now.

vi

In closing, I would like to thank my own family. My grandparents, Richard and
Marjorie Joos, are no longer here, but their memory lives on. I thank my mother, Alice
Privett for doing her best as a single parent and teaching me the value of education. I
owe thanks to my brother, Ron Joos, who is far more intelligent than I and a real-life
MacGyver, for patiently teaching me about all things important, for not questioning the
futility of my studies, and for motivating me, simply by saying, "I'm timing you." I would
also like to thank my brother's partner, Gabriella Corriere, and her brother, Sebastian,
who have been kind and gracious family members, making holiday dinners a time of
laughter and fun. Finally, I am thankful for my father, Ron Joos. He has given me
unconditional love and sacrificed much so that I could pursue my dreams. I could never
repay him for his kindness, patience, and constant support. He has enabled me to be
who I am today. My father's invisibility has challenged me to speak out and use my own
voice to work for change and justice. The diploma for this degree is not mine alone. It
should state the names of all of those mentioned above, as they have helped me along
the way, and for that, I am grateful.

VII

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS '"

ABSTRACT xi

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION 1

Teenagers Today 1

'Troubled Teens" 1

Young People Today: a Second Look 5

Generation Y: Motivated, Ambitious, and with an Eye on the Future 7

Background 8

Purpose ^

Significance 10

2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 12

Defining Terms 12

Adolescent 13

Juvenile 14

Youth 14

Teenager 16

Appropriate Terminology 19

Theoretical Background 20

Deterministic Approaches 20

Constructivist Approaches 23

Interactionist Approaches 37

Conceptual Model 42

3 METHODOLOGY 44

Introduction 44

Data Collection 44

Quantitative Analysis of Monitoring the Future 44

Qualitative Analysis of Sonlight Members 49

Instrumentation 57

Assumptions and Limitations of the Study 57

Limitations of Monitoring the Future 57

viii

Limitations of Data from Sonlight 61

Data Analysis 62

4 IMPORTANCE OF "SUCCESS" AND OTHER FUTURE GOALS TO AMERICAN
TEENAGERS 64

Results from Monitoring the Future: Overall Importance of Future Goals .... 67

Race and Students' Future Goals 69

Father's Education and Students' Future Goals 70

Mother's Education and Students' Future Goals 71

Gender and Students' Future Goals 71

Summary 72

5 FUTURE GOALS OF YOUTH: COMPARISON OF SONLIGHT MEMBERS WITH
NATIONAL SAMPLE 79

Comparison of Future Goal Ratings: Overall MTF and Sub-sample 79

Gender and Sub-sample Students' Future Goals 80

Grades and Sub-sample Students' Future Goals 81

High School Program and Sub-sample Students' Future Goals 82

Expectations to Graduate from College and Sub-sample Students' Future
Goals 83

Goal Ratings of Monitoring the Future Sub-sample Compared with Sonlight . . 84

Summary of Goal Rating Comparisons Between Monitoring the Future and

Sonlight Members 88

Trends: Changes in the Importance of Future Goals Since the 1960s 89

6 HOW DO TEENAGERS DEFINE "SUCCESS"? 101

Overview of Frequent Responses 104

Definitions of "Success" 1 04

Visions of "Being Successful" 1 05

Models of "Successful" People 107

Emergent Themes 1 08

Self-Realization 110

Money 111

Philanthropy ("making a difference in the world") 114

Work = Contributing to Society 116

Connecting with Family and Friends 117

Infrequent but Salient Responses 119

Nontraditional Gender Aspirations 119

Aspirations of Gender-Matched Parents 120

Religion and "Serving Others" 122

Summary 123

7 CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION 125

Sonlight as a Values Education Program 127

Overview of Program 127

Focus as Values Curriculum 1 30

ix

Importance of Sonlight as a Values Education Program 135

Case Studies Exemplifying the Effectiveness of Sonlight as a Values

Education Experience 136

■^ •■ 14?

Discussion ,HO

LIST OF REFERENCES 148

APPENDIX

A INTERVIEW INSTRUMENT 158

B ORGANIZATION AND LEADERSHIP OF SONLIGHT 160

C ARTICLES ABOUT SONLIGHT FROM A LOCAL NEWSPAPER 163

D ACTIVITIES OF SONLIGHT: 1984-2001 164

E A SONLIGHT FOCUS: Convictions or Post-it Notes? 166

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 168

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in
Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE A SUCCESS?: THE FUTURE GOALS AND VALUES

OF AMERICAN TEENAGERS

By

KRISTIN E. JOOS
May 2003

Chair: Constance L. Shehan

Major Department: Department of Sociology

This dissertation concerns the values and goals of teenagers from a
constructivist and interactionist perspective-as opposed to the vast majority of research
which problematizes adolescence and focuses on juvenile delinquents. Specifically, it
focuses on the future goals and values of American youth.

This research is based on Monitoring the Future, a quantitative survey of over
60,000 high school students, as well as an original study involving qualitative interviews
of 70 teenagers involved in a local youth program. The data indicate that in 1999, over
89% of American teenagers considered "being a success" quite or extremely important,
while only 22% of those teens said it was important to "make a contribution to society."
These statistics have "flipped" since the late 1960s, when 24% of teenagers considered
"being a success" extremely important and over 85% thought it important to "make a
contribution to society." How do teenagers define success if it is so important to
them-might this definition even include "making a contribution to society?"

Comparison of responses of the national study with those in the local sample
suggests that trend data of large scale surveys tend to collapse differences and hide

XI

niches such as those revealed by the in-depth interviews, reiterating the importance of
focusing on the "small worlds" in which teenagers are involved.

Although the survey data provide telling statistics-that "being a success" is very
important to young people-it does not explain what they mean by "being a success."
The teenagers interviewed who were involved in the "small world" of a local youth
program, did not define "success" as a singular concept. Instead they equated "success"
with 1) an overall sense of "happiness" and achieving their goals; 2) doing well in both
work and family; 3) helping others and making a difference; 4) having time to engage in

activities they enjoy.

This study shows how the values of self-actualization, philanthropy, and
connecting with others were cultivated in the "small world" of a youth organization. The
findings suggest how other youth programs might employ a 'Values curriculum" and
provide insight on the goals and values of emerging adults.

XII

CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION

Teenagers Today

The prevailing image of teenagers today is that they are deeply troubled. Both in
the media and in social science research, young people are often depicted as problems
and the experience of adolescence is characterized as problematic. Dominant notions,
as well as academic research, tend to focus on the deficiencies and difficulties of youth
rather than their assets, competencies, abilities, and goals. In this chapter, I outline
these contradictory views of teenagers to show that while the notion that the majority of
teenagers today are "troubled" captivates much attention, it is not an accurate depiction.
Contrary to the popular perception that young people today are troubled, delinquent,
and ill-prepared to enter adulthood, the vast majority (90 percent) do not experience
these problems (Furstenberg 2000). Utilizing both constructivist and interactionist
perspectives, I explore the future goals of American youth1. Specifically, I focus on
teenagers as active agents, constructing their future goals and values within their "small
world" experiences.
"Troubled Teens"

When adults were surveyed and asked what words most applied to today's
young people, compared with young people 20 years ago, they chose "selfish" and

Throughout this dissertation the phase "American youth" or "American teenagers" is
used to refer to high school students in the United States. I realize that this terminology
may be problematic, as the term "America" includes not only the United States, but other
territories as well. However, I persist in utilizing the vernacular "America" as it is stated
most often by the participants themselves and in the literature.

2
"materialistic" for the youth of today, and "patriotic" and "idealistic" for the youth of the
past. The majority of Americans agree that teens today are both dangerous and in
danger, silly and self-absorbed, lazy and corrupted by consumerism (Stepp 2002).
Indeed, it may be hard to be optimistic about the future of the nation's youth when the
prevalent images are of their violence, lack of motivation, poor performance in school,
sexual promiscuities, drug abuse, and selfishness. According to popular media, "Teens
are lost to heroin, engage in random promiscuity in junior high school, drink
dangerously, and are just plain mean" (Males 2002b). Perceptions of this widespread
deviance among youth have led to 'ephebiphobia,' an extreme fear of young people
(Males 2002a).

Media headlines proclaim that violence is a problem among young people in
America today. The tragic events at Columbine High School in 1999 were a wake-up call
to adults, bringing attention to violence in schools and young people's relationships with
their peers. In 1999, students ages 12 through 18 were victims of approximately 2.5
million total crimes at school. There were 47 school-associated violent deaths in the
United States that same year, according to the National Center for Education Statistics
(2001). In the past, violence was primarily a problem among boys. However, it seems to
have become an epidemic among all teenagers, as evidenced by the attention garnered
by two books that made the best sellers lists this past year: Odd Girl Out: The Hidden
Culture of Aggression in Girls and Queen Bees and Wannabes: Helping Your Daughter
Survive Cliques, Gossip, Boyfriends, and Other Realities of Adolescence. Not only are
young people committing violent acts, there is a proliferation of violence in the media. By
the time a young person is 18 years old, they are likely to have witnessed over 200,000
acts of violence on TV alone. Sixty to ninety percent of all video games include violence
as a prominent theme and over 1000 studies by experts have proven that exposure to

3
violence leads to an increase in aggressive behavior (American Association of
Pediatrics Committee on Communications 1995).

Of course, teens are playing more video games, watching more TV, music
videos and movies, and listening to music with censored lyrics. Young people in the U.S.
spend, on average, 6.5 hours per day in front of electronic screens including televisions,
computers, and video games (Woodard 2000). Eighty-two percent of youth aged 10 to
17 say they play video or computer games at home; forty-two percent play every day
(National Public Radio, 2000). The average American born in the 1980s and 1990s
grows up in a home with two TVs, three tape players, three radios, two VCRs, two CD
players, one video game player and one computer (Kaiser Family Foundation 1999).
Children spend more time sitting in front of electronic screens than any other activity
besides sleeping (Annenberg Public Policy Center 1999). With all of this time spent as
"couch-potatoes," these behaviors cause some adults to conclude that America's youth
tend to be lazy, lacking in motivation, and that they are primarily consumers and
spenders, lacking the work ethic of past generations. In 2001 , youth aged 12 to 19 spent
$172 billion (an average of $104 per teen each week), up 11% from $155 billion in 2000
(Teen Research Unlimited 2002). In addition, their lack of physical activity has led to a
chronic problem of obesity. In 1999, 25% of children were overweight or at risk for
obesity; these figures have more than doubled in just one generation (Troiano 1998).

More teenagers these days are engaging in dangerous risk behaviors than in the
past. They are having more sex, using more drugs, and committing more crimes. The
average age of first sexual intercourse for young women is 16 and 17 for young men. By
the time they graduate from high school, fewer than 30% of young people are still
virgins (Alan Guttmacher Institute 1999). In 1998, 54% of high school students said they
had used drugs (Johnston, O'Malley, & Bachman 1998). The rise of illicit drug use,

4
including dangerous "date rape" drugs such as ecstacy, among teenagers more than
doubled from 1999 to 2000 (Johnston, O'Malley, & Bachman 2000). In 1997 juvenile
offenders were involved in 1 ,700 murders in the U.S.; 37% of high school students were
involved in a physical fight (Snyder & Sickmund 1999). Almost 10% of American
teenagers suffer from depression (Birmaher, Ryan, Williamson, et al. 1999), which often
leads to suicide attempts. In 1997, suicide was the third leading cause of death among
10 to 24 year olds (Hoyert, Kochanek, & Murphy 1999).

Research shows that in addition to participating in dangerous risk behaviors,
young people today are generally ignorant of important facts and basic information.
According to the 1999 Nations Report Card study conducted by the National Center for
Education Statistics, "one-third thought Columbus reached the New World after 1750,
and the same proportion couldn't identify Abraham Lincoln. Sixty-two percent were
unable to place the Civil War in the years between 1850 and 1990, while one-third had
no idea what the U.S. Supreme Court case Brown vs. Board of Education involved. Half
could not calculate the area of a rectangle, and one-third could not identify the countries
the U.S. fought against in World War II. One-third did not know that the Mississippi
River flows into the Gulf of Mexico, and only 20% could write a simple one-page letter to
a local supermarket manager applying for a job" (National Center for Education
Statistics 1999). Performance on national standardized tests has fallen over the past
decade and students' workloads and understandings have been declining. In spite of
these changes, however, average grade point averages have been increasing. "Three
decades ago, only one college-bound high school senior in eight carried an A average.
Today that figure is one in four" (Zinsmeister 1 997).

Young People Today: a Second Look

The events of April 20, 1999, at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado
drew the attention of the nation and the world. Twelve students and one teacher were
killed, and more than twenty people were wounded, as two "outcast" students went on a
shooting spree, finally killing themselves. In the weeks and months that followed, a
debate ensued among politicians, news commentators, journalists, talk show hosts, and
various "experts" as to the culprit: guns, violence, poor parenting, inattentive teachers,
gangs, music, TV, web sites, or video games. Talking to the students themselves
revealed a different explanation: a lack of "fitting in" or belonging, exclusive cliques, and
teasing and bullying prevalent in schools and youth culture (Joos 1999).

Images of teenagers as violent and potential delinquents are common. With all
the media attention focused on these events, it is easy to forget that they are isolated
and exceptional situations, and not indicative of statistical outcomes or trends. In
actuality, the rate of violence committed by young people in 1999 dropped 39% from its
peak in 1993; serious violence by juveniles dropped 33% between 1993 and 1997, while
violence among adults declined by only 25% during the same period (Snyder &
Sickmund 1999). Crimes committed by youth have actually gone down, according to the
FBI's Uniform Crime Report. In 2000, young people committed just 5% of the nation's
homicides, the lowest proportion on record (National Criminal Justice Reference Service
2000). American adults believe that juveniles cause about half of all crimes; in reality,
they caused about 10-15% of violent crime (Greenwood et.al. 1998). "Ignoring clear
statistics and research, authorities seem to lie in wait for suburban youth killings, months
and thousands of miles apart, to validate a false hypothesis of generational disease..."
(Males 1999). These pessimistic perceptions vary from the realities experienced by the
majority of young people. As stated by one 18 year old student, "if the media focused on

6
our achievements instead of our mistakes, then we would have something to aspire to"
(Howe & Strauss 2000).

The realities of the majority of teenagers in the U.S. today is that they are
actually engaging in fewer "deviant" behaviors than young people of the past. According
to the Commission on Adolescent Sexual Health, the average age of first sexual
intercourse has not significantly changed since the 1970s. It has gone down by just
about one year (Stodghill 1998). Teenage pregnancy rates have reduced sharply, falling
19% from an all-time high in 1991 , and are now at record lows (Center for Disease
Control 2001 ). Not only are they engaging in less unprotected sex, teenagers are also
using fewer drugs. For the past five years, statistics have indicated that teenagers are
less likely to smoke cigarettes, drink alcohol, and use marijuana or other illicit drugs.
There is one exception to this trend: the use of ecstacy, which has been on the rise
recently (Johnston, O'Malley, & Bachman 1998, 2000). Thus, it seems the media's
image of the majority of young people as juvenile delinquents and potential criminals is
largely inaccurate.

There is evidence that students today are actually working harder and scoring
higher than students in the past. In 1997, the average time spent per week on
homework was 123 minutes, compared to just 44 minutes in 1981 (Institute for Social
Research 1999). The number of high school seniors taking Advanced Placement
examinations (for college credit) tripled between 1984 and the late 1990s (U.S. Center
for Education Statistics 1998). Mean IQ scores increased 20 points from 1932 to the late
1990s and continue to rise (Azar 1996).

Students, parents, teachers, and administrators all report that college admission
standards are becoming more and more challenging, even for top students. It is no
longer "good enough" to have an above average GPA. Students today are often

7
expected to have excellent GPAs (3.9 or above) in advanced classes, high scores on
the SATs and ACTs, be involved in sports, activities, and clubs, volunteer, and show
leadership qualities in order to gain college admission. Many young people report feeling
stress and pressure to meet these high standards. One 17 year old student interviewed
in a study said that, "Getting into college has become a tough competition because of
the number of successful students in our generation. We're forced to work twice as hard
just to receive the same recognition as others who used to be able to get by" (Howe &

Strauss 2000).

In addition to striving to do well in school and school-related activities such as
competitive sports and performances, many young people hold part-time or even full-
time jobs. On any given day in the U.S. one-third of all high school students are working,
and fully 80% will hold a job at some time before they graduate from high school
(Mogelonsky 1998). Volunteerism, helping others, and community service are on the
rise. Statistics vary, but the trends clearly indicate that the percentage of young people
who report having engaged in volunteer activities increased from about half to almost
90% in the past decade (National Association of Secretaries of State 1999).

The realities of the experiences of many teenagers today may actually be quite
the opposite of the prevalent stereotypes and images in the media. Arguably, the
majority of youth in America make it through adolescence just fine and emerge as
effective, well adjusted young adults. Millions of young people are hard working,
engaged, and hopeful about their future.

Generation Y: Motivated, Ambitious, and with an Eye on the Future

Today, over 88 million youth make up more than one-quarter of America's
population. This group of young people is known as "The Millennial Generation" or

8
"Generation Y" encompassing those born between 1982-2002. The vast majority of
these youth are not "delinquent" and, moreover, they have been characterized as
motivated, innovative, and optimistic about the future (Howe & Strauss 2000). One
might think that the study of youths and teenagers would be common in the social
sciences. However, a review of the leading journals on adolescence indicated that at
least half of all articles were about the misbehavior or maladjustment of youth
(Furstenberg 2000). Often, the existing literature approaches adolescence as a
problematic life stage in modern society and casts teenagers as potential problems.
Furstenberg emphasizes the great need for research that provides a rich description of
the actual lives of teenagers: how they experience, perceive, and organize their social
world. Too little recognition has been paid to the obvious fact that most youth make it
through adolescence quite well. We know little about the competencies of these young
people. Thus, there is a great need for research on young people's values and
aspirations for the future.

Background
This project and my interest in this area actually began about 10 years ago when
I was in high school. I was observing the social interactions at my high school: the
"popular" kids, the "band nerds," the "hippies," the "skaters," the "rejects," etc. There
were especially poignant scenes, such as lunch time, where we negotiated where to sit
and who to be "seen" with-it all seemed to matter so much! I found myself not only
participating in these "negotiations," but also deeply interested in them, analyzing them
on somewhat of an intellectual level. As an undergraduate, I studied psychology,
sociology, and women's/gender studies in hopes of shedding light on these issues-that
is, the experiences of teenagers. What I found instead were the theories of "experts"

9
that did not at all fit what I had experienced as a teenager, or what I had observed in my
later interactions with high schoolers. From 1994-2001 I was an intern with a local youth
organization of more than 150 teenagers. During my internship I spent about 10 to 20
hours per week with the organization and facilitated a small discussion group of 12-15
girls.

In my first year of graduate level research methods, I began a quantitative
analysis of a large probability data set called Monitoring the Future (MTF). MTF is often
cited in the popular media for its statistics on drug use, though it actually includes a wide
range of variables and explores changes in important values, behaviors, and lifestyles of
contemporary American youth. I was interested in the future aspirations and
expectations of American teenagers. The study I conducted at that time was concerned
with the increasing "pressure" on high school students. It seemed that students were
faced with extremely high expectations: to have high GPAs, excel in at least one sport,
and be involved in multiple extracurricular activities. This phenomenon has since been
backed up by the literature in school counseling. I had planned to use these data for my
master's thesis, but ended up doing a rather timely project on Columbine, as I was
privileged to travel to Littleton with 70 teenagers. While in Colorado, I interviewed them
about social pressures in high school and their reflections on the tragedy at Littleton.

Purpose

In this dissertation, I examine the future goals of American youth, using both
quantitative and qualitative approaches. I begin with a quantitative analysis of Monitoring
the Future (1999) to see with what importance teenagers rate various life goals. Results
from the 1999 MTF indicate that over 89% of American teenagers consider "being a
success" quite or extremely important-where only 22% of those teens said it was
important to "make a contribution to society." Unfortunately, large scale surveys such as

10
MTF do not provide information about the ways in which teenagers define success. To
address this gap in the literature, I supplement the data available in the MTF with
information drawn from in-depth interviews with members of a local youth organization.

Significance

Very little sociological attention has been focused on the experiences of youth
that are not considered juvenile delinquents, according to the distinguished family
sociologist, Frank Furstenberg (2000). Furthermore, there has been essentially no
research on white, upper-middle class, college-bound teenagers and how these young
people construct their adult identities. Furstenberg states that much of the existing
literature on youth focuses on "juvenile delinquents" and treats the lives of teenagers as
potentially problematic. He emphasizes that there is a great need for research that
provides a rich description of the actual lives of teenagers: how they experience,
perceive, and organize their social world, focusing on their positive attributes and roles
as agents.

Specifically, I hope that this study will provide insight into the ways in which
young people construct their goals and values and how these constructions might be
influenced through their "small world" experiences. There are few works in sociology or
the social sciences that explicitly utilize a "small worlds" approach, though this
perspective is especially advantageous when exploring the experiences of youth. "Small
worlds" is a phrase coined by West and Petrik (1 992). Their premise is that the
interactions of young people occur within a variety of seemingly separate but often
overlapping and interconnecting "small worlds," including but not limited to their family,
friends, school, and other groups and various other assemblies and settings. I extended
the notion of "small worlds" to explain the orientation of this dissertation research. In

11

addition to the obvious three (family, school, and peers), young people in contemporary
American society experience "small worlds" in each of the sports, activities, clubs,
organizations, and programs in which they are involved. Sonlight operated as one such
"small world" in which the youth interacted and constructed their own definitions of
"success," goals for the future, and values (ideas about what is important in life).

CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Defining Terms

A number of terms are used synonymously with the words "teenager" for labeling
young Americans. "Adolescent," "juvenile," and "youth" are three such terms common in
the academic literature. Other words, such as "high schooler" and "student" are also
often heard. Some terms seem so noticeably inappropriate that it may seem redundant
to address them. However, I feel it is important to define my population of interest (and
alternative conceptions) as precisely as possible. Before discussing the terms I use to
define the population of my research, I would like to review alternative concepts, and
why I consider them to be problematic.

Although seldom used, the phrase "young person" is too broad. Depending on
the context, it could be used in reference to a child in elementary school or a middle-
aged adult (if, for example, the speaker was an elderly individual). The words "kid" and
"child" are technically correct if it is a parent who is speaking about their own offspring.
However, many youth over the age of 12 or so become rather offended when called
"kids," interpreting it as an insult, meaning "immature." According to a 1990 Gallup poll,
71% of American 13-17 year olds said it was "not acceptable" to describe persons of
their own age as "children" or "kids." It would be accurate to use the words
"highschooler," "high school student," or "student," but they are also flawed.
"Highschooler" is not grammatically correct, as indicated by the spell-check on the
computer and a professor's red pen. "High-school student" and "student" are both

12

13
precise terms; however, they are too specific because they ignore other roles or
identities (such as friend, athlete, family member) and seem to reduce individuals to
their educational status.

Adolescent, juvenile, youth, and teenager each capture certain aspects of, and
share much similarity, with each other, but they also tend to exclude essential qualities
or carry their own distinct connotations. The term "Gen Y" or "the Millennials" is not
included on this list because they were generally aschewed by the youth with whom I
worked. I will explore the notions of adolescent, juvenile, youth, and teenager below,
discussing which is most appropriate for usage in this study.
Adolescent

"Adolescent" is most often used by psychologists to speak of individuals who are
within a period of development that precedes maturity, and by sociologists and
anthropologists to speak of a period between physical and social maturity. Though there
is disagreement as to exactly when this term was coined- whether credit goes to
Artistotle, Rousseau, or if it is a modern invention-it gained salience and notoriety at the
turn of the twentieth century. In the 1904 tome, Adolescence: Its Psychology, and It
Relations to Physiology, Anthropology. Sociology. Sex, Crime, Religion and Education.
G.S. Hall promoted the notion of adolescents as incompetent, troubled, half-mad, and
dangerous, along with the stereotype of having "raging hormones." This stereotype of
adolescents promoted by Hall, as an "expert" has a veneer of being accurate and
unquestionable, and becomes essentialized. I find such stage theories to be problematic
and will detail this in a later section of this paper. Accordingly, I generally avoid the term
"adolescent" unless speaking specifically of developmental experiences.

14

Juvenile

Juvenile is not used as often in common speech as the other terms, but
according to the Merriam Webster dictionary, the noun juvenile refers to a "young
person; youth." However, the term is usually paired with the word "delinquent" to form
the phrase "juvenile delinquent" and thus frequently carries connotations of deviance.
Actually, the term "juvenile delinquent" was coined by social workers in the early
twentieth century. Piatt (1969) explained that it part of an early effort to save children
from themselves, as older generations have always viewed younger generations as a
threat and something to be feared. Thus, I avoided use of the term juvenile in order to
avoid associations or inferences to deviance.
Youth

Youth is a broad term, but it answers the question, "if none of the
aforementioned terms are appropriate, what term should be used?" How should one
best conceptualize this population? Youth? There are inadequacies with the word
"youth" but at least it is not associated with such negative concepts as are juvenile and
teenager. Some would assert the term is too broad, however.

In America and other industrial societies the distinction between youth and
adolescence is often blurred. Some social scientists further complicate the matter by
ascribing their own highly specific definitions to the term. For example, Keniston (1968)
studied the increasing numbers of young people who experienced particularly delayed
entry into adulthood. He coined the time between adolescence and adulthood 'Youth,"
applying it specifically to those aged 18 to 26. The label 'Youth" in this context was
applied by Keniston to the growing segment of America's young who are highly talented,
affluent, and educated, but who have not yet assumed the roles and responsibilities of

15

"adulthood." He hypothesized that these young individuals prolong experimentation with
life's possibilities and their personal potentials. Their identities are tied up with a
generation and not with a tradition. Since generations succeed each other quickly, these
individuals stuck between adolescence and adulthood are worthy of study as such
"youth." This is further complicated because Roszak (1976) called this same youth
culture "counterculture" thus attributing even more connotative meanings to the concept.
It is important to note how "youth" has been literally loaded with these other notions.
The choice of term should be governed by the nuanced meaning one is trying to
communicate. As commonly used, the term youth has an inclusive connotation (Sebald
1992).

From a sociological perspective, individuals can be defined in terms of their
status within society as indicated by their self-sufficiency; these young people are not
self-sufficient, and thus, according to this perspective, they are not adults. Yet they are
not completely dependent, and are thus not children either (Bakan, 1971). "Youth" and
"adolescence" have both been used to refer to a transitional period between childhood
and adulthood. The markers indicating both its beginning and end are ambiguous.
When exactly does childhood end: with the completion of elementary school, with the
start of puberty, or at age thirteen? It could be any one of or none of these markers for
different individuals. The end of this period is just as unclear: when one graduates from
high school, at age 20 when one is no longer a teen, as early as 13 or 14 when puberty
is complete and one is able to have a baby, or at age 18 when one is legally an adult?
Legally, adulthood begins at age 18, when persons are no longer sheltered by
protections enacted for "minors." However, as social scientists (such as Bakan 1971,
Cote 2000, 2002, Csikszentmihalyi & Schneider 2000, Elkind 1998, Furstenberg 2000,
Schneider & Stevenson 1999,) suggest, complex social conditions in the United States ,

16
including the attendance of college becoming a more normative experience,
necessitated the prolongation of childhood, thus delaying adulthood.

Industrialization also created a shift in the distribution of the population from rural
to urban. Large numbers of young people, of the same age, became concentrated in
one place. Furthermore, a growing middle class made it possible for parents to send
their children to schools (where there were more students than the "one-room
schoolhouse," divided in class by age) in order to prepare them for the better jobs that
were becoming available. The first high schools in the U.S. were in the industrial, urban
centers in the early 1900s. The youths who attended them were a recognizable group.

More recently, especially with the post-World War II baby boom, the time of
transition into adulthood has become even more delayed. Some social scientists
contend that this "long goodbye" phenomenon has a number of underlying factors
related to the "baby buster" generation. The high cost of living, coupled with diminished
earning power, is resulting in a significant increase in the average age at which
individuals leave home. Thirty five percent of young men in their twenties still live with
their parents (Zill & Robinson 1995).

Even among current researchers who agree that adolescence exists, the age at
which they believe it to end and begin varies dramatically. Cobb (1997) contends that
adolescence is the period from age 13 to age 19. Sebald (1992) holds that adolescence
begins with puberty and ends at age 18, with legal adulthood. Zill and Robinson (1995)
insist that adolescence continues well into the twenties, and ends sometime after the
individual finally leaves home.
Teenager

"Teenager" is a term that was first coined in a 1 941 article in Popular Science
magazine (Hine 1 999, p. 8). The word came into use during World War II and was in the

17
title of a book by 1 945. It seems to have leaked into the language from the world of
advertizing and marketing, where demographic information was becoming an
increasingly important part of predicting which sales approaches were most effective
with particular buyers. References to a person in his or her teens had been part of the
language since the 1600s. But such references had always been used to describe
individuals. With the rise of the industrial era, during the late 1800s and early 1900s,
large groups of people became increasingly identified by single characteristics. People
aged 13 to 19 became "teens" or "teeners" or "teen-agers." After World War II, they
were largely in the same place, high school, sharing a common experience, and were
young and open to new things. They were in short, easy to sell to (Hine 1999) In age-
graded societies, people are classified by chronological age and are assumed to be
similar on many important dimensions.

The term "teenager" is especially problematic because it is imbued with a sort of
mystique that is full of conflicting ideas. Teenagers seem to occupy a special place in
our society. They are envied and sold to, studied and deplored. The teenage years have
been defined simultaneously as both the best and freest time of life and a time of near
madness and despair. Our beliefs about teenagers are deeply contradictory: They
should be free to become themselves. They need many years of training and study.
They know more about the future than adults do. They know hardly anything at all. They
ought to know the value of a dollar. They should be protected from the world of work.
They are frail and vulnerable figures. They are children. They are sex fiends. They are
the death of the culture. They are the hope of us all (Hine 1999). The very qualities that
adults find exciting and attractive about teenagers are entangled with those we find
terrifying. According to Hine (1999) the energy of a teenager can be perceived as
threatening anarchy. Their physical beauty and budding sexuality intimidate moral

18
standards. Their assertion of physical and intellectual power makes their parents both
proud and aware of their own aging and mortality at the same time. These qualitites, the
things we love, fear, and know about the "basic nature of young people," constitute a
mystique: a seductive but damaging way of understanding young people. This
encourages us to see teenagers (and youths to see themselves) not as individuals, but
instead as potential problems (Black 1999, Hine 1999).

Most people treat teenagers as some self-evident phenomenon, an unavoidable
stage of life (Black 1999, Hine, 1999). Adults both lament and fondly recall their teenage
years. Children are encouraged to look forward to being teenagers. Yet the concept of
teenager remains both arbitrary and confusing. The word "teenager" tells us only that
the person is older than 12 and younger than 20. This seven year period represents an
enormous component of a person's life, one in which most of us experience physical,
emotional, intellectual, and social changes. The word "teenager" actually hides
tremendous differences in maturity and the experiences of members of the age group,
and it masks the differences within individuals as they pass through their teen years.

The trouble with creating a distinct group defined solely by age is that we conjure
up phenomena that do not really exist and essentialize or reify those that do (Black
1999, Hine 1999). We tend to make assumptions about an entire group of people based
on the actions or characteristics of a few. For example, in both the 1 950s and the 1 990s
there was much in the popular press about an epidemic of youth violence, when the
actual rates were declining. Today's teenagers almost seem to serve a sentence of
presumed immaturity, regardless of their achievements or abilities. Furthermore,
teenagers spend much of their lives (eight hours a day in school alone) dealing with
people who often do not know them as individuals and under the control of institutions
that strive to deal with them uniformly.

19
At most, we can say that a "teenager" is a social invention that took shape during
the first half of the twentieth century, not some objective reality. I would assert that
remnants of this "mystique" remain. In our time, teenagers are often judged to be less
able than they are (Furstenberg 2000). The concept of the "teenager" seems to be a
sort of impediment that keeps youths from becoming the people they are ready to be.

Appropriate Terminology
In this dissertation, I resolve this dilemma of terminology by deferring to the term
that the members of the population themselves prefer and utilize most often:
"teenagers." Depending on the context or situation, they will often rely on phrases such
as "youth," "young people," "high-schoolers," and "students" to refer to themselves and
other members of this group to which they belong. Using the language of the group
members puts their experience at the center instead of imposing the preconceived
notions of the researcher upon the participants and their lives (Holstein & Gubrium
2000). According to Holstein and Gubrium's interactionist perspective, it is important to
pay attention to how and what people use as they talk themselves into being. This is
also consistent with feminist perspectives that assert the importance of using the
language currently being embraced because that is part of a reclaiming effort and part
of a construction of oppositional knowledges (Collins 2000). Interestingly, a nationally
representative survey indicated that the preferred terms that most American teenagers
use to call themselves include: "teenagers," "young adults," "teens," "young men and
women," "youth," and "adolescents" (Gallup 1990).

In an effort to avoid being redundant and repetitive, 'teenagers,' 'youth,' 'young
people,' and 'high school students' will be used somewhat interchangeably when
referring specifically to the participants of this study. However, the use of 'adolescent'

20
and 'juvenile' will be avoided. Additionally, when discussing issues of gender, I will not
use "young women" and "young men" as frequently seen in the literature, nor the term
"boys," as is common in educational settings. I have observed both of these options to
have "chilling effects" when working with teenagers. Instead I will again rely on the terms
that the participants themselves utilized: "girls" and "guys." Not all teenagers may prefer
these terms, however, within the "small world" of Sonlight, consisting of white, privileged
high school students, they were the words of choice. In many circles, the usage of the
term "girls" when referring to (young) women is not considered as diminutive as it was in
the past. According to Baumgardner and Richards (2000, p. 52), "calling an adult
woman 'girl' was once insulting, like calling and adult black man 'boy.' But now that we
can choose and use the word ourselves and not have it forced on us, "'girl' is
increasingly rehabilitated as a term of relaxed familiarity, comfy confidence, the female
analogue to 'guy' and not belittling."

Theoretical Background

Throughout the 20th century, a number of theories have emerged about children
and youth which can be categorized into three types: determinist, constructivist, and
interactionist. In this section, I will appropriate the theoretical explanation outlined by
Corsaro in his "Sociology of Childhood" (1997) to discuss these three major approaches
to studying childhood and youth in the social sciences, outlining the advantages and
disadvantages of each. I will explain how I employed both constructivist and
interactionist approaches in this work. I will also discuss the potential benefits of a fully
interactionist approach, endorsing its use in future research endeavors.
Deterministic Approaches

Much of traditional theorizing about youth was from a deterministic perspective.
This includes the aforementioned work by G.S. Hall, as well as Coleman's Adolescent

21
Society. Deterministic models of youth focus on the process of socialization,
characterizing the young person as a passive being who is largely being guided and
shaped by society in order to be a functioning member. This model tends to be
individualistic, calling out the ways in which young people are appropriated by society.
An advantage of these early theories of youth is that they legitimized the study of young
people within the social sciences and were ground breaking, opening the door to this
field of study.
"Adolescent society"

In 1951, James Coleman published The Adolescent Society: The Social Life of
the Teenager and its Impact on Education. The research was conducted between 1 957
and 1958. Coleman originally conceived of the project in the early 1950s after reading A.
B. Hollinshead's Elmstown's Youth (1949), a ground breaking study of youth culture and
cliques. According to Coleman, there were two reasons why he engaged in his study:
First, a deep personal concern for the "better functioning" of high schools; and second,
an interest in different kinds of status systems, particularly the distribution of status and
the consequences and rewards of given systems. Coleman's structural-functionalist
standpoint becomes evident. According to Coleman's opening statement, "Educating its
young is probably a society's second most fundamental task- second only to the
problem of organizing itself to carry out actions as a society. Once organized, if a
society is to maintain itself, the young must be so shaped as to fit into the roles on which
the society's survival depends." He sets out to describe his project as objectively making
evident the ways in which society goes about this aforementioned task, with funds from
the U.S. Department of Education, by surveying ten midwestern schools.

Coleman describes adolescents of the time as being shaped entirely by their

22

surroundings, mere players of an ascribed role. The following passage is representative

of Coleman's descriptions of "adolescent subculture."

This setting-apart of our children in schools... He [sic] is
"cut off" from the rest of society, forced inwards towards
his [sic] own age group, made to carry out his [sic] whole
social life with others his [sic] own age. With his [sic]
fellows, he [sic] comes to constitute a small society, one
that has most of its important interactions within itself, and
maintains only a few threads of connection with the
outside adult society. In our modern world of mass
communication and rapid diffusion of ideas and
knowledge, it is hard to realize that separate subcultures
can exist right under the very noses of adults- subcultures
with languages all their own, with special symbols, and
most importantly, with value systems that may differ from
adults. Any parent who has tried to talk to his [sic]
adolescent son or daughter recently knows this, as does
anyone who had recently visited a high school for the first
time since his [sic] own adolescence. To put it simply,
these young people speak a different language. What is
more relevant to the present point, the language they
speak is becoming more and more different (Coleman, 2).

Coleman views adolescent subculture as deviant because it goes against what
he perceives to be the natural order of the world. Coleman seems to imply that the
"adolescent subculture" he described is problematic, as if there was something
inherently wrong with youths associating with one another. He explains that the
education of adolescents is a "normal process" yet he seems to think that the trend
during his time, of an increasing amount of time spent at school, is adverse. His
concerns largely echoed those of Talcott Parsons, an oft cited functionalist: young
persons are a threat to society, they must be trained to conform.

Deterministic models of childhood and youth consider young people as
potentially functioning to maintain and sustain the social order, yet these theorists view
youth as a sort of "'untamed threat', who must be controlled through careful training"
(Corsaro 1 997, p. 9). Weaknesses of the deterministic model include an overemphasis

23
on the outcomes of the process of socialization while discounting the active and
innovative capacities of young people. In addition, it tends to ignore issues of
contextuality (historical and local specificity), instead inferring that interaction occurs in a
vacuum of sorts. I adopt Corsaro's sociology of childhood to critique such deterministic
models of youth that were dominant in the U.S. throughout the first half of the twentieth
century in order to assert that these abstract models simplify highly complex processes,
and overlook the importance of youth in society (Corsaro 1997, p. 10). Hall, Coleman,
and other determinists tend towards a reductive approach, considering the activities and
interests of youth to be inconsequential or nonfunctional. They tend to ignore or are
dismissive of the idea that young people do not just internalize society, they are active
beings and, as such, can even bring about positive changes.
Constructivist Approaches

During the 1960s, constructivist approaches to youth studies emerged as an
alternative to the essentialist deterministic models. Constructivist perspectives address
the issue of the young person as an active agent, much more so than did the
functionalists of the deterministic model. In terms of the issues explored in this study,
constructivist theories are a preferable option to deterministic models; however, they
have some drawbacks which make them less than ideal. Constructivist approaches, as
typified by developmental stage theorists will be discussed below.
Developmental stage theories

Developmental stage theories share many of the same assumptions about the
role of young people purported by the determinists. They focus on the process of
development from childhood to adulthood as unilateral. Much developmental stage
theorizing is from the discipline of psychology, explaining that young people are

24
"shaped" by behaviorism, reinforcement and punishment of their actions. In this section,
I will briefly discuss the major developmental stage theorists including: Piaget, Erikson,
Kohlberg, and Gilligan, and their approach to studying youth. I will place particular
emphasis on the ways in which they explain young peoples' values, under the rubric
"moral development." The developmental stage theories of Piaget, Erikson, Kohlberg,
and Gilligan are theories about the development of young people and are constructivist
in orientation. Beginning with Piaget, these theories were the first to systematically study
human intellectual development. Erikson built upon Piaget's work and generated a
theory of adolescence as a moratorium period of identity search. He said it was a time
when young people explore their identities-their ideas, ideals, and goals for the future.
Kohlberg derived his theory of moral development from the basic stages of human
intellectual development delineated by Piaget, focusing on the question of how people
make their decisions about "right" and "wrong." Gilligan was a student of Kohlberg who
criticized his work for being based entirely on the experiences of men, and its culturally
bound assumptions. She developed a theory that took gender into consideration and
emphasized the ways in which people care for each other rather than compete. Some
developmental stage theorists have come to recognize, but do not emphasize, the active
role of young people, organizing and constructing their world. They also ignore the
contextuality of such interactions, unlike interactionists, who make this their starting
point. These developmental stage theorists share a set of constructivist assumptions
which function as limitations and thus lead to the conclusion that an interactionist
perspective is the best framework for the current study, though there were
methodological limitations to the extent to which it was employed, as discussed later.

Piaget's Theory of Intellectual Development. Piaget has been recognized as
the founder of stage theories of development. He integrated biology and the study of

25
knowledge to form a theory of children's intellectual development, explaining that
cognitive capacities in humans develop in a series of stages. Piaget asserted that
beginning at birth, humans interpret, organize, and gather information about their
environments to construct conceptions of their physical and social worlds. He believed
that young people do not merely accumulate facts and skills at random, instead, they
progress through a series of qualitatively distinct stages of intellectual ability. Piaget
reminds us that the cognitive perceptions of children and young people can be very
different from those of adults. He theorized that people progress though four stages,
according to their age: birth to age 2, sensorimotor; age 2-7, preoperational; age 7-14,
concrete; and age 14-adulthood, postoperational. Piaget held that as children age, they
naturally gain more cognitive ability and begin to see things from perspectives other
than their own, and that once they progress to the last of the four stages, they will be
able to think abstractly. This sequence is useful because it describes the way that
reasoning develops for most people, emphasizing young people as actively promoting
their own intellectual development.

Approximate Age
Range

Stage

Typical Developments

Birth to age 2

Sensorimotor

Children develop the concept of
object permanence and the ability to
form mental representations.

Age 2 to 7

Preoperational

Children's thought is egocentric; they
lack the concept of conversation and
the ability to decenter.

Age 7 to 1 1

Concrete
Operations

Children can decenter; they acquire
the concept of conversion; but they
cannot reason abstractly or test
hypotheses systematically.

Starts at age 11 or 1 2

Formal Operations

Children begin to reason abstractly.

Figure 1-Piaget's Stages of Intellectual Development

26
Piaget's work is particularly relevant to this study because in his early writing, he
focused specifically on the moral lives of children, studying the way children play games
in order to learn more about their beliefs regarding right and wrong (Piaget 1932/65).
According to Piaget, all development emerges from action; that is to say, individuals
construct and reconstruct their knowledge of the world as a result of interactions with the
environment. Based on his observations of children's application of rules when playing,
Piaget determined that morality, too, can be considered a developmental process
(Piaget 1932/65). Piaget theorized that during the concrete stage, children have a
"dualistic morality," seeing things as only right or wrong, as they are primarily concerned
with classification as a task of reasoning. Once they progress to the formal stage, they
are able to move from a dichotomous view of social rules, morals, and values to one
where they incorporate the views of others with their own. Weaknesses of Piaget's
theory include: the assertion that development occurs linearly, in one direction, from one
distinct stage to the next; the assumption that development is primarily individualistic,
ignoring its collectivity and contextuality; an underestimation of the role of the
environment, where each child is viewed individualistically in their discovery and
development of capacities; and that the instruments utilized by Piaget were culturally
specific, dependent upon exposure to western schooling.

Erikson's Theory of Identity Development. Erikson was a colleague of Piaget
who generated a model of human social development. Erikson's theory of development
is useful in that it addressed the notion of continuity and transitions instead of
emphasizing the discrete boundaries between stages. He draws connections between
early childhood experiences, noting their effect on the young person's continued
development (where Piaget tended to speak of intellectual capacities as just emerging

27
from within the person at certain ages). Erikson also attempted to account for the
importance of social interaction and how relations with others stimulate personality
development throughout the life course. He outlined a series of eight stages through
which human development progresses: age 0-1 , Trust/Mistrust Stage; age 2-3,
Autonomy/Doubt Stage; age 3-6, Initiative/Guilt Stage; age 7-12, Industry/Inferiority
Stage; age 12-18, Identity/Identity Diffusion Stage, late teens-early twenties,
Intimacy/Isolation Stage, age 20-60, Generativity/Stagnation Stage; age 60 and beyond,
Integrity/Despair Stage.

Erikson was especially interested in and emphasized adolescence, the
"identity/identity diffusion stage," which he said occurred naturally from ages 12-18. He
said that adolescence was a moratorium period in which youth may find their identities
and, only after successfully accomplishing this task, may progress on to adulthood.
According to Erikson (1968) adolescence is the period in one's life when choices are
made and identities are formed. It is through this process that peer groups, cliques, and
subcultures flourish. Central to this period is the choice of a future career (Epstein
1998). In addition to its linear, one-way model of progression, Erikson's theory has been
criticized for being an idealized description of developmental patterns with an
inadequate explanation of individual differences. I assert that another weakness is his
construction of youth ("adolescence") as necessarily a time (he called it a "moratorium
period") in which young people feel angst and alienation for the future. This has the
effect of discounting their abilities and roles as agents, capable of accomplishments.
Kohlberg's Theory of Moral Development. Kohlberg was a contemporary of
both Piaget and Erikson who modified and elaborated Piaget's work. His theory is often
recognized for laying the foundation for the debate within the social sciences on moral

28
development. Though notions of morals, values, and goals were components of Piaget's
and Erikson's theories, Kohlberg was the first to delineate stages of moral development.
Consistent with Piaget, he proposed that people form ways of thinking through their
experiences, including understandings of moral concepts such as justice, rights,
equality, and human welfare. Kohlberg extended Piaget's formulation to include
adolescence and early adulthood, and determined that the process of attaining moral
maturity took longer and was more gradual than Piaget had proposed. He maintained
that each stage consisted of a unique conceptualization of the requisites of social
interaction, with each successive stage exhibiting greater cognitive complexity and a
greater range of perspectives taken into account (Sunar 2002). Kohlberg's six stages of
moral development are summarized in the table below.

Approximate Age
Range

Stage

Developments

Birth to 9 years

Preconventional

1. Punishment and
Obedience

2. Instrumental Hedonism

Decisions based on self-
interest

9 to 20 years

Conventional

3. Interpersonal
Concordance (seeking
approval)

4. Law and Order

Decisions based on opinions
of others

Age 20+

Postconventional

5. Social Contract

6. Universal Ethical
Principle

Decisions based on
self-legislated, self-imposed
universal principles

Figure 2-Kohlberg's Stages of Moral Development

According to Kohlberg, as people progress through the stages they are less
likely to make moral decisions based only on their own perspective, instead taking into
account the perspectives of others and the impact that their own actions might have. In

29
the preconventional stage, moral decisions are egocentric and the reasoning upon
which they are based is in terms of getting rewards and avoiding punishment. The
conventional stage is based on the ability to take into account the perspectives of
others, and the postconventional stage occurs when a person is able to make
"universal" decisions, which, according to Kohlberg, are not culturally bound. In this
model, youth are members of the conventional stage, where they make decisions in
order to gain or avoid approval, and out of emotions of duty and guilt.

Kohlberg's theory has been criticized for numerous weaknesses. Implicit is an
assumption that teenagers are too young to achieve the ability to make moral decisions
based on their effects on others and overarching (so called "universal") standards.
Though he and his students conducted extensive interviews with children, youth, and
adults, presenting them with situations and asking them their reasons for the moral
decisions they made, his sample was remarkably limited. First, Kohlberg implied that the
sequence of his six stages was invariant even though evidence suggests that people
can and sometimes do regress with age (Peta 1999). He does not offer an explanation
for how or why people progress through the stages. Additionally, Kohlberg places too
much emphasis on individual thought processes and fails to take into account the
importance of social interaction. As such, it is more a theory of moral reasoning than of
moral behavior. Contemporary research has found that more people than Kohlberg
estimated are able to make decisions based on the principle of universal morality if they
are asked to recognize instead of generate responses (Peta 1 999). Finally, Kohlberg's
theory of moral development was based largely on the experiences of boys and men, all
of whom were white Americans. Kohlberg's theory has significant limitations in that it

makes "universal" conclusions based on a select group of participants who are not

30

representative in terms of their gender, race/ethnicity, nor socio-economic status.

Gilligan's Theory of an Ethic of Care. Carol Gilligan was a student of
Kohlberg. She was particularly taken with a stage theory approach of moral reasoning.
However, she disagreed with some of Kohlberg's underlying assumptions about the
context of peoples' decision making. From her own experiences as well as patterns in
data she gathered, she found that womens' moral reasoning was often based on criteria
other than those included in Kohlberg's theory. For example, in Kolhberg's fourth stage,
he indicates that decisions are based on duty and guilt; yet Gilligan (1992) found that
women in this stage were thinking more about what the most caring thing to do would
be, rather than doing what the rules required of them. Gilligan asserted that it was not
that women were less morally developed than men (as they often scored lower on
Kohlberg's test than did men), but rather that they possessed a different sequence of
moral development. Women's morals were more likely to be focused on social
interaction (connection versus separation with others) instead of rules and competition.

Age

not listed

Stage

Goal is individual survival

Transition: from selfishness -» to responsibility to others

not listed

Goodness is equated with self-sacrifice

Transition: from goodness -» to truth (honesty & integrity)

maybe never

Principle of of non-violence (do not hurt self or others)

Figure 3-Gilligan's Stages of the Ethic of Care (Huff, 1998)

Thus, Gilligan created a theory of moral development that emphasized an ethic
of care. In doing so, she challenged the assumption that there is only one dimension of
moral reasoning. Additionally, she connected the process of moral decision making to
concerns about individual selves and the social context in which they live (Huff 1998). As

31
a constructionist, she continued to focus on outcomes rather than the interactions
themselves.
Critiques of developmental stage theories

The four developmental stage theories mentioned above share a common set of
assumptions, which leads to a number of weaknesses and limitations. In these theories,
development is seen as unilateral, that is, irreversible progression through the stages
occurs in one direction, and each stage is necessarily separate from the previous stage.
The theories differ somewhat as to the extent to which they recognize the young person
as an active agent, though Piaget, Erikson, Kohlberg, and Gilligan all asserted that
young people are not merely passive sponges, shaped through behavioral
reinforcement and punishment. They are involved in using information from their world
to organize and construct their understandings and interpretations. However,
developmental stage theorists persist in viewing human development as a largely
individualistic task, occurring within the person; their capacities and abilities naturally
emerge over time, as they grow older. In focusing on the individual, developmental
stage theories ignore, fail to acknowledge, or de-emphasize contextual and cultural
factors. Kohlberg was particularly culpable as he made claims of the "universality" of
morality, ignoring issues of gender, racial, and socio-economic variation, as well as the
notion that people's moral judgements vary according to the factors associated with the
context of the situation. Furthermore, developmental stage theories tend to overlook the
fact that the stages, as normative expectations, are constructed, in part through social
exchange. The process by which children grow into adults is not internal, natural, innate,
without variation, hierarchical, or independent of context and culture, though
developmental stage theories tend to present it this way.

32

Critiques of the Constructivist approach

According to Corsaro (2000, p.17), the focus of constructivist approaches tends
to center on the effects of interpersonal experiences on individual development. There is
insufficient consideration of how young people, through their participation in
communication and social interaction, become part of interpersonal relations and
cultural patterns, reproducing them collectively. Another weakness of constructivist
approaches, such as developmental stage theories, is that they are primarily concerned
with the endpoints and "outcomes" of development, as young people move from
immaturity to competent adults. Finally, constructivists fail to ask questions about the
realities experienced and constructed by the young people themselves. For example,
there are few if any studies about the complex and interactive ways in which young
people interact with their friends in various setting encountered in their worlds of school,
activities, and families. The constructivist perspective has been the prevailing approach
to youth studies for the past three decades (Corsaro 1997). Examples include Erikson
(1965), Levitt & Rubenstein (1972), Austin & Willard (1998), and Lesko (2001).
Contemporary research on youth

At the beginning of the 21st century, the role and place of youth in our society is
changing. There are more of them than ever before. In the U.S. there are currently more
young people between the ages of 8 and 25 (puberty to adulthood) than there were at
the peak of the baby boom. Although adolescents comprise a smaller proportion of the
population than the elderly, their absolute numbers are growing and will continue to do
so for the next few decades. By the year 2005 there will be over 40 million young people
in their second decade of life, roughly half between the ages of 10 and14, and another
half between the ages of 15 and 19. Moreover, the population of youth in the U.S. is

33
already more ethnically diverse than the adult population. As the young people age, the
adult population will become increasingly diverse. By listening to this generation, we
may all learn how to value differences, instead of allowing differences to contribute to
conflict (Hamburg 1998).

It seems that in the U.S. we are not analyzing and approaching the experiences
of youth with the degree of care they merit. Since the baby boom in the 1960s,
researchers have concentrated on the ways in which adolescents differed from younger
children or adults. These differences have been cast as problems that are unique to or
characteristic of youth. Categorical approaches and programs devoted to each problem
(e.g. adolescent suicide, unintended pregnancy, drug use) evolved, yet failed to listen to
the authentic concerns of such youth. Emphasizing the problems related to youth
brought attention to the age group, but results of this attention have been mixed. In
some cases, increased awareness has led to a massing of resources to lessen
problems facing youth. In other cases, the focus on youth has led to a sense that
problems are inherent in their age group and therefore not amenable to intervention.
The portrayal of young people in the mass media has tended to focused on the more
spectacular events (such as the tragedy at Columbine High School) and has continued
the practice of labeling entire groups of young people as problems because of these
incidents. In some cases, reactions have led to the demonizing or blaming of young
people for these problems (Epstein 1998).

The time of transition from childhood to adulthood has expanded. Youth are
physically maturing earlier, thereby engaging in some adult behaviors at earlier ages,
while at the same time, the age for assumption of meaningful adult responsibilities, such
as economic independence, is being delayed (the aforementioned "long goodbye"

34
phenomenon). Thus, the experiences of youth today can arguably be said to be
profoundly different from youth of other generations.

Emerging adulthood. A new body of literature has recently emerged in the field
of interdisciplinary youth studies called "emerging adulthood." Arnett (2000)
conceptualizes emerging adulthood as a period that begins in the late teens and lasts
through the mid-twenties. He asserts that it is a transitional period, when youth move out
of adolescence into adulthood, characterized by experimentation and exploration. Arnett
(2000) draws on Erickson's developmental theory (1968) to propose that during this
liminal period, young people often experiment with various possibilities in terms of their
priorities, values, and beliefs. Thus, this theory provides some promise for orienting this
dissertation project. However, upon closer examination, I discovered that even within the
emerging adulthood perspective, there is little existing literature specifically about of
teenagers' future goals and values. This is a new field that offers promise in the near

future.

Research on career development and occupation. Within the vast body of
literature on career issues, the aspirations and expectations of young adults have been
studied extensively. Drawing from Piaget's developmental theories (1977), career
theorists have studied the career choices of young adults. Ginzberg, Ginsberg, Axelrad,
and Herma authored a foundational book entitled Occupational Career Choice: An
Approach to a General Theory in 1951. They proposed that around the age of 15 or 16,
young people begin to take their goals and values into consideration when thinking
about their future careers. They weigh abstract questions about priorities, such as
whether it is important to make money or to help others. (Ginzberg et. al 1951). Super
(1990, 1997) a renowned career theorist, adapted the work of Ginzberg, et. al. in his

35
work on young people's attitudes and knowledge about their careers. However, Super
does not address young people's values in his analysis. A survey of contemporary
career development research offered nothing in terms of goals and values-instead the
studies center on education attainment and career/occupational aspirations.

Research on future goals. Although numerous studies have been conducted
on the data from the Monitoring the Future (MTF) survey series in its 23 years of
existence, the overwhelming majority have focused on the core data or drug use and
delinquency of American youth. Some studies have analyzed gender and/or race
differences on various factors. The MTF researchers themselves have published a
number of articles indicating the trends of their data over time. Only one study could be
found that examined MTF data on high school seniors' plans for the future. These
researchers, Easterlin and Crimmins (1988), looked at personal aspirations and life
goals of students from 1987 MTF data and found that, in the preceding decade,
materialism was on the rise. Making money had become much more important as a life
goal, and this emphasis on finances had affected attitudes towards jobs, work, and
leisure time. Coupled with two recent articles on teens' future goals (Mogelonsky 1998)
and college education, and career aspirations of youth (Zill & Robinson 1995), an
exploration of the expectations, aspirations, and future goals of American youth today is
an important undertaking.

Today's youth, more than those of the past, place a strong emphasis on the
importance of earning college degrees. A vast majority of students aspire to graduate
from college, regardless of whether or not they expect to do so, taking practical factors
into consideration (Austin & Martin 1992, Looker & Pineo 1988, McCartin & Meyer 1988,
Plucker & Quaglia 1998, Smith, 1989, 1991). The students feel that these credentials

36
are the passport to higher earnings and are enrolling in college at record rates (Zill &
Robinson 1995). Furthermore, they tend to place much more of an emphasis on making
money as a life goal, over other goals such as "finding purpose and meaning in life,"
"giving my children better opportunities than I've had," or "having time for other things in
life (besides a job)" (Easterlin & Crimmins 1988). In addition, today's youth tend to rate
both "financial success" and "helping others who need help" as extremely high
(Mogelonsky1998).

Research on moral development and values of youth. Since Kohlberg's
studies in the late 1960s, there has been quite a bit of work on moral development
within the fields of developmental psychology, philosophy, and education. However,
sociologists have largely been left out of the conversation. Surveys of the recent
research in the field of moral development (Kerka 1992, Mulder 1997, Sunar 2002)
indicate that the prevailing theories fail to challenge the assumptions of the
developmental stage theorists and instead attempt to apply or test these classic theories
in various settings, such as the cross-cultural comparisons by Bersoff and Miller (1993),
Miller and Bersoff (1992) and Miller, et. al. (1990), or with diverse populations of young
people, such as Wark and Krebs' (1996) assessment of Gilligan's critique of Kohlberg's
theory. Within the field of education, there has been a proliferation of work on moral
education since the 1970s. Nucci (1997) offers a synthesis of contemporary
developments, which is almost entirely applied in orientation. Almost without exception,
these works do not challenge the assumptions of universality and linearity of the
developmental stage theorists, and are largely formulations of curricula built upon the
earlier theories (see Berkowitz 1 998, Kohn 1997, and Nucci, 1997). Though the terms
"morals" and "values" are similar, I argue they are not synonyms and have distinct
differences.

37
In this study, I define "values" as the ideas and ideals of what is important to a
person. Though morals are also ideals, they seem to carry a connotation of judgement
or obligation, sort of an imperative tone. Additionally, a person can have a value that is,
quite possibly, considered "immoral." For example, a person can value financial success
but in order to do so they might have to step on the backs of their families or betray their
best friends. That is not "moral" behavior. This illustrates how values can actually be
negatively regarded, and can lead to behavior that is not judged "moral." Morals are
thought of as dichotomous, as actions that are "right" or "wrong" (Figurski 2000). Values
are more accessible, they are simply "what is important" (Karp 2000). For this reason,
this project focuses on young peoples' values, goals, and the experiences by which they
are influenced.
Interactionist Approaches

Interactionism offers an advantage over constructivism in that it captures the
innovative and creative aspects of young peoples' participation in society, actively
contributing to cultural production and change (Corsaro 1997, p. 18). Youth are not
merely socialized, like sponges, absorbing or internalizing normative expectations of
society-instead they engage in what Corsaro calls "interpretive reproductions," that
young people create and participate in their own unique peer cultures by creatively
taking or appropriating information from the adult world in order to address their own
concerns (2000, p. 298). Young people and their youth cultures are affected by the
societies and cultures of which they are members and are in the process of co-
constructing. Interactionist approaches are particularly interested in the importance of
language and everyday interactions. This view is consistent with Holstein and Gubrium's
perspective offered in Inner Lives and Social Worlds (2003), emphasizing that people's

38

interactions with one another assemble both their inner lives and social worlds. "As
people interact, what they say and do creates a working sense of what is real for them.
They establish, negotiate, and modify who and what they are in the course of the give-
and-take of daily living, constructing and reconstructing their social worlds in the

process" (2003, p. 5).

This study draws from both constructivist and interactionist perspectives. It is not
entirely interactionist because the methodological approach I utilized focused on the
patterns that emerged in the definitions of success the teenagers articulated more than
how their definitions of success were constructed through the our interactions in the
interview and/or during the activities and focus lessons of the program. By relying
primarily on questions of "what," this project addresses the content of meaning as
articulated through interaction and mediated by culture (Gubrium & Holstein 1997, p.
14). Studies about youth from an interactionist perspective are few as this is a newly
emerging approach (see Epstein 1998, Farran 1990, and McDonald 1999). A more
interactive approach would have focused on how the youths' definitions of success and
articulation of their goals and values were produced in conversation and through the
activities in which they were engaged. I would have employed a methodology different
from that on which I relied, using more observational data and truly active interviews,
more reflexive in nature. In the future, I hope to be able to conduct such interactive
studies. In this study, however, I do draw from principles of interaction (a la Corsaro) as
this work is based on the assumption that young people are active agents, engaged in
co-creating the worlds in which they live. As a means of employing both constructivism
and interactionism, I found the theoretical approach "small worlds" to be particularly
useful in orienting to this project.

39
Small worlds

It seems that there are few works in sociology or the social sciences that
explicitly utilize a "small worlds" approach, though this perspective is especially
advantageous when exploring the experiences of youth2. "Small worlds" is a phrase
coined by West and Petrik in their 1992 edited volume, Small Worlds: Children and
Adolescents in America, 1850-1950. The authors asserted that little had been written
about young peoples' active roles and even less consideration of context and location
that complicate and enrich such negotiations (1992). How children act depends partly on
their surroundings and what the children bring to them (1992). The authors' premise is
that the interactions of young people occur within a variety of seemingly separate but
often overlapping and interconnecting "small worlds," including but not limited to their
family, friends, school, and other groups and various other assemblies and settings.

Phelan, et. al. also employed the notion of "small worlds" in their 1999 study of
students' multiple worlds, "Adolescent Worlds: Negotiating family, peers, and school."
They used a qualitative and generative approach, relying on data gathered from
interviews and observations to form a model that emerged inductively, placing the
perspectives of the youths at the center of their analysis called the "Student Multiple
Worlds Model" (1999, p. 18). Accordingly, the term "model" referred to cultural
knowledge and behavior found within the boundaries of students' particular families,

It is interesting to note that within the discipline of Information Sciences and Technology
the term "small worlds" has also been utilized to refer to expectations of normative
behavior that occur within specific settings. Burnett et. al. (2001) appropriate the works
of sociologists and social psychologists and attribute the roots of a "small worlds"
approach to Cooley (1956), Douglas (1970), Anderson (1978), Watts (1999), and
others. They explain that people look at the world, with its everyday realities, as defined
by the horizons of the "small worlds," the specific, localized contexts in which we live and
work (2001 , 536).

40
peer groups, and schools; presuming that each world contains values and beliefs,
expectations, actions, and emotional responses familiar to insiders (1999, p. 7).

Holstein and Gubrium indirectly refer to this notion of "small worlds" in The Self
We Live By (2000). They speak of "local culture" and "organizational embeddedness"
both of which are components of "small worlds." According to Holstein and Gubrium,
local culture is a constellation of ways of understanding and representing things and
actions, and of assigning meaning to lives (2000, p. 161). Local cultures offer resources
for self construction and hold people accountable thorough their situated discourses.
Holstein and Gubrium also assert that self construction is "organizationally embedded"
(2000, p. 165). They explain that localized meanings are mediated by organizational
conditions.

Adler and Adler did not explicitly refer to "small worlds" in their study on
preadolescent clique stratification and the hierarchy of identity, but they address the
situationality of interaction by stating, "Identities symbolize meanings, and are acquired
in particular situations based on people's comparison of their roles to others and others'
counterroles" (Adler and Adler, in Holstein and Gubrium 2003, p. 431). Although Alder
and Adler do not call these particular situations of identity production "small worlds," they
are speaking to the same notion. That is, young people do not passively internalize their
social world and define themselves in those terms; instead, they are engaged in
constructing their selves through the ways they act and interact in particular peer groups
and settings (Holstein & Gubrium 2003).

Thus, I borrowed from the above works to extend the notion of "small worlds" to
explain the orientation of this dissertation research. It is my assertion that in the course
of their everyday lives, teenagers today experience many "small worlds." Phelan, et. al.
(1999) referred to family, school, and peers as three such locations; however, I argue

41
that there are many more and they vary greatly in size and character. For example,
school can be called a "small world," but there are many smaller "small worlds" that
constitute the "small world" of school. The ride to school on the school bus, morning
assembly in the auditorium, Ms. Smith's first period English class, the hallway and
lockers where students rush between classes, the picnic tables under the oak tree in the
courtyard where the "popular" students eat lunch, the dean's office where students sit
nervously awaiting punishment, the Key Club meeting in the computer lab of the library,
the back corner of parking lot after school-these are all locations and contexts that
operate as "small worlds" within the "small world" of school. In addition to the obvious
three (family, school, and peers), young people in contemporary American society
experience "small worlds" in each of the sports, activities, clubs, organizations, and
programs in which they are involved. Sonlight operated as one such "small world" in
which the youth I interviewed interacted.
Conceptual Model

In this project I combined both qualitative and quantitative modes of analysis,
focusing on the results from semi-structured interviews rather than relying solely on
highly structured surveys. These formats tended to allow the participants more flexibility
and room to express themselves in a manner they deemed appropriate, instead of
forcing them into my preconceived categorizations. Additionally, when engaging in
participant observation I made an effort to "check-in" with the participants from time to
time in order to assess my interpretations. The following conceptual model emerged
inductively in the process of gathering and analyzing the data gathered through
interviews and participant observation.

42

Experiences <-* Values -*■ Future Goals

^ "Being a Success*

•Career/financial

-being a success in my line of work

-having lots of money

-being able to find steady work

-giving my children better opportunities than I've had
•Connecting with others

-having a good marriage and family life

-making strong friendships
•Self Realization

-having plenty of time for recreation and hobbies

-discovering new ways to experience things

-finding purpose in my life
•Philanthropy ("making a difference", "helping others")

-making a contribution to society

-being a leader in my community

-working to correct social and economic inequalities

Figure 4-Conceptual Model

The model above shows that young peoples' future goals are influenced by their
values, which are impacted by and affect their experiences. In this project, I used direct
questions about future goals and definitions of success in order to understand their
values. Goals are more concrete and easily definable than values. Asking a young
person to explicitly state their ideals would likely elicit "canned," socially desirable
responses. In order to avoid this as much as possible, I asked a series of questions,
following the interview instrument, but unfolding in conversation. I began by asking
about the importance of future goals, and then I asked the youth to define "being a
success," to explain how they envisioned their own future success, and to describe a
model of someone who was successful. Through analyzing this data, patterns in their
responses emerged.

"Success" is commonly thought of as the epitome of future goals, it is the highest
achievement. It became clear that their discrete definitions of success and the future
goals by which they planned to realize this notion of success were informed by ideas

43
of what is important in life. In other words, their values influenced their experiences.
Notice the arrow between values and experiences goes both directions, that is, their
experiences both influenced and were influenced by their values. Additionally, their
experiences could have a direct effect on their goals. In the sections that follow, I
articulate the methods by which this research was conducted, the quantitative and
qualitative results, and conclude with an exploration of how participating in Sonlight was
a "small world" experience that affected the teenagers' values and future goals.

CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY

Introduction

This dissertation concerns the lives and experiences of teenagers. Specifically, it
focuses on how American youth make the transition to adulthood, looking at their future
goals and values. This research is based on Monitoring the Future, a quantitative survey
of over 60,000 high schoolers, as well as qualitative interviews of 70 local teenagers, all
members of a community youth organization. In this chapter, I first describe the data
from Monitoring the Future, then the methodology I used to conduct my qualitative
interviews.

Data Collection
Quantitative Analysis of Monitoring the Future

The quantitative portion of this study consisted of a secondary data analysis of
the 1999 Monitoring the Future (MTF) survey. An annual survey in its 23rd year, MTF is
a probability sample of high school students in the U.S. MTF explores changes in
important values, behaviors, and lifestyles of contemporary American youths, as well as
tracking demographics and drug use trends. It is the most appropriate survey for the
current study because it is a large probability sample of high school youth with the most
current data available. It provides both an accurate and systematic description of the
youth and quantifies both the direction and rate of change of trends over time. Large,
distinct, and nationally representative samples of high school students are asked to
respond to questions on demographics, drug use, and a variety of subjects including

44

45
attitudes towards social issues, changing gender roles, parental influences, educational
and career expectations and aspirations, self esteem, exposure to sex and drug
education, deviant behaviors, and crime victimization. Different versions of the
questionnaire were administered to the sub-samples of the students. This file is
available to download from www.icpsr.umich.edu.

Sampling. MTF is a probability sample design of a multi-state area. There are
three selection stages involved: primary sampling units (PSUs, consisting of geographic
areas), schools within PSUs, and students attending the sampled schools. Eight of the
80 PSUs were selected with certainty, while the other 72 were selected with a probability
proportionate to the number of students. If the school had fewer than 400 students, all
were asked to participate. Each school was asked to commit to two years of
participation so that each year, one half of the sample could be replaced. Any school
that refused to participate was replaced with a school of similar geographic location,
size, and type (e.g. public or private). The total sample of students was divided into six
sub-samples averaging 2,700 respondents each. The sub-samples were administered
one of six different forms of the questionnaire containing the "core" drug and
demographic questions, as well as various questions on the other topics. Since MTF
began in 1975, the participation rate of the schools has ranged from 66-80%. In 1999,
the overall response rate for students was 83%.

The sample data are weighted for the characteristics of the school which the
students attend. The focus of this study is limited to an analysis of the data obtained
from students who identified their race as white. The available data did not provide
specific information about those students who reported being a race other than white or
black. Responses were coded "white," "black," or "other," because I felt uncomfortable

46
analyzing and making generalizations about minorities without being able to speak to a
specific group; I chose to exclude all students whose responses were in the "other"
category, thus the 0. This is one major limitation of the data, and future studies should
take this into consideration or even opt to place their focus on the experiences of
students of color.

Measurement. The various content areas of MTF measure a wide range of
topics. The current study will focus on the "future goals" subject area. Selected
demographic variables were used to create cross-tabs to examine the relationship
between the importance students place on certain future goals and some of their
ascribed (age, gender, race, parents' education), achieved (high school program, GPA),
and aspired (plans to obtain college and graduate/professional degrees) characteristics.

Demographics. MTF provides demographic information about the respondents.
I selected eight of the demographic measures, for descriptive purposes, in order to
create cross-tabs. All missing data or extraneously coded responses were deleted. The
variables included: Age ("In what year were you born?" 1 = <1981, 2 = >1981), Gender
("What is your sex?" 1 = male, 2 = female), Race ("How do you describe yourself?" 1 =
white, 2 = black), Father's level of education ("What is the highest level of schooling
your father completed?" 3 = high school graduate, 4 = some college, 5 = college
graduate, 6 = graduate or professional school), Mother's level of education ("What is the
highest level of schooling your mother completed?" 3 = high school graduate, 4 = some
college, 5 = college graduate, 6 = graduate or professional school), High school
program ("Which of the following best describes your present high school program?" 1 =
college prep, 2 = general, 3 = vocation/technical, 4 = other), and Grade point average
("Which of the following best describes your average grade so far in high school?" 1 =

47
D, 1 .5 = D+, 2 = C, 2.5 = C+, 3 = B, 3.5 = B+, 4 = A). Father's education and mother's
education were used as both an indicator of highest level of parents' education obtained
and as a measure of SES of the student, since no other SES variables were available in
MTF (Bennett and Gist 1964, Popenoe 1998, Grusec, Goodnow, and Kuczynski 2000,
Wilson et.al. 1992). Additionally, the education of the parents is likely to influence not
only the resources to which the student has access, but also their own future plans (Jodl
et.al. 2001 , Marjoribanks 1994, 1998, Rojewski 1997). GPA is a quantitative measure of
students' high school grades and is often used in studies as a "classic" indicator of
motivation and achievement; GPA is often utilized for predicting graduation rates and
job success levels (Bennet & Gist 1964, Nam & Terrie 1981, and Powers 1981).

Future goals. MTF included a section of variables measuring the importance of
14 life goals. The question about future goals was worded as follows: "How important is
each of the following to you in your life? A. Being successful in my line of work. B.
Having a good marriage and family life. C. Having lots of money. D. Having plenty of
time for recreation and hobbies. E. Having strong friendships. F. Being able to find
steady work. G. Making a contribution to society. H. Being a leader in my community. I.
Being able to give my children better opportunities than I've had. J. Living close to my
parents and relatives. K. Getting away from this area of the country. L Working to
correct social and economic inequalities. M. Discovering new ways to experience things.
N. Finding purpose and meaning in my life." Responses were given in the following
categories: "Not important, Somewhat important, Quite important, and Extremely
important."

Readers should note that the "future goals" section of MTF includes 14 items, yet
for the purposes of this study, I omitted two: "J. living close to my parents and relatives"

48
and "K. getting away from this area of the country." In conversations with teenagers and
undergraduate college students, students commented that the responses to these
questions may be more a reflection of their "senioritis" (the "illness" that befalls many
students as they approach high school graduation) than measuring a desire to live near
or away from that which is familiar to them. As these two goals did not seem to fit into
the themes addressed in this study, they are not included in this research. The
remaining 12 goals can best be conceptualized in four themes: Career/Financial,
Connecting with Others, Self Realization, and Philanthropy.

1 . Career/financial

-being a success in my line of work

-having lots of money

-being able to find steady work

-giving my children better opportunities than I've had

2. Connecting with others

-having a good marriage and family life
-making strong friendships

3. Self Realization

-having plenty of time for recreation and hobbies
-discovering new ways to experience things
-finding purpose in my life

4. Philanthropy ("making a difference,""helping others")

-Making a contribution to society
-Being a leader in my community
-Working to correct social and economic inequalities

Figure 5-12 goals, listed by theme

I examined both the chi-squares of the cross tabs, noting the associations to see
if the relationships between the demographic variables and each of the goals were
significant. I then created a sub-group, limiting the sample to white students whose
parents had attended college. This sub-group better compares to the 70 students that I
interviewed, as they were all white high school students who, with the exception of one
student, planned on graduating from college, and the majority of whom came from
families where the parents had at least a college education. The number of cases of the

49
entire MTF sample included 2168 to 2186 participants. The number of cases in this sub-
sample of MTF varied from 917 to 921 .
Qualitative Interviews of Sonlight Members

A second data gathering technique for this study derives from interviews with
and participant observation of 70 high school students who were all members of a youth
organization called Sonlight. Sonlight Youth Ministries was a "youth choir" located at
Trinity United Methodist Church in Gainesville, Florida. However, it was not a "typical"
youth choir. In 1999 there were more than 150 youth involved, led by a team of 30
officers elected by the members, and guided by the selected president and vice-
president, two high school seniors. (See Appendix B for the Organization and
Leadership of Sonlight.) Each summer a group of 70 singers and 20 instrumentalists
and sound technicians, along with staff and chaperones, traveled for ten days on a tour
to major cities across the U.S. The participants were comprised entirely of youth from all
of the local high schools, both public and private.

History of Sonlight. From 1984-2001 Sonlight Youth Choir was a dynamic
youth organization at a large United Methodist Church in a mid-sized, southern college
city. Under the direction of Rebecca Brown, this group grew from 15 to over 200
members, all students from the local high schools. Over the years it grew and changed
from a "church choir" playing "rock n' roll" music into a multifaceted youth program with
committees, projects, and activities. Although it was housed at and supported by the
United Methodist Church, Sonlight's message was one of pluralism. The young people
who participated were not required to take part in any service, nor were they even asked
to become "Christians." Unlike popular stereotypes of youth choirs, there were no "altar
calls," where students were expected or pressured to partake in religious activities. The

50
message was one of interfaith spirituality-that "god's stuff" is in everything, from the
lyrics of the latest pop song to the books read in literature class.

Philosophy of Sonlight. Brown's philosophy led her to create a program that
was seen by local teenagers as "cool." Many young people around the community knew
of Sonlight, even if they were not a member. Each year brought a new flood of young
people-the first few weeks they would number well over 200, sitting on each other's laps
and on the floor, packing the room and pouring out the door. Rehearsals and meetings
were often loud and rowdy. Brown ran a "loose" program because she was well aware
that strict rules would not appeal to most young people. They already sat quietly in
desks at school for hours each day; doing so on the evenings and weekends was not
likely to keep their attention.

The reason the program was effective was because Brown did not talk "at" the
teenagers or tell them how they "should" be acting or what they "should" be thinking or
believing, nor did she pass judgement on them for experimenting with alcohol, sex, or
drugs-she viewed this as a "normal" part of adolescence. She respected that they were
in an intermediary period between childhood and adulthood, often experiencing a sense
of angst and trying on different identities in an attempt to "find themselves." Instead of
giving pat answers, Brown asked questions. Brown played the role of counselor and
friend to many of the youth. She talked about values and priorities, something rarely
overtly discussed in the lives of young people today. Over the years Sonlight has been
the subject of a number of articles in the local media. A few of the recent stories give a
glimpse of the enthusiasm that teenagers in the community have had for this unique
program, and how Sonlight has affected their lives (see Appendix C for a list of the
articles, and Appendix D for a discussion of the activities of Sonlight from 1984-2001).

51
Focus Curriculum of Sonlight. Within Sonlight, a Focus was a message time
(about 15 minutes) that Brown conducted every week in rehearsal. Rather than a
"boring lecture, "Brown attempted to engage in discussion with 120+ teenagers gathered
in the choir room. Focus was an integral part of Sonlight. When surveyed in 1996 and
2000, an overwhelming majority of the youth indicated that, for them, it was the most
meaningful part of the program. In an effort to reach the youth through as many
avenues as possible, Brown used a variety of techniques such as illustrations, surveys,
props, diagrams, guest speakers, panels, debates, and videos. Most Focuses were
accompanied by a handout, and many members would take extra copies to share with
their friends. The reason that Focuses were so popular was because they dared to talk
about the issues and ask the questions in which the youth were most interested.
Through forms of popular media (music, movies, etc.) and by using their "language,"
Focuses reached the teenagers, challenging them to think about their beliefs, priorities,
and assumptions about the world.

Membership of Sonlight. While there was no "typical member" of Sonlight,
most of the students were from upper-middle class families. No data were gathered
specifically about income, but almost all of the youth who were over 16 years old had
their own car and affording the cost of travel for the summer tour to Colorado in the
summer of 1999 was not a financial hardship for most, suggesting that the students
came from a somewhat affluent background. Less than half grew up in, or had families
that belonged to, the church. Each year a certain number (for 1999, this number was
70) of participants were selected to travel on a ten day tour. This selection was based
on an evaluation process that weighed the students' level of participation in the program
as well as their seniority (as opposed to a strictly "talent-based" criteria). Specifically, the

52
sample used in my study consists of all of the youth who went on tour to Colorado-70
high school students, aged 14 to 18 (median age equals 16). Sixty-eight percent (48/70)
were females, and 32% (22/70) were males. The distribution across grades was roughly
equal with 19% (13/70) ninth graders, 27% (19/70) sophomores, 24% (17/70) juniors,
and 30% (21/70) seniors. The vast majority of the youth identified themselves as "white."
Racial and ethnic minorities were considerably under-represented, with less than 5% of
the youth identifying themselves as "African American, ""Asian American,""Native
American, ""Latino" or "other."The mean grade point average (GPA) of the youth
surveyed was 3.49 (with a standard deviation of .363). Therefore, in terms of their
socioeconomic status, racial-ethnic identity, and education, these youth differ from the
average American youth. Based on 1999 statistics from the U.S. Census, 63.8% of
young people who lived in families with a median income of $38,885 identified
themselves as "white." Eighty three percent graduated from high school, but only 24%
graduated from college.

Demographically the students involved in Sonlight were quite homogeneous
(mostly white, upper-middle class, and academically successful). It would be an
overstatement to assert they were "diverse," as they were a select group of relatively
affluent students who were privileged to be able to engage in self-actualization. Yet
these youth tended to consider themselves very different from each other, taking for
granted their demographic homogeneity, as they demonstrated a wide range of
extracurricular interests, belonging to various "cliques" that reflected their identities,
interests, and claims of individuality. The sample included a student body president,
band "nerds, "valedictorians, computer "geeks, "members of the varsity football,
baseball, tennis, soccer, and volleyball teams, "rave kids," cheerleaders, kids with body
piercings and tattoos, members of the homecoming court, and students labeled "losers

53
and rejects" by other students. And each week these youth set aside what they often
perceive to be vast differences to come together to participate in Sonlight's programs.

The youth were involved in ten "teams, "or project groups, and six interest
groups in addition to performing music. The core of the program was the weekly "Focus"
time in rehearsals, from which the "theme" of the year developed. During the year in
which this research was conducted (1999), the theme was "perspective. "The songs and
activities revolved around various aspects of "perspective": defining, explaining,
applying, and expounding on the importance of recognizing that people's lives are
contextualized. According to Brown (1999), to view a subject/idea/event in perspective
one needs to place it in space and time. To give something its "relative importance," one
measures personal value against universal spiritual value. An individual's birth date,
birthplace, and upbringing create his/her space, time, and value index. Achieving
perspective begins by realizing that one's point of view is just that.. .a view from one
point in space and time. It involves seeing one's part as a mere piece of the whole.
Thus, Brown and 70 members of Sonlight, along with chaperones, sound technicians,
and staff traveled to Colorado in the summer of 1999 for a "perspective jolf'-to see
"natural wonders" that spanned across time and space incomparable to those found in
north central Florida, and to engage in activities and share experiences that emphasized
a pluralistic point of view. Readers may recall that on April 20,1999, two Columbine High
School students took the lives of 12 of their classmates, one teacher, and themselves as
they held their high school captive in a terrorizing act, becoming a symbol of the
proliferation of violence in schools. Sociologists have noted that this type of violence is
often taken for granted in urban, lower socioeconomic schools, where the majority of
students are persons of color, which explains why the violence at Columbine - a majority
white, affluent school - garnered such media attention (Adler 1 999, Dryfoos 1 999,

54
Gegaz & Bai 1999, Janosky 2001, Males 1999). Although the Sonlight itinerary was set
months before the murders at Columbine, coincidentally the first stop was to pay tribute
to the high school in Littleton.

Participant observation and interviews of Sonlight members. Brown allowed
me to accompany the youth on their trip to Colorado so that I could complete this
research. (It might be important to note that the local newspaper, The Gainesville Sun,
ran a series of stories about Sonlight's trip to Colorado and pleaded with Brown to allow
one of their journalists to travel with the choir. She refused, emphasizing that she did not
want to sensationalize the event, nor place too much focus on the shootings at
Columbine.) Brown also worried that a having a stranger along on the trip might have a
"chilling effect" for the youth involved.

My presence was not obtrusive since the members were familiar with me through
my past involvement with the program. I was a member of the choir in middle school
and high school (1988-1994) and returned after graduation to serve as an intern,
working closely with the program from 1994-1999. From 2000-2001 I worked more
behind the scenes on an archiving project, but was still involved and often present.
During the 1998-1999 school year when I conducted the interviews, I was actively
involved with the program. I was present at all of the weekly activities, interacted with
the members at rehearsals and meetings, and facilitated the "women's group."

As an intern (a position that I shared with another college student) I was a liaison
with the youth, helping the committees carry out the activities and programs that they
designed and planned. Although I did not primarily assist with the musical end of things,
the musicians all knew me, as I gave them reminder calls each week throughout the
school year, recorded the weekly message on the phone line, set up the equipment for

55
their rehearsals, copied their music and maintained their music notebooks and files, as
well as a multitude of other tasks. The majority of my responsibilities centered around
assisting the leadership teams and working on the "Focus" themes. I worked
approximately 10-30 hours a week as an intern for Sonlight. Most, if not all, of the
members who went on summer tour in 1999 already knew who I was. Actually, due to
the "script" I relied on to introduce and identify myself in frequent reminder calls and
announcements, I was known as "Kristin from Sonlight" (said in a very high pitched
voice, with inflection at the end of the phrase). The youth did not see me as an adult
"authority figure," instead I was somewhere between "member" and "adult." I was in a
liminal stage of "college-age graduate," just a few years older than the current members,
but not far enough removed that I was treated as imposing or as other authority figures
in their lives.

Two weeks before the choir departed on its summer tour, the informed consent
of each youth's parent was obtained. This was an efficient process because the parents
were required to sign a number of forms and make the final payments for the trip at an
event called "Parents' Night." I approached each parent with the Instructional Research
Board approved materials and explained that I was a graduate student at UF conducting
research for my dissertation. All of the parents willingly signed the consents, and I
reassured them that it would be up to their daughter or son whether or not they were to
be interviewed, based on their response to the assent script. Each parent was given a
copy of the consent document along with contact information in case of questions or
concerns.

Before departure, and again on the first night of tour, it was announced to the
youth that I would be approaching each of them to request an interview, and that I would
be observing and taking notes along the way. The majority of the interviews were

56
conducted on bus rides. I was careful to select individuals who did not appear to be
otherwise occupied, choosing those who were sitting quietly, listening to CDs on a
walkman, looking out the window, or resting. I reassured them that the interview would
not last long and that they could discontinue their participation at any point. None of the
youth refused to do an interview. Most were more than willing, and a number of times
enthusiastic (or bored) youth asked if I wanted to interview them or repeatedly reminded
me that they were waiting to be interviewed. Some of the interviews took place during
extended periods of free time, while "hanging out" in the afternoons, or in the evenings
at hotels, or on the flight back to Florida.

Due to technical difficulties, six interviews were conducted by phone the week
following the trip, with the help of the choir president. The quantitative data pertaining to
the importance of various goals from 12 of the interviews are not reported, as they were
lost due to equipment failure. However, their qualitative responses addressing the
definition of "success" were intact and are included in the analysis. The interview
instrument also included questions specific to the events at Columbine High School,
which was the focus of my master's thesis.

In addition to the 70 interviews, observations attained during my extensive work
with the youth and the program provided a plethora of information about the experiences
of white, upper-middle class youth in America today and their future goals, expectations,
and aspirations. The qualitative data analysis software package, QSR Nud*st was used
to examine the data. Although the findings cannot be generalized to all high schoolers,
this study provided rich and vivid qualitative accounts of the future goals of a select
group of relatively privileged, motivated, and engaged young people.

57
Instrumentation

See attached IRB approved interview Instrument.

Assumptions and Limitations of the Study
Limitations of Monitoring the Future Analysis

The sample data were weighted for characteristics of the school which the
student attended. The majority of this study was limited to an analysis of the data
obtained from students who indicated their race to be "white. "Black students were also
included in the overall MTF analysis, but because the available data did not provide
specific information about those students who reported having a race other than white or
black, I did not attempt to include the "other" category in my analyses. Since all of the
youth I interviewed identified themselves as white, black students were excluded from
the analysis of MTF that matched the demographic of the interview sample. This is one
major limitation of the data, and future studies should certainly take issues of race and
ethnicity into consideration, focusing on the future goals and values of students of color.

Another major limitation of the sampling procedure is that it does not include the
youth who drop out of high school within the few months before graduation. It is
estimated that this exclusion is just a small proportion of each cohort, around 15%
(Johnston, Bachman, & O'Malley 1999). These youth are not unimportant; they exhibit
certain behaviors, such as illicit drug use and delinquency, at levels that tend to be
higher than the norm. However, the additional costs related to including the drop-outs
would be immense because of the difficulty in locating these youth, and their general
resistance to being interviewed. Furthermore, the current study is specifically interested
in the attitudes of high school students, especially those that are engaged, and thus the
small percentage who drop out are not included in this target group, although they may

58
be an important focus for other studies. Additionally, the conclusions drawn from the
current study are not meant to be extrapolated to all youth of this age group; they
remain valid for only high school students.

Although the samples for this study are meant to be representative of high
school students throughout the U.S., there are four additional ways in which the survey
data may not be fully representative of all high school students, according to the MTF
codebook (Johnston, Bachman & O'Malley 1 999). These considerations may limit the
degree to which the collected data are valid.

First, some sampled schools refused to participate, and this could introduce
some bias. In the 23 years of Monitoring the Future's annual surveys, participation of
schools has ranged between 66% and 80%, and those who refused were replaced with
similar schools in terms of size, geographic area, urban/city, and size of senior class.

Second, the failure to obtain questionnaire data from 100% of the students
sampled in participating schools may also introduce bias. Completed questionnaires
were obtained from three-quarters to four-fifths of all students sampled. The most
common reason for having missed a student is their absence from school. However, the
difficultly in rescheduling interviews is difficult. Students with high rates of absenteeism
tend to report more drug use than the average, therefore, there is some degree of
biased introduced by excluding the absent students, but estimates have determined the
percentage to be quite small, so the use of weighting procedures is not necessary.
Some students refused to complete or turn in a questionnaire, but this proportion is only
about one percent.

Third, the validity of self report data may be questioned, especially in regards to
drug use and delinquency issues. Still, the present study does not include direct,
objective validation of the measures because existing inferential evidence suggests that

59
the self report questions produce largely valid data. Furthermore, the questions used in
this survey have been developed specifically for this project through a process of
question writing, pilot testing, pre-testing, and question revision or elimination. Fourth,
sample size and/or design limitations could restrict the accuracy of estimates.
Issues of selectivity of the Monitoring the Future samples

It is important to mention issues of the selectivity of the samples, as they make it
impossible to draw conclusions about all American teenagers. Each of the three
samples involve different selectivity concerns. When looking at the data from the overall
MTF, being limited to only students who were present in school when the research was
conducted tends to exclude from the sample young people of the same age who have
dropped out of school and students with poor attendance. For example, the importance
ratings of some of the future goals may have been overestimated in favor of higher
aspirations relating to career and philanthropic issues (as the data indicated that
students with lower GPAs were more likely to value money and less likely to value
helping others).

Additionally, the overall MTF includes only students who identify themselves as
white or black (other persons of color were marked "other" and deleted from the
analysis). This may potentially lead to an understatement of the goals of persons of
color and persons from lower socioeconomic statuses. This may have the effect of
skewing the goal ratings in favor of the values of representing a privileged white voice.
For instance, one minority group that is completely excluded from all three samples are
Asian-American students. These students are often more academically engaged than
most, and are likely to place importance on goals related to being a success in their
lines of work and having good marriage and family lives. In addition, African-Americans

60
have historically placed high value on the importance of community and collectivity, but
by under-representing students who identify themselves as black in the overall MTF and
excluding them entirely from the rest of the study, the importance ratings of goals
related to connecting with others may be understated, when compared to the entire
population of teenagers.

There are also issues of selectivity when comparing the data from MTF to the
sample of youth who participated in Sonlight. As previously mentioned, just under half of
the youth in Sonlight grew up in the church, and about half of the remaining youth were
from a Protestant Christian background. Therefore, those who were conservative or
fundamentalist Christians, Catholics, Jews, or affiliated with other religious traditions, as
well as those who were not affiliated with any religion, were under-represented in this
study. This may potentially affect the importance ratings of goals by placing greater
emphasis on more liberal ideals, such as educational attainment or philanthrophic
notions of equality and social justice. Additionally, only 32% of the sample of Sonlight
members were guys, which is substantially lower than the proportion of all American
teenage guys. This potentially has the effect of overemphasizing the importance of
goals related to connecting with others and making a difference in the world, and under-
representing goals related to careers and financial success. Research consistently
indicates that high school girls place more value on social values, while guys tend to
emphasize career and financial achievement.

It should also be noted that the members of Sonlight were all residents of a
medium sized university town located in the South; therefore they were more affluent
and their family lives were more stable than those of a random sampling of American
teenagers. These youth may have been more likely to emphasize the importance of
philanthrophy and self-realization than all young people, because of their privileged

61
status. Finally, the members of Sonlight who participated in this study were a select
group of the larger organization. As previously mentioned, not all members of the
program go on the summer tour. Those who have high attendance, are involved in the
leadership teams and service groups, and are musically or artistically talented are more
likely to go on tour. Recall that all of the youth who went on tour in 1999 participated in
this study. These highly involved youth were potentially more likely to stress the
importance of education and career goals, as many were high achieving students. Most
importantly, they were also likely to make statements reflecting the values curriculum of
the Sonlight program (emphasizing the importance of philanthrophy and self-realization
over financial and material success). Although these statements addressing the possible
selectivity of the samples should not be ignored, they do not discount the importance of
the findings.

These limitations should not impede on the significance of the findings of this
study. These data are the most appropriate survey for the current study because MTF is
the most current large probability sample of high school youth data available. It
succeeds in providing both an accurate and systematic description of the youth on
important issues such as expectations, aspirations, and future goals in a manner that no
other survey addresses. Furthermore, the 83% response rate of the students is
impressive and allows the sample to be useful and nearly representative of high school
students in America today.
Limitations of the Data from Sonlight

The students who participated in my interviews were all white, upper-middle
class, academically successful, and engaged in extracurricular activities. Thus, this
sample cannot not be generalized for all American teenagers. Additionally, these young

62
people were all members of a local youth organization and may offer similar accounts,
given their shared experiences. However, it is an important beginning, and in the future I
hope to expand the qualitative component of my research to other diverse groups such
as racial and ethnic minorities and those of lower socioeconomic status.

Data Analysis

First I did a preliminary analysis of the 1999 MTF and noticed significant
disparities between the importance ratings of various future goals. I decided to interview
local teenagers in hopes of finding out how they defined "success," and what their future
goals might be. After conducting the interviews I went back to the MTF data and
constructed a sub-sample with demographic characteristics more similar to those of the
youth I interviewed to enable a closer comparison between the national data and the
accounts of the teenagers I interviewed. The sub-sample consisted only of students who
identified themselves as "white" and whose fathers had attended college (and were thus
likely to be of a higher than average socioeconomic status). I created and analyzed a
series of cross-tabs looking at the associations between various demographic variables
and how importantly young people rated these future goals. A number of tables were
generated, listing the goals in descending order of importance (that is, the goals
considered important by the most students are listed at the top, and those which the
least students rated important are at the bottom).

I then began to analyze the qualitative interviews, utilizing Nud*ist. I created
similar tables as to their importance rating of four goals, and then focused on the
responses to the open-ended questions about defining "success." I selected quotes
based on their frequency (those that appeared most often), salience (statements that
offered rich detail, about which the respondent was remarkably passionate, or held deep

63

and profound meaning), as well as mentioning quotes which seemed atypical (the
exceptions to the patterns, those that differed from the others). As patterns emerged,
the data were coded and sorted into various groups and categories by theme. As a
result, four clear themes of what "success" means to young people became clear.
Implicit in these themes were notions of what the youth considered most important-that
is, their values.

CHAPTER 4
IMPORTANCE OF "SUCCESS" AND OTHER FUTURE GOALS TO AMERICAN

TEENAGERS

Popular images and stereotypes lead one to assume that young people today
are focused on "making lots of money" and "being a success in their line of work," rather
than helping others and valuing quality family life. While working on a paper for an
introductory methods course my first semester of graduate school, I ran across statistics
from a national representative study of American high school students supporting these
assumptions: 89% of the students reported that it was quite or extremely important to
"be a success in their line of work," 66% of the students reported that it was quite or
extremely important to "have lots of money," while only 22% of the students reported
that it was quite or extremely important to "make a contribution to society" (Johnston,
Bachman, & O'Malley 1999). I found this interesting and speculated as to what was
behind these numbers and what implications they inferred. At the time, I was working
with a local youth organization and thought that these statistics were somewhat
contradictory with the future goals and values of the 150+ teenagers that I observed.

The young people I worked with did care about the well-being of others. They
often talked of not really knowing what they wanted to do after college, but they aspired
to "make a difference in the world." Yes, many of the teenagers were also very focused
on material possessions: wearing the newest fashions, and driving the "cool" cars with
"phat" sound systems. At the same time, many of the youth were highly motivated,
academically successful, involved in numerous activities and sports, and struggling with
planning for their future. GPAs, SAT scores, and college applications were a burden and

64

65
the source of much stress. Competition to "succeed" and "be the best" academically,
athletically, and even socially were constant pressures. Taking the scene at face value,
one could have easily concluded that these were just a bunch of stereotypical teenagers
and that most, if not all teenagers were the self-centered adolescents often portrayed in
the media. But when speaking to the youth and listening to them struggle with questions
about "who they are" and "what they want to do with their lives," superficial is an
inappropriate label for the teenagers.

Not only did these youth talk about their philanthropic aspirations, their actions
evidenced their convictions to "change the world." Each year groups of these teenagers
put together teams and committees in an effort to "make a difference." They donated
thousands of dollars of products for people living with AIDS, served meals at a local
homeless shelter, built and renovated homes in the Appalachian mountains, developed
an after school tutoring program, went on service projects to Mexico and the streets of
Philadelphia, among other activities. During the interviews, as well as in my roll as a
"college student intern" they spoke to me of their college plans, especially seniors, who
were required to declare their major in college during the spring of their senior year.
Applying to college and worries about admission were frequent topics of conversation.
More often than not, they expressed a sense of confusion or conflict- wanting to pursue
a career that was meaningful but clear as to how that translated into a college major. In
general they lacked basic information about the possibilities from which to choose. It is
important to mention that this was not a representative sample of all American
teenagers. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the students were all white, college-
bound, and from relatively privileged families (middle/upper-middle class).

I wondered what factors might have caused the vast differences between my
own observation of teenagers and the statistical portrayal in MTF (showing that the vast

66
majority of high school students are focused on career and money goals, where very
few consider it important to help others and work for societal change). Was it entirely
due to the demographic differences between the privileged white youth with whom I
work and the much more diverse sample of the probability survey (including students
from all socioeconomic classes and various racial/ethnic backgrounds)? Has it always
been this way or is this a 90s/Millennial trend? Maybe the difference stems not just from
the demographic homogeneity of the youth with whom I worked, but is instead an
outcome of their common experience in a program (a "small world") that encouraged
them to think critically about their values, priorities, and goals.

In order to investigate these questions, I decided to begin by interviewing some
of the youth in the program about their future goals-how important they considered
"being a success" versus "making a contribution to society." The interviews were
qualitative in nature-asking the teenagers to define "success," give examples of people
they considered to be "successful," and to talk about their personal goals and
aspirations. I also planned to concurrently analyze data from MTF to take a closer look
at the results from the surveys and attempt to control for demographic characteristics.
Due to a timely opportunity to accompany the youth on a trip for 10 days during the
summer of 1999, 1 completed the interviews before analyzing the MTF data. However,
this enabled me to utilize the 1999 MTF results which were not released until late in
2000 so that the youth I interviewed were of the same cohort as the high school
students in the nationally representative survey.

Having described my research question, the existing literature, and the
population of interest in the previous chapters, this chapter and the subsequent chapters
of this dissertation are about the results of this study. Chapter 4 consists of the analysis
of the future goals of American youth through a data analysis from the full 1999 MTF. In

67
Chapter 5, 1 present the results from a sub-sample of MTF which is controlled for
race/ethnicity (only including students who identified themselves as white) and
socioeconomic status (selecting only those students whose fathers had a college
education or higher). Chapter 6 begins with trend data as a transition between the
quantitative survey analysis and the qualitative interviews. It may or may not come as a
surprise that this emphasis on "being a success" and "making lots of money" over
"making a contribution to society" is a relatively recent phenomenon. In order to better
understand how teenagers today define "success," given that aforementioned trends
indicate its importance has increased remarkably, the focus of this chapter is the
analysis of 70 interviews with local teenagers, all members of the same youth
organization, detailing the patterns and themes that emerged in their accounts of "what
it means to be a success." Finally, Chapter 7 concludes with a discussion of use of
statistics and large scale probability surveys like those from MTF, discussing in
particular how these types of "normative" studies can hide smaller patterns within
distinct subgroups ("small worlds") of the population. I close with an exploration of the
implications of the results.

Results from Monitoring the Future: Overall Importance of Future Goals
In order to examine the overall importance of 12 future goals to American
teenagers, I began by looking at the frequency distribution of the responses of 2224
high school seniors. (Note: though MTF is administered to a probability sample of over
60,00 students each year, the section of questions about future goals is only given to
high school seniors.) The students did not rank the 12 goals in order of importance;
instead, they were asked to evaluate each goal individually, and rate it as "extremely,"
"quite," "somewhat," or "not" important. In order to evaluate and compare the goals, I

68
have listed them in "ranked" order. The goals which the highest portion of students
ranked "extremely important" are first, and those ranked "extremely important" by the
lowest percentage of students are last (see Table 1). It is also telling to look at the other
extreme, that is, students who responded that the goal was "not important." One would
think that these two lists would be mirror opposites, and for the most part, they are.
However, it is significant to notice the vast difference in the percentage of students who
rate some goals as "not" important versus those who consider other goals "extremely"
important. (I also did similar rankings by adding the proportion of the students who
reported "extremely" plus "quite," and usually the rank order came out almost identical.
See Table 1.)

Looking at the table of results, one can see that certain goals were considered
"quite or extremely important" by a vast majority of the students. Being able to find
steady work, having strong friendships, being able to give children better opportunities,"
"having a good marriage and family life, and "being successful at work" were all rated as
being "quite or extremely important" by more than 89% of American teenagers. Yet, less
than 1/4 of the students ranked making a contribution to society, working to correct
social and economic inequalities, or being a leader in their community as extremely
important. Looking at the other end of the scale reiterates that same point. Over 20% of
students said working to correct inequalities or being a leader in their community were
"not important" to them, versus less than 2.1% of students who said that having strong
friendships, finding steady work, having plenty of time for recreation and hobbies, being
successful at work, and giving their children better opportunities were "not important" to
them. It is clear that overall, American high school students rate certain goals,
specifically those that relate to career/financial issues and connecting with others, as

69
"very important" in their lives, while they tend to consider philanthropic goals as "less
important," or not important at all.
Race and Students' Future Goals

Race is controlled for in the sample as a means to determine whether
differences between the responses of the MTF and sub-sample can be attributed to
students' social locations. In MTF, 83.4% of the sample identified themselves as white
and 16.6% of the sample identified themselves as black. Those who identified
themselves as "other" were omitted, resulting in an N ranging from a low of 1780 to a
high of 1796. There was a statistically significant difference between black and white
students' rating of future goals in all but two goals (having a good marriage and family
life and making a contribution to society). Black students were more concerned with
financial security and connecting with friends and family than self-realization or
philanthropy. For example, the top five goals rated as "quite or extremely important" by
over 82% black students included finding steady work, giving children better
opportunities, finding purpose in life, having a good marriage and family life, and having
strong friendships. In comparison, the top five goals for over 89% of the white students
were having strong friendships, finding steady work, having a good marriage and family
life, giving children better opportunities, and being successful at work. A notable
difference is that 77% of black students consider making lots of money "quite or
extremely important" compared to only 58% of white students. Additionally, looking at
the goals rated "not important" also provides interesting differences. The goal that both
black (15%) and white (22%) students rate as "not important" is working to correct
inequality. A summary of these data appears in Table 2.

70
Father's Education and Students' Future Goals

This study utilized father's education as an indicator of SES. In order to confirm
that there are differences due to SES, father's education was controlled for in the sub-
sample. The highest level of education for 27.8% of the students' fathers was high
school graduation. A college degree is the highest level of father's education for 23.8%
of the students. MTF included seven categories for this variable, however, I combined
the categories and only those that were similar to the parents of the youth who
participated in Sonlight were included in this analysis. There were no significant
differences between students whose fathers had high school diplomas and those whose
fathers had college degrees for five of the twelve goals: being a success at work,
having a good marriage and family life, finding steady work, being a leader in the
community, and finding purpose in life. The two notable differences between students
whose fathers only graduated from high school versus those whose fathers earned
college degrees was the percentage of students who rated having lots of money (68%,
61%) and making a contribution to society (59%, 67%) "quite or extremely important."
Students whose fathers had higher levels of education were more likely to consider
making a contribution to society important and less likely to say having lots of money is
important. A comparison with existing literature indicates that students from high SES
families tend to aspire to high SES careers, and students from low SES families tend to
have occupational goals consistent with the SES of their families (Wilson, Peterson, and
Wilson, 1993). Some theorists, like Biblarz, Bengston, and Bucur (1996) disagree,
asserting that the influence of SES on young people's job choices is weaker now than it
has been in the past. My results indicate that SES (as indicated by father's education)
has a significant effect on the future goals of teenagers, at least for the majority of the
12 goals measured. A summary of these data appears in Table 3.

71
Mother's Education and Students' Future Goals

Mother's education was controlled for in the sample as a means to confirm that
there were statistical differences due to mother's education but that it was not as sizable
as father's education. Again, MTF included seven categories for this variable, but I
combined the categories and only those that were similar to the parents of the youth
who participated in Sonlight were included in this analysis. The highest level of
education for 29.1% of the students' mothers was high school graduation. A college
degree was the highest level of education attained by the mothers of 25.7% of the
students. It is interesting to note that the percentage of students whose mothers had
both high school and college diplomas was higher than the percentage of students
whose fathers had the same. It is likely that more than one factor can account for these
phenomena. Women now comprise 57% of all college graduates in the United States
(U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Digest of
Education Statistics 1998). However, more men complete graduate or professional
degrees. A summary of these data appears in Table 4.

There were no significant differences in the rankings between students whose
mothers had high school diplomas and those whose mothers had college degrees on
five of the twelve goals. For mothers as well as fathers, the two goals for which mother's
education seems to make a difference were having lots of money (66%, 60%) and
making a contribution to society (59%, 66%). That is, students whose mothers had
higher levels of education were more likely to consider making a contribution to society
important and less likely to say having lots of money was important.
Gender and Students' Future Goals

The number of participants for the entire MTF sample ranged from 2168 to 2186,
depending on missing values. Fifty two percent were identified as girls, and 48% as

72
guys (see Table 5). Throughout this study, I refer to the high school students with the
colloquial terms "guys" and "girls," as opposed to the academic tradition of "young men"
and "young women." My rationale for using this terminology is to remain consistent with
the language most often used by the students themselves.

Overall, there were statistically significant differences between the responses of
the girls and the guys for all of the goals. Differences are especially notable when
looking at the extreme levels: guys were much more concerned with monetary goals and
having time for recreation than were girls, though they were similarly interested in career
goals. There were a number of goals that girls rated as more important than did guys.
Finding purpose in life was rated as "extremely important" by 63% of girls versus 55% of
guys. Girls and guys had similar evaluations of the importance of making a contribution
to society (both 22% of girls and guys considered it "extremely important") yet only 3%
of girls compared with 8% of guys said it was "not important" to make a contribution to
society. In general, girls indicated they were more concerned with socially oriented goals
than were guys, though the differences were not vast. A summary of these data appears
in Table 5.

Summary

Next I will be detailing the results from the matching MTF. The matching MTF is
a sub-sample of the entire MTF, which controlled for race and socioeconomic status; it
was restricted to just white students whose fathers graduated from college. Its design
was intended to "match" or approximate the demographic characteristics of the 70 youth
I interviewed, as they constitute a more privileged group. This analysis was conducted in
an effort to investigate whether the differences between the youth I interviewed and the
statistical "norm" of high school students on their importance ratings of future goals can

73
be attributed to demographic variables such as racial characteristics or relative access
to resources due to SES. Also in Chapter 5, I present the importance ratings of
quantitative results from the teenagers interviewed in comparison with both the
matching MTF sample and the statistics from the entire MTF, hypothesizing that the
responses from the interviews I conducted will be more similar to those of the matching
MTF than the overall MTF. It is expected that their relative evaluations of goals related
to "making a difference in the world" versus the importance of financial and material
goals may show an even wider variation from the overall MTF than the do the matching
MTF, due to their unique experiences as members of a local youth organization, which
will be discussed in Chapter 7. At the end of Chapter 6, I conclude the quantitative
portion of this dissertation by looking at trend data which examine how high school
students' importance ratings of future goals has changed in the past 30 years, becoming
more focused on career and financial goals while the importance of philanthropic goals
has decreased. The importance ratings teenagers give to goals related to self-
realization (achieving one's own goals) and connecting with friends and family members
have not changed significantly over time.

Table 1- Importance Ratings of Future Goals from MTF

74

Theme & Goal

(q+e ranks, not ranks)

Rating
q + e (%)

Rating
not (%)

Career & financial

Being a success in my line of work (5, 9)

89.3

2.0

Having lots of money (8, 5)

62.7

5.8

Being able to find steady work (1 , 11)

94.1

1.5

Giving my children better opportunities than I've had
(3,8)

92.0

2.1

Relationships

Having a good marriage and family life (4, 7)

91.7

2.8

Making strong friendships (2, 12)

92.5

1.1

Self realization

Having plenty of time for recreation and hobbies (7,
10)

75.9

1.8

Discovering new ways to experience things (10, 3)

60.8

6.5

Finding purpose in my life (6, 6)

86

3.6

Philanthropy

Making a contribution to society (9, 4)

62.5

5.9

Being a leader in my community (11,2)

41.4

21.1

Working to correct social and economic inequalities
(12,1)

33.6

21.4

N = 2337

75

Table 2- Race & Importance Ratings of Future Goals from MTF

Theme & Goal

(Ranks: white, black, entire)

n/p

Rating

White
(83.4%)

Black
(16.6%)

Career & financial

Being a success in my line of work
(5, 6, 5)

n=1791
LR=.000a

q + e

89.0

77.3

not

1.3

2.7

Having lots of money (10, 7, 8)

n=1793
LR=.000

q + e

57.8

76.4

not

7.1

4.3

Being able to find steady work
(2,1,1)

n=1792
LR=.000a

q + e

93.6

97.4

not

1.5

1.0

Giving my children better
opportunities than I've had (4, 2, 3)

n=1780
LR=.000

q + e

90.3

96.7

not

2.3

2.0

Relationships

Having a good marriage and family
life (3, 4, 4)

n=1970
LR=.642

q + e

93.0

91.0

not

2.4

3.0

Making strong friendships (1, 5, 2)

n=1796
LR=.000a

q + e

96.3

82.0

not

0.5

4.7

Self realization

Having plenty of time for recreation
and hobbies (7, 8, 7)

n=1796
LR=.000a

q + e

78.5

63.5

not

1.1

3.3

Discovering new ways to
experience things (9, 10, 10)

n=1796
LR=.025

q + e

60.0

61.0

not

7.5

7.7

Finding purpose in my life (6, 3, 6)

n=1793
LR=.000

q + e

85.0

91.4

not

4.2

0.7

Philanthropy

Making a contribution to society
(8, 9, 9)

n=1786
LR=.303

q + e

63.6

62.5

not

5.6

7.1

Being a leader in my community
(11,11,11)

n=1794
LR=.000

q + e

39.9

48.5

not

21.1

15.4

Working to correct social and
economic inequalities (12, 12, 12)

n=1793
LR=.000

q + e

30.3

43.5

not

22.8

15.7

a = one cell with less than minimum expected value

76

Table 3- Father's Education & Importance Ratings of Future Goals from MTF

Theme & Goal

(Ranks: college, high school,
entire)

n/p

Rating

College
(23.8%)

High School
(27.8%)

Career & financial

Being a success in my line of work
(4, 5, 5)

n=2034
LR=.235a

q + e

91.0

90.8

not

1.7

1.8

Having lots of money (10, 8, 8)

n=2036
LR=.009a

q + e

60.8

67.6

not

7.0

5.7

Being able to find steady work (1 ,
1.1)

n=2035
LR=.433a

q + e

94.9

95.6

not

1.2

0.5

Giving my children better
opportunities than I've had
(5, 2, 3)

n=2024
LR=.000a

q + e

90.8

93.8

not

2.5

0.7

Relationships

Having a good marriage and
family life (3, 4, 4)

n=2033
LR=.846a

q + e

93.2

92.1

not

1.9

2.1

Making strong friendships
(2, 3, 2)

n=2041
LR=.001a

q + e

93.6

93.5

not

1.2

0.7

Self realization

Having plenty of time for
recreation and hobbies (7, 7, 7)

n=2039
LR=.000a

q + e

77.9

75.5

not

1.0

1.1

Discovering new ways to
experience things (9, 9, 10)

n=2040
LR=.045a

q + e

60.9

58.6

not

7.0

7.6

Finding purpose in my life
(6, 6, 6)

n=2037
LR=.603a

q + e

86.2

86.7

not

4.3

3.4

Philanthropy

Making a contribution to society
(8,10,9)

n=2030
LR=.000a

q + e

67.1

58.5

not

5.8

5.5

Being a leader in my community
(11,11,11)

n=2036
LR=.428

q + e

43.4

37.3

not

19.0

23.5

Working to correct social and
economic inequalities
(12, 12, 12)

n=2036
LR=.064

q + e

32.6

31.8

not

21.1

21.9

a = some cells (5 or less) with less than minimum expected value

77

Table 4- Mother's Education & Importance Ratings of Future Goals from MTF

Theme & Goal

(Ranks: college, high school,
entire)

n/p

Rating

College
(23.8%)

High

School

(27.8%)

Career & financial

Being a success in my line of work
(5, 5, 5)

n=2107
LR=.458a

q + e

91.3

90.7

not

1.5

1.6

Having lots of money (10, 8, 8)

n=2109
LR=.098a

q + e

59.3

65.7

not

7.9

5.4

Being able to find steady work (3,
1,1)

n=2107
LR=.901a

q + e

93.8

95.0

not

1.5

1.1

Giving my children better
opportunities than I've had
(1.4,3)

n=2097
LR=.000a

q + e

95.6

92.6

not

2.6

1.8

Relationships

Having a good marriage and
family life (4, 3, 4)

n=2107
LR=.371a

q + e

93.0

93.0

not

2.0

3.1

Making strong friendships
(2, 2, 2)

n=2112
LR=.021a

q + e

94.2

93.4

not

0.9

1.1

Self realization

Having plenty of time for
recreation and hobbies (7, 7, 7)

n=2112
LR=.014a

q + e

77.9

74.3

not

1.1

1.3

Discovering new ways to
experience things (9, 10, 10)

n=2113
LR=.591a

q + e

60.3

57.5

not

6.8

7.0

Finding purpose in my life
(6, 6, 6)

n=2110
LR=.053a

q + e

84.4

84.8

not

3.1

4.4

Philanthropy

Making a contribution to society
(8, 9, 9)

n=2103
LR=.020a

q + e

65.9

58.7

not

5.0

6.8

Being a leader in my community
(11,11,11)

n=2109
LR=.148

q + e

42.6

38.0

not

18.6

23.3

Working to correct social and
economic inequalities
(12, 12, 12)

n=2109
LR=.012

q + e

32.4

29.6

not

21.7

21.8

a = some cells (4 or less) with less than minimum expected value

78

Table 5- Gender & Importance Ratings of Future Goals from MTF

Theme & Goal

(Ranks: girls, guys, entire)

n/p

Rating

Girls
(52%)

Guys
(48%)

Career & financial

Being a success in my line of
work (5, 5, 5)

n=2181
LR= .003

q + e

91.5

88.9

not

.06

2.5

Having lots of money (10, 8, 8)

n = 2183
LR =.000

q + e

58.5

67.7

not

6.8

5.2

Being able to find steady work
(1,1.1)

n=2181
LR= .021

q + e

95.7

92.7

not

1.2

2.7

Giving my children better
opportunities than I've had
(4, 3, 3)

n=2168
LR= .068

q + e

92.1

91.4

not

1.2

2.7

Relationships

Having a good marriage and
family life (2, 4, 4)

n=2179
LR= .000

q + e

94.1

90.0

not

2.3

2.7

Making strong friendships (3, 2, 2)

n=2186
LR=.021

q + e

92.9

92.5

not

1.1

1.5

Self realization

Having plenty of time for
recreation and hobbies (7, 7, 7)

n=2185
LR= .000

q + e

69.8

83.0

not

2.0

1.4

Discovering new ways to
experience things (9, 9, 10)

n=2185
LR =.054

q + e

58.7

63.1

not

7.3

6.9

Finding purpose in my life (6, 6, 6)

n=2182
LR=.000

q + e

84.3

88.3

not

5.2

2.1

Philanthropy

Making a contribution to society
(8, 10, 9)

n=2176
LR= .000

q + e

65.4

62.0

not

2.9

8.2

Being a leader in my community
(12,11,11)

n=2182
LR=.015

q + e

29.5

44.1

not

19.5

21.5

Working to correct social and
economic inequalities (11, 12, 12)

n=2182
LR= .000

q + e

34.6

33.3

not

17.3

24.5

CHAPTER 5
FUTURE GOALS OF YOUTH: COMPARISON OF Sonlight MEMBERS WITH

NATIONAL SAMPLE

In an attempt to more closely approximate the demographic characteristics of the

teenagers I interviewed, the analyses in this chapter are restricted to students who

identified themselves as "white" and whose fathers had a college education or higher.

Each of the variables below-gender, GPA, high school program, and expectations to

graduate from college- were selected because they are measures on which the youth

from which the qualitative data were gathered differ from the statistical mean of the

overall MTF.

Comparison of Future Goals Ratings:
Overall Monitoring the Future and Sub-sample

Looking at the summary table of the results from the matching MTF sample, the

five goals that were most likely to be rated "quite or extremely important" are consistent

with those included in the overall MTF, though they are in a somewhat different order

(see Table 6). The top five goals according to the white, higher SES students include:

having strong friendships, having a good marriage and family life, finding steady work,

giving children better opportunities, and being successful at work; over 89% of white,

privileged youth consider these goals "quite or extremely important." Yet, less than 1/4

of the students ranked working to correct inequalities, being a leader in the community,

having lots of money, and making a contribution to society as "extremely important."

This list is the same as the overall sample, representative of all American high school

students, with the addition of the goal of having lots of money. This may be because the

79

80
higher SES students take for granted their positions of privilege. When looking at the
other extreme, the five goals most frequently rated "not important" include working to
correct inequality, being a leader in my community, having new experiences, having lots
of money, and making a contribution to society. Again, these are the same five goals
that the overall MTF sample rated "not important." Thus, it is clear that the matching
subgroup of white, higher SES students does not differ notably from all American high
school students in terms of how important they consider these future goals. They rate
certain goals, specifically those that relate to career/financial issues and connecting with
others as very important in their lives; while they tend to consider philanthropic goals as
less important, or not important at all. A summary of these data appears in Table 6.
Gender and Sub-sample Students' Future Goals

When controlling for Race and SES, the gender differences within five of the
twelve goals became insignificant (see Table 7). Those goals included: being a success
in my line of work, being able to find steady work, giving my children better
opportunities, discovering new ways to experience things, and being a leader in my
community. Contrasting the entire MTF with the matching MTF, four notable differences
became apparent. Overall, being a success was rated as less important by both the girls
and the guys in the matching sub-sample MTF which is restricted to white, affluent,
college-bound students. This pattern is reversed for one other goal; the privileged
students were less likely to indicate that having lots of money was extremely important.
Clearly these data show that gender matters in terms of young peoples' future goals.
Furthermore, how gender matters varies by socioeconomic status, in that the
differences between the girls and guys were more apparent among those youth who
were less privileged.

81
Focusing on the responses of the matching MTF sub-samples, there are four
goals in which a significant difference between the ratings of the girls and guys
materialize. One quarter of the guys compared to 9.1% of the girls rated having lots of
money as extremely important. Forty-two percent of the guys said having plenty of time
for recreation and hobbies was extremely important, versus 28.6% of the girls. Almost
three times as many guys than girls reported making a contribution to society was not
important, though this is still a small portion of the overall sample (8.2%, 2.9%). A
summary of these data appears in Table 7.
Grades and Sub-sample Students' Future Goals

Although MTF examines grade point average (GPA) along the complete 4.0
scale, I restrict my analyses to A, B+, and C, as conceptually this seems to be the most
appropriate, as only 12.7% of the MTF sample reported having GPAs below C, thus they
were excluded from this analysis. Although it may be more traditional to examine A, B,
and C, I selected to use the B+ category in order to directly compare the MTF sample to
the youth I interviewed (who reported their mean GPA to be a B+). When controlling for
Race and SES, the GPA differences within three of the twelve goals lost its significance.
Those goals included: being a success in my line of work, being able to find steady
work, and discovering new ways to experience things. Contrasting the entire MTF with
the matching MTF, all of the ranks were similar except for the goal of having plenty of
time for recreation and hobbies; this goal was fourth of on the list of importance in the
entire MTF and it went down in rank to seventh for the matching MTF. A summary of
these data appears in Table 8.

Overall, students with higher grades were more concerned with philanthropic
goals than were students with lower grades. Interestingly, the students with lower

82
grades gave more importance to having lots of money than did the students with higher
grades. This finding is notable because doing well in school is positively associated with
income, so it seems that the students who are earning the lower grades might have
unrealistic expectations for their future earnings. Also, students with lower grades were
less concerned with philanthropic goals than were students with higher grades. This
might indicate that they were less motivated overall to engage in school, work, or
helping others. Students with lower grades (16.7%) were four times more likely than
those with higher grades (4.2%) to indicate that making a contribution to society was not
important. Finally, students with an A grade point averages (10.9%) were more than five
times as likely to say that working to correct social and economic inequalities was
extremely important than those with C grade point averages (2.8%).
High School Program and Sub-sample Students' Future Goals

Students were also asked in the MTF study to indicate which high school
program best describes their course of study: college prep, general,
vocational/technical, or other. Consistent with GPA results above, the students in vo-
tech programs were more concerned with financial success and less concerned with
helping others than were students in college prep or general education tracks (see
Table 9). Again, this finding is notable because college bound students are likely to earn
thousands more each year than youth who do not attend college, thus the expectations
of the vo-tech students seems somewhat unrealistic, as Adults age 1 8 and over with a
bachelor's degree earned an average of $50,623 a year in 2001 , while those with a high
school diploma earned $26,795 and those without a high school diploma averaged
$18,793 (U.S. Census Bureau 2002).

Focusing on the responses of the matching MTF group, there are five goals with
a significant difference between students in different high school programs. Students

83
enrolled in vocational/technical programs (35.6%) were twice as likely to rate having lots
of money as extremely important than those enrolled in college prep programs (15.0%).
At the other end of the spectrum, those students enrolled in college prep programs
(8.2%) were four times more likely to rate this goal as not important. The vast majority of
college prep students (84.8%) said that having a good marriage and family life was
extremely important compared to 68.9% of vocational/technical students. Students
enrolled in college prep programs were more than twice as likely to emphasize the
importance of philanthropic goals than were students in other educational tracks. A
summary of these data appears in Table 9.
Expectations to Graduate from College and Sub-sample Students' Future Goals

The MTF study queried students about their intentions to graduate from college;
responses were categorized as: "definitely will," "probably will," "probably won't," and
"definitely won't." Fully 70.5% of students said they definitely intended to graduate from
college (see Table 10). When controlling for Race and SES, three of the twelve goals
became insignificant. These goals included: making strong friendships, having plenty of
time for recreation and hobbies, and discovering new ways to experience things. Similar
to the findings for GPA, when contrasting the entire MTF with the matching MTF, all of
the ranks remained identical.

Again, consistent with the findings in the prior two sections, the students who
intended to attain college degrees were less concerned with financial success and more
concerned with self-realization and philanthropic goals. Focusing on the responses of
the matching MTF group, there were significant differences between students who
indicated they will definitely graduate from college with those who definitely will not on
six goals: having lots of money, having a good marriage and family life, finding purpose

84
in life, making a contribution to society, being a leader in their community, and working
to correct social and economic inequalities. For example, seven percent of students who
definitely plan to graduate from college said having lots of money was not important,
compared to just 1 .8% of students who said they definitely will not graduate from
college; more than twice as many students who definitely will graduate from college
(29.5%) said making a contribution to society was extremely important, compared to
students who definitely won't graduate from college (13.0%). A summary of these data
appears in Table 10.

Goal Ratings of Monitoring the Future Sub-sample Compared with Sonlight
The teenagers who were interviewed for this study differ significantly from the
representative sample attained by MTF. Specifically, the Sonlight sample consists of all
of the youth who went on tour to Colorado-70 high school students, aged 14-18
(median age 16). The gender distribution was 68% girls and 32% guys. The distribution
across grades was roughly equal with 19% ninth graders, 27% sophomores, 24%
juniors, and 30% seniors. The vast majority of the youth identified themselves as
"white"; racial and ethnic minorities are considerably under-represented with less than
five percent of the youth identifying themselves as "African-American," "Asian-
American," "Native-American," "Latino," or "other." The mean grade point average
(GPA) of the youths surveyed was 3.49 (with a standard deviation of .363). Most of the
students were from upper-middle class families. No data were gathered specifically
about income, but almost all of the youth who are over 1 6 years old had their own car
and their parents were professionals. All. reported that they expected to graduate from
college. Therefore, in terms of their socioeconomic status, racial-ethnic identity, and
education, these youth differ from the average American youth, who, based on 1998

85
statistics from the U.S. Census, live in families with a median income of $38,885. Of
these average American youth, 63.8% identify themselves as "white," 83% graduate
from high school, and only 24% graduate from college. Due to technical difficulties (data
lost in recording), these data are only available for 57 of the 70 youth interviewed. The
adjusted number of girls is 42 (72%) and guys is 16 (28%). Again, it is important to keep
in mind that this is not a probability sample and is in no way intended to be
representative of the experiences of all American teenagers.

•Gender: 46 Girls & 22 Guys

•Grade in School: 13 Ninth graders, 19 Sophomores, 17 Juniors, and 21 Seniors

•Median Age: 16 (range = 14-18)

•Grade Point Average = 3.493 (s.d. = .363)

•Race: all identified as white

•SES: Majority from upper-middle class families

Figure 6-Demographics of the Sonlight Members

During the interviews I asked the 70 youths to rate the importance of four goals.
Since the focus of the interviews was qualitative, I did not query the participants on all
12 of the future goals. Instead, I selected the three most relevant: being a success,
having lots of money, and making a contribution to society. Being a success is
commonly thought of as the epitome of future goals in our culture, it is the highest
achievement. The Focuses in Sonlight often asked the youth to think critically about the
material values that are often promoted and perpetuated in American society, and to
consider the importance of more philanthropically oriented goals such as helping and
connecting with others. Thus, for the purposes of the interviews, I asked the youth to
rate the importance of only these three goals. (Another reason for doing so was that the
focus of the interviews was to gain an understanding of how the youth constructed the
notion of success. I feared that if I first asked them to rate the importance of a series of
twelve goals before asking how they themselves defined the concept, they might be

86
likely to define the concept using the same goals that I had just mentioned. I did not
want to restrict the possibilities of their responses by offering them a list prior).

They were asked to use a rating scale identical to the one from MTF, ranging
between "extremely important," "quite important," "somewhat important," and "not
important." Note that the first question is truncated from the version in MTF which says,
"being a success in my line of work." The meanings of these two question differ
somewhat, as does their interpretation. The question from MTF is more specifically
career oriented than the open-ended version I asked. However, my purpose for doing so
was to open up the topic of "being a success" and not limit or specifically associate
"success" with work/career issues. Therefore, a direct comparison cannot be made
when looking at interview participants' ratings of the goal "being a success," and those

in MTF.

Eighty-three percent of the youth interviewed indicated that being a success was
"quite or extremely important," loosely compared with 88% of the MTF sub-sample who
responded that being a success in my line of work is "quite or extremely important" (see
Table 1 1 ). These statistics seem to suggest that being successful is both very important
to the youth I interviewed, and consistent with many white, upper-middle class American
youth, demonstrated in the sub-sample of MTF. However, a stark difference is seen
when looking at how important the interviewed students rated the other two goals:
having lots of money and making a contribution to society. Only 5% of the youth I
interviewed said having lots of money was "extremely important," compared with 1 8% of
the sub-sample from MTF. When I added those who rated having lots of money as quite
important, the percentage increased to just under one-quarter, compared with over half
of the sub-sample of MTF. Fully 22% of the students I interviewed said that having lots
of money was "not important," versus just 7.5% of the matching MTF sample. We can

87
see from these telling statistics that a substantial variation exists between the youth I
interviewed and other teenagers with similar demographics-as the teenagers with whom
I worked did not place the same value on having lots of money as do many young
Americans. Additionally, the youth placed much more emphasis on the importance of
helping others and making a difference in the world than do most high school students.
Almost half (48%) of the youth I interviewed said making a contribution to society was
"extremely important" --coupled with "quite important," the percentage rose to fully 86%.
In comparison, just under one-quarter of the matching MTF sample rated making a
contribution "extremely important" and when added to "quite important" the statistic rose
to just over two-thirds. Moreover, not a single participant in the interviews I conducted
reported that making a contribution to society was not an important future goal in their
life. A summary of these data appears in Table 1 1 .

Some of these differences may be attributed to gender, as there were
substantially more girls interviewed than guys. There is a body of existing literature
supporting the notion that girls and women tend to value social and caring roles more so
than do boys and men (Gilligan 1992, Danzinger 1983, Marlino & Wilson 2002). To
examine these issues a bit more closely, I separated out the responses of the youth I
interviewed by gender. Contrary to findings in existing literature and popular notions, a
larger percentage of girls (45%) than guys (31%) said that being a success is "extremely
important." However, when combining this number with those who said that it was "quite
important" the percentages are very similar: 81% of girls and 88% of guys. Only two
girls and none of the guys said that it was not important that they be a success. When
looking at the future goal of having lots of money, the responses of the youth
interviewed was remarkably different from the matching MTF sub-sample. Yet, a
comparison between girls and guys shows that there is not much difference. About half

88
of both girls and guys said that having lots of money was somewhat important, and
almost exactly one quarter of girls and guys rated this goal to be "quite or extremely

important."

The greatest difference between the girls and guys interviewed appears in their
ratings of the importance of making a contribution to society. While none of the girls or
guys rated making a contribution to society as "not important," a much larger percentage
of girls consider it important than do guys, especially when looking at those who
consider it "extremely important." Sixty percent of girls rated making a contribution to
society "extremely important," while only 19% of guys did so. Almost all of the girls
(93%) and only 69% of the guys rated this goal "quite or extremely important." Even
though the girls seemed to value this goal more so than guys did, the emphasis here is
that the vast majority of both the girls and guys I interviewed said that it was very
important to them that they make a difference in the world, compared with two-thirds of
the matching MTF sample, and even less than the sample representative of all
American teenagers. Fewer of the young people I interviewed said that it was important
to make lots of money or be a success than the national sample of high school students
with "matching" demographics. A summary of these data appears in Tables 12-14.
Summary of Goal Rating Comparisons Between MTF and Sonlight Members

At the end of the 1 990s, the high importance ratings for being a success and
having lots of money seemed almost understandable, given the context of
unprecedented economic prosperity, technological innovation, and political peace.
Pursuing a career and having a steady job was important, if not an economic necessity
for both girls and guys. Additionally, the late nineties brought about a time of increased
academic pressure on young people to have higher GPAs and standardized test scores.

89
There has been a proliferation in the availability of and number of students taking
Advanced Placement (AP) courses, increased competition for entrance into college, and
dramatic increases in first year college students admitted with a full semester worth of
credits. In the 1990s, attending college became a normative experience, with fully 70%
of youth aged 18-22 enrolled as students.

Personally, I grew up during this era of a "faster" paced culture. It was almost as
if it did not matter how much we accomplished or how quickly we did it-we were still
"behind" or "late." By the time I was in college, the status quo of a steadily rising bar for
measuring one's achievements seemed as if it had always been. I could not recall a time
when American youth did not place such importance on achieving status and financial
success. Attending college has become a more normative experience for young people
today, unlike previous decades when attending college was an opportunity afforded by
those who were privileged. I had learned that the 1 960s and 70s were a time of social
and political revolution-that young people in high schools and colleges across the U.S.
joined together, committed to change and to working for civil rights, justice, and peace.
Yet, as I was growing up, the 60s and 70s were a thing of the past, told only in stories or
in history books, I had heard about student protests, sit-ins, and the like, but could not
imagine that there was actually a time when a significant segment of college students
were dedicated to working to change the world as they knew it.

Trends: Change in the Importance of Future Goals Since the 1960s

One of the benefits of using Monitoring the Future instead of other data sets is
that it provides longitudinal data, appropriate for examining trends. Unfortunately, the
few studies that do focus on trends analyze patterns regarding delinquent behaviors
such as drug usage. The small body of literature on trends in the future goals and

90
aspirations of teenagers indicates that in the past three decades, there has been a
sizable increase in the percentage of students who say that having lots of money and
being a success in their work are very or extremely important, while the percentage of
students indicating that making a contribution to society or finding purpose and meaning
in their lives has dropped. An examination of the data (Crimmins, Easterlin, & Saito
1 991 , Easterlin & Crimmins 1 988, 1 991 , Hoge, Luna, & Miller 1 991 ) shows that these
are not just smooth curves of increases and decreases. Annual plots of the results show
that these trends have actually fluctuated dramatically. There has been a significant
change in how important young people rate these goals since the mid-1960s. Easterlin
and Crimmins (1991) looked at personal aspirations and life goals of students from
three decades of MTF data and found that since 1966, materialism and career goals
have been on the rise. Making money has become much more important as a life goal,
and this emphasis on finances has affected attitudes towards jobs, work, and leisure

time.

In the mid-1 960s, students were more likely to consider making a contribution to
society important rather than having lots of money. By the mid-1970s, the difference
between their ratings of the two goals had lessened. In 1976, 46% of American high
school students said it was quite or extremely important to have lots of money and over
half said it was important to make a contribution to society. By 1 986, almost two-thirds
said it was important to have lots of money and the percentage of youth reporting that it
was extremely important to make a contribution to society dropped to just over 20%
where it currently remains. In the late 1970s, the numbers actually "flipped," meaning
that more young people considered it important to pursue financial and career oriented
goals and less indicated it was important to work to make a difference in the world. By
the mid-1980s, the gap between the goals had increased, reversing the trend of the

91
1960s and 70s when philanthropic goals were rated to be of greater importance than
economic and career aspirations. Throughout the three decades, having a good
marriage and family life and finding purpose and meaning in life were continuously rated
as more important than either financial or social welfare goals. However, by the late
1980s those ratings began to drop as the importance of financial goals continued to rise.
Easterlin and Crimmins (1991) have hypothesized about possible explanations for this
"flip." They offer reasons including major social and political events (Vietnam War,
Watergate, OPEC oil crisis), adverse economic changes breeding financial insecurity
(inflation in the 1970s and Reagan's trickle-down economic policies, a decrease in the
relative value of wages so that two incomes produce the same standard of living as did
one full-time worker in the 1950s and 60s), and changes in family structures (dramatic
growth in women's labor force participation rates, increase in the number of single-
parent households, decline in the number of children per family).

However, these justifications do not entirely explain the situation. Among the
young people with whom I grew up and the teenagers in Sonlight with whom I worked, it
seems that the national data do not reflect their priorities and values. While many of the
youth in Sonlight do expect to have successful careers and relatively privileged
lifestyles, they also tend to emphasize the importance of making a difference in society.
MTF data indicate that as the importance rating of being well-off financially increases,
the importance of helping others decreases. Yet my interviews indicate that there
remains a vocal and committed group of teenagers who consider it important to have
successful careers while contributing to the "greater good." Longitudinal trend data
based on large scale probability surveys such as MTF mask differences found in
smaller, select groups which may provide exceptions to the statistical norm.

92
At first I theorized that the differences between the MTF data and the accounts
of the teenagers with whom I worked were solely due to demographic differences-the
young people in Sonlight were all white, privileged, engaged students, and MTF reports
the responses of black and white students, from all socioeconomic backgrounds, with
varying future plans. Even when I created a sub-sample of the MTF data to match the
traits of the teenagers who participated in my research, the participants were still much
more likely than the "average" American high school student to underscore the
importance of making a contribution to society. I theorized that perhaps it was their
common experience in Sonlight, participating in the "values education curriculum"
constructed in this "small world," that accounted for the differences.

Large scale surveys such as MTF do not allow for open-ended questions and
responses. They provide interesting statistics about the proportion of students rating
certain future goals as "important" in their lives, yet do not provide any information as to
how they define terms such as "being a success," what these goals mean to teenagers,
and how they personally envision themselves fulfilling their plans and aspirations. For
example, two students might have very different understandings of what a given item on
the standardized instrument is asking, and thus would respond according to their
personal interpretation. Yet, large scale surveys typically do not give any information
about how the respondents might have understood the question and thus
conceptualized their response. Additionally, MTF, like other secondary data sets,
provides no information about the context in which the surveys were given.

Contextualized and rich understandings can often be gleaned through qualitative
research techniques such as participant observation and interviews, as a compliment to
secondary data analyses of large scale surveys. My extensive involvement interacting
with teenagers while working as an intern for a local youth organization (Sonlight)

93
provided me with the opportunity to conduct this research. As previously mentioned, I
was a member of Sonlight during middle and high school (from 1988-1994) and was
asked to continue working with the program upon my graduation from high school,
during my undergraduate and master's studies at UF. Though I would have liked to
include a more diverse group of participants in the study, this purposeful sample
provided engaging and notable results about the future goals of teenagers in America
today. The following chapter will detail my experiences interviewing and observing this
local group of teenagers as they talked about their priorities and future goals.

94

Table 6- Importance Rating of Future Goals: Entire compared to sub-sample MTF

Theme & Goal

(Ranks: matching, entire)

Rating

Matching MTF
(%) n = 2337

Overall MTF
(%)n = 918

Career & financial

Being a success in my line of
work (5, 5)

q + e

88.8

89.3

not

1.2

2.0

Having lots of money (10, 8)

q + e

54.1

62.7

not

7.5

5.8

Being able to find steady work
(3,1)

q + e

93.0

94.1

not

1.7

1.5

Giving my children better
opportunities than I've had (4, 3)

q + e

89.3

92.0

not

3.0

2.1

Relationships

Having a good marriage and
family life (2, 4)

q + e

93.7

91.7

not

2.3

2.8

Making strong friendships (1 , 2)

q + e

96.9

92.5

not

0.7

1.1

Self realization

Having plenty of time for
recreation and hobbies (7, 7)

q + e

79.9

75.9

not

1.2

1.8

Discovering new ways to (9, 1 0)
experience things

q + e

60.4

60.8

not

8.0

6.5

Finding purpose in my life (6, 6)

q + e

85.4

86.0

not

4.4

3.6

Philanthropy

Making a contribution to society
(8,9)

q + e

67.4

62.5

not

5.8

5.9

Being a leader in my community
(11,11)

q + e

42.3

41.4

not

19.0

21.1

Working to correct social and
economic inequalities (12, 12)

q + e

30.2

33.6

not

23.3

21.4

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96

Table 8-GPA & Importance Ratings of Future Goals: Entire compared to sub-sample
MTF

Theme & Goal

(Ranks: B+,(Matching)

n/p

Rating

A=
20.9%

B+=
20.6%

C=

3.9%,
(GPA<C:
12.7%)

Career & financial

Being a success in my line of
work (5, 5)

n=917
LR=.888a

q + e

92.2

88.4

86.1

not

0.5

1.1

0

Having lots of money (10, 10)

n=917
LR=.023a

q + e

50.7

51.9

58.4

not

11.0

5.3

8.3

Being able to find steady work
(3,3)

n=917
LR=.487a

q + e

72.3

91.1

91.7

not

2.1

1.6

0

Giving my children better
opportunities than I've had (4, 5)

n=912
LR=.045a

q + e

88.5

88.4

82.8

not

3.2

3.2

11.4

Relationships

Having a good marriage and
family life (2, 2)

n=916
LR=.000a

q + e

95.8

92.6

88.9

not

1.0

5.3

5.6

Making strong friendships (1,1)

n=920
LR=.063a

q + e

98.5

98.4

91.6

not

0

1.6

2.8

Self realization

Having plenty of time for
recreation and hobbies (4, 7)

n=920
LR=.042a

q + e

75.2

85.1

75.0

not

1.0

1.1

0

Discovering new ways to
experience things (9, 9)

n=920
LR=.509a

q + e

57.6

60.3

69.4

not

6.2

10.1

8.3

Finding purpose in my life (7, 6)

n=918
LR=.065a

q + e

88.1

81.9

86.1

not

3.1

7.4

8.3

Philanthropy

Making a contribution to society
(8,8)

n=916
LR=.000a

q + e

78.7

65.4

44.4

not

4.2

3.7

16.7

Being a leader in my community
(11,11)

n=920
LR=.000a

q + e

53.4

45.5

16.7

not

36.8

17.5

41.7

Working to correct social and
economic inequalities (12, 12)

n=920
LR=.012a

q + e

33.7

29.6

22.2

not

15.5

24.9

36.1

3 = some cells with less than minimum ex

pected vali

je

Table 9--High School Program & Importance Ratings of Future Goals:
to sub-sample MTF

97
Entire compared

Theme & Goal

(Ranks: college, prep,
matching)

n/p

Rating

College

Prep

(68%)

General
(23%)

Votech
(5%)

Other
(4%)

Career & financial

Being a success in my
line of work (5, 5)

n=927
LR=.223a

q + e

89.1

89.4

84.4

90.9

not

0.8

1.8

2.2

3.0

Having lots of money
(10,10)

n=927
LR=.021a

q + e

52.8

55.5

55.6

58.1

not

8.2

7.3

2.2

6.5

Being able to find
steady work (3, 3)

n=927
LR=.232a

q +e

92.6

94.4

95.6

97.0

not

1.7

0.9

4.4

0

Giving my children
better opportunities than
I've had (4, 4)

n=921
LR=.569a

q + e

89.5

90.8

91.1

81.8

not

2.7

3.2

4.4

3.0

Relationships

Having a good marriage
and family life (2, 2)

n=926
LR=.010a

q + e

95.3

91.3

86.7

90.9

not

1.6

3.2

4.4

6.1

Making strong
friendships (1,1)

n=930
LR=.246a

q + e

97.4

96.8

93.3

90.6

not

6.3

0.1

4.4

3.0

Self realization

Having plenty of time for
recreation and hobbies
(7,7)

n=930
LR=.480a

q + e

80.5

79.9

77.8

72.7

not

1.3

0.5

4.4

0

Discovering new ways
to experience things (9,
9)

n=930
LR=.033a

q + e

58.7

67.2

51.2

57.6

not

7.7

6.8

6.7

24.2

Finding purpose in my
life (6, 6)

n=928
LR=.669a

q + e

85.3

87.9

81.4

87.9

not

3.8

5.0

11.6

3.0

Philanthropy

Making a contribution to
society (8, 8)

n=926
LR=.002a

q + e

69.9

64.3

57.8

54.5

not

3.6

9.3

11.1

12.1

Being a leader in my
community (11, 11)

n=930
LR=.002a

q + e

46.0

35.2

33.4

36.4

not

15.3

26.9

33.3

18.2

Working to correct
social and economic
inequalities (12, 12)

n=930
LR=.001a

q + e

27.7

34.2

26.7

27.3

not

20.4

26.9

42.2

27.3

a = some cells (6 or less) with less than minimum expected value

98

Table 10- Expectations to Graduate from College & Importance Ratings of Future
Goals: Entire compared to sub-sample MTF

Theme & Goal

(Ranks: def will,
matching)

n/p

Rating

Def. Will
(70.5%)

Prob.

Will

(1"8%)

Prob.

Won't

(5.5%)

Def.

Won't

(6%)

Career & financial

Being a success in my
line of work (5, 5)

n=905
LR=.002a

q + e

91.5

81.5

90.0

81.1

not

0.6

3.1

2.0

1.8

Having lots of money
(10, 10)

n=905
LR=.008a

q + e

56.6

43.5

44.9

60.0

not

7.1

9.2

14.3

1.8

Being able to find steady
work (3, 3)

n=905
LR=.009a

q + e

94.5

88.9

95.9

89.1

not

1.6

1.2

2.0

3.6

Giving my children better
opportunities than I've
had (4, 4)

n=900
LR.0863

q + e

91.7

83.3

87.8

85.5

not

2.4

4.9

0

3.6

Relationships

Having a good marriage
and family life (2, 2)

n=904
LR=.000

q + e

95.7

88.3

88.0

96.2

not

1.4

4.3

0

5.6

Making strong
friendships (1,1)

n=908
LR=.110

q + e

97.7

95.7

98.0

90.9

not

0.2

1.2

0

3.6

Self realization

Having plenty of time for
recreation and hobbies
(7,7)

n=908
LR=.312a

q + e

82.5

74.2

74.0

78.2

not

1.1

1.2

2.0

1.8

Discovering new ways to
experience things (9, 9)

n=908
LR=.111a

q + e

60.3

58.2

68.0

67.3

not

7.7

12.9

4

1.8

Finding purpose in my
life (6, 6)

n=907
LR=.003a

q + e

85.8

86.4

90.0

72.8

not

3.8

5.6

0

14.5

Philanthropy

Making a contribution to
society (8, 8)

n=904
LR.000a

q + e

71.7

57.1

56.0

59.3

not

5.6

3.3

10.0

14.8

Being a leader in my
community (11, 11)

n=908
LR=.000

q + e

48.3

33.1

22.0

25.4

not

14.1

27.6

32.0

32.7

Working to correct social
and economic
inequalities (12, 12)

n=908
LR=.011a

q + e

32.3

29.5

18.0

29.1

not

22.8

26.4

30.0

41.8

a = some cells (5 or less) with less than minimum expected value

99

Table 11- Sonlight Members' Importance Rating of Future Goals

Goals/Ranks (%/n)

extremely

quite

q + e

somewhat

not

Graduate from college

74.1
(43)

20.7
(12)

94.8
(55)

5.2
(3)

0

Being a success in my
line of work

41.4
(24)

41.4
(24)

82.8
(48)

13.8
(8)

3.4

(2)

Making a contribution to
society

48.3
(28)

37.9
(22)

86.2
(50)

13.8
(8)

0

Having lots of money

5.2

(3)

19.0
(11)

24.2
(14)

53.4
(31)

22.4
(13)

Table 12- Sonlight Members' Importance Rating of Future Goals by Gender

Girls n = 42 (72.4%)

Guys n = 16 (27.6%)

Goals/Ranks

extremely

quite

q + e

somewhat

not

extremely

quite

q + e

somewhat

not

Graduate
from college

76.2
(32)

16.7
(7)

92.9
(39)

7.1

(3)

0

68.8
(11)

31.3
(5)

38.1
(16)

0

0
0

3eing a
success in
my line of
work

45.2
(19)

35.7
(15)

80.9
(34)

14.3
(6)

9.5
(2)

31.3
(5)

56.3
(9)

87.6
(14)

12.5
(2)

Making a
contribution
to society

59.5
(25)

33.3
(14)

92.8
(39)

7.1
(3)

0

18.8
(3)

50
(8)

68.8

(11)

31.3
(5)

0

Having lots
of money

7.1
(3)

16.7

(7)

23.8
(10)

52.4
(22)

23.8
(10)

0

25
(4)

25
(4)

56.3
(9)

18.fi

(3)

100

Table 13- Importance Ratings of Future Goals by Gender: Comparisons of Overall and
Sub-sample MTF with Sonlight Members

Goals

Rating

Sonlight

Sub-sarr

pie MTF

Overall MTF

Girls
(n = 42)

Guys
(n = 16)

Girls
(n*418)

Guys
(n * 500)

Girls
(n* 1130)

Guys
(n* 1051)

Being a
success (in
my line of
work)

q + e

80.9

87.6

88.7

88.8

91.5

88.9

e

45.2

31.3

54.3

60.2

64.7

62.5

not

9.5

0

7.0

1.6

6.0

2.5

Making a
contribution
to society

q + e

92.8

68.8

68.6

66.4

65.4

62.0

e

59.5

18.8

24.7

23.4

22.3

22.3

not

0

0

2.9

8.2

2.9

8.2

Having lots
of money

q + e

23.8

25.0

48.3

58.8

58.5

67.7

e

7.1

0

9.1

25.4

18.4

33.3

not

23.8

18.8

7.7

7.4

6.8

5.2

Table 14- Importance Ratings of Future Goals: Comparisons of Overall and Sub-
sample MTF with Sonlight Members

Sonlight
Members
(n = 58)

Sub-sample
MTF
(n * 925)

Overall MTF
(n ■ 2180)

Being a success (in my line
of work)

rank

2

5

5

q + e

82.8

88.8

89.3

e

41.4

57.5

62.8

not

3.4

1.2

2.0

Making a contribution to
society

rank

1

8

9

q + e

86.2

67.4

62.5

e

48.3

24.0

21.7

not

0

5.8

5.9

Having lots of money

rank

3

10

8

q + e

24.2

54.1

62.7

e

5.2

18.0

26.5

not

22.4

7.5

5.8

Missing data on 12 of the 70

Sonlight Member!

3 for these go

al ratings.

CHAPTER 6
HOW DO TEENAGERS DEFINE "SUCCESS"?

Given the backdrop of the current trends in future goals, the results from my
work with over 120 teenagers, including 70 interviews I conducted, are even more
telling. Examining the quantitative evaluation of various goals alone indicates that the
students I interviewed differ greatly from the majority of American teenagers, even those
who are also white and relatively privileged. This raises a question as to why the 70
teenagers interviewed were less concerned with material and financial wealth and more
concerned with making a difference in the world than the average teenager. Could it
possibly be that survey data, such as MTF, hides nuanced meanings and rich detail of
how these youth define various future goals that would be better ascertained through
qualitative interviews? Perhaps the Sonlight members' definitions of success and future
goals differed from a representative sample of American teenagers due to their
experiences in the small world of the youth program.

In this chapter I begin by outlining the major themes that emerged from the in-
depth interviews, specifically focusing on what the teenagers talk about regarding their
future goals and what "being a success" means to them. Next I mention some of the
responses that were less commonly offered, including a discussion of unexpected
findings in relation to gender. These provide interesting insights into teenagers'
definitions of success and their goals for the future.

In an effort to gain a better understanding of what the youth meant by achieving
their future goals, and what they meant by "being a success," I conducted qualitative

101

102
interviews with those who were active participants in the "small world" of Sonlight. As
previously mentioned, the number of high school students involved in Sonlight
fluctuated. At the beginning of the school year the afternoon rehearsals and meetings
would be literally overflowing with teenagers-filling up the rows of chairs, sitting on the
floor, packed in the corners, on each others' laps, standing room only. By early spring
the numbers usually dropped to around 140. As spring progressed and tour
approached, attendance tapered off to around 125 where it remained. Only 70-90
members were permitted to tour each summer, and decisions were based on
evaluations of participation. Musical talent was a consideration, but it weighed less than
seniority, leadership, and involvement. Thus, the teenagers who would go on tour
tended to be more involved than other program participants. The interview sample
consisted of the entire population (n = 70) of program members who went on tour in
June 1999. Qualitative results from these interviews as well as my observations from
working with the teenagers involved in the program will be detailed below.

It is important to keep in mind, as previously mentioned, that the youth I
interviewed do not fit the statistical "norm" and their responses are not representative of
the entire population of American high school students. They differ from "average"
teenagers in that they are all white, come from higher SES families (indicated by their
father's educational level), and all live in the university town of Gainesville. Their grades
in school are higher than average (mean GPA = 3.5) and everyone I interviewed
reported that they both aspire and expect to earn a college degree. This compares with
about 70% of college-aged Americans who are enrolled in colleges and universities
(Bureau of Labor Statistics 2001), and just over a quarter of the total population who
receive their diplomas (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2000). Furthermore, I estimated that
about 1 7 (25%) had divorced parents and only about 1 5% lived in single-parent

103
households (two due to the death of their fathers). At least 26 (37%) of the youth had
parents who were professors or administrators at the University, including a number of
department chairs, vice presidents, and chiefs of medicine. The vast majority of their
parents held professional careers, with only a few working blue-collar or lower SES jobs.
A small minority of the mothers did not work for pay (less than five total); most of the
teenagers' mothers had careers of their own, ranging from physicians to accountants to
teachers. These demographic data are provided to underscore the fact that though they
are more privileged in terms of their socioeconomic status and educational expectations
than "average" teenagers, the youth I interviewed tended to be similar to the 90% of
American youth who make it through adolescence without being labeled as "juvenile
delinquents" or "deviants," and are relatively well-adjusted. Furthermore, this study
responds to Furstenberg's call for research on the lives of privileged, college-bound
teenagers (2000).

After completing the informed consent process with each interview participant, I
briefly asked them to rate the importance of four future goals using the same wording
and scale as MTF. These four goals included: graduating from college, being a success,
making a contribution to society, and having lots of money. It is important to note that I
left out the phrase "in my line of work" from the second goal ("being a success"). I did so
in hopes of not restricting the notion of "success" to work and career. The focus of the
interview process was to glean an understanding of how they defined success, what
concepts and words they used to explain and describe what "being a success" means,
and how they personally aspired to achieve their own future goals. Instead of querying
about how important they rated fourteen separate goals on a numeric scale of
measurement, I phrased my questions in a manner that attempted to elicit responses
that illustrated their aspirations and how they envisioned their own futures. Thus, the

104
term "success," as used in the interview instrument, encompasses the entire concept of
fulfilling and attaining their personal goals, whatever they may be. From these
responses certain themes and patterns emerged.

In analyzing the data, I selected quotes based on their frequency (those that
appeared most often), salience (statements that offered rich detail, about which the
respondent was remarkably passionate, or held deep and profound meaning), as well as
those that were atypical (the exceptions to the patterns, those that differed from the
others). In the sections that follow, I begin with an overview of the most frequent or
"typical" responses, and then proceed with an examination of the emergent themes and
patterns.

Overview of Frequent Responses

Definitions of "Success"

The first qualitative, open-ended question I asked inquired about the teenagers'
definitions of success: "what does 'be a success' mean to you?" A frequent response
included phrases referring to "achieving one's goals" and having a sense of "happiness."
For example, Christine, a sophomore, explained that success is "being able to do what
you want to do and achieving the goals that you have, and being happy with what you
do. And if you set goals for yourself and in your job, then it's accomplishing everything
you need to and everything you want to." Similarly, Clay, a senior, said, "Be happy with
what you're doing. Period." Overall, a total of 46 of the 70 teenagers gave definitions of
"success" similar to Christine, saying that they wanted to achieve their goals and be
happy with themselves. As many of the youth defined "being a success" as a sort of
self-realization, "being happy," or "setting goals for myself then achieving them." I
followed up with open-ended questions such as, "what to do you think of when you hear
the word 'success,'" or "what images come to mind when you think of this word?"

105

Some of the youth emphasized that they way that they define "success"
contrasts with the definitions of "success" they receive from "society" [their words], their
teachers and parents. Caitlin, a 17 year old, responded that success means to "be
happy; to kind of accomplish goals that you have for yourself at whatever speed is right
for you. It doesn't matter what society says. Whatever makes you feel happy, I think, is
a success." Though Caitlin did not specify what messages she was receiving from
"society," her response suggests that her personal definition of "being a success" is
different from what she perceives to be the commonly held beliefs of success.

Next I asked two follow-up questions with the intention of further inquiring about
the ways in which these teenagers defined success. I analyzed their responses from
these three questions individually as well as holistically, so as to ascertain the patterns
and themes as they emerged from the responses. After "what does 'be a success' mean
to you?" I asked the following two questions: "In what ways do you personally hope to be
successful?" and "Please describe someone (real or made up) who you consider to be
an extremely successful individual." Below are some of the typical and frequently
mentioned responses to the three questions.
Visions of "Being Successful"

The second free-response question was, "In what ways do you personally hope
to be successful?" I would offer prompts including: "how do you see yourself as 'being

'," (I would repeat the adjective they mentioned)? "what does this mean to you?,"

and "what are some of your own goals?" In answering this question the youth spoke of
their future dreams and plans. Most often, they talked about achieving their own goals,
again, contrasting them with the expectations that they perceived others to have of

106
them. Having money and wealth was addressed by many of the teenagers, and
interestingly only six (three girls and three guys) indicated that being wealthy was a goal
they sought. This corresponds to their responses to the quantitative goals, where just
5% said that "having lots of money" was "extremely important." Instead, a majority of
those who mentioned financial assets emphasized that they were not important.

Other typical responses included speaking about the importance of "making a
difference in the world," and "working to help others." This response was sometimes
given in contrast to making money. For example, Kelsey said: "It's not about money or
material things... I hope I can be successful by making a difference in the world and in
my community." Another frequent response when talking about personal hopes for being
successful involved work and career issues. Fully 47 out of 70 mentioned their
professional goals, and about half of those spoke of a specific job or career. They
tended to generalize about being accomplished in the workplace, as did Linda, who
said, "I want to have a good job and I want to be happy with what I'm doing. Not work for
money or whatever, just be happy." From this quote, we should conclude that students
had not considered or decided what career path to follow, as all but ten named jobs
when asked directly what they thought they might pursue as a career. Interestingly,
although the students named occupations, many often mentioned more than one
possibility or qualified their responses saying that they were not sure. Lastly, many of
the youth specifically said that they wanted a good family life. For instance, Mike replied,
"...hopefully getting married, having kids, a nice job, a steady job, making an average
living. ..having a nice family..." The themes that emerged in response to this question
parallel trend data which indicate ratings of self-realization and the importance of family
have remained consistent over the past three decades.

107
Models of "Successful" People

The third open-ended question asked teenagers to identify someone whom they
personally considered successful. The person could either be real or made-up. The
examples they described fell into seven categories. The most common response was
"parents," with fully 22 of the youth mentioning either their mom, dad, or both parents.
The second most frequent response consisted of people who were philanthropic and
dedicated to making a difference in the world; eight youth described persons who fit into
this category. Of these, two said Mother Theresa (one girl and one guy), two described
a man who runs a homeless shelter in a poverty-stricken urban area of Philadelphia,
one heralded Madeline Albright for her ambassadorial and diplomatic actions, one
praised John Graham Pole, an arts-in-medicine physician who is known locally as the
"real life Patch Adams," one talked about Sister Hazel (not the music group, but rather
the charitable woman for whom the band is named) who founded a local food pantry,
and finally one guy said that Rebecca Brown, the director of the youth program, was his
ideal of a successful person.

The third most common image of persons considered successful consisted of
celebrities and wealthy individuals. Six of the youth offered examples of people with
fame and fortune. Bill Gates, the owner of Microsoft and richest person in the world, was
mentioned twice. Others included: Michael Jordan, the professional basketball player
and team owner, Pat Matheny, a jazz musician, Ani DiFranco, an outspoken grassroots
musician, and one girl described her own grandmother, emphasizing her "cultured"
lifestyle, her wealth, and popularity as the wife of the executive of a large industrial
company.

The final two categories of successful people consisted of other adults with
whom they interacted; three students mentioned a teacher at school and three students

108
mentioned the parents of a friend. The explanations offered for selecting parents of
friends as "models" of success noted their accomplishments in both professional and
personal settings, indicating that they admired them for "having it all." For example,
Tyson, a senior, defined his friend's dad as a success due to the fact that he was "doing
well in his job while having a happy marriage and kids... yet having time to travel and
enjoy themselves and making efforts to be generous to those in need."

Emergent Themes

I attempted to be as open as possible when looking at the interview data,
allowing categories to naturally emerge rather than constructing categories to affix to the
responses, or assigning them preconceived labels. I created the MTF sub-sample with
the intention of matching certain characteristics of the sample of youth who I observed
and interviewed. I hypothesized that these demographic traits and characteristics might
be associated with the importance ratings that young people give to future goals. Yet,
for the purposes of the qualitative section of the study I relied on inductive reasoning,
moving from specific observations to broader generalizations and constructing tentative
theories. This "bottom up" approach was arguably more purposeful in my attempts to
discover patterns in how the 70 teenagers defined "success" and spoke of the
importance of various future goals in their lives. It is important to note that although I use
the phrase "how they define success" the focus is not a discourse or conversation
analysis of how their constructions of these concepts emerged during our interviews.
Rather, in this study the focus is more on the whats, meaning the ways in which they
define "success," what that concept actually means, and the specific future goals they
mentioned-instead of looking at the process by which this occurs.

Five strong themes emerged, both in terms of frequency and saliency, when
looking holistically at the definitions of success the teenagers described: self-realization

109
("achieving your goals, whatever they may be," "being happy with myself"), money
(mentioned as both important and not at all important), philanthropy ("making a
difference in the world," "helping people"), work/career issues ("doing well in my job,"
"having a career that I am good at and that I love"), and connecting with family and
friends ("having a good marriage," "having a nice family," "being close with my family
and friends"). After analyzing the qualitative data I went back to the numerical results
from the MTF data to produce the statistical tables. When looking at the 12 goals about
which MTF asked its participants, I attempted to place them into a tentative thematic
order so that the tables would be more accessible to the readers; MTF listed the goals in
what appears to be a rather "random" order, jumping from the importance of careers to
families to finances. I began rearranging the goals so that they were listed next to goals
of similar topics. What resulted was a list of 12 goals which clearly fit into 4 themes:
career/financial, relationships, self-realization, philanthropy. I was surprised to discover
that the MTF goals fell into a system of categorization almost identical to what emerged
from the interviews I conducted. Again, this parallel was not something that I planned
nor imposed as part of the study design.

To further bolster this point, the statistics of importance ratings from MTF (both
the overall and matching samples) indicated that the theme of goals least likely to be
rated as quite or extremely important were the goals dealing with philanthropy and social
justice. The goals most likely to be rated extremely important dealt with relationships
and families, closely followed by careers and finances. This echoes the findings of the
existing literature on trends, which indicate that "family goals" and "personal self-
fulfillment" goals have consistently been rated as highly important over the past three
decades. Yet the importance of "public interest" goals has decreased dramatically while
"private materialism" has increased to all time highs. Easterlin and Crimmins (1991)

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assigned the 14 MTF goals to four categories (in order to correlate them with a study on
college students' goals) with different titles, but conceptualizations identical to the
themes I created for MTF as well as the patterns which emerged from my interviews.
This leads to speculation that these conceptualizations have some degree of internal
consistency.

Each of the five themes that emerged from looking at the interviews,
observations, and interactions holistically-self-realization, money, philanthropy,
work/career issues, and connecting with family and friends-is explored below.
Self-Realization

Almost every teenager I spoke to mentioned "achieving their own goals" or
"being happy" as an initial response to both of the questions about defining "success"
and how they personally hoped to be "successful." As previously mentioned, a total of
46 of the 70 students gave such definitions of "success," emphasizing personal
fulfillment and satisfaction. This category of self-realization can further be divided into
three substantive bins: being happy with yourself, pursuing own personal goals
regardless of others, and finding a place in life.

In the first sub-category of self-realization, we can see how Miriam and Chad

utilized this notion of being happy with yourself:

I think that to be a success you have to be happy with yourself,
you're not being a success for somebody else or anybody else,
you know. Like you have to be really happy at what you're
doing...l think it mostly just has to do with making yourself happy
at what you do... (Miriam, junior)

I think it's probably like more of a personal thing. You have goals
of your own, and if you fulfill your goals you are a success. (Chad,
senior)

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Clearly, both Miriam and Chad see success as being happy with yourself and view it as
an individual achievement. This is evident in the language choice of "personal thing,"
which suggests that success is an accomplishment that can be personally evaluated.

Pursuing own personal goals regardless of others is the second sub-category of
self-realization. Andrew and Kimberly defined success in terms of self-realization, giving
priority to their own opinions and discarding those of others:

Some of it has to [be] your own personal goals. If you feel fulfilled
within yourself, if you feel that you're a success, then you're a
success. If you feel happy with yourself and feel that you have
done the best you can then that's it. (Andrew, senior)

I think to be a success is different for everyone. It just
depends on what you want to do, what your goals are, like
if you want to help people or if you want to get a lot of
money... To be a success to me would be to be happy in
what I do, which could be a lot of different things.
(Kimberly, junior)

Like Miriam and Chad in the previous quotes, both Andrew and Kimberly contrast their

opinions of themselves with what they perceive to be the judgments of others,

emphasizing that it is their own definitions that take precedence. This factor becomes

especially salient when we recall that the students being interviewed are in high

school-a time in which the judgments of others are often powerful influences.

The final sub-category of self-actualization is finding one's place in life. Lily
(senior) states that success is "...finding my place in life. Finding out what makes me the
most happy, and figuring out what my dreams are and then fulfilling them." Unlike the
previous two sub-categories of self-actualization, Lily is referring to processes of
discovery as opposed to simply a state of happiness.
Money

Having money and wealth was addressed by 36 of the teenagers. Unlike the
trends from MTF which indicate that fully 63% of all American teenagers, and over half

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of those who are white and privileged consider "having lots of money" quite or extremely
important, just under one-quarter of the youth I spoke with agreed. Only 5% of that
group said it was "extremely important" to have lots of money. Moreover, only six of
those (three girls and three guys) mentioned in the interview that being wealthy was a

goal they sought.

Few of the teenagers involved with Sonlight emphasized that being wealthy was
very important to them. This is contrary to trend data as well as popular stereotypes of
American youth as being materialistic consumers and rather selfish. Only one of the
students offered a response that seemed consistent with such images of "superficiality."
Felicia (senior) stated:

In my own view being a success means that I could have, not
whatever I wanted, but almost. Like, the freedom to do what I
want. So if I wanted to take a trip to this place I could do it, or if I
wanted to have a house that looked like this kind of thing, I could
have it. I guess it would be more of a material success. And also,
like recognition from society... I would rather have [a job] where
I'm known in the business community that I work in... I think my
grandmother is very successful... everyone likes her, she's the
kind of person that you want to get along with... She's just a
person you wish you were like. She's popular, cultured.

Again, Felicia is echoing the dominant stereotype that depicts teenagers as being

materialistic and self-centered. She relies on language that is often associated with

popular youth culture in a negative way, calling to mind images of superficiality and

shallowness with her mention of wanting to be "popular." In her response, Felicia is

associating success with being socially popular.

Unlike Felicia, a larger proportion, about 20%, said that they would like to have a

"reasonable amount" of money when they grow up. They used such phrases to define

"reasonable" as "not rich, but secure." Apparently this is an effort to contrast being

"stable and happy" with being either extremely wealthy or living in poverty. For example,

three students commented:

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You know, of course you're going to want money and everything,
but you want money with the other stuff too, cause then it's not a
full success... I'd want to live in a big town, with a good paying job
and, like, a respectable job. I think that would be pretty much a
success for me... [An example of successful person is] Well,
probably my neighbors. Because they're very rich, well not very
rich, but they have good support with money and they go on a lot
of family trips and they're really close as a family... well they're
both really good parents and everything and they have nice cars
and a nice house and stuff like that... (Lauri, sophomore)

[I'll feel like I'm a success] basically if I'm satisfied with where I'm
going with stuff, not really as much like if I have a really big house,
more if I have the basic stuff, I'll feel successful. (Elena, first year)

[Being a success is] not necessarily monetarily, but to just be
happy and content with what I have... I think I'll describe
somebody who is successful... [Friend's father] is very happy, and
I think that it's because he's not completely tied down with his job.
He has enough money where he can go and do other stuff like he
has his boat down in the Keys. (Tyson, senior)

Above we see these students describing success as attaining "reasonable" but not
"excessive" standard of living. It's likely that this conceptualization reflects their family's
socioeconomic status.

Contrary to both the trend data and comparisons to the entire MTF (representing
"average" U.S. high school students) and matching MTF (higher SES white students), a
majority of the youth with whom I spoke that mentioned having lots of money did so
negatively. That is, they said that having financial assets was not a goal of importance to
them. Statistically, 22% of the youth indicated that having lots of money was not a goal
to which they aspired (versus 7.5% of the matching MTF and 5.8% of the overall MTF),
and fully 23% mentioned that they did not consider having money to be important while
replying to the open-ended questions about defining success and their own personal
goals. Two teenagers commented:

I think a lot of people think success is having money, living in a
fancy house, but to me it's just to be happy and like what you do
and feel good about what you're doing... to have something to

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show for what I did, not just like money, but to like to have the
feeling, like pride. (Heather, senior)

I think you can be successful and not earn a lot of money.
(Jessica, senior)

Similar to Heather and Jessica, Anna and Wesley both assert that their main priority is

not related to finances. Additionally, Anna and Wesley contend that not only is money

not the primary focus, but they instead conceptualize success as having quality

relationships with people.

I think it means to me being happy. Not letting money, or material
success is so beyond there. I think that having a good family and
loving people around me... I want to be someone who is
successful as far as happiness, and helping others. That's what I
want to do really badly, is like to do something with missions or
something. That would be really successful to me, even it's little
money, it's the stuff you get out of it is so much more important.
(Anna, first year)

[Being a success is] to just do as much as you can. Personally? I
hope to make a contribution to society in some way where I can
help people out. Wow, that's really vague.... And I mean, when it
comes down to it what's the world about, it's not about how much
money you have or anything like that, it's about how you interact
with people. (Wesley, senior)

Having outlined the three sub-categories of the financial success theme, it is
notable that the students de-emphasize money. This is an interesting finding when we
recall that these students are mostly from affluent backgrounds. Coming from privileged
positions, this lack of material focus is important because we can speculate that these
students may be taking for granted their class status. These young people may assume
that they will achieve the same economic security with which they've grown up.
Philanthropy ("making a difference in the world")

I mentioned previously that the second most frequent description of a
"successful" person (second only to "parents") fell into the category of philanthropists

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and people who dedicate their lives to helping others. Not only did the youth I spoke with

offer people who work for change as their images of very successful people, 86% of the

youth interviewed rated "making a contribution to society' as quite or extremely

important, versus two-thirds of the matching MTF and 63% of the of the representative

sample of American teenagers. Examining the qualitative interview responses offers

insight into the ways in which the youth involved in Sonlight discussed and underscored

the importance of contributing to society. This is evident in the statements by Kelsey and

Chance. Kelsey (sophomore) remarks, "I hope that I can be successful by making a

difference in the world and in my community." Similarity, Chance (sophomore) shared, "I

guess just to be good in the community and to be what you can be. More than like

having lots of money.. ..[being a success includes] making a contribution."

Readers may recall that one of the teenagers, Wesley, selected the director of

Sonlight, Brown, as his ideal example of a successful person:

[I chose Brown as an example of someone who is
successful] because she is affecting people's lives on a
daily basis. And what she's doing is she is making a
profound effect, getting people to open up in their lives and
getting people to see the beauty in certain things. And
that's success if anything.. .She's the best person in the
world I know at doing that kind of stuff. (Senior)

Further in his interview, it became evident that Wesley viewed Brown as embodying the

ideal of someone dedicated to positively affecting the lives of others. Not only did some

of the youth say they thought it was important to better the world, along with other goals,

but a surprising number stated that they hoped to dedicate their lives to working for

change.

To personally achieve those things you believe you can do to
better the world, depending upon your morals, beliefs, and
abilities. I want to get to the end of my life and feel like I made a
difference in the world, even if just in one person's life. I want to
leave something of myself that is eternal. That would make me a
success, I believe. (Eden, senior)

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To me, success would be living in a small house amongst like a
poor neighborhood, and kind of like the Philadelphia thing, leaving
it open and letting anybody and everybody who wanted to come in
come in. ...[My example of someone who is successful] is that
Shawn guy in Philadelphia, who lives in a house with 600
individuals called the Simple Way and lives to the best of his
ability how Jesus would live. I think he's successful, not because
he has money or friends, but because he's helping others and
he's accepting of everybody. (Paige, senior)

Eden and Paige articulated their convictions to devote their lives to make a difference.

There are many ways in which one can engage in philanthropic behaviors, such as

donating money to charities, volunteering one's time, and sharing one's resources with

those in need. Research on philanthropy suggests though most Americans engage in

charitable activities, it is done sporadically (Pew Partnership for Civic Change, 2002).

Work = Contributing to Society

Extending the previous sub-category, philanthropy can further be conceptualized
as a comprehensive commitment to which one's life is dedicated. One of the ways in
which a person can enact this desire to make a difference is to pursue a career in which
their primary responsibility involves being engaged in such activities. Recalling that fully
86% of the youth interviewed stressed the importance of making a contribution to
society, it may not be surprising that almost one-quarter indicate they plan to pursue a
career focusing on philanthropic objectives.

Specifically, six girls and one guy reported aspiring to work in places like urban
clinics, rural medicine, serve in the Peace Corps, or other community focused careers.
Approximately one-quarter of the youth expressed an interest in helping others through
careers in medicine. Additionally, ten percent said they hoped to impact the lives of
children through teaching. These two students expressed the importance of dedicating
their life, including their career, to working for change:

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I want to be a teacher and band director. So I hope to make a
contribution by helping others succeed in their goals. And
measure my success by the amount of success that they achieve.
(Clay, senior)

I want to be a credit to society. I know that I definitely want to do
something in the health profession... I hope to be successful at
whatever career I choose to do and be a successful aspect to my
society by helping make it a better place to live. (Caroline, junior)

Connecting with Family and Friends

Over 90% of American teenagers surveyed in MTF assert that future goals

pertaining to their relationships with others are quite or extremely important. Recall that

trend data show that over the past three decades students' ratings of making a

contribution to society have consistently decreased, while their evaluations of having lots

of money has increased. Unlike these dramatic patterns, young people have

consistently rated connecting with others as a top priority. Results from the interviews I

conducted are consistent with the national data. Almost all of the youth with whom I

spoke expressed a desire to have good relationships with their friends and family. The

guys were just as likely as the girls to state that they aspire to have strong personal

relationships. In the following four quotes, we see three guys assert that family is

important to their conception of success:

I guess for me I would like to do some good music sometime in
my life, and maybe invent something or support my family or
something like that... [someone who] has a nice little family going
on... (Paul, sophomore)

I hope to have a nice family and have a nice job that I enjoy
working at. (Brian, first year)

[I hope to be successful by] helping my friends and family as
much as possible... (Brad, sophomore)

I think I want to have close relationships like I know with my
brothers, they're older, but I really want to have close relationships
with my family and stay in contact a lot. Like friendship-wise I'd

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want to make that a success and family-wise, with my own family
and kids too... (Lauri, sophomore)

We can see that success is not just about money or careers, as it involves multiple other

goals: making contributions to society, connecting with others, and making a difference

in the world. Some of the youth articulated a definition of success that encompassed

many of the aforementioned goals. As demonstrated throughout this dissertation,

success cannot be reduced to a singular achievement. In the previous section on the

differing significance of finances, Tyson expresses his definition of success as someone

who has it all, in his words, a "Renaissance man." Wendy parallels this view in her

desire to be successful in many ways:

[Personally, I hope to be a success by] graduating from
college and getting a job and making an adequate amount
of money to support a family, getting married and having a
family and being successful with that... And probably
having a really good relationship with my kids when they're
teenagers.. .I'm not exactly sure how, but I hope to do
something with my life that reaches people. (Wendy,
sophomore)

We have examined five key themes the teenagers expressed of what it means to

be a success. In review, these five themes are: self-realization ("achieving your goals,

whatever they may be," "being happy with myself"), money (mentioned as both

important and not at all important), philanthropy ("making a difference in the world,"

"helping people"), work/career issues ("doing well in my job," "having a career that am

good at and that I love"), and connecting with family and friends ("having a good

marriage," "having a nice family," "being close with my family and friends"). This chapter

will close with an examination of responses that were less frequently mentioned, but

were said with salience and emphasis, including a discussion of unexpected findings in

relation to gender. These provide interesting insights as to teenagers' definitions of

success and their goals for the future.

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Infrequent but Salient Responses
Nontraditional Gender Aspirations

Another interesting finding pertaining to gender is that all of the girls who
participated in the study mentioned their career and work aspirations as being an
important part of their definition of success and personal future goals. Just a few
decades ago, young women were only one-quarter as likely to major in math and
science as were young men (Dey & Hurtaldo, 1999). A surprisingly large amount,
exactly 50% of the girls in my study, specified their interests as possible career paths in
medicine, engineering, computers, and other scientific and technological fields. This
certainly contradicts the existing literature on adolescent girls and self-confidence in
relation to mathematic and scientific fields (see for example Gilligan, 1990). Not only did
girls in this study challenge traditional notions of gender roles, 8 of the 17 guys planned
to pursue "care-taking" jobs and 1 1 said they hoped to have "a nice family." For
example, Wesley said, "[Success means to me] to be a father. To be a husband and
good at that too.. .I really do want to be a father and a husband and I want to be able to
give my family opportunities." This quote from Wesley is linked to the emphasis he
placed on wanting to better society, as part of his fulfillment of being a husband and
father. Like Wesley, the guys in the study were not talking about the "good provider
role," as sociologists traditionally conceptualize it in terms of economic contributions
(see Bernard 1984). Instead these guys were referring to an expanded role, including
active involvement in the lives of their own families as well as responsibility for
humankind. Traditionally, the gender role for men has de-emphasized the value of
helping and nurturing.

Similar to the nontraditional aspirations of the guys I interviewed, an interesting
finding regarding girls' expectations for their roles in the future emerged, specifically,

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their aspirations and plans to be financially independent. For example, three girls explain

their hopes to someday support themselves:

I hope to be independent someday. I hope to be able to support
myself. And have a job that I love, and have hobbies and travel a
lot... live that kind of lifestyle. (Caitlin, junior)

I just want to graduate from high school and then graduate from
college, and have a family, have a good job and not have to
depend on anyone, like a man or anything like that for money or
anything like that. (Madeline, sophomore)

[Personally I hope to be successful by] figuring out what my
dreams are (and fulfilling them). I also want to have enough
money to take care of myself financially, so that I won't ever have
to rely on anyone else (like a husband) to support me. Although I
DO really, really, really hope I find the right guy to marry
someday, and have a family. (Lily, senior)

Gender roles have changed in the past few decades, and many women are

attaining college educations and even choosing to remain single (Dey & Hurtaldo, 1999).

When these girls' statements are placed within a context recognizing changing gender

roles, their comments do not seem so atypical. In one specific case, one girl described

not only wanting to be independent and empowered, but also to have power and

influence over someone else. I recognize that this girl's accounts of her future plans are

not typical, yet it reveals an notable exception. According to Wendy:

[When I think of success I think of someone who is] making an
adequate amount of money to support a family, getting married
and having a family and being successful with that. Personally? I
guess to... this is a really weird one, but to be richer than my
husband is a big thing for me. To have the power over him.
(Wendy, sophomore)

Aspirations of Gender-Matched Parent

Fully 22 of the youth interviewed (19 girls and 3 guys) replied that they
considered their own parents to represent what it means to be "successful." Gender
seemed to be related to their responses to this question. Nine girls said that their mother

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was the image of success that came to mind. Those girls who selected their mothers

spoke of how their moms managed both career and family life. For example, Elena, a

ninth grader in the International Baccalaureate program, said:

Well actually I think my mom is one of the most successful people
I know. She used to be an English teacher for high school, and
she wasn't really happy with it. I guess she was making enough
money but she wasn't happy. But now she is a doctor because
she went back to school and she felt like she needed to, like she
wasn't really happy with what she was doing, and I mean it was
kind of hard for a while with all the school and always working or
studying and money was tight and everything. But now we're fine
and she's content with her work and is a good mom, and is happy
with my dad, and she's also making money if that matters at all.
But I think she's one of the most successful people I know.

An additional four girls mentioned their parents as symbolizing successful

people. Sophia, whose mother is a professor and director of a research center at UF

and whose father is a chief physician at the health center, responded that her parents

are the epitome of being successful. She explains, "I think my parents are both

extremely successful. They're happy and they like their jobs. They live every day very

ready to work and stuff. So I guess they're pretty successful." Sophia's description of

her parents speaks only to their happiness and career achievements. Surprisingly, even

though the ideal images she offered were her own family members, the importance of

family involvement was not apparent in her explanation of why she considered them to

be successful individuals. Six girls and 3 guys offered their fathers as examples of

successful persons. Max, a ninth grader whose father is chair of a department in the

medical school, states:

I'm going to have to go with my dad. He's got a nice solid job, he
likes what he does, he's got a nice family. He's got three nice
boys, especially the youngest one [laughing]. He has a sense of
what he needs and what he wants. He's got a sense of who he is
and what he needs to do to keep what he likes going.

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Again, Max offers a description of a person valuing both their career and family. When

comparing the responses of the girls who spoke of their parents (mom, dad, or both)

and the guys who did the same, the notable difference seems to be in relation to

gender. Nine girls talked about their mothers (the same gender parent) and 3 guys

mentioned their fathers. Yet six girls spoke of their fathers (the parent of the other

gender) but not a single guy reported their mother to be the image of success that came

to mind. Finally, while four girls mentioned both of their parents (one specified her

grandparents), not a single guy talked about both of his parents. Again, though 10 girls

offered their fathers (either alone or in the context of "parents") as the image of success,

mothers were not spoken of by sons.

Religion and "Serving Others"

Concluding this chapter, the last notable exception that emerged from this study

relates to religion, spirituality, and values. As previously mentioned, the youth

organization, Sonlight, in which the youth who participated in this study were involved, is

based at a United Methodist Church. Just over one-half of students who took part in the

program had families who were members of this Methodist church. Persons not familiar

with this program might expect a majority or at least at least some of the youth to

mention references to religion and the importance of spirituality. However, this only

occurred in three instances. Anna, Jill, and Paige speak to having goals that evoke

religious notions. For example, Anna (first year) explained that she was not sure what

she wanted to do with her life, but one of the options she was considering was being a

missionary:

I want to be someone who is successful as far as
happiness, and helping others. That's what I want to do
really badly, is like to do something with missions or
something. That would be really successful to me, even

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it's little money, it's the stuff you get out of it is so much
more important.

She talked about doing missions in order to "help others." Similarly, Jill Qunior) said that

her vision of being a success includes becoming a youth minister. Jill, like Anna,

focused on the career choice of youth minister as an opportunity to connect with young

people, as she says, "to help make other people happy." Finally, Paige (junior)

articulates her goals to serve other people as she responds:

...right now I'm thinking about maybe going into building and
construction and doing some type of ministry with that. Like just
going and getting the knowledge and then I would be able to help.
There's a lot of people who don't live like in full houses, and not
just the urban poverty, but rural poverty really needs some help...
I think being a success to me would mean being happy and
content with yourself. I think, well, I'm trying to work to be a
follower of Jesus and so for me I think being a success would be
someone who, when I'm happy and content with myself, thinking
that I am following Jesus, when I'm doing what I think he would
do. And so like, to me success would be living in a small house
amongst like a poor neighborhood, and kind of like the
Philadelphia thing [a project called 'Simple Way' that works with
the homeless in inner-city Philadelphia], leaving it open and letting
anybody and everybody who wanted to come in come in.

In the examples above, we can see how these youth talk of their goals of
dedicating their lives to helping people and evoke careers in churches (working in
missions, youth minister, and serving impoverished people, "like Jesus") as means of
making a difference and connecting with others. Not specifically during these interviews,
but during my conversations and the participant observation portion of this study, it
became clear that mention of religion and spirituality were all about helping others and
making a difference in the world.

Summary

In the concluding chapter I will discuss the implications of the findings of this
research, exploring possible explanations for why the youth involved in this study were

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much more concerned with making a contribution to society than are "average"
American youth, as indicated by the statistics from MTF. Even when controlling for
demographic characteristics such as racial identity and socioeconomic status, the
teenagers involved with Sonlight placed much more emphasis on the importance of
helping others and working to benefit society while discounting the importance of having
lots of money, than do students of similar backgrounds. I will close by discussing
attributes of the youth program in which they participate as a possible explanation for
this discrepancy; Sonlight as a sort of "values education."

CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION

In this concluding chapter I will discuss the implications of the findings of this
research, exploring possible explanations for why the youth involved in this study were
much more concerned with making a contribution to society than are "average"
American youth, as indicated by the statistics from MTF. Even when controlling for
demographic characteristics such as racial identity and socioeconomic status, the
teenagers involved with Sonlight placed much more emphasis on the importance of
helping others and working to benefit society while discounting the importance of having
lots of money, than do students of similar backgrounds. I will close by discussing
attributes of the youth program in which they participated as a possible explanation for
this discrepancy; Sonlight as a sort of "values education."

Popular images and stereotypes depict today's teenagers as being focused on
"making lots of money" and "being a success in their line of work," rather than helping
others and valuing quality family life. Results from the quantitative portion of this study
support this notion as survey results from MTF (1999) indicate that over 89% of
American teenagers considered being a success in their careers quite or extremely
important, whereas only 22% of those youth said it was important to "make a
contribution to society." This recent phenomenon is evidenced in an examination of
trend data which indicated these statistics have "flipped" since the late 1960s, when
24% of teenagers considered financial goals such as "being a success" extremely
important, while more than 85% thought it important to "make a contribution to society."

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126
These numbers paint a picture of young people that I found to be inconsistent
with the students I came in contact with during my experience working with a local youth
organization, Sonlight. A possible explanation for the disparity between the results from
the overall MTF and the youth with whom I worked was that the young persons involved
in Sonlight were a select group in terms of their demographic characteristics. In order to
test this, I created a sub-sample of MTF which was restricted to high school students
who were white, higher SES, and who expected to graduate from college. This
restriction enabled me to use the probability sample of MTF to approximate the
demographic characteristics of the Sonlight youth. Results from this matching MTF
sample showed a narrowing difference between the importance the young people
placed on various future goals. Specifically, the majority of students in the matching
MTF sample rated financial and career goals as quite or extremely important, compared
to just under 25% who indicated that philanthropic goals were important. These students
were, however, more likely to report that "having lots of money" was not important, and
less likely to view "making a contribution to society" as not important.

Results from the interviews I conducted were more like those of the matching
MTF than the overall MTF. About 80-90% of teenagers in American society (overall
MTF: 89%, matching MTF: 89%, Sonlight: 83%) indicated that "being a success in their
line of work" was quite or extremely important. Almost half of the youth I interviewed
said that "making a contribution to society" was extremely important, and not even one-
quarter of the youth in a nationally representative sample agreed with this statement.
Fully 22% of the Sonlight participants stated that "having lots of money" was not
important, compared with the 8% of young people of matching demographic
characteristics and just 6% of all American teenagers. Clearly, matching demographics

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do not necessarily account for the variation between the Sonlight members and a
probability sample of all American youth.

These survey results served as a framework, providing the context for the in-
depth interviews I conducted with 70 local high school students, all members of the
same youth organization, Sonlight. Although the survey data provide telling
statistics-that "being a success" is very important to young people-it does not explain
what they mean by "being a success." In an attempt to explain why the 70 teenagers I
surveyed were less concerned with material and financial wealth and more concerned
with making a difference in the world than the average teenager, I asked them to define
and give examples of "being a success." Five themes emerged: self-realization
("achieving your goals, whatever they may be," "being happy with myself), money
(mentioned as both important and not at all important), philanthropy ("making a
difference in the world," "helping people"), work/career issues ("doing well in my job,"
"having a career that am good at and that I love"), and connecting with family and
friends ("having a good marriage," "having a nice family," "being close with my family
and friends"). The images of "being a success" that emerged from the in-depth
interviews indicate that these youth had future goals and values that were vastly
different from the norm. This concluding chapter explores the notion that their
experience in Sonlight affected their future goals and values.

Sonlight as a Values Education
Overview of Program

Sonlight was a rather atypical youth program. From the outside, it would appear
to be a church-based choir, performing primarily secular songs accompanied by talented
musicians. People who were present at performances or who heard recordings of

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Sonlight's music insisted it was a group of extraordinarily trained musicians, the best of
the best from area schools, selected to participate by audition. They were shocked to
find out that there were no requirements to be a part of the program-any interested high
school student needed simply to attend a rehearsal in order to join. About half of the
members were musically inclined and were drawn to the program in hopes of
performing. The other half were certainly attracted to the music as it was a primary
feature of the program, but they came for other reasons as well. About 2/3 of the
students participated in Sonlight because they had grown up in the church. The other
1/3 did not grow up in the church-some were members of other local churches or
synagogues, and some did not identify with any religious faith. At the beginning of each
year, a small number of youth would be "sent" by their parents. However, Brown, the
director, specifically asked parents not to "force" their sons or daughters to come, as
she felt it essential that this be something they did by choice. The teenagers came for all
sorts of reasons: the music, the friends, the summer tour, the service projects. A saying
emerged among those who were familiar with the program, 'they came for the music
and the friendships... but they stayed for the Focus.

People often assumed that Sonlight was merely a youth church choir that
happened to have more than a hundred talented teenagers as members, due to its
location at a large Methodist church. From this assumption, it would logically follow that
any teachings that occurred within the program would be religious (specifically
Protestant Christian and Methodist) in nature. Although Sonlight was housed at and
supported by the United Methodist Church, the teachings were in fact pluralistic. The
young people who participated were not required to take part in any service, nor were
they even asked to become "Christians." The message was one of interfaith
spirituality-that "god's stuff" is in everything, from the lyrics of the latest pop song, to the

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books read in literature class. It is important to reiterate that Sonlight emphasized
spirituality instead of religion. In preparing the content of weekly discussions
("Focuses"), the director was just as likely to draw from the works of Henry David
Thoreau, Mother Theresa, Brown Luther King Jr., the Dalai Lama, Ghandi, William
James, Sting, or Thomas Merton as she was the teachings of John Wesley and Jesus.
She encouraged critical thinking, as the purpose of these discussions was to not to
indoctrinate the youth with a set of beliefs; instead she sought to challenge the youth to
ask questions and seek the answers for themselves. She especially encouraged them to
question the dominant messages from society's institutions: religion, education, the
media, and their peers. The director has been quoted as saying,"l believe it is more
important to teach them how to 'look' than to make Methodists or even Christians of
them."

"Focus" was the term used for the discussions that took place in rehearsal each
week, from which the "theme" of the year developed. They were typically about 1 5
minutes in length. Rather than a "boring lecture," Brown attempted to engage in
discussion with 120+ teenagers. Focus was an integral part of Sonlight. As previously
mentioned, an overwhelming majority of the youth indicated that the Focuses were the
most meaningful aspect of the program. Though they may have initially been attracted
to Sonlight because of the music and the people, the Focuses were what kept them
coming. In an effort to reach the youth through as many avenues as possible, Brown
used a variety of techniques such as illustrations, surveys, props, diagrams, guest
speakers, panels, debates, and videos. Most Focuses were accompanied by a handout,
and many members would take extra copies to share with their friends. The reason that
Focuses were so popular was because they dared to talk about the issues and ask the
questions in which the youth were most interested. She "spoke their language" and used

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"their media" (popular music, movies, videos, etc.) in order to reach the teenagers,
challenging them to think about their values, beliefs, priorities, and assumptions about
the world. In this sense, Focuses were "values curricula."
Focus as Values Curriculum

At a time when the dominant values of American culture were largely fueled by
the mass media, replete with messages equating "success" with individualistic and
material goals, Sonlight was a unique environment where these values and goals could
be questioned. As previously mentioned, few if any other legitimate spaces for
discussing such issues exist in the lives of most young people in America today. During
Focus time, youth were encouraged to not only think critically, but to consider their place
in the world from a larger perspective. This method of teaching was a core component
of Brown's overall approach to working with youth, but was especially salient during
1999, the year in which I conducted the interviews. Unlike the pedantic methods
employed in public schools, the Focus time not only allowed but encouraged the youth
to ask questions-to explore perspectives and experiences other than their own. (It is
important to reiterate here that the young people involved in Sonlight were privileged,
white, college-bound students with somewhat homogenous life experiences.)

The reason this program was effective was because Brown did not preach the
rejection of all popular media. Instead, she taught young people to search for messages
which communicated values of altruism, compassion, activism, and service. When
selecting songs for the choir to perform and resources to utilize during Focus
discussions, Brown purposely chose those produced by popular musicians and
celebrities which purported humanistic values and goals. Furthermore, Brown herself
was recognized by several of the youth interviewed as a model of someone who was
"making a contribution to society" through her work as director of the program.

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The Focus themes were the core of Sonlight's program each year. The songs

that the students performed were individually selected for the way in which they related

to the overall theme. Every week the Focus discussion examined messages in the lyrics

from the songs that the students were learning, or incorporated other media and

activities in order to spur discussion. Brown said,

The music was the vehicle for discussion. There was a
different theme each year. The youth and graduates of the
program submitted secular rock songs that reflected the
theme (many more than could be used). I selected
twenty-five songs from 200+ submissions-songs that best
taught the spiritual principles we wanted to explore that
year. Among the themes we covered: Making faith street
sensible; the brevity of life; taking the road less traveled;
bridging gaps of race, nationality, and income;
understanding AIDS; sexual, physical, and emotional
abuse in the home; drugs, alcohol, and eating disorders
and how youth make relationships with substances;
homosexuality; natural "highs;" how Jesus' teaching gives
flight to life— not weight; the essence of believing-what is
it?; communication; change; the power of relationships
(with self, stranger, family, friends, and God); perspective,
and how it affects the way we view everything; and taking
risks. The lyrics would guide us into topics, questions and
projects. We had special guests that included Vietnam
veterans, family therapists, high school guidance
counselors, Dr. Paul Doering (renowned pharmaceutical
professor-on drugs), educators, activists,
environmentalists, actors from the Hippodrome State
Theatre to perform monologues and sketches, panel
discussions with the elderly, and sometimes with our
parents. In 1998 we were privileged to meet with Sister
Helen PreJean (of Dead Man Walking). These are the
experiences that so many say they remember (2002).

Though each year had its own "Focus theme" with corresponding songs,

activities, and lessons, there were a handful of select Focus lessons that were repeated

year after year. For example, each Fall, the first rehearsal included a Focus entitled

Emergency Room Clinic. This Focus consisted of Brown laying basic "ground rules" and

sharing with the youth her philosophy that the purpose of the program was to be a sort

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of "safe place" or ER; a place where they did not need to pretend that they "had it all
together." During this discussion she stated that Sonlight was a place where they could
bring their problems without fear of judgement. This Focus had the effect of
differentiating Sonlight from most other of the activities in which the youth were involved,
and Brown from other adults. It was Brown's intention that this Focus establish the
notion that Sonlight was not like their school classrooms and she was not like their
parents or teachers, enforcing rules. Also, she encouraged the students to avoid judging
each other, and instead look at each other with compassion and understanding. This is
in stark contrast to the typical high school scene, replete with cliques and social castes;
youth culture is often known for being exclusive, creating much angst and pain. Thus,
Brown offered the Emergency Room Clinic Focus at the beginning of each year in an
attempt to establish the "norms" of the program.

Another Focus that was mentioned each year was entitled "Convictions or Post-it
Notes" (see Appendix E for this essay written by Brown). This Focus reflected Brown's
attempt to encourage the youth to think critically about the things with which they
identified. The demonstration that accompanied this Focus was humorous, and thus
effective and memorable. A volunteer (usually one of the student officers or Focus
committee members) would stand in the front of the room, with post-it notes stuck all
over their clothes and body. Each post-it note read a phrase, such as "good at math,"
"American," "Gator fan," "vote Democrat." Brown explained, "the way I see it, much of
what we learn about anything merely gets tacked on us like post-it notes... the average
teenager is a walking "post-it tree." This discussion emphasized that the messages
teenagers often receive from their parents, teachers, peers, and the media regarding
the ways in which they "should" behave and the things in which they "should" believe,
are like post it notes-"stuck" to them as they go through life. Brown asked them to

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examine their own post-it notes and think about why and how they had acquired each
one, and whether or not they agreed with what it represented. It was not her objective to
impose her personal convictions upon the youth, in the form of another post-it note, but
to encourage them to think independently about the things they learned and whether or
not they chose to "carry" those things with them.

Many teenagers grow up without being asked to question their assumptions and
the labels they wear. Like ants marching, they fall into step, fulfilling the expectations of
others, striving to embody the images of success perpetuated by the media. Sonlight
was a "small world" in which questioning was not only okay, it was welcomed. As
previously mentioned, Brown encouraged the students to ask, seek, and risk-to think
critically about our culture and the "rat race" many are running. And, those youth who
persisted in valuing money, fame, and power were not chastised-they were just
encouraged to think critically about their choices. After doing so, many young people
found that their desire for wealth and celebrity was really about their want for freedom
and the luxury of leisure time to explore their interests. Related to the emphasis on
critical thinking was the notion of perspective.
Focus themes: perspective and risk

Perspective theme. During the year in which this research was conducted
(1999), the theme was "Perspective." The songs and activities revolved around various
aspects of Perspective: defining, explaining, applying, and expounding on the
importance of recognizing that people's lives are contextualized. According to Brown, in
order to view a subject/idea/event in perspective one needs to place it in space and
time. To give something its "relative importance," one measures personal value against
universal spiritual value. An individual's birth date, birthplace, and upbringing create

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his/her space, time, and value index. Achieving perspective begins by realizing that
one's point of view is just that.. .a view from one point in space and time. It involves
seeing one's part as a mere piece of the whole (1999). That summer, the youth traveled
to Colorado for a "perspective jolt"— to see natural wonders that spanned across time
and space, incomparable to those found in north central Florida, and to engage in
activities and share experiences that emphasized a pluralistic point of view. As Brown
explained, "a time and space perspective can be gained through education, travel,
experience and variation. But a value perspective is not as easily won, often coming
through loss or tragedy. Religion teaches us of spiritual truths, seeking to help us
treasure and value that which transcends our cultural, temporal values. However, in
much the same way that travel provides the real-life perspective that education cannot,
so life-altering experiences can bring us to value what religious training can only
recommend" (1999). The Focus theme of Perspective encouraged the youth to consider
dominant values that they might take for granted, such as individuality, materialism, and
competition-to instead try to "step out of their own shoes" and think from a different
angle, one that views humanity as interconnected, and values such things as simplicity
and philanthropy.

Risk theme. The Focus theme of Perspective led into the theme of "Risk" the
following year; the two were logically connected. Perspective asked the youth to think
about their identities, roles, experiences, and standpoints, and how they came to hold
their corresponding beliefs, opinions, and values. Risk was a challenge, a dare, to the
youth to work to achieve their goals and dreams. According to Brown, "each of us has
been given the basic capital-the ability to think, love, dream, believe... How do we play
it? Life. Will we risk love or will we retreat, aghast at the darkness in our world? Will we
risk a dream, or tell our grandchildren about what 'could have been'?" (2000).

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Arguably, the prevailing images of "being a success" that existed in American
society in the late 1990s were that of money, technology, and speed. Many believed that
to keep up with the Joneses they must drive a BMW, wear the latest fashions from the
Gap, and work their way up the corporate ladder. The corresponding script dictated how
to achieve these goals: do well in school, be involved in extracurricular activities, display
leadership qualities, go to college, work hard, land a well-paying job, and have
relationships with significant others. During the Risk Focus theme, the youth discussed
their aspirations and hopes for the future. The song "Ants Marching" by Dave Matthews
Band was performed and the lyrics were examined. The message of this song and the
corresponding Focus was to challenge the youth to dare to strive for their dreams.
During this Focus Brown asked questions such as, What do you want to be when you
grow up? Can you hear the beat of your inner drummer? What bugs you about the
world? What is your passion? Listen to the voice within yourself, don't just ignore it... Do
a morality check: Do your dreams step on others? Brown spoke of a "risk quotient," a
capacity within each individual to "go for it." The next week they spoke about another
Dave Matthews song, "Dancing Nancies," with the line, "could I have been anything
other than me?" For many youth today the thought of their future is paralyzing. They are
so stressed under the expectations that their parents and teachers have of
them-working to get good grades and high scores on standardized exams. The
students were encouraged to not give up on their dreams. They talked about famous
people who had tried and failed, then tried and succeeded.

The Importance of Sonlight as a Values Education Program
As previously mentioned, Sonlight was an atypical youth program. From the
outside, it appeared to be a church youth choir, performing primarily secular songs
accompanied by talented musicians. This, however, was not considered the prevailing

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feature by those who were involved with the program. Former members (as well as their
parents and family) recall with great import the effect this program had on their lives;
moreover, they often boast about being privileged to have had such a significant (and
for many, life changing) experience.
Case Studies Exemplifying the Effectiveness of Sonlight as a Values Education

Sonlight was a positive experience in the lives of those who participated, but
there also seems to be evidence that it has had a lasting effect beyond graduation from
the program. Although I did not specifically gather data to measure this, I can provide
some telling examples of how the values education experience in Sonlight contributed to
the life path of many young people. Through my continued involvement with the
program and with those who have graduated, I know of quite a few young adults who
attest to the significant impact that participating in Sonlight had on their lives. It would
not be presumptuous to assert that over the course of its 20 years, Sonlight touched the
lives of at least 1000 young people in this community. Brown designed and coordinated
the program in such a way that the youth were leaders, taking the initiative to shape
each years' Focus theme and corresponding songs and activities. This resulted in a
program where the students were empowered as leaders and felt a sense of ownership
and pride. Sonlight gave young people the opportunity to Sonlight not only as talented
musicians and performers, but also as leaders. Operating under her philosophy of the
importance giving of "unconditional love" to young people, Brown established Sonlight
as a "safe place," and in doing so, helped youth find the confidence they needed to
believe in their own abilities and attempt risking their dreams.

During the time in which this study was conducted, the themes of the program
were directly related to future goals and values. There is evidence that Sonlight

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operated as a sort of "values education" experience in the lives of many of the youth
who participated, and in the following section I will offer a few examples to illustrate.
These examples are significant, but certainly it would be irresponsible to claim that they
are statistically significant and represent the experiences of every youth who was
involved in Sonlight. I am not asserting that being a member of Sonlight necessarily
changed the life of each young person that took part in the program. Nor is there any
proof that being exposed to the values education offered in Sonlight is the only factor
that affected the goals and outcomes of these youth. Arguably the goals and values of
young people are effected by a multitude of factors, including but not limited to: their
early childhood experiences, family setting, ascribed attributes such as race/ethnicity,
socioeconomic status, education, religious traditions, relationships with friends,
exposure to culture, involvement in activities, etc. (and it is quite possible that some
young people joined Sonlight because they were attracted to the perspective on values
and goals that it offered). Consistent with the constructivist and interactionist
perspectives mentioned earlier, young people are constantly in the process of
becoming-affected by all they encounter, actively constructing and mediating the self
they live by (Holstein & Gubrium, 2000). Thus, I mention the following examples with the
knowledge that they are not definitive.

Many of the youth involved in Sonlight indicated that their definitions of success
pertained to philanthropic and self-realizing goals, consistent with the values discussed
during Focuses. Through my continued involvement with some of the graduates, I am
aware of quite a few who have made life choices consistent with those goals and values,
and would specifically attest to their experience in Sonlight as having affected those
decisions (by reinforcing goals and values they had tentatively considered, asking them
to think critically about goals and values they took for granted, or exposing them to them

138
to new goals and values). For example, during our interview, Leslie said she wanted to
dedicate her life to helping other people, mentioning Madeline Albright as her model of
success. Leslie reported that she wanted to be head of the United Nations Human
Rights Committee. Today, she is about to complete a degree in International Relations
at Barnard College and is pursuing a path consistent with her goals and values. Another
graduate, Aaron, just completed a year with Americorps and has plans to serve with the
Peacecorps next year, along with his wife who was also a Sonlight member and is in a
master's program in the health field. Joy, Miriam, Wendy, and Lara are all former
Sonlight members who are pursuing their love for the arts and have chosen to forego
more financially lucrative careers in order to dedicate their lives to their passion. Another
instance of someone who has chosen to follow his heart instead of a more normative
path is Ric. After completing his AA degree, he worked for a semester, saving money to
enable him to travel for six months in Europe with only a bicycle and backpack. Many
youth have chosen career paths that are specifically human or service oriented, desiring
to help people in need. For example, Kelsey and Evan are both teaching special
education, and Hope and Kimberly are both practicing occupational therapy.

The young people mentioned above are just a purposeful sample that I
informally created by looking at a list of graduates. Though I am not able to quantify with
numbers the proportion of young people who report having changed their future
trajectory because of their experience in Sonlight, I can share the stories of a few salient
examples: Bart (senior), Max (ninth grader), and Paige Qunior).

Bart was the younger brother of a former Sonlight president. He was anxious to
join the program as he had a love for music and friends who were involved. Bart had a
natural talent for singing and enjoyed the spotlight as a soloist, performing in Sonlight
many songs that were by his favorite artists. Though he had regular attendance and was

139
involved musically during his first two years in the program, it was not until his junior and
senior years of high school that Bart took on more responsibility by being a student
leader. His senior year he was elected president of the choir and as such, he played a
major role in all aspects of the activities. I spoke with Bart just after his graduation from
high school. At that time, he was unsure of what he wanted to do with his life. He had
been admitted to the University of Florida and had earned a Bright Futures Scholarship.
Bart said that he was majoring in computers, though he was not quite sure what he was
going to do with his degree-possibly something in technology or maybe computer
engineering. Bart explained that to him, being a success was being "happy" and fulfilling
his goals-though he was not quite certain what those goals were. After pursuing this
degree for two years, Bart realized he was not happy-he knew he did not like his major,
but he was not sure what alternative might suit him better. He spent the summer
working as a staff member for a service project, and upon his return decided to take a
semester off of school. He began coaching high school baseball and football and found
great satisfaction and fulfillment in this experience. Bart has now returned to school and
is double majoring in physical education and math so that he can coach at the high
school level, while earning a living teaching. Bart reports being much happier now. He
realizes that though he is not likely to earn as much money with these future goals, he
has found something that he truly enjoys doing. Bart has come to realize the effect that
his experience in Sonlight had on his life- the value of being a positive figure in the lives
of young people. Bart has chosen to forego financial success as a computer engineer in
order to be a mentor to youth-encouraging, inspiring, and challenging them both on the
field and in the classroom.

I spoke with Max during his first year in both high school and the program.
Though he had a love for music and hoped to be an instrumentalist, his lack of seniority

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relegated him to minor percussion and back-up parts until the following year when he
took over the drum set. As the principle drummer for the choir, he provided the rhythmic
foundation for the music they performed; this required a time commitment above and
beyond that of a typical member. Max attended the international baccalaureate program,
an academically accelerated environment. He also played varsity soccer and was in the
drum corps of the school band. At the time of our interview, Max emphasized the
importance of career and financial goals. He jokingly responded that he wanted to be a
fireman when he grew up, but then seriously stated that he aspired to be a businessman
or doctor. Max also stressed the value of having a good family life, being a husband and
father. He indicated that he desired to be judged positively by others, considering
recognition and respect necessary to be successful, according to his definition. During
Max's tenure in Sonlight, the Focus themes included perspective, risk, and connecting
with nature. Thus, he was encouraged to think critically with an open mind, risk his
dreams, and to be aware of the physical world around him, appreciating its fragility and
beauty. Max is now a first year student at Virginia Tech University. Based on his
responses during our interview, one might assume that his major was business or pre-
med. However, Max has since decided that he values spending time in nature more than
financial success and the validation of others. He has chosen to major in International
Relations, with a focus on the environment. He is also nurturing his passion for
photography. As this dissertation nears completion, Max has just returned from New
Mexico, where was selected to shadow a National Geographic photographer. Influenced
by his experience in Sonlight, learning to think critically about what he values, Max has
decided to listen to the beat of his own inner drummer.

Paige's family were members of Trinity UMC. She recalls that she waited with
great anticipation as a child in elementary and middle school for the day that she could

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join Sonlight. In ninth grade, she was finally eligible to become a member. From her first
day at rehearsal, it was clear that Paige was excited to be a part of the program. During
her four years in Sonlight, Paige was a member of many of the groups and teams,
culminating with her senior year, 2000, when she was selected by the other students to
be their president. As previously mentioned, on the surface, Sonlight appears to be
primarily a music program of talented young singers. Paige was not a musician. She did
not play any musical instrument, nor could she carry a tune. However, like many
teenagers, she had a love of music. She enjoyed listening to and participating in the
production and performance of some of her favorite songs. Furthermore, Paige took
advantage of the non-musical aspects of Sonlight: the fellowship with friends,
involvement in activities, and leadership opportunities. Paige often appeared stressed as
if she was constantly running. She was captain of the varsity soccer team at her school
and was in the honors program. During our interview, Paige said that she often felt
significant pressure from her mother and teachers, moreover, she said she felt pressure
from the expectations of others as well as her self. She indicated that she was working
as hard as she could in order to be accepted into college. At the time of our interview,
Paige said being a success meant being happy and content with herself. She continued
and explained that her future goals involved helping other people. Though she was not
sure what she wanted to do with her life, as far as a career was concerned, she was
certain she wanted to get a college education-not so much for professional preparation,
but in order to learn about people and to be well rounded. She emphasized the value of
being open-minded, sensitive to others, continually learning, and having "soft clay" (a
phrase from a Focus given that year). Since graduating from high school in 2000, Paige
has worked for Appalachia Service Project building and repairing houses for the
impoverished. Currently Paige is in school, majoring in Building Construction. She has

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dedicated her life to serving others. The following poem was written by Paige (1999)
during the summer before her senior year of high school, not long after Sonlight's Focus
theme of Perspective, while preparing for the new year's theme of Risk. She was
experiencing stress and feeling pressure to strive to attain certain goals and
expectations about which she had begun to think critically. Her participation in the "small
world" of Sonlight encouraged her to measure her worth by more than her school
performance and achievements, and instead to value her abilities and talents serving
others and making a contribution to society.

I am More

I am more than my SAT score, than my GPA.

I am more than my dress or social status at school, in my

community.

I am more than my skills on the soccer field,

more than any rumor,

more than a clean room and washed dishes.
I am more than a pretty face,

more than a tongue piercing.
I am more than a rejection letter to college.
My name is not 3.6, 1050 - my name is not bad student,
lazy, worthless.
My brother is more than...

Premarital sex, he is no sexual predator

and no sinner worse than anyone else.
He is a father, a part of a beautiful little girl

that is showered with love..
He is a hand in the next generation.

He is the future.
I am the future.
I am an individual, I am an outcast, I am separate from my

classmates. I am lively, I am friendly, funny,

intelligent. I am of worth, I am still nowhere near

the pinnacle of my ability, strength, and talents. I

am a student. I am an aunt, a sister, a daughter. I

am a servant. I am a teacher.
I am loving, I am an object to be loved.
I am not worthless. I am not worthless.

I am strong enough to push through this -

determined enough to make a difference, to show I

have meaning.
I am more than they see, more than they can know, more
than I am.

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As illustrated in the poem above, the pressure experienced by Paige and many
young people today can be overwhelming. They indicate being under quite a bit of
stress, trying to live up to the expectations of their parents, teachers, peers, and
"society" portrayed and promoted in the media (Hoover 2002, Pope 2001 , Who's Who
1996). Though the prevailing notion in American culture defines adolescence as a
period in which a young person is free from the burdens and responsibilities of
adulthood, being a teenager today, even one of privilege, is not without difficulties. The
image of "success" that most young people are given requires that they attain a college
education. Attending college is a more normative experience in recent years than it was
in the past, with 60-70% of high school students in the U.S. going on to attend college
(Gray 1995, U.S. Bureau for Labor Statistics 2002, American Council on Education
2002). As college enrollment has increased, more young people compete for
acceptance, and space is limited. In high school, not only must they have excellent
grade point averages, they must score well on standardized exams in addition to being
involved in numerous extracurricular activities and displaying extraordinary leadership
qualities. The relationship between a college major and a career path is not always
articulated. Additionally, questions about how young peoples' education and career
paths are influenced by their interests and goals are ignored. Students today may be
asked what they want to be when they grow up, but they are rarely asked what they
consider to be important-to think critically about their own values and goals.

Discussion
The significance of Sonlight is that it was effectively a "values education
program." As such, I assert the difference between the students I interviewed and those
with matching demographics in the MTF sample was a result of their experience in this

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youth program. Participating in Sonlight and taking part in the Focus lessons had a
dramatic and lasting impact on the young people. Data in both the quantitative and
qualitative chapters of this study suggest that the students I interviewed held distinctively
different definitions of "being a success" than a probability sample of American
teenagers with matching demographics. The ways in which they conceptualized the
notion of success reflect their values and goals, emphasizing the importance of
philanthropy ("making a contribution to society") and minimizing goals related to careers

and finances.

Clearly, the findings of this study indicate that Sonlight was a "small world" in
which particular definitions of success were constructed, future goals were examined,
and values were emphasized. The teenagers who participated in Sonlight were
substantially more likely than the youth in the MTF sample with matching demographics
to hold philanthropic values and to discount the importance of financial success. The
Focus lessons in Sonlight functioned as a "values curriculum," and when combined with
Brown's innovative leadership approach (empowering the youth as leaders), created an
environment that allowed young people to explore their future goals and values. Since
teenagers today have few, if any, other locations in which to explicitly discuss and
examine their goals and values, their experience in Sonlight was particularly valuable3.

This research offers contributions to social science research, theory, and

Though there is always concern when doing social research about responses and
observations being influenced by social desirability and the Hawthorne effect
(participants giving responses that are consistent with their perceptions of what the
researcher wants to hear), this did not prove to be a major issue in this study. If these
issues had significantly affected their responses, there would have been very little
variation in their response; for example, they would have all mentioned the director,
Brown, as their model of a successful person, when in actuality, only one of the youth I
interviewed shared this response.

145
practice. This study responds to Furstenberg's call for research that utilizes both
quantitative and qualitative data, and that addresses the experiences and competencies
of youth. Through combining both constructive and interactive approaches, I articulate
and apply the notion of "small worlds" to the sociological study of youth, thus adding to
the realm of social psychological theory. Future research might investigate the
construction of goals and values that takes place in the many other "small worlds" in
which young people live and interact. Future research might explore whether a values
education program like Sonlight might be able to impact the goals and values of youth of
a more diverse and representative population. Finally, the results of this study have
practical implications for those who work in applied settings. The field of Youth
Development within the discipline of Family, Youth, and Community Sciences is one
such potential venue. Coincidentally, the most recent edition of a key journal in the field
of Postitive Youth Development features an article entitled, "From Assets to Agents of
Change: Social justice, organizing, and youth development" (Ginwright & James 2002).
The authors propose a theoretical model for creating youth programs and organizations
that promote the value of social justice. The figure below shows the principles, practices,
and outcomes potentially offered by such Social Justice Youth Development programs.

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147
Interestingly, Sonlight shared the same five principles (thought articulated a bit
differently by the director, Brown, in her own principles statement), and utilized similar
practices, leading to many of the same positive outcomes outlined in the table above.
Though this dissertation is not a program evaluation of Sonlight, its findings attest to the
effectiveness of this youth program to encourage young people to think critically about
their values. Sonlight was based on principles that viewed teenagers as active agents
and utilized youth culture media (such as popular music) to reach and attract young
people. Sonlight's programs were based on a curriculum that specifically challenged
dominant notions of "success," instead supporting ideals of making a contribution to
society and connecting with others, and it produced outcomes that are consistent with
those proposed by the Positive Youth Development scholars. Researchers, educators,
and those who work in applied fields might benefit from applying the principles and a
similar values curriculum of Sonlight to their own programs.

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APPENDIX A
INTERVIEW

Thank you for agreeing to complete this interview of high-school youth.

I remind you that you do not have to answer any question you do not want to answer.

You may discontinue your participation at any point.

Please rate the following four future goals as to their importance in your life as:
not important- somewhat important- quite important- extremely important.

1 . Graduate from college

2. Be a success

3. Make a contribution to society

4. Have lots of money

For the following questions, please do not feel limited to one-sentence responses, share
as much as you'd like:

5. What does "be a success" mean to you?

6. In what ways do you personally hope to be successful?

7. Please describe someone (real or made up) who you consider to be an extremely
successful individual.

8. Do you feel pressure to be a success? If so, in what ways? pressure from where?

9. How do the expectations of other people affect you? Please give a few examples.

10. Do you think there is a lot of competition in highschool? (Academic, athletics,
socially)

11.1s there anything else about the pressure to succeed that you'd like to share?

12. Do you think the experiences of youth today are different from past generations? In
what ways?

13. After the Littleton shootings, the newsmedia declared that teenagers today are
"morally bankrupt" meaning that you have no values. Do you agree? If not, how would
you describe the situation differently?

14. Remember when we were at Columbine Park and Rebecca asked, "Listen, what do
you hear from the world you know?" I'm asking you, what do YOU hear from the world
YOU know?

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15. Is there anything else about being a teenager in America today that you would like to
share?

I'll close with some general questions about your background:

16. What is your name?

17. What is your gender?

1 8. How old are you?

19. What school do you attend and what grade did you just complete?

20. What is your GPA?

21 . Do you expect to graduate from college?

22. What do you want to be when you grow up?

THANK YOU SO MUCH FOR YOUR TIME! If you are interested in the results of this
study, they will be available in August. Feel free to contact me if you have any
questions or concerns.

APPENDIX B
ORGANIZATION AND LEADERSHIP OF SONLIGHT

The Organization of this Unconventional Youth Program

•Sonlight is open to any 9-12 grader in the local area.
-There are no auditions or requirements, nor dues or fees to join.
-About 1/2 of Sonlight members grew up at Trinity UMC or in a church- that means the
other half have little or no exposure to church, or come from a different belief system
(Jewish, Buddhist, Agnostic, etc.). Many of these young people have no personal
religious affiliation, yet they often express a yearning for a spiritual connection.

•Rehearsals are held every Sunday afternoon (3:30-5:00).
-About one hour is spent on teaching the music (usually 4-6 songs are covered).
-The remainder of the time is spent on the Focus message and announcements.

•Three Sundays a month Sonlight provides the music at the 9:40 service at Trinity.
-The songs are introduced with a Focus by a student, explaining the God-truths we are
learning.

•Every fall there is a weekend retreat to Camp Kulaqua and there are two Planning
Retreats

•If interested, a youth may do a "Play-in" or "Sing-in" with Rebecca to evaluate their way
to contribute to the choir as a singer, soloist, or instrumentalist.
-The sound is entirely student produced- every singer, guitarist, violinist, pianist,
drummer, etc. are local high school students... our Sound Techs are even youth!
-Solos and Ensembles for Tour are auditioned, as are most solos throughout the year.

•Youth may choose to participate in a team as an additional way to be involved.
-Many youth are not musically talented, but are gifted in other ways. These Teams
provide an opportunity for them to explore their varied talents and interests.
-Officers are selected by each team as their leader.
-The choir elects a President and Vice President each year to represent them.

•The President & Vice President along with the other 10 Team Leaders, are referred to
as Officers and they are the core leadership of the choir.

-There are also about 8 youth selected by the Officers to serve as Section Leaders
who help with attendance in their section (Soprano, Alto, Tenor, Bass).

•Each year there is a Tour (to destinations such as Boston, New York, New Orleans,
Colorado). -90 members are selected based on their Tour Evaluation which is a score
made-up of their attendance at rehearsals, level of participation, and seniority.

-Musical talent is not a factor in selecting Tour Participants.

-A "Send Off" Concert is performed to an audience of over 1500 friends, parents, grads,

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and fans which commences each Tour. All choir members are welcome to participate,
whether or not they are Tour candidates.

•The sound is mixed by the Tech Crew and a professional recording is made of each
year's Send Off Concert.

-CDs (and tapes) of this concert are tediously mixed and produced resulting in a high
quality CD and tape that is shared with fans all over the country.

Leadership of the Program

•Staff consists of Rebecca Brown (Director, full-time) with the assistance of a Grad
Team

-The staff are all former Sonlight members (thus called Grad Team) who are currently
college students, including 2 secretaries (part time), a musical assistant, and 4 interns.

MEMBERSHIP TEAM

•Cares for the needs of choir members, highlights talents & accomplishments, and

helps new members feel welcome.

FOCUS TEAM

•Helps with creative ways to make the Focus (or message) of a song more meaningful
to the choir and to the listeners.

•Prepares statements used to introduce songs during performances.

ACTIVITIES TEAM

•Organizes all in-house events and promotes these activities to choir members.

SERVICE TEAM

•Presents viable opportunities for choir members to volunteer and serve the community

at local non-profit organizations and missions.

TALENT TEAM

•Utilizes the talents of choir members to enhance understanding of the theme through

art, speeches, and writing.

CONCERT TEAM

•Organizes the big performance events of the year like Celebrate Me Home and Send

Off Concert. This includes all logistical needs - roadies, tech, and riser crew.

PUBLICITY TEAM

•Organizes all publicity to the community and beyond for Sonlight activities and
performances.

•Works to bring about a closer relationship and understanding between the community
and Sonlight.

ADMINISTRATIVE CREATIONS TEAM

•Known to less imaginative human beings as "the Office Team."

•Organizes the Sonlight Office, all music, handouts, files and information- weekly.

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TECHNOLOGY TEAM

•Maintains the Sonlight web page and sends e-mail messages to the choir at large as

needed.

TECH CREW

•Produces Sonlight's sound at all performances and rehearsals.

•Maintains the sound equipment and trains other interested Techies.

FUTURE TEAM

•Explores the possibilities of a Sonlight-type program in the community.

APPENDIX C
ARTICLES ABOUT SONLIGHT FROM THE GAINESVILLE SUN

Parting Ways- May 26, 2001
http://www.sunone.com/DAYBREAK/articles/2001-05-26son.shtml

http://www.toseethestar.org/portfolio/Partingways_RBPF.pdf

Sonlight Director to Leave Position- January 17, 2001
http://www.sunone.com/articles/2001 -01 -1 7f .shtml

A Shining Light for Teens- December 15, 2000
http://www.sunone.com/DAYBREAK/articles/20000-1 2-1 7son.html
http://www.toseethestar.org/portfolio/Shininglight_RBPF.pdf

Musicians Celebrate Return to Gainesville- December 20, 1999
http://www.sunone.com/news/articles/12-20-99f.shtml

Lessons from Littleton- June 26, 1 999
http://www.sunone.com/daybreak/articles/06-26-99dba.shtml

Taking in Columbine: Gainesville Youth Choir Visits Columbine- June 22, 1999
http://www.sunone.com/news/articles/06-22-99v.shtml

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APPENDIX D
ACTIVITIES OF SONLIGHT: 1 984 - 2001

Bridge building

International: 1993 & 1994, the choir raised the money to bring over two Russian
students from Novorosiisk to tour with us. Developed a pen pal relationship with a high
school class there, and recorded the rock tune "Wind of Change" (the entire choir
learned it in Russian) and mailed it to this class as a gesture of friendship and support.

Racial: 1992-1995 the choir worked on joint projects with the youth from Mt Pleasant
UMC (an African American church in town.) Included sleepovers, sports events and a
bull session with a former Black Panther turned minister.

Persons living with AIDS: 1993 produced the recording "from Sonlight, With Love" for
families of those suffering with AIDS. Songs of love support and understanding. These
tapes went out in Christmas baskets to families that Christmas.

Cancer support: In 1992 one of our choir members, Kim Flaitz, was diagnosed with
cancer. The choir at that time supported her through letters, journals and visits. Each
choir that followed thereafter (92-98) supported her in different ways through 6 more
years. Members organized a hospital support group for others like Kim who were
teenagers with cancer. Kim died in 98 and the choir was honored to sing at her
memorial service. It was an incredible journey for all of us and one which none of us will
ever forget.

Community: Organized "Celebrate Me Home", a holiday community event on the
Downtown Plaza.. Local rock bands played for 5 hours and Sonlight closed with an hour
of holiday and inspirational music (all rock & roll). This event was effective in merging
the church with the street and the street with the church. It was a huge success, playing
to more than a thousand people on a December Sunday afternoon.

Community - Media: The local newspaper, the Gainesville Sun, did over twenty articles
on the choir over the years. Local radio stations KTK and Rock 104 have played
Sonlight on the air. The choir performed with local bands like Sister hazel, House of
Dreams, and Big Sky and have had their members join us in church on some
performance occasions.

Peer Support: We produced a booklet called "the Glow of Something Bright" for
distribution in the local high schools after a suicide attempt by a prominent youth. We
also reached out to members of Columbine High school through calls and letters of
support and concern. We conducted our own candle light memorial after our in-depth
focus on pain in our own high schools. At various times over the years a peer hot line
was formed, called "Just say Help". Members could request a call by a peer during the
week.

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Educational _ D

Racial: visiting African American speakers and discussions. Intense focus on Dr Brown
Luther King Jr ON tour we arranged for the reenactment of his "I have a dream speech
on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. We followed with a prayer of repentance for the
church's slowness to act during the Civil Rights movement.

Native Americans: Study, discussion on Native American spirituality, participation in
pow-wows created a medicine wheel with spiritual elder, visited a reservation twice.
Many projects- building dream catchers and spirit bags, etc. We also studied the two
battles at Wounded Knee.

Interfaith: Visited the Rocky Mountain Shambalah Center in 1999 with 120 youth. Group
instruction in meditation. Discussion with our own members of other faiths. Focus
sources from scriptures of other wisdom traditions (Hindu, Sufi, Taoist, Islam, Native
American.)

Literature: Authors like Thoreau, and poets like Emily Dickinson were frequently used as
focus sources.

War: In particular the Vietnam War. Focus developed around Billy Joel's song "Good
night Saigon", and discussion with Nam vets.

Heritage/History: We learned our individual immigration stories and visited Ellis Island
during our Risk a Dream focus.

Nature/Environment: numerous themes touched on the ecological concerns of our
times. More than once we planned a walk down a country road for the tranquility and
perspective it yielded. Two years have been devoted exclusively to a Nature theme (96
&2001)

Christian Service: the choir regularly engaged in service projects but we also learned by
visiting and learning from people in ministry. We have met & worked with the homeless
shelters in town. On the 2000 tour we visited college students living in community in
inner-city Philadelphia to work with the poor there. We sought to understand why 8
college students with college degrees would choose this for a career - and learned...

Thematic: There was a library reading list on the year's theme for those who wanted to
explore it further. The focus team created a library for choir members who wanted to
check-out books related to the theme. Each focus was an education for all of us as we
explored a theme in depth for a year.

Service

Members worked on regular local needs as they were known- from painting a house, to
singing in a nursing home or a Juvenile Detention center or passing out sandwiches in
Central Park. Some members developed an after-school tutoring program. Other
worked regularly with the local AIDS network. Each year there was a "Service Team" for
those who wanted to take service to a higher level.

APPENDIX E - A SONLIGHT FOCUS
Convictions or Post-it Notes? (By Rebecca Brown)

It is interesting to ponder how it is we learn. There is this emphasis lately on hands-on
learning, and I think it is because we realize that a lot of what we are taught does not
really stick with us. I took French in high school and German in college, but Norwegian
is all I can remember - and I learned that by accident during a month's stay in Norway
with a friend. To really absorb something, we seem to need to experience it. It's like the
difference between reading the Cliff's Notes to Farewell to Arms and truly experiencing
Hemingway. The Cliff's Notes can tell me he meets the nurse and falls in love, but the
words of Hemingway actually put me in the room with them.

It only gets more confusing when you think about how we learn faith. In some ways,
religious education is like reading the Cliff Notes on what is innately internal and
personal. Sting says, "Let your soul be your pilot," and "Take me to the pilot of your
soul," calls Elton John. How then could we expect something as weighty as the soul to
be piloted by Cliff's Notes?

The way I see it, much of what we learn about anything merely gets tacked on us like
post-it notes: Jesus died for my sins. He rose again on the third day. I will love the
Gators. We vote Republican. The average teenager is a walking "post-it tree." Of
course, some of us feel like raging intellectuals because we've ripped off the yellow
post-it to put on a pink one, and actually pride ourselves on our individuality! When I
turned 18, 1 registered Democrat because my dad was a Republican. It took me eight
more years figure out what either meant. Pink or yellow, it's still just a post-it.

We parents are proud of the training we've given our kids. When it's time to let them go,
we spin them around three times, point them in the right direction and hope they read
their post-it notes. But the first good wind in college blows most of them off - but not all.
There are always a few notes that were unknowingly sewn in to the fiber of their soul.
These post-its may have come from you, mom and dad, but not the stitches.

Sometimes you've got to lost your "post-it faith" to find the internal convictions that won't
fly off in the wind. It may be oh so small - one lonely, little piece of faith sewn into your
heart - but it's yours. It might be the size of a mustard seed, but you start with that
because what you grow from there will be real and will stick with you.

Adolescence and young adulthood is the natural time to inventory your post-its. If you've
been raised to "believe," you need to question it. It you've been raised agnostic or
atheist, you need to question that. Post-it notes get very comfortable. There is some
security in wearing them. They make us feel as if we know what we think. I've watched
many a youth dash off to college, post-its flying off in the wind, only to see them again in
ten years with all of them tacked back neatly in place. They are a lot easier to own then
convictions. Convictions involve a needle and thread and sometimes pain. I think there

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is nothing sadder than to meet an adult clutching their post-it notes against the wind of
time and change.

Integral to faith is doubt. Integral to learning is experience. Look, touch wonder. Henry
David Thoreau said, "The unexamined life is not worth living." He said that he went to
the woods because he didn't want to get to the end of his life and realize he had never
lived... or that the only convictions he ever owned were post-it notes?

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Kristin E. Joos is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Sociology and the
Center for Women's Studies and Gender Research at the University of Florida. Her
major areas of focus are Social Psychology and Families and Gender. She received a
Master of Arts degree in Sociology from the University of Florida in 1999 and a Bachelor
of Science with a major of Psychology and minors of Sociology, Women's and Gender
Studies, and Religion from the University of Florida in 1998.

Kristin was born and grew up in Gainesville. She likes the youth and progressive
culture of this college town and loves living in the duckpond neighborhood where she
can leave her windows open nine months a year, as long as temperatures are over 86

degrees.

Kristin enjoys playing many roles: daughter, sister, friend, graduate student,
college instructor, researcher, tutor, certified pilates instructor, activist, feminist, pluralist,

and human being.

Her research interests center around youth, issues of identity, and social
change. She is not yet certain "what she wants to be when she grows up," nor how she
defines "success." If she was forced to articulate a definition she would say something
like this quote, often incorrectly attributed to Emerson:

To laugh often and much;

to win the respect of intelligent people and the affection of children;

to earn the appreciation of honest critics and endure the

betrayal of false friends;

to appreciate beauty, to find the best in others;

to leave the world a bit better, whether by a healthy child, a

garden patch, or a redeemed social condition;

to know even one life has breathed easier because you

have lived.

This is to have succeeded.

168

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Constance L. Shehan, Chair
Professor of Sociology

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

jer F. Gubrium
Professor of Sociology

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Barbara A. Zsembik U
Associate Professor of Sociology

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Richard C. Hollinger

Associate Professor of Sociology

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

ArrfdTd A. Hegges
Chester C. Holloway Professor of Finance,
Insurance, and Real Estate

I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable
standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

Mary Ann Clark

Assistant Professor of Counselor Education

This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the department of Sociology in
the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate School and was accepted in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

May 2003

Dean, Graduate School

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UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

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