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, 2. 


















XIV. CHARLESTON . . . 144 






XVII. VIRGINIA . . .175 























ST. CHARLES ! Eighteen miles from New Orleans. 
Another hour ! We try to eatch the landscape as 
the pools and marshes, cedars and palniettoes slip 
behind us ; but we try in vain to fix our minds on 
trifles by the way. A grove of orange trees, the 
fruit all burning ripe, arrests attention and provokes 
a cry of rapture ; yet the coolest brain among us 
frets and flutters, for we know that we are driving 
towards a scene of strife, on which the eyes and 
hearts of forty millions of people are fixed in pas 
sionate hope and dread. 

President Grant affirms that 4 anarchy reigns in 
Louisiana. No one doubts the fact ; but General 
McEnery and the White citizens assert that this 
4 reign of anarchy was introduced by Grant, and 



is maintained in New Orleans for purposes of his 
own. This c reign began, they say, two years ago, 
on the receipt by Stephen B. Packard of a telegram 
in these words : 

1 Washington : Department of Justice, Dec. 3, 1872. 

You are to enforce the decrees of the United 
States Courts, no matter by whom resisted, and 
General Emory will furnish you with the necessary 
troops for that purpose. 



This message was a riddle. Stephen B. Packard 
is a carpet-bagger, whom the President has sent 
to New Orleans as United States Marshal. General 
Emory is a Federal officer commanding the Depart 
ment of the Gulf. But who were Marshal Packard 
and General Emory to fight ? No mandate of the 
United States Courts had been resisted in New 
Orleans. No opposition was expected by those 
Courts. Judge Durell, the only Federal magistrate 
in Louisiana, had never made a complaint. Why, 
then, was an inferior officer like Stephen B. Packard, 
urged by Attorney-General Williams, President 


Grant s legal adviser, to call out troops in order to 
execute the mandate of his court ? 

The President was supposed to have two objects 
in view at New Orleans ; first, to secure the State 
vote for his second term as President ; second 
to procure the State senatorship for his brother- 
in-law, James B. Casey. For either of these pur 
poses Federal troops might be employed by an un 
scrupulous President ; but Judge Durell was trying 
to get the Senatorship for Norton, and therefore 
unlikely to assist in bringing Casey to the front. 
Neither Governor Warmoth nor General McEnery 
could make it out. Against whom was Packard 
to march the Federal troops? Time solved the 

Stephen B. Packard got his telegram on Wednes 
day night. Next evening, Durell sent for him to 
his private lodgings on important business. Billings, 
an attorney acting for the scalawags, was sitting at 
Durell s table, writing out an order, which the 
judge explained to his visitor. Packard was to 
ask for troops, to march on the State House, 
and to hold that edifice against all comers. In 
New Orleans the Capitol is both executive office 


and the legislative hall. Packard was to oust the 
Governor, seize the archives, and close the doors. 
When Billings had drawn and Darell signed his 
warrant, Packard left the two lawyers, ran to the 
barracks, got a company, and in the dead of night 
attacked and occupied the Capitol. 

IS T o living man, not even President Grant, pretends 
to think that order of Durell lawful, or those pro 
ceedings of Packard just. 

Durell had his reward. Casey withdrew from 
the contest for Senator, taking the snug and lucrative 
berth of Collector, while Durell s friend Norton 
was adopted by a scalawag county as their party 

General Warmoth, Governor of the State, was a 
Fusionist : the Fusionists being a party of timid 
people, led by Senator Jewell, who wished for 
nothing so much as peace, and sank all points of 
difference with their neighbours in order to oppose 
the policy attributed to President Grant of meaning 
to rule Louisiana and her sister States by the sword. 
Warmoth s term of office was near an end. Jewell 
proposed him for a second term ; but Jewell s advo 
cacy failed. A second term for Warmoth, and no 


second term for Grant, proved a bad cry. The contest 
for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor lay between 
General McEnery and General Penn, soldiers of local 
name, on one side ; and William P. Kellogg, a lawyer 
from Illinois, and Caesar C. Antoine, a Negro porter, 
on the other side. 

Each party claimed the victory, and till the 
Chambers met no one could say how matters stood. 
The evidence might have to go before the Supreme 
Court of Louisiana ; but as six or seven weeks 
remained of Governor Warmoth s term, there was 
plenty of time to sift the lists before Louisiana should 
find herself without a legal governor and a regular 
government. McEnery was content to wait until the 
Chambers met ; but Kellogg dared not face a chamber 
meeting under Warmoth s orders ; and Kellogg s 
movements brought about the reign of anarchy. 

William Pitt Kellogg, a lawyer out of practice, 
came from Illinois to New Orleans in search of 
fortune. Hundreds of his neighbours do the same, 
exchanging the frosts of Lake Michigan for the sun 
shine on the Gulf. He brought to New Orleans a 
carpet-bag, a glozing tongue, and a supply of senti 
ment. John Brown was his hero, and in company 


with John Brown s soul, he inarched and chorused 
till a Negro caucus ran him for the local Senate. 
Lank and smooth, with sanctimonious garb and 
speech, he won the Negro heart, and got Eepublicans 
in Washington to mark him as a man to carry 
out their plans. Kellogg was intriguing for the 
State senator s chair, when the more lucrative and 
dazzling prize of Governor swung before his eyes. 
The place is worth eight thousand dollars a year in 
gold. Except the Governor of Pennsylvania, who 
receives ten thousand dollars a year, the Governor 
of Louisiana has the highest pay of any governor 
in the United States. Governor Coke of Texas has 
only five thousand, Governor Houston of Alabama 
only four thousand Governor Ames of Mississippi 
only three thousand dollars a year. Besides his 
eight thousand a year, a Governor of Louisiana has 
perquisites and patronage worth more than double 
his official salary. If he wishes to make money 
fast, and feels no scruple as to means, the wealth of 
New Orleans, the commerce of the Gulf, are in his 
hands. Governor Warmoth is said to have found a 
fortune at the State House. 

The highest prizes offered to "ambition by 
the State appeared to lie within Kellogg s reach ; 


but he required much strength and skill to grasp 
his prize. In everything save numbers his op 
ponents were superior to his friends. McEnery 
and Penn were men of wealth, position, and 
repute, with every citizen of New Orleans and 
every planter of Louisiana at their side. Kellogg 
was a stranger in the city, having no other force 
behind him than the scalawags, the Black leaguers, 
and the Federal troops. 

From Governor Warmoth he had nothing to ex 
pect. Warmoth was trying a middle course. Like 
Kellogg, Warmoth is a stranger on the Gulf. His 
friends are scalawags and Negroes, but scalawags 
and Negroes who have lost their faith in Grant. 
Young, bold, and dexterous, Warmoth is not the 
man to be discouraged by a single check. As 
Governor he held the lists. It was his duty to 
convene the Chambers, open the sessions, and 
endorse the bills. Nothing could be done without 
his signature. Might not this feud between Con 
servatives and Cassarians be turned to good 
account ? If neither Kellogg nor McEnery should 
be able to prove his case, Warmoth, the only legal 
officer, must continue to rule the State until a new 
election was held, a new return verified, a new 


convention held. Who knew what candidates might 
be chosen on that second trial ? Many things w T ere 
in his favour. He was Governor. A moderate man, 
he stood between two factions, neither of which 
was strong enough to crush the other. Under him 
there might be order. Under McEnery there was 
likely to be disorder ; under Kellogg there was 
certain to be anarchy. 

Unable to trust Warmoth, and unwilling to meet 
a chamber opened by him, Kellogg convened a 
meeting of his partisans. It was Saturday morning ; 
on Monday the Chambers were to meet. A Cham 
ber organised by Warmoth would proceed to verify 
the elections, and would probably refer the great 
question as to which of the two candidates, McEnery 
and Kellogg, was legally elected, to the judges of the 
Supreme Court. Kellogg feared alike the senators 
and the judges. But how was he to sweep them both 
aside ? 

Billings, the unscrupulous attorney, who was 
acting in the Negro interest, proposed that Caesar 
Antoine, the Negro porter, should be employed 
to steal a march, not only on the Governor and 
the Chambers, but on the local courts. 

The scheme proposed by Billings was adopted 


and the Negro porter went before Judge Durell, not 
in open court, but in the Judge s lodgings, and 
exhibited a bill, setting forth a statement that, 
whereas he, Caesar C. Antoine, had been duly 
elected Lieutenant-governor of Louisiana, and 
whereas he had reason to expect embarrassment in 
entering on the said office, he prayed the United 
States Court to grant him an order restraining 
certain persons, named in a schedule prepared by 
Billings, from doing any act, from speaking any 
word, from giving any sign, in prejudice of his 
claim to the said office of Lieutenant-governor. 

The persons named in the schedule as likely to 
prejudice Antoine s claims were one hundred and 
thirty-five in number. The first was Governor 
Warmoth. Next came the Secretary of State. Then 
followed nineteen Senators, more than a hundred 
representatives, and the members of both the Con 
servative and Eepublican returning boards. In 
short, this Negro asked Judge Durell to prohibit 
the executive and legislative bodies of Louisiana 
from doing any act in prejudice of his claims for 
five clear days ! Judge Durell granted him an order 
in the terms set down. 

President Grant is faithful to his tools ; yet 


President Grant has been compelled to own that 
the order made by Judge Durell on the application of 
Antoine was not only illegal but a grave mistake. 

Yet this illegal order was signed, and the 
grave mistake carried into full effect. These things 
were not only done in ignorance, but are maintained 
to-day, when the illegality is admitted, and the 
c grave mistake denounced by President Grant 
himself. In fact, this order, hardly to be matched 
in absurdity by the edicts of Eio Jacques on the 
Senegal, governs the domestic politics of Louisiana to 
the present hour ! 

If Judge Durell had not signed that order, the 
legislature of Louisiana would have met, and orga 
nized itself under Governor Warmoth. It is all bu^ 
certain that Chambers freely organized would have 
found McEnery and Penn duly elected to the execu 
tive office. It is certain that the Supreme Court of 
Louisiana would have sustained that finding. Under 
a Conservative ruler, New Orleans might have found 
such peace as reigns in Charleston and Ealeigh. 

Judge Durell s order gave the partisans of Kellogg 
an advantage over the citizens of Louisiana, and by 
Kellogg s act the reign of anarchy began. 




Ox Monday morning, Packard, having the Repub 
lican writs in his hand, the Federal soldiers at his 
back, arrived at the Mechanics Institute, in which 
edifice the Assembly was to meet. Caesar C. 
Antoine, holding Durell s order, stood at the door, 
pointing out who should enter and who should not 
enter. None but his friends were passed. Once 
in the legislative hall, these lost no time in prate, 
for Durell s order would expire on Wednesday, and 
many things had to be done before the Conserva 
tive members took their seats. 

The first thing was to depose Governor War- 
moth and obtain possession of his official lists. But 
how was the lawful governor to be displaced ? 

A Negro, named Pinchback, known familiarly as 
Pinch, offered his services to Kellogg at a price. 
This Pinch, a bustling fellow, had been a steward on 


board a steamboat, and afterwards an usher in a 
gambling den ; but, like others of his tribe, he found 
that politics paid him better than washing basins, 
keeping doors, and dodging the police. As senator 
for a Negro district he happened to have served 
some weeks in office as successor to Lieutenant- 
governor Dunn. His time was up ; but in America 
titles cling to men for life. Once a professor 
always a professor; once a Lieutenant-governor 
always a Lieutenant-governor. Though lost to 
office, Pinch had still a handle to his name. 

This man seemed worth his salt, and Kellogg 
came to terms with him. Pinch was to upset 
Warmoth. If he succeeded, he was to be Acting 
Governor for a few days, to have a large sum 
of money, and, if Norton could be set aside, to go 
as senator to Washington. 

These terms being settled, Billings led Pinch 
into the Senate Chamber, and, by help of Cassar 
C. Antoine, seated him as Lieutenant-governor in 
the chair of state. In ten minutes Pinch organized 
a house. Then he produced a paper, written out 
by Billings, charging Governor Warmoth with 
certain offences, and asking for his deposition. Ten 


minutes more sufficed to get these articles read and 
passed. The Federal troops were handy, under 
Packard s orders, so that things were done as easily 
as they were said. Pinch assumed the rank of 
Acting Governor, took possession of the State 
House, seized the Great Seal of Louisiana, and 
proclaimed his advent to the world. 

Seldom in either history or fiction have gro- 
tesqueness and absurdity been carried to such 
lengths. We sigh over the doings of Booking, the 
tailor of Leyden, as a pitiful illustration of human 
folly. We laugh at the impudence of Sancho, as a 
pleasant creation of satiric art. But Minister and 
Barrataria must look to their bays. If Bocking has 
no rival, and Sancho no superior, Pinchback and 
Antoine in high places have an air of burlesque not 
easily surpassed. 

War moth refused to recognise Pinchback, and 
Pinchback was puzzled how to act even though 
he had Packard and a guard of honour in his 
ante-room. A duellist, who shoots his man as 
coolly as he shoots his bird, General Warmoth was 
not a man for Pinch to bully. The Conservative 
members, too, on finding the Chambers closed to 


them, met elsewhere in protest, and appealed to 
Warmoth, as the lawful Governor, for support against 
a man who had no pretension to the rank and office 
he assumed. 

Kellogg contrived that Pinch should be proposed 
as the republican candidate for Senator. Norton gave 
way for him ; and it was hoped that his election 
to the Senate might help to cover his illegal 
acts. Yet Warmoth stood unmoved. Pinch ran to 
Packard for advice, but Packard was afraid to 
speak. Every lawyer in New Orleans told him the 
warrants he was executing were illegal. No one in 
authority recognised Pinch ; and Packard, brazen 
as he was, declined to stir one step unless supported 
by a message from the White House. 

Unable to move without Pinch, as Pinch was 
unable to move without Packard, Kellogg threw 
himself on his patron, President Grant, and wired 
this message to Attorney General Williams : 

<New Orleans: Dec. 11, 1872. 

If President in some way indicate recognition, 
Governor Pinchback and Legislature would settle 


If President indicate only indicate recognition 
in some way indicate colourably indicate re 
cognition of Governor Pinchback, then all will 
be well. 

George H. Williams is a man of large resources, 
never failing in audacity, but lie was not prepared 
to ask the President to recognise a Negro rowdy as 
Governor of Louisiana, merely because that Negro 
rowdy, in the absence of executive and legislature, 
had squatted in the chair of State. But he was only 
scrupulous as to forms. For Pinch as public man, 
Williams had no respect ; for Pinch as party man, he 
had a duty to perform. What could be done, without 
too gross an outrage on public decency ? Pinch could 
not be addressed as Governor ; neither could he be 
recognised in open words. But, since he was acting 
as Governor, he might be addressed as Acting 
Governor, and his functions, though not acknow 
ledged, might be taken as c understood. Williams 
is adroit in vague and shadowy terms. Next day 
this telegram, which fully established the reign of 
anarchy, was sent from Washington to New 
Orleans : 


Acting Governor Pinchback, New Orleans. 

1 Department of Justice : Dec. 12, 1872. 

Let it be understood that you are recognized as 
the lawful Executive of Louisiana, and that the body 
assembled at the Mechanics Institute is the lawful 
Legislature of the State ; and it is suggested that 
you make proclamation to that effect, and also that 
all necessary assistance will be given to you and the 
Legislature herein recognized to protect the State 
from disorder and violence. 

On this authority from the Cabinet, Governor 
Warmoth was deposed and Pinchback was in- 
tailed in office by the Federal officers. Yet Pinch 
was not at ease ; nor could he feel at ease, so 
long as Governor Warmoth stayed in New Orleans. 
This gentleman might meet him in the street, 
and thrash him. Pinch was not desirous of a 
thrashing, and having Federal judges, as well as 
Federal generals at his back, he tried what law 
could do to rid him of his terrible enemy. 

A second Federal judge, named Elmore, 
came to New Orleans, and Pinch appeared in 



Elmore s court with his old articles against Governor 
Warmoth, and prayed that the said Governor War- 
moth should be declared deposed from his office. 
Elmore had no jurisdiction in this case. Such 
questions could be argued in the Supreme Court of 
Louisiana, and in no other place. For Elmore to 
hear the plaintiff was a contempt of court ; yet 
Elmore read the articles, and, without hearing the 
accused, declared that Governor Warmoth was de 
posed. Eefusing to recognize this decree, Warmoth 
appealed to the judges of Louisiana, who decided 
that Elmore s proceedings were irregular, and his 
decree of no effect. Elmore would not cancel his 
decision, and the judges of Louisiana cited him for 
contempt of court. He only jeered. Like Pinch, 
he had a Federal army at his back. Through all 
these usurpations General Emory stood by the 
nominees of President Grant. 

For four or five weeks Pinch ruled the State, as 
Jacques rules his duchy in the Honeymoon. 
Jesters squibbed him as King Pinch, His Nigger 
Majesty, Lord Paper Collar, and Marquis of Pomade. 
They sent him false despatches, and printed comic 
ukases in his name. At length, his reign was over, 

VOL. n. c 


and he handed the State House and the Great Seal 
to Kellogg ; taking as his price the title of Governor, 
the Senatorship in Washington, and all the openings 
and emoluments of that chair. 

Pinchback s entry in the Senate, where he 
claimed a seat among the Shermans and Wilsons, 
Boutwells and Camerons, grave and conscript fathers 
of the republic, raised a storm which has not yet 
subsided, though twenty-two months have passed 
since he first laid his credentials on the table of that 

A committee was appointed by the Senate to 
investigate his claim. The members of this com 
mittee had to see that Pinch s credentials were in 
order ; among other things to see that they were 
signed and sealed by a lawful governor. Then the 
whole question of Kellogg s government came up. 
A good majority of the committee were Eepub- 
licans, and to give Pinch his seat was to strengthen 
their party by a vote. But such a finding was 
impossible for serious men. The Senators found 
that Kellogg was not Governor of Louisiana ; that 
his signature was worthless ; that the broad seal of 
Louisiana had been improperly used ; and that 
Pinchback had no claim to sit in Congress. 


A debate arose on their report. No case was 
ever argued in the Senate with more frankness of 
expression. Three Senators in five would have been 
glad, for party reasons, to support Kellogg and 
admit Pinchback ; but the Senators were driven by 
facts to a conclusion dead against their pariy 
interests, and extremely honourable to them as 
individual gentlemen. A long debate ended in the 
adoption of the committee s report. The Senate not 
only declared that Kellogg was not the lawful 
Governor of Louisiana, and Pinchback not the 
lawful Senator for Louisiana, but directed that a new 
election should be held, so that the reign of 
anarchy might be put down in true republican 
fashion, by a public vote. 

When pressed by the Senate to explain his 
action, President Grant admitted that the late elec 
tion in Louisiana was a gigantic fraud. He 
yielded to the Senate, that a new election ought to 
be held, so as to ascertain whether General 
McEnery or William P. Kellogg was the popular 
choice ; but he reserved to his cabinet the right of 
choosing a convenient time for calling on the citizens 
of Louisiana to exercise their right. 


All parties being now agreed that the late 
elections were void, Warmoth remained, as he con 
tended, the legal Governor, bound to keep his seat 
and hold the Seal till his successor had been named. 

Nothing was done towards carrying out these 
wishes of the Senate, these conclusions of the Presi 
dent. Kellogg was afraid to face a second vote. 
Promises had been made to the Negroes which he 
could not keep. The Negro brain is dull, and offers 
must be made in very plain terms. Thousands of 
Negro votes had been obtained by a promise of 
4 forty acres of land and a stout mule for each 
vote. Thousands of Negroes were annoyed at the 
postponement of these lands and mules, and it was 
dangerous to tempt them in their angry mood. So 
Kellogg was allowed by President Grant to put 
off the new elections to a safer time. 

Two Senates and three Governors contended 
with each other for the mastery of New Orleans. 
No man could tell where his allegiance lay. The 
reign of anarchy was complete. 




FOR seventeen months New Orleans groaned under 
the yoke of Governors who could not rule, of As 
semblies which were unable to pass bills, and of 
Tribunals which reversed each other s decrees. 

Kellogg, though backed by Grant, was re 
pudiated by Congress. McEnery though supported 
by the main body of White citizens in New Or 
leans, was not recognised by the authorities at 
Washington. The courts were open to Kellogg, 
if he cared to try his right. Though taunted by 
the citizens to take a case, he shrank from court 
ing a decision, which he feared must go in favour 
of his enemies, and would weaken his hold on the 
Federal power. In spite, therefore, of having the 
support of Packard, the countenance of Pinch, the 
salary of a Governor, and an official residence in 
the State House, William P. Kellogg found his 
situation grow more desperate every passing day. 


New Orleans is Louisiana, very much as Paris is 
France. When New Orleans suffers, Louisiana 
suffers ; when New Orleans recovers, Louisiana re 
covers. Now, under Kellogg and his reign of 
anarchy, New Orleans was bankrupt in public credit 
as well as in private means. 

A mixed executive of Negroes and strangers 
ruled the city and jobbed the public lands a 
Bump Chamber, in which the Negroes had a large 
majority, pocketing their fees, and voting bills which 
have no legal force. A band of Negroes, officered 
by aliens, ruled the streets and quays. Black clubs 
were multiplied, with secret signs and passwords. 
While a dollar lay in the Treasury, these aliens 
helped themselves and their adherents. Offices were 
sold, State bonds were hocussed, and a solvent 
city was made responsible for an impoverished 
State. Foreign creditors were defrauded, and the 
citizens suffered in repute. All branches of the 
shipping trade declined. Merchants and brokers 
left their magazines empty on the quays, and the 
market value of shops in fashionable quarters fell 
below their former annual rent. Imports almost 
ceased. Taxes increased so rapidly that owners 


of good houses handed their tenements over to 
the State. All salaries, except the eighteen dollars 
paid each week to Kellogg s Negro senators, were 
in arrear. Teachers and professors went unpaid. 
Colleges and schools were closed. The river com 
panies, unable to get their dues, stinted the 
supplies of water. Eich and poor were equally 
distressed. Some nights the streets were dark, the 
gasmen having stopped the mains. The streets of 
New Orleans are never safe at night, but in the 
darkness of that reign of anarchy, every evil thing 
came forth. Policemen levied black-mail on every 
shop. These servants of the public carried arms, 
and men with arms will never starve. Food rose 
in price. Fish grew scarce and mutton dear. The 
prisons and asylums were neglected, and their in 
mates, like those of Naples and Seville, were left to 
rot in filth and rags. Levees were broken through ; 
and fertile fields lay under water. Weeds and 
mosses sprang up rich and rank. The cotton fields 
seemed wasting into jungle, the ramparts crumbling 
into the river, and streets and gardens rotting in 
a physical and moral blight. 

Proud and beautiful New Orleans ! Euined in 


her trade, her credit, and her hope, the city rose 
in her despair and put the question to herself 
Shall the White family perish on the Gulf of 
Mexico ? 

Her answer was emphatic. A reaction instantly 
set in a reaction in the sense of setting the question 
of race above that of party the Eepublic above the 

In clubs, in drawing-rooms, in magazines and 
stores, a White sentiment began to show. This move 
ment was directed less against the coloured people than 
against the strangers and scalawags, who managed 
the coloured people for party purposes. A league 
was understood ; a White League, in opposition to 
the Black League ; but the members held no meet 
ings, named no committees, elected no chiefs. It 
was a sentiment rather than a society; but the 
European genius is organic ; and the European 
sentiment was ready to take an active shape/ 

These leaguers, say they, are not a party but 
a people, and the object of their union is to save 
the White race. Yet, as nearly every white man in 
New Orleans has been a soldier, the leaguers are 


an army, ready, on two hours notice, to fall in 
on twelve hours notice, to take the field. 

This league gave confidence to those White 
citizens who wished to end the reign of anarchy, by 
driving Kellogg as a stranger from New Orleans, 
by sending Antoine, the Negro porter, back to his 
stand in the Custom House, and by installing General 
McEnery and General Penn in office, as the Governor 
and Lieutenant-governor of their choice. 

Election-day was coming on, when a new set 
of local legislators must be chosen. The citizens 
wished to have as free and fair elections as were 
possible with the register drawn up by the scala 
wags and Black leaguers ; but in order to have a free 
and fair election, it was necessary for the strangers 
to retire. Eepublican Senators in Washington agreed 
with Conservative Senators in New Orleans that 
Kellogg was not the lawful Governor of Louis 
iana. But how were the White citizens to use such 
pressure as would cause him to withdraw ? 

Besides the Federal troops, Kellogg had con 
siderable forces at his back ; the city police, a 
Negro regiment, under General Badger; and the 


State militia, mainly a Negro army, under General 
Longstreet. Badger was a carpet-bagger, sure to 
stand by Kellogg while his fortunes were upheld 
by President Grant. Longstreet, the famous soldier, 
was uncertain. In a question of disputed powers, 
where neither party had the sanction of Congress, 
Longstreet might see his duty in standing aside, 
while the voters who had chosen McEnery and 
Penn settled with the voters who had chosen Kel 
logg and Antoine. Might . . . but who could tell ? 
At eleven o clock on Monday morning. Septem 
ber 14, 1874, a mass meeting of citizens was held 
in Canal Street. Standing by the great statue of 
Henry Clay, Marr, as chairman of the meeting, put 
this question to the citizens Whether they would 
endure the reign of anarchy any longer ? They 
replied by shouts that they preferred the tyranny 
under which they had groaned before the Eecon- 
struction Act. A soldier, though a despot, was 
a man of discipline. He kept the streets in order, 
and the lobbies of the State House pure. A ruler 
like Hancock was a blessing compared to a ruler 
like Kellogg. Under a Federal soldier there would 
be no pretence of freedom, civil order, and repub- 


Jican institutions. The tyranny would be undis 
guised, and Louisiana governed like the Duchy of 
Warsaw. Yet the citizens preferred a man of iron 
to a carpet-bagger ; anything being better than ad 
venturers having no other hold on the country than 
the support of an alien soldiery and a Negro mob. 

A resolution was carried that five citizens should 
proceed to the State House, in St. Louis Street, and 
in the name of a free and sovereign people, request 
William P. Kellogg, as a stranger in their city, to 

Kellogg shut himself in his apartments, with 
his Negro guard, but sent out Billings and an 
officer of his staff to parley with his visitors. You 
ask the Governor to retire ! said Billings, He 
refuses to hear a message from a body of armed 
men, accompanied by a menace. 

The crowd in Canal Street were not armed, 
as Kellogg and Billings knew. An hour later, 
Packard telegraphed to Attorney-general Williams : 

The people assembled at the meeting were 
generally unarmed. 

This talk about armed men was meant for Wash 
ington and New York, not for New Orleans. 


Go home, gentlemen, said Marr. Provide 
yourselves with rations and blankets, and assemble 
at two o clock, when arms and leaders will be 

Packard, feeling uneasy about the mass meeting, 

had telegraphed to Jackson, in Mississippi, for troops, 
and early in the day a company had arrived in New 
Orleans. These troops were at the Custom House. 
He now sent messages to Holly Springs, and was 
informed by wire that four additional companies 
were coming to his aid. He chuckled in his sleeve. 
There is little doubt of a conflict to-night, he 
joyfully telegraphed to Washington. I have a 
company of United States troops guarding the 
Custom House. Four companies are en route from 
Holly Springs. The local authorities have several 
hundred men under arms at the State House and 

When Marr went away, Kellogg sent for General 
Badger and arranged with him the details of an 
attack on the White citizens. The police, under 
Badger s orders, were a regiment, drilled and armed 
like our Irish constabulary, and furnished with a 
park of guns. This force is raised and paid by the 


city, and in a reign of order is commanded by the 
mayor ; but the intruders have usurped the mayor s 
authority, driven White men out of the service, and 
filled up the ranks with tall and burly Negroes. In 
the hands of Badger this police is nothing but a black 
praetorian guard. 

As Longstreet s presence at the State House 
covered Kellogg, Badger occupied Canal Street, a 
strong position, sweeping the main thoroughfares, 
connecting the quays with the lake, and dividing 
the French quarter, in which St. Louis Street 
lies, from the English quarter, in which the White 
citizens mostly live. He had three guns in position, 
one Gatling and two Napoleons, and two hundred 
of his Black Regiment stood under arms round the 
statue of Henry Clay. 

By twos and threes the unarmed citizens passed 
Canal Street towards the State House, and at two 
p clock seventeen hundred of these unarmed .citizens 
occupied the sidewalks of Poydrass Street and the 
adjacent avenues 

Fall in! 

The citizens seemed to know their duties. Com 
panies and battalions were formed. Rifles, hastily 


landed from a steamer, were distributed, and General 
Ogden, an old campaigner, took the chief com 

The enemies whom General Ogden might have 
to face were three : first, General Badger and the 
metropolitan police ; second, General Longstreet and 
the State militia ; third, General Emory and the 
Federal troops. His theory was that neither Long- 
street nor Emory would feel himself justified in 
meddling with the purely local question as to 
whether Kellogg or McEnery had a true majority 
of votes. Longstreet was a Southern man, and 
Emory would hardly go against the vote of Congress. 
Should he be left to deal with Badger and his Negro 
regiment, Ogden supposed that fifteen or twenty 
minutes would suffice to settle the affair. 

At half-past two Badger began to move his forces 
towards St. Louis Street. Trailing the three big guns, 
his heads of column hove in sight, with Badger riding 
gallantly in front, and some of his leading company 
yelling and discharging their pieces as they came 

Fire ! cried Ogden. The citizens fired, and 
Badger dropt from his horse supposed to be killed. 


Charge ! cried Ogden. The citizens charged, and 
the Negroes, surprised by bayonets, broke and fled. 

Captain Angel led his company against the 
Gatling gun. Dropping their arms in scorn, the 
citizens ran at the gun, cuffed and kicked the Negro 
gunners, chasing them in and out of yards and 
stores, until the tag-rag reached the Custom House, 
and found a refuge under the Federal flag. Hardly 
one of the Negroes stood to fight. One Negro 
general crept into an undertaker s shed. Get out, 
shouted the little French coffin-maker, zey will 
follow you and murder me ! The Negro stripped 
himself of lace and feathers. God s sake, massa, let 
me hide ! A citizen entered ; no brigadier-general 
to be seen : nothing but a Negro in a sack, mopping 
the mire from a hearse. The citizen looked round, 
gave the Negro a kick, and went out laughing. 

Neither General Longstreet nor General Emory 
interfered. At five o clock the four companies ar 
rived from Holly Springs, but were not placed 
by Emory at Packard s disposal. Longstreet held 
the State House, which was not attacked. By six 
o clock the firing was over, and the victorious citizens 
grounded arms in presence of the Federal troops. 


Of Badger s force, thirty were killed and 
thirty wounded; of Ogden s force, twelve were 
killed and thirteen wounded. Guns, arms, and 
stores were captured, and a hundred prison 
ers remained in Ogden s hands. At dusk the 
City Hall, with the whole town, except the State 
House and Custom House, were in possession of 
the citizens. At midnight, Kellogg stole away 
from his apartments in the State House, and 
sought a refuge in the Customs under the United 
States flag. Next morning Longstreet surrendered 
the State House, which was at once occupied by 
General Penn. Then peace returned. Shops were 
opened and cars began to ply. The White move 
ment was complete, 

But such a change in New Orleans was fatal to 
the policy of President Grant. Election-day was 
nigh ; and if Governor McEnery sat in the State 
House of New Orleans, the Eepublican ticket would 
be lost in Louisiana. Kellogg assured the President 
that, with prompt support, the vote might yet be saved 
to the Republicans. 

Grant ordered Emory to crush the victorious 
citizens and restore the beaten scalawags to power. 


The vote took place under a state of feeling 
bordering on the phrenzy of civil war. Again each 
party claimed the victory. The one thing certain 
was, that Kellogg had not carried the State for 
Grant. Kellogg had promised his patron five 
votes out of the six possessed by Louisiana. Of the 
six votes only two were won for Grant. 

In the State Legislature, the elections for which 
were held at the same time as the elections for Con 
gress, the Conservatives claim to have gained a 
small but sure majority of votes. So far as the 
White reaction turned on votes, this White reaction 
was secure. 

One chance, and only one, remained for Kellogg 
and his patrons : such an intervention of the Federal 
troops as might prevent the Conservative members 
from taking their seats. It was a daring, nay, a 
desperate policy ; but the beaten scalawags are 
desperate men. 

To carry out such a project required a sterner 
officer than General Emory, and General Sheridan 
has been sent to New Orleans. 




SOON after our arrival at the St. Charles Hotel, 
in New Orleans, General Sheridan leaves a card, 
and two hours later we pay the young and bril 
liant Irish soldier a visit in his quarters : Head 
quarters of the Military Division of the Missouri. 
Like ourselves, General Sheridan and his staff are 
lodged in the hotel. 

Our talk is general and on public matters; 
about the Plains of Kansas, where we saw In 
dian scares in 1866 ; about the disturbed districts 
in Texas, which we have just left ; about our several 
travels and adventures since the war. As usual. 
General Sheridan is frank and friendly, laughing 
merrily at the fears which people express of him, 
and showing me the nature and extent of his 
commission in the South. 

For military purposes, America is divided into 


four great sections : a Division of the Pacific, a Di 
vision of the Atlantic, a Division of the Missouri, and 
a Division of the South. Four officers of eminence 
hold these great commands : Major-general Schole- 
field ruling the Pacific, from San Francisco ; Major- 
general Hancock the Atlantic, from New York ; 
Lieutenant-general Sheridan the Missouri, from 
Chicago ; and Major-general McDowell the South, 
from Louisville. General Sherman, the Commander- 
in-Chief, is stationed at St. Louis. 

Each military division consists of two or more 
departments. The division of Major-general 
McDowell, of which New Orleans forms a part, con 
sists of two departments : a Department of the- 
South, and a Department of the Gulf. That of the 
South comprises seven States : Kentucky, Tennessee, 
North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
and Florida, except the forts in Pensacola Bay, from 
Fort Jefferson to Key West. The head-quarters are 
at Louisville, where General McDowell resides. 
That of the Gulf comprises three States : Louis 
iana, Mississippi, and Arkansas, with all the mili 
tary stations in the Gulf of Mexico, from Fort 
Jefferson to Key West, except the forts in Mobile 

D 2 


Bay. The head-quarters are at New Orleans, where 
General Emory commands, under the orders of his 
superior officer, General McDowell. 

General Sheridan s Division of the Missouri is of 
greater extent, and, in a military sense, of vaster 
importance, since it runs from the British frontier 
to the Mexican frontier, and cuts off every line of 
intercourse between the Eastern and Western States. 
This great division consists of four departments, 
called Dakota, Platte, Missouri, and Texas. The 
Department of Dakota comprises the State of Min 
nesota, with the Territories of Dakota and Mon 
tana ; that of Platte, the States of Iowa and 
Nebraska, with the Territories of Utah and Wyo 
ming ; that of Missouri, the States of Kansas, 
Colorado, Illinois, and Missouri, with the Territory 
of New Mexico and the district of Camp Supply ; 
that of Texas, the State of Texas, and the Territories 
of the Indian Nations, with the exception of Camp 
Supply. These regions form the ordinary province 
over which General Sheridan rules, but on coming 
to New Orleans he has brought with him a secret 
power to add, at his discretion, either the whole or 
any part of General McDowell s division to his own. 


What sort of a man is lie who has the charge 
of eight free States and six great Territories, and 
who may at any moment on his own mere motion, 
and without consulting a single native, add ten more 
States to his overgrown command ? As a companion 
by the way, I like General Sheridan, and if I paint 
him somewhat darkly it is because the facts of history 
leave me no choice of tints. Nature has not drawn 
Philip Sheridan in sepia, nor need one pay him the 
poor compliment of softening a grand and sombre 
figure. To feel the situation you must see the man. 

A soldier, short in stature, squat in form, and 
plain of face, with head of bullet-shape, and eyes 
lit up with sullen fire, is Little Phil, the wild 
Irish devil, who has fought his way to one of the 
highest seats within a soldier s reach. Five names 
emerge from the confusion of the war, and that of 
Sheridan is one of these five. If Lee and Jackson 
leave a brighter record, who among the Northern 
men, excepting Grant and Sherman, have a greater 
name than Sheridan ? These captains are immortals, 
and Sheridan .is youngest of the five. Alert as 
Mosby, he is hot as Hood and cool as Bragg. Think 
of poor Early in his grasp ! Few strokes of war 


excel the charge by which lie shook, shattered, 
and destroyed the enemies who had burnt Chambers- 
burg and menaced Washington. lie reaps a rich 
reward. America has only one Lieutenant-general, 
and Philip Sheridan is that one. 

Sheridan has seen hard service, in a region 
where the nicer feelings have no field ; for he has 
spent six years among the Cheyemes and Sioux, 
learning their dialects and mixing in their feuds. 
It is a saying in the camp that Little Phil is one- 
half Irish savage, the other half Indian savage. If 
a merciless deed has to be done, everyone expects 
Sheridan to do it. When a cruel need of war 
induced General Grant to order the Shenandoah 
Valley to be burnt, the torch was placed in Sheri 
dan s hands. The whole country, from the Blue 
Eidge to the North Mountain, has been made 
untenable ! was his brief report ; and never since 
the French generals, under advice of Louvois, 
ravaged the Palatinate, have eyes of man beheld a 
wreck so awful as that of the beautiful Virginian 
dale. When the Government wished to make 
example of an Indian tribe, Sheridan was sent into 
the Plains. The Piegans were selected for a sacrifice ; 


and the work of slaughter was so sudden and so 
thorough, that as long as Indian bards and seers 
recite the legends of their tribes no Red man or 
woman will forget the name of Sheridan and the 
horrors of that Piegan war. 

Thus it happens that General Sheridan s arrival 
at New Orleans, in a time of much disorder, rouses 
the great city like an alarm of fire. 

General Sheridan was in Chicago, busy with the 
duties of his post, and idling through the pleasures of 
courtship, and the festivities of Christmas, when a 
letter reached him from General Belknap, Secretary 
of War, marked confidential, which upset all his 
arrangements for balls and dinners. The letter 
ran : 

CONFIDENTIAL. War Department, Dec. 24, 1874. 

6 General : The President sent for me this morn 
ing, and desires me to say to you that he wishes you 
to visit the States of Louisiana and Mississippi, and 
especially New Orleans and Vicksburg. . . . Inclosed 
herewith is an order authorizing you to assume com 
mand of the Military Division of the South, or any 
portion of that division, should you see proper to 
do so. ... You can, if you desire it, see General 


McDowell in Louisville, and make known to him, 
confidentially, the object of your trip. But this is 
not required of you. Communication with him by 
you is left entirely to your own judgment. Of 
course you can take with you such gentlemen of 
your staff as you wish, and it is best that the trip 
should appear to be one as much of pleasure as 
of business. . . . You can return by Washington,, 
and make a verbal report. W. W. BELKXAP. 

Ever ready to obey orders, Sheridan telegraphed 
to Washington : Your letter arrived all right. 

A party of ladies and officers, including a 
young lady who was the object of General Sheri 
dan s courtship, was made up for this pleasure trip/ 
and a note to the Chicago journals told the world 
that General Sheridan, having got leave of absence, 
was about to spend his winter holidays in Cuba. It 
was understood to be his courting trip, to end on 
his return in bridal cakes and marriage bells. 

Lying on the road from Chicago to Cuba, New 
Orleans might be reached without exciting much 
suspicion and distrust. The presence of ladies, 
among them a damsel to whom Sheridan was said 
to be vowed, would give his journey a holiday and 


festive air. The main difficulty lay with those great 
officers whose functions Sheridan was about to seize. 
The mission was unusual, the method of it irregular. 
If Emory is not strong enough for his place, a firmer 
hand might be sent down, without calling Philip 
Sheridan from the shores of Lake Michigan. If 
unity of command is needed, General McDowell 
is the officer in charge of the South. If the situa 
tion is thought so serious that a higher officer than 
McDowell should be on the spot, General Sherman 
is that higher officer. 

It is no great secret that General Sherman notes 
these doings of Belknap and the War Office with 
alarm. Sherman has no taint of Csesarism. A 
patriot first, a soldier afterwards, he values military 
prowess mainly as the shield of liberty and safe 
guard of the Commonwealth. Unable to support a 
personal policy, even by his silence, he has broken 
with the presidents, secretaries, and adjutants, and 
shifted his head-quarters from Washington to St. 
Louis, where he stands apart, an American Achilles, 
disgusted by the passing phase of public affairs. 
Sherman is too great a man to slight ; and Belknap, 
on receiving Sheridan s answer, sent a confidential 


letter to St. Louis, explaining Sheridan s mission to 
the South. Of this letter General Sherman simply 
acknowledged the receipt. 

General McDowell s case was still more delicate. 
No officer likes to be set aside, especially by a 
secret order, and without a hearing. Belknap 
threw his burthen on to Sheridan s back, by that 
clause in his letter which instructed Sheridan to see 
General McDowell in Louisville, and make known to 
him, confidentially, the object of his trip, if he saw 
fit to do so. 

Sheridan preferred to keep McDowell in the 

The party of ladies and officers started from Chi 
cago, and in five days they were in New Orleans, 
lounging about Canal Street, reading the proclama 
tions of King Carnival, and asking dreamily when 
the next steamer sails for Cuba ! 



SUNDAY, January 3, is a busy day in St. Louis Street, 
the next clay being marked, on both sides, as the 
date on which the great conflict is to be carried 
from the streets into the legislative halls, Monday 
is to either make or mar the scalawag government 
in New Orleans. 

Out of one hundred and eleven members recently 
elected to the lower house, fifty- eight are called 
Conservative, fifty-three Eepublican ; giving the 
Conservatives not only a legal quorum but a work 
ing majority of five members. All these fifty-eight 
Conservatives are White. If such a house should 
meet the Kelloggites are lost. 

A first battle has been fought in the Bediming 
Board a body of five assessors, who, according to 
statute, should be chosen from both parties, so as 
to represent all the great shades of opinion. Kel- 


logg named this board, and in open violation of 
the law, selected five Republicans. By law the 
sittings should be held in public, so that every word 
should be open and beyond suspicion. By Kellogg s 
order, all the most serious business has been done 
in secret. Longstreet retired from the board. An 
easy-going Conservative was named in place of 
Longstreet; but on finding his colleagues bent on 
violating the law this easy-going Conservative pro 
tested and retired. His resignation leaves the rump 
incapable of acting, since by law the board consists ot 
five members. But the rump cares nothing about legal 
forms. Two thousand Federal soldiers occupy the 
posts and arsenals why should they conform to law ? 

In Louisiana, the votes are counted many times. 
The local ballots are first sent to the Supervisors of 
Eegistration, who count them up and forward them 
to the Commissioners of Elections. They undergo 
three scrutinies, so to speak, before they reach the 
Eeturning Board. When laid before these party 
experts the ballotting papers showed these broad 
results : 

Seventy Conservative members. 

Forty-one Republican members. 


The Conservatives had a majority of twenty-nine ; 
but Kellogg s illegal Eeturning Board has continued 
to sweep away this Conservative majority of twenty- 
nine. The figures, as manipulated by the rump of 
four members, are : 

Fifty-three Eepublicans. 

Fifty-three Conservatives. 

Five cases referred. 

One hit is scored by Kellogg. If pretexts can 
be found for shutting out the five members, four of 
whom are Conservatives, neither side will have a 
legal quorum, and the Conservatives will not be 
able to carry a party vote. In free popular 
assemblies the candidates usually sit and vote until 
their cases have been heard ; but Kellogg thinks that 
rules which govern free assemblies everywhere else 
may be defied in New Orleans. If these five mem 
bers take their seats on the opening day, the Con 
servatives will have a legal quorum of fifty-six, and 
a sure majority of three, a probable majority of five. 
What is to prevent that sure Conservative majority 
from indicting and deposing Kellogg, as Governor 
Warmotli was indicted and deposed ? 

A House in which neither party counts a 


quorum is a body open to arrangements. Kellogg 
believes that some of the voters may be bought. 
Already, there are stories told of his having secured 
one vote. He only needs two others to make his 
quorum. He has every reason to bid brisk, for he 
is bound to either keep & show of legal order or 
confess his failure and retire. His faction in the 
country is getting sick of him a man who brings 
them no substantial gain, and lays them open to 
reproach of Cassarism. To Kellogg s last appeal for 
help, the President wired, impatiently : It is ex 
ceedingly unpalatable to use troops in anticipation of 
danger ; let the State authorities be right, and then 
proceed with their duties. Other critics, also of his 
own party, show r as much impatience as the President. 
Colonel Morrow, a Republican officer, is travelling 
through the country, and reporting on affairs to 
General Sherman. Morrow reports, according to 
his observation j that the South is loyal to the 
Union, but opposed to scalawags and carpet-baggers. 
The Republican majority in Congress, scared by the 
November elections, have appointed a committee to 
visit New Orleans and look into the state of things. 
Three members of this committee, Foster of Ohio, 


a Eepublican, Phelps of New Jersey, a Eepublican, 
and Potter of New York, a Democrat, are in the city 
taking evidence, and the two Republicans hardly 
hide their agreement with the Democrat, that the 
attempt to govern through the aid of Federal 
soldiery is the cause of all the disorder seen about 
the Gulf. With critics so unfriendly to disarm, it is 
Kellogg s policy to seek some safe and legal 
ground ; but where in Louisiana can intruders like 
Kellogg find that safe and legal ground ? 

McEnery is not only stronger in votes but 
in repute and training. Many of his adherents, 
such as Penn, his Lieutenant-governor, and Wiltz, 
his candidate for Speaker, are familiar with public 
business and the rules of public life. Wealth, cul 
ture, eloquence are on their side. In Kellogg s 
group there is hardly a man of name. Among 
them may be good Eepublicans, men who heartily 
believe there is no way of saving Black, equality 
except by crushing White freedom ; but these Ee 
publicans have no voice in the clubs and drawing- 
rooms where White men meet and White women 
reign. They stand apart, committed by their here 
sies to a social ban. 


In Kellogg s list of fifty-three adherents, twenty- 
eight are Negroes. Nearly all these Negroes have 
been slaves labourers in the rice-ground and the 
cotton-field. A few can read print, and scratch 
their names ; not many can do either ; while only 
three or four can express their meaning in decent 
English words. Most of them are so poor and 
ignorant, so vain and shifty, that Kellogg dares 
not trust them in the streets and grog-shops. 
New Orleans, a gay and rattling town, is rich in 
drinking-bars and gaming hells places in which 
men like Pinchback serve apprenticeships. These 
bars and hells have dangerous fascinations for Mose 
and Pete, Negroes fresh from the cotton-fields, and 
eager to enjoy their freedom in a great metropolis. 
Spies bring in news to the State House, that clever 
and unscrupulous men are dealing with the Negro 
senators. Cousins, the Negro member for St. Tam 
many, is said to have been kidnapped in the street 
and carried to a distant part. His vote is lost a 
set-off to the one false Conservative. Other Negroes 
are said to be spending their dollars and getting 

Kellogg perceives that he must act. - 


Sending out for carpenters and innkeepers, he 
orders them to convert the State House into a 
fortress and hotel. A vast and handsome edifice, 
standing at the angle of St. Louis Street and Eoyal 
Street, this State House was originally built for an 
hotel, and called, after the royal founder of Louis 
iana, the Hotel St. Louis. Eue Eoyale and Kue 
St. Louis cut and cross the old French quarter. 
This side of New Orleans is quaint with balco 
nies, green shutters, high gateways, and inner 
yards, tricked out with squirts of water and pots of 
oleander, doing duty for fountains and gardens ; a 
decrepit and deserted corner of the town, from 
which the tides of life and trade have long since ebbed 
away. The stench reminds you of Dieppe, the domi 
noes and billiards of Bayonne. Yet this French quar 
ter used to be a fashionable lounge, where ladies 
flirted, duellists fought, and senators ruled. The 
Eue St. Louis was an afternoon drive for belles and 
beaux, where sparkling Creoles ruined their admirers 
with a smile ; but since that period fashions have 
changed, and everyone now lodges at the Hotel St. 
Charles. The once fashionable hotel has sunk into a 
State capital ; one wing of the old hostelry being 



turned into an executive office, and a deserted dining- 
room into a legislative hall. 

By Kellogg s orders, planks are nailed across 
the doors and windows, and secured by iron stan 
chions. Barricades are thrown across St Louis Street, 
and the main entrance of the hotel is closed. One 
door a back door in Eoyal Street is left open. 
Inside and out the State House is strengthened to 
resist assault. Forty Negro police, armed with clubs 
and six-shooters, take position in the hall, while 
others of their company occupy the stairs and cor 
ridors. Eifles are stacked against the wall ; and 
General Campbell, a Southern fire-eater, now turned 
scalawag, is charged with the defence. Provisions, 
reckoned for a siege of twenty days, are brought 
into the yard : canned fruits, dried fish and flesh, 
whisky, tobacco, and pale ale. A bar is opened, 
and spittoons are placed. A hundred mattresses 
are fetched from the barracks and strewn about 
the halls and passages. Supper is cooked, and boxes 
of cigars displayed. When everything is ready, 
Kellogg sends his scouts into the streets to bid 
Negro members come in, enjoy a smoke and 
drink, and sleep in Government House, in readiness 
for the morrow s work. 


A hundred senators, loafers, and police, five in 
every six of whom are coloured persons, spend the 
Sunday night at Kellogg s bar, drinking whisky 
straight and hiccuping coniic songs. 

Kellogg s officers stand ready at any moment of 
the night to call the roll and organise the house, if 
accident should raise the members present to a 
legal quorum of fifty-six. It is a desperate game, 
but desperate men are seldom wise. If they can 
snap a vote, and carry their own Speaker, Clerk, 
and Serjeant, they may find some means of braving 
a small majority of Conservative voters. William 
Vigers, clerk of the late Chamber and candidate 
for the next, is waiting in Kellogg s anteroom, with 
his official roll. Michael Halm, a lawyer, whom the 
Eepublican party have pricked for Speaker, sits in 
Kellogg s cabinet. The scalawags distrust Michael 
Hahn, on account of his legal scruples, but their 
party is too poor in law to overlook his claim. Who 
else is fit to stand against Louis A. Wiltz ? Some 
members want to have a Negro in the chair. Some 
others, heated by spiced liquors, say they ought to 
pull down Kellogg and set up Pinch. Ole Pinch is 
some Nig, cries one of his tipsy partisans. Guess 



dat true, hiccups his no less tipsy comrade, Ole 
Pinch some Nig. Bravo Pinch ! 

Pinchback is with Kellogg, Hahn, and Campbell, 
waiting in the cabinet for a chance. If six or 
seven Conservatives, led by curiosity, should happen 
to drop in, a legal quorum would be present, and 
the roll might be called, Hahn voted to the chair, 
and Vigers appointed Clerk. 

Some trimmers of the Warmoth school are 
noticed slipping in and out only, as they say, to 
see the fun arid get a drink. Pinch keeps an eye 
on these stragglers. Once he counts fifty-five 
members round the bar. He calls a caucus ; and 
debates the matter, but let him try his most, Pinch 
cannot convert a minority of fifty-five into a legal 
quorum of fifty-six. 

More serious efforts must be made. A hundred 
of the Black militia are marched into the House, 
and placed under Campbell s orders. Help is asked 
from the Federal officers, and in spite of the Presi 
dent s late rebuff this help is given, not only by the 
army, but the fleet. General Emory sleeps at the 
Custom House, where his field-guns are supported 
by a troop of horse. The Commodore lays his ships 


so as to rake the wharf and sweep Canal Street. 
A body of Marines is held in readiness to land. 
General De Trobriand, Emory s second in com 
mand, receives orders to proceed at dawn to Eoyal 

Sheridan remains at his hotel. Conservative 
scouts who visit the Eotunda, to observe his motions, 
find him as usual, dawdling about, puffing his cigar, 
and laughing with the members of his staff, as 
though he had no more concern with what is 
passing at the State House and the arsenals than 
any other guest in the hotel. Carnival-day is nigh. 
King Carnival is announced as coming ; and the 
comic writers a conspicuous body in New Orleans 
are hinting that c King Philip is that prince in mas 
querade. Sheridan only laughs and smokes. 




AT break of clay, while the Negro senators, yawning 
on their fever-moss, are yelling for more cocktails, 
Eoyal Street is being filled with soldiery, who pile 
arms in the roadway, and occupy the side-walks. 
The scene looms black. Already everyone seems 
to be awake and in the streets. The paths are 
thronged with citizens as well as soldiers, and 
ominous sarcasms pass along the line. Marines are 
marching from the quays, cavalry are prancing 
near the Custom House. Two Gatling guns are 
trained on the Levee, and a brass Napoleon guards 
the State House. Emory, holding the chief com 
mand, remains at the Arsenal, ready to advance 
on any point; and his lieutenant, De Trobriand, 
having massed his troops in St. Louis Street, with 
their right resting on the closed gates, their left 
extending towards the river, rides with a part of 
his brigade into Eoyal Street. Two thousand Federal 
troops are under arms. 


Aii orderly rides in now and then, but Sheridan 
remains at his hotel s ill known as Head- quarters 
of the Missouri, not as Head-quarters of the Gulf. 

No one is allowed to enter St. Louis Street 
except the orderlies, nor is anyone allowed to pass 
the sentries in Eoyal Street, except reporters for the 
press, officers on duty, and members of the House 
provided with certificates. Potter, of the congres 
sional sub-committee, presents his card, and is re 
fused admission to the State House. McEnery and 
Wiltz, anxious to have witnesses of the scene, in 
vite Foster and Phelps, as well as Potter, to attend 
the opening of the assembly. The three members 
come together, but the sentries push them back. 
As chairman of the sub-committee, Foster sends 
for a superior officer, who, after an explanation, 
passes them on, but firmly declines to pass the 
gentlemen in their train. 

A little before twelve o clock, the Conservatives 
march down Eoyal Street in a body, when the 
officer on duty asks to see their papers. Four of 
their number, having no certificates, are pushed 
aside, until their cases have been heard. The others 
pass through corridors lined with soldiery, and 
anterooms reeking with the stench of cheap cigars 


Squads of police, with bludgeons and revolvers, 
guard the doorways, and refuse to quit the precincts 
of the Chamber. General Campbell, they allege, 
has marched them to their posts, and till that officer 
orders them away they will remain. Foster and 
Phelps observe these facts and note these words. 

To Wiltz it is now apparent that if stratagem 
fail, the scalawags are prepared to call in force, 
and to McEnery it is no less evident that the Federal 
officers are ready to obey that call. One hasty word, 
one heedless step, may lead to a collision. Let us 
be firm and quick, the citizens whisper to each 
other ; most of all, let us abide within the law. 

At twelve o clock Yigers begins to read the 
roll, when fifty-two Republicans and fifty Conser 
vatives answer to their names. 

A hundred and two members and a legal 
quorum are present, shouts Yigers through the 
rising din of Negro voices. 

I move, says Billieu, the Conservative member 
for La Farouche, that the Hon. Louis A. Wiltz, late 
Mayor of New Orleans, take the chair. 

Tigers, waiting for some one to propose Michael 
Hahn, has the impertinence to say he will not put 


Billieu s motion. Vigers is Clerk Clerk of the last 
Chamber and his function is to read the roll. By 
courtesy an officer in his situation is allowed to put 
the first motion for naming a chairman ; but on 
his neglect to do so any member of the Chamber 
has the right, according to American usage, not 
only in New Orleans, but in Washington, to put 
the motion, and take a show of hands. Seeing 
Yigers hesitate, a member rises, puts the motion 
made by Billieu, takes a show of hands, and declares 
the proposal carried. Taking the gavel from Vigers s 
hands, Louis A. Wiltz moves at once into the chair, 
and while the Xegroes are staring and shouting, he 
calls the House to order, and announces from the 
chair that business may now begin. 

A member rises to propose that the deferred 
returns be certified, and that the five members, who 
are waiting in the streets, be admitted to their seats. 
Wiltz puts this motion, which is carried by a large 
majority of votes, many of the Negroes having left 
the room in order to seek advice from the party 
wire-pullers sitting in Kellogg s cabinet. When the 
five gentlemen come in, the White voting strength 
amounts to fifty-four votes. 


Neither party has a legal quorum ; and the 
Bepublicans, finding they have lost their small 
majority, begin to slip away from their seats. But 
the Conservatives, accustomed to such dodges, in 
tercept them before a count-out can be tried. A 
member proposes the Hon. Louis A. Wiltz as 
Speaker ; a second member proposes the Hon. 
Michael Hahn. Fifty-eight members are present 
in the House. Fifty-five cast their votes for Wiltz, 
who is declared elected, in the midst of frantic 

Judge Houston, who is standing by his chair, 
administers the usual oath of loyalty to the law and 
constitution of Louisiana. Wiltz calls the House, 
and swears the members who remain. Though 
some have slipped away there is a legal quorum. 
Hahn, uncertain what to do, remains, and takes the 
oath from Wiltz. Captain Floyd is voted Serjeant, 
and Mr. Trezevant nominated Clerk. The House is 
now composed. Wiltz, as Speaker, invites General 
De Trobriand to remove the police, who occupy 
doors and passages, and General De Trobriand obeys 
his call. The Conservative Chamber, organised 
under Wiltz, appears to be recognised by the Federal 


troops. Are the scalawags beaten, and the citizens 
masters of the city ? Not yet. 

Sitting in his room, surrounded by officers, civil 
and military, Kellogg grows excited and alarmed, 
as news come in from the adjoining chamber. Spite 
of liis drinking-bars and sleeping-mats, the Con 
servatives have beaten him in his own house and at 
his own game. How is he to hold his own? 
"With a Conservative Speaker, backed by Conserva 
tive Clerk and Serjeant, the house is in his enemy s 
power. Nothing but Federal bayonets can undo 
his morning s work. 

Are Federal bayonets still at his disposal ? Wiltz 
calls for help, and they obey that call. Will they 
obey his call ? He puts them to the test by sending 
a written order for General De Trobriand to invade 
the Legislature, and expel the four members who 
have been admitted to their seats ! 

De Trobriand refers this message to General 
Emory. Whether Emory seeks advice of Sheridan 
is uncertain ; but a long delay takes place ; and 
Wiltz is carrying on his business, when De Tro 
briand, having received his orders, clanks into the 
Chamber, and asks to have the c intruders pointed 


out. Wiltz answers that he knows of no intruders- 
all the gentlemen present are members of that House, 
and the person of every member of an American 
legislature is inviolate. 

I am a soldier, only second in command, and 
must obey my orders, urges De Trobriand. 
General Emory has ordered me to follow the 
instructions of Governor Kellogg. 

I have to state to you in formal words, replies 
the Speaker, that this House, duly elected, has 
organised itself, by electing me as Speaker, Captain 
Floyd as Serjeant, and Mr. Trezevant as Clerk. 
After organization, we have seated five members, 
whose cases are referred to us by the Eeturning 
Board. Will you eject these men ? 

My duty as an officer leaves me no choice. 

Wiltz calls on every member to rise with him 
in protest. All the Conservatives rise, put out 
their hands, and call on heaven to witness their 
appeal. The Negroes, fearing that a fight is coming 
on, surge over the seats and benches, crouch be 
hind desks, press into corridors, and shut them 
selves up in closets. 

Point them out ! cries De Trobriand to Yigers. 


Vigers has no authority in this Chamber, 
interposes Wiltz. For him to meddle in the 
public business of this assembly is an outrage. 
Vigers was Clerk of the former House ; Trezevant 
is now our Clerk. 

Call the roll ! roars De Trobriand, on which 
Vigers gets up, and begins to read. 

. Conservative members will not answer to their 
names, says the Speaker, and no Conservative 
answers to his name. 

General Campbell now comes in, to assist Vigers 
in searching the benches. Troops are also called. 
John O Quin, member for Aroyelles, is pointed out 
as one of the four Conservatives. Eemove him ! 
shouts De Trobriand. O Quin appeals to his Speaker 
for protection. We submit to nothing but force, 
says this dignitary to the military officer. De Tro 
briand calls in men in full array, with loaded rifles and 
bayonets fixed. Two of these soldiers drive O Quin 
from his seat. Vaughan, member for Eapides, is 
the next victim. Facing De Trobriand and his 
armed followers, Vaughan rises and protests : In 
the name of my constituents, the people of Louis 
iana, and as a free-born citizen of the United 


States, I protest against this outrage/ Turning 
to his colleagues, the Conservative gentleman calls 
on them to witness the extremity of this outrage on 
a free assembly. You see, they thrust me out 
with bayonets ! 

Let it be clone ! sighs Wiltz, and the indig 
nity is done. Eleven more members are in turn 
expelled. When Floyd endeavours to obey the 
Speaker and protect a member, he is seized and 
held in custody by the soldiery. When they have 
searched the hall, and turned the last Conservative 
member out by violence, Wiltz stands up, and, 
with a proud and mournful gesture, calls the Cham 
ber to itself, and says : 

; As legal Speaker of the House of Kepresenta- 
tives of Louisiana, I have protested against this 
invasion of our hall by soldiers of the United States 
with drawn bayonets and loaded muskets. We 
have seen our brethren seized by force, and torn 
from us in spite of their solemn protests. We have 
seen a force of soldiers march up the aisles of this 
hall of representatives, and we have protested 
against this act. In the name of a once free people, 
in the name of the once free State of. Louisiana, in 


the name of our American Union, I enter our 
solemn protest against all these abuses of the 
military power. My chair of Speaker is surrounded 
by troops. Our officers are prisoners in their 
hands. Members of the Legislature, I solemnly 
believe that Louisiana has ceased to be a sovereign 


State ; that she has no longer a republican govern 
ment ; and I call on every representative of our 
country to retire with me before this show of 
arms ! 

So saying, Wiltz adjourns the House, and 
followed by the whole body of Conservatives, quits 
the hall, marches round to St. Louis Street, with half 
the city at his back, the citizens cheering him with 
lusty English shouts. At number 71 in St. Louis 
Street they find new quarters, and after a formal 
act of possession, they adjourn the House. 

Kellogg is little pleased with his victory. In 
place of mending matters by his violence he has- 
made them worse. The four Conservative members, 
though expelled by force, are not expelled by vote ; 
nor can they now be expelled, even in appearance, 
for the s"egro rump falls short of a legal quorum 
fifty-six votes. Wiltz has been sworn as Speaker,. 


and as Speaker has adjourned the sittings to St. 
Louis Street. Looking back on events, Kellogg 
sees that he is beaten on every side, and weaker in 
strength than ever. Neither he nor his rival has a 
legal quorum, and without a legal quorum govern 
ment is at an end. 

The situation seems to call for a Dictator, and 
at nine o clock in the evening General Sheridan 
assumes the chief direction of affairs. 



THE camp is pitched, the sword is king ! 

If President Grant will leave Sheridan as free 
to act in Louisiana, as he left him free to act in the 
Blue Eidge valleys and the Peigan hunting-grounds, 
my dashing neighbour sees his way to square 
accounts with such opponents as Wiltz and Ogden, 
McEnery and Penn. I know these people well, 
he says, having lived with them in other times, 
when they were wilder than they are to-day. I 
have no doubt about my course. The White 
League must be trodden down. They are a bad 
lot : mere banditti, bent on mischief. In New 
Orleans you see the best of them. The men are 
pleasant fellows ; even the White Leaguers here 
are decent ; but in the country districts Bossier 
and St. Bernard, Natchitoches and Eed Eiver they 
are hell. 

VOL. n. F 


At ten o clock in the evening Sheridan wires 
these words to Belknap, Secretary of War : 

New Orleans : Jan. 4, 1875. 

It is with deep regret that I have to announce 
to you the existence in this State of a spirit of 
defiance to all lawful authority, and an insecurity of 
life which is hardly realized by the General Govern 
ment or the country at large. The lives of citizens 
have become so jeopardized, that, unless something 
is done to give protection to the people, all security 
usually afforded by law will be over- ridden. De 
fiance to the laws and the murder of individuals 
seem to be looked upon by the community here 
from a standpoint which gives impunity to all who 
choose to in dulge in either, and the civil government 
appears powerless to punish or even arrest. I have 
to-night assumed control over the Department of 
the Gulf. P. H. SHEKIDAN. 

This Department of the Gulf, comprising three 
great States Louisiana, Missisippi, and Arkansas, 
with all the forts and stations in the Gulf of Mexico, 
except the forts in Mobile Bay are swept by one 
stroke of the pen from McDowell s Division of the 


Next morning brings Sheridan an assurance from 
the Adjutant-General, Townsend, that his conduct 
is approved : to which assurance he replies by 
sending up his scheme for dealing with the Southern 
States ; a document likely to be famous in the story 
of American Liberty. No Spanish viceroy in Sicily, 
no Muscovite governor of Poland, ever asked im 
perial masters for such license as Sheridan asks 
of President Grant. His scheme for governing the 
South rests on a proposal to have the chief citizens 
of these rich and prosperous States denounced by 
Government as outlaws and banditti, and delivered 
over to his subalterns for punishment ! 

This startling telegram to Belknap runs : 

New Orleans : Jan. 5, 1875. 

I think that the terrorism now existing in 
Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas could be en 
tirely removed, and confidence and fair-dealing 
established, by the arrest and trial of the ring 
leaders of the armed White Leagues. If Congress 
would pass a bill declaring them banditti they could 
be tried by a military commission. The ring 
leaders of this banditti, who murdered men here on 
the 14th of September last, and also more recently 

F 2 


at Vicksburg, in Mississippi, should, in justice to 
law and order, and the peace and prosperity of this 
Southern part of the country, be punished. It is 
possible that if the President would issue a procla 
mation declaring them banditti, no further action 
need be taken, except that which would devolve 
upon me. P. H. SHERIDAN. 

If the President will only declare them banditti ! 
Yes ; in that case you can stand aside and leave 
the rest to me ! 

Is this, men ask, the language of an American 
soldier, living in the nineteenth century, writing 
of his fellow-citizens? The tone is that of a 
Castilian general in Oran, of a Turkish pasha in 

The adjutants and secretaries near the President 
seem delighted by such vigour, and in forwarding the 
news to public departments they begin to use scant 
courtesy and suspicious terms. A copy of Town- 
send s first letter to Sheridan, now twelve days old. is 
sent to General McDowell, from which this eminent 
soldier learns that his command in the Gulf has 
been swept away ! In telling General Sherman that 


Sheridan has taken the command in New Orleans, 
Townsend describes this officer as having annexed 
the Gulf, and adds by way of clincher, the 
measure is deemed necessary, and is approved. 
General Sherman answers dryly : 

St. Louis : Jan. 6, 1875. 

Your telegram of the fifth instant, stating that 
General Sheridan has annexed Department of Gulf 
to his command, has been received. 

Meanwhile the President is called to study a 
remonstrance and appeal from Speaker Wiltz, who 
first telegraphs to him a brief account of the 
invasion : 

6 1 have the honour to inform you that the 
House of Eepresentatives of this State was or 
ganized to day by the election of myself as Speaker, 
fifty-eight members, two more than a quorum, 
voting, with a full House present. More than two 
hours after the organization, I was informed by the 
officer in command of the United States troops in 
this city that he had been requested by Governor. 
Kellogg to remove certain members of the House 
from the State House, and that, under his orders, he 
was obliged to comply with the request. I pro- 


tested against any interference of the United States 
with the organization or proceedings of the House ; 
but notwithstanding this protest, the officer in 
command marched a company of soldiers upon the 
floor of the House, and by force removed thirteen 
members, who had been legally and constitutionally 
seated as such, and who, at time of such forcible 
removal, were participating in the proceedings of 
the House. In addition to this the military declared 
their purpose to further interfere with force in the 
business and organization of this assembly, upon 
which some fifty-two members and the Speaker 
withdrew, declining to participate any longer in the 
business of the House under the dictation of the 

Such being the facts, Louis A. Wiltz, as Speaker, 
respectfully appeals to the President to be informed 
by what authority and under what law the United 
States army interrupted and broke up a sessions 
of the House of Representatives of the State of 
Louisiana ? Should it appear, Wiltz goes on to 
say, that this invasion has been made without law 
and authority, he urgently requests that the Federal 
troops may be ordered to restore the House to its 


old position, and he demands, no less urgently, 
that the Federal officers shall be instructed by the 
War Department that it is no part of their duty 
to interfere with the internal workings of a general 

What is President Grant to say ? 

Cassar as General Grant is now called, not 
only in the South, but in the North and West is 
not so confident as Belknap and his adjutants that 
things are all going well in New Orleans. America 
has many voices, and her voices reach him in the 
secret places of his Cabinet. They strike him like 
the roar of coming storms. 

Accounts of what was clone in Eoyal Street on 
Sunday night and Monday morning fill the daily 
prints of every town from Galveston to Portland, 
from Savannah to San Francisco. Most of these 
accounts are printed with satirical and indignant 
leaders. Many of the writers treat the incident as a 
pastime. Is it not Carnival a time for quips and 
cranks ? This Negro orgy in the State House is 
a joke ; that drinking-bar, those hot suppers, that 
midnight caucus, and those morning cocktails, 
are conceits of cornic writers. But the press, in 


general, take the thing in serious mood, and to 
their credit the ablest Kepublican journals are 
the sternest critics of De Trobriand s acts. Are 
we in France ? they ask. Is Grant a Bonaparte ? 
Are Emory and De Trobriand the hireling soldiers 
of a bastard empire ? Are we already governed 
by a Csesar, and is the White House an American 
Tuileries ? 

Each word pronounced of late by President 
Grant is scanned, and in their present temper 
people are disposed to find Caasarism lurking under 
phrases which at any other time would* seem no 
worse than awkward forms of speech. Grant is 
seldom happy in his words. Knowing his weakness, 
he is silent in strange company; but the ruler of a 
great country cannot choose but speak and write ; 
and with all his great qualities he is often unfor 
tunate in his use of tongue and pen. His recent 
Message to Congress on the Centennial Exposition is 
a case in point. In this State paper he gives a new 
reading to that famous passage in the Declaration of 
Independence which describes the primary rights of 
man as life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 
By way of better reading, President Grant describes 


Americans as a people engaged in the pursuit of 
fame, fortune, and honours ; not of honour, but 
of honours. It is nothing, probably, but a clumsy 
phrase ; yet critics roused to anger cry out 
against it, as the very accent of a Caesar. Fame, 
fortune, and honours ! Are these things the ideals 
to be held before American youth? Snakes hide 
in grass Caesars may lurk in an unguarded 

A whisper of the President s doubts and fears 
arrives at head-quarters, in the St. Charles Hotel. 
The adjutants want a little more vigour ; and 
Sheridan, who never stops to weigh his words 
telegraphs to his friend the Secretary of War : 

New Orleans : Jan. 5, 1875. 

Please say to the President that he need give 
himself no uneasiness about the condition of affairs 
here. I will preserve the peace, which it is not 
hard to do, with the naval and military forces in and 
about the city ; and if Congress will declare the 
White Leagues and other similar organizations, 
White or Black, banditti, I will relieve it from the 
necessity of any special legislation for the preserva 
tion of peace and equality of rights in the States of 


Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas ; and the Executive 
from much of the trouble heretofore had in this 
section of the country. 


Ave Csesar! With the fleet and army now at 
New Orleans, no White citizen dares to stir ! 

The White Leaguers to be denounced by Caesar 
as bandits are the White people planters, advocates, 
physicians, bankers, clergymen, owners of the land, 
the buildings, and the produce masters of all the 
liberal and domestic arts. A majority are of English 
origin. What Sheridan asks is nothing less than 
that the English race in Louisiana, Mississippi, and 
Arkansas shall be put beyond the pale of law, and 
handed over to the military power. Give him free 
range, and the Executive shall have no further 
trouble in these parts. Here is no Carnival prince, 
as people say, in sport. Men recollect the Peigan 
business. Since Sheridan paid his visit to their 
hunting-grounds, the Executive has never been 
troubled by reports from Peigan camps. 

The evening papers print the text of Sheridan s 
telegram. Banditti ! Banditti ! Still banditti ? Yet 


a change of tone is evident in this despatch. 
Yesterday the word was applied to White leaguers 
only ; now it is applied to similar organizations, 
whether White or Black. Sheridan has learned, not 
merely that a Black League exists, but that a 
Black leaguer may be brother in offence to a 
White leaguer. No longer of opinion that a pro 
clamation by President Grant is sufficient, Sheridan 
now asks the ministers to get an Act of Congress 
passed, giving him authority to hang such men as 
General Ogden and Captain Angel, Governor 
McEnery and Lieutenant-governor Penn. 

Banditti ! How the word appears to leap on 
every lip and blister every tongue ! Banditti ? We 
banditti ? We, the proudest gentlemen and noblest 
gentlewomen in America, branded as outlaws by a 
subaltern of General Grant ! 

You see a female bandit, sneers a young and 
lively girl, on whose father we make an afternoon 
call. A dozen bandits, laughs a famous soldier, 
introducing me to an evening circle at the Boston 
Club. These citizens fret and fume, not only 
against the phrase, but what the phrase implies. 


A bandit is an outlaw, and an outlaw subject to the 
military arm. 

A fire-spirit seems to have breathed all day 
on street and quay. At midnight, Sheridan tele 
graphs to Belknap, using a secret cipher for his 
message : 

New Orleans : Jan. 5, 1875. 

There is some excitement in the rotunda of the 
St. Charles Hotel to-night on the publication by the 
newspapers of my despatch to you calling the secret 
armed organization, banditti. Give yourself no 
uneasiness. I see my way clear enough, if you will 
only have confidence. P. H. SHERIDAN. 

Belknap has confidence; so have the adjutants. 
Cassar is not so sure. Cassar is never half so sure of 
things as his lieutenants. Will the army support a 
purely military policy ? American soldiers are 
American citizens. Though brave and loyal, they 
are free men, caring little for glory, and much 
for liberty. On whom besides Sheridan can the 
President rely ? Sherman stands aloof. McDowell 
is offended, not only by the loss of his Department 
on the Gulf, but by the secret orders under which 


his province has been seized. Yet Belknap, more 
Caesarian than Caesar, wires to New Orleans : 

War Department: Jan. 6, 1875. 

4 Your telegrams all received. The President and 
all of us have full confidence, and thoroughly ap 
preciate your course. W. W. BELKNAP. 

All of us ? Who are these all of us ? The 
telegram is dated War Department. All of us 
may only mean the adjutants and secretaries ; but as 
Belknap is a Cabinet minister, all of us may mean 
the whole Executive. In this sense it is read by 
General Sheridan s staff. If they are right this 
telegram is the most serious document issued since 
the war. If Hamilton Fish and Benjamin H. 
Bristow have endorsed the military action in this 
city, we may look for storms. 

At noon a second telegram comes, in explana 
tion of the first, which seems to prove that Fish 
and Bristow are as much committed to Cassarisna 
as either Williams or Belknap ; yet Sheridan, after 
reading and re-reading the document, feels un 
certain of the sense, and puzzled as to what he is 
empowered to do. The message runs : 


War Department : Jan. 6, 1875. 

4 You seem to fear that we have been misled by 
biassed or partial statements of your acts. Be 
assured that the President and Cabinet confide in 
your wisdom, and rest in the belief that all acts of 
yours have been and will be judicious. This I in 
tended to say in my brief telegram/ 

How is Sheridan to take these words? The 
Cabinet is now associated with the President, but 
there is no more talk of approval. They confide 
in his wisdom ! Yesterday their cry was for energy. 
Energy gave them confidence. Now they rest in 
the belief that his acts have been and will be 
judicious ! Was Philip Sheridan sent to New 
Orleans in mid- winter, to be judicious ? Is the 
word a hint ? No order now to be quick and stern 
. to lay on and spare not ! Where is the reply to 
his request that ministers will get a short bill pushed 
through Congress branding the White citizens as 
outlaws, and turning them over to his subalterns ? 
Not a word. Taking then this second message as 
a call to order, he answers at night : 

New Orleans : Jan. 6, 1875. 

4 The city is very quiet to-day. Some of the 


banditti made idle threats last night that they would 
assassinate me. ... I am not afraid. 


Ten minutes -after this message is posted in 
New Orleans, every lip is rippling into merriment 
and mockery. ; Afraid ! Who s afraid ? I m not 
afraid. Are you afraid? Why, Sheridan s not 
afraid ! Ha, ha ! Even Phil. Sheridan s not afraid ! 

Cgesarism has strong points ; but the temper 
to put up with scorn and sarcasm is not one of 
those strong points. 




AN aide-de-camp brings us an invitation from 
General McEnery to visit the Conservative head 
quarters in Canal Street ; and in company of my 
old friend Consul De Fonblanque we start from our 
hotel, now known as Head-quarters of the Gulf. 

General McEnery occupies a suite of rooms in 
Canal Street, looking on the effigies of Henry Clay, 
in which apartments he holds a modest court. 
You re not afraid to enter, asks a senator, 
meeting us on the stairs, although we are 
banditti? No, we are not afraid. Some wag has 
gummed a caricature of Sheridan to the wall. 
The general is represented as a dog snapping at a 
Louisiana cavalry officer. Poor stuff, says the 
Senator, passing in ; poor stuff but boys will have 
their fun. We have the Southern genius, and our 
boys delight in mockeries and burlesques. 


On entering the cabinet, we find Governor 
McEnery, Lieutenant-governor Penn, and several 
Senators, who decline to sit with Kellogg s group, 
under the presidency of Caesar C. Antoine. A 
more courteous and decorous body of gentlemen 
than these Conservative Senators could not be seen 
in common-room at Oxford or committee-room in 
Westminster. Finer heads and gentler manners 
would be hard to find in any country, and you 
feel at once that, whether these gentlemen are 
right or wrong in their special claims, they will 
not be easily beaten from the ground they once 
take up. 

General McEnery is a small man, something 
like President Grant in face, with meditative eyes, 
and dreamy features, half- concealed by thick 
whiskers and heavy moustache. General Penn is 
younger than his chief; a typical Southern man, 
with shaven chin, black eyes and eyebrows, and a 
penthouse of moustache ; in accent and appearance 
the embodiment of fighting power. General Ogden 
has a round head, set on a sturdy frame ; a 
prompt and ready man, not troubled, one might 

fOL. II. G 


say, by doubts and scruples as to where his duty 
lies. All three are gentlemen of property. We 
claim, says General McEnery, to represent ninety- 
five per cent, of all the property in this city, ninety- 
eight per cent, of all the property in this State/ 
From what we learn in other quarters we have 
reason to believe this statement true. And yet/ 
adds Penn, laughing, we, who own nearly all the 
property in the State, are bandits ! 

Bandits are not usually men of property ; are 
not so in Spain, in Greece, in Asia Minor, and in 
California. If Vasquez were able to read the papers, 
lie would be pleased to find, on the authority of 
General Sheridan, that a good many of his brethren 
sit on the bench and practise at the bar. 

No one contests your claim to represent the 
wealth of New Orleans ; the question is about 
inhabitants, not property ; and you claim, we 
understand, to have a true majority of votes in 
favour of the Conservative candidates ? 

We have, the Governor answers, a majority 
of votes; not large, yet large enough for us, if we 
are left alone, to carry on the government, and 
restore a reign of peace. 


Have not the coloured people a majority of 
votes in the whole State ninety thousand against 
seventy-six thousand ? 

1 On the present lists, they have, replies the 
Governor ; but the lists are drawn in fraud. How 
can the coloured people have more votes than we 
have ? In numbers we are nearly equal three 
hundred and sixty-two thousand Whites to three 
hundred and sixty-four thousand Blacks. These 
figures are not ours. The census was taken 
under Warmoth s government. We know that 
some of the returns are false and false in favour 
of the coloured men. But take the figures as 
they stand. How can a difference of two thousand 
in the population, yield a difference of fourteen 
thousand in the voting lists ? 

That is not easy to make out. 

Except by fraud ; by manifest and unblushing- 
fraud. The fact is, Negroes are registered in dif 
ferent names and different parishes. Dead Negroes 
are kept on the lists ; Negroes under age are put on 
the lists. Women are inscribed as men. Wherever 
you have Black officials, supported by a Black 
police, you have abuse. 


Is it true, General McEnery, that Conservatives, 
as a rule, object to giving Negroes political power? 

Among Conservatives that is an open question. 
Many of us think it a great mistake to have given 
the coloured people votes ; but the United States, 
which gave them liberty, thought fit to give them 
votes. We bow to facts. You meet men who 
would take away the Negro s personal freedom 
as well as his political power ; but the majority of 
citizens has ceased to dream of going back to the 
old state of things. A Conservative would like 
to see the Eight of Voting settled and defined by 
law. In all free countries certain classes, such as 
paupers, idiots, and prisoners, are excluded from the 
voting lists. In some free countries, those who 
cannot read the lists and sign their names, are not 
allowed to vote. With an understanding of this 
nature, the Conservatives of Louisiana would admit 
the Negro to political rights. 

You have no fear of educated votes ? 

6 No fear at all ; for educated men are never led 
by scalawags. Even now, the education tells. If 
all the Negroes were to pull together ninety 
thousand against seventy-six thousand they might 


elect Pinch for governor and have a strong majority 
in the Chambers. But we have educated negroes 
in Louisiana like Tom Chester, and educated 
Africans are no more likely to agree in politics 
than educated Anglo-Saxons. When a Negro learns 
to spell he sets up as a leader. He follows no 
one ; least of all a man of his own colour. If a 
Negro owns a cabin and a patch of garden, he 
becomes Conservative and votes against the scala 
wags. A Conservative Negro Club exists in every 
parish in Louisiana ; and in spite of Kellogg s pro 
mise that every Negro voting the Grant ticket shall 
have forty acres and a good mule, thousands of 
Negroes voted with us in the late elections. Tens of 
thousands will vote for us when the Federal troops 

From General McEnery s cabinet we go to the 
Conservative Lower House, in St. Louis Street, 
where we are cordially received by Speaker Wiltz. 
A man of spare figure, closely-cropped hair, and pale, 
wan face, the Hon. Louis A. Wiltz has an easy and 
yet resolute manner. As we enter the House Captain 
Kidd is speaking ; Kidd, a lawyer and a soldier, and 
of equal standing in the camp and at the bar. He 


proposes that the whole body of Conservative legis 
lators shall march to the State House, lower down 
the street, and demand admission to their seats. 
Sixty-six gentlemen are present : the fifty-three 
members who are certified, and thirteen others who 
are wrongfully unseated by the Kellogg board. 

You profess to be a lawful House ? we ask the 

No, says Wiltz, in a decided tone ; We claim 
to be a legal quorum ; but we call ourselves a 
caucus, not an assembly; for we mean to keep 
within the law, even in such things as words. 

While Kidd is urging the Conservatives to take 
a more decided course, a telegram is sent to Wash 
ington, asking Senator Thurman for advice. Thur- 
man is a leading Democrat, sitting in Congress for 
Ohio, and is much consulted by Conservatives in 
the South. Be patient, is the wise reply. 

Our policy is patience, says the Speaker ; we 
must wait. Time fights for us. The dodge of forty 
acres and a good mule cannot be tried again. All 
tricks wear out. We can afford to wait. Of course, 
we suffer by delay ; but we should suffer more by 
violence. The gentlemen sitting on -these benches 


either own, or represent men who own, nearly all 
the stores and ships, the magazines, hotels, and 
banks, of New Orleans. Can yon fancy they 
have any interest in disorder ? If a pane of glass is 
broken, we have to bear the loss. The scalawags 
have nothing to risk except their skins, and they 
are careful not to risk their skins. What can it 
matter to Kellogg and Packard, Antoine and Pinch- 
back, whether property declines or not ? We stake 
our all on peace and order ; but onr brethren in the 
northern cities have yet to understand this fact. 
Events are teaching them, and teaching them very 

In crossing the French quarter we meet Senator 
Trimble, a Republican of local name. 

4 A Southerner and a Republican ? 

Well, answers Senator Trimble, like many of 
my old party, I am becoming rather cautious in my 
theories. Events are shaking my belief in platforms. 
An American has surely something higher to preserve 
than blind fidelity to a party flag. 

Senator Trimble is impressed as Colonel Morrow 
and the Congressional Sub- Committee are impressed. 
Morrow has now reported to General Emory, who 


has sent his statement on to General Sherman, that 
after wide and close enquiry in the counties lying 
on Eed Eiver he is convinced that, so far as relates 
to the United States, there is not the slightest dis 
position to oppose the general government, but that 
the opposition to the State government by Kellogg 
and Antoine cannot be put down. . . . The 
present State government cannot maintain itself 
in power a single hour without the protection of 
Federal troops! . . . The State government has not 
the confidence and respect of any portion of the 
community. General Sherman has sent these warn 
ings on to Washington, marked by him with the 
significant words for the personal perusal of 
General Grant. 

What say the Sub-Committee ? Foster of Ohio, 
and Phelps of New Jersey, agree with Potter of 
New York, in a Eeport to Congress, setting forth 
these five facts : 

First : that the late election was mainly a fair one ; 

Second : that no unusual pressure was put on 
coloured voters ; 

Third : that many of the Negroes wish to get 
rid of Kellogg ; 


Fourth : that the Eeturning Board was unlaw 
fully constituted and made false returns ; 

Fifth : that the Assembly was transacting busi 
ness when De Trobriand drove the Conservative 
Members out of their seats by force. 

A Eeport, embodying these five facts, has been pre 
sented to Congress, and has roused the country like 
a crash of war. The full Committee is coming 
down, but no one thinks the four Members who 
have not been here will contradict the three who 
have. From east to west, the country seems to be 

Quick, sensitive, meridional as are the men 
of New Orleans, they are not prepared for such an 
outbreak of White sentiment as fires the North. 
Boston is not less eager in sympathy than New York. 
Pittsburg joins hands with Cleveland ; Cincinnati 
calls aloud to San Francisco. Never, since President 
Lincoln s death, has so much passion found a vent in 
speech. Statesmen who weigh their words are 
coming to the front, arraigning President Grant of 
something like high treason to the commonwealth. 
Adams in Boston, Bryant in New York, are giving 
the highest intellectual sanction to the general fury. 


Evarts, the ablest lawyer in America, is denouncing 
Sheridan and De Trobriand, in terms not often 
applied by lawyers to the lowest tools of a despotic 
power. The curses showered on Kellogg have a bit 
terness unequalled since the war. 

Should President Grant back down, repudiating 
Sheridan and letting Kellogg go, where, in such 
a reign of anarchy, will the legal government 
of the State reside ? 



4 WHERE will the government reside ? repeats 
General Warmoth, to whom we put this question. 
Here ! The only legal government in Louisiana re 
sides in me. I am the governor. No man but myself 
has been recognised by Congress as Governor of Loui 
siana. Kellogg and McEnery are alike repudiated. 
Kellogg is Governor by grace of General Sheridan. 
If the Federal army left, McEnery would be 
Governor by force of the White League. When 
right and order gain the mastery, there will be no 
legal Governor in Xew Orleans except myself. 

Henry C. Warmoth holds a position in this city, 
not only on the legal ground of his election being 
undisputed, but because he represents that large 
mass of citizens who care for neither Blacks nor 
Whites so long as they can mind their shops and 
carry on their trade. These persons want to live in 


peace, to earn their meat and drink, to keep a roof 
above their heads. They take no thought for theories 
of race. All men who want to buy are brethren in 
their eyes. A Negro s dollar is as welcome in ex 
change for shoes or whisky as a White man s dollar. 
What have trading folks to do with wrangles over 
equal rights ? Enough for them to pay their rents 

and taxes, leaving such theories to lawyers and 


Among the Negroes, too, Yv^armoth has a body 
of supporters. He has never lied to them. He got 
their votes without a promise of forty acres and a 
good mule. His promises are not so large as 
Kellogg s, but he tries to carry out the pledges he 
makes. To his ingenuity the Negroes owe the 
metropolitan police, a force which some of them 
regard as their only guarantee of freedom. As 
Kellogg s star declines, the Negroes turn towards 
Warmoth as a man of moderate counsels who might 
keep them from collision with the Whites. 

A man of parts and of the world, a soldier, with 
a pallid brow and deep-set student eyes, Warmoth 
has the grand style of domestic drama, and Southern 
ladies are said to think him very handsome. He 


affects a courtly mode. Unlike the mass of carpet 
baggers, who are not received in society, Warmoth 
aspires to social consideration, and is sometimes 
honoured by a card from leaders of fashion in New 
Orleans. This difference is at once his merit and 
his curse. Society has brought him into friendly 
intercourse with men as stern in their Conservatism 
as McEnery and Penn. Wiltz has received him ; 
Ogden has visited him in jail. By his charm of 
manner and his moderation of view, Warmoth has 
half-reconciled the upper classes to his presence in 
their town. 

But his successes on a ground forbidden to his 
comrades, fill the scalawag ranks with fury. 
When Warmoth came to New Orleans, with the re 
putation of a brave soldier and a cunning politician, 
he was elected by the loyal citizens President of the 
Grand Army of the Eepublic in Louisiana. The 
Grand Army of the Eepublic is a patriotic associa 
tion of men who fought in the war ; troops now 
disbanded and dispersed, yet held together by the 
brotherhood of arms and by the memory of service 
in a great cause. A Grand Army of the Eepublic 
exists in every State, enjoying the patronage of 


Government, and enjoying this patronage most of all 
in the Southern States. The President of such a 
body holds a post of great advantage, and General 
Warmoth turned his openings to such good account 
that he carried the Governorship of Louisiana under 
the Eeconstruction Act. 

Of Warmoth s administration every man speaks 
according to his party leanings : his friends affirm 
ing that he kept order and encouraged trade, while 
his opponents call him a rogue, a thief, a coward, 
and a murderer. Conservatives who have no cause 
to love him, allow that in a post of great risk 
and heavy trials he proved himself to be a fairly 
able and a moderately honest man. 

Fair enemies do him so much justice ; not so his 
former friends, either Eepublican fanatics or Con 
servative trimmers. The Eepublican fanatics accuse 
him of being the ruin of their party in New 
Orleans. Warmoth, they say, disgraced the Ee 
publican flag by his corruption. Warmoth, in con 
nexion with Senator Jewell, started the Fusion, by 
which their party was divided into two camps. 
Warmoth, they allege, paralyses the Grand Army of 
the Eepublic. Where is the Grand Army ? Why 


are the companies not up, raising their voices in this 
critical hour ? Why are the Union soldiers stand 
ing back, leaving Sheridan to fight alone ? Warmoth 
is the culprit. Warmoth is bowing to the Conserva 
tives ; seeking an entrance into club and society ; 
kissing gloves to the ladies of Pennsylvania-avenue. 

Yet these Eepublican fanatics are tame compared 
with the Conservative trimmers, arid especially with 
that Senator Jewell who was once his foremost ad 
vocate. Jewell is manager of a paper called The 
Commercial Bulletin ; a lively sheet, in which he 
carries on a war of insult and reproach against his 
former chief; not on the ground of high principle, 
but on a minor question springing out of the great 
conflict of race. 

Shall Negroes be allowed to ride in street cars ? 
Ladies answer, No. Car owners, unable to offend 
their customers, answer, No, It is a bitter feud, 
dividing families, like the acts of Kellogg and the 
messages of Grant. 

A group of other questions stand, as one may 
say, around that of the street cars. Shall Negroes 
be allowed to lodge in good hotels ? Shall Negroes 
be allowed to dine at common tables?- Shall 


Negroes be allowed to sit in any part of church ? 
The carpet-baggers, who depend on Negro suffrages, 
assert that all these privileges spring from the 
admitted theory of equal rights. If White and 
Black are equal before a judge, they are equal 
before a car-conductor and a tavern clerk. So say 
the scalawags. The other side reply that the theory 
of equal rights implies no privilege of the kind. 
If two persons are equal, they are free to trade 
together if they like, and not to trade together 
unless they like. Equality consists in the right to 
agree or disagree to part or join, as each may 
please. A free man cannot be compelled to buy and 
sell with another. He who keeps a store is not 
bound to sell his goods to anyone. He may select 
his customers. If you run a street car, you have 
a right to reject the applicant for a seat. In 
practice you employ that right in the rejection of 
whole classes. You refuse to carry idiots, beggars, 
drunkards, rowdies, shameless women. You exclude 
all persons dressed in rags or grimed with dirt, and 
you expel all persons using foul expressions. You have 
to think of decent people and the moral order they 
require. Opinion rules ; and, be you Eepublican or 


Conservative, you must conduct your cars in accord 
ance with public sentiment. 

This question of whether the Negro shall or 
shall not be allowed to ride in street cars, excites 
as much debate as the telegrams of Sheridan. 
Everyone is suggesting remedies and discussing 
compromises. General Warmoth suggests, that cars 
might be started in Canal Street, to be marked with 
a star, in which Negroes may ride, with such White 
people as have no objection to their company. He 
carries this suggestion to his old friend Jewell for in 
sertion in the Bulletin. Jewell declines to give it 
space. Then I must try elsewhere, says Warmoth. 
Jewell is of opinion that the scheme should not be 
broached. I think it may and should, says 
Warmoth. If you print that document, cries Jewell, 
I will ruin you for ever. 

Warmoth prints his suggestion, and the two 
Conservative leaders, McEnery and Wiltz, adopt it as 
a reasonable compromise of the dispute. Next morn 
ing Jewell comes out with a leader in which 
Warmoth is described as Lazarus, raised from the 
dead by Satan ; as a bold bad man, the originator 
and promoter of every abuse, as a congener of the 



rattle-snake, and as a man of infamous record/ 
Warmoth defends himself by accusing Jewell of 
6 lying unmitigated lying. He adds that Jewell s 
malice towards him springs from his refusal to give 
the Senator a government printing job ! 

Jewell now sends an agent to Warmoth s 
residence in St. Louis Street to ascertain if he will 
fight. Warmoth says he cannot meet a fellow like 
Jewell, on hearing which reply, the Senator sends 
him a challenge. Warmoth, to Jewell s great sur 
prise, accepts. 

What follows is a mystery as well as a tragedy. 
Daniel C. Byerley, a Lieutenant in the Confederate 
army, and a partner with Jewell in the printing 
business, takes the quarrel with Warmoth on himself. 
Byerley, a strong man, but maimed of his left arm, 
follows Warmoth down Canal Street, where he assaults 
him with a stout cane, striking him two sudden blows 
on the head. Eeeling from these blows, Warmoth 
retreats some steps. Byerley rushes on him. They 
close, and Byerley throws his enemy to the ground. 
Twisting and fighting, the two men roll to the 
kerbstone, Byerley beating Warmoth on the head, 
and Warmoth jobbing his knife into Byerley s side. 


A crowd runs on them, and lifts them up. Byerley 
shakes his cane, but leaves the ground, leaning on 
the arms of two friends, who bear him to a hospital 
close by. Warmoth gives up his knife, and yields 
himself prisoner to a captain of police. 

Byerley lingers a few hours, and then expires. 
Having met his death in lighting an intruder, 
Byerley is the hero of New Orleans, and a long 
train of carriages follows him to his grave. Governor 
McEnery is one of his pall-bearers, and more than 
two thousand citizens march behind his hearse. No 
one pretends to think the worse of General Warmoth 
for having killed a man. His prison is a court, his 
visiting-book filled with famous names. McEnery 
calls on him in jail. Ogden and Penn are no less 
courteous, and Speaker Wiltz pays him a formal 
visit. Five hundred citizens go to see him in a 
single day. Never has Warmoth found himself so 
popular. Nobody holds him guilty of the blood 
so lately shed, and when the charge is brought 
before a judge, he is at once discharged. 

I thought Byerley was fully armed, says 

Warmoth, in explanation of his use of the knife, 

and I only struck at him in self-defenca. He came 



on me by stealth, and struck me twice before I 
saw him. The cane he carried was a sword-stick ; 
a weapon as deadly as a sword ; and far more deadly 
than a knife. 

This murder in the street has heated and per 
plexed the situation; for, whatever men may think 
of street fighting, a man with blood on his hands is 
not an officer whom any reasonable man would like 
to seat in the chair of State. In a more settled 
country, such an act would drive a man from public 
life ; and for the moment, even in Louisiana, War- 
mouth has become impossible. How long will the 
ban endure? 

You seem to think General Warmoth dead, 
,says one of his admirers. John Barleycorn is 
dead. Bury him in a hole, and cover him with 
earth. In five weeks he is up again. You ll live 
o see Warmoth President of the United States. 




WILLIAM P. KELLOGG S private secretary comes to 
the hotel to say that if we will pay a visit to the 
Legislature and Executive, Speaker Hahn and Go 
vernor Kellogg will be happy to receive us at the 
State House. In company of our consul, as before, 
we start for Eoyal Street, the entrance in St. Louis 
Street being still closed. 

After some parley with Negro soldiers and police 
we pass the door. A rush of foul ah", the reek of 
bad cigars and worse liquors, drives us back. Phew I 
The hall is nearly dark, and gas is burning in one 
corner. Windows and doors are planked, and the 
floors strewn with corks, broken glass, stale crusts, 
and rotting bones. A crowd of loafers and officials 
throngs the hall, most of them Negroes, all of them 
smoking, jabbering, pushing. Here, a cotton picker 
wants to go upstairs and see dat legislating show. 


There, a carpet-bagger explains to a coloured voter 
why the Negro has not yet received his forty acres 
and a good mule. A fellow bawls on the stairs, 
as we push past him : Dat all right, anyhow ; the 
culled men now hab dere rights ! 

After much ado with the Black police, who fancy 
that being White men we must be spies and traitors, 
we reach the Second Chamber, a long, uncarpeted, 
and filthy room. Spittoons are laid about, and some 
of the Negro senators smoke and loll in their easy 
seats. The air is foul. Each senator has a chair, 
on which his name is painted in big letters ; but 
he seems incapable of sitting still. He loafs about ; 
rises to order ; chatters with a crony. Five or six 
senators are speaking, all at the same time, each 
senator accusing the other of lying and deception. 
* Order da ! c Missa Speeka ! Down, you nigga, 
down ! The uproar beats the tumult of a country 

Michael Hahn, the gentleman who presides, 
seats us near his chair and offers us some explana 
tions of the scene. 

You wonder we permit smoking in the 
Chambers ? Well, gentlemen, my answer is, we 


don t. There is a rule against it ; but how am I 
to put this rule in force ? We have no rule against 
chewing ; yet chewing is a nastier vice than smoking. 
Eules are useless. Negroes will chew and smoke. 
Why not let them smoke in other rooms ? 
You think that easy. Sir, it is so far from 
being easy that it is actually impossible. 
How so ? 

6 Because we cannot spare a man from his seat. 
You see we have only j ust a quorum present. If a 
single member quits his place we are unable to pro 

A Negro, named Deinas, member for St. John s 
parish, rises, and in a voice to silence Spurgeon or 
Punshon, rates the House. There is a certain elo 
quence in Ids words. Yes, says Speaker Halm, 
there is something in these fellows. Nearly all of 
them were born slaves. A dozen years ago hardly 
one of them dared to open his mouth in presence 
of a White man. 

The Hon. Michael Halm affects not to know how 
many members of his parliament are Black, how 
many White. We take no note of colour, he 
remarks ; but while Massa Demas is thumping and 


roaring, we count the heads, and find them twenty- 
four Whites to twenty-eight Blacks. Twenty-four 
and twenty-eight make fifty-two ; four members 
short of a legal quorum ! Yet the Speaker has just 
assured us that the House we see is a full House. 
Counting again we find our numbers true. 

4 Do you consider this assembly a lawful House, 
Mr. Speaker ? 

Yes, a lawful House, the Second Chamber of 

Only fifty- two Members are present. 

Fifty- six answer to their names. 

0, Michael Hahn ! 

On passing to the Upper House, we find a tall, 
pale Negro, with a small head and dissipated face, 
presiding over fifteen Black and thirteen White sena 
tors, who are debating whether they shall or shall not 
read the Senators in Washington a lesson by sending 
Pinchback up again as State Senator for Louisiana ? 
This pale and dissipated Negro is the Hon. Csesar 
C. Antoine. Lieutenant-governor of the State, sitting 
in the chair by virtue of his office. No Conservative 
senators are present. 

Cassar C. Antoine is an African of -pure blood., 


though he is not so dark as many of his brethren on 
the Niger and the Senegal. Small in stature and 
weak in frame, his only strength appears to lie in a 
feminine sort of shrewdness. Antoine was a porter 
in the Custom House. Before he took to politics he 
could hardly get his pay, yet, having a place under 
Government, he found the way open to public life. 
His rise was rapid. From the bench of a porter he 
passed to the chair of Lieutenant-governor. He 
was a servant of clerks ; he is the master of senators. 
Since the Caliph made his porter a pasha, no man 
of his calling has been raised to so high a place. It 
was a golden chance. Apart from accidents, An 
toine is not a man who could have risen. 

This Negro Cassar in New Orleans allows me to 
see that he joins hands with the White Csesar in 
Washington. Chewing his quid, and squirting his 
tobacco-juice into a huge spittoon, he informs us 
that he never seed sich a thing as dat affair with 
Wiltz ; also that the culled people in Louisiana 
don t mind General Grant having a third term, if he 
like, or even a sixth term if he like. Caesar in New 
Orleans sails in the same boat with Csesar in the 
White House. 


The Negro senators agree that the White fellows 
in Washington are impertinent in rejecting Pinch. 
He is the martyr of his skin. Those White fellows 
talk about his character. What right have they to 
pry into a gentleman s private life? They prate 
about Governor Kellogg s election not being valid. 
What right have those fellows to review a State 
election in Louisiana ? Pinch shall go back. Pinch 
is their choice. Pinch shall sit in their name under 
the marble dome, among the chief sages of the 
commonwealth ! 

On going with Antoine into Kellogg s cabinet 
we encounter Pinch. The Negro is in high feather, 
for the Negro senators have just affirmed once more 
his election to the State Senatorship, and Antoine 
has brought his credentials for the Governor to 
sign and seal. Got up in paper collar and pomade, 
Pinch smiles and smirks, and sickens you with his 
bows and scrapes. You think of giving him twenty 
cents. Kellogg appears to loathe the fellow, yet he 
cannot well refuse his name and seal. Who knows 
with what reserve he signs? Pinch watches him 
with eager eyes, chewing his quid, arid spattering the 
walls and carpets. Ach ! The scene is rich in comedy. 


Having got his papers signed. Pinch whips up his 
satchel, sticks a fresh quid in his mouth, and leaves 
the room with Antoine, the two Negroes going out 
arm in arm, strutting and sniggering through ad 
miring crowds. Dat Nig is some, one fellow cries. 
You bet ? asks another. Golly, says a third, 6 dat 
Nig is ole Pinch ! And so the dusky hero vanishes 
from our sight. 

c It is a farce, says Governor Kellogg. Pinch- 
back is no more senator now than he was before. 
He goes on a fool s errand, but these coloured 
children must be humoured. When he reaches 
Washington they will find out their mistake. 

Governor Kellogg is courteous, grave, and self- 
possessed. It is a common saying that he lives on 
lies. A friend who met me in Canal Street said : 
4 Going to see Kellogg ? Let me warn you that the 
man you are going to see is a wonder. He s not 
afraid. All the Federal troops in New Orleans could 
not make him tell the truth. Governor Kellogg has 
a smooth and winning way, which enemies may de 
scribe as wheedling and deceptive ; but his eyes look 
honestly into your face, and his tone of voice is 
frank and earnest. He appears to me a stirring and 


fanatical person, strongly wedded to his opinions, 
and ready to spend and be spent in what he deems 
the c good cause. Turning from Pinch he asks if we 
have seen the Chambers an enquiry which enables 
us to ask if he regards the Lower Chamber as a lawful 

No, he answers with a smile ; until we get a 
legal quorum we are not a House. Some doubt 
exists about the quorum ; our advisers tell us fifty- 
four Members make a quorum, but the custom is to 
reckon fifty- six ; and till the question has been 
settled by the judges we abstain from acting on a 
dubious right. 

Have you fifty-four Members ? 

No ; fifty-three. Speaker llahn has allowed 
three candidates not returned by the Board to take 
their seats. That act is wron^. Not bein^ a le^al 

o o o 

quorum, the Assembly has no power to give away 

6 Nor to elect a Speaker ? 

You are right. So far as such, things have been 
done, they are unlawful and without my sanction. 
Michael Hahn is no more Speaker than I am 
President. My Chamber is a caucus and no more ; 


but Hahn is fond of titles, and the coloured mem 
bers like to hear themselves called a Legislature. 
We are waiting for a compromise. If President 
Grant is firm, the other side will soon make terms. 
I could find the three voters to make up my quorum, 
but I will not pay the price. I wish to have an 
honest Government, and should be rather glad than 
otherwise to have a Conservative majority in the 
Lower House. White people are easier to satisfy 
than Black/ 

Why let the Chamber meet, transact business, 
and print journals, as though they were a lawful 
Legislature ? 

I cannot help myself. The other side are rich, 
and we are poor. McEnery s group, composed of 
rich people, can live without their pay ; our group, 
composed of needy persons, must be paid. Unless 
we have a pretext for giving them three dollars a 
day, they cannot stay in New Orleans. In less than 
a week thirty out of the fifty would be gone. I let 
them meet, attend to formal matters, and receive 
their salaries, but I caution them to leave all serious 
business till we see our way. There is a fight be 
tween us. The Chambers are burning to pass an 


Appropriation Bill ; but I refuse to let them bring it 
in ; and tell the leaders plainly that they have no 
legal powers. 

If President Grant decides to support General 
Sheridan, do you think the new Legislature may be 
got to work ? 

I hope the best ; but I am sickening of my 
tasks. I shall be happy when the moment comes 
for my release. 

Eelease ! Does any one hinder you from leaving 
New Orleans ? 

A sense of duty hinders me. I am a party 
man. Believing that the principles of my party are 
the best for every corner of America, I have done 
niy best to plant them in this region of the South. 
My work is not yet done ; but I am older than I 
was ten years ago. I have deserved my rest, but 
shrink from taking it so long as any chance remains 
of finishing what I came into this State to do. 

His tone is grave and almost sad. 

; What is my life in New Orleans that I should 
wish to stay ? To be regarded as an alien or de 
nounced as an adventurer is nothing. I am shunned 
by everyone except the wretch who seeks a place. 


No lady speaks to me. No gentleman comes near 
me. The rabble hoot, the rowdies fire. My name 
a byword and a mockery, I am but too happy to 
escape with life. Some day I hope to get away, 
but not until my duty has been done. 




SCENE Rotunda, New Orleans ; marble floor, and 
open galleries, supported by fluted shafts. Time 
Wednesday, January 13, 1875, eight o clock in the 
evening. Persons present General Sheridan, with 
his staff, Lieutenant-governor Penn, Senators, Mem 
bers of Congress, foreign consuls, sea captains, news 1 
paper scouts, orderlies, messengers, telegraph clerks, 
and other crowds, including two English travellers. 
Temperature boiling point of mercury. 

Look out for squalls, drops a w ell-known voice, 
as we emerge from the dining-hall into the Rotunda. 
* The affair is on, and must be settled either yea or 
nay. If Grant backs down, there will be peace ; if 
not, there will be war. Look out ! Before you go 
to bed, the world will know the worst/ 

The central hall of our hotel is a grand apart 
ment the Rotunda of an edifice which in Italy 


would be called a palace ; a news-room, lounge, 
divan, and stock exchange ; a place where mer 
chants buy and sell, where gamblers square accounts, 
where duellists look for seconds, and where every 
one devours the news. Here telegrams are received 
from every corner of the earth. Here journals are 
hawked and politics discussed. All strangers in 
the city lodge in the hotel, and citizens who want 
them have to seek them in this hall, the central 
point of Xew Orleans. Here idlers smoke, and chat, 
and see the lions. In the Rotunda you buy places 
for the carnival, numbers for the lottery, tickets for 
excursion trains. In one recess you find drink, in 
a second tobacco, for sale. Here you play billiards, 
there poker, everywhere the deuce. From seven 
o clock to ten the hall is thronged by men of pleasure, 
politics, and business, and the corridors boom with 
voices, like the uproar of a stormy sea. 

To-night the scene in our Rotunda is a sight. 
General Sheridan, dressed in plain clothes, is standing 
near a shaft, puffing his cigar, and chatting with his 
friends. Is it design or accident, his standing with 

o O 

his back against that shaft, so that his person is 
covered from assault except in front ? About him 



fret and seethe a crowd of citizens, many of them 
bearing proud, historic names. General Ogden is 
here, General Taylor is here, and General Penn is 
here. The lame man pushing through the crowd 
]s General Badger, now recovering from his wounds. 
The gentlemen near Sheridan, also in plain clothes,, 
are General Emory and Colonel Sheridan, a younger 
brother of the chief. Banditti ! How the Southern 
fire darts out, the Southern pride expands, as Senator 
and General cross the hall, restrained alike by 
courtesy and policy from rushing on the man who 
calls them outlaws and is only waiting for a word 
to string them up ! With what a cold and haughty 
mien these magnates pass the shaft against which 
Sheridan leans ! 

6 Have you no fear of accidents ? I ask General 

Not much, he answers ; ; we are fiercely tried, 
but we can bear the strain. 

Many of these gentlemen, I suppose, are armed, 
and some fanatic, vexed beyond endurance, may 
create a row. 

Such things may happen ; but the League is 
under high control. No leaguer carries a weapon, 


not even a pocket-knife, on his person. We are 
strong enough to do without knives and pistols. If 
a fight must come, we shall go into it like soldiers, 
not like Negroes and Kickapoos. But there will be 
no fight the President is backing down. 

A buzz of conversation swells and murmurs to 
the dome, like flow and ebb of tides on shingle. 
Now it rises to a roar, through which a military 
band outside is hardly heard ; anon it sinks into 
such silence that the click-click of the telegraph 
needle strikes on the ear with pain. A crash of 
kettle-drums rolls up. All eyes appear to seek the 
clock, as though the dial were a living face on 
which a man might read the secrets of President 
Grant s Cabinet. All ears are strained towards the 
telegraph clerk, as though his needles were living 
spirits, from which men could force the secrets of 
the Capitol. Messages come in as fast as clerks can 
read them, so that we in the Rotunda learn what 
is being said and done in our behalf, not only in 
Charleston and Richmond, but in New York and St. 
Louis, as soon as these things are known in Broad 
way. Wires connect us with the Capitol, and we 

i 2 


are told of what occurs before it is known in 
Pennsylvania-avenue . 

The President, we learn, is much perplexed and 
changes his decision every hour. Yesterday he was 
rock ; this morning he is spray. A passionate and 
obstinate man, he wants to rule his country as he 
ruled his camp, and is amazed to find his country 
men object to military rule. 

Never has President seen a rising like that of 
the northern and western cities on receipt of news 
from New Orleans. Boston and Few York are up 
in arms ; Chicago and Philadelphia are up in arms ; 
St. Louis and Cincinnatti are up in arms. Cassarism 
is answered by a White Eevival. Eloquent words 
are ringing through the air ; Republicans joining 
voices with Democrats in denouncing the policy of 
President Grant. The venerable Bryant leads the 
way in New York ; the liberal Adams is the spokes 
man of Massachusetts. Evarts lends his name to 
what is little less than an impeachment of the 
President and his Cabinet. These practices, cries 
Bryant, must be denounced, must be stopped, must 
be broken up for ever ! What right. asks Adams, 
have soldiers of the United States to determine who 


shall sit in the Legislature of a State ? Evarts 
brings the matter home : Here we have a national 
gensdarmerie instead of a civil police ! The Legis 
lature of Louisiana is as much a part of our 
Government as the Legislature of New York/ 
Men who have never before this moment mixed 
in politics, leave their books and join these enemies 
of President Grant. Here is an act done in a 
time of peace, says Curtis, so dangerous to all 
civil freedom, so bold and reckless a violation of 
law, that men who have condoned everything else 
are compelled to speak out. Kellogg and Packard, 
Antoine and Pinchback, are forgotten in the fury 
now being vented on the great criminal at the 
White House. Impeachment is demanded in a 
thousand voices. Eesignation is suggested, and in 
fact announced. The country seems aflame, the 
whole White family rallying to the defence of 
outraged law. 

Yesterday the President seemed resolved to back 
his lieutenant. He was asked by the Senate to 
state what is passing in New Orleans, and how he 
means to deal with matters ; for the reports of 
Foster, Phelps, and Potter to Congress, clearing the 


White citizens of New Orleans, and charging 
disorder in the South on the military party, have 
created a profound excitement. When such party 
men as Foster and Phelps can find no word to say 
for their political friends, the cause is lost ; yet 
President Grant was minded to- go on, assume the 
burthen of events, and leave Sheridan free to take 
his course. He framed a Message to Congress in 
this sense. 

But beyond the War Office, where his adjutants 
fumed and smoked, he found few backers. Senators 
of his own opinions and of great experience in affairs, 
came to his private cabinet and told him he was 
wrecking his party, if not ruining his country. 
The Eepublicans have lost so much, they are afraid 
of risking more. By secrecy and silence on the 
Csesarian question of a third term, the President 
lost them many thousands of supporters in the 
North, and now, by his unhappy interference with 
the Legislature of New Orleans, the South is gone. 
The Senators fear to face new trials. Are they to 
go further in a course for which Eadicals like Foster 
and Phelps cannot say a word ? 

High office has no effect in softening censure 


of the President s course. General Sherman takes no 
pains to hide his views. Vice-President Wilson 
opposes his official superior, and some of the leading 
journals are demanding that Grant shall retire from 
the White House, leaving his powers in Wilson s 
hands. More than all else, Hamilton Fish declares 
that if the President sustains Sheridan and justifies 
-Durell and Packard, he will resign his post as 
Secretary of State. This menace tells. Fish is not 
only the ablest man in Grant s Cabinet, but one of 
the ablest men in America. Bristow, Secretary of 
the Treasury, takes the same line as Fish. Without 
these gentlemen, the President s Cabinet could not 
stand a week ; and if his Cabinet falls, who knows 
what else may fall ? 

The Governors of powerful States are talking in 
an ominous way. A State has disappeared, says . 
Governor Allen to the people of Ohio ; a sovereign 
State of this Union has no existence this night. A 
.sovereign State ! The President thinks he put an 
*end to all that babble about sovereign States on 
the battle field, and here, in one of the rich and 
populous northern cities, the Governor of a great 
State is talking of Louisiana as a sovereign 


member of the Union. Governor Tilden, of New 
York, is still more menacing and emphatic : For 
similar acts our English ancestors sent the first 
Charles to the scaffold and expelled the second 
James from the throne. 

Louisiana is not more conscious than Ohio and 
New York that the day is big with fate. The 
policy of ruling by the sword has reached a turning- 
point. To-night will see this policy either make 
a step or fall back many steps. If Ca3sar rises, the 
Eepublic sinks. 

On what a thread the issue seems to hang ! 
While President Grant is pondering pros and cons, 
a pistol-shot, fired by a fool, may start a civil war. 
Sheridan is prepared to act, and the devastator of 
the Sbenandoah would sweep the quays of New 
Orleans as thoroughly as he swept the granaries of 
Blue Pddge. If blood begins to flow, the President- 
will support his officers ; but who can say how 
many States will rally to the Government ? It is not 
easy to assert. Since the fall elections many things- 
are changed. The White Eevival has set in, the 
centre of political gravity has been moved. A strong 
majority of Democrats will sit in the new Chamber. 


If blood is shed, who knows what shape the White 
Revival may assume ? Is it likely that men who 
voted with the South seven weeks ago will arm to 
crush her seven weeks hence ? 

Some ladies peer down wistfully from the gallery 
into the sea of dark and bearded faces which are 
constantly raised to the clock. One lady is that 
damsel who has come to the Eotunda on her 
pleasure trip. Poor girl ! She sees these scowling 
brows and haughty gestures. She has reason to 
suppose that every man is armed. She knows that 
all these people hate her lover with a fury not to 
be appeased by blood. Who can assure her that 
the evening will not close in massacre ? 

A cry is raised at the operator s desk. News 
news from Washington ! 

Eead, read ! scream a hundred voices. One 
of the clerks jumps on a bench, the printed tele 
graph slip in his hand, and waving it before his 
audience, cries out lustily : Gentlemen, the President 
backs down ! 

Backs down ? each wild and pallid auditor 
asks his neighbour ; Yes, backs down ! 

At once the strained and tragic situation softens ; 


lips relax, eyes lighten into humour, and everyone 
begins to chatter and shake hands. Some slip away 
to spread the news elsewhere. The knots and groups 
break up, and many seek for details in the messages 
which still keep pouring in. 

Play over, says the well-known voice ; Durell 
repudiated, Belknap discredited, Sheridan excused. 
The President abandons all responsibility. Sheridan 
is not sustained, and his recommendations are des 
cribed as unlawful. Yes, the play is over. Sheridan 
will now have time for his pleasure trip, and he 
may then go home to his wedding-cake. Third 
term ? The third term is dead. Exit Ca3sar ! 

I2 3 



ATLANTA, capital of Georgia, is rising from the 
dust in which Sherman s too famous march from 
Chattanooga left her a sacrifice of war when the 
fair young city, not yet seventeen years old, perished 
in her youth; wasted so fiercely that her waters 
seemed to be on fire ; so thoroughly that a rose 
bush here and there was all that told of former 
opulence and present wreck. Atlanta, rising from 
her ashes, is a type of Georgia. 

Standing on a hill, the domes and turrets of 
Atlanta, shining over belts of ash and pine, endow 
her with a regal air. A natural crown of the ad 
jacent flats, she looks the capital which a proud and 
grateful people have made her since the great 
calamity she suffered in the civil war. Her soil is 
rich and ruddy, with the wealth and colour of a 
Devonshire ridge. Wide fields and pastures lie 


around ; these under grass, those under cotton, these 
again under rice. Maize and tobacco grow on 
every side, and overhead hangs a sky like that of 
Cyprus. Here cattle browse ; there herdsmen trot. 
Negroes with creels of cotton on their heads slouch 
and dawdle into the town. The scene is pastoral 
and poetic ; English in the main features, yet with 
forms of life and dots of colour to remind you of 
the Niger rather than the Trent, 

Frame houses, painted white, with colonnades 
and gardens, nestle in shady nooks and cluster 
round hill-sides. About these villas romp and shout 
such boys and girls as New England poets find 
under apple-trees in Kent. What roses on their 
cheeks ; what bravery in their eyes ! Here glows 
the fine old English blood, as bright and red in 
Georgia as in York and Somerset. But for her 
Negro population, Georgia would have an English 

The Negro is a fact though not the fact of 
facts in Georgia. Unlike Louisiana, Mississippi, 
and South Carolina States in which the Black 
element is stronger in number than the White 
Georgia has a White majority of votes ; yet her 


majority on the whole is slight, and her Negro 
population is so massed as to command the ballot- 
boxes in many counties. For example in Baldwin 
County, Early County, and Sumter County there are 
nearly two Negroes to each White ; in Baker 
County, Cam den County, Columbia County, Effing- 
ham County, and Troup County there are more 
than two Negroes to each White ; in Liberty 
County there are nearly three Negroes to each 
White ; in Bullock County and Hurston County 
there are more than three Negroes to each White ; 
and in Lee County there are four Negroes to every 
White. If all the Negroes in these counties held 
together, under the advice of carpet-baggers and 
with the help of Federal bayonets, they might set 
up Negro judges, sheriffs, and assessors, as in 
Louisiana and Mississippi, and might send up Negro 
senators to Atlanta, if not to Washington. Lee 
County might have her Antonie, even though 
Georgia failed to achieve her Pinchback. At present 
most of them are busy on their farms and home 
steads, leaving politics alone, though every word 
from Vicksburg and Jackson, Shreveport and New 
Orleans, is apt to rouse them like a cry of fire. 


The session for 1875 is opening under great 
excitement. Unlike her neighbours, Florida and 
South Carolina, Georgia has recovered her inde 
pendence. She has now a native Governor in 
James M. Smith. The Legislature and the Govern 
ment are Conservative ; and being Conservative, 
are bitterly opposed to President Grant. 

Though suffering less than the Virginians and 

o o D 

South Carolinians by the war, the Georgians are 
more exasperated than their neighbours in either of 
their sister States ; the burning of Atlanta, the de 
struction of property at Milledgeville, and the injuries 
done to rails and roads, canals and bridges every 
where, appearing in their eyes as acts of savage 
vengeance rather than of lawful war. Such deeds 
are not forgotten in a day, and till they are forgotten 
they are never likely to be forgiven. 

Ten years ago the greatest civil warfare ever 
waged by man against his brother was burning in 
these Southern cities. Armies to be counted by 
hundreds of thousands trampled on these vineyards 
and tobacco-fields. Fierce sieges were being carried 
on, murderous battles were being fought, in 
every Southern State. Dense woods- were fired, 


broad rivers turned, fair villages destroyed. Ruin, 
reigned everywhere. Need one wonder that scars 
are left ? The rent and blackened walls of 
Atlanta have not disappeared. It is in vain to 
dream that the moral sores are healed. Wounds 
inflicted in a civil strife last long. Israel was divided 
for ever by her war of tribes. For ages the 
contest of patricians and plebeians stopped the growth 
of Borne. Internal feuds gave Seville to the Moor 
and Dublin to the Saxon. Street conflicts opened 
Constantinople to the Turk. Religious conflicts 
weakened Germany and France. The raid on 
Freiburg by the Swiss volunteers is still resented 
by the Catholic Cantons. But the direst form of 
civil war is that which has a social or a servile 
cause. Long years elapsed ere Rome recovered from 
her tug with Spartacus. English society was shaken 
by Cade. Munzer s rising is still recalled with 
horror by the people of Wiirtzburg and Rothenburg. 
The French wars of the communists, the Spanish 
wars of the comunidades, are not ended yet. Last 
year, at Cartagena, we heard the names and pass 
words used by Padilla in the reign of Charles the 


Have you many White leaguers in Georgia ? * 
we ask a senator in Atlanta. 

6 Yes, he answers frankly ; you will find either 
Black leaguers and White leaguers in every district 
where you see Black and White men. A league is 
but the sentiment of a class trying to become the 
sentiment of all. We have White leaguers in At 
lanta, but I must warn you against the idea, that in 
Georgia we have any of the rascals of whom Sheridan 
speaks and Eepublican journals write. There is a 
true White League, and a false White League. The 
true White League consists of a band of Conserva 
tives, who wish to maintain order and preserve 
property ; the false White League consists of a band 
of destructives, who desire to break the peace and 
ruin house and land. Which of these two sorts of 
league are we likely to belong to we, who own 
and cultivate nearly all the land in Georgia? 
Leagues are a necessity of our life, and will be 
while a Federal army occupies our towns. Unless 
we are prepared to see this city and this country 
perish, we must unite our strength and close our 
ranks. The false White League is a creation of the 
President s private cabinet. 


You think that much of this trouble is excited 
by the Government in order to favour General 
Grant s campaign for a third term ? 

For nothing else. These hubbubs in Vicks- 
burg and New Orleans suit his game. If Billy Eoss 
were President, and Bear s Paw his Secretary of 
War, you would hear of no Pin Leagues, Light 
Horse and Mourning Bands ; but you would have 
daily articles and monthly messages on Negro mis 
deeds in Caddo and White encroachments on Eed 
Eiver. When we have a Democratic President in 
office, you will hear more of the Black League than 
of the White. 

c The Black League is an actual fact ? 

There is a Black League in every Negro village 
and every Negro barrack. You can hardly doubt 
that there is a Black League in Mississippi after the 
murder of Jemmy Gray ? 

The murder of Gray, and the murderer s con 
fession, are the talk of every city in the South. 
Gray was a Negro lad, who came from his plantation 
into Vicksburg, and was killed by order of a brother 
Negro, named JefF Tucker. Oliver, a third Negro, 
was employed to do the deed. Since his arrest, 



Oliver lias turned on his employers and made a clean 
breast of the dirty business. Gray, a member of the 
Black League, heard in his lodge the purposes of his 
chiefs. He learned that Vicksburg was to be at 
tacked by Negro troops, assisted by a Negro mob, 
and that all the White citizens were to be killed. 
Gray set out to warn some people who had been 
kind to him of the impending massacre. Jeff Tucker, 
an officer in the League, suspected Gray, and ordered 
him to be slain. Oliver expresses deep regret, for 
Gray had never injured him ; but Tucker was his 
officer, and he was bound by oath to do whatever 
he was told, even to the shedding of a brother s 
blood. When Tucker bade him go and kill Gray 
he went and killed him, never asking why, because 
he dared not ask. He says he acted out of fear. 
If he had not killed Gray, he would have been killed 

In Georgia the coloured people seem content, 
but who can say how long this calm may last ? The 
Negro is a child of mystery. No man can guess 
what he will do or will not do. Voices move him, 
fetishes inspire him. Traces of Ins African super 
stitions cling to him, even in a Georgian school and 


chapel. He is open to such hints as forty acres 
and a good mule, and plenty of carpet-baggers 
are at hand, ready, at auspicious moments, with 
such hints. He has enjoyed one spell of power, 
and the intoxication of that period hartgs about his 
hut and dug-out. What a day of glory for the son 
of Ham ! A Negro loves to sit in a chair of state, 
to hear men say his honour, and to fine White 
rowdies for getting drunk : Hi, hi ! You bad 
fellow. You drunk Ten dollar ! Hi, hi ! 

Like other savages the Georgian Negroes want 
to rule. It is no use to tell them they are fewer 
than the Whites, and that the greater number rules 
the less. They think it should be turn and turn 
about. The Whites have had their day, and now 
the Blacks should have their day. 

Thousands of these Negroes have been drilled 
and armed by the State authorities. Most of the 
militia regiments are Black, and these Black regi 
ments are officered by scalawags and carpet-baggers, 
who have swarmed into the cotton-fields and rice- 
grounds from distant towns. These regiments of 
coloured troops, commanded by strangers and ad 
venturers, are the cause of much distrust. 

K 2 


Some scalawag whispers that General Grant de 
sires to see the Negro uppermost in the State, his 
hands in White men s pockets, and his heels on 
White men s necks. The Negroes and Mulattoes 
think these scalawags speak the truth. Poor things! 
they cannot read and write. As children they 
were slaves. Of politics and history they know less 
than the most stupid Suabian boor or Wiltshire clown. 
Of moral codes and social sciences they have hardly 
an idea ; but the poorest African in Georgia can see 
the difference between a cabin and a house, a full 
table and an empty one, a warm coat and a cotton 
rag, a place in the gutter and a seat in the legislative 
hall. Look, cry the scalawags, at Louisiana and 
Mississippi ! There you have Negro sheriffs and 
assessors, judges and legislators. In New Orleans 
and Jackson you have Negro Senators, Negro Lieu 
tenant-governors, and Federal armies keeping down 
the Whites. Louisiana sends Pinchback, Mississippi 
sends Kush, to represent the coloured people in the 
national Capitol ! Why not unite and carry your 
own candidates ? 

Fired by such visions Sam begins to dream of 
j unning for the State legislature. If not- so lucky as 


Pinchback lie may be as fortunate as Antoine. If 
lie cannot reach Antoine, lie may hope to rival 
Deinas. If Pete can sit in Jackson or New Orleans, 
why should not Sam aspire to sit in Atlanta ? The 
lowest senator, he hears, gets three dollars a day 
for doing nothing but loll in an easy chair, chew 
tobacco, answer when his name is called, and now 
and then get up to have a drink. A Negro toiling 
on a plantation has to pick and carry cotton for 
three dollars a week. Why not attempt in Georgia 
what the coloured people do so easily in Mississippi 
and Louisiana ? 

You would be much amused by some of our 
dark politicians, says to me a well known personage. 
This morning, as my coloured servant was cleaning 
my boots, he looked up into my eyes, and, with a 
broad grin across his face, asked me how he could 
get to run for the State Legislature. The fellow 
can hardly read, and cannot write ; he cleans my 
knives and holds my horse ; and he wants to make 
laws for me ! 




IN the relations of her White people to the coloured 
race, South Carolina is the most unlucky section of 
America. In Louisiana the two colours are nearly 
balanced. Nine or ten years may turn the scale ; 
since the European family increases while the African 
falls away. Even in Mississippi the majority of 
coloured people is not great ; not more than seven 
Blacks to six Whites. Neither of these unhappy 

States is so far overweighted by her African numbers 

as to make contention in the ballot-boxes hopeless. 

In South Carolina called the Prostrate State the 

case is otherwise. Negro ascendancy is complete ; 

the African and his bastard brother the Mulatto 

reign supreme. 

The last census gives ten Africans to seven 

Europeans in the State of South Carolina. In seven 


counties the Whites have a good majority ; in three 
others they have a slight majority ; while in the re 
maining twenty-two counties the Negro majorities 
are large. In Eichland County and Charleston 
County they number two to one. Among the 
bayous and savannahs the dark people are almost 
separated from the fair. In Beaufort County they 
are nearly six to one ; in Georgetown County they 
are nearly seven to one. Greenville, Anderson, and 
Spartanburg counties may return scholars, advo 
cates, and planters to the Legislature ; but the voice 
of a Trenholm or a Eussell counts for no more in 
the assembly than that of a Negro from the swamp ; 
and for every Trenholm or Eussell in the assembly 
of South Carolina there are three Negroes from 
the swamp. Under a law of equality, enforced 
by a Federal army, what chance has the European 
settler in such a State ? 

Dark as the prospect is, the Carolinians are 
not sure that they have reached their blackest point. 
The great zone of swamp and savannah, stretching 
from Cape Fear to the Mississippi, and from the 
Mississippi back to St. Andrew s Sound, appears to 
be the African s new home. Within this zone 


he lives and thrives ; and if he has a preference 
within this zone it is for the hot and humid regions 
lying between Columbia and the sea. Climate 
and produce suit him equally. Squash is cheap, 
tobacco grows wild, and sugar canes abound. Here, 
if anywhere, the Negro may hope to make a 
stand ; and hither, it would seem, the Africans are 
tending, under the action of those mysterious laws 
of race which the Emancipation Act has called into 
free and easy play. 

In other zones the Africans are falling off. 
Above this sympathetic zone, yet still within the 
Southern limits, runs a line of country from the 
Chesapeake to the Missouri and the Arkansas, in 
which Negroes dwelt and multiplied in a state of 
servitude. But from these great districts they are 
now retreating towards the South and towards the 
sea. Missouri and Kentucky are casting out their 
Negro citizens, not by public edicts, but by 
agencies of which no record can be kept. Mary 
land is following Kentucky, and Virginia following 

Whether the whole displacement springs from 
a mere shifting of the Africans from North to 


South, is matter of dispute. Who understands 
those movements which are common to man and 
beast, to bird and fish ? What sorcerer has probed 
the secret of the pilchard, the locust, and the 
springbok? Who knows the true reasons which 
led the Goth in ancient days to leave his native 
seat, which drives the Mongol at this present 
hour to quit his sacred soil ? To say that the 
ancient Gotli and modern Mongol break away 
from old associations in search of food and drink, 
is but to answer for a part of the material facts. 
That theory would not cover the case of bird and 
fish, much less of man and beast. Some creatures 
move in search of warmth and light, and some are 
led by instincts and emotions tending to the nurture 
of life. Men are often swayed by higher instincts 
than the love of meat and warmth. What forces 
drove the Crusaders to Syria and the Pilgrims to 
New England? Not the want of food and drink. 
What passion led the Jesuits to Paraguay, the 
Franciscans to Mexico? Not the desire to lodge 
in huts and cover the body with antelope skins. 
What impulse carries the Euss to Troitza, the Moor 
to Mecca, and the Mormon to Salt Lake? 


You think the coloured people are moving from 
Kentucky and Virginia into South Carolina ? 

Not a doubt of it/ says a journalist of whom 
we seek an answer. Always on the road, in my 
vocation, I see the files and squads, full-blood, 
mulattoes, and quadroons, all creeping from the 
North. Sickness thins the number ; for the darkies- 
are rotten sheep, and perish on the road. More 
die than reach our soil. 

What are the facts ? Are South Carolina, 
Alabama, and Mississippi, chiefly South Carolina, 
taking in the whole drain from Missouri and 
Kentucky, Maryland and Virginia? Or, beyond 
the change implied by exodus, is there a great 
margin of displacement, telling of decay? 

Two tests may be employed. Is the African 
family on the whole increasing in America ? Are the 
members of this family better lodged and fed ? 

Opinions differ as to whether the Africans are 
increasing in America. The rate of increase has 
assuredly fallen off. Nobody fancies they are multi 
plying like the Europeans in America. Every statist 
owns that they are not growing under freedom as 
they grew under servitude. Nor is there much 


difference as to whether Negroes and Mulattoefc 
are better lodged and fed in freedom than they were 
in servitude. Exceptions may occur, but as a rule 
the coloured people live in worse houses and eat 
less healthy food. A man sucks more canes, and 
chews more quids ; yet eats less wholesome food, 
and occupies less wholesome rooms. Child murder, 
the vice of every savage tribe, has come to be 
a common crime. 

Negroes are averse to rearing offspring. Children 
give much trouble, cost much money, and involve 
much care. In servitude the Negress was com 
pelled to nurse her offspring, for her children were 
property. In freedom, she is left to instinct ; and 
the instinct of a Negress, like that of a Mongol 
and a Fijian, sometimes tempts her to this form of 
murder. Papals and Bulloms slay their issue in 
Africa ; and American teaching has not rooted out 
this African custom in America. In a state of free 
dom the original genius of a race is likely to return. 
In South Carolina, a Negro, living under freedom, 
has to feed and clothe his child, and every dollar 
spent on his baby s food and clothes, is so much 
loss to him in quids and drams. Child murder, I 


am told, is now as common in the Negro swamp, 
as in a Chinese street or on a Tartar steppe. 

This is the true Negro Question ; not such actual 
trifles as whether Blacks shall ride in the same cars 
and sit at the same tables as Whites : or such 
relative trifles as whether Blacks shall vote, make 
laws, and carry arms like Whites? The true 
Negro Question in South Carolina and elsewhere 
is whether, in the freedom of nature, the coloured 
man can live? 

In servitude men are not allowed to roam. 
The main step, perhaps, from savage licence into 
settled law, is that abridgment of personal liberty 
which converts a nomad into a citizen. Some 
savages cannot take this step. Can you confine an 
African ? In freedom everyone is master of his 
whim. He comes and goes as fancy prompts one 
week in Missouri, next week in Tennessee, a third 
week on the Gulf. Turkey is trying to settle some 
of her Arab tribes, but she has met so far with no 
success. Russia s attempt to colonize her steppe 
led her into serfage, and three hundred years of iron 
discipline were needed ere her rulers thought the 
Euss people broken of their ancient - wandering 


habits. Are the Africans yet prepared for settle 
ment ? You cannot fix a free Sioux, or a free 
Apache on the soil. A Bed man cannot live in 
competition with a White neighbour. Has the 
Negro strength enough to stand alone? Under 
servitude the Black men grew in numbers ; under 
freedom the Eed men fell in numbers. Will the 
Black men under freedom fail as the Eed men fail ? 
Have the good and pious men who gave the Negro 
freedom, only issued, in their ignorance of nature s 
rules, an edict for his slow but sure extermination 
from the soil ? 

c Be sure of one thing, says Colonel Binfield, 
a Southern officer, who has studied the Negro 
Question on the battle-field, in the tobacco grounds, 
and in the public schools, we shall have no more 
disorder in the streets. No local passion will dictate 
our course. We made a great mistake in parting 
from our flag ; but we have long since seen the 
error of our way, and we shall not commit that 
fault again. Our trust is in the law of life. The 
Negro had his day of power. If he chafed us by his 
petulance and folly he never awed us by his 
strength. Even now, when he has a ruler of his. 


own opinions in Columbia, a majority of friends 
in the Legislature, and the command of ah* the 
public forces, we have no fear of him. A European 
is too strong for any African. Unless he stabs 
you in the dark, or throws a brand into your 
room, a coloured man can hardly do you harm. 
The tussle of a White man with a Negro is the 
tussle of a man with a woman. It is the same in 
masses. Plant me one of your Utopias on the 
Santee or Edisto ; set me ten Europeans in the 
midst of ninety Africans ; give each of your 
hundred settlers an equal share of soil, seeds, 
implements, and money ; start them with a free 
code and equal rights, and leave them to till the 
ground, to make laws, and to rule themselves. In 
ten years the White men will own the soil, the 
granaries, and the money. Nature has given the 
White man brain and strength, invention, courage, 
and endurance of a higher quality, on a larger 
scale, than she has given these elements to the 
Black. In spite of accidents the White man must 
be master on this continent. Why, then, should 
we provoke an issue in the field ? JSTo one but 
an enemy of White civilization wants a second 


civil war. We only need to wait, certain to con 
quer if we wait. 

My friend is right. A Negro cannot stand the 
impact of free life ; the pressure rends and grinds 
him. All the vital forces of this world are relative, 
and for twenty centuries Europe has been the 
nursery of living power. Europe supplies the 
other continents with life life in plants and 
animals, as well as in the higher forms of man. 
You bring a spruce from Europe to America. 
That spruce will grow into a forest, and will kill 
the native trees all round. Import a horse 
and cow, and they will drive out buffalo and elk. 
The lower forms give way in presence of a higher 

Negro ascendancy, even though supported for 
a time by Federal troops, will fail before White 
science, as surely as a forest of plants fades before 
an English spruce and a herd of game before an 
English horse. 




OVERTOPPING Charleston, as St. Paul s overtops 
London, springs the belfry of a new Orphan Asylum ; 
crowning the gay city and expansive bay ; and 
looking over goodly towers, bright gardens, and 
ruined edifices. Emerging on the leads of this 
edifice we find a watchman leaning in a corner, 
smoking his pipe, and gazing at the sky. And 
what may be about the time ? he asks. Time ? 
just gone twelve. Gone twelve? Then guess I ll 
sling the bell. Bang, bang ! Men lounging in the 
streets below look up ; the hour is noon, say the 
lotos-eaters ; yes, it is the hour of prayer. Alia 
hu Akbar ! 

You don t seem to mind a few minutes ? 
No, Sir, we are not such fools as to bother 
about a few minutes, more or less. Who cares ? 
This watcher in the belfry is a Carolinian, and 


his eirie in the clouds the heart of South Carolina. 
What a proud and indolent people ; what a sunny, 
picturesque place ! Observe the Ashley and the 
Cooper, rivers which embrace the city, as the Hudson 
and East rivers nug New York how lazily they 
roll into the bay, and curl about the shores and 
islets, lapping and ebbing with the tides, around 
Fort Eipley and Fort Sumter, and out, by the Beach 
Channel, into the Atlantic Ocean ! Peep into these 
nooks of myrtle and palmettoes at our feet. What 
verdure on the ground what colour in the trees ! 
You may have seen sweet nooks before ; but where 
on earth a nest more perfect in its kind than one of 
these villas on the bay, looking over Castle Pinckney 
and King Street Battery, with balconies screened 
by roses and palmettoes, and with oranges hanging 
to the water s edge ? And then, what women pace 
these walks, peep from these lattices, adorn these 
balustrades ! Surely the mothers of these women 
must have been the ladies painted by Lely and 
Vandyke ! 

Yet what a fiery energy in the men and- 
women ! It is a saying in Charleston that no 
Negro or Mulatto dares to look straight into a 

D - 



gentleman s face. How many Negresses and 
Mulattaes would face one of these White damsels? 
The Government is under the control of Negro 
voters, and the State of South Carolina is for the 
moment a Black Commonwealth, ruled, like an 
Italian Republic of the Middle Ages, by a stranger. 
Daniel H. Chamberlain is the name of the Ameri 
can Podesta. Robert H. Gleaver, a Negro, is 
Lieutenant-governor. Of the thirty-three Senators 
for South Carolina, fourteen are Black. Out of a 
hundred and twenty four Members of the Lower 
House, no less than seventy- three are Black. 
Gleaver, the Negro Lieutenant-governor, presides in 
the Upper House ; Elliot, a Negro Speaker, presides 
in the Lower House. Few of these senators can 
write their names ; yet they aspire to fill the highest 
offices in the Government. The Secretary of State 
is a Negro. Offices which demand some aptitude in 
reading and writing, such as those of Attorney- 
general and Superintendent of Education, are left 
to White men, but those of higher pay and wider 
patronage are taken by the Blacks. The State Trea 
surer is a Negro ; the Adjutant and Inspector-general 
is a Negro. Chief-Justice Moses is a White, but 


his Associate-Judge, Wright of Beaufort, is a coloured 

Carolinian judges used to be named for life, like 
English judges, and were as rarely deposed from 
the bench as judges in the parent State; but this 
Conservative way of dealing with the higher magis 
tracy has been set aside under the Eeconstruction. 
Act. A judge is now appointed for four years only, 
and is seldom named a second time. His day is 
short, and he must make it pay. Some of the judges 
(I am told, on good authority) deal in cotton, rice, 
and other produce, and not unfrequently appear 
as parties to suits at law ! An ignorant Negro, 
placed on the bench by party voters, has much 
temptation to resist. 

A Negro has not sense enough to see that office 
requires some training, not to say some natural 
aptitude. His only thought of office is a place 
where he can sit and smoke, give saucy answers, and 
receive his salary. Office was made for man, not 
man for office. If you ask a Negro what he wants, 
he says a place, caring but little whether you 
make him a jailor or a judge. 

Some weeks ago a coloured man was brought to 

L 2 


me in Philadelphia, whose name was Henry Griffin , 
whose craft was door-keeping, whose desire was 
legislation. A shrewd fellow, thirty-five years old, 
and yet obliged to mind a door for bread, Griffin 
thought the time had come for him to rise. His neigh 
bours shared the public spoil why should not he ? 
Hence, to v the amusement of his employers, he was 
running as a candidate in the seventh ward of 

On which side in politics do you stand ? I 
asked the candidate. 

c Eepublican, Sah. 

Eepublican! Then you are running against 
Bardsley and Patterson, men of your own opinions, 
giving your enemies, the Democrats, a chance of 
slipping in? 

Guess that s so, he answered ; but we like to 
have our share, and the Eepublicans cheat us every 


c Indeed ! I thought they gave you liberty, and 
fought for you against their brethren in the South ? 

1 Guess that was long ago. That dead and 
buried. I am speaking of to-day. We coloured 
people vote the Eepublican ticket. When they get 


in, by coloured votes, they give us nothing. We 
have a White Governor, a White Secretary of the 
Commonwealth, a White Chief- Justice. 

Would you like to have a Black Chief- Justice 
in the seat of Daniel Agnew P 

Well, sah, might we not have a coloured coun 
cillor, a coloured letter-carrier, a coloured police 
man? In New Jersey, just across the Delaware, 
you see coloured police-officers and coloured magis 
trates. In Pennsylvania, though we call ourselves 
Eepublicans, we have no coloured men in office, 
save the turnkeys in the police-yard, and these 
coloured officers are required to sweep their own 
rooms and whitewash their own walls ! Is that 
equality ? 

Griffin is frank. Not having learned the art of 
wrapping up ugly things in golden words, he tells 
you that he wants to get his hands into the public 

Affairs look smooth in Charleston ; smoother 
than anyone would expect to find under a carpet 
bag Government, a Negro Legislature, and a Federal 

Daniel H. Chamberlain, the Governor, is a New 


Englander, who came to Charleston as William P. 
Kellogg went to New Orleans, armed with a carpet 
bag, a pleasant manner, and an eloquent tongue. 
He has been long in power, and has been savagely 
abused by the Conservatives, not without good 
cause ; but he is now changing his policy, curbing 
the excesses of his coloured friends, and listening 
more and more to the White minority. Such 
moderate Conservatives as Captain Walker and 
George A. Trenholm, are disposed to work with 
him, instead of speaking, voting, and caballing- 
against him. Chamberlain has done much mischief 
and is capable of doing more. An abler man than 
Kellogg, he has also a finer field in South Carolina 
than Kellogg has in Louisiana. Chamberlain has a 
solid Negro majority at his back. He is also stronger 
in the North than Kellogg ; not because people in 
Boston and New York either know or like him 
better than his rival, but because they have a fresher 
recollection of the sins of Charleston than they have 
of New Orleans. In any measures of repression he- 
might choose to adopt, Chamberlain could count on 
the support of Congress and the sympathy of every 
city in the North. The sin of Charleston is the sin 


that cannot be forgiven. Here, the scheme of 
Secession was planned, here the first insult was 
offered to the National flag. Thousands and tens- 
of thousands in the North believe that the city 
should have been burnt to the ground, that her 
wharves and docks should have been destroyed, 
that her channels should have been choked up, and 
that her people should have been scattered over the 

In treating with a man who represents so much 
power and passion, the Conservatives see the need 
for prudent act and reconciling speech. Like other 
strangers, Chamberlain is open to the softer influences 
of society. He likes to sit at good men s feasts and 
bask in the smiles of well-born women. A podesta 
in Yerona or Ferrari, seldom, if ever, stood beyond 
the reach of social courtesies : and the podesta of 
South Carolina shows a disposition to respond, so far 
as he can meet these White advances without fear of 
estranging his coloured friends. 

Things are now going well with you ? we ask 
a staunch Conservative. 

So, so. We wait and bear, for time is working 
on our side. Chamberlain, though a stranger, like 


Kellogg in Louisiana, is something of a gentleman. 
Though we dislike his origin, as well as his policy, 
we can work with him for the public good. 

Business, our Consul tells me, is regaining some 
thing of the old activity, but not in the old languid 
and lofty ways. Young men are bringing in new 
energies ; young men who have been trained in 
New York and Chicago. They attend to what they 
are about, and fag in wharf and counting-house 
from dawn till dusk. Such men get on. 

In reading-rooms and clubs we hear the same 
report. Charleston, by her precipitate action, 
brought about the Civil War. No port had more to 
lose, no port has lost so much. Her pride is deeply 
galled, yet she is trying, in a spirit of self-denial, to 
forget her present miseries, undo her past offences, 
and prepare a better future. 

6 Tell me what good there is in playing at Demo 
cracy, exclaims a cotton-planter, as we sit in the 
club window, talking of the prospects of South 
Carolina. No use. Our branch of the American 
Democracy is dead. Look at these voting lists. You 
hear the lists are false ; we know the lists are false. 
But here they are, with Federal officers asserting 


they are true. The law has given our negroes votes, 
and under a republic votes are all in all. Why 
strain against the rock? In 1868 we tried. What 
came of all our efforts to be free ? Beaten at every 
point ; routed in shame from every field ! Not 
one Conservative Member was returned for Charles 
ton. A third of the Assembly was white trash 
strangers, bankrupts, scalawags ; not a man in whom 
our citizens had confidence got a seat. Two-thirds 
were Negroes and Mulattoes, hardly any of whom 
could read and write. Acting with Chamberlain, 
these rascals robbed and scourged us ; but we bore 
our injuries under the muzzles of their shotted 
guns until the time for a new election came. 
Taught by events, we tried another course ; not 
readily rend with unity, for it is hard to bind the old 
Adam in our spirits ; yet with a promise that invites 
us to go on. Though we are far from having got a 
Conservative Government yet in Columbia, we have 
secured a White majority in the Senate, and a power 
ful White minority in the Lower House. In Charles 
ton county, though the Negroes count two to one, we 
have conquered by our new tactics half the seats. 
How is the conquest made ? 


4 By sense and science ; by the White man s 
power of putting this and that together. In certain 
counties we are too weak to fight. What is the use 
of running seven men in Beaufort County, where 
the Negroes stand at six to one, or three in George 
town County, where they stand at seven to one? 
Why try for eighteen seats in Charleston County, 
seeing that the Negro voters stand at three to one ? 
Till we can seize Fort Sumter and the Citadel, we 
cannot change these voting lists. Then why not try 
a compromise ? That is the question we asked 
each other. 

Yes ; and the reply. 

Some said it was no use to try ; others believed 
there was a chance. You see the Negroes have their 
leaders, and these leaders want to push their way. 
It is a great thing for a Negro to have a talk with 
gentlemen ; and after all that has been done to set 
the servile race against their old masters, Negroes 
have the common feeling of attachment to the places 
of their birth. Most of us thought a bargain might 
be struck. 

4 You tried the scheme ? 
c Yes ; Captain Dawson, one of our" shrewdest 


citizens, started on a mission to the Negroes, who 
received him well and listened to his words. He 
told them, very truly, that White and coloured people 
are afloat in one ship, and have to sink or swim with 
her ; and he asked them whether they would not do 
well to pull together, instead of pulling against each 
other? Yes, they thought that very true. Dawson 
then showed them that White men have nothing to 
say against Negroes choosing their own rulers where 
they have a clear majority ; but he told them that 
the White men wished, for sake of the common weal, 
that Negroes should choose good men. He offered, 
on the part of his friends, that if the Negroes would 
select good men, whether Black or White, in those 
districts, the Whites would run no candidates in 
opposition, a policy which would save the Negroes 
much expense and trouble. They liked his message 
and his manner, and, in spite of all that scalawags 
and agitators urged against him, a bargain was con 
cluded and was fairly carried out. A list of moder 
ate Republicans has been returned, in place of a list 
of strangers, bankrupts, and communists, so that, in 
spite of Negro ascendancy, we have now a powerful 
influence in the Legislature. 


Governor Chamberlain, we hear, is much- im 
pressed by the success of this new policy. Working 
through the Negro rather than against him has 
begun to pay. Chamberlain is changing front ; for, 
with his new Assembly, he could never hope to do 
in Columbia what Kellogg is attempting to achieve 
in New Orleans. 

A case has just occurred which puts his feeling 
to the test. For many months complaints have been 
coining to his Cabinet of great disorders in Edge- 
field county. Edgefield county lies on the Savannah 
river, bordering Lincoln county in Georgia ; a 
region in which the coloured people have a great 
majority of souls. There is a Black militia, a Black 
general, and a Black staff, as well as a Black sheriff, 
a Black judge, and other Black officers in Edgefield 
county. The White inhabitants are treated as a 
subject race. If any White man resents an insult, 
the Black militia is ordered out. You cannot call 
out the State militia, say the citizens : it s against 
the Constitution ; but the Negro captains and 
colonels in Edgefield county know nothing about 
Constitutions. If a quarrel springs up between a 
Black man and a White, the Negro captains order 


out their companies, and blood is certain to be 
shed. Two years ago Governor Chamberlain de 
clined to interfere. With his blandest smile, he 
told his visitor that a great deal was being made 
out of nothing ; while his franker secretary said 
these troubles only paid the tyrants back in their 
own coin. 

But Governor Chamberlain is now open to 
reason, and having heard fresh complaints from the 
border county, he has sent a Eepublican magis 
trate, Judge Mackey, to look into the facts and 
report what should be done. Mackey has just 
returned. This Eepublican magistrate reports, that, 
contrary to an express Article in the State Con 
stitution, the coloured officers in Edgefield county 
have been in the constant habit of calling out their 
companies, and taking part in street rows. He 
lays the blame of nearly all disorder on the abuses 
of Negro government. He declares that since the 
days Avhen Norman barons put their iron collars 
round the throats of Saxon thralls, no people speak 
ing the English language have been subjected to 
such gross indignities as the White inhabitants of 
Edgefield county. Mackey concludes his report by 


recommending the Governor to disarm and disband 
the Negro regiments. 

Chamberlain is inclined to follow this advice ; 
but such a course is not to be taken without some 
peril. The Negroes are now used to arms, and may 
object to being disarmed. A military spirit is 
abroad, and Negro mutinies are not unlikely to 
occur. If Chamberlain disbands his Negro troops, 
he will be forced to lean more and more on White 
support. Such compromises as those of Russell, 
Trenholm, and Dawson, are the true secrets of states 
manship ; and this Conservative success in Charleston 
is a happy augury for every section of the South. 




THE Negro is seen in Virginia under two aspects 
an ideal aspect and a practical aspect. 

In the library of the Capitol stands a figure 
called the Nation s Ward a Negro boy, in all the 
freshness of his youth and all the impotence of his 
race. The Negro type is softened, but not into that 
of the African Sibyl, in which Story has enchanted 
into stone the sadness and pathos of a servile people. 
In the nation s ward, the face is rich in sunshine, and 
the figure ripples over with animal vivacity. The 
eyes seem lifted up in search of light. Free, and 
conscious of his freedom, the Negro youth is still 
perplexed. What shall he do with his great gift ? 
Virile and plucky, strong to labour and quick to 
learn, he yet requires to see his way. Such is your 
ideal picture of the Negro child. 

In the shop windows of Eichmond appears a 


version of the same figure treated by another artist 
The sun is no ideal etcher. A lens has caught the 
Negro as he is ; sitting in the sideway of a builder s 
yard, abutting on the street, among a litter of chips 
and dirt. The yard wants cleansing, and the darky 
has been set to brush it up, but the seducing sun 
shine is too much for him. No Negro likes to 
work, and every Negro likes to loll and doze. In 
stead of sweeping out the yard, Sam has dropped 
among the chips and dirt. He trifles with the 
handle of his broom, and bends his cheek into his 
palm, and passes happily into the land of dreams. 
He wants no light to see his way. He only seeks to 
be left alone, that he may close his eyes, and let the 
sunshine burn into his back and feet. Such is your 
practical picture of the Negro imp. 

Guess you ll find most of our national wards 
asleep, like Sam, laughs a friend. Some specimens 
of a class of Negroes who can hold their own, are 
found along the James Eiver. We hear of men 
who, leaving the towns with all their vices, have 
taken bits of ground, and, after many struggles, 
have begun to make money, and to put their savings 
into farms. Several Negroes on the James Eiver 


have become small farmers, chiefly on the tobacco 
lands. Tobacco is a paying crop. These coloured 
people send their boys to school. Mulattoes have 
taken honours in American Universities and entered 
into liberal professions with a prospect of success. 
All these things count for good. It is a happy 
sign that such careers are open. When last in Bich- 
mond, I remember the surprise expressed in a 
drawing-room on my remark that on the day of my 
own call to the bar a Negro from Jamaica was also 

c You admit a Negro into the Society of the Inner 
Temple ! cried a lady of the First Families. 

Yes, and by the accident of keeping terms, this 
Negro stood at the head of our list and answered 
for us when the benchers drank our healths. 

But were you not ashamed ? 

Ashamed of what? This Negro was an ex 
cellent scholar and a polished gentleman. He made 
a speech of which the cleverest fellow in our com 
pany might have felt proud/ 

Still, he was a Negro ! 

Yes, madam ; one knew that as the lady said 
she knew Greek by sight ; but, though we are 



said to practise the black art, our constitutions have 
nothing to say about the colour of a lawyer s skin. 

A coloured man can now be called to the 
Virginia bar. 

But the examples of such calling are so few as 
to appear like special wonders. As a rule, the 
Negro is a toiler of the earth, content to be a toiler 
of the earth. He hardly cares to rise. He has no 
stinging wants. If not a waiter in the house, he is 
a worker in the field. In either case his labour is 
worth a fifth part of similar labour by a White 
man ; yet his food of squash and green-corn is 
cheap, while he can live on the rewards of his un 
skilful and uncertain toil. He understands the 
value of a dollar ; it will buy him grapes and bacon, 
beans, whisky, and tobacco ; but he cannot see the 
value of a second and third dollar, since he can do 
no more than eat, drink, chew, and smoke all day. 
The morrow is the future ; and a Negro s life is in 
the passing hour. One thing only in the future 
weighs sufficiently on a Negro s mind to shape his 
action. He is very anxious about his funeral. 

What makes us poor, says Bill, the waiter 
in my room, is de expens ob buryin us. The 


money spent on a Negro s funeral would keep his 
family for a couple of years. 

A fren ob mine die yesterday, says Bill ; dey 
bury him dis afternoon, and make much funeral. 

Are you going to see the last of him ? 

No, sir, I am not in his society. 

What society do you speak of ? 

4 De buryin society. Ebery culled person is a 
member of two or three societies. He pay much 
money. When he die, dey have all big sight. 

In walking through Jackson s Ward towards the 
open country, for a peep at the picturesque ravines 
which surround the city and give it some rough 
resemblance to Jerusalem, we drop down a slope, 
leap over a stream, and are beginning to mount a 
second slope, when we are startled by a sob and 
moan that might have floated from the Temple wall. 
We turn to see the cause. Above us, on the height, 
is a cemetery with a few white posts and stones, 
and near the edge of this grassy slope stand a group 
of Negro women, sobbing at their utmost voice, 
while a Negro minister is screaming out texts, and 
four or five lusty Negroes are brandishing spades 
and shovelling earth. Before we reach the plateau, 



their rite is over and the grave filled up, but as. 
the mourners file away another group arrives ; a 
handsome hearse, with glass sides, showing a coffin 
which in England would be that of a prince, followed 
by eight coaches, each drawn by a pair of handsome 
black horses, and accompanied by a dozen men in 
uniform, with eagles and furled banners. 

Who is this dead man ? I ask a Negro loafer. 

6 Guess dat Mose Crump ? 

And who is Mose Crump ? 

* Him labourer. 

A field labourer ? 

Guess dat ar. 

The horses prance and tear through the rough 
ground, and with a vast amount of noise and show, 
the coffin is brought to the hole in which it is to be 
cast not a vault, hardly a trench and here with 
furled banner, outspread eagles, and crash of music, 
Mose Crump is laid down. The family are all 
present men and women, boys and girls. The 
groans and sighs are loud, but the Negro minister 
contrives to drown the voices of everyone save an 
old woman, who, with yearning pathos, sobs and 
screams : I nebber see my son, I nebber see my son 


no more ! The preacher tries to storm her down. 
You go your ways ; you go and lib like him ; den 
you see your son again ! The Black Rachel weeps 
and yells, refusing to be comforted, even by a 
minister of her own. When the men in uniform 
seize their shovels and begin to fill the grave, chant 
ing a chorus like that sung bv sailors as they haul 

O D / J 

in ropes, the old woman cries still louder : No, I 
nebber see my son, I nebber see my son no more ! 
Poor soul, she knows the bitterness of her heart. 

The younger people laugh and cry by turns, 
and when the grave is filled in, they scatter into 
groups, chat with their friends, and get into their 
coaches and ride away, passing through crowds of 
Negroes and Mulattaes dressed in blue shawls and 
pink bonnets, conscious that they make a big sight, 
and highly pleased that two strange gentlemen are 
looking on. 

Mose Crump is left alone : a little soil above 
his head, without a stone to mark his grave. His 
family are also left alone, with little bread and few 
sweet-potatoes in their pantry, and without the 
father s labouring hands. The cost of that funeral 
would have fed the little Crumps for years to come. 


To train a negro to the habit of taking care of 
himself, requires much time. Long used to leaning 
on the White man, he finds it hard to stand alone. 
In many cases he understands personal freedom 
as the liberty of idleness. What, in his eyes, was 
the chief distinction of a White? Immunity from 
labour. A White man never put his hand to spade 
or plough. A friend of mine, who planted cotton 
on a large scale in Alabama, one day asked his 
White overseer to lend a hand to something needing 
to be done. The man refused. No, sir, he 
answered, with a jerk, Guess I won t; for fifteen 
years I never do anything but oversee. His right 
had been defined by usage, and my friend the 
planter had to put his shoulder to the wheel. It is 
the old, old story of the Magyar Prince who 
cleaned his own boots ; of the Castilian queen who 
perished at the fire ; of the English Governor-general 
who cooked his own rice. The Negro notion of 
liberty is the faculty of standing by and looking on. 
while others toil and spin. He always saw the 
White man standing by and looking on. Why 
should not he ? 

Poor fellow, he is not yet wise enough to read 


the Divine injunction that he who will not labour 
shall not eat. The Negro is a little world of 
whims and fancies, ecstacies and superstitions. He 
imagines life a comedy and a masquerade, in which 
the parts and costumes are dispensed by chance. If 
he could only change the parts and dresses ! For 
the moment he is full of this idea. Fame and for 
tune, power and splendour, seem to him the fruit of 
a gigantic lottery called Public Life, and he is 
haunted by the notion that if he could only invest 
his fortunes in that lottery he might live in a fine 
house and have squash and sweet potato, whisky and 
tobacco, all his days. Hence, he is hot with politics, 
to the neglect of everything he has to do. Shall he 

O J O 

come to the front ? Yes, stand in front. To have 
a thousand faces turned towards him, to hear a 
thousand voices ring out : Bravo ! dat is good, 
hock, hi, hi, hee ! is what he wants. 




AT the time of my first visit to Virginia, the 
Negro had been free about a year, and in the fresh 
ness of his freedom showed a spring and go that 
hinted, not at physical vitality only, but at a power of 
moral progress. Sam, the waiter, sat up half his 
night over book and slate. Harry, the labourer, 
squatted on a waste, and wrung his maize and onion 
from a blasted heath. Sam walked with me one 
evening to a score of Negro cabins, where, in 
dens and garrets, we saw woolly pates bending over 
desks and dirty fingers pointing at A B C. No 
city in Virginia had then a public school for either 
White or Black ; but the enfranchised Negro seemed 
resolved to have such schools as he could make, 
ilis schools were small and rude ; but the beginnings 
of many great things have been small and rude. 
What seemed of consequence was the impulse. 


White people were then opposed to State schools. 
The principle was bad. State schools were Yankee 
notions ; only fit for regions like New England, with 
no ancient gentry and no servile population. First 
Families were above that sort of thing. A State 
school meant equality, and if the war had put an 
end to servitude, equality was still a long way off. 
The Negro seemed ready to seize an opportunity 
neglected by the Whites. 

That impulse was not sustained long enough for 
fruit. It was a spark a flash and it is gone. 

The Whites, grown wiser by events, have 
founded public schools in every district of the 
country ; schools for White children as well as 
schools for Black. These schools are free, well built, 
ably conducted. A father can have his child 
taught to read and write for nothing ; but in a state 
of freedom, he may either set his child to learn or 
not. Hardly any White parents neglect to send their 
child to school, for the necessity of education has 
been forced on their attention by loss of fortune, 
fame and power. It is otherwise among the coloured 
folk. Two Negro parents out of three neglect to 
send their little folks to school. They will not take 


the pains. School hours are fixed, school habits 
orderly ; and Negroes find it hard to keep fixed 
hours and to maintain order in their cabins. If 
their imps go to school, they must be called betimes, 
and must be washed and combed. Clothes need 
making and mending. Meals must be cooked, and 
the youngsters must be sent out early. Children 
bring home slates and books, and want a quiet 
corner for their evening tasks. But where, in the 


filthy cabins of Jackson s Ward, are they to find quiet 
nooks ? And then, though schools are free, books 
and slates cost money ; and the dollars spent on 
books and slates are so much taken from the margin 
left for drams and quids. Improvident fathers find 
the cost of school a burthen ; indolent mothers find 
the worry of school a great addition to their cares. 
Such parents sicken at the efforts to be made ; a 
strain from dawn to dusk ; a self-denial from year to 
year ; and, in their indolent selfishness, they let their 
children loiter in the lanes, and wallow in the styes. 
The schools are separate : White children in one 
set, coloured children in another set. They never 
mix the two classes. Teachers assure you they 
could not mix the classes if they tried. 


Most of the pupils in coloured schools are of 
Mixed blood ; some of them almost White. No 
sight can well be sadder than to see these little ones 
sitting on the Negro benches, and to hear their 
never failing No, in answer to the query whether 
they have a father? Hapless waifs ! In five or six 
coloured schools which w r e have visited to-day we 
notice boys and girls as white as any children in 
New York. You see at once the facts White 
father, Quadroon or Octoroon mother lawless love, 
abandoned mistress, nameless child. 

c Why not allow these children to attend White 
schools ? 

6 We cannot, answers the inspector. Colour 
counts for little, family for much. In the case of 
every child the facts are known ; and if White 
people were silent, the Negroes would make a row. 
Negroes who have no dislike to Whites, as such, 
detest Hybrids and Quadroons ; for Hybrids and 
Quadroons not only despise the Negroes but remind 
them how many of their young women run after 
White men rather than Black. 

One remembers, in Hayti, that the full-blooded 


"Negroes, fresli from Africa, made their fiercest 
slaughter among the Mixed breeds. 

It is always so, replies the experienced officer. 
6 In Negro rows, a difference in the shade makes all 
the difference in the fight. Nearer in blood, sharper 
in feud. 

In one of the Negro schools we find a girl of 
nine or ten, with one of the most striking faces I 
have ever seen. White skin, brown rippling hair, 
and rosy cheeks are lighted with a pair of blue and 
wondering eyes. The fair young lady sitting at the 
teacher s desk is not so fair as this coloured child. 

What a sweet face ! Is this girl a Negress, 
and excluded from an ordinary school ? 

Yes ; her face is apt to take one in. Yet this 
fair child is the daughter of a Quadroon of bad 
character, who lives among her people in Jackson 
Ward. Everybody knows the child s mother; no 
one knows her father. Yes, her case is sad, but 
what are we to do ? The Negroes claim her. How 
are we to separate a mother from her child ? 

But surely these white-looking lads will not 
remain among the coloured folk when they grow 


Not all. The bolder lads will run away. It 
will be hard for them to hide the stain of blood ; 
but some are fair enough to pass, if they can 
only get away to distant parts. In London or in 
Sydney they might never be unmasked. In America 
they are sure to fail. Our people are suspicious, 
and the Negroes keep an eye on fellows who try 
to dodge. You cannot get beyond their reach. 
In every town of Canada and the United States, 
the Mulattoes are a separate class, with signs and 
tokens of their own. If any one of their com 
munity tries to get among the Whites they hunt him 
down with merciless glee. 

And girls? 

Girls have a harder time than boys, for they 
have fewer trades to work at, and they cannot earn 
as much money as men. A man who saves money 
may be off; but women seldom save enough to 
pay their fares. And, then, the jealousy is fiercer 
where a woman is concerned. Negresses watch 
Quadroons with an unsleeping ire. 

Gifted with such beauty as hers, will this poor 
little Octoroon, now opening her blue eyes at the 
fair teacher, stay in the purlieus of Eichmond, where 


her mother lives ? If so, will she be too proud of her 
White face to marry a Black mate ; and yet too low 
in her connections to win a White one ? Will she 
remain deaf to honest love, yet open to irregular 
proposals? Who. considering how likely all these 
things are to happen, will not hope that she may fly ? 
Yet, if she flies, what then ? Suppose she prove to 
be as quick in brain as she is fair in face. She may 
become an artist, singer, actress, authoress. She 
may conceal her birth of shame, her youth of 
misery, her taint of blood. She may assume a 
false name, assert a false nationality. She may be 
Mademoiselle This, Seiiora That ; yet fear will dog 
her steps. At every whisper she will faint, at every 
exclamation start. Imagine her a queen of song, 
a popular novelist ; with crowds of worshippers at 
her feet, one favoured more than others ; when 
some school-mate from Virginia comes across her 
path. Dat oman buffal! Hi, hi, hee ! Dat 
oman ole gal dat oman nigger wench ! 




IN English eyes Virginia is a pleasant country, with 
an aspect that recalls the home-like hills in Kent. Her 
air is soft, her climate fine. How green her fields, 
how fresh her streams, how bright her uplands ! 
Fronting the sea, she faces all the world, and every 
port where trade is carried on lies open to her enter 
prise. Deep friths indent her shores and tides flow 
up her valleys. She is everywhere a water power. 
A thousand sparkling rills drop down her wooded 
heights. Her dells are cool with ponds and lakes, 
her ravines musical with steps, cascades, and falls. 
Down every hollow winds a rivulet, blessing the 
soil through which it flows, and carrying seaward 
the accumulating forest-trees fuel for fire, planking 
for homestead, mast and spar for ship. But she 
has beauties of her own, the like of which we 
English only see in dreams. A ridge of apennines 


bulges across the country, separating the fertile She- 
nandoah valley on the east from the enchanting 
Winchester valley on the west. These apennines 
are called the Blue Eidge, from the purple tinge 
which, in the twilight after sunset, deepens into blue, 
as dark as that of either Syrian sea or Grecian sky. 
Virginia s sun is bright, and in his brightness con 
stant through the year. Fogs are unknown, mists 
seldom seen. This wealth of sunlight in the sky sheds 
wealth of colour on the landscape. Skies as clear, 
and streams as fresh, are found in many places ; but 
the beauty of this range of mountain woods is hardly 
to be matched on earth. 

Groups of hills start here and there beyond the 
chain of heights ; one Alp called White Top Moun 
tain, lifting its head above the line that Snowdon 
would attain if she were piled on the highest peak of 
the Cheviot Hills. These hills are clothed with pine 
and maple, oak, and chestnut, to their crowns. Their 
sides are all aglow ; gold, orange, scarlet, crimson, 
russet ; all the burning colours of the forest min 
gling in one common flame. The glory of the falling 
year is nowhere to be seen in such perfection as in 
these Virginian Apennines. 


Drop into this garden you feel at home. This 
orchard is an English orchard ; apples, pears, 
peaches, plums are all English fruit. Here is a 
potato-ridge ; you pull the stalk and find it is an 
Irish plant. Here, too, are things well known at 
home, although not grown at home. In Surrey, these 
grapes would be under glass. These melons would 
not grow in an English garden ; and these pippins 
and lady-apples, though often seen on English tables, 
are grown on this Virginian soil. Here we have 
maize ripening in one corner, tobacco in a second, 
pea-nuts and sweet potatoes in a third. These roots 
and fruits are homely things to us, yet homely in 
a far-off way, much as roses of Sharon and lilies of 
the valley are familiar to our thoughts. We draw 
nigh to them and feel at home among them, yet 
we recognise a sense of difference and of separation 
that clothes them with poetic charm. 

Caught between two fires, burnt alike by North 
and South, Virginia suffered more in the civil feud 
than any other State. Nine years ago, when I was 
last in Eichmond, the Capitol looked down on a heap 
of ruins. Main-street was gutted by fire. Masses 
of the city, blown up by gunpowder, lay in heaps 
VOL. ir. N 


of charred rafters and blackened stones. A manu 
facturing suburb was completely wrecked. All works 
were stopped, hundreds of homes were roofless, 
every one was wanting bread. In every house there 
was a scowling brow, a flashing eye, a bitter tongue. 
A conquering soldiery filled the streets and held 
the Capitol as they are now holding the arsenal of 
New Orleans. Out of Eichmond the case was not 
so bad as in the city, yet the war had scarred the 
country on every side ; made a desert of the Blue 
Eidge, burnt up Fredericksburg, scorched the banks 
of York Eiver, desolated the banks of the Eappa- 
hannock, and destroyed the fields and orchards round 
Petersburg. Few parts of Virginia had escaped the 
ravages of war. 

Virginia s suffering was sharp, but her offences 
had been great and sore. To me Virginia is a 
pleasant place. I like her frank men, her lovely 
women. I cannot make up my mind to be harsh, 
even in judging her faults ; yet I am bound to say 
that the physical wreck caused by the civil war only 
corresponded to the moral wreck caused by slavery. 

Of all the Southern States Virginia was the worst. 
She had the least excuse for slavery, and she held 


the largest number of men in bonds. She was the 
supreme Slave State. Georgia, Louisiana, and Ala 
bama had some shadow of excuse. They wanted 
labour on their land white labour, as they fancied, 
was impossible ; and they could only get black labour 
by purchasing the Negro. If it was bad to own 
slaves, it was odious to breed them for the market. 
In Virginia there was no pretence that White men 
could not till the soil and reap the harvest, for the 
country is one of the healthiest on the American 
Continent. The air is dry. No marshes, and few 
stagnant pools exist. Ague, the plague of Georgia 
and Louisiana, is hardly known in Virginia. The 
rainfall corresponds to that of France, the sunshine 
to that of Sicily and Andaluz. A man accustomed 
to no greater change from heat to cold than he may 
feel in Surrey, finds the climate of Eichmond and 
Winchester suit him. Winter is so mild that sheep 
are left out all the year with no more food and shelter 
than they get on hill-sides and in ravines. 

This salubrity of the climate tempted the Virgi 
nians to convert their pleasant homesteads into 
breedin-rounds ; into nurseries from which the 


slave-markets of Georgia, Alabama, and Louisiana 
might be fed. Lucre tempted them. 

In many Southern States the Negro race began 
to fall off as soon as the African slave trade was 
suppressed. The waste of life was great ; the 
power of natural growth was small. Unlike the 
European, a Negro has no vast and ever- widening 
vital force. Left to himself he will not multiply 
as Saxons multiply. But, when the Georgians 
found it cheaper to buy new slaves than to take 
care of old ones, Virginia gave her wealth, her 
intellect, and her possessions to the service of this im 
pious cause. She took to slave-breeding as a busi 
ness. Slaves multiplied like hogs, and in Virginia 
they were kept like hogs. They were not taught to 
read and write. A man was seldom allowed to 
marry. In Kentucky a planter hardly ever sold a 
slave, thinking it mean, if not immoral ; and the 
public feeling of his country was against the trade. 
But in Virginia no such shame was felt. 

Bank was her sin, and stern has been her 
punishment. Like an enchantress she was taken in 
her beauty and her shame, and she is laden with the 
fetters, smitten by the sword, of an inflexible justice. 


She is humbled to the dust. The iron eats into her 
flesh ; the insult breaks her heart. She is no longer 
bold of brow. Thrown to the ground, her high and 
scornful spirit sank into the earth like water poured 
along a field of grass. For many a year to come 
she will not slip those fetters from her limbs, but she 
is easing herself under them, trying to feel her feet 
and free her arms. 

The civil war was marked by many new and 
striking features, most of all in the practical results. 
A wealthy aristocracy was crushed ; a vast com 
munity of slaves was freed. What other war has 
done so much? In servile wars, the slaves have 
always suffered by defeat. No servile war succeeds. 
Until the fall of Eichmond, it is doubtful whether 
the sword had ever freed a single slave. Slaves rose 
in Sparta and Syracuse, in Alexandria and Eome, 
but they were crushed with merciless rigour. Gallic 
slaves rose under Clovis, and Tartar slaves under 
Alexis ; but the end of every rising was a deeper 
fall, a sterner punishment, a harder rivetting of the 
servile chain. From Spartacus to Pugacheff, the 
leaders of servile insurrections have always failed. 
The case of Toussaint 1 Overture is no exception to 


the rule, for the war in Hayti was political rather 
than -servile, and in the long run Toussaint failed as 
Dessalines and Christophe also failed. When the 
war of secession broke out, emancipation by the 
sword was a new theory ; and the overthrow of a 
powerful aristocracy for the benefit of their serfs 
was a thing unknown. 

No such upheaval of society, as we now find 
along the vast regions stretching from the Potomac 
to the Gulf of Mexico, is on record in any nation ; 
nor after such a convulsion can one expect to see 
the moral balance of society rapidly restored. We 
must be patient, for we have to wait on some of the 
most delicate movements of the human heart. 

A man learns to hide his scars and sores ; a 
woman will not learn. Women are never so heroic, 
so imprudent, as in defeat. They glory in their suf 
ferings, and prepare the day of their revenge. In all 
these southern towns, the ladies keep alive the 
memory of fights in which their brothers and their 
lovers fell. You note an obelisk to some fallen 
brave. Who raised that shaft? The ladies. You 
observe a cairn in some deserted field. Who built 
that cairn ? Ladies ; still ladies. Here in Eichmond 


stands a pyramid ; and the erectors of this pyramid 
were ladies, ever more ladies. Men forget, women 

That all these protests put the day of their 
recovery back we know, and all men know ; but 
how are you to argue with impulsive and imperious 
politicians, who refute you with a glance, disarm 
you with a smile? A lovely Maryland girl used 
to make our London drawing-rooms ring with her 
scorn of the northern scum. You saw the tone 
was false, the feeling vicious, the passion fleeting ; 
but that swelling voice was in your ear, and when 
you turned to her in hostile mood, a pair of flashing 
eyes were on your face. What could you do but 

If strangers feel such pangs in dealing with these 
female patriots, even when he differs from them in 
opinion, how much more painful must it be for son 
or brother? It is a consolation to perceive that 
these Conservatives have a better and more whole 
some side. If last to forget the old, women are first 
to begin the new. If ladies build pyramids, they 
also set the example of teaching in the public 


Entering on a course of self-reform, Virginia is 
making efforts in the one way that is likely to be 
fruitful and enduring. She is educating her citizens 
for a new career ; a career of freedom and industry, 
in which she hopes to gain the sympathy and as 
sistance of the old country. English in her heart, 
she is perfectly American in her head. She thinks, 
and rightly thinks, that in the beauty of her land 
scape, in the fertility of her soil, in the salubrity of 
her climate, she has means of drawing towards herself 
the thoughts of many English families who are look 
ing out for new homesteads and settlements. A 
better education for her old stock, a freer opening 
for new comers, are the two planks in her platform 
of improvement. 

The first plank comes first. Virginia has an evil 
reputation in the world ; and men might hesitate ere 
putting their money and their characters into the 
power of such rowdies as the old Virginian drunkards, 
duellists, and gamesters are reported to have been. 
Some members of these classes still remain. In 
article number three of the New Constitution there 
is a clause condemning duellists to loss of civil rights. 


But is the article enforced ? I grieve to say that 
public feeling is against the code. 

Here are two gentlemen, Mosely and Paine, of 
good position in society, gentlemen who ought to set 
an example to people in Jackson Ward. They have 
a personal difference, and a challenge to fight passes 
between them. The authorities stand up, and talk 
of visiting the offenders with civil death ; but Paine 
and Mosely are the darlings of society, and social 
sentiment is stronger than the law. In spite of 
their duel, Mosely and Paine are still in the enjoy 
ment of their rights. 

In time the code will prevail ; but training in 
the school and sentiment in the drawing-room must 
go before concession in the club and sympathy in 
the street. 




ON our arrival in Washington we start for the White 
House to see the President. In crossing the park 
we meet Secretary Fish and Secretary Bristow, and 
exchange with them the latest news from New 
Orleans. The Full Committee, startled by the Sub- 
Committee s report, is going South ; but no one 
thinks a new enquiry will present new facts. The 
thing is done: the truth is told. Yet President 
Grant, though yielding to public opinion, appears to 
cling to his old idea that the South should not be 
left to settle their elections at the ballot-box. 

Finding the President engaged, we go into the 
drawing-room and spend some minutes with his 
family. Mrs. Grant receives us, and presents us to 
her son, Colonel Grant, and that son s wife. No 
princess does the honours of her house, more affably 


than Mrs. Grant. She likes the White House 
very much, she says, and few ladies have seen more 
of it than she. Before we came to live here, 
many of my female friends assured me it was a 
hole, a wretched hole, she rattles merrily, ; and I 
whispered in their ears that if I could not get on 
I would send for them ha ! ha ! * Some critics, 
in their present state of mind, would find a taint 
of female Cassarism in such persiflage. Her 
drawing-room window looks on a garden, at the end 
of which stands the unfinished column of George 
Washington, cutting the line of the Potomac, and 
parting the hills of Virginia. Vanities of human 
pride ! That column, which was meant to reach the 
sky, is broken short. That river, which was 
deemed a sure defence of the republican capital, has 
been profaned by hostile fleets. Those hills, which 
are so ]ovely and so fertile, have been wasted by 
American fire. 

6 Another deputation from the Senate, sighs the 
President, coming through a private door from his 
reception-room. He looks fatigued and worried. 
Dropping on a chair he puffs at his cigar, ap- 


parently forgetting guests and drawing-rooms, his 
broad and intellectual features strained and grim. 
We talk of New Orleans. 

The state of things in that section is unbear 
able, says the President, brightening up. Here, in 
this cabinet, I have a list made out by General 
Sheridan of three thousand murders and attempts at 
murder in Louisiana. 

I have seen a later list, in which the figures 
count up to four thousand. 

6 Four thousand ! exclaims the President. 
Yes, four thousand ; and the list is growing 
every hour. Nothing is easier than to make such 
lists. You have only to ask for ten thousand; 
Packard and Pinchback will be able to supply them 
in a week. 

You think the figures incorrect ? 
The figures may be true enough. Violence is 
common on the Gulf of Mexico, where a civilized 
race is fighting with two savage races ; but the 
question is how far these murders and attempts at 
murder have their sources in political passion ? 

Why, puts in Colonel Grant, c there were three 
thousand political murders in Texas last year ; three 


thousand murders of Negroes in a single State in one 
year ! 

That statement strikes one oddly. We have re 
cently come from Texas, which we crossed from 
north to south, from Red River to Galveston. On 
every road we heard of crime ; a man stabbed here, 
a cabin burnt there. At every drinking-crib we 
heard of rows in which knives were drawn and 
shots fired. Much of this crime was Negro crime. 
Yet, from Red River to Galveston, although the 
talk ran constantly on acts of violence, we never 
once heard these acts of violence attributed to poli 
tical causes. Books and journals show you that the 
crime in Texas is not so much White on Black, or 
Black on White, as Black on Black. 

4 1 don t read books nor journals either, says the 
President moodily, c except the clippings made for 
me by Babcock. General Babcock is the Private 

This saying of the President is no joke. 
General Grant never opens a book or peeps into a 
paper ; yet he cannot keep his eyes off caricatures of 
himself. Opponents, well aware of his weakness, 
sting and flout him through the eye. Here squats 


the President in a nursery, with a wooden horse, a 
paper crown, marked Cassar, and a box of toy 
bricks, which he is trying to build into a throne. 
Senator Kernan, a democrat, addresses him speak 
ing for the coming host of Democrats : Oh, mighty 
Ca3sar ! dost thou lie so low ? Here Uncle Sam, in 
the character of a pedlar, struts into the White 
House, with a coffin on his shoulder, which he tilts 
against the wall. The coffin is inscribed : Third 
Term. Uncle Sam points to his wares, and asks the 
President : You want a third term ? 

Great pains are taken by the President s family 
to hide the coarser things from him. It is a common 
pleasantry for American girls to say they peep at all 
books and papers before laying them on the family 
table, to see whether they are fit for older people to 
read. The ladies of the White House assume these 
offices for the President ; but he ferrets out the worst 
attacks, and sits in front of them for hours, chewing 
liis cigar in speechless rage. 

4 1 am disgusted with these wasps and hornets/ 
he remarks, yet cannot help looking at them. 

Few soldiers have enjoyed the art of treating 
caricatures like Fritz der Einige : Let everyone see 


and speak. My people and myself understand each 
other ; they say what they like, I do what I like. 

If it be true that a man is not really famous till 
he is well abused, it is not the less true that a man 
is never much abused till he has made himself 
famous in some other way. Grant may not be, 
like O Connell, the best-abused man alive, but is 
assuredly the worst- abused man in the United States. 
All sorts of sins and vices are imputed to him. 
According to the caricatures he is a tyrant and a 
traitor, an assassin and a thief. He wants a third 
term of office, he keeps a military household, he 
despises civil authority. He is called Caesar in 
mockery, Soulouque in earnest. Hosts of mean 
offences are imputed to him avarice, nepotism, 
venality and the comic papers bristle with insults 
and assaults. In one of these prints a naughty boy, 
climbing into Uncle Sam s pantry to reach some 
third term preserve, upsets habeas corpus jam, 
for which, being caught in the fact, he is soundly 
whipped on the back. One large cartoon, by Matt 
Morgan, has the title : Grant s Last Blow at Louis 
iana. A handsome female figure mounts the steps 
of the Capitol with a petition. Grant conies out to 


meet her, with his two mastiffs, Phil and Belknap, 
and upbraids her : You have dared to despise the 
masters I put over you ; you have the temerity to 
wish to govern yourself. I whipped you once. You 
have no rights that a soldier is bound to respect. To 
which abuse Louisiana objects : I am a Free State. 
I obey the Federal law. I am suffering for law and 
peace. I merely wish to rule myself under the 
constitution. Constitution ! cries the armed ruler, 
plunging his dagger into her heart, I am your 

In the passion of the moment, everything good 
and fine in General Grant is overlooked, even his 
genius as a captain and his services in the field. 
It is a great misfortune for a soldier to have won 
Jiis laurels in domestic strife. One half the nation 
hates him for his talent, and the second half desires 
to bury him and his services in oblivion. If Naseby 
and Dunbar had been fought in France instead of 
in England and Scotland, Cromwell would not have 
been without his statue. What German ever men 
tions Waldburg? What Gaul is proud of Guise? 
Yet hardly any Cavalier denied that Cromwell was 
a great soldier; and an Englishman cannot hear 


without surprise and pain that the man who cap 
tured Donelson, Vicksburg, and Richmond is not a 
great soldier. 

4 Sheridan, says the President, returning to his 
lieutenant, is a man of drill and order, who under 
stands the South. But the public have mistaken 
Sheridan, and they will not see his actions in the 
proper light. Without saying so in words, he seems 
to mean that Sheridan is suffering from the general 
but unjust suspicion under which his Government 
lies. If so, the President is right. The odium is un 
doubtedly great ; yet Grant is suffering as much for 
Sheridan as Sheridan is suffering for Grant. 

The Black Question, like the Eed Question, is 
broader than the policy of a day, and longer than 
the lives of Sheridan and Grant. Can coloured 
people live in freedom? Can a Negro bear the 
rough friction, the close contact, and the hot com 
petition of an Anglo-Saxon? Higher races than 
the African are dying in this fierce contention. 
Where is the Pict, the Cymri, and the Gael? 
Where, on American soil, are the Six Nations, the 
Horse Indians, the Mexicans ? What facts in natural 
history suggest that Negroes are exceptions to a 



general rule ? The strong advance, the fit survive. 
Are Negroes stronger to advance, and fitter to sur 
vive than Whites ? 

In going to the Capitol with Senator Fowler, we 
meet Tom Chester, a Negro of pure blood, from New 
Orleans, whose acquaintance I made some years 
since, in our salad days. Chester was a student of 
the Middle Temple when I was eating mutton at the 
Inner Temple. Called to the English bar, he went 
to New Orleans, where he has practised ever since. 
He sails to Europe now and then, and we have 
met in good houses, of the revolutionary sort, 
tenanted by Polish, French, and German refugees. 
Are you a Kelloggite ? 

No ! A native of the South, I wish to live 
at peace with my White neighbours. I am not 
exactly a public man, for I have never sought and 
never held office. I am not ashamed of my com 
plexion. Many of my people are very ignorant and 
very stupid. I admit the laziness, too ; but they are 
such as God made them ; and, in truth, they have 
fine qualities. If left alone, they would soon be on 
good terms with their old masters. It is not the 
Negro, as a rule, who makes the row. 


You mean that the carpet-baggers, men like 
Kellogg and Chamberlain, make the rows ? 

Not in our interest, but their own. These men 
our friends ! You know me. In New Orleans I 
have the respect of bar and bench. No advocate 
objects to act with me or to oppose me in any suit. 
White judges receive me. I dine with high and 
low, just as I should dine in London, Paris, and 
Berlin. But let me go up North, into the towns 
from which these Chamberlains and Kelloggs hail. 
I should not be allowed to dine at a common table 
in Boston and Chicago! I tell you we shall get 
on better in New Orleans when we are left alone. 

On coming from the Senate, where the Members 
are still flaming out against the President s policy in 
Louisiana, we meet Pinchback in the lobby. 

Cheated, sah, he bawls at me ; cheated, sah. 
The Senators reject my papers ! It is all dat Kellogg, 
sah ! 

Has not Governor Kellogg signed your papers 
properly ? 

4 Gubnor Kellogg ! He gubnor ! Dat Kellogg 
is a rascal, sah. He sign de papers all right ; put 
big seal all right ; den he write a letter underground, 

o 2 


for de Eepublicans not to vote. He want to come 
hisself. He neber stay in New Orleans. Sah, 
Kellogg is de greatest big rascal in America ! 

Pinch seems put out, the Senator remarks, 
6 but we must draw the line somewhere. A sound 
party man, I draw a line at the penitentiary. It 
may seem singular, but I object to sitting on the 
next chair to a Senator who has recently come out 
of jail. 

Emerging from the hall, and standing on the 
marble terrace looking over the Potomac towards the 
mountains of Virginia, I venture to say : A White 
Eevival seems -to be setting in, not only in the South, 
but in the North and West. Have you Eepublicans 
no fear of going too far in trying to crush the 
whole White population of Louisiana, Mississippi, 
and South Carolina under the heels of a small 
majority of Negroes and Mulattoes? 

Yes, frankly ; we have gone too far. It was an 
error ; but we seemed to have no choice. We gave 
the Negroes votes in order to secure the policy of 
emancipation. If all fear of a return to slavery 
were gone, we should be willing to allow each State 
to judge how far the franchise ought to go, and 


where it ought to stop. A common rule is good 
for common cases ; but a man must be a fool, as 
well as a fanatic, who insists on applying one rule to 
every case. Logic is one thing, the public weal 
another. We allow the people of Nevada, Oregon, 
and California to refuse political rights to Asiatics. 
4 Is not that Asiatic Question your next affair ? 
Yes : greater than the last. The Yellow 
Question is more menacing to republican institutions 
than the Black. 




OUR first glimpse of this Yellow brother is in the 
market-place of Baltimore, the noisiest and dirtiest 
spot in the United States, excepting China Town in 
San Francisco, which is not regarded by Sanitary 
Boards as being in the United States. Our brother is 
two-fold : perhaps man and wife ; perhaps only twins. 
Whether he is male and female who can say ? The 
two parts of him are of one height, and wear the 
same round hat and blue frock. Each part of our 
Asiatic brother has the same smooth face, round chin, 
dark eyebrows, matted hair, snub nose, and placid 
look. Amid the din and squalor of that mart of 
fish and flesh, of fruit and greenstuffs, he moves 
about, himself unmoved, neither bold like a Yankee, 
nor restive like an Apache, nor awkward like a 
Negro, but severely stolid and observant, asking no 
questions with his tongue, yet taking in every sort of 


knowledge through his eyes. Chewing his betel-nut, 
he stares at stall and pen, at rack and shelf, at 
fish and flesh, at fruit and herb, without a brigh 
tening smile or puzzling frown ; yet when he turns 
away, he wears the visage and expression of a man 
who could build that stall and pen, set up that rack 
and shelf, dress that fish and flesh, and sell that fruit 
and greenstuff. 

At night we meet him in a sham-auction room, 
watching, with intentest unconcern, the cheap-jack 
put up his lots of rags, cotton, paper shoes, zinc 
razors, glass jewels, and shoddy skins for sale. He 
never makes a bid ; but when the cheap-jack passes 
off his spurious wares, mostly on poor old Negresses, 
a smile of approval lights his face. Our Yellow 
brother is evidently at school. 

A little later in the night we find him at a 
shooting-gallery ; not firing away his cents, like the 
Yankees and Negroes, but looking on, and noticing 
the scores. If any difference can be traced in his 
impassive eyes, he seems less at home in the shooting- 
gallery than in the cheap market-place and sham 
auction-room. The bells ring too often. Hitting 
bull s-eyes appears to pain as well as puzzle him. 


After watching eight or nine fellows crash their 
money on the iron disks, he gives his betel-nut a 
turn, squirts out his red saliva, and steps into the 
street, paying no more heed to the yelp of Negro 
sneers behind him than an Arab pays to the bark of 
his street dogs. 

In Chicago, at the moment of starting for Cali 
fornia, we make the acquaintance of Paul Cornell, 
chief partner in the great watch factory of that city. 
Cornell s watches are known in America as Bre- 
guet s watches are known in Europe. From the 
senior partner, who is going to San Francisco with 
a view to business, we learn that Ealston s busy 
brain has conceived the idea of opening a great 
watch factory in San Francisco, and doing the watch 
trade on a scale not yet attempted in Geneva or 
Neufch&tel. The main feature of Ealston s scheme is 
the employment of Yellow labour in the place of 

Yellow labour, says Cornell, is cheap and 
good ; the men are docile and intelligent ; they never 
drink, and they are easily kept in order/ 

Have they any skill in making clocks and 
watches ? 


; No, not yet ; they have the trade to learn ; but 
they are quick and patient. In six or eight months 
a poor fellow picked up in Jackson Street will be 
able to make a watch. 

A company has been formed in San Francisco, 
with Cornell as president, Ealston as treasurer, and 
Cox as secretary. Cornell is a patron of religious 
enterprises. Ealston is a patriot, so stiff in local feel 
ing that he will not have a sofa in his parlour, a pic 
ture in his lobby, that is not of native origin. Cox 
is a shining light among street preachers, who devotes 
his Sunday energies to labour in the slums and 
alleys of San Francisco. Part of a factory on Fourth 
Street, now occupied by a carriage company, not far 
from the Chinese quarter, has been hired and fitted 
up. Tools and machinery have been sent from 
Cincinnatti and New York. The whole affair looks 

The climate of San Francisco, Cornell explains 
to me, ; is suitable for the watch trade. In 
Chicago we have many things to overcome. Sum 
mer is very hot, winter very cold. Workpeople 
need warm clothes, good rooms, and costly food. 
The heat and cold affect our tools and implements. 


Fuel is scarce and dear. In California there is 
neither heat to strain nor frost to chill our wheels 
and levers. We can work the whole year round, 
and if our business needs it we can run our 
machinery night and day. 

With Piety at the prow and Patriotism at the 
helm, what have the new Watch Company to fear ? 

4 The laws of God to fear ! snaps a voice at my 
side, the voice of a physician, who has lived for 
many years in San Francisco, and has watched the 
coming of our Yellow brethren from Hong Kong 
with pained and speculative eyes. 

I have a strong aversion to this enterprise, 
he says to me in the privacy of his .state-room. I 
am a born American, and I want to keep America 
for the Americans. Few persons see so much of our 
Asiatics as myself, and I can tell you, as a man of 
science and of moral order, that I should be sorry 
to see the population of China Town increase. 
What are the Cornell Company about ? They say, 
they are going to set up a new industry in San Fran 
cisco. But for whom ? Not for Americans, but for 
Asiatics. They are going to teach Chinese labourers 
how to do the White man s work and steal the White 


man s market. Why? Because the Asiatic, living 
on rice and tea, will labour for seventy-five cents, a 
day, while an American, living on roast beef and 
beer, asks five dollars a day! Should they suc 
ceed, as Cornell thinks, the watch factories in 
Chicago will be closed, two hundred skilful artizans 
will be thrown on the world, Illinois will be robbed 
of an artistic industry, and five or six thousand 
Mongols will come over from Hong Kong, of whom 
five or six hundred will find lucrative employment 
on our shores ! 

As we ascend the mountains of Wyoming, we 
begin to meet our Yellow brother on the track ; 
here skipping nimbly as a waiter, there drudging 
heavily as a hedger and ditcher ; but in every place 
silent, docile, quick, and hardy. Sam shrinks 
from these mountain blasts and winter snows. Good 
wages tempt him to come up ; but when the icy 
winds enter his soul, he prefers the squash and 
sugar-cane of South Carolina to the elk and ante 
lope of Wyoming. Hi Lee can live in any climate 
and any country ; in Bitter Creek, as well as in 
San Jose and Los Angeles ;. caring, it would seem, 
for neither heat nor cold, neither drought nor rain, 


neither good food nor bad, neither kindness nor un- 
kindness, so that he can earn money and save money. 
At Evanston, an eating station on the heights 
above Salt Lake, we have a troop of Chinese waiters, 
dressed in short white smocks like girls, having 
smooth round faces like girls, and soft and nimble 
ways like girls. 

After passing Salt Lake we find these Asiatics 
increase in number. In and out, among the valleys 
at Cape Horn, Toano, Indian Creek, and Halleck, 
they are settling down in hut and ranch. We find 
them in Copper Canon and along the Palisades ; we 
hear of them in the White Pine Country, in Moun 
tain District, at Tuscarora, Cornueopeia, and Eureka. 
They go anywhere, do anything. One of the race 
comes up to me at Elko with a bit of paper in his 
hand, on which is written 4 Lee Wang, Antelope 
Eanch, White Pine Country. Lee Wang cannot 
speak a word of English, yet he is going up alone 
into the mining districts of Nevada, to serve an un 
known master, who may treat him as a dog. 
Chinese can live where other men, even Utes and 
Shohones, die. It is enough for them to scrape 
abandoned mines and glean exhausted fields. A 


grain of silver pays them for the toil ; a stalk of 
maize rewards them for the search. They eat 
dead game, which Indians will not touch. As 
waiters, woodmen, navvies, miners, laundresses, they 
drive off every labourer, whether male or female, 
whether White or Black. 

At Elko all the races on this continent meet ; 
Ked men, Black men, White men, Yellow men ; 
not many Eed, and fewer Black ; yet some of each. 
The Whites are mostly male, the Chinese male and 

Elko is the capital of Elko County, and a 
thousand souls are said to huddle in and out among 
the railway blocks. A State University is rising in 
the neighbourhood, based on the two great prin 
ciples first, that tuition is to be free, and second, 
that no one is to be excluded from the class-room 
on account of sex, race, or colour. This emanci 
pated city in the mountains is spread in canvas and 
reared in plank, but five or six whisky-shops and 
faro-banks are being raised of brick. Yon dainty 
little sheds, with muslin blinds, are tenanted by 
Chinese girls, and I have reason to believe that all 
these Chinese girls are slaves. A centre of many 


roads, as well as a railway depot, Elko has a 
future history. Will that history be made and told 
by the offspring of Mongolian slaves ? 

At Sacramento a street scene shows us how the 
White children of California are being trained to 
regard their Yellow brother. 

There s John ! shouts a boy to his playmate ; 
let s pelt him. 

The two urchins stop their play to shy pebbles 
at a Mongol labourer toiling at his task, giving his 
fair day s labour for his unfair day s wage. No one 
appears to think these urchins wrong in pelting that 
unoffending man, 

It s only John ! fires up the first lad, as I 
catch his arm and shake the pebbles from his fist. 
6 It s only John ! Don t you see it s only John? 

This habit of looking on a Yellow face as scum 
and filth, has grown up with these lads from their 
cradles, just as the habit of looking on a Black face 
used to grow up with Georgian and Virginian lads. 
Born in the Golden State, these boys have seen, since 
they could see at all, their Yellow neighbours treated 
like dogs pushed, shouldered, cuffed, and kicked 
by every White. At home they see their Chinese 


servant treated as a slave ; at church they hear 
him branded as a pagan. Never since their birth 
have they known a Chinee resent an insult and 
return a blow. Where, then, is the risk of pelting 
such a weak and helpless butt ? 

The boy s father seems to take this view of the 
affair. Banter and argument are equally thrown 
away on him. John is a druge, a waif and stray, 
without a public right. The child, he rather thinks, 
pays John a compliment by trying to crack his 




NOTHING so strange, hardly anything so grave, has 
happened in our time as this opening of a new 
Asiatic problem on the field of American politics. 

Time out of mind the Chinese people stayed at 
home, asking for no fraternity of men, but barring 
their doors in every stranger s face. Not caring for 
the outer world, they sought to dwell alone, living 
their own life, enjoying their own produce, obser 
ving their own rites. A wall, the greatest work of 
human toil, divided them from neighbours on the 
west, while in the east they had no neighbours save 
the winds and waves. In every Chinese port, at 
every Chinese town, a barrier rose ; a wall, a gate, a 
tariff, an observance ; something that kept the world 
at bay. A pilgrim now and then slipped through 
the toils and brought back stories from the land of 
flowers. Some trader now and then corrupted an 


official, and exchanged the produce of one country 
for another. Thus a gate was opened, here and 
there, to let in opium and to fetch out tea. Yet, 
taken as a whole, the countries stretching from the 
Hindu Koosh to the Yellow Sea were closed against 
the enterprise, sealed against the knowledge of 

A stranger might not enter and a native could 
not leave the country. China was a land apart, 
having no relation with the outer world. Even for 
natives there were classes and societies, which for 
social purposes were separated from each other like 
the castes in Bengal. On every door there was a 
mystery. A trader could not see his mandarin, nor 
could a mandarin speak to his prince. Women 
were hidden in zenanas, and a hundred rules and 
rites divided class from class and man from man. 
Except a member of the Eoyal House, no one could 
look on the Son of Heaven. Locked in his palace, 
ignorant alike of men and things, surrounded by 
female slaves, the ruler of one third of the human 
race passed his days in drinking tea, in smoking 
opium, and in fonding slaves. In his besotted pride 
and ignorance, the Tartar prince regarded every one 
VOL. IT. p 


who lived outside his empire, as a dog. unfit to bask 
in the light of his celestial eyes. 

An English broadside smashed the gates of this 
paradise of tea drinkers and opium -smokers. Through 
the breach then opened by our guns the natives came 
pouring forth, and ever since that day, they have 
continued rushing, like the water from a mountain 
lake. They pour in threads, in cataracts, in streams ; 
one stream turning into Polynesia, a second stream 
running to Australia, and a third stream racing 
towards the Golden Gate, Who can assure us that 
these streams will ever stop ? 

By preference these Mongols make for California ; 
first, because the voyage is cheap and easy ; second, 
because the climate suits them ; third, because the 
pay is higher and the market wider than they find 
elsewhere. From California they go to Oregon by 
sea, to Nevada, Idaho, and Montana by land. In 
Utah they have found few markets, the Mormons 
being as sober and laborious as themselves. Yet 
even in Salt Lake City they have found a lodgment. 
They arrive in shoals, and every year those shoals 
expand in size. At first they entered in twos and 
threes, then by tens and twenties, in a while by 


hundreds and thousands. Now they are coming by 
tens of thousands. 

The entry of these Asiatic hordes into America 
has been so silent, and their presence in the land 
has proved so useful, that the graver aspects of the 
case, though seen by men of science, have never yet 
been faced by politicians. A thinker here and there 
has asked himself how this invasion of barbarians 
will affect the European races in America ? But he 
has shrunk appalled from his own query as the 
Yellow Spectre rose before his mind. 

Five great facts are plainly visible, and the con 
sequences of these five great facts are obvious to 
every thinker : 

1. China is the next neighbour of California on 
her western face ; the ports of Canton, Mng-po, 
and Shang-hae, being those from which passengers 
arrive most cheaply at the Golden Gate. A Celtic 
emigrant in Cork must count on spending a hundred 
dollars in money ere he lands at Hunter s Point. A 
Mongol emigrant in Canton can reckon on reaching 
Hunter s Point at a cost of forty-five dollars; five 
of which are held by the Fook Ting Tong Society 
as a reserve for carrying back his bones to Hong 

p 2 


Kong after death. An Irish settler has to brave the 
roughest sea and scale the highest mountain-road on 
earth, while a Mongolian from Fokien or Kiang-Su 
is borne from port to port, along a summer zone, in 
waters smoother than those of the Ladies Sea. What 
other proofs are needed that, when Cork and Canton 
cast out any of their surplus tenants, the starving 
overflow from Canton must arrive at San Francisco 
in advance of that from Cork? If China has a 
mouth unfed, that mouth is likely, if American ports 
are open, to seek for food within the Golden Gate. 

2. China, California s nearest neighbour, is the 
poorest and most crowded country in the world. 
Fokien, Che-kiang, and Kiang-su, are more like bee 
hives and ant-hills than ordinary dwelling-places of 
human beings. The swarm is altogether out of pro 
portion to the width of Chinese territory and even 
the fertility of Chinese soil. In mere extent of 
surface, China is a country of the second rank ; 
a trifle bio^er than Mexico, a trifle less than Brazil. 

oO 7 

She is not half so vast as Canada or the United States. 
But in the number of her population she exceeds all 
countries under heaven . That population is incredible. 
If the inhabitants of Mexico and Brazil, Canada and 


the United States, were heaped together, they would 
scarcely equal those of her two Eastern provinces. 
Add the denizens of Europe to those of America, and 
the totals will not reach the total of China. Queen 
Victoria may have a larger empire, but she has fewer 
subjects than the Son of Heaven. Keang-Su 
has twice as many persons on a square mile 
as Belgium, the most thickly peopled corner of 
Europe. Che-kiang is scarcely less dense than 
Kiang-Su. The soil is various, and in many pro 
vinces rich ; but no soil, however fertile, could 
support such s warms. There must be many mouths 
unfed. Are they not certain to escape by every 
open port ? 

3. The ports of China are not really open and 
the people free. No fact in Chinese history permits 
us to believe that this Chinese emigration is a volun 
tary act, as Irish or Swabian emigration is a 
voluntary act. Eich and happy people never quit 
their homes ; learned and prosperous people seldom 
quit their homes. In almost every case, they are 
the indigent and thriftless members of a family 
who seek for settlements on a foreign soil. But 
when the ports are open and the act is free, there is 


a chance that men of some good qualities may 
come out. Boughs of all kinds have come to San 
Francisco ; yet the settlers from Europe, as a rule, 
have not belonged to the criminal class. How 
stands the great account with China? Has an 
American statesman any guarantee that the Chinese 
now coming in from Hong-Kong are not all, or 
nearly all, rebels, paupers, prostitutes, murderers, and 
slaves ? There is but too much reason for suspicion. 
All the females, it is known, are slaves ; professional 
harlots in their own country, bought in Canton by 
slave-dealers, and sent to San Francisco by these 
slave-owners, with the avowed object of living in 
this country a life of shame. The males, whether 
refuse of the prisons or of the streets, belong as a 
rule to the same order as this refuse of the stews. 
It is a question, not yet answered, whether China 
is not pouring out her worst convicts into Cali 
fornia, much as England used to pour her worst 
convicts into Botany Bay ? 

4. These Mongols come in swarms. Now, the 
American theory of public right and order is that all 
authority passes to the swarm. All men are free 
and equal. Every one has the same right, the same 


vote. Majorities decide. The voice of the people 
is the voice of God. From the decisions of a 
majority there is no appeal. In that universal and 
ideal republic which is the dream of French socialists 
and Italian patriots, we should all be subject to the 
swarm. Luckily the new theory of governing by 
swarms is limited by the yet newer doctrine of 
grouping in nationalities. If numbers only were 
to tell, Kiang-Su would exercise more in 
fluence on events than either France or Italy. If 
numbers were to rule, as in a Universal Republic 
they should rule, the pig-tails of the Five Provinces 
alone would outweigh the genius of England, 
Germany, and the United States. Are the European 
settlers in America prepared to join hands with the 
Asiatic ? Living on the edge of China, gazing over 
the Pacific Ocean into California, stand a third of 
the whole human race. In arms these Mongols 
may be met and crushed, but how are such enor 
mous numbers to be dealt with in a ballot-box ? 

5. These Asiatics hurt the European settlers, not 
only in faith and morals, in law and literature, 
but in the lower regions of animal life. In any 
district where they have a majority they may carry 


on schools and colleges on Asiatic rather than 
American lines. A Mongol has no love of physical 
science. He suspects a steam-engine, fears a 
rail way- train. In place of botany and chemistry, 
he teaches his pupils the three thousand cere 
monies of politeness. He feels no chivalry towards 
the fairer sex. He has no care for human life. Where 
he gains a majority he may restore the use of 
torture and extend the list of penal crimes. A slave 
of ritual, he will introduce his book of rites. 
His magistrates may enforce the wearing of pig 
tails and the worship of ancestors. Accustomed to 
slavery, polygamy, and infanticide in their own 
country, how can Chinese magistrates be hindered 
from allowing a Yellow brother to buy slaves, to 
marry several wives, and drown unwelcome babes ? 
A California!! thinker sees that the Mongol 
question in America is Shall European civilization 
or Asiatic barbarism prevail on the Pacific Slope ? 



THE Chinese legend current in San Francisco is a 
little wild ; making the Chinese in America a mere 
gang of bondsmen, owned by the Six Companies, 
and governed by an Asiatic Vehm Gericht, Grand 
Lodge or Council of Ten, who wield a secret and 
mysterious power, which neither male nor female 
can escape. 

Feelin<? some doubt as to the truth of this 


Chinese legend, taken as a whole, we seek for 
light among persons who are likely to have 
ferretted out the facts officers of police and 
ministers of religion ; but for several weeks we 
search in vain. The Chinese legend is in books and 
magazines, and no one cares to ask his neighbour 
whether that current legend be true or false. 

At length, by help of Consul Booker, we ap 
proach the only people who have sure and perfect 


knowledge of the facts the upper class of resident 

Among the small group of rich and educated 
Chinese living in San Francisco, Lee Wong, a mer 
chant of high standing and approved integrity, 
seems to be a man more likely than any other to 
give true answers to plain questions. Lee Wong 
happens to lie under obligation to our excellent 
Consul, for certain good offices in connection with 
his business. He is willing to pay some portion 
of his debt, by giving us any information we may 
seek. We therefore ask him to a conference at 
the Consulate. He comes at the appointed hour, 
and after formal compliments we seat him in a 
chair, so that the majesty of Queen Victoria s face 
may beam into his Asiatic eyes. 

Will you be kind enough to tell us, Lee Wong, 
about the Six Companies ? 

Six Companies ! Your people make mistakes 
about these Companies. We have, in fact, Five 
Companies, not six. The body called by you the 
Sixth Company is a committee of management and 
arbitration, a local body, living in America, and 
charged with looking after business on" the Pacific 


coast. The Five Companies have their seats in 
China, and are known by the localities in which 
their members live. These Five Companies are 
1. MngYung; 2. Kwong Chaw; 3. Hop Wo ; 4. 
Sam Yep ; 5. Yung Wo. These Five Companies 
collect the emigrants, carry them to Canton and 
Hong-Kong, make all arrangements for their 
transport, and see them put on board the mails. 
The Sixth Company (or Committee) sits in San 
Francisco, where its functions are to receive the 
emigrants on their arrival, and to see that all their 
contracts and obligations are carried out. 

Will you explain to us these contracts arid 
obligations ? 

Yes ; but will you put yourselves in our place, 
and see the truth in a good light ? The Melicans 
call us heathen, but we have our own religion ; and 
our religion is not, like the Melican religion, only for 
those who like and only when they like. Our 
religion is for while we live and after we die. So, 
when the Five Companies agree to bring a man over 
to California, that is one thing ; when they agree to 
take his ashes back to China, that is another thing. 
You see ? The agreement to bring him over is a 


contract ; the agreement to carry his ashes back is 
an obligation. 

Are all your passengers placed under the same 
kind of bond? 

Not all. We have two classes on our lists : 
first such as come over in our debt, and under 
bond to us ; second, such as pay their own fares in 
Hong Kong and land in San Francisco free. We 
have a contract with the first class only ; but we 
have our obligations towards the second class also, 
since we are bound to carry them back in case of 

Tell us how you begin your labour. Where 
do you find the people to come over ? ; 

The Five Companies send their agents up and 
down the provinces, both near the sea and far in 
land, to tell poor people, who are pinched for rice 
and tea, of the great markets which are opening for 
their labour in California, Oregon, and Nevada. Of 
course they talk big. Melican talk big ; Chinaman 
talk bigger than Melican. These agents say the 
hills are made of silver, and the rivers run with 
gold. They offer help, giving passes to such persons 
as care to move. They find all means of transport ; 


here by road, there by river ; doing things so well 
having plenty of rich men to help that they 
bring a man to the coast in carts and boats for less 
money than he could get along on foot. For five 
dollars they pick him up in his village, and carry 
him down to Hong-Kong. If he is poor they take 
his bond for those five dollars, supplying his needs 
in meat and drink, for which they take a second 
bond. When he arrives in Hong-Kong, they get 
his licence and secure his berth. The fare is forty- 
five dollars, which money they pay, also a landing- 
fee of five dollars, which is repaid by the Steam 
Company to our Committee in San Francisco. These 
five dollars paid by the Committee, go into the Dead 

Then, as a rule, each man who sails from 
Hong Kong to San Francisco is not merely a pauper, 
but a pledged debtor and bondman ? 

Hum ! Chinaman is used to all that he no 
care ; he work hard and save much money. Then 
he go free. 

4 How much, on an average, is the amount of his 
debt when he lands ? 

From first to last a common passenger may owe 


his Company ninety or a hundred dollars. All this 
money he will have to work out. 

Before he becomes his own master before he 
can do as he likes ? 

Of course, before he does as he likes, he must 
redeem his bond/ 

Do the Five Companies in China take his personal 
bond, trusting to the Sixth Company in San Francisco 
to get their money back ? 

c They take a family bond as well. In China, 
every man has some one father, uncle, brother 
who is ready to give pledges. We are not like 
Melicans. Our family system makes it easy to obtain 
such bonds, for every member of a family has his 
place in a sacred line, ascending and descending in a 
series from the first man to the last. If there be 
house arid land, we take a hen on house and land, 
the family giving us a mortgage and allowing us 
interest at the rate of twenty-four or thirty-six per 

6 Good interest ! 

4 Yes ; it is a trade, and as a trade we make 
it pay. If an emigrant has neither house nor land, 
we ask the personal security of his father and 


grandfather ; his ancestors being the most sacred 
things a Chinese man can pledge. We charge more 
interest when the security is only personal ? Yes, we 
charge ten dollars a month in place of two. Yet 
these securities seldom fail. Of course, we run some 
risk. Our man may die; worse still, he may fall 
sick ; worst of all, he may commit a crime. If sent 
to jail, his work is lost. Again, his bond may turn 
out bad. But every business has a lucky and un 
lucky turn. 

4 A man with such a debt as you describe is 
virtually a slave P 

4 In Canton, yes ; in San Francisco, no. We never 
use such words. We are his masters and parents. 
We receive him on landing into our two great 
societies in San Francisco the Wing Yung and the 
Fook Ting long where he is watched over in life 
and death. 

What are these great societies of Wing Yung 
and Fook Ting Tong? 

Wing Yung is our living office, near the county 
jail. When the ships arrive we bring our people 
to Wing Yung, where we lodge them, feed them, and 
hire them out. Fook Ting Tong is our Dead Office, 


in Laurel Hill Cemetry, where we lay the ashes of 
our people till they can be sent home to China. 

Do many of your bondmen run away ? 

They cannot run away. They have no food, 
no money. They speak no English words ; they 
know no Melican magistrates. Nearly all the 
people in San Francisco think them bad men 
paupers, convicts, and rebels. No family will engage 
a Chinaman unless we give him a character and 
guarantee his conduct. So they have to stay with 
us, or die in the streets. We let them out on hire, 
receiving their wages, and giving them so much a 
month to live on till our debts are paid. 

6 About the second class the men who pay their 
own fares, and come on their own account are they 
on landing free from your control ? 

Free from the Sixth Company ? 

c Yes : are they free from all control, save that 
of the American courts ? 

They pay the Company five dollars each 
as a landing-fee. This fee they are compelled 
to pay, because they cannot land without our 

Then, your company have some authority over 


every man who comes from Hong Kong, and lands 
in this port ? 

6 We have the moral obligation to restore his 
bones to China ; so we tax him five dollars on his land 
ing to be safe. Unless we give him our certificate, 
the Pacific Mail Company will not let him come on 
shore. That contract is made by the Five Com 
panies with the Mail Company. When a passenger 
has paid his fee, he is at liberty to leave his ship 
but not till he can show that he has paid this fee, in 
either gold or bonds. 

You keep an eye on him afterwards, much 
as you keep an eye on your bond-servant ? 

The same. We keep an eye on every one. 
Who else would care about his bones ? 

You have your own police and magistrates ? 

We have our spies and head-men everywhere. 
In San Francisco we have many spies. It is 
thought a good thing to be a spy ; a bad thing to be 
a ghost. A spy serves the Chinese, a ghost serves 
the Melicans. By means of these spies and head 
men we hear of what is going on in every house. 
We know every man s name, and where he is, and 
what he is about. It is our duty to fish out 



things. Even when a man is dead, we have to find 
his bones and send them home. If not, he would 
be buried and forgotten like a dog. 

Your Company is said to wield such secret 
powers that you can reach offenders in any place, 
and strike them down at any moment, even under 
the eyes of local magistrates. For instance, I have 
heard that two of your people lived near Eeno, in 
the Nevada Mountains ; that one of them broke some 
rule of the Six Companies ; that his fellow received 
a hint to kill him ; and that he was put away so 
craftily that the crime has never yet been traced. 
Can such a tale be true ? 

Who knows ? Some Chinamen good, some 
bad. Melican law make bad men worse. In Hong- 
Kong if you kill a man, you will be hung, whether 
you have plenty money or not. Money makes no 
difference. In San Francisco, you kill a man ; if 
you have plenty money, you get off. That is 
not good law. Here, too, all sorts of secret 
societies are allowed. In China, only bad men 
enter into Masonic lodges ; rogues and rebels, 
who want to change the dynasty and destroy the 
faith. These secret societies are all put down by 


mandarins. Here, the bad Chinamen start a lodge. 
We ask the Melicans to put them down. They 
answer that the law allows Masonic lodges. That 
bad law. The Sixth Company has to put them 

You seem to exercise the power of a Vigilant 

4 No ; we have no secret powers. We only have 
our bonds and mortgages, the sway which those who 
lend money have on their debtor. All beyond is 
moral force and the two great societies of Wing 
Yung and Fook Ting Tong. Chinese ourselves, we 
understand our brethren ; having the same religious 
rites, the same family sentiment, as the poorest fol 
lowers of Tao and Buddha. Our chief authority 
lies in our control of the Dead Fund. A man who 
might not stop at murder, would shrink from vexing 
a tribunal that may cause delay in sending back his 
bones to Hong-Kong. 

Is such delay frequent ? 

c Yes, for months and years. Except on our 
certificate no steamer will carry dead men s bones, 
and some of the captains will not carry them 
at all. 


4 You have no vessels of your own ? 

Not yet. Our trade is carried on in English 
ships, and English sailors hate to carry bones. It 
is no part of their religion, as of ours, to be buried 
on the spot where they are born. 

Your people all go back ? 

Yes, all good people. Here and there some 
Tartar rascals, having no regard for their ancestors, 
cat their pig- tails and put on Melican clothes. Not 
men, but curs. Except these dogs, all Chinese go 
back when they are dead. 

Still you are pouring in ? 

Yes ; more and more ; each season more than 
ever. Last year five thousand ; this year thirteen 
thousand ; next year twenty-five thousand perhaps. 
In Melica, plenty land, not much people ; in China, 
plenty people, not much land ; so Chinamen like to 
live in Melica, and go back to China when they die/ 




A MEEK-eyed, passive Mongol moves your heart to 
pity, even while your ears are ringing with the 
scorn, and tingling with the curses, heaped on him 
and all his brood. 

Note him at table, where his shining face, his 
natty figure and his nimble movements, tell so much 
from contrast with the dull tint, the shapeless contour, 
and the lumpy languor of a Negro servant. Note 
him in the kitchen, on the railway track, and in 
the silver mine ; where he is always ready, with his 
shaven face, his twisted pig-tail, and his deferential 
smile, to do his best for you. 

When sick of Biddy and her dirty finery, it is a 
cheery sight to find Hop Ki skimming about -your 
table in a smock like newly-fallen snow. 

Two knives under that smock, as innocent as he 
looks, whispers my next neighbour, a gentleman 


who abhors the Yellow race and has an excellent 
Chinese cook. 

A decent sort of lad to look at, I observe. 

Ugh ! A Heathen Chinee ; as big a scoundrel 
as the rest ; perhaps worse, if one only knew the 

4 You don t know, then ? 

Know ! Sir, nobody can know. Why, 
this fellow has no name ; he comes from no 
place. How am I to guess how many people he has 
stabbed, how many periods he has spent in jail ? If 
I enquire, he tells me lies. The rascal says he has 
never stabbed man or woman, and has never been a 
day in jail. Look at the wretch as he skips round 
that lady s chair. No doubt, he has two knives con 
cealed under his white smock. 

Give him the benefit of that doubt. 

No, Sir, I will give him nothing but his wages. 
So much work, so much pay ; that is the end of our 
agreement. Take my word for it, that fellow in his 
own country was either a thief, a rebel, or a slave. 
Those Chinese won t send us their best people. 
Guess they have no mandarins to spare/ 

A man who hears such gossip in the clubs and at 


the dinner-tables of San Francisco might infer that 
much of the fear, hatred, and suspicion heaped on 
Hop Ki falls to him, not so much because he is a 
heathen, as because his face is womanish, his manner 
passive, his labour cheap. Of course, some people 
may have higher grounds for hating him ; but 
these considerations have their bearing on the great 

You like to have these Asiatic servants in your 
house ? I ask my cynical host. 

On principle, no in practice, yes, that host 
replies. Like other hussies, you can do nothing 
with them, nothing without them. Out of many 
evils, you are glad to choose the least. As cooks 
and waiters they are worth their salt. You may 
not like them, not being certain who they are, 
and why they left Canton. At home, you may be 
sure, they were no good. To us of the White race 
they are as shadowy and irresponsible as children of 
the mist. Yet if you want a dinner, you must have 
a Chinaman for cook. 

6 Why not an Irish Biddy or Bavarian Traut ? 

No, no ; no Irish Biddies and Bavarian Trauts 
for me ! Look at my rascal Ki. You notice that 


when I speak to him, I call him Ah Ki, not Hop Ki. 
" Ah " means Master, and the fellow is not without 
his spice of pride. To call a man " Ah " is one of 
his three thousand ceremonies of politeness, and the 
three thousand ceremonies of politeness are coming 
into use in San Francisco. I call this chap Ah Ki 
instead of raising his wages, and my politeness pays 
me five dollars a month. That conies of paying 
attention to the Book of Eites. Now, Hop Ki is 
cheaper to me than any Biddy or Traut alive, and 
acts in his vocation more like a decent sort of 
wench. Ask my wife, there, whether Ki is not 
the best seamstress, chamber-maid, and washer 
woman she ever had to scold and pinch ? At first 
you can t help laughing to see a moon-face Heathen 
Chinee in your bath and dressing-room, emptying 
pails and cleaning combs ; but after lugging at his 
pig-tail three or four times, and finding the chignon 
won t come off, your eye gets used to him and you 
forget his sex. 

Compared with Traut and Biddy, your rascal 
Ki appears to be a domestic pet. 

Well, yes a sort of pet ; just as a polecat 
might be made a pet. You see, he stays at home 


of nights, and grubs his nose into the grate. He 
begs no Sunday outs. When he goes to joss-house, 
he comes to ask my leave, and never stays beyond 
his hour. No cousins follow him to the house, and 
eat my venison-pie. To do the heathen justice, 
though he carries two knives under liis smock, he 
has some qualities rare among White people, and 
quite unknown to Irish Biddies and German Trauts. 
He never drinks. He seldom sulks and storms. 
He uses no offensive words ; at least, no words that 
your wife and daughter understand. No doubt, the 
rascal storms in his sleep and curses in his native 
tongue ; sometimes I catch him at his capers ; but 
the heathen is so cunning that when he is storming 
and cursing at his loudest, a man who didn t know 
him would think he was only lulling a baby to 

6 Is it a fact that, like other Asiatics, the best of 
these Mongols fib and pilfer ? 

Yes, they fib and pilfer ; not, however, beyond 
the margin of their class. All servants lie and steal. 
Biddy pockets more, Traut bullies more, than Ki. 
Then Ki has moments of remorse, which Traut and 
Biddy never have. When Ki is very bad he comes 


to me, white in the eyes, and begs me to give him 
a good beating. 

You comply ? 

6 Sure enough. He likes the stick, and so do I. 
Giving Ki a beating now and then is good for both 
of us. I always feel better after wallopping KL 

Mine host is not more notable for his humour 
than his kindliness of heart. No man in San 
Francisco has done more than he to get these 
Asiatics treated fairly by the judges and police. 

You can form no notion of the impudence of 
these rascals, he continues. Only the other day, 
in our rainy season, when the mud was fifteen 
inches deep in Montgomery Street, a Yellow chap in 
fur tippet and purple satin gown, was crossing over 
the road by a plank, when one of our worthy 
citizens, seeing how nicely he was dressed, more like 
a lady than a tradesman, ran on the plank to meet 
him, and, when the fellow stopped and stared, just 
gave him a little jerk, and whisked him, with a 
waggish laugh, into the bed of slush. Ha ha! 
You should have seen the crowd of people mocking 
the impudent Heathen Chinee as he picked himself 
up in his soiled tippet and satin gown-! r 


Did any one in the crowd stand drinks all 
round ? 

Well, no ; that Heathen Chinee rather turned 
the laugh aside. 

Ay ; how was that ? 

6 "No White man can conceive the impudence of 
these Chinese. Moon-face picked himself up, shook 
off a little of the mire, and, looking mildly at our 
worthy citizen, curtseyed like a girl, saying to him, 
in a voice that every one standing round could hear : 
" You Christian : me Heathen : Good-bye." 




MOEE serious are the questions raised in San Fran 
cisco by the Chinese knack of learning trades. The 
Mongol s advent in America has brought into the 
front the great struggle for existence between eaters 
of beef and eaters of rice. 

Living on rice, asking no luxuries beyond a 
whiff of opium and a pinch of tea, John Chinaman 
can toil for less money than a beef-eating fellow 
who requires a solid dinner, after which he likes to 
smoke his cuddy, drain his pot of beer, and top his 
surfeit with a whisky-smash. John will live and 
save where Pat must shrink and fall. The first 
Chinese who came over were labourers, and their 
first rivals were Irish navvies and hodmen. John 
drove these rivals off the field, doing more work at 
less cost, and pleasing his employers by his steady 
doings and his silent ways. John" builds the 


chapels, banks, hotels, and schools. No room is left 
in San Francisco for the unskilled Irish peasant, and 
the movement of Irish labourers towards this Slope 
has ceased. In one or two hotels Pat is retained 
in the dining-room ; but even in these hotels the 
laundries and kitchens are occupied by Hop Ki and 
Lee Sing. 

Tell me, Pat, have you any rows with these 
Chinese? I ask the servant in my room at the 
Grand Hotel. 

No, Captain, says Pat ; would you have me 
demane meeself by jumping on a dirty thing in a 

4 But he lowers the rate of wages in the docks 
and yards ? 

Bad luck to him the skunk ! Before he 
showed his dirty face in Market-street, a man could 
earn his six dollars a day. Now, he gets no more 
nor two. That s four dollars a day gone ; all along 
of the pig-tails ! Some of the masters are no better 
nor the skunks ; they say they wont pay a White 
man more than double what they give a Yellow 
chap. Holy Mary ! as if a Christian could live on 


two dabs of rice, because a heathen Chinee can 
starve on one I 

You think this fall in wages owing to the 
Chinaman ? 

What else, Captain ? Why, before the brute 
came in, my ould woman got her bit of washing 
and ironing, enough anyhow to buy a drop of 
drink ; but now the squinting villain robs the 
women as well as he robs the men. If it were not 
for soiling one s hands, I d like to squash them head 
and heels into the bay just there, by Hunter s 

You don t say, Live and let live, eh, Pat ? 

Live ! Why, Captain, he s a heathen Chinee ; 
a real heathen Chinee ! What business has the 
loikes of him over here ? Is not Chinay big enough 
for him? 

Come, Pat, haven t you come over from 
County Cork? 

4 That s thrue, Captain ; but then the country s 
ours. We conquered it from the Injuns and the 
Mexicans. Let the Chinese try to conquer it from 
us ! Bedad, won t I loike to see the day when they 
come out and fight och, the heathen Chinee ! 


No sort of labour comes amiss to John. He 
cooks your food and digs your quarry ; rocks your 
cradle and feeds your cow ; mends your shed and 
smelts your ore. When he has choice of work, 
he settles down most readily to household tasks, but 
he can turn his hand to any work ; and after once 
seeing things done by others he can do them pretty 
well himself. 

Ho Ling came by train to San Jose ; the first 
moon-face ever seen in that old Free Town. Hiring 
a small shed, Ho Ling put out his sign : Washing 
and Ironing done by Ho Ling. Much linen may 
have been lying by unwashed in San Jose ; anyhow, 
Ho Ling was soon busy day and night. He sent 
for Chou Ping ; but the two moon-faces, scrubbing 
and squinting in their narrow room, could hardly 
overtake their work. Ho Ling saved money. 
When he had lived three months in San Jose, he 
called a carpenter, and asked his price for setting up 
ten frame shanties on a piece of ground in rear of 
Main Street, Ho Ling supplying him with poles and 

For ten houses, one hundred dollars. 


< Muchee dollar, muchee dollar F objected Ho Ling, 

No, replied the carpenter, very cheap. 

Ten house ten dollar one hundred dollar ? 
asked Ho Ling. 

Yes, returned the carpenter, not thinking of 
his words. 

Then you makey, makey. 

When the carpenter set to work, seven fresh 
moon-faces came down by train, and, after calling on 
Ho Ling, slouched towards the back street, in which 
the new Mongolian town was starting into shape. 
Squatting on the ground, each moon-face twiddled 
his bit of bamboo cane, chewed his morsel of betel 
nuu, and watched the carpenter stake his poles and 
nail his planks. 

Goodee buildee ten dollars, smirked Ho 
Ling when the first shed was roofed. 

I ll put em all up for you in no time, said the 
carpenter, pocketing his coin. 

No wantee more house, replied Ho Ling ; rne 
makee all, me makee all. 

In his new home in America, moon-face has to 
deal with new materials. In his native land bamboo 
is everything : here cedar is everything. At home 


he builds his house floor, wall, and roof of 
bamboo. Of bamboo he makes a bridge and a fan, 
a scroll and a cart, a pipe and a plough. Here he 
must work in cedar, on other principles, and with 
other tools. But he is quick to learn. Watching the 
carpenter at San Jose with sleepy eyes, moon-face 
catches up the knack of staking poles and planking 
wall and roof. The carpenter swears, but he has 
no redress. Ho Ling has not only built his street, 
but moon-face has become an expert in the builder s 
craft, and underworks his rival in every builder s 
yard at San Jose. In fact, the building trade is 
passing into Chinese hands. 

It is the same in many other trades. The 
business of cigar making is the largest separate 
craft in San Francisco ; thousands of persons are 
employed in smoothing, rolling, twisting the 
tobacco leaves ; and this great, business has passed 
entirely into Chinese hands. The boot-trade, the 
woollen manufactures, and the fruit-preserving busi 
ness are also mainly carried on by Chinese labour. 

You want a pair of boots ? asks a friend at 
the Pacific Club ; c then try Yin Yung of Jackson 
Street, the best bootmaker in California. 



Cheapest, you mean, sneers a gentleman in our 

Best, as well as cheapest, I assert, replies the 
first speaker. 

Going up Jackson Street we look into Yin 
Yung s shop, surprised to see so good a show of 
work ; the boots and shoes appearing to be as neat 
and strong as any you will find in rival stores, yet 
marked at figures much below the ordinary price 

Until the other day Yin Yung had never seen an 
English boot. A mandarin wears slippers, a mer 
chant clatters down the street in clogs. An English 
high-low was as strange a mystery to Yin Yung as a 
Chinese puzzle would be to Giles Hodge. But Yin 
Yung wanted rice to eat, and reading a notice in 
Kearney Street that good hands were wanted by 
one Aaron Isaacs, bootmaker, he applied for work ; 
and, as he asked for next to nothing in the way of 
wages, the worthy Israelite gave him a stool, a 
mallet, and a ball of wax. A Jew has no objections 
to cheap labour on the score of race and creed. 
He knows, indeed, that John will learn his art and 
steal his trade ; but he imagines he "can make his 


game and bank his dollars long before that evil day 
arrives. That certain crafts should pass from White 
men to Yellow men is nothing to him a Jew a 
citizen of the world. He likes a docile Mongol, 
whom, if need be, he can cuff and cheat, with no 
great risk of a returning blow. The Hebrew shops 
are, therefore, full of Yellow-men. It is from this 
connection with the Jews of San Francisco, that John 
has got his droll idea that the Melicans crucified 
Christ a crime for which John Chinaman mildly 
suspects and hates all Melican men ! 

Yin Yung drew his brethren to Isaacs s shop, 
and for a year or so Isaacs drove a rattling trade 
in English boots and shoes ; being able to run down 
prices in Montgomery Street, and force the other 
makers to employ Chinese hands. What cared the 
Jew ? He lowered his rate of wages. One by one 
his White men left him. Isaacs took on more 
Chinese, Yin Yung being now expert enough to 
instruct them in their trade. Then Yin Yung left 
him also ; left him to engage in business on his own 
account. To-day Yin Yung is a big man, keeping 
a large shop, and having a good repute. While he 
was Isaacs s thrall, he took the Hebrew s cuffs and 


curses with a patient face, and now he pays his 
debt by under-selling the Jew to his old customers 
in the clubs. 

Isaacs is very angry and very spiteful ; but he 
has not yet been able to destroy Yin Yung. 

In vain he gets more and more Chinese into his 
shops. He has to teach them, and as soon as they 
are taught they start as rivals in his trade. By 
every effort to suppress Yin Yung he helps to make 
five more Yin Yungs. 

Paul Cornell s fight is raging in the watch trade, 
just as Isaacs s fight is raging in the shoe-trade. 
Seventy hands have corne from Chicago as his staff; 
twenty-five married men with their wives and 
children, and a few single men. They are engaged 
for fixed periods, ranging from six months to two 
years. Not a word was said to them before they 
left Illinois about the company employing Chinese 
hands in San Francisco. They were only told of 
the lovely scenery, the temperate climate, the 
abundant fruits. Money was advanced to pay their 
railway fares a heavy sum for artizans with wives 
and children to procure. These fares are still owing 
to the Cornell Company, so that the White men from 


Chicago are bound to Cornell and Ealston very 
much as the Yellow men from Canton are bound 
to the Wing Yung and the Fook Ting Tong. 

The lathes and wheels being ready, Cornell calls 
in seven of his overseers, and tells them, for the first 
time, that he means to use Chinese labour in his 
works. The overseers protest. You are dis 
charged, he says. Piper, one of these seven, 
overseers, complains that this notice is a great 

4 Pack up your duds and go, says Cornell. In 
time both parties get a little cooler, and the master 
enters into detail. 

The Chinese, you must understand, says Cor 
nell to his White overseers, are mere animals ; they 
cannot learn to do fine work ; they are only to 
be used in common tasks. Now go and explain 
these matters to the men. 

The men are no less resolute than the overseers. 
4 No one, they urge in opposition to Cornell s pro 
posal, can draw a line between the White man and 
the Yellow man. A Yellow man is quick at learn 
ing things ; and, as he lives on rice and fish, he can 
afford to take a lower wage. He has no family to 


house and feed. To teach the Chinese how to make 
watches, is to rob our little ones of bread. 

Both sides seem firm. We have your cove 
nants, says Cornell. Those covenants are broken/ 
shout the men on strike. Meetings are held. As 
all the craftsmen in the town are with the strikers, 
money is subscribed, and promises of support are 
given. Telegrams are sent to every watch factory in 
the United States, calling on the workmen to assist 


ill beating down this effort of three or four great 
capitalists to hand over an artistic industry to Asia 
tics. One committee is appointed to see the various 
Trades Unions ; a second is charged to make arrange 
ments for carrying the whole seventy watchmakers 
back to Chicago. Yet Cornell, sustained by Ealston, 
and knowing that his workmen have no money, 
takes up very high ground. 

Eepay your fares and go ; like Piper, you can 
pack your duds and go. 

The workmen ask for an interview with Ealston, 
known to be the chief proprietor in the new com 
pany, if not the first suggestor of employing Chinese 
hands. Ealston consents to see them. An inter 
view is held, of which a report is given in the daily 


papers, painting the situation in a pleasant way 
that pleasant way which tells the truth in jest. 

Piper advances to the front and thus addresses 
the Lord of Belmont, Manager of the Bank of 
California : 

Sir! We are American citizens, with families de 
pendent on our labour for bread. We are skilled and 
willing workers in the business of making watches. 
We have been induced to come to California to aid 
this new industry, in which you have risked a single 
speck of your great wealth. If the work prospers, 
it becomes the vocation of our lives, and the inherit 
ance of our children as a place to labour ; if it fails, 
you have had a little of your gold-dust blown away. 
We are informed that it is your intention to employ 
Chinese labour. This is not agreeable to us. We 
have a prejudice against these strangers. They do not 
speak our language ; their religion, manners, customs, 
dress are not ours. They have no families to support. 
If we educate them in our skilled pursuit, they will 
soon rival us in it, and ultimately drive us from it. 
Instead, therefore, of employing these people, be kind 
enough to give the light labour to our wives and to 
our boys and girls. Thinking it is better to give this 


labour to our own people, we ask you respectfully to 
consider our petition. 

Ealston replies : 

Individuals ! I am William C. Ealston. I own 
thirty-five thousand dollars in the stock of this com 
pany. We intend to manage this business in our 
own way, to submit to no dictation from workmen. 
We may find it expedient to employ Chinese ; if 
we do, we will employ as many as we see fit. If 
you think we are in your power you make a great 
mistake. We will hire whatever race of men we 
think best, and if you do not like it you can leave. 
We can better afford to lose a hundred thousand 
dollars than submit to your dictation. We can send 
to Switzerland for watchmakers. We are in no 
hurry. While capital reposes, labour starves. We 
can wait. I am the same Mr. Ealston who made 
this same speech to the bricklayers and plasterers 
on the Palace Hotel. I once discharged a clerk. I 
am in earnest. However, I will be generous, and I 
make this proposition : if you can get me American 
girls and boys who will do as much work and do it 
as well as the Chinese, I will give them the pre- 


ference and the same pay. You may now apologize 
and retire/ 

Dropping this tone of pleasantry, the writer adds, 
with pain, if not with shame : 

The result is the Chinese are to be employed ; a 
few at first, and more in time ; so that the seeds are 
sown for the destruction of a profitable industry. 
Another weapon of defence is taken from the hand 
of free labour. 

Here, as elsewhere in California, Oregon, and 
Nevada, the rice-eater is pushing the beef-eater to 
the wall. 




LIKE Paddy Blake and Juan Chico, Hop Lee and 
Hong Chi appear to be social animals, who love to 
jostle in a crowd, and lodge by preference in a 
narrow court. Like many of their Irish and Mexi 
can peers, they seem to delight in close alleys, 
and enjoy abominable smells. When they might 
camp out in the open, they burrow in the earth, 
under the houses of great cities, hiding their heads 
in drains and vaults, in sinks and sewers. They 
make a rookery in the heart of every city they 
invade. At Salt Lake they huddle round the market 
place ; at Virginia they cower about the mines. In 
San Francisco they have taken up their rest in the 
oldest quarter. When they reach JSTew York they 
will settle on Five Points ; when they arrive in 
London they will occupy Seven Dials. If a great 
city has a low and filthy section, the celestials sniff 


it out, crowd into it, and by their presence make 
that low and filthy place their own. It seems to 
them a natural process. When they get to Borne, 
they will drive the Jews out of their Ghetto ; when 
they come to Naples, they will expel the lazzaroni 
from their Marinella ; just as they have driven the 
low Irish and the lower Mexicans from their old 
haunts in San Francisco. How these lovers of dirt 
would revel in the port-side of Alexandria, in the 
sacred precincts of Nablous, in the leper-quarter 
of Jerusalem ! Yet, in their native land, there is a 
vast river population ; people who live in dhows and 
junks, feeding on fish, and seldom going into towns. 
In the Five Provinces these water-people are counted 
by millions. Are there no water-people yet on the 
Pacific Slope? 

At Monterey we hear of a group of Chinese squat 
ters, who have come from San Francisco, and settled 
as fishermen on the bluff near Pinos Point. Scorning 
to boil shirts, roast mutton, and make roads, like 
their meeker comrades, these squatters near Pinos 
Point neither wash nor starch, neither cook nor 
serve, neither dig nor deive. They are said to be 
free men, owing no money, and therefore no duty, to 


the Five Companies. Left to their own choice, they 
show no preference for city life, and give up garbage, 
reek, and squalor for a lodging on the hill-side, in 
the midst of wild sage, with the ocean breezes on 
their roofs. They are not alone. With them are 
many women and children. Living on the coast, 
away from white capital and white employment, 
they are said to make a homely livelihood for 
their wives and families by catching and drying fish, 

A colony of Asiatics, who seek neither work nor 
favour from the white capitalist, but go out boldly 
into nature, taking their chances in the primary 
and heroic, rather than the secondary and parasitical, 
struggle for existence, raises our curiosity. Unlike 
the Mexican labourers, whom they are driving out 
of California and Nevada, here are people who can 
live without the Whites ! 

A trail leads off from Monterey to this Asiatic 
village, going by way of Fray Junipero s Cross and 
Don Eivera s Castle ; but this trail is a mere Indian 
line, not made for horses, still less for wheels. 
We have to trudge on foot. A walk of two miles 
from the old Mexican jetty brings us to a pile of 
rocks, on turning which we are in China close to 


a huddle of log-sheds and drying-poles the place 
snarling with dogs, and reeking with the smell of 
dead fish and the fumes of joss- wood. 

The first comers seem to have squatted any 
where and anyhow, just as the levels tempted them, 
and the logs for building purposes lay handy near 
the beach. To get into the labyrinth is easy. You 
follow the smell of joss- wood, kick away the dogs, 
and fall over the naked urchins. But to find your 
way about is like trying to undo a Chinese puzzle. 
English ingenuity is unequal to the task. Here, in 
your front, is a pig-sty, with the customary mess. 
This wicker-frame is the hen-roost, flanked by a 
puddle for the ducks and geese. What filth ! About a 
hundred ricketty sheds and kennels houses, stores, 
and attics compose this free and independent settle 
ment. These sheds and kennels are so frail in build, 
that some of them come down in every puff of wind 
and every shower of rain. A gale might sweep the 
whole colony into the bay. Happily for the settlers 
this coast is a Pacific coast, where storms are almost 
as rare as in the Ladies Sea. 

Four or five hundred Asiatics dwell in this 
corner of America, winning from the sea and 


shore a scanty supply of food. They take in shoals 
of smelts, and pick up thousands of shell-fish. 
Whaling is too hard a business, but they some 
times get a haul of cod. They are fond of cuttle 
fish. In summer-time, as Ah Tim, one of the settlers, 
tells me, they live very well. The wood supplies 
them in fuel, the bay never fails them in fish. The 
little clearings near their tenements yield them 
peppers, cabbages, and herbs. By drying a part 
of their summer hauls they provide for the winter, 
when the waters are too rough for them to brave. 
The sale of some part of their dry stock gives 
them money enough to buy a little tea, joss-wood, 
and opium. For the rest a Chinaman can dream. 
Mee goot, opium pipe, says Ah Tim ; me smoke, 
me dine all-ee-same Melican mans. A pinch of 
opium makes Ah Tim a king. 

Ah Tim takes us into several tenements. The 
sheds are pretty much alike ; all neat and tiny ; 
more like dolls houses than the residences of human 
beings. Most of them have scraps of red paper 
pasted on the walls, announcements of lotteries, of 
performances in the theatres, and of services in the 
great joss-house of San Francisco. Every Mongol 


in America regards San Francisco as his capital and 
the great joss-house in that city as his temple. 
Tim, like most of his countrymen, is pious. No 
joss-house has been raised in the village near Pinos 
Point, for the fishermen cannot afford the luxury 
of a priest ; but in every shanty on the bluff, we 
find an image of Buddha on the mantelpiece, just 
as in every Basque hovel we see a cross, and in 
every Euss cabin an icon of the Virgin. Poor 
though he be, each Mongol keeps a small cup of 
tea simmering and a few spikes of cedar-wood 
burning in front of his joss. Man better go, all-ee- 
same, says Ah Tim, without his rice and opium, 
than leavee joss without his tea and cedar-wood, 
all-ee-same, no. 

In one tenement five or six men are sitting 
down to dinner a mess of cabbage boiled in tallow, 
flanked by a little fried shell-fish each moon-face 
with his chop-sticks in his hand. Before sitting 
down they look to the joss, and see that his tea 
is warm. On rising from their meal they light a 
few cedar matches and leave them to burn out ; 
but they do these acts of worship without delicacy 
and reverence, showing nothing of that awe which 


softens and subdues a Muscovite s face as he crosses 
himself after meals and cries to his icon in the 
corner, Slava Bogu ! 

Poor fellows, they have not eaten much ! JSTo 
Celtic labourer, no Mexican peasant, could exist on 
such food as these poor Asiatics eat. Can the 
African? When two races dwell on the same soil, 
the race which eats the least must drive the other 
race off. The lean kine ate up the fat kine, the 
thin ears of corn ate up the good ears. Watching 
these fellows pick up their morsels with chop-sticks, 
I remember a saying of Clarke, the Negro teacher 
in Cincinnati, that his people, though able to 
compete with the Celts, are not able to compete 
with the Chinese. Let us have no Chinese, urged 
Clarke, in answer to my enquiry how far the advent 
of a few thousand Chinese labourers would affect 
the interests of his people in Ohio, let us have 
no Chinese. They work for cents where we want 
dollars. They live on scraps and filth. A Negro 
lives on the fat of the land, and needs as much 
food as any other American. John and Sam will 
never be able to live in peace. John works hard 
on rice and tea, and not much of either ; while Sam 


wants roast turkey and cocktail, and a good supply 
of each. Under a system of equal laws, the Negro 
would be unable to keep a footing in the labour 
market of America, in presence of his thrifty, docile, 
and intelligent brother of the Yellow race. 

Ah Tim invites us to his shanty, where his wife 
makes tea, and his two little boys roll and wallow in 
the mud. Tim is a curious fellow ; cold, prosaic, 
worldly ; with the hard and callous brain which 
American poets have not ascribed unjustly to the 
4 Heathen Chinee. Unlike his countrymen as a 
rule, Tim is a man of politics. He owes no money 
to the companies. He has no reason to fear their 
spies and head-men. He is a native of the soil, 
and has no wish to see Canton. He wants his 
rights ; he wants to have a vote ; he wants his 
neighbours to have votes. Tim was the first Chinee 
born in California. As a native, he has the right 
of standing for any office. If he had his dues, 
according to the American Constitution, he might 
stand against General Grant for the Presidency. 
But the White people in California set the Con 
stitution at defiance, as Ah Tim believes, by pre 
tending that the legal maxim, every man born 




on the American soil is an American citizen, only 
means that every White man born on the American 
soil is an American citizen. 

Are you making a formal claim of citizenship ? 
Yes, sir. I born in Melica Land ; I marry in 
Melica Land ; I live in Melica Land ; my children 
born in Melica Land. Is not that all-ee-same ? 

When the American Constitution was drawn up, 
the noble assertion that all men are born free 
and equal was confined to the White race. A 
Black man was not free. A Red man was not 
an equal. But a great development has been given 
to this assertion by events. A Negro born on the 
soil enjoys the rights of a free citizen. Why not 
a Mongol? Is the African race nobler than the 
Asiatic? If Zete Fly is considered worthy of the 
franchise, how can such a privilege be refused to 
Ah Tim? 




A SEVENTH part of the population a seventieth part 
of the surface of San Francisco is Asiatic. All 
Orientals pack closer than Europeans. A man may 
see big crowds in many cities : Euss and Tartars 
at Nishni-Novgorod, Copts and Armenians in Jeru- 
alem, Arabs and Algerines in Cairo ; but in neither 
Eussia, Syria, nor Egypt can he see such crowds 
as we find packed in the Asiatic quarter of San 

The term Asiatic quarter may suggest a separate 
portion of the city, walled off from the remaining 
parts like China Town in Moscow ; but the Asiatic 
quarter in San Francisco is an open colony, like May 
Fair in London, like the Second District in New 
York. The Chinese have squatted in the very 
heart of San Francisco. 

Lock Sin s tea-house in Jackson Street may be 

s 2 


regarded as the heart of this new Asiatic empire in 
America ; for in Jackson Street, grouped around 
Lock Sin s balcony, lie the Chinese banks and 
stores, the Chinese stalls and markets, the Chinese 
theatres and gaming-hells ; while off this thorough 
fare, to the right and left, extend the blind alleys 
and nameless passages in which reside the Chinese 
rogues and thieves, with their unfailing comple 
ment of female slaves. 

Here, bright with paper lanterns, glare the two 
great tea-houses, kept by Lock Sin and Hing Kee, 
in which you sip green tea and watch the dancing 
girls perform their rites. Here, rich in red and 
black flags, and musical with gongs and cymbals, 
stands Yu He Un Choy, the royal theatre, in which 
a grand historical play, a chronicle of the Ming 
Dynasty, has been going on for three weeks past, 
and is to run on briskly for about nine weeks yet to 
come. In front of us, hardly less rich in red and 
yellow paint, hardly less noisy with shawm and 
tom-tom, rises Sing Ping Yuen, the new theatre, in 
which lighter pieces are performed, not lasting more 
than thirty or forty nights. Hereabouts lie the tan 
cellars and thieves gaming cribs, in which sallow 


wretches and their hideous partners of the other 
sex indulge in the lawless pleasure of staking their 
bottom dollar on a domino. About these cellars 
lie the opium dens, to which the gamesters come 
in their frenzy, and snatch the still more fearful 
joy of staking their health and manhood on a 
fume of poppy-juice. Bound that corner stands 
the great joss house, a large room, hung with 
screens and banners, dazzling in red and gold, in 
which an idol squats ; not a Mongolian god, with 
flat and shaven face, and turned-up Tartar eye 
brows, but a Teutonic master, with straight nose, fair 
moustache, and pointed beard. Before this foreign 
idol, tea-cups hiss and fuzees burn by night and day. 
China Town is running over San Francisco, 
spreading to east and west, to north and south. The 
Asiatics have seized a good part of Dupont Street 
and Kearny Street, swarmed into Pine Street, in 
vaded Stockton and Pacific Streets, and got their 
feet in California Street. Some houses in these 
streets are owned by Mongols. When Asiatics get 
their feet inside a door they drive the Europeans 
out. A European cannot stand the fume and stench, 
the dirt and din. Thus, shop by shop, and street 


by street, they crawl along, a swarm of clean and 
unclean things, so oddly mixed that White men 
shrink from them, in fear and wrath, as from a 
company of lepers. No White man likes to sleep 
under the same roof with a Yellow man ; no White 
woman likes to pass through Jackson Street. A 
rookery and a cesspool drive off decent folk. 

Let us drop into some of these houses, no fear 
of lepers in our hearts, and see these Asiatics in 
their homes. 

Not far from Lock Sin s tea-house stands a big 
edifice, first used as the Globe Hotel ; a house four 
storeys high above the ground, six windows to the 
front, and boasting of rooms enough for fifty guests. 
Including vaults and attics there may be sixty 
rooms in all. Surrounded by the Chinese rookery, 
this Globe Hotel, no longer fit for decent visitors, 
is let to Lee Si Tut, a rich Chinese, who re-lets his 
apartments to Chinese residents of the better class 
to shopmen, waiters, clerks, and agents. Lee Si Tut 
takes care to have no tenant of bad repute. A 
thief, a rag-picker, a night- prowler cannot hire a 
bed in his hotel. No painted women pass his door. 
Tan and other lawless games are forbidden. No 


wrangling or lighting is allowed within the house. 
So far as order can be made by rules, order is said 
to reign among Lee Si Tut s tenants ; and the Globe 
Hotel in Jackson Street may be regarded as the 
royal khan and summer-palace of the Chinese empire 
in America. 

Pass in. Oh, Lee Si Tut ! A sickening odour 
greets your nostrils on his steps. A reek comes out 
of every door, and dirt lies heaped on every landing- 
stage. The dust of years encrusts his window-panes. 
Compared with this Globe Hotel, under Lee Si 
Tut, a Turkish or a Spanish prison is a desert place. 
The bannisters drip ; the passages sweat, A black 
and fetid slime runs down the walls. And then 
what press and multitude of tenants on the stairs 
and in the rooms ! Men swarm at every door, and 
crowd down every stage ; each pale and melancholy 
wretch vomiting his narcotic poison in your face. 
A nameless horror seems to brood in every corner 
of the house, for out of every corner glare the 
spectral eyes of beings fevered by tan and stupefied 
with drugs. 

Each room, arranged for the accommodation of a 
single guest, is either parted into six or seven sec- 


tions by a string of mats, or shelved in tiers all 
round the walls. Shelves are preferred, since no one 
cares to pay for privacy ; and a room that will only 
sleep six or seven in sections may be got to sleep a 
dozen on shelves. From vault to attic, each room 
is foul with smoke, and black with dirt, and choked 
with men. 

ISTo less than fifteen hundred ghastly creatures 
find a lodging day and night in this Chinese 
paradise ! 

Eooms crowded and unwholesome I have seen 
before at a feast in Einsiedeln, a mad-house in 
Naples, an emigrant ship at Liverpool, a barrack on 
the Nile but nowhere have I seen human creatures 
packed and crushed as these tenants of the Globe 
Hotel are packed and crushed. Lee Si Tat lets his 
house, he says, to eight hundred tenants ; which 
would give him, in a house of sixty rooms, including 
cellars and lofts, thirteen tenants to each chamber ; 
but the rascals cheat him, he alleges, out of half his 
rent, by sub-letting their shelves to men who occupy 
them only half the day. Enquiry shows me that 
this story of subletting and dividing the room is 
strictly true. Ki Wgok lets his shelf to Li Ho ; 


Ki Wgok using his shelf for twelve hours, and 
giving it up to Li Ho for the other twelve hours. 
In some rooms three sets of lodgers occupy the 
shelves each twenty-four hours eight hours a-piece. 

Yet those who lodge in this hotel live in a light 
and roomy palace by the side of those who live 
in the labyrinth of courts and styes, yards and 
entries, lying round Bartlett Alley. Here some of 
the first White settlers in San Francisco threw up 
their hives. The ground is undrained. The log 
shanties were run up hastily and cheaply ; and in 
these fever-haunted hovels, rotten with age, putrid 
with filth, overrun with vermin, the masses of 
Mongolians make their home. They creep into 
vaults, they climb into eaves, they burrow in the 
earth. In holes unfit for dogs, you may discover 
ten or twelve wasted creatures, sprawling on shelves, 
staring into space, and trying to smoke themselves 
into the opium- dreamer s paradise. 

Worse still, if in the lowest depth there can 
be a deeper still, is the thieves quarter ; a district 
running in and out of more respectable quarters 
with a rare indifference as to social forms. In the 
thieves quarter it is well to have a guide and escort, 


for the Chinese criminal has curious ways, and your 
ramble in his purlieus should be made at night. 

All round Bartlett Alley lie the thieves yards and 
cribs ; foul attics, falling balconies, underground 
kennels ; with a few spikes of joss- wood burning at 
every door. Rags rot on the ground and garbage 
poisons the air. Slush squirts at you from under 
every plank, and where the planks fail you, the earth 
appears to be nothing but a running sore. Rag- 
shops and receiving-houses hide in old pits and 
hollows under the plank floors. In all these 
damp and loathsome holes a swarm of Asiatics 
wallow in the filth, their pale and ghastly faces 
rendered visible by the flicker of a reeking lamp. 
Pah ! 

Fear lurks in every Mongol eye, and desperation 
glowers from every Mongol face. In passing from 
yard to yard you catch the slam of doors, the shot 
of bolts, and feel by instinct that every ruffian stand 
ing behind these planks, alarmed by strange foot 
steps and loud voices in the dead of night, is listening 
at his door, with hatchet raised to strike or rifle 
poised to fire. 


{ Open the door ! cries your guide, in a peremp 
tory tone, stopping in front of a log cabin open 
the door ! 

4 You foolee me ? You foolee me ? 

No, no. Open the door ! 

The voice is recognised within ; the door is 
slowly opened, and you peep into the crib ; a cup 
board as to size, but occupied by five or six men 
and women. Heaps of stolen goods are on the 
floor ; but neither blade nor gun is visible. At 
another crib we are repulsed. To the enquiry 
How ? you foolee inc ? we answer, as before, 
No, no ; but, instead of seeing the door open, 
we catch a rapid exchange of whispers inside. 

4 Go ; you not foolee me ! cries a voice, accom 
panied by the click of a rifle. 

4 Dip and slide, whispers our companion, and 
we instantly dip and slide. 

In Stout s Alley, and in the yards around this 
sink of squalor and iniquity, lodge the partners of 
these thieves and murderers the female slaves. 

Let us get out into the open streets ! 

You have now seen a little of our Chinese 


quarter, says my companion, as we enter Lock Sin s 
tea-house about two o clock, and order a refreshing 

What you have seen in San Francisco you may 
see in Sacramento, Stockton, San Jose, and other 
towns. Wherever John plants his foot, he builds a 
China Town, and peoples it with harlots, criminals, 
and slaves. We get some very cheap labour, and 
our financiers say they need cheap labour to de 
velop the country. What think you of the price 
we have to pay for our development ? 

While we are sipping tea on Lock Sin s balcony, 
a yell comes up from the street below. A Chinese 
fight is on. Ah King, a Chinese scamp, employed 
by the city officers, and, in the slang of his 
Asiatic countrymen, such a spy is called a 
ghost. Of late this ghost has been too busy, his 
celestial countrymen think, even for a paid spy ; and 
two Asiatics, who have just come out of jail, are 
setting on him, one moon-face with a hatchet, the 
second moon-face with a knife. From every door in 
the street swarms out a crowd, and in an instant 
fifty Chinese lanterns heave and drop along the flags. 

Excuse me ! says my escort, and before I can 


reply, he is gone from my side. King vanishes like 
a ghost. Moon-face with the knife escapes, just as 
my escort swoops into the murderous circle ; but 
the fellow with the hatchet is arrested on the spot 
and carried to the city ward. His weapon, when 
examined, proves to be a long blade, sheathed in a 
layer of fine cloth, so that, in case of a fatal plunge, 
the blood might have been at once removed, and 
the stainless knife replaced under the white smock, 
as clean and innocent in appearance as the soft-eyed 
Asiatic who had plunged it into his neighbour s 
heart ! 




AT length ! exclaims a Senator in Sacramento, 
laying down his copy of the President s new Message 
to Congress, in which there is a short paragraph 
devoted to the Chinese immigration. Our master 
in the White House has spared one moment from 
the contemplation of his Black Agony on the Gulf to 
a consideration of our Yellow Agony on the Slope ! 

No one will say that President Grant has spoken 
either too soon or in too loud a voice. Opinion 
runs the other way. In Washington men may 
talk ; in Sacramento they must act. The Mongol 
invaders have put republican principles to a strain 
which they were never meant to bear, and under 
this burthen, republican principles and institutions 
have broken down. 

Face to face with a gigantic evil, the Californians 
have passed a dozen laws in self-defence ; and these 


defensive laws of California violate the most sacred 
principles embodied in the common Constitution of 
the United States! 

The American Constitution opens American 
ports to all the world ; the laws of California limit 
and control the entry of Asiatics into San Francisco. 
The American Connstitution gives to every man 
who lands a right of citizenship on easy terms ; the 
laws of California deny a Chinese immigrant the 
right of citizenship on any terms. 

Under the new conditions created by the influx 
of these Asiatics, San Francisco has ceased to be a 
free port in the sense in which New York is a free 
port. New York is open : San Francisco is not 
open. If he lands in New York a Mongol may be 
naturalized in a year ; but if he lands in San Francisco 
a Mongol cannot be naturalized in twenty years. 
This conflict of principles leads to much confusion 
in practice. No one in Oregon, California) and 
Nevada, can be sure of what is legal or illegal. 
A Court, administering the local law, rules one 
thing ; a second Court, administering the general 
law, rules another thing. They clash alike in 
maxims, methods, and results. 


A case occurred some weeks ago. In the belief 
that a certain vessel coming from Hong-Kong was 
laden with paupers, convicts, and rebels, transported 
from the country by sagacious mandarins, the authori 
ties of San Francisco tried to send these undesirable 
settlers back to China. Taking the mail steamer in 
charge, they prevented either man or woman from 
landing, and required the company to carry their 
cargo back to Hong-Kong. The company refused. 
The San Francisco courts affirmed the right of 
the mayor and sheriffs to reject this cargo : but 
they were overruled by the Circuit Courts, acting 
in the name, interpreting the principles, of the 
United States. 

Nearly every woman who obtains a licence to leave 
Hong-Kong comes over as a slave, the property of 
masters, who sell her in the city very much as a 
planter used to sell his quadroon in New Orleans. 
A case is now before the courts which proves so 
much, if not a great deal more. 

Ah Lee, a man of good repute and decent 
means, lived with Low Yow, a woman who was 
erroneously supposed to be his wife. They had 
some words and parted company, on which Ah Lee 


requested Low Yow to pay him back a sum of 
more than four hundred dollars, which he had placed 
in her hands while they were passing as man and 
wife. Low Yow refused. 

I will be even with you, hissed Ah Lee, with 
menacing gesture towards the woman. 

Going before a magistrate, Ah Lee deposed that 
the Chinese woman, called Low Yow, had sold a 
Chinese girl, named Choy Ming, only thirteen years 
of age, for two hundred dollars, and he implored 
the magistrate to have that female slave-dealer 
seized and sent to jail. A witness, called Ah Sing, 
who said he was a brother of Choy Ming, sustained 
the evidence given and sworn by Ah Lee. On 
these statements, warrants were issued, and not only 
Low Yow but Choy Ming were taken into charge. 
Counsel was engaged for Choy Ming, but the trial 
mainly turned on her own evidence. She was a 
slave, she said. She was brought from China to 
San Francisco as a slave, and there sold to Low 
Yow, who afterwards sold her again to the keeper 
of a bad house. She handed to the judge a bill of 
sale, which had been given to her, according to the 
custom of her country, by Low Yow. 



The counsel for Low Yow denounced the whole 
proceeding as a conspiracy on the part of Ah Lee 
and Ah Sing to get his client into trouble. Two 
elderly Chinese, living in Stout s Alley, swore that 
Choy Ming was their child. She had been lured, 
they said, from their lodgings, and had been kept 
away from them some time. They had never sold 
her to Low Yow, and Low Yow could not have sold 
her to anyone else. Several Chinese witnesses gave 
evidence of having seen Choy Ming with the two 
old people, both when they were landing from the 
ship and afterwards in going about the streets. 

Choy Ming was recalled. Asked by the judge to 
look in the witness box, and say whether the man 
and woman were not her parents, she declared they 
were not. She had never seen them in her life. 
In saying they were her parents, the old man and 
woman were forsworn. Ah Sing, her brother, would 
confirm her story. Ah Sing was called. Was Choy 
Ming his sister? Yes, Choy Ming, he answered, 
was his sister. Were the old man and woman his 
parents ? By the bones of his ancestors no ! He 
had never seen those old people before, and he was 
certain they were not the parents of Choy Ming. 


Unable to believe a word of the evidence on 
either side, the magistrate dismissed the case. 

Choy Ming went home with Ah Sing and Ah 
Lee, and nothing more was heard about her till 
yesterday, when she appeared in Stout s Alley and 
claimed a refuge with the old couple as their child. 
On being asked about her evidence in the court, 
she says she went home with Ah Lee, and stayed 
with him some time, because Ah Sing frightened her 
by his threats. She has been living on a ranch in 
the country, but has now left the two men. Ah 
Sing, she says, is not her brother, and she likes the 
old folks better than the two men. Ah Lee and 
Ah Sing both ill-use her, and she is tired of being 
their wife. 

Choy Ming, I learn, is scarcely thirteen years of 

Another case is that of a disputed cargo of female 
slaves a case still pending in the higher Courts. 

About the Chinese women who are brought to 
San Francisco there is unhappily no more mystery 
than about the Circassian girls who used to be ex 
posed for sale in the markets of Cairo and Damascus. 
They are slaves. On coming to San Francisco with 

T 2 


their owners, they pay no landing-fee to the Sixth 
Company ; for these women, having no place in the 
Chinese system of family worship, require no sending 
back to China after death. Like beasts that perish, 
these female slaves are hidden out of sight. 

The stories of these girls are often very sad. 
Some of them are sold by their fathers, for the poorer 
class of Mongol peasants always sell their girls, just 
as the Indian savages always sell their squaws. Many 
are stolen children, trapped and carried off by 
scoundrels who beset the hamlets near the coast. In 
every Chinese port there is a market for such wares. 
At Hong Kong they have to be passed by an official, 
but this official is too often satisfied with a form. 
One dealer passes three or four girls as his daughters ; 
a second dealer tries to bring out five or six as his 
wives. A consul scrupulous on the score of poly 
gamy, may refuse to pass so large a household ; but 
the rascal has only to go to one of the lodging- 
houses, where emigrants are waiting, and bestow a 
wife on each moon-face for the voyage. Under 
these arrangements the girls arrive in San Fran 
cisco, and are here sold, like Choy Ming, to anyone 
who happens to want a female slave. 


Eager to meet a practical evil by practical 
remedies, the Californians have passed a law em 
powering the port authorities to inspect all vessels 
coming in from Asia, and when they find a cargo of 
females on board suspected of being slaves, and 
obviously brought over for immoral purposes, to 
require the company to carry them back. 

A cargo soon arrived, for many merchants are 
engaged in this abominable trade. You cannot 
land these women, said the port officials. We 
shall see, replied the merchants, who had bought 
the girls on speculation and were anxious for a 
profit on their wares. They went to law. The. 
first Court at San Francisco justified the authorities,. 
on which the merchants carried an appeal to Chief- 
Justice Wallace, in the Supreme Court at Sacra 
mento, who sustained the verdict of the local Court. 
Foiled in their design, they went into the Circuit 
Court of the United States, pleading that the laws 
of California are in open conflict with the American 
Constitution, and are therefore void in San Francisco, 
part of the territory of the United States. The 
Judges of the Circuit Court adopted this view. 

Fretted by this verdict in the Circuit Court, the 


people of California are carrying an appeal to the 
Supreme Court in Washington ; but while Chief- 
Justice Waite and his venerable brethren are strain 
ing over points of law the female slaves are coming 
in, and a free American State is not at liberty to 
protect her streets against this moral leprosy. What 
have the Californians done that they are hindered 
from shutting their gates on these importers of 
female slaves ? 

The Judges say the soil is free. A female slave 
becomes a free woman the moment she sets her foot 
on Calif ornian ground. But who is to tell such a 
creature as a Chinese slave that she is free ? Who 
is to explain to her poor intelligence what is meant 
by free soil ? A slave in her own country, she has 
never heard of women of her class being free. In 
San Francisco she is neither more nor less a slave 
than she was in Canton or in Pekin. And yet no 
power can hinder the slave-dealers from pouring 
their abominable cargoes through the Golden Gate ! 

4 Just listen to this drivel, pleads the Senator ; 
the President treats this Asiatic Question as though 
it were a question of the minor morals ! 

Here are the President s words : I call the 


attention of Congress to the generally-conceded fact 
that the great proportion of Chinese immigrants 
who come to our shores do not come ostensibly 
to make their homes with us and their labour 
productive of general prosperity, but they come 
under a contract with head-men, who own them 
almost absolutely. In a worse form does this 
apply to Chinese women. Hardly a perceptible 
percentage of them perform honourable labour ; 
they are brought for shameful purposes, to the 
disgrace of the community where settled, and to 
the great demoralization of the youth of those 
localities. If this evil practice can be legislated 
against, it will be my pleasure as well as duty to 
enforce any regulation to ensure so desirable an 

In Californian eyes, such words seem poor and 
weak. If you compare this Message with the actual 
facts, what can you call such words but drivel ? 
the Senator proceeds : Here, in Sacramento, we 
have no illusion on the subject of this coming in of 
Asiatic scum. The mandarins are emptying all their 
cesspools on our coast. You doubt ! I tell you 
China is an overcrowded country, where people 


swarm beyond the means of life. They fill the 
land with crimes. Millions are paupers, millions 
more are slaves. In California the mandarins have 
found a penal colony, to which, through our cupid 
ity and folly, they are now transporting their 
vagabonds, criminals, and harlots. They are mighty 
smart, those mandarins, for they not only rid them 
selves of social filth, but make these outcasts bear 
the cost of their removal from the interior to Hong- 
Kong. With all your cleverness, you English have 
not yet been able to persuade an Australian colony 
to receive your malefactors. We, too, are clever 
fellows ; but we Californians have found no means 
of emptying San Quentin and the Mexican quarter 
of San Francisco into the suburbs of Pekin. These 
heathens beat us from the field. What is the 
President s remedy for these enormous evils? The 
Chinese come under head-men, who own them 
almost absolutely ; the women come as slaves, for 
shameful practices. If these evils can be legislated 
against, he will try to help us to administer the law ! 
Your President is busy in the South. 
4 The South ! I tell you, Sir, that Negro trouble 
in the South will pale ere long before this Mongol 


trouble in the West. In all our battles for the soil 
this contest is the hardest and most dangerous. In 
New Orleans you see the best and worst of African 
Sam. . He stands in front of you ; so many rank 
and file ; behind him no reserves. But Asiatic John 
is a mystery. You cannot count him, in and out, or 
march about him, back and front. He comes across 
the sea in thousands ; nay, in tens of thousands ; 
yet these thousands and tens of thousands are but 
heralds of the mighty host. Millions may come 
where thousands came, and tens of millions whence 
the tens of thousands came. 

Is it mere frenzy to imagine such a swarm of 
Asiatics arriving at the Golden Gate ? In former 
days America was fed from Asia ? Why not be fed 
again ? The men are on the other side. The sea 
lies open to their ships. The transport pays. 

We are little more than thirty millions of White 
people, adds the Senator ; they are upwards of 
three-hundred-and-sixty millions of Yellow people. 
So, to spare us fifty millions would be nothing to 
them, while the gift would be death to us. 

The Senator is right. A drain of fifty millions 
from the Five Provinces would leave those provinces 


as densely crowded as Ireland was before the famine. 
It would pay the Government of Pekin to hire ships 
and send these fifty millions out. Spread about 
the United States, as labourers for wages always 
spread themselves about, fifty millions of Mongols 
would yield a safe majority in every ballot-box 
from Oregon to the Gulf of Mexico. 

Who says they will never come ? Who knows 
what men will dare when pressed by want? Hunger 
has broken through stone walls and braved tempes 
tuous seas. Failure of a root transferred a third 
part of the Irish people to America ; though an Irish 
kerne is just as fond of his native soil as a Mon 
golian peasant. Who knows the future of the tea- 
plant? We have had a vine disease and a potato - 
blight Suppose the tea-plant were to fail? If 
such a disaster should convert China into another 
Ireland, the people would have to leave it in 
millions. If a seventh part of the Chinese people 
came over to America, they would swamp the 
ballot-boxes, and under a Kepublican Constitution 
they might assume the ruling power. 

28 3 



the menace of such an invasion from China, 
threatening at no distant date to swallow up the 
civilization of Europe in the barbarism of Asia, has 
not the time arrived for White men of all sections in 
America to review the situation ? 

White conquest in America has been so rapid 
and so uniform that men are not unlikely to be 
careless of the future, fancying that their work is 
done, their tenure of the land secured. When Han 
cock and his comrades signed the Declaration of 
Independence, Thirteen Colonies were represented at 
the Congress in Philadelphia ; Thirteen Colonies, 
covering less than five hundred thousand square 
miles of surface, peopled by something under two 
million five hundred thousand souls, of whom nearly 
five hundred thousand were Africans, held in slavery. 
At the end of a century those Thirteen Colonies 


have grown into Thirty Nine States and Eight Ter 
ritories, covering more than three million square 
miles of surface, counting upwards of forty millions 
of free inhabitants, without numbering the Kicka- 
poos, who cannot be caught, and the Comanches and 
Cheyennes, who cannot be taxed. 

A mere fringe of sea-board, the young Eepublic 
lay along the shores and inlets of a narrow moun 
tain slope. From Penobscot river in Maine to 
Attamaha river in Georgia the inhabitable land 
was seldom more than a hundred miles in depth. 
Here and there a fertile valley ran up two or 
three hundred miles, but the foot of the Alleghan- 
nies usually came down within a hundred miles of 
the sea. At one point only had these mountain 
barriers been crossed ; an opening in the Blue Eidge, 
through which a few adventurous planters had passed 
into the plains, now covered by West Virginia and 
Kentucky ; and these stragglers from their kind had 
to live at the mercy of Bed savages, who from time 
to time burned the homesteads, scalped the men, and 
carried the women to their camps. In patriotic 
talk the setting sun was palled the western boundary ; 
but the sun was then supposed to set, not in the 


Pacific Ocean, over towards Japan, but on the peaks 
and summits stretching from the Adirondack to the 
Blue Eidge. Pittsburg, a village only nine years 
old, stood in the desert. A man who ventured 
down the Ohio in a canoe was honoured as an ex 
plorer. On the spots where Wheeling and Cincin 
nati stand to-day, with their schools and churches, 
railways and manufactories, the adventurer saw the 
smoke of Indian fires, and heard the war-whoop 
of Indian camps. Red men hunted buffalo on the 
plains of Indiana, paddled canoes down the Ohio, 
and snared fish in the tributaries of the Big Drink. 

South of the young Eepublic stood a watchful 
and suspicious enemy, who w T as all the more difficult 
to treat since she had formerly been a friend. 
France held the mouth of the Mississippi, and, in her 
ignorance of true political science, she had practi 
cally closed that artery of commerce to Americans. 
In a country without canals, and with hardly any 
roads, free use of the great river was a first condi 
tion of settlement in the Mississippi Valley, and nothing 
like a free use of that river could be obtained from 
the French viceroys reigning at New Orleans. By 
nature and events alike the young Republic seemed 


confined to her original seat, the shores and inlets 
running down from Maine to Georgia. 

When the War of Independence closed, not a 
few good men were saddened by the out-look. The 
nobler passions, called into activity by the war, were 
spent, and nothing but the ordinary waste and wreck 
of civil strife was left. Even Washington s stead 
fast nerves were shaken. As he rode about the 
settlements, thinking of what was yet to come, his 
mind gave way to doubts and fears. The country 
lay waste. Homesteads, abandoned by their 
owners, were choked with mud and over-run by 
vermin. Towns had been destroyed by the con 
tending armies. Bridges were gone, mills burnt, 
reservoirs emptied. The roads and tracks were 
injured. Every man in the States was poorer than 
he had been in the Colonies, and moody with the 
loss of many comforts which use had made a second 
nature. Every hamlet was beset by wounded men, 
often by wretches in rags pretending to be wounded 
men. One soldier in seven was supposed to be a 
cripple, with a claim on his compatriots for bread. 
The people were unsettled and in debt. After a life 
of danger and excitement, no one had a mind to settle 


down. All works of peace had fallen back. All 
noble efforts had relaxed. There is no leveller like 
war; and the levelling done by war is always 
downward, crushing the higher and the lower 
things together ; as in the Holy City, in the hurry 
of defence, the porphyry shaft and ornamented 
frieze were cast in to a common wall, along with 
clay and pebbles, earth and unhewn stones. 

Love of drink, a habit of the young Norse 
gods, had grown under the hardships and privations 
of war. A habit of cursing and swearing, also a 
custom of the young Norse gods, had crept, under 
the same malific influence, into every colony, almost 
into every household. Education, once the first 
thought in every town, had fallen into neglect ; and 
teachers and professors, finding no field for their 
abilities in the Eepublic, sailed to Europe, where their 
talents might hope to meet with some reward. 
Personal vice had grown into a fashion, and the 
fine ladies of Boston and Eichmond thought it an 
accomplishment to prattle in the jargon of Voltaire. 

The spirit of freedom, said Washington, seven 
years after the Declaration of Independence, has 
long since subsided, and every selfish passion has 


taken its place. But, in the same high spirit, Wash 
ington set himself to heal the wounds and repair the 
miseries caused by war. And see with what results ! 
Prance has been bought off ; the outlets of the 
Mississippi are in American hands. Spain has been 
ousted from Florida, and Mexico driven from Cali 
fornia, Arizona, and Texas. Nearly all the tem 
perate, and some of the semi-tropical, zones of 
America have been brought under the rule of 
English idioms and American laws. Thirty States 
and Territories, each about the size of Spain, have 
been added to the Eepublic in a hundred years. In 
these States and Territories there are forty millions 
of free citizens, sixty three thousand churches, with 
twenty- one million sittings ; a hundred and forty- 
one thousand schools, two hundred and seventy 
thousand teachers, and more than seven million boys 
and girls attending school. Spread about these States 
and Territories are fifty-six thousand public libraries, 
containing nearly twenty million volumes ; a hun 
dred thousand private libraries, containing nearly 
twenty-six million volumes. The States and Terri 
tories produce five thousand eight hundred news 
papers, with a yearly issue of fifteen thousand 


million copies. They are covered by four hundred 
millions of farms, and these farms are valued at two 
thousand million pounds sterling. There are seven 
million five hundred thousand separate families, with 
seven million separate houses, so that, with a few 
exceptions, every head of a family in this Eepublic 
has a separate home. 

During the hundred years of her young life the 
United States may claim their share in the inventions 
which have done the most to serve mankind. Set 
ting aside, as open to dispute, their claim to the inven 
tion of steam-ships and electric wires, the list of in 
ventions and improvements on inventions is a long 
and curious document. An American invented the 
cotton-gin. An American invented the rotatory 
printing-press. The apple-parer and the knife-cleaner 
are American. The grass-cutter, the steam-mower, 
and the planing-machine are all American. Is not 
the hot-air-engine American? Is not the whole 
India-rubber business American ? One American 
taught us how to make wool-cards, another to 
make horse-shoes by machinery. The sand-blast is 
American, the grain-elevator is American. Ameri 
cans claim the electro-magnet and the artificial 



manufacture of ice. The land is rich in genius, 
and especially in suggesting and contriving genius. 
America has the biggest cataract and the broadest 
mountain range in the world ; but she has known 
how to throw a bridge over that cataract and to 
carry a railway over that mountain range. 

More obvious, perhaps, though not more striking, 
is the growth of her several capitals. New York, 
Chicago, Cincinnati, and San Francisco have been 
noticed by strangers more than others ; yet it is 
doubtful whether the growth of either New York or 
Chicago has been so striking as that of Philadelphia. 




PHILADELPHIA is the best example of White progress 
in America, because nothing accidental, nothing 
temporary, rules the conditions of her growth. She 
has not been made a Eoyal residence, like Eome ; the 
centre of a new imperial system, like Berlin. No 
great discovery of mineral wealth has drawn to her 
the daring spirits of all nations, like San Francisco. 
She is not the chief entry of immigrants from 
Europe, like New York. She has not sprung into 
fashion like Brighton and Saratoga. She owes no 
part of her fortune to having been made a free port, 
like Livorno, or to her having taken the fancy of a 
Cassar, like Madrid. Her growth is natural. Ac 
cidental growth is seen in many towns. A railway 
bridge secures prosperity to Omaha ; a line of docks 
makes Birkenhead ; a spring of oil gives life to 
Petrolia. But Philadelphia owes her wealth to 


general causes, and her greatness is not jeopardized 
by the failure of a dozen industries. 

Men now living in Walnut Street remember a 
time when Philadelphia was not so large asCroydon. 
She is now bigger than Berlin nearly as big as 
New York. Only fifty years ago she was about the 
size of Edinburgh. Ten years later she was as big 
as Dublin. In another ten years she had outgrown 
Manchester. Fifteen years ago she was ahead of 
Liverpool. At the pressnt moment Philadelphia is 
more than equal to Manchester, Liverpool, and 
Sheffield combined. If the population of Dublin 
and Edinburgh, York, Lancaster, and Chester were 
counted in one list they would hardly make up half 
the number of people who house in Philadelphia at 
this present day. If size is but another name for 
power the City of Brotherly Love is metropolitan. 

Leaving out Chinese cities, Philadelphia claims 
to be the fourth city in the world, admitting no 
superiors save London, Paris, and New York. She 
over-caps all other rivals. She is bigger than 
Moscow and St. Petersburg, the two capitals of 
Russia, put together. The three capitals of the Austro- 
Magyar Monarchy, Vienna, Pesth, and Prague, fall 


far below her numbers. She has left behind her 
the four capitals of United Italy Rome, Florence, 
Naples, and Turin. She claims to have at the 
present hour a population somewhat exceeding eleven 
hundred thousand souls. 

The growth of modern Borne, the splendour uf 
Berlin, are not so singular as the growth and 
splendour of Philadelphia. No city in our time has 
thriven so much as Borne has done since she became 
the capital of Italy ; yet in point of population Borne 
is but a sixth-rate town. In three years London 
adds to her numbers more people than cluster on 
the Seven Hills. In four years Philadelphia does 
the same. No one supposes that Borne will grow 
for ever as she is growing now. A Government, a 
Court, an army, and a Parliament, cannot enter her 
gates every year. Berlin has grown with an amazing 
swiftness, and the capital of Imperial Germany may 
feel the impulse of events longer than Borne ; for 
Germany is a bigger country than Italy, her state 
system is less parochial, and more of her chief 
citizens, both civil and military, find their interest 
in living near the Emperor s court. Yet in Berlin, as 
in Washington, Madrid, and other artificial capitals, 


the limit of this accidental growth must soon be 
reached. Berlin is not, like London and like 
Philadelphia, a great commercial centre, with a- 
port sufficiently near the sea for purpose of trade. 
Berlin is land-locked, like Madrid. Few things are 
more certain than that the future capitals of the 
world will stand on both elements, accessible, as 
Constantine said of Byzantium, by sea and land. 
We hear so rarely of this silently-growing city 
on the Delaware that four persons in every five 
will be amazed to hear that, like New York, 
Philadelphia has left such ancient and historic 
capitals as Vienna and Constantinople far behind. 

And yet her growth seems no less sound in bole 
than high in branch and rich in foliage. On com 
ing back into the city after some years absence you 
are caught by a surprise at every turn. You may 
not like to say you left the city clay and find it 
marble, yet the saying would not seem a great per 
version of the facts. Eight years ago I left many 
of my friends in brick houses, who are now dwelling 
in marble palaces. The thoroughfares are rising 
into pomp and show. I do not speak just now of 
public buildings of exceptional character and excel- 


lence such edifices as Girard s College, the most 
perfect classical building in America, or of the new 
Girard bridge, over the Schuylkill Eiver the widest, 
perhaps the handsomest, iron roadway in the world 
but of ordinary structures clubs and banks, 
churches and law-courts, masonic halls, hotels, and 
newspaper offices. Two or three of the new banks 
are equal to the best things lately done in Lombard 
Street, while the great Masonic Temple puts the 
residence of our own Grand Lodge to shame. The 
new churches are mostly in good style and rich 
material, nearly all being faced with either rough 
green-stone or polished white marble. The new 
buildings of the University of Pennsylvania partly 
completed are fine in exterior, built of the rough 
green-stone peculiar to the place, faced with red 
sand-stone, as well as rich in apparatus and col 
lections, the department of physics being particularly 

Broad Street is not yet a rival of Pall Mall, but 
Penn Square is both larger and better built than St. 
James s Square. Market Street is not yet equal to 
the Strand, but Chestnut Street is not unworthy to 
rank with Cheapside ; and in a few years the busi- 


ness quarters of Philadelphia will vie in architectural 
effect with that of the best parts of London, even 
Queen Victoria Street and Ludgate Hill. 

But banks are banks, and clubs are clubs. A 
special beauty may be gained in one part of a city 
at the expense of others, as we have seen in Blooms- 
bury and Belgravia, when thousands on thousands 
of the poor were routed out of ricketty old lodgings 
to make room for New Oxford Street and Grosvenor 
Gardens. Such things occur in great cities without 
being signs of growth. The pulling-down of Paris, 
under Louis Napoleon, was no evidence of public 
health, but rather of a hectic glow and morbid 
appetite for change. How are the ordinary houses 
in a city built ? How are the masses lodged ? These 
are the questions which a statesman and a moralist 
ought to ask. It is not enough to ask whether, 
behind these banks and palaces, lie Field Lanes and 
Fox Courts ; it is of more- importance to see how 
the average classes of mankind are housed. 

In no place, either in America or out of it, have 
I seen such solid work such means of purity arid 
comfort in the ordinary private houses, as in 
Philadelphia. There seem to be no sheds, no hovels, 


no impurities. In almost every house I find a bath 
room. Let uo reader think the presence of a bath 
room in a house a little thing. It is a sign. A 
bath means cleanliness, and cleanliness means health. 
In Oriental countries we see the baths of sultans 
and pashas ; basins of marble, in the midst of shady 
trees, with jets of flashing water ; luxuries for the 
rich, not necessaries for the poor. Here we have 
baths for everyone who likes to pay for water ; and 
I read in the Water Company s report that more 
than forty thousand heads of families in Philadelphia 
pay that company a water-rate for household baths. 
That record is a greater honour to the city as 
implying many other things, the thousand virtues 
that depend on personal cleanliness than even the 
beauties of Fairmont Park. 

Yet Fairmont Park, containing three thousand 
five hundred acres, and lying along the Schuylkill 
River and Wissahickon Creek, is a wonder of the 
earth. Think of a park in which Hyde Park, with 
its four hundred acres (the Ring, the Serpentine, 
and the Ladies Mile) would be lost! Central Park, 
New York, is more than double the size of Hyde 
Park, yet Central Park would lie in a. mere corner 


of Fairmont Park. All the seven London Parks 
thrown into one Victoria, Greenwich, Finsbury, 
Battersea, St. James s, Hyde, and Eegent s would 
not make one Fairmont Park. 

Nor is the loveliness of Fairmont Park less 
striking than the size. Neither the Prater in 
Vienna, nor Las Delicias in Seville, nor the Bois 
de Boulogne in Paris, though bright and varied, can 
compare in physical beauty with Fairmont. The 
drive along the Guadalquiver on a summer evening 
is delicious ; and the views of Sevres and St. Cloud 
are always charming ; but the Schuylkill is a more 
picturesque river than either the Guadalquiver near 
Seville or the Seine near Paris. The view from 
George Hill combines the several beauties of the 
view from Eichmond Hill and Greenwich Hill. 
There is a wooded country rolling backwards into 
space. There is the wide and winding river at your 
feet, and, just beyond the river, camps of spires and 
steeples, towers and domes ; and, rising over all, like 
a new Parthenon, the noble pile called Girard s Col 
lege. Seen on a sunny day, in the Indian summer, 
when the forest leaves are burning into gold and 
crimson, and the shining marble flashes through the 


air, this view from George Hill is one of the things 
which, seen, become a part of sight. 

Yet, in this proud story of American growth, 
there is some drawback. May one hint that in the 
halls of victory there is a sad, if not a serious, writing 
on the wall ? 




APART from that Conflict of Race which is her 
permanent tragedy, America has many campaigns to 
carry on ; campaigns in the civil order, and on both 
her moral and material sides. She has to recover 
her fair proportion of the female sex. She has to 
restore a true balance of the sexes on her soil. She 
has to cure her people of that love of strong drinks 
which they get from their English ancestors, but 
which is quickened by a climate rich in extremes 
of heat and cold. She has to meet a vast amount of 
that illiteracy which is not only the bane of nations 
but, as Shakespeare says, ; the curse of God. 

Among the evils which impede White growth in 
America, that poverty in the female sex, which is 
caused by separate male adventure in the outset, is 
the first and worse. No riches in the soil, no beauty 
in the landscape, no salubrity in the climate, can 


make up to a colony for the paucity of women. 
Women are the other halves of men. 

The absence of White women at San Diego and 
San Carlos, was the chief, if not the only, reason 
for the waste and failure of the first White Con 
quest on the Slope! If Don Eivera had allowed 
each of his troopers to bring an Andalusian wife to 
Monterey, the first people in California would have 
been Spanish, Catholic and civilized, instead of being 
mongrel, pagan, and semi-savage. If the Yankee 
Boys and Sydney Ducks had brought American and 
English wives to San Francisco, there would have 
been less drinking, shooting, suicide, and divorce, in 
that delightful city of the Golden Gate. If the 
trapper and the miner in the Rocky Mountains, 
could obtain their natural mates, there would be 
no Jem Bakers, living in cabins with five or six 
squaws a piece, provoking Shoshones to attack White 
ranches and Cheyennes to steal White women from 
the emigrant trains. If America stood in her natural 
order as regards the sexes, there would be an end 
of buying and selling Indian girls, and the irruption 
of an Asiatic horde of female slaves would be less ap 
palling to the moral sense. 


Domestic trouble in America would cease for 
want of aliment. Most of this trouble may be traced 
directly to the disproportion of the sexes. If the 
males and females were so fairly mixed, that every 
man who felt inclined to marry could find a wife, he 
would be likely to leave his neighbour s wife alone. 
If every woman had the chance given to her by nature 
of securing one man s preference, and no more, she 
would be less dreamy and ideal, less exercised about 
her rights and wrongs, less moved about her place 
in creation. A woman with one mate, and no visible 
temptation to change her partner for another, and 
still another, would pay scant heed to those quacks of 
either sex, who come to her with their jargon about 
affinities and passionals. She would want no higher 
laws, and seek no greater freedom than her English 
mothers have enjoyed in wedded love. 

But how is moral order to be kept in regions 
where there are two males to each female, as in 
Oregon, three males to each female as in Nevada 
and Arizona, four males to every female as in Idabo, 
Wyoming, and Montana? 

No other civilised and independent common 
wealth shows the same phenomena as America. 


Iii 1871, the United Kingdom had, in round 
numbers, a population of thirty-one million six hun 
dred and seventeen thousand souls. Of this total, 
fifteen million three hundred and sixty thousand 
were masculine souls ; sixteen million two hundred 
and fifty-seven thousand feminine souls : excess of 
females over males in the United Kingdom, eight 
hundred and ninety-seven thousand souls. 

In 1870, the United States had also, in round 
numbers, a White population of thirty-three million 
five hundred and eighty-nine thousand souls. Of this 
total, seventeen million and twenty-nine thousand 
were masculine souls ; sixteen million five hundred 
and sixty thousand feminine souls : excess of males 
over females in the United States and Territories, 
four hundred and sixty-nine thousand souls. 

The mischief springs from the immigration of single 
men, or married men who leave their wives behind 
in Europe. Taking the country all in all, nothing 
in the air of America seems to foster male growth 
at the expense of female growth. Among the Eed 
men there is about the same excess of females as 
prevails in Europe. Black men show a larger propor 
tion of females ; and among their bastard brethren, the 


Mulattoes, this proportion rises to the figure of ten 
females to seven males. Mixture of blood seems 
unfavourable to the natural rule of female births. 
The White people in America follow the same laws 
of growth as White people in Europe. 

Take the case of Prussia, as a country in which 
the White race has always grown, and is still grow 
ing, in the natural order. Prussia is a staid and 
prosperous country, where the peasant is well-taught, 
well-governed and well-drilled. The movement in her 
population has been very slight. Where Prussia has 
sent out one emigrant, the United Kingdom has sent 
out more than fifty emigrants. During the forty 
years in which the tides of population were rolling at 
the flood from Europe to America, Prussia only lost 
a hundred thousand souls. Her people, therefore, 
may be taken as a sample of the White race in 
Europe, in their normal state. 

In 1871, Prussia had a population of twenty- 
four million six hundred and ninety-three thousand 
souls. Of this total, twelve million one hundred and 
seventy-four thousand were masculine souls ; twelve 
million five hundred and eighteen feminine souls : 


excess of females over males in Prussia, three 
hundred and forty three thousand. 

These figures give an average for Prussia of 
thirteen more females than males in every thousand 
souls : an average which is exactly that of Maryland, 
and very nearly that of New York and Connecticut. 

England and Germany owe to America more 
than eight hundred thousand females ; a debt in face 
of which all other claims for compensation are the 
merest bagatelles. 

Who can say how much America suffers from this 
loss ? It used to be said, that every man landing in 
New York was worth a thousand dollars to the 
republic. Women are worth as much as men ; in 
some parts of America more than men. Suppose 
each female landing in New York is worth a 
thousand dollars. What is the value, even on the 
lowest ground of money, of those eight hundred 
thousand women who are owing by England and 
Germany to the United States? Eight hundred 
million of dollars : two hundred million pounds 
sterling ! 

But America is suffering, morally and socially, 
not only from her absolute and general paucity in 

VOL. n. x 


female life, but from her partial and unhappy distri 
bution of what she has. In England, France and 
Germany the sexes find a natural level. One county 
or one province is no richer than another. Essex 
has about the same average as Cheshire ; Normandie 
the same average as Provence ; Brandenburg the 
same average as the Ehine. In every region there 
is a slight excess of female life. JSTot so in the 
United States. While the republic as a whole is 
poor, nearly half the States are rich, some of them 
over-rich. In seventeen states, and in the district of 
Columbia, there are more women than men. In 
some of these states the difference is slight. For 
instance, in the great State of Pennsylvania, count 
ing more than three million five hundred thou 
sand souls, there is a difference in the sexes of only 
one in the thousand souls. Maine and Mississippi 
show the same result. In Louisiana there is a differ 
ence of three ; in New Jersey of seven ; in Tennessee 
of nine, in each thousand souls. But in several of the 
older states, the excess of female numbers runs very 
high ; in some beyond that of Great Britain and 
Ireland. In every thousand souls of the United 
Kingdom, there are four hundred and eighty-six 


males to five hundred and fourteen females ; a differ 
ence in the thousand of twenty- eight, where Prussia 
shows a difference of thirteen. In every thousand 
souls of Massachusetts there are four hundred and 
eighty-three males to five hundred and seventeen 
females ; a difference in the thousand of thirty- four, 
where Great Britain and Ireland show a difference of 
only twenty-eight. North Carolina has a greater ex 
cess of females than any country in Europe except 
Sweden, and the old Puritan State of Ehode Island 
overtops her Puritan neighbour Massachusetts. 

The most crowded female region in the civilised 
world is the district of Columbia, in the centre of 
which Washington stands. In this purgatory of 
women, there are, in every thousand souls, five hun 
dred and twenty-eight females to four hundred and 
seventy-two males. No one appears to understand 
the causes of this singular phenomenon. We know 
the reason why Great Britain shows a larger excess 
of females than Prussia. During the present genera 
tion Great Britain has sent out half a million more 
emigrants than Prussia, and a vast majority of these 
emigrants have been males. A similar explanation 
covers the cases of Massachusetts and Ehode Island ; 



but the district of Columbia is not an ancient colony, 
from which the sons go out into the western plains, 
leaving their sisters in the old homesteads. Colum 
bia means Washington, a city of art ; of fashion and of 
pleasure ; a city in which it is easy to drink and 
dice, to dance and flirt. - Women are drawn to 
Washington, because Washington is the capital ; the 
seat of government ; a place in which there are 
many single men ; and in which more money is spent 
than earned. 

In all the other states and territories, there is 
excess of male life. lu some, as Vermont, Delaware, 
and Kentucky, the excess is slight not more than 
seven in each thousand souls. In others, such as 
Utah, Indiana, Arkansas, and New Mexico, the 
surplus male life is not excessive. In California, 
Kansas, and Minnesota, the excess is striking ; and 
in Arizona, Wyoming, Idaho, and Montana, it is 
enormous three to one, and even four to one. 
Does any one need evidence as to the moral and 
social aspects of a region in which there is only one 
White woman to four White men ? 

Physical loss appears to follow closely in the wake 
of this moral loss. For many years, nobody paid 


attention to such facts ; but since the publication of 
New America, an enquirer here and there has 
looked at such returns as he could get always to 
be disheartened, often to be appalled. 

Catharine E. Beecher, an advocate for woman s 
freedom, has made enquiries into the physical health 
of American females, and the result is, that among 
her immense circle of friends and acquaintance 
all over the Union, she is unable to recall so 
many as ten married ladies, in this century and 
country, who are perfectly sound, healthy, and 
vigorous. Passing beyond her own large circle, 
Catharine Beecher goes into twenty-six towns, and 
takes ten average cases in each town. Of two 
hundred and sixty ladies, only thirty-eight are 
found in a fair state of health. Sixty other towns 
are tested, with a similar result. If these returns 
are good for anything (and they are quoted with 
approval by government officials) they prove that 
only one American woman in ten is physically fit 
for the sacred duties of wife and mother ! 

Three years ago, the Bureau of Education printed 
a paper on the Vital Statistics of America, which 
passed like an ice-bolt through the hearts of 


patriotic Americans. This paper showed that the 
birth-rate is declining in America from year to 
year ; not in one State only, but in every State. 
The decline is constant and universal ; the same 
in Arkansas and Alabama as in Massachusetts and 
Connecticut, in Michigan and Indiana as in Pennsyl 
vania and New York. The rate was higher in 1800 
than in 1820 ; higher in 1820 than in 1840 ; higher 
in 1840 than in 1860. The birth-rate is admitted 
to be larger among the immigrants than among the 
natives ; yet the average, thus increased by strangers, 
is lower than that of any country in Europe, not 
excepting the birth-rate of France in the worst days 
of Louis Napoleon. 

Some of the ablest statists and physicians of 
Boston have come to the conclusion that the White 
race cannot live on the American soil ! Nothing 
has been done by law to mitigate this curse of an 
unequal distribution of the sexes. What has been 
done is the result of accident as statesmen think 
of accidents. In 1860 America counted no less 
than seven hundred and fifty thousand more males 
than females on her soil. Ten years later this 
enormous balance was reduced by three hundred 


thousand. Inequality began with immigration, and 
will cease when immigration stops. America can 
readily account for the disturbance in her social 
system ; the whole excess of male life in America 
being due to the fact that, in the ten years from 
1860-70, four hundred and fifty thousand more 
males than females entered the ports of Boston and 
New York. 

Her surplus male population is four hundred and 
sixty-nine thousand. If during the ten years, from 
1860 to 1870, no immigrants had come in or if 
the male and female arrivals had been equal in 
numbers -she would have shown a total of only 
nineteen thousand males over females. Thus her 
balance of the sexes would have been partially re 
stored. With the stoppage of immigration the curse 
will die down. But is not such a cure as bad as 
the disease ? 




GREAT is the evil, wild are the efforts made by 
Americans to cure the evil of intemperance. 

Springing from English and German fathers, 
the Americans come of a race among whom free 
tippling was a pious rite and social courtesy, as well 
as the gratification of a physical appetite. Our 
gods were hard drinkers as well as strong fighters ; 
and the lovely shield-maidens and wish- maidens 
who enchanted our fallen heroes, had the duty of 
pouring out horns of mead and ale. We denizens 
of earth were quick to follow the example of our gods 
and heroes in their House of Joy. Teutonic love 
f ale and mead survived the fall of Odin and his 
wish-maidens ; taking shape under the new faith as 
church-ales and grace-cups. We have our God-speeds 
and stirrup-cups ; our Lent ales, Lammas ales, and 
Christmas ales. We drink at christenings, at wed- 


dings, and at funerals. Our marriage feasts are 
bride-ales. We pledge the new-born babe in strong 
liquors, and renew our memory of the dead in wine. 
We Teutons are the poets of good cheer. A Saxon 
princess left us the phrase, Liever Kyning wass 
heal Dear King, your health the origin of our 
present Wassail. An English damsel gave us the 
Toast. To us belong the loving cup and the parting 
glass. Ours among nations are those fines and foot 
ings which are levied on the tradesman and artisan, 
to be spent by good fellows in drink. In truth, we 
have a craving for strong waters which no religious 
precepts, no municipal regulations have ever yet 
been able to subdue. 

Americans have our virtues and our appetites. 
They drink a great deal more than Gauls, Italians, 
and Iberians drink ; on the other side, they work 
harder and fight fiercer than Gauls, Italians, and 
Iberians work and fight. Alike in what they do, 
and what they fail to do, the emphasis of a strong 
original character comes out in them. 

Alike in England and America, we have tried a 
hundred methods of repression. We have tried 
fines in money ; we have tried exposure in the 


stocks ; we have tried imprisonment in jails. Our 
American cousins have gone farther in the way of 
repression than ourselves. In some States they have 
forbidden the sale of intoxicating drinks ; in others 
they have placed the traffic under regulations which 
are almost as stringent as prohibition. In several 
States they have made the drink-seller responsible 
for the injuries done by drunken men and women, 
and in many more they have allowed the plea of 
habitual drunkenness as ground for a divorce. 

In America, as in England, the results are so far 
doubtful that the efficacy of such measures can be 
plausibly denied. Taken as a whole, America con 
sumes more whisky than ever. In the most sober of 
her States the convictions for drunkenness are increas 
ing. Maine, in spite of her rigid system, has more 
offenders and more fines this year than she has had 
for any other year since prohibition was adopted as 
her rule. Massachusetts, after trying the policy of 
prohibition for more than twenty years, has recently 
repealed the law, and come back to the system of re 
cognising the sale of drink, and regulating that sale 
by licences. In Ohio, they have tried State laws, police 
inspection, and private enthusiasm. Judges and police 


have failed ; preachers and missionaries have also 
failed. They have tried crusaders of both sexes, 
not only preaching men but singing women. In 
all these efforts they have failed, yet not so 
signally as to discourage new attempts. The singing 
movement, though abated by the magistrates as a 
public nuisance, is regarded by pious people as 
having left behind it in Ohio some exceedingly 
precious fruits. 

Few subjects are more tempting to an artist than 
the comic side presented by Mother Carey and her 
female troop of singers ; but I feel too much respect 
for women, even when I cannot go all lengths with 
them, to treat these ladies otherwise than with the 
reverence due to spotless motives and noble aims. 
These singing women were good and decent females, 
members of various churches, and especially of the 
Wesleyan Churches. Watching the temperance 
societies, and noting what they thought the causes 
of their failure, these ladies came to the conclusion 
that as moral agents, men are played out, and that 
women must set their shoulders to the wheel. With 
feminine ways of thought, they put the matter in 
this light before themselves. The thirst for strong 


drink is not only a natural passion, but a universal 
and abiding passion ; while the efforts made by 
men to put it down are fitful and empirical 
paper pledges, social orders, public meetings, and 
prohibitive laws. No man has dreamt of an appeal 
to God. These women saw that a field lay open to 
their enterprise. It was the field of prayer, and 
they resolved to try the power of prayer. 

They entered on a crusade of prayer against 
intoxicating drinks, and took on themselves the 
duty of crusaderesses. They prayed at church. 
They prayed in their own rooms. They called 
meetings for prayer. When they were ripe for bolder 
things, they stept into the streets, and stood in front 
of drinking-bars, praying for the whisky-drinkers, 
praying for the whisky-vendors, wrestling with the 
potent and evil spirit. Their work began in Fourth 
Street. First meeting in church, and asking the Divine 
blessing on their trial, the ladies fell into ranks, 
two and two, and then passed into the street 
singing their hymns. Near the Exchange stands a 
famous drinking-bar, to which merchants repair for 
a free lunch, and wash that free lunch down with 
copious draughts of whisky and water. Here the 


ladies halted, formed a half-circle round the door, 
closed up the side- walk, began to sing the Eock of 
Ages, after which they knelt down on the stones 
to pray. 

Men came out of the bar to look at these visitors. 
Still more stopped in the street, arrested by the 
sacred sounds. A crowd soon blocked the street. 
Cars could not pass, and waggons had to turn 
another way. Some persons joked and mocked, 
others threw copper cents into the circle. Many 
looked at them with pity, not unmixed with wonder, 
for the masculine brain is slow to see a chance of 
moral progress in proceedings which resemble a 
row, and may easily end in a riot. Yet the women 
held the side-walk, finished their prayer, got up and 
sang more hymns. Americans are fond of hymns, 
and there are few Americans who will not doff their 
caps and join in singing such pieces as the Eock of 
Ages and There is a Fountain. After holding the 
whisky-bar in siege for about an hour, the ladies 
formed ranks, and marched back to their church, 
followed by a crowd of men and boys some of 
whom, it is supposed, had hardly ever been inside 
a church before. A short service ended the day. 


For several weeks these scenes went on. Some 
bar-keepers opened their doors and bade the ladies 
come in. They entered, filling the bar, and 
hustling the men away. Other dealers gave in and 
closed their bars. A few of the whisky-vendors, 
chiefly Jews, insulted the ladies, giving free drinks to 
any rough who would join in chanting jovial and in 
decent choruses ; yet the ladies persevered until a 
thousand bars had been closed by their appeals and 
interruptions. But the movement could not be 
allowed to spread. The ladies blocked the streets^ 
traffic got deranged, and when the novelty was 
over, the great merchants arid bankers of Cincinnati 
forced the civic authorities to interfere. Reform was 
sacrificed to trade. 

Our public officers, says to me a Good Templar, 
are all elected by the liquor interest, and the Police 
Commissioners dare not raise a hand against the 
keepers of saloons and bars. 

The trade in strong drink is so profitable in 
Ohio that bar-keepers can afford to stand many 
drinks and pay many fines ; yet a judge who knows 
his work can always carry his point against dis 
honest citizens. A Hebrew dealer was brought 


before a magistrate on a charge of selling whisky 
without a permit. You are fined ten dollars, said 
the judge. Ten dollars ! sneered the Jew. I pay 
him shell agen. Next time the offender was fined 
twenty dollars. Twenty dollars ! he snapt ; pay 
him, and shell agen. Brought up a third time and 
fined a hundred dollars, he looked blank and beaten. 
Eh ! a hundred dollars ? a hundred ! Deri I schtop. 
But magistrates are lenient perhaps too le 
nient with offenders. By the Adair Law any bar 
keeper in Ohio who supplies a man with drink is 
answerable for that man s misdeeds ; answerable 
whether he supplies the whole or only part of what 
his customer may have drunk. Thus a man may 
come into a bar and drink a cocktail. He may go to 
a second house and have a mint-julep. Later on, he 
may take an eye-opener, and after that a whisky- 
smash. By this time he may be tipsy, quarrelsome 
and disorderly, and the landlords who have each 
supplied him with sixpenny worth of liquor, are 
each and all responsible for his misdeeds. Such a 
law needs to be wisely read and cautiously applied. 
The crusaders and crusaderesses say it is not applied 
at all. 


Guess now, you ll say it s good fun and 
turns a few cents pretty well, to invest in liquor, 
my Good Templar observes. At a cost of twenty- 
five cents a fellow gets drunk. He may then disturb 
the street and break a man s head. Taken before 
the judge he gets a night s lodging and a square 
meal all for the original twenty-five cents. 

And how would you prevent such incidents ? 

c Well, I guess the sale of liquor should be made 

Surely it is nowhere in America penal to sell 
such wines and spirits as are freely sold in every 
town of Europe? 


No, not quite, yet very near. Have you ever 
been to St. Johnsbury, in Vermont ? No ! Then 
you should see St. Johnsbury, in Vermont ; a sober 
place, where nobody can get a drop of drink ! 

What is St. Johnsbury? 

Sir, St. Johnsbury is a Working-man s Paradise. 



VERMONT, in which St. Johnsbury nestles, is a New 
England State, which in its origin and population 
had very little to do with Old England. The names 
are French. Vermont is derived from the Green 
Mountain of our idiom ; St. Johnsbury from Mon 
sieur St. Jean de Crevecoeur, once a fussy little 
French consul in New York. 

Eye of man has seldom rested on natural loveli 
ness more perfect than the scenery amidst which St. 
Johnsbury stands. On passing White Eiver Junc 
tion, a spot which recalls a favourite nook in the 
Neckar valley, we push into a gorge of singular 
beauty ; a reach of the Connecticut Eiver, lying 
under high and wooded hills, of various form and 
more than metallic brightness. Oak and chestnut, 
pine and maple, clothe the slopes. White houses 
lie about you ; some in secret places, utterly alone 



with Nature ; others again, in groups and villages, 
with gardens, fruit trees, and patches of maize, 
among which the great red gourds lie ripening in the 
sun. At times the hills roll back, giving up margin 
and meadow to the grazier. Here you have herds 
of cattle, there droves of horses, feeding on the hill 
sides, or sauntering to the stream. Yet the main 
charm of this valley is the water first of the Con 
necticut Eiver, then of the Passumpsic Eiver ; each 
of these water-courses having the beauty common 
to flowing rivers and mountain streams. A pause. 
We mount a slope, and we are in the leaf-strewn 
avenue known as St. Johnsbury ; the proper crown 
and citadel of that river-bed. 

A ridge of hills divides Passumspic Eiver from 
Sleeper s Creek. Uplands start from the farther 
bank of these two streams, and shut us in with green 
and purple heights, on which the sunrise and the 
sunset play with wondrous harmonies of light and 

When George the Third was king, the countries 
lying about Sleeper s Creek and Passumpsic Eiver, 
were the unhappy hunting-grounds of Indian braves ; 
unhappy, since they lay between the lodges of two 


warlike tribes, neither of whom was strong enough 
to drive the other from these woods and streams. 
Each fall the battle was renewed. Many a scalp 
was taken on the site now occupied by an 
Academy, many a war-dance held on the sward now 
covered by an Athenaeum. A poor attempt was 
made to plant the place, and several thrifty Scots 
built cabins near the ridge ; but Indian hatchets 
made it difficult for even these tenacious strangers 
to maintain a foothold in the land. 

Vermont was still a wild country when the 
Thirteen Colonies declared themselves independent. 
She was admitted to the Union under French im 
pulses and French sentiments. Monsieur St. Jean 
was good enough to offer his name to the Scotch 
settlers on Sleeper s Creek. Now St. Jean is in 
France a common, not to say a rustic name, like 
Hodge in England, and the colonists, though 
anxious to pay a compliment to Monsieur St. Jean, 
proposed to alter his name so far as to call their 
place St. Johns ; a form which looks poetic in 
English eyes, and drops sonorously from English 
lips. Monsieur was hurt. He loved America 
so well that he named his daughter Amerique. 

T 2 


Why should not America call one of her towns after 
him ? The matter was not easy to arrange. Mon 
sieur St. Jean sailed for France, where he asserted 
he could do the settlers service. So they called 
their place St. Jean. But when the fussy little con 
sul got to Paris, he found people too busy with their 
revolution to pay much attention to the graziers 
and bushmen on Sleeper s Creek. Thinking the 
consul false, the Scots changed their name to St. 
Johns. But then, there are several St. Johns in the 
neighbourhood ; notably one on the Eichlieu Eiver ; 
so by way of difference, they took the name of St. 
Johnsbury, a form in which the Gallic origin is 
completely lost 

In spite of much natural beauty, and a vast 
supply of water power, the place made little 
progress, Eoads were bad and markets distant. 
Here and there some farmer built a hut, some grazier 
fenced a field. A fall of water tempted families 
into the lumber trade. A hostelry crowned the 
ridge, St. Johnsbury House, kept by a hard drinking 
and harder fighting Captain Barney, who made the 
rafters crack with his jokes, and the hill-side noisy 
with his quarrels. St. Johnsbury, peopled by 


whisky-loving Scots, was anything but a sober place 
under Captain Barney s rule. Yet life was dull and 
progress slow, till Thadeus Fairbanks, improver of 
the platform scale, gave the impetus which has 
made St. Johnsburg one of the most curious spots 
in the United States. 

St. Johnsbury is a garden, yet the physical beauty 
of the place is less engaging than the moral order. 
No loafer hangs about the kerbstones. Not a 
beggar can be seen. No drunkard reels along the 
street. You find no dirty nooks, and smell no 
hidden filth. There seem to be no poor. In two 
days wandering up and down I have not seen 
one child in rags, one woman looking like a slut. 
The men are at work, the boys and girls at school. 
Each cottage stands apart, with grass and space ; each 
painted either white or brown. White, the costlier 
and more cheery colour, is the test of order and 
prosperity. Few of the cottages are brown. I see 
no broken panes of glass, no shingles hanging from 
the roof. No yard is left in an untidy state. 

The men who live in these cottages send their 
children to the grammar-school in Main Street, a 
public school, in which they are educated free of 


cost. The school is an attractive place, the teaching 
good, the playground large. If a man wants an 
elementary training for his boys and girls this 
public school will give it, and will send them at 
an early age into the world equipped for any walk 
in life, except that of the professional man. 

St. Johnsbury is a working village ; the people 
in it are mainly working men. It is a village such 
as we are striving after in our Shaftesbury Parks 
and other experiments in providing wholesome 
lodgings for our labouring classes, in the hope that 
they may be persuaded, first to save their money 
and then to put it into real estate by purchasing 
the houses in which they live. Here the problem 
has been solved ; a working-class proprietary se 
cured. In many cases I have reason to infer in 
most the craftsmen own the cottages in which they 
live. Inside, each cottage is a model of its kind, 
with all appliances for cleanliness and comfort ; in 
short, a neat and well-arranged domestic shrine. 

What are the secrets of this Workman s Paradise ? 
Why is the place so clean, the people so well housed 
and fed ? Why are the little folks so hale in face, 
so neat in dress ? All voices answer me that these 
unusual, though most desirable, conditions in a village, 


spring from a strict enforcement of the law pro 
hibiting the sale of drink. 

The men of Vermont have adopted that Act 
which is known to English jesters as the Maine Liquor 
Law. The adversaries of jolly good ale command 
a large majority of votes. They wish to drink water, 
and will not let other men drink beer. They come of a 
stout old border stock, with great capacities for self- 
denial, and a rage for saving their weaker brethren 
from the whisky-jug. Being virtuous, they abolish 
cakes and ale, and will not suffer ginger to be hot in 
the mouth. We live, they say, in a common 
wealth where every man is free ; but we have only 
one law for all, and what we like to do you shall be 
bound to do ! Hurrah for a majority of votes ! 

The Maine Liquor Law is carried out with 
all the rigour of an Arctic frost. Not a public- 
house now exists in St. Johnsbury, nor can a mug 
of beer or glass of wine be purchased openly by 
a guest to whom wine and beer are portions of 
his daily food. No citizen is allowed to vend in 
toxicating drink on any pretext or to any person. 
In the village we have two guest-houses for the 
entertainment of such as come and go our way St. 
Johnsbury House and Avenue House. We avoid 


the words tavern and hotel, as savouring of bad 
old times, when every man might drink himself 
into a mad-house and his children into a jail. Our 
tavern is a house. I use the form guest-house from 
the close resemblance of my lodgings, in the way of 
meat and drink, to a guest-house on the Dwina and 
the Nile. It is a water-drinking house. Among 
the merits of the place, put out on cards to catch the 
eyes of tourists in the Vermont uplands, these two 
virtues are set forth : first there is dry air to breathe, 
and next there is good water to drink. Elsewhere 
one hostelry is famous for trout, a second for terra 
pin, a third for madeira, a fourth for champagne. 
Down South no hostelry has ever yet thought of 
advertising the quality of its pump. But in St. 
Johnsbury the well-spirits reign. An American 
poet of another mind has sung : 

If ere I kneel me down to pray 

My face shall turn towards St. Peray. 

But such a poet would persuade no man to follow 
his lead on Sleepers Creek. Though lodging in the 
rooms which echoed to the mirth of Captain Barney, 
we are now the votaries of a severer saint than St. 




No bar, no dram-shop, no saloon defiles St. 
Johnsbury ; nor is there, I am told, a single gaming- 
hell or house of ill-repute. So far as meets the eye 
this boast is true. Once, in my walks, I fancy 
there may be an opening in the armour of these 
Good Templars. Turning from the foreign street, 
where Jacques is somewhat careless of his fence, and 
Pat is tolerant of the cess-pool at his door, I read 
a notice calling on the passer-by to enter the 
sporting and smoking bazaar. Here, surely, there 
must lurk some spice of dissipation. Passing down 
the steps into this c sporting and smoking bazaar, I 
see a large vault, running below Avenue House, and 
conjure up visions of Gothe s wine cellar in Leip 
zig, the Heiliger Geist in Mainz, and our own supper- 
rooms in Covent Garden ; but on dropping down the 
steps of this smoking and sporting bazaar, I find 


myself in a big empty room ; the floor clean, the 
walls bright, and a small kiosk in one corner for the 
sale of cigars and cigarettes, at which a nice-looking 
matron waits for customers, who are slow to come. 

They suffer you to sell tobacco, madam ? 

Yes, Sir, for the present, sighs the patient 
creature ; some of them want to put down the sale 
of tobacco and snuff, as they have put down that of 
beer and gin ; a lecturer was here last week ; and 
in a year or so they may get a majority of votes. 

* Your trade will then be gone ? 

Yes, clearly. 

You may be the last of all your race ? 

Well, some one must be last in everything, I 

I leave her with the full conviction that there 
lurks no large amount of wickedness in this sporting 
and smoking bazaar. 

The case seems hard to men who have not 
helped to pass the Bill. So much depends on your 
consent ! A necklace is a pretty thing to wear ; 
but not a necklace such as Gurth, the Saxon, wore 
fixed round his throat by force. 

For my part, I have passed through many coun- 


tries and been broken to the ways of many men. I 
have eaten ice with a Druse of Lebanon, and sucked 
a water-melon with a Kirghiz chief; drunk quass 
with the Archimandrite of Pechersk, and gulped the 
dregs of a tank with an Arab Sheikh ; tasted, un 
wittingly, the saltness of the Dead Sea, and shrunk 
with loathing from the nauseous ooze of Bitter 
Creek. I have lapped the Nile, and lingered by the 
fountains of Loja. In the absence of wine I can 
drink water with a Good Templar, and live in com 
fort on tea and milk. But an Oxonian near me, 
reared on foot-ball ground and cricket-field, asks for 

Can you get me a pint of bitter ale ? 

It is a crucial test, and I regard the waiter s face 
while seeming not to notice him. 

Well, Sir, it may be got. 

Then bring me some at once. 

Yes, Sir, but not at once. The thing will take 
some time. I have to send for it. 

To send for it where from ? 

From the Commissioner s. 

4 Pray, who is this Commissioner ? 

Who is this Commissioner ! 


Yes, yes, excuse me for the question ; I am but 
a stranger in these parts/ 

Why, Sir, the Commissioner is the town officer 
appointed by law to sell poisons, as I hear druggists 
are licensed in London to sell aconite and arsenic. 

Then get me a pint bottle of the poison called 
Bass s Pale Ale. 5 

The waiter disappears ; a moment afterwards 
he returns with pen and paper in his hand. 

You must be kind enough to write an order 
for the ale, and sign your name to it for record. 

Sign my name for what ? 

6 For record ; the Commissioner is bound to 
enter the name and address of every person to whom 
he sells a bottle of beer. 

4 Then I shall have a place in the archives of St. 
Johnsbury for my sins ? 

4 The ale will certainly be posted against you, 
he rejoins ; saying which he pops out of doors. 
Dinner is nearly done when he comes back, laden 
with a couple of pint bottles. 

You ve been long in coming, but your Commis 
sioner seems to be a liberal fellow. We require a 
pint ; he sends a quart. 


The fact is, Sir, the waiter answers with a leer, 
4 it s ray doing. There are two of you ; a pint is little 
enough for one ; and our Commissioner dare not 
serve you a second time to-day. I told him the order 
meant one pint for each. 

My own enquiries satisfy me that the man is 
right. Intoxicating drinks are classed with poisons, 
such as laudanum and arsenic ; but as poisons may 
be needed in a civilized country, under a scientific 
system of medicine, laudanum and arsenic are per 
mitted to be sold in every civilized city. Such is 
here the case with brandy, beer, and wine, which are 
all carefully registered in books and kept under lock 
and key. These poisons are doled out, at the dis 
cretion of this officer, in small quantities, very much 
as deadly-nightshade and mix vomica are doled out 
by a London druggist. 

1 Cannot you get a bottle of cognac for your pri 
vate use? I ask Colonel Fairbanks, manager of the 
scale factories. 

c I can write my order for a pint of cognac ; it 
will be sent to me, of course ; but my order for it 
will be filed, and the delivery entered on the public 
books for everyone to see. 


You find that system rather inquisitorial, eh ? 
Well, no ; it is intended for the common good, 
and everyone submits to what is for the good of 
all. We freely vote the law, and freely keep the 
law. But for myself the rule is a dead letter, as 
no intoxicating drink ever enters my house. 

In going through the scale mills I notice several 
classes of artisans. Five hundred men are toiling 
in the various rooms. The work is mostly hard ; 
in some departments very hard. The heat is often 
great. From seven till twelve, from one till seven, 
the men are at their posts. The range of heat 
and cold is trying ; for the summer suii is fierce, 
the winter frost is keen. Your ordinary citizen 
cannot live through the summer heats without 
a trip to Lake Champlain and the Adirondack 
Mountains. Yet the men engaged in these manu 
factories are said to drink no beer, no whisky, and 
no gin. Drinking and smoking are not allowed on 
the premises. Such orders might be meant for dis 
cipline ; but I am told that these five hundred work 
men never taste a drop of either beer or gin. Their 
drink is water, their delight is tea. Yet everyone 
assures me that they work well, enjoy good health, 


and live as long as persons of their class who are 
engaged on farms. 

4 These men, I ask, who rake the furnaces, 
carry the burning metals, and stand about the 
crucibles can they go on all day without beer? 

They never taste a drop, and never ask to have 
a drop. There is a can of water near them ; they 
like the taste of water better than the fume of ale, 
and do their work more steadily without such fume. 

In fact, I find that these mechanics are the 
warmest advocates of a prohibitive liquor law. 
They voted for it in the outset ; they have voted 
for it ever since. Each year of trial makes them 
more fanatical. Since the Act came into force, many 
new clauses have been added by the State Legislature. 
Party questions turn on this liquor law, and these 
intelligent workmen always vote for those who 
promise to extend its operations. They would 
gladly crush the sale of intoxicating liquors once for 
all, and I am led to fancy with my friend, the Good 
Templar of Cincinnati, that some of them would 
not hesitate to make the sale a capital offence. 

You see, says Colonel Fairbanks, 6 we are a 
nervous and vehement race. Our air is dry and 


quick ; our life an eager and unsleeping chase . 
When we work, we work hard ; when we drink, 
we drink deep. It is natural that when we abstain, 
we should abstain with rigour. 

Are there no protests on the part of moderate 

None, or next to none. As year and year 
go by, more persons come to see the benefits of 
our rule. The men who formerly drank the most, 
are now the staunchest friends of our reform. These 
men, who used to dress in rags, are growing rich. 
Many of them live in their own houses. They all 
attend church, and send their boys and girls to 

Such facts are not to be suppressed by shrugs 
and sneers. It is an easy thing to sneer, arid some 
unconscious comedy turns up at every corner to 
provoke a laugh. 

Oblige me, I entreat the sober successor of 
Captain Barney, when going to bed, with a glass 
of soda-water. 

Sorry, Sir, we have no soda water in the house. 

Then a glass of Selzer- water or Congress- 
water ? 


c Sorry, Sir ; none in the house. 

Why not P Are these intoxicating drinks pro 
hibited by law ? 

Oh, no, they sell them at the druggists shops. 

Then please to get me some from the druggist s 

Excuse me, Sir, it is too late. The druggist s 
shop is closed. 

The fact is so. I ask my host why he does not 
keep such things as soda-water and selzer-water 
for sale. 

We have no customers for them. Guess it s 
people who drink brandy that ask for soda-water! 

Should a tipsy stranger be taken in the street 
(as sometimes happens) he is seized like a stray 
donkey, run into a pound, and kept apart till he has 
slept away his dram. An officer then enquires 
where he got his drink. On telling, he is set free, 
and the person who sold the liquor is arrested, tried, 
and punished for the man s offence. The vendor, 
not the buyer, is responsible for this breach of moral 
order. It is just the same, whether the person 
supplying the liquor sells it or gives it ; so that a man 
who entertains his friends at dinner has to stand 

VOL. n. z 


before the magistrate and answer for the conduct of 
his guests. Imagine how this rule is likely to 
promote good fellowship round the mahogany -tree ! 

Such drawbacks may be taken off the sum of 
public benefits conferred on Vermont by the 
Liquor Law. What remains? The Workman s 
Paradise remains : a village which has all the as 
pect of a garden ; a village in which many of the 
workmen are owners of real estate ; a village of five 
thousand inhabitants, in which the moral order is 
even more conspicuous than the material prosperity ; 
a village in which every man accounts it his highest 
duty and his personal interest to observe the law. 
No authority is visible in St. Johnsbury. No police 
man walks the streets on ordinary days there is 
nothing for a policeman to do. Six constables are 
enrolled for duty, but the men are all at work in the 
factories, and only don their uniforms on special 
days to make a little show. 

Some part of these beneficent results must be 
assigned to the platform scale, a special industry 
which seeks out quick and steady men, and by 
rewarding them teyond the ordinary rate of wages 
helps them to grow rich. A house and garden 


steadies a man as if by magic. But the law of 
abstinence comes in to harden and complete the 

On looking up and down the streets, so lovely in 
the moonlight, weighing the visible results against 
my lack of soda-water, I sip my bit of broken ice, 
and go to bed with a not unkindly feeling towards 
the principle of the Vermont Law. 




IN Europe we hear so much about the public 
schools of America, that people are apt to fall into 
three distinct mistakes about American education. 
In the first place, they are apt to think there is an 
American school system, as there is an English 
school system : in the second place, they are apt 
to assume that American boys and girls are all at 
school, like Swiss boys and girls ; in the third place, 
they are apt to conclude that American boys and 
girls are well taught as German boys and girls are 
well taught. 

All these conclusions are erroneous, There is 
no American school system, as in England. Children 
are nowhere forced to be at school, as in Switzerland. 
Education is not universal and efficient, as in Germany. 

With two exceptions, the republic, as a re 
public, pays no attention to the training of her 


citizens. These two exceptions are the military and 
naval academies ; the first at West Point in New 
York, the second at Annapolis in Maryland. These 
schools are small in size, and only touch the upper 
ranks of the public service. Training for the or 
dinary citizen is left by the republic to her several 
States, by each State to her several counties, and by 
each county, as a rule, to her several townships. 
Where a township has a city within her limits, she 
mostly leaves the training of that city to the citizens. 
So far from there being an American school system 
in America, it is not true to say there is a Pennsyl- 
vanian school system in Pennsylvania, or a New York 
school system in New York. There is an Excelsior 
system, and a Deadly Swamp system. On the Gulf of 
Mexico they have one system, in the Eocky Moun 
tains a second system, in the New England region a 
third system. It is hardly an abuse of words to say 
there are as many school systems as there are town 
ships in the United States. 

In only five States out of thirty-nine is there a 
law in favour of compulsory attendance at school. 
These five States are New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, Michigan, and New York ; but even in 


these States the law is nowhere carried out with 
rigour, and the story of illiteracy in these five States 
is very dark. 

In New Hampshire seven thousand persons are 
unable to read, nearly ten thousand persons are 
unable to write. In Connecticut twenty thousand 
persons cannot read, thirty thousand persons cannot 
write. In Michigan thirty-four thousand persons 
canaot read, fifty-three thousand persons cannot 
write. In New York State there are a hundred and 
sixty-three thousand persons who cannot read, nearly 
two hundred and forty thousand persons who cannot 
write ! 

These ignorant folks are not all strangers ; Irish 
labourers, German boors, and African rifT-raff 
Many of them are natives of the soil, born under 
the Eepublic, in a land of public schools. In New 
York, with her compulsory law of school attendance, 
more than seventy thousand of the natives cannot 
sign their names. In Massachusetts and Connecticut 
the tables of illiteracy are not so swollen as in New 
York : yet in Connecticut more than five thousand, 
in Massachusetts nearly eight thousand of the natives 
cannot write. In Michigan, a newly-settled State, 


the two classes, natives and foreigners, are nearly 
equal in ignorance, there being twenty-two thousand 
natives to thirty thousand foreigners who cannot sign 
their names. One of the New Haven inspectors says 
that forty-one children in a hundred fail to attend 
school ; so that nearly half the people in that noble 
city one of the leading lights of civilization are 
growing up in the moral darkness of Nigerines and 
Kickapoos. Texas has tried the compulsory system ; 
but, having failed to get her lads and lasses into 
school by force, has gone back to her old plan of 
letting everybody do as he likes. 

No other State or Territory in the Union cares 
to try a scheme of public teaching which requires 
the vigour of New England teachers and super 
intendents to conduct, and which three of the six 
New England States have either never adopted or 
have set aside. Some States require certificates of" 
training, to be produced by parents and guardians,, 
but these testimonials of proficiency are said to be- 
hardly worth a straw. Americans who know their 
country as I know my house and garden tell me 
that the young generation of Americans are growing 
up more ignorant than their fathers thirty years ago. 


In 1870 the number of persons in America who 
could not read was reported as more than four 
millions five hundred thousand ; of those who could 
not write more than five million six hundred 
thousand souls. 

Such facts are not explained by the theory of a 
great rush of illiterates from Europe or even from 

Some illiterates come from Liverpool, Ham 
burg, and Hong-Kong, no doubt, but they are not 
enough to darken the tables of illiteracy very 
much. The German immigrants, as a rule, can 
read and write. The Mongol immigrants, as a rule, 
can read and write. I have never seen a male 
Chinese who could not read, and very few who 
could not write in their own tongue. Out of 
sixty-three thousand Chinese reported in the census, 
six thousand are returned as illiterate, but in many 
towns, probably in most towns, illiteracy was taken 
, by the census marshals to mean inability to read and 
write English a rule under which Victor Hugo and 
Father Secchi would be classed as illiterate. Of 
course the poorer class of Irish help to swell the list. 
Pat is the bad lot of American statists ; for with 


all his mirth and fire his poetry, his sentiment, and 
his humour he has few of the mechanical advantages 
of education. He can only make his mark, and 
swell the black list of the marshal s returns. Yet a 
vast majority of the illiterates in the census are 

Out of the five million six hundred thousand 
persons in the Republic who cannot read and write 
only three quarters of a million are of foreign birth. 

Of course, again, the Negroes count in these 
black lists ; but Negroes are now citizens, with poli 
tical rights. They count two millions and three- 
fourths. Red men and Yellow men add a little 
to the dark totals ; yet, when all the Red, Yellow, 
and Black ignorance is deducted, there remain, as 
representing pure White ignorance, gross and pagan 
ignorance, no less than two million eight hundred 
thousand souls. Of this army of White barbarians 
in America, the census shows that more than two 
millions are American-born ! 

Such figures stun the mind. On looking into 
details, the enquirer is staggered to perceive 
that the older and richer States are no better 
educated than the rest. Nobody would expect to 


find a shining literary light in Texas or New Mexico ; 
but almost everyone would fancy that New York 
and Pennsylvania would in point of common schools 
hold their heads extremely high. Yet New York 
and Pennsylvania rank among the lowest of the pure 
White States. In New York there are nearly two 
hundred and forty thousand persons who cannot read 
and write, and Pennsylvania follows closely on her 
neighbour s heels. Virginia is, however, the greatest 
sinner. In a population of one million and a 
quarter she numbers nearly half-a-million of illite 
rates. Georgia, Tennessee, and the two Carolinas 
follow in her wake ; Virginia, being the recognised 
leader of her Southern sisters. Whether she goes 
right or wrong, these States seem ready to go with 
Virginia into right or wrong. 

To sum up all. The native Americans who cannot 
read and write amount to nearly five millions ! 




SOME measures have been taken to check an evil 
which is threatening to reduce White settlers to the 
level of Creeks and Cherokees, and to convert the 
Potomac and Savannah into American Nigers and 
Senegals. These measures are partly general, partly 
local ; partly inquisitorial, partly remedial ; but in 
every case they have improvement as their aim 
and end. 

Pour years ago, Americans were living in a 
dream. They knew that here and there a blotch 
defiled the fair face of their country, but they 
fancied that on the whole their model republic, 
was a shining light in popular education. Seven or 
eight years ago, some earnest watchers over 
American progress hinted that through the ravages 
of war, and through the poverty brought on several 
of the States, America had not only ceased 


to make way, but was actually falling back in the 
race. Enquiry was provoked. The facts produced 
led to fresh enquiry. Every one was struck, and 
not a few were stunned. 

That a republic pre-supposes an instructed people 
is not only a truism in politics, but is understood to be 
so by every writer and speaker in the United States. 

Eepublics can only stand on the education and 
enlightenment of the people, says President Grant. 

4 The stability and welfare of our institutions 
must necessarily depend for their perpetuity on 
education, says Columbus Delano, Secretary of the 

4 The existence of a republic, unless all its citizens 
are educated, is an admitted impossibility, says 
General Eaton, Commissioner of Education. 

Congress passed a bill, establishing a Bureau of 
Education at Washington, for the purpose of col 
lecting facts and letting the people know the truth. 
General Eaton was placed at the head of this 
Bureau, and for four years he had made an annual 
report ; each year with safer data, each year also 
with a sharper note of warning. For the moment, 
he can do no more than publish facts. America is 


not yet prepared for a great and general act ; and 
General Eaton has to leave his theory and his facts 
to speak. 

His theory is that a republic cannot live unless 
the whole of her citizens are instructed men. 

His fact is that in the United States, five 
million six hundred thousand persons are unable to 
read and write. 

More has been done by states and counties to 
arrest the downward motion. But the case was 
always bad, and the war made it everywhere worse. 
In some States, the school system became a wreck ; 
in every State it suffered from the strife. This 
wreck is being repaired, but many years will pass 
away before the country can recover from the 
ravages of her civil war. 

In the States lying north of the Potomac, the 
wreck was less than in those lying south of that 
river. Xew York and the six New England States 
are doing better than the rest ; doing as well as 
England and Belgium, if not so well as Switzerland 
and Germany. Pennsylvania lags behind her 
northern rival, though she shows a good record in 
comparison with her Southern neighbours, Maryland 


and Delaware. Maryland has never been in love 
with public schools, and she is taking to them now 
under a sense of shame. Her coloured schools are 
few in number and poor in quality. Delaware 
refuses, as a State, to recognise the duty of public 
instruction. She has neither State provision, nor 
County provision, for coloured schools. Such 
teaching as she gets, is gotten from her priests. 
Knowing these facts, need any one marvel that 
Delaware is one of the darkest corners of the United 
States ? 

In the Lake regions, the young States of Michigan, 
Indiana, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota, have a 
more uniform system, which is every year in course 
of improvement. These States have elementary 
schools in every township, with a secondary school 
in almost every county, crowned by a State uni 
versity, with classical and scientific chairs. Ohio 
and Illinois have a system of their own. 

On the Pacific slope, with the exception of 
California, public training is much neglected. 
Oregon, Dacota, and Nevada scarcely enter into the 
civilised system ; Arizona, Utah, and New Mexico 
stand bevond it. In the Eiver States, Nebraska, 


Kansas, and Missouri, there are common schools, 
leading up through secondary schools to State 
universities, as in Iowa and Michigan. In all these 
sections, there is close and constant effort on the 
part of some, weakened by indifference on the part 
of many, to give the people that aliment, without 
which, according to President Grant and Secretary 
Delano, the republic cannot live. 

Yet, after all, the main interest in this intellec 
tual struggle lies in the South, so long neglected 
by the ruling race ; and in the Southern States, the 
chief scene of conflict is Virginia. 

The new race of Virginians are facing the demon 
of Illiteracy with the same high spirit as they showed 
in fronting the great material power of their 
enemies in the war. 

Ten years ago there were no such public schools 
in Eichmond as there were in Boston, Philadelphia, 
and New York. A lady of the First Families could 
not send her boys and girls to an institution where 
they might have to mingle with white trash. It 
is the sentiment of a ruling class, common to all 
countries, not more obvious in Eichmond and Ealeigh 
than in Geneva and Lausanne, in Brighton and 


Ilarrogate. A society of gentry tends by habit to 
become a caste. No teachers of the higher grades 
found welcome in Virginia, and the science of 
pedagogy was abandoned to the Thwackums and 
Squeers. A private school, the lowest type of 
boarding-school, was the only school thought good 
enough for the girls and boys of White citizens in 
[Richmond. But for the higher culture found in the 
domestic circle, where the men were mostly gentle 
men, the women mostly ladies, the state of learning 
in Virginia would have fallen to the level of Italy 
and Spain. 

Four years ago the Massachusetts plan was 
introduced. Two able officers, Virginia-born, 
Colonel Binford and the Hon. W. W. Buffner, are 
placed in charge of this new system. Many schools 
have been erected, and many teachers found. A 
free system, seeking to impart a sound, uniform, and 
general education to all classes, the Massachusetts 
plan has become so popular and acceptable that 
the private schools are everywhere dying out. The 
teachers in the public schools are good, not only 
better, as a class, than any we can get in London, 
but better than I find in Vermont and Xew Hamp- 


shire. For these teachers in Virginia are nearly all 
ladies, not in sex only, but in birth and train 
ing ; with the grace and accent, manner and appear 
ance, of women whose mothers were ladies. Poverty 
at first, patriotism afterwards, disposed these women 
to adopt the art of teaching as a profession. They 
are fairly paid, and, once the false shame of taking 
honest money for honest work is overcome, every 
thing goes well with them at school and home. 

The system works by an internal force. A real 
lady, daughter of a gentleman, ranking with the First 
Families, accepts a teacher s desk, and asks her friends 
to send their girls to school. No one now objects. 
Where Minnie teaches, Minnie s younger sisters, 
cousins, and acquaintance can attend the class. A 
better sentiment conies in ; class sentiment, it may 
be ; but the social forces here begin to act for good 
instead of evil. Free schools have become a fashion, and 
some of the best culture in Virginia is being devoted 
to the task of teaching in these Eichmond schools. 

The schools are mixed, not as to colour, but as 
to sex. Boys and girls learn together, with a young 
lady for instructress. In one excellent school we 
find Grace Alston, a delicate girl, beautiful as a 



seraph,with a pure English accent and a sweet English 
manner, teaching a class of boys and girls, the boys 
as tall and some of them nearly as old as herself. 

Do you like the method of mixed classes 
having boys and girls in the same room, competing 
in the same lessons ? 

c Yes, replies the young lady, I find the mixed 
system better for both sexes than the separate system. 
The boys strengthen the girls, and the girls soften 
the boys. 

Have you no trouble with these big fellows ? 

No ; the bigger boys are easier to control than 
the lesser ones ; they have more sense at fifteen than 
at ten, and feel more shame in doing wrong ; es 
pecially in the presence of a lady. The sense of 
chivalry comes in. 




FROM New York to San Francisco, from Chicago to 
New Orleans, every town and hamlet in America is 
suffering from panic ; a loose, unscientific term, 
explaining nothing, and raising false hopes. A panic 
is supposed to be an accident. Accidents come and 
go, and, like the winds and waves, are treated as 
phenomena beyond control. What cannot be cured, 
we say, must be endured. 

In what respects our personal good we act on 
wiser instincts. No one talks of gout as an acci 
dent, of surfeit as an accident. When Nature checks 
our excesses by a twinge of pain, we know that we 
have done wrong, and take her warning as a guide. 
Suppose this panic in America is no other than a 
natural pause and stop ? 

What are the secrets of American growth? 
People and Land. Up to this date there have been 

A A 2 


unfailing supplies of settlers and homesteads ; set 
tlers apparently beyond number ; homesteads appa 
rently beyond limit. Europe sends the people, 
America gives the land. Are these two sources of 
supply inexhaustible ? 

First, take the People. 

Since the War of Independence closed, Europe 
has poured into America more than seven million 
souls. When the people were counted in 1870, five 
million five hundred thousand persons were returned 
as born on foreign soil, and nearly eleven millions 
confessed to having either father or mother born on 
foreign soil. One in seven was therefore a stranger 

O D 

by birth, nearly one in three a stranger by blood. 
No other foreign country has so many strangers on 
her soil. 

Out of an aggregate approaching eight millions, 
who have come from all quarters of the globe into 
America, more than five millions have come from 
the British Islands and British America ; nearly two 
millions and a half from Germany, including Prussia 
and Austria, but excluding Hungary and Poland. 
France and Sweden follow at a distance. Of the 
non-European nations, China has supplied the largest 


number ; after her come the West Indies and Mex 
ico. But the supplies of settlers from Asia, Africa, 
Australia, and America (excluding men of English 
racej do riot amount to one man in every dozen 
men. Thus, the planting of America has been 
mainly done by persons sailing from English and 
German ports. 

Are these migrations from English and German 
ports likely to go forward on the same grand scale? 
No one dreams of such a thing. By many signs 
some general and matter of record, others particular 
and matter of inference we see an end of these 
enormous supplies of English and German settlers in 

For forty years (1820 60) the rate of emigra 
tion from English ports rose from decade to decade. 
In the first decade, one hundred and fifty-two thou 
sand persons entered the Eepublic from these ports. 
In the next decade, the numbers swelled to nearly 
six hundred thousand. In the third decade, they 
reached seventeen hundred thousand. In the fourth 
decade, they rose to two millions and a half. Then 
came a check. For two years the numbers fell ; 
not only on the old rate of increase, but in the 


actual figures of the list. When war broke out, high 
bounties and good rations tempted many a poor 
fellow to come out ; and while the Republic kept on 
spending a million of dollars every day on men and 
powder, swarms of the more jovial and reckless Irish 
flocked into New York. Yet, even under war ex 
citement, the old number of arrivals at New York 
was never reached. The springs from which the 
increase came were drying up. 

Nothing was then done, and nothing is now done, 
by English law, to check this movement of our 
people towards America. A right to emigrate is 
treated by our magistrates as one of the indefeasible 
rights of man. Science and policy have combined to 
favour emigration from our shores. Steam has 
made the passage cheap and swift. A better class . 
of vessels and a closer system of inspection have 
reduced the perils of a voyage across the Atlantic to 
a bagatelle. Societies help the poor to get away. 
The last legal restraint on the free movement of 
English-born persons the old law of nationality 
(once a Briton, always a Briton) is abolished ; 
so that Saxon and Celt may now become American 
citizens, and side with their adopted country against 


their native land, without fear of being regarded 
as traitors. Yet, in spite of all that science, policy 
and charity can do, the movement slackens. More 
than one experienced skipper tells me the tide has 
turned. Shoals of emigrants are going back to 
Europe, and still greater shoals would go back if 
they had the means. From Portland to New 
Orleans our consulates are besieged by applicants 
for free passage, which our consuls have no moneys 
to provide. The St. George Societies, which exist in 
almost every city in America, . keeping alive the 
good old English sentiment, are pestered day and 
night by persons eager to return. At every port of 
departure for Liverpool, men may be seen imploring 
leave to work their passage over the Atlantic. 
Almost every vessel has her steerage full. 

Whether as many persons go back as come out, 
we cannot learn ; for no report is published of the 
departing masses. But my eyes and ears inform me 
that the men who are seeking to get home again 
are men of all trades and districts, rural folk and 
urban folk hedgers and ditchers, skilled mechanics, 
small farmers, Irish labourers, domestic servants, and 
bankers clerks. Our Government does nothing 



to promote this reflux of the tide. An emigrant, as 
such, receives no help in getting back ; yet thou 
sands and tens of thousands are now fighting their 
way home to Liverpool and Cork. Ten years ago 
you never met a Munster peasant or an Essex 
labourer who had been in America. America was a 
paradise from which no Munster peasant, no Essex 
labourer, ever dreamt of coming back. To-day 
there is another tale to tell. In every hamlet round 
Cork you find peasants who have tried Chicago and 
St. Louis. In the neighbourhood of Ongar and 
Brentwood you hear labourers talk of the Kansas 
crickets. They have trod the land of promise, and 
have slipt away to their ancient homes. 

Germany appears to offer no richer crop of 
future settlers than the British Isles. Indeed, she offers 
less ; for Prince von Bismarck is directing his atten 
tion to the cause of this Teutonic movement so 
important to the Fatherland and seeking to remove 
that cause. 

Like England, Germany made her supreme effort 
of emigration in one decade, after which her move 
ments seemed to dwindle of themselves. Inthefirstten 
years of the same period (1820-60), Germany, inclu- 


ding Prussia and Austria, sent out less than eight 
thousand souls ; in the second ten years she sent out 
a hundred and fifty thousand souls ; in the third ten 
years she sent out four hundred and thirty 
thousand souls ; and in the fourth ten years she sent 
out nine hundred, and fifty thousand souls. Then 
came her check. During the next three years her 
contributions fell. The civil war called new forces into 
play ; and for a time the German emigration swelled. 
Yet, here again, even under the temptation of high 
bounties and big rations, the figures of 1853 and 
1854 were never reached. The springs appeared 
to be drying up. 

The new Germany is not old Germany, and Prussia, 
as her leader, is not looking on this movement of her 
people with the old Austrian helplessness. Bismarck has 
no mind to see his men of strong limbs and active brains 
transferred to other soils. Too many, he perceives, 
are gone. Tell me, said a great Pomeranian land 
owner to Ban croft, the historian, about your 
country ; for next to my own province, I am more 
concerned about it than any other part of the earth ; 
since out of every hundred persons born on my 
estate, twenty-five are now in America. That Pome- 


ranian district is not far from Varzin, where the 
German Chancellor lives. Yet Prussia has not fed 
the tide of emigration much ; her contribution for the. 
whole forty years (1820-60)berng less than a hundred 
thousand souls. The floods have come from Hessen, 
Baden, and the badly-governed duchies, where Fritz 
and Karl had each a prince of his own to rule over him. 
These things are gone, and with them some of the 
pests which drove brave men and true patriots from 
their native land. 

Bismarck, as the American Minister in Berlin 
reports, is looking at this question with a statesman s 
eye. He sees the people moving, but he also sees 
that they are stirred by causes not to be removed by 
passports and police. 

We have no right to interfere with a man s 
liberty to seek his bread elsewhere. A strong 
desire has seized the minds of many persons to seek a 
new home, where they can get more food and better 
shelter for themselves. We may regret, we cannot 
condemn, this wish. The right to a free change of 
domicile is sacred, and we cannot say the principle 
is wrong because a man chooses to exchange his 
domicile on the Ehine for a domicile on the 


Missouri. Yet the Prince is not a man to leave 
such things alone. He deals with emigration as 
with other matters. 

We must begin, his Home Minister lately said 
in Parliament, by passing laws which will make 
the people s homesteads more like home. We must 
improve our mills, our roads, our railways, our 
canals. We must build better cottages, open up 
industries, and set up savings-banks. We want to 
stop emigration, and we shall do so, not by limiting 
the right of free movement, but by a whole system 
of measures for raising the condition of our labouring 

Under such a system Germany is not likely to 
send out many more millions to America, 

Next take the Land, 

If we can trust the facts and figures in General 
Hazen s Eeports, the supply of land is no more in 
exhaustible than the supply of settlers. Old and 
venerable fictions, such as Irving painted and Bryant 
sang, are swept away by engineers arid surveyors. 
When Louisiana was purchased from France, the 
district then acquired by the Republic was described 
as practically boundless. Xo one knew how far it ran 


out west, hardly how far it ran up north ; yet every 
acre of that region is now owned, and under such 
cultivation as suits a poor and swampy soil. So, 
when Illinois, Iowa, Nebraska, and Kansas were in 
corporated. No one had drawn a line about Kansas 
and Nebraska. These regions were supposed to offer 
homes to any number of inhabitants, thirty millions 
each at least, with a farm for every family. In these four 
states the land is already taken up ; at least such land 
as anybody cares to fence and register. The greater 
part of Kansas and Nebraska, and enormous sections 
of Dakota and Colorado, are unfit for settlement. 
Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, and Utah are mountain 
plateaus, high and barren for the greater part, suited, 
as a rule, for nothing more than cattle-runs, con 
ducted on a large scale, too vast for anyone but a 
great capitalist to occupy. On the Pacific Slope, from 
Washington to Upper California, no wild land/ 
remains, and not a great deal of available public 
land. According to Hazen s Reports, the same rule 
holds good in Texas, New Mexico and Arizona. 
Near the Mississippi, the lands are damp enough ; 
but as you march towards the Pacific they become 
high and arid. Water and wood are scarce, the 


winter is severe. A valley here and there is fertile, 
and oases in the desert may be found, as at St. 
George on the Eio Virgen, but the country as a 
whole is parched and bleak. In Utah and Colo 
rado nature is less forbidding, but the surface of 
land fit for ordinary industry is small ; while to the 
north of these regions the soil is poor, the rainfall 
light, the herbage scanty, and the cold severe. 

General Hazen s conclusion is that the Eepublic 
has very little land, of the kind that tempts good 
settlers to remove, now left within her frontiers. 

If this officer is right in hisfacts and high autho : 
rities tell me he is right the end of an exceptional 
state of things is nigh. America must lean in future 
on her own staff and stand by her own strength ; 
expecting no more help from Europe than England 
expects from Germany, or Italy expects from 




Is there no writing on the wall ? 

The wounds inflicted on America by the civil war 
were fresh and bleeding, even before they were re 
opened by the grave events in New Orleans. The 
two sides seem as bitter as they were a month before 
the fall of Richmond. Cincinnati, where I write 
these words, is a great city, chief market of a Free 
State, looking across the Ohio river into the streets 
and squares of Covington, her sister of Kentucky. 
These cities lie as close together as Brooklyn and 
New York, as Lambeth and Westminster. They 
are connected by a bridge and by a dozen ferries. 
Trains and street cars cross the river night and day ; 
the citizens buy and sell, dine and house, marry and 
live with each other, like neighbours and Christians ; 
yet a plague like the Black Death has broken out 
between Covington and Cincinnati, and the fanatics 


on both sides of the Ohio river hate their neighbours 
with the dark and strained malignity which springs 
from no other source but fratricidal war. Not many 
minutes since, an aged and respected minister of the 
Gospel called on me to gloat over the prospect of a 
new war in the South. When I tried to rouse in 
him some sense of proportion, so that, in seeking 
full justice for his African brother, he might not 
wholly forget the rights of his European brother, he 
expressed his hope and conviction that the White 
race w^ould never again prevail against the Black. 

The coloured people of the South/ said this 
minister of the gospel, in amazing ignorance of the 
facts in Eichmond and Ealeigh, Charlestown and 
New Orleans, c are saving their money, putting their 
children to school, and doing the duties of good 
citizens ; while their old tyrants are wallowing in 
riot and drunkenness, threatening our country with 
a new secession, and lifting up their heads against 
the will of God. It never will be well with America 
until these gentle and pious coloured people have 
obtained a fixed and lasting mastery in the Southern 

Yet there are signs that this bad state of feeling 


is becoming more and more confined to circles, 
coteries, and clubs. Massachusetts has invited 
deputations from Charleston, Atlanta, and New 
Orleans to Boston, and the Southern soldiers have 
been heartily received throughout the North. The 
women, more tenacious and conservative than men, 
have seized the occasion of this visit to hold out 
hands to their Southern sisters. A meeting has 
been called in Boston. A thousand ladies of Massa 
chusetts, including nearly all the best and highest 
ornaments of the State, have agreed to purchase 
arid present mementoes of this visit of the Southern 
chivalry to Boston, as a peace offering, to a thousand 
ladies in the South, whose fathers and husbands 
played a part in the war. 

Americans begin to cry close ranks ! 
The tale of a Hundred Years of White Progress 
is a marvellous history. 

The European races are spreading over every 
continent, and mastering the isles and islets of every 
sea. During those hundred years, some powers 
have shot ahead, and some have slipt into the 
second rank. Austria, a hundred years ago the 
leading power in Europe, has been rent asunder 


and has forfeited her throne in Germany. Spain, 
a hundred years ago the first colonial empire in the 
world, has lost her colonies and conquests, and has 
sunk into a third-rate power. France, which, little 
more than a hundred years ago, possessed Canada, 
Louisiana, the Mississippi valley, the island of Mau 
ritius, and a stronghold in Hindoostan, has lost all 
these possessions and exchanged her vineyards and 
cornfields on the Ehine for the snows of Savoy and 
the sands of Algiers. Piedmont and Prussia, on the 
other hand, have sprung into the foremost rank of 
nations. Piedmont has become Italy, with a capital 
in Milan and Venice, Florence and Naples, as well 
as in Eome. Still more striking and more glori 
ous has been the growth of Prussia. A hundred 
years ago Prussia was just emerging into notice as 
a small but well-governed and hard-fighting country, 
with a territory no larger than Michigan, and a 
population considerably less than Ohio. In a 
hundred years this small but well-governed and 
hard-fighting Prussia has become the first military 
power on earth. Eussia, during these hundred 
years, has carried her arms into Finland, Grim 
Tartary, the Caucasus and the Mohammedan Khan- 



ates, extending the White empire on the Caspian 
and the Euxine, and along the Oxus and Jaxartes 
into Central Asia. Vaster still have been the 
marches and the conquests of Great Britain, her 
command of the ocean giving her facilities which 
are not possessed by any other power. Within 
a hundred years, or thereabouts, she has grown 
from a kingdom of ten millions of people into 
an empire of two hundred and twenty millions, 
with a territory covering nearly one-third of the 
earth. Hardly less striking than the progress of 
Eussia and England has been that of the United 
States. Starting with a population no larger than 
that of Greece, the Kepublic has advanced so 
rapidly that in a hundred years she has become the 
third power as to size of territory, the fourth as to 
wealth of population, in the world. 

Soil and population are the two prime elements 
of power. Climate and fertility count for much ; 
nationality and compactness count for more; but, 
still, the natural basis of growth is land, the natural 
basis of strength is population. Taking these two 
elements together, the Chinese were, a hundred 
years ago, the foremost family of mankind. They 


held a territory covering three millions of square 
miles, and a population counting more than four 
hundred million souls. But what a change has 
taken place ! China has been standing still, while 
England, Eussia, and America have been conquer 
ing, planting, and annexing lands. Look at the 
group of powers which occupy areas of surface 
counting above a million square miles each : 

Great Britain . 8,000,000 square miles 224,000,000 souls. 

China . . 3,000,000 420,000,000 

Eussia . . 7,000,000 74,000,000 

Unites States . 3,000,000 40,000,000 

The British Empire has a larger territory than 
Eussia, a population second only to that of China. 
America is treading in the footsteps of her parent, 
taking up her own, as a loadstone takes up its own. 
The greater draws, annexes, and absorbs the less. 
Some months ago, Lord DuiTerin, Governor-General 
of Canada, annexed the whole region, known and 
unknown, stretching from the recognised frontier of 
British America towards the North Pole ; and, some 
months hence? either President Grant or his successor 
at the White House, will annex the great provinces 
of Lower California, Sonora, and Chihuahua, with 


parts of Cinaloa, Cohahuila, and Nueva Leon, to the 
United States. The present boundaries of the Ee- 
public will be enlarged by land enough to form six 
or seven new States, each State as big as New 

The surface of the earth is passing into Anglo- 
Saxon hands. 

Yet, glorious and inspiring as this story of White 
Conquest is, the warning on the wall is brief and 
stern. The end is not yet come. The peril of the 
fight is not yet past, and the White successors of the 
Creeks and Cherokees are unhappily still wasting 
some of their best strength and noblest passion on 
internal feuds. 

Disaster in the past, menace in the future, warn 
us to stand by our common race ; our blood, law, 
language, science. We are strong, but we are not 
immortal. A house divided against itself must fall. 
If we desire to see our free institutions perish, it is 
right that we should take the part of Red men, Black 
men, and Yellow men against our White brethren. 
If we wish to see order and freedom, science and 
civilization preserved, we shall give our first thought 


to what improves the White mini s growth and in 
creases the White man s strength. 

So many foes are still afield that every White 
man s cry should be Close ranks ! and when the 
ranks are closed, but not till then Eight in front 
march ! 


Lojfftox : PRINTED nv 


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