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UNIVERSITY 
OF  THE  PACIFIC 

Stockton,  California 


1851 


Gift  of 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Roy  D.  Whitlow, 
B.J.  Whitlow  and  Gail  V.Hayes 

In  Memory  of 
Maynard  D.  Whitlow 


I 

- 


From  the  collection  of  the 


m 

Prelinger 
v    Jjibrary 


San  Francisco,  California 
2006 


WHAT  TO  DO  WITH  GERMANY 


OTHER  BOOKS  BY  AUTHOR 

THINKING  ON  YOUR  FEET 
NEW  COURTS  OF  INDUSTRY 


This  book  has  been  designed  in  a  Victory  format.  Smaller  type 
and  margins  produce  fewer  pages  which  permit  a  vital  saving 
of  paper  and  labor  in  the  manufacture  of  a  War-time  book. 


What  To  Do 
With  Germany 


by 


LOUIS  NIZER 


CHICAGO   •   NEW  YORK 


L.  I  B  R  A  R  Y     !| 


JAN  1 8 1967 


'  UNIVERSITY  OF  THE  PACIFIC 


COPYRIGHT  1944  BY  LOUIS  NIZER 

All  Rights  reserved.    No  portion  of  this  book  may 

be  printed  without  permission  of  the  publishers 

PRINTED    IN   THE    UNITED    STATES    OF    AMERICA 


SECOND  PRINTING 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


FOREWORD  1 

CHAPTER  I 

MEDICINES  WITHOUT  CURE  3 

1.  Extermination  and  Sterilization  3 

2.  Breeding,  a  Mendelian  Theory  6 

3.  Political  Dismemberment  7 

4.  Compulsory  Migration  9 
Justice — Not  Sentimentality  or  Cruelty  10 

CHAPTER  II 

WHO  is  RESPONSIBLE?  12 

Another  Scrap  of  Paper  15 

Caesar  and  Tacitus  Report  on  Nazism  18 

Earlier  German  Fuehrers  23 

Gangsterism  in  Intellectual  Garb  26 

Race  and  Murder  Become  a  Philosophy  30 

Paganism  Adopts  Music  39 

A  German  Nostradamus  Speaks  42 

Hitler's  Inheritance  47 

Lightning  Struck  Twice  52 

CHAPTER  III 

PUNISHMENT  55 

The  Common  Sense  of  International  Law  56 

The  World  Undertakes  a  Task  64 


The  Previous  Indictment  68 

The  American- Japanese  "Axis"  73 

The  Judicial  System  Never  Used  76 

Germany  Does  a  Houdini  79 

German  Courts  Slap  Several  Wrists  88 

Judgment  Day  91 

1.  Occupation  of  Germany — Its  Sovereignty 

Suspended  91 

2.  Who  Shall  Be  Punished  95 

3.  Asylum  and  Extradition  98 

4.  Is  Obedience  to  a  Command  a  Defense?     100 

5.  Practical  Judicial  Machinery  for  Punish- 

ment 101 

6.  Property  Courts  with  Criminal  Jurisdic- 

tion 104 

7.  Restitution  by  Labor  107 
Weighting  the  Scales  of  Justice  108 

CHAPTER  IV 

CUTTING  SAMSON'S  HAIR  110 

German  Industry  Plots  a  War  111 

The  Axis  Is  Founded  Long  Before  Hitler  115 

The  Americas  Are  Invaded  116 

Industry  and  Espionage  120 

The  Cartel,  a  Secret  Weapon  124 

A  Fifty  Billion  Dollar  Haul  127 

Title  By  Hold-Up  128 

The  Business  High  Command  131 

The  Reparations  Fraud  132 

Economic  Disarmament  136 

Iron  and  Rye  139 


The  Quality  of  Mercy  140 

International  Economic  Control  of  Germany  141 

Economic  Isolation  Is  Also  Bankrupt  144 

Filling  the  Stomach  Before  the  Mind  148 

CHAPTER  V 

EDUCATING  CAIN  149 
"The  Most  Important  Fact  of  the  Last  Half  Cen- 
tury" 151 
Self  Education  After  World  War  I  153 
The  Devil's  Brew  155 
The  Physician  Is  Not  a  Trespasser  164 
The  Teutonic  Plague  167 
The  International  University  168 
Invading  the  German  Mind  171 

CHAPTER  VI 

TOMORROW  THE  WORLD  177 

The  Mysticism  of  Sovereignty  177 

Regional  Federalism  181 

Forever  Hold  Jour  Peace  186 

CHAPTER  VII 

No  MORE  YESTERDAYS  188 

Program  Summarized  191 

Punishment  191 

Economic  Program  192 

Educational  Program  197 

Harvesting  the  Peace  199 


APPENDIX 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Chapter  I  205 

Chapter  II  206 

Chapter  III  208 

Chapter  IV  210 

Chapter  V  211 

Chapter  VI  212 

Chapter  VII  213 


WHAT  TO  DO  WITH  GERMANY 


FOREWORD 


"Peace  hath  her  victories  no  less  renowned  than  war", 
wrote  John  Milton. 

The  great  tragedy  of  the  twentieth  century  is  that 
peace  has  suffered  defeats  even  after  wars  have  been  won 
for  her.  In  1918  an  agonized  world  laid  down  its  guns. 
Peace  was  here,  but  we  turned  our  backs  on  her  as  though 
she  nourished  herself,  as  though  the  same  intense  planning 
and  torrents  of  energy  which  win  wars  are  not  necessary 
to  maintain  peace.  The  Germans  were  democratized,  but 
not  made  safe  for  democracy.  We  were  smug  about  the 
newly  instituted  Republic  as  though  democracy  were  a 
mere  format  of  government  instead  of  an  expression  of 
the  people's  yearning  for  self-regulation.  As  a  result, 
within  twenty  years,  the  peace  so  dearly  won  had  been 
squandered.  Only  then  did  we  discover  that  our  unpre- 
paredness  for  peace  had  made  that  period  a  prelude  to 
another  war.  And  ironically  enough  we  were  unprepared 
for  that,  too. 

During  a  war  there  is  no  confusion  of  immediate  objec- 
tives. One  must  win — or  perish.  Where  choice  is  thus 
limited,  the  temptation  to  procrastinate  and  to  compro- 
mise is  likewise  diminished.  There  is  a  penalty  of  death 
for  error  or  even  hesitancy.  But  peacemaking  is  leisurely. 
It  permits  all  the  devices  of  indecision — commissions,  com- 
mittees, experiments,  debates. 


The  day  is  approaching  when  another  chance,  perhaps 
the  last  chance,  will  be  given  to  us  to  win  a  renowned  vic- 
tory for  peace.  On  that  day  word  that  the  war  has  ended 
will  be  flashed  around  the  world  and  will  be  echoed  by  glee- 
ful church  bells  and  hysterical  whistles.  Millions  of  hearts 
will  stop  for  a  second  in  solemn  prayer.  Then  a  wave 
of  ecstacy  will  sweep  across  the  world.  Emotional  riots 
will  break  out  everywhere.  Hundreds  of  New  Year  cele- 
brations will  be  crowded  into  one  night  of  delirious  joy. 
Children,  astonished  by  the  madness  of  their  parents,  will 
scream  and  dance  in  contagious  imitation.  Churches  will 
be  crowded  with  worshipers  too  stirred  to  pray.  Men  in 
fits  of  gratitude  will  indulge  in  philanthropic  orgies. 
Women,  too  pained  to  cry  during  the  war,  will  learn  to  cry 
with  overwhelming  joy.  There  will  be  bonfires  in  our 
hearts  and  from  them  will  ascend  a  wave  of  religious 
gratitude  to  the  heavens.  Peace  will  be  here.  Peace! 
We  will  go  berserk  with  triumph  and  peace.  And  that  will 
be  the  most  dangerous  moment  in  all  history ! 

Will  we  again  waste  the  sacrifice  of  millions  of  people 
because  we  are  not  prepared  to  think?  Will  we  simply 
rearrange  our  prejudices  and  reclothe  our  demagoguery? 
Or  will  we,  with  knowledge  of  the  causes  of  the  disaster, 
grimly  set  ourselves  to  the  task  of  winning  the  peace  and 
preventing  World  War  III  now? 


CHAPTER    I 


MEDICINES  WITHOUT  CURE 


In  the  short  span  of  twenty-five  years  the  Germans 
have  erupted  twice,  dislocated  all  humanity,  and  forced 
us  to  abandon  peaceful  pursuits.  Judged  by  ordinary 
criminal  standards,  her  crimes  are  so  great  as  to  exceed 
our  concepts  of  punishment.  This  is  a  perplexing  phenom- 
enon. We  know  readily  what  to  do  with  a  truant  boy 
or  with  a  vicious  murderer.  But  what  shall  we  do  with 
millions  of  murderers?  Our  rules  for  punishment  dis- 
integrate w^hen  the  criminal  gang  is  a  whole  nation.  For 
this  reason,  the  customary  penalties  for  individual  offenses 
become  inapplicable  to  mass  crime. 

1.    Extermination  and  Sterilization 

We  still  shudder  at  the  hanging  or  eloctrocution  of  a 
convicted  murderer.  But  we  lull  our  squeamish  sensibil- 
ities by  citing  the  religious  doctrine,  "An  eye  for  an  eye — " 
and  justify  the  punishment  as  a  deterrent  to  others.  But 
what  shall  we  say  of  the  proposed  extension  of  this  doc- 
trine to  an  extermination  of  the  entire  German  people! 
A  dozen  resistant  reasons  instantly  spring  to  mind. 
"The  entire  German  people  is  not  responsible;  one  can't 
convict  a  whole  people" — "such  punishment  apes  the  ab- 
normal cruelty  of  the  condemned  and  makes  us  his 
imitators"— "you  can't  kill  80  millions"— "it  would  create 


another  crisis  in  Europe  to  wipe  out  one  of  its  largest 
and  most  efficient  populations" — etc.,  etc. 

The  French  were  accustomed  to  saying,  "We  must 
destroy  Germany  or  make  peace  with  her — and  to  destroy 
her  is  an  absurdity."  But  as  the  French  have  since 
learned,  it  is  not  easy  to  make  peace  with  her. 

Others,  stirred  to  consuming  hatred  by  German  brutal- 
ities, suggest  that  they  be  destroyed  as  a  race  by  eugenic 
sterilization. 

They  argue  that  if  compulsory  serum  treatments  are 
justified  by  their  benefits  to  the  community,  sterilization 
of  the  German  people  might  similarly  be  considered  a  pro- 
tective measure  to  immunize  the  world  forever  against  the 
virus  of  Germanism.  They  point  out  that  the  surgical 
procedure  is  simple,  painless  and  does  not  even  deprive 
the  patient  of  normal  instincts,  or  their  gratification. 
Vasectomy,  the  operation  on  the  male,  simply  requires 
a  slight  incision  since  the  sperm  duct  lies  just  beneath 
the  skin.  The  operation  takes  only  ten  minutes  to  per- 
form and  the  patient  may  resume  work  immediately  after- 
wards. Ligation  of  the  fallopian  tubes,  the  operation 
which  renders  the  female  sterile,  is  more  difficult  but  not 
much  more  dangerous. 

There  are  about  50  million  German  men  and  women 
within  the  procreation  ages,  and  it  is  estimated  that 
twenty  thousand  surgeons  performing  about  twenty-five 
operations  daily  could  sterilize  the  entire  male  population 
of  Germany  within  three  months  and  the  entire  female 
population  in  less  than  three  years.  At  the  normal  death 
rate  of  two  per  cent  per  annum  or  one  and  a  half  million 
people  yearly,  the  German  people  would  practically  dis- 
appear within  two  generations. 

We  reject  this  proposal  but  not  because  of  German  pro- 
tests. They  have  forfeited  all  right  to  protest,  for  they 


themselves  set  this  precedent.  It  is  estimated  that  in 
Germany  300,000  people  have  been  sterilized  and  in  Poland 
700,000  people.  They  have  not  been  beyond  the  abolition 
of  education  so  as  to  make  populations  slave-fit,  the 
physical  and  mental  corruption  of  the  masses  by  porno- 
graphic and  drug  incitation,  and  the  systematic  extermina- 
tion of  whole  peoples. 

So  we  will  not  heed  the  voice  of  Nazi  protest.  Too 
often  have  they  claimed  protection  by  hypocritical  resort 
to  the  moral  and  ethical  inhibitions  of  their  enemies,  which 
they  themselves  scorn  as  contemptible  weakness.  But  our 
own  consciences  cannot  be  easily  stilled  if  we  resort  to 
unmoral  retaliation.  If  a  world  of  justice  is  to  be  built 
revenge  must  be  avoided.  For  in  its  wake  are  thousands 
of  injustices  and  the  lingering  hatreds  which  are  the  devils 
of  the  future.  Would  not  the  innocent  be  punished  with 
the  guilty?  When  would  the  penalty  cease?  Would  not 
the  present  generation  of  German  children,  dispersed 
throughout  the  world,  defeat  the  purpose? 

Above  all,  religious  and  ethical  concepts  deprive  us  of 
the  will  to  abolish  a  people.  The  horror  of  scientific 
mutilation  is  stronger  than  all  the  cold  justification  which 
logic  can  marshal.  For  though  inhumanity  begets  in- 
humanity, we  are  ashamed  of  the  offspring.  The  moral 
restraints  upon  us  are  the  residue  of  centuries  of  slow 
civilizing  processes.  We  need  not  be  ashamed  of  them. 
Let  us  direct  them  into  channels  which  will  strengthen 
the  regard  for  such  values. 

We  must  not  emulate  the  abnormal  even  in  wreaking 
vengeance  upon  them — certainly  not  in  constructing  a 
world  of  justice.  The  measuring  yardstick  of  appropriate 
penalty  must  accord  with  common  religious  and  ethical 
concepts.  A  program  of  compulsory  eugenic  sterilization 
or  wholesale  executions  would  arouse  violent  dissents  in 


religious  and  other  circles  and  breed  new  disunity  among 
the  victors.  It  would  martyrize  Germans  who  would,  of 
course,  rebel  en  masse.  Unless  there  were  universal  con- 
fidence in  the  justice  of  the  remedy,  it  would  fail  as  a  prac- 
tical measure.  Moral  sanction  must  precede  physical 
application. 

Furthermore,  sterilization  might  solve  the  German 
problem  for  future  generations  but  it  would  constitute  no 
present  solution.  To  safeguard  posterity  is  admirable  but 
there  is  a  more  immediate  duty  to  ourselves  and  our 
children. 

We  must  forego  the  solution  of  sterilization. 

Such  abnegation  is  far  from  misplaced  sentiment.  We 
shall  see  that  there  are  methods  available  for  stern  pun- 
ishment. At  present  it  is  enough  to  conclude  that  capital 
punishment  or  sterilization  for  millions  of  people  is  im- 
practicable, and  violates  those  moral  precepts  which  limit 
even  legalized  murder. 

2.    Breeding,  A  Mendelian  Theory 

Nor  can  we  accept  the  suggestion  of  Professor  Earnest 
A.  Hooton,  anthropologist  of  Harvard  University,  that 
we  breed  German  aggressiveness  out  of  its  people.  He 
would  force  the  bulk  of  the  present  German  army  to  work 
as  labor  units  in  devastated  areas  for  a  period  of  20  years 
or  more.  Single  men  would  be  permitted  to  marry  only 
women  living  in  these  areas.  By  such  outbreeding  he 
would  reduce  the  birthrate  of  "pure  Germans"  and  neutral- 
ize aggressiveness. 

The  theory  of  race  purity  is  no  more  valid  when  turned 
against  the  Nazis  than  when  offered  by  them  against 
others.  Aggressiveness  is  not  a  biological  trait.  At  one 
time  in  history  the  Dutch  and  Turks  were  aggressors. 
Today  they  are  peaceful.  The  eugenic  solution  ignores  the 

6 


educational,  economic  and  social  conditioning  which  affect 
a  people's  traits. 

3.    Political  Dismemberment 

What,  then,  of  other  remedies?  Shall  we  slice  German y 
into  many  segments  and  by  such  dismemberment  inflict 
capital  punishment  on  her  nationhood  rather  than  on  her 
people?  The  suggestion  is  enticing  and  has  already  re- 
ceived wide  consideration.  It  rests  upon  the  assumption 
that  the  recuperative  powers  of  the  German  people  will  be 
stunted  if  Germany  is  divided  into  small  or  minority 
groups.  Germany  originally  consisted  of  many  separate 
States  differing  in  culture,  origin  and  language.*  One  by 
one  they  were  conquered  by  the  Prussians.  Many  believe 
that  dismemberment  of  the  Reich  into  its  original  units 
might  revive  their  national  and  ethnological  differences. 
Thus  hatred  for  the  Prussians  might  be  sowed  among  the 
Germans  themselves. 

But  such  a  partition  might  well  give  added  incentive  to 
the  extreme  nationalism  which  permeates  Teutonic  peo- 
ples. German  unity  has  been  one  of  the  most  successful 
propaganda  arguments  of  Pan-Germanism  since  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Philosophers  like  Fichte  and  Hegel  ad- 
vocated it. 


*  It  is  often  overlooked  that  Germany  is  composed  of  two  elements 
which  differ  racially  and  culturally.  The  original  German  tribes,  who 
were  influenced  by  Western  civilization  early  in  their  history,  lived  in 
the  Western  and  Southern  parts  of  present-day  Germany.  The  in- 
habitants of  the  territory  east  of  the  River  Elbe,  however,  were  Slavic 
in  origin  and  tongue.  These  Slavic  groups  were  conquered  and  en- 
slaved 700  years  ago  by  German  knights  whose  descendants  are  the 
Junkers  of  today.  They  lost  their  cultural  heritage  slowly  and,  in 
fact,  there  is,  within  fifty  miles  of  Berlin,  a  large  group  (300,000)  which 
still  retains  its  Slavic  tongue.  In  the  days  of  Frederick  the  Great,  only 
one-third  of  his  "Prussians"  spoke  German.  The  balance  remained 
faithful  to  their  Slavic  languages.  After  Bismarck  had  created  the 
German  Reich  in  1870,  the  conflict  continued  between  the  Western 
Germans  and  the  Junkers.  Bismarck  wrote  in  his  Memoirs  that  the 
Prussians  were  hated  by  the  Rhinelanders  who  called  the  Junkers. 
"Spree-Kosacken"  (Cossacks  of  the  River  Spree). 


In  1866  Prussia  became  the  predominant  state  in 
Germany  by  virtue  of  her  victory  over  Austria.  The  slogan 
of  the  "unity  of  German  blood"  was  exploited  by  Bis- 
marck as  the  driving  force  for  a  new  Pan-German  effort. 
He  dissolved  the  former  distinctions  among  Bavaria, 
Prussia,  Saxony,  Wurtenberg  and  Hanover. 

The  separation,  after  the  last  war,  of  fragments  of  the 
German  people,  as  in  Danzig  and  the  Polish  Corridor, 
punished  but  did  not  weaken  Germany.  It  decreased  Ger- 
many's population  by  a  fractional  per  cent,  but  the  same 
policy  toward  Hungary,  Austria  and  Bulgaria  helped  to 
sow  the  dragon's  teeth  for  the  future. 

The  fanatical  belief  of  the  present  generation  in 
German  unity  would  make  recourse  to  the  old  divisions  an 
impracticable  device.  It  would  be  a  mere  invitation  for 
the  Germans  to  wipe  out  the  fictional  boundary  lines.  After 
previous  defeats,  they  have  been  dismembered  only  to  re- 
group, their  strength  increased  by  the  inspiration  of  a  new 
cohesion. 

So  popular  with  Germans  is  this  notion  of  unity  that  it 
has  been  cleverly  exploited  as  an  additional  excuse  for 
world  conquest.  For  in  every  country  there  are  Germans, 
and,  according  to  the  blood  theory,  they  always  remain 
such.  There  are  approximately  33  million  Germans  out- 
side of  the  German  Reich.  Of  the  15  million  in  the  western 
hemisphere,  10  million  live  in  the  United  States.  They  can- 
not, according  to  this  theory,  divest  themselves  of  ex- 
clusive loyalty  to  the  German  state  even  by  acquiring 
citizenship  in  another. 

If  nothing  is  done  to  eradicate  this  fundamentally  cor- 
rupt belief  then  mere  segregation  will  be  to  no  avail.  In- 
deed, it  will  provide  the  impetus  for  unity  movements 
which  will  plague  the  world.  It  will  create  a  whole  series 
of  minority  problems.  It  will  create  economic  barriers  as 
well  as  political  intrigues. 

8 


Furthermore,  division  does  not  destroy  or  even  suspend 
German  sovereignty.  On  the  contrary,  it  creates  many 
smaller  German  sovereignties  and  to  this  extent  multiplies 
the  problem.  For  each  sovereignty  will  claim  its  own 
police  force,  if  not,  indeed,  its  own  army.  We  have  seen 
how  German  deception  makes  the  two  indistinguishable. 
The  proximity  of  the  several  small  German  nations  would 
add  to  the  difficulty  of  preserving  their  separateness.  It 
would  create  economic  and  political  problems  for  other 
nations,  for  whom  the  divided  entities  would  be  real,  while 
for  their  own  purposes  the  many  Germanys  could  consider 
the  distinctions  amongst  them  dissolved. 

If  we  join  segments  of  Germany  to  other  surrounding 
nations,  then  we  Balkanize  another  virile  portion  of  the 
European  continent,  with  all  of  the  class  and  national 
feuds  magnified.  Currencies,  trade,  political  and  military 
alignments — all  ascend  to  their  old  roles  of  devilment. 

4.    Compulsory  Migration 

Similarly  unacceptable  is  the  proposal  that  the  Ger- 
mans be  shipped  out  of  Germany  to  colonization  areas. 
This  theory  inclines  to  the  belief  that  Germans  being  scat- 
tered will  be  shorn  of  military  power  while  preserving 
their  constructive  abilities.  Once  more  we  need  not  heed 
the  horror  of  the  Nazis  at  such  extreme  measures.  It  was 
they  who  taught  us  that  whole  populations  could  be  trans- 
ported mercilessly — 500,000  Czechs  were  summarily  moved 
from  Czechoslovakia  to  Germany;  4,320,000  Poles  were 
transported  from  their  native  land  (after  900,000  had  been 
put  to  death).  Nor  had  the  Nazis  any  scruples  about  the 
compulsory  transmigration  of  2,350,000  Frenchmen, 
468,400  Dutchmen,  13,000  Norwegians,  532,000  Belgians, 
60,000  Danes,  all  robbed  of  their  possessions,  driven  from 
their  soil  to  other  nations  of  foreign  tongue  and  custom. 


Ko,  German  protest  against  the  colonization  theory  is  the 
least  impressive  of  the  arguments  against  it. 

But  virtually  emptying  the  Central  European  basin 
would  not  be  a  contribution  to  economic  reconstruction. 
Aside  from  the  problems  of  allocation  and  compulsory 
migration  of  at  least  fifty  million  people,  what  are  the  as- 
surances for  ultimate  advantage  to  peace?  This  plan 
might  well  be  compared  with  that  of  eradicating  a  com- 
municable disease  by  spreading  its  carriers  thinly  through- 
out the  world. 

Psychologically,  these  proposals  of  segregation  are 
efforts  to  escape  from  the  problem  rather  than  solve  it ;  to 
substitute  the  satisfaction  of  an  extreme  effort  for  a  solu- 
tion. Just  as  extermination  is  a  vengeful  remedy,  so 
political  dismemberment  and  dispersion  are  escapist 
devices. 

Justice — Not  Sentimentality  or  Cruelty 

The  surest  sign  of  our  not  having  thought  the  problem 
through  is  the  prevalence  of  the  pat  extremes  commonly 
advocated — "kill  them"  or  "forgive  and  forget." 

We  must  shun  the  maudlin  theorist  who  suffers  heart- 
throbs for  the  meanest  criminal  and  "his  family"  while 
wagging  a  somber  but  unfeeling  head  for  the  victim  be- 
cause he  "can  no  longer  be  restored  to  life  anyway."  In 
the  international  sphere  there  is  his  counterpart — the 
statesman  who  suggests  that  only  complete  foregiveness 
will  forestall  military  resurgence. 

Justice  would  drop  her  scales  and  turn  her  blindfolded 
head  in  shame  if  such  incredible  cruelties  as  our  enemies 
inflicted  on  the  whole  world  were  not  punished.  Swift,  cer- 
tain and  appropriate  penalties  must  be  handed  out.  We 
shall  examine  this  subject  later. 

10 


We  must  be  stire  that  the  new  peace  is  not  a  mere 
interim  during  which  the  Germans,  unrepentant,  prepare 
another  onslaught.  If  we  are  not  wise  enough  to  prevent 
forever  German  resurgence,  Der  Tag  is  inevitable  and  our 
sacrifices  will  have  been  in  vain.  We  have  never  won  until 
we  are  assured  that  the  attack  will  not  recur. 

No  reliance  can  be  placed  on  German  "repentance"  or 
newborn  realization  of  past  error.  No  confidence  can  be 
had  in  their  self-reform,  or  in  good-will  bribed  with 
generosity. 

Is  tliere  a  solution  for  the  German  problem  which  will 
remove  its  recurrent  threat  to  world  peace? 

There  i*. 


11 


CHAPTER   II 


WHO  IS  RESPONSIBLE? 


Are  the  German  people  or  only  their  leaders  to  blame? 
If  only  the  leaders,  then  the  prophylactic  steps  against 
their  militarism  are  comparatively  simple.  If  the  people, 
then  we  must  cope  with  millions  of  problems.  Before  any 
consideration  can  be  given  to  a  proper  solution  of  Ger- 
manism, its  magnitude  and  nature  must  be  assayed. 

All  generalities  suffer  from  the  same  defect.  They  are 
too  inclusive  to  be  accurate.  Therefore,  it  becomes  impos- 
sible to  indict  a  whole  people  in  the  sense  that  every  indi- 
vidual is  personally  responsible.  But  we  cannot  reject 
common  responsibility  simply  because  of  individual  in- 
nocence. If  no  fact  about  a  people  could  be  stated  unless 
it  had  been  unanimously  established  by  them,  then  we 
could  never  generalize  about  group  conduct.  We  need  not 
therefore  heed  the  objection  that  no  general  conclusions 
can  be  drawn  about  the  responsibility  of  the  German 
people.  We  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  Italians  are  a 
musical  people  though  many  of  them  are  tonally  deaf;  or 
that  Scotchmen  are  thrifty,  though  among  them  are  spend- 
thrifts; or  that  Englishmen  are  phlegmatic,  though  they 
have  their  share  of  excitable  individuals;  or  that  Ameri- 
cans are  an  energetic,  restless  people,  though  there  exist 
among  them  innumerable  sluggards.  We  have  a  right  to 
speak  about  the  German  people  as  such. 

12 


When  we  attribute  faults  to  a  whole  people  we  refer 
to  the  characteristics  which  identify  a  great  majority  of 
them.  We  must  not  be  deterred  from  the  inquiry  by  ques- 
tions about  the  five  million  Communists  who  voted  in  the 
last  pre-Hitler  election,  the  four  million  German  Catholics, 
the  six  hundred  thousand  German  Jews,  and  the  eight 
million  Social  Democrats. 

In  the  last  free  Reichstag  elections  held  in  November, 
1932,  the  Leftist  groups  mustered  13,231,650  votes.  The 
Rightist  groups  polled  22,035,235  votes.  Such  statistics 
might  give  the  impression  that  a  large  minority  of  Ger- 
mans disapproved  of  Hitlerism  and  acted  under  duress. 
But  research  into  this  important  subject  cannot  be  thus 
summarily  terminated.  There  was  »the  Kaiser  before 
Hitler,  and  Bismarck  before  the  Kaiser  and  Frederick  the 
Great  before  Bismarck — indeed,  two  thousand  years  of 
Germanism  to  account  for.  Under  each  ruler  millions 
of  Germans  fought  fanatically,  heroically,  sacrificially. 
Theirs  was  not  conduct  induced  by  compulsion.  Theirs 
was  a  will  to  execute  a  program  and  a  readiness  to  die  for 
it.  The  vaunted  efficiency  of  German  aggression  depends 
on  millions  of  little  cogs  acting  in  perfect  coordination 
which  involuntary  compliance  could  not  possibly  produce. 

Preparation  for  military  conquest  requires  enthusiastic 
popular  support  and  willingness  to  sacrifice.  No  sulky  ad- 
herence can  suffice.  Some  great  incentive,  such  as  world 
domination  or,  conversely,  resistance  to  extinction,  is 
necessary.  The  Germans  and  Russians  supply  illustra- 
tions of  each.  Germany,  beginning  in  destitution  and 
defeat,  built  the  most  powerful  attacking  force  in  all  his- 
tory. For  the  greater  part  of  a  generation  its  people 
denied  itself  necessities  as  well  as  luxuries  to  construct  its 
war  monster.  Does  not  such  a  mechanical  and  industrial 

13 


achievement  indicate  willing  determination  and  co-opera 
tion  rather  than  obedience  to  a  tyrant? 

During  the  first  World  War  it  was  generally  accepted 
in  intelligent  quarters  that  we  had  no  quarrel  with  the 
German  people;  that  only  their  unprincipled  leaders  were 
our  enemies.  Wilson  made  the  classic  statement  of  this 
view:  "We  have  no  quarrel  with  the  German  people,"  he 
said.  "It  was  not  upon  their  impulse  that  their  govern- 
ment acted  in  entering  this  war."  His  appeals  were 
directed  to  the  German  people  as  if  they  were  merely  op- 
pressed brothers  whom  we  would  free  from  their  own  over- 
lords. In  thus  directing  all  responsibility  for  breaking 
treaties  and  desecrating  international  law  upon  the  de- 
posed leaders,  the  German  people  were  actually  absolved 
from  blame.  That  they  later  considered  the  humiliation 
of  their  leaders  their  own  is  a  significant  commentary. 
We  shall  see  that  they  went  so  far  as  to  sabotage  the 
punishment  provisions  of  the  Versailles  Treaty  in  a 
desperate  effort  to  protect  the  very  men  who,  we  insisted, 
had  enslaved  them. 

All  the  powers  of  the  German  democracy  were 
exerted  on  behalf  of  its  military  caste.  The  French 
in  1871  exiled  their  monarch  and  his  family  permanently. 
The  Germans,  by  plebiscite,  voted  millions  to  their 
deserting  Kaiser.  And  in  three  democratic  elections 
they  designated  Hindenburg  as  President — Hindenburg, 
who  was  an  avowed  monarchist,  whose  sole  claim  to 
their  affection  was  that  he  had  been  a  field  marshal.  As 
the  regularly  chosen  President,  he  legally  appointed  Hitler 
Chancellor.  At  that  time  the  Nazi  Party  had  won  288 
seats  in  the  Eeichstag  and  was  the  strongest  in  Germany. 
This  expression  of  the  people,  directly  and  through  their 
constitutional  President,  was  made  with  the  full  knowl- 
edge of  Hitler's  program  as  revealed  in  Mein  Kampf.  Thus 

U 


public   opinion   in   Germany   revealed  itself   even   before 
censorship  and  tyranny  choked  its  voice. 

Another  Scrap  of  Paper 

For  many  years,  until  Hitler's  adoption  of  the  same 
theory  made  us  wary,  it  was  popularly  accepted  that  the 
Versailles  Treaty  was  iniquitously  severe.  Here  and  there 
were  early  dissents.  One  remembers  the  anecdote  of 
Marshal  Foch  submitting  armistice  terms  to  Count  Brock- 
dorff-Rantzau,  who  turned  pale  at  their  harshness  and 
stated  that  they  exceeded  all  civilized  standards.  Foch 
then  advised  him  that  he  had  the  real  terms  in  his  other 
pocket,  but  that  he  had  submitted  a  copy  of  the  German 
terms  which  had  been  prepared  in  anticipation  of  victory, 
and  which  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  French  secret 
service.  The  veracity  of  the  point  was  illustrated  by  the 
Carthaginian  terms  laid  down  to  the  Russians  at  Brest- 
Litovsk  in  1917,  to  the  French  in  the  railway  car  at  Com- 
piegne  in  1940,  and  by  the  Germans'  general  inhumanity 
toward  conquered  nations. 

The  Versailles  Treaty  has  been  branded  as  being  either 
too  severe  or  too  generous.  Actually  it  was  not  the  cause 
or  inciter  of  the  next  war.  Too  much  has  been  attributed 
to  this  document,  which,  by  German  standards,  was  merely 
a  piece  of  paper  not  to  be  taken  seriously  except  as  a  con- 
venient pretext  of  "oppression." 

Germans  would  have  been  more  impressed  by  a  pitiless 
victor  than  by  a  charitable  one.  Their  respect  would  have 
grown  for  a  harsh  enemy  as  their  respect  was  devotedly 
given  to  their  own  autocrats  in  direct  proportion  to  the 
cruelties  these  autocrats  inflicted.  A  softer  peace,  in  the 
opinion  of  Emil  Ludwig,  would  not  have  prevented  Hitler 

15 


but  would  have  caused  him  to  come  five  or  ten  years 
sooner.* 

Is  it  any  wonder  that  generosity  failed  as  an  inter- 
national policy?  Aside  from  its  sheer  military  and  prac- 
tical inefficacy,  it  ignored  the  abnormal  national  psychol- 
ogy of  the  Germans,  which  makes  them  contemptuous  of 
tolerance  and  respectful  of  brutality. 

The  Versailles  Treaty  would  have  been  violated  irre- 
spective of  its  terms  unless  the  age-old  German  program 
of  world  conquest  had  been  destroyed.  That  is  the  bald 
fact.  The  onus  may  not  be  placed  upon  the  Treaty  which, 
for  all  its  faults,  was  a  humane  Christian  document  com- 
pared with  demonstrated  Nazi  impositions  upon  the  con- 
quered. It  must  be  placed  upon  the  inability  of  the  treaty 
designers  to  recognize  that  formulation  of  rules  was  in- 
sufficient; that  root  causes  of  German  perfidy  must  be 
discovered  and  dealt  with  if  reform  is  to  be  effected;  that 
a  prescription  without  proper  diagnosis  is  meaningless 
even  though  written  in  imposing  medical  terms. 


*In  this  respect  there  is  a  natural  affinity  between  the  Japanese  and 
the  Germans.  In  1862  an  Englishman.  H.  L.  Richardson,  who  refused 
to  yield  the  sidewalk  to  a  Japanese  officer,  was  slain.  The  English  sent 
several  battleships  to  Kagoshima  and  shelled  it  to  smithereens.  Europe 
was  horrified  by  this  retaliatory  measure.  Even  the  English  nervously 
awaited  the  angry  reaction  of  the  Japanese  and  took  special  defense 
precautions.  To  their  amazement,  the  Japanese  not  only  offered  profuse 
apologies  and  paid  indemnity  but  responded  with  profoundly  respectful 
overtures  to  the  English,  and  for  the  first  time  expressed  open  admira- 
tion for  them. 

To  the  Japanese,  the  remorseless  avenging  of  a  wrong  is  the  highest 
symbol  of  honor.  English  retaliation  by  brutal  force  was,  to  the  Jap- 
anese, an  impressive  demonstration  of  high  character.  Had  the  English 
written  polite  notes  of  protest,  the  Japanese  would  have  had  nothing 
but  contempt  for  their  weakness  in  not  avenging  an  insult. 

In  spite  of  this  object  lesson  in  Eastern  psychology,  England  and 
the  United  States  continued  in  later  years  to  mollify  Japanese  public 
opinion  bv  generous  overtures.  Guam  must  not  be  fortified  lest  it  offend 
Japanese  sensibilities.  Japanese  aggressions  and  horrors  in  China  must 
receive  only  polite  slaps  on  the  wrist.  In  the  meantime,  steel  and  iron 
and  gasoline  must  be  shipped  to  Japan  lest  she  be  irritated  by  our  dis- 
approval. 

16 


The  Versailles  Treaty  permitted  the  Germans  to  choose 
their  own  leaders.  And  fourteen  years  later  they  were 
heiling  Hitler!  Granted  that  distressful  circumstances 
conditioned  them  for  demagoguery,  is  it  not  curious  that 
they  followed,  not  the  appeal  of  a  more  secure  and  pros- 
perous life,  but  rather  the  promise  of  world  domination? 
How  recurrent  is  this  theme  in  German  history!  Was 
Nazism  a  coincidence  or  the  fulfillment  of  age-old  German 
dreams,  philosophically  and  systematically  inculcated  into 
German  consciousness  for  centuries? 

The  peoples  of  the  world  now  instinctively  sense  the 
answer.  Though  they  have  not  traced  down  in  laborious 
research  the  course  of  German  history  and  its  abnormal 
mission  for  conquering  the  world,  their  attitude  towards 
the  German  people  has  changed.  Common  sense,  which 
is  the  ordinary  man's  erudition,  informs  him  that  no 
people  can  be  innocent  who  have  twice  in  one  generation 
burst  forth  in  aggression  against  all  their  neighbors,  near 
and  far.  How  is  it  that  one  spot  on  the  surface  of  the 
earth,  no  larger  than  Texas,  should  so  persistently  explode 
and  ravage  the  world? 

And  what  were  the  toasts,  the  slogans,  the  anthems, 
the  battle  cries  of  this  people?  "Der  Tag" — when  Germany 
will  rule  the  world.  "Deutschland  uber  Alles".  "Tomor- 
row we  will  rule  the  world."  "The  destiny  of  Germany  is 
to  rule  the  world."  Rule  the  world!  Rule  the  world!  No 
people  who  can  thrill  to  such  a  mission  are  innocent  vic- 
tims of  wicked  leaders. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  second  World  War,  the  leaders 
of  the  democracies  still  spoke  with  extereme  caution  about 
"the  German  people."  But  as  German  ruthlessness  as- 
serted itself,  important  statesmen  began  to  express  their 
belief  in  the  responsibility  of  the  German  people. 

17 


Not  for  the  purpose  of  mere  indictment,  but  with  the 
view  of  isolating  the  germ,  the  better  to  prescribe  the 
remedy,  let  us  examine  the  historical  background  of  Ger- 
man chauvinism.  Nazism  is  no  new  theory  born  out  of  the 
inequities  of  the  Versailles  Treaty,  or  because  of  economic 
distress.  It  is  an  expression  of  German  aspirations  voiced 
through  the  centuries. 

Caesar  and  Tacitus  Report  on  Nazism 

The  Germans  in  defeat,  even  in  Caesar's  day  as  he  re- 
ported, had  reason  to  fear  the  "general  hatred  of  the 
Germans"  and  to  resort  to  the  distinction  between  the 
people  and  their  leaders. 

Caesar  wrote :  "Their  whole  life  is  composed  of  hunting 
expeditions  and  military  pursuits;  from  early  boyhood 
they  are  zealous  for  toil  and  hardship.  Those  who  remain 
longest  in  chastity  win  greatest  praise  among  their  kin- 
dred; some  think  that  stature,  some  that  strength  and 
sinew  are  fortified  thereby.  Further  they  deem  it  a  most 
disgraceful  thing  to  have  had  knowledge  of  a  woman  before 
the  twentieth  year." 

Psychiatrists  will  find  in  this  observation  fruitful 
material  for  their  studies  of  the  root  causes  of  German 
sadism  and  of  the  inferiority  complex  which  seeks  to  ex- 
press itself  through  conquest  and  domination.  The  well- 
known  tendencies  in  Germany  towards  homosexuality 
became  public  knowledge  when  Hitler  justified  his 
purge  of  Roehm  and  his  adherents  on  the  ground  that 
they  had  been  guilty  of  practices  of  degradation  which 
corrupted  the  governing  circles.  Hitler's  and  Hess'  own 
"aestheticism,"  Goering's  abnormal  practices  (as  deter- 
mined by  a  Swiss  court),  and  the  evil  conduct  of  the 
Streichers  and  other  Nazi  leaders,  fit  well  into  the  charac- 
teristic pattern  of  bestiality.  The  study  of  psychotic  be- 

18 


havior  is  still  in  the  exploratory  stages,  but  Caesar's  report 
on  the  training  begun  ages  ago  by  the  German  people  to 
deny  and  invert  normal  instincts  as  part  of  the  tribal 
custom  may  be  a  significant  clue  to  sick  German  conduct. 
Is  it  possible  that  German  cruelty  and  blood  lust  is 
traceable  to  sexual  inhibitions?  Is  there  significance  in 
the  pornographic  tendencies  of  the  Germans  fed  by  such 
official  documents  as  Streicher's  Stuermerf  These  and 
similar  questions  we  leave  to  the  reflection  of  experts  in 
a  domain  of  medicine  still  elusive  and  challenging. 

More  certain  is  the  conclusion  that  the  Germans  made 
these  sacrifices  to  gain  strength  and  stature  for  "military 
pursuits." 

Caesar,  who  as  a  dictator  had  no  high  ethical  standards, 
was  reporting  rather  than  moralizing  when  he  continued 
with  these  observations: 

"For  agriculture  they  have  no  zeal,  and  the  greater 
part  of  their  food  consists  of  milk,  cheese  and  flesh.  No 
man  has  a  definite  quantity  of  land  or  estate  of  his  own; 
the  magistrates  and  chiefs  every  year  assign  to  tribes  and 
clans  that  have  assembled  together  as  much  land  and  in 
such  place  as  seems  good  to  them,  and  compel  the  tenants 
after  a  year  to  pass  on  elsewhere.  They  adduce  many 
reasons  for  that  practice — the  fear  that  they  may  be 
tempted  by  continuous  association  to  substitute  agricul- 
ture for  their  warrior  zeal;  .  .  .  Their  states  account  it 
the  highest  praise  by  devastating  their  borders  to  have 
areas  of  wilderness  as  wide  as  possible  around  them.  They 
think  it  the  true  sign  of  valor  when  the  neighbors  are 
driven  to  retire  from  their  lands  and  no  man  dares  to 
settle  near,  and  at  the  same  time  they  believe  they  will 
be  safer  thereby,  having  removed  all  fear  of  a  sudden 
inroad.  .  .  .  Acts  of  brigandage  committed  outside  the 
borders  of  each  several  state  involve  no  disgrace ;  in  fact, 

19 


they  affirm  that  such  are  committed  in  order  to  practice 
the  young  men  and  to  diminish  sloth.  And  when  any  of 
the  chiefs  has  said  in  public  assembly  that  he  will  be 
leader,  'Let  those  who  will  follow  declare  it',  then  all  who 
approve  the  cause  and  the  man  rise  together  to  his  service 
and  promise  their  own  assistance,  and  win  the  general 
praise  of  the  people.  Any  of  them  who  have  not  followed, 
after  promise,  are  reckoned  as  deserters  and  traitors." 

Caesar's  keen  reporting  is  confirmed  by  centuries  of 
experience.  We  shall  see  how  the  Germans'  fear  of  agri- 
culture lest  it  diminish  "their  warrior  zeal"  affected  their 
national  development.  Of  course,  the  program  of  "dev- 
astating their  borders"  and  committing  "acts  of  brigand- 
age" has  remained  a  constant  aspiration  of  the  Germans. 
Most  striking  is  the  selection  of  a  leader,  the  oath  to  fol- 
low him  blindly,  and  the  ritual  of  obedience.  All  who  dis- 
agree are  traitors.  Is  not  this  self-appointed,  self- 
annointed  leadership  and  blind  fealty  a  description  of 
Hitlerism?  It  is  to  precisely  this  tradition  in  German 
history  that  the  Nazi  leaders  have  appealed. 

Always  in  German  history  the  inverted  pyramid  has 
been  the  governing  form.  All  authority  rests  on  the  apex. 
In  primitive  days  the  leader  was  the  foremost  warrior  or 
huntsman.  Often  his  son  or  grandson  succeeded  him. 
Later  he  was  designated  King  or  Duke,  but  at  all  times  the 
people  swore  solemn  loyalty  and  offered  sacrifices  to  him 
under  their  ancient  oaks.  All  independent  thought  was 
surrendered.  The  leader's  word  was  final,  even  if  it  re- 
quired treachery  and  dishonesty.  The  common  denomina- 
tor of  all  leaders  was  that  they  were  warriors.  Political 
rule  was  based  upon  the  ability  to  wage  war.  Perhaps  it 
was  not  extraordinary  in  the  dark  age  of  Caesar,  but  its 
persistence,  unchanged  through  the  many  centuries,  is  a 

20 


meaningful  phenomenon.  Five  hundred  years  after  the 
revolt  in  Athens,  and  after  social  revolution  had  sent  its 
civilizing  streams  through  the  Mediterranean,  the  Ger- 
mans were  still  blindly  following  their  leaders. 

About  a  century  later,  Tacitus,  in  his  famous  De 
Germania  took  sight  again  of  German  tendencies.  Had 
they  changed?  He  writes:  "Without  being  armed  they 
transact  nothing,  whether  of  public  or  private  concern- 
ment. The  Princes  fight  for  victory;  for  the  Prince  his 
followers  fight.  Many  of  the  young  nobility,  when  their 
own  community  comes  to  languish  in  its  vigor  by  long 
peace  and  inactivity,  betake  themselves  through  impatience 
to  other  states  which  then  prove  to  be  in  war.  In  addition 
to  the  fact  that  this  people  cannot  brook  repose,  and  that  by 
perilous  adventures  they  more  quickly  blazon  their  fame, 
they  require  violence  and  war  to  support  their  huge  train 
of  retainers.  They  demand  and  enjoy  their  war-horses  and 
victorious  javelins  dyed  in  the  blood  of  their  enemies.  In 
the  place  of  pay,  they  are  supplied  with  a  daily  table  and 
repasts;  though  grossly  prepared,  yet  very  profuse.  For 
maintaining  such  liberality  and  munificence,  a  fund  is  fur- 
nished by  continual  wars  and  plunder.  Nor  can  you  as 
easily  persuade  them  to  cultivate  the  ground,  or  to  await 
the  return  of  the  seasons  and  produce  of  the  year,  as  to 
provoke  the  foe  and  risk  wounds  and  death;  since  they 
account  it  stupid  and  spiritless  to  acquire  by  their  sweat 
what  they  can  gain  by  their  blood." 

The  cause  of  such  consistent  conduct  is  less  significant 
than  the  effect.  They  still  transact  nothing  without  being 
armed.  They  still  consider  it  stupid  to  acquire  by  their 
sweat  what  they  can  gain  by  their  blood.  They  still  seek 
wealth  from  plunder.  Arid  though  the  javelin  dyed  in  the 
blood  of  their  enemies  is  outmoded,  symbolically  they  stil] 
"demand  and  enjoy  it." 

21 


The  military  staffs  of  the  United  Nations,  astonished 
by  the  daring  gambles  taken  by  German  generals,  may 
gain  some  understanding  from  Tacitus'  humorous  observa- 
tion :  "What  is  marvellous,  playing  at  dice  is  one  of  their 
most  serious  employments ;  and  even  sober,  they  are  game- 
sters ;  nay,  so  desperately  do  they  venture  upon  the  chance 
of  winning  or  losing,  that  when  their  whole  substance  is 
played  away,  they  stake  their  liberty  and  their  persons 
upon  one  and  the  last  throw." 

The.  Blitzkrieg,  despite  its  meticulous,  detailed  plan- 
ning, is  an  all  or  nothing  strategy.  Lines  of  communica- 
tion are  disregarded  for  the  infiltrating  tanks  which  dash 
to  the  enemy's  rear.  Either  disorganization  and  terror 
result,  or  the  gamble  is  lost.  That  is  why  the  word  "time- 
table" became  the  key  word  in  Nazi  tactics.  And  that  is 
why  the  United  Nations  recognized  the  inestimable  value 
of  delay.  It  not  only  afforded  opportunity  for  preparation, 
but  it  upset  the  schedule  of  winning  all  in  one  blow,  and 
therefore  made  possible  losing  all  in  many  blows.  Goebbels 
unwittingly  echoed  Tacitus  when  he  said  "We  will  either 
conquer  the  world  or  if  we  have  to  go  out,  we  will  slam 
the  door  so  hard  the  universe  will  collapse."  Also,  this 
gambler's  instinct  nourishes  complete  ruthlessness.  If  the 
alternative  is  nothing,  what  is  to  be  gained  by  observing 
the  rules  of  international  law  or  the  dictates  of  common 
humanity?  The  desperate  gambler  who  contemplates 
suicide  as  the  end  of  misfortune  need  not  concern  himself 
with  the  players'  opinion  of  his  honesty  or  sportsmanship. 
How  true  it  is  that  the  Germans  staked  their  "liberty  and 
their  persons  upon  one  and  the  last  throw!"  They  were 
willing  to  sacrifice  their  freedom  in  advance  so  that  they 
could  win  the  game  of  world  conquest.  Truculently  they 
strode  across  Europe,  enjoying  their  temporary  triumphs 
in  the  illusion  that  they  were  to  be  the  master  race  for 

22 


"one  thousand  years  to  come."  Losing  has  never  deterred 
them  from  playing  the  hideous  game  of  war.  They  are 
inveterate  gamblers. 

The  Germans  crushed  Latin  civilization  at  the  battle 
of  Adrianople  in  378.  Almost  sixteen  hundred  years  later 
they  overran  France.  History,  too,  is  global,  and  the 
endless  treading  of  man  often  finds  him  in  the  same 
spot.  Caesar's  description  of  the  Gauls  (French)  after 
their  defeat  by  the  Germans  is  a  glove-fitting  commentary 
upon  Vichy.  He  writes:  "Now  there  was  a  time  in  the 
past  when  the  Gauls  were  superior  in  valor  to  the  Ger- 
mans and  made  aggressive  war  upon  them,  and  because  of 
the  number  of  their  people  and  the  lack  of  land  they  sent 
colonies  across  the  Rhine.  .  .  .  Little  by  little  the  Gauls 
have  grown  accustomed  to  defeat,  and  after  being  con- 
quered in  many  battles  they  do  not  even  compare  them- 
selves in  point  of  valor  with  the  Germans." 

Here  is  the  tragedy  of  France,  from  the  soft  and  lux- 
urious life  before  battle  to  the  fawning  obeisance  after 
defeat. 

The  Teuton  invaders  made  war  their  occupation. 
Wherever  they  tread,  culture  withered  and  died.  They 
sacked  Paris,  Arras,  Eheims,  Amiens,  Tours,  Bordeaux 
and  dozens  of  other  cities  which  have  been  visited  by  their 
descendant  criminals  repeatedly  in  later  generations.  The 
very  word  "vandalism"  was  coined  to  describe  German 
savagery,  and  the  word  "war"  stems  from  the  Old  High 
German  "werra" — to  embroil,  to  confuse. 

Earlier  German  Fuehrers 

Four  centuries  after  Adrianople,  Charlemagne  con- 
tinued the  German  tradition. 

Other  leaders  had  waged  war  because  "from  their  youth 
up  war  is  their  passion."  Plunder  and  the  gratification 


of  conquest  were  the  driving  force.  But  Charlemagne  de- 
creed an  objective.  It  was  not  modest.  He  sought  to 
conquer  the  world,  a  refrain  which  has  since  run  through 
German  existence  with  maddening  and  devastating  per- 
sistence. He  fought  a  war  every  year.  His  brilliant  gifts 
were  devoted  to  annihilating  his  neighbors  and  robbing 
them  of  their  possessions.  Germans  followed  him  with 
fanatical  devotion  for  the  same  principles  which  inspired 
them  to  follow  the  Kaiser  and  Hitler  in  our  generation. 

In  the  twelfth  century  the  leader  was  different  but 
the  program  was  monotonously  the  same.  Then  it  was 
Frederick  Barbarossa  who  scorned  peace.  The  sole  ques- 
tion was  whether  the  Italians  or  Slavs  should  be  sub- 
jugated. He  chose  the  Slavs  and  waged  war  upon  them 
with  frightful  brutality.  After  victory,  he  forbade  the  use 
of  native  Slav  languages  and  passed  severe  regulations 
against  the  Jews.  Hitler  canot  lay  claim  to  originality. 
The  consistent  antecedents  in  German  history  establish 
him  as  merely  the  latest  of  a  long  line  of  German  bar- 
barians. 

Through  the  fourteenth  century  German  infamy  con- 
tinued to  assert  itself.  Froissart,  the  foremost  historian 
of  his  time,  writes:  "The  Germans  are  covetous  people 
above  all  others.  They  have  no  pity  if  they  have  the  upper 
hand,  and  they  are  hard  and  cruel  with  their  prisoners." 
The  doctrine  of  world  conquest  began  to  take  on  organ- 
izational developments.  The  Hanseatic  League  organized 
Germans  in  all  other  countries  on  the  theory  that  their 
loyalty  was  still  due  their  German  leader.  The  Auslands 
Deutsche  fifth-column  activities  of  Hitler's  regime  are 
merely  an  extended  copy  of  an  old  German  device.  Once 
more  we  find  that  the  evils  of  the  Nazis  are  not  unique 
constructions  of  a  new  movement  but  the  persistent  repeti- 
tion of  German  behavior  for  centuries. 

24 


The  temperature  readings  by  historians,  no  matter  of 
what  century,  reveal  always  the  same  war  fever.  More 
than  four  hundred  years  ago  Machiavelli  reports :  "German 
towns  are  at  little  or  no  expense  in  anything,  but  in  laying 
up  military  stores  and  making  good  their  fortifications 
...  on  holidays  instead  of  other  diversion,  the  Germans 
are  taught  the  use  of  weapons." 

During  the  Thirty  Years  War  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, the  Germans  were  torn  by  internal  feuds  of  petty 
dynasties  and  quarreling  princes.  Their  brutality  in  war 
was  undiminished.  They  overran  Bohemia  and  persecuted 
the  Czech  people  with  a  ferocity  exceeded  only  by  the  Nazi 
legions.  Thousands  of  hostages  were  shot.  Torture  and 
terror  walked  hand  in  hand — the  ubiquitous  companions 
of  the  German  program.  The  sack  of  Magdeburg  con- 
stitutes one  of  the  most  barbaric  and  inhuman  incidents  in 
the  history  of  man.  Some  thirty  thousand  innocent  people 
were  deliberately  butchered.  The  Germans  succeeded  in 
surpassing  this  atrocity  by  more  recent  efforts  in  Rotter- 
dam and  in  Poland. 

Fuehrers  to  express  German  war  lust  were  never  lack- 
ing: Frederick  Wilhelm,  the  Great  Elector,  who  laid  the 
foundations  of  Prussian  military  despotism;  the  Soldier 
King  (father  of  Frederick  the  Great)  described  as  one  of 
the  "nastiest  bullies  who  ever  lived";  and  then  the  pride 
of  all  Germans,  Frederick  the  Great.  He  harnessed  his 
gifts  to  avowed  treachery  and  unscrupulousness.  He  once 
said :  "He  is  a  fool,  and  that  nation  is  a  fool,  who,  having 
the  power  to  strike  his  enemy  unawares,  does  not  strike 
and  strike  his  deadliest."  Frederick  the  Great  destroyed 
whatever  freedom  existed  among  his  own  followers  and 
moulded  Prussia  into  a  military  autocracy  whose  sole  aim 
was  war  and  conquest.  Among  his  depredations  was  the 
ravaging  and  partitioning  of  Poland  in  concert  with  an- 
other Prussian,  Catherine  the  Great  of  Russia. 

25 


Other  nations  have  been  guilty  of  territorial  ag- 
grandizement. England's  imperialism  built  an  empire. 
Even  the  United  States  has  isolated  chapters  in  its  history 
of  attacking  the  weak  to  aggrandize  its  borders.  But 
brutality  and  terrorization  were  not  deliberate  methods 
sadistically  enjoyed.  Much  more  important,  the  processes 
of  civilization  were  never  rejected  as  decadent  and  weak. 
Dominion  status,  self-determination,  the  recognition  of  in- 
dividual freedoms,  took  their  places  on  the  agenda  of  poli- 
tical evolution.  England  is  still  the  birthplace  of  the  Magna 
Carta.  The  United  States  voted  freedom  for  the  Filipinos 
and  gave  a  unique  demonstration  of  international  altruism 
at  the  end  of  the  last  war.  In  these  nations  minorities' 
rights  are  shielded  and  intolerance  is  a  mob  expression, 
not  a  governmental  policy.  The  Statue  of  Liberty  and  not 
the  "mailed  fist"  is  the  symbol  which  appeals  to  the  masses. 
Demagogues,  even  in  times  of  economic  distress,  achieve 
only  limited  popularity  and  sooner  or  later  the  healthy 
common  sense  of  the  people  rejects  them  and  they  disap- 
pear from  the  public  scene.  No  one  would  now  succeed 
politically  who  offered  a  program  of  future  wars  or  who 
sought  to  appeal  to  the  lust  for  conquest  by  pointing  out 
what  easy  prey  undefended  South  America  would  be.  The 
Good  Neighbor  policy  is  found  to  be  a  vote-catching  slogan. 
Can  anyone,  in  the  light  of  German  history,  conceive  this 
to  be  similarly  true  of  the  German  people? 

Gangsterism  in  Intellectual  Garb 

While  state  and  religion  are  separated  in  the  democ- 
racies, there  is  a  unity  of  Christian  ethics.  The  virtues  of 
kindness,  honesty,  loyalty  and  peace  are  universally  ac- 
cepted. In  few  countries  could  militarism  be  adopted  as 
a  state  creed  as  it  was  in  Germany,  without  immediately 
disastrous  consequences  to  the  government.  There  are  in 

26 


dividual  Christian  martyrs  in  Germany,  but  the  people  do 
not  express  their  revulsion.  If  the  destruction  of  religion 
is  essential  to  the  program  of  world  conquest,  then  even 
religion,  the  profoundest  of  human  emotions,  is  yielded  up 
by  great  masses  of  Germans  as  a  willing  sacrifice.  We  can 
weigh  right  and  wrong  only  in  scales  of  an  accepted  stand- 
ard. But  weights  are  meaningless  where  the  standards  are 
reversed  and  we  encounter  a  double  set  of  morals.  In  the 
Nazi  and  Fascist  world,  where  lying  is  a  virtue  as  well  as  a 
practical  weapon ;  where  treachery  and  treaty-breaking  are 
admirable  devices  for  national  achievement;  where  im- 
morality is  required  in  the  interest  of  building  a  populous 
soldier  state;  where  mercy  and  kindness  are  despicable 
weaknesses;  where  science  is  evil  if  it  searches  for  truth 
and  scholarly  if  it  aids  the  theories  of  party  heads ;  where 
education  is  a  dangerous  development  in  men  who  should 
blindly  obey  their  rulers  in  ignorance;  where  death  on  the 
battlefield  is  the  highest  achievement  and  hope  of  man ;  in 
such  a  world  of  curved  distorted  mirrors,  what  purpose  is 
there  in  pointing  out  a  speck  of  dust  which  obscures  a 
clearer  view? 

The  Germans  have  developed  a  philosophy  which  makes 
a  religion  of  war  and  a  cult  of  mass  murder.  They  con- 
sider it  their  mission  to  subjugate  all  other  peoples  to 
slavery.  They  exclude  the  doctrines  of  the  sacredness  of 
human  life  and  liberty  and  substitute  for  it  the  ideal 
of  war.  The  unique  phenomenon  of  Germanism  is  that 
its  conspiracy  against  world  peace  is  not  mere  gangster- 
ism or  nihilism.  It  is  an  intellectual  movement,  if  you 
please.  It  is  supported  by  a  philosophy  carefully  devised, 
nurtured  and  inculcated  into  every  citizen.  This  philosophy 
has  been  developed  by  some  of  its  most  brilliant  minds 
and  appears  in  the  most  profoundly  written  treatises.  The 
great  error  which  still  persists  among  the  democracies 

27 


is  that  Nazism  is  the  expression  of  the  dregs  of  German 
life.  Unfortunately,  this  is  not  true.  It  is  the  actual 
execution  of  a  program  prescribed  by  German  intellec- 
tuals. This  cannot  be  denied  for  it  is  the  confession  of 
Germans  themselves,  set  forth  in  the  permanence  of  in- 
numerable tracts,  books  and  articles.  Every  German  is 
familiar  with  them  and  was  long  before  Hitler  was  born. 

There  could  be,  and  was,  anti-Semitism  in  other  coun- 
tries. It  was  the  expression  of  ignorance  and  dark 
prejudice.  The  illiterate  mujik  of  Russia  was  the  typical 
example.  But  only  in  Germany  could  there  be  cultural 
anti-Semitism.  Only  in  Germany  could  a  great  artist 
like  Wagner  immerse  his  talent  in  blood  lust  and  supply 
an  emotional  incitation  to  German  mass  murder.  The 
significance  lies  not  in  some  particular  theory,  but  in  the 
association  of  cultural  and  intellectual  thinking  in  Ger- 
many with  mob  standards.  Lynching  is  thus  raised  to  the 
level  of  national  policy.  It  is  then  deified  as  a  world 
mission  and  becomes  an  international  program.  The 
lowest  common  denominator  of  mob  brutality  is  elevated 
to  a  national  ideal.  Gangsterism  puts  on  a  uniform  and 
becomes  patriotism.  Racism  goes  to  school  and  becomes 
Weltanschauung.  Unscrupulousness  is  clothed  with  phil- 
osophy and  becomes  destiny.  The  whole  admixture 
becomes  a  cult  for  war.  The  end  justifies  the  meanness. 

Of  course  it  was  incomprehensible  to  the  western  world 
that  such  corruption  could  be  the  accepted  diet  of  an 
apparently  intelligent  people.  That  is  why  the  democracies 
misconceived  the  true  nature  and  meaning  of  Nazism. 
They  regarded  it  as  a  temporary  evil,  a  passing  phase  in  a 
people  captured  by  a  gangster  clique. 

One  still  has  a  burning  recollection  of  a  newsreel  scene 
showing  Chamberlain  descending  from  a  plane  just  re- 
turned from  Berchtesgarden  and  triumphantly  waving  a 


rectangular  piece  of  paper  upon  which  was  written  Hitler's 
personal  promise  to  make  no  further  aggressions.  The 
trusting  people  strewed  flowers  in  his  path  and  in  front 
of  Daladier,  too.  But  written  in  Hitler's  book  and  in 
dozens  of  German  political  works  was  the  express  state- 
ment that  promises  may  be  broken  by  Germans  whenever 
it  served  the  national  interest.  Deceit  and  treachery  are 
acknowledged  national  policies. 

Actually,  as  we  shall  see,  Nazism  is  but  another  name 
for  Pan-Germanism  which  was  projected  by  the  aristo- 
cratic Junkers.  The  philosophy  and  drive  were  the  same 
and  received  the  same  fanatical  devotion  from  the  German 
people.  In  the  Kaiser's  day  Germany  was  prosperous. 
It  was  determined  to  carry  out  its  program  of  war. 
"Germany,"  said  the  Kaiser,  "like  the  spirit  of  Imperial 
Rome,  must  expand  and  impose  itself."  In  Hitler's  day 
Germany  was  poor.  The  program  was  the  same.  Rich 
or  poor,  aristocrat  or  upstart,  intellectual  or  ignoramus, 
these  people  consider  they  have  a  mission  of  conquest. 
Leaders  are  always  available.  Those  who  appeal  to  this 
basest  instinct  of  the  German  people  are  instantly  assured 
the  most  devoted  following.  The  western  world  is  well 
aware  of  its  inability  to  fathom  the  psychology  of  the 
Japanese.*  But  in  our  very  recognition  that  we  do  not 
understand,  there  is  some  protection.  The  Germans,  too, 
have  an  unfathomable  national  psychology  and  paganism. 
But  they  deceive  us  because  in  all  other  respects  they 
are  Westerners  and  because  we  apply  the  standards  to  them 
that  we  adhere  to.  Thus,  we  are  not  even  alert  to  the 
danger  they  represent.  Indeed,  to  this  day  we  are  divided 

*We  have  never  fully  understood  their  regard  for  their  emperor  as 
the  actual  descendant  of  the  Sun  God,  the  ritual  of  hara-kiri,  its  com- 
mon practice  because  of  loss  of  face  (the  chauffeur  who  drives  the 
emperor  and  is  delayed  by  a  flat  tire  commits  hara-kiri  at  the  end  of 
the  journey),  the  lack  of  regard  for  life  in  the  East,  and  all  its  strange 
customs. 

29 


as  to  their  real  intentions.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  thai 
wrong  is  deliberately  preached  as  right;  that  our  virtues 
are  scorned  by  them  as  stupidity  and  weakness;  and  that 
their  vices  are  brazenly  announced  as  national  policy  and 
part  of  their  divine  mission.  Yes,  theirs  is  a  German 
conspiracy  against  world  peace  and  against  every  free 
man  in  any  country.  It  is  a  conspiracy  which  has  never 
died  with  defeat.  It  is  ingrained  in  the  people  and  sus- 
tains them  in  every  dark  period  until  Der  Tag.  Inter- 
vals of  enforced  peace  are  but  the  opportunity  to  prepare 
for  a  more  horrendous  attack,  so  overwhelming  and  brutal 
that  finally  it  will  succeed  and  the  world  will  be  ruled 
by  Germans  as  masters  who  have  fulfilled  their  destiny. 
Lest  this  be  deemed  mere  opinion,  the  most  persuasive 
evidence  to  establish  the  facts  is  available.  It  exists  in 
the  writings  of  Germans  who  have  become  the  philosoph- 
ical heroes  of  the  German  people. 

Race  and  Murder  Become  A  Philosophy 

Hegel,  a  follower  of  the  noted  German  philosopher, 
Fichte,  was  among  the  first  to  give  German  aberration 
an  intellectual  base.  He  was  a  dreary  teacher  at  Heidel- 
berg, but  he  achieved  national  popularity  when  his  book 
Philosophy  of  History  propounded  the  theory  that  human- 
ity had  finally  come  to  manhood  in  the  Germanic  race. 
This  Weltanschauung  was  transmitted  to  whole  genera- 
tions of  young  Germans.  The  Pan-German  League  was 
formed  in  1894  with  the  specific  program  of  world  con- 
quest. Its  motto  was  the  Great  Elector's  declaration: 
"Remember  you  are  a  German!"  The  inevitable  implica- 
tion was  every  German's  duty  to  join  in  the  movement  to 
enslave  the  rest  of  mankind. 

Then  followed  another  German  professor,  Heinrich 
von  Treitschke,  who  has  since  been  elevated  by  Germans 

30 


as  the  foremost  philosopher  of  their  program.  He  inter 
preted  Germanism  as  anti-Christianity.  He  brazenly 
taught  the  doctrine  of  "might  makes  right."  He  en- 
thralled the  German  people  with  his  theory  of  the  Ger- 
man super-state,  which  would  rule  the  universe.  He 
asserted  that  there  were  no  individual  rights  and  that 
every  person  existed  only  for  the  State.  Its  will  was  the 
only  legitimate  force  and  war  was  the  best  way  in  which 
to  assert  it.  He  denied  the  sacredness  of  human  life  and 
declared  war  was  sublime  because  it  ennobled  man  to  "mur- 
der without  passion." 

Treitschke  became  a  popular  hero  in  his  day.  It  is 
significant  that  he  also  captured  the  intellectuals.  His 
teachings  were  echoed  in  universities  by  avid  disciples. 
Education  and  culture  consisted  of  such  indoctrination. 
Hitler,  too,  received  support  from  German  intellectuals, 
who  wrote  volumes  confirming  the  theory  of  Aryanism 
and  racial  superiority.  In  weighing  the  responsibility  of 
the  German  people,  it  is  peculiarly  condemnatory  that  not 
only  their  masses  but  the  erudite  among  them  shared  the 
same  dream  of  world  conquest. 

Treitschke  did  not  content  himself  with  abstractions. 
He  gave  specifications.  "Germany  must  make  it  a  duty 
to  employ  traitors  in  the  enemy  state  for  its  own  inter- 
ests." He  declared  that  "every  good  German  subject  is  a 
latent,  and  when  opportunity  arises,  an  active,  spy."  As 
for  treaties,  "they  can  and  must  be  denounced  by  Ger- 
many whenever  the  promise  they  hold  becomes  unprofit- 
able to  her."  He  denied  the  existence  of  international  law 
and  order,  or  the  validity  of  any  covenants  among  nations. 
He  concluded  that  other  nations  constituted  "a  foreign 
world,  which  cannot  be  reformed,  but  can  only  be  over- 
thrown." 

That  this  was  not  irresponsible  ranting  is  established 
by  the  fact  that  the  Pan-German  League  officially  adopted 

31 


this  program.  By  1900  the  League  had  fifty  foreign  asso- 
ciations, all  committed  to  the  preparation  for  the  eventual 
holocaust.  Thus  there  were  planted  in  foreign  nations, 
organizations  which  could  carry  out  the  sinister  designs 
of  Professor  Treitschke  which  were  adopted  as  State 
policy.  What  was  later  to  become  known  as  the  fifth 
column  was  in  existence  long  before  the  first  World  War. 

The  intellectual  preparation  for  German  dynamism 
gathered  momentum.  In  1887  Nietzsche  in  his  Geneoloyy 
of  Morals  wrote:  "When  the  instincts  of  a  society  ulti- 
mately make  it  give  up  war  and  conquest,  it  is  decadent; 
it  is  ripe  for  democracy  and  the  rule  of  shop-keepers  .  .  ." 

The  aggressions  of  the  Germans  differ  from  those  of 
other  peoples  not  only  in  their  philosophical  motivation 
but  in  the  artificial  creation  of  a  Master  Race  theory. 
Count  Arthur  de  Gobineau  was  the  first  modern  writer 
to  propound  the  supremacy  of  Aryans.  In  his  books,  The 
Inequality  of  Human  Races  and  Moral  and  Intellectual 
Diversity  of  Races,  written  in  the  nineteenth  century,  he 
served  to  an  eager  German  public  pseudo-scientific  trash 
which  they  gobbled  up.  He  contended  that  the  strength  of 
a  people  depended  upon  the  amount  of  Aryan  blood  which 
it  had  preserved.  His  biology  was  as  atrocious  as  his  his- 
tory but  Germans  disregarded  all  errors.  He  accepted 
the  Biblical  divisions  of  men  into  three  peoples:  the  sons 
of  Ham,  Shem  and  Japheth.  The  first,  he  contended,  was 
absorbed  by  the  African  Negroes;  the  second  "died  out" 
through  racial  intermixtures;  while  the  third  developed 
into  three  branches.  One  branch  settled  in  Persia  and 
became  "Iranian  Aryans",  the  second  became  the  Greeks 
and  Romans,  and  the  third  and  noblest  of  them  all  became 
the  "Germanic  Aryans".  Thus  he  forgot  completely  about 
the  yellow  race !  The  Aryans'  first  appearance  in  history, 
wrote  de  Gobineau,  began  with  the  conquest  of  Babylon 


by  the  Medes.  They  defeated  the  Hamites  and  the  Semites, 
and  demonstrated  immediately  that  the  word  "Aryan" 
meant  "honorable"  and  that  an  Aryan  had  superior  in- 
telligence and  strength. 

The  fatuous  notions  of  de  Gobineau  would  not  be 
worth  mention,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  they  form  the 
basic  racial  ideology  of  the  Germans,  which  Hitler  simply 
lifted  and  put  into  his  book.  He  did  not  even  contribute 
the  refinements  of  interpretation  or  development.  This, 
too,  was  done  by  predecessors.  Houston  Stewart  Cham- 
berlain, the  son-in-law  of  Richard  Wagner,  translated 
de  Gobineau's  theorizing  into  a  semi-political  program. 
In  his  book,  Foundations  of  the  Nineteenth  Century,  he 
reduced  the  vast  complexity  of  human  history  to  the 
equation  of  race  qualities.  There  were  only  "Teutonic" 
and  "anti-Teutonic"  peoples.  He  "proved"  that  the  Ger- 
man or  "Teuton"  was  the  dominant  factor  in  the  growth 
of  civilization.  The  physical  characteristics  of  the  Teuton 
were  set  forth.  He  was  tall,  fair  and  somewhat  "carroty" 
(the  exact  opposite  of  the  leading  Nazis  who  used  this 
ideology  and  adopted  it  as  their  own). 

The  Nazis  found  this  racial  theory  so  ingrained  in 
German  consciousness  that  it  made  the  surest  demagogic 
appeal.  It  was  constantly  exploited  for  purposes  of 
rabble-rousing  and  gave  "philosophical  justification"  to 
anti-Semitism.  Alfred  Rosenberg,  "the  race  expert"  of 
the  Nazi  regime,  has  acknowledged  the  source  of  the  Nazi 
race  doctrine.  "It  has  been  a  truism  for  a  long  while," 
he  wrote,  "that  all  the  Western  States  and  their  creative 
values  have  been  produced  by  the  Germans.  Houston 
Stewart  Chamberlain  was  the  first  one  who  drew  the 
necessary  conclusions  from  this  fact:  'if  German  blood 
were  to  disappear  from  Europe  .  .  .  the  entire  culture 
of  the  West  would  go  with  it  .  .  .'  Today  we  are  con- 

33 


scions  that  we  stand  before  a  final  decision  of  terrible 
significance.  Either  we  rise  to  an  ennobled  achievement 
by  a  revival  and  purification  of  the  ancient  blood,  thus 
renewing  our  will  to  fight,  or  the  very  last  Germanic  West- 
ern values  of  civilization  and  state  discipline  will  be  sub- 
merged in  the  polluted  human  masses  of  the  cities  of  the 
world  .  .  ." 

We  have  seen  the  rantings  of  Treitschke  and  Nietzsche, 
deemed  innocuous  theorizing  by  other  nations,  translated 
into  the  two  greatest  blood-sheddings  in  history.  The  race 
theory  made  its  contribution  to  the  mission  of  world  con- 
quest. Considered  unscientific  blabbering  by  learned  men 
in  other  nations,  we  have  seen  it  applied  first  internally  in 
Germany  and  then  by  brutal  war  in  an  effort  to  give  it 
universal  reality.  The  earliest  Nazi  declaration  of  racial 
policy  came  in  February,  1920,  thirteen  years  before 
Hitler's  ascension  to  the  Chancellory.  The  National  So- 
cialist Party  proposed  that  none  but  those  of  German  blood 
should  be  citizens  of  the  Nation.  All  others  were  to  be 
"guests"  until  they  emigrated.  On  April  7,  1933,  the  Nazi 
Reichstag  enacted  a  statute  providing  that  "officials  who 
are  of  non-Aryan  descent  are  to  be  retired."  These  provi- 
sions were,  a  short  time  later,  made  to  apply  to  professions 
and  universities.  In  May,  1935,  the  new  Conscription  Law 
provided  that  only  "Aryans"  were  to  be  permitted  in  active 
military  service.  It  was  decreed  that  a  non- Aryan  is  one 
who  is  descended  from  non-Aryan,  particularly  Jewish, 
parents  or  grand-parents.  It  sufficed  if  one  parent  or  one 
grandparent  was  non-Aryan.  The  search  for  Jewish  blood 
was  to  be  extended  back  to  January  1,  1800,  and  a  "racial 
expert"  was  appointed  to  delve  into  the  obscure  pedigrees 
of  doubtful  "Aryans"  and  answer  all  questions  of  hered- 
ity. On  September  15, 1935  the  Party  Congress  at  Nurem- 
berg adopted  decrees  which  limited  citizenship  to  those  "of 

34 


German  or  cognate  blood"  and  who  also  conform  to  the 
National  Socialistic  conception  of  loyalty  to  the  State. 

These  decrees  have  not  even  the  virtue  of  misguided 
sincerity.  For  while  the  Germans  adopted  the  racial 
theory  of  de  Gobineau  and  Houston  Stewart  Chamberlain, 
they  deliberately  ignored  certain  conclusions  of  these  very 
authors  which  did  not  suit  their  sinister  plans.  Thus,  de 
Gobineau,  while  he  extolled  the  superiority  of  the  Aryan, 
concluded  that,  by  virtue  of  contamination  with  "inferior 
races",  there  no  longer  was  such  a  thing  as  a  pure  Aryan. 
He  declared  pessimistically  that  the  Aryan  mission  was 
therefore  at  an  end  and  could  never  be  restored.  But 
Rosenberg,  who,  we  have  seen,  is  a  devoted  disciple  of  de 
Gobineau,  nevertheless  writes  in  his  My  thus:  "Today 
there  is  rising  a  new  belief,  the  myth  of  blood;  the  belief 
that  through  blood  the  divine  being  of  man  is  to  be  de- 
fended ;  the  belief  enshrined  in  the  clearest  knowledge  that 
Nordic  blood  represents  the  mystery  which  has  overcome 
and  replaced  the  old  sacraments."  And  Dr.  Wilhelm  Kus- 
serow,  a  noted  German  author,  as  Vice-President  of  the 
Nordic  Faith  Movement,  prepared  the  Nordic  Confession 
of  Faith  which  states:  "We  believe  in  the  immortality 
of  Nordic  man,  in  the  inheritance  of  his  kind,  and  in  the 
everlasting  Nordic  Soul  as  power  of  the  divine  on  earth 
and  in  the  universe."  Lest  this  be  too  abstruse,  the  explicit 
statement  is  made:  "Nordic  man  has  a  divine  mission  on 
earth  and  he  will  exist  as  long  as  the  world  lasts." 

Also  de  Gobineau  paid  grudging  tribute  to  the  real 
achievements  of  the  Jews  and  even  admitted  that  the  Negro 
"element"  had  contributed  to  the  development  of  the  arts. 
Though  he  disliked  the  Jews,  he  wrote,  "The  Jew  is  no 
enemy  of  Teutonic  civilization  and  culture." 

Such  is  the  mental  dishonesty  of  the  Nazis  that  they 
suppressed  these  tenets  of  their  own  idolized  prophets. 

35 


Anything  that  did  not  aid  in  moulding  a  war  spirit  must 
be  sidetracked.  Nor  is  this  tendency  to  distort  text  at- 
tributable solely  to  the  ignorant.  Once  more  we  find  the 
intellectual  circles,  the  professors  of  German  universities, 
lending  themselves  to  such  methods.  For  example,  the 
theories  of  Chamberlain  gave  rise  to  a  whole  series  of 
interpretative  and  expanded  works  by  learned  men.  Yet 
they,  too,  chose  to  ignore  Chamberlain's  broad  definition 
of  "Teutons"  as  including  the  English,  Celts  and  the 
Scandinavians.  Indeed,  he  even  considered  the  French 
Teutonic  because  they  were  a  people  of  Northern  Europe, 
and  he  called  the  Russians  "at  least  half  Teutonic."  By 
such  broad  inclusion  Chamberlain  diluted  his  own  un- 
scientific conclusions  to  meaninglessness.  It  is  significant 
that  the  Nazis'  own  Nuremberg  laws  abandoned  the  word 
"Aryan"  and  substituted  for  it  "German."  Also  "Jew" 
was  used  instead  of  non-Aryan.  It  was  provided  that  a 
"Jew"  was  forbidden  to  marry  a  "German."  "Jewish" 
households  were  forbidden  to  hire  "German"  servant  girls. 
Chamberlain's  thesis  included  doctrines  which  would  land 
him  posthaste  in  a  concentration  camp  if  he  were  alive  to 
tread  the  soil  whose  "race"  benefactor  he  was.  For  he 
contended  that  the  Magna  Carta  of  1215  was  a  development 
of  German  ideas.  "Whoever,"  he  wrote,  "runs  counter  to 
this  [liberty  of  Magna  Carta]  is  a  criminal  even  if  he 
wear  a  crown."  But  de  Gobineau  and  Chamberlain  re- 
mained the  apostles  of  the  German  racial  theories  even  in 
their  frantic  efforts  to  prove  that  Jesus  was  not  a  Jew. 

Once  more  we  find  that  Mein  Kampf  is  no  original 
work.  It  reveals  itself  as  a  puerile  anthology  of  theories 
absorbed  and  accepted  by  Germans  before  Hitler  was  born. 
The  race  theories  in  Mein  Kampf  are  mere  paraphrases 
of  de  Gobineau  and  Chamberlain.  It  states :  "Human  cul- 
ture and  civilization  on  this  earth  are  inseparably  bound 

36 


np  with  the  existence  of  the  Aryan.  By  his  extinction  or 
decline  the  dark  veils  of  an  uncultured  age  will  descend 
once  more."  Also,  "The  Aryan  Man  alone  is  the  founder 
of  a  higher  humanity  itself  and  consequently  represents 
.  .  .  the  Prometheus  of  mankind  ...  It  is  the  duty  of  the 
national  State  to  see  to  it  that  a  history  of  the  world  is 
eventually  written  in  which  the  question  of  race  occupies 
the  most  prominent  position." 

The  history  thus  to  be  written  was  to  conform  with 
Chamberlain's  political  thesis,  which  surprisingly  emerged 
from  an  abstract  "scientific"  work,  namely,  that  it  is  "the 
most  sacred  duty  of  the  Teutons  ...  to  serve  the  Teutonic 
cause  .  .  .  and  seek  not  only  to  extend  our  empire  farther 
and  farther  over  the  surface  of  the  globe  and  over  the 
power  of  nature,  but  above  all  unconditionally  to  subject 
the  inner  world  to  ourselves  by  mercilessly  overthrowing 
and  excluding  those  who  are  alien.  ..." 

The  theme  of  world  conquest  and  race  supremacy  runs 
through  the  symphony  of  German  hate  and  war  plotting 
as  a  persistent,  repeated  motif  growing  ever  louder  and 
more  maddening,  until  it  reaches  its  furious  climax.  Then 
blood  flows  all  over  Europe  and  other  continents.  Mil- 
lions of  German  soldiers  are  once  more  on  the  march  to 
kill,  ravage,  and  commit  unmentionable  atrocities  so  that 
Deutschland  may  be  tiber  alles.  The  philosophical  horns 
contributing  to  the  crescendo  are  many.  Moeller  Van 
der  Bruck,  in  Germany's  Third  Empire,  writes:  "We  are 
not  thinking  of  the  Europe  of  today,  which  is  too  con- 
temptible to  have  any  value.  We  are  thinking  of  the 
Europe  of  yesterday  and  whatever  thereof  may  be  sal- 
vaged for  tomorrow.  We  are  thinking  of  the  Germany 
of  all  time,  the  Germany  of  a  two-thousand  years  past, 
the  Germany  of  eternal  present  which  dwells  in  the  spirit 
but  must  be  secured  in  reality  and  can  only  so  be  politically 

37 


secured.  The  ape  and  tiger  in  man  are  threatening.  The 
shadow  of  Africa  falls  across  Europe.  It  is  our  task  to 
be  guardians  on  the  threshold  of  values."  And  Oswald 
Spengler,  in  Man  and  Technics,  writes  that  man  is  a  car- 
nivorous animal :  "That  to  such  beasts  as  we,  eternal  peace 
would  be  like  intolerable  boredom  (taedium  vitae)  of  Im- 
perial Rome,  and  that  pacifism  is  a  silly  dream." 

Treitschke  explains  in  Die  Politik  that  since  Ger- 
many will  never  be  able  to  understand  the  world,  she 
must  conquer  the  world  and  reform  it  so  that  it  will  be 
able  to  conform  to  German  thought.  Muller,  Novalis, 
Fichte,  Johann  Josef  Gorres,  all  play  the  same  tune. 
The  German  people  avidly  listen  to  this  martial  music. 
It  stirs  their  emotions.  They  are  hypnotized  by  it« 
frenzy  and  they  follow  it  with  brutal  boots.  The  theme 
is  recurrent  through  the  ages  of  German  development. 
They  are  familiar  with  it,  and  the  leader  of  the  day  is  not 
the  inciting  cause  of  their  reactions.  It  is  the  tom-tom 
which  calls  them  and  to  which  they  devote  their  lives — 
finally  on  the  battlefield. 

These  facts  have  not  been  generally  accepted  in  the 
past  because  it  appeared  incredible  that  an  apparently 
civilized  people  should  be  in  a  constant  state  of  agitation 
for  war. 

Charles  Francis  Adams,  the  noted  American  historian, 
emerged  from  the  same  state  of  incredulity,  a  chastened 
man.  He  wrote:  "Suspecting  in  my  own  case  (that  I 
did  not  think  like  a  German)  I  have  of  late  confined  my 
reading  on  this  topic  almost  exclusively  to  German 
sources.  I  have  been  taking  a  course  on  Metzsche  and 
Treitschke,  as  also  in  the  German  Denkschrift,  illumined 
by  excerpts  from  the  German  papers  in  this  country  and 
the  official  utterances  of  Chancellor  von  Bethmann- 
Hollweg.  The  result  has  been  most  disastrous.  It  has 


utterly  destroyed  my  capacity  for  judicial  consideration. 
I  can  only  say  that  if  what  I  find  in  those  sources  is  a 
capacity  to  think  Germanically,  I  would  rather  cease 
thinking  at  all.  It  is  the  absolute  negation  of  everything 
which  in  the  past  tended  to  the  elevation  of  mankind, 
and  the  installation  in  place  thereof,  of  a  system  of  thor- 
ough dishonesty,  emphasized  by  brutal  stupidity.  There 
is  a  low  cunning  about  it,  too,  which  is  to  me  in  the  last 
degree  repulsive." 

Paganism  Adopts  Music 

The  war  lust  of  the  German  people  is  composed  not 
only  of  a  philosophy  for  conquest,  but  of  a  race  theory  to 
justify  it.  There  is  an  additional  ingredient,  one  that 
applies  a  mystical  religious  quality  and  transforms  the 
political  movement  into  a  fanatical  pagan  rite.  Richard 
Wagner  did  not  invent  this  ingredient.  It  existed  in  the 
folklore  of  the  German  people  for  many  centuries.  But 
he  gave  it  palatable  and  popular  form  in  brilliant  music 
and  story.  To  the  rest  of  the  world  Wagner's  operas  were 
merely  artistic  fantasy.  To  the  Germans  they  were  real- 
ity, even  if  only  unconscious. 

Hitler  has  acknowledged  his  indebtedness  to  Wagner. 
In  Mein  Kampf,  he  writes:  "At  the  age  of  twelve  I  saw 
the  first  opera  of  my  life,  Wagner's  Lohengrin.  I  was 
captivated  at  once.  My  youthful  enthusiasm  for  the 
master  of  Bayreuth  knew  no  bounds.  Again  and  again  I 
was  drawn  to  his  works.  . ." 

Opera  is  a  popular  tradition  in  Germany,  and  there  is 
an  opera  house  in  almost  every  German  town.  What  were 
these  Germans  attracted  to?  The  pure  art  of  Wagner's 
genius,  or  the  inspirational  metapolitik  of  his  legends? 

The  Ring  is  composed  of  three  musical  dramas  and  a 
prologue.  Wagner  labored  more  than  a  quarter  of  a 

39 


century  on  this  work.  It  contains  all  the  mystical,  pagan 
elements  of  German  antiquity  which  have  been  eagerly 
accepted  by  the  German  people  as  the  destiny  they  must 
fulfill.  Wotan  is  the  typical  Fuehrer.  As  the  chief  of 
ancient  Germanic  gods,  he  makes  his  own  law  and  is  all 
powerful.  He  strives  constantly  to  increase  his  power. 
Wotan  deliberately  disregards  his  pacts.  He  is  depicted 
as  breaking  his  treaty  with  the  giants,  Fasolt  and  Fafner. 
He  depends  on  his  cunning  Chancellor,  Loki,  to  relieve 
him  of  his  difficulties.  Goebbels  may  well  imagine  him- 
self the  Loki  to  Hitler's  Wotan.  When  Wotan  must  have 
money,  he  obtains  it  by  force.  He  captures  the  ruler  of  the 
Mebelings  and  squeezes  money  from  him  as  ransom.  The 
Jews  have  been  cast  in  this  role  by  the  Nazis. 

When  Wotan  must  recapture  the  gold  ring  of  all  power, 
he  calls  upon  the  most  perfect  of  all  heroes,  his  own  grand- 
son, Siegfried.  Siegfried  kills  the  dragon,  but  is  later 
killed  by  Hagen,  a  lust  child,  after  which  comes  the  twi- 
light of  the  gods.  Wagner  conceived  Siegfried  as  a  grand- 
son of  a  god,  even  though  he  was  a  man.  German  tendency 
to  interchange  gods  and  men  is  a  basic  characteristic. 
Kauschning  reports  Hitler  saying  to  him :  "Man  has  to  be 
passed  and  surpassed.  Nietzsche  did,  it  is  true,  realize 
something  of  this,  in  his  way.  He  went  so  far  as  to 
recognize  the  superman  as  a  new  biological  variety.  But 
he  was  not  too  sure  of  it.  Man  is  becoming  God — that  is 
the  simple  fact.  Man  is  God  in  the  making."  Spoken  by 
someone  with  ethical  concepts,  this  might  be  deemed  a 
noble  symbolism.  Spoken  by  a  German  with  a  "mission", 
it  has  all  of  the  ominous  mysticism  which  drives  this 
people  to  kill.  Words  take  on  significance  from  their  ut- 
terers.  Your  dearest  friend  or  a  notorious  gangster  may 
insist  that  "you  take  a  ride."  A  pleasant  trip  or  im- 
minent death  lurks  behind  the  words.  Psychologically, 

40 


the  indiscriminate  association  by  the  Germans  of  them- 
selves with  gods  is  the  creation  of  cult  above  law  and 
decency.  By  creating  another  plane  of  power,  they  shed 
the  last  vestiges  of  conscience  and  civilization  which 
might  restrain  them.  Shielded  by  the  darkness  of  mystic- 
ism they  plunder  and  kill  with  fewer  inhibitions.  And 
their  claim  to  race  superiority  affords  them  the  pretense 
that  they  are  benefiting  rather  than  destroying  civilization. 

Another  Wagnerian  concept  is  the  stab  in  the  back, 
which  finally  defeats  the  Hero.  Germany,  according  to 
this  symbol,  can  never  be  conquered  on  the  battlefield. 
But  some  explanation  for  its  repeated  defeats  must  be 
offered,  and  Wagner  has  constructed  a  classic  one.  Why, 
she  is  stabbed  in  the  back!  Of  course  by  ever  present 
Hagens,  who  are  usually  designated  as  Jews — the  lust- 
child  symbol  being  intended  to  designate  impurity  of 
blood.  Not  only  Hitler,  but  the  generals  and  the  masses 
of  German  people  insist  that  they  won  the  first  World 
War  on  the  battlefields,  only  to  be  "stabbed  in  the  back" 
at  home.  German  acceptance  of  this  alibi  reconciled  for 
them  their  belief  in  the  superiority  of  the  German  race 
with  the  humiliating  defeat  they  had  nevertheless  sus- 
tained. These  are  no  mere  psychological  reflections.  They 
are  the  stuff  of  which  a  third  and  fourth  World  War  will 
be  made  by  the  Germans,  if  we  do  not  really  understand 
them  and  this  time  take  adequate  preventive  steps. 

Wagner's  romanticism  has  been  swallowed  in  whole 
draughts  by  the  German  people.  Hitler,  who  despised  the 
common  people  but  was  sensitive  to  their  susceptibilities, 
included  Wagnerism  in  his  patched-up  program.  He  plagi- 
arized from  Wagner  the  "heil"  of  the  salute,  the  National 
Socialist  battle  slogan,  "German  Awake!"  and  called  the 
western  line  of  forts,  the  Siegfried  Line.  In  Mein  Kampf, 
he  writes  about  the  Nazi  party  that  "out  of  its  flames  was 

41 


bound  to  come  the  sword  which  was  to  regain  the  freedom 
of  the  German  Siegfried." 

German  war  lust  is  thus  based  not  only  on  the  spurious 
profundity  of  war  philosophy,  and  racial  superiority,  but 
upon  the  revival  of  pagan  epics.  What  was  at  first  a 
base  combative  instinct  flourished  through  philosophical, 
scientific  and  then  mystical  stages  into  a  full  flowered  re- 
ligious-political program  of  world  conquest.  Nietzsche 
wrote  the  new  German  Biblical  creed :  "Ye  have  heard  how 
in  old  times  it  was  said,  Blessed  are  the  meek,  for  they 
shall  inherit  the  earth,  but  I  say  unto  you,  Blessed  are 
the  valiant,  for  they  shall  make  the  earth  their  throne. 
And  ye  have  heard  man  say,  Blessed  are  the  poor  in  spirit ; 
but  I  say  unto  you,  Blessed  are  the  great  in  soul  and  the 
free  in  spirit,  for  they  shall  enter  into  Valhalla.  And  ye 
have  heard  men  say,  Blessed  are  the  peacemakers;  but  I 
say  unto  you,  Blessed  are  the  warmakers,  for  they  shall  be 
called,  if  not  the  children  of  Jahva,  the  children  of  Odin, 
who  is  greater  than  Jahva. " 

A  German  Nostradamus  Speaks 

One  of  their  own  truly  wise  men,  Heinrich  Heine,  saw 
the  storm  approaching.  Since  he  preceded  Wanner,  his 
analysis  of  the  "philosophy  of  nature"  which  Wagner 
epitomized,  is  truly  remarkable.  His  predictions  of  the 
coming  wars  to  be  waged  by  a  mad  German  people  are 
prophetic.  We  may  well  consider  him  the  Nostradamus 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  Indeed,  he  is  not  half  as  mysti- 
cal and  obscure  as  Nostradamus.  Listen  to  him.  In  1834, 
in  his  History  and  Philosophy  in  Germany,  Heine  wrote: 
"The  philosopher  of  nature  will  be  terrible  because  he  will 
appear  in  alliance  with  the  primitive  powers  of  nature, 
able  to  evoke  the  demonaic  energies  of  old  German  Pan- 
theism— doing  which  there  will  awake  in  him  that  battle- 

42 


madness  which  we  find  among  the  ancient  Teutonic  races 
who  fought  neither  to  kill  nor  conquer,  but  for  the  very 
love  of  fighting  itself.  It  is  the  fairest  merit  of  Christian- 
ity that  it  somewhat  mitigated  that  brutal  German  gan- 
dium  certaminis  or  joy  of  battle,  but  it  could  not  destroy 
it,  and  should  that  subduing  talisman,  the  Cross,  break, 
then  will  come  crashing  and  roaring  forth  the  wild  mad- 
ness of  the  old  champions,  the  insane  berserker  rage,  of 
which  Northern  poets  say  and  sing.  That  talisman  is 
brittle,  and  the  day  will  come  when  it  will  pitifully  break. 
The  old  stone  gods  will  rise  from  long  forgotten  ruin,  and 
rub  the  dust  of  a  thousand  years  from  their  eyes,  and 
Thor,  leaping  to  life  with  his  giant  hammer,  will  smash 
the  Gothic  cathedrals  I" 

This  is  an  accurate  prediction  of  an  anti-Christian 
movement  to  be  launched  by  the  Germans  in  preparation 
for  the  return  of  German  paganism.  Only  by  subduing 
Christianity  could  the  Germans  launch  their  campaign  of 
complete  paganism.  Their  attacks  upon  the  Jews  served  a 
quadruple  purpose.  They  provided  a  characteristically 
brutal  outlet  for  the  race  theory;  they  afforded  a  Hagen 
against  whom  revenge  could  be  taken  for  an  imagined  stab 
in  the  back ;  they  gave  an  opportunity  for  plunder  and  rob- 
bery, which  was  later  to  be  extended  to  whole  nations ;  but 
most  important,  they  were  an  attack  on  orthodox  religion. 
In  this  instance  the  Nazis  shrewdly  picked  the  most  vulner- 
able sector,  for  they  counted  on  Christians  to  be  dulled  by 
their  own  prejudices  into  not  recognizing  that  this  was  the 
beginning  of  an  offensive  against  them.  The  sameness  of 
German  tactics  whether  in  the  military,  political  or 
psychological  domains,  should  make  them  transparently 
clear.  Yet  such  was  our  intellectual  astigmatism  that 
we  failed  to  observe  the  obvious.  Germany's  religious 
attacks  could  well  be  described  in  its  military  terms.  First 

43 


came  the  Schwerpunkt,  the  opening  thrust,  against  the 
Jews.  Then  through  the  opening  wedge,  new  offensives 
were  launched,  the  Aufrollen  of  military  strategy  against 
Catholics  and  Protestants.  Or  it  might  be  described  as  the 
simple  political  strategem  of  conquering  one  by  one.  To 
achieve  this  result,  it  was  necessary  to  prevent  unity  of 
resistance  among  the  religions  to  be  attacked.  A  typical 
illustration  of  such  religious  fifth  columning  was  the  plan 
of  Hasse  and  Schoenerer  (of  the  Pan-German  League)  to 
ripen  Austria  for  German  conquest  as  early  as  1898  by 
breaking  the  Austrian-Catholic  bond.  The  strategy  was 
typically  circuitous.  First  a  frightful  anti-Semitic  cam- 
paign was  organized,  headed  by  some  renegade  "Catho- 
lics". Then  Schoenerer  and  Hasse  suddenly  turned  these 
hatreds  against  the  Catholics  themselves.  Pseudo- 
evangelical  German  clergymen  were  imported  from  Ger- 
many, who  railed  against  Catholics  under  the  slogan  of  a 
"free  from  Rome"  movement  and  "No  Popery". 

The  Nazi  campaign  against  the  Jews  similarly  revealed 
itself  finally  as  an  attack  against  all  Christianity.  The 
identity  of  Judeo-Christian  ethics  was  fully  exploited.  Of 
course  there  is  such  an  identity,  as  there  is  indeed  among 
all  religions.  Having  been  conditioned  to  identify  Judaism 
with  corruption,  the  Germans  found  the  proof  that 
Christianity  is  of  Jewish  origin,  conclusive  proof  of  the 
corruption  of  Christianity.  Nazi  girls  have  added  an  un- 
seemly vulgarity  to  the  program.  The  League  of  German 
Maidens  has  adopted  the  song: 

"We've  given  up  the  Christian  line, 
For  Christ  was  just  a  Jewish  swine. 
As  for  his  mother — what  a  shame 
Cohn  was  the  lady's  real  name." 

Despite  the  ineradicable  impress  of  religious  convictions, 
the  Nazis  succeeded  in  tearing  away  Catholic  children 

44 


from  their  religions  schools  and  subjecting  them  to  the 
infection  of  Nazism.  They  succeeded  in  damming  the 
Protestant  protest  and  conforming  the  masses  of  Ger- 
mans to  the  creeds  of  German  antiquity.  Bishops  issued 
brave  pronunciamentos.  Pastors  of  all  religions  martyred 
themselves,  but  the  religious  revolt  which  would  have 
flared  to  uncontrollable  flames  in  almost  any  other  coun- 
try, machine  guns  or  no,  was  lacking.  The  profoundest  of 
all  human  feelings  has  in  the  past  ofttimes  stirred  revolt, 
occasionally  in  the  very  armies  intended  to  suppress  it. 
But  in  Germany  anti-Christianity  has  been  one  of  the 
least  troublesome  of  the  governmental  planks.  The  talis- 
man, predicted  Heine,  would  be  brittle  and  the  old  stone 
gods  of  war  would  rise.  So  they  did.  Our  modern  Nostra- 
damus, with  unfailing  accuracy,  foresaw  the  consequences. 

"And  laugh  not",  he  wrote,  "at  my  advice.  The  advice 
of  a  dreamer  who  warns  you  against  the  Kanteans,  Fich- 
teans  and  the  philosophers  of  Nature,  nor  at  the  fantast 
who  awaits  in  the  world  of  things  to  be  seen  that  which 
has  been  before  in  the  world  of  shadows.  Thought  goes 
before  the  deed  as  lightning  before  the  thunder.  German 
thunder  is  indeed  German,  and  not  in  a  hurry,  and  it  comes 
rolling  slowly  onward ;  but  come  it  will,  and  when  ye  hear 
the  crash  as  naught  ever  crashed  before  in  the  whole  history 
of  the  world,  then  know  that  der  Deutsche  Donner,  our 
German  Thunder,  has  at  last  hit  the  mark.  At  that  sound 
the  eagles  will  fall  dead  from  on  high,  the  lions  in  remotest 
deserts  in  Africa  will  draw  in  their  tails  and  creep  into 
their  royal  caves.  There  will  be  played  in  Germany  a 
drama  compared  to  which  the  French  Revolution  will  be 
only  an  innocent  child  .  .  ." 

When  Heine  wrote  these  words,  Germany  was  still 
divided.  She  was  politically  powerless.  A  handful  of 
university  professors  was  teaching  small  groups  the 
philosophy  of  conquest  and  racism.  Yet  with  a  sure  in- 

45 


sight  into  the  tendencies  of  the  German  masses,  he  knew 
that  this  was  preparation  for  the  slow  but  terrible  German 
thunders.  Other  peoples  then,  and  later,  minimized  the 
danger.  The  French  were  not  concerned  with  a  Germany 
split  by  internal  feudal  conflicts.  Heine  warned  them: 
"You  have  more  to  fear  from  Germany  set  free  than  from 
all  the  Holy  Alliance  with  all  the  Croats  and  Cossacks  .  .  . 
We  do  not  hate  one  another  for  external  trifles,  like  you, 
as,  for  instance,  ruffled  vanity,  or  an  epigram,  or  a  visiting 
card  not  returned.  No,  we  hate  in  our  enemies  the  deepest, 
the  most  essential  part  in  them — that  is,  thought  itself." 

Those  who  are  apt  in  the  interpretation  of  prophecies 
might  see  in  the  clause  "eagles  will  fall  dead  from  on  high" 
reference  to  the  awesome  aerial  conflict  one  hundred  and 
six  years  later,  and  in  the  phrase  "lions  in  the  remotest 
deserts  of  Africa  will  draw  in  their  tails"  a  prediction  of 
the  Libyan  campaigns.  But  more  important  is  Heine's 
recognition  that  Germans  hated  thought  itself  and  would 
some  day  attempt  to  demonstrate  the  power  of  sheer  bar- 
barism over  intellectualism.  His  statement  that  German 
thunder  will  make  the  French  Revolution  appear  like  "an 
innocent  child"  is  filled  with  significance.  The  French 
Revolution  like  the  Nazi  Revolution  was  prepared  by 
philosophers,  but  Voltaire,  Rousseau  and  Diderot  were 
humanitarians,  and  their  philosophy  sought  to  liberate 
the  masses.  The  same  aspirations  for  liberty,  equality  and 
fraternity  were  voiced  by  Locke,  Heine  and  many  others. 
German  philosophers,  however,  sought  to  enslave  the 
people.  German  philosophy  is  sui  generis.  It  is  derived 
from  barbarism,  polished  and  made  more  dangerous  by 
Kultur.  It  remains,  however,  the  tooth-and-claw  phil- 
osophy, modernized  with  airplane  teeth  and  tank  claws. 
The  centuries  have  not  altered  it.  The  evolution  of  man, 
which  developed  his  spiritual  qualities,  has  been  resisted 
by  the  Germans. 

46 


Hitler's  Inheritance 

Hitler  did  not  create  a  new  movement.  He  inherited 
an  old  one — as  old  as  the  German  people.  He  did  not  write 
a  new  program.  He  collated  the  planks  of  Pan-Germanism, 
which  anteceded  him  by  many  generations.  He  did  not 
evolve  a  military  plan.  He  followed  the  Prussian  text  for 
conquest,  revised  technically  by  the  lessons  the  military 
caste  had  received  in  each  succeeding  war.  He  did  not 
devise  a  time  table  or  a  method.  They  were  publicly 
printed  by  other  Germans  decades  ago.  So  devoted  were 
the  German  people  to  the  ideal  of  world  conquest  that 
books  flourished  which  prophesied  the  manner  in  which 
this  national  obsession  was  to  be  fulfilled.  Many  predic- 
tions were  written  in  the  present  tense  to  thrill  the  reader 
with  a  sense  of  reality.  For  example,  in  1900,  the  book 
Grossdeutschland  und  Mitteleuropa  um  das  Jahr  1950 
foresaw  the  triumphant  day  as  falling  in  1950 :  "All  Ger- 
mans have  been  united,  Holland  enters  the  German  union ; 
in  Belgium,  the  Flemings  grow  in  power  and  because  the 
French  element  causes  increasing  trouble,  Germany  is 
obliged  to  intervene.  .  .  .  Maybe  the  French  will  fight, 
in  which  case  all  Belgium  will  be  annexed  and  incor- 
porated in  the  German  World  Empire  ...  in  the  year 
1950  Great  World  Germany  will  possess  a  population  of 
two  hundred  millions.  Everybody  is  happy  because  all  the 
Germans  are  now  united  and  are  ruling  the  world !" 

Another  author  foresaw  a  much  earlier  triumph.  In 
Germania  Triumphans  he  writes:  "Around  about  1915 
the  whole  world  starts  trembling.  Two  great  states  take 
action  in  self-defense,  America  and  Russia.  America  pro- 
claims aloud  the  doctrine  of  Pan-America.  Russia  con- 
cludes customs  treaties  with  Turkey,  Persia  and  China". 
The  war  is  described,  including  the  prediction  that  "the 
United  States,  declining  to  give  way,  the  German, 

47 


Italian,  and  French  navies  mobilize  and  set  sail  for 
America.  The  American  navy  is  destroyed.  On  land,  the 
German  armies  made  short  work  of  the  American  mer- 
cenaries. Under  the  brilliant  leadership  of  the  German 
Leader,  the  Germans  were  everywhere  victorious.  On  sea 
the  German  ships,  guns  and  men  showed  their  superiority 
over  the  English,  who  were  regularly  defeated.  German 
discipline,  courage  and  skill  made  the  German  navy  in- 
vincible. The  British  navy  was  destroyed.  Invaded,  the 
English  offered  but  a  half-hearted  resistance.  The  German 
and  Italian  soldiers  seized  London.  England  and  America 
were  defeated.  Peace  was  concluded."  Even  the  details  of 
the  peace  terms  were  not  omitted.  They  include,  among 
many  other  provisions,  Germany's  acquisition  of  Mexico, 
and  of  almost  all  South  America,  with  a  few  morsels  for 
Italy. 

This  day-dreaming  literature  abounded  in  Germany  at 
all  times  and  was  accepted  by  the  German  people  with  a 
mixture  of  enthusiasm  and  matter-of-factness.  Maps  were 
not  limited  in  Germany  to  their  customary  purposes.  They 
were  geographical  predictions  of  how  the  world  would 
look  when  the  glorious  day  of  German  world  domination 
arrived.  Just  as  authors  vied  with  each  other  to  predict 
the  precise  nature  of  the  "German  thunder,"  when  finally 
it  would  be  heard,  so  map  makers  competed  to  give  visual 
demonstrations  of  Der  Tag.  In  this  profuse  literature 
will  be  found  substantially  all  the  strategy,  tactics  and 
even  the  sequence  later  adopted  by  the  Nazis;  detailed 
descriptions  of  how  Norway  would  be  conquered  by  sur- 
prise— German  soldiers  hiding  in  freighters  which  moved 
innocently  into  the  ports;  how  Denmark  and  Holland 
would  be  pounced  upon  to  protect  the  right  flank,  before 
armies  moved  into  Belgium  and  France ;  how  a  non-aggres- 
sion pact  would  be  made  with  Russia  to  immobolize  her 

48 


until  France  had  been  destroyed,  and  then  how  Kussia 
would  be  attacked  without  warning — this  and  much  more, 
even  to  the  details  of  so-called  timing,  was  written  before 
Hitler  was  born. 

One  of  the  excerpts  quoted  was  written  in  1895.  Yet  the 
author  speaks  of  "the  brilliant  leadership  of  the  German 
Leader."  The  fuehrership  principle  was  always  accepted 
in  Germany.  There  is  an  anxiety  to  be  blindly  obedient 
which  amazes  other  people.  The  German  is  ready  to  sub- 
jugate himself  to  achieve  his  mission.  A  people  which 
despises  the  liberty  of  others  learns  to  consider  liberty  a 
vice  for  itself. 

So  Hitler  even  inherited  a  worshipful,  unquestioning 
acquiescence.  In  this  instance  the  tradition  of  fealty  re- 
ceived more  than  the  usual  test.  He  was  not  a  domineer- 
ing Prussian,  whose  curved,  defiant  mustache  bespoke 
power  through  ruthlessness.  That  would  have  appealed  to 
the  people.  He  was  not  a  trained  military  scientist,  whose 
education  fitted  him  for  the  task  of  conquest.  That  would 
have  inspired  respect  and  admiration.  He  was  not  an 
imposing  figure,  fitting  the  Wagnerian  symbol  of  Her- 
culean Aryanism.  That  would  have  stirred  pride  in  the 
German  heart.  No,  he  was  an  hysterical,  ignorant,  funny- 
looking  little  man,  who  spoke  bad  German  and  was  laughed 
at  and  scorned  when  he  ranted  ineffectually  in  Munich 
beer  halls.  Genius  has  since  been  attributed  to  him  be- 
cause of  the  successful  conquests  by  the  Germany  army. 
But  these  evil  achievements  were  due  to  an  efficient  Gen- 
eral Staff,  which  never  ceased  to  exist  even  after  the  first 
World  War. 

Hitler  inherited  that  General  Staff  and  also  an  efficient 
army  secretly  trained  in  "Sport  Clubs"  and  "Athletic 
Organizations."  Above  all,  let  credit  be  given  where 
it  is  due — the  German  military  successes  were  achieved 

49 


by  the  perfect  soldiery  of  millions  of  eager  Germans  ful- 
filling their  world  mission.  Since  total  war  requires  that 
the  entire  civilian  population  serve  on  the  home  front, 
credit  should  likewise  be  given  to  the  millions  of  Ger- 
man men  and  women  and  children  who  fanatically  con- 
sidered it  a  privilege  to  contribute  to  Der  Tag.  One  of 
the  reasons  for  German  military  success  is  that  warfare 
has  developed  so  that  not  only  armies,  but  populations 
down  to  boys  and  girls  in  their  teens  play  an  important 
role  in  the  horrible  game.  Automatically  this  has  been 
a  great  advantage  to  the  Germans.  For  while  other  popu- 
lations have  responded  only  when  brutally  attacked,  the 
German  people  needed  no  other  incentive  than  the  oppor- 
tunity to  conquer. 

Though  the  German  people  would  probably  consider 
their  soldierly  qualities  a  great  compliment,  we  can  weigh 
them  soberly  in  the  scales  of  responsibility.  These  are 
the  attributes  of  German  aggression:  eagerness  for  war, 
valor  and  blind  obedience,  and  long-planned  military  effi- 
ciency. They  are  often  mistaken  for  the  genius  of  Hitler. 
Germans  would  have  achieved  the  same,  or  possibly  better, 
military  results  under  another  leader.  They  almost  suc- 
ceeded for  the  Kaiser,  who  has  not  been  considered  a 
genius,  and  they  succeeded  for  Bismarck.  Hitler  contrib- 
uted very  little  to  the  German  Drang. 

When  the  substantial  forces  which  preached  isolation- 
ism in  the  United  States  are  estimated  in  the  light  of 
Hitler's  arrogance,  one  shudders  to  think  what  might 
have  happened  if  the  German  Fuehrer  had  spoken  with 
diplomatic  correctness,  disguising  his  brutality  with  Mach- 
iavellian explanations,  and  lulling  our  senses  with  compli- 
ments and  assurances. 

Suppose  he  had  cleverly  respected  the  Christian  Church 
and  given  lip  service  to  its  ideals?  Suppose  he  had  elim- 

50 


inated  or  at  least  delayed  the  pogroms?  Suppose  he  had 
concocted  incidents  with  the  nations  he  attacked  (as  the 
Marco  Polo  bridge  incident  was  created )  ?  Might  we  not 
have  been  so  deceived  and  divided  that  the  Lease-Lend  Act 
which  saved  England  would  not  have  been  possible?  Might 
we  not  have  failed  to  enact  military  conscription  before 
we  were  attacked?  Might  we  not  have  refused  to  become 
the  arsenal  of  democracy?  Suppose  Hitler  had  possessed 
an  infinitesimal  part  of  Napoleon's,  or  even  Frederick  the 
Great's,  administrative  capacity,  he  might  have  created  a 
"new  order"  in  the  conquered  territories,  which  might 
have  given  the  semblance  of  security,  peace,  and  a  little 
justice.  Then  millions  of  exhausted,  disillusioned  people 
might  have  accepted  their  conqueror  and  eased  his  prob- 
lems. Instead,  his  one-track  mind,  devoted  to  butchery 
and  terrorism,  fanned  the  dying  embers  of  resistance,  so 
that  constant  revolution  and  anarchy  burned  the  heels  of 
the  oppressor. 

Hitler's  interference  with  the  General  Staff  has  re- 
sulted in  military  disasters.  Notable  instances  were  his 
insistence  on  attacking  Moscow  late  in  1941,  when  his  mili- 
tary advisers  warned  that  a  winter  line  should  be  stabil- 
ized, and  his  decision  to  attack  Stalingrad  in  1942,  against 
his  generals'  advice  that  this  would  be  too  costly  and  that, 
instead,  a  continued  attack  in  the  Caucasus  was  indicated 
by  military  science.  Originally  Hitler  was  somewhat 
deferential  towards  the  trained  General  Staff.  But  as 
victories  were  turned  into  hysterical  propaganda  for  his 
genius,  he  yielded  to  self-deception  and  actually  made 
the  ludicrous  announcement,  in  removing  General  von 
Brauchitsch,  that  henceforth  his  intuition  would  direct  the 
Russian  campaign. 

Some  day,  from  the  vantage  point  of  historical  per- 
spective, we  may  find  that  the  German  plot  against  the 

51 


world  failed  by  only  a  fraction,  and  that  the  egomaniacal 
stupidity  of  Hitler  defeated  a  movement  so  thoroughly 
prepared  and  devotedly  executed  by  the  German  people 
that  intelligent  leadership  might  have  crowned  it  with 
success. 

Lightning  Struck  Twice 

Never  again  must  we  be  deluded  into  misplacing  re- 
sponsibility for  German  aggression.  It  is  not  the  leader 
of  the  day,  whether  he  be  Charlemagne,  Barbarossa,  Fred- 
erick Wilhelm,  the  Great  Elector,  Frederick  the  Great, 
Bismarck,  the  Kaiser  or  Hitler,  who  wages  war  against 
mankind.  It  is  the  German  people.  Conditioned  by  cen- 
turies of  false  indoctrination — of  a  mad  philosophy,  of  an 
absurd  "soil-blood"  racial  theory,  of  a  mystical  paganism, 
the  German  people  have  ever  been  arch-conspirators 
against  civilization.  They  have  deliberately  plotted  to 
destroy  it  and  subdue  all  mankind  to  serfdom.  They  have 
given  their  brains,  their  energies  and  their  very  lives 
through  the  centuries  in  fanatical  devotion  to  this  task. 
They  have  used  inhuman  and  sadistic  methods  to  achieve 
their  psychotic  national  desires.  They  have  ignored  all 
civilized  standards  and  restraints,  and  have  made  barbar- 
ism an  ideal.  They  have  distorted  nationalism  into  a 
ritual  of  international  murder. 

This  is  the  greatest  indictment  of  a  people  in  all  his- 
tory. But  it  is  the  truth.  Unless  we  recognize  it  as  such, 
we  will  be  unable  to  cope  with  the  German  problem — and 
that  problem  has  been,  and  will  continue  to  be,  the  greatest 
threat  to  future  peace.  For  defeat  will  not  deter  the  Ger- 
mans from  their  determined  criminality.  They  will  force 
war  upon  the  world  again  and  again.  Each  succeeding 
effort  comes  frighteningly  closer  to  success.  The  next 
slaughter,  inflicted  by  rabid,  wild-eyed  Nazi  youths  grown 

62 


to  manhood,  may  actually  blow  out  the  light  of  civiliza- 
tion forever.  We  dare  not  fail  the  peace  this  time,  and 
the  first  step  in  our  precautions  must  be  a  clear,  unflinch- 
ing realization  that  the  problem  is  the  German  people,  and 
that  they  include,  and  are  not  to  be  separated  from,  their 
leaders  and  their  military  caste. 

Once  this  bitter  fact  is  recognized,  we  can  give  proper 
values  to  the  exceptions.  The  most  generous  view  is  that 
the  individual  German  is  quite  normal  in  his  ethical  out- 
look, but  that  en  masse  he  is  welded  into  an  evil  machine. 
Goethe  said :  "I  have  often  felt  a  bitter  pang  at  the  thought 
of  the  German  people  so  estimable  as  individuals  and  so 
wretched  in  the  whole."  This  schizophrenic  national  trait 
makes  the  German  think  that  Germany  is  all,  and  every 
individual,  nothing. 

Another  explanation  for  the  phenomenon  of  national 
bestiality  in  a  people  which  has  produced  Lessing,  Schil- 
ler, Kant,  Beethoven,  Holderlin  and  Goethe,  is  that  the 
great  spirits  among  them  have  never  influenced  the  gov- 
ernment or  the  masses.  Certainly  they  were  not  national- 
ists. Klaus  Mann  has  written  that  they  were  great 
Europeans  who  considered  it  beneath  their  dignity  to  be 
concerned  with  social  problems  and  necessities.  Emil  Lud- 
wig,  while  conceding  that  the  intellectual  leaders  ap- 
plauded the  conquests  of  the  Kaiser  and  provided  him  with 
a  philosophy  to  support  his  invasion,  blames  it  all  on  the 
German  admiration  for  violence  and  respect  for  uniforms. 
But  he,  too,  contends  for  the  noble  exception  and  illustrates 
it  by  a  two-tier  bus,  the  upper  passengers  having  a  broad 
view  but  having  no  control  of  the  direction  below. 
Whether  the  intellectual  in  Germany  has  merely  forfeited 
his  rights,  or  whether  he,  too,  finds  the  wine  of  national 
conquest  too  heady,  does  not  alter  the  conclusion. 

53 


We  shall  not  consider  every  German  a  vicious  repre- 
sentative of  his  nation's  corruptness.  Indeed,  we  shall 
call  upon  the  decent  elements  of  that  people  to  aid  in  a 
just  reconstruction.  We  shall  see  that  they  have  much  to 
contribute.  We  shall  neither  persecute  the  innocent  indi- 
vidual, nor  absolve  the  German  masses  because  of  the 
exceptions.  We  will  not  gamble  upon  their  reformation, 
nor  make  that  reformation  impossible  by  reciprocal  brutal- 
ity. Since  we  do  not  share  their  racial  theory,  we  will 
not  turn  it  against  them,  and  conclude  that  they  are  a 
corrupt  people  in  their  very  blood  and  beyond  the  possibil- 
ity of  redemption. 

What,  then,  shall  we  do  with  the  German  people?  The 
answer  requires  consideration  of  four  problems.  First, 
punishment  of  the  violators  of  International  Law  and  the 
dictates  of  humanity.  Second,  the  prophylactic  precau- 
tions against  the  recurrence  of  German  militarism.  Third, 
an  economic  and  financial  policy  of  reconstruction.  Fourth, 
eradication  (by  education)  of  the  poisonous  doctrines  of 
Pan-Germanism,  so  that  Germany  may  safely  join  the 
community  of  civilized  nations. 

These  will  be  considered  in  turn. 


54 


CHAPTER    III 


PUNISHMENT 


A  civil  wrong  merely  disturbs  an  individual.  A  crime 
is  of  concern  to  all  citizens  and  endangers  their  safety — 
no  matter  how  vicariously.  The  assaulter  is  a  threat  to  all 
citizens,  not  to  the  particular  victim  alone.  That  is  why 
the  community  prosecutes. 

This  principle  is  magnified  by  international  relations. 
Elihu  Root  pointed  out  that  breaches  of  International 
Law  were  erroneously  treated  as  if  they  concerned  only 
the  particular  nation  upon  which  the  injury  was  inflicted 
and  the  nation  inflicting  it.  He  proposed  that  each 
nation  should  have  the  right  to  protest  against  violations 
of  the  laws  of  war,  even  though  the  lives  and  property  of 
its  own  nationals  had  not  been  directly  affected.  In  no 
other  manner  could  there  be  developed  "a  real  public 
opinion  of  the  world  responding  to  the  duty  of  preserving 
the  law  inviolate." 

A  violation  of  International  Law  is  a  crime  against 
all  the  peoples  of  the  world.  The  immediate  victims  are 
not  the  only  peoples  who  have  a  right  to  demand  justice. 

In  the  realm  of  international  relations  we  must  have 
the  strength  to  decree  just  punishment  to  the  unjust,  par- 
ticularly when  their  wickedness  has  exceeded  all  concepts 
of  horrifying  brutality  of  which  the  mind  is  capable.  Let 
no  voice,  confused  by  good  intentions,  be  heeded  which  ad- 
vises us  to  cast  down  the  sword  of  justice  after  we  have 
been  mutilated  by  the  sword  of  conquest.  The  whole  world 

55 


demands  punishment,  legally  administered,  and  commen- 
surate with  the  crime  of  each  individual. 

No  finely  spun  arguments  about  the  endlessness  of  hate 
must  deter  us  from  our  duty.  Justice  requires  punish- 
ment. "It  is  as  expedient,"  said  Plato,  "that  a  wicked 
man  be  punished  as  that  a  sick  man  be  cured  by  a  physi- 
cian; for  all  chastisement  is  a  kind  of  medicine."  If  the 
criminal  hates  his  sentence,  let  him  remember  that  at 
least  it  was  legally  imposed  on  proper  proof  of  guilt.  His 
victims  were  innocently  butchered.  Yes,  often  for  no 
other  reason  than  that  they  were  fine  men  of  intellectual 
capacity  or  of  courageous  revulsion  to  barbarity. 

We  recognize  the  necessity  of  feudlessness  in  society. 
We  shall  deal  with  the  constructive  plans  for  develop- 
ing international  relationships  freed  from  the  hunger 
of  lingering  revenge.  But  no  hopes  for  a  brotherly  society 
can  be  realized  by  ignoring  hideous  crimes  in  the  hope  of 
appealing  to  the  criminal's  good  will.  Such  a  program 
would  be  an  unforgettable  injustice  to  the  survivors  of 
the  German  terror.  They  can  hate,  too,  and  they  would 
hate  with  all  the  bitterness  of  disillusionment  as  well  as 
betrayal,  if  penalties  were  not  imposed  on  the  wrong- 
doers. 

If  penalties  are  to  be  meted  out  to  the  guilty,  they 
must  be  in  accordance  with  law.  Otherwise  they  become 
mere  retaliation  and  lose  their  full  moral  impress. 

This  instantly  brings  us  to  the  realm  of  International 
Law,  a  subject  of  such  mysterious  and  intangible  propor- 
tions to  the  lawyer  as  well  as  to  the  common  man  that  it 
is  shrouded  in  pedantic  obscurantism. 

The  Common  Sense  of  International  Law 

Domestic  law,  as  distinguished  from  International 
Law,  is  the  crystallization  of  common  sense  filtered  and 

56 


purified  by  centuries  of  experience.  It  aids  us  in  main- 
taining order  with  justice,  in  a  complex  society.  Each  na- 
tion enacts  statutes  expressing  its  laws  and  endeavoring 
thereby  to  give  fair  notice  to  its  citizens  of  what  they  may 
or  may  not  do. 

Laws  grow  in  number  as  the  wisdom  of  the  times 
determines  what  is  just  and  unjust  in  a  developing  society. 
Since  infinite  varieties  of  situations  arise,  which  statutes 
cannot  foresee  or  provide  for,  courts  endeavor  by  rea- 
sonable interpretation  to  apply  the  laws  to  each  variation. 
Thus  there  grows  up  a  body  of  common  law.  In  sovereign 
states,  statutes  and  interpretive  or  judge-made  laws  con- 
stantly develop.  The  law  is  therefore  not  a  static  thing 
but  a  dynamic  growth  adjusting  itself  to  the  necessities 
of  society.  It  expresses  the  rules  under  which  that  society 
lives. 

International  Law  has  no  different  objective.  But 
there  is  no  international  society  of  nations,  and  no  inter- 
national sovereign  state.  Consequently,  there  are  no 
statutes  enacted  by  an  international  legislature.  More 
important,  there  are  no  international  courts  which  consti- 
tute a  compulsory  forum  for  disputes.  Finally,  there  is 
no  international  enforcement  agency  to  give  practical 
meaning  to  international  rights  and  duties. 

Yet  International  Law  has  existed  for  centuries.  What 
then  is  it?  It  is  the  customs  and  usages  which  have  grown 
up  among  nations  in  their  dealings  with  one  another. 
It  is  often  expressed  in  treaties,  which  are  international 
contracts  setting  forth  the  intentions  of  sovereign  states 
rather  than  mere  private  parties.  Sometimes  it  is  expressed 
in  international  conventions  assembled  for  the  very  pur- 
pose of  codifying  the  rules  of  international  intercourse. 
Sometimes  it  is  found  in  recognized  treatises.  Whatever 
its  source,  it  derives  from  the  need  for  definite  rules  of 

57 


conduct  to  guide  international  as  well  as  domestic  rela- 
tions. 

The  most  important  founts  of  International  Law  are 
those  pacts  among  nations  which  sought  to  outlaw  war 
as  a  means  of  determining  disputes.  Notable  amongst  these 
was  the  Pact  of  Paris,  more  commonly  known  as  the 
Briand-Kellogg  Pact  of  1928.  Fifteen  nations,  including 
Germany,  Japan  and  Italy,  signed  the  Pact  at  its  incep- 
tion, and  by  January  1929,  twenty-one  nations  had  ratified 
the  agreement,  solemnly  declaring  "that  they  condemn  re- 
course to  war  for  the  solution  of  international  contro- 
versies, and  renounce  it  as  an  instrument  of  national  policy 
in  their  relations  with  one  another." 

Of  course,  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
signed  by  fifty-seven  nations,  again  including  Germany, 
had  made  similar  resolve.  Also,  the  Statute  of  the  Per- 
manent Court  of  International  Justice  and  the  Protocol 
ratified  by  forty-nine  nations  was  in  aid  of  this  policy 
of  peaceful  determination  of  disputes. 

These  various  agreements  automatically  became  bind- 
ing tenets  of  International  Law.  As  Dr.  Baye,  a  delegate 
said,  "The  state  which  in  contravention  of  the  Pact  of 
Paris  begins  a  war  must  be  branded  as  an  offender  against 
the  Law  of  Nations,  as  a  criminal  against  humanity." 

Hitler,  after  his  rise  to  power,  ratified  these  commit- 
ments of  Germany.  The  Four  Power  Pact,  otherwise 
called  the  Pact  of  Eome  entered  into  on  July  7,  1933 
by  Hitler's  Germany,  Great  Britain,  France  and  Italy 
recites  in  its  preamble : 

"Faithful  to  the  obligations  which  they  have  assumed 
by  virtue  of  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations,  the 
Locarno  Treaties  and  the  Briand-Kellogg  Pact,  and  taking 
into  account  that  declaration  of  the  renunciation  of  force, 
the  principle  of  which  was  proclaimed  in  the  declaration 

58 


signed  at  Geneva  on  December  11,  1932,  by  their  delegates 
at  the  Disarmament  Conference  and  adopted  on  March  2, 
1933,  by  the  Political  Commission  of  that  conference.  .  .  ." 

Furthermore  the  German-Polish  Pact  of  Non-Aggres- 
sion was  entered  into  on  January  26,  1934.  In  this  the 
Briand-Kellogg  Pact  was  set  forth  at  length.  Hitler  ex- 
pressly referred  to  the  Pact  which  had  become  the  most 
important  post-war  provision  of  International  Law.  He 
specifically  incorporated  this  treaty  and  its  terms  in  his 
pact  with  Poland. 

By  subsequent  ratification  these  resolutions  became 
more  deeply  imbedded  in  International  Law.  In  Septem- 
ber, 1934,  the  International  Law  Association,  meeting  in 
Budapest,  adopted  Articles  of  Interpretation  of  the 
Briand-Kellogg  Pact.  It  declared  that  a  nation  which  vio- 
lated the  provision  outlawing  war  would  be  "an  offender 
against  the  Law  of  Nations." 

Thus  we  are  not  dealing  with  some  prior  concept  of 
International  Law  which  the  Nazis  might  reject  because 
it  antedated  them.  There  is  no  room  for  contention  as  to 
the  binding  nature  of  international  agreements  which  have 
been  formally  and  voluntarily  accepted.  The  Budapest 
Articles  of  Interpretation  of  1934  declared  that  "A  signa- 
tory state  cannot  by  denunciation  or  non-observance  of 
the  Pact  release  itself  from  its  obligations  thereunder"  and 
further  "that  a  signatory  state  which  threatens  resort  to 
armed  force  for  the  solution  of  an  international  dispute 
or  conflict  is  guilty  of  a  violation  of  the  Pact."  Such  an  in- 
terpretation merely  codified  common  sense.  If  a  party  to 
a  contract  could  cancel  it  by  breach,  then  contracts  would 
be  valueless.  They  would  cease  to  be  binding  whenever  it 
no  longer  suited  one  of  the  parties  to  comply.  The  whole 
purpose  of  agreement  would  be  destroyed.  It  would  no 
longer  be  dishonorable  to  break  one's  word,  for  the  very 

59 


act  of  bad  faith  would  be  declared  to  be  the  annulment  of 
the  agreement. 

We  conclude,  then,  that  Germany,  was  bound  by  In- 
ternational Law  not  to  make  war.  But  in  addition,  as 
we  shall  see,  it  was  also  bound  to  comply  with  certain 
rules  if  it  did,  illegally,  declare  war. 

Unfortunately,  the  relationships  between  nations  are 
not  always  peaceful,  and  war  affects  neutrals  as  well  as 
belligerents.  Thus  there  was  need  for  some  codification  of 
the  rules  which  should  apply  between  belligerents,  and 
between  belligerents  and  neutral  nations.  This  has  become 
one  of  the  chief  functions  of  International  Law:  the  de- 
termination of  the  rules  of  war. 

At  first  blush,  it  would  appear  to  be  mere  scholasticism 
to  make  rules  as  to  how  men  may  or  may  not  kill  each 
other.  But  such  laws  have  a  function  as  a  restraint  upon 
barbarism,  even  if  they  appear  to  sanction  killing  when 
done  in  accordance  with  rules. 

One  may  be  opposed  to  the  brutality  of  prize  fights  and 
yet  recognize  the  value  of  the  Queensbury  rules.  Inter- 
national Law,  as  it  applies  to  war,  is  the  aspiration  of 
mankind  that  even  in  battle  not  all  concepts  of  mercy 
and  gallantry  will  be  abandoned.  It  ultilizes  the  con- 
science of  mankind  as  a  restraint  upon  animalism.  It 
seeks  to  canalize  world  opinion  so  that  it  may  exert 
pressure  upon  the  warrior  to  limit  his  depredations  and 
to  respect  even  in  warfare  some  of  the  religious  and  moral 
precepts  to  which  civilization  clings. 

Exact  statements  of  these  Rules  of  War  are  to  be 
found  in  the  Geneva  Conventions  of  1864,  1906  and  1929, 
the  International  Convention  relative  to  the  Treatment  of 
Prisoners  of  War  in  1929,  and  the  Hague  Conventions  of 
1899  and  1907.  The  Hague  Convention  of  1907  imposed 
numerous  restrictions  upon  invading  or  occupying  forces. 
They  must  respect  the  laws  in  force  in  the  country  (Article 

60 


43),  the  religious  convictions,  family  honor  and  lives  and 
private  property  of  its  inhabitants  (Article  46).  Pillage 
is  forbidden  (Article  47).  No  general  penalty,  pecuniary 
or  otherwise,  may  be  inflicted  upon  the  population  for  the 
acts  of  individuals  (Article  50).  The  property  of  religi- 
ous, charitable  and  educational  institutions  and  objects 
of  art  and  science  must  be  treated  as  private  property 
and  may  not  be  molested  (Article  56). 

The  methods  of  combat  are  also  restricted  in  the  in- 
terest of  humanity.  The  Convention  forbids  a  belligerent : 
to  employ  poison  or  poisoned  arms,  to  kill  or  wound  by 
treachery,  to  employ  arms,  projectiles  and  substances  which 
are  calculated  to  cause  unnecessary  pain  (Article  23). 
Bombardment  by  naval  forces  of  undefended  towns  is  for- 
bidden (Articles  1-6).  The  use  of  automatic  submarine 
contact  mines  is  condemned  because  of  their  danger  to  in- 
nocent vessels  (Article  20).  Discharging  explosives  "from 
balloons"  is  similarly  outlawed. 

The  provision  forbidding  forced  labor  by  the  civil 
population  in  occupied  districts  dates  back  to  the  Brussels 
Conference  of  1874  and  is  now  an  accepted  doctrine  of  In- 
ternational Law.  Another  provision,  firmly  imbedded  in 
International  Law,  is  that  merchantmen  may  not  be  sunk 
without  previous  visit  and  search  and  without  placing  the 
passengers  and  crew  of  the  vessel  in  safety.  German 
submarine  warfare  is  brazen  piratical  practice,  not  an  act 
of  war. 

Thus  we  conclude  that  Germany  was  bound  to  obey 
the  Rules  of  War,  a  duty  which  fell  upon  every  soldier, 
officer  and  civilian  of  the  Reich.  What  does  this  duty  en- 
tail? To  what  extent  do  the  rules  of  International  Law 
condemn  the  individual  German  for  his  acts,  once  war  has 
been  declared?  He  is  immune  only  if  he  acts  within  the 
rules  prescribed  for  warfare.  If  he  commits  an  act  in  vio- 
lation of  the  laws  of  war,  he  is  liable  to  trial  and  punish- 

61 


ment  by  the  courts  of  the  injured  adversary.  In  1880 
the  Institute  of  International  Law  expressly  affirmed  this 
doctrine.  Article  84  of  its  Manual  of  the  Laws  of  War  on 
Land,  adopted  at  Oxford  that  year,  declared  that  "The 
offending  parties  should  be  punished,  after  judicial  hear- 
ing, by  the  belligerent  in  whose  hands  they  are."  It  was 
further  added  that  "offenders  against  the  laws  of  war  are 
liable  to  the  punishment  specified  in  the  penal  or  criminal 
law." 

Acts  of  pillage,  incendiarism,  rape,  assassination,  mal- 
treatment of  prisoners  and  similar  violations  of  the  rules 
of  Avar  are  crimes.  The  soldiers  who  commit  them  are  not 
immune  because  they  were  committed  in  the  course  of  war. 
Acts  of  war,  ordinarily  crimes,  are  "legal"  only  if  they 
are  committed  in  conformity  to  the  rules  of  International 
Law. 

In  the  United  States,  the  Supreme  Court  has  held  that 
soldiers  are  not  liable  for  acts  done  by  them  in  accordance 
with  the  usage  of  civilized  warfare  and  by  military  au- 
thority. (Dow  v.  Johnson,  100  U.  S.  158;  Freedland  V. 
Williams,  131  U.  S.  405.)  The  negative  proposition  is 
also  true,  that  if  soldiers  have  committed  acts  in  violation 
of  these  rules  they  are  personally  responsible. 

The  French  Code  of  Military  Justice  provided  that 
"every  individual  who,  in  the  zone  of  operations,  despoils 
a  wounded,  sick  or  dead  soldier  shall  be  punished  by  impris- 
onment and  every  individual  who  commits  violence  on  such 
a  soldier  shall  be  put  to  death"  (Article  249).  Obviously 
this  referred  not  only  to  the  French  soldier  but  to  any 
enemy  soldier  who  committed  such  a  crime. 

The  American  Basic  Field  Manual  "Rules  of  Land 
Warfare"  (1914)  provide  punishment  for  acts  of  pillage 
and  maltreatment  of  wounded  (Article  112),  for  inten- 
tionally injuring  or  killing  an  enemy  already  disabled, 
etc.  These  rules  apply  equally  to  soldiers  of  the  Army  of 

62 


the  United  States  and  to  an  enemy  captured  after  having 
committed  the  misdeed. 

The  British  Manual  of  Military  Law  has  similar  pro- 
visions. 

Germany  fully  recognized  the  validity  of  these  stand- 
ards, and  she  may  not  now  contend  that  they  are  not  bind- 
ing on  her.  The  German  Kriegsbrauch  im  Landkriege 
declares  that  the  inhabitants  of  occupied  territory  must 
not  be  injured  in  life,  limb,  honor  or  freedom;  that  every 
unlawful  killing,  every  bodily  injury  due  to  fraud  or  negli- 
gence, every  insult,  every  disturbance  of  domestic  peace, 
every  attack  on  family,  honor  or  morality,  and  generally, 
every  unlawful  act  of  violence  is  punishable  as  though  it 
had  been  committed  against  the  inhabitants  of  Germany. 
The  code  prohibits  all  destruction,  devastation,  burning 
and  ravaging  of  the  enemy's  country,  and  declares  that 
the  soldier  who  does  such  acts  is  "an  offender  according 
to  the  appropriate  law."  It  also  declares  that  the  seizure 
and  carrying  away  of  money,  jewelry,  and  other  objects  of 
value  is  criminal  theft  and  punishable  as  such. 

When  at  the  Hague  Conference  of  1907  rules  were  be- 
ing formulated  with  regard  to  automatic  submarine  con- 
tact mines,  the  German  Chief  Delegate,  Baron  Adolf 
Marschall  von  Bieberstein  delivered  himself  as  follows: 
"A  belligerent  who  lays  mines  assumes  a  very  heavy  re- 
sponsibility towards  neutrals  and  shipping.  On  that  point 
we  are  all  agreed.  No  one  will  resort  to  such  means  un- 
less for  military  reasons  of  an  absolutely  urgent  character. 
But  military  acts  are  not  governed  solely  by  principles  of 
International  Law.  There  are  other  factors:  conscience, 
good  sense,  and  the  sentiment  of  duty  imposed  by  prin- 
ciples of  humanity  will  be  the  surest  guides  to  the  conduct 
of  sailors,  and  will  constitute  the  most  effective  guaranty 
against  abuses.  The  officers  of  the  German  Navy,  I  em- 
phatically affirm,  will  always  fulfill  in  the  strictest  manner 

63 


the  duties  which  emanate  from  the  unwritten  law  of 
humanity  and  civilization." 

This  statement  is  a  recognition  of  those  principles  of 
International  Law  which  are  not  reduced  to  written  stat- 
utes, but  which  derive  their  force  from  the  dictates  of 
"humanity  and  civilization." 

It  has  been  charged  that  "International  Law  is  filmy, 
gauzy,  founded  upon  precedent  and  without  certainty,  de- 
cision or  definiteness,"  but  the  discerning  will  see  the 
definiteness  and  grandeur  of  moral  codes  which  have 
grown  with  the  development  of  civilization. 

The  civilized  world  intends  to  indict  and  convict  the 
Germans  for  their  violations  of  International  Law.  In 
the  words  of  the  Moscow  Declaration  issued  by  President 
Roosevelt,  Prime  Minister  Churchill  and  Premier  Stalin 
on  November  1,  1943 : 

"At  the  time  of  granting  of  any  armistice  to  any  gov- 
ernment which  may  be  set  up  in  Germany,  those  German 
officers  and  men  and  members  of  the  Nazi  party  who  have 
been  responsible  for  or  have  taken  a  consenting  part  in 
the  above  atrocities,  massacres  and  executions  will  be  sent 
back  to  the  countries  in  which  their  abominable  deeds  were 
done  in  order  that  they  may  be  judged  and  punished  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  these  liberated  countries  and  of  the 
free  governments  which  will  be  erected  therein.  .  .  .  Let 
those  who  have  hitherto  not  imbued  their  hands  with 
innocent  blood  beware  lest  they  join  the  ranks  of  the 
guilty,  for  most  assuredly  the  three  Allied  powers  will 
pursue  them  to  the  uttermost  ends  of  the  earth  and  will 
deliver  them  to  their  accusers  in  order  that  justice  may 
be  done." 

The  World  Undertakes  a  Task 

Similar  determination  and  brave  words  were  not 
enough  in  1918.  Then,  too,  the  whole  world  demanded 

64 


punishment.    French  women  presented  the  following  reso- 
lution to  the  Peace  Conference: 

"In  violation  of  the  primitive  law  of  humanity,  thou- 
sands of  women  and  girls,  even  children,  of  all  social  con- 
ditions have  been  systematically  torn  from  their  families 
and  submitted  to  inhuman  tortures  and  treated  as  slaves. 
With  broken  and  bleeding  hearts,  we  women  of  France 
and  the  Allied  countries  come  before  the  Peace  Congress 
to  ask  justice  in  the  name  of  our  martyred  sisters.  To 
prevent  a  recurrence  of  similar  atrocities,  we  ask  that 
those  who  have  directed  them  and  ordered  them  may  be 
condemned  as  criminals." 

A  foremost  French  author  who  compiled  a  list  of  in- 
ternational crimes  concluded :  "Probably  there  is  no  senti- 
ment more  generally  prevailing  in  the  world  today  than 
the  demand  for  the  punishment  of  those  who  fought  the 
most  atrocious  war  in  history  in  the  most  atrocious  way." 

A  legal  report  by  distinguished  French  professors  of 
International  Law  (Ferdinand  Larnaude,  Dean  of  the 
Paris  Law  Faculty,  and  Dr.  A.  G.  de  Lapradelle,  Professor 
of  International  Law  on  the  same  Faculty)  listed  the 
crimes  of  the  Germans,  thus  giving  scholarly  basis  to 
the  outcries  of  the  peoples  of  the  ravaged  nations.  For 
example,  they  cited  a  letter  from  the  Kaiser  to  the  Em- 
peror of  Austria,  which,  as  part  of  the  diplomatic  archives, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Allies.  The  Kaiser  wrote : 

"My  soul  is  torn  asunder,  but  everything  must  be  put 
to  fire  and  blood.  The  throats  of  men  and  women,  chil- 
dren and  the  aged  must  be  cut  and  not  a  tree  nor  a  house 
left  standing. 

"With  such  methods  of  terror,  which  alone  can  strike 
so  degenerate  a  people  as  the  French,  the  war  will  finish 
before  two  months,  while  if  I  use  humanitarian  methods, 

65 


it  may  prolong  for  years.     Despite  all  my  repugnance,  I 
have  had  to  choose  the  first  system." 

Here  is  the  familiar  hypocrisy  of  the  Germans  justify- 
ing barbarism  on  grounds  of  mercy.  The  Nazis  have  ex- 
tended it  with  the  addendum  that  those  who  do  not  accept 
enslavement  and  defeat  are  responsible  for  the  disturbance 
of  the  peace  which  results  from  their  resistance.  Thus  all 
victims  are  warmongers.  The  Germans  seek  and  wish 
peace.  They  are  compelled  to  slay  if  their  superiority  is 
not  acknowledged  with  bowed  head. 

Clemenceau  in  his  speech  of  acceptance  of  the  Presi- 
dency of  the  Peace  Conference  said : 

"I  come  now  to  the  order  of  the  day.  The  first  ques- 
tion is  as  follows:  'The  responsibility  of  the  authors  of 
the  war!'  The  second  is  thus  expressed:  'Penalties  for 
crimes  committed  during  the  war.'  We  beg  of  you  to 
begin  by  examining  the  question  as  to  the  responsibility 
of  the  authors  of  the  war.  I  do  not  need  to  set  forth  our 
reasons  for  this.  If  we  wish  to  establish  justice  in  the 
world  we  can  do  so  now,  for  we  have  won  victory  and  can 
impose  the  penalties  demanded  by  justice.  We  shall  in- 
sist on  the  imposition  of  penalties  on  the  authors  of  the 
abominable  crimes  committed  during  the  war." 

Overwhelming  public  opinion  beat  upon  the  Peace  Con- 
ference, demanding  punishment  of  the  guilty.  The  Peace 
Conference  acted,  but  its  extensive  steps  to  set  up  tribun- 
als and  mete  out  punishment  ended  in  a  complete  fiasco. 
Why  did  the  efforts  of  so  many  brilliant  men  to  com- 
ply with  these  demands  for  simple  justice  go  awry?  It 
is  important  to  analyze  this  failure  in  order  to  reach  wiser 
decisions  today.  We  will  be  aided  in  finding  the  correct 
road  by  observing  the  by-paths  of  confusion  which  our 

66 


predecessors  followed.  Rarely  in  the  realm  of  political 
science  is  so  rich  an  opportunity  afforded  to  learn  from 
past  history.  Then  as  now  the  Germans  were  the  offenders, 
against  almost  the  entire  world.  Then  as  now  their  out- 
rages were  admitted,  though  they  were  child's  play  com- 
pared with  Nazi  thoroughness  and  sadism.  Then  as  now 
the  world  dreamed  of  a  permanent  peace  and  was  desirous 
of  making  all  possible  concessions  to  achieve  it — except 
surrender  the  right  to  punish  for  the  criminal  acts. 

The  Versailles  Conference  began  brilliantly.  It  was 
the  first  treaty  of  peace  in  which  an  attempt  was  made  by 
the  victorious  belligerents  to  enforce  against  a  defeated 
adversary  the  principle  of  individual  responsibility  for 
crimes  committed  during  war.  It  formally  declared  that 
individuals  belonging  to  armed  forces  of  the  adversary,  as 
well  as  enemy  civil  functionaries,  were  responsible  under 
military  law  for  violations  of  International  Law.  Article 
228  of  the  Treaty  stated  that  Germany  recognized  "the 
right  of  the  Allied  and  Associated  Powers  to  bring  before 
military  tribunals  persons  accused  of  having  committed 
acts  in  violation  of  the  laws  and  customs  of  war."  Also : 
"Such  persons  shall,  if  found  guilty,  be  sentenced  to  pun- 
ishment laid  down  by  law.  This  provision  will  apply  not- 
withstanding any  proceedings  or  prosecution  before  a 
tribunal  in  Germany  or  the  territory  of  her  Allies." 

Further,  the  Treaty  required  Germany  to  surrender  to 
the  Allied  and  Associated  Powers  all  persons  accused  of 
having  committed  an  act  in  violation  of  the  laws  and  cus- 
toms of  war  and  to  furnish  "all  documents  and  informa- 
tion of  every  kind,  the  production  of  which  may  be  neces- 
sary to  the  full  knowledge  of  the  incriminating  facts,  the 
discovery  of  offenders,  and  the  just  appreciation  of  re- 
sponsibility" (Article  230).  Identical  provisions  were  con- 
tained in  the  Allies'  treaty  with  Austria  (Articles  173, 
175). 

67 


The  Previous  Indictment 

A  commission  appointed  by  the  Peace  Conference  made 
an  elaborate  report  on  four  subjects:  (1)  the  responsibility 
of  the  authors  of  the  war;  (2)  the  breaches  of  the  laws 
and  customs  of  war;  (3)  the  degree  of  responsibility  for 
these  crimes  attaching  to  particular  members  of  the  enemy 
forces;  (4)  the  constitution  and  procedure  of  a  tribunal 
appropriate  for  the  trial  of  these  offenses. 

The  commission  unanimously  reported  that  "the  war 
was  premeditated  by  the  Central  Powers,  together  with 
their  allies,  Turkey  and  Bulgaria,  and  was  the  result  of 
acts  deliberately  committed  in  order  to  make  it  unavoid- 
able." 

In  support  of  this  conclusion  were  cited,  among  other 
evidence,  decoded  confidential  documents  which  had  come 
into  the  Allies'  possession  from  the  Austrian  official  ar- 
chives. One  was  a  report  to  the  Austrian  Government  by 
von  Wiesner,  the  Austro-Hungarian  agent  sent  to  Sara- 
jevo to  investigate  the  assassination  of  Archduke  Franz 
Ferdinand,  heir  to  the  Austro-Hungarian  throne,  and  the 
Duchess  of  Hohenberg,  his  morganatic  wife.  He  wired: 
"Cognizance  on  the  part  of  the  Serbian  Government,  par- 
ticipation in  the  murderous  assault,  or  in  its  preparation, 
and  supplying  the  weapons,  proved  by  nothing,  nor  even 
to  be  suspected.  On  the  contrary  there  are  indications 
which  cause  this  to  be  rejected." 

Another  official  document  referred  to  was  the  decoded 
telegram  of  Count  Szogyeny,  Austrian  ambassador  at  Ber- 
lin, sent  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  at  Vienna: 

"Here  it  is  generally  taken  for  granted  that  in  case  of  a 
possible  refusal  on  the  part  of  Serbia,  our  immediate  dec- 
laration of  war  will  be  coincident  with  military  opera- 
tions. 

68 


"Delay  in  beginning  military  operations  is  here  con- 
sidered as  a  great  danger  because  of  the  intervention  of 
other  Powers. 

"We  are  urgently  advised  to  proceed  at  once  and  to  con- 
front the  world  with  a  fait  accompli" 

The  fear  was  not  of  military  intervention  but  lest  over- 
tures for  peaceful  adjustment  be  made.  This  appears  in 
the  production  of  a  deciphered  telegram  marked  "strictly 
confidential",  sent  by  the  Austrian  Ambassador  at  Berlin 
to  his  own  government  the  day  before  war  was  declared. 
The  material  portion  read: 

"The  Secretary  of  State  informed  me  very  definitely 
and  in  the  strictest  of  confidence  that  in  the  near  future 
possible  proposals  for  mediation  on  the  part  of  England 
would  be  brought  to  Your  Excellency's  knowledge  by  the 
German  Government. 

"The  German  Government  gives  its  most  bending  assur- 
ance that  it  does  not  in  any  way  associate  itself  with  the 
proposals;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  absolutely  opposed  to 
their  consideration  and  only  transmits  them  in  compliance 
with  the  English  request." 

The  English  proposal  had  been  telegraphed  by  Sir 
Edward  Grey,  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs>  to 
Sir  William  Edward  Goschen,  British  Ambassador  at  Ber- 
lin. It  read:  "If  the  peace  of  Europe  can  be  preserved, 
and  the  present  crisis  safely  passed,  my  own  endeavour 
will  be  to  promote  some  arrangement  to  which  Germany 
could  be  a  party,  by  which  she  could  be  assured  that  no 
aggressive  or  hostile  policy  would  be  pursued  against  her 
or  her  Allies  by  France,  Russia,  and  ourselves,  jointly  or 
separately." 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  the  analogy  between 
these  incidents  and  the  frantic  appeals  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury later  by  a  humiliated  English  Prime  Minister  and  a 

60 


President  of  the  United  States,  to  Hitler  to  preserve  peace 
and  thus  gain  the  "undying  gratitude  of  all  mankind." 

The  Commission  reported  separately  on  Belgium  and 
Luxemburg  and  reached  the  conclusion  that  the  neutrality 
of  both  of  these  countries  had  been  deliberately  violated. 
It  unanimously  reported  that  "Germany,  in  agreement 
with  Austria-Hungary,  deliberately  worked  to  defeat  all 
the  many  conciliatory  proposals  made  by  the  Entente 
Powers  and  their  repeated  efforts  to  avoid  war."  The  con- 
clusion was  inevitable,  and  grandiosely  stated  that  these 
acts  should  be  condemned  in  no  uncertain  terms  and  that 
their  perpetrators  should  be  held  up  to  the  "execration" 
of  mankind. 

In  the  course  of  their  findings  concerning  breaches 
of  law  and  customs  of  war,  the  Commission  gathered  au- 
thoritative data  from  high  sources.  Reports  were  made  by 
Lord  Bryce  of  the  British  Commission  and  by  many  other 
distinguished  scholars  and  jurists.  There  was  no  disagree- 
ment concerning  the  facts  established.  The  Report  unani- 
mously stated : 

"Violations  of  the  rights  of  combatants,  of  the  rights 
of  civilians,  .  .  .  are  multiplied  in  this  list  of  the  most 
cruel  practices  which  primitive  barbarism,  aided  by  all 
the  resources  of  modern  science,  could  devise  for  the  execu- 
tion of  a  system  of  terrorism  carefully  planned  and  car- 
ried out  to  the  end.  Not  even  prisoners,  or  wounded,  or 
women  or  children  have  been  respected  by  belligerents  who 
deliberately  sought  to  strike  terror  into  every  heart  for  the 
purpose  of  repressing  all  resistance.  Murders  and  mas- 
sacres, tortures,  shields  formed  of  living  human  beings, 
collective  penalties,  the  arrest  and  execution  of  hostages, 
the  requisitioning  of  services  for  military  purposes,  the 
arbitrary  destruction  of  public  and  private  property,  the 
aerial  bombardment  of  open  towns  without  there  being  any 

70 


regular  siege,  the  destruction  of  merchant  ships  without 
previous  visit  and  without  any  precautions  for  the  safety 
of  passengers  and  crew,  the  massacre  of  prisoners,  attacks 
on  hospital  ships,  the  poisoning  of  springs  and  wells,  out- 
rages and  profanation  without  regard  for  religion  or  the 
honor  of  individuals,  the  issue  of  counterfeit  money  re- 
ported by  the  Polish  Government,  the  methodical  and  de- 
liberate destruction  of  industries  with  no  other  object  than 
to  promote  German  economic  supremacy  after  the  war, 
constitute  the  most  striking  list  of  crimes  that  has  ever 
been  drawn  up  to  the  eternal  shame  of  those  who  com- 
mitted them.  The  facts  are  established.  They  are  numer- 
ous and  so  vouched  for  that  they  admit  of  no  doubt  and 
cry  for  justice." 

Are  these  not  familiar  echoes?  How  precise  the  repeti- 
tion! In  1919  a  Special  Commission  was  appointed  to 
classify  proof  and  data  under  certain  headings.  Such  is 
the  consistency  of  the  Hun  that  they  may  be  listed  here 
since  they  are  unchanged  and  remain  as  appropriate  at 
the  end  of  the  second  World  War  as  at  the  end  of  the 
first.  The  list  of  thirty- two  crimes  charged  is : 

1)  Murders  and  massacres;  systematic  terrorism. 

2)  Putting  hostages  to  death. 

3)  Torture  of  civilians. 

4)  Deliberate  starvation  of  civilians. 

5)  Kape. 

6)  Abduction  of  girls  and  women  for  the  purpose  of 
enforced  prostitution. 

7)  Deportation  of  civilians. 

8)  Internment  of  civilians  under  inhuman  conditions. 

9)  Forced  labor  of  civilians  in  connection  with  the 
military  operations  of  the  enemy. 

71 


10)  Usurpation  of  sovereignty  during  military  occupa- 
tion. 

11)  Compulsory  enlistment  of  soldiers  among  the  in- 
habitants of  occupied  territory. 

12)  Attempts  to  denationalize  the  inhabitants'  occu 
pied  territory. 

13)  Pillage. 

14)  Confiscation  of  property. 

15)  Exaction  of  illegitimate  or  of  exorbitant  contri- 
butions and  requisitions. 

16)  Debasement  of  the  currency,  and  issue  of  spurious 
currency. 

17)  Imposition  of  collective  penalties. 

18)  Wanton  devastation  and  destruction  of  property. 

19)  Deliberate  bombardment  of  undefended  places. 

20)  Wanton  destruction  of  religious,  charitable,  edu- 
cational and  historic  buildings  and  monuments. 

21)  Destruction  of  merchant  ships  and  passenger  ves- 
sels without  warning  and  without  provision  for 
the  safety  of  passenger  or  crew. 

22)  Destruction  of  fishing  boats  and  of  relief  ships. 

23)  Deliberate  bombardment  of  hospitals. 

24)  Attack  on  and  destruction  of  hospital  ships. 

25)  Breach  of  other  rules  relating  to  the  Red  Cross. 

26)  Use  of  deleterious  and  asphyxiating  gases. 

27)  Use  of  explosive^  or  expanding  bullets,  and  other 
inhuman  appliances. 

28)  Directions  to  give  no  quarter. 

29 )  Ill-treatment  of  wounded  and  prisoners  of  war. 

30)  Employment  of  prisoners  of  war  on  unauthorized 
works. 

72 


31)  Misuse  of  flags  of  truce. 

32)  Poisoning  wells. 

Here,  then,  was  unanimity  on  the  subject  of  German 
criminality.  The  Commission  recommended  that  the 
guilty  be  punished. 

The  American- Japanese  "Axis" 

American  representatives  vigorously  dissented  from 
the  procedure  suggested  by  the  Commission  to  punish  the 
violations.  Their  sole  comrades  in  dissent  were  the  Jap- 
anese. They  found  it  necessary  to  submit  a  lengthy 
memorandum  of  their  minority  views.  Robert  Lansing  and 
James  Brown  Scott,  who  wrote  this  memorandum,  sought 
eloquently  to  diminish  the  friction  which  had  arisen  from 
the  conflict  in  opinion.  ".  .  .  we  desire  to  express  our 
high  appreciation",  they  wrote,  "of  the  conciliatory  and 
considerate  spirit  manifested  by  our  colleagues  through- 
out the  many  and  protracted  sessions  of  the  Commission. 
From  the  first  of  these,  there  was  an  earnest  purpose 
shown  to  compose  the  difference  which  existed,  to  find  a 
formula  acceptable  to  all,  and  to  render,  if  possible,  a 
unanimous  report.  That  this  purpose  failed  was  not  be- 
cause of  want  of  effort  on  the  part  of  this  Commission. 
It  failed  because,  after  all  the  proposed  means  of  adjust- 
ment had  been  tested  with  frank  and  open  minds,  no 
practicable  way  could  be  found  to  harmonize  the  differ- 
ence without  an  abandonment  of  principles  which  were 
fundamental.  This  the  representatives  of  the  United 
States  could  not  do  and  they  could  not  expect  it  of  others." 

What  were  the  differences  which  could  not  be  adjusted 
without  abandonment  of  principles?  And  what  were  the 
principles  involved?  An  analysis  of  this  struggle  and  the 
opportunity,  not  available  to  the  contestants,  to  test  their 

73 


theories  pragmatically  in  the  light  of  subsequent  history, 
will  point  to  certain  definite  conclusions  about  the  proper 
solution  today. 

American  delegates  objected  to  the  following  language : 
".  .  .  all  persons  belonging  to  enemy  countries,  however 
high  their  position  may  have  been,  without  distinction  of 
rank,  including  chiefs  of  states,  who  have  been  guilty  of 
offenses  against  the  laws  and  customs  of  war  or  the  laws 
of  humanity,  are  liable  to  criminal  prosecution." 

They  contended  that  the  laws  of  humanity  were  too 
uncertain  to  be  the  basis  of  criminal  prosecution.  The 
laws  and  customs  of  war,  they  admitted,  were  sufficiently 
certain.  They  were  to  be  found  "in  books  of  authority  and 
in  the  practice  of  nations."  But  they  balked  at  the  legal 
prosecution  of  "chiefs  of  state"  whose  responsibility  had 
never  before  been  established  in  municipal  or  international 
law,  and  "for  which  no  precedents  are  to  be  found  in  the 
modern  practice  of  nations." 

They  were  particularly  solicitous  about  not  bringing 
the  ex-Kaiser  to  criminal  trial.  They  contended  that  a 
chief  executive,  whether  he  be  called  emperor,  king,  or 
kaiser,  is  not  responsible  for  breaches  of  law.  He  is  an- 
swerable "not  to  the  judicial,  but  to  the  political  authority 
of  his  country."  They  relied  on  Chief  Justice  Marshall's 
decision  in  the  early  case  of  Schooner  Exchange  v.  McFad- 
don  and  Others,  7  Cranch.  116,  decided  in  1812,  in  which 
a  sovereign  was  held  to  be  exempt  from  judicial  process. 

What  they  overlooked  was  that  the  doctrine  of  im- 
munity of  heads  and  ex-heads  of  state  from  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  foreign  courts  (de  Haber  v.  Queen  of  Portugal,  17 
Q.  B.  171 ;  Hatch  v.  Baez,  7  Hun.  596 ;  Underhill  v.  Her- 
nandez, 168  U.  S.  250),  is  not  a  binding  doctrine  of  Inter- 
national Law.  It  is  merely  a  voluntary  rule  of  interna- 
tional comity  and  public  policy  and  is  intended  to  prevent 
the  courts  of  one  state  from  interfering  with  another 

74 


country's  sovereign  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  It  was 
not  intended  to  shield  heads  of  states  from  punishment  for 
crimes  against  the  rights  of  other  nations.  No  authority 
states  that  an  abdicated  or  deposed  chief  of  state  can  not 
be  arraigned  before  an  international  tribunal  for  high 
crimes  committed  by  him  against  other  nations  while  he 
was  in  power. 

The  Peace  Conference  having  set  a  new  precedent  in 
asserting  personal  responsibility  for  individual  offend- 
ers against  the  laws  of  war,  of  what  consequence  was 
the  objection  that  there  was  no  precedent  for  punishing 
such  a  violator  who  happened  to  be  an  ex-head  of  state? 
It  is  an  elementary  principle  of  democracy  that  no  man, 
however  high  his  station,  is  above  the  law.  Heads  of 
state  who  permit,  approve  and  even  encourage  the  com- 
mission of  crimes  by  their  subordinates,  are  equally  guilty 
with  them  and  cannot  take  refuge  in  a  plea  of  immunity 
intended  to  shield  them  from  their  crimes. 

The  American  and  Japanese  dissent  was  unjustified. 
It  was  nothing  but  legal  dilettantism  to  distinguish  be- 
tween legal  and  moral  crimes  and  to  profess  helplessness 
to  deal  with  the  latter.  True,  the  crimes  committed  were 
unprecedented.  Do  they  derive  immunity  from  that  very 
fact?  Are  we  so  devoid  of  conscientious  resourcefulness 
that  we  are  unable  to  punish  a  crime  so  heinous  that  it 
was  never  committed  before?  Precedents  are  valuable 
guide  posts,  but  they  are  not  more  important  than  the 
road,  and  roads  may  be  constructed  to  a  necessary  objec- 
tive without  them.  It  is  distorted  emphasis  to  consider 
precedent  more  important  than  justice.  Prior  experience 
merely  advises  us  how  others  applied  their  wisdom.  Often 
it  is  a  comfort ;  sometimes  it  does  nothing  more  than  reveal 
error  and  encourage  us  to  seek  the  right  conclusion.  If 
lack  of  precedent  paralyzed  our  intellectual  initiative, 
there  would  be  no  common  law,  for  at  some  point  each  rule 

76 


adopted  was  a  pioneering  effort  to  be  tested  by  subsequent, 
not  prior,  experience. 

It  is  not  without  ironic  significance  that  the  dissenting 
Americans  found  support  from  the  two  Japanese  members 
of  the  commission  who  doubted  that  offenders  against  the 
laws  of  war,  belonging  to  the  forces  of  an  adversary,  could 
be  tried  before  a  court  constituted  of  opposing  belligerents. 
We  may  wonder  today  whether  the  Japanese  shared  the 
refined  moral  view  of  the  Americans  or  whether  their 
agreement  in  dissent  revealed  the  lack  of  true  moral  in- 
dignation against  the  world's  greatest  crimes. 

The  Judicial  System  Never  Used 

Despite  the  disagreement  of  the  American  and  Japan- 
ese, the  Peace  Conference  adopted  the  majority  report  of 
the  Commission  that  there  was  no  reason  why  rank,  how- 
ever exalted,  should  "in  any  circumstances  protect  the 
holder  of  it  from  responsibility  when  that  responsibility 
has  been  established  before  a  properly  constituted  tri- 
bunal. This  extends  even  to  the  heads  of  states."  All 
offenses  against  "the  laws  and  customs  of  war  or  the  laws 
of  humanity  are  liable  to  prosecution." 

As  to  the  acts  which  provoked  the  war,  a  distinction 
was  made.  These  were  not  made  the  object  of  criminal 
proceedings,  but  a  special  court  was  organized  to  fix  re- 
sponsibility. Art.  227  of  the  Treaty  provided: 

"The  Allied  and  Associated  Powers  publicly  arraign 
William  II  of  Hohenzollern,  formerly  German  Emperor, 
for  a  supreme  offence  against  international  morality  and 
the  sanctity  of  treaties.  A  special  tribunal  will  be  con- 
stituted to  try  the  accused,  thereby  assuring  him  the  guar- 
antees essential  to  the  right  of  defense.  It  will  be  com- 
posed of  five  judges,  one  appointed  by  each  of  the  following 
Powers:  namely  the  United  States  of  America,  Great 

76 


Britain,  France,  Italy  and  Japan.  In  its  decision  the 
tribunal  will  be  guided  by  the  highest  motives  of  inter- 
national policy,  with  a  view  to  vindicating  the  solemn 
obligations  of  international  undertakings  and  the  validity 
of  international  morality.  It  will  be  its  duty  to  fix  the 
punishment  which  it  considers  should  be  imposed.  The 
Allied  and  Associated  Powers  will  address  a  request  to 
the  government  of  the  Netherlands  for  the  surrender  to 
them  of  the  ex-Emperor  in  order  that  he  may  be  put  on 
trial." 

The  request  was  made.  The  Dutch  Government  refused 
to  surrender  the  ex-Kaiser.  "This  Government,"  it  stated 
in  its  reply,  "cannot  admit  any  other  duty  than  that  im- 
posed upon  it  by  the  laws  of  the  Kingdom  and  national 
tradition".  According  to  this  tradition  "Holland  has  al- 
ways been  regarded  as  a  refuge  for  the  vanquished  in  in- 
ternational conflicts"  and  the  government  could  not  refuse 
"to  the  former  Emperor  the  benefit  of  the  laws  and  this 
tradition"  and  thus  "betray  the  faith  of  those  who  have 
confided  themselves  to  their  free  institutions."  Holland 
refused  to  betray  the  faith  of  the  Kaiser.  Shades  of  Rot- 
terdam ! 

As  a  result  of  Holland's  solicitude  for  the  Kaiser,  the 
special  court  designated  to  fix  responsibility  for  the  war 
and  the  breach  of  treaty  never  met.  It  found  itself  with- 
out any  defendant  to  prosecute. 

Another  juristic  mechanism  to  punish  those  who  had 
violated  International  Law  was  the  authorization  to  each 
country  to  try  before  its  own  military  or  civil  courts  any 
prisoner  who  was  charged  with  an  offense. 

Where  the  offender  had  not  been  captured,  or  where  the 
violation  affected  several  nations  (such  as  maltreatment 
of  prisoners  of  different  nationalities  herded  into  one 

77 


camp)  a  special  High  Tribunal  was  created  to  try  them. 
It  was  composed  of  twenty-two  judges,  three  each  ap- 
pointed by  the  United  States,  the  British  Empire,  France, 
Italy  and  Japan  and  one  each  appointed  by  Belgium, 
Greece,  Poland,  Portugal,  Kumania,  Serbia  and  Czecho- 
slovakia. The  law  to  be  applied  by  the  tribunal  was  to  be 
"the  principles  of  the  law  of  nations  as  they  result  from 
the  usages  established  among  civilized  peoples,  from  the 
laws  of  humanity  and  from  the  dictates  of  public  con- 
science." The  High  Tribunal  had  the  power  to  impose  such 
punishment  as  the  courts  of  the  accusing  nation  or  the 
courts  of  the  prisoner's  nation,  could  have  meted  out.  It 
was  to  determine  its  own  procedure  and  could  sit  in  divi- 
sions of  not  less  than  five  members.  A  Prosecuting  Com- 
mission of  five  members  was  appointed  to  select  and  try 
cases,  upon  the  request  of  any  nation.  It  was  composed 
of  one  appointee  from  each  of  the  governments  of  the 
United  States,  the  British  Empire,  France,  Italy  and 
Japan.  Other  Allied  governments  had  the  right  to  dele- 
gate a  representative  to  assist  the  Prosecuting  Commis- 
sion. A  national  court,  that  is,  the  military  or  civil  court 
of  any  nation,  was  not  permitted  to  prosecute  any  prisoner 
who  had  been  selected  by  the  Prosecuting  Commission  for 
trial  before  the  High  Tribunal.  It  was  specifically  pro- 
vided that  no  trial  or  sentence  by  a  court  of  a  defeated 
enemy  could  bar  trial  by  an  Allied  national  court  or  by  the 
High  Tribunal. 

This  was  the  elaborate  machinery  set  up  to  punish  the 
German  offenders.  It  was  thorough  and  practical.  The 
manner  in  which  it  was  sabotaged  constitutes  one  of  the 
great  betrayals  in  history.  Mountains  of  dead  had  been 
piled  up  so  that  free  men  could  have  control  over  a  just 
peace.  But  the  men  to  whom  the  responsibility  was  en- 
trusted were  unable  to  live  up  to  it.  They  were  out- 
manoeuvered,  deceived  and  blocked  by  the  defeated.  The 

78 


result  was  unrequited  infamy.  The  most  costly  victory 
on  the  battlefield  in  all  history  was  nullified  by  a  skillful 
obstructive  campaign  during  peace.  This  story  affords  an 
object  lesson  which  must  be  fully  studied  and  appreciated 
if  the  peace  is  not  to  be  lost  again.  However,  more  is  to 
be  learned  than  mere  avoidance  of  the  repeated  betrayal  of 
justice.  There  is  revealed  in  this  historic  evasion  the 
intrinsic  character  and  tendencies  of  the  German  people, 
as  well  as  of  their  criminal  overlords. 

Germany  Does  a  Houdini 

German  avoidance  of  punishment  began  by  encourag- 
ing the  view  (held  in  certain  Allied  quarters)  that  the 
German  people  felt  deeply  aggrieved  by  the  outrageous 
conduct  of  their  leaders  and  that  they  were  anxious  to  pun- 
ish them.  It  was  pointed  out  that  the  German  people,  too, 
had  suffered  under  the  compulsion  of  Prussian  militarism. 
Germany  had  been  reduced  to  its  plight  by  the  avarice  of 
its  militarists.  There  was  a  unity  of  interest  between  the 
Allied  peoples  and  the  German  people  in  seeing  that 
justice  was  done  and  the  guilty  punished.  Indeed,  it  was 
argued  that  the  German  people  had  a  special  stake  in  car- 
rying out  the  penalty  clauses,  for  the  distinction  between 
the  rulers  and  the  people  would  thereby  be  established.  In 
placing  responsibility  on  the  former,  the  latter  would  be 
absolved.  Credibility  was  given  to  this  by  some  public 
statements  in  Germany.  Dr.  Hans  Delbruck  and  other 
conservative  politicians  appealed  to  the  German  govern- 
ment to  appoint  a  committee  of  impartial  men,  including 
prominent  neutrals,  to  investigate  accusations  of  breaches 
of  International  Law  by  Germany  during  the  war.  These 
appeals  demanded  that  the  inquiry  be  conducted  regard- 
less of  the  rank  or  dignity  of  the  accused  persons  so  that 
"the  German  people  may  be  able  to  clear  its  conscience.'' 

79 


A  German  State  Tribunal  was  organized.  It  was  in 
the  nature  of  a  parliamentary  committee  to  establish  the 
war  guilt.  The  first  session  was  held  in  Berlin.  Count 
Johann-Heinrich  A.  von  Bernstorff  appeared  as  a  witness 
and  testified,  among  other  things,  how  the  German  Em- 
peror disdained  the  peace  offer  of  President  Wilson.  Beth- 
mann-Hollweg,  who  was  the  German  Chancellor  at  the 
time  of  the  invasion  of  Belgium,  testified  evasively.  Other 
witnesses,  like  von  Kapelle  and  von  Koch,  were  examined 
concerning  the  submarine  warfare.  The  German  National 
Party  leader,  Helferrich,  appeared  before  the  Tribunal, 
openly  praised  the  old  regime,  and  assailed  President  Wil- 
son. He  refused  to  answer  questions  by  a  Deputy,  was 
fined  for  contempt,  but  persisted  in  his  contumacy. 

When  Hindenburg  was  invited  to  appear,  many  na- 
tionalists protested  and  Pan-German  students  objected  to 
his  appearing  before  the  Committee.  Finally,  a  list  of 
questions  was  prepared  and  sent  to  Hindenburg.  Then  he 
appeared.  An  adoring  audience  strewed  flowers  in  his 
path.  This  was  the  manner  in  which  the  German  people 
expressed  their  feelings  about  their  "criminal  betrayers". 
That  this  was  no  demonstration  by  a  personal  coterie  is 
established  by  Hindenburg's  subsequent  election  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  Republic.  He  testified  that  he  had  urged  the 
institution  and  continuance  of  the  U-boat  war  and  took 
this  occasion  to  plant  the  lie  that  the  Germans  had  not 
been  defeated  militarily  but  that  a  knife  of  betrayal  had 
been  plunged  into  Germany's  back  at  home,  while  her 
soldiers  were  still  victorious  in  the  field.  The  Committee, 
embarrassed  and  confused  by  finding  defendants  who  de- 
fiantly confessed  guilt,  ordered  a  secret  session.  The  Tribu- 
nal then  adjourned  and  never  met  again. 

Hjalmar  Branting,  writing  for  the  Swedish  newspaper, 
Social  Demokraten,  rightly  called  the  proceedings  of 
this  parliamentary  investigating  committee  a  "parody." 

80 


The  Commission  took  flight  into  adjournment,  after  stand- 
ing, humbly  bowing,  before  its  pre-revolutionary  masters. 
It  had  not  dared  call  important  witnesses,  including  the 
Kaiser.  Indeed,  the  German  Peace  Envoy,  Schucking,  in 
an  interview  in  the  New  Zuerichcr  Zeitung,  said:  "I  am 
astonished  that  the  idea  of  prosecuting  former  Emperor 
William  and  his  generals  is  seriously  entertained." 

Branting  wrote,  "Everything  indicates  that  the  old 
spirit  is  raising  its  head  more  impudently  than  ever.  We 
can  hear  beforehand  the  furious  protests  echoing  through 
the  German  press  when  the  Allies  some  day  tire  of  this 
farce  and  demand  extradition  of  the  culprits  for  a  real 
trial  by  a  real  investigating  committee  which  will  stand 
before  humanity  as  a  moral  judge  to  brand  those  guilty 
according  to  each  one's  part  in  the  most  terrible  disaster 
that  has  ever  befallen  humanity  in  civilized  times." 

This  first  attempt  by  the  Germans  to  draw  the  teeth 
from  the  Allied  program  was  too  inept  to  succeed.  German 
awe  for  its  own  leaders  intervened  to  defeat  the  effort. 
Timorous  adjournment  could  not  be  held  out  as  self- 
regulation,  which  would  make  Allied  interposition  unneces- 
sary. 

The  Allies  were  aroused  by  the  German  people's  solici- 
tude for  their  militarists.  They  organized  the  tribunals 
provided  for  by  the  Versailles  Treaty.  They  demanded 
the  extradition  of  those  accused  of  war  crimes.  In  the 
meantime  the  United  States  Senate  had  rejected  the 
Peace  Treaty.  Instantly  the  Berlin  Foreign  Office  declared 
that  this  rejection  justified  Germany's  repudiation  of  the 
criminal-trial  clauses  in  the  Treaty  and  demanded  that 
concessions  be  made  by  the  Allies.  This  repercussion 
from  American  isolationism  in  1919  has  never  been  suf- 
ficiently studied.  The  German  Republic,  newly  born, 
pounced  upon  the  division  in  its  enemies'  ranks  and,  even 

81 


in  defeat,  launched  an  offensive,  as  its  successor  so  fre- 
quently did  fourteen  years  later.  It  was  a  diplomatic 
offensive  designed,  not  to  give  relief  to  the  suffering  Ger- 
man people,  but  to  shield  the  officials  and  heartless  army 
officers  of  the  "prior"  regime  from  punishment. 

Encouraged  by  the  popular  resentment  in  Germany 
against  the  Allied  demand,  Baron  von  Lersner,  German 
representative  at  the  Peace  Conference,  declined  to  deliver 
the  Allies'  extradition  request  to  his  government  in 
Berlin.  Clemenceau's  reply  to  von  Lersner's  refusal  is 
an  extraordinary  mixture  of  incredulity  at  German  incor- 
rigibility  and  of  instructive  insight  into  German  inconsist- 
ency. He  wrote,  "The  Germans  themselves  do  not  deny  that 
numerous  crimes  have  been  committed  and  that  universal 
morality  would  be  seriously  injured  if  these  crimes,  whose 
authors  are  known,  remain  unpunished.  Any  human  being 
going  through  the  northern  regions  of  France,  as  well  as 
into  Belguim,  and  also  seeing  with  his  own  eyes  these 
provinces  systematically  ravaged,  with  all  industrial 
establishments  leveled  to  the  ground,  dwellings  reduced 
to  dust  by  savage  methods,  all  the  fruit  trees  sawed  within 
a  meter  of  the  ground,  mines  blown  up  and  filled  with 
water,  human  work  of  entire  centuries  spitefully  anni- 
hilated, cannot  understand  Germany's  hesitation  to  con- 
sent to  the  reparation  for  her  crimes. 

"If  the  same  impartial  observers  then  heard  from  the 
mouths  of  the  inhabitants  the  tale  of  the  treatment  to 
which  they  had  been  subjected  for  four  years  and  the  vio- 
lences and  the  abominable  constraints  imposed  upon 
young  girls  brutally  separated  from  their  families,  he 
would  be  unable  to  restrain  his  indignation  in  face  of  the 
attitude  of  Germany  and  the  arrogant  tone  of  your  letters. 

"As  to  the  Allies,  they  are  profoundly  surprised  to  see 
that  German  public  opinion,  even  at  the  present  time,  is 

82 


so  unconscious  of  its  responsibilities  as  not  itself  to  ask, 
for  the  just  punishment  of  crimes  committed,  and  that 
among  the  criminals  there  seems  to  be  neither  sufficient 
courage  nor  patriotism  to  come  forward  for  trial  as  they 
have  deserved,  to  defend  their  conduct  and  to  facilitate 
for  their  country  the  fulfillment  of  its  obligation. 

"Until  the  German  conscience  understands,  like  that 
of  the  whole  world,  that  wrong  must  be  righted  and  crim- 
inals punished,  Germany  must  not  expect  to  enter  the 
communion  of  nations  nor  obtain  from  the  Allies  forget- 
fulness  of  her  crimes. 

Although  it  was  announced  by  M.  Ignace,  Under  Secre- 
tary of  the  French  Ministry  of  Justice,  that  there  was  not 
the  slightest  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Allies  to 
weaken  in  their  demands  for  the  surrender  of  the  accused 
Germans  and  that  "all  of  the  guilty  ones  will  pay  quickly 
wherever  they  are  and  whoever  they  are,"  German  defiance 
had  its  effect.  The  list  of  accused  was  reduced  to  only 
fifteen  hundred  names,  although  tens  of  thousands  should 
have  been  dealt  with. 

Baron  von  Lersner  again  defied  the  Allies  and  sub- 
mitted a  memorandum  stating  that  the  German  National 
Assembly  had  passed  a  law  providing  that  Germans 
accused  of  war  crimes  should  be  tried  only  in  German 
courts.  The  British  and  French  representatives  rejected 
the  memorandum  and  announced  that  the  trials  would  be 
held  in  Paris  and  in  Lille. 

The  Germans  then  indulged  in  a  series  of  delaying 
actions.  They  kept  the  demand  for  extradition  in  the 
discussion  stage  while  refusing  to  comply.  In  the  mean- 
time, carefully  arranged  popular  demonstrations  were 
held  within  Germany,  thus  reversing  the  procedure  and 
putting  pressure  on  the  Allies.  In  January  5,  1920,  a 
Pan-German  conference  was  held  in  Berlin,  at  which  there 

83 


was  an  open  demonstration  against  extradition.  Chancellor 
Scheidemann  predicted  that  Germany  would  conduct  the 
trials,  and  that  the  Allies  "would  calm  themselves." 

The  Council  of  Ambassadors  in  London  sought  to  over- 
come Baron  von  Lersner's  refusal  to  submit  the  demand 
formally,  by  sending  it  directly  to  Berlin.  The  demands 
were  transmitted  through  the  various  Embassies  of  the 
Allies  situated  in  Berlin.  By  this  time  the  list  of  accused 
had  shrunk  to  896.  England  demanded  the  trial  of  only 
97  persons,  Belgium  334,  France  334,  Italy  29,  Poland 
57,  and  Rumania,  41.  Among  the  accused  were  Generals 
Hindenberg,  Ludendorff  and  von  Mackensen,  Prince 
Rupprecht  of  Bavaria,  the  Duke  of  Wtirtenburg,  ex-Chan- 
cellor von  Bethmann-Hollweg,  and  a  number  of  admirals, 
including  von  Tirpitz.  It  included  General  Stenger,  who 
had  issued  written  orders  directing  his  soldiers  not  to 
take  prisoners,  but  to  kill  all  captives. 

The  restricted  nature  of  this  list  made  it  virtually  a 
demand  for  a  token  demonstration  of  "punishment."  The 
outrages  committed  ranged  in  the  tens  of  thousands.  Yet 
fewer  than  900  men  in  Germany  out  of  a  population  of 
60  million  and  an  army  of  twelve  million  were  to  be 
extradited.  Obviously,  the  Allies  were  endeavoring  to 
make  submission  by  Germany  as  painless  as  possible. 
Almost  without  exception,  those  listed  were  bitter  mili- 
tarists, chiefly  of  the  Prussian  military  caste.  These  men 
were  supposed  to  be  hated  by  the  simple  and  kindly  Ger- 
man people.  They  were  supposed  to  be  the  cruel  over-lords 
who  had  brought  the  unwitting,  undesigning  masses  of 
Germans  to  their  misery. 

One  would  expect  that  it  would  be  popular  in  Germany 
to  wreak  vengeance  on  its  betrayers.  Ordinarily  a 
depressed  people  is  avid  for  a  victim.  Revolutionary 
groups  count  on  the  burning  desire  for  revenge  against 

84 


the  prior  ruling  forces.  Therefore,  even  if  the  German 
nationalistic  leaders  had  not  been  as  guilty  as  they  were, 
one  would  not  expect  that  compassion  would  flow  to  them 
from  the  people  they  had  led  to  defeat.  Despite  all  fine 
distinctions  between  the  German  people  and  their  leaders, 
the  German  Republic,  voicing  the  sentiments  of  the  com- 
mon man  in  Germany  remained  loyal  to  those  very  leaders. 
The  Republic  continued  to  sacrifice  its  own  interests,  not 
to  improve  its  lot,  by  shielding  the  sacrosanct  reputations 
and  persons  of  the  generals. 

Socialist  Minister  Noske  announced  in  reply  to  the 
demand  for  extradition,  now  formally  submitted,  that 
surrender  was  impossible.  Chancellor  Bauer  echoed  the 
same  sentiment.  The  German  Council  of  Ministers  met 
and  decided  to  refuse  the  demand  for  extradition.  The 
German  Officers  Association  called  the  nation  to  defiance. 
University  students  in  Berlin  opposed  surrender.  They 
held  a  formal  banquet  to  proclaim  their  opposition. 

The  Germans  not  only  acted  as  if  they  were  victors, 
diplomatically  challenging  other  nations,  but  revealed  a 
complete  misconception  of  the  issue  at  stake.  They  inter- 
preted the  demand  for  extradition  not  as  an  insistence 
for  the  punishment  of  guilt,  but  rather  as  a  symbolic 
humiliation. 

The  German  Crown  Prince  therefore  sent  a  cable  to 
President  Wilson  declaring  his  willingness  to  substitute 
himself  in  place  of  the  896  persons  listed  for  extradition. 
The  hostage  idea  in  reverse!  To  the  Germans  it  would 
be  no  miscarriage  of  justice  if  hundreds  of  guilty  went 
free  and  one  presumably  innocent  man  was  condemned. 
It  would  martyrize  the  hero  and  change  the  symbolism 
from  humiliation  to  glorious  sacrifice.  If  the  Crown 
Prince  himself  was  guilty  of  the  violation  of  International 
Law,  his  punishment  ought  not  to  absolve  895  others. 

85 


If  h«  were  innocent,  his  immolation  would  constitute 
injustice  rather  than  justice.  Even  if  it  were  conceivable 
to  engage  in  bargains  in  justice,  the  transaction  was 
rather  top-heavy.  No  reply  was  sent  to  the  Crown  Prince's 
cable. 

Lest  it  be  considered  a  libel  upon  the  German  people 
to  say  that  their  loyalties  to  militarist  leaders  never  wav- 
ered, we  need  only  trace  their  own  conduct.  Even  the 
processes  of  democracy  were  utilized  to  express  opposition 
to  the  punishment  clauses  of  the  Treaty.  The  German  gov- 
ernment formally  submitted  its  recommendations  to  the 
German  National  Assembly  in  Weimar.  The  voice  of  the 
people  was  thus  permitted  to  express  itself  through  its 
newly  elected  legislature.  It  was  a  new  voice,  but  the  echo 
of  unreasonable  nationalistic  pride  was  the  same.  The 
National  Assembly  voted  to  support  the  government's  po- 
sition against  extradition.  Minister  Noske  reaffirmed  that 
neither  he  nor  anyone  else  would  order  an  arrest  for  the 
purpose  of  extradition. 

As  a  sop  to  the  A] lies,  and  in  a  further  effort  to  devital- 
ize their  insistence  upon  their  rights,  the  Attorney  General 
at  Leipzig  was  ordered  to  investigate  complaints  against 
persons  accused  of  crimes  and  to  arrange  for  their  trials. 

The  program  of  sabotage  continued  with  all  the  effi- 
ciency and  artfulness  of  which  the  Germans  are  capable. 
Envoys  were  continually  sent  to  Paris  and  London  with 
varying  schemes  of  compromise.  Every  conceivable  sug- 
gestion was  put  forward  except  compliance  with  the 
Treaty  which  Germany  had  signed  only  a  short  time  pre-' 
viously.  Allied  statesmen  were  kept  in  constant  turmoil 
while  the  debates  were  deliberately  prolonged. 

In  the  meantime,  Germany  resorted  to  unscrupulous 
pressure  behind  the  scenes.  It  annulled  the  German-Bel- 
gian financial  agreement  because  of  Belgium's  participa- 

86 


tion  in  the  extradition  demands.  Thus  Germany,  even  in 
defeat,  was  punishing  rather  than  being  punished. 

The  Allies  were  faced  with  the  necessity  of  using  force 
to  extradite  the  guilty  culprits.  Many  of  them  had  mean- 
while fled  to  Switzerland  and  Holland.  They  fled,  not 
from  the  wrath  of  the  German  people,  but  in  connivance 
with  them  against  their  old  enemies.  Admiral  von 
Kapelle,  one  of  the  accused,  brazenly  announced  his  arrival 
in  Davos,  Switzerland.  It  was  a  deliberate  nose-thumbing 
gesture  at  the  Allies  and  swelled  the  German  heart  with 
delight  and  relief. 

Everywhere  in  Allied  circles  there  were  strong  groups 
preaching  caution  and  avoidance  of  conflict.  The  Allies 
surrendered.  Their  reply  to  the  German  note  of  January 
25,  1920  was  that  they  accepted  the  proposal  to  have  Ger- 
many itself  try  the  criminals  at  Leipzig! 

In  an  article  which  he  wrote  later  for  the  archives  of 
German  history,  von  Lersner  concludes  with  a  Wagnerian 
trumpet  note :  "This  first  great  demand  which  the  Entente 
Governments  imposed  on  us  by  virtue  of  the  Diktat  von 
Versailles  was  shattered,  like  glass  upon  a  stone,  against 
the  unity  of  the  German  people." 

The  German  government  then  shrewdly  eased  the  sit- 
uation for  the  Allies.  Announcement  was  made  that  the 
German  government  intended  vigorously  to  prosecute 
every  man  on  the  extradition  list  against  whom  there  was 
prima  facie  evidence  of  the  commission  of  a  crime.  The 
National  Assembly  enacted  a  bill  to  organize  the  trials  in 
Germany.  Seven  judges  were  designated.  The  Minister 
of  Justice  announced  that  he  would  arrest  any  defendant 
who  was  refractory.  The  German  press,  however,  ex- 
plained to  the  people  that  there  really  was  no  intention 
on  the  part  of  the  government  to  yield.  The  Nationalist 
Deutsche  Zeitung  in  Berlin  explained  that  the  Allies 
merely  desired  a  few  "sample  convictions"  and  that  the 

87 


trial  of  a  few  men  would  be  sufficient.  Thus,  the  list  of 
thousands,  which  had  shrunk  to  1500  and  then  to  896, 
dwindled  to  14. 

German  Courts  Slap  Several  Wrists 

The  German  prosecutor  advised  the  Allies  that  he  had 
difficulty  in  obtaining  evidence.  The  Allies  undertook  to 
prepare  seven  cases.  Preliminary  examinations  were  con- 
ducted in  France  and  Belgium;  depositions  were  taken  in 
London.  Witnesses  were  collected  from  across  the  seas 
and  brought  to  Leipzig.  The  trials  began  two  and  one- 
half  years  after  the  war  ended.  Only  four  of  these  seven 
defendants  were  tried. 

The  Oberreichsanwalt  (public  prosecutor)  was  "un- 
able" to  find  the  three  others  against  whom  the  Allies  had 
prepared  evidence.  One,  U-boat  Commander  Patzig,  was  in 
Danzig,  but  his  address  "was  unknown."  Another,  Trinke, 
had  become  a  resident  of  Poland,  and  Lieutenant-Com- 
mander Werner,  they  said,  could  not  be  traced. 

Lieutenants  Ludwig  Dithmar  and  John  Boldt,  sub- 
ordinates of  Patzig,  were  put  on  trial  for  sinking  without 
warning  the  British  hospital  ship,  Llandovery  Castle,  and 
then  firing  on  and  sinking  its  life-boats,  killing  234 
wounded  passengers.  They  were  found  guilty  and  sen- 
tenced to  four  years  imprisonment.  Boldt  was  held  at 
Holstenplatz,  a  house  of  detention  at  Hamburg,  where 
ordinarily  only  indicted,  not  convicted,  prisoners  are  kept. 
He  was  permitted  a  private  room,  communication  with  the 
outside  world,  and  civilian  clothes.  He  promptly  "escaped" 
and  was  taken  by  accessories  to  safety  across  the  Dutch 
frontier.  The  other  prisoner  convicted  for  the  U-boat 
atrocity  also  mysteriously  "escaped." 

Another  trial  was  that  of  Captain  Emil  Miller,  who 
was  charged  with  inflicting  sadistic  cruelties  on  numerous 

88 


prisoners  and  with  maintaining  such  atrocious  prison  con- 
ditions that  hundreds  of  prisoners  died.  The  Leipzig 
Court  found: 

"The  accused  admits  that  he  liked,  as  soon  as  he  ap- 
peared at  roll-call,  to  ride  quickly  up  the  ranks.  The  pris- 
oners scattered  on  all  sides  and  many  who  could  not  get 
out  of  the  way  quickly  were  thrown  down  by  the  horse. 
The  accused  once  struck  Drewcock  at  roll-call  across  his 
wounded  knee  with  his  riding  cane  so  hard  that  an  abscess 
developed  and  later  had  to  be  cut.  The  accused  could  not 
have  foreseen  this  for  the  wounds  on  Drewcock's  knee  were 
not  visible  to  him.  According  to  the  statement  of  the  wit- 
ness Lovegrove,  the  accused  once  saw  two  sick  men  lying 
down;  they  were  so  weak  they  could  not  stand  up  before 
him,  and  were  groaning  pitifully.  But  the  accused  is  said 
to  have  got  angry  and  impatient  and  to  have  kicked  them. 
There  is  a  possibility  that  the  accused  did  not  wish  to  hurt 
the  men,  whose  sickness  he  apparently  did  not  yet  believe 
to  be  real,  but  that  he  only  wished  to  secure  that  his  order 
to  get  up  was  immediately  obeyed." 

For  the  sixteen  offenses  of  which  he  was  found  guilty 
Captain  Miller  was  sentenced  to  a  total  of  six  months  im- 
prisonment. 

General  Stenger,  commander  of  the  58th  Brigade,  was 
tried  on  charges  that  he  had  ordered  the  massacre  of 
wounded  war  prisoners.  His  order  dated  August  26,  1914 
was  presented  to  the  court.  It  read : 

"(a)  Beginning  with  today,  no  more  prisoners  will  be 
taken.  All  prisoners,  whether  wounded  or  not,  must  be 
destroyed ; 

"(b)  All  prisoners  will  be  massacred;  the  wounded, 
whether  armed  or  not,  massacred;  even  men  captured  in 

89 


large  or  organized  units  will  be  massacred.     Behind  us, 
no  enemy  must  remain  alive." 

Nevertheless,  Stenger  was  acquitted.  The  German 
Major  who  executed  his  orders  was  convicted  for  "mis- 
interpreting" them. 

The  few  others  who  appeared  for  trial  sobbed  about 
their  patriotism,  and  were  instantly  acquitted. 

The  French  and  English  observers  who  attended  the 
first  trials  withdrew.  They  reported  the  bad  faith  in  which 
the  proceedings  were  being  conducted.  The  Allied  com- 
mission sent  bitter  memoranda  objecting  to  the  procedure. 
But  German  "justice"  took  its  course. 

The  trials  in  the  Supreme  Couat  at  Leipzig  were  a  farce. 
From  hundreds  of  thousands  of  offenders,  the  Allies  had 
drawn  a  list  of  only  1500,  subsequently  reduced  to  896. 
None  of  the  chief  figures  was  even  molested.  Of  those 
tried,  a  few  were  convicted  and  received  preposterously 
light  sentences.  In  most  instances  even  these  were  not 
served. 

It  had  been  argued  by  the  Germans  that  it  was  unfair 
for  the  former  enemy  to  conduct  these  trials,  even  though 
the  courts  were  to  be  constituted  of  internationally  known 
jurists.  In  view  of  the  attitude  of  the  German  people, 
the  trials  conducted  by  themselves  were  equivalent  to  the 
criminals  setting  up  their  own  tribunals  and  prosecuting 
themselves.  When  the  Allies  protested,  the  German  Repub- 
lic brazenly  demanded  more  concessions.  It  even  sent  a 
note  to  Lloyd  George  demanding  that  Germans  held  by 
the  Allies  be  surrendered  for  trial  in  the  German  courts ! 

Such  is  the  record  of  German  evasion  and  bad  faith. 
The  sonorous  and  extensive  reports  by  the  various  com- 
missions of  the  Versailles  Conference  concerning  punish- 
ment; the  establishment  of  a  Special  Tribunal  to  try  the 
Kaiser  and  other  responsible  leaders;  the  debates  which 

90 


raged  furiously  for  years  about  the  principles  involved, 
all  seem  pretty  ludicrous  in  the  light  of  the  record.  The 
Germans,  defeated  and  helpless,  succeeded  in  nullifying 
one  of  the  most  important  clauses  of  the  Treaty,  and  the 
process  began  within  a  week  after  their  delegates  had 
solemnly  signed  it.  This  circumvention  was  practiced  by 
the  German  Eepublic.  The  "democratic"  forces  which 
were  in  power  conspired  with  the  Junkers  to  prevent  any 
punishment  of  those  who  had  betrayed  Germany. 

This  history  provides  a  clear  answer  to  the  not  incon- 
siderable body  of  opinion  today  that  the  Germans  should  be 
permitted  to  punish  their  own;  that  only  such  a  self- 
purge  would  be  devoid  of  nationalistic  incitation  against 
"foreign  intervention." 

On  the  contrary,  the  United  Nations  must  adjudge  the 
guilt  and  impose  the  punishment.  They  must  eradicate 
completely  those  elements  which  not  only  planned  and 
waged  the  last  war,  but  which  will  constitute  the  bridge 
between  defeat  and  a  third  World  War. 

Judgment  Day 

How  this  shall  be  done  becomes  clearer  if  we  under- 
stand our  previous  failure.  Wide  avenues  of  choice  are 
narrowed  by  the  lessons  of  history.  Its  wisdom  shuts  off 
many  by-paths  and  directs  us  down  the  following  program- 
matic road: 

1.    Occupation  of  Germany — Its  Sovereignty  Suspended 

There  will  be  as  many  national  and  international  mili- 
tary and  civil  courts  as  will  be  needed  to  try  promptly  the 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  German  offenders  in  all  parts  of 
the  world.  But  the  prosecuting  authorities  will  not  be 
able  to  bring  to  justice  every  one  of  the  many  millions  who 
will  be  guilty.  This  fact  should  be  faced  realistically.  It 

91 


is  true  of  criminal  procedure  even  in  ordinary  times.  Not 
every  offender  is  indicted  and  tried.  To  a  certain  extent, 
law  enforcement  is  symbolic.  The  punishment  of  the  most 
important  criminals  and  a  fair  proportion  of  others  is 
intended  to  act  as  a  deterrent,  and  to  discourage  those  who 
measure  their  conduct  by  the  possibilities  of  punishment 
rather  than  by  social  obligation.  So,  in  the  international 
realm,  not  every  German  who  has  violated  the  rules  of 
International  Law  will  receive  his  just  deserts.  The  people 
as  a  whole  must  be  taken  into  "protective  custody,"  to  use 
a  German  expression  in  its  sincere  sense.  We  have  dealt 
at  length  with  the  responsibility  of  the  German  people, 
not  in  the  individual  sense,  but  as  a  group.  They,  and  not 
merely  their  leaders,  are  the  cause  of  the  slaughter.  We 
have  previously  resolved  not  to  permit  the  exceptions  to 
blind  us  to  this  fact.  They,  exceptions  and  all,  cannot  be 
trusted  to  preserve  the  peace.  Their  state,  the  corporate 
entity  through  which  they  have  acted,  must  be  dissolved. 
Their  nationhood  must  be  forfeited  until  such  time  as  they 
demonstrate  their  reform  by  the  acceptance  of  civilized 
standards.  In  short,  German  sovereignity  must  be  sus- 
pended. The  country  must  be  completely  occupied  by  the 
forces  of  the  United  Nations. 

Those  who  fear  that  the  burdens  of  occupation  will  be 
too  heavy  upon  the  victors  may  take  comfort  from  the  fact 
that  the  Allied  Military  Government  has  performed  its 
functions  heretofore  with  ease  as  well  as  efficiency.  In  the 
beginning,  the  occupation  of  Germany  will  involve  its 
investment  by  large  military  forces.  But  as  the  disarma- 
ment and  other  features  of  the  peace  program,  which  we 
will  discuss  later,  are  being  effectuated,  the  police  control 
will  dwindle  to  token  proportions.  Germany's  terror  of 
internal  chaos,  and  the  consequences  to  the  safety  of  its 
people  as  well  as  its  self-interest  in  a  reduction  of  occupa- 
tion costs,  may  result  in  co-operation  not  at  present  en- 

92 


visaged.  Psychologically,  a  complete  occupation  is  a 
necessary  prerequisite  to  the  educational  program  later 
to  be  discussed.  The  best  answer  to  the  myth  of  in- 
vincibility must  be  so  conclusive  a  demonstration  of  defeat 
that  spurious  contentions  about  the  "undefeated  German 
Armies"  can  never  again  be  made.  By  any  criterion,  the 
burdens  of  a  prolonged  occupation  are  a  cheap  price  for 
this  contribution  to  peace. 

Unlike  German  occupations,  it  will  be  benevolent  and 
friendly  as  well  as  firm.  There  will  be  no  plundering, 
mass  executions  or  hostages.  But  we  will  not  heed  any 
nationalistic  protests  about  Germany's  right  to  inde- 
pendent action  and  sovereignty  as  a  nation.  The  criminal 
state  may  no  more  demand  its  freedom  than  the  individual 
criminal.  Confinement  is  the  result  of  its  own  conduct, 
and  a  necessity  for  maintaining  peace. 

Thus  at  one  fell  swoop  the  many  juristic  concepts 
which  plagued  the  representatives  at  Versailles  will  be 
removed.  The  American  and  Japanese  minority  report  on 
that  occasion  asserting  the  principle  that  a  sovereign  is 
responsible  only  to  his  own  people  will  not  be  possible 
again.  Having  agreed  to  destroy  Germany's  statehood 
for  its  crimes,  we  will  not  listen  to  quibbles  about  the 
immunity  of  its  ex-sovereign.  Technical  international 
problems  illustrated  by  the  declaration  Churchill  was  ob- 
liged to  make  that  Rudolph  Hess  is  a  prisoner  of  state, 
because,  if  he  were  a  prisoner  of  war,  he  would  have  to  be 
released  when  the  war  ended,  will  be  avoided.  There  will 
be  no  German  government  to  refuse  to  turn  over  war  crim- 
inals, to  conduct  its  own  sham  trials,  to  threaten  smaller 
nations  with  economic  injury  if  they  do  not  cooperate  with 
her  against  the  victors,  to  receive  loans  while  reparations 
are  unpaid,  and,  above  all,  to  plan  economically  and  mili- 
tarily for  the  next  try  at  world  conquest.  There  being  no 
sovereignty,  there  would  be  no  professional  army  of 

93 


100,000  men  such  as  Germany  was  permitted  last  time,  in 
addition  to  a  small  navy.  This  implied  assent  to  the 
existence  of  a  General  Staff  (and  the  perpetuation  of  the 
warrior  caste)  would  therefore  not  be  given.  At  the  end  of 
the  first  World  War  we  dealt  with  the  "new"  German  gov- 
ernment, even  though  such  recognition  was  in  itself  the 
absolution  of  the  German  people  from  their  responsibility ! 
There  ought  to  be  no  peace  treaty  with  Germany, 
for  treaties  can  be  made  only  between  two  sovereign 
states.  The  treaty  should  await  Germany's  emergence  from 
probation  into  statehood.  Since  it  is  not  likely  that  Ger- 
many, despite  the  program  we  shall  discuss  later,  will  have 
learned  to  accept  the  standards  of  international  good  be- 
havior for  a  long  time,  it  may  be  contemplated  that  the 
peace  treaty  will  be  suspended  for  ten  or  twenty  years,  or 
perhaps  more.  Thus  the  evil  will  be  avoided  of  settling 
disputes  while  the  flames  of  war  still  heat  the  passions,  and 
its  smoke  beclouds  a  historic  perspective.  It  is  now  gen- 
erally agreed  among  qualified  observers  of  our  last  Peace 
Conference  that  the  procedure  of  solving  the  world's  ills 
under  the  pressure  of  time  and  national  "lobbying"  is  in- 
advisable. The  whole  atmosphere  of  a  peace  conference 
immediately  following  a  war  is  conducive  to  frayed 
nerves,  emotional  instability,  and  make-shift  arrange- 
ments. Even  the  best  advance  planning  cannot  anticipate 
the  emergencies  which  will  arise — for  Europe  may  be  torn 
by  a  whole  series  of  readjusting  revolts  with  unforeseeable 
consequences.  Some  of  these  upheavals  and  crises,  which 
would  loom  large  in  a  close  perspective,  may  be  only  the 
minor  convulsions  preceding  the  birth  of  a  new  order,  and 
of  no  lasting  consequence.  Yet  to  provide  immediate 
permanent  solution  may  be  to  sow  the  seeds  of  more  ag- 
gravating future  crises.  General  military  control  under 
an  armistice  and  the  gradual  evolution  of  peace  plans  not 
frozen  in  a  peace  treaty  are  preferable. 

94 


2.    Who  Shall  Be  Punished 

Nazi  group  leaders  must  be  the  first  to  be  punished. 
Proof  of  their  guilt  is  abundant.  The  armistice  terms 
should  simply  declare  them  guilty.  It  would  be  farcical  to 
try  Hitler,  Himmler,  Goering,  Streicher,  Ley  or  other 
mass  murderers.  They  have  written  the  evidence  of  their 
guilt  in  blood  on  every  pavement  in  Europe.  The  dossiers 
of  the  United  Nations  are  bulging  with  data  of  their  un- 
surpassed brutality.  A  trial  tribunal  should  permit  them 
to  be  heard  on  the  questions  of  proper  identification  and 
the  extent  of  the  punishment,  but  no  more. 

As  a  Russian  declaration  states  "All  mankind  already 
is  aware  of  the  names  and  sanguinary  crimes  of  the  ring- 
leaders of  the  criminal  Hitlerite  chain.  .  .  .  The  Soviet 
Government  considers  itself,  as  well  as  the  governments 
of  all  states  .  .  .  obliged  to  regard  severe  punishment  of 
these  already  unmasked  ringleaders  of  the  criminal  Hit- 
lerite gang  as  its  urgent  duty  to  innumerable  widows  and 
orphans,  relatives  and  kin  of  those  innocent  people  who 
have  been  brutally  tortured  to  death  and  murdered  on  in- 
structions of  the  criminals." 

In  addition  to  distinguished  legal  authority  for  the 
needlessness  of  trials  under  such  circumstances,  there  is 
also  international  precedent.  Napoleon  was  never  tried. 
By  a  formal  convention  among  England,  Austria,  Prussia, 
and  Russia  on  August  2,  1815,  he  was  declared  to  be  their 
common  prisoner,  to  be  permanently  confined  without 
trial.  The  Prince  Regent  of  England  gave  the  reason  in  a 
letter  to  Napoleon,  in  which  he  said  this  decision  was 
necessary  in  order  not  to  give  him  "any  further  oppor- 
tunity of  disturbing  the  peace  of  Europe." 

It  may  be  contended  by  those  finicky  about  judicial 
propriety  that  no  injury  could  come  from  a  public  trial 
and  that  it  would  avoid  criticism  against  the  "absolutism" 

95 


of  the  procedure.  However,  International  Law  is  still  to 
be  molded  on  these  critical  problems,  and  it  would  have  a 
salutary  effect  if  the  rule  adopted  were  suitable  to  the 
heinousness  of  the  offenses  and  the  public  anxiety  for  swift 
and  certain  punishment.  The  enormity  of  the  crimes  an- 
nounced by  the  criminals  themselves  and  the  existence  of 
millions  of  witnesses,  make  the  requirement  of  proof  an 
empty  formalism.  Since  the  purpose  of  the  procedure  is 
also  to  deter  future  international  crime,  any  lumbering, 
awkward  ritual  to  prove  the  self-evident  would  only  cause 
contempt  rather  than  respect  for  law.  There  is  a  point  at 
which  solicitude  for  a  possible  innocent  victim  of  a  severe 
rule  becomes  mawkish  over-caution.  We  must  be  concerned 
with  the  dictates  of  common  sense. 

The  ordinary  man  and  woman  must  feel  the  majesty  of 
law,  the  directness  and  practicability  of  its  procedure,  and 
its  avoidance  of  routine  ceremony.  Only  then  will  the 
thirst  for  retribution  be  directed  into  healthy  legal  chan- 
nels. Otherwise,  frustration  may  set  in  motion  forces  of 
violence  far  more  serious  than  any  legal  unorthodoxy. 

However,  whether  the  arch-criminals  are  tried  in  a 
military  or  criminal  court  is  a  comparatively  minor 
point.  Certainly  their  names  and  the  charges  against 
them  should  be  prepared  in  advance  and  included  in  the 
very  armistice  provisions.  Those  condemned  by  name  in 
the  armistice  should  include  the  Fuehrer,  the  members  of 
his  cabinet,  the  Gauleiters,  and  the  members  of  the  High 
Command,  governors  of  the  occupied  regions,  and  the  lead- 
ing bureaucrats  in  the  state,  municipal  and  Nazi  Party 
organizations.  These  would  number  approximately  five 
thousand  men.  Death  penalties  should  be  demanded.  This 
would  dispose  of  the  commanding  figures  of  the  party  and 
government.  The  United  Nations  could  then  turn  to  the 
lesser  criminals. 

96 


Next,  the  leaders  of  German  mass  organizations  should 
be  indicted  and  tried.  The  Gestapo  and  Labor  Front  have 
about  75,000  such  officials.  In  addition,  there  are  about 
75,000  subordinates  who  organized  and  taught  the  S.  S., 
the  Peasant  Front  and  other  such  organizations.  This 
entire  group  of  about  150,000  men  were  the  whole-hearted 
fanatical  Nazis  upon  whom  the  ruling  group  relied.  Death 
penalties  should  be  sought  against  each  of  them. 

Every  German  officer  above  the  rank  of  colonel,  in- 
cluding corresponding  ranks  in  the  Air  Force  and  Navy, 
every  member  of  the  Gestapo,  S.S.  officials,  and  members 
of  the  German  People's  Court  and  of  the  German  Reichs- 
tag,  should  be  indicted  and  tried. 

Every  German  official,  no  matter  how  subordinate,  who 
at  any  time  gave  or  performed  orders  for  the  execution  of 
hostages  or  the  murder  of  conquered  nationals,  should  be 
indicted,  tried,  and  the  death  penalty  sought. 

In  addition,  the  armistice  should  provide  for  the  com- 
plete dissolution  of  the  Officers  Corps  of  the  German  army 
as  well  as  of  the  army  itself.  Those  among  them  who  have 
violated  any  criminal  or  international  law  should  be  tried, 
and  appropriate  severe  penalties  imposed. 

Any  administrator,  no  matter  how  subordinate,  who 
participated  in  the  plunder  of  foreign  countries,  all  di- 
rectors of  the  German  Steel  Trust,  of  I.  G.  Farben  or  of 
the  other  German  cartels,  who,  as  we  shall  see  later,  par- 
ticipated in  the  conspiracy  against  world  peace  should  be 
indicted,  and  appropriate  severe  penalties  imposed. 

Irrespective  of  rank  or  position,  every  soldier  or 
civilian  should  be  tried,  against  whom  charges  are  filed 
involving  any  violation  of  law. 

It  is  only  by  such  thorough  methods  that  the  backbone 
of  Nazism  and  Prussianism  can  be  smashed  and  the  dan- 
ger of  future  aggression  reduced. 

97 


3.    Asylum  and  Extradition 

There  is  no  problem  concerning  those  defendants  who 
are  under  the  control  of  the  United  Nations.  The  armistice 
should  provide  for  their  surrender  for  trial  upon  proper 
demand.  A  serious  problem  will  arise  as  to  any  accused 
who  has  fled  to  a  neutral  state.  This  problem  will  assume 
large  proportions  since  Berne,  Switzerland,  is  only  half  an 
hour  from  Munich  by  plane.  Malmo,  Sweden,  is  only  fif- 
teen minutes  from  Stettin,  and  Spain  is  just  across  the 
border  from  France.  Once  in  a  neutral  country,  Nazis 
will  claim  the  right  of  asylum,  as  the  Kaiser  claimed  it 
in  1918.  Unless  steps  are  taken  now  to  prevent  it,  the 
same  immunity  will  ensue.  There  must  be  no  sedentary, 
reflective  old  age  for  the  greatest  disrupters  in  history. 

Recently  President  Roosevelt  and  Prime  Minister 
Churchill  appealed  to  neutral  states  not  to  harbor  or 
protect  any  war  criminals.  They  were  rebuffed  on  the 
theory  that  the  independence  of  action  of  the  neutral  state 
must  not  be  yielded  to  any  foreign  intervention.  But  the 
matter  must  not  rest  there.  It  must  be  made  clear  to 
Switzerland,  Sweden,  Turkey,  Spain,  Eire  and  the  few 
other  potential  havens  of  war  criminals  that  the  doctrine 
of  political  asylum  is  not  a  rule  of  International  Law.  It 
is  a  kind  of  international  noblesse  oblige,  resting  solely 
in  the  discretion  of  the  neutral  and  intended  to  shield  the 
politically  oppressed.  But  to  apply  it  to  the  Nazis,  who 
have  destroyed  so  many  neutral  nations,  would  be  a  mis- 
application of  a  humane  rule.  If  it  will  aid  in  clarifying 
this  murky  misconception  among  the  neutral  nations,  there 
may  be  cited  the  decision  in  the  Federal  Court  of  Germany 
in  1926  (60  Entsch.  in  Strafsacher  202)  which  denied  the 
existence  of  any  rule  of  International  Law  prohibiting  the 
extradition  of  political  offenders.  There  is  additional 
legal  authority  to  the  same  effect  ("Harvard  Research 

98 


on    International    Law",    Encyclopedia    of    the    Social 
Sciences)   (1935,  p.  110). 

Perhaps  the  position  of  the  neutral  states  was  in- 
fluenced by  the  fact  that  the  Nazis  were  still  in  power 
when  the  President's  appeal  was  addressed  to  them.  Their 
very  assertion  of  independence  might  well  indicate  their 
lack  of  it,  since  the  Nazi  beast  breathed  heavily  upon  their 
necks.  Perhaps  they  will  change  their  minds  when  the 
war  criminal  changes  from  hunter  to  quarry.  However, 
the  matter  should  be  pursued  vigorously.  Strong  efforts 
should  be  made  to  persuade  the  neutral  nations  to  amend 
their  extradition  treaties  so  that  persons  who  have  waged 
a  war  of  aggression  or  who  have  violated  International 
Law  shall  not  be  considered  political  refugees.  If  this 
were  done,  they  would  be  subject  to  extradition  like  any 
other  criminal.  Small  neutral  nations  should  be  too 
anxious  for  the  good-will  of  the  United  Nations  and  the 
advantages  of  cooperative  action  to  risk  all  for  the  sake  of 
a  distorted  rule.  The  moral  force  behind  demand  for 
extradition  will  be  quite  real,  because  almost  every  neutral 
country  borders  nations  which  have  been  outraged  by  the 
Germans  and  which  will  be  inflamed  against  a  neighbor 
that  shields  the  guilty  parties.  Furthermore,  any  neutral 
country  harboring  the  criminals  will  also  court  the  in- 
ternal protest  of  its  own  citizens,  for  the  peoples  of  the 
world  will  have  a  common  sympathy  in  this  matter.  If  the 
subject  is  treated  firmly  enough  in  advance,  neutral 
nations  may  seek  to  avoid  embarrassment  and  may  refuse 
entry  to  the  fugitives  in  the  first  instance.  It  may  be  that 
one  of  the  results  of  the  total  war  will  be  that  the  offenders 
will  have  no  place  to  flee.  By  their  very  aggressions  they 
will  have  wiped  out  the  asylum  which  might  otherwise 
be  available  to  them. 

99 


4.    Is  Obedience  to  a  Command  a  Defense  f 

The  responsibility  of  soldiers  for  acts  committed  under 
orders  must  be  determined  in  advance.  To  what  extent 
should  such  a  defense  be  considered  valid? 

Discipline  is  one  of  the  recognized  obligations  of  a 
soldier.  Ordinarily  he  may  not  refuse  to  obey  under  pain 
of  death  or  imprisonment.  Acting  under  such  compulsion, 
should  he  be  held  responsible  even  for  an  illegal  act? 
There  are  some  precedents.  In  1915  a  French  council  of 
war  sitting  at  Rennes,  sentenced  a  German  soldier  to  death 
for  pillage,  incendiarism  and  assassination  of  wounded 
soldiers  on  the  field  of  battle.  When  arraigned  before  the 
council,  he  pleaded  the  formal  orders  of  his  commander, 
and  he  named  the  general  from  whom  the  order  emanated 
and  the  lieutenant  who  compelled  him  to  execute  it.  The 
court  found  him  guilty  nevertheless,  and  made  a  report  of 
these  facts  to  the  Minister  of  War,  so  that  he  might  recom- 
mend clemency  if  he  desired  to  do  so. 

While  proof  of  mere  obedience  should  be  considered  as 
mitigating  punishment,  it  should  not  be  deemed  a  com- 
plete defense.  It  is  an  axiom  of  English  and  American 
law,  that  the  plea  of  "superior  order"  is  no  defense  to  an 
illegal  act.  Chief  Justice  Marshall  said  it  was  the  duty 
of  a  soldier  to  execute  the  lawful  orders  of  his  superiors, 
but  that  he  was  personally  liable  for  the  execution  of  an 
illegal  order  (Little  v.  Barreme,  2  Cranch,  170).  In  a 
later  case  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  repudiated 
the  doctrine  that  an  officer  may  take  shelter  under  the  plea 
of  a  superior  command.  The  court  said,  "Upon  principle, 
independent  of  the  weight  of  judicial  decision,  it  can  never 
be  maintained  that  a  military  officer  can  justify  himself 
for  doing  an  unlawful  act  by  producing  the  order  of  his 
superior"  (Mitchell  v.  Harmony,  13  How.  115). 

100 


The  law  should  not  permit  an  offender  to  shift  re- 
sponsibility to  his  superior  and  entirely  absolve  himself. 
One  who  commits  a  crime  acts  at  his  peril,  irrespective  of 
orders,  and  we  have  seen  that  infractions  of  International 
Law,  even  during  war,  are  crimes.  The  profession  of  a 
soldier  is  a  hazardous  one  and  the  risk  should  include  his 
responsibility  for  an  illegal  act  even  when  ordered  to  com- 
mit it.  To  adopt  any  other  view  would  lead  to  absurdity — 
the  successive  shifting  of  responsibility  from  superior  to 
superior  until  every  one  was  exculpated  except  the  com- 
mander-in-chief.  The  doctrine  of  constraint  should  not 
absolve  any  person  who  has  any  share  in  the  commission 
of  a  criminal  act  during  war.  At  most,  it  may  affect  the 
degree,  not  the  fact,  of  guilt. 

5.    Practical  Judicial  Machinery  for  Punishment 

The  large  number  of  criminals  to  be  tried  and  the 
necessity  for  speed  requires  an  extensive  judicial  system. 
However,  simplicity  and  expedition  are  most  likely  to  be 
achieved  by  the  following  plan : 

The  civilian  and  military  courts  of  each  nation  should 
have  jurisdiction  to  punish  all  offences  committed  on  its 
territory.  The  law,  procedure,  and  punishment  would  be 
that  existent  in  the  country  of  trial.  The  accused  would 
come  into  the  possession  of  the  prosecuting  nation  either 
by  capture,  or  by  transfer  under  the  armistice  provisions, 
or  by  extradition.  As  we  have  seen,  this  is  in  accordance 
with  the  well-established  principle  of  International  Law 
that  any  nation  may  try  an  offender  in  its  own  courts  if 
he  comes  into  its  hands.  For  example,  the  American 
Basic  Field  Manual,  "Rules  of  Land  Warfare,"  provides 
specifically  that  the  remedy  to  a  belligerent  for  an  injury 
in  violation  of  the  "laws  of  war"  is  the  "punishment  of 
captured  individual  offenders".  Thus  the  great  mass  of 

101 


trials  would  be  dispersed  among  the  many  aggrieved 
nations.  Their  judicial  systems  (existing  or  reconsti- 
tuted), including  judges,  prosecutors,  statutes,  and  pro- 
cedures, would  be  available.  Their  military  courts  would 
be  available  to  act  in  accordance  with  well-established 
military  principles.  Their  prison  systems  could  be  util- 
ized and  in  the  event  of  death  penalties,  their  form  of 
capital  punishment  applied. 

However,  in  addition  to  these  national  courts,  other 
tribunals  must  be  created  to  try  offenders  whose  crimes 
were  committed  against  nationals  of  several  countries  in 
combination;  for  example,  cruelties  inflicted  on  prisoners 
of  several  nations  herded  in  one  camp.  There  is  also  the 
type  of  case  where  the  offense  was  committed  against 
"stateless"  persons,  whose  exact  nationality  is  not  cer- 
tain. In  the  tragic  events  in  which  nations  were  snuffed 
out  over  night,  many  such  confusions  exist. 

Most  important  of  all,  there  are  the  trials  ( should  it  be 
decided  to  proceed  with  the  formality  of  trial,  despite 
their  evident  guilt)  of  prominent  military  and  naval  offi- 
cials and  civilian  authorities  who  determined  major 
policies.  This  group  would  include  heads  of  state  and 
their  chief  ministers.  Their  offenses  transcend  the  juris- 
diction of  the  courts  of  any  one  nation.  Their  crimes  were 
international  in  scope,  and  public  indignation  is  also  in- 
ternational. Even  if  any  one  nation  might  properly  obtain 
jurisdiction  over  such  an  offender,  it  should  yield  to 
an  international  court  to  be  created.  Humanity  could 
best  express  its  dictates  through  such  a  forum.  Nor  is  the 
least  advantage  from  an  international  court  the  joining 
hands  of  all  nations  after  the  war  to  act  concertedly  in 
dealing  out  justice. 

Two  kinds  of  international  courts  would  be  desirable. 
Representatives  from  the  existing  national  military  tri- 
bunals or  commissions  of  the  United  Nations  could  be  con- 

102 


stituted  an  International  Military  Tribunal.  As  many  of 
these  courts  could  be  quickly  created  as  would  be  neces- 
sary to  deal  with  the  large  dockets.  Acting  as  a  final 
appellate  court  and  also  as  a  court  of  original  jurisdiction 
for  the  trial  of  the  most  important  offenders  would 
be  an  International  Criminal  Court  especially  desig- 
nated for  this  purpose.  The  judges  would  be  appointed 
in  the  same  manner  as  those  chosen  for  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice.*  It  would  be  desirable, 
as  has  been  recommended  by  Professor  Sheldon  Glueck, 
that  neutral  nations  be  invited  to  designate  repre- 
sentatives on  these  international  courts.  In  this  way  these 
courts  might  best  represent  the  conscience  of  all  mankind. 
Indeed,  it  would  be  fitting  that  several  outstanding  pro- 
democratic  jurists  who  were  hounded  out  of  Germany 
or  Italy  should  be  appointed  to  this  court  as  distinguished 
citizens  of  the  world  and  not  as  representatives  of  any 
particular  country. 

Any  of  these  international  courts,  whether  military  or 
criminal,  would  have  superseding  jurisdiction.  Its  claim 
to  try  an  offender  would  take  precedence  over  that  of  any 
national  court.  Conversely,  if  a  nation  preferred  for  any 
reason  not  to  try  any  particular  offenders,  it  could  request 
one  of  the  international  courts  to  accept  jurisdiction. 

A  staff  of  prosecutors  for  the  international  courts 
should  be  designated  by  the  various  countries  which  are 
represented  on  the  court.  To  these  prosecutors  should 


*This  court  has  had  a  distinguished  record  of  service.  More  than 
forty  nations  have  at  some  time  accepted  the  opportunity  to  submit  their 
disputes  to  this  court.  This  obligation  has  usually  been  limited  to  a  five- 
year  period  but  some  acceptances  have  been  for  ten  years  or  have  had 
no  time  limit.  Between  1921  and  1934  there  was  a  real  approach  toward 
universal  recognition  of  a  duty  to  submit  international  disputes  to 
judicial  settlement.  This  may  be  an  encouraging  precedent  for  those 
who  are  so  jealous  of  their  nation's  sovereignty  that  they  shun  coop- 
eration even  in  an  international  court  for  the  punishment  of  war  crim- 
inals. 

103 


be  submitted  as  early  as  possible  the  confidential  data  of 
the  accusing  governments  or  governments-in-exile,  con- 
cerning the  guilt  of  the  accused.  The  prosecutions  would 
proceed  in  advance  to  gather  additional  evidence  and  take 
the  depositions  of  witnesses  who  may  not  later  be  available. 
In  other  words,  the  prosecutors  and  their  efficient  staffs 
should  be  prepared  to  proceed  promptly  after  the  armistice 
with  as  many  trials  as  possible.  Each  nation  should  ap- 
point special  prosecuting  commissions  to  gather  evidence 
for  the  hundreds  of  trials  which  it,  rather  than  the  inter- 
national court,  will  conduct.  Public  defenders  should  be 
provided  for  indigent  prisoners. 

The  Provost-Marshals  of  the  military  forces  of  the 
United  Nations  should  designate  police  officials  to  arrest 
and  detain  accused  persons  and  to  execute  sentences 
imposed.  The  jails,  hospitals  for  insane  and  probationary 
and  parole  facilities  of  the  accusing  country  should  be 
used.  Similarly,  where  there  is  conflict  of  law  as  between 
nations,  the  law  of  the  accusing  nation  should  apply. 

The  armistice  should  provide  that  all  evidence  of  guilt 
shall  be  turned  over  to  the  international  court  and  that 
destruction  if  any  such  evidence  must  be  made  a  serious 
crime. 

6.   Property  Courts  with  Criminal  Jurisdiction 

In  addition  to  the  criminal  courts,  special  property 
courts  should  be  created  to  determine  disputes  involving 
restitution  of  property.  In  the  larger  sense,  this  is  an 
economic  problem  and  will  be  treated  later  as  such.  For 
the  present  it  will  suffice  to  say  that  the  Nazis  robbed 
Europe  of  property  valued  at  the  incomprehensible  sum  of 
fifty  billion  dollars.  As  far  as  possible,  these  stolen  goods 
must  be  returned,  either  to  their  rightful  owners,  or  if 
they  can  no  longer  be  determined,  to  the  government  of 

104 


the  country  from  which  they  were  removed.  Each  victim- 
ized nation  should  appoint  commissions  to  investigate 
and  gather  evidence  concerning  the  stolen  property.  The 
secretion  or  destruction  of  such  property  or  the  refusal 
to  reveal  its  whereabouts,  should  be  deemed  a  crime  and 
should  be  severely  punished.  The  property  courts  should 
have  criminal  jurisdiction  for  this  purpose.  Restitution 
must  be  made,  not  only  of  ordinary  chattels,  such  as  money, 
machinery,  works  of  art,  commercial  and  industrial  goods, 
cattle,  and  implements,  but  also  of  shares  of  stock  or  other 
symbols  of  ownership  no  matter  how  intricate  the  transfer 
and  the  disguises.  Fortunately,  the  complexity  of  the 
task  has  not  discouraged  an  early  effort  to  cope  with  it. 
An  Inter-Allied  Information  Committee  in  London  re- 
cently reported  concerning  the  control  of  various  enter- 
prises obtained  by  German  banks.* 


*Thc  Deutsche  Bank  controlled  and  administered  directly  or  in- 
directly: 

Creditanstalt-Bankoverein  of  Vienna 

Bohmische  Union-Bank  of  Prague 

Union-Bank  of  Bratislava 

Kredit  Bank  of  Sofia 

Banka  Commerciale  Romana  of  Bucharest 

Kroatischer  Bankverein  of  Zagreb 

Banque  Nationale  de  Grece  of  Athens 

H.  Albert  De  Bary  &  Co.  N.V.  of  Amsterdam 

Deutsche  Uberseeische  Bank  of  Madrid 

General-Bank  Luxemburg  A.G. 

It  also  constitutes  a  significant  trail  that  the  Deutsche  Bank  has 
its  own  branches  in  Katowice,  Bielsko,  Danzig,  Gdynia,  Lodz,  Pozman, 
Creozyn,  Zoppot,  Cracow,  Lwow,  Budapest  and  Brussels. 

The  Dresdner  Bank  controlled  and  administered  directly  or  indirectly: 

Landerbank  A.G.  of  Vienna 

Kommerzcalbank  A.G.  of  Cracow 

Ostbank  A.G.  of  Poznan 

Oberschlesische  Diskontobank  A.G.  of  Longshutte 

Deutsche  Handels-und  Kredit  Bank  A.G.  of  Bratislava 

Kroatische  Landesbank  A.G. 

Societatea  Bancara  Romana  of  Bucharest 

Handels-und  Kreditbank  A.G.  of  Riga 

Banque  d'Athenes  of  Athens 

Societe  Financiere  Greco-Allemande 

Wechelstube  A.G.  "Merkur" 

105 


Those  in  charge  of  economic  warfare  in  England  and 
the  United  States  have  followed  the  changes  in  Continental 
industry  and  have  large  files  on  German  economic  activi- 
ties. These  and  other  clues  are  available  as  to  the  ultimate 
resting  places  of  the  plundered  goods.  German  fanaticism 
always  stops  short  at  one  practical  point.  It  envisages  the 
possibilities  of  defeat  and  cunningly  plans  to  retain  the 
wherewithal  for  another  try.  Therefore,  we  shall  examine 
later  the  skillful  organizations  and  devices  adopted  by  the 
Nazi  to  create  the  appearance  of  bona  fide  title  to  stolen 
goods  and  to  place  as  many  obstacles  in  the  path  of  in- 
vestigation as  possible. 

There  will  be  transfers  of  title  galore,  and  interming- 
ling with  "valid  purchases"  in  most  cases.  But  loot  is  loot, 


Ungarische  Allgemeine  Kreditbank 

Bulgarische  Handelsbank  of  Sofia 

Kontinentale  Bank  of  Brussels  and  Antwerp 

Handelstrust  West  N.V.  of  Amsterdam  Internationale  Bank 

The  London   Commission  further  reported  that  the  Commerzbank 
A.G.  controlled  and  administered  directly  or  indirectly: 
Hansabank  N.V.  of  Brussels 
N.V.  Ryinische  Bank  Mij. 
Banque  Commerciale  de  Grece 
Branches  at  Pozman,  Lodz,  Cracow,  Zakopane,  Sosnowiec,  and 

Katowice,  Riga,  Tallinn 
Rumanische  Bank  Anstalt 
Bankverein  "Agram"  A.G. 
Allgemeine  Jugoslawische  Bankverein 

The  London  Commission  further  reported  that  the  Berliner  Handels- 
gesellschaft  controlled  and  administered  directly  or  indirectly: 
Banka  Chrissoveloni  S.A.R.  of  Bucharest 
Badische  Bank 

The  Handels-gesellschaft  controlled  the  majority  of  Alsatian  busi- 
ness through  the  Allgemeine  Elsassisch  Bank-gesellschaft. 

The  report  further  stated  that  the  Bank  der  Deutschen  Arbeit  con- 
trolled and  administered  directly  or  indirectly: 
Ostdeutsche   Privatbank  A.G.  Danzig 
Bank  voor  Nederlandasche  Arbeit  N.V.  of  Amsterdam 
Westbank  N.V.    (Banque  de  Travail   S.A.)   of   Brussels 

Branches  in  Prague,  Luxemburg,  Metz,  Strasbourg  and  Riga. 

The  Reichs  Kredit-Gessellschaft  controlled  and  administered  directly 
or  indirectly  the  Rumansche  Kredit-Bank  of  Bucharest. 

106 


and  the  legalistic  masks  of  respectability  should  be  swept 
aside  by  the  property  courts  with  a  firm  hand.  The  prop- 
erty of  all  German  functionaries  who  have  enriched  them- 
selves during  the  Nazi  regime  should  be  expropriated,  and 
if  its  ownership  cannot  be  traced,  it  should  become  part  of 
a  fund  for  substituted  restitution  pari  passu  to  the  Nazi's 
victims  in  conquered  territories.  This  will  in  some  meas- 
ure compensate  for  the  loss  of  irreplaceable  chattels. 

7.    Restitution  by  Labor 

There  remains  one  other  form  of  restitution — labor. 
The  dissolution  of  the  German  Army,  Schutzstaffel  and 
Sturm-Abteilung  groups  among  others,  will  affect  at 
least  four  million  men.  Of  these,  hundreds  of  thousands 
will  have  been  sentenced  to  jail  terms  by  national  and  in- 
ternational courts.  These  sentences  will  range  up  to  life 
imprisonment.  Jail  sentences  should  be  served  in  labor 
battalions  which  will  rebuild  the  devastated  areas  and  help 
in  the  resettlement  of  families  driven  from  their  homes. 

Care  must  be  taken  to  prevent  too  great  an  importa- 
tion of  labor,  which  may  injure  the  country  to  be  restored, 
just  as  the  flooding  of  German  reparation  goods  after  the 
first  World  War  injured  the  markets  of  the  creditors.  A 
balance  must  be  maintained  between  the  proper  assistance 
required  in  the  devastated  areas  and  the  unemployment 
problem  in  the  assisted  nation.  The  controls  for  main- 
taining such  an  equilibrium  will  be  considered  in  the  eco- 
nomic program  to  be  applied. 

But  subject  to  this  limitation,  it  is  obvious  justice  as 
well  as  proper  penalty  that  Germany  should  provide  the 
manpower  to  rehabilitate  the  territories  she  has  wantonly 
desolated.  It  was  Frederich  Froebel,  the  noted  educator 
and  founder  of  the  kindergarten  system,  who  said  that 
children  who  destroyed  other  children's  toys  should  be 

107 


made  to  replace  them  with  their  own.  Mere  verbal  chas- 
tisement is  ineffective.  The  Germans  have  proceeded  on 
the  theory  that  real  wealth  is  labor  and  they  should  be 
required  to  pay  partly  in  that  coinage. 

Weighting  the  Scales  of  Justice 

In  the  first  World  War,  almost  all  of  the  eight  million 
dead  were  battle  field  casualties.  In  the  Hitler  war,  it  is 
estimated  that  four  million  civilians  have  been  killed  by 
ruthless  race  extermination  squads,  hostage  executions, 
and  deliberate  terroristic  tactics  as  the  Germans  advanced. 
No  punishment  can  be  deemed  fully  adequate  for  the 
wrongs  committed.  But  within  the  limits  of  the  available 
retributions  as  prescribed  by  humanity,  and  with  due  re- 
gard for  the  educational  and  reform  program  to  be  applied 
simultaneously  with  the  penal  provisions,  these  recom- 
mendations have  been  made. 

For  the  two  objectives  must  always  be  kept  in  mind. 
By  forfeiting  German  sovereignty  we  punish  her  and  pro- 
tect ourselves,  but  we  promise  an  end  of  the  probationary 
period  and  the  restoration  of  Germany  as  an  equal  mem- 
ber of  the  international  family,  if  she  reforms. 

To  eradicate  her  military  clique  down  to  its  very 
roots,  we  decree  capital  punishment  for  the  most  con- 
scienceless murderers  in  history.  At  the  same  time  we  free 
the  German  people  from  the  leadership,  subterranean  or 
openly  avowed,  which  has  encouraged  its  repeated  orgies 
of  war  lust. 

By  restitution  in  the  form  of  property  and  labor,  we 
return  to  the  victims  some  of  the  works  ruthlessly  stolen 
or  destroyed.  At  the  same  time,  the  German  people  will 
be  learning,  too.  They  will  learn  the  simple  American 
slogan  that  crime  does  not  pay.  Not  only  the  enforced 

108 


surrender  of  loot,  but  the  devastation  of  their  own  land 
should  have  some  sobering  effect. 

These  punishment  provisions  cannot,  however,  in  them- 
selves, either  fully  protect  us  or  constitute  sufficient  educa- 
tional deterrents. 

Much  more  must  be  done. 


109 


CHAPTER    IV 


CUTTING  SAMSON'S  HAIR 


Economic  justice  will  be  due  all  the  peoples  of  the 
earth,  whether  they  be  citizens  of  large  and  powerful  na- 
tions, or  small  and  weak  ones;  whether  they  be  colonials 
under  international  supervision  awaiting  self-determina- 
tion ;  whether  they  be  erstwhile  enemies ;  yes,  whether  they 
be  Nazis  or  Japanese.  The  German  people  may  be  de- 
prived of  sovereignty,  but  not  of  food.  Their  preparation 
for  international  cooperation  must  be  founded  on  a  healthy 
economy.  One  cannot  educate  them  to  political  democracy 
while  practicing  economic  autocracy  against  them.  We 
have  seen  that  economic  distress  was  not  the  cause  of  Hit- 
lerism.  Deeper,  corrupt,  super-national  phobias  drove  the 
German  people. 

But  the  community  of  nations  must  include  the  defeated 
peoples  on  equal  terms,  in  the  economic  peace  or  the 
world's  economic  structure  will  suffer. 

Such  a  policy  can,  however,  readily  be  a  prelude  to 
another  tragedy.  On  the  previous  occasion  the  Germans 
shrewdly  exploited  our  desire  for  economic  justice,  to  plot 
another  war. 

Much  can  be  learned  from  prior  German  perfidy.  A 
journey  through  some  historical  paths  will  make  us 
familiar  with  the  terrain. 

110 


German  Industry  Plots  a  War 

Germany  declared  war  upon  the  world  during  its 
republican  regime.  It  was  economic  war,  and  therefore 
not  as  shocking  or  discernible  as  the  subsequent  incur- 
sions of  panzer  troops.  But  it  was  deliberate  and  pur- 
poseful and  unscrupulous — all  trade-marks  of  German 
efficiency.  Its  effectiveness  was  magnified  in  proportion 
to  the  unawareness  of  the  "victorious"  nations.  Even  to 
this  day  few  appreciate  the  cunning  of  this  economic  war- 
fare. In  military  attack,  the  element  of  surprise  ends 
with  the  visit  of  the  first  bombers.  In  economic  attack, 
the  element  of  deception  remains  a  constant  ally.  It  is  as 
subtle  as  it  is  deadly. 

As  early  as  1920,  and  probably  before,  the  leading 
German  chemists  and  industrialists  planned  the  second 
World  War.  They  had  unlimited  funds  at  their  disposal, 
hidden  in  Holland,  Switzerland  and  the  United  States,  in 
the  names  of  citizens  of  those  countries.  And  they  rightly 
calculated  that  foreign  investors  would  pour  money  into 
Germany  if  it  feigned  inability  to  pay  reparations. 

Many  of  the  German  patents  were  seized  in  Britain 
and  the  United  States  during  the  first  World  War.  But 
the  Germans  were  little  affected  by  this  because  they  had 
never  properly  revealed  their  patents,  though  this  is  re- 
quired by  international  and  national  patent  laws.  Thus, 
when,  to  cure  syphilis,  the  United  States  attempted  to 
manufacture  salvarsan  from  the  German  patent,  it  dis- 
covered all  too  late  that  the  formula  was  defective.  Many 
soldiers  were  poisoned.  We  had  a  similar  experience 
when  we  tried  to  make  synthetic  nitrates  for  explosives. 

These  German  industrialists  and  chemists  planned 
Der  Tag  with  their  own  weapons.  Having  a  monopoly 
of  synthetic  nitrogen,  they  planned  to  infiltrate  into 
foreign  industry  an  economic  fifth  column  which  would 

111 


seize  control  of  war  industries.  Karl  Duisberg,  the  chief 
chemist  of  the  German  Bayer  Company,  had  prolonged 
the  first  World  War  by  his  development  of  ersatz  food 
and  clothes.  Karl  Bosch,  chief  chemist  of  the  Badische 
Anilin-und-Soda  Fabrik,  had  invented  chlorine  poison  gas, 
snrpalite  and  yperite.  Fritz  Haber,  head  of  the  Kaiser 
Wilhelm  Institut,  had  discovered  how  to  take  nitrogen 
out  of  the  air.  Synthetic  nitrogen  had  served  for  both 
explosives  and  fertilizer.  These  three  veterans  of  the  first 
World  War,  together  with  many  younger  adherents, 
plotted  to  recapture  the  dye  and  pharmaceutical  markets. 
The  first  step  was  to  merge  every  important  chemical  firm 
in  Germany  into  one  huge  trust.  The  Germans  with  their 
craving  for  polysyllabic  names  called  it  the  "Interessenge- 
meinschaft  Farbenindustrie  Aktien  Gesellschaft".  Then 
branches  were  established  throughout  the  world.  It  was 
known  in  the  United  States  as  the  I.  G.  Farben.  In  other 
countries  it  bore  other  names.  But  it  is  no  exaggeration 
to  say  that  this  enormous  enterprise,  which  obtained  con- 
trol of  vital  industries  throughout  the  world,  and  acted 
at  the  same  time  as  the  espionage  center  for  the  German 
military  clique,  was  as  instrumental  in  conquering  Europe 
as  the  German  army.  And  it  antedated  Hitler's  ascent 
by  fourteen  years. 

Karl  Duisberg  became  chairman  of  the  Board  of  I.  G. 
Farben,  Karl  Bosch,  its  President.  It  encompassed  not 
only  the  chemical  industries  but  also  the  heavy  indus- 
tries, such  as  steel  and  munitions.  Therefore  it  included 
representation  of  Adolf  Kirdorf,  czar  of  the  German  Coal 
Trust,  Krupp  von  Bohlen,  Fritz  Thyssen,  Hjalmar  Schacht, 
Hugo  Stinnes,  Albert  Voegler,  director  general  of  the 
United  Steel  Works,  and  many  others.  The  I.  G.  Farben 
in  a  short  while  regained  control  of  its  former  impressive 
holdings  in  the  United  States.  As  it  extended  its  Ameri- 
can interests,  it  combined  its  various  activities  under  the 

112 


innocuous  name  of  the  American  I.  G.  Chemical  Corpo- 
ration. This  later  became  known  as  the  General  Aniline 
and  Film  Corporation. 

The  German  industrialists  planned  not  only  to  make 
Germany  self-sufficient  for  war,  but  also  to  prevent  foreign 
preparation,  through  extending  their  control  into  foreign 
countries.  They  planned,  if  and  when  this  work  was  com- 
pleted, to  destroy  the  German  Kepublic  and  select  some 
suitable  leader  to  execute  their  plans  for  world  conquest. 
Hitler  was  not  even  dreamed  of  as  the  Fuehrer ;  and  if  he 
had  been  proposed  to  the  conspirators  during  this  period, 
he  would  undoubtedly  have  been  scorned  as  a  stupid  and 
neurotic  scamp.  It  was  only  later,  when  his  exciting 
demagoguery,  combined  with  the  requisite  gangsterlike  un- 
scrupulousness,  had  built  a  following,  that  he  was  financed 
for  bigger  deeds.  In  the  early  stages  of  the  industrial 
and  military  conspiracy  against  civilization,  Hitler  was 
ranting  in  a  beer  hall  against  big  business  and  corpora- 
tions, and  demanding  National  Socialism.  He  was  later 
to  be  lifted  by  industrialists  to  a  position  of  power,  where 
he  could  give  vent  to  German  aspiration  for  world  con- 
quest. He  inherited  a  war  machine.  He  did  not  build  it. 

Those  who  did  build  it  combined  arms  preparation 
with  economic  conquest. 

The  Versailles  Peace  Treaty  had  fixed  the  German 
Army  at  no  more  than  100,000  officers  and  men.  The 
theory  of  this  limitation  was  that  such  a  force  might  be 
necessary  to  preserve  internal  order. 

But  German  bad  faith  took  immediate  command. 
Krupp  and  Thyssen  financed  the  Free  Corps,  the  nucleus 
of  the  army  which  was  to  conquer  Europe.  This  was  being 
done  in  the  very  days  of  the  German  Republic.  The  in- 
dustrial barons  provided  funds  to  von  Schleicher,  who  or- 
ganized the  Black  Reichswehr.  It  trained  in  secrecy. 
They  also  financed  Major  Duesterberg,  who  organized  the 

113 


Stahlhelm  (Steel  Helmets),  the  veterans  of  the  first 
World  War.  Von  Schleicher  became  the  financial  conduit 
for  the  Free  Corps  and  its  notorious  leaders,  Captains 
Ehrhart  and  Schlageter.  Those  in  the  government  who 
would  not  join  the  conspiracy  were  terrorized.  Chancellor 
Friederich  Ebert's  liberal  Minister  of  Finance,  Mathias 
Erzberger,  leader  of  the  Catholic  Center  Party,  was  assas- 
sinated by  the  Free  Corps.  This  Nazi  method  likewise 
preceded  the  Nazis  and  Hitler. 

Professor  Major  General  Karl  E.  Nikolas  Haushofer, 
as  early  as  1925,  was  expounding  the  geopolitics  of  world 
hegemony  to  the  officers  of  the  Black  Reichswehr.  The 
development  of  a  skilled  general  staff  trained  in  newer 
technique  could  be  carried  on  secretly.  But  how  was  a 
huge  army  to  be  trained  in  secret?  The  answer  was  the 
sport  camps  and  recreational  centers  throughout  Ger- 
many. The  entire  youth  of  Germany  suddenly  became 
interested  in  physical  culture  and  long  hikes.  Aviation 
training  was  achieved  through  glider  clubs.  Thus  the 
prohibition  against  the  construction  of  military  planes 
was  circumvented.  All  this,  too,  preceded  Hitler  and  the 
Nazis. 

Dr.  Karl  Joseph  Wirth,  new  leader  of  the  Catholic  Cen- 
ter Party  and  Chancellor  of  the  Weimar  Republic,  boasted 
openly  that  the  real  foundation  for  the  German  rearm- 
ament had  been  already  laid  in  the  beginning  of  the 
Weimar  Republic  and  that  Hitler  only  completed  the  work 
which  had  been  started: 

"As  to  the  rearmament  of  Germany,  Hitler  has  only 
continued  the  rearmament  that  had  been  prepared  by  the 
Weimar  Republic.  I,  myself,  deserve  great  credit  for  this 
preparation  .  .  .  The  great  difficulty  was  that  our  military 
efforts  had  to  be  kept  secret  from  the  Allies.  I,  therefore, 
always  had  to  appear  polite  and  harmless  .  .  .  When  Hitler 

114 


came  to  power  he  no  longer  needed  to  concern  himself 
with  the  quality  of  the  German  Army  but  only  with  the 
quantity.  The  real  reorganization  was  our  work."  (Lu- 
cerne Daily  News,  August  9,  1937) 

The  Axis  Is  Founded  Long  Before  Hitler 

In  1928  Germany  successfully  invaded  the  Orient  in 
its  economic  war.  An  agreement  was  entered  into  with 
the  Japanese  government  to  take  over  its  chemical  indus- 
try and  train  the  Japanese  in  the  manufacture  of  explo- 
sives and  light  metals.  Poison  gases  were  included,  and 
under  the  tutelage  of  an  I.  G.  Farben  chemist  were,  and 
are  still,  being  manufactured  at  the  Sumitomo  Chemical 
Co.  plant  at  Wihima.  Full  agreement  was  also  reached 
with  Japan  concerning  synthetic  nitrogen,  which  involved 
licenses  to  the  Japanese  trusts  of  Mitsui  and  Mitsubishi. 
The  Axis  was  forming  long  before  Hitler. 

In  1931  Mussolini  desired  a  great  Italian  chemical 
industry  for  war  purposes.  He  needed  the  Farben  pat- 
ents and  secret  formulae.  He  was  readily  induced  to 
force  the  Italian  firm  of  Montecatini  to  join  the  Farben 
monopoly.  This  was  achieved  by  the  organization  of  the 
Agenzia  Chimiche  Nazionali  Associati  to  manufacture 
all  dyes,  heavy  chemicals  and  aluminum  for  Italy.  Farben 
took  49  per  cent  of  the  stock.  Montecatini  received  51  per 
cent.  But  this  was  a  typical  German  illusion.  Actually 
Germany  dominated  this  company  through  its  patent  con- 
trol. Italian  industry  had  become  just  another  plant  for 
I.  G.  Farben.  It  is  to  be  noted  again  that  this  took  place 
in  1931.  The  Italian-German  Axis  was  really  formed 
through  economic  arrangements  prior  to  Hitler's  ascent. 
The  purpose  was  preparation  for  war. 

The  reticent  Karl  Duisberg  could  not  restrain  his  sense 
of  triumph.  In  a  public  speech  in  Munich  on  March  26, 

115 


1931,  he  said :  "Only  a  solid  economic  block  from  Odessa 
to  Bordeaux  will  give  Europe  that  economic  backbone 
which  it  needs  in  order  to  maintain  its  position  in  the 
world." 

Had  the  French  government  noticed  the  word  "Bor- 
deaux" or  the  Eussian  government  the  word  "Odessa", 
they  would  have  known  the  Germans'  ultimate  goal. 

By  1932  I.  G.  Farben  substantially  controlled  im- 
portant European  industry.  Chiefly  by  means  of  price- 
cutting  policies  the  outstanding  French  firm,  Etablisse- 
ments  Kuhlmann,  was  forced  into  alignment  with  I.  G. 
Farben  in  1927.  In  1929  I.  G.  Farben  obtained  con- 
trol of  the  three  largest  chemical  companies  in  Switz- 
erland— the  Ciba,  the  Gergy  and  the  Sandoz  companies. 
It  proportioned  the  manufacture  of  certain  chemicals 
among  its  international  subsidiaries.  Dyes  were  to  be 
made  5%  by  Switzerland,  5%  by  Italy,  8%  by  France 
and  82%  by  Germany.  The  English  chemical  industry,  too, 
was  forced  to  make  market  arrangements  with  I.  G. 
Farben.  Similar  control  was  obtained  of  the  manufacture 
of  nitrogen.  France  and  Chile,  Germany's  chief  competi- 
tors in  this  field,  acquiesced  (through  a  cartel)  in  quota 
restrictions  which  favored  Germany. 

The  attorney  and  representative  of  I.  G.  Farben  in 
France  was  Pierre  Laval ! 

The  Americas  Are  Invaded 

I.  G.  Farben  acquired  50%  of  the  stock  of  the  Grasselli 
Dyestuff  Corporation,  the  American  company  which  had 
obtained  the  I.  G.  Farben  patents  from  the  Federal  Alien 
Property  Custodian.  Soon  Farben  owned  100%  of  this 
company.  It  had  recaptured  its  patents.  Then  it  changed 
the  Grasselli  Company  into  the  General  Aniline  and  Film 
Corporation.  Similarly  the  American  Bayer  Company, 

116 


which  had  acquired  the  German  Bayer  patents  from  the 
Alien  Property  Custodian,  was  absorbed  and  made  an  I.  G. 
Farben  unit  in  the  Sterling  Products  Corporation.  These 
companies  were  the  main  suppliers  of  the  pharmaceutical 
markets  throughout  Latin  America.  They  were  now  in 
German  hands. 

The  infiltration  of  vital  American  industries  continued, 
— all  this  within  five  years  after  Germany's  defeat  and 
when  she  was  "unable"  to  pay  reparations. 

I.  G.  Farben  had  owned  a  substantial  share  of  stock 
in  the  Ford  plant  at  Cologne,  Germany.  Edsel  Ford  owned 
shares  in  the  I.  G.  Farben  organization  (General  Aniline 
and  Film  Corp. )  in  the  United  States.  He  became  a  direc- 
tor of  this  company.  This  association,  while  innocent  so 
far  as  Ford  was  concerned,  resulted  in  such  anomalous 
by-products  as  Fritz  Kuhn,  later  the  leader  of  the  Nazi 
Bund  in  the  United  States,  being  employed  in  this  country 
as  a  chemist  in  the  Ford  motor  plant;  Henry  Ford  receiv- 
ing a  Nazi  medal;  and  his  refusal  to  manufacture  air- 
plane motors  for  England. 

Holding  forth  its  patents  for  the  manufacture  of  syn- 
thetic gasoline  as  bait,  I.  G.  Farben  formed  an  association 
with  the  Standard  Oil  Co.  of  New  Jersey.  This  was 
achieved  through  the  medium  of  a  new  corporation  called 
Standard  I.  G.  Company.  Thereafter  this  company  ac- 
quired the  International  Hydrogenation  Patents  Company 
Ltd.,  which  controlled  synthetic  oil  patents  throughout 
the  rest  of  the  world.  Walter  C.  Teagle,  Chairman  of  the 
Board  of  Directors  of  the  Standard  Oil  Co.  of  New  Jersey, 
became  a  director  of  General  Aniline  and  Film  Corpora- 
tion. The  annual  business  of  General  Aniline  in  the 
United  States  alone  exceeded  ? 40,000,000. 

German  patent  control  through  cartels  extended  to 
vital  and  new  materials  essential  to  war.  Under  patent 

117 


arrangements  with  German  firms,  American  companies 
were  obliged  to  exchange  information.  Thus  we  find  that 
important  secrets  concerning  the  production  of  synthetic 
rubber  were  revealed  by  American  concerns  to  Nazi  Ger- 
many, although  they  were  concealed  from  the  U.  S.  Navy 
Department.  And  as  late  as  Pearl  Harbor,  royalties  on 
aviation  gasoline  sold  to  the  R.  A.  F.  were  put  aside  to  be 
paid  to  I.  G.  Farben  after  the  war. 

Strategic  new  materials  were  concealed  from  our 
country.  When  a  Nazi  armored  car  was  captured,  chem- 
ists discovered  that  it  had  been  constructed  from  an 
unknown  metal  alloy,  lighter  than  aluminum  and  stronger 
than  steel.  Only  then  did  it  become  plain  how  Nazi 
motorized  forces  had  been  able  to  extend  their  radius  of 
activities  "abnormally".  This  and  other  alloys  were  made 
from  magnesium  and  beryllium.  Beryllium  is  the  most 
remarkable  of  the  light  metals  and  cheap  to  produce.  It  is 
lighter  and  stronger  than  magnesium.  In  the  United 
States,  production  of  light  metals  was  limited  almost  en- 
tirely to  aluminum.  Yet  magnesium  is  50  per  cent  lighter 
than  aluminum,  and  aluminum  is  only  one-third  as  heavy 
as  steel. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  second  World  War,  Germany 
was  producing  almost  three  quarters  of  the  world's  entire 
output  of  magnesium.  This  was  four  times  what  the 
United  States  produced,  even  though  Germany  had  to  pro 
duce  this  metal  from  by-products,  whereas  our  country  had 
better  access  to  the  natural  raw  material.  How  was  the 
German  predominance  obtained?  By  patent  monopolies 
which  prevented  or  curbed  the  expansion  of  such  new  in- 
dustries in  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Andrew  J.  Gahagan,  president  of  the  Beryllium 
Corporation  of  Pennsylvania,  testified  before  the  Truman 
Committee  of  the  United  States  Senate  that  his  company, 
which  had  through  independent  research  attempted  to  de- 

118 


velop  this  metal,  found  a  basic  patent  in  a  little  known 
corporation  called  Metal  and  Thermit  Corporation.  He 
approached  his  "competitor"  for  a  license.  After  three 
years  of  negotiation,  he  discovered  that  it  did  not  really 
control  the  patent.  Bather,  it  was  owned  by  Siemens  und 
Halske,  Germany's  biggest  electro-technical  concern. 
Gahagan  went  to  Berlin  and  obtained  a  license,  but  under 
such  terms  that  the  manufacture  of  beryllium  in  the 
United  States  was  limited  to  insignificant  quantities. 

In  the  same  manner,  international  cartels  gave  Ger- 
many advantages  in  the  plastic  field.  It  is  not  yet  clear  to 
what  extent  plastics  will  replace  iron,  steel,  cement  and 
wood.  But  many  have  predicted  that  we  are  about  to 
emerge  industrially  into  the  "plastic"  era.  Certain  it  is 
that  plastics  have  in  many  instances  qualities  superior  to 
wood,  glass,  porcelain,  and  other  materials.  Moreover,  it 
becomes  possible  to  replace  complicated  machine-tool  work 
with  simplified  casting.  Germany  held  basic  patents  for 
plastics  of  strategic  military  importance  and  issued  li- 
censes in  such  a  manner  as  to  limit  foreign  production. 
Monopoly,  through  cartel,  was  exploited  to  tempt  Ameri- 
can firms  into  these  arrangements.  For  example,  Plexiglas 
is  a  new  material  with  almost  miraculous  qualities.  It  is 
a  glasslike  plastic  but  it  does  not  splinter.  It  can  be  sawed 
or  carved  like  wood  and  can  be  treated  like  soft  metal.  Its 
suitability  for  cockpit  enclosures,  transparent  bomber 
noses,  gun  turrets  and  windshields  is  obvious.  It  increases 
the  efficiency  and  safety  of  military  planes. 

When  the  war  began,  German  planes  were  already 
equipped  with  this  material.  The  German  firm  of  Kohm 
and  Haas  A.  G.  held  the  basic  patents.  Subsequent  evi- 
dence before  the  Truman  Committee  revealed  that  there 
was  only  one  company  in  the  United  States  producing  this 
strategic  material.  It  was  Rohm  and  Haas,  Inc.,  of  Phila- 
delphia. The  German  and  American  firms  had  a  world 

119 


monopoly  on  Plexiglas.  By  agreement  between  them,  the 
German  firm  was  not  permitted  to  sell  in  the  United 
States,  but  had  the  exclusive  market  for  Europe,  Africa 
and  Asia  (excluding  Japan).  While  the  German  firm 
could  not  sell  Plexiglas  to  the  United  States,  it  could  sell 
finished  articles  made  of  Plexiglas  anywhere.  In  1936 
Imperial  Chemical  Industries  of  Great  Britain  received  a 
license  under  similar  conditions. 

I.  G.  Farben  had  a  special  agreement  with  Kohm  and 
Haas,  Inc.,  whereby  Farben  agreed  not  to  manufacture  any 
product  similar  to  Plexiglas,  while  Kohm  and  Haas  agreed 
not  to  use  their  patents  for  articles  which  would  be  com- 
petitive with  Farben.  The  base  of  Plexiglas  is  methyl 
methacrylate,  a  synthetic  product,  which  can  also  be 
utilized  for  production  of  artificial  rubber,  dyestuffs  and 
pharmaceutical  articles.  Thus,  by  virtue  of  the  restrictive 
arrangements  concerning  Plexiglas,  Germany  also  limited 
foreign  production  of  artificial  rubber  and  other  war  mate- 
rials. 

When  the  American  government  purchased  Plexiglas,  a 
royalty  of  three  per  cent  was  paid  to  the  German  com- 
pany. Koyalties  for  sales  to  Kusia  were  ten  per  cent. 

Even  after  the  war  began  in  1939,  Germany  continued 
to  do  "business  as  usual"  with  Plexiglas.  It  arranged  for 
the  American  company  to  serve  Germany's  markets  and 
pay  over  the  profits,  minus  an  appropriate  service  charge. 
The  agreement  expressly  provided  that  "at  the  time  when 
we  will  be  able  again  to  sell  to  the  aforementioned  coun- 
tries you  will  let  us  have  copies  of  all  bills,  price  arrange- 
ments, etc.  which  are  necessary  for  us  in  order  to  get  back 
into  business  again." 

Industry  and  Espionage 

Thus,  irrespective  of  the  outcome  of  the  war,  Germany 
was  planning  a  new  start — not  merely  a  commercial  start, 

120 


but  the  control  of  strategic  military  materials  for  the  next 
effort  at  world  domination.  One  cannot  study  the  tactics 
of  Germany's  economic  war  without  the  overwhelming  con- 
viction that  she  intends  a  continuity  of  effort  until  Der 
Tag  is  achieved.  Defeats  are  philosophically  considered 
merely  the  hard  task-master  by  which  experience  and  in- 
formation are  obtained  for  the  ultimate  successful  effort. 

Royalties  were  paid  on  Plexiglas  to  the  German  firm 
even  after  enactment  of  the  Lend-Lease  Act.  The  reports 
on  sales  to  the  United  States  and  Canada  served  of  course 
as  an  easy  index  for  the  Luftwaffe  as  to  the  progress  of  the 
manufacture  of  military  airplanes  in  the  United  States. 

I.  G.  Farben  did  not  consider  itself  merely  a  great  com- 
mercial empire.  It  was  part  and  parcel  of  the  German 
military  conspiracy.  Its  representatives  in  the  United 
States  became  citizens  here,  and  were  surrounded  socially 
and  otherwise  with  domestic  respectability.  This  fitted 
them  all  the  better  to  become  the  espionage  agents  of  Ger- 
many. The  F.B.I,  struggled  to  uncover  the  sources  of  the 
huge  sums  of  money  which  flooded  the  United  States  and 
South  America  with  subversive  propaganda.  In  1934  Con- 
gress fell  upon  a  clue.  In  the  course  of  an  investigation 
concerning  Ivy  Lee,  a  noted  lobbyist,  it  was  discovered 
that  he  was  on  the  payroll  of  I.  G.  Farben  at  a  salary  of 
f  25,000  a  year  plus  expenses.  As  part  of  his  employment, 
Lee  had  visited  Germany  and  received  direct  instructions 
from  Goebbels.  He  spent  millions  of  dollars  in  the  United 
States  to  spread  Nazi  propaganda.  In  this  country,  Lee 
was  paid  through  General  Aniline,  the  Farben  subsidiary. 
Some  payments  came  through  the  Farben  holding  company 
of  Switzerland — I.  G.  Chemie. 

Every  fifth-column  agitator  in  the  United  States,  no 
matter  how  ignorant  or  low  his  estate,  lived  in  comfort, 
if  not  in  luxury.  Funds  for  scurrilous  publications  were 
never  lacking.  The  William  Dudley  Pelleys,  the  Joe  Mc- 

121 


Williams,  the  Deatheridges,  and  other  of  their  ilk  pros- 
pered.   I.  G.  Farben  was  the  financial  arsenal  of  Fascism. 

Finally,  in  the  fall  of  1941  Federal  authorities  com- 
pleted their  studies  of  the  activities  of  Farben  officials  who 
hid  behind  their  American  citizenship.  A  criminal  indict- 
ment was  obtained  against  W.  E.  Weiss,  a  director  of  Gen- 
eral Aniline  and  chairman  of  the  board  of  that  other 
Farben  subsidiary,  Sterling  Products.  Also  indicted  were 
A.  E.  Diebold  of  Sterling  Products  and  a  host  of  others, 
leading  figures  in  I.  G.  Farben.  The  charge  was  criminal 
conspiracy.  But  Sterling  Products  succeeded  in  obtain- 
ing a  consent  decree  which  dissolved  the  agreement  be- 
tween Sterling  and  I.  G.  Farben.  The  defendants  were 
fined  a  mere  $26,000.  An  indictment  was  also  obtained 
against  Kudolf  Ilgner,  one  of  the  founders  of  American 
Aniline,  a  brother  of  Max  Ilgner  of  the  Berlin  office  of 
I.  G.  Farben.  The  charges  involved  the  control  of  nitrogen 
and  other  vital  chemicals  used  in  the  manufacture  of  high 
explosives  and  munitions  in  the  United  States.  WTiile  the 
F.B.I,  was  pursuing  its  investigation,  Ilgner  ordered  the 
destruction  of  all  his  records  which  related  to  Farben 
patents  and  royalties.  He  brazenly  pleaded  guilty  to 
ordering  these  records  burned  and  was  fined  f  1000 ! 

In  1941  disclosures  of  Farben  arrangements  with 
Standard  Oil  Company,  whereby  the  world  was  allocated 
into  exclusive  spheres  for  the  use  of  synthetic  oil  patents, 
caused  little  public  excitement.  Synthetic  rubber  patents 
were  also  controlled  by  these  two  companies  acting 
through  a  subsidiary  called  Jasco,  Inc.  The  Goodyear  and 
Goodrich  Companies  were  stymied  in  their  endeavor  to 
provide  a  synthetic  rubber  industry  for  national  defense. 
Even  after  Pearl  Harbor,  these  companies  could  not  ob- 
tain licenses  to  use  the  Farben  patents  held  by  Jasco.  Thus 
the  Nazis,  through  their  American  affiliate,  reached  into 

122 


the  United  States  to  prevent  the  production  of  rubber 
while  the  Japs  took  the  natural  sources  from  us. 

Although  Great  Britain,  Belgium  and  Holland  con- 
fiscated Farben  assets  after  the  war  began,  the  pretense 
was  long  maintained  in  the  United  States  that  Parben  was 
an  "American"  enterprise  owned  either  by  Americans  or 
the  neutral  Swiss.  Finally  in  October,  1941,  President 
Roosevelt  intervened,  and  named  Judge  John  E.  Mack 
president  of  General  Aniline,  replacing  Dietrich  A. 
Schmitz ;  and  William  C.  Bullitt  was  appointed  Chairman 
of  the  Board  to  replace  Wilhelm  von  Bath.  In  December, 
1941,  the  Treasury  agents  took  over  complete  supervision. 
Three  days  later,  Federal  indictments  were  handed  down 
against  the  Farben  companies  and  their  officials  for  crim- 
inal practices  which  allegedly  had  commenced  in  May, 
1924.  In  February,  1942,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Mor- 
genthau  took  over  97  per  cent  of  the  Farben  stock  and  thus 
stopped  the  flow  of  money  through  subterranean  channels 
to  Germany,  and  the  equally  dangerous  financing  of  vicious 
Nazi  propaganda  in  this  hemisphere.  For  Farben's  activ- 
ities were  not  limited  to  the  United  States.  At  the  Latin- 
American  conference  in  Bio  de  Janeiro  in  January,  1941, 
it  was  revealed  that  Farben  representatives  had  combined 
economic  power  and  bold  espionage  with  deadly  effective- 
ness. 

In  Ecuador,  the  Farben  firm  of  Brueckmann  &  Co.  of 
Guayaquil,  was  headed  by  L.  E.  Brueckmann,  the  Nazi 
consul.  Several  Nazi  consular  employees  were  Farben 
representatives!  The  manager  of  Brueckmann's,  Herr 
Tetke  and  the  treasurer,  Herr  Keperti,  were  the  leading 
Nazis  in  Ecuador. 

The  chief  center  of  Nazi  activities  in  Brazil  were  the 
Farben  firms  of  Allianca  Commercial  de  Anilinas  Ltda., 
and  A.  Quimica  Bayer  of  Bio  de  Janeiro.  Herr  Hammers 

123 


was  a  ranking  executive  of  Farben  and  a  high  member  of 
the  Nazi  secret  service.  Two  other  Farben-Nazi  secret 
service  men  were  Herr  Burmeister  and  Max  Hahne. 

In  Chile  the  Farben-Nazi  chiefs  were  Werner  Siering, 
Nazi  Party  secretary,  who  organized  the  Nazi  intelligence 
service  in  Chile. 

In  Peru,  two  Nazi  secret  service  men  were  executives 
of  the  Farben  Compania  General  de  Anilinas. 

In  Mexico,  the  Farben  chief  executive  was  Baron  von 
Humboldt,  who  represented  the  Gestapo  in  that  country. 
Farben  maintained  three  leading  firms  in  Mexico,  which 
were  supplied  by  General  Aniline  and  Sterling  Products 
from  New  York. 

Similarly,  Farben's  commercial  and  political  power 
were  predominant  in  Colombia,  adjacent  to  the  Panama 
Canal,  and  in  other  Latin  American  countries. 

The  Cartel,  a  Secret  Weapon 

Nor  was  I.  G.  Farben  the  only  industrial  giant  to  serve 
the  German  "mission".  Another  typical  illustration  of 
world  control  through  cartel  monopoly  is  afforded  in  mili- 
tary optical  equipment.  The  Zeiss  works  in  Germany  are 
the  world's  largest  manufacturers  of  this  essential  war  ma- 
terial. Careful  steps  were  taken  to  prevent  American  skill 
from  developing  in  this  field.  Bausch  &  Lomb,  also  Ger- 
man, became  Zeiss'  exclusive  agent  in  the  United  States. 
Zeiss  bought  into  this  American  firm.  Then  came  the  first 
World  War  and  the  country  was  in  such  dire  need  of 
military  optical  instruments  that  appeals  were  made  to  the 
public  for  binoculars  and  other  instruments.  Under  the 
guidance  of  the  Bureau  of  Standards,  Bausch  &  Lomb  and 
other  companies  were  encouraged  to  produce  optical  glass. 

Despite  this  experience,  when  the  war  was  ended,  this 
field  was  left  to  Bausch  &  Lomb,  and  that  company  in  1921 

124 


signed  a  21-year  contract  with  Zeiss.  Thereby,  Bausch  & 
Lomb  obtained  the  United  States  as  exclusive  territory 
for  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  military  instruments. 
Zeiss  received  the  rest  of  the  world.  Bausch  &  Lomb  paid 
7  per  cent  royalty  to  Zeiss  on  all  goods  sold  by  it.  Once 
again,  the  iniquitous  feature  of  an  innocent  royalty  pay- 
ment was  that  it  enabled  Germany  to  know  exactly  what 
kinds  of  equipment  and  in  what  quantity  the  United  States 
was  buying. 

In  1935,  Bausch  &  Lomb  refused  contracts  with  Britain 
and  France  for  $1,500,000  worth  of  military  instruments. 

Pains  were  taken  to  limit  American  output.  Although 
in  1918  Bausch  &  Lomb  had  produced  480,000  pounds  of 
optical  glass,  in  1940  it  produced  only  200,000  pounds.  Its 
remaining  needs  were  filled  by  Zeiss.  In  other  words, 
Germany  controlled  the  American  supply,  through  its  car- 
tel arrangement  with  Bausch  &  Lomb. 

Another  illustration  involves  the  Krupp  works  in  Ger- 
many. Tungsten  carbide  gives  greater  cutting  power  to 
machine  tools.  It  is  called  the  martial  diamond.  In  1928, 
the  General  Electric  and  Krupp  pooled  their  patents  on 
this  material.  In  1936  they  entered  into  a  further  agree- 
ment, which  gave  General  Electric  exclusive  control  of  the 
United  States  market,  and  Krupp,  the  rest  of  the  world. 
General  Electric  agreed  it  would  grant  no  further  licenses 
to  manufacture  tungsten  carbide  without  Krupp's 
approval. 

The  importance  of  this  limitation  may  be  gleaned  from 
the  fact  that  in  many  machining  operations  tungsten  car- 
bide increases  the  rate  of  production  500  per  cent.  Yet  in 
1938  Germany  had  twenty  times  as  much  tungsten  carbide 
in  use  as  the  United  States. 

One  of  the  reasons  for  our  small  production  was  Gen- 
eral Electric's  monopoly  in  this  country,  which  permitted 
it  to  limit  production  and  fix  prices  without  competition. 

125 


Thus,  when  Krupp's  price  was  $90.60  a  pound,  General 
Electric's  was  $407.70.  When  Krupp's  price  was  $37.14, 
General  Electric's  was  $199.32. 

When  the  second  World  War  came,  Germany,  previ- 
ously defeated,  had  succeeded  in  depriving  the  United 
States  of  the  large-scale  use  of  the  martial  diamond. 

These  are  not  isolated  instances  of  German  scheming, 
aided  by  American  firms  bribed  by  the  grant  of  monopoly. 
They  were  part  and  parcel  of  a  deliberate  German  pro- 
gram which  was  applied  to  aluminum,  synthetic  rubber, 
quinine,  atabrine  and  other  important  chemicals  and 
metals. 

During  the  first  World  War  the  United  States  seized 
12,000  German  patents.  Almost  all  of  them  illegally  secre- 
ted essential  information,  so  that  they  were  not  genuine 
patents.  American  ingenuity,  which  had  been  too  long 
under-estimated,  found  its  own  way.  But  Germany  later 
either  directly  reacquired  its  patents,  or  regained  control 
of  them  through  cartel  agreements. 

Thus,  in  almost  every  instance  where  there  was  a  cartel, 
there  was  a  military  shortage  in  1942. 

American  firms,  whatever  their  financial  ambitions,  oper- 
ated independently  and  not  pursuant  to  governmental  di- 
rection. Indeed,  very  recently  Vice-President  Wallace 
issued  a  statement  on  behalf  of  Ralph  W.  Gallagher,  presi- 
dent of  the  Standard  Oil  Company  of  New  Jersey,  after 
the  latter's  visit  to  him,  to  the  effect  that  there  should  be 
no  international  cartels  which  hold  prices  above  competi- 
tive levels;  that  all  international  agreements  should  be 
filed  with  the  Federal  government;  that  there  should  be 
unrestricted  licensing  of  patents  at  reasonable  royalties; 
and  "that  cartels  which  limit  production,  fix  prices,  divide 
territory  and  limit  technological  developments  are  against 
public  policy  and  are  inconsistent  with  our  principles  of 

126 


free  enterprise."  This  is  the  enlightened  voice  of  American 
business  as  it  is  heard  today. 

The  German  firms,  however,  were  instruments  of  the 
State  and  their  goal  was  ultimate  military  domination. 

A  Fifty  Billion  Dollar  Haul 

This  discussion  of  German  enterprises  will  aid  in 
grasping  the  elusive  fact  that  German  industry  planned 
and  plotted  with  the  army  a  military  attack  upon  the 
world.  Their  "vision"  included  the  looting  of  Europe. 
Both  the  war  and  the  consequent  international  robbery 
were  achieved. 

The  Nazi  army  was  probably  the  only  one  in  the  world 
which  had  special  economic  units  working  in  co-ordination 
with  its  General  Staff.  Their  function  was  to  obtain  re- 
sources for  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  They  were  special 
units  of  the  army,  scientifically  trained  in  looting.  This 
department  was  called  Wehrwirtschafts  und  Ruestungsamt 
im  Oberkommando  der  Wehrmacht  or  War  Economy  and 
Armament  Board  of  the  High  Command  of  the  Armed 
Forces,  abbreviated  to  WiRil.  In  preparation  for  the  in- 
vasion of  Poland  the  WiRil  conducted  an  experiment  on 
an  area  in  the  Saar.  The  entire  civilian  population  was 
evacuated  in  a  few  hours.  Then,  in  the  abandoned  vil- 
lages and  towns,  units  of  the  War  Economy  Staff  entered 
with  trucks  and  tools.  Trained  mechanics  dismantled 
machine  tools  and  other  industrial  machinery,  while  mili- 
tary clerks  made  detailed  inventory  and  tagged  each  ob- 
ject. Three  thousand  railroad  cars  carried  everything  to 
another  location  in  the  east.  This  was  a  preview  of  Ger- 
many's subsequent  program. 

The  Board  of  Economic  Warfare  of  the  United  States 
reports  that  the  Germans  have  plundered  Europe  at  the 
rate  of  ten  billion  dollars  a  year.  There  has  been  a  system- 

127 


atic  removal  of  machinery,  food,  war  material  and  cloth- 
ing. The  looting  has  extended  from  entire  industries  down 
to  garden  tools  and  door  hinges.  Little  has  been  left  un- 
touched. Laboratory  and  scientific  equipment  from  Eu- 
rope's greatest  research  institutes  have  been  moved  to 
Germany.  Horses,  cattle,  sheep  and  pigs  have  been  con- 
fiscated. Public  galleries  and  private  collections  have 
been  stripped  of  art  objects. 

On  April  25,  1941,  the  German  High  Command  an- 
nounced that  872  ships  totalling  some  two  million  tons 
had  been  seized  in  occupied  harbors. 

In  Poland  alone,  public  property  valued  at  $2,900,- 
000,000  was  confiscated. 

From  France,  the  Germans  acquired  enough  steel  scrap 
to  cover  their  normal  requirements  for  three  and  a  half 
years,  plus  oil  reserves,  copper,  nickel,  food,  soap,  shoes, 
clothing,  paper,  razor  blades  and  even  toothpaste. 

Trains  commandeered  to  haul  the  loot  were  not  re- 
turned. From  Czechoslovakia  alone,  the  Germans  got 
more  than  $1,500,000,000  worth  of  military  equipment. 
They  stole  even  the  stocks  of  laundry  in  military  hospitals. 
Booty  from  Austria  and  Czechoslovakia  was  sent  to  south- 
eastern Europe  in  exchange  for  foodstuffs  and  raw  mate- 
rials. Then  these  countries  were  invaded  and  the  same 
equipment  was  recaptured. 

By  the  end  of  1941  German  robbery  amounted  to  at 
least  36  billion  dollars !  In  1943  it  exceeded  50  billion  dol- 
lars. Naples  and  Rome  are  recent  additions  to  a  record 
of  theft  never  equalled  in  all  history. 

Title  By  Hold-Up 

Nor  was  this  all.  Having  learned,  as  we  shall  soon 
see,  how  to  avoid  reparation  payments,  the  Germans  knew 
how  to  collect  them.  They  levied  "occupation  costs"  upon 

128 


France,  payable  at  the  rate  of  400,000,000  francs  a  day. 
Germany's  actual  occupation  costs  were  125,000,000  francs 
a  day.  Germany  used  the  balance  of  275,000,000  francs  a 
day  to  "buy"  at  forced  sale  prices,  every  important  indus- 
trial plant  in  France. 

In  the  first  instance  the  fund  to  meet  these  occupation 
costs  was  provided  by  credits  advanced  by  the  Bank  of 
France.  But  as  the  Germans  used  the  money  to  buy 
French  securities  and  property,  the  former  French  owners, 
having  no  other  outlet  for  the  funds,  invested  them  in 
Government  bonds.  This  in  turn  enabled  the  Vichy  gov- 
ernment to  make  renewed  payments  to  Germany.  By 
means  of  this  Machiavellian  cycle,  France  was  despoiled 
of  real  wealth  and  forced  deeper  into  currency  inflation. 

In  conquered  territories,  soldiers'  banks  were  estab- 
lished (Soldatenbanken).  They  were  provided  with  spe- 
cial army  promissory  notes  called  Reichskredit  Kassen- 
scheme  or  Reich  Credit  Office  Notes,  printed  without  any 
backing.  They  were  valid  only  in  the  country  of  issue. 
Reichskredit  notes  issued  for  Belgium  had  no  value  in 
France  or  even  in  Germany.  The  German  authorities 
fixed  an  arbitrary  rate  of  exchange  between  these  oc- 
cupation marks  and  the  currency  of  the  occupied  coun- 
try. As  soon  as  a  complete  inventory  of  stock  piles 
and  assets  had  been  made  by  the  WiRu  (until  then  all 
commercial  transactions  were  prohibited  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  military  authorities),  the  Reichskredit  notes 
would  be  declared  legal  tender.  Local  banks  were  com- 
pelled to  accept  them  for  local  currency  at  the  fixed  rate. 
Thus,  when  a  German  bought  something  in  a  French 
shop  with  these  marks,  the  owner  exchanged  them  at  his 
regular  bank  for  their  corresponding  value  in  francs.  The 
bank  then  exchanged  these  occupation  notes  for  national 
currency  at  the  branches  of  the  Bank  of  France.  It,  too, 
was  compelled  to  accept  them.  Since  it  could  neither  con- 

129 


vert  these  notes  into  German  currency,  nor  use  them  in 
any  other  country,  the  Bank  of  France  was  forced  to  ac- 
cumulate them.  They  merely  represented  a  growing  debt 
of  the  French  government.  Germany's  debt,  represented 
by  these  notes,  was  thus  transformed  into  France's  debt. 
In  this  way  "purchases"  were  nothing  but  confiscation. 
The  goods  went  to  Germany.  The  responsibility  for  pay- 
ment remained  that  of  the  occupied  country.  Due  to  the 
fixing  of  artificial  exchange  rates,  the  Germans  even  cre- 
ated the  illusion  that  they  were  paying  high  prices. 

By  these  devices,  Germany  acquired,  immediately  after 
occupation,  two  million  tons  of  oil  reserves  in  France 
and  Belgium,  300,000  tons  of  potatoes  from  Norway, 
$10,000,000  worth  of  Danish  bacon,  butter  and  egg  stocks 
earmarked  for  the  British  market,  and  nine-tenths  of  Den- 
mark's own  butter  reserves;  2,000,000  tons  of  wheat  re- 
serves (excluding  France).  From  France  alone  the 
Germans  took  food  worth  upwards  of  $900,000,000  and 
$800,000,000  worth  of  machinery,  textiles,  metals,  oil, 
even  feather-beds  and  kitchen  spices.  Every  conquered 
nation  was  stripped  of  its  food  stuffs,  minerals,  manu- 
factured goods,  and  even  of  its  industrial  and  commercial 
enterprises.  Furthermore,  the  national  banks  of  the  occu- 
pied countries  were  compelled  to  issue  more  currency  with 
no  other  backing  than  the  worthless  German  occupation 
notes  which  they  held  in  huge  quantities.  The  result  was 
large-scale  inflation,  so  that  ultimately  the  local  shop- 
keeper had  not  only  parted  with  his  goods,  but  was  unable 
to  buy  anything  with  the  inflated  money  he  had  received. 

Every  41  days  Germany  collected — mostly  in  goods — 
a  sum  equal  to  the  one  it  was  supposed  to  pay  after  the 
first  war  as  total  reparation  each  year  for  World  War 
damages.  Compared  with  the  four  and  a  half  billion  dol- 
lars which  Germany  exacted  each  year  from  occupied 

130 


countries,  the  $234,000,000  it  was  finally  asked  to  pay  as 
reparations  under  the  Young  Plan  was  a  drop  in  the 
bucket. 

When  the  time  for  restitution  comes  we  must  under- 
stand that  Germany  did  not  simply  steal  and  loot.  The 
appearance  of  legal  title  by  "purchase"  was  deliberately 
created,  for  the  Germans  have  always  anticipated  that 
their  effort  at  world  domination  may  fail.  To  hedge 
against  defeat  and  prepare  for  another  campaign,  they 
have  deliberately  given  the  appearance  of  legality  to  much 
of  their  pillage. 

The  Business  High  Command 

It  is  difficult  to  unravel  the  complex  factors  of  German 
scheming,  and  determine  whether  the  industrial  monarchs 
of  Germany  contributed  more  than  the  Military  High 
Command  to  Germany's  emergence  from  defeat  to  another 
attack  upon  a  peace-hungry  world.  Neither  could  have 
acted  without  the  other.  Armies  must  be  financed.  Other 
nations  must  be  weakened  by  military  insufficiency  and 
divisive  propaganda.  The  insatiable  German  lust  for 
world  domination  pervaded  its  business  lords  no  less  than 
its  military  clique.  Significantly  enough,  the  plans  for 
war  were  hatched  and  developed  long  before  the  appropri- 
ate Nazi  fanatics  and  madmen  rose  to  give  them  hysterical 
throat  service. 

Therefore  in  planning  a  just  economy  for  Germany, 
special  attention  must  be  given  to  the  unique  aspirations 
of  the  German  businessman.  He  seeks  more  than  success 
and  prosperity.  He  considers  himself  an  agent  of  Ger- 
man destiny.  He  believes  German  inventiveness  must  be 
utilized  as  a  military  weapon.  He  is  a  conspirator,  not 
an  entrepreneur,  and  any  unethical  business  practices  of 
jhis  competitors  in  other  countries  pale  into  triviality  when 

131 


compared  with  his  program  for  slaughter  and  world  booty. 
There  was  totalitarian  preparation  for  war  in  Germany 
long  before  there  was  totalitarian  war. 

Just  as  the  German  High  Command  must  be  eradi- 
cated so  that  it  may  not  breed  new  military  plans;  just 
as  the  munitions  and  "heavy"  industries  must  be  eradi- 
cated so  that  they  will  not  secretly  again  spawn  the 
weapons  of  annihilation;  so  the  German  international 
"business"  infiltrations  which,  through  cartels  and  control 
of  strategic  military  materials,  constitute  an  economic 
fifth  column  lending  its  innocent  facade  to  espionage  and 
sabotage,  must  be  destroyed  forever.  Any  plan  for  eco- 
nomic justice  which  ignores  these  realities  will  be  as  futile 
as  the  disarmament  clauses  of  the  Versailles  Treaty.  Ger- 
man good  faith  must  be  entirely  discounted.  The  power 
to  practice  bad  faith  must  be  annihilated. 

Before  suggesting  an  affirmative  program  for  German 
economic  reconstruction  with  proper  safeguards,  another 
historical  journey  will  be  instructive.  It  is  into  the  financial 
and  monetary  realms,  closely  allied  with  economic  plan- 
ning. 

The  Reparations  Fraud 

To  this  day,  Germany  claims  that  she  paid  31,875  mil- 
lion dollars  in  reparations.  At  various  times  even  Allied 
experts  accepted  this  estimate.  Actually  Germany  paid 
4,671  million  dollars.  The  difference  is  accounted  for  by 
Dr.  Schacht's  fraud  in  treating  military  losses  as  if  they 
were  reparations.  Thus  he  valued  German  colonies  lost  in 
the  war  at  22.5  billion  dollars.  He  added  German  state 
property  in  the  ceded  territories,  such  as  railway  stations, 
school  buildings,  government  offices  and  highways.  Ger- 
many even  included  in  "reparation  payments"  the  cost  of 
German  disarmament,  the  destruction  of  German 

132 


fortresses  and  the  transformation  of  German  industry 
from  war  to  peace  production.  Obviously  this  is  a  farcical 
accounting  procedure.  The  losses  of  the  beaten  aggressor 
were  claimed  to  be  "reparations"! 

It  is  true  that  Germany  suffered  from  a  severe  infla- 
tion. One  dollar  was  equal  to  4,200,000  marks.  Never- 
theless, the  fact  is  that  between  1924  and  1939  Germany's 
real  income  was  higher  than  in  the  years  preceding  the 
war.  The  individual  German  was  earning  more  in  those 
"years  of  want"  than  in  the  palmy  days  under  William  II. 

Germany  received  in  loans  and  credits  from  the  Allies, 
her  "conquerors,"  6,750  million  dollars,  a  sum  far  in  ex- 
cess of  what  she  ever  paid.  Yet  during  the  very  period  of 
these  loans,  while  Germany's  national  income  was  77  per 
cent  higher  than  in  1913,  the  Allies  cancelled  17,100  mil- 
lion dollars  of  German  indebtedness,  because  of  her  alleged 
poverty. 

In  consideration  of  these  huge  cancellations  Germany 
agreed  to  cease  its  constant  plea  for  relief  and  to  pay  an- 
nually |234,000,000— less  than  half  of  the  Dawes  Plan's 
"normal"  payments.  Nevertheless  within  a  year  Hinden- 
burg  again  appealed  to  President  Hoover  for  relief  and  a 
year's  moratorium  was  granted.  The  next  year  reparation 
payments  were  simply  cancelled. 

The  commercial  loans  fared  no  better.  Germany  re- 
ceived 5,355  million  dollars  in  cash — and  Hitler  simply 
kept  it.  Kept  it?  Actually  these  funds  were  utilized  to 
build  another  military  machine. 

The  Allies  were  incredibly  duped.  Due  to  inflation  in 
1923,  Germany's  internal  debt  became  practically  non- 
existent while  Great  Britain  carried  an  internal  debt  of 
31.5  billion  dollars,  and  France,  250  billion  francs,  all  this 
apart  from  some  8,625  million  dollars  of  war  debts  which 
these  two  countries  owed  to  the  United  States. 

133 


The  victorious  nations  suffered  under  their  obligations 
while  the  vanquished  obtained  cancellations,  loans  and  in- 
vestments with  which  a  new  military  machine  was  built. 
Germany  not  only  had  the  advantage  of  surreptitious  mili- 
tary construction  under  the  guise  of  poverty,  but  the  Allies, 
while  financing  Germany,  were  actually  unable  to  finance 
their  own  armament  program.  Such  is  Germany's  record 
of  cunning,  deceit,  and  ruthlessness  in  the  financial  realm. 
This  financial  skullduggery  must  not  be  repeated. 

Of  greater  value  than  the  monetary  study  in  charting 
our  future  course  is  an  analysis  of  the  reparation  payments 
in  merchandise.  Two  main  economic  theories  of  reparation 
existed  after  the  last  war.  One  was  held  by  the  French, 
who  insisted  that  Germany's  failure  to  pay  in  gold  was 
due  to  bad  faith  and  that  sufficient  pressure  would  compel 
the  Germans  to  pay.  The  other  theory,  advocated  by  the 
English  under  the  guidance  of  Professor  John  Maynard 
Keynes'  "dynamic  solution,"  urged  that  German  industry 
be  rehabilitated  by  the  grant  of  large  loans.  This  would 
enable  her  to  buy  raw  materials  and  modernize  her  pro- 
duction equipment.  Only  a  prosperous  Germany,  it  was 
argued,  would  be  able  to  pay  the  reparations. 

A  compromise  between  the  two  theories  was  adopted. 
Under  the  Dawes  Plan  a  loan  of  800  million  gold  marks 
was  made  to  the  Reichsbank,  secured  by  a  mortgage  on  the 
German  National  Railways  and  certain  taxes.  Germany 
was  thereafter  to  pay  her  reparations  bill  at  the  rate  of 
one  billion  gold  marks  a  year,  increasing  to  two  and  a  half 
billion  in  the  fifth  year.  These  payments,  however,  were 
to  be  paid  in  part  in  manufactured  goods  or  raw  materials. 

Germany  immediately  flooded  the  world  markets  with 
goods.  The  Allied  nations  raised  their  trade  barriers  to 
keep  out  the  competing  German  goods.  Germany  refused 
to  be  thus  restrained.  She  resorted  to  dumping  and  sim- 
ilar methods,  thereby  forcing  a  further  revision  in  the 

134 


reparation  payments.  The  Young  Plan  followed,  again 
substantially  reducing  Germany's  payments,  but  requir- 
ing that  they  be  made  in  gold,  not  in  merchandise. 

Germany  accepted  the  reduction  but  did  not  make  the 
required  cash  payments.  Instead,  she  stopped  all  payments 
of  interest  and  principal  on  foreign  loans,  and  simul- 
taneously increased  her  exports  by  dumping.  The  cur- 
rency and  gold  which  she  thereby  acquired  were  not  used 
to  pay  reparations  but  were  used  to  aid  the  rearmament 
program. 

During  the  playing  of  this  financial  farce  Germany  en- 
gaged in  ceaseless  propaganda  to  the  effect  that  without 
access  to  raw  materials  she  could  not  live.  Actually,  her 
imports  of  raw  materials  far  exceeded  the  pre-war  rate 
and  for  a  smaller  population.  But  they  were  absorbed  by 
armaments  secretly  being  constructed.  This  propaganda 
was  amazingly  effective  with  neutral  nations  and  even 
with  former  Allies.  The  Hoover  moratorium  was  a  typical 
reaction. 

These  historical  references  are  not  merely  recrimina- 
tions. The  same  economic  theories  which  led  the  experts 
to  their  previous  conclusions  are  still  in  favor  in  many 
high  quarters.  The  awareness  of  German  deception  may 
be  keener,  but  traditional  beliefs  concerning  patents,  trade, 
tariffs,  and  reparations  still  persist.  The  lure  of  sympathy 
for  the  masses  of  "innocent"  Germans  is  not  inconsider- 
able. Nor  will  our  resistive  capacity  be  made  firmer  by  the 
numerous  German  organizations  which  will  no  doubt 
assure  us  with  all  the  emphasis  of  breast-beating  that  they 
were  always  oppressed  democrats  performing  the  Nazi  will 
under  compulsion.  Victims  of  Hitlerism  will  gain  author- 
ity by  their  service  in  concentration  camps,  and  undoubt- 
edly many  of  them  will  be  sincere.  But  behind  this  facade 
will  be  plotters  against  world  peace,  whose  reform  and 
democratic  evangelism  are  only  disguises  to  be  worn  until 

135 


the  next  drive  for  conquest.  There  must  not  be  another. 
For  we  must  steel  ourselves  on  the  economic  front  as  well 
as  on  the  political  front,  and  extirpate  the  power  to  do 
evil  by  methods  which,  though  drastic,  are  imperative. 

Economic  Disarmament 

It  will  not  be  sufficient  to  destroy  the  military  caste. 
Another  can  quickly  arise.  Germany's  capacity  to  build 
the  tools  for  another  war-machine  must  be  permanently 
removed.  There  must  be  complete  industrial  disarmament. 
Perhaps  we  may  call  it  "de-armament."  To  confiscate  Ger- 
many's existing  weapons  may  actually  be  of  advantage  to 
her.  The  confiscated  equipment  thus  acquired  by  the 
United  Nations  would  soon  become  obsolete,  while  Ger- 
many could  plan  a  newer  and  more  effective  arsenal.  The 
reverse  was  true  when  Germany  attacked.  The  democracies, 
having  been  caught  unprepared,  built  newer  arms.  When 
they  tooled  for  bombers,  fighter  planes  or  tanks,  they  had 
the  advantages  of  constant  and  speedy  improvements  in 
models.  Burdened  by  her  early  start,  Germany  was  con- 
structing obsolete  models  and  feared  to  take  time  out  to 
completely  overhaul  her  military  machine.  Thus,  though 
our  quantity  was  greatly  behind  schedule,  we  often  ap- 
proached equality  through  quality.*  Perhaps  some  moral 
law  of  retribution  came  to  the  aid  of  civilization's  cause 
enabling  us  to  punish  those  who  prepared  early,  and  to  help 
those  whose  unpreparedness  revealed  peaceful  intent.  We 
must  not  stock  ourselves  with  old  weapons  and  permit  the 


*This  is  the  explanation  of  the  first  triumph  in  the  Battle  of  Britain 
when  Germany  was  at  the  very  zenith  of  her  power.  She  used  bombing 
planes  not  constructed  for  heavy  loads  but  rather  for  auxiliary  use 
in  support  of  tank  and  infantry  forces.  Britain  used  Spitfires  specially 
designed  for  their  task.  That  was  why  so  few  British  pilots  were  able 
to  earn  so  much  for  so  many  of  us.  The  later  models  of  Lancaster 
and  Flying  Fortress  demonstrated  what  Germany's  bombers  should 
have  been  to  be  effective. 

136 


Germans  surreptitiously  to  build  a  modern  super- jugger- 
naut. So  in  addition  to  confiscating  her  weapons,  all 
plants  engaged  in  producing  war  material  will  have  to 
be  stripped,  and  the  factories  demolished.  This  machinery 
must  be  moved  abroad  or  scrapped.  All  stocks  of  metal, 
oil,  and  rubber  in  excess  of  current  civilian  requirements 
should  be  removed,  and  the  Germans  should  never  be  per- 
mitted to  accumulate  stock  piles  of  strategic  materials. 

But  even  more  important,  the  machine  tool,  iron,  steel, 
aluminum,  chemical,  and  other  industries  which  provide 
the  possibility  of  reconstructing  these  plants  must  be  re- 
moved from  German  direction,  either  physically,  or  through 
control  of  management.  One  method  of  control  would  be 
to  place  the  majority  stock  of  these  "heavy  industries"  in 
trust  with  representatives  of  the  United  Nations.  If,  as 
shall  be  explored  later  in  this  chapter,  jurisdiction  is  con- 
ferred upon  an  international  body  to  cope  with  economic 
problems,  that  organization  could  act  as  trustee.  In  either 
event,  German  industry,  which  has  been,  and  is,  highly  cen- 
tralized, would  be  deprived  of  the  opportunity  of  circum- 
venting the  disarmament  provisions  of  any  armistice. 

No  reliance  can  be  had  upon  mere  inspection  of  fac- 
tories to  determine  whether  they  are  really  building 
military  equipment.  The  difficulty  of  unravelling  German 
industrial  intrigue  is  too  great.  Moreover,  the  ardor  for 
investigation  diminishes  with  time.  Control  of  industrial 
policy  is  essential.  Industrial  control  at  the  source  would 
eliminate  the  danger  of  relaxed  supervision.  Like  most 
undramatic  tasks,  there  is  conscientious  intensity  in  the 
beginning  and  later  the  gradual  bribery  of  boredom.  We 
must  not,  in  so  vital  a  matter,  rely  solely  upon  the  fevered 
alertness  of  early  occupation  days.  The  Germans  could 
operate  the  plants  and  have  day-to-day  supervision,  but  the 
international  trustees  should  have  final  power  to  approve 
all  personnel,  contracts,  investments,  corporate  finance, 

137 


and  all  foreign  arrangements,  whether  by  cartel  or  other- 
wise. It  would  then  be  impossible  for  German  indus- 
trialists to  establish,  through  foreign  affiliates,  an 
espionage  and  sabotage  organization  under  the  guise  of 
business  enterprise.  The  most  dangerous  form  of  the  fifth 
column  would  be  eliminated. 

Just  as  the  object  of  a  good  physician  is  to  prevent 
rather  than  cure  disease,  so  this  industrial  control  would 
stifle  secret  armament  at  its  source.  No  longer  would 
it  be  necessary  to  unravel  the  illimitable  complexities  of 
foreign  subsidiaries;  of  contract  associations;  of  corpora- 
tions ostensibly  owned  by  citizens  of  the  resident  country ; 
of  patents  and  licenses  in  their  names;  of  deals  to  limit 
production  of  strategic  materials;  of  price-fixing;  of  ar- 
rangements which  aided  German  research  and  stymied 
our  own  chemical  ingenuity.  No  longer  would  the  most 
remarkable  of  German  alchemies  exist,  in  which  lipstick 
containers  turn  out  to  be  cartridge  shells,  washing  ma- 
chines become  anti-aircraft  bases,  telescopes  become  field 
artillery,  and  moving  vans  grow  up  to  be  tanks. 

Not  the  least  advantage  from  such  a  program  would  be 
the  elimination  of  the  demagogic  solution  of  unemploy- 
ment— namely,  the  building  of  armaments.  Dictators  have 
often  resorted  to  this  artificial  remedy  for  economic  dis- 
tress. It  has  served  too  many  of  their  illegitimate  plans 
such  as  the  creation  of  a  military  force  to  protect  their  own 
regime  and  feed  on  others' ;  the  appeasement  of  the  victims 
of  "capitalism"  (though  fascism  is  state  capitalism  with- 
out social  welfare) ;  the  glamor  of  military  uniform,  to 
make  gangsterism  respectable;  the  esteem  of  the  soldier's 
profession  with  its  assumption  of  patriotism.  In  three 
years  under  Hitler,  German  unemployment  was  reduced 
from  six  million  to  less  than  a  million.  In  the  fourth, 
1937,  Germany  actually  imported  labor.  If  the  world's 

138 


capacity  to  observe  and  interpret  had  not  been  crippled 
by  a  curious  sort  of  self -hypnosis,  it  would  have  seen  and 
understood  in  this  simple  fact  that  the  storm  of  destruc- 
tion was  approaching. 

Iron  and  Rye 

Finally,  economic  disarmament  must  include  agrarian 
reform  and  the  breaking  up  of  the  Prussian  feudal  estates. 
In  1879  Bismarck  announced  his  famous  "compact  of  iron 
and  rye."  This  was  a  high  protective  policy  which  aligned 
heavy  industry  and  the  feudal  landowners  against  the  mid- 
dle classes.  To  justify  this  shift  in  political  power,  resort 
was  once  more  made  to  agrarian  mysticism — the  holiness 
of  German  soil.  This  was  contrasted  with  the  "godless"  So- 
cial Democratic  movement  and  the  "Jewish"  capitalist 
traders.  Thus,  long  before  Hitler  and  the  Nazis,  the  super- 
stition of  the  superiority  of  German  soil  and  blood  was 
offered  to  protect  the  Junkers,  the  landowning  aristocratic 
and  military  caste  of  Prussia. 

Until  a  generation  ago,  there  were  really  only  two 
classes  in  Prussia,  the  feudal  estate-owners  and  the  peas- 
ants. This  contributed  to  the  German  caste  system,  the 
social  cleavage,  and  the  fanatical  acceptance  of  au- 
thority. This  also  explains  the  paternalism  of  Prussia. 
In  South  Germany,  where  there  was  a  wider  distribution 
of  land  under  peasant  proprietorship,  the  German  Gemut- 
lichkeit  had  an  opportunity  to  develop. 

The  Junkers  remained  the  ruling  class  throughout  both 
World  Wars.  It  controlled  legislation  and  joined  with 
Hitler  to  express  Prussian  arrogance  towards  the  world. 
This  landowning  class,  the  fanatical  sponsors  of  super-na- 
tionalism, must  be  smashed.  It  should  not  be  permitted  to 
survive,  as  it  did  after  the  defeat  of  the  Kaiser.  Its  privi- 
leged economic  position,  based  upon  an  arbitrary  and 

139 


excessive  protection  of  grain,  wheat  and  rye,  must  be  de- 
stroyed. Its  estates  must  be  confiscated  and  distributed 
to  the  peasants  in  small  parcels.  "Agrarian  reform,  redis- 
tribution of  the  land,  such  as  occurred  in  several  Euro- 
pean countries  after  the  last  war,  is  an  essenital  basis  for 
democracy  and  peaceful  co-operation."  (J.  B.  Condliffe, 
Agenda  for  A  Post-War  World.) 

It  is  significant  that  Germans  who  seek  to  wash  the 
curse  off  their  land  place  special  emphasis  upon  this  re- 
form. For  example,  Professor  Einstein  has  written:  "I 
am  convinced  that  a  fresh  aggression  on  the  part  of 
Germany  can  be  avoided  only  if  the  control  of  industry 
on  German  soil  is  taken  out  of  German  hands,  and  the 
large  estates  dispossessed  and  parcelled  out." 

The  Quality  of  Mercy 

Immediately  after  the  armistice,  the  distressful  condi- 
tion of  Europe  will  require  a  generous  healing  hand.  Such 
are  the  insanities  of  war  that  the  greater  the  battle,  the 
more  there  is  to  rebuild;  the  more  effective  the  blockade, 
the  more  there  are  to  feed.  These  are  not  our  doing.  The 
civilized  world  practices  killing  and  destruction  only  so 
that  these  forces  may  not  permanently  be  enthroned.  But 
reconstruction  automatically  includes  the  extension  of 
mercy  even  to  the  undeserving.  It  is  estimated  that 
9,268,138  tons  of  concentrated  foods  will  have  to  be  sent  to 
Europe  in  the  first  six  months  after  the  armistice,  if  any 
kind  of  order  is  to  be  maintained.  Repayment  can  be 
made  by  the  recipients  in  the  form  of  raw  materials  and 
other  products  which  the  food-producing  countries  may 
require.  France,  the  Netherlands  and  Belgium,  which  will 
require  the  greatest  shipments,  are  fortunately  in  a  posi- 
tion to  pay  in  gold  and  foreign  exchange.  Assuming, 
however,  that  this  aid  becomes  a  "gift",  we  should  not  be 

140 


deterred.  Even  on  selfish  terms,  and  entirely  apart  from 
humanitarian  considerations,  it  will  be  cheaper  than  the 
expensive  block-busters  we  delivered  free  over  Hamburg, 
or  the  millions  of  tons  of  gasoline  our  jeeps  consumed  in 
Africa,  or  the  warship  a  day  we  have  been  constructing. 
Compared  with  the  billions  of  dollars  it  has  cost  to  destroy 
an  evil  order  in  Europe,  the  cost  of  restoring  a  decent  order 
is  trivial.  "The  United  States,"  wrote  Walter  Lippmann, 
"has  a  very  great  interest  in  seeing  that  the  liberated 
continent  goes  back  to  work." 

In  Germany,  children  should  be  aided  first,  and  pains 
should  be  taken  through  the  planting  of  the  American, 
British  and  other  United  Nations  flags  and  the  distribu- 
tion of  printed  material,  to  advise  them  that  it  is  the  democ- 
racies which  bring  them  succor.  For  no  opportunity 
should  be  lost,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  to  begin  the  re-educa- 
tion as  well  as  the  disarmament  of  the  German  people. 

It  is  a  significant  humanitarian  fact  that  no  phase  of 
post-war  planning  has  advanced  farther  than  the  solution 
of  the  food  problem.  Forty-four  nations  have  already 
signed  the  agreement  for  the  establishment  of  a  United 
Nations  Belief  and  Rehabilitation  Administration. 

International  Economic  Control  of  Germany 

These  are  some  of  the  prophylactic  and  relief  measures 
which  must  be  taken.  But  the  dynamic  equilibrium  be- 
tween preventive  measures  and  relief  requires  interna- 
tional controls.  After  the  last  war  we  were  caught  in  the 
vortex  of  two  opposing  economic  tides.  One  sought  to  pun- 
ish Germany  and  make  her  pay.  The  other  sought  to  aid 
Germany  and  give  her  economic  stability.  We  achieved 
neither  objective.  It  is  small  solace  to  the  planners  that 
German  deception  intervened  to  turn  all  their  economic 
theories  topsy-turvy. 

141 


The  responsibility  is  ours  to  make  it  impossible  for 
German  trickery  again  to  seize  the  day.  The  task  is 
made  more  difficult  by  a  whole  series  of  dilemmas:  we 
must  insist  that  Germany  make  restitution,  which  will 
deprive  her  of  illegally  acquired  wealth.  Yet  at  the  same 
time  we  wish  to  avoid  a  German  economic  collapse  which 
would  spread  to  the  rest  of  Europe. 

We  desire  to  make  Germans  rebuild  the  areas  they 
devastated  for  this,  too,  is  a  form  of  restitution.  Yet  at 
the  same  time  we  do  not  want  German  forced  labor  to 
create  unemployment  problems  in  the  rebuilt  countries. 

We  wish  to  disarm  Germany  completely,  thus  relieving 
her  of  enormous  expense.  Yet  we  do  not  wish  to  have  our 
industries  burdened  by  the  cost  of  maintaining  armaments. 

We  desire  to  relieve  the  immediate  distress  in  Germany. 
Yet  we  do  not  wish  to  suffer  the  expense  of  perpetual 
policing. 

We  intend  that  German  reparations  shall  be  paid.  Yet 
we  must  not  risk  her  method  of  dumping  merchandise  on 
our  markets.  These  are  but  some  of  the  economic  conflicts. 

The  correct  policy  is  clear  in  general  terms :  Germany 
must  pay  to  whatever  extent  she  may  be  able,  without  in- 
jury to  her  own  or  world  economy.  But  only  through  in- 
ternational control  can  these  conflicts  be  successfully  re- 
solved. The  ultimate  goal  must  be  the  establishment  of  a 
more  stable  order  and  a  more  co-operative  trading  system. 
Details  for  such  a  plan  cannot  be  fixed.  It  must  be  flexible. 
It  must  be  subject  to  constant  supervision  and  readjust- 
ment. That  is  why  a  supra-national  economic  body  is 
essential.  Such  a  World  Economic  Commission  would 
prevent  makeshift  arrangements  and  desperate,  last  minute 
Dawes,  and  Young  Plans  to  deal  with  crises  already  in 
existence.  It  could  engineer  the  controls  so  as  to  keep 
Germany's  economy  sufficiently  healthy  to  make  the  max- 
imum restitution.  The  imposition  of  arbitrary  punitive 

142 


reparations  is  objectionable  not  because  of  any  sympa- 
thetic or  sentimental  reasons,  but  because  they  are  uncol- 
lectible. And  in  the  course  of  non-collection,  world 
economy,  a  highly  sensitive  organism,  would  become  dis- 
located. 

Under  the  close  supervision  of  an  international  com- 
mission, Germany's  economic  condition  could  be  amelior- 
ated and  improved  while  at  the  same  time  she  would  be 
obliged  to  make  restitution.  Leading  economists,  such  as 
Professor  Eugene  Staley,  J.  E.  Meade,  Professor  P.  E. 
Corbett,  Professor  Edward  H.  Carr  and  Professor  J.  B. 
Condliffe  subscribe  to  this  view.  They  believe  that  greater 
wealth  as  well  as  reparations  can  be  created  by  intelligent 
co-ordination.  Germany's  standard  of  living  has  been  so 
low  since  Hitler's  rise  that  it  will  be  possible  to  improve  it, 
despite  reparation  and  restitution.  Under  proper  guid- 
ance, Germany  could  produce  beyond  its  increased  needs 
and  use  the  surplus  to  repair  the  damage  done. 

Economic  forces  are  so  uncertain  and  at  times  so 
surprising,  their  consequences  so  involved  and  unfore- 
seeable, that  static  and  definite  plans  to  deal  with  them 
are  bound  to  be  defective.  A  dynamic  solution  must  be 
sought,  one  that  adjusts  itself  to  progress.  Who  knows 
what  new  industries  will  arise?  Who  knows  what  new 
secrets  advancing  chemical  knowledge  will  unfold?  And 
how  can  we  judge  in  advance  what  newly  developed  mate- 
rials or  products  will  be  required,  or  in  what  parts  of  the 
world  they  will  happen  to  be  situated?  Who  can  say  what 
new  technological  processes  will  have  to  be  financed,  and 
whether  it  may  not  be  advisable  to  exploit  German  effi- 
ciency and  skill  along  peaceful  lines  by  setting  up  some  of 
these  new  industries  in  her  midst  for  the  benefit  of  world 
economy  as  well  as  her  own? 

An  international  board  of  directors  (similar  to  the 
World  Investment  Commission  and  World  Investment 

143 


Bank  proposed  by  Professor  Eugene  Staley)  to  consider 
these  business  opportunities,  could  bring  them  to  fruition. 
No  supplanting  of  private  enterprise  is  here  contemplated. 
On  the  contrary,  it  should  be  encouraged.  Its  initiative 
and  efficiency  are  not  easily  maintained  by  governmental 
bodies.  But  the  very  power  it  generates  must  be  chan- 
neled in  the  interest  of  society.  The  controls  in  the 
domestic  sphere,  such  as  anti-trust  laws  and  taxation  de- 
vices, which  we  apply  to  protect  the  public  interest,  must 
similarly  be  applied  in  the  enlarged  realm  of  international 
economic  activity.  Abuse  of  strength  is  a  self-destructive 
tendency.  Enlightened  private  enterprise  is  well  aware 
that  it  can  best  remain  private  when  it  conforms  to  social 
restraint. 

Economic  Isolationism  Is  Also  Bankrupt 

Our  attention  to  the  German  problem  must  not  make 
us  forgetful  of  our  primary  concern  for  her  victims. 
But  Germany  is  not  an  island  unto  herself.  She  is  part 
of  the  economic  mainland.  Epidemics  of  economic 
disease  cross  national  borders.  Solution  of  the  German 
problem  will  help  solve  the  world's  problem.  But  the  re- 
lationship is  bilateral.  Complete  solution  of  the  German 
dilemma  requires  the  absence  of  international  economic 
anarchy.  The  responsibility  is  ours  so  to  direct  the  eco- 
nomic forces  as  to  derive  from  them  the  greatest  well-being 
possible  for  all  peoples,  including  the  Germans.  Isolation- 
ism is  no  more  feasible  in  the  economic  than  in  the  political 
realm. 

There  was  a  time  when  the  free  movement  of  goods 
without  controls  was  responsible  for  the  greatest  advance 
in  the  standards  of  living  the  world  has  ever  known ;  and 
this  period  was  also  the  longest  stretch  of  comparative 

144 


peace  that  man  lias  known.  But  developments  and  com- 
plexities of  growth  have  altered  the  situation. 

There  is  a  period  in  every  town  when  traffic  proceeds 
most  speedily  if  unhindered  by  direction.  But  with  growth, 
the  "let-thein-ride"  formula  becomes  dangerous.  Traffic 
lights  and  policemen  must  curb  the  flow  of  vehicles  and 
give  them  direction,  or  there  are  hopeless  snarls  and  acci- 
dents. Economic  traffic  is  no  different.  It  may  come  to  a 
standstill  of  depression  in  the  very  act  of  making  haste. 
Such  chaos  is  avoidable  by  international  co-operation. 

Co-ordination  can  bring  prosperity  where  unilateral 
conduct  leaves  only  depression.  Technological  progress 
requires  exchange  of  raw  materials,  and  selfish  national 
restrictions  only  come  back  to  plague  those  who  apply 
them. 

Necessity  has  already  compelled  considerable  regional 
economic  cooperation.  There  is  the  Inter-American  Eco- 
nomic and  Financial  Advisory  Committee  and  Develop- 
ment Commission.  There  is  its  plan  for  an  Inter- American 
Bank.  Here  the  purpose  has  been  to  explore  and  develop 
regional  resources,  to  adjust  labor  supply  to  local  require- 
ments, and  to  secure  capital  for  desirable  enterprises. 

The  League  of  Nations'  experts  and  many  other  econ- 
omists saw  the  stupidities  of  economic  anarchy.  The 
League  raised  loans  for  the  relief  of  Austria  and  Hungary. 
It  sought  to  overcome  the  effects  of  rising  tariffs  by  draft- 
ing conventions  for  the  simplification  and  publication  of 
customs  rates.  It  warned  of  the  dangers  involved  in  im- 
port and  export  prohibitions.  But  it  had  no  power.  It 
could  only  study,  report,  advise  and  adjure. 

In  1939  the  League  of  Nations  adopted  a  report  pro- 
viding that  its  economic  activities  should  be  separated 
from  its  political  activities.  In  other  words  the  League 
Council  was  to  surrender  jurisdiction,  so  that  states  not 
belonging  to  the  League  could  be  invited  to  participate  in 

145 


its  economic  activities.  The  directing  body  of  the  economic 
section  was  to  be  made  up  of  24  state  representatives  and 
eight  non-governmental  members.  The  League  Assembly 
appointed  an  organizing  committee  which  met  at  The 
Hague  in  February,  1940. 

This  suspended  plan  may  well  be  lifted  from  cold 
storage  to  serve  as  the  nucleus  of  a  supra-national  organ- 
ization to  co-ordinate  international  economics.  Fine  pre- 
cept is  afforded  by  the  International  Labor  Organization, 
likewise  voluntarily  divorced  from  the  League,  and  the 
Bank  of  International  Settlements.  Under  such  a  supra- 
national economic  authority  a  Central  Bank  could  be  es- 
tablished, similar  to  the  Federal  Keserve  Bank,  with 
power  to  raise  or  lower  interest  rates  simultaneously  in 
all  countries.  Thus  credit  could  be  expanded  or  contracted 
in  accordance  with  the  best  interests  of  all  nations.  There 
would  be  an  "engineer"  in  charge  of  the  project,  and  it 
would  not  be  permitted  to  run  aimlessly.  Exchange  rates 
could  be  stabilized  and  an  international  revolving  fund 
could  be  utilized  to  check  the  distress  resulting  from  the 
fluctuations  of  short-term  credits. 

Above  all,  quotas,  tariffs  and  other  restrictions  on  trade 
could  be  controlled.  Tariffs  would  be  encouraged  for  in- 
fant industries.  The  international  body's  jurisdiction 
would  include  control  of  cartels,  which  could  then  be  trans- 
formed into  instruments  of  international  collaboration 
instead  of  international  conspiracy. 

To  those  who  may  be  more  willing  to  accept  a  novel  idea 
after  it  has  been  partially  tried  and  found  to  be  practic- 
able, reference  is  made  to  the  Tripartite  Agreement  among 
the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  and  France  in  Sep- 
tember, 1936.  Subsequently,  Belgium,  Holland  and 
Switzerland  joined  the  pact.  All  agreed  "to  main- 
tain the  greatest  possible  equilibrium  in  the  system  of  in- 

146 


ternational  exchange  and  to  avoid  to  the  utmost  extent  the 
creation  of  any  disturbance  of  that  system  by  national 
monetary  action."  This  agreement  was  effective,  though  of 
course,  it  suffered  from  a  limited  scope. 

None  of  this  is  starry-eyed  idealism.  It  is  the  hard- 
est common  sense,  and  good  business.  The  United  Nations 
have  subscribed  to  the  Atlantic  Charter  which  provides : 

m, 

"Fourth :  They  will  endeavor  with  due  respect  for  their 
existing  obligations  to  farther  the  enjoyment  by  all  states, 
great  or  small,  victor  or  vanquished,  of  access,  on  equal 
terms,  to  the  trade  and  to  the  raw  materials  of  the  world 
which  are  needed  for  their  economic  prosperity; 

Fifth :  They  desire  to  bring  about  the  fullest  collabora- 
tion between  all  nations  in  the  economic  field  with  the 
object  of  securing,  for  all,  improved  labor  standards,  eco- 
nomic advancement  and  social  security;" 

But  the  Charter  can  be  made  effective  only  if  it  is  imple- 
mented by  some  supra-national  machinery.  Such  inter- 
national co-operation  will  ultimately  be  thought  as  com- 
monplace as  our  long-standing  association  with  the  League 
of  Nations  to  prevent  shipment  of  opium,  to  take  measures 
against  the  spread  of  dread  diseases,  and  to  encourage 
economic  research.  While  the  United  States  shunned  the 
League,  it  became  an  active  member  of  the  International 
Labor  Organization  and  of  the  Bank  for  International 
Settlements.  As  recently  as  November,  1941,  thirty-two 
nations  met  in  conference  in  the  United  States  under  the 
auspices  of  the  International  Labor  Organization  to  dis- 
cuss plans  for  economic  and  social  reconstruction. 

A  similar  body  devoted  to  international  economic  prob- 
lems is  the  real  solution  for  a  whole  series  of  perplexing 
problems,  of  which  the  German  is  only  one. 

147 


Filling  the  Stomach  Before  the  Mind 

As  the  program  evolves,  it  takes  on  the  shape  of  a  peace, 
politically  hard  but  economically  generous.  Economic  jus- 
tice necessarily  includes  the  painful  task  of  restitution, 
and  at  least  partial  reparation.  To  absolve  the  German 
people  from  this  burden  would  constitute  economic  injus- 
tice to  the  Russians,  whose  factories,  dams  and  farms  have 
been  mercilessly  destroyed,  and  millions  of  whose  citizens 
have  been  forced  into  slave  labor,  and  to  the  French, 
Czechs,  Poles,  Yugoslavs,  Dutch,  and  other  victims  of 
German  outrage.  Foresight  likewise  requires  that,  in 
lieu  of  revenge,  practical  steps  be  taken  to  prevent  Ger- 
many from  ever  again  having  the  means  to  ravage  the 
world.  Some  of  the  measures  to  accomplish  this  end  have 
been  outlined.  Nevertheless  the  program  envisions  Ger- 
many benefiting  from  an  improved  world  economy  and 
learning  that  temporary  loot  is  not  the  means  to  genuine 
wealth;  and  that  the  price  of  military  achievement  is  the 
constant  lowering  of  standards  of  living. 

Those  who  write  the  peace  must  be  gifted  with  the 
righteousness  which  comes  from  a  justified  anger  against 
the  immediate  past,  and  a  calm  determination  about  the 
long  future.  Combined  the  two  can  achieve  that  elusive 
and  unprecise  concept,  justice.  The  groundwork  must  be 
laid  in  Germany  itself,  for  a  healthy  economy,  in  which  the 
German  disease  will  have  less  ground  to  fester  and  in 
which  our  own  efforts  to  make  the  probationary  period 
a  successful  one  can  best  function.  Economic  conditioning 
for  the  educational  process  is  vital. 


148 


CHAPTER   V 


EDUCATING  CAIN 


"Men  will  be  brutal,"  said  Voltaire,  "so  long  as  they 
believe  absurdities." 

The  most  charitable  view  which  can  be  taken  of  per- 
sistent German  derangement  in  international  conduct  is 
that  her  people  have  been  conditioned  by  false  teachings 
for  many  generations.  Germany's  resort  to  a  second  World 
War  after  having  been  beaten  in  her  first  assault,  might 
lead  the  impatient  to  declare  her  incurable — a  case  of  "bad 
blood."  Such  counsel  of  despair  has  been  given  by  many 
an  author.  One  wrote:  "This  book  as  I  stated  at  the  out- 
set, is  written  in  the  firm  conviction  that  the  menace  will 
remain  and  that  there  is  no  practical  and  certain  way  of 
removing  it."  (Jack  Cherry,  Once  and  for  All.)  The  Ger- 
mans' own  racial  theories  would  support  such  a  view. 
Having  enthroned  the  imperishable  characteristics  of 
blood,  soil  and  race,  their  own  "qualities"  might  be  deemed 
ineradicable.  Professor  Karl  A.  Kuhn  in  his  book,  The 
True  Causes  of  War,  wrote :  "Must  Kultur  rear  its  domes 
over  mountains  of  corpses,  oceans  of  tears,  and  the  death 
rattle  of  the  conquered?  Yes,  it  must!  .  .  .  The  might 
of  the  conqueror  is  the  highest  law  of  morality,  be- 
fore which  the  conquered  must  bow."  Professor  Werner 
Sombart  of  Berlin  University  in  his  book,  Hucksters  and 
Heroes,  wrote:  "War  appears  to  us  who  are  filled  with 
military  zeal  as  in  itself  a  holy  thing,  as  the  holiest  thing 
on  earth." 

149 


Professor  Adolf  Lasson  in  Das  Kulturideal  ttnd  dcr 
Krieg,  ante-dating  Hitler  by  sixty-five  years,  wrote:  "Be- 
tween states  there  is  only  one  force  of  right,  the  right  of 
the  stronger.  It  is  perfectly  reasonable  that  wars  should 
arise  between  states. 

"It  is  impossible  that  a  state  should  commit  a  crime 
.  .  .  Not  all  the  treaties  in  the  world  alter  the  fact  that  the 
weak  is  always  the  prey  of  the  stronger,  whenever  the  lat- 
ter desires  and  is  able  to  assert  this  principle.  As  soon  as 
we  consider  states  as  intelligent  entities,  lawsuits  between 
them  are  seen  to  be  capable  of  solution  only  by  material 
force. 

"The  state  which  is  organized  only  for  peace  is  not  a 
true  state;  the  state  reveals  its  whole  significance  only  by 
its  preparations  for  war  .  .  .  Law  is  the  friend  of  the 
weak.  War  is  a  fundamental  phenomenon  in  the  life  of 
the  state,  and  the  preparation  for  it  occupies  a  place  of  the 
first  importance  in  national  life." 

Plain  speaking, — and  quite  discouraging  for  those  who 
recognize  no  inherited  characteristics  which  differentiate 
one  human  being  from  another.  How  ironically  alluring 
it  would  be  to  adopt  the  Nazis'  own  theories  of  unchange- 
able blood  stigma  and  declare  them  forever  the  pariahs  of 
society!  What  philosophical  retribution  it  would  be  to 
condemn  them  by  their  own  standards  and  thus  justify  a 
Carthaginian  peace !  The  murderer  professes  to  be  a  scien- 
tist and  assures  the  court  that  he  is  incurable  and  beyond 
redemption.  Since  he  would  impose  death  on  innocents, 
he  agrees  that  no  mercy  should  be  exhibited  to  him.  But 
justice  does  not  listen  to  him  or  his  superstitions,  for  this 
is  no  game  of  polemics,  in  which  the  victim  may  be  trapped 
by  his  logic. 

We  hold  the  race  theory  to  be  arrant  nonsense.  It  is 
no  more  valid  for  Aryans  than  for  non-Aryans.  Its  thesis 
that  corruption  lies  in  the  blood  stream  is  not  worthy  of 

150 


scientific  disproof.  How  else  could  one  explain  that  other 
Germany,  the  Germany  of  Goethe,  Lessing,  Kant,  Schiller, 
and  Beethoven,  none  of  whom  was  a  nationalist?  There  is 
no  "difference  of  gray  matter  and  muscular  tissue  which 
distinguishes  a  man  born  between  such  and  such  lines  of 
longitude  and  latitude  from  all  other  men,  white,  black, 
brown  or  yellow."  Sir  Norman  Angell,  "Responsibility, 
Punishment,  Reparation"  (The  Dial,  Dec.  28,  1918). 

In  the  ninth  century,  Scandinavians  were  the  war-like 
Vikings  of  the  sea.  Today,  they  are  exemplars  of  peace- 
loving  people. 

No,  there  is  hope  for  the  Germans.  They  are  born 
as  normal  as  any  of  us.  What,  then,  is  the  explanation  for 
their  psychopathic  quest  for  world-rule? 

"The  Most  Important  Fact  of  the  Last  Half  Century" 

Experiments  conducted  with  children  show  that,  com- 
pared with  other  animals,  the  human  being  has  few  in- 
stincts and  that  they  are  the  same  for  all,  irrespective  of 
race.  A  child  will  have  an  instinctive  fear  of  sudden  loud 
noises,  of  falling,  of  lack  of  support.  It  will  not  instinc- 
tively fear  any  animal  whether  it  be  a  snake,  a  crocodile  or 
another  human  being.  Most  of  its  fears  and  likes  are  the 
result  of  conditioning  from  experience ;  similarly,  it  has  no 
natural  craving  to  kill  another  animal  or  to  enslave  it. 
This,  too,  must  be  learned.  The  higher  the  stratum  of  the 
animal  kingdom,  the  lower  the  proportion  of  instincts.  The 
opportunity  for  learning  is  automatically  increased.  A  frog 
cannot  learn  as  much  as  a  mammal,  such  as  a  rat  or  dog, 
and  its  behavior  is  governed  by  instinct  to  a  much  greater 
degree.  Man  inherits  the  most  highly  evolved  brain  of 
any  animal  in  the  world.  It  contains  at  birth  few  behavior 
patterns.  It  is  conditioned  by  learning;  and  therefore 

151 


man's  behavior  is  plastic,  being  subject  to  improvement 
through  experience. 

To  look  for  the  source  of  the  German  war-like  "in- 
stincts," which  are  not  instincts  at  all,  we  must  trace  the 
educational  streams  from  which  they  have  been  drinking. 
At  the  same  time  we  can  take  comfort  that  purer  water 
may  effect  a  cure.  Though  the  task  is  difficult  and  fraught 
with  uncertainty,  and  though  we  may  find  resistance  in 
the  patient,  who  is  still  under  the  influence  of  the  poison- 
ous draughts,  there  is  at  least  the  possibility  of  success. 
Scientists  are  accustomed  to  years  of  painstaking  experi- 
ments with  only  a  glimmer  of  hope  that  the  trail  is  not 
completely  false.  Can  the  political  scientist  hesitate  be- 
cause fulfillment  is  not  assured? 

Prior  findings  have  been  recorded,  tracing  the  poison  to 
corrupted  education.  H.  G.  Wells  has  written,  "It  cannot 
be  too  clearly  stated  it  is  the  most  important  fact  in 
the  history  of  the  last  half  century,  that  the  German 
people  was  methodically  indoctrinated  with  the  idea  of  a 
German  world-predominance  based  on  might  and  with 
the  theory  that  war  was  a  necessary  thing  in  life." 

The  key  to  German  historical  teaching  is  to  be  found 
in  Count  Moltke's  dictum:  "Perpetual  peace  is  a  dream, 
and  it  is  not  even  a  beautiful  dream.  War  is  an  element 
in  the  order  of  the  world  ordained  by  God.  Without  war 
the  world  would  stagnate  and  lose  itself  in  materialism." 
Nietzsche  agreed.  "It  is  mere  illusion  and  pretty  senti- 
ment," he  wrote,  "to  expect  much  (even  anything  at  all) 
from  mankind  if  it  forgets  how  to  make  war.  As  yet  no 
means  are  known  which  call  so  much  into  action  as  a  great 
war,  that  rough  energy  born  of  the  damp,  that  deep  im- 
personality born  of  hatred,  that  conscience  born  of  mur- 
der and  cold-bloodedness,  that  fervour  born  of  effort  in 
the  annihilation  of  the  enemy,  that  proud  indifference  to 
loss,  to  one's  own  existence,  to  that  of  one's  fellows,  that 

152 


earthquake-like  soul-shaking  which  a  people  needs  when 
it  is  losing  its  vitality." 

Self -Education  After  World  War  I 

Even  after  the  Hohenzollern  dynasty  fell  in  1918,  the 
educational  processes  in  Germany  ran  the  usual  course, 
undisturbed. 

Text-books  and  lectures,  the  embodiment  of  distilled 
Pan-Germanism,  remained  the  same.  German  secondary 
schools  and  universities  consisted  of  the  same  Gymna- 
sium, the  Realschule  and  Realgymnasium,  and  taught  the 
same  courses. 

Brave  constitutional  provisions  were  adopted,  requiring 
enlightened  teaching,  but,  like  the  republic  itself,  they 
were  an  experiment  never  taken  seriously. 

The  constitution  of  the  German  Republic,  adopted  in 
Weimar  in  1919,  stated  (Section  148)  : 

"In  every  school  the  educational  aims  must  be  moral 
training,  education  in  citizenship,  personal  and  vocational 
efficiency  and  above  all,  the  cultivation  of  German  national 
character  and  of  the  spirit  of  international  reconciliation. 

"In  public  school  teaching  care  is  to  be  taken  not  to 
wound  the  feelings  and  susceptibilities  of  those  holding 
different  opinions." 

The  Prussian  teachers,  particularly,  found  the  "culti- 
vation of  German  national  character"  and  "the  spirit  of 
international  reconciliation"  incompatible.  When  they 
were  required  to  teach  Section  148,  they  commented  to 
their  classes:  "This  is  a  very  nice  ideal  and  it  may  be 
that  some  day  in  the  future  we  can  educate  our  youth  in 
such  a  spirit.  As  long,  however,  as  French  colored  troops 
are  quartered  on  our  German  Rhine,  we  cannot  even  talk 
about  international  reconciliation." 

153 


This  incitation  to  hatred  and  revenge  was  given  in  the 
guise  of  interpreting  a  constitutional  provision  on  toler- 
ance. The  Prussian  educational  tradition  which  prevailed 
in  the  German  school  system  was  "a  deception  practiced 
for  the  bolder  political.end  of  rearing  the  individual  to  be 
part  and  parcel  of  an  artificial  and  despotic  system  of 
government,  of  training  him  to  be  either  its  instrument 
or  its  slave,  according  to  his  social  station."  Samuel 
Laing,  Notes  of  a  Traveller. 

The  plans  for  democratic  self-government  in  the  schools 
fared  badly  under  the  republic.  On  April  2,  1920,  the 
State  Education  Department  issued  a  regulation  that  the 
pupils  of  all  classes  should,  at  the  beginning  of  each  year, 
elect  a  speaker  by  a  secret  poll.  The  regulation  fur- 
ther provided  that  the  speakers  of  the  higher  classes  would 
form  an  administrative  body,  a  students'  committee,  and 
that  a  general  assembly  of  all  students  should  be  called 
at  regular  intervals  to  discuss  and  regulate  all  matters 
of  interest  to  the  student  body.  This  well  conceived  ex- 
periment in  localized  democracy  was  a  complete  failure. 
The  student  bodies  split  up  along  racial  lines,  or  indulged 
in  purely  political  arguments  without  doing  any  construc- 
tive work  on  the  administration  of  the  school.  The  majority 
of  the  students  was  anti-republican  and  anti-democratic. 
They  believed  in  the  old-fashioned  rule  of  absolute  author- 
ity, and  deliberately  sabotaged  the  provisions  for  self- 
government  in  order  to  prove  that  they  were  ludicrous. 
The  democratic  minority,  believing  in  free  speech  even  for 
the  enemies  of  their  experiment,  was  unable  to  prevent 
disturbances  which  made  a  mockery  of  self-government, 
With  endless  rant  the  anti-democratic  forces  contended 
that  only  fruitless  talk  and  indecision  can  come  from  a 
deliberating  assembly.  Insisting  upon  their  democratic 
right  to  be  heard,  they  proved  their  point  by  their  own 

154 


conduct.  In  this  manner,  throughout  German  schools,  the 
movement  toward  democratic  self -discipline  was  sabotaged. 

These  scandalous  exhibitions  were  enactments  on  a 
tiny  scale  of  what  was  happening  in  the  larger  political 
sphere  of  the  German  Republic. 

All  this  was  beyond  the  ken  of  the  German  educational 
administrators.  Even  teachers  whose  sympathies  were  with 
the  democratic  provisions  of  the  regulations,  were  unable 
to  cope  with  this  hostility.  The  moral  is  that  liberal  regu- 
lations, laws,  or  even  constitutions,  do  not  make  a  democ- 
racy. It  is  not  pronouncement  of  faiths,  but  practice  of 
them,  which  can  make  them  a  working  reality.  Education 
must  precede  practice.  The  reverse  process  results  in 
the  attainment  of  neither.  Obviously,  the  problem  cannot* 
be  left  to  the  solution  of  the  present  school-masters.  They 
and  their  predecessors  have  betrayed  the  democratic  faith. 
They  have  been  so  steeped  in  the  prussian  tradition  that 
their  loyalties  have  demanded  the  sabotage  of  the  noblest 
educational  principle,  teaching  the  truth.  The  Prussian 
is  distinguished  by  his  loyalty  to  superiors  and  his  obedi- 
ence to  duty,  irrespective  of  sacrifice.  His  best  qualities, 
because  of  deluded  motivation,  are  therefore  arrayed 
against  us.  One  may  as  well  trust  the  German  High 
Command  to  disarm  Germany  as  to  trust  the  teachers  of 
Germany  to  re-educate  its  youth. 

The  Devil's  Brew 

The  enormity  of  the  problem  can  only  be  fully  com- 
prehended by  an  examination  of  the  educational  system 
which  has  developed  under  Hitler.  It  surpasses  our  worst 
expectations. 

The  distortion  of  truth  becomes  a  recognized  pedagogic 
device.  It  accelerates  the  inculcation  of  an  insupportable 
credo.  Falsehood  then  becomes  an  ideal.  Fiction  sup- 

155 


plants  fact  so  often  that  the  mind  rebels  at  elementary 
truths  in  favor  of  familiar  lies.  The  whole  concoction  of 
mendacity  is  stirred  with  prejudice  and  hate,  and  thick- 
ened by  hypnotic  repetition.  It  is  really  a  devil's  brew,  to 
unseat  the  mind  and  deprive  it  of  all  critical  qualities.  It 
implants  fanaticism  and  the  desire  to  murder.  Those  who 
cannot  understand  the  relentless  cruelty  of  the  German 
people  marching  off  to  kill  and  plunder,  must  study  Ger- 
man education,  brought  to  its  extreme  perfection  under 
the  Nazis.  Their  incredulity  will  disappear. 
Mein  Kampf  sets  forth  the  objective: 

"The  whole  end  of  education  in  a  people's  state  and 
its  crown,  is  found  by  burning  into  the  heart  and  brain 
of  the  youth  entrusted  to  it  an  instinctive  and  compre- 
hended sense  of  race  ...  It  is  the  duty  of  a  national 
state  to  see  to  it  that  a  history  of  the  world  is  eventually 
written  in  which  the  question  of  race  shall  occupy  a  pre- 
dominant position  .  .  .  According  to  this  plan,  the  cur- 
riculum must  be  built  up  with  this  point  of  view.  Accord- 
ing to  this  plan,  education  must  be  so  arranged  that  the 
young  person  leaving  school  is  not  half  pacifist,  democrat 
or  what  have  you,  but  a  complete  German  .  .  .  The  aim  of 
the  education  of  women  must  be  inflexibly  that  of  the 
future  mother." 

The  fact  that  mis-education  is  the  most  important 
weapon  in  the  arsenal  of  war  is  frankly  stated  in  Mein 
Kampf: 

"The  question  is  not  how  we  can  manufacture  arms. 
Bather  it  is,  how  can  we  create  the  spirit  which  renders  a 
people  capable  of  bearing  arms?  When  this  spirit  dom- 
inates a  people,  will-power  finds  a  thousand  ways,  each  of 
which  leads  to  a  weapon." 

With  systematic  thoroughness,  the  Nazis  have  distorted 
the  approach  to  every  academic  subject.  A  teachers'  text- 

156 


book  by  Karl  Alne  advises  that  the  teaching  of  history 
"is  a  means  of  solving  the  political-historical  task  of  the 
people — the  aim  of  instruction  is  preparation  for  the 
battle  for  self-assertion  of  a  people  .  .  .  The  history  of  the 
world  is  to  be  recorded  from  the  racial  point  of  view." 

In  the  periodical,  Nationalsozialistisches  Bildungs- 
wesen,  Friedrich  Freider  writes:  "History  is  the  science 
of  political  education.  Present  and  future  instruction  in 
history  take  cognizance  of  the  fact  that  the  aims  are  not  so 
much  scientific  as  political,"  and  he  adds  in  italics:  "The 
ground  for  our  teaching  of  history  consists  of  nothing  but 
following  the  Fuehrer." 

The  official  Nazi  teachers'  manual  and  guide,  Erzie- 
hung  und  Unterricht,  gives  the  following  directive: 

"The  main  topic  for  the  history  teacher  should  be  the 
German  nation  with  its  Germanic  characteristics  and  its 
grandeur,  its  fateful  struggle  for  inner  and  outer  self- 
expression. 

"Out  of  the  faith  of  the  National  Socialistic  movement 
in  the  future  of  the  German  nation  has  arisen  a  new  under- 
standing of  the  German  past.  History  instruction  must 
be  based  on  this  living  faith,  it  must  fill  our  youth  with 
the  realization  that  it  belongs  to  a  nation  which  of  all 
European  nations  has  suffered  longest  and  most  severely 
before  it  was  unified,  but  which  today  can  face  the  future 
with  confidence.  This  kind  of  instruction  will  open  to  our 
youth  the  most  noble  aspect  of  our  past,  which,  in  turn, 
will  deepen  our  feeling  of  our  own  worthiness  and  our 
greatness  .  .  .  The  principles  of  race  distinction  teach  us 
not  only  to  recognize  the  fundamental  characteristics  of 
our  nation,  but  offer  the  key  to  universal  world  history." 

In  other  words,  history  is  not  a  study  of  the  past  but 
an  artificial  construction  of  events  to  justify  the  Nazi 
present. 

157 


History  is  complemented  by  instruction  in  geopolitics, 
which  expounds  theories  as  to  how  and  why  Germany  must 
rule  the  world. 

The  geography  teacher  is  instructed  by  the  official 
teachers'  guide  that  "we  Germans  must  have  our  share  of 
the  world  and  its  treasures."  Geography  is  called  upon  to 
make  real  Germans  and  real  National  Socialists. 

The  teacher  of  North  American  geography  is  given  a 
special  assignment.  He  must  instruct  his  student  that 
"America  is  a  country  where  changes  of  race  and  landscape 
have  been  produced  by  immigrating  Europeans,  who  have 
come  there  because  of  economic  reasons.  The  conditions 
of  the  country  before  this  migration,  mixture  of  races  and 
the  results,  economic  progress,  economic  exploitation,  mass 
production,  overproduction,  the  Negro  question,  the  prob- 
lem of  the  yellow  race  on  the  west  coast,  the  Indian  ques- 
tion are  to  be  other  topics  for  discussion." 

The  Nazi  educated  youth  conceives  of  an  American  as 
a  demoralized,  blood-polluted  and  enfeebled  hybrid,  en- 
meshed in  racial  problems  and  incapable  of  decision. 

The  biology  instructors  are  told  by  the  teachers'  guide 
that  "biology  plays  an  important  part  in  National  So- 
cialistic ideology  . . .  Biology  is  especially  suited  to  destroy 
the  myth  that  man  is  primarily  intellectual." 

The  chemistry  teacher  is  directed  to  emphasize  the  im- 
portance of  military  and  aerial  defense,  and  to  reveal  to 
the  young  students  how  important  it  is  that  engineers, 
laborers,  and  business  men  work  together  for  a  greater 
Germany. 

Even  mathematics,  the  impartial  science,  is  bent  and 
twisted  by  the  Nazis.  The  teachers'  guide  advises:  "The 
dependence  of  this  subject  on  race  is  obvious.  It  is  char- 
acteristic of  the  Nordic  spirit  that  it  conquered  the  great 
realm  of  force  with  the  creating  hand  as  well  as  with  the 

158 


pondering  mind.  The  philosophical  speculations  of  a 
Copernicus,  a  Kepler,  a  Leibnitz,  a  Kant  and  a  Gauss 
have  an  ideological  foundation  placed  on  mathematics." 

Occidental  mathematics  is  described  as  "Aryan  spirit- 
ual property"  and  the  "expression  of  the  Nordic  fighting 
spirit,"  thus  ignoring  the  fact  that  mathematics  was  de- 
veloped originally  by  the  Greeks  and  in  the  Middle  Ages 
by  Arabs  and  Jews. 

The  smallest  mathematics  problem  is  turned  into  a 
propaganda  device.  Children  are  requested  to  compute 
how  many  Germans  were  lost  through  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
sailles, or  how  many  bombs  an  airplane  can  carry,  or  how 
deep  air-raid  shelters  should  be. 

Erziehung  und  Unterricht  bluntly  states  that  the  Ger- 
man school  is  part  and  parcel  of  National  Socialistic  order, 
and  that  "it  has  the  mission  to  mold  the  National  Social- 
istic being  . . .  The  National  Socialistic  system  of  education 
does  not  stem  from  a  pedagogic  theory,  but  is  the  result 
of  political  conflicts  and  its  laws  ...  It  is  therefore  the 
mission  of  the  German  schools  to  rear  men  and  women  who, 
in  true  willingness  to  sacrifice  all  for  nation  and  Fuehrer, 
are  able  to  lead  a  truly  German  life." 

Every  German  child  says  "Heil  Hitler"  from  fifty  to 
one  hundred-fifty  times  a  day.  Every  child  belongs  to  at 
least  one  Nazi  organization,  such  as  the  Jungvolk  or  the 
League  of  German  Girls.  A  literal  report  (Patsy  Ziemer, 
Two  Thousand  and  Ten  Days  of  Hitler)  of  a  typical  his- 
tory lesson  includes  the  teacher's  questions: 

"Who  is  the  most  important  and  the  most  noble  hu- 
man being  in  the  world  today?" 

The  class  screams  in  unison,  "Der  Fuehrer." 

"What  must  we  do  to  our  Fuehrer?" 

"We  must  love  and  revere  him,"  they  all  shout. 

159 


"Why  must  every  German  girl  thank  God  on  her  knees 
every  night?" 

"Because  he  has  given  us  the  Fuehrer." 

"Why  has  God  given  us  the  Fuehrer?" 

"To  save  us." 

"From  what  has  the  Fuehrer  saved  us?" 

"From  ruin." 

"What  else?" 

"From  Communism." 

"From  what  else?" 

"From  the  rest  of  the  world." 

"What  is  the  Fuehrer?" 

"He  is  the  savior  of  Germany." 

"Yes,  the  Fuehrer  is  our  savior.  He  has  made  Ger- 
many again  strong  and  respected.  He  has  made  Germany 
the  most  powerful  nation,  so  that  we  can  protect  Germans 
everywhere.  What  has  he  given  us?" 

"The  strongest  army  in  the  world." 

"What  else?" 

"The  strongest  air  force." 

"What  must  we  do  every  night?" 

"We  must  thank  God  for  the  Fuehrer." 

"What  is  the  greatest  dream  of  every  German  girl?" 

"To  see  the  Fuehrer,"  the  girls  shout. 

"What  is  an  even  greater  dream  than  that?" 

"To  touch  the  Fuehrer's  hand,"  boys  and  girls  answer. 

Having  completed  their  history  lesson,  the  children, 
then  proceed  to  the  biology  class.  The  textbook  used  in  all 
German  grammar  schools  is  The  Nazi  Primer.  It  pro- 
claims the  "unlikeness  of  man",  and  that  the  possession  of 
pure  German  blood  is  essential  for  admission  into  the  com- 
munity of  German  people.  Then  a  complicated  course 
in  biology  and  anthropology  is  summarized,  and  the  Ger- 

160 


man  racial  theory  established  as  scientific  fact.  The 
Primer  teaches: 

There  are  six  races  in  Europe,  different  not  only 
physically,  but  in  mind  and  action ;  Nordic,  Phalic,  West- 
ern, Dinaric,  Eastern  and  East  Baltic. 

Most  of  the  Nordics  are  found  in  Germany  but  there 
are  also  many  in  the  other  lands  of  Northern  Europe,  such 
as  Scotland,  Sweden  and  Norway. 

Nordics  are  outstanding  in  truthfulness  and  energy; 
action,  not  talk,  is  the  Nordic  motto,  and  hence  they  are 
predisposed  to  leadership  by  nature. 

Closely  related  to  the  Nordic  is  the  Phalic,  inhabiting 
chiefly  Westphalia,  Sweden  and  the  Canary  Islands;  the 
Phalic  are  better  suited  to  be  the  driving  force  under  the 
leadership  of  the  Nordics  than  for  leadership  themselves. 

The  Westerns  predominate  in  England  and  France  and 
are  different  in  soul  qualities,  are  loquacious  and  excit- 
able, and  lack  creative  power. 

The  Dinaric  race  is  somewhat  similar  to  the  Nordic 
in  soul  qualities,  is  proud  and  brave,  and  is  found  in  south- 
west and  central  Germany. 

Unfortunately,  however,  great  thinking  abilities  are 
not  found  in  them. 

The  Eastern  and  East  Baltic  races  are  found  in  Hol- 
land, the  Baltics  and  parts  of  Italy  and  France,  and  their 
histories  show  that  they  have  always  been  unable  to  lead 
themselves. 

To  prove  the  accuracy  of  all  these  teachings,  the  su- 
periority of  the  Nordics  and  their  mission  to  rule  over  in- 
ferior races,  the  Primer  cites  the  Mendelian  theory  of 
heredity  and  applies  it  to  the  formation  of  races! 

Having  completed  his  biology  lesson,  the  child  then 
proceeds  to  the  courtyard.  In  doing  so,  he  must  pass 
through  various  class  rooms  where  he  sees  signs  framed 

161 


on  the  walls.  By  order  of  the  German  Minister  of  Edu- 
cation issued  in  1934,  each  room  must  display  such  slogans 
as :  "The  Ten  Commandments  are  the  deposit  of  the  low- 
est human  instincts,"  "The  people's  state  will  have  to 
fight  for  its  existence"  and,  "The  final  goal  always  to  be 
kept  in  mind  in  the  education  of  a  girl  is  that  she  is  one 
day  to  be  a  mother." 

The  courtyard  is  covered  with  sand  so  that  it  will  al- 
ways be  dry  for  marching — marching! 

The  bottom  layer  of  pseudo-scientific  misinformation  is 
the  most  important,  but  it  was  not  relied  upon  by  the 
Nazis  nor  by  their  predecessors  for  "fixing"  the  German 
mind.  Layer  after  layer  of  prejudice  and  falsehood  is  im- 
posed upon  this  foundation  in  the  higher  schools,  and 
finally  the  brilliant  polish  of  a  typical  German  mentality  is 
supplied  by  the  university  professors.  Learned  men 
prostitute  the  truth  willingly  in  the  service  of  the  German 
mission.  The  child,  now  grown  up,  is  helplessly  receptive, 
and  acquires  the  ultimate  persuasion  in  every  tenet  of 
falsehood.  By  such  elaborate  processes  are  human  beings, 
outwardly  cultured  and  apparently  normal,  turned  into 
savages.  Far  worse  than  savages,  they  have  the  training 
and  efficiency  which  make  them  "backward"  only  in  the 
civilized  sense,  not  in  their  organization  or  weapons. 

The  German  child  is  molded  into  these  barbaric  pat- 
terns before  its  sense  of  discrimination  has  been  sufficiently 
developed  to  protect  it.  The  magnificent  plastic  quality 
of  the  brain,  which  permits  unlimited  development,  has 
been  exploited  for  evil  doctrine.  Not  the  least  of  German 
crimes,  and  ranking  with  the  enslavement  of  millions  of 
foreign  workers,  has  been  the  mental  enslavement  of  its 
own  youth.  For  here  there  is  no  resistance,  no  under- 
ground. They  wait  for  no  invading  army  to  set  them  free. 
They  are  in  that  lowest  state  of  slavery :  contentment  with 
their  own  degradation.  And  this  is  the  most  dangerous  of 

162 


all  the  Nazi  works,  for  it  cannot  be  undone  by  victory 
alone.  It  is  a  self -perpetuating  force  of  the  Nazi  horror,  a 
growing  automaton  which,  when  it  attains  full  size,  will 
goose-step  again,  tramping  the  wheat  fields  and  setting 
cities  aflame. 

This  poisonous  conditioning  of  generation  after  genera- 
tion of  German  minds  is  "the  most  important  fact  in  the 
history  of  the  last  half  century."  Disarmament  has  failed 
chiefly  because  we  have  not  recognized  that  "de-mentaliza- 
tion,"  so  to  speak,  must  accompany  it.  The  fanatical  urge 
to  conquer  sets  in  motion  a  whole  chain  of  conspirational 
acts  against  man's  neighborliness.  All  crimes  committed 
in  the  name  of  Pan-Germanism  are  viewed  by  the  criminals 
as  necessities  of  destiny.  From  such  a  perspective  they 
deem  their  brutal  conduct  nothing  but  the  inevitable 
stream  of  history,  the  wave  of  the  future.  Against  such 
mania,  self-decorated  with  patriotism  and  "world-mission," 
it  is  futile  to  hurl  moral  preachments.  Their  education 
has  established  another  level  of  morality,  which  scorns  our 
own  and  is  impervious  to  its  nobility.  Nor  can  appeals  to 
reason  be  indulged  in,  for  reason  has  coagulated  into 
cruel  concepts,  which  regard  decency  as  weakness. 

"If  a  subversive  psychiatrist  had  set  out  to  devise  the 
optimum  system  for  impregnating  the  malleable  young 
mind  with  a  paranoid  set  of  values,  he  could  have  done  no 
better  than  to  follow  the  typical  curriculum  of  the  German 
Gymnasium.  .  .  .  That  it  should  all  culminate  in  the  Nazi 
Weltanschauung  is  no  more  astonishing  than  that  a 
vigorous  apple-tree  should  bear  fruit  in  due  season."  (Dr, 
Richard  Brickner,  Is  Germany  Incurable?) 

Merely  to  imprison  and  disarm  the  criminal  will  not 
deprive  him  of  his  criminal  urge.  Indeed,  it  often  grows 
in  intensity  under  imagined  persecution,  and  while  we  dis- 
avow revenge,  he  swears  to  exact  it.  All  this  does  not  de- 

163 


tract  one  whit  from  the  necessity  of  punishing  Germany, 
depriving  her  of  sovereignty,  and  making  physically  cer- 
tain that  she  cannot  arm  again.  But  if  we  are  to  wel- 
come her  back  into  the  society  of  nations,  if  we  are  to  trust 
her  ever  again  to  be  a  decent  citizen  of  the  world  we  must 
deal  with  the  deeper  cause  of  her  criminality,  her  mis- 
education.  It  becomes  our  responsibility  to  cure  the  Ger- 
man mind,  not  for  its  own  sake,  but  for  ours.  Of  course 
we  will  not,  in  any  event,  risk  the  chance  of  another  out- 
burst of  German  fury.  But  it  will  make  us  all  uneasy  to 
hold  our  hands  ever  upon  hers  in  watchful  restraint  and  to 
post  sentinels  forever  on  her  doorstep.  Nor  can  the  recon- 
structed world  of  commerce  and  international  interchange 
of  goods  and  ideas  flourish  as  well  while  one  of  the  im- 
portant regions  of  the  world,  populated  by  60,000,000  effec- 
tives, is  chained  off  with  danger  signs. 

Germany  must  be  mentally  disarmed.  Her  educational 
system  must  be  dismantled  and  scrapped,  along  with  her 
munition  plants.  A  new  pedagogical  plant  must  be  con- 
structed, whose  product  will  be  of  peaceful  nature,  and  con- 
form to  the  normal  standards  of  moral  intercourse. 

Any  lesser  resolve  can  lead  only  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  criminal  is  incurable  and  therefore  must  be  forever 
confined  or  eradicated,  his  fields  strewn  with  salt.  The 
task  of  rehabilitating  German  education  is  not  an  intru- 
sion upon  her  rights,  or  an  insult  to  her  feelings.  It  is 
the  hand  of  medicine  extending  its  cure  to  the  protesting 
patient,  to  protect  her  against  her  own  fever,  and  to  guard 
the  world  against  her  foaming  fury.  It  is  better  than  the 
strait-jacket. 

The  Physician  Is  Not  a  Trespasser 

Every  suggestion  for  the  re-education  of  Germany  has 
evoked  a  storm  of  disapproval.  The  objectors  accept  the 

164 


necessity  of  the  task  but  insist  that  it  cannot  be  imposed 
from  without.  Perhaps  their  view  can  best  be  expressed 
in  Browning's  lines,  "  'Tis  an  awkward  thing  to  play  with 
souls,  and  matter  enough  to  save  one's  own."  The  chal- 
lenge is  immediately  hurled  at  the  United  States  to  explain 
the  illiteracy  in  its  midst  and  to  concern  itself  with  its 
own  fascist  rabble-rousers.  It  is  contended  that  even  if 
German  patriotism  were  not  akin  to  religious  fanaticism, 
it  would  revolt  against  the  imposition  of  a  foreign  culture. 
The  resentment  against  an  "occupied"  school  system,  it  is 
argued,  would  be  at  least  as  great  as  against  an  occupied 
Rhine.  All  the  usual  arguments  against  education  by  com- 
pulsion are  advanced.  This  view  sincerely  holds  that  the 
democratic  Germans  within  Germany  must  undertake  this 
problem;  that  interference  by  the  United  Nations  would 
inflame  the  German  youth  and  thus  defeat  its  own  purpose. 
Some  justify  this  inevitable  resentment,  and  observe  that 
we  would  react  no  differently.  Others  regret  it,  but  reach 
the  same  conclusion. 

It  is  the  earmark  of  a  difficult  problem  that  any  solu- 
tion is  open  to  criticism.  But  progress  cannot  wait  for  per- 
fection, nor  be  unduly  sensitive  to  chilling  words.  The 
enormity  of  the  problem,  the  danger  it  presents  to  world 
peace,  require  firm  action.  The  risk  from  a  blind  road  is 
often  less  than  that  from  the  journey  not  begun.  For  that 
is  what  the  solution  of  self-education  comes  to — no  jour- 
ney. There  would  be  hundreds,  perhaps  thousands,  of 
German  democrats  who  might  qualify  as  teachers,  but  they 
would  be  unable  to  overhaul  the  entire  educational  system 
of  a  hostile  nation.  We  have  seen  the  sabotage  methods 
successfully  employed  by  the  "patriots"  after  the  first 
World  War  to  make  a  farce  of  the  trials  of  criminals,  of 
military  disarmament  and  of  democratic  experiments  in 
education.  Can  we  trust  them  again?  Must  we  not  pro- 

165 


tect   the  genuine   democrats  in   Germany  against   their 
enemies  within? 

The  lessons  from  our  past  failure  have  special  signifi- 
cance because  the  conditions  we  will  inherit  now  will  be 
worse  a  thousandfold.  The  corruption  of  the  German  mind 
has  been  a  continuous,  consistent  process  for  centuries.  It 
is  the  deepest  tradition  of  a  war-like  people.  But  the 
Nazis  have  accelerated  the  process,  and  tinged  it  with  un- 
wonted fanaticism.  They  have  by  their  brazenness  sub- 
stituted the  speedy  methods  of  hysteria  for  the  slow  pace 
of  conviction.  The  Nazi  youth  oozes  racial  hatreds  and 
writhes  in  superman  complexes.  Patriotic  democrats 
would  be  regarded  with  as  much  enmity  as  representa- 
tives of  the  United  Nations.  In  weighing  such  considera- 
tions there  is  little  to  choose  between  the  betrayer  at 
home  and  the  conqueror  who  invades  the  school.  If  thin 
distinctions  are  to  be  evaluated,  the  corrupt  Nazi  youth 
may  have  more  respect  for  victors  than  for  traitors. 

The  real  point,  however,  is  that  we  cannot  rely  on  Ger- 
man self -education  any  more  than  on  German  self-imposed 
disarmament,  or  German  self-rule  generally.  For  one 
thing  is  certain,  if  all  historical  experience  is  not  to  be 
ignored,  that  a  people  must  be  conditioned  and  readied 
for  democracy,  or  its  democratic  constitution  and  elabo- 
rate democratic  forms  will  be  ineffectual.  The  argument 
for  self-reform  assumes  that  education  is  a  tangential 
problem,  which  can  be  trusted  to  well-meaning  Germans. 
It  under-estimates  the  crucial  nature  of  the  problem.  Here 
we  are  striking  at  the  very  source  of  the  "next"  war.  We 
are  reaching  deep  into  the  very  origin  of  the  infection 
which  continues  to  ooze  its  infecting  poison  throughout  the 
body  politic.  The  cause  of  peace  is  at  stake.  If  we  fail  at 
the  doorstep  of  the  little  schoolhouse,  the  millions  of  men 
who  were  educated  to  death,  and  the  billions  of  dollars 

166 


which  were  burned  on  the  pyres  of  war,  will  have  been 
wasted.  The  extensive  blue-prints  for  a  peaceful  world- 
structure  will  be  defective  and  the  edifice  will  collapse  at 
the  first  tremors  of  new  patriotic  convulsions. 

Quite  understandably,  there  are  many  who  challenge 
our  own  cultural  equipment  to  grapple  with  another 
people's  "soul."  "Arrogance" — that  is  the  accusation. 
But  there  can  be  humility  in  undertaking  the  solution  of 
a  great  problem.  It  will  not  be  the  United  States,  Great 
Britain  or  any  other  nation  alone,  which  sends  its  educa- 
tors into  Germany.  It  will  be  the  United  Nations,  acting, 
let  us  hope,  through  some  permanent  supra-national  coun- 
cil, which  will  be  charged  with  the  duty.  But  even  if  the 
auspices  were  less  international,  the  objection  would  be 
invalid.  For  there  is  no  assumption  of  superiority  in- 
volved. This  is  not  an  Olympic  contest  in  which  the  rela- 
tive intelligence  and  education  of  respective  populations 
are  tested. 

There  was  less  illiteracy  in  Germany  than  in  any  of 
the  United  Nations.  Its  program  of  conquest  required 
extensive  teaching  and  studying  of  other  nations'  weak- 
nesses. Our  task  does  not  involve  the  three  R's  but  the 
very  quality  of  German  education. 

The  Teutonic  Plague 

There  must  be  a  reason  for  the  persistent  irrationality 
of  German  conduct  in  international  affairs.  Having  diag- 
nosed its  origin  as  biased  pedagogy,  we  must  determine 
to  set  our  best  minds  to  work  creating  a  better  educa- 
tional system;  one  devoted  to  the  search  for  truth;  one 
which  will  make  available  to  Germans  forbidden  postu- 
lates, without  which  their  minds  have  been  unbalanced; 
one  which  will  inculcate  respect  for  integrity,  the  ele- 
mentary virtues  of  peace,  kindliness,  and  decent  consid- 

167 


eration  for  one's  fellow  man.  If  the  program  devised 
is  more  effective  than  those  existing  in  the  democracies, 
and  the  opportunity  for  improvement  is  of  course  great, 
then  we  can  adopt  it,  too,  and  learn  while  we  teach.  In 
any  event,  one  may  as  well  disqualify  a  great  surgeon  be- 
cause his  gall  bladder  is  bad,  as  to  reject  the  democracies' 
right  to  normalize  the  barbaric  pedagogy  of  Germany  be- 
cause they  have"  ignorance  among  their  own  peoples. 

There  must  be  no  hesitancy  in  accepting  the  burden. 
It  is  our  duty.  It  is  as  urgent  as  our  "arrogance"  in  dis- 
arming Germany,  depriving  her  of  sovereignty  and  plac- 
ing her  on  probation.  If  nothing  else,  it  is  a  self-protec- 
tive measure.  We  must  unwind  the  German  so  that  he 
will  not  spring  at  us  again.  It  is  a  preventive  and  de- 
fensive measure,  and  it  derives  the  fullest  justification 
from  its  service  to  world  peace.  We  shall  send  food  but 
we  must  feed  the  mind,  too,  with  all  the  nourishing  vita- 
mins of  a  full  democratic  diet  until  the  patient  loses  his 
morbidity,  his  sullen  ugliness  and,  in  full  mental  compre- 
hension, becomes  a  useful  member  of  society. 

The  International  University 

The  direct  supervision  of  this  vast  and  delicate  under- 
taking should  be  entrusted  to  an  International  University. 

Such  an  institution  could  have  many  other  functions, 
though  its  creation  would  be  justified  if  it  performed  only 
this  one.  It  should  be  established  in  some  historically 
neutral  place,  such  as  Switzerland.  Its  faculty  should  be 
composed  of  the  professors  of  leading  universities,  and  of 
others  who  have  achieved  international  recognition  in  their 
chosen  field.  The  distinction  of  such  an  appointment,  the 
unlimited  opportunities  for  service,  and,  last  but  also  least, 
the  generous  salaries  which  should  be  provided,  will  be 
sufficient  lure  to  attract  the  intellectual  leaders  of  the 

168 


world.  They  must  be  men  devoted  to  the  international 
ideal  of  peace  and,  while  selected  so  far  as  possible  with  a 
view  to  proportionate  representation  of  the  nations  of 
the  world,  they  must  be  above  the  narrow  prejudices  of 
nationalism.  Here,  in  the  academic  sphere,  where  truth  is 
the  only  idol,  we  are  more  likely  to  achieve  impartiality 
than  in  the  political  realm.  Such  a  university  could  truly 
represent  the  nations  of  the  world  and  act  for  them  with- 
out fear  or  political  bias. 

Both  as  to  teacher  and  pupil,  the  university  should  be 
open  to  all  races  and  religions.  The  student  body  would 
all  be  post-graduate;  and  in  short  time  the  pre-eminence  of 
such  a  university  would  attract  the  most  promising  young 
men  and  women  of  all  nations.  The  arts  and  sciences 
could  flourish  here.  But  for  our  immediate  purpose  it 
should  be  noted  that  text-books  in  all  German  universities, 
particularly  in  history  and  politics,  would  require  the 
imprimatur  of  the  International  University.  It  would  have 
jurisdiction  to  accept,  reject  or  revise  all  texts  pro- 
posed for  German  schools.  If  necessary,  scholars  could 
be  commissioned  to  write  such  texts.  This  might  insure 
the  teaching  of  historical  truths  instead  of  the  distorted 
patriotic  versions  which  often  find  their  way  into  school 
rooms.  The  impact  of  accurate  historical  teaching  upon 
the  German  mind  would  be  great,  because  it  would  be  a 
direct  answer  to  his  training  that  war  is  noble  and  the 
highest  expression  of  man.  To  insure  integrity,  the  student 
would  be  encouraged  to  read  and  study  the  distorted  works, 
but  only  after  the  truth  had  been  demonstrated  to  him.  In 
this  way  he  would  be  trained  in  the  processes  of  discrimi- 
nation and  develop  a  healthy  skepticism  towards  his  prior 
convictions. 

Courses  in  humanities,  modern  civilization,  and  phil- 
osophy could  be  mapped  out  by  the  authorities  of  the 

169 


International  University  to  meet  the  peculiar  predisposi- 
tion of  the  German  youth.  Democracy  would  be  taught, 
not  as  a  political  subject,  but  as  a  philosophy  of  the  right 
of  man  to  determine  how  he  shall  be  governed. 

German  literature  would  be  taught  with  proper  em- 
phasis upon  all  the  authors  the  Nazis  disowned.  For  here 
the  German  student  could  find  real  German  greatness, 
revered  and  admired  by  all  the  world.  His  national 
pride  could  be  legitimately  catered  to,  and  an  effective 
contrast  presented  between  his  former  idols,  detested  by 
humanity,  and  his  new  discoveries.  Gradually  it  would 
dawn  upon  the  German  student  that  the  hope  of  National 
Socialism  to  survive  1000  years  was  a  futile  boast  un- 
achieved by  almost  990  years.  But  German  greatness  is 
assured  permanent  recognition  by  the  very  literature 
which  he  was  forbidden  to  touch.  He  may  sublimate  his 
intense  nationalism  in  the  discovery  of  new  heroes,  real 
ones,  who  could  not  have  stood  so  firmly  and  so  long  in  the 
world  of  letters,  if  their  feet  had  been  made  of  clay. 

Experts  of  the  university,  gifted  in  the  science  of  teach- 
ing, would  devise  the  courses,  subject  matter  and  methods 
of  Germany's  schools  with  the  purpose  of  inculcating  a 
healthy  democratic  spirit  and  a  liberal  culture.  The  most 
brilliant  educational  administrators  would  be  drafted  to 
tear  down  the  strongest  pillar  of  Prussianism  and  its  latest 
model,  Nazism,  and  install  a  new  and  revised  pedagogical 
system.  Obviously  such  men  would  have  full  understand- 
ing of  the  sensitive  psychological  factors  involved.  German 
teachers  should  be  favored  whenever  qualified.  Non- 
German  teachers  would  be  selected  from  all  the  nations  of 
the  world.  With  time,  the  Teachers'  Training  School  of 
the  International  University  could  return  its  most  brilliant 
German  students  to  Germany  as  teachers.  Through  them 
the  international  viewpoint  and  the  democratic  ideal  would 
percolate  to  the  newer  students.  An  ever  strengthening 

170 


cycle  of  learning  and  tolerance  would  be  created.  Through 
exchange  scholarships  and  professorships,  the  restricted 
vision  of  nationalism  would  be  broadened  to  the  inter- 
national view. 

While  Germany  would  be  the  primary  beneficiary  of 
such  a  program,  all  nations  could  well  profit  from  it.  Per- 
haps German  pride  would  be  soothed  by  this  fact.  History 
books  might  cease  giving  undue  emphasis  to  military 
campaigns,  triumphs  in  war,  and  the  hero  worship  of 
generals.  Such  matters  would  take  their  proper  places  in 
the  recital  of  man's  emergence  from  stupid  belligerence 
to  peace.  Wars  would  not  be  heralded  as  mighty  achieve- 
ments any  more  than  duelists  are  praised  for  avenging  an 
insult  by  a  sword  thrust,  or  Indians  for  scalping  their 
enemies.  School  books  might  shift  emphasis  to  the  co- 
operative activities*  of  nations  such  as  the  Universal 
Postal  Union  and  the  International  Telegraph  Union. 
Sweden  and  Norway  fought  three  or  four  sanguinary  wars 
each  century  for  a  thousand  years.  Their  governments  ap- 
pointed a  commission  of  scholars  to  eliminate  from  their 
respective  text-books  any  reference  which  might  hurt  the 
feelings  of  a  Norwegian  or  Swede.  Denmark  and  Sweden 
then  entered  into  the  same  arrangement.  The  resulting 
good  will  is  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  simplicity  and 
ease  with  which  this  understanding  was  effected. 

Invading  the  German  Mind 

If  we  recognize  the  importance  of  educational  reform, 
the  criticisms  against  international  supervision  will  ap- 


*If  the  prosaic  must  be  glorified,  let  the  story  be  told  of  how  under 
the  Convention  of  1929  the  United  States  Government  undertook  to 
protect  the  safety  of  life  in  the  North  Atlantic  lanes,  and  how  all  the 
rest  of  the  Atlantic  nations  contribute  to  the  cost  of  this  ice  patrol. 
The  United  States  pays  18%  of  the  expenses,  Norway  3%  and  the 
United  Kingdom  4Q%.  Other  nations  bear  39%. 

171 


pear  in  proper  perspective.  Also,  we  will  approach  the 
task  with  the  imagination,  originality  and  thoroughness 
which  the  desperateness  of  the  situation  impels.  One 
must  envision  something  more  than  improved  curricula, 
better  texts,  saner  staffs.  We  must  lavish  upon  the  cam- 
paign at  least  a  fraction  of  the  money  and  time  which  the 
"High  Command"  spent  on  military  operations.  We  must 
employ  all  the  ingenuity  and  resourcefulness  of  which 
radio,  motion  pictures  and  skillful  educational  propa- 
ganda are  capable.  It  is  the  greatest  and  noblest  task  in 
"public  relations"  ever  posed,  for  it  requires  the  extirpa- 
tion of  a  whole  people's  frame  of  mind  and  the  inculcation 
of  a  new  one. 

The  effort  would  not  be  limited  to  the  blackboard.  All 
the  forces  of  the  arsenal  for  the  invasion  of  the  German 
mind  must  be  employed  in  this  noble  attack.  The  church 
would  be  encouraged  to  recapture  its  lost  flocks,  for  religi- 
ous ideals  are  part  of  the  reconditioning  in  decency  which 
the  Germans  must  regain. 

There  is  much  to  be  undone.  The  slogan  of  the  German 
Faith  Movement  was  "The  cross  must  fall  if  Germany  is 
to  live."  The  youth  have  been  reared  on  Hitler's  instruc- 
tion that  "conscience  is  a  Jewish  invention.  It  is  a  blemish 
like  circumcision"  and  Alfred  Rosenberg's  "Either  Chris- 
tian or  German !  There  is  no  'Aryan  Christ'  and  no  Chris- 
tian German.  They  are  incompatible."  Their  religious 
training  has  come  from  Bishop  Muller  who  taught :  "Mercy 
is  an  un-German  conception,  with  which  we  can  have 
nothing  to  do."  And  when  the  children  marched  they 
sang  obscene  songs  such  as  "Let  Christ  rot  and  the  Hitler 
youth  march." 

The  eradication  of  pagan  beliefs  would  be  a  step  for- 
ward in  the  healing  process.  The  churches  of  all  denomina- 
tions would  of  course  be  pleased  to  co-operate,  and  resist- 

172 


ance  to  them  is  bound  to  be  feeble  among  large  sections  of 
the  population. 

The  world's  clergy  would  be  invited  to  organize  a  cam- 
paign against  the  modern  heathen  and  his  ungodly  lust  for 
war. 

"Christianity  has  not  failed/'  said  Shaw.  "It  has  never 
been  tried." 

There  is  considerable  truth  in  this  epigrammatic  exag- 
geration. The  churches  would  be  invited  to  make  their 
professions  of  faith  a  live  and  practical  program.  A  re- 
ligious renaissance  in  Germany  would  be  an  essential  ele- 
ment in  the  psychiatric  release  of  a  tormented  people  which 
transfers  its  torment  to  others. 

The  labor  unions,  reborn  from  the  ashes  of  fascism, 
should  be  valuable  allies  in  the  re-education  program.  Cer- 
tainly they  have  a  stake  in  the  creation  of  a  sane  German 
economy.  Moreover,  actual  participation  in  union  elec- 
tions may  help  prepare  German  workers  for  the  experience 
of  intelligent  suffrage  in  a  representative  republic. 

Education  would  be  made  compulsory  for  old  and 
young  alike,  but  it  would  not  always  be  confined  to  the 
classroom.  The  enormous  persuasive  force  of  dramatic 
presentation  would  be  fully  utilized.  Motion  pictures  could 
here  reach  their  fullest  maturity.  The  greatest  writers, 
producers  and  stars  would,  under  the  aegis  of  the  Interna- 
tional University,  dramatize  the  unfathomable  wickedness 
of  Nazism,  and  the  beauty  and  simplicity  of  a  Germany  no 
longer  preoccupied  with  shooting,  marching,  shooting  and 
marching  home — defeated.  They  would  be  commissioned 
to  create  a  German  stage  in  the  image  of  democracy.  And 
the  radio,  through  entertainment  and  undisguised  lecture, 
would  invade  the  home  itself.  No  device  for  the  undoing 
of  Nazi  training  would  be  ignored  nor  be  beneath  our  earn- 
est effort.  The  authors,  dramatists,  editors  and  publishers 

173 


would  have  to  pass  muster  of  the  International  Uni- 
versity. This  is  consistent,  for  they  are  all  educators.  News 
would  be  uncensored  but  at  the  beginning  all  non-demo- 
cratic publications  would  be  barred.  After  the  German 
mind  had  had  an  opportunity  to  be  strengthened  by  new 
ideals,  it  could  be  subjected  to  contrary  views  in  the  con- 
fidence that  it  would  reject  the  virus.  In  the  course  of 
doing  so,  it  would  develop  a  greater  immunity  for  the 
future. 

There  would  be  extensive  practice  of  democratic  pro- 
cedure. For  democracy  is  not  only  a  belief  but  a  habit  to 
be  acquired.  School,  community,  city  and  national  elec- 
tions would  be  devised  in  the  gradual  preparation  for  self- 
government.  The  intellectuals,  the  "better  Germans,"  who, 
according  to  their  apologists,  considered  it  beneath  their 
dignity  to  be  concerned  with  social  problems,  and  forfeited 
the  political  field  to  others,  must  be  induced  to  accept  their 
civic  responsibility. 

The  educational  process  would  pervade  all  Germany 
and  blanket  her.  All  factories  would  be  required  to  have 
recess  periods,  during  which  simplified  lectures  on  democ- 
racy would  be  given  to  the  workers.  The  personnel  of 
offices  would  have  similar  interludes.  Citizenship  could  be 
obtained  only  by  earning  an  education  certificate  obtain- 
able by  any  of  alternative  educational  methods  (not 
excluding  extensive  correspondence  courses)  to  be  sanc- 
tioned by  the  International  University.  Summer  schools 
would  be  organized  everywhere,  and  part  of  all  vacation 
periods  would  be  required  to  be  spent  in  them. 

Only  when  Germans  had  satisfied  the  distinguished 
and  impartial  trustees  of  the  International  University 
that  they  were  ready  for  statehood,  and  were  no  longer  a 
menace  to  the  world,  would  they  be  admitted  to  the  family 
of  nations.  The  probation  would  then  be  over.  It  will  be 

174 


up  to  the  Germans  to  make  that  probationary  period  short. 
In  the  ultimate  sense  of  the  word,  their  fate  will  be  in  their 
own  hands. 

Every  phase  of  this  program  will  contribute  towards 
their  emancipation.  By  depriving  them  of  sovereignty  we 
will  only  have  relieved  them  of  the  burdens  of  state  for 
which  they  are  now  unprepared.  By  punishing  their  war 
criminals  we  will  have  removed  the  most  violent  and  re- 
vengeful in  their  midst,  and  thus  have  given  them  the  free- 
dom to  reform  without  the  relentless  watchfulness  of  their 
prior  overseers.  By  economic  relief  and  opportunity  we 
will  have  made  it  possible  for  them  to  make  restitution  and 
pay  reparations  without  exhaustion  and  collapse,  which 
their  enormous  obligations  would  ordinarily  insure. 

Also  there  will  be  their  own  great  disillusionment  to 
aid  them.  The  very  extremism  of  Nazism,  its  absolute  cer- 
tainty in  victory  for  the  Herrenvolk,  its  assumption  that 
democracies  are  decadent  and  cannot  fight — all  this  was 
accepted  as  holy  fact.  Will  their  fall  wake  the  Germans 
from  the  nightmare  they  have  been  living?  Convictions 
achieved  by  psychotic  logic  often  survive  defeat  and  actu- 
ally flourish  in  martyrdom.  But  may  there  not  be  some 
point  at  which  fanaticism  and  hysteria  will  be  shocked  into 
extinction  by  defeat? 

The  psychiatrist  confesses  that  he  does  not  know  the 
cause  of  paranoia,  but  its  symptoms  are  easily  detectable. 
They  are  grandiose  mystic  notions,  a  belief  in  destiny,  an 
exclusive  personal  right  to  satisfy  ambitions,  and  a  perse- 
cution complex  which  justifies  coldly  calculated  murder. 
Dr.  Richard  Brickner  (in  Is  Germany  Incurable?)  has 
made  a  most  persuasive  diagnosis  of  German  conduct  as 
mass  paranoia  with  all  the  symptoms  of  megalomania, 
sense  of  mission,  fanatic  violence  and  persecution.  If  the 
analogy  is  to  be  pursued,  the  cure,  in  those  instances  where 

175 


it  can  be  effected  at  all,  is  to  utilize  the  "clear"  area  of 
the  personality,  that  which  is  not  subject  to  paranoid  de- 
lusions, and  to  extend  it  over  the  paranoid  area.  In  that 
people,  the  pro-democratic  Germans  constitute  the  clear 
area.  By  associating  their  beliefs  with  normal  patriotism, 
pride,  and  economic  benefits,  while  removing  from  their 
midst  the  most  fanatical,  we  may  gradually  extend  the 
clear  area  to  a  controlling  majority  of  Germans. 

Nevertheless,  having  seen  the  depth  of  the  rotten  struc- 
ture, we  need  have  no  illusions  about  the  excavating  prob- 
lem and  the  difficulties  of  building  a  new  democratic 
edifice.  There  will  be  contemptuous  compliance,  sullen 
inattention  and  bold  defiance.  But  these  moods  will  be 
part  of  the  problem,  and  must  be  treated  by  understanding 
experts  with  detachment.  By  persistence  and  endless 
repetition  the  masses  of  the  Germans  must  be  started  on  a 
new  tradition.  Prussian  training  must  be  forever  abol- 
ished. 

The  German  will  have  to  learn  that  Der  Tag  is  every- 
one's day,  that  the  warmth  of  the  sun,  the  wheat  from  the 
field,  and  joy  of  family  and  comradeship  belong  to  all.  In 
sharing  them,  they  are  preserved  for  each  of  us. 


176 


CHAPTER   VI 


TOMORROW  THE  WORLD 


Now  the  time  has  come  to  study  the  ever-widening  cir- 
cles. It  should  be  observed  that  the  plan  for  Germany  en- 
visioned, not  without  prayerful  hope,  an  international 
community.  While  theoretically  the  plan  might  be  work- 
able if  it  were  applied  by  the  group  action  of  the  victors, 
it  would  be  preferable  if  the  supervision  were  supra- 
national rather  than  merely  national.  For  we  have  seen 
that  international  co-operation  is  equally  essential  in  the 
economic,  educational  and  political  spheres. 

The  Mysticism  of  Sovereignty 

What  is  the  major  obstacle  to  vesting  authority  in  a 
supra-national  organization?  It  is  the  doctrine  of  sover- 
eignty, which  refuses  to  accede  to  the  interests  of  inter- 
national law  and  order. 

Perhaps  we  shall  learn  from  the  extreme  German 
illustration  that  excessive  nationalism  and  the  full  pre- 
rogatives of  sovereignty  are  not  essential  to  a  people's  wel- 
fare. Few  topics  are  so  ahead  of  the  times  as  this.  Its 
unpopularity  must  therefore  be  taken  for  granted.  But  a 
few  reflections  would  not  be  amiss. 

Originally  it  was  difficult  to  divest  the  clans  and  the 
families  of  their  "sovereignty"  and  combine  them  into  a 
community.  It  took  ages  to  persuade  the  clan  of  its  new 

177 


loyalty  to  a  larger  group.  Clan  "patriotism"  beat  the 
demagogic  drums.  "Shall  we  be  subject  to  the  will  of 
foreign  groups?  What  about  our  family  and  our  tradi- 
tions?" But  as  society  advanced  and  became  more  com- 
plex, the  necessity  for  the  joint  action  of  neighboring  clans 
overcame  natural  jealousies.  The  nation-state  gradu- 
ally came  into  existence  and  proceeded  to  develop  the 
doctrine  of  sovereignty.  To  a  great  extent  this  was  done 
in  self-defense.  It  was  a  shield  against  the  claims  of  the 
Papacy  and  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire.  No  outside  di- 
rection could  be  tolerated,  argued  the  chiefs  of  state,  be- 
cause each  nation  had  sovereign  rights,  which  were 
pre-eminent.  It  was  a  sort  of  Monroe  Doctrine  for  the 
independence  of  each  political  entity. 

The  nation-state  then  sought  to  overcome  the  friction 
among  its  several  groups  by  preaching  patriotism  and  by 
substituting  national  pride  for  group  pride.  This  was  a 
useful  device  for  unification.  The  United  States  employed 
it  after  the  Revolutionary  and  Civil  Wars.  But  the  virtues 
of  loyalty  and  love  for  country  soon  exceeded  normal 
bounds.  Poets,  orators,  lawyers,  and  philosophers  gilded 
the  lily  until  it  blinded  us.  All  sorts  of  mystical  proper- 
ties were  claimed  for  sovereignty.  It  became  a  supreme 
and  ineffable  being  in  itself.  It  developed  its  own  will, 
residing  in  a  super-organism  called  the  state.  A  nation 
ceased  to  be  merely  an  organization  to  carry  on  the  busi- 
ness of  its  citizens.  It  became  an  entity  with  its  own  des- 
tiny, its  own  desires,  as  though  it  existed  entirely  apart 
from  its  citizens.  Nationalism  became  an  ideal  in  itself,  and 
patriotism  the  fanatical  devotion  to  it.  A  sort  of  religious 
aura  hovered  over  the  subject  and  the  consequent  loyalty 
depended  on  faith,  not  reason.  "My  country,  right  or 
wrong,  but  my  country!" 

178 


The  Nazis  of  course  developed  nationalism  to  its  ulti- 
mate extent.  The  state  became  a  sort  of  mythical  god 
which  owned  its  subjects  and  exacted  every  conceivable 
sacrifice  for  the  service  of  its  own  "will."  Nazism  sought 
only  one  loyalty,  to  replace  all  other  loyalties.  Its  aspira- 
tion was  medieval  unity  of  devotion  without  reservation. 
The  Nazi  developed  sovereignty  into  a  Frankensteinian 
monster,  over  which  no  person  had  control.  It  was  merely 
to  be  served  blindly. 

To  a  lesser  degree,  the  notion  of  sovereignty  as  held 
by  the  democracies  is  also  an  outworn  extremism.  For 
a  nation  should  not  be  an  entity  entirely  independent 
of  external  control.  The  rights  of  other  nations  should 
be  a  restriction  upon  it.  But  the  "theology"  of  sovereignty 
denies  this  simple  truth.  It  insists  upon  each  state's  om- 
nipotence, which  makes  impossible  any  real  co-opera- 
tion in  a  supra-natioaal  organization.  None  of  the 
members  of  the  League  of  Nations  would  modify  its 
sovereignty  to  the  slightest  extent.  Unanimous  vote 
was  necessary  for  any  important  decision.  In  other 
words,  it  was  a  voluntary  society,  without  any  real  obli- 
gation whatsoever  on  the  part  of  its  members.  None  would 
whittle  away  the  prerogatives  of  sovereignty.  The  United 
States  considered  its  sovereignty  so  sacrosanct  that  it 
would  not  even  risk  the  persuasion  which  might  result 
from  League  balloting.  The  Versailles  Treaty  constructed 
new  states,  granting  each  its  own  untouchable  sovereignty. 
Since  the  League  of  Nations  had  no  power  to  affect  the 
sovereignty  of  any  state,  the  clash  of  nationalisms  was 
actually  increased. 

Today,  the  fact  is  that  few  activities  of  a  state  are 
wholly  confined  within  its  frontiers.  Each  nation  is  in- 
terdependent with  other  nations.  There  is  no  actual  na- 
tional independence  in  an  industrial,  commercial  or  finan- 

179 


cial  sense.  Forces  beyond  our  borders  determine  our 
health  and  economic  condition.  Even  jurists  are  turn- 
ing to  a  theory  of  international  law  built  upon  the  legal 
supremacy  of  the  law  of  nations.  "What  cries  out  for  un- 
derstanding is  that  modern  technology  and  business  or- 
ganization have  woven  humanity  into  a  community.  Man's 
political  organization  still  lags  behind."  (P.  E.  Corbett, 
Post-War  Worlds)  We  are  approaching  the  new  con- 
cept gingerly,  through  Universal  Telegraph  and  Postal 
Unions,  the  International  Bank  of  Settlement,  the  Per- 
manent Court  of  International  Justice  and  the  Interna- 
tional Labor  Organization.  But  we  are  far  from  having 
stripped  the  pretensions  from  the  doctrine  of  sovereignty. 
Some  brilliant  thinkers,  like  Walter  Lippmann,  pro- 
pose a  British- American  alliance  rather  than  an  Inter- 
national Society,  in  order  to  avoid  relinquishing  sov- 
ereignty in  the  slightest  degree.  And  when  the  nationalists 
attack  even  such  an  alliance  on  the  ground  that  our 
sovereignty  would  be  compromised,  his  answer  is  an  apolo- 
getic explanation  that  there  would  be  "consultation"  and, 
therefore,  there  is  likely  to  be  "agreement"  in  each  in- 
stance. Our  sovereignty,  he  assures  us,  will  be  unsullied. 
Indeed,  it  will  be  preserved  and  strengthened  by  the  ad- 
vantages flowing  from  the  pact.  Thus  it  is  proposed  that 
we  go  back  to  old-fashioned  military  alliances,  with  all 
the  acknowledged  evils  they  present  in  inciting  rival  al- 
liances, with  all  the  consequent  tug  and  pull  of  balances  of 
power,  all  to  avoid  tarnishing  the  bright  luster  of  the  sov- 
ereignty doctrine.  It  does  not  matter  that  the  alliance 
proposed  is  wise  and  benevolent,  nor  that  it  may  be  the 
first  practical  step  toward  a  genuine  association  of  na- 
tions, to  whose  limited  sphere  of  authority  over  interna- 
tional peace  all  nations  will  be  subordinated.  The  fact 
remains  that  public  opinion  is  still  unprepared  for  the  full 

180 


evolution  of  the  state  into  the  superstate,  and  that  by- 
paths must  be  cautiously  taken,  if  the  destination  is  to  be 
approached  at  all. 

Patriotism,  which  is  the  affection  for  the  great- 
ness of  one's  nation  is  a  natural  as  well  as  noble  im- 
pulse. It  has,  however,  been  distorted  into  chauvinism, 
and  derives  its  power  from  an  exaggerated  notion  of  sov- 
ereignty. Sooner  or  later  we  will  learn  that,  in  our  com- 
plex world,  the  yielding  of  some  of  our  sovereignty  is  es- 
sential to  the  preservation  of  peace.  Many  nations  know 
now  that  in  guarding  their  sovereignty  too  zealously,  they 
were  left  alone  to  be  devoured  by  the  ravenous  German 
wolf.  The  story  of  the  collapse  of  collective  security  is 
a  tale  of  national  prima  donnas,  too  smug  and  self-suf- 
ficient to  cooperate. 

There  are  undoubtedly  many,  very  many,  who  would 
view  any  restriction  upon  national  sovereignty  with  out- 
raged patriotism  and  who  would  spring  to  heroic  pos- 
tures ready  to  forfeit  their  lives  for  their  misguided  loyalty. 
Such  thalamism  is  the  motive  power  for  war.  It  is  na- 
tional emotion  out  of  control.  To  those  who  cannot  take 
the  first  step  of  organization  to  peace,  the  second,  that  of 
a  supra-national  police  force,  is  of  course  even  more  of- 
fensive. They  calmly  accept  legal  restraints  upon  the  in- 
dividual, but  ascribe  such  different  moral  standards  to 
the  state  that  it  becomes  superior  to  the  application  of 
legal  force.  They  can  even  swallow  the  resort  to  illegal 
force  called  war.  They  sometimes  preach  its  inevitability, 
if  not  its  necessity,  but  they  are  unable  to  conceive  of 
legal  force  applied  to  an  offending  nation. 

Regional  Federalism 

The  citizen  of  New  York  or  California  looks  for  security 
not  only  to  his  state  but  to  the  nation.  He  cherishes  his 

181 


national  citizenship  at  least  as  much  as  his  membership  in 
the  state  or  local  community.  But  the  addition  of  another 
loyalty,  to  a  commonwealth  of  nations,  seems  to  be  a  for- 
bidding psychological  transition. 

The  "logical"  reasons  offered  by  such  opposition  reveal 
its  bias.  For  example,  much  is  made  about  "our  boys 
travelling  to  the  far  ends  of  the  earth"  to  police  some  re- 
gion, but  no  objection  is  made  to  the  necessity,  even  dur- 
ing peace,  of  a  huge  navy  which  constantly  sends  "our 
boys"  to  remote  waters.  The  professional  soldier  of  an  in- 
ternational police  force  would  accept  travel  as  part  of 
his  duty.  Civilians  would  have  a  better  chance  of  being 
spared  an  unwanted  trip,  if  there  were  an  international 
control  and  sufficient  force  to  make  control  effective. 

After  all,  the  United  States  itself  is  a  successful  federa- 
tion of  states,  among  whom  there  was  war  only  80  years 
ago.  The  Constitution,  viewed  in  the  light  of  the  current 
controversy,  is  an  amazing  document.  The  proud  and 
sovereign  states,  Virginia,  New  York  and  the  rest,  gave  up 
their  inalienable  rights  to  fight  each  other,  wage  trade  wars, 
and  levy  taxes  on  exports.  The  United  States  Supreme 
Court  in  its  jurisdiction  over  the  controversies  of  sovereign 
states  is  the  first  example  of  an  international  court  in  his- 
tory. From  this  very  limited  precedent,  others  have  pro- 
posed broader  experiments.  Their  hope  is  by  gradualism 
to  reach  a  World  Federation. 

Lionel  Curtis,  in  Civitas  Dei,  has  proposed  a  grouping 
of  Great  Britain,  Australia  and  New  Zealand.  Clarence 
Streit,  in  Union  Now,  urges  a  larger  federation  of  15 
nations  (the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  Canada,  France, 
Australia,  Belgium,  Denmark,  Finland,  Ireland,  Nether- 
lands, New  Zealand,  Norway,  Sweden,  Switzerland  and  the 
Union  of  South  Africa).  Most  functions  would  be  pre- 
served for  the  individual  nations,  but  citizenship,  defense, 

182 


international  trade,  currency,  and  communications  would 
be  controlled  by  the  Union.  A  bicameral  legislature,  ex- 
ecutive board,  prime  minister,  cabinet  and  high  court  are 
provided  as  the  federal  organs.  The  representation  would 
be  based  on  population,  in  one  house  of  the  legislature,  and 
on  a  minimum-plus-population  basis  in  the  other  branch 
of  the  legislature. 

These  and  other  regional  plans  (such  as  Count  Couden- 
hove-Kalergi's)  are  the  gropings  of  a  distraught  world 
towards  a  goal  not  immediately  obtainable.  They  are 
to  be  distinguished  from  an  international  League  of  Na- 
tions, which  recognizes  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  each 
state,  and  is  therefore  unworkable.  These  proposals  at 
least  envision  a  surrender  of  certain  sovereign  functions  in 
the  interest  of  world  peace.  Their  educational  and  psycho- 
logical value  is  considerable,  for  the  consideration  of  such 
suggestions  prepares  public  opinion  for  the  new  and  shock- 
ing idea.  Patriotism  may  thereby  discover  that  there  is  no 
inconsistency  between  affection  for  one's  country  and  alle- 
giance to  the  constellation  of  states  of  which  it  is  part. 
Indeed,  when  one  views  the  suffering  which  each  country 
is  compelled  to  undergo  periodically,  the  sacrifice  of  a  por- 
tion of  sovereign  exclusiveness  is  a  cheap  price  to  pay  for 
national  security. 

Lincoln  once  stated  the  case  for  that  higher  patriotism 
which  does  not  falter  at  an  untried  concept.  "The  dogmas 
of  the  quiet  past  are  inadequate  to  the  stormy  present.  The 
occasion  is  piled  high  with  difficulty,  and  we  must  rise  with 
the  occasion.  As  our  case  is  new,  so  must  bethink  anew 
and  act  anew.  We  must  disenthrall  ourselves,  and  then 
we  shall  save  our  country." 

Some  have  criticized  regional  federalism  and  have 
urged  the  attainment  of  the  ultimate  step  in  one  bold  leap. 
"A  world  federation  or  a  world  state  is  the  feasible 

183 


political  structure  of  a  universal  civilization.  The  less 
mankind  experiments  with  ersatz  or  artificial  solutions  of 
regionalism,  the  sooner  it  will  attain  security  and  peace," 
wrote  Nicholas  Doman  in  The  Coming  Age  of  World  Con- 
trol. But  in  choosing  between  the  possibility  of  complete 
failure  because  of  popular  apprehensiveness,  and  partial 
success,  is  not  the  latter  the  wiser  course? 

We  may  be  sure  that  the  evolution  of  international  fed- 
eration is  gradually  taking  place.  Dynastic  wars  brought 
about  monarchical  states.  National  wars  were  instru- 
mental in  shaping  national  states.  Now  world  wars  are 
accelerating  the  movement  toward  world-wide  organiza- 
tion. 

The  fierce  flames  of  war  make  us  stand  at  a  distance 
and  hide  from  some  of  us  the  melting  processes  going  on 
within.  Our  attention  is  riveted  on  the  battle  and  we  may 
not  be  aware  that  some  of  the  instruments  being  forged 
for  combat  will  have  utility  in  peace.  The  nationalist 
jealousies  of  the  military  leaders  and  armies  have  been 
overcome  in  an  unprecedented  manner.  General  Dwight 
Eisenhower,  General  Douglas  MacArthur  and  Lord  Louis 
Mountbatten  command  armies  of  many  nations.  Joint  con- 
ferences shape  political  and  military  plans.  The  traditional 
military  hierarchy,  whose  supreme  authority  stemmed 
from  nationalism,  now  is  disciplined  to  international  lead- 
ership. This  is  an  advance  over  the  most  difficult  sector 
of  the  entire  front.  It  is  an  approach  to  the  International 
Police  Force  such  as  one  would  not  have  dared  anticipate 
ten  years  ago. 

Similarly,  regional  political  constellations  are  be- 
ing formed,  their  orbit  determined  by  the  hazards  of 
war.  Churchill  during  a  war  crisis  offered  to  join 
France  and  England  into  one  nation.  Similar  trends  are 
observed  in  Scandinavia  and  in  the  Balkans.  The  Czech 

184 


and  Polish  governments  in  exile  have  discussed  post-war 
federation  of  their  two  nations.  The  Italians  have  pro- 
posed a  Latin  bloc.  The  Pan-American  community  has 
progressed  through  the  Montevideo  Conference  in  1933, 
the  agreement  at  Buenos  Aires  in  1936,  and  the  agreement 
at  Lima  in  1938,  all  founded  upon  the  system  of  settlement 
of  inter-American  disputes  devised  in  1929.  The  settle- 
ment of  the  Bolivia-Paraguay  conflict  by  joint  pressure 
of  the  informal  "federation"  was  an  illustration  of  the 
potential  power  of  regional  organization.  In  August, 
1940,  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  the  Prime 
Minister  of  Canada  made  the  Ogdensburg  agreement,  set- 
ting up  a  Joint  Defense  Board  for  their  two  countries. 

These  are  far  from  constitutional  federations  but  they 
indicate  the  pressure  of  historical  development.  Above 
all  other  tendencies  is  the  closely  knit,  unified  conduct  of 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  pooling  economic  re- 
sources, armies,  weapons,  and  political  purpose  in  one 
grand  strategy.  Together  with  China  and  Kussia,  they 
could  well  constitute  the  ties  among  the  regional  federa- 
tions. Here  too,  the  portents  are  favorable  and  in  the 
same  direction.  The  "Big  Four",  the  United  States,  Brit- 
ain, Kussia  and  China  recently  revised  the  United  Nations 
Relief  and  Rehabilitation  Administration  to  include 
forty  of  their  smaller  colleagues.  It  created  a  policy- 
making  Council  consisting  of  one  member  from  each  of 
the  nations  ultimately  participating  in  it,  and  a  Central 
Committee  consisting  of  one  representative  of  each  of  the 
"Big  Four".  The  Council  will  act  by  a  majority  vote  of 
all  its  members,  big  and  little.  It  will  appoint  a  Director 
General  on  the  unanimous  recommendation  of  the  Central 
Committee.  Between  sessions  of  the  Council,  this  Central 
Committee  "shall,  when  necessary,  make  policy  decisions 
of  an  emergency  character,"  but  all  such  decisions  "shall 

185 


be  open  to  reconsideration  by  the  Council  at  any  regular 
session  or  at  any  special  session." 

Here  is  a  fine  structure  for  post-war  organization.  Its 
massive  lines  and  practical  detail  should  comfort  those 
who  fear  that  it  will  be  impossible  to  translate  into  actu- 
ality the  wraith-like  designs  of  unpracticed  world  archi- 
tects. 

Forever  Hold  Tour  Peace 

Thus  the  ideal  of  a  world  supra-national  organization 
can  be  perceived  in  the  distance,  even  if  dimly.  Perhaps 
the  prophetic  words  written  by  Victor  Hugo  on  the  walls 
of  the  Palais  de  Vosges  in  Paris  will  still  come  true,  "I 
am  a  party,  a  party  which  does  not  exist  yet.  A  party  of 
revolution — civilization.  This  party  will  make  the  twenti- 
eth century,  out  of  which  first  the  United  States  of  Europe 
and  later  the  United  States  of  the  World  will  emerge." 

The  usual  taunts  will  be  hurled:  "starry-eyed  ideal- 
ism," "visionary  schemes,"  "impractical  dreams" — and  all 
the  worn-out  cliches  composed  by  those  practical,  hard- 
headed  men  who  have  been  unable  to  stop  the  world's 
descent  into  the  chasm  of  darkness.  They  are  "experts", 
thoroughly  disqualified  by  the  greatest  failure  in  history. 
They  have  lost  the  privilege  of  derisive  criticism  and 
superior  airs.  In  the  test-tube  of  history,  it  was  their 
"realism"  which  proved  to  be  starry-eyed  and  impracti- 
cable. The  torch  which  fell  from  their  inept  hands  is 
extinguished.  We  must  light  it  again  with  courage  and 
daring.  There  is  little  to  lose.  We  inherit  from  them  a 
desolate  world,  ravaged  and  wracked  with  agony.  Their 
feeble  echoes  which  follow  us  with  warnings  of  imprac- 
ticability and  impossibility  are  the  last  groans  of  defeat- 
ism. We  must  not  heed  them.  The  world  has  always  strug- 
gled against  the  detractors  of  progress.  Our  valor  in  this 

186 


critical  period  of  man's  history  must  include  a  disregard 
for  these  prophets  of  disaster.  If  the  global  slaughter- 
house which  they  have  created  is  "keeping  one's  feet  on  the 
ground",  we  may  well  aspire  to  put  our  heads  in  the 
clouds. 


187 


CHAPTER   VII 


WO  MORE  YESTERDAYS 


Perhaps  this  chapter  should  have  been  the  first.  It  is 
an  introduction — an  introduction  to  peace  for  tomorrow. 
But  it  is  placed  here  because  its  considerations  may  be 
most  critically  observed  in  such  light  as  may  be  cast  by 
the  preceding  pages. 

Three  methods  have  been  used  in  the  search  for  a 
solution  to  the  German  problem.  First,  we  have  proceeded 
from  analysis  of  particular  situations  to  general  conclu- 
sions rather  than  vice  versa.  A  prescription  for  world 
peace  was  not  devised  and  then  applied  to  Germany. 
Bather,  the  German  problem  has  been  studied,  and  from  it 
broader  deductions  have  been  made  for  world  peace.  This 
method  was  adopted  not  only  because  Germany  is  a  unique 
and  explosive  element  in  world  disequilibrium,  but  also 
because,  by  limiting  the  original  scope  of  inquiry,  concen- 
trated analysis  was  made  possible.  The  temptation  for 
sweeping  generalization  was  diminished.  Specific  problems 
reared  their  troublesome  heads  and  demanded  attention. 
A  speck,  sufficiently  close  to  the  eye,  will  shut  out  the  stars. 

Second,  we  have  adopted  the  historical  approach. 
The  Versailles  Treaty,  and  German  and  Allied  conduct 
have  been  examined,  to  deduce  the  present  recommenda- 
tions. History  may  repeat  itself,  but  it  is  rare  for  the 
differentiating  factors  to  be  so  few  as  in  the  case  of  the 

188 


two  World  Wars.  By  close  examination  of  prior  events 
we  are  actually  afforded  the  opportunity  of  hindsight  as 
to  the  future!  Here,  far  more  than  in  the  ordinary  case, 
the  study  of  history  has  not  been  merely  an  academic 
indulgence.  It  has  afforded  a  .prescience,  to  be  eagerly 
grasped  by  one  confronted  with  the  German  enigma.  That 
is  why  so  much  attention  has  been  lavished  upon  the  events 
of  the  past.  Even  the  boldest  and  most  original  thinking 
must  be  tempered  by  its  lessons. 

We  saw  how  Germany,  though  manacled  and  appar- 
ently tied  hand  and  foot,  performed  a  magical  escape  from 
the  war-guilt  trials  of  the  Versailles  Treaty.  Now  that  we 
know  about  the  fake  knots  and  the  loose  handcuffs,  the 
jail  will  not  be  cheated  again.  We  studied  the  fraudulent 
bookkeeping  entries  of  reparations,  the  secretion  of  assets,, 
and  the  clever  manipulations  by  which  the  disarmament 
provisions  were  nullified.  Our  understanding  makes  this 
deception  no  longer  possible.  Nor  have  we  overlooked  the 
fact  that,  just  as  a  corporation  which  commits  a  crime  may 
be  dissolved  and  its  charter  forfeited,  so  a  criminal  nation 
must  lose  its  charter  of  sovereignty. 

We  have,  like  good  probation  officials,  traced  the  case 
history  of  the  criminal  and  found  a  corrupt  educational 
background  running  back  many  generations.  Now  we 
know  that  reform  school  is  essential,  and  that  particular 
attention  must  be  given  to  special  curricula,  adequate  to 
correct  the  inculcation  of  false  moral  principles.  We  have 
realized  that  the  educational  program  must  be  devised  not 
by  local  politicians  but  by  academic  authorities  of  the 
highest  standing — the  International  University. 

Having  observed  that  an  environment  of  poverty  and 
hopelessness  prevents  a  psychology  of  penitence  and  re- 
form, we  have  provided  for  a  favorable  economic  condi- 
tioning of  the  defective.  In  all  this,  history  has  acted  as 

189 


a  sign-post  pointing  the  direction — its  inscriptions  filled 
with  significant  instruction. 

Third,  we  have  permitted  the  facts  to  shape  the 
recommendations,  even  if  the  results  appeared  incon- 
sistent. Most  peace  plans  for  Germany  fall  into  definite 
categories.  There  is  the  so-called  "sob-sister"  plan  preach- 
ing generosity  and  forgiveness.  At  the  other  extreme  is 
the  "kill  them"  plan  with  its  "eye  for  an  eye"  philosophy. 
But  wisdom  does  not  fall  into  prearranged  classifications. 
It  has  no  concern  with  consistency.  We  have  seen  that 
the  Germans  must  be  treated  with  severity  insofar  as 
punishment,  restitution,  and  preventive  measures  are 
concerned,  but  with  generosity  in  the  economic  sphere. 
For  education,  neither  method  is  appropriate.  Paradoxi- 
cally enough,  in  this  realm  there  must  be  a  severe  appli- 
cation of  a  generous  principle.  Life  is  not  a  contest 
between  "schools  of  thought"  with  a  convenient  decision 
rendered  at  the  end  of  the  bout.  I  have  endeavored  to 
permit  the  conclusions,  as  well  as  the  chips,  to  fall  where 
they  may,  without  regard  to  the  unevenness  of  the  pattern. 

Good  painters  learn  to  be  faithful  to  what  they  see. 
The  lines  actually  observed  may  seem  impossible  but  the 
net  eft'ect,  if  one  has  the  courage  to  draw  them,  is  a  proper 
perspective.  The  amateur  fears  the  apparent  distortion 
and  "corrects"  the  line  so  that  it  will  represent  his  knowl- 
edge rather  than  his  observation.  His  logic  is  sound  but 
his  conclusion  is  false.  This  is  often  true  in  philosophical 
planning.  The  proper  solution  for  Germany  may,  accord- 
ing to  the  logic  of  consistency,  be  either  wrath  or  mercy. 
Actually  the  lines  are  not  to  be  drawn  so  neatly.  They 
curve  and  break  irregularly  as  complex  forces  move  them. 
The  suggested  irregularities  of  the  lines  are  not  compro- 
mises. They  are  true  to  observation.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  the  result  is  in  perspective. 

190 


Program  Summarized 

The  laborious  struggle  of  man  towards  a  happier  ex- 
istence has  overcome  many  superstitions,  prejudices  and  in- 
justices. One  nation,  however,  can  seize  civilization  as  it 
climbs  slowly  upwards  and  drag  it  down  through  the  cen- 
turies to  barbarism.  Germany  has  chosen  this  pagan  role 
with  a  persistence  and  venom  which  has  confounded  all 
men  of  good  will.  We  resolve  solemnly  that  she  must  not 
do  so  again.  We  back  that  profound  determination  with  a 
program. 

Punishment 

Having  determined  where  the  responsibility  rests,  we 
apply  the  sword  of  justice  in  all  its  measured  impartial 
fury. 

First,  we  forfeit  Germany's  sovereignty  as  a  nation,  to 
be  restored  if,  and  when,  she  ceases  to  be  a  menace  to  the 
society  of  peoples.  We  have  provided  how  that  decision 
shall  be  made. 

Second,  having  punished  the  nation  as  an  entity,  we 
punish  her  individual  war  criminals.  For  this  purpose  we 
construct  two  kinds  of  courts.  Those  of  each  nation  in 
which  the  criminals  may  be  found,  or  national  courts 
(military  and  criminal),  will  apply  their  own  laws  and 
provide  their  own  prosecutors,  prisons,  probation  depart- 
ments and  insane  institutions.  The  second  kind  is  the 
international  court  (with  its  criminal  and  military  sub- 
sidiaries) to  act  as  a  final  appellate  court  and  also  to 
try  "sovereigns"  and  other  important  criminals.  The 
armistice  itself  will  require  the  immediate  surrender  for 
trial  of  all  war  criminals.  Their  names  and  the  accusa- 
tions against  them  will  in  many  instances  be  annexed  to 

191 


the  armistice   terms.    Also   all   official   documents   and 
evidentiary  data  mnst  be  produced  intact. 

Third,  international  commissions  as  well  as  national 
commissions  should  gather  the  abundant  data  of  crimi- 
nality under  the  immediate  direction  of  the  prosecutors. 

Fourth,  we  list  bureaucratic  groups  of  Pan-Germans 
from  which  the  officially  organized  brutality  stemmed. 
They  must  be  the  first  to  face  an  inexorable  avenging  jus- 
tice. These,  the  upper  crust  of  Nazism,  the  Leader,  Cabinet 
and  Gauleiters,  the  High  Command,  the  Gestapo,  the 
Sturm  Abteilung,  the  Labor  Front,  the  German  Peoples' 
Courts,  the  Schutzstaffel  and  others  must  be  exterminated 
according  to  law. 

Fifth,  we  have  recommended  how  certain  troublesome 
questions  of  International  Law  should  be  answered — such 
as  the  defense  that  a  superior  officer's  command  was  being 
executed. 

Sixth,  we  have  proposed  measures  to  prevent  the  guilty 
from  obtaining  asylum  in  neutral  countries. 

Despite  a  most  extensive  judicial  system  constituted  in 
the  Versailles  Treaty  Germany  evaded  any  real  punish- 
ment. We  have  studied  the  ingenious  methods  which  she 
employed  so  successfully.  Our  program  shuts  the  door  to 
such  cunning.  The  Prussian  war  cult  and  its  Nazi  high 
executioners  must  be  destroyed.  Justice  demands  it.  Hope 
for  a  better  world  requires  it. 

Economic  Program 

The  punishment  provisions  spill  over  into  the  economic 
realm.  This  is  quite  natural,  since  the  complex  forces  of 
society  will  not  be  confined  to  labeled  compartments.  Life 
is  stormy  and  unorthodox,  and  no  respecter  of  the  plan- 

192 


ner's  well-carved  designs.  The  economic  program  has  two 
main  directions,  one  preventive  and  punitive,  the  other 
affirmative. 

The  former  is  designed  to  disarm  Germany  economically 
as  well  as  militarily.  It  proposes : 

First,  that  all  plants  and  machinery  which  produce  war 
material  be  scrapped,  removed  or  demolished. 

Second,  that  the  machine  tool  industry,  steel  mills, 
power  houses  and  important  "heavy  industries"  be  de- 
stroyed or  taken  from  German  control.  While  physical 
operation  could  be  left  to  Germans,  international  trustees 
should  determine  personnel  of  management,  contracts,  in- 
vestments and  foreign  arrangements.  There  would  be  no 
reliance  upon  mere  "inspection."  Control  of  policy  itself 
would  be  attained.  No  cartel  arrangements  could  then  be 
made  to  restrict  foreign  production  of  vital  materials.  Nor 
could  fifth  columns  of  sabotage  and  espionage  be  organized 
under  the  respectable  guise  of  business  enterprise. 

Third,  that  stocks  of  metals,  oil  or  other  strategic  war 
materials  in  excess  of  normal  domestic  consumption  be  re- 
moved from  the  country  and  never  replenished. 

Fourth,  that  restitution  be  made  of  stolen  property 
wherever  possible.  We  have  analyzed  the  different  methods 
by  which  it  was  illegally  obtained.  They  range  from  loot- 
ing by  military  marauders  called  WiRti  to  the  "acquisi- 
tion of  title"  by  devious  frauds  such  as  the  Soldaten- 
lanken.  Through  one  form  or  another  the  Germans  have 
made  the  greatest  haul  in  the  history  of  banditry,  almost 
50  billion  dollars. 

Fifth,  that  property  courts,  with  criminal  jurisdiction 
to  punish  recalcitrants,  shall  determine  disputes  over  title 

193 


to  property.  The  accumulations  of  the  Nazis,  no  matter 
in  what  form  or  country,  will  be  confiscated  and  pooled 
for  restoration  to  the  victims  or  their  governments.  The 
devices  for  dressing  these  embezzlements  with  color  of  title 
will  be  pierced.  We  have  analyzed  some  of  the  fraudulent 
methods  which  merely  disguise  the  robberies. 

Sixth,  that  reparations  be  paid  in  money  and  goods  to 
the  fullest  extent  of  Germany's  capacity.  However,  the 
obligation  will  be  elastic,  and  exacted  under  the  control  of 
an  International  Economic  Board  which  will  (a)  prevent 
the  collapse  of  German  economy  through  exhaustion  and 
(b)  prevent  damage  to  the  world's  markets  by  dumping 
of  goods  or  otherwise.  We  have  analyzed  the  cunning 
employed  by  Germany  to  avoid  making  reparation  pay- 
ments and  at  the  same  time  receive  huge  loans.  The  plan 
proposed  will  make  the  victors  the  beneficiaries,  not  the 
victims,  of  reparations. 

Seventh,  that  reparations  also  be  paid  in  the  form  of 
labor  battalions  to  reconstruct  devastated  areas.  These 
are  to  be  composed  chiefly  of  war  criminals  sentenced  to 
prison  terms.  This  payment  shall  also  be  subject  to  the 
International  Board's  control  in  order  to  avoid  injury  to 
the  restored  area  by  importation  of  excess  labor. 

This  program  will  not  only  destroy  the  German  war 
plant,  but  will  remove  the  mortar  and  bricks  without  which 
a  new  one  cannot  be  built.  It  provides  for  thorough  eco- 
nomic disarmament  and  it  has  been  carefully  designed  to 
check  the  unscrupulous  manipulations  and  recuperative 
powers  of  German  war  planners  (businessmen  as  well  as 
military  men).  German  fanaticism  must  be  stripped 
naked  and  kept  naked,  so  that  its  irrationality  and  shame 
will  be  evident  to  all.  It  must  not  be  permitted  to  acquire 
another  coat  of  armor  and  pose  for  all  the  world  as  a 

194 


brave  knight  and  warrior.    At  the  same  time,  the  program 
is  intended  to  do  simple  justice  by  restitution. 

The  second  phase  of  the  economic  program  is  not  puni 
tive  though  it  may  have  preventive  effects.     It  is  chiefly 
designed   to  serve  the  economic   health  and  growth  of 
Germany.    It  provides : 

First,  that  it  share  in  the  immediate  food  relief  which 
will  be  extended  to  all  Europe  during  the  emergency  pe- 
riod following  the  armistice.  An  extensive  international 
commission  has  already  worked  out  plans  for  succor.  Ger 
many  must  also  be  a  full  participant  in  medical  aid.  As 
it  is  our  intention  to  eradicate  Germany's  mass  paranoiac 
tendencies,  we  must  create  a  favorable  physical  condi- 
tion to  aid  her  mental  reorientation.  Her  persecution 
complex  must  not  be  aggravated  by  hunger  and  economic 
distress.  For  these,  unlike  punishment,  become  widespread 
and  are  inflicted  upon  innocent  and  guilty  alike.  We  have 
talked  of  the  guilt  of  the  German  people,  always  conscious 
of  the  many  individual  exceptions.  In  the  economic  phase 
of  our  program  the  exception  determines  the  rule.  Every 
consideration  is  extended  to  improve  the  standard  of 
living  in  Germany. 

Second,  that  Prussian  estates  be  confiscated  and  dis- 
tributed to  German  peasants  in  small  parcels.  The  feudal 
class  in  Germany,  an  anachronism  which  still  survives, 
would  thus  be  eliminated.  Such  agrarian  reform  would 
put  an  end  to  the  intolerable  domination  of  Germany  by 
land -owning  Junkers,  and  their  arrogant  military  and 
nationalistic  creeds.  It  would  end  the  Prussian  reign, 
which  terrorized  the  better  instincts  of  many  Germans. 
It  would  improve  and  democratize  German  economy. 

Third,  that  Germany  be  in  full  proportion  the  benefici- 
ary of  international  economic  planning  and  control.  We 

195 


have  suggested  an  Economic  Council  snch  as  was  designed 
in  February,  1940,  at  the  Hague.  The  following  economic 
benefits  could  be  conferred  on  Germany  as  well  as  other 
nations:  (a)  a  Central  Bank  would  raise  or  lower  inter- 
est rates  simultaneously  in  all  countries,  to  increase  or 
limit  finances  for  production,  (b)  regional  resources  would 
be  developed,  (c)  labor  supply  would  be  adjusted  to  local 
requirements  through  the  relaxation  or  tightening  of  im- 
migration restrictions,  (d)  exchange  rates  would  be 
stabilized  by  fixing  the  price  of  gold  in  each  currency 
periodically,  (e)  a  stabilization  fund  would  check  distress 
due  to  the  withdrawal  of  short-term  capital,  (f)  quotas 
and  restrictions  on  international  trade  would  be  removed 
except  in  special  circumstances,  (g)  tariffs  would  be  en- 
couraged chiefly  for  infant  industries,  (h)  cartels  would 
be  subjected  to  the  scrutiny  of  a  sort  of  international 
S.E.O.  to  be  sure  that  they  were  in  the  public's  interest, 
(i)  new,  peaceful  industries  might  be  assigned  to  German 
efficiency  or  to  other  countries  in  accordance  with  the 
economic  advantages  resulting  from  the  location  of 
certain  materials  or  resources. 

These  and  similar  activities  would  satisfy  the  pledge 
of  the  Atlantic  Charter  "to  farther  the  enjoyment  by  all 
States,  great  or  small,  victor  or  vanquished,  of  access  on 
equal  terms  to  the  trade  and  to  the  raw  materials  of  the 
world  which  are  needed  for  their  economic  prosperity." 

Germany  will  be  restored  to  economic  health  and 
standards.  She  will  learn  from  this  living  course  in  po- 
litical economy  that  war  devours  wealth  more  quickly 
than  it  supplies  loot.  Impoverishment  is  the  common  de- 
nominator of  victory  and  defeat.  Perhaps  this  will  be 
some  encouragement  toward  a  peaceful  frame  of  mind. 
Certainly  it  will  aid  world  economy.  But  the  German 
obsession  with  world  domination  is  not  to  be  disposed  of 

196 


so  easily.  Economic  justice  is  essential  to  the  plan  for 
re-education,  but  it  is  not  the  education  itself.  The  effort 
in  this  direction  is  as  ambitious  as  the  size  of  the  problem 
requires.  It  is  designed  to  condition  Germany  for  a  right- 
ful place  in  a  peaceful  society. 

Educational  Program 
This  phase  of  the  program  provides: 

First,  that  the  entire  educational  system  of  Germany 
be  scrapped,  just  as  its  arms  factories  must  be.  The  mental 
products  it  has  produced  have  been  no  less  dangerous  to 
mankind  than  the  other  varieties  of  explosives  from  its 
munition  plants. 

Second,  that  the  task  of  obliterating  the  false  doctrines 
of  German  nationalism  is  not  to  be  entrusted  solely  to  the 
Germans.  They  have  been  immersed  in  vicious  credos 
for  many  generations,  and  the  Nazis  have  accelerated  the 
process  with  hysteria.  We  have  seen  the  degenerative 
educational  processes  unmolested  after  the  first  World 
War,  when  the  problem  was  left  to  German  solution. 
Noble  resolutions  went  as  unheeded  as  solemn  assurances 
of  disarmament.  The  price  of  failure  was  a  second  World 
War.  The  matter  cannot  again  be  left  to  German  self- 
reform. 

Third,  that  the  educational  program  be  effectuated  un- 
der international  auspices.  If  a  supra-national  authority 
is  created,  it  would  afford  the  most  appropriate  and  least 
biased  supervision.  Otherwise,  the  United  Nations  would 
be  charged  with  the  task,  just  as  they  must  accept  the  re- 
sponsibility of  the  other  phases  of  the  program.  The  most 
suitable  agency  to  devise  the  details  of  the  educational  re- 
form, such  as  the  curricula  of  the  schools,  the  selection  of 
teachers  and  text-books,  and  pedagogical  matters  generally, 

197 


would  be  an  International  University.  We  have  outlined 
the  structure,  function  and  authority  of  such  an  institu- 
tion. It  would  be  the  "High  Command"  of  the  educational 
offensive.  All  German  text-books  must  bear  the  impri- 
matur of  the  International  University.  Outstanding  Ger- 
man students  would  be  offered  the  opportunity  of  post- 
graduate courses  in  the  International  University.  They 
would  return  to  Germany  as  teachers,  to  found  a  new 
cultural  tradition  infused  with  an  international  civic 
sense.  A  new  cycle  of  normal  nationalism  would  be  be- 
gun, whose  expression  would  be  Germany's  contribution 
to  the  welfare  and  peace  of  Europe. 

Fourth,  that  the  professors,  wherever  possible,  should 
be  German  liberals  and  democrats.  Others  will  be  chosen 
internationally.  We  have  considered  the  irritation  of 
"foreign"  intrusion.  It  must  be  reduced  to  its  minimum, 
but  it  must  never  become  the  reason  for  abandoning  con- 
trol. We  have  studied  the  disastrous  effects  of  the  last 
experiment  in  autonomous  educational  reform. 

Fifth,  that  the  revitalization  of  a  democratic  culture 
be  implemented  by  every  conceivable  instrument  for  in- 
vading the  mind.  We  have  outlined  the  possible  function 
in  this  respect  of  the  church,  the  motion  picture,  the 
theatre,  the  radio,  the  press,  and  the  labor  unions. 

There  will  be  educational  service  instead  of  military 
service,  and  every  German  will  be  under  compulsion  to 
become  prepared  for  his  peaceful  duty  as  once  he  was  for 
his  martial  one. 

Sixth,  that  the  extensive  educational  program  will  have 
for  one  of  its  main  objects  training  in  democratic  self- 
rule.  If  and  when  the  German  people  are,  in  the  impartial 
judgment  of  the  International  University,  prepared  for 
their  proper  place  in  the  society  of  nations,  they  will  be 

198 


welcomed  to  their  new  obligation.  No  more  will  they  be 
deemed  a  menace.  Their  sovereignty  will  be  restored.  Their 
redemption  quite  properly  will  come  through  the  mind. 
For  only  when  their  intentions  and  viewpoints  are  normal 
will  the  physical  safeguards  against  them  become  unneces- 
sary. 

Harvesting  the  Peace 

Any  architect  of  peace  should  be  awed  by  the  stupen- 
dous nature  of  his  task.  Wisdom  is  given  to  none  of  us  to 
rebuild  the  world.  No  neat  blue-print  can  possibly  be 
given  without  grievous  defect.  Humility  therefore  flows, 
not  from  any  ordinary  springs  of  modesty,  but  from  a  genu- 
ine sense  of  inadequacy  to  solve  by  formula  the  most  trou- 
blesome threat  to  man's  existence.  But  humility  can  have 
two  effects.  It  can  induce  passivity,  which  is  cowardice, 
or  it  can  inspire  courage  to  propose,  devoid  of  messianic 
conviction. 

One  peers  anxiously  upwards  for  the  next  rung  in  man's 
ascent  and  the  tightness  with  which  the  rung  is  grasped 
does  not  really  indicate  full  confidence  that  it  will  support 
the  weight.  Vehemence  in  the  course  of  exposition  OP 
persuasion  often  only  hides  uncertainty.  We  assure  our- 
selves, by  insisting  to  others,  but  we  may  feel  rewarded 
if  from  the  much  that  is  offered,  something  is  of  value. 

This  program  of  what  to  do  with  Germany  is  an  effort 
to  meet  this  test;  to  preserve  man's  normal  life  from  the 
violence  of  a  chronic  assailant;  and  after  due  punishment 
and  prophylactic  measures  have  conditioned  the  offender, 
to  accept  him  into  the  family  of  nations. 

Belief  in  the  forces  of  destiny  has  been  man's  most 
costly  superstition.  Throughout  the  centuries  it  has  stimu- 
lated aberrations  which  have  wrought  havoc  with  mankind. 
Every  kind  of  savagery  has  been  committed  in  its  name. 

199 


The  tyrant  and  war  maker  imagines  himself  merely  the 
pliant  agent  of  "the  wave  of  the  future"  and  his  evil  thus 
derives  sanction  from  an  incontestable  source. 

This  substitution  of  "mission"  for  morals,  has  been  the 
most  tragic  fact  in  man's  decline.  It  is  the  negation  of  all 
ethics,  and  stunts  the  idealism  of  religion.  It  is  no  acci- 
dent that  Germany  and  Japan  prattle  continuously  about 
their  destiny,  their  fate.  They  have  substituted  an  image 
which  they  have  created,  for  the  image  of  God.  Their  ob- 
session is  real  to  them;  from  its  hollow  depths  spring 
fanaticism,  which  is  no  less  dangerous  because  it  is  a  con- 
viction about  a  myth. 

We  are  not  twigs,  swept  helplessly  down  the  stream  of 
life  by  turbulent  waters.  The  neuter  concept  of  man  is 
the  real  atheism  of  our  lives.  There  is  destiny  only  in  the 
sense  that  we  are  masters  of  it  and  can  shape  it.  We  can- 
not absolve  ourselves  from  wrong  or  failure  by  blaming 
the  forces  beyond  us.  There  is  no  escape  from  responsi- 
bility for  what  we  do.  The  strength  to  face  this  is  the 
supreme  test  of  our  adequacy. 

So  in  the  course  of  events  the  critical  time  comes  when 
man  must  seize  the  helm  and  stop  pretending  that  the  aim- 
lessness  of  the  ship  is  the  design  of  the  waves.  If  we  must 
steady  ourselves  with  fantasies,  let  them  be  healthy  ones. 
Let  us  imagine  that  the  young  men  some  of  us  knew,  who 
cut  short  their  precious  lives  so  that  we  might  plan,  hover 
near  us  now  to  plead  for  the  full  span  of  life  of  today's 
children.  Let  us  remember  that  the  next  generation,  and 
the  next,  and  next  is  in  our  care.  In  a  certain  sense  we 
have  become  the  custodians  of  the  future.  The  convulsions 
of  our  time  have  made  it  so. 

A  cartographer  can  record  the  broad  expanses  of  the 
world  upon  a  single  map,  giving  us  a  perspective  of  the 
peaks  and  valleys  of  the  terrain.  If  there  were  a  similar 

200 


science  for  creating  a  map  to  reduce  the  ages  of  time  to  a 
single  surface,  a  few  days  would  stand  mountain-high  in 
the  story  of  emancipation. 

Such  a  day  was  June  23,  1215,  when  William  d'Albini, 
Stephen  Langton  and  their  associates  met  on  the  trian- 
gular plain  of  Runnymede,  in  a  quiet  corner  of  the  160 
acres  of  pasture  land,  and  exacted  the  written  promise 
from  King  John  that  "no  freeman  shall  be  seized,  or  im- 
prisoned .  .  .  except  by  the  legal  judgment  of  his  peers,  or 
by  the  laws  of  the  land."  This  was  the  day  of  the  Magna 
Carta,  which  in  Blackstone's  words  was  the  "gradual  muta- 
tion and  final  establishment  of  the  Charter  of  Liberties." 

Such  a  day  was  September  12,  1787,  when  at  a  closed 
session  in  Independence  Hall,  Gouverneur  Morris  reported 
on  behalf  of  a  committee  on  "Style  and  Arrangement"  the 
final  draft  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Such  a  day  is  upon  us  now.  All  mankind  will  have 
cause  for  many  centuries  to  look  upon  it  and  judge  whether 
we  missed  or  met  its  historic  challenge. 

We  must  not  fail. 


201 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


CHAPTER  I. 

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LEON  FRADLEY  WHITNEY  :  The  Case  for  Sterilisation  (Frederick  A.  Stokes 
Co.,  1934) 

THEODORE  N.  KAUFMAN  :  Germany  Must  Perish  .(Argyle  Press,  Newark, 
N.  J.,  1941) 

GEORG  WILHELM  FRIEDRICH  HEGEL:  Philosophy  of  Mind  (London,  1894; 
Philosophy  of  Right  (London,  1896) 

JOHANN  GOTTLIEB  FICHTE:  The  Destination  of  Man  (1889)  ;  The  Science  of 
Rights  (2d  ed.,  1889)  ;  The  Science  of  Ethics  Based  on  the  Science  of 
Knowledge  (1897) 

FREIDRICH  WILHELM  FOERSTER:  Europe  and  the  German  Question  (Sheed 
&  Ward,  1941) 

VOLKSBUND  FUER  DAS  DEUTSCHTUM  IM  AUSLAND  :  Deutsches  Volkstum  in 
Aller  Welt  (1938) 

HERBERT  HOOVER  and  HUGH  GIBSON:  The  Problems  of  Lasting  Peace 
(Doubleday,  Doran  &  Co.,  1942) 

EARNEST  A.  HOOTON  :    Interview  on  Outbreeding  (PM,  Jan.  4,  1943) 
JOHN  ROY  CARLSON:    Under  Cover  (E.  P.  Button  &  Co.,  1943) 
MICHAEL  SAYERS  and  A.  E.  KAHN  :   Sabotage  (Harper  &  Bros.,  1942) 
HUGH  DALTON:   Hitler's  War  (Oxford,  1940) 

WINSTON  CHURCHILL:  The  Great  War— 1914-1918  (G.  Newnes  Ltd.,  Lon- 
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205 


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3,  1927) 

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1942) 

T.  H.  TETENS  :    Whither  Hitler?  (Basel,  1935) 

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York,  1943) 

INSTITUTE  OF  JEWISH  AFFAIRS:   Hitler's  Ten-Year  War  on  the  Jews  (New 
York,  Sept.,  1943) 

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1942) 

RICHARD  WALTHER  DARRE:  Der  Schweinemord  (Zentralverlag  der  NSDAP 
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CHAPTER  II. 

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ALBERT  SHAW:   "The  Messages  and  Papers  of  Woodrow  Wilson"   (The 
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JULIUS  CAESAR  :   Bellum  Gallicum,  Book  VI. 
TACITUS  :  De  Germania 

JEAN  FROISSART:    Chronicles  of  England,  Spain,  France  and  the  Adjoining 
Countries  (Leavitt  &  Allen,  New  York,  1855) 

N.  GANGULEE:    The  Mind  and  Face  of  Nazi  Germany  (John  Murray,  Lon- 
don, 1942) 

MACHIAVELLI  :   The  Historical,  Political  and  Diplomatic  Writings  of  Machi- 
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GEORG  WILHELM  FRIEDRICH  HEGEL:  Philosophy  of  History  (1857) 
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206 


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JOSEPH  ARTHUR  DE  GOBINEAU:    Moral  and  Intellectual  Diversity  of  Races 
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1940) ;  The  Revolution  of  Nihilism  (Garden  City  Publ.  Co.,  1942) 

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A  History  of  Various  Cases  (1883) 

"German  Elections  1932",  Encyclopedia  of  Europe,  Vol.  I  (London,  1939) 
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Verein  von  Freunden  des  Volkes  und  Vaterlandes  (Avenarius  &  Mendels- 
sohn, 1851) 

WINSTON   CHURCHILL:    The   Great   War  — 1914-1918    (G.   Newnes,   Ltd., 
London,  1933-1934) 

RAY  STANNARD  BAKER  :   Woodrow  Wilson  and  World  Settlement  (Double- 
day,  Doran  &  Co.,  1922) 

207 


RAY  STANNARD  BAKER  and  WILLIAM  DODD:    The  Public  Papers  of  Wood 
row  Wilson  (Harper  &  Bros.,  1925-1927) 

DAVID   HUNTER  MILLER:    My  Diary  at  the  Conference  of  Paris   (G.   P. 
Putnam's  Sons,  1928) 

The  Peace  That  Failed:   How  Germany  Sowed  the  Seed  of  War  (Foreign 
Policy  Association,  1942) 

Shadow  Over  Europe:    The  Challenge  of  Nazi  Germany   (Foreign  Policy 
Association,  1939) 

HANS  ERNEST  FRIED  :    The  Guilt  of  the  German  Army  (Macmillan,  1942) 
ROM  LANDAU  :  Hitler's  Paradise  (Faber  &  Faber,  Ltd.,  London) 
FREDERICK  C.  OESCHNER:   This  Is  the  Enemy  (Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  1942) 

CHARLES  WARREN:  "Punishment  for  War  Guilt"   (The  New  York  Times, 
May  17,  1943) 

MORVAT  :   History  of  European  Diplomacy,  1914-1924 


CHAPTER  III. 

"Briand-Kellogg  Pact",  New  International  Encyclopedia,  Supp.  Vol.  I,  P. 
248,  595,  864 

DAVID  HUNTER  MILLER:    The  Peace  Pact  of  Paris  (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons, 
1928) 

"League  of  Nations",  New  International  Encyclopedia,  Supp.  Vol.  I 

ARTICLES  OF  INTERPRETATION  AS  ADOPTED  BY  THE  BUDAPEST  CONFERENCE 
1934,  together  with  the  Report  of  the  Relevant  Proceedings 

SIR  THOMAS  BARCLAY  :   International  Law  and  Practice  (London,  Sweet  & 
Maxwell,  Ltd.,  Boston,  Mass.) 

The  American  Journal  of  International  Law,  Vol.  14  (1920) 
"International  Law",  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  Vol.  12 
"International  Law*',  Encyclopedia  Americana,  Vol.  15 
"International  Law",  33  Corpus  Juris  383 

SIR  FREDERICK  SMITH  :   Treatise  on  International  Law — 5th  Ed.  (London  & 
Toronto,  1918) 

HANNIS  TAYLOR:   Treatise  on  International  Public  Law  (Chicago,  1901) 

ARTHUR  K.  KUHN  :    The  Laws  of  War  and  the  Future  (Hague  Conference 
on  International  Law,  Aug.  30,  1921) 

"Federal  Courts",  25  Corpus  Juris  679 

The  American  Society  of  International  Law,  Vol.  14  (Oxford  University 
Press,  1920) 

"International  Law",  Black's  Law  Dictionary 

JAMES  W.  GARNER  :    "Punishment  of  Offenders  Against  the  Laws  and  Cus- 
toms of  War"  (14  American  Journal  of  International  Law,  p.  70,  1920) 

"Heirn  v.  Bridault",  37  Miss.  230 

208 


"U.  S.  v.  White",  (C.  C.)  27  Fed.  201 

Fix  Atrocities  on  Ex-Kaiser  (The  Neiv  York  Times,  Jan.  19,  1919) 

"Schooner  Exchange  v.  McFaddon  and  Others",  7  Cranch.  116 

"DeHaber  v.  Queen  of  Portugal",  17  Q.  B.  171 

"Hatch  v.  Baez",  7  Hun  596 

"Underbill  v.  Hernandez",  168  U.  S.  250 

CHARLES  SEYMOUR:    Intimate  Papers  of  Colonel  House  (Houghton-Mifflin 
Co.,  1926) 

CHARLES  WARREN:    "Punishment  of  War  Guilt"   (The  New  York  Times, 
May  17,  1943) 

JOHN  HENNESSEY  WALKER:    "Punishing  the  War  Guilty  Will  Not  Be  A 
Simple  Job",  (PM,  Nov.  15,  1942) 

VICTOR  BERNSTEIN  :   "The  Kaiser  Didn't  Hang"  (PM,  March  22,  1943) 

HEINZ  POL:    The  Hidden  Enemy:    The  German  Threat  to  Post-War  Peace 
(Julian  Messner,  1943) 

SHELDON  GLUECK:    "Trial  and  Punishment  of  the  Axis  War  Criminals" 
(Free  World,  Nov.,  1942) 

F.  WILHELM  SOLLMAN:    "How  to  Deal  with  Germany"   (World  Affairs, 
June,  1942) 

Bethmann-Holwegg,  Former  Chancellor,  Testifies  Evasively.     Secret  Ses- 
sion is  Declared  (The  New  York  Times,  Nov.  6,  1919) 

Von  Kapelle,  Von  Koch  and  Helfferich  Praise  the  Old  Regime  (The  New 
York  Times,  Nov.  14,  1919) 

Students  Refuse  to  Permit  Von  Hindenburg  to  Appear   (The  New  York 
Times,  Nov.  15,  1919) 

Helfferich   Refuses  to   Answer   Questions    (The  New   York   Times,  Nov. 
17,  1919) 

Hindenburg  Finally  Testifies  (The  New  York  Times,  Nov.  19,  1919) 
Hjalmar  Branting  Reports  (The  New  York  Times,  Dec.  22,  1919) 

Von  Lersner  Refuses  to  Surrender  Prisoners  (The  New  York  Times,  Nov. 
29,  1919) 

Prince  Rupprecht  Offers  to  Surrender  in  Exchange  for  German  War  Pris- 
oners (The  New  York  Times,  Dec.  9,  1919) 

German  National  Assembly  Enacts  Law  to  Try  Germans  in  German  Court 
(The  New  York  Times,  Dec.  20,  1919;  Jan.  26,  1920) 

German  Council  Refuses  Demand  for  Extradition  (The  New  York  Times, 
Feb.  6,  1920) 

German   Officers   Association  Calls   Nation  to   Defiance    (The  New   York 
Times,  Feb.  8,  1920) 

University  Students  in  Berlin  Oppose  Surrender   (The  New  York  Times, 
Feb.  12,  19,  1920) 

German  National  Assembly  in  Weimar  Supports  Government  Against  Ex- 
tradition (The  New  York  Times,  Feb.  10,  11,  1920) 

209 


Attorney  General  at  Leipzig  Ordered  to  Try  Accused   (The  New  York 
Times,  Feb.  11,  1920) 

Allies  Accept  Proposal  to  Try  Criminals  at  Leipzig  (The  New  York  Times, 
Feb.  17,  1920) 

German  Belgium  Financial  Agreement  Annulled   (The  New  York  Times, 
Feb.  10,  1920) 

Allies  Finally  Request  Trial  of  Less  than  1000  Persons   (The  New  York 
Times,  Jan.  14,  1920) 

War  Criminals  Arrive  at  Switzerland  and  Holland  (The  New  York  Times, 
Jan.  14,  1920) 

CHANCELLOR  PHILIP  SCHEIDEMANN:    Der  Zusammenbruck   (1921);  Mem- 
oiren  Ernes  Sozialdemokraten  (1928) 

"Harvard    Research   on   International    Law",    Encyclopedia   of   the   Social 
Sciences,  p.  110  (1935) 

"Little  v.  Barreme",  2  Cranch.  170 

"Mitchell  v.  Harmony",  13  How.  115 

FRIEDERICH  WILHELM  FROEBEL,  Education  of  Man  (Berlin,  1862) 

DAVID  HUNTER  MILLER,  My  Diary  at  the  Conference  of  Paris,  Vol.  18, 
p.  9  (Privately  printed) 

OPPENHEIM  :  International  Law,  Vol.  2,  P.  455 

International  Law  Governing  War  (La  Salle  Extension  University,  1920) 

WILFRED  FLEISCHER:    Volcanic  Isle  (Doubleday,  Doran  &  Co.,  1941) 

ALEXANDER  M.  BICKEL:    "Fundamentals  of  a  European  Order"   (Congress 
Weekly,  April  2,  1943) 


CHAPTER  IV. 

J.  B.  CONDLIFFE:   Agenda  for  a  Post-War  World  (W.  W.  Norton  &  Co., 
1942) 

JOHN  BOYLAND  :  Sequel  to  the  Apocalypse  (Booktab,  Inc.,  1942) 
"Treaty  of  Versailles",  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  Vol.  23  (1941) 
GUENTER  REIMANN  :  Patents  for  Hitler  (Vanguard  Press,  1942) 

GORDON  H.  COLE:  "Rebuilding  Europe  After  the  War"  (PM,  Dec.  20,  21,  22, 
1942) 

"Report  of  Board  of  Economic  Warfare  of  the  United  States"  (The  New 
York  Times,  April  28,  1943) 

WILLIAM  HARBETT  DAWSON:    "Germany  After  the  War"  (The  Contempo- 
rary Review,  London,  April,  1941) 

PAUL  EINZIG:   Can  We  Win  the  Peace?  (Macmillan  Co.,  1942) 

ERNEST  S.  HEDIGER  :  Nasi  Exploitation  of  Occupied  Europe  (Foreign  Policy 
Association,  1941) 

LORD  ROBERT  VANSITTART  :  Lessons  of  My  Life  (Alfred  A.  Knopf,  1943) 
210 


JOHN  MAYNAED  KEYNES:  A  Revision  of  the  Treaty  (Macmillan  &  Co., 
Ltd.,  London,  1922)  ;  The  Economic  Consequences  of  the  Peace  (Har- 
court,  Brace  &  Co.,  1920) 

LEOPOLD  SCHWARZSCHILD:  World  in  Trance  (L.  B.  Fischer  Publ.  Corp., 
1942) 

GEORGE  N.  SHUSTER:    The  Germans  (Dial  Press,  1932) 

P.  E.  CORBETT:   Post-War  Worlds  (Farrar  &  Rinehart,  1942) 

JAMES  EDWARD  MEADE  :  An  Economic  Basis  for  a  Durable  Peace  (G.  Allen 
&  Unwin,  Ltd.,  London,  1940) 

KINGSBURY  SMITH:  "Our  Plan  for  Post- War  Germany"  (American  Mer- 
cury, April,  1943) 

EUGENE  STALEY  :  World  Economy  in  Transition  (Council  on  Foreign  Rela- 
tions, New  York,  1939) 

EDWARD  HALLETT  CARR  :   Conditions  of  Peace  (Macmillan  Co.,  1942) 

JOSEPH  BORKIN  and  CHARLES  A.  WELSH:  Germany's  Master  Plan:  A 
Story  of  Industrial  Offensive  (Duell,  Sloan  &  Pearce,  1943) 

NICHOLAS  DOMAN:  The  Coming  Age  of  World  Control  (Harper  &  Bro., 
1942) 

Food  Conference  (The  New  York  Times,  Nov.  9,  1943) 

WALTER  LIPPMAN:  "European  Relief  and  the  U.  S.  A.  (The  New  York 
Herald  Tribune,  Nov.  9,  1943) 

JOHANNES  STEEL:  "Nazi  Grip  on  Capital  Will  Be  Hard  to  Break"  (The 
New  York  Post,  Apr.  27,  1943) 

EMIL  J.  FELDEN:  Eines  Menschen  Weg:  A  Biography  of  Fredirich  Eiber 
(1916) 

DR.  JOSEPH  TENENBAUM  :  American  Investments  and  Business  Interests  in 
Germany  (Joint  Boycott  Council,  New  York,  1939) 

HENRY  AGARD  WALLACE:  Statement  (The  New  York  Times,  Sept  19, 
1943) 

FRITZ  THYSSEN:   I  Paid  Hitler  (Farrar  &  Rinehart,  1941) 

HERBERT  HOOVER  and  HUGH  GIBSON:  The  Problems  of  Lasting  Peace 
(Doubleday,  Doran  &  Co.,  1942) 

ANTHONY  EDEN:  "Post-War  Problems  Call  for  Sacrifice,  Courage  and 
Skill"  (The  British  Information  Services,  Aug.  5,  1942) 


CHAPTER  V. 

FRIEDRICH  WILHELIC  FROEBXL:   Education  of  Man  (Berlin,  1862) 

ADOLF  LAS  SON:    Das  Kulturideal  und  der  Krieg  (H.  Neelmeyer,  Berlin, 
1914) 

HERBERT  AGAR  :  A  Time  for  Greatness  (Little  Brown  &  Co.,  1942) 
Louis  ADAMIC:   Two-Way  Passage  (Harper  &  Bro.,  1941) 
RICHARD  M.  BRICKNER:  Is  Germany  Incurable  f  (Lippincott,  1943) 

211 


H.  G.  WELLS:    The  Rights  of  Man  (Penguin  Books,  1940)  ;  The  Outline 
of  History  (Macmillan,  1940) 

F.  WILHELM   SOLLMAN:  "How  to  Deal  with  Germany"    (World  Affairs, 
June,  1942) 

"The  Nazi  Primer"  (Harper's  Magazine,  Vol.  177,  p.  240) 

KLAUS  MANN  :  "The  Two  Germanys"  (Survey-Graphic,  Vol.  28,  p.  478) 

BERTRAND    RUSSELL:    "Re-educating   the    Entire    Human    Family"    (Fort- 
nightly Review,  London) 

TANIA  LONG:  "German  Re-education  Plan  Issued  by  a  British  Group"  (The 
New  York  Times) 

HEINRICH  HAUSER:   Battle  Against  Time  (Scribner,  1939) 

JAN  DE  GROOT:  "What  Is  Germany?"  (The  Commonweal,  April  25,  1941) 

WILLIAM  HARLAN  HALE:  "Ten  Years  of  Hitler;  One  Hundred  Years  of 
Goethe"  (The  Nation,  March  16,  1942) 

SIR  NORMAL  ANGELL:   "Responsibility,  Punishment,  Reparation"  (The  Dial, 
Dec.  28,  1918) 

FREDERIC  C.   HOWE:    "The  Background  of  Modern  Germany    (Scribner' s 
Magazine,  July,  1915) 

SAMUEL  LAING:  Notes  of  a  Traveller  (Carey  &  Hart,  1846) 

HENRY  AGARD  WALLACE:    "The  People's  Revolution"  (The  New  Republic, 
May  25,  1942) 

JACK  CHERRY:   Once  and  For  All  (Muller,  London,  1942) 

EDGAR  ANSEL  MOWRER:  "Germany  After  Ten  Years"  (Harper's  Magazine, 
Dec.,  1928) 

ERIKA  MANN  :  School  for  Barbarians  (Modern  Age,  New  York,  1938) 
DOROTHY  THOMPSON:   Listen,  Hans  (Houghton,  Miffiin  Co.,  1943) 
PAUL  HAGEN:    Will  Germany  Crack?  (Harper  &  Bros..  1942) 

REX  STOUT:  "We  Shall  Hate,  or  We  Shall  Fail"  (The  New  York  Times 
Magazine,  Jan.  17,  1943) 

ARTHUR  K.  KUHN  :    The  Laws  of  War  and  the  Future  (Hague  Conference 
on  International  Law,  Aug.  30,  1921) 

PATZY  ZIEMER:  Two  Thousand  and  Ten  Days  of  Hitler  (Harper  &  Co., 
1940) 

ALBERT  EINSTEIN:  Interview  (PM,  January  4,  1943) 


CHAPTER  VI. 

J.  B.  CONDLIFFE:   Agenda  for  a  Post-War  World  (W.  W.  Norton  &  Co., 
1942) 

NICHOLAS  DOMAN:    The  Coming  Age  of  World  Control  (Harper  &  Bro., 
1942) 

P.  E.  CORBETT:   Post-War  Worlds  (Farrar  &  Rinehart,  1942) 
212 


WALTER  LIPPMANN:  United  States  Foreign  Policy:  Shield  of  the  Republic 
(Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  1943) 

LIONEL  CURTIS  :   Civitas  Dei  (Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  London,  1943) 
CLARENCE  STREIT:    Union  Now  (Harper  &  Bro.,  1942) 

RICHARD  N.  COUDENHOVE-KALERGI  :    Crusade  for  Pan-Europe  (G.  P.  Put- 
nam's Sons,  1943) 

HOWARD  K.  SMITH:   Last  Train  from  Berlin  (Alfred  A.  Knopf,  1942) 
ROBERT  STRAUSZ-HUPE  :   Geopolitics  (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1942) 
CARL  J.  HAMBRO:   How  to  Win  the  Peace  (J.  B.  Lippincott  Co.,  1942) 

ANDRE  CHERDAME:    Defense  of  the  Americas   (Doubleday,  Doran  &  Co., 
1941) 

FRANCIS  JOHN  MCCONNELL:    A  Basis  for  the  Peace  to  Come  (Abingdon- 
Cokesbury  Press,  1942) 

GEOFFREY  BOURNE:   War  Politics  and  Emotions  (Liveright  Publishing  Corp., 
1941) 

RAOUL  DE  ROUSSY  DE  SALES:     Making  of  Tomorrow   (Reynal  &  Hitch- 
cock, 1942) 

SIR  THOMAS  BARCLAY:    Problems  of  International  Practice  and  Diplomacy 
(Sweet  &  Maxwell,  London,  1917) 

OSWALD    GARRISON    VILLARD:     "Preparation    for    the    Peace"     (Christian 
Century,  Jan.  21,  1942) 

JULIAN    HUXLEY:     "On    Living    in    a    Revolution"    (Harper's   Magazine, 
Sept.,  1942) 

G.  O.  G.  LUETKENS  :   A  New  Order  for  Germany  (National  Peace  Council, 
London,  1941) 


CHAPTER  VII. 

DOROTHY  THOMPSON:    Listen  Hans  (Houghton,  Mifflin  Co.,  1943) 
LORD  ROBERT  VANSITTART  :   Lessons  of  My  Life  (Alfred  A.  Knopf,  1943) 
HAROLD  J.  LASKI:    Where  Do  We  Go  From  Here?  (Penguin  Books,  1941) 
Louis  P.  LOCHNER:  What  About  Germany?  (Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  1942) 
The  New  World  (Council  for  Democracy,  1942) 


213 


DATE  DUE 


vr  '  -  . 


RINTED  IN  U.S   A. 


3  5132  00254  3643 

University  of  the  Pacific  Library 


tfizer,  Louis. 

What  to  do  with 
Grermany. 


D 
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