•i* &\<-'^/V ^r ^d ***~A
WHY
I AM A REPUBLICAN,
A HISTORY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, A DEFENSE OF ITS
POLICY, AND THE REASONS WHICH JUSTIFY
ITS CONTINUANCE IN POWER,
WITH
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES.
GEORGE S. BOUTWELL.
HARTFORD, CONN.:
WM. J. BETTS & CO.
1884.
COPYRIGHTED BY
WM. J. BETTS & CO,
1884.
PRESS OP
THE CASE, LOCKWOOD & BRAIN ARD Co.,
HARTFORD, CONN.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
The Provisions of the Constitution of the United States in re-
lation to slavery, and their force in the Politics of the
country, 7
CHAPTER II.
The Missouri Compromise and its repeal. .... 11
CHAPTER III.
The organization of the Republican Party, the contest in Kan-
sas, and the elections of 1856. . . . . . . 22
CHAPTER IV.
The Senatorial contest of 1858 in Illinois, and the election of
Mr. Lincoln in 1860 26
CHAPTER V.
The Inauguration of Mr. Lincoln and the political and military
questions then forced upon the country 32
CHAPTER VI.
The Proclamation of Emancipation and the amendments to
the Constitution 38
CHAPTER VII.
The election of 1864 with a view of the position of the Dem-
ocratic and Republican parties 52
4 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Financial Policy of the Republican party and its results, 64
CHAPTER IX.
The Protective Policy of the Republican Party, and its effects
upon the wages of laborers and upon the prices of commo-
dities. 74
CHAPTER X.
The Policy of the Republican Party in regard to the Public
Landa 83
CHAPTER XI.
The Policy of the Republican Party in favor of universal edu-
cation 88
CHAPTER XII.
The Increase of the country in Population and Wealth since
1860 91
CHAPTER XHI.
The Questions at Issue in the pending contest. ... 95
CHAPTER XIV.
The Influence of the United States in the affairs of the World,
due to the administration of the government by the Repub-
lican Party 107
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE. ... 165
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN. ... 185
CONTENTS.
ADDEESSES, PLATFOEMS, ETC.
Abraham Lincoln's speech at Springfield, 111., June 17, 1858. . 114
Abraham Lincoln's Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861. . . 123
Proclamation of Emancipation, Sept. 22, 1862. . . . 131
Proclamation of Emancipation, Jan. 1, 1863 133
Abraham Lincoln's Oration at Gettysburg, Nov. 19, 1863. . 135
Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865. 136
Republican Platforms, 1856-1884 188
Democratic Platform, 1864 163
INDEX. 196
UsTTEODUCTIOE'.
It has been my purpose, in the preparation of this volume, to present
at one view a history of the Republican party, a defense of its pol-
icy and the reasons which justify its continuance in power. I have
not dwelt upon its errors and mistakes ; it has committed errors, it has
made mistakes, but those errors and mistakes have not interfered
with its general policy nor affected in any sensible degree the good
fortune of the country.
It accepted power when the industries of the country were insig-
nificant in volume, limited in variety, and paralyzed by the constant
and vigorous warfare upon every measure designed to foster labor or
to add to the security of capital employed in manufactures and trade.
The country was enslaved to the idea that agriculture might prosper
while manufactures were neglected.
It accepted power when the country was on the eve of a gigantic
war and when all the conditions and circumstances were unfavorable
to its successful prosecution.
It has administered the government during a fourth part of its.
constitutional existence.
In that period the resources of the country have been so developed,
its industries so multiplied and magnified that the era is marked as
one of unexampled prosperity. In that period a new generation of
men has come upon the stage, who cannot, out of their own expe-
rience, institute either contrasts or comparisons between the near and
the more remote past.
I have sought to address myself to that class in the hope that I
may enable them to see, as in one view, the beneficial changes that
have been wrought by the Republican party in constitutional law,
in public policy, in the educational and industrial condition of the
people, and above all in the sentiment of nationality, which is better
security for the preservation of the Union than can be had in statutes
and constitutions.
GEO. 8. BOUTWELL.
GROTON, MASS.
CHAPTER I.
THE PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION IN RELATION TO SLAVERY
AND THEIR FORCE IN THE POLITICS OF THE COUNTRY.
fPlHERE were three provisions of the original Constitution of
JL the United States, and all relating to Slavery, that were in
conflict with the opinions and principles of the founders of the
States of New England, New York, and Pennsylvania.
The framers of the Constitution recognized the existence of the
conflict, but they made no provision for its adjustment. As the form-
ation of a more perfect Union was then a political necessity, there
was, indeed, no possibility of an adjustment of the conflict between
the system of slavery and the principles of human equality. In the
presence of that necessity the advocates of Slavery achieved a deci-
sive victory. It is not now important to trace the steps by which
the victory was won, nor to know the names of members of the
Convention who made motions or gave votes. It was then a higher
duty to create a nation than to stigmatize or to shun an evil. But
the victory was temporary, and in less than three-fourths of a cen-
tury those provisions of the Constitution, which were designed to
protect the system of Slavery, became the efficient if not the sole
cause of its destruction.
By the Constitution the^foreign^lav.a trade was tolerated for twenty / •
years, and thus the slave population was greatly augmented, the sys- '
tern was extended to new territories, and the number of persons
interested, pecuniarily, in Slavery was largely increased.
By another provision of the Constitution the slave population waa
divided into classes of fives, and each class was counted as three
free persons in the representation of the several States in the House
of Representatives and in the Electoral Colleges for the choice of
President and Vice- President of the United States. Thus it came
to pass that by the importation of savage negroes from Africa, the
South added to its political power in the government of the country,
(7)
8 PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION.
and thus for seventy years was the increase in the number of ignor-
ant and non-voting slaves set off against the votes of the educated,
active, self-reliant, and enterprising freemen of the North.
As if it were a purpose to keep these impolitic and unjust provi-
sions of the Constitution before the eyes of the people of the Free
States, the duty of returning fugitives from service to their masters
was imposed upon the National Government. In the performance
of that duty Congress— deemed to the alleged fugitive the right of
trial by jury, and confided to subordinate officers of the courts the
authority to decide irrevocably the fate of every person arraigned
as a fugitive from slavery.
The amalgamation of the races was one of the fruits of slavery,
and as the child followed the condition of the mother, the system
came to include, finally, many persons who had only a strain of
African blood in their veins. And thus the surrender of persons
apparently white was developed as an incident of the system.
From 1790 to 1860 the population of the North increased im-
mensely. Following the lines of latitude it took possession of the
Mississippi Valley north of the Ohio and the Missouri.
The love of liberty and a hatred of slavery were taught in all the
schools and preached in all the churches, but with equal, if not with
greater zeal the doctrine of obedience to the Constitution was taught
also. Thus was the public sentiment of the North so wrought that
it would concede to slavery whatever was stipulated in the Constitu-
tion ; but it was ready, as well, to deny every fresh demand.
Under a system of intelligent, free labor, the tendency is to pro-
duce as much as is possible, and to consume only what is necessary.
Hence wealth. Under the system of slavery the tendency is to pro-
duce as little as possible, and to consume whatever can be procured.
This of the slaves, and hence poverty. The owners lived in idleness
and indulged in prodigal ways. At the end the North was rich,
relatively, and the South was poor. Slavery had exhausted the
land, and the slave-owners had been impoverished by the habits born
of the system. The slave-owners needed new lands for personal
subsistence, and they needed new States for political power.
If the North had been indifferent to the system oi slavery in a
moral view of the subject, it would have resisted its appropriation
of new territory, and upon the ground that it would not permit the
constitutional system of political inequality to be extended and
strengthened.
PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION.
If the Constitution had abolished instantly the foreign slave-trade,
if the basis of representation had been limited to free persons, and if
it had been provided that the question whether an alleged fugitive
from service was bound legally to perform such service should be
decided by a jury, the system of slavery would have continued for
years, and perhaps for generations, in the States of the Gulf of
Mexico and the Lower Mississippi Valley.
Slavery would have been without political power, and therefore it
never could have organized a rebellion against the Government. In
a state of domestic peace there would have been no justifying cause
for national interference.
In that condition of affairs, slavery would have existed in the
several States until by the individual action of such States its aboli-
tion had been decreed. The effect, then, of the constitutional con-
cessions to and guarantees for slavery was to endow the slave States
with unequal political power for two generations, and then to de-
throne them and leave them prostrate and under the absolute control
of the free States.
The advantages which slavery and the slave-holding class derived
from the guarantees of the Constitution were all temporary, and they
all have disappeared. The compromises of the Constitution and
the compromises under the Constitution are alike valueless. The
annexation of Texas, the Mexican war, the struggles in Kansas, have
all inured to the advantage of freedom.
When the three provisions concerning slavery were embodied in
the Constitution, a conflict was inevitable. "Whenever, in a free
government, a conflict arises upon a topic that engages the thought
of the majority, the contestants will either appropriate existing
parties to their service or they will create new ones. When slavery
demanded new guarantees, neither of the then existing parties was
prepared to resist the demand. Hence the Republican party wa^ a
necessity, and its organization has been the instrumentality by which
the people have destroyed slavery, reformed the Constitution, and
reconstructed the government upon the two cardinal principles of
the equality of States and the equality of men.
The contest is not ended. It will continue until the sentiments
and traditions bred of slavery have disappeared from the States and
communities once cursed by that institution. Hence the necessity
remains for the continued existence of the Republican party. That
party is the only political organization that is authorized to speak
10 PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION.
for or to defend what has been accomplished. The measures of
which it may boast and on which its claim to continuing public
confidence rests, have all been resisted, and often they have been
denounced by the Democratic party. Execution of those measures
yet remains to be done.
The great struggle through which the nation has passed was accepted
and continued by the Republican party for the purpose of abolishing
those features of the Constitution which recognized injustice as a
force in the government. So much has been accomplished, but
injustice in the administration of the government still exists. The
Democratic party as an organization profited by the injustice of
slavery, and therefore it resisted the overthrow of slavery. It now
profits by the intolerance and persecution that prevail in the old
slave States. That intolerance and persecution it now defends.
By the agency of the Republican party, and as a constitutional
right, the equality of all men before the law has been secured ; but
upon the Republican party rest the obligation and the duty of
securing that right, as a practical and conceded right, to all the citi-
zens of the United States.
CHAPTER II.
THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE AND ITS REPEAL.
IT would not be just to assume that the f ramers of the Constitution
foresaw the evils which have flowed from the provisions relat-
ing to slavery. Indeed, it is probable that the delegates from the
South and the North alike expected the gradual destruction of the
system, and that at no distant day.
Cotton-raising in the United States was then an experimental and
unproductive application of labor. The total export of cotton in
the year 1800 was less than 90,000 bales, weighing 215 pounds each,
and the domestic consumption in factories did not exceed 500 bales.
At that time there were only three spinning-mills in America. In
the year 1790 there was neither domestic demand nor foreign trade
in cotton. In 1764 eight bags of American cotton were seized in
Liverpool upon the allegation that it could not have been grown
in America. When it was released the spinners neglected it, doubt-
ing whether it could be worked profitably.
Between the year 1788 and the year 1800 two inventions were
made, which added immensely to the profits of the cotton culture
and to the value of slave labor. Eli Whitney invented the cotton-
gin, and Jacob Marshall invented the cotton-press. Whitney
was from Westborough, and Marshall was from Lunenburg, both
in the county of Worcester and State of Massachusetts. Previous to
those inventions, the seeds of cotton had been separated from the lint
by hand labor or by rude mechanical devices, and the cotton destined
for market had been trodden in round sacks or bags. The invention
of the cotton-gin, especially, stimulated the importation of slaves
from Africa, added to their value in the tobacco and grain-growing
sections, inaugurated the trade in slaves between the States of the
Potomac and the States of the Gulf of Mexico, and finally added the
lust of gain to the love for political power, as inducements for the
(.11)
12 THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE AND ITS REEEAL.
extension and defense of the system of slavery. Then came into
public view a class of moralists and theologians, who maintained the
doctrine that the rude and savage negroes of Africa had been trans-
ferred to a school of civilization and progress, and that slavery was
not only not forbidden in the Jewish and Christian Scriptures, but
that it was recognized and tolerated in all. Thus was slavery im-
bedded in the Constitution, and protected by moral, theological, and
financial defenses and defenders. Law, wealth, and theology had
combined for its protection.
In 1794 Congress passed penal statutes against the exportation of
slaves from the United States, and prohibiting the use of American
vessels for the transportation of slaves from one foreign country to
another. This legislation satisfied the moral sentiment of the North,
and promoted the pecuniary interests of the South.
In 1807 Congress proceeded to enforce the Constitutional inhibition
against the importation of slaves. By the statute of March 2, 1807,
any person found guilty of being engaged in the foreign slave-trade
was liable to imprisonment for not less than five nor more than ten
years, and to a fine not exceeding ten thousand dollars. The penalty
of forfeiture was imposed upon vessels and their equipment, when
found engaged in the slave-trade.
In this statute, by the seventh section, a very important concession
was made to slavery. It was provided that all negroes and mulattoes
found on any vessel arrested in the slave-trade should be delivered to
the authorities of the State into whose port the inculpated vessel was
brought. Under this statute the State of Louisiana enacted a law that
all negroes and mulattoes delivered to the Governor of that State by
virtue of the statute of 1807 should be sold as slaves. The object of
the seventh section of the statute of 1807 was the protection of the
Slave States against the presence of free negroes. Its effect was to
add to the slave population of the country. The statute of 1807 re-
mained in force until 1819, when the captors of any vessel engaged
in the slave-trade were required to deliver to the President of the
United States all persons of color found on board such vessel. Pro-
vision was made for the return of such persons to the coast of Africa.
The Free States and the Slave States did not antagonize each other
upon questions touching the suppression of the foreign slave-trade.
Georgia and South Carolina had insisted upon the right to continue
the importation of slaves from Africa as a check to the monopoly of
slave labor in the northern Slave States. The continuance of the
THE MIS8OTJRI COMPROMISE AND ITS REPEAL. 13
trade for twenty years \vas a compromise between the Free States and
the northern Slave States on one side, and the States of the extreme
South on the other. Under the influence of the same motives Vir-
ginia and her associates of the border were willing to prohibit the
foreign trade at the earliest day. They were also, and for the same
reason, ready to provide for the return to Africa of all negroes found
on board of slave-trading vessels. If Louisiana and her associates
would have made them slaves, and if New York and her associates
would have made them free, it was true that Virginia and her associ-
ates were not prepared to accept either alternative.
The return to Africa of all captured negroes may have been just,
but manifestly it was a politic proceeding for the border Slave States.
From 1789 to 1820 there was no other action by the Government of
the United States which affected, or could in its results affect, the in-
stitution of slavery. Of the thirteen colonies, seven had become Free
States, and six were Slave States. Of the nine new States admitted
into the Union previous to the year 1820, five were Slave States, and
four were Free States. Thus an absolute equilibrium of political
power had been established. Eleven States were Free States, and there
were eleven States that maintained slavery. The establishment of
this equilibrium, and the tendency to its overthrow, were the cause or
the occasion of the bitter sectional struggle which, commencing in
1820, even yet disturbs the harmony of the Republic.
The pro-slavery provisions of the Constitution gave rise to that
struggle, and in its progress the antagonizing parties became sec-
tional. -The Whig party disappeared, and the Democratic party
abandoned its principles.
The anti-slavery sentiment was organized in the Republican party,
and so organized, it was destined to accomplish two historical results
— the destruction of slavery, and the preservation of the Union.
As the Whig party, as an organization, would neither oppose not
defend slavery, it could not command efficient support either North
or South. The Democratic party passed through the successive
stages of Constitutional protection to slavery, non-interference bj/
the National Government, the supremacy of the laws of nature ovei
the question of slavery extension, and finally it subordinated its love
for the Union, and yielded itself absolutely to the defense of the insti-
tution of slavery. With the formation of the Confederacy the Dem-
ocratic party ceased to exist in the rebel States, and in the North,
14 THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE AND ITS REPEAL.
although it remained passive as an organization, it furnished a shelter
to bodies of men who sympathized with the South.
When it was discovered by the leading men of the country that the
equilibrium between the North and the South could not be preserved,
the contest for supremacy began.
. The equality of States and of representation in the Senate could
not be changed, except by the admission of new States into the Union;
but the increase of population in the contending sections could not be
controlled by statutes, and at the close of every decennial period there
was a new distribution of power in the House of Representatives and
in the electoral colleges.
The re-distribution of political power was required by the Consti-
tution, and thus by the Constitution was the equilibrium between
the Free and Slave States destroyed. In 1790 the representative power
of the Slave States to the Free States was as 87 to 100; in 1800 it was
as 85 to 100; in 1810 it was as 92 to 100; in 1820 it was as 88 to 100.
The loss from 1810 to 1820 made it manifest that the equality of
the South could not be maintained in the House of Representatives.
It was then that the District of Maine applied for admission into the
Union as a State. By the treaty of 1803 with France the territory
of Louisiana was ceded to the United States. France had acquired
the territory of Spain by a treaty made in 1763. It was claimed that
the territory of Louisiana included all the country west of the Mis-
sissippi, except a small region near the Gulf of Mexico. Slavery
existed in the territory. The application of Maine for admission
into the Union was met by an application by the inhabitants of a
portion of the territory of Missouri for admission as a Slave State.
Missouri had been formed out of the original territory of Louisiana.
After a long and bitter contest, the act for the admission of Maine was
• approved March 3, 1820, and on the sixth day of the same month an
act was passed, authorizing the inhabitants of Missouri to form a
constitution, and providing for the admission of the territory into
the Union as a State. By the eighth section of that act slavery was
prohibited in the territory acquired by the treaty of 1803, north of the
parallel 36° 30'. Missouri was north of that parallel, but the new State
was excepted from the inhibition. It was a hope, if not a confident
belief on the part of the South, that Slave States could be formed
from the territorjr south of that line, in set-off to the States that
might be formed from the territory north of that line.
Arkansas was admitted into the Union in 1836, and in 1837 the
THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE AND ITS REPEAL. 15
equilibrium of States was re-established by the admission of Mich-
igan. It then became apparent that the equality of States could not
be maintained through the next decade. Of slave territory only
Florida remained, while in the North there was the vast waste out of
which the States of Iowa, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Oregon, Kansas,
and Nebraska have been organized. The greatness of the future of
these States was not foreseen, but their coming was anticipated and
accepted on all sides as of the inevitable. The equilibrium of repre-
sentation in the House had been destroyed, and the struggle was
therefore intensified for the preservation of the equality of the Slave
States in the Senate. As the slave-holding class ruled the South, it
was possible always for that class to decide a presidential election,
and hence the whig and democratic parties were rival bidders for
southern support. The presidency was sold in the market. The
South usually dictated the candidates of each party, and, unless the
election of Harrison in 1840 was an exception, the South achieved a
victory in every contest from 1828 to 1856 inclusive.
By the aid of organized bodies of men from the United States, and
chiefly from the South, the State of Texas had declared its independ-
ence of Mexico, and organized a separate government. The govern-
ing force in Texas was composed largely of immigrants from the
Slave States. Their policy was dictated by Southern statesmen,
and directed to the annexation to the United States of the "Lone Star
State," as Texas was then called. By the death of President Harri-
son, in April, 1841, John Tyler succeeded to the presidency. By
birth, political training, and sectional feeling, he was allied to the
slave-holding class, and his public policy was directed to the annex-
ation of Texas as the leading and historical measure of his adminis-
tration. In the canvass of 1844 Mr. Clay represented the Whig
party, and Mr. Polk the Democratic party. Both of those men were
in the interest of slavery. Mr. Polk made no claim to anti-slavery
opinions. He was an open advocate of the annexation of Texas.
Mr. Clay may have had misgivings as to the system of slavery, but
he was wanting in principle, or he lacked the courage to make a
declaration of his real opinions, if they were hostile to the institution.
The Whig party of the North was opposed to the annexation of
Texas, but during the campaign Mr. Clay made a public surrender
on the question, and by that surrender he lost the State of New
York and the presidency.
The election of Mr. Polk was treated as an endorsement of the"
16 THE MI89OUKI COMPBOMISE AND ITS REPEAL.
scheme, and the outgoing Congress, by a joint resolution approved
March 1, 1845, provided for the annexation of Texas to the United
States. The resolution contained a guarantee that States, not exceed-
ing five in all, might be formed out of the territory, and admitted
into the Union under the provisions of the federal constitution.
The States formed out of the territory south of 36° 30' were to be
admitted into the Union, either with or without slavery, as the people
of each State asking admission might desire. In the States formed
out of territory north of that line, slavery and involuntary servitude,
except as a punishment of crime, were prohibited. As in the end
there was no territory north of flie line 36° 30', slavery gained one
State in the outset, with the prospect of acquiring four other States,
while the North gained nothing by the inhibition. Thus was an
open way made for the organization of new Slave States, to be used
in set-off against the coming States of the north-west.
The admission of Texas into the Union presented a fresh opportu-
nity to the South, but it was an opportunity fraught with the gravest
peril. When Texas declared its independence it named the Rio
Grande as its southern boundary. On the other hand, Mexico made
claim to the territory between the Eio Grande and the Nueces River.
By annexation the United States accepted the controversy, and the
war which then existed between Texas and Mexico. Mr. Polk was
President. General Taylor was ordered to the left bank of the Rio
Grande, near Matamoras. His army was first termed an army of
observation, then an army of occupation, and finally it became an
army of invasion. In the month of May, 1846, the war opened
which ended in the capture of the City of Mexico by General Scott,
and the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, signed the second day of Feb-
ruary, 1848, by which a vast territory, including New Mexico and
Upper California, was ceded to the United States. The Missouri
compromise line had been extended across Texas by the joint resolu-
tion of March 1, 1845, but now the acquisition of a vast area, both
north and south of that line, gave fresh consequence to the slavery
issue. Of the new acquisition California alone contained a popula-
tion sufficient for a State, and the larger part of its area, and much
the larger part of its inhabitants, were north of the line 36° 30'. The
Union was then composed of fifteen Slave States and fifteen Free
States. The admission of California, whether as a Slave State or a
Free State, would destroy the equilibrium. By the census of 1850
X
THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE AND ITS REPEAL. 17
the representative power of the Slave States to the Free States was
as 63 to 100.
The equilibrium in the House of Representatives and the Electoral
Colleges had been destroyed, and beyond recovery. The cotton-gin
had not only stimulated the growth of cotton, and increased the
value of slaves, it had also stimulated the manufacture of cotton
goods In the north and east, enhanced the wages of labor, added to
the comforts of the laboring classes, and thereby encouraged immi-
gration to the North.
In another form slavery itself contributed to the overthrow of the
slave power. Wherever slavery existed manual labor was dishonored ;
and hence all the immigrants from Europe who had not the means
and the ambition to become landholders chose their homes in the
Free States. By the force of these combined agencies and influences
the representative power of the South was broken down. By the
annexation of Texas, the consequent war with Mexico, ending with
the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, California was presented for
admission into the Union as a free State, and at a time when the
control of the House of Representatives was irretrievably lost to the
South.
In this exigency Mr. Calhoun's dying speech was read in the
Senate, March 4, 1850, by James M. Mason, of Virginia. He admitted
the overthrow of the equilibrium between the Free and the Slave
States, and he attributed it to the action of the general government.
He closed with a demand for an amendment to the Constitution, by
which equality of political power should be guaranteed to the South,
and he coupled the demand with a threat of secession in case it
should be refused. But Mr. Calhoun had then lost faith in the per-
manence of the institution. There is good reason to believe, but not
the means to prove, that Mr. Calhoun, a few months before his
death, said to a friend, " Slavery will go down, sir; it will go down
in the twinkling of an eye, sir." His Essay on Government contained
a statement of his plan for preserving, or rather for re-establishing
the equilibrium between the Free States and the Slave States. He
advocated an amendment of the Constitution, which should provide
for two presidents, one from the South and one from the North.
Their powers were to be equal, and consequently every executive act
would require the concurrence of both presidents. The scheme was
designed, manifestly, to effect a dissolution of the Union, and under
2
18 THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE AND ITS REPEAL.
circumstances which would enable each party to charge the responsi-
bility upon the other.
The people of California framed a Constitution without the authority
of Congress, and resistance to its admission into the Union was put
upon that ground.
That position was a pretext. The exclusion of slavery was in fact
the real reason. The bill for the admission of California was ap-
proved the 9th day of September, 1850. It was silent upon the sub-
ject of slavery, but two other bills were approved the same day — one
for the organization of the Territory of New Mexico and the adjust-
ment of the boundary between Texas and New Mexico, and the other
for the organization of the Territory of Utah. Although the whole
of the Territory of Utah was north of the line 36° 30', and although a
part of New Mexico was also north of that line, both statutes con-
tained a provision that the States that might be formed out of said
Territories should be received into the Union with or without slavery,
as their Constitutions might prescribe. These three measures, and the
bill for the abolition of the slave-trade in the District of Columbia,
and the bill for the surrender of fugitives from slavery, were carried
under the lead of Mr. Clay. To Texas the sum of ten million dollars
was paid for a surrender to New Mexico of the territory north of
36° 30', and thus were the Free States led to abandon whatever
advantage was contemplated by the extension of the Missouri compro-
mise line across Texas, by the joint resolution of March 1, 1845.
All the territory of Louisiana was slave territory at the time of its
purchase from France in 1803. Hence the application of the Mis-
souri compromise line was a gain to the free States, inasmuch as the
region of country north of the line 36° 30' was relieved of slavery
and consecrated to freedom.
All the territory acquired of Mexico by the treaty of Gaudaloupe
Hidalgo was free territory. Hence the provision in the statutes for
the organization of New Mexico and Utah, by which the question of
slavery was remitted to the inhabitants who might occupy those Ter-
ritories when they should apply for admission into the Union, was a
concession to slavery. Slavery was thereby made possible in a Terri-
tory theretofore free. Except for slavery, the question of the admis-
sion of California would have been considered by itself.
As the death of President Harrison in 1841 had made the annexa-
tion of Texas possible during the term for which he had been elected,
so the death of President Taylor in July, 1850, made it possible for
THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE AND ITS REPEAL. 19
the slave-holders to secure the surrender of Utah and New Mexico to
the chances of slavery. It was understood that General Taylor was
opposed to the compromise measures of 1850. The most offensive of
those measures was the Fugitive Slave bill.
When these measures of compromise and conciliation had passed
into statutes, and thus were made binding upon the country, their
advocates and supporters North and South announced a peace — abso-
lute and continuing peace — upon the subject of slavery. On that
declaration the Democratic party achieved an easy victory in 1852.
One generation of men had been witnesses of and participants in
the series of contests upon the subject of slavery, commencing in 1820
and ending in 1850.
In every instance the demand of the South had been accompanied
by a threat that in case of failure the Union should be dissolved. By
this threat, and by the assertion of its power to elect a President of
either party, it subjected the political organizations of the country to
its will, and reduced an entire generation of siatesmen to a condition
of moral and political servitude. In the presence of an attempt to
nullify the laws of the Union, and, under the lead of General Jackson,
a successful resistance was made in 1832 to the demand of the slave-
holders. Their policy, however, was not changed. Indeed, the
leaders in the treasonable scheme of nullification, including Mr. Cal-
houn, were soon restored to public confidence and advanced to new
places of trust and power. In fine, as nullification was a means by
which the slave-holders attempted to assert their power in the gov-
ernment of the country, and as the leaders in nullification were the
leaders of the Democratic party of the South, and as the Democratic
party of the country was dependent upon the Southern Democracy,
the National Democratic party had no alternative but to recognize
the leaders in nullification as leaders also in political affairs. Hence
the defeat of nullification as a movement did not work the defeat and
exile from politics of the leaders and apostles of that heresy. As
long as slavery was a force in politics, and as long as the Democratic
party was subject to that force, the leaders of the South were sure of
place and power in the government of the country.
When the thirty-second Congress was about to end, a bill was
introduced for the organization of the Territory of Nebraska.
This bill was reported by Senator Richardson) a Democrat from
Illinois, and it was supported by Senator Douglas from the same
State. That bill recognized the exclusion of slavery, and. therefore,
20 THE MISSOUHI COMPROMISE AND ITS REPEAL.
it was defeated under the lead of Senators from the South, Soon
after the organization of the Thirty-third Congress in December,
1853, bills were introduced for the organization of the Territories
of Kansas and Nebraska. Senator Dixon, a Whig from Kentucky,
gave notice of an amendment abrogating the Missouri Compromise.
That suggestion was adopted by Senator Douglas of Illinois, and
he thus became the responsible author of the scheme to repeal the
compromise of 1820.
It was claimed that the concessions made in the bills for the organ-
ization of Utah and New Mexico were an abandonment of the princi-
ples of the compromise of 1820, inasmuch as the inhabitants of those
Territories were endowed with power to establish or prohibit slavery.
The claim had some foundation in the fact that all of Utah and part
of New Mexico were north of the parallel 36° 30', but there was a
careful concealment of the claim when the compromise measures of
1850 were before Congress and the country. It is a violent presump-
tion that Mr. Webster and others whose opinions were in harmony
with northern opinion, anticipated the claim thus based on the
compromise measures of 1850, but it is no compliment to their
intelligence to assume that they did not comprehend the nature and
scope of the concession then made.
At the opening of the Thirty-third Congress President Pierce
congratulated the country upon the settlement of the slavery contro-
versy, and he volunteered the pledge that the repose then enjoyed
should suffer no check if he had the power to avert it. The sincerity
of his pledge cannot be questioned, but in proportion to its sincerity
is the evidence of the power of slavery in compelling him to violate it,
and to involve his administration and the country in the horrors of
civil war on the plains of Kansas.
Mr. Douglas was the champion of the repeal of the Missouri Com-
promise. Many artful phrases were coined in the vain hope that tne
true intent and meaning of the act might be concealed from the pub-
lic. The great facts could not be concealed. By the compromise of
1820 a vast region of country had been dedicated to freedom. By the
repealing act of 1854 that country had been opened to slavery.
In the then excited condition of the public mind, the Territories
were made the theatres of civil war.
The supporters of slavery and the devotees of freedom were invited
to a contest of arms for the adjustment of a question which might and
should have been settled by Congress. But if it had been so settled,
THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE AND ITS REPEAL. 21
the conflict would have been continued between the two forms of
civilization, born, one of freedom, and the other of slavery. With-
out the spirit of prophecy, the declaration may be made safely that
the civilization born of freedom would have triumphed in the end.
The repeal of the Missouri Compromise precipitated and made in-
evitable the contest of arms between the two forms of civilization,
and in that contest the civilization of freedom was victorious.
It is no answer to say that the population of the North exceeded
the population of the South. That excess was due to its superior
civilization as certainly as was its supremacy in commerce, in manu-
factures, and in the inventive arts.
The words of repeal are these : " That the Constitution and all laws
of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the
same force and effect within the Territory of Kansas as elsewhere
within the United States, except the eighth section of the Act prepar-
atory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March
sixth, eighteen hundred and twenty, which, being inconsistent with
the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the
States and Territories, as recognized by the legislation of eighteen
hundred and fifty, commonly called the Compromise Measures, is
hereby declared inoperative and void ; it being the true intent and
meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or
State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof
perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their
own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States."
It is no exaggeration to say that never elsewhere has a sentence of
the English language been so freighted with consequences as was
this. It invited the representatives of thirty million people to bloody
strife on the borders of Missouri and the plains of Kansas; it anni-
hilated the Whig party; it divided the Democratic party of the
North ; it organized, consolidated, and made invincible the Republi-
can party of the Union, and finally it involved the country in a civil
war, in which not less than two million American citizens took part,
and not less than four hundred thousand gave their lives. All this
was the fruit of the alliance between the slave-holders of the South
and the Democratic party of the North.
CHAPTER III.
THE ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, THE CONTEST
IN KANSAS, AND THE ELECTION OF 1856.
rpHE formation of a new political party, or the regeneration of an
-*- old one, is due always to events, and not to the schemes and
purposes of men, except as events sometimes originate in such pur-
poses and schemes.
It is a weak exhibition of genius and an utter waste of power, to
attempt the creation of a new party by the force of mere will. On
the other hand, when events demand a new party, or the re-organiza-
tion of an old one, all resistance is borne down speedily.
The Republican party was the child of events. The pro-slavery
provisions of the Constitution, the foreign slave-rade, the acquisi-
tion of Louisiana, the Missouri Compromise, the nullification scheme
of South Carolina, the colonization and annexation of Texas, the
Mexican War, the contest over the admission of California, the com-
promise measures of 1850, and finally the repeal of the Missouri com-
promise in 1854, were the events which rendered the formation of an
anti-slavery party inevitable.
^ Its name was an incident only, and an unimportant incident ; its
principles and its purposes were the vital facts. No one can say why
its organization was so long delayed; no one can say why its organi-
zation was not yet farther postponed.
During the colonial period and the years of confederation, the
antagonism between slavery and freedom, or rather between the
institutions of slavery and the institutions of freedom, had not taken
form ; but the inherent antagonism was organized in and developed
under the Constitution, and for seventy years a struggle for the mas-
tery went on. In every contest slavery had triumphed, and in every
contest its victory was due to an alliance with one or both of the
old political parties, — more frequently with the Democratic party.
This experience had destroyed confidence in the aged, this history
(22)
ORGANIZATION OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 28
had engendered suspicions in the young. Consequently, upon the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the Democratic party of the
North was divided, and the Whig party, as a national organization,
ceased to exist.
As these bodies of Democrats and Whigs had rebelled against the
political parties with which they had been identified, and for the same
cause, they were driven necessarily into an alliance for self-defense as
well as for the purpose of forming a barrier to the progress of slavery.
Neither men nor parties are the masters of events, and it is quite
certain that the majority of the Republican party did not, at the
time of its organization, anticipate its career and power in changing
the institutions and controlling the fortunes of the country. There
was, in the nature of the case, entire agreement upon the question
of slavery extension, and a general concurrence in the opinion that
persons arrested as fugitives from service should be surrendered only
upon a verdict of a jury; but there was a divided sentiment as to the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and a very general
opposition to any interference with the institution in the States where
it then existed.
Itjsjtojbe admitted that the history of the Republican party is a
singular commentary upon its first declaration of principles at Phil-
adelphia^ in 1856. There is in that declaration no reference to
slavery in the States, to slavery in the District of Columbia, or to
the rendition of fugitives from service. It demands the admission
of Kansas as a Free State, and it denounces the proceedings in that
territory, and especially the military and judicial usurpations, by
which the people had been deprived of life, liberty, and property,
without due process of law. Slavery and polygamy in the territories
were condemned, and the projects for a railway to the Pacific Ocean,
and the improvement of the rivers and harbors, were commended as
within the scope of national authority. The platform was silent
upon the questions of protection and free trade.
These declarations seem ridiculously weak and unaggressive, when
measured and judged by the great movements and policies which the
Republican party has originated, defended, and carried forward to
final success. It met the enemy, however, at the point of attack.
The South asserted its right to establish slavery in all the Union, —
in the territory of Washington as well as in Kansas.
The Philadelphia platform declared that it was the legal right and
the political and moral duty of the national government to prohibit
24 ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
slavery in all the territories of the Union, — South as well as North.
Thus was the issue made between slavery and freedom. The South-
^ern leaders well knew that when slavery was limited to existing
territory it must begin to die. Limitation of the institution was not
only loss of political power, it was abolition in a mild way, but in a
way that led to the certain destruction of the system.
The devotion to slavery of one half of the Union for a period of
seventy years, and the tolerance of the institution by the other half
of the Union will, in a further like period of time, become the marvel
of history. Other and not far distant generations of men, in the
South as well as in the North, will be unable to comprehend the
public sentiment of the age in which we are living. The institution
of slavery has passed away; but the traditions, ideas, and habits of
life bred by slavery yet linger among us. The Kepublican party,
even, is not free from the influence of those ideas, traditions, and
habits of life, and the Democratic party submits itself to their
control as in the days of slavery. In large portions of the South the
right of the negro to vote is denied practically by the suppression of
the vote itself. The remedy of this wrong is within the scope of
the original purpose of the Republican party, if its action in regard
to slavery in the District of Columbia and in the States can be
defended successfully.
It is not good ground for the charge of hypocrisy or insincerity,
that a party does not at the outset unfold its purposes. The Revolu-
tionary party did not announce its purpose to secure the independ-
ence of the colonies. Indeed, from 1765 to 1770, it asserted the con-
trary ; but when, by long and painful experience, the leaders became
convinced that equality of rights could not be secured under the
union with Great Britain, they then resolved to destroy that union.
Events were their masters.
In 1856 the exclusion of slavery from the territories was the leading
issue between the contestants. The controversy over that issue led
to secession, war, the abolition of slavery, the constitutional amend-
ments, and the reconstruction of the government upon the basis of
those amendments. As these events succeeded each other the Repub-
lican party had no choice of ways. It resisted secession, prosecuted
the war, overthrew slavery, adopted the amendments to the constitu-
tion, and reconstructed the government upon the basis of the equality
of men and the equality of States. The old government recognized
the equality of States, and disregarded the equality of men. The
ORGANIZATION OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 25
new government asserts the doctrine that the equality of men is the
only security for the equality of States. The Republican party
asserts the equality of men as the only sure basis of the equality of
States.
The Democratic party maintains the equality of States, and denies
the equality of men. This is the issue, the constitutional issue born
of sl.ivery, and its sole survivor. And here again the Republican
party has no choice of ways. If it were indifferent to every consid-
eration not purely selfish, it would yet have no choice of ways. It
has created a new system of finance, and it has identified itself in its
history and in its policy with the doctrine of protection to domestic
labor. Into those two policies are woven the interest of every cap-
italist, and the means of support of every workman in the North,
and those policies can never be secure until the equality of men is
recognized, and its benefits are enjoyed practically by the former
slaves of the South.
In the old Slave States there are one million citizens of the United
States whose votes should be received and counted in every State
and national election, and it is probable that more than one-half of
those men are deprived of their rights, either by force or fraud. This
denial of the equality of men destroys the equality of States, and
puts in jeopardy the financial and economical prosperity of the
country. And thus again is the spirit of selfishness made subservient
to the cause of justice.
Upon the repeal of the Missouri Compromise Kansas became the
theatre of civil war. To that entertainment, indeed, the country
was invited. The Democratic party was in power at Washington,
and its influence was given to the scheme of making Kansas a Slave
State. The South sent men and money. The North sent men and
money. Contests of blood occurred, ruffian raids were tolerated, if
not encouraged, towns were burned, hostile legislatures assembled,
antagonizing constitutional conventions met, and vain appeals were
made for the admission of the territory into the Union as a State.
That event was postponed until January, 1861, but these proceedings
of disorder and blood compacted and strengthened the Republican
party for the struggles and responsibilities that it was soon to meet.
CHAPTER IV.
SHE SENATOEIAL CONTEST OF 1858 IN ILLINOIS, AND THE ELECTION
OF MR. LINCOLN IN 1860.
rriHE Republican party of the State of Illinois held a convention at
-*- Springfield, June 17, 1858, and nominated Abraham Lincoln for.
the seat in the United States Senate then held by Stephen A. Doug-
las. The nomination of Mr. Lincoln was anticipated, and he had
prepared a speech, which he then delivered. In that speech he set
forth the doctrines of the Republican party, arraigned the adminis-
tration of Mr. Buchanan, and denounced the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise under the lead of Senator Douglas. That speech inau-
gurated a discussion which has no equal in the history of American
politics. It introduced Mr. Lincoln to the country generally, and
prepared the way for his nomination to the Presidency two years
later.
In that speech, Mr. Lincoln made the declaration, then char-
acterized as extravagant, but accepted, finally, as prophetic: "I
believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and
half free."
On this phrase Mr. Douglas based many arguments, in the vain
attempt to prove that Mr. Lincoln was a disunionist. The context
showed that Mr. Lincoln attempted only to establish the proposition
that a tendency towards freedom, or a tendency towards slavery,
must, in the nature of the case, be developed, and that the Union
would in time become all slave or all free.
In that speech, and in the debate that followed, he character-
ized the repeal of the Missouri Compromise as a step towards making
the Union all slave, and he contrasted the act with the ordinance of
1787 for the government of the Northwestern Territory, by which all
the unoccupied lands within the jurisdiction of the old Confederacy
were made forever free.
ELECTION OF LINCOLN IN 1860. 27
Mr. Lincoln claimed, and claimed justly, that at the formation of
the Union the opinion was entertained generally that the institution
of slavery was temporary. The ordinance of 1787 made it local.
The magnitude of the surrender under the lead of Mr. Douglas
may be best expressed in the statement that at the time of the adop-
tion of the Constitution there was uot one foot of territory outside
the jurisdiction of the thirteen States that was not dedicated to free-
dom; and tiiat after the passage of the act for the organization of
Kan-as, there was not one foot of territory within the jurisdiction of
the United States that was not open to slavery.
Mr. Lincoln's first fame rests on that great debate. Judge Douglas
was an experienced politician and a skillful debater. He had already
taken a place amongst the able men of his time. In the month of
June Mr. Lincoln was unknown outside of Illinois and Indiana. In
September his character was understood and his ability was recog-
nized in all the non-slave-holding States of the Union. His mastery
over Douglas had been complete. His logic was unanswerable, his
ridicule was fatal, and every position taken by him was defended
successfully. At the end Douglas had but one recourse. He mis-
stated Lincoln's positions, and then assailed them; but Lincoln was
ever ready to expose the fallacies, and to hold up their author to the
derision or condemnation of his hearers.
In the month of September Mr. Lincoln delivered a speech at Cin-
cinnati, in reply to Mr. Douglas. In that speech he addressed him-
self to the citizens of Kentucky, and advocated the nomination of
Mr. Douglas to the Presidency, upon the ground that he was more
devoted to the South than were the Southern leaders themselves, and
that he was wiser in methods for defending their rights. This was a
form of attack which Douglas did not anticipate, and which he could
neither resent nor answer.
In all that debate it was the constant effort of Mr. Douglas to pre-
sent Mr. Lincoln as the opponent of the Constitution and the Union.
That effort led Mr. Lincoln to place himself conspicuously upon Con-
stitutional, Union ground. The sentiments that he thus expressed
and taught were woven into all the platforms of the party in every
section of the country. To those sentiments he adhered when he be-
came President, and in every step of his great career he tested his
acts by the fundamental law. He aided in the organization of the
Republican party, and to him more than to any one else is the party
indebted for its character, its measures, its success. He is the first
28 SENATORIAL CONTEST IN 1858 IN ILLINOIS.
personage of its history, and the second personage in the history of
the Republic.
The nomination of Mr. Lincoln at Chicago in May, 1860, was not
accomplished without a severe contest, nor without doubts and mis-
givings on the part of many members of the convention. Mr. Sew-
ard was the recognized leader of the party, and he was supported by
the State of New York. The State of Ohio presented Mr. Chase,
who in standing and influence was second only to Mr. Seward. The
votes of Pennsylvania were given for General Cameron, and thus the
three leading Republican States were divided.
After several ballots, the nomination of Mr. Lincoln was made.
The result was received with enthusiasm in the Northwestern States,
with feelings of disappointment in New York, but with hope and
confidence elsewhere. By the month of September all disappoint-
ments had been allayed, and the party was not united merely, it was
compacted as firmly as was ever any military organization. It was
sustained by its principles and rendered enthusiastic by the certainty
of success.
The declarations made at Chicago were aggressive, and in many par-
ticulars the platform of 1860 was a contrast to, rather than a growth
from, that of 1856. It asserted that the normal condition of all the ter-
ritory of the United States was that of freedom ; it denounced the
outrages in Kansas, and demanded its immediate admission into the
Union with her Constitution as a free State; it branded the re-open-
ing of the African slave-trade as a crime, and in expressing the abhor-
rence of the Republican party to all schemes of disunion, the Demo-
cratic party was arraigned for its silence in the presence of threats of
secession made by its own members. The doctrine of encouragement
to domestic industry was announced, the sale of the public lands
was condemned, the coming measure of securing homesteads for the
landless was approved, and a pledge of protection was given to all
citizens, whether native or naturalized, and whether at home or
abroad.
The party was again pledged to the construction of a railway to the
Pacific Ocean, and to the improvement of the rivers and harbors of
the country.
In the primary declaration, the platform asserted the necessity for
the existence of the Republican party, coupled with the assurance of
its permanency.
It was assumed in the platform that the Republican party was soon
ELECTION OF LINCOLN IN 1860. 29
to enter upon the work of administering the Government. It pledged
itself to economy, to the Union, to the rights of the States, and to
unending hostility to every form of human servitude.
The aggregate popular vote exceeded four million six hundred and
eighty thousand, and of the total one million eight hundred and sixty-
six thousand votes were given for Mr. Lincoln, and of the three hun-
dred and three electoral votes, he received one hundred and eighty.
The Democratic party was divided. Mr. Breckinridge, the candidate
of the South, received eight hundred and forty-seven thousand votes
and seventy-two votes in the Electoral College, while Mr. Douglas
received only twelve electoral votes, although his popular vote reached
a million three hundred and seventy-five thousand. John Bell re-
ceived thirty-nine electoral votes on a popular vote of less than six
hundred thousand. The popular vote for Mr. Lincoln was nearly a
half -million less than a majority; but his predecessor, Mr. Buchanan,
was also a minority President.
Eleven States voted for Mr. Breckinridge, and of these, all, except
Delaware and Maryland, became members of the Confederacy. The
States of Virginia and Tennessee, that had voted for Mr. Bell, sup-
plied the places in the Confederacy made vacant by the absence of
Maryland and Delaware. The result showed that the Democratic
party, as represented by Mr. Breckinridge, was in fact a secession
party as well. The division of the Democratic party decided the
election in favor of Mr. Lincoln.
Had that party supported Mr. Douglas in good faith, his election
would have been secured, probably ; but the South would have been
left without excuse, if it had persisted in the scheme of seces-
sion. Therefore it came to pass that the Democratic party was dis-
organized by its owjT leaders, as a step preliminary to the, .flkfltj™1 of
Mr. Lincoln anjTtne secession of the States nf fhp. Efonth
The election of Mr. Lincoln was made the pretext for disunion, but
the leaders must have known that he would be powerless to do any
act or thing contrary to their Constitutional rights while the members
of Congress from the South retained their seats in the Senate and
House of Representatives. They had, however, only a choice of
ways. It was not possible to hold seats in the Congress of the United
States and at the same time to organize a hostile government. If
Jefferson Davis was to become the President of the Confederacy, it
was necessary for him to surrender his seat in the Senate of the
30 SENATORIAL CONTEST IN 1858 IN ILLINOIS.
United States. A like necessity attended the leading men by whom
he was supported.
It was also the necessity of their situation that the new govern-
ment should be organized during the administration of Mr. Buchanan.
It is not necessary to assume any private understanding betwreen the
President and the leaders of secession. His message of December,
1860, contained declarations which justified Mr. Davis and his asso-
ciates in assuming that Mr. Buchanan would not interfere with the
organization of the new government. Of Mr. Lincoln, and of the
administration that he might form, nothing could then be known.
Mr. Buchanan denied the right of secession as a Constitutional
right, but he also denied to the Government of ,Jhe United States all
power under the Constitution to prevent secession by force. As a
consequence the Union could exist only by the concurring and con-
tinuing consent of each and every State. Hence it was competent in
fact, if not in law, for a majority of the voters in the smallest State,
as Delaware, for example, to declare the Union at an end. Thus it
came to pass that the Constitutional opinions of the President har-
monized with the purposes of the secessionists. They took the respon-
sibility of seceding from the Union, and the President took the
responsibility of announcing that the general Government had no
power under the Constitution to interfere with their undertaking.
Denying the right of the National Government to preserve its exis-
tence by force, the opinions of the President upon the abstract Con-
stitutional question of the right of secession were of no practical
value whatever.
Upon the admission of Mr. Buchanan, the Union ceased to exist on
the 17th day of December, 1860, when the State of South Carolina
adopted the ordinance of secession. It followed from Mr. Buchanan's
position that the war, and all the incidents and consequences of the
war, were unconstitutional.
The weakness of his position was shown by the impotence of the
conclusions to which he was driven. Having surrendered all right of
jurisdiction over the territory and people of South Carolina, he yet
attempted to assert a right of property in the custom-houses and forta
that had been constructed by the United States, although he could
not visit those custom-houses and forts except as an act of war.
Upon his theory of the Government, Mr. Buchanan was President
from the 17th of December, 1860, to the 4th of March, 1881, of a part
only of the country that had elected him to office.
ELECTION OF LINCOLN IN 1860. 31
Thus, by the aggressive acts of one wing of the Democratic party,
and the non-action of the representatives of the whole party, fhe
Union ceased to exist. One wing of the party said the Union had no
right to exist. The other wing of the party said the Union had no
Constitutional right to maintain its existence by force. Standing in
the presence of the facts that existed the 22d day of February, 1861,
and with a knowledge of the opinions entertained by Mr. Buchanan,
the conclusion is outside of the realm of controversy that if he had
had two years more of official life, the Confederacy would have been
established firmly and recognized by the leading nations of the world.
The Union was dismembered and surrendered by the Democratic
party.
The Union was re-established by the Republican party.
CHAPTER V.
THE INAUGURATION OF MR. LINCOLN, AND THE POLITICAL AND
MILITARY QUESTIONS THEN FORCED UPON THE COUNTRY.
MR. BUCHANAN'S denial of the constitutional right of seces-
sion was an impotent abstraction in presence of his declara-
tion that the national government had not a constitutional right to
preserve its existence by force. The position of Mr. Buchanan was
more favorable to the South than any other that he could have chosen.
The only peril of the South was war on the part of the national gov-
ernment.
Under the administration of Mr. Buchanan there could be no war.
His assertion of the right of property in the custom-houses, forts, and
arsenals, implied the use of force for their recovery and possession,
but jurisdiction over the remaining territory of a State was still
to be exercised by the State. With that jurisdiction conceded, of
what use to the national government would have been the possession
of custom-houses, arsenals, and forts? In a short period of time
they would have been surrendered to the State authorities.
The effect of his position was to unite the South by relieving the
timid and conservative elements of all fear of war. He thus made it
possible for the advocates of immediate secession to say that the only
thing needed was the courage to act, as the act would be accepted as
an accomplished fact.
If Mr. Buchanan had asserted the right of secession, his influence
with the democratic party of the North would have been greatly di-
minished if not destroyed utterly; but his qualified position was sus-
tained apparently by all of the democratic voters in the Free States
who had not supported Mr. Douglas. Mr. Buchanan's policy con-
solidated the South and divided the North.
(32)
THE INAUGURATION OF LINCOLN. 33
Mr. Lincoln asserted his own position in his inaugural address, and
thus indirectly he controverted the position occupied by Mr. Buchanan.
Mr. Buchanan denied the right of secession and admitted the fact ;
Mr. Lincoln denied the right and the fact as well.
A portion of the inaugural address is devoted to a critical analysis
of the government, to which Mr. Lincoln added these significant
sentences: " It follows from these views, that no State, upon its own
mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and
ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence,
within any State or States, against the authority of the United States,
are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
I, therefore, consider that in view of the constitution and the laws,
the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my -ability, I shall take
care, as the constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the
laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States."
This declaration did not stop with the assertion of the right of
property in custom-houses, forts, and arsenals; it announced a pur-
pose to collect the revenues, to keep open the courts, to maintain the
post-offices within the limits, and to carry the mails and transport
troops and munitions of war over the territory of every State of the
LTnion. It was an assertion of jurisdiction, with an assertion of all
the powers incident to jurisdiction. Resistance on the part of any
State to the exercise of that jurisdiction would be insurrection or
revolution. Mr. Lincoln put the responsibility upon the disaffected
States. He well knew, however, that they must either abandon the
scheme of secession, or resist the jurisdiction of the United States.
Indeed, South Carolina and other States had already asserted exclu-
sive jurisdiction by seizing custom-houses and forts, and substituting
State flags for the flag of the United States.
Under the lead of Mr. Buchanan it was impossible to re-establish
the Union, as it had been impossible for him to preserve it. On the
other hand, Mr. Lincoln did not admit that in a legal view the Union
had been destroyed, and he announced his purpose to preserve it. He
did not admit the right of secession, and he claimed that the so-called
ordinances of secession were null and void.
Under a Democratic administration, and by the consent of its head,
the Union was destroyed in fact if not in law. Under a Republican
administration the Union was re-established in fact, as it existed in
contemplation of law.
The months between the election in November and the inaugura-
3
34 THE INAUGURATION OF LINCOLN.
tion in March were filled with rumors of schemes to assassinate Mr.
Lincoln, and to seize the Capital. Whether these rumors had a
foundation may not be known, but they so far influenced Mr. Lin-
coln's friends that he was induced to conceal his movements over the
route from Harrisburg to Washington.
When Mr. Lincoln became President, all the forts, arsenals, and
custom-houses in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only Forts Sumter, Pickens, Jef-
ferson, and Taylor had been seized, and all their property, movable
and immovable, had been converted to the use of the Confederate
States. Mr. Lincoln's legal position was such that he would have
been justified in a resort to force for their recovery. It was his pur-
pose, however, to await the movements of the secession authorities,
well knowing that they could not long remain inactive, and that an
attack upon Union troops would arouse and consolidate the North.
The twelfth day of April, 1861, Gen. Beauregard opened fire upon
Fort Sumter. This act transferred the contest from the theatre of
discussion to the arbitrament of arms. It was followed by a procla-
mation from President Lincoln, calling for seventy-five thousand
volunteers, whose first duty should be the recovery of the forts,
places, and property which had been seized from the Union.
Thus the war wras inaugurated, and under circumstances which
placed the entire responsibility upon the actors in the Rebellion.
As slavery had been the cause of the war, the administration was
brought face to face with questions growing out of the system. In
the beginning the military authorities surrendered fugitives to their
masters. Soon, however, that course of action was changed, upon
the demand of the people and the concurring judgment of the admin-
istration.
As early as July, 1862, a law was passed which provided that the
slaves of all persons engaged in the Rebellion, or giving aid and com-
fort thereto, who might escape and come within the Union lines,
and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and
all slaves of such persons found in anyplace occupied by rebel forces
and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, should
be forever free, and never again held as slaves.
This statute ended all controversy over the question of duty in
regard to the rendition of fugitives from slavery, and its continuing
operation would have ended the system in the eleven rebellious
THE INAUGURATION OF LINCOLN. 35
States, even if the Proclamation of Emancipation and the Thirteenth
Amendment to the Constitution had not been called into existence.
In the month of March, 1861, the Confederate authorities sent to
"Washington a commission, consisting of three persons, with instruc-
tions to negotiate a treaty of separation and peace. The commis-
siouers assumed that they represented a government de jure as well
as de facto, and that the question of the right of the Confederate gov-
ernment to exist was not to be considered. Mr. Seward declined to
see them, and solely, as he said, upon public grounds.
In the months of January and February, the rebel authorities had
seized forts and arsenals, the property of the United States, with all
the movable effects, including one hundred thousand stand of arms.
Having thus commenced a war, the Confederate authorities sought
by diplomacy to negotiate a peace.
Mr. Lincoln occupied strong ground. He claimed to be the Pres-
ident of the whole Union, and he accepted the duty of executing the
laws in every State. On this proposition there could be no negotia
tions, and certainly none which rested upon an admission that the
Union had ceased to exist.
Thus again was made apparent the issue between Mr. Buchanan
and Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Buchanan admitted the destruction of the
Union, and denied the existence of any right in the national govern-
ment to attempt its restoration by force. Mr. Lincoln treated the
ordinances of secession as void ab initio, and claimed the right to
enforce the laws of the United States in every State, — in those that
had seceded as well as in those that were loyal to the Constitution.
It is thus seen that he laid a foundation in law for every act of his
administration, whether of legislation, of diplomacy, or of war. It
is thus seen, also, that the Republican party, through its constituted
agents, restored a Union and reorganized a government that had
been assailed by one wing of the Democratic party, and abandoned
by the other
The statute of 1850, for the rendition of fugitives from slavery,
was one of the most barbarous acts of modern times, and its passage
contributed more largely than any other measure, to the anti-slavery
sentiment of the North. The statute of 1793 was a humane measure
when compared with that of 1850. By the earlier statute the claim-
ant was required to make his own seizures, and to prove his title to
the fugitive before a judge of a circuit or district court of the United
States, or before some magistrate of a county, city, or town corpo-
36 THE INAUGURATION OF LINCOLN.
rate, wherein the arrest should be made; but by the law of 1850 the
commissioners of the courts of the United States were authorized to
act, marshals and deputy marshals were required to make the arrests,
and in case of an affidavit by the claimant that he had reason to
apprehend that an attempt would be made to rescue the fugitive, it
became the duty of the officer making the arrest to employ assistants,
and to return the fugitive to the State from whence he came, and at
the expense of the United States. The alleged fugitive was not
allowed to testify in his own behalf, but affidavits in behalf of the
claimant were to be received, and the findings of a court in the State
from which the person had escaped, as alleged, were conclusive. At
the end the commissioner was entitled to a fee of ten dollars if the
fugitive should be surrendered to the claimant, and five dollars only
in case of his discharge. If a fugitive succeeded in making his es
cape from a marshal or deputy marshal the marshal was made liable
to the claimant for the value of the service of the fugitive in the State
or Territory from which he had escaped, and this whether the escape
was with or without the assent of the marshal. In the execution of
the process the officer was authorized to call upon the bystanders as a
posse comitatus, and all the citizens of the United States were en-
joined to aid the marshals and deputy marshals in the performance
of their duty.
The fugitive slave bill of 1850 was passed by a majority of fifteen
in the Senate, and thirty -five in the House. Each of the old parties
contributed votes, — the Whig party less generously than the Demo-
cratic party.
When the Republican party came into power the amendment or
repeal of the fugitive slave law was a subject of constant agitation
in Congress and in the country ; but it was not until the 28th day of
June, 1864, that a repealing act was passed, and approved by Presi-
dent Lincoln. The repealing bill passed the House by the vote of
ninety Republicans against a minority consisting of one Republican
and sixty-one Democrats. The bill was supported in the Senate by
the votes of twenty-seven Republicans against the votes of four
Republicans and eight Democrats.
The delay in securing the passage of the bill repealing the fugitive
slave law, was due in part to the protests of the border Slave States
that had not joined the confederacy, in part to the necessity of pro-
viding means for the prosecution of the war, and in part to the oppo-
sition of the northern Democrats, who denounced every movement
that threatened the institution of slavery.
THE INAUGURATION OP LINCOLN. 37
The repeal of the measure was the work of the Republican party.
It is not easy to comprehend the public sentiment upon the rights
of negroes during the years of the war. Speaking generally, the
members of the Democratic party were opposed first to their freedom,
and consequently they were opposed to every measure and move-
ment designed to elevate or improve the race. It was not without
opposition that negroes were allowed to ride in the street-cars of the
city of Washington ; that they were permitted to testify in courts of
justice ; that they were employed upon the fortifications, or enrolled
in the army. The leading Democrats of the North insisted that
slavery should be preserved with the Union, and that the restored
Union should answer in every particular to the old Union. They
insisted also that the States in rebellion were still States in the Union,
and entitjed to the same rights as the loyal States. This latter
dogma was entertained by many Republicans.
Every attempt to secure equal rights for the negro was opposed
vigorously, and it was not until the 3d of March, 1864, that the
statutes of the country authorized the enrollment of colored persons
as a part of the military force of the Republic.
Through these various stages, and by the action of the Republican
party, the colored inhabitants of the country were advanced and
secured in the enjoyment of some of the civil rights which appertain
to citizenship.
CHAPTER VI.
THE PROCLAMATION OP EMANCIPATION AND THE AMENDMENTS TO
THE CONSTITUTION.
THE organization called "The Confederate States of America"
made the overthrow of the system of slavery possible as a mili-
tary necessity ; but the administration of Mr. Lincoln was confronted
constantly with the opposition of the Democratic party of the North.
The monitory Proclamation of Emancipation was issued the 22d day
of September, 1862, and so general was the hostility to the proceed-
ing that the Republican party escaped defeat by less than twenty-
five majority in the House of Representatives. In the year 1862 elec
tions were held in the loyal States only.
Nor was the opposition to emancipation confined to members of
the Democratic party. Similar opinions were entertained by the
Republicans and Union men of the border Slave States, with few
exceptions, and the Proclamation was deprecated by the press, and
by influential Republicans in the most advanced anti-slavery commu-
nities of the North.
The early declarations of the Republican party that it was not its
purpose to interfere with slavery in the States were quoted, and
thereon the charge of inconsistency was based. No allowance was
made for the changes that had been wrought by eighteen months of
flagrant war. No account was taken of the facts that the slaves in
the rebellious States were employed upon the plantations raising sup-
plies for the armies in the field, and providing sustenance and even
protection for the families at home. The spirit of forbearance, and
the sentiment of humanity exhibited during the war by the negro
population of the South, when thousands of defenseless families
were at their mercy, ought to command not just treatment merely,
but the sincere and continuing gratitude of the white population of
THE PROCLAMATION OP EMANCIPATION. 39
the eleven States. The slave-holders themselves have been compelled
to testify to the presence of virtues in the negro race which were sup-
posed, generally, to belong only to the most cultivated classes of
society.
But neither the facts which are thus admitted, nor the admissions
themselves, have wrought any change in the relations of the two
races. The absence in the white race of the sentiment of gratitude
and the sense of justice, is not due to the difference of race, but to
the antecedent condition of slave and master. The slave was bound
to render everything, while he was incapable of commanding any-
thing. The master commanded everything, and he was bound to ren-
der nothing. Hence the humanity of the negro was accepted by the
master as the performance of a duty, whose avoidance would have
been a crime.
To the slave-holders the overthrow of slavery was the loss of prop-
erty, the loss of political power, and the loss of social supremacy.
To the northern Democrat the overthrow of slavery was the loss of
a political ally for which no substitute could be found. When the
country was divided into two parties, upon questions that did not
touch slavery, the slave power was a contingent in politics, and ready
to perform service for either party, but always upon terms most
acceptable to itself. When, however, the Whig party was extin-
guished, and the Republican party was organized as an anti-slavery
party, the slave power was forced into an alliance, or rather into a
union with the Democratic party, and under circumstances which
precluded all controversy as to terms. The slave power of the South
was thus subordinated to the Democratic party pf the North. There-
tofore the slave power had ruled both political parties, but with the
organization of the Republican party it became the servant of one of
those parties.
This change of parties was fraught with two important conse-
quences. The slave power accepted secession as a means of escaping
from a condition of subordination to the Northern democracy, and
the Northern democracy demanded "the restoration of the Union as
it was," well knowing that slavery was a bond which would hold the
South in perpetual alliance with the Democratic party of the North.
Upon the basis of these ideas the policy of the Democratic party
was rational and logical. It claimed that the army should be used
to aid the return of fugitive slaves to rebel masters ; that fugitive
slaves should not be employed in forts and arsenals; that negroes
40 THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.
should not be accepted as soldiers; and that inasmuch as the thirty-
seventh Congress had declared that the war was prosecuted solely
for the restoration of the Union, the abolition of slavey, whether
in the District of Columbia or in the States engaged in the Rebellion,
was a breach of good faith. Its mottoes were, "The Union as it
was;" "Once a State always a State."
There was a very considerable minority of the Republican party
who in the early years of the war either accepted the positions taken
by the Democratic party of the North, or hesitated to assert the con-
trary. Finally, however, the Republican party accepted the respon-
sibility of refusing to return fugitive slaves to rebel masters, of
employing fugitive slaves in the #forts and arsenals, of enlisting
negroes in the army, of abolishing slavery.in the District of Colum-
bia and in the States and parts of States engaged in the Rebellion.
"The Union as it was" was not restored, and the cry, " Once a
State always a State," was disregarded.
The primary object of war is the re-establishment of a condition
of peace upon a basis more satisfactory to the conquering party.
Measures, not inhuman, which tend to the restoration of peace, or
measures which tend to render a condition of peace, when peace
shall be restored, more stable or more agreeable to the parties, are
measures which are justified by the antecedent reasons and by the
results. Thus tested, the emancipation of the slaves in the States
engaged in the Rebellion is justifiable, and justified as a measure of
war.
The slaves were employed in the cultivation of the soil, by which
the families of the soldiers were supported and the armies in the field
were supplied with subsistence. They were also employed in the
transportation of war material, and in the erection of fortifications,
and the construction of roads and bridges. Emancipation was a
pledge by the national government to every person held in slavery,
that the relation of master and slave should never be re-established.
As the old Union had failed, and as in that Union slavery had been
the cause of the failure, there could be no reasonable hope of a per-
manent peace until slavery disappeared. The old Union was an
impossibility. Would a system of representation based upon slaves
have been again tolerated by the North? Or would fugitives from
slavery have been returned to then1 masters? Thus was the Procla-
mation of Emancipation justified by the rules of war, and warranted
by the then existing exigencies of the public service. In fine, it
THE PROCLAMATION OF EM-ANCIPATION. 41
made possible the formation of a Union so acceptable that no one is
now found to voice a dissent, while from 1789 to 1860 there was
never a year when the capacity or the right of the Union to maintain
its existence was not a subject of public debate.
The Democratic party demanded the re-establishment of a system
of government which had failed under and by its leadership, and
resisted the reorganization of the Union upon a basis which guaran-
teed alike the equality of men and the equality of States. On the
issue thus raised the Democratic party was defeated, and its policy
is now condemned by experience.
The restoration of the Union and its peaceful perpetuation to other
times, depended upon two events, viz. : The prosecution of the war
to a successful termination, and the abolition of slavery. The Dem-
ocratic party, through its leaders, denied the rightfulness of the war,
although many members of that party contributed a full share to its
success. The Democratic party, as an organization, opposed the
abolition of slavery, and not one of its representative men supported
the Proclamation of Emancipation.
Thus it appears that if the fortunes of the country had been com-
mitted to the Democratic party the war would have been a failure,
probably; or if the rebellious States had been subjugated by arms or
conciliated by negotiations, the institution of slavery would Imve
been preserved to foster divisions, encourage controversies, all to end
finally in a renewal of the war. The Democratic party is thus
shown to have been deficient in patriotism and in statesmanship.
Upon a proposition submitted to the House of Representatives,
December 15, 1862, which declared that the Proclamation of the 22d
of September, 1862, was warranted by the Constitution, and that the
policy of emancipation was well adapted to hasten the restoration of
peace, was well chosen as a war measure, and an exercise of power
having proper regard for the rights of the States and the perpetuity
of free government, only two members who were elected as Demo-
crats gave affirmative votes, while seven members who were elected
as Republicans, or Union men, as distinguished from Democrats and
Republicans, voted in the negative.
During the first two years of the war there was a continuous
struggle between the North and the South for supremacy in the
border Slave States, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri.
They were disturbed by the emancipation of the slaves in the District
of Columbia, and every act of the President was carefully examined
43 THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.
by the inhabitants of those States. They protested against any step
looking to emancipation, even if compensation were guaranteed.
In March, 1862, the President recommended the adoption of a reso-
lution in these words, viz. :
"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any
State which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to
such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion,
to compensate for the inconvenience, public and private, produced
by such change of system."
This resolution was supported by four Democrats only in the
House of Representatives, and two in the Senate. It was passed by
a two-thirds vote in each House, but the proposition was not accepted.
This was Mr. Lincoln's first effort at emancipation in the States that
had not engaged in the rebellion, and his sagacity and far-seeing
statesmanship were never exhibited more conspicuously.
The proposition thus made by the President and approved by Con-
gress could not but wreaken the position of the border States in the
event of emancipation without compensation, as an incident or result
of the war. If, on the other hand, the proposition should be accepted
by the loyal Slave States, there would then be no obstacle to com-
pulsory emancipation in the rebel States. Moreover, the proposition
qualified, in some degree, the demand made for immediate and
unconditional emancipation as a measure of war. It was a prelimi-
nary step in a path in which the President was well assured he must
walk to the end, — unconditional, universal emancipation. There can
be no doubt, however, that the President was sincere in his effort to
secure the freedom of the slaves in the loyal States and in aid thereof
to compensate the owners.
His proclamation of the 19th of May, 1862, in which the proclama-
tion of Major-General David Hunter, declaring that the persons
theretofore held as slaves in South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida
were forever free, was revoked, contained a passage which showed
that he then thought of emancipation as a military necessity. This
was his language: " "Whether it be competent for me as commander-
in-chief of the army and navy to declare the slaves of any State or
States free, and whether at any time, in any case, it shall have become
a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the government to
exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my respon-
sibility, I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified in
leaving*to the decision of commanders in the field."
THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. 43
In July the President sought an interview with the representative
men from the border Slave States. In an address to them he urged
his plan for emancipation, and expressed his regret that his efforts
had not been supported. Again he indicated the peril to which the
loyal slave-holders were exposed, by a reference to the effect upon
his northern supporters by his repudiation of Gen. Hunter's procla-
mation. "In repudiating it I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to
many whose support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is
not the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me,
and is increasing."
This appeal to the border Slave States was followed by an earnest
recommendation to Congress in December, 1862, to initiate amend-
ments to the Constitution of the United States guaranteeing compen-
sation to any State that should provide for the emancipation of its
slaves at any time before the year one thousand and nine hundred.
This recommendation was coupled with the statement that the adop-
tion of the plan would not stay the prosecution of the war, nor inter-
fere with the proceedings under the Proclamation of the 22d of
September. The proposition was thus limited in the mind of the
President to the Slave States that had not engaged in the Rebellion.
Mr. Lincoln was an anti-slavery man, but his conduct as a citizen,
and his policy as President, were guided by the Constitution. It is
probable that at the moment when the war became formidable, and
the Confederate States were organized as a government, he antici-
pated that the time would come when the emancipation of the slaves
would be justified as a means of subjugating the rebels and restoring
the Union. As early as May, 1862, in a letter to a Union man in
Louisiana he intimated a purpose to proclaim emancipation rather
than lose the government. When Lee crossed the Potomac and
invaded Maryland, the President made a resolve that whenever the
rebels were driven into Virginia he would issue the proclamation.
The battle of Antietam in September, 1862, and the retreat of Lee
were the final events in a series which, in the opinion of Mr. Lincoln,
required and justified the emancipation of the slaves as a means of
ending the war and restoring the Union.
Events then future have vindicated the wisdom of the act.
In his second annual message Mr. Lincoln discussed and defended
the emancipation policy. "Without slavery," said he, "the Rebel-
lion could never have existed; without slavery it could not continue."
This was his first public declaration of these important truths, but
44 THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. ^
the truths must have been present in his mind for many months pre-
vious to fhe declaration. The difficulties of his situation were such
that he was compelled to withhold all expression of opinions and
purposes in regard to slavery until the moment arrived when It was
wise to act. In each of the border Slave States there was a strong
public sentiment in favor of the Confederacy. Every step taken by
the government of the United States looking to emancipation was
calculated to increase that sentiment. In Missouri, Kentucky, and
West Virginia the war was flagrant, and the Union forces were often
on the defensive. The public sentiment of those States was so
equally divided that they were held to the Union by force. On the
other hand, there were large bodies of men in the North who de-
manded the immediate abolition of slavery, without regard to the
effects upon the border States.
It was the great good fortune of the country that Mr. Lincoln was
superior to temporary influences. His comprehensive wisdom ena-
bled him to so shape his policy as to meet the reasonable demands of
those whose opinions corresponded with his own, without intensifying
the hostility of his opponents. Eighteen months of war, and often
at their own doors, had led the border States to sigh for peace, and
at any price. The system of slavery had lost many of its attractions.
Fugitives were not returned. The armies were ready to accept the
services of negroes without inquiry as to ownership. The Procla-
mations of September, 1862, and January, 1863, were received with
favor by Republicans in the old Free States, and in silent acquies-
cence by the Union men in the border Slave States. The measure
was denounced by the Democrats, and the elections of 1862 were
highly favorable to that party.
If the Proclamation had been issued twelve months, or even six
months, earlier, the country would have rebelled against the meas-
ure. Under the circumstances the loss of confidence, even in the
border States, was temporary. In a few weeks or months at most,
tho consequences of the shock had disappeared. The abolition of
slavery in the rebel States was accepted as an accomplished fact,
and the border States soon realized that the system was valueless to
them.
Mr. Lincoln had sought to abolish slavery in the border States as
a step towards its forcible overthrow in the Confederate States.
Failing in this the process was reversed. Slavery was first abolished
in the Confederate States. Its abolition there made it impossible to
TUE PROCLAMATION OP EMANCIPATION. 45
protect it in the border States. Thus was the way prepared for the
Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, and the final extinction
of the system in the United States.
The resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution abol-
ishing slavery, was agreed to by the Senate, April 8, 1864, by a vote
of thirty-eight in the affirmative to six in the negative. Of the Dem-
ocrats, two only, Senators Harding and Nesmith, voted hi the
affirmative.
When the resolution came up for consideration in the House of
Representatives, Mr. Holman of Indiana moved its rejection. On
this motion the yeas were fifty -five, and the nays were seventy-six.
Upon the final question, June 15, 1864, the yeas were ninety-five,
and the nays were sixty-six. So the resolution failed to pass, the
constitutional majority of two-thirds not having been secured. Mr.
Ashley of Ohio, who had voted with the minority in numbers for
the purpose of moving a reconsideration, entered his motion at once,
and all further action was then postponed. Of the Democratic party
three members voted for the resolution, sixty -five voted against it,
and twelve members neglected to answer to their names.
The elections of 1864 were favorable to the Republican party, and
of the members returned to the House less than one-third were Dem-
ocrats. The canvass had changed public opinion upon the subject
of emancipation, and many Democrats accepted the conclusion that
the abolition of the system of slavery was inevitable. The thirty-
ninth Congress was pledged to the amendment to the Constitution.
Further resistance was therefore vain.
Early in the second month of the second session of the thirty eighth
Congress, Mr. Ashley called up his motion to reconsider the vote by
which the proposed amendment had been rejected. That motion
prevailed, and upon the question of passing the resolution the yeas
were one hundred and nineteen, and the nays were fifty-six, — all
Democrats. Sixteen Democrats voted in the affirmative, and eight
others declined to vote.
The elections of 1864 had secured the passage of the resolution by
the thirty-ninth Congress, but its adoption by the thirty-eighth Con-
trive was clue to the affirmative action of sixteen Democrats, and the
non-action of eight others. The amendment was submitted to the
States the first day of February, 1865, and the eighteenth day of the
following December the Secretary of State issued a proclamation
46 THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.
declaring that it had been ratified by the legislatures of twenty-seven
of the thirty -six States composing the Union.
Thus and then the system of slavery came to an end in the United
States; and thus and then was an example given which is to be fol-
lowed by all the nations of the earth.
This was indeed the most lustrous event in American history.
Not the Declaration of Independence, nor the Constitution, even,
can bear the test of a comparison with the measures of Emancipa-
tion and Abolition. The chains which were lifted or broken by the
Declaration of Independence were not as burdensome and galling as
those which were fastened upon the Free States by the compromises
of the Constitution. Had the Union with Great Britain continued
for half a century, an equality of power with the mother country
would have been recognized and established, or the bonds of union
would have been .parted in peace. The evils of the colonial relation
were temporary ; the evils of slavery under the Constitution had
assumed the character of permanent and growing wrongs.
First of all there was a denial of .the equality of men as political
forces in the government of the country. Not merely a denial of
political rights to the negro race ; the Constitution secured unequal
political power to the voters in a Slave State, and that inequality
was increased as the number of slaves was augmented. Slave-catch-
ing was made a national duty; and the glowing truths of the Decla-
ration of Independence were repudiated or disregarded in the public
policy of the country. Professing freedom, we were characterized
justly as a nation of slave-holders.
The slave-holding class directed the policy of the slave-holding
States, and the slave-holding States held the balance of power between
the rival parties of the North. And thus were parties and politi-
cians and statesmen, and the public policy of the country, subordi-
nated to the slave-holders of the South. At the end, the value of
the Declaration of Independence was not so much in its allegations
against Great Britain as in the announcement by authority of funda-
mental truths which concern all men, and are applicable to all times
and conditions of society. Those truths were the constant enemy of
slavery, and they contributed essentially to its overthrow.
With this history, and upon this view of emancipation, the Repub-
lican party may claim the first place among parties, when measured
and judged by the value of the achievement and the difficulties
attending its accomplishment. At the end, twenty-four Democrats
THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. 47
of the House of Representatives contributed directly or indirectly to
the passage of the amendment, and in the States yet others may
have aided in its ratification ; but their aid came when success was
assured. They gave no assistance to the movement in the days of
its weakness. Indeed, the men who favored emancipation were
denounced by leading Democrats as equally guilty with those who
were engaged in secession.
Mr. Lincoln's great place in history is due to the circumstance
that he had the courage, the solemn fortitude, to inaugurate a system
of emancipation, and then to apply all the resources and powers of
the office that he held to the aid of the undertaking. Our successes
on the water and in the field were due largely to the skill and courage
of the officers and men of the navy and army. The President and
Cabinet, however wise in counsel, could only share with others the
honor accorded to military successes.
The Proclamation of Emancipation was postponed, upon the judg-
ment and in the wise discretion of the President, until the country
was prepared to accept it and support it. "West Virginia, Kentucky,
and Missouri had been so ravaged and wasted by both armies that
the inhabitants sighed for peace at any cost. Slaves had lost their
value, and slavery its attractions. In September, 1861, those States
would have rebelled against emancipation and joined the Confederacy;
in September, 1862, it was accepted by some as a relief and a hope,
and by others as a consummation of what, for a time, they had
regarded as inevitable.
The Proclamation of Emancipation removed all fears of foreign
interference, and at home it dissipated the illusion that the Union as
it was could be restored. Unity of opinion in council, and unity of
purpose in the field, took the place of divided opinions and conflict-
ing actions.
To the Republican party, and to Mr. Lincoln as the head of that
party, are due the honors that will be accorded to the authors and
defenders of the measure, by every generation of American citizens,
and by the general judgment of mankind in all the coming ages.
If we can now imagine the war ended, the Union restored, as it was
the old Constitution preserved, slavery perpetuated and all its evils
minified, we can form a just conception of the consequences of the
policy advocated by the Democratic party.
In contrast with those consequences the South may be summoned
48 THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.
to testify as to the existing condition of affairs. Of the twenty years
of freedom, the last ten have been distinguished by a degree of
prosperity such as the South had never before experienced. Popula-
tion and wealth have increased in a ratio heretofore unknown. For
its present productive power there has been no example in its history.
If we include the negro race, the average intelligence is higher than
at any time previous to the war. Political evils and crimes have not
disappeared, but they are temporary. Above all, the defenders of
slavery are a meagre minority, and the spirit of disunion is sup-
pressed absolutely. These beginnings indicate the future greatness
of the old Slave States, — a greatness which slavery could neither
create nor tolerate.
Mr. Lincoln was indebted to the Republican party for the oppor-
tunity to initiate these great reforms, touching not merely the rights
and condition of the millions of slaves, but affecting also the union,
peace, and prosperity of the States and people of the Republic. But
the Republican party, the country, and mankind, are indebted to
Mr. Lincoln for the courageous statesmanship that he exhibited in
the most perilous crises of the nation's history.
President Lincoln excelled all his contemporaries, as he also
excelled most of the eminent rulers of every time, in the humanity
of his nature; in the constant assertion of reason over passion and
feeling ; in the art of dealing with men ; in fortitude, never disturbed
by adversity; in capacity for delay when action was fraught with
peril ; in the power of immediate and resolute decision when delays
were dangerous; in comprehensive judgment which forecasts the
final and best opinion of nations and of posterity ; and in the union
of enlarged patriotism, wise philanthropy, and the highest political
justice by which he was enabled to save a nation and to emancipate
a race.
The slaves emancipated were not thereby made citizens. By the
overthrow of the Confederacy the States composing it were not
restored to their places in the Union. Such was the public senti-
ment in the South that there was no ground for believing that the
rights of citizens would be accorded to the freedmen except upon
compulsion.
By the abolition of slavery the freedmen were counted as if they
wore citizens, in the apportionment of representatives among the
States. Therefore the abolition of slavery gave to the white voters
THE PROCLAMATION OP EMANCIPATION. 49
In the old Slave States greater weight in the government of the coun-
try than they had possessed in the days of slavery. Two methods
of remedying the inequality were suggested: First, to extend citizen-
ship and the right of suffrage to the freedmen, or, secondly, to base
the representation in the House of Representatives upon the number
of voters in each State. In 1865 and 1866 the prejudice against the
negro race was so strong that the alternative proposition was adopted.
The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution was designed to
remedy the inequality otherwise existing between the value of a vote
in the old Free States and the old Slave States. This result was
secured by the second section, which provided that when the right to
vote for certain officers specified should be denied to any of the male
citizens of any State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of
the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation
in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation in such State
should be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male
citizens should bear to the whole number of male citizens in such
State. In order to give full effect to this section, it is provided in
section one that all persons born or naturalized in the United States,
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United
States and of the State wherein they reside. Equal rights and priv-
ileges are also guaranteed to all citizens.
By the third section certain disabilities were imposed upon classes
of official persons who had been engaged in the Rebellion, subject,
however, to the power of Congress, by a two-thirds vote, to remove
such disabilities. This inhibition is now operative only upon a
few persons.
By section four the validity of the public debt is recognized,
including bounties and pensions to the soldiers. The assumption of
debts incurred in aid of the Rebellion by the United States or by any
State, is prohibited.
The Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution has annulled the
second section of the Fourteenth Amendment, which fixed the basis
of representation; but the guarantee of citizenship and of equal rights
to all, without regard to race, color, or nativity, will remain as long
as a " government of the people, by the people, for the people," shall
exist on this continent
The Fourteenth Amendment was proposed to the legislatures of the
several States the 16th day of June, 1866, and on the 21st day of
July, 1868, Congress, by a concurrent resolution, declared that the
4
50 THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.
amendment had been ratified "by three-fourths and more of the
several States of the Union," it having, in fact, been ratified by
twenty-nine States in all.
By the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution the right to vote
Is secured to citizens of the United States in so far that it cannot be
denied or abridged on account of race, color, or previous condition
of servitude.
The Proclamation of Emancipation and the three amendments to
the Constitution are all the work of the Republican party. With
the exceptions specified in regard to the Thirteenth Amendment, the
Proclamation and the amendments were opposed by the Democratic
party, and by Democrats generally.
The ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment was announced by
the Secretary of State, March 30, 1870. The war was ended, slavery
was abolished, citizenship, State and National, had been established,
and the right to vote had been guaranteed to all without regard to
race, color, or previous condition of servitude. The Constitution
had been reformed and the nation regenerated in the short period of
less than ten years.
The Republican party was drawn by its principles and driven by
its necessities to the support of all these measures. The government
was in its hands, it was pledged to the restoration of the Union, and
to its restoration upon the basis of its perpetuity. Neither of these
ends could be attained while slavery lasted. When slavery was
abolished the Fourteenth Amendment became an imperative neces-
sity, as the only means of securing an equality of political power in
the hands of the men who had suppressed the Rebellion and re-estab-
lished the Union. When the negro race, numbering more than a
tenth of the population of the country, had been freed ; when they
had performed service in the army; when they had been endowed
with citizenship, and all under the lead and upon the responsibility
of the Republican party, that party was bound by its principles and
forced by its necessities to extend the franchise to those whom it had
made citizens.
By the force of circumstances, and in obedience to a logic equally
inexorable, the Democratic party resisted all these changes. For
thirty years and more it had supported slavery, and in return it had
enjoyed the alliance and support of the siave-holding class. A gen-
eration of voters and of statesmen had been trained in the compan-
ionship and ideas furnished by such support and alliance. If not
THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. 51
held to their former associates by the sentiment of gratitude, noi
influenced by the hope of regaining lost power, they were constrained
in their action by the fact that the Republican party commanded the
confidence and support of the anti-slavery men of the country. The
field was occupied. In truth, however, the Democratic party re-
mained faithful to its ancient allies, not from a sentiment of grati-
tude for past favors, nor from the expectation of future advantages,
but from an identity of ideas, to whose power it submitted itself with
unreasoning and absolute deference.
CHAPTER VII.
THE ELECTION OP 1864, WITH A VIEW OP THE POSITIONS OP
THE DEMOCRATIC AND EEPUBLICAN PARTIES.
TpROM the autumn of 1860 to the month of August, 1864, the Dem-
ocratic party, as a national party, made no declarations of its
opinions or purposes concerning the war, the re-establishment of
peace, or the reconstruction of the government.
Conventions were held in the States, however, and declarations
were there made. Generally those declarations contained a denial of
the rightfulness of the war; or if, as in some cases, the duty or the
necessity of prosecuting the war was recognized, the recognition was
coupled with the claim that it should be conducted solely for the res-
toration of the Union. The declarations of the Democratic party
assumed as an historical fact that the Union was a union between Free
States and Slave States rather than a union between States without
regard to their domestic institutions. Consequently, in the view of
the members of that party, the restoration of the Union meant the
restoration of the union of Slave States and Free States. Thus to
them slavery and the Union were co-8xistent political facts and alike
enduring. This position was consistent with the traditions of the
party and it was well calculated to advance it to power in the future,
if, indeed, the position was not taken for that special purpose. In
the elections of 1836, 1844, 1852, and 1856 the success of the Demo-
cratic party had been due to its alliance with the slaveholding class
of the South, and the leaders must have been filled with serious
apprehensions that the overthrow of slavery would be followed by their
defeat in the country. Those apprehensions have become history,
and except for a policy of force and fraud in the South the Demo-
cratic party could not have commanded a majority in ten States in
(52)
THE ELECTION OF 1864. 53
the election of 1876 or in that of 1880. Thus is it seen that the tra-
ditions and hopes of the Democratic party alike led it to engage in
the defense of the institution of slavery in the days of its peril and as
its end approached.
Folio whig the defeat of 1860 and the overthrow of the leaders of
the Democratic party who were not engaged in the Rebellion, Gen.
McClellan was not only advanced to the command of the army by a
Republican administration, but he was accepted also as the head of
the Democratic party.
The latter relation was established firmly by his letter to President
Lincoln, dated at Harrison's Landing, Virginia, July 7, 1862.
Three propositions were enunciated distinctly in that letter, all
of which were declined or set aside by President Lincoln.
(1.) The President was advised to assume the absolute control of
public affairs. These are the words of advice : " The time has come
when the government must determine upon a civil and military
policy, covering the whole ground of our national trouble. TJie
responsibility of determining, declaring and supporting such civil and mili-
tary policy, and of directing the whole course of national affairs in regard
to the Rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by you, or our cause
will be lost. The constitution gives you power even for the present
terrible emergency."
(2.) The President was advised, or notified rather, that "neither
confiscation of property, political execution of persons, territorial
organization of States, or forcible abolition of slavery, should be con-
templated for a moment."
And (3.) -Gen. McClellan made a tender of his services in these
words: "In carrying out any system of policy which you may
form, you will require a commander-in-chief of the army, one who
possesses your confidence, understands your views, aud who is com-
petent to execute your orders, by directing the military forces of the
nation to the accomplishment of the objects by you proposed. I do
not ask that place for myself. I am willing to serve you in such
position as you may assign me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever
subordinate served superior."
These three propositions are indefensible, and the first and third are
open to explanation only upon the theory that McClellan had lost
faith in the ability of the government to suppress the Rebellion by
constitutional agencies. Considered logically his scheme was this:
54 THE ELECTION OP 1864.
Mr. Lincoln was to assume the dictatorship. A dictatorship could
be maintained only by the power of the army.
McClellan was at the head of the army of the East, and that army
was devoted to his person and his leadership.
At the moment of , the tender of his services he well knew that if
Mr. Lincoln accepted his advice as to the dictatorship he must also
accept his services as the head of the army. As the army was then
constituted it would have been impossible for Mr. Lincoln to assume
absolute power and at the same time supersede McClellan as com-
mander-in-chief.
In fine, the commander-in-chief of the army would have been the
real dictator. If any natural interpretation is given to the language
used by McClellan his letter was in itself an admission that the gov-
ernment had ceased to exist, and that a military usurpation was the'
only possible means by which it could be restored.
Happily for the country Mr. Lincoln was undismayed by the dis-
asters of the Peninsula. He did not attempt to direct the whole
course of national affairs; he did not accept McClellan's tender of
support and promise of fidelity and subordination ; and he continued
to hold in his own hand the power to destroy slavery as a means of
suppressing the Rebellion.
If to any this criticism of McClellan's letter shall appear unjust, the
way is open for them to tender an explanation of his language that is
consistent either with wisdom in judgment, or patriotism in duty.
When Mr. Lincoln issued the monitory proclamation of the 22d of
September, 1862, McClellan was at the head of the army. The par-
ticular thing against which he had advised in his letter of the 7th of
July had now been done, or so inaugurated that its accomplishment
was an accepted fact in the South and in the North.
By a general order, dated the 7th of October, Gen. McClellan
announced the proclamation to the army. He counseled obedience
and moderation of temper in discussion, and he declared that "the
remedy for political errors, if any are committed, is to be found only
in the action of the people at the polls." Time, reflection, and, per-
haps, more than all, the battle of Antietam, had enabled him to recover
himself from the delusion or from the unpatriotic thought that he
could create a dictator and dictate his policy.
As Gen. McClellan was nominated by the Democratic party for the
office of President some responsibility for his opinions was assumed
necessarily, by that party.
THE ELECTION OF 1864 55
If he is held to a literal construction of the language used by him,
then liis advice to the President was unpatriotic, if not treasonable.
If he is excusable upon the ground that he did not appreciate the
scope and force of the language that he employed, then, manifestly,
he- was not fit for the position he occupied.
In November, 1863, the Supreme Court of the State of Pennsylva-
nia pronounced the act of March 3, 1863, entitled " An Act for
Enrolling and calling out the National Forces and for other pur-
poses," unconstitutional.
Judge Woodward was the Democratic candidate for the office of
Governor, and he was a member of the court and of the majority.
He was not an obscure man. Independently of this opinion, he was
well and generally known as an avowed supporter of extreme State
rights doctrines. The opinion which he and his associates gave, and
which was for a time the law of Pennsylvania, if it had been
accepted generally by the judicial tribunals of the country, would have
ended the contest and established the Rebellion as an accomplished
fact. In that dark period of the country's history the war could not
have been prosecuted under the volunteer system, even when sup-
ported by large bounties.
Judge Woodward and his associates of the majority asserted and
maintained the doctrine that the regular army of the United States
could be recruited only by volunteers, and that in case of invasion or
rebellion the only other military resource was in the militia of the
several States.
This force, when called into the service of the United States, must
be summoned and employed under the State organizations, and subject
to the command of the officers appointed or elected by virtue of State
laws.
Such was the opinion of the Supreme Court of the State of Penn-
sylvania,— an opinion which denied to the national government the
right to command the services of its own citizens and to employ
them in its own ways in defense of its own existence. The doctrine
of State rights, which concedes to the Union the power to protect
itself in its existence, its rights, and its honor, and by its own meth-
ods, and independently of the will of States, and which concedes to
States the power to administer their domestic affairs in their own
way, is a healthful and constitutional doctrine; and no other doctrine
would have been advocated or even announced except for the early-
formed purpose to defend the institution of slavery at any and every
56 THE ELECTION OF 1864
sacrifice, whether of honor, of constitutional obligations, or of
national existence.
The opinion of the court was given in November, and while the
case was pending and during the canvass for Governor, Gen.
McClellan held a conference with Judge Woodward, and thereupon
he announced himself a supporter of Judge Woodward's candidacy,
in a letter dated October 12, 1863.
The circumstance that the Philadelphia Press had stated that Gen.
McClellan favored the election of Gov. Curtin was the occasion for
the letter.
Gen. McClellan said that it had been his earnest endeavor to avoid
participation in party politics, but as he could no "longer maintain
silence under such misrepresentations," he proceeded to say that he
had had a conference with Judge Woodward, that they agreed in
their views, and that in his opinion the election of Judge Woodward
was called for by the interests of the nation.
If there were any reason to assume that Judge Woodward did not
disclose his opinions fully in that interview, all doubt must disappear
in presence of the statements made by Gen. McClellan. He says, " I
understand Judge Woodward to be in favor of the prosecution of the
war with all ilie means at ihe command of tlie loyal States, until the
military power of the Rebellion is destroyed. I understood him to be
of opinion that while the war is waged with all possible decision and
energy, the policy directing it should be in consonance with the prin-
ciples of humanity and civilization, working no injury to private
rights and property not demanded by military necessity and recog-
nized by military law among civilized nations.
"And, finally, I understood him to agree with me in the opinion
that the sole great objects of this war are the restoration of the unity
of the nation, the preservation of the constitution, and the supremacy
of the laws of the country. "
Three distinct propositions are deducible reasonably, from the lan-
guage employed by Gen. McClellan.
(1.) The military force was that which should be furnished by the
loyal States, that is, the State militia as distinguished from the army
of the United States, whether composed of men who had enlisted vol-
untarily, or of men who had been enrolled and drafted into service by
the exercise of supreme and exclusive authority on the part of the
national government. Thus it appears that the agreement in opinion
THE ELECTION OF 1864. 57
by Gon. McClcllan and Judge Woodward was that the mode of coer-
cion provided in the act of March 3, 1863, was unconstitutional.
Unfortunately for Judge Woodward and Gen. McClellan, others,
and among them Judge Davis, of the Supreme Court of the
United States, maintained the constitutionality of the Enrollment
Act.
(2.) Gen. McClellan and Judge Woodward agreed in opinion that
property in slaves was as sacred as other property and that the insti-
tution of slavery was to survive the war.
(3.) That the constitution as it was should be preserved.
All three propositions were unsound and all their purposes failed ;
but upon the basis so established by these two men Gen. McClellan
became the designated leader of the Democratic party in 1864.
The Democratic Convention assembled at Chicago the 29th day of
August, 1864, and nominated Gen. McClellan for the office of Presi-
dent and George H. Pendleton for that of Vice-President of the Uni-
ted States.
The convention was called to order by August Belmont, Chairman
of the National Committee. Gov. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, was
appointed temporary chairman, and Gov. Seymour, of New York, was
chosen to preside over the deliberations of the convention.
Mr. Belmont judged the past, condemned the present, prophesied
concerning the future ; and in all he was in error.
Addressing the convention, he said, " In your hands rests, under the
ruling of an all-wise Providence, the future of the republic. Four
years of misrule by a sectional, fanatical, and corrupt party, have
brought our country to the very verge of ruin. The past and pres-
ent arc sufficient warnings of the disastrous consequences which would
befall us if Mr. Lincoln's reelection should be made possible by our
want of patriotism and unity. The inevitable results of such a calam-
ity would be the utter disintegration of our whole political and social
system, amidst bloodshed and anarchy, with the great problems of
liberal progress and self-government jeopardized for generations to
come."
All these prophecies were falsified by events, and one only of his
suggestions has become an historical fact.
Mr. Lincoln's reelection was in part due to a want of patriotism in
the Democratic party. The country was not then on the " very ^-rav,
of ruin," nor did the reelection of Mr. Lincoln result in the disinte-
gration of our whole political and social system, although it did result
58 THE ELECTION OF 1864.
in the destruction of so much of the social system as rested upon the
institution of slavery.
Gov. Bigler charged the Republican party with the responsibility
of dissolving the Union, and he asserted that its restoration could be
effected only by the overthrow of the administration. His statement
of fact was erroneous, and his prophecy was not fulfilled.
Gov. Seymour's address was more elevated in tone, but the pivotal
thoughts were the same. He condemned the administration and
declared that it could not then save the Union if it would. He
asserted that its proclamations, its vindictive legislation, its hate and
passion, were obstacles which it could not overcome. Of the Demo-
cratic party he said: "There are no hindrances in our pathways to
union and to peace. We demand no conditions for the restoration of
our Union : we are shackled with no hates, no prejudices, no pas-
sions. We wish for fraternal relationship with the people of the
South. We demand for them what we demand for ourselves — the
full recognition of the rights of States." It is manifest from the lan-
guage employed that he treated the proclamation of emancipation as
a nullity, and that he was prepared to receive the States of the South
without inquiry and without terms. Slavery was to continue and all
the obligations of the old constitution were to be recognized and
enforced. He pleaded for an impossible policy.
The proclamation of emancipation and the war had so far under-
mined slavery that its overthrow was inevitable. Consequently, the
restoration of the old Union was an impossibility. This Gov. Sey-
mour did not comprehend. The proclamation had been in force
more than two years, and the restoration of the Union was then possible
only upon the basis of freedom. As Gov. Seymour and his associates
could not comprehend existing facts, they were incapable, conse-
quently, of devising a wise policy for the future.
Gov. Seymour's great error was the assumption that the Republi-
can party was under the influence of passion, and that the Demo-
cratic party was free from passion. The Republican party was a
party of principles. When it came to power it had only a choice of
ways. When the war opened it was compelled either to abandon its
principles or to prosecute the war for the preservation of the Union.
In the prosecution of the war the time came when it was compelled
to abandon the cause of the Union and its doctrines of human liberty
or to attack and overthrow the institution of slavery. The policy of
the party was not dictated by passion but by necessity. The execu-
THE ELECTION OF 1864. 59
tion of that policy was tempered by every humanity possible in a
condition of war. The former slaves were advised to preserve order
and even to render obedience, and thousands of rations were distrib-
uted to the needy inhabitants of the South, white as well as black.
The policy of the Republican party was not a policy of passion, but
a policy of principle under the dictates of a rigorous necessity.
Disappointment is not in itself a passion, but it generates the sen-
timent of hate and the fatal passions of jealousy and envy.
The Democratic party was the subject of a disappointment such as
never waited upon any other political party in the republic. Usually
parties are defeated upon questions of administration and through a
loss of public confidence for the time being. Such losses may be re-
paired, and sometimes they are repaired without delay ; but in 1860 the
Democratic party lost not only power and the public confidence, but
it lost also a controlling element in politics on which it had relied for
more than twenty-five years, and by whose influence it had acquired
and retained power in the country. Passion is a dangerous master,
and of all human affairs its rule is most perilous in the affairs of
government. In all of its great undertakings the Republican party
has succeeded, and its measures have inured to the advantage of the
country. On the other hand, the prophecies of the Democratic party
have been falsified by events, the measures that it has proposed have
been condemned by the public judgment, and whenever it has
acquired power in the government it has exhibited a melancholy ina-
bility for administration.
In August, 1864, the result of the war was not in doubt, and it was
apparent that the end w-as near.
The battle of Gettysburg had been fought, Vicksburg had fallen, the
-ippi river was open from its head waters to the Gulf of Mexico.
Mary hind, Kentucky, West Virginia, and Missouri were in the quiet
control of the Union forces, the sea coast was under an effective block-
ade, and a portion of every border State and portions of nearly every
State resting on the Mississippi river, the Gulf of Mexico and the At-
lantic ocean were in the possession of the armies of the United States.
Foreign interference was no longer apprehended. The credit of the
('on federate States was destroyed utterly. It was impossible to
negotiate loans abroad, and the resources on which taxes had been
levied had disappeared. The new recruits for the Confederate armies
did not repair the waste caused by sickness, death, and desertion.
In 1861 and 1862 the Union armies had suffered many defeats. In
60 THE ELECTION OF 1864.
1863 and 1864 they had gained many victories and they had endured
but few disasters.
The army aggregated nearly a million of men, most of whom were
veterans, disciplined by hardships, encouraged by a succession of
victories, and confident in their own persons and in the courage and
skill of their leaders. Indeed, there never was a day after Gen.
Grant assumed the command of the Army of the Potomac when the
army, the administration, or the world at large, excluding the Dem-
ocratic party of the North, had any doubt of the result.
It is a marvel of history, and a marvel which history itself cannot
explain, that the delegates of the Democratic party should have failed
to realize the facts, or, realizing the facts, should have failed to com-
prehend their value.
By the first resolution it was declared by the members of the Chi-
cago convention that the Democratic party would "adhere with
unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution. " In this they
meant the old Union and the Constitution as it was, with all its obli-
gations in regard to slavery. Adherence to the old Union meant the
restoration of the States that had engaged in the Rebellion, and all
without terms, conditions, or voluntary pledges. By its pledge of
adherence to the old Union under the Constitution the Democratic
party repudiated the Proclamation of Emancipation as an exercise of
power not warranted by the Constitution, nor justified by the exi-
gencies of war.
The Chicago platform of 1864 was the logical sequence of the
position taken by Mr. Buchanan in 1860. If the national govern-
ment had not a right to use force to prevent the secession of States,
then the exercise of the war power by the President and Congress
was unconstitutional. Therefore, every act of force designed to sup-
press the Rebellion and restore the Union was invalid. The procla-
mation of emancipation was such an act. Consequently, it was a
void act.
Upon this interpretation of the leading resolution of the Chicago
platform the second resolution becomes intelligible. It was in these
words: "Resolved, That this convention does especially declare as
the sense of the American people, that after four years of failure to
restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which, under
the pretense of a military necessity, or war power higher than the
Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every
part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down and the
THE ELECTION OP 1364. 61
material prosperity of the country essentially impaired — justice,
humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate
efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view of an ulti-
mate convention of the States, or other peaceable means to the end
that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on the
basis of the Federal Union of the States. "
The failure of which the convention spoke was not the failure of
the war in a military sense; nor was it a failure upon the ground
that its prosecution had not tended to the reestablishment of the gov-
ernment and the exercise of jurisdiction over all of the original terri-
tory of the United States ; but it was a failure in the sense that its
prosecution and its successes, in the ratio of its successes, had ren-
dered the restoration of the Union as it was and under the old Con-
stitution less and less probable.
The demand for a cessation of hostilities was the logical sequence
of the declaration made by Mr. Buchanan in his message of Decem-
ber, 1860 : ' ' The fact is, that our Union rests upon public opinion,
and can never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil
war. If it can not live in the affections of the people it must one
day perish. Congress possesses many means of preserving it by concil-
iation; but the sword icas not placed in its hand to preserve it by force."
The Convention did not demand an armistice, which implies that
the war may be resumed, but a cessation of hostilities, which im-
plies a final and complete abandonment of force as a means of
attaining the desired result.
This view of the meaning attached to that language by the Con-
vention itself is confirmed by the object to be attained, as it is set
forth, in these words: " With a view to an ultimate convention of the
States, or other peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest practica-
ble moment peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of
the States."
The propositions involved in the resolutions of the Chicago Con-
vention were these:
(1.) The war to end by the voluntary withdrawal of the armies
and navies of the United States from the theatre of operations, and
never again to be resumed.
(2.) The Union to be restored by a Convention of States or by other
.!'li'. means, and in case of failure to be abandoned, and upon
tin ground that the nation had no constitutional right to preserve its
existence by force.
63 THE ELECTION OP 1864.
(3.) That inasmuch as the nation had no right to use force to pre-
vent the secession of States from the Union, the war, with all its
consequences and incidents, was unconstitutional, including the
Proclamation of Emancipation.
If the Convention had spoken for the American people, as it pre-
sumed and assumed to speak, the soldiers of the Republic might
have received sympathy, but not gratitude nor pensions; the freed -
men, wherever found, would have been returned to their former
masters ; the Proclamation of Emancipation would have been treated
as void ; and the debt of the North would have been repudiated, or
it would have been massed with the debt of the South and with it
made a charge upon the labor and capital of the country. Indeed, if
the war on the part of the North was unjustifiable, then there could
be no good reason for making its debt a charge upon the country
and requiring the States of the South to contribute to its payment.
For the same reasons we of the North would have been bound to pay
the debt of the South.
Upon these issues, not fully expressed, and not always under-
stood, the Democratic party appealed to the country.
In a total vote of more than four million Mr. Lincoln's majority
exceeded four hundred thousand. Of the electoral votes Gen. Mc-
Clellan received twenty-one — seven in New Jersey, three in Dela-
ware, and eleven in Kentucky.
Mr. Lincoln received two hundred and twelve electoral votes, given
by twenty-two States.
And so ended the most important political contest, not of this
Republic only, but of modern times.
In November, 1864, the South was exhausted utterly. The people
had lost confidence in the leaders, the armies were wasting away, the
treasury was empty, and masters and slaves were alike assured that
the end was near. The hope that the Democratic party might suc-
ceed was the only hope remaining.
Not more fortunate for the North than for the South was the fail-
ure of that hope.
With success would have come an effort to reestablish the institu-
tion of slavery. Fugitives would have been gathered by the military
arm from every quarter of the Union, and slave-catching would have
become a national vocation. When the public patience had been
exhausted and the public conscience had been again aroused, resist-
THE ELECTION OP 1864. 63
ance would have been made, border wars would have been provoked,
and the contest for supremacy would have been renewed.
When Congress passed the act of July 17, 1862, entitled " An Act
to suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize
and confiscate the Property of Rebels, and for other purposes," the
restoration of the Union upon a pro-slavery basis became an
impossibility.
The Confederates were struggling to found a Republic upon
Slavery; the Democrats of the North were struggling to reconstruct
the Republic upon Slavery. The Republican party, wiser than all,
reconstructed the government upon the basis of universal freedom,
of the equality of men in the States, and of the equality of States
in the Union,
CHAPTER VIII.
THE FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND ITS
RESULTS.
WHEN the Republican party came to power in March, 1861, the
treasury of the United States was empty, its credit was im-
paired, the navy was scattered over the waters remote from our own
coasts, and the army was only sufficient for the protection of the
frontier against the Indian tribes.
As "money is the sinews of war," it was only possible to create
an army and to reconstruct the navy by first establishing the public
credit.
In 1860 there had been a long period of peace with foreign nations.
For eight years the government had been in the control of the Dem-
ocratic party. At the close of the Mexican war the debt was a trifle
more than sixty-three million dollars, and the annual interest charge
was less than three million and six hundred thousand. The Indian
wars, the war in Utah, and the troubles in Kansas had so absorbed the
revenues that the public debt the 30th of June, 1860, was about two
million dollars more than it had been the 30th of June, 1849. This
circumstance was of small moment in itself, but it indicates a lack
of administrative faculty when considered in presence of the fact
that the population of the country had risen from twenty-three mil-
lion in 1850 to thirty-one million in 1860.
The public debt was equal only to two dollars for each inhabitant,
with an annual interest charge of twelve cents. In 1791 the public
debt exceeded seventy five million dollars. This amount, distributed
upon a population of less than four million, was equal to about
twenty dollars for each inhabitant. That sum, so vast in comparison
with the debt of 1860, had been paid in the year 1835, together with
the cost of the war of 1812, which amounted to the sum of seventy-
five million dollars in addition to the debt then remaining unpaid,
(64J
FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 65
From the day when the State debts were assumed under the ad-
ministration of Hamilton and Washington, the nation had exhibited
a wise and resolute good faith hi everything relating to the public
credit ; yet, in September, 1860, that credit was so impaired that the
Secretary of the Treasury was only able to borrow seven million dol-
lars under an authority to make a loan of twenty-one million and
upon a call for bids to the amount of ten million dollars.
The impairment of the public credit is attributed, usually, to the
apprehensions then existing in the public mind as to the result of the
pending elections and the consequent fate of the country. This may
have been so, but whether so or otherwise, the cause of the impair-
ment of the public credit is to be found in the position of the Demo-
cratic party in reference to the threats and doctrines of the secession
members of that party, or in its avowed or well-known opinions con-
cerning the right of secession, or hi the apparent indifference of its
representative men, and especially of the President and his Cabinet,
to maintain the Union by force, whenever it should be necessary to
use force for that purpose.
The act of the 22d of June, 1860, which authorized a loan of
twenty-one million dollars, was designed to provide the means of re-
deeming a like amount of Treasury notes then outstanding and soon
to be due and payable. The failure of this loan compelled the Sec-
retary of the Treasury to ask for authority to issue new Treasury
notes to the amount of eleven million dollars with which to redeem
the old notes then outstanding. As security for the payment of these
notes he recommended a pledge of the public lands. This pledge
Congress refused to give, but the bill authorizing an issue of Treas-
ury notes to the amount of ten million dollars was approved the 17th
of December, 1860. The notes were to be issued or sold at par, but at
such rates of interest as might be agreed upon by the bidders and the
Secretary. Under this license bids were received and the notes were
sold at par and varying rates of interest, averaging between eleven
and twelve per cent.
There was a balance in the Treasury the first day of January, 1861,
of two million, two hundred and thirty-three thousand, two hundred
and twenty dollars; a sum inadequate for the safe management of a
first-class bank.
Tin- deficiency for the fiscal year, estimated on a pence basis,
amounted to twenty-four million dollars. By an act approved the 8th
5
66 FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
of February, 1861, Congress authorized a loan of twenty-five million
dollars. The bonds were to bear interest at a rato not exceeding six
per cent., payable semi-annually. The principal was payable after
ten and within twenty years.
The Secretary of the Treasury advised Congress to tender to the
purchasers of bonds a pledge of the claim against the several States
for the surplus revenue deposited with them a quarter of a century
before. This advice Congress did not follow. Only eighteen mil-
lion of the bonds were taken and these were sold at an average price
of 89.03 per cent, of their par value.
Such was the condition of the national treasury and such the
credit of the government when the Eepublican party came to power
in March, 1861.
If at that moment the Republican party was in any degree respon-
sible, that responsibility proceeded from one or all of three facts : Its
election of a president through the divisions in the Democratic
party; or in its refusal to submit to the claim that a State could
secede from the Union ; or, waiving the question of the right of a State
to secede, upon its refusal to sanction the doctrine of Mr. Buchanan
that the general government had no power, under the Constitution,
to prevent by force the secession of a State.
On the 4th day of March, 1861, Mr. Buchanan, as the representa-
tive of the Democratic party, transferred to Abraham Lincoln a dis-
severed Union, a government in form only, whose treasury was
empty, whose credit was broken, whose navy was dispersed, whose
army was weak in numbers and led in part by untrustworthy officers,
with an impending war whose magnitude at the end was to be esti-
mated by the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives and the expen-
diture of thousands of millions of treasure.
This statement indicates the nature of the undertaking to which
the Republican party was called, but it does not disclose fully its
magnitude. At the extra session of Congress, which began the 4th
day of July, 1861, the President asked for authority to borrow four
hundred million dollars. The Secretary of the Treasury estimated
the expenses of the current fiscal year at three hundred and eighteen
million dollars. .
At the end of the year it appeared that the expenses, exclusive of
payments on account of the public debt, had been swollen to the
enormous sum of four hundred and seventy million dollars.
At the extra session of Congress acts were passed authorizing the
FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 67
if bonds and Treasury notes to an amount in the aggregate of
more than three hundred million dollars, and at a rate of interest not
exceeding 7.3 per cent, per annum. Such was the effect upon the
public mind of a vigorous administration of affairs, and such the
confidence inspired by the purpose of the government to suppress the
Rebellion and sustain the Union, that the loan was obtained and the
means of prosecuting the war were secured.
The rate of interest was two-thirds only of what had been paid in
Mr. Buchanan's administration and the loan was ten-fold greater. In
a period of war, in an exigency, it is not possible for a nation to dic-
tate the rate of interest that it will pay upon loans. The ability to
dictate terms depends upon two concurring conditions: First, a well-
established credit ; and secondly, having tendered a loan to the pub-
lic, the ability to wait until capitalists are prepared to accept the
terms. In 1861 and in 1862 the credit of the government was not
established, and its necessities were such that no delays were possi-
ble. When due weight is given to the circumstances then existing,
it is not easy, even in this period of great fortunes and gigantic
financial operations, to realize the fact that loans were made at the
rate of a million dollars a day and upon moderate terms.
The financial policy of the Republican party was dictated in the
outset by the exigencies of war, but it was afterwards adapted to
the circumstances and conditions of peace.
The measures of that policy are divided, naturally, therefore, into
two classes. As the credit of a government can neither be estab-
lished nor preserved unless revenues are provided by systematic pro-
cesses, it is wise in time of peace to meet every current expenditure,
to which should be added payments upon the principal of any debt
that may exist; and in time of war to so enlarge the revenues as to
gi ve assurance that the credit of the nation will be preserved until the
return of peace.
The secession of States and the resignation of Senators and Rep-
rescntatives left the two houses at the end of the thirty-sixth Con-
gress in the control of the Republican party. By an act approved
the 2d of March, 1861, the customs duties were increased upon many
articles of merchandise. This act was followed by the statute of
the 51 h of August, 1861, the statute of the 14th of July, 1862, and
the statute of the 30th of June, 1864. It was the design, as it was
the effect of these measures, not only to provide revenues upon the
68 FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
basis of a war policy, but also to give protection to the capital and
labor of the country.
The gross receipts from customs for the year ending the 30th of
June, 1861, were a trifle less than forty million dollars; but for the
year ending June 30th, 1864, they had risen to more than one hun-
dred and two million. In the meantime labor and capital were profit-
ably employed in all sections of the Union then free from the pres-
ence of hostile armies.
Another important measure designed to support the public credit
was the act to authorize the issue of United States notes and for the
funding of the public debt of the United States, approved the 25th
of February, 1862. The Secretary of the Treasury was authorized
to issue United States notes to the amount of one hundred and fifty
million dollars, without interest. Those notes were receivable in
payment of all taxes, excises, debts, and demands of every kind due
to the United States, except duties on imports, and they were also
endowed with the legal tender quality in payment of all debts, pub-
lic and private, within the United States. The Secretary of the
Treasury was required to receive such notes the same as coin and at
their par value in payment of all bonds that might be thereafter sold
or negotiated by him.
By the same statute, the Secretary of the Treasury was authorized
to issue bonds bearing interest at the rate of six per centum per an-
num, payable serni-annually, to an amount not exceeding five hun-
dred million dollars.
He was also authorized to receive deposits of money payable at
any time after thirty days upon ten days' notice, and to allow interest
for the use of the same at the rate of five per centum per annum. As
the interest upon the bonds, so authorized, was payable in coin, it
was provided that all duties should be paid in coin or in certain de-
mand notes which had been issued to the amount of fifty million
dollars under an at approved July 17th, 1861. The coin so received
was pledged specifically, first to the payment of the interest on the
bonds and notes of the United States, and secondly to the purchase or
payment of one per centum of the entire debt of the United States, to
be withdrawn each fiscal year after the first day of July, 1862. The
bonds so purchased were to be set apart as a sinking fund, and the in-
terest accruing thereon was to be paid to the credit of the sinking fund
and made part of the capital thereof. The residue was to be paid into
FINANCIAL POLICY OP TIIE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
the Treasury of the United States. This act, in connection with the
statutes which provided for the increase of the customs duties and
the act passed in the month of July following, levying a direct tax
upon the States for twenty million dollars and providing a system of
internal revenue, established the public credit so firmly that the gov-
ernment of the United States was able to create a debt of nearly
three thousand million dollars and to prosecute the war without any
delay due to the absence of the necessary means.
The statute establishing the internal revenue system was approved
July 1, 1862, and it was put into operation in the months of Septem-
ber and October of the same year. The revenues from that source
for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1863, amounted to thirty-seven
million dollars, and for the year 1865 to two hundred and nine mil-
lion. The total revenue created under that system, from its inaugu-
ration to the close of the last fiscal year, was three thousand and
ninety-eight million dollars, a sum greater than the public debt of
the United States at any one time. This was the largest branch of a
government ever organized in historical times. As early as the first
of January, 1862, its business was greater than that of the entire
Treasury Department at any time previous to March 4, 1861.
Of all the measures of the war designed to establish the public
credit, and to provide means for its prosecution, there was not one
more important than the act establishing a national bank currency,
approved the 25th of February, 1863. Previously to that time the
paper currency of the country had been furnished b}r State banks,
and under systems widely different, and generally without sufficient
security for the redemption of the notes put in circulation. The
national bank act required the corporators to deposit United States
bonds in excess of the amount of circulation to be issued. The gov-
ernment assumed the redemption of the notes issued by the national
banks and reserved the right to be reimbursed by the sale of the
bonds. Several important advantages were secured by the national
banking system. First, the redemption of the currency was secured
absolutely, and secondly, its value was the same in all parts of the
country.
In addition to these advantages the banks were required to pur-
chase bonds of the United States and to deposit the same with the
Treasurer for the security of their circulation. Thus a market for
the bonds was created to the amount of three hundred million dollars.
Finally, the banks were enlisted actively on the side of the govern-
ment as agents for the sale of bonds to corporations and private parties.
Of the leading financial measures of the war one only of them has
70 FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
been assailed, either in the courts or before the country. The author-
ity given to the Secretary of the Treasury, by the statute of the 25th
of February, 1862, to issue United States notes and to make them a
legal tender in the payment of all debts then existing, as well as of
those which might thereafter be contracted, has been debated, con-
tested, and adjudicated finally by the Supreme Court.
That adjudication sustains the authority of Congress and vindi-
cates the policy of the statute ; but it is an error to suppose that any
countenance is given either by the statute or by the decision of the
court to the notion that United States notes should be issued except
upon a pledge of redemption in coin.
The discretion, however, is vested in Congress, and upon the opin-
ion given by Chief-Justice Marshall in the case of McCulloch v. The
State of Maryland, the courts cannot interfere with its exercise.
Upon one branch of the subject there has been no difference of
opinion. The constitutional grant to Congress of the power to bor-
row money is a grant so comprehensive in its terms that it of neces-
sity includes the power to issue notes of any denomination, either
with or without interest, and payable on demand or at any future
time. With this concession, and in the presence of the opinion of
the court in the case of McCulloch v. The State of Maryland, it
follows that Congress may endow the notes which it authorizes
with the legal tender quality, or it may refuse to so endow them.
The power to borrow money and the power to levy taxes are
supreme powers, and by processes of reasoning or by the exercise
of the imagination many dangers may be demonstrated or suggested.
But they are powers essential to national existence. They are powers
that must be somewhere vested, and wherever vested there the discre-
tion must be lodged also. Under our system the power is in Congress
and the security against the abuse of the power is in the speedy respon
sibility of the representative to the constituency, through frequent
elections.
In 1862 Congress had no alternative. The United States notes con-
stituted the only means by which the army was to be paid, supplied,
and kept in the field. If the legal tender quality had been withheld
from those notes, during what period of time could the government
have obtained supplies in exchange for a currency which the cred-
itors of those who furnished the supplies might receive or decline at
their pleasure?
Under our system, that figure of authority which we call government
FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 71
in citizenship, and each citizen is therefore an integral part
of the government. Every sacrifice made, every duty imposed,
every burden laid, when the proceedings are by due authority,
is, in a constitutional sense, with the consent of all citizens. Every
contract, which by its terms is not excepted out of the rule, is to be
performed in the currency of the country at the time when the con-
tract is liquidated. The power to decide the quantity and quality
of that currency is an essential incident of sovereignty.
If, in 1862, there had been a persistent refusal to issue legal tender
notes, there would have remained no means by which the Rebellion
could have been suppressed. A like exigency may arise in the future,
either from domestic disturbance or foreign war. In defiance of all
criticism, but under the Constitution, a precedent has been made
which assumes for the government the largest powers for its own
preservation.
During the administration of President Johnson, the attention of
Congress was directed chiefly to the measures of reconstruction and
to the questions in controversy between the legislative and executive
departments of the government.
Immediately after the inauguration of General Grant, an impor-
tant act was passed, entitled "An Act to Strengthen the Public
Credit. " The bill was approved March 18, 1869, and it was the first
legislative act of the Forty-first Congress. It is stated in the statute
that the object was to remove any doubt as to the purpose of the
government to discharge all just claims of public creditors and to
settle the conflicting views of the laws by which such obligations had
been contracted; and thereupon it was declared that the faith of the
United States was pledged to the payment in coin, or its equivalent,
of all the obligations of the United States known as United States
notes and all interest-bearing obligations of the United States, unless
it was expressly provided in such obligations that they might be paid
in lawful currency, or other money than gold and silver.
At that time the public debt of the United States amounted to
about two thousand six hundred million dollars, and its credit was so
much impaired that the six per cent, bonds of the United States were
sold for gold at the rate of eighty-three cents on the dollar. In De-
cember of the same year the Secretary of the Treasury recommended
the passage of a, law authorizing a new loan in the amount of twelve
hundred million dollars, to be offered in three classes of four hun-
dred million each, and to be payable at different periods of time.
72 FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
The bonds of the several classes were to bear interest at the rate of
five, four and a half, and four per centum per annum. In accordance
with this recommendation, an act was passed by Congress and ap-
proved July 14, 1870, entitled " An Act to authorize the Refunding
of the National Debt." Of the interest-bearing debt all but about
three hundred million dollars was subject to the rate of six per
centum per annum. Agreeably to the provisions of the act of 1870
and the acts in amendment thereof, the public debt has been re-
funded so that it now bears interest at the rates of three, three and a
half, four, and four and a half per centum per annum. In the month
of August, 1865, the debt of the United States, exclusive of cash in
the Treasury, amounted to two thousand seven hundred and fifty-six
million dollars, and the interest charge exceeded one hundred and
fifty million. On the 30th of June, 1883, the total debt, exclusive of
cash in the Treasury, was one thousand five hundred and thirty-eight
million dollars, and the interest charge was fifty-one and a half
million.
In the interval between the close of the war and the passage of the
act to strengthen the public credit, serious doubts were entertained
on both sides of the Atlantic, as to the ability and the disposi-
tion of the country to provide means for the payment of the in-
terest and principal of the public debt. Although the act of the
25th of February, 1862, provided that the sinking fund system should
be put into operation after June 30th of that year, the statute re-
mained inoperative until the inauguration of President Grant.
In the first year of his administration, the Secretary of the Treas
ury made purchases of bonds for the sinking fund. This step was
an assurance that the public debt would be paid — and paid in about
thirty years — even if no other provision was made for its liquidation.
All doubts were removed and threats of repudiation were not after-
wards heard. Customs duties and taxes were collected, the revenues
exceeded the expenses, and during the first term of President Grant's
administration more than three hundred and sixty million dollars
were applied to the payment of the interest-bearing debt of the
country.
Thus, under the administration of the government by the Repub-
lican party, the two great problems of the war have been solved suc-
cessfully. The Union has been restored and the enormous debt
created for its preservation has been paid so rapidly that the four
FINANCIAL POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 73
per cent, bonds of the government have been sold at the rate of
twenty-five per cent, in excess of their par value.
The history of the world furnishes no example for the financial
successes of the government of the United States. For these successes
the country is indebted to the skill, courage, and integrity of the
Republican party.
CHAPTER IX.
THE PROTECTIVE POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, AND ITS
EFFECTS UPON THE WAGES OF LABORERS AND THE PRICES OF
COMMODITIES.
TT is not the duty of a government to give employment to its sub-
jects or citizens, but it is a duty to create and secure opportunities
for employment.
In every community the labor of many persons is required for the
support, education, and comfort of its members. If all the citizens
or subjects of a government are regarded as members of one com-
munity, it is reasonable that their labor should be directed to their
own support in every branch of industry that is free from natural
obstacles to its successful prosecution.
At the close of the Revolutionary War, England, France, and
Holland were in possession of all the skill in manufactures and the
productive arts that was common to the western world. Those
nations possessed capital sufficient for every reasonable undertaking.
England had discouraged manufactures in the Colonies, and the
States of the new Republic had neither capital nor skilled labor.
Political independence is not by necessity the equivalent of national
freedom. The latter exists only when the internal resources of a
nation are such that it may defy blockades by sea and frontier fortifi-
cations on the land, and yet continue in the uninterrupted possession
and enjoyment of the comforts and conveniences essential to domes-
tic and social life.
The possibilities of an agricultural community are limited to the
productions essential to human existence, and in such variety only
as the soil and climate will encourage or tolerate. A surplus of these
productions may, through commerce, be exchanged for the manu-
factures of other communities ; but as a condition of peace cannot
(74)
PROTECTIVE POLICY OF TIIE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 75
he- a><umed of any nation, and as commerce is the first and easiest
victim of war, a constant and sufficient supply of the comforts and
conveniences of life can be secured only by the application of domes-
tic labor to manufactures and the arts. '
Of all the provisions of the Constitution, no one has contributed
more to the industrial freedom of the United States than the para-
graph which authorizes Congress to "promote the progress of science
and the useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and
inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and dis-
coveries." Herein is found the extremest form of the doctrine of
protection, yet there is no other provision of the Constitution that
has contributed so largely to the material prosperity of the country
and to the comfort of the people. Nearly every improvement in
machinery, by which articles of consumption by the people generally
have been reduced in cost and placed within the reach of all, is due
to an invention that would not have been made had not the inventor
been assured that he would enjoy the exclusive use and benefit of
his invention for a period of time. Nearly every advance in manu-
factures, from the hand-loom and spinning-wheel, is due to the
stimulus given to the inventive faculties of man by the protection
accorded to inventors. That protection has sustained the great body
of inventors in their struggles against poverty, prejudice, and the
disinclination of mankind to accept new ways in place of the old.
Of the mass of inventors whose inventions have contributed to the
prosperity and comfort of mankind, a few only have received ade-
quate returns, either in fame or money. The private emoluments
bear no just relation to the public benefits.
If, to-day, the results of the system of protection to inventors
could be destroyed, there is not a family upon the continent that
would not be deprived of much the larger share of its comforts, con-
veniencies, and luxuries.
The invention of labor-saving machines was stimulated by the laws
framed for the protection of their inventors; but the use of labor-
saving machines could be secured only by protecting those who were
employed to construct and operate them. Such protection, however,
was not practical, nor would it -have been useful, as between the citi-
zens or inhabitants of our own country.
As the knowledge and use of labor-saving machines cannot be
limited to the country in which the inventions are made, a duty upon
the products of such machines is the only adequate means of pro-
76 PROTECTIVE POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
tecting our domestic labor, by giving to its results an advantage in
the markets of the United States. The benefits of such a system are
indirect as well as direct. The laborer in the mine, shop, or mill is
saved from the full competition of the laborer in another country,
who, from the circumstances in which he is placed, is compelled to
give his labor for small compensation.
Beyond this fact, it is also true that the supplies consumed by the
laborer and his family are, in a large part, obtained from the vicinity.
Those supplies, in the main, are furnished by the agricultural popu-
lation. The farmers of England supply the laborers of Birmingham
and Manchester; the farmers of. the United States supply the laborers
of Pittsburgh and Lowell. If the goods now made in Pittsburgh and
Lowell were made in Manchester, Sheffield, and Birmingham, the
demand for the products of agricultural labor would be diminished
in the United States, and proportionately increased in England.
Nor is it an answer to the claim that the protective system benefits
the laboring classes, to maintain that, as an increase of wages in the
United States is followed by the migration of laborers from Europe,
an equilibrium of prices is secured in the end, and the laboring
populations of the countries whose commercial relations are intimate
are brought, finally, to the same level. If this were true, the fact
that it is better for the American farmer to have the exclusive con-
trol of a near market than to take a chance in a distant market,
would also be true. If, therefore, the operatives in a mill at Pitts-
burgh were all of foreign birth, the articles for their subsistence would
be furnished by American laborers in other departments of industry.
Washington and Jefferson were advocates of protection to domestic
labor, and the advantages of the system were as well stated and
argued by Hamilton as they can be now stated and argued after a
century nearly of experience under a protective system at times, and
a system of free trade at other times.
It is a singular historical fact, which admits of no explanation that
can be justified to the reason of mankind, that the political party in
the United States most hostile to Great Britain was also the party
that was most hostile to a system of protection to domestic industry
by which America, in the highest* national sense, could be made
independent of the mother country.
Hamilton was an advocate of the British Constitution, and there
was a period in his career when he would have accepted it as a model
for the United States; yet he and the party which he founded were
PROTECTIVE POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 77
in favor of so organizing the policy of the new nation that it would
be free, absolutely, in all its industrial and financial affairs. On the
other hand, the party which had no sympathy for the political insti-
tutions of Great Britain, originated and maintained a policy of free
trade, under and against which our infant manufactures struggled
for more than half a century. The tariff acts of 1816, 1828, and
1842, gave temporary encouragement to the manufacturing industries
of the country, but as the policy was controverted by the Democratic
party, it was not easy to command either confidence or capital for
new undertakings.
In the year 1860, at the end of seventy years of national life, dis-
tinguished by a vacillating policy upon the subject of protection,
our manufactures in the aggregate amounted to no more than eight
hundred and fifty-five million dollars upon an invested capital of
one thousand and ten million dollars.
Employment was thus given to 1,311,246 persons, to whom was
paid, in the aggregate, the sum of $378,878,966 as annual wages.
The laborers received an average of $288 each per annum.
In 1880, the capital invested in manufactures amounted to $2,790,-
272,606. The product had risen to the sum of $1,972,755,042. The
wages paid to 2,732,595 operatives amounted to $947,953,795, or an
average annual earning of $346. From the year 1860 to the year
1880, the wages of the operatives, including men, women, and chil-
dren, ha'd been advanced twenty per cent. In other words, the
operatives who were employed in 1880 were in the receipt each year
of the enormous sum of one hundred and sixty million dollars in
excess of the amount that would have been paid to them upon the
basis of the wages allowed in 1860.
The aggregate wages paid in 1880 were one hundred and fifty per
cent, greater than in 1860, while the increase in the number of hands
employed was only one hundred and eight per cent.
A statement made by the "Clark Thread Company," doing busi-
ness at Paisley, Scotland, and Newark, New Jersey, proves beyond
controversy the fact that the ability to manufacture in this country
the thread furnished by that company is due, solely, to the protection
given to it, unless, indeed, the wages of the operatives were reduced
something more than fifty per cent.
The correspondence between that company and Joseph Nimmo,
Jr., Esq., Chief of the Bureau of Statistics, contains information of
78 PROTECTIVE POLICY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
great value. The "Clark Thread Company" have transferred a
portion of their manufacturing business from Paisley to Newark.
Two advantages accrue to the company: the goods are made near
the market, and the duties are avoided. The advantages to this
country by the transfer of the business are many. The buildings
for the business and the houses for the operatives are the product of
American labor, and the subsistence of the operatives gives employ-
ment to mechanics and artisans in other departments, and creates a
market for agricultural products.
A comparison of the wages paid by this company in Paisley and
in Newark shows that, except for the custom's duties, not one spool
of thread would be made in Newark, unless the wages of the laborers
were reduced about one-half.
CLARK THREAD COMPANY,
NEWARK, N. J., January 31, 1882.
DEAR SIR: Your favor of yesterday is received.
lu reply to your question as to what number of hours the employes work in either
place, would say that in Paisley the factories work ten hours daily, five days in the
week, and Saturdays to 12 o'clock noon, making a half holiday for Saturdays. In
Newark we work ten and one-half hours, five days in the week, and stop on Satur-
days at half -past one, making for Newark 69 hours as against 55 for Paisley.
With regard to your question as to the effectiveness of labor here and in Paisley,
would say that my experience is about equal in both places, and the employes in
either place, with the same machinery, will produce about the same amount of work,
and work as steadily in the one place as in the other. . . . Our business of making
spool-cotton is only in process of development in this country, as there is still large
quantities of six-cord imported, but is becoming less as we get our means of pro-
duction extended.
Any further information I can give you, will be glad to do so; as I think it is best
for you people to know the true inwardness of the business.
Yours, respectfully, WILLIAM CLARK.
J. NIMMO, JR., Esq.
CLARK THREAD COMPANY,
NEWARK, N. J., March 31, 1882.
DEAR SIR: Yours of the 29th came duly to hand, and contents noted, and in reply
would answer the statements contained therein, as under, which we trust will be
what you require to close up your report.
1. In regard to the machinery used in our two factories, would say that it is used
in the same manner, but in a little larger extent in Paisley than in Newark.
2. The organization of labor is similar.
3. The methods pursued in the employment of labor is similar.
4. The physical and intellectual ability of the operatives in both countries are
about equal.
PROTECTIVE POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
79
5. The following is a statement of the wages paid in both countries to the same
class of workers, and the percentage of one over the other:
Paisley.
Newark.
Newark
over
Paisley.
GIRLS.
Spoolers
Per week.
$3 60
Per week.
$8 00
Per cent.
122
KVeU'i-s
3 60
8 00
122
3 60
8 00
122
2 35
5 50
135
1 65
3 00
81
Bobbin cleaners .
1 50
2 50
66
MEN.
Carpenters . ...
7 25
17 00
185
7 25
18 00
148
Dyers ... ....
7 00
15 00
114
Bleachers
6 50
13 50
108
Firemen
6 00
12 50
108
Hoping above will be satisfactory, we remain, yours truly,
CLARK THREAD COMPANY,
Per CONTRELL.
JOSEPH NIMMO, JR., Esq.
CLARK THREAD COMPANY,
NEWARK, N. J., April 3, 1882.
DEAR SIR: We did make an error in our estimate of March 31, having omitted to
take the difference in time of working hours between the two countries, but having
looked it over and made that correction, we find the following result, which we
think correct: Girls' average, Newark over Paisley, 99 per cent.; men's average,
Newark over Paisley, 104 per cent., or 101 J per cent, total average.
This is as near as we can get at it, and think you can safely take it as conclusive.
Yours truly, CLARK THREAD COMPANY,
Per CONTRELL.
JOSEPH NIMMO, JR., Esq.,
Chief of Bureau.
It is thus apparent (1) that the laboring population of the United
States, engaged in manufactures, is much better paid than is the
laboring population of Great Britain ; (2) that the ability to manu-
facture many kinds of goods and to pay the present rates of wages
is due to the protective system ; and (3) that the operatives employed
in the manufactories of the United States are in the receipt of better
wages and in the enjoyment of more of the comforts of life than
they could command in 1860.
Nor is it true that the cost of maintaining a family in 1880 was
greater than in 1860, assuming always the same facts as to the scope
of the purchases made.
The statement of the prices of leading articles of general use, pre-
pared by the Chief of the Bureau of Statistics, but based upon a
80 PROTECTIVE POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
report made by the Director of the Mint, with the aid of other
authorities noted, establishes the proposition in a general sense.
In a period of twenty years the habits of a people undergo great
changes, and in many instances the laborer's savings are not greater
at the end of the period than at the beginning; but, hi the meantime,
he and his family have enjoyed a larger share of the comforts and
conveniences of domestic life.
If the deposits in the savings banks are a test of the relative con-
dition of the laboring classes as to the possession of capital, their
aggregate accumulations were immensely greater in 1880 than in 1860.
Statement of Prices of leading articles in the New York market in 1860
and 1880.
(Report of the Director of the Mint, 1881.)
1860. 1880.
Flour, superfine, bbl., - - $5.190 $4.135
Pork, mess, " - - a 18. 090 a 13.230
Beef, mess, « 5.170 11.119
Hams, lb., - .096 .084
Lard, " - a. 117 a. 079
Sugar, Cuba, " - .085 .070
" Loaf, " - .098 .086
Tallow, " - .100 .063
Molasses, New Orleans, gallon, .465 .370
Leather, lb., .215 .212
Standard Sheeting, 36 in. wide (unbleached), c.071 b .077
Shirting, 28 in. wide (unbleached), c.070 6.053
$29.767 $29.658
a. From Report of N. Y. Produce Exchange of New York, 1880.
b. Data furnished by Edward Atkinson of Boston.
C. From N. Y. Shipping List for 1860.
This table indicates that the cost of living was not greater in 1880
than in 1860, and the census tables prove that the wages of the opera-
tives in the mills were increased in that period by an addition of
twenty per cent., showing an annual gain to that class of laborers of
one hundred and sixty million dollars. That vast sum they have
either held as capital or they have expended it in additions to per-
sonal and family comforls.
But the advantages of protection do not end thus. A system
which adds twenty per cent, to the wages of one class of operatives
PROTECTIVE POLICY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 81
affects equally the wages of every class of laborers within the influ-
ence of the system.
In 1880, the number of inhabitants m the United States of the age
of ten years and upwards was nearly thirty-seven million, and of
these more than thirteen million were employed in agriculture, trade,
transportation, mechanics, manufactures, and mining. Of the thir-
teen million, two million and seven hundred thousand, or one-fifth
of the whole, were employed in manufactures. Upon the basis of a
direct gain to them by virtue, of the system of protection of one
hundred and sixty million dollars annually, and upon the theory that
the laborers in other branches of industry enjoy equal benefits, the
total gain to the laboring population is swollen to the enormous sum
of eight hundred million dollars.
If liberal allowances be made for errors, or even for exaggerations,
there will remain a substantial quantity of truth justifying the state-
ment that any change of policy which affects unfavorably the manu-
facturing industries of the country, and especially any change which
transfers the business in any sensible degree to England or to the
Continent of Europe, is a policy fraught with peril to every laborer
and to every capitalist in the land.
The transfer of half a million of laborers from the mills to mining
and agriculture would prostrate the entire system of labor for the
whole country.
When the demand for labor is checked the demand for the products
of labor diminishes also.
A single illustration will give voice to the magnitude of the evils
that are incident to a loss of the means to purchase the products of
industry in accustomed quantities.
Of the entire population of the country, not less than thirty million
are dependent directly upon the proceeds of labor for the means of
subsistence.
If these means are reduced annually to the extent of ten dollars
only for each person, the aggregate decrease in the demand for the
products of labor is three hundred million dollars.
Under the protective system, one interest, and one only, has lan-
guished, — the foreign carrying trade upon the ocean.
Business upon the ocean is attended with more perils than wait
upon business on the land, and the returns are more uncertain.
During the war period the added dangers not only prevented the
increase of our commerce, but they caused the destruction of that
0
82 PBOTECTIVE POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
which existed. Upon the return of peace, the opportunities for
employment in agriculture, in manufactures, in the construction of
railways, and in operating them, were so many and attractive that
the ocean was neglected.
The overthrow of our manufacturing system would be attended
with the loss of these opportunities, and thousands of laborers would
be driven to the sea for employment and subsistence.
As long as this nation is, in its domestic industries, the most pros-
perous of the nations having intimate commercial relations with each
other, so long will our doings upon the ocean be very insignificant
when compared with our business upon the land.
It is understood that the Republican party is so pledged to the
system of protection that no changes can be made under its lead or
with its consent that shall tend to transfer the business of manufac-
turing to other countries, or in any sensible degree impair the demand
for labor in the United States, or lessen its rewards.
It is understood, also, that the Republican party favors protection
to agricultural products and raw materials, coupled with a system
of drawbacks on the exportation of goods composed in whole or in
part of materials on which duties have been paid.
CHAPTER X.
THE POLICY OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN REGARD TO THE
PUBLIC LANDS.
TJIOLLOWING the close of the Revolutionary War, and previous
to the adoption of the Constitution, the States that claimed title
by virtue of the colonial charters to the lands lying west of the thir-
teen original colonies, and east of the Mississippi River, ceded their
rights to the United States. These lands so added were the subject
of a Constitutional provision in these words: " The Congress shall
have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations
respecting the territory, or other property belonging to the United
States."
For the first half century after the organization of the government,
these lands were a source of revenue to which prominence was given
in all the estimates of the Treasury Department, and in the financial
debates in Congress.
Grants were made to new States for educational purposes, and for
public improvements. Bounties of lands were given to soldiers and
sailors, and finally large concessions were made by alternate sections
to companies authorized to construct railways over the public domain.
When grants were made to railways the price of the reserved lands
was increased one hundred per cent.
By a statute passed in 1841, all the public lands not specially re-
served were made subject to preemption by actual settlers at one
dollar and twenty-five cents per acre.
Rights were limited to one hundred and sixty acres. Previous to
the passage of that act settlers who were upon the public lands had
a right of preemption extended to them for a like quantity of land,
and at the same price, when the claimant was in actual possession.
The policy of the government for the first fifty or sixty years was
marked by five distinct features: (1.) Sales of lands for revenue;
(2.) grants to States for educational and other public purposes ; (3.)
84 REPUBLICAN POLICY Uf REGARD TO PUBLIC LANDS.
bounties to soldiers; (4.) grants to railways ^(5.) preemption rights
to actual settlers.
When the Republican Convention met at Chicago in May, I860*
the House of Representatives had passed a homestead bill that was
then pending in the Senate. The convention endorsed the House
bill and demanded its passage. The Senate laid aside the House bill,
and passed a bill reported from its own committee. Upon conference
the two houses were brought to an agreement, and the bill was
submitted to the president, who returned it to the Senate with a mes-
sage containing his objections.
Upon the question: " Shall the bill pass, the objection of the presi-
dent to the contrary notwithstanding," the yeas were twenty-seven
and the nays were eighteen. Mr. Johnson of Tennessee voted in the
negative for the purpose of moving a reconsideration. Upon the
passage of the bill originally the yeas were forty-four and the nays
eight. The seventeen negative votes on the question raised by the
veto message were given by Democrats, and of these eight had voted
for the bill upon the question of its passage.
The veto message of President Buchanan made a distinct issue,
and thenceforth the scheme assumed a political character. A nom-
inal price of twenty -five cents had been fixed in the bill. . That sum
was designed to meet the cost of making the surveys and maintaining
the land offices. The bill also granted to States certain lands that
were within the jurisdictions of the respective States.
The president treated the grants to States .and to settlers as gifts.
In this view he was supported by the text of the bill, but he com-
mitted a grave error when he denied to Congress the power to dispose
of the land for any purpose except revenue. A contrary practice
had prevailed for more than half a century, and that practice was an
authoritative commentary upon the meaning of the words, " The
Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules
and regulations respecting the territory and other property belonging
to the United States."
If Congress could endow a system of schools in a State by a free
gift of the public lands, with stronger reason could it grant a home-
stead out of those lands to the head of a family whose children were
to be educated in the schools.
The constitutional grant to Congress of power to dispose of the
public lands was a broad power. It would have been equally easy,
and more natural, to have limited the power to the sale of the lands,
REPUBLICAN POLICY IN REGARD TO PUBLIC LANDS. 85
if such had been the purpose of the convention. That this was not
done justifies the inference that it was the intention to allow Congress
to dispose of the lands in that way which seemed most conducive to
the public interest.
Previous to the passage of the act, approved the 20th of May,
1862, granting a homestead upon the public lands to certain persons
named in the act, the title from the United States could be acquired
only by virtue of the preemption laws which authorized the head of
a family, or widow, or a single person, over twenty-one years of age,
and a citizen of the United States, to make a location of one hun-
dred and sixty acres at a cost of one dollar and twenty-five cents
per acre, or by the location of bounty land warrants which had been
issued to officers and soldiers who had performed service in some
one of the wars in which the country had been engaged. Aliens
who had filed an intention to become citizens of the United States,
were also entitled to the benefits of the preemption laws. Since the
act of May, 1862, was passed, no authority has been given for the
issue of bounty land warrants, but, by the statute of the 8th of June,
1872, every sailor, soldier, and officer who had served ninety days
during the late Rebellion was authorized to enter upon any of the
reserved sections of the public lands along the line of any Tailroad,
and locate a quarter section of one hundred and sixty acres, and
receive a patent therefor. The alternate section of lands along the
the lines of railroads for which grants had been made, were reserved
by the government, and valued at two dollars and a half an acre.
Other public lands could be taken under the preemption laws at a
dollar and a quarter per acre. Every sailor, soldier, and officer who
was thus authorized to make entry upon the reserved lands was
allowed six months after the location to make entry and commence
his improvements.
By the act of 1862, every person who was the head of a family, or
who had arrived at the age of twenty-one years, and who was a citizen
of the United States, or, who, being an alien, had declared his inten-
tion to become such, was authorized to make entry of one quarter of
a section of land as a homestead, of any of the lands subject to
preemption at a dollar and a quarter per acre, or eighty acres of
the reserved lands, and subject to preemption at two dollars and
a half an acre. The title, however, could be acquired only by five
years' continuous residence unless the settler should plant trees upon
the same in the proportion of one acre of forest to every sixteen
86 REPUBLICAN POLICY IN REGARD TO PUBLIC LANDS.
acres of land. In such case the title could be acquired at the end
of three years. All mineral lands are excluded from the operation
of the preemption and homestead laws, but, by the statute of the
10th of May, 1872, they were declared to be free and open to explora-
tion and purchase whether the same had, or had not, been surveyed.
By the same statute the limits of each location were prescribed.
Claimants are required to expend at least five hundred dollars in
labor upon each claim. After public notice of the existence of a
claim, and the expiration of sixty days therefrom, if no contestant
appears, the claimant is entitled to a patent upon the payment of five
dollars an acre to the proper officer. For the homestead system the
Republican party is responsible.
In every country, and under every system of government, the
ownership of land by the larger portion of the people has been a cause
for congratulation, and the fact has been treated as evidence of
stability in the government. The wisdom of the homestead act can
be demonstrated by whatever resonable test is applied. And first of
all as to revenues. When President Buchanan vetoed the homestead
bill in 1860, the Secretary of the Interior estimated that the revenue
from the sale of lands would be four million dollars for the next fiscal
year.
Can there be a doubt that the increase of population, due to the
homestead act, has added to the customs and internal revenue receipts
a sum very much in excess of four million dollars annually?
The homestead system has stimulated migration from the older
and most densely populated States to the frontier States and the terri-
tories, diminishing consequently the number of persons who depend
for subsistence upon the sale of their labor, and increasing the num-
ber who depend for subsistence upon the sale of the products of
their labor. The sale of labor is a necessary incident in the prosecu-
tion of business, but it is less conspicuous in agriculture than in
manufactures, commerce, and the mechanic arts.
Population tends to the commercial cities and manufacturing
towns. Any surplus of population, or of labor, in cities and large
towns, generates, speedily, social and political evils of the gravest
sort. The homestead system has counteracted this tendency, and
multitudes of men who otherwise could not have escaped from the
condition of dependent laborers, are now independent landholders
and influential citizens of great and growing States.
The productive powers of mankind are now so vast, the competi-
REPUBLICAN POLICY IN REGARD TO PUBLIC LANDS. 87
tion so active, the relations and interests of nations are so intimate
and interwoven with each other, that it is no longer possible, even in
the United States, to exclude the paternal quality of government
from the administration of our affairs.
The chief problem of all is to so encourage and diversify indus-
tries as to secure constant and profitable employment upon the land
for the largest possible proportion of our inhabitants.
CHAPTER XL
THE POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN FAVOR OP UNIVER-
SAL EDUCATION.
WHEN the Republican party was formed its power was in those
States that had been distinguished for their interest in sys-
tems of public instruction.
Indeed, it may be assumed that the general intelligence of the
people in the old Free States, is due to the system of free schools,
and that except for that general intelligence the Republican party
could not have been organized into a controlling majority. As in the
beginning the party was composed of men who did not agree in
measures of public policy outside of the slavery question, the organ-
ization of the party could only be preserved and its growth increased
by concessions upon subordinate topics.
Such concessions are made only by men whose intelligence is so
great that they can discriminate between measures and policies that
are vital and those which are expedient.
The Free State party in Kansas was composed of men who repre-
sented fairly the States that supported Gen. Fremont in 1856.
Torn and wasted as Kansas had been by the invasions of slave-
holders and Federal troops In the vain attempt to make it "slave"
territory, that border community of hardy Republicans incorporated
into its first organic law a free, public, graded system of schools,
embracing "common, normal, preparatory, collegiate, and univer-
sity departments." It established a public school-fund which now
amounts to about $2,500,000.
The confidence of Congress in the final triumph of the govern-
ment was manifested in the passage of the bill " donating public lands
to the several States and Territories which may provide colleges for
the benefit of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts, " approved July 2,
1862.
(88)
POLICY IN FAVOR OF UNIVERSAL EDUCATION. 89
The darkest period of the war was the summer of 1862. The
credit of the government was impaired, and a complete system of
taxation had not been devised ; yet such was the confidence of the
Republican party in the ultimate triumph of the North, and such its
interest in general education, and especially in agricultural education,
that an appropriation was made which has absorbed more than nine
million acres of public land.
In the year 1859, Congress passed a similar bill, which was vetoed
by Mr. Buchanan. His objections were based in part upon the Con-
stitution. He claimed that Congress had no power to make a grant
of the public lands as a gift, and yet he admitted that the concessions
to the new States of one or two sections in each township in aid of
public schools was within the constitutional power of Congress,
inasmuch as a wise landholder, who had large bodies of land for
sale, would make a similar donation.
This concession was fatal to his argument. If the authority given
to Congress "to dispose of the territory" of the United States could
be so construed as to justify a free grant for education, then the
theory that Congress had only power to sell the lands was a false
theory. If Congress might in its judgment grant a section of land
in each township for the use of schools, and the act be justified upon
the ground that the concession was beneficial indirectly to the grantor,
might not Congress make a similar grant for any other purpose that
in its judgment would inure to the benefit of the United States?
A charter was granted for the city of Washington in 1802, but no
provision was made nor powers given for establishing public schools,
nor did Congress grant any aid to the struggling city for educational
purposes. When the charter was amended in 1820, the corporation was
authorized "to provide for the establishment and superintendence of
public schools," but no endowment or other help was given. In
1848, Congress again amended the charter, allowing the corporation
to collect a tax of one dollar per annum from free, white, male, adult
citizens for the support of common schools.
Mr. Jefferson, President of the United States, was a member of
the school board for three years (1805-1808), and although much
private and some public spirit was manifested occasionally in behalf
of public education, all municipal action related to schools for whites
only. When the war began in 1861, there were eleven flourishing
schools in the District of Columbia, for the education of colored
children, but they were private enterprises. It was under the Repub-
90 POLICY IN FAVOR OP UNIVERSAL EDUCATION.
lican party, that the acts of Congress, approved May 20th, May 21st,
and July 11, 1862, were passed, whereby public instruction for youth
of both races was provided. Under the rule of the Republican
party new and spacious school buildings have been provided, capa-
ble teachers are employed, and such appropriations are made as
warrant the prediction that the city is to take rank with the most
advanced cities of the country in whatever relates to public education.
The emancipation of the colored people in the South was followed
in 1865, by the Act of Congress establishing the Freedmen's Bureau,
designed to supply an agency which should discharge the moral
obligations incurred by the National Government to the refugees and
freedmen of the disorganized Southern States, till such time as return-
ing peace and civil order should permit the formation of new govern-
ments and institutions, state and local, adjusted to the conditions of
the new era. Hundreds and thousands of schools were opened or
assisted by the Freedmen's Bureau ; and during the seven years of
its existence it expended about $5,000,000 for educational purposes.
At the close of the war the States that had been engaged in the
Rebellion were reorganized under the direction and subject to the
control of the Republican party.
In the new constitution of each State, provision was made for a
system of public instruction.
In March, 1867, a law was enacted which authorized the establish-
ment of a Department of Education at Washington for the purpose
of collecting such statistics and facts as would show the condition
and progress of education in the several States and Territories, and
also for the purpose of diffusing information respecting the organi-
zation and management of schools, school systems, and methods of
teaching.
The Department of Education has been in operation for a period
of sixteen years. The work it has done has removed all doubts as to
the wisdom of the undertaking.
It would not be just to claim for the Republican party exclusive
merit for the educational systems of the country; but its policy in
the South during the period of reconstruction has given to the old
Slave States a system of public schools, and imposed upon them a
constitutional obligation to maintain them.
CHAPTER XII.
THE INCREASE OF THE COUNTRY IN POPULATION AND WEALTH
SINCE 1860, AND THE POLICY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY IN
RELATION TO THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENS AT HOME AND ABROAD.
~|T) Y the census report for 1860, the property of the country was
J-* estimated at more than sixteen thousand million dollars. The
valuation, as made in 1880, shows a total of less than seventeen thou-
sand million dollars.
Manifestly, the estimates made in 1860 were erroneous to the
extent of thousands of millions. Their erroneous character is ad-
mitted by the superintendent of the census. In his preliminary
report, he says; " The marshals of the United States were directed to
obtain from the records of the States and Territories, respectively,
an account of the value of real and personal estate as assessed for
taxation. Instructions were given these officers to add the proper
amount to the assessment, so that the return should represent as well the
true or intrinsic value as the inadequate sum generally attached to prop-
erty for taxable purposes."
Under these instructions there could have been no uniformity of
action by the marshals and their numerous deputies, and, conse-
quently, the results were of no importance whatsoever. The value
of statistics depends usually upon their accuracy and completeness.
Statistics in regard to property cannot be accurate, however, in the
sense that statistics of mortality may be accurate; but if they are
gathered upon a basis that is systematic, and of record, the results of
one period are valuable for comparison with the results of other
periods. As the imagination or the opinions of the marshals and
deputy marshals were the guides in the valuation of property in
1860, the results reached were then of no importance nor can they
now be quoted for the purposes of comparison.
Slave property was then included and it has now disappeared.
(91)
92 INCREASE IN POPULATION AND WEALTH SINCE 1860.
The population of the country, in 1860, was hardly more than
three-fifths of what it was in 1880.
Common observation demonstrates the fact that the average con-
dition of the people, as to property, was less favorable in 1860 than
it now is. If the estimated value of slaves be excluded from this
calculation the statement is as true of the old Slave States as of the
Free States. The productive power of the Slave States was never,
previous to the year 1860, equal to what it is at present.
In 1860, the property of Massachusetts was estimated, for the pur-
poses of taxation, at eight hundred and ninety-seven million dollars ;
in 1880, it was estimated for the same purpose at one thousand five
hundred and eighty-four million dollars.
The gain in Massachusetts was about seventy-six per cent, for the
entire period of twenty years.
If the same ratio of gain be accepted for the whole country the
true valuation, in 1860, could not have exceeded nine thousand and
five hundred million dollars.
It thus appears that the gains of the country in wealth during the
first twenty years of Republican administration were equal to more
than three-fourths of the total accumulations in the previous period
of nearly two and a half centuries.
An administration whose policy is so wise that such results are
possible is entitled justly to public support. This would be true if
that policy were wholly negative. The faculty in government which
allows the people to so use their capacities and capital as to secure
the largest results may well be dignified as a political virtue. To
do this when an expensive war was waged and heavy taxes were
levied was the fortune of the Republican party.
Its management of the finances, its system of protection to labor,
by which agriculture, the mechanic arts, and manufactures were
stimulated, and the field of their operations extended, and the home-
stead act which induced multitudes of intelligent Europeans to
transfer their allegiance ta the United States, were among the chief
material agencies by which the general prosperity was promoted and
the wealth of the nation augmented.
Until recently the public law of Europe did not recognize the
right of the individual to choose the government to which he would
tender allegiance ; and it was only upon the passage of the law of
the 27th of July, 1868, that the doctrine 'of expatriation was accepted
as the fixed policy of the United States. Previous to that event
HTCBEA6B ES POPULATION AND WEALTH 8HTCB 1860. 93
jurists, statesmen, and diplomatists, had entertained differing opin-
ions and the authorities were in conflict with each other.
Manifestly, there could be no legal nor logical basis for national
interference in behalf of a naturalized citizen of the United States,
who, in his native country, might be required to perform military
service, unless the right of expatriation were first asserted as well as
recognized.
The right was asserted in the statute of 1868, and the consequent
duty of the United States Government was also set forth in these
words: "Whereas the right of expatriation is a natural and inher-
ent right of all people, indispensable to the enjoyment of the rights
of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and, whereas, hi the
recognition of this principle, this Government has freely received
emigrants from all nations, and invested them with the rights of
citizenship ; and whereas it is claimed that such American citizens,
with their descendants, are subjects of foreign States, owing allegi-
ance to the governments thereof; and, whereas, it is necessary to the
maintenance of public peace that this claim of foreign allegiance
should be promptly and finally disavowed; therefore, any declara-
tion, instruction, opinion, order, or decision of any officer of the
United States which denies, restricts, impairs, or questions the right
of expatriation, is declared inconsistent with the fundamental prin-
ciples of the Republic."
" All naturalized citizens of the United States, while in foreign
countries, are entitled to and shall receive from this government the
same protection of persons and property which is accorded to native-
born citizens."
There is no evidence that, previous to the year 1868, either Great
Britain or any of the principal continental nations of Europe, with
the exception of France, recognized the right of expatriation as a
personal right. Two theories and two rules of action existed. Great
Britain and Austria maintained the doctrine that subjects could not
assume any of the obligations of citizenship in another government
without the consent of the mother country, first obtained. On this
theory expatriation could not be asserted as a right, but it might be
obtained as a grant. In other States it was admitted that the subject
could assume the duties of citizenship in a foreign government, but
that upon his return to his native land all his obligations as a sub-
ject would be revived. In this theory there can be found no quality
of the doctrine of expatriation as a right.
94 INCREASE IN POPULATION AND WEALTH SINCE 1860.
Upon the issues thus raised, Great Britain claimed the right to
seize and search American vessels, and to take therefrom British-
born seamen, and that without reference to the fact that in some
instances they had become citizens of the United States. This claim
led to the war of 1812, and there was no waiver of the claim in
the treaty of peace.
Upon the issues thus raised Prussia claimed the right to exact
military service of naturalized citizens of the United States, who,
having been born in Prussia, might be sojourning temporarily in
that country.
These claims were supported in a measure by a reference to con-
gressional, diplomatic, and judicial proceedings in the United States.
The increase in the United States of foreign-born citizens, who,
with their immediate descendants, were claimed as subjects by other
governments, led to the passage of the law of 1868, and to the for-
mation of treaties with the principal nations of Europe, excepting
France only, in which the doctrine of expatriation is recognized as a
personal right. Beginning in 1868, twelve such treaties have been
made. The chief contracting parties are Great Britain, Austria,
Belgium, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and the North German
Empire, represented by the King of Prussia.
Thus has the public law of Europe been changed by the agency of
the United States. The ability to dictate that change was due in a
large degree to the supremacy of the United States as a military
power, and its recognition as such by the nations of Europe. Thus
has been secured to each of the thousands of naturalized citizens the
right to return to his native land free from any apprehension that
military or other service will be required of
CHAPTER XIII.
THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST.
THE history of a political party furnishes better means for testing
ifes quality and estimating its claims to public confidence than
can be deduced from the professions of its leaders or the platforms
of its conventions.
The government of the country was in the hands of the Demo-
cratic party during four Presidential terms of the six terms next
preceding the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln.
Upon the death of General Harrison and the succession of Mr.
Tyler in April, 1841, the administration was controlled in a large
degree by the leaders of the Democratic party.
In the long period, therefore, of twenty-four years, from 1837 to
1861, there were only temporary interruptions to the domination of
the Democratic party, as represented by the Southern leaders, in
the government of the country.
The annexation of Texas, the consequent war with Mexico and the
vast acquisitions of territory, which followed, have inured to the
benefit of the. country, but the scheme of annexation was designed
and executed for the advancement of the system of slavery. It is
not to the credit of the Democratic party that a scheme designed
to foster that system has been controlled for the advantage of free-
dom and the extension of free institutions.
Of the legislation of those twenty-four years one measure only of
importance remains upon the statute books of the country. The
independent treasury system exists. In all other respects its finan-
cial experiments have failed, and its financial theories have been
abandoned.
Its ancient doctrine of State rights, by which the national govern-
ment was subordinated to the will of individual States, has become
(95)
96 THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST.
odious to the people. In obedience to this doctrine of State rights
the party continued in a persistent defence of the institution of
slavery. At the end, the Southern half of the party engaged hi
rebellion; a portion of the Democratic party of the North either
encouraged or tolerated the treasonable conduct of their brethren of
the South; while a minority, not exceeding one-fourth of the entire
organization, united their fortunes with the Republican party, and
contributed their full share to the prosecution of the war and the
destruction of slavery.
If the Democratic party is to be judged by its record from 1837 to
1861, there is no ground for the belief that it would so administer
the affairs of the government as to meet the demands of the present
period. When it lost power in 1860, its tariff policy, and its finan-
cial ideas were alike distasteful to the people. Not to Republicans
only ; the failure of their policies was admitted by themselves.
From 1860, to the present time, the Democratic party has resisted
every new measure, and more especially those relating to human rights,
— but when those measures had been adopted by the country it has
been constrained to give them a tardy approval. Each year has
produced a new issue, and each year has found the party yielding
assent to some measure which it had previously condemned.
It opposed Emancipation, and it opposed each of the three Amend"
ments to the Constitution, nevertheless it has been compelled to
accept and endorse them all.
It opposed the homestead laws, the policy of making grants of
lands to the agricultural colleges, and the system of improving the
rivers and harbors at the public expense. Now it dare not avow its
opposition to those measures, or to the policies in which they have
their origin.
The National Bank System was introduced and adopted as a meas-
ure of Mr. Lincoln's administration, but it was opposed by the
Democratic members of the Senate and House of Representatives,
and with great unanimity.
The bill passed the Senate by a vote of thirty Senators in the
affirmative and nine in the negative. The affirmative votes were
given by Republicans. In the House of Representative the bill was
agreed to by a vote of eighty Republicans in the affirmative over the
vote of sixty-four Democrats and two Republicans in the negative.
Of the two Republicans, one was from Maryland, and the other was
from Missouri.
THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST. 97
The opposition of the Democratic party was due to its State rights
notions which then found expression in a fear of centralization.
That fear was groundless, if any injurious results to the public wel-
fare were apprehended.
There are two thousand and five hundred national banks, with an
aggregate capital of five hundred million dollars. They are doing
business in all the States and Territories of the Union. They are
managed by citizens whose interests are identified with those States
and Territories. The assumption by the general government of the
power to provide a currency for the whole country was an act of
centralization; but there is no centralization of capital or of man-
agement that might not have existed under the State system.
There is a class of duties that may be performed by States in case the
National Government does not assert its better right. The banking
system belongs to that class. Until the year 1863, the business of
furnishing a circulation of paper was left to the States. The exi-
gencies of the war compelled Congress to assume jurisdiction of the
subject. It is a noticable fact that the Democratic party never
admitted that the exigencies of the public service required a change
of policy on its part.
Assuming always that the war was unnecessary, it followed that
exigencies should not control the public policy. In the opinion of
the Democratic party an easy way was before the country. The
remedy was peace.
Within the limits prescribed by the Constitution, the question,
whether a particular power should be exercised by the general gov-
ernment or left with the States, is a question for Congress. Congress
is composed of representatives of the States and of the people. If
our theory is not false in a fatal degree, those representatives will
confer power upon the general government or withhold power as
may seem most advantageous to the public interest. Anything in the
nature of a usurpation is impossible. The parties are the same.
The citizens of the States are citizens of the United States also.
They have but one interest, and that is to lodge the exercise of the
power where the advantage will be the greatest and the injury the
least.
Within constitutional limits the people may concentrate the exer-
cise of discretionary powers in the hands of the general government
or they may confide their exercise to the States.
98 THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST.
The power to furnish a bank currency is now lodged with the
general government, and after an experience of twenty years the
claim may be made safely, that the system has never been excelled,
in this or in any other country. It embodies every advantage that
was claimed for a national bank, when, in the administration of
General Jackson, the Whig party sought to recharter the United
States Bank, and it avoids every evil that the enemies of that insti-
tution alleged against it. The system is free, and the currency
being equally valuable in every part of the Union, the old evil of
domestic exchange has disappeared. While the State Bank System
existed the question of exchange between cities distant from each
other, as New York and New Orleans, was an element of trade
more important than is now the- rate of exchange between New
York and London.
The preservation and perpetuation of the system is a subject
of large public concern. As the bonds of the United States are the
basis of the circulation, and as these bonds are now subject to pur-
chase and payment at a rate which will lead to the withdrawal of
those now held as security for the redemption of bank notes, a
friendly hand is needed to so adjust the revenues of the country to
its expenditures as to continue the system for an indefinite period.
As the Democratic party opposed the system at the outset, and as
it has never exhibited any friendship for it, there can be no violence
in assuming that it would willingly see it die.
The capital invested in national banks exceeds five hundred million
dollars, their loans aggregate a thousand and three hundred million
dollars, and their other assets are not less than one thousand million
dollars more. The overthrow of this system, even if it were possi-
ble to substitute a better one, or its gradual disappearance, would be
attended with financial evils that would reach and embarrass every
branch of business. The loans are. generally to men of business
whose capital does not equal their opportunities for the employment
of capital. A financial change which should require the business
men of the country to pay these loans, would cripple them while
oilier sources of capital were sought and secured. In the meantime,
production would diminish, laborers would lose employment, sales
would fall off, all to be followed by still greater reduction in manu-
factures, trade, and consumption.
There is in the country a body of men who advocate the issue of
United States notes without an accompanying pledge or promise of
THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST. 99
payment in coin. This class of financiers, believers, as they are, in
the capacity of the government to extemporize wealth, or the repre-
sentative of wealth, are either members of the Democratic party or
in close alliance with it. When the country is prosperous they either
diminish in number, or they lose audience among the people. Their
voice is not much heard in the land when capital and labor are
employed and are in the enjoyment of adequate returns.
In periods of depression they offer an unlimited issue of irredeem-
able United States notes as the sure and only remedy. This heresy
had many disciples in the year 1873, and afterwards, until the return
of prosperity. So powerful was their influence in the Democratic
party that old and trusted leaders of that organization yielded, tem-
porarily, to its control.
The remedy for financial and business disorders which these theo-
rists propose is most frequently the cause of those disorders.
Periods of depression in business will occur. They are inevitable.
There is no system of finance, no skill of administration in govern-
ment that can protect a commercial country against their recurrence.
Bad harvests, war, peace, pestilence, may, one or all, either cause
financial disasters or contribute to their severity.
A sure cause of such disasters exists always in a paper currency
that is constantly increasing in volume as compared with the increase
of wealth. A currency based upon and redeemable in coin has its
limits; but there are no assignable limits to the issue of irredeemable
paper money. Additions to the volume of currency advance prices,
promote speculation, lead men into dangerous or visionary under-
takings, increase personal and family expenditures, all to end, finally,
in failures, loss of confidence, a sudden depression of prices, suspen-
sion of manufacturing industry, loss of employment by the laborers,
and losses of fortunes by capitalists. A stable currency is the best
security against such evil consequences. Most certainly the remedy
is not to be found in a policy which would produce the disasters.
The Republican party is pledged to the system of redemption of all
paper money m coin. Of the Democratic party nothing can be
assured in regard to the currency.
The policy of the Democratic party in regard to the tariff system
is either uncertain or dangerous, and if uncertain it is probably dan-
gerous also.
The history of the Democratic party from 1837 to 1860, would lead
to the conclusion that it would favor free trade as a principle of
public policy, and a tariff for revenue only as a wise application of
100 THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST.
the principle in a government that must rely upon customs duties as
the chief means of support.
The history of the party and its traditions found expression in the
platform of 1880. During the first session of the 48th Congress, Mr.
Randall has taken ground as an advocate of the protective policy.
His defection has been sufficient, in alliance with the members of
the Republican party, to prevent the passage of a bill framed upon
the theory that the government should advance as rapidly as possible
towards a free-trade system. The effect of the Morrison bill upon
the existing industries of the country and its influence in promoting
or retarding the introduction and development of new industries,
are topics which demand attention; but the policy of the measure is
of more consequence than its immediate effects. It is more import-
tant to understand the purposes of the authors of a tariff bill than
it is to comprehend the effects of the measure itself. A bill framed
by the friends of the protective system might prove injurious to
some branches of industry, but the purpose being otherwise the
country and the sufferers themselves would look for remedial legisla-
tion. On the other hand, when a bill is framed upon the theory that
the price of American products should be controlled by the cost in
other countries, the domestic manufacturers and the laborers may
wisely assume that the business is to come to an end ultimately, or
the wages of labor are to be reduced to the equivalent of the wages
in that country where the laborer in each branch of industry is
commanded at the lowest cost.
The proposition embodied in the policy which underlies every free-
trade measure is that the American manufacturer and the American
laborer are to be put into direct competition with the manufacturer
and laborer in that country where the particular manufacture to
which capital and labor are here directed, is produced at the least
cost.
Under the protective system concessions may be made from time to
time without injury to the industries to which the concessions relate.
It is the theory of the protective system that protection should be
granted to those industries only to which the country is so well
adapted, in natural facilities and skill in machinery and in the use of
machinery that we can rival the most favored or the most advanced
nations within a reasonable period of tune. This rule works the
exclusion from the domain of the protective system of those indus-
THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST. 101
tries to which the country is not adapted by nature and by circum-
stances.
When the country has attained to an equality with the nations
farthest advanced, in the particulars of machinery and skilled labor,
there will still remain a reason for the protection of the laborer in
his wages and the manufacturer in his capital, in the matter of the
rate of interest in the rival countries.
Equality of natural advantages being given, there remain four
important elements to which competition in manufactures relate,
viz. : (1.) Interest on capital. (2.) Wages of the operatives. (3.)
Perfection of machinery. (4.) Skill of the operatives and mechan-
ics who are employed in the business.
It has happened in some branches of industry that the skill of
American operatives and mechanics was such as to defy competi-
tion ; that our machinery was equal to that of other countries, and yet
protection was needed as security against cheap labor and cheap cap-
ital. And even in cases where our skill is such as to defy competi-
tion a duty upon the importation of the article may be expedient
Assume that, in England, for example, there has been an overpro-
duction of an article that is produced at the same cost as in the
United States.
If the article can be sent to this country and sold without payment
of duties the surplus would find its way to our shores.
As the price must be broken down in the United States or in Eng-
land, it would be for the interest of the English manufacturers to
save the home market and to crush the foreign market. The ruin of
the foreign market, and the destruction of rival manufacturers would
open the way for future sales at compensating prices. It is to be
said also, that the imposition of a duty upon an article which is pro-
duced at home at its cost in other countries adds nothing to the price
of the article in the domestic market.
Practically there can be no such system as "a revenue system
with incidental protection." If a system is devised for the purpose
of obtaining revenue, the rate of duties must be such as to permit
the importation of so much of each article as the country may need,
and a rate of duty must be imposed, as heavy as can be levied,
without encouraging the manufacture at home. The counter propo-
sition is the true one. There may be a system of protection to
domestic industry that shall incidentally yield a revenue.
A single example will illustrate both of these propositions. Assume
103 THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST.
that a ton of English pig iron can be laid down in New York, under
a free-trade system, at twenty dollars. Assume also that a ton of
American pig iron will cost twenty-five dollars. Assume further,
that the demand for the trade of New York is a million tons annually.
If the duty be fixed at $4.50 per ton, a revenue of four and a half
million dollars may be realized, and not one ton of American iron
can be sold except at a loss.
If otherwise the duty be laid at six dollars per ton the American
producer would have an advantage over the English producer, and
in time the English article would be driven from the market, except
for two or three circumstances. The English maker might have the
means of reducing his labor and expense account to the extent of a
dollar per ton, or an excess of product in England might compel
him to seek this market, or he might occasionally avail himself of a
sudden demand in America, which the home producer could not
meet. Thus incidentally a system of protection will yield a revenue,
but the same process of reasoning shows that a revenue system can
not give protection as an incident.
Upon the question of protection the Republican party is a unit
substantially. Any movement by that party, when in power, is
accepted by the country as a friendly proceeding. Consequently,
business is not disturbed. The organization of the Democratic party
is hostile to the system of protection. Its measures, therefore,
awaken apprehensions, disturb business, put capital in peril, and
diminish the opportunities for labor. Nearly three thousand million
dollars are embarked in manufactures. About two and three-fourths
million operatives are employed at an annual aggregate sum in wages
of nearly one thousand million dollars. These vast interests of labor
and capital cannot be touched by a hostile hand without disturbing
every other interest, nor without affecting unfavorably every branch
of industry.
While it would not be just to say that the members of the Repub-
lican party are agreed in support of what is known as the system of
Civil Service Reform, it is just to claim that there is a very general
opinion in the party that there shall be a full and fair trial of the
undertaking, and that at the end the results shall be accepted as the
basis of a public policy. For the Democratic party no corresponding
claim can be made. If its history be considered in connection with
the declarations of leading Democrats, and the neglect of the national
organization to commit itself to the new policy, it is reasonable to
TIIE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IK THE PENDING CONTEST. 103
assume that the existing law would either be repealed or its purpose
would be avoided in administration should the Democratic party
attain power in the country.
But these issues, one and all, are insignificant when compared or
contrasted with the issue raised by the systematic and continuous
suppression of the votes of half a million citizens in the States of
the South. The fact of such suppression is proved conclusively and
often it is admitted by those who profit by the proceeding. The
records of Congress in regard to the conduct of elections in Louis-
iana, Mississippi, and South Carolina so sustain the allegation that
the justice of the charge is outside of the region of controversy.
For excuse and defense it is pleaded that it is impossible to live
under negro government. If this plea be allowed as matter for justi-
fication or defense, then it follows that the minority may usurp the
government of a State or of the United States whenever the rule of
the majority is disagreeable or burdensome. The rule of the major-
ity, when its authority is both derived and exercised by constitutional
processes, is the law of our political life. If the rule of the majority
may be overturned whenever the minority is dissatisfied, the govern-
ment ceases to be a government of laws and becomes a government
of men. If a minority may dispossess the majority, then a minority
of the usurping minority may seize power, and the process may go
on until a single person becomes supreme and absolute. It is thus
that the government of an usurping minority runs rapidly into
despotic sway.
The vital element of Republican institutions is in the right and the
recognition of the right of every citizen, who is duly qualified to
vote, to have his vote counted, and in the consequent proposition
that the government, as constituted by the majority vote, shall be
recognized and obeyed. In the States of the South the right to vote
has, in some instances, been denied; in other cases the votes cast
have either not been counted or they have been counted for candi-
dates of the opposite party; and in other cases the legally constituted
governments have been overthrown by force, or abandoned through
fear of force.
In 1875, the government of Mississippi was seized by force, whose
incidents were murder and other brutal crimes.
In 1877, South Carolina and Louisiana were seized by the repre-
sentatives of the minority party.
In all these States the Democratic party enjoyed the benefits of the
political and personal crimes committed ; and in all these States the
104 THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST.
rule of the Democratic party has been perpetuated, sometimes by
force and sometimes by fraud. These proceedings were planned
and executed systematically, and their results have been accepted
by the Democratic party of the States concerned, and by the Demo-
cratic party as a national organization.
By these usurpations in the States of the South the Democrats not
only wrested power from the lawful majority in those States, but they
also secured a majority in the United States Senate for a time, and
in the House of Representatives they have been able to command a
majority in four Congresses. The Presidential elections of 1876
and 1880 were in peril from the same cause, and if now there could
be free elections and an honest count and return of the votes cast
in the eleven States that were engaged in the Rebellion, the pending
contest would be without excitement as the result would be free
from doubt.
By these usurpations the Democratic party has secured political
advantages such as it did not enjoy even in the days of slavery.
The former slaves are counted according to their number in the
basis of representation, while under the old constitution each class
of five was estimated as equal to three free persons. Upon the pres-
ent basis, the South gains more than thirty representatives in Congress
and an equal number of votes in the electoral colleges. In several of
the States of the South the use of force, culminating in a reign of
terror, has suppressed the negro vote and left the old slave masters
and their adherents in full and undisputed possession of political
power. Fraudulent practices at the voting places and the falsifica-
tion of returns, are now for the most part adequate means for the per-
petuation of the mastery first gained by force,
By these usurpations the negro race of the South and many white
persons, not of the Democratic party, are deprived of the privileges
and immunities to which they are entitled by the Constitution of the
United States.
But this statement does not measure nor even indicate the magni-
tude of the evil. In a Republic there can be no baser political
crime than a usurpation by which millions of men are robbed of their
rightful share in the government.
By these usurpations, States have been seized by a minority and
held through fear and force, both Houses of Congress have been
captured and the executive department has been put in peril. If the
elections in the old Slaves States were free, and the returns were
honest, the Republican party could command so large a majority
THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IN THE PENDING CONTEST. 105
that the election of its candidates would be conceded from the day
of their nomination. In the presence of this usurpation the votes
of two Democrats in South Carolina have as much weight in the
government as is given to the votes of five citizens of New York or
Illinois. And never until the elections are full, free, and honest in
the States of the South can the voters in the North enjoy an equality
of power in the government of the country.
Thus does it appear that the voters of the North have an equal
interest with the disfranchised citizens of the South in the restora-
tion of those citizens to the enjoyment of their constitutional rights.
The reCstablishment of the Union implied the restoration of the
States, recently in rebellion, to their full right of representation in
the Congress of the United States. This was done, but there have
been moments when many citizens of the North, compelled, as they
have been compelled, to witness the outrages perpetrated by the
remnant of the old slave-holding class upon the enfranchised blacks,
to doubt the wisdom of the reconstruction policy.
The reestablishment of the Union was a necessity, and when the
Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified it was assumed
by the old Free States that security was taken for ultimate justice
and permanent peace. That result has not been attained. The
South has enjoyed the right of representation, in the fullest measure,
and at the same time by force, fraud, and intimidation, a third of its
inhabitants have been excluded from all part in the government of
the country.
If this injustice and wrong were to continue, if there were neither
remedy nor redress for this gross violation of personal and public
rights, then, indeed, the ree~stablishment of the Union could be
regarded only as a mistake.
The acts of injustice and wrong of which the country now com-
plains were first perpetrated upon a scale sufficiently large to attract
public attention about the year 1870, and as yet no effectual remedy
has been applied. This condition of things ought not longer to con-
tinue. If reformation does not come speedily from the States them-
selves there should be an exercise of power from without. As the
Democratic party is benefited by the existing condition of things,
there is no ground to anticipate any action by that party that shall
tend to the restoration of the franchise to the negro population.
Indeed, the success of the Democratic party in the pending election,
would perpetuate the wrong for a period of four years at least.
106 THE QUESTIONS AT ISSUE IK THE PENDING CONTEST.
But the nation can not be a silent and indifferent witness of the
flight from their homes of thousands of citizens escaping from law-
less oppression, and seeking refuge in the States that recognize the
equal rights of men. The nation cannot be a silent and indifferent
witness of the consequent disturbance of labor, and the injury
wrought by the unnatural competition among laborers in one section
of the Union, and the coincident dearth of laborers in another section,
and all because the laborer is the subject of personal and political
injustice. Nor can the nation remain silent and indifferent, when
by fraud and force a section recently in arms, seizes, first, the
government of States and then by the same means attempts the
conquest of the Government of the United States. The remedy is
with the Republican party; and if that party is again put in posses-
sion of the government, in all its branches, every constitutional
power should be sought out, organized and made effective for the
protection of the citizen against the systematized scheme of the
South to destroy the equality of men and the equality of States.
If there could be a free vote and an honest count in the States of
the South there would be no occasion for the Republican party to
contest for New York or Indiana, except to secure a wholesome pub-
lic policy in those States. Whatever of peril now menaces the civil
service, the financial system, the industries and business of the
country is due to the fact of a solid South.
A solid South means the rule absolute of a minority in several of
the old Slave States, with the possibility of like absolute rule over
the whole country. If the solidity of the South is not broken from
within, and that speedily, it must be shattered from without. It
will not be broken by divisions in the Democratic party either North
or South.
A policy of waiting, of confidence, of negations, of blindness,
will prove fatal in the end. The Republican party should declare its
purpose, should frame the issue, should boldly stake everything it
has or may have of fortune or power upon the effort to redeem its
supporters and allies in the South from the domination of a minority.
In this campaign this one question is the paramount question to
which every other is subordinate or incident. The rule of the
minority must be destroyed or the Republican idea will disappear in
the South, or the downtrodden will rise in arms against their oppres-
sors and involve the States concerned in civil strife. Justice and
peace alike demand the assertion of the doctrine of equality of rights
in the States of the South.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE INFLUENCE OP THE UNITED STATES IN THE AFFAIRS OF THE
WORLD DUE TO THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE GOVERNMENT BY
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
When the Constitution was adopted, and during the first twenty
years of our national existence, our standing was not affected seri-
ously by the circumstance that slavery was recognized and protected
in the organic law. The discussions in regard to the emancipation of
the slaves in the British islands upon our coast, aroused attention to
and provoked criticism upon the inconsistency of our system.
The friends of Republican institutions were ashamed to cite the
United States as an example, and citizens resident or sojourning in
Europe were compelled to preserve a humiliating silence when the
character of their country was the subject of conversation or debate.
In countries where slavery did not exist the system had but few
defenders, and none of the defenders of the system, wherever found,
were friends to republican institutions.
For seventy years our example as a nation was calculated to bring
the system of popular government into discredit. The theory of the
government and the practice under it were inconsistent.
The ruling classes in Europe were hostile to our system for the
reason that it threatened the overthrow of dynastic institutions. The
existence of slavery tended to alienate the masses. In that condition
of public sentiment it was always possible for the governments of
Europe to command a popular support in any controversy that
might cerise with the United States.
Our peril during the first eighteen months of the Rebellion was
due to that cause; but when the emancipation of the slaves was pro-
claimed it was no longer possible for the government of England or
France to command a popular majority in any undertaking prejudi-
cial to the United States. The fear and the danger of foreign inter-
vention then disappeared.
(107)
108 INFLUENCE OF THE UNITED STATES ON THE WORLD.
When the Thirteenth Amendment was ratified our institutions
became republican, and a harmony was established between our
theories and our practice which silenced criticism and enabled our
friends and the friends of freedom everywhere to cite our example as
a model for imitation.
Our protective system has been, it now is, and for a long time to
come it will continue to be, a disturbing influence in the policies of
European States.
Aside from the spirit of conquest in barbarous and semi-barbarous
tribes and nations, and the fury of religious zeal in more advanced
peoples and communities, the controlling inducements which lead
men to migrate from one country to another are preferences for insti-
tutions, civil and political, and hopes for a higher condition of
domestic and social life. These hopes include the prospect of wealth
or competency as the means by which a higher condition of domestic
and social life is to be secured. The more ignorant classes of
society are moved by the single consideration of their physical con-
ditions. Others, more advanced in knowledge and more considerate
as to probable advantages for themselves and their families and
descendants, even for a distant and unknown future, will estimate
the quality of the institutions and the nature of the government of
the country to which they propose to migrate. In the nature of
things this latter class must constitute a body of good citizens.
The abolition of slavery, the protective system by which the
wages of labor have been advanced, and the homestead laws by
which direct encouragement has been given to agricultural industry,
have led tens of thousands of intelligent men to forsake their homes
in Germany and the Scandinavian nations and to become citizens
of the United States.
Their presence is a source of wealth and an element of power.
Having chosen this country as their home, and upon high ideas of its
character and destiny, they will aid in the realization of those ideas.
Nor is there occasion for apprehension in the minds of any that the
population of the country is approaching its capacity to furnish
emplo37ment and subsistence.
If the inhabitants of all the States and Territories of this Union
were transferred to the State of Texas, the number of persons to the
square mile would be one hundred and ninety-one. Rhode Island
now maintains a population of two hundred and fifty-four, and
INFLUENCE OF THE UNITED STATES ON THE WORLD. 109
Massachusetts a population of two hundred and twenty-one to the
square mile.
The migration of masses of men from the States of Europe dimin-
ishes the supply of laborers and tends to raise the wages of those
who remain.
This advance in wages increases the cost of manufactures and
the prices of agricultural products, and all to the advantage of the
United States.
As European manufactures increase in cost our ability to compete
with them in the markets of the world improves, and the opportuni-
ties for export to the United States diminish. The advance in the
price of agricultural products gives a better market for our surplus,
and adds relatively to the profits of agriculture.
The larger part of the male emigrants are of the military age, and
their expatriation may in the end cripple the power of Germany for
military operations. The time is not far distant, probably, when
that government will enter upon a policy of discouragement to
emigration. Cheap lands and high wages in America have raised
the wages of labor in England and on the Continent.
The tendency, and in a large degree the effect, of the measures of
the Republican party has been to reduce the value of money in
America to its value in Europe, and to advance the wages of labor in
Europe to the rate of wages realized in America.
These movements foreshow the near approach of the day*when we
shall be able to compete with European countries in every branch of
industry for which we have equal natural advantages.
At the close of the war our military power was established and our
military capacity was recognized by every nation of the globe. This
not alone from the conduct and success of the armies of the North ;
the skill, courage, and endurance of the armies of the South com-
manded almost equal respect.
The reunion of forces that had carried on gigantic, hostile contests
for four years was accepted as an assurance that the armies of the
Republic were adequate to every exigency that could arise in the life of
a nation.
As a consequence we are now in a situation so fortunate that we
are at once the wonder and the envy of other nations, and for our-
selves we are relieved of all apprehensions as to the conduct of for-
eign governments in their relations to us. As long as we grant what
is just and without debate, and claim only what is our proper due,
110 INFLUENCE OP THE UNITED STATES ON THE WORLD.
there will be no occasion for controversy. Moreover, we have shown
our disposition to submit matters of doubt to the arbitration of peace,
rather than to the arbitrament of war.
At the close of the war our debt, in proportion to our population,
was equal to the debts of the most heavily burdened nations of
Europe. In less than twenty years that debt has been so reduced
that its too speedy liquidation threatens the derangement of the
finances and business of the country.
This result is due to the public prosperity as it has been promoted
by the measures of the Republican party. At any time between
1840 and 1860 a debt of one thousand or even five hundred million
dollars would have destroyed the credit of the country. The lesson
taught by our experience is that the weight of a public debt is not to be
estimated by its magnitude as reported in dollars, but rather by the
condition of the people on whom the burden is laid. It is also to be
observed that the ability of a people to pay taxes can not be meas-
ured by the natural resources which they possess. The endowments
granted by nature yield little or nothing until the interest of the pos-
sessor is awakened and there is an application of intelligent labor to
the development of those resources.
The United States were as rich in the gifts of nature in 1850 as in
1880, and yet the results were not half as great.
The abolition of slavery, the homestead laws, the system of pro-
tection to labor in America, have encouraged migration, and at the
same time so developed the resources and added to the prosperity of
the country that our example commands attention in the States of
Europe, in India, in China, and in Japan.
Under the old form of government the institution of slavery,
recognized as it was in the Constitution, and justified or tolerated by
a majority of American citizens, was everywhere a hindrance to the
progress of republican ideas and an obstacle to the emigration of the
more intelligent classes of European society.
America is now open to European capital and skill, and Europe is^
open to American ideas in all that concerns the structure and admin-
istration of government.
Thus is America becoming more and more powerful, and thus is
Europe tending to republicanism.
These twenty years of Republican rule have been sufficient to
extort from the "London Times," that was never our friend, this
tribute to our character, position, and destiny :
INFLUENCE OF THE UNITED STATES ON THE WORLD. Ill
"THE UNIQUE POSITION OF THE UNITED STATES. — As yet the
North American republic stands alone. With the conscious power
to carve its own destinies belonging to perfect national independence,
it combines the Roman peace enjoyed privately and commercially by
subject provinces of the ancient Roman empire. No country in the
world has any interest in molesting it. None would dare gratuitously
to offer it an affront or do it an injustice. Its standing army is the
minutest in existence, and Gen. Sherman, who would like it enlarged,
did not desire that it should be more than minute. Except for the
fear of wild Indians or native desperadoes, it might disband the
whole to-morrow and be perfectly secure. Its citizens are free to
play with politics or to abstain at discretion. Their happy fortune
has left it for the time with no more difficult problem to settle than
how to avoid accumulating so enormous a reserve of public wealth
as not to know what to do with its taxes. Favorable geographical
circumstances must be thanked in part for its immunity from many
national burdens and national alarms. Unquiet and strong neighbors
compel precautions generally. The United States cannot be said to
have more than two real neighbors, one too weak to be harmful ; the
other, which is great enough, possessed by the most ardent determi-
nation never to be otherwise than friendly. If even its neighbors
had been among the most aggressive, its territory and its population
make a solid mass which would have insured it against attack. "
If the statements of facts as set forth in these pages are received as
truthful, and the arguments based thereon are accepted as trust-
worthy, two important conclusions must be accepted also: That
the Democratic party is not a safe custodian of political power, and
that the administration of the government for nearly a quarter of a
century by the Republican party is without a precedent in our history
for its wisdom, its patriotism, and for the degree of success th;it
has crowned its undertakings. Indeed, the Republican party may
ftitVly challenge all nations, all times, and all history, for a parallel
of its successes.
When it entered upon the administration of the government the
Union was broken in fact, though not in law, by the treasonable
doings of one wing of the Democratic party. Of the other wing of
ilmt party one portion accepted the result as .-.n accomplish, <l fact.
Consequently, the Republican party was the basis of the force,
whether political or military, by which the contest was prosecuted
112 INFLUENCE OF THE UNITED STATES ON THE WORLD.
for the reestablishment of the government over all the territory that
had been embraced in the Union previous to the passage of the ordi-
nances of secession.
If Mr. Buchanan had asserted the right of the Union to maintain
its existence, and had he summoned the country to the support of
that position, it is not only probable but certain that the scheme for
the secession of States would have been arrested previous to the
secession of Virginia. Buchanan's position was an assurance that
States might secede without incurring the peril of war.
The intelligent men of the South lost all' hope of success when
they were convinced that the resources and powers of the North
would be devoted to the overthrow of the Confederacy, unless at
times they may have indulged the delusion that the Democratic
party would obtain control of the government.
Upon this view it was that Alexander H. Stevens came to the con-
clusion, in 1862, that the cause of the Confederacy was hopeless.
A party is responsible for its policy and for the conduct of its
leaders, and this assuredly, unless the earliest and an early oppor-
tunity be taken to repudiate leaders and policy. The Democratic
party of the North accepted Mr. Buchanan's position, and their
platform of 1864 was in substance a recognition of that position.
If the Democratic party now maintain that in 1860, the general
government, under the Constitution, had no right to coerce a State
or the people of a State to remain in the Union, then their view of
the relations of States to the general government has been over-
ruled by the country, by the executive and legislative branches of
the government and by the courts. If the party does not now so
claim, it confesses that the position of Mr. Buchanan in 1860, and of
the Chicago Convention in 1864, was an error in law and conse-
quently an unwise position in fact.
Admitting, what is true, that the Democratic party is now free
from any element of secession, and certainly free of any purpose to
encourage the doctrine of secession, it is yet truQ that the party is
composed largely, both North and South, of the men who are re-
sponsible for the grave errors of the dark years of 1860 to 1865.
Those errors may not be repeated, but a party whose principles, opin-
ions, and traditions, culminated in such fatal consequences of treason
and blood, is not a safe depository of political power. The possi-
bility of error remains, and wrong principles in regard to govern-
ment are sure to yield unwise or dangerous policies in administra-
tion.
INFLUENCE OF TILE UNITED STATES ON THE WORLD. 113
Not less gross have been the errors of the Democratic party upon
the subject of protection to the industries of the country. From
1840 to 1860 it advocated a free-trade policy or a tariff for revenue
only. During that period our manufactures struggled against ad-
verse influences, and the country enjoyed only a limited degree of
prosperity. And even now, in the presence of the results secured
through a system of protection, the Democratic party is divided in
opinion and destitute of a definite policy. The policy of the Repub-
lican party is clearly set forth in the platform of 1884.
It is declared also, in the platform, that the Republican party will
use the power with which it may be entrusted to secure for the citi-
zens of the South their just rights under the Constitution.
A party is to be judged by the application of one or both of two
tests. Either by its history, by what it has done, or by its pledges
for the future. Of the Republican party it can be asserted truth-
fully that it has kept the pledges which it has heretofore made, and
that in the keeping of those pledges the safety and prosperity of the
eountry have been secured. The country may therefore wisely trust
in the pledges now made.
8
ADDRESSES, PLATFORMS, ETC.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD, ILL.,
JUNE 17, 1858.
GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION:
TF we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending,
•*• we could then better judge what to do, and how to do it. We
are now far on into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the
avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery
agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation had not
only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it
will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A
house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Govern-
ment cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not
expect the Union to be dissolved, — I do not expect the house to fall ;
but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one
thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest
the farther spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest
in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction, or its advo-
cates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the
States, — old as well as new, North as well as South.
Have we no tendency to the latter condition? Let any one who
doubts carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combi-
nation,— piece of machinery, so to speak, — compounded of the
Nebraska doctrine and the Dred Scott Decision. Let him consider,
not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well
adapted, but also let him study the history of its construction, and
trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace, the evidences of
design and concert of action among its chief master-workers from
the beginning.
But so far Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the
people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already
(114)
LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD, ILL. 115
gained, and give chance for more. The New Year of 1854 found
slavery excluded from more than half the States by State constitu-
tions, and from most of the national territory by congressional
prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle which ended
in repealing that congressional prohibition. This opened all the
national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained.
This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been provided
for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of "squatter sov-
ereignty," otherwise called "sacred right of self-government;" which
latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any
government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount
to just this: that, if any one man choose to enslave another, no third
man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated
into the Nebraska Bill itself, in the language which follows: "It
being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery
into any Territory or State, nor exclude it therefrom, but to leave
the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic
institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the
United States."
Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of "squatter
sovereignty" and "sacred right of self-government."
" But," said opposition members, " let us be more specific, — let us
amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Terri-
tory may exclude slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the
measure ; and down they voted the amendment.
While the Nebraska Bill was passing through Congress, a law-case
involving the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner
having voluntarily taken him first into a Free State, and then a
Territory covered by the congressional prohibition, and held him as
a slave, — for a long time in each, — was passing through the United
States Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both the
: :iska Bill and lawsuit were brought to a decision in the same
morth of May, 1854. The negro's name was Dred Scott, which
name now designates the decision finally made in the case.
Before the then next Presidential election, the law-case came to,
and was argued in, the Supreme Court of the United States; but the
-ion of it was deferred until after the election. Still, before the
election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requests the
leading advocate of the Nebraska Bill to state his opinion whether a
people of a Territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their
116 LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT SPBINGFIELD, ILL.
limits; and the latter answers, "That is a question for the Supreme
Court."
The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorse-
ment, such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained.
The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by
nearly four hundred thousand votes ; and so, perhaps, was not over-
whelmingly reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing President, in
his last annual Message, as impressively -as possible echoed back upon
the people the weight and authority of the indorsement.
The Supreme Court met again; did not announce their decision,
but ordered a re-argument. The Presidential inauguration came,
and still no decision of the court ; but the incoming President, in his
inaugural address, fervently exhorted the people to abide by the
forthcoming decision, whatever it might be. Then, in a few days,
came the decision.
This was the third point gained.
The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early occasion
to make a speech at this Capitol indorsing the Dred Scott Decision,
and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new President,
too, seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and
strongly construe that decision, and to express his astonishment
that any different view had ever been entertained. At length a
squabble springs up between the President and the author of the
Nebraska Bill, on the mere question of fact whether the Lecompton
Constitution was, or was not, in any just sense, made by the people
of Kansas; and, in that squabble, the latter declares that all he
wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether
slavery be voted down or voted up. I do not understand his decla-
ration, that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up,
to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the policy
he would impress upon the public mind, — the principle for which he
declares he has suffered much, and is ready to suffer to the end.
And well may he cling to that principle ! If he has any parental
feeling, well may he cling to it! That principle is the only shred left
of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott Decision,
squatter sovereignty squatted out of existence, — tumbled down like
temporary scaffolding ; like the mould at the foundry, served through
one blast, and fell back into loose sand ; helped to carry an election,
and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the
Republicans against the Lecompton Constitution involves nothing of
LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD, ILL. 117
the original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point
— the right of a people to make their own constitution — upon which
he and the Republicans have never differed.
The several points of the Dred Scott Decision, in connection with
Senator Douglas's " care-not " policy, constitute the piece of machin-
ery in its present state of advancement. The working-points of that
machinery are :
First, That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no
descendant of such, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the sense
of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States.
This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible
event, of the benefit of this provision of the United States Constitu-
tion which declares that " The citizens of each State shall be entitled
to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."
Secondly, That, "subject to the Constitution of the United
States," neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude
slavery from any United States Territory.
This point is made in order that individual men may fill up the
Territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property,
and thus to enhance the chances of permanency to the institution
through all the future.
Thirdly, That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a
Free State makes him free, as against the holder, the United States
courts will not decide, but will leave it to be decided by the courts
of any Slave State the negro may be forced into by the master.
This point is made, not to be pressed immediately ; but if acqui-
esced in for a while, and apparently indorsed by the people at an
election, then to sustain the logical conclusion, that, what Dred
Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott in the Free State
of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any other one
or one thousand slaves in Illinois, or in any other Free State.
Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the
Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mould
public opinion, at least Northern public opinion, not to care whether
slavery is voted down or voted up.
This shows exactly where we now are, and partially, also, whither
we are tending.
It will throw additional light on the latter to go back and run the
mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several
things will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when
118 LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD, ILL.
they were transpiring. The people were to be left "perfectly free,"
" subject only to the Constitution." "What the Constitution had to
do with it, outsiders could not then see. Plainly enough now, it
was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred Scott Decision afterward to
come in, and declare that perfect freedom of the people to be just no
freedom at all.
Why was the amendment expressly declaring the right of the
people to exclude slavery voted down? Plainly enough now; the
adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott
Decision.
Why was the court decision held up? Why even a senator's
individual opinion withheld till after the Presidential election?
Plainly enough now; the speaking out then would have damaged
the "perfectly free" argument upon which the election was to be
carried.
"Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement?
Why the delay of a re-argument? "Why the incoming President's
advance exhortation in favor of the decision? These things look like
the cautious patting and petting of a spirited horse preparatory to
mounting him, when it is dreaded that he may give the rider a fall.
And why the hasty after -indorsements of the decision by the Presi-
dent and others ?
"We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the
result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers,
different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different
times and places, and by different workmen, — Stephen, Franklin,
Roger, and James, for instance, — and when we see these timbers
joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a
mill, all the tenons and mortises exactly fitting, and all the lengths
and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their
respective places, and not a piece too many or too few, — not omitting
even scaffolding — or, if a single piece be lacking, we can see the
place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared to yet bring such piece
in, — in such a case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen,
and Franklin, and Roger, and James all understood one another from
the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn
up before the first blow was struck.
It should not be overlooked, that, by the Nebraska Bill, the people
of a State as well as Territory were to be left "perfectly free," " sub-
ject only to t7ie Constitution." Why mention a State? They were
LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD, ILL. 119
legislating for Territories, and not for or about States. Certainly the
people of a State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of
the United States ; but why is mention of this lugged into this merely
territorial law? Why are the people of a Territory and the people
of a State therein lumped together, and their relation to the Consti-
tution therein treated as being precisely the same?
While the opinion of the court by Chief Justice Taney, in the
Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring
judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the United States
neither permits Congress nor a Territorial Legislature to exclude
slavery from any United States Territory, they all omit to declare
whether or not the same Constitution permits a State, or the people
of a State, to exclude it. Possibly, this was a mere omission; but
who can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into
the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State
to exclude slavery from their limits, just as Chase and Mace sought
to get such declaration, in behalf of the people of a Territory, into
the Nebraska Bill, — I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not
have been voted down in the one case as it had been in the other?
The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a
State over slavery is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more
than once, using the precise idea, and almost the language too, of
the Nebraska Act. On one occasion his exact language is, "Except
in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the
United States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of
slavery within its jurisdiction."
In what cases the power of the State is so restrained by the United
States Constitution is left an open question, precisely as the same
question, as to the restraint on the power of the Territories, was left
open in the Nebraska Act. Put that and that together, and we have
another nice little niche, which we may ere long see filled with another
Supreme Court decision, declaring that the Constitution of the United
States does not permit a State to exclude slavery from its limits.
And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of "care not
whether slavery be voted down or voted up" shall gain upon the
public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision can be
maintained when made.
Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful
in all the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such decision is probably
coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present
120 LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT SPKINGFIELD, ILL.
political dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down
pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of
making their State free; and we shall awake to the reality, instead,
that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a Slave State.
To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty is the work now
before all those who would prevent that consummation. That is
what we have to do. But how can we best do it?
There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends,
and yet whisper softly, that Senator Douglas is the apteat instrument
there is with which to effect that object. They do not tell us, nor
has he told us, that he wishes any such object to be effected. They
wish us to infer all, from the facts that he now has a little quarrel
with the present head of the dynasty; and that he has regularly
voted with us, on a single point, upon which he and we have never
differed.
They remind us that he is a very great man, and that the largest of
us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But ' ' a living dog is
better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion for this
work, is at least a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose the
advances of slavery? He don't care any thing about it. His avowed
mission is impressing the "public heart" to care nothing about it.
A leading Douglas Democrat newspaper thinks Douglas's superior
talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave-trade.
Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching?
He has not said so. Does he really think so? But, if it is, how can
he resist it? For years he has labored to prove it a sacred right of
white men to take negro slaves into the new Territories. Can he
possibly show that it is less a sacred right to buy them where they
can be bought cheapest? And unquestionably they can be bought
cheaper in Africa than in Virginia.
He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of
slavery to one of a mere right of property; and as such, how can he
oppose the foreign slave-trade, — how can he refuse that trade in that
"property" shall be "perfectly free," — unless he does it as a pro-
tection to the home production? And, as the home producers will
probably not ask the protection, he will be wholly without a ground
of opposition.
Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be
wiser to-day than he was yesterday; that he may rightfully change
when he finds himself wrong. But can we for that reason run
LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD, ILL. 121
ahead, and infer that he will make any particular change, of which
he himself has given no intimation? Can we safely base our action
upon any such vague inferences?
Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's position,
question his motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive to
him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together, on principle,
so that our great cause may have assistance from his great ability, I
hope to have interposed no adventitious obstacle.
But clearly he is not now with us ; he does not pretend to be ; he
does not promise ever to be. Our cause, then, must be intrusted to,
and conducted by, its own undoubted friends, — those whose hands
are free, whose hearts are in the work, who do care for the result.
Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thir-
teen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse
of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance
against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we
gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle
through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud, and
pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter now ? — noic, when
that same enemy is wavering, dissevered, and belligerent?
The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail, — if we stand firm,
we shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate or mistakes delay it;
but, sooner or later, the victory is sure to come.
122 LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS,
MARCH 4, 1861.
Fellow- Citizens of tJie United States : In compliance with a custom
as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you
briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Con-
stitution of the United States to be taken by the President "before
he enters on the execution of his office."
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those
matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or
excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern
States that by the accession of a Republican administration their
property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.
There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.
Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while
existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all
the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but
quote from one of those speeches when I declare that " I have no
purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of
slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right
to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." Those who nominated
and elected me, did so with full knowledge that I had made this and
many similar declarations, and have never recanted them. And more
than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a
law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which
I now read :
"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the
States, and especially the right of each State to order and control
its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclu-
sively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection
and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the
lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Terri-
tory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. "
I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press
upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the
case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no sec-
tion are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming adminis-
tration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with tho
Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to
LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 123
all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause — as
cheerfully to one section as to another.
There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives
from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written
in the Constitution as any other of its provisions :
"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or
labor may be due."
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those
who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves ; and
the intention of the law-giver is the law. All members of Congress
swear their support to the whole Constitution — to this provision as
much as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves, whose
cases come within the terms of this clause, "shall be delivered up,"
their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort
in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame
and pass a law by means of which to keep good that 'unanimous
oath?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be
enforced by national or by State authority ; but surely that difference
is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can
be of but little consequence to him, or to others, by which authority
it is to be done. And should any one, in any case, be content that
his oath shall go unkept, on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to
how it shall be kept?
Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards
of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be intro-
duced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave?
And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the
enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that
"the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and im-
munities of citizens in the several States?"
I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with
no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical
rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of
Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much
safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and
abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any
124 LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be uncon-
stitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President
under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different
and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered
the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it
through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with
all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the
brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar
difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only
menaced, is now formally attempted.
I hold that, in contemplation of universal law, and of the Consti-
tution, the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied,
If not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.
tt is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in
its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the
express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will
endure forever — it being impossible to destroy it, except by some
action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again, if the United States be not a Government proper., but an
association of States in the nature of the contract merely, can it, as a
contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made
it? One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak; but
does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition
that, in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the
history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Con-
stitution. It was formed in fact by the Articles of Association in
1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Indepen-
dence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then
thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be per-
petual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And, finally, in
1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the
Constitution was " to form a more perfect union."
But if destruction of the Union, by one, or by a part only, of the
States, be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before, the
Constitution having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
It follows, from these views, that no State, upon its own mere
notion, can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances
to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any
LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 125
State or States, against the authority of the United States, are insur-
rectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws,
the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take
"care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the
laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing
this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part ; and I shall perform
it, so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American
people, shall withhold the requisite means, or, in some authoritative
manner, direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a
menace, but only as a declared purpose of the Union that it witt con-
stitutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence ; and there
shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The
power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the
property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the
duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be necessary for these
objects, there will be no invasion; no using of force against or among
the people anywhere. "Where hostility to the United States, in any
interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent compe-
tent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be
no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that
object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to
enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so
irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better
to forego, for the time, the uses of such offices.
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all
parts of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall
have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm
thought and reflection. The course here indicated will be followed,
unless current events and experience shall show a modification or
change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discre-
tion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing,
and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national
troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to de-
stroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it,
I will neither affirm nor deny ; but if there be such I need address
no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union,
may I not speak?
126 LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our
national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes,
would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you
hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any por-
tion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while
the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly
from — will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ?
All profess to be content in the Union, if all coustitutional rights
can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written
in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily, the
human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity
of doing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a
plainly-written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.
If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a mi-
nority of any clearly-written constitutional right, it might, in a moral
point of view, justify revolution — certainly would if such right were
a vital one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of mi-
norities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirma-
tions and negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the Constitution,
that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law
can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every
question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight
can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain express
provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be
surrendered by National or by State authority? The Constitution
does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Terri-
tories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress
protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not ex-
pressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional contro-
versies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If
the minority will not acquiesce the majority must, or the Government
must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the
Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority
in such case will secede rather than acquiesce they make a precedent
which, in turn, will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their
own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be con-
trolled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of
a new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again,
precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from
LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 127
it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to
the exact temper of doing this.
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to
compose a new union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent re-
newed secession?
Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A
majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations,
and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opin-
ions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people.
Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism.
Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent
arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority
principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.
I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional
questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny
that such decision must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to
a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to
very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other
departments of the Government. And while it is obviously possible
that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil
effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the
chance that it may be overruled, and never become a precedent for
other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different
practice. At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if
the policy of the Government upon vital questions, affecting the
whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decision of the Supreme
Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between par-
ties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own
rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government
into the hands of that eminent tribunal.
Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges.
It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly
brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to
turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country
believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other
believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only
substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause of the Constitution,
and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each
as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community
where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law
128 LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation
in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot
be perfectly cured ; and it would be worse in both cases after the
separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now
imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restric-
tion in one section ; while fugitive slaves, now only partially sur-
rendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our
respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall
between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out
of the presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different
parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face
to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue
between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more
advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can
aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties
be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among
friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and
when after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease
fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are
again upon you.
This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who
inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Gov-
ernment, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending it,
or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot
be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are
desirous of having the National Constitution amended. While I
make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the
rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exer-
cised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I
should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair
opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture
to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it
allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead
of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originate^ by
others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not
be precisely such as they would wish either to accept or refuse. I
understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution — which
amendment, however, I have not seen — has passed Congress, to the
effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the
LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 129
domestic institutions of the States, including that of persons held to
service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart
from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to
say that, holding such a provision now to be implied constitutional
law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and
they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of
the States. The people themselves can also do this if they choose ;
but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is
to administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to
transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence hi the ultimate jus-
tice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world?
In our present differences is either party without faith of being in the
right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and
justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that
truth and that justice will surely prevail, by the judgment of this
great tribunal of the American people.
By the frame of the Government under which we live, this same
people have wisely given their public servants but little power for
mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of
that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the
people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any
extreme of weakness or folly, can very seriously injure the Govern-
ment in the short space of four years.
My countrymen, and all, think calmly and wdl upon this whole
subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be
an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would
never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ;
but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now
dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the
sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it ; while the
new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to
change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied
hold the ri£ht side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason
for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and
a firm reliance in Him who has never yet forsaken this favored
land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present
difficulty.
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine,
9
130 LINCOLN'S INAUGUBAL ADDRESS.
is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail
you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the ag-
gressors. Ton have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the
Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve,
protect, and defend it."
I am loath to close. "We are not enemies, but friends. We must
not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not
break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretch-
ing from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and
hearth-stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of
the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better
angels of our nature.
PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. 131
PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.
SEPTEMBER 22, 1882.
I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America,
and Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy thereof, do hereby
proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be
prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional
relation between the United States and each of the States and the
people thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended
or disturbed.
That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again
recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary
aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all Slave States, so called,
the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United
States, and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or
thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment
of slavery within their respective limits ; and that the effort to col-
onize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this conti-
nent or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the
governments existing there, will be continued.
That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves
within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof
shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then,
thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of
the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof,
will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do
no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts
they may make for their actual freedom.
That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by
proclamation, designate the States, and parts of States, if any, in
which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion
against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people
thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Con-
gress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections
wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have
participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony,
be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people
thereof, are not in rebellion against the United States.
132 PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.
That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled, " An
Act to make an additional article of war," approved March 3, 1862,
and which act is in the words and figures following:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following
shall be promulgated as an additional article of war, for the govern-
ment of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and ob-
served as such :
" ARTICLE — . All officers or persons in the military or naval service
of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces
under their' respective commands for the purpose of returning fugi-
tives from service or labor who may have escaped from any persons
to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due ; and any officer
who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article
shall be dismissed from the service.
" SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect
from and after its passage."
Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled, "An Act to
suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and
confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved
July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures fol-
lowing;
" SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of persons who
shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government of the
United States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto,
escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the
army ; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them,
and coming under the control of the Government of the United
States; and all slaves of such person found on [or] being within any
place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces
of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be
forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves.
"SEC. 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping into
any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other
State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of
his liberty, except for crime, or some offense against the laws, unless
the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person
to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is
his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in
the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto;
and no person engaged in the military or naval service of the United
States shall, under any pretense whatever, assume to decide on the
validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other
person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of
being dismissed from the service,"
PROCLAMATION OP EMANCIPATION. 133
And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the
military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and
enforce, wiihin th^ir respective spheres of service, the act and sec-
tions above recited.
And the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of
the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto through-
out the rebellion >hall (upon the restoration of the constitutional
relations between the United States and their respective States
and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or disturbed)
be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including
the loss of slaves.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington this twenty-second day of Sep-
tember, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-two, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-
seventh.
By the President, ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
JANUARY 1, 1863.
WHEREAS, On the twenty-second day of September, in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty -two, a proclamation
was issued by the President of the United States, containing, among
other things, the following, to wit :
' ' That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves
within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof
shall be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thence-
forward, and forever, free; and the Executive Government of the
United States, including the military and naval authority thereof,
will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do
no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts
they may make for their actual freedom.
"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid,
by proclamation, designate the States, and parts of States, if any, in
which the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion
against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people
thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress
of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein
a majority of the qualified voters of such States shall have partici-
pated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony be
134 PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION.
deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof,
are not then in rebellion against the United States."
Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United
States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief
of the Army and Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed
rebellion against the authority and Government of the United States,
and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion,
do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so
to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days
from the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States,
and parts of States, wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this
day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit :
Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard,
Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension,
Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Or-
leans, including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama,
Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia
(except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also
the counties of Berkeley, Acomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City,
York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk
and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the present left
precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.
And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do
order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated
States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be, free; and
that the Executive Government of the United States, including the
military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain
the freedom of such persons.
And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to ab-
stain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense ; and I recom-
mend to them that in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully
for reasonable wages.
And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suit-
able condition, will be received into the armed service of the United
States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to
man vessels of all sorts in said service.
And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice,
warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the
LINCOLN'S ORATION AT GETTYSBURG. 135
considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty
God.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington this first day of January, in the
year of our Lord one thousand, eight hundred and sixty-three, and
of the independence of the United States of America the eighty-
seventh.
By the President, ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S ORATION AT GETTYSBURG.
NOVEMBER 19, 1863.
Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this
continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that na-
tion, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.
We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We are met to dedi-
cate a portion of it as the final resting-place of those who here gave
their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and
proper that we should do this.
But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we
cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who
struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or
detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say
here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the liv
ing, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work that they have
thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here dedicated
to the great task remaining before us, — that from these honored dead
we take increased devotion to the cause for which they here gave the
last full measure of devotion, — that we here highly resolve that the
dead shall not have died in vain, that the nation shall, under God,
have a new birth of freedom, and that the government of the people,
by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
136 LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
MARCH 4, 1865.
Fellow- Country men : At this second appearing to lake the oath of
the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address
than there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail,
of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the
expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been
constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest
which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the
nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our
arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the
public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and
encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in
regard to it is ventured.
On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts
were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it —
all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being deliv-
ered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without
war, insurgent agents were in this city seeking to destroy it without
war — seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide the effects, by negoti-
ation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make
war rather than let the nation survive ; and the other would accept
war rather than let it perish. - And the war came.
One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not dis-
tributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part
of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All
knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To
strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for
which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the
Government claimed no right to do more than restrict territorial en-
largement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude
or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated
that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the
conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and
a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible
and prayed to the same God; and each invoked His aid against the
other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just
God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other
LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 137
men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The
prayers of both could not be answered— that of neither has been
answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. " Woe uato
the world because of offenses! for it must needs be that offenses
come; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If
we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those of-
fenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but
which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills
to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible
war, as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we dis-
cern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the
believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we
hope — fervently do we pray — that this mighty scourge of war might
speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the
wealth piled up by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of
unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn
with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was
said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, "The judg-
ments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether."
With malice toward none ; with charity for all ; with firmness in
the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish
the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him
who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan —
to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace
among ourselves, and with all nations.
138 REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM, ADOPTED AT PHILADELPHIA,
JUNE 17, 1856.
This convention of delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call
addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to past
political differences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the present administra-
tion, to the extension of slavery into Free Territory; in favor of
admitting Kansas as a Free State, of restoring the action of the Fed-
eral Government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson ; and
who purpose to unite in presenting candidates for the offices of
President and Vice-President, do resolve as follows :
Resolved, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in
the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Con-
stitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican institu-
tions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and
the Union of the States, shall be preserved.
Resolved, That with our Republican fathers we hold it to be a self-
evident truth that all men are endowed with the inalienable rights to
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the primary
object and ulterior design of our Federal Government were, to secure
these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction; that as
our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our
national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, it becomes our
duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts
to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any Territory
of the United States, by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence
or extension therein. That we deny the authority of Congress, of a
territorial legislature, of any individual or association of individuals,
to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United
States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained.
Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign
power over the Territories of the United States for their government,
and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the
imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories those twin
relics of barbarism — polygamy and slavery.
Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United States was
ordained and established, in order to form a more perfect Union,
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 139
establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the com-
mon defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings
of liberty, and contains ample provisions for the protection of the
life, liberty, and property of every citizen, the dearest constitutional
rights of the people of Kansas have been fraudulently and violently
taken from them; their territory has been invaded by an armed
force; spurious and pretended legislative, judicial, and executive
officers have been set over them, by whose usurped authority, sus-
tained by the military power of the government, tyrannical and
unconstitutional laws have been enacted and enforced ; the rights of
the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed; test oaths of
an extraordinary and entangling nature have been imposed, as a
condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding office; the
right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by* an impar-
tial jury has been denied; the right of the people to be secure in
their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable
searches and seizures, has been violated ; they have been deprived of
life, liberty, and property, without due process of law ; that the free-
dom of speech and of the press has been abridged; the right to
choose their representatives has been made of no effect; murders,
robberies, and arsons, have been instigated or encouraged, and the
offenders have been allowed to go unpunished; that all these things
have been done with the knowledge, sanction, and procurement of
the present national administration; and that for this high crime
against the Constitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the
administration, the President, his advisers, agents, supporters, apol-
ogists, and accessories, either before or after the facts, before the
country and before the world; and that it is our fixed purpose to
bring the actual perpetrators of these atrocious outrages, and their
accomplices, to a sure and condign punishment hereafter.
Resolved, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as a State
of the Union with her present free constitution, as at once the most
effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyment of the rights
and privileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the civil
strife now raging in her territory.
Resolved, That the highwayman's plea that "might makes right,"
embodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect unworthy of
American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor upon any
government or people that gave it their sanction.
140 REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS.
Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific ocean, by the most central
and practical route, is imperatively demanded by the interests of the
whole country, and that the Federal Government ought to render
immediate arid efficient aid in its construction, and, as an auxiliary
thereto, the immediate construction of an emigrant route on the line
of the railroad.
Resolved, That appropriations of Congress for the improvement of
rivers and harbors of a national character, required for the accom-
modation and security of our existing commerce, are authorized by
the Constitution, and justified by the obligation of government to
protect the lives and property of its citizens.
Resolved, That we invite the affiliation and cooperation of the men
of all parties, however differing from us in other respects, in support
of the principles herein declared; and believing that the spirit of our
institutions, as well as the constitution of our country, guarantees
liberty of conscience and equality of rights among citizens, we
oppose all prescriptive legislation affecting their security.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM, CHICAGO,
MAY 17, 1860.
Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican
electors of the United States, in convention assembled, in discharge
of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the
following declarations :
1. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has
fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and
perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes which
called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more
than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph.
2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the
Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitu-
tion, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by
their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights,
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers
from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of
our Republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 141
rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be
preserved.
3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unpre-
cedented increase in population, its surprising development of mate-
rial resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at
home and its honor abroad ; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes
for disunion, come from whatever source they may; and we congrat-
ulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has
uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often made by
Democratic members, without rebuke and with applause from their
political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in
case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as denying the vital
principles of a Free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated
treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly
to rebuke and forever silence.
4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and
especially the right of each State to order and control its own
domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is
essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and
endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the law-
less invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any State or Territory,
no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
5. That the present Democratic administration has far exceeded
our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the
exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate
exertions to force the infamous Lecompton constitution upon the
protesting people of Kansas ; in construing the personal relations
between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in
persons ; in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea,
through the intervention of Congress and of the federal courts, of
the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest ; and in its general
and unvarying abuse of the power entrusted to it by a confiding
people.
6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extrava-
gance which pervades every department of the Federal Government :
tVat a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to
arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored parti-
sans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and cor-
ruptions at the federal metropolis, show that an entire change of
administration is imperatively demanded.
142 REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS.
7. That the new dogma, that the constitution, of its own force,
carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the United States,
is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provis-
ions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and
with legislative and judicial precedent — is revolutionary in its ten-
dency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country.
8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United
States is that of freedom ; that as our Republican fathers, when they
had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no
person shall be deprived of life, liberty; or property, without due
process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such
legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution
against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Con-
gress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal
existence to slavery in any territory of the United States.
9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African slave trade,
under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial
power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our
country and age ; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and
efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execra-
ble traffic.
10. That in the recent vetoes, by their federal governors, of the acts
of the legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in
those territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Dem-
ocratic principles of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, em-
bodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the
deception and fraud involved therein.
11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a
State under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her
people, and accepted by the House of Representatives.
12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the General
Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an
adjustment of these imports as to encourage the development of the
industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that
policy of national exchanges which secures to the working-men lib-
eral wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and
manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enter-
prise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence.
13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the
public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 143
homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or suppliants
for public bounty; and we demand the passage by Congress of the
complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already
passed the House.
14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our
naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of
citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall
be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient
protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or
naturalized, both at home and abroad.
15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor improve-
ments of a national character, required for the accommodation and
security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution
and justified by the obligations of government to protect the lives
and property of its citizens.
16. That a railroad to the Pacific ocean is imperatively demanded
by the interest of the whole country; that the Federal Government
ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction ; and
that as preliminary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly
established.
17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and
views, we invite the cooperation of all citizens, however differing on
other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance
and support.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM, BALTIMORE,
JUNE 7, 1864.
Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen to
maintain, against all their enemies, the integrity of the Union and
the paramount authority of the Constitution and laws of the United
States; and that, laying aside all differences of political opinions, wo
pledge ourselves, as Union men, animated by a common sentiment
and aiming at a common object, to do everything in our power
to aid the Government in quelling, by force of arms, the Rebellion
now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the punishment
due to their crimes the rebels and traitors arrayed against it.
Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Government of
the United States not to compromise with rebels, nor to offer them
144 BEPUBLICAtf PLATFORMS.
any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon an "uncon-
ditional surrender" of their hostility, and a return to their just
allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States; and
that we call upon the Government to maintain this position, and to
prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete
suppression of the Rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrificing
patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the Amer-
ican people to the country and its free institutions.
Resolved, That, as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes the
strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be always and everywhere
hostile to the principles of Republican government, justice and the
national safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from the
soil of the Republic; and that we uphold and maintain the acts and
proclamations by which the Government, in its own defense, has
aimed a death-blow at this gigantic evil. We are in favor, further-
more, of such an amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the
people in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and for-
ever prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits or the juris-
diction of the United States.
Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to the
soldiers and sailors of the army and navy, who have periled their
lives in defense of their country and in vindication of the honor of
its flag ; that the nation owes to them some permanent recognition of
their patriotism and their valor, and ample and permanent provision
for those of their survivors who have received disabling and honora-
ble wounds in the service of the country ; and that the memories of
those who have fallen in its defense shall be held in grateful and
everlasting remembrance.
Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the
unselfish patriotism, and the unswerving fidelity to the Constitution
and the principles of American liberty with which Abraham Lincoln
has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled difficulty, the
great duties and responsibilities of the presidential office ; that we
approve and indorse, as demanded by the emergency and essential to
the preservation of the nation, and as within the provisions of the
Co;is1:tution, the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend
the nation against its open and secret foes ; that we approve, espec-
cially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment, as
Union soldiers, of men heretofore held in slavery; and that we have
full confidence in his determination to carry these, and all other con-
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 145
stitutional measures essential to the salvation of the country, into
full and complete effect.
Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that
harmony should prevail in the national councils, and we regard as
worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who cor-
dially indorse the principles proclaimed in these resolutions, and
which should characterize the administration of the government.
Resolved, That the Government owes to all men employed in its
armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection of
the laws of war; and that any violation of these laws, or of the
usages of civilized nations in the time of war, by the rebels now in
arms, should be made the subject of prompt and full redress.
Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has added
so much to the wealth, development of resources, and increase of
power to this nation — the asylum of the oppressed of all nations —
should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.
Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the
railroad to the Pacific coast.
Resolved, That the national faith, pledged for the redemption of
the public debt, must be kept inviolate; and that, for this purpose,
we recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public expen-
ditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxation ; and that it is
the duty of every loyal State to sustain the credit and promote the
use of the national currency.
Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the government,
that the people of the United States can never regard with indiffer-
ence the attempt of any European power to overthrow by force, or
to supplant by fraud, the institutions of any Republican government
on the western continent, and that they will view with extreme
jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of this, our
country, the efforts of any such power to obtain new footholds for
monarchical governments, sustained by a foreign military force, in
near proximity to the United States.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM -CHIC AGO,
MAY 20, 1868.
1. We congratulate the country on the assured success of the re-
construction policy of Congress, as evidenced by the adoption, in the
majority of the States lately in rebellion, of Constitutions securing
146 REPUBLICAN PLATFOKMS.
equal civil and political rights to all ; and it is the duty of the Gov-
ernment to sustain those institutions, and to prevent the people of
such States from being remitted to a state of anarchy.
2. The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men
at the South was demanded by every consideration of public safety,
of gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the
question of suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the
people of those States.
3. We denounce all forms of repudiation as a national crime; and
the national honor requires the payment of the public indebtedness
in the uttermost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not
only according to the letter, but the spirit, of the laws under which
it was contracted.
4. It is due to the labor of the nation that taxation should be
equalized and reduced as rapidly as the national faith will permit.
5. The national debt, contracted as it has been for the preserva-
tion of the Union for all time to come, should be extended over a fair
period for redemption; and it is the duty of Congress to reduce the
rate of interest thereon whenever it can be honestly done.
6. That the best policy to diminish our burden of debt is to so
improve our credit that capitalists will seek to loan us money at
lower rates of interest than we now pay, and must continue to pay,
so long as repudiation, partial or total, open or covert, is threatened
or suspected.
7. The Government of the United States should be administered
with the strictest economy ; and the corruptions which have been so
shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for
radical reform.
8. We profoundly deplore the tragic death of Abraham Lincoln,
and regret the accession to the Presidency of Andrew Johnson, who
has acted treacherously to the people who elected him and the cause
he was pledged to support ; who has usurped high legislative and
judicial functions; who has refused to execute the laws; who has
used his high office to induce other officers to ignore and violate the
laws ; who has employed his executive powers to render insecure the
property, the peace, liberty, and life of the citizens; who has abused
the pardoning power; who has denounced the national legislature as
unconstitutional; who has persistently and corruptly resisted, by
every means in his power, every proper attempt at the reconstruction
of the States lately in rebellion ; who has perverted the public pa-
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 147
tronage into an engine of wholesale corruption ; and who has been
justly impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and properly
pronounced guilty thereof by a vote of thirty-five Senators.
9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers, that
because a man is once a subject he is always so, must be resisted at
every hazard by the United States, as a relic of feudal times, not
authorized by the laws of nations, and at war with our national
honor and independence. Naturalized citizens are entitled to protec-
tion in all their rights of citizenship as though they were native born,-
and no citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, must be
liable to arrest and imprisonment by any foreign power for acts done
or words spoken in this country ; and, if so arrested and imprisoned,
it is the duty of the Government to interfere in his behalf.
10. Of all who were faitnful in the trials of the late war, there
were none entitled to more especial honor than the brave soldiers and
seamen who endured the hardships of campaign and cruise, and im-
periled their lives in the service of the country. The bounties and
pensions provided by the laws for these brave defenders of the nation
are obligations never to be forgotten ; the widows and orphans of the
gallant dead are the wards of the people — a sacred legacy bequeathed
to the nation's protecting care.
11. Foreign immigration, which in the past lias added so much to
the wealth, development, and resources, and increase of power to this
Republic, the asylum of the oppressed of all nations, should be fos-
tered and encouraged by a liberal and just policy.
12. This convention declares itself in sympathy with all oporessetf
people who are struggling for their rights.
13. That we highly commend the spirit of magnanimity and for-
bearance with which men who have served in the Rebellion, but who
now frankly and honestly cooperate with us in restoring the peace of
the country and reconstructing the Southern State Governments upon
the basis of impartial justice and equal rights, are received back into
the communion of the loyal people ; and we favor the removal of the
disqualifications and restrictions imposed upon the late rebels, in the
same measure as the spirit of disloyalty shall die out, and as may be
consistent with the safety of the loyal people.
14. That we recognize the great principles laid down in the
immortal Declaration of Independence, as the true foundation of
democratic government; and we hail with gladness every effort
toward making these principles a living reality on every inch of
American soil.
148 REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM-PHILADELPHIA,
JUNE 5, 1872.
The Republican party of the United States, assembled in National
Convention in the city of Philadelphia, on the oth and 6th days of
June, 1872, again declares its faith, appeals to its history, and an-
nounces its position upon the questions before the country.
1. During eleven years of supremacy it has accepted, with grand
courage, the solemn duties of the times. It suppressed a gigantic
Rebellion, emancipated four millions of slaves, decreed the equal citi-
zenship of all, and established universal suffrage. Exhibiting un-
paralleled magnanimity, it criminally punished no man for political
offenses, and warmly welcomed all who proved their loyalty by
obeying the laws and dealing justly with their neighbors. It has
steadily decreased, with firm hand, the resultant disorders of a great
war, and initiated a wise and humane policy toward the Indians.
The Pacific railroad and similar vast enterprises have been generously
aided and successfully conducted, the public lands freely given to
actual settlers, immigration protected and encouraged, and a full
acknowledgment of the naturalized citizen's rights secured from
European powers. A uniform national currency has been provided,
repudiation frowned down, the national credit sustained under the
most extraordinary burdens, and new bonds negotiated at lower
rates. The revenues have been carefully collected and honestly ap-
plied. Despite annual large reductions of the rates of taxation, the
public debt has been reduced during General Grant's Presidency at
the rate of a hundred millions a year, great financial crises have been
avoided, and peace and plenty prevail throughout the land. Menac-
ing foreign difficulties have been peacefully and honorably com-
promised, and the honor and power of the nation kept in high
respect throughout the world. This glorious record of the past is
the party's best pledge for the future. We believe the people will
not intrust the Government to any party or combination of men
composed chiefly of those who have resisted every step of this bene-
ficent progress.
2. The recent amendments to the National Constitution should be
cordially sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated be-
cause they are law, and should be carried out according to their
spirit by appropriate legislation, the enforcement of which can safely
be intrusted only to the party that secured those amendments.
BEPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 149
3. Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all
civil, political, and public rights should be established and effectu-
ally maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate
State and Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration
should admit any discrimination in respect to citizens by reason of
race, creed, color, or previous condition of servitude.
4. The National Government should seek to maintain honorable
peace with all nations, protecting its citizens everywhere, and sym-
pathizing with all peoples who strive for greater liberty.
5. Any system of civil service under which the subordinate posi-
tions of the Government are considered rewards for mere party zeal
is fatally demoralizing ; and we, therefore, favor a reform of the sys-
tem, by laws which shall abolish the evils of patronage, and make
honesty, efficiency, and fidelity the essential qualifications for public
positions, without practically creating a life tenure for office.
6. We are opposed to further grants of the public lands to cor-
porations and monopolies, and demand that the national domain be
set apart for free homes for the people.
7. The annual revenue, after paying current expenditures, pen-
sions, and the interest on the public debt, should furnish a moderate
balance for the reduction of the principal; and that revenue, except
so much as may be derived from a tax upon tobacco and liquors,
should be raised by duties upon importations, the details of which
should be so adjusted as to aid in securing remunerative wages to
labor, and promote the industries, prosperity, and growth of the
whole country.
8. We hold in undying honor the soldiers and sailors whose valor
saved the Union. Their pensions are a sacred debt of the nation,
and the widows and orphans of those who died for their country are
entitled to the care of a generous and grateful people. We favor such
additional legislation as will extend the bounty of the Government
to all our soldiers and sailors who were honorably discharged, and
who in the line of duty became disabled, without regard to the
length of service or cause of such discharge.
9. The doctrine of Great Britain and other European powers
concerning allegiance — " Once a subject, always a subject" — having
at last, through the efforts of the Republican party, been abandoned,
and the American idea of the individual's right to transfer allegiance
having been accepted by European nations, it is the duty of our
Government to guard with jealous care the rights of adopted citizens
150 REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS.
against the assumption of unauthorized claims by their former gov-
ernments, and we urge continued careful encouragement and pro-
tection of voluntary immigration.
10. The franking privilege ought to be abolished, and a way pre-
pared for a speedy reduction in the rates of postage.
11. Among the questions which press for attention is that which
concerns the relations of capital and labor; and the Republican party
recognizes the duty of so shaping legislation as to secure full protec-
tion and the amplest field for capital, and for labor, the creator of
capital, the largest opportunities and a just share of the mutual
profits of these two great servants of civilization.
12. We hold that Congress and the President have only fulfilled
an imperative duty in their measures for the suppression of violence
and treasonable organizations in certain lately rebellious regions, and
for the protection of the ballot-box; and, therefore, they are entitled
to the thanks of the nation.
13. We denounce repudiation of the public debt, in any form or
disguise, as a national crime. We witness with pride the reduction
of the principal of the debt, and of the rates of interest upon the
balance, and confidently expect that our excellent national currency
will be perfected by a speedy resumption of specie payment.
14. The Republican party is mindful of its obligations to the loyal
women of America for their noble devotion to the cause of freedom.
Their admission to wider fields of usefulness is viewed with satisfac-
tion ; and the honest demand of any class of citizens for additional
rights should be treated with respectful consideration.
15. We heartily approve the action of Congress in extending am-
nesty to those lately in rebellion, and rejoice in the growth of peace
and fraternal feeling throughout the land.
16. The Republican party proposes to respect the rights reserved
by the people to themselves as carefully as the powers delegated by
them to the States and to the Federal Government. It disapproves
of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of removing
evils, by interference with rights not surrendered by the people to
either the State or National Government.
17. It is the duty of the general Government to adopt such meas-
ures as may tend to encourage and restore American commerce and
ship-building.
18. We believe that the modest patriotism, the earnest purpose,
the sound judgment, the practical wisdom, the incorruptible integ-
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 151
rity, and the illustrious services of Ulysses S. Grant have commended
him to the heart of the American people ; and \vith him at our head,
we start to-day upon a new inarch to victory.
19. Henry Wilson, nominated for the Vice-Presidency, known to
the whole land fro~n the early days of the great struggle for liberty
as an indefatigable laborer in all campaigns, an incorruptible legis-
lator and representative man of American institutions, is worthy to
associate with our great leader and share the honors which we pledge
our best efforts to bestow upon them.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM— CINCINNATI,
JUNE 14, 1876.
When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged
of human slavery, and when the strength of the Government of the
people, by the people, and for the people, was to be demonstrated,
the Republican party came into power. Its deeds have passed into
history, and we look back to them with pride. Incited by their
memories to high aims for the good of our country and mankind,
and looking to the future with unfaltering courage, hope, and pur-
pose, we, the representatives of the party, in National Convention
assembled, make the following declaration of principles:
1. The United States of America is a nation, not a league. By
the combined workings of the National and State Governments,
under their respective Constitutions, the rights of every citizen are
secured, at home and abroad, and the common welfare promoted.
2. The Republican party has reserved these governments to the
hundredth anniversary of the nation's birth, and they are now em-
bodiments of the great truths spoken at its cradle — " That all men
are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with cer-
tain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness ; that for the attainment of these ends governments have
been instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the con-
sent of the governed." Until these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or,
if need be, vigorously enforced, the work of the Republican party is
unfinished.
3. The permanent pacification of the Southern section of the
Union, and the complete protection of all its citizens in the free en-
joyment of all their rights, is a duty to which the Republican party
153 REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS.
stands sacredly pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement
of the principles embodied in the recent constitutional amendments
is vested, by those amendments, in the Congress of the United States ;
and we declare it to be the solemn obligation of the legislative and
executive departments of the Government to put into immediate and
vigorous esercise all their constitutional powers for removing any
just causes of discontent on the part of any class, and for securing to
every American citizen complete liberty and exact equality in the
exercise of all civil, political, and public rights. To this end we
imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief Executive whose cour-
age and fidelity to these duties shall not falter until these results are
placed beyond dispute or recall.
4. In the first act of Congress signed by President Grant the
National Government assumed to remove any doubt of its purpose
to discharge all just obligations to its creditors, and "solemnly
pledged its faith to make provision at the earliest practicable period
for the redemption of the United States notes in coin." Com-
mercial prosperity, public morals, and national credit demand that
this promise be fulfilled by a continuous and steady progress to specie
payment.
5. Under the Constitution, the President and heads of depart-
ments are to make nominations for office, the Senate is to advise and
consent to appointments, and the House of Representatives is to
accuse and prosecute faithless officers. The best interest of the
public service demands that these distinctions be respected; that
Senators and Representatives who maybe judges and accusers should
not dictate appointments to office. The invariable rule in appoint-
ments should have reference to honesty, fidelity, and capacity of
the appointees, giving to the party in power those places where
harmony and vigor of administration require its policy to be repre-
sented, but permitting all others to be filled by persons selected with
sole reference to the efficiency of the public service, and the right of
all citizens to share in the honor of rendering faithful service to the
country.
C. We rejoice in the quickened conscience of the people concern-
ing political affairs, and will hold all public officers to a rigid respon-
sibility, and engage that the prosecution and punishment of all who
betray official trusts shall be swift, thorough, and unsparing.
7. The Public-School System of the several States is the bulwark
of the American Republic; and, with a view to its security and
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 153
permanence, we recommend an amendment to the Constitution of
the United States, forbidding the application of any public funds or
property for the benefit of any schools or institutions under sectarian
control.
8. The revenue necessary for current expenditures, and the obli-
gations of the public debt, must be largely derived from duties upon
importations which, so far as possible, should be adjusted to promote
the interests of American labor and advance the prosperity of the
whole country.
9. We reaffirm our opposition to further grants of the public lands
to corporations and monopolies, and demand that the national do-
main be devoted to free homes for the people.
10. It is the imperative duty of the Government so to modify
existing treaties with European governments, that the same protec-
tion shall be afforded to the adopted American citizen that is given
to the native born; and that all necessary laws shall be passed to
protect emigrants in the absence of power in the States for that
purpose.
11. It is the immediate duty of Congress to fully investigate the
effect of the immigration and importation of Mongolians upon the
moral and material interests of the country.
12. The Republican party recognizes, with approval, the substan-
tial advances recently made towards the establishment of equal rights
for women by the many important amendments effected by the Re-
publican legislatures in the laws which concern the personal and
property relations of wives, mothers, and widows, and by the ap-
pointment and election of women to the superintendence of educa-
tion, charities, and other public trusts. The honest demands of this
class of citizens for additional rights, privileges, and immunities,
should be treated with respectful consideration.
13. The Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power
over the Territories of the United States for their government ; and
in the exercise of this power it is the right and duty of Congress to
prohibit and extirpate, in the Territories, that relic of barbarism-
polygamy ; and we demand such legislation as shall secure this end
and the supremacy of American institutions in all the Territories.
14. The pledges which the nation has given to her soldiers and
sailors must be fulfilled, and a grateful people will always hold those
who imperiled their lives for the country's preservation in the kind-
est remembrance.
154 REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS.
15. We sincerely deprecate all sectional feeling and tendencies.
We, therefore, note with deep solicitude that the Democratic party
counts, as its chief hope of success, upon the electoral vote of a united
South, secured through the efforts of those who were recently arrayed
against the nation ; and we invoke the earnest attention of the coun-
try to the grave truth that a success thus achieved would reopen
sectional strife, and imperil national honor and human rights.
16. We charge the Democratic party with being the same in
character and spirit as when it sympathized with treason ; with mak-
ing its control of the House of Representatives the triumph and
opportunity of the nation's recent foes; with reasserting and ap-
plauding, in the national capitol, the sentiments of unrepentent
rebellion; with sending Union soldiers to the rear, and promoting
Confederate soldiers to the front; with deliberately proposing to
repudiate the plighted faith of the Government; with being equally
false and imbecile upon the overshadowing financial questions ; with
thwarting the ends of justice by its partisan mismanagement and
obstruction of investigation; with proving itself, through the period
of its ascendency in the lower house of Congress, utterly incompetent
to administer the Government; and we warn the country against
trusting a party thus alike unworthy, recreant, and incapable.
17. The national administration merits commendation for its
honorable work in the management of domestic and foreign affairs,
and President Grant deserves the continued hearty gratitude of the
American people for his patriotism and his eminent service in war
and in peace.
18. We present, as our candidates for President and Vice-Presi-
dent of the United States, two distinguished statesmen, of eminent
ability and character, and conspicuously fitted for those high offices,
and we confidently appeal to the American people to entrust the
administration of their public affairs to Rutherford B. Hayes and
William A. Wheeler.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM— CHICAGO,
JUNE 2, 1880.
The Republican party, in National Convention assembled, at the
end of twenty years since the Federal Government was first com-
mitted to its charge, submits to the people of the United States its
brief report of its administration :
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 155
It suppressed a rebellion which had armed nearly a million of men
to subvert the national authority. It reconstructed the Union of the
States with freedom, instead of slavery, as its corner-stone. It
transformed four million of human beings from the likeness of
things to the rank of citizens. It relieved Congress from the infam-
ous work of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it to see that
slavery does not exist.
It has raised the value of our paper currency from thirty-eight per
cent, to the par of gold. It has restored, upon a solid basis, pay-
ment in coin for all the national obligations, and has given us a
currency absolutely good and equal in every part of our extended
country. It has lifted the credit of the nation from the point where
six per cent, bonds sold at eighty-six to that where four per cent,
bonds are eagerly sought at a premium.
Under its administration railways have increased from 31,000
miles in 1860, to more than 82,000 miles in 1879.
Our foreign trade has increased from $700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000
in the same time; and our exports, which were $20,000,000 less than
our imports in 1860, were $264,000,000 more than our imports in
1879.
Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed
the ordinary expenses of government, besides the accruing interest
on the public debt, and disbursed, annually, over $30,000,000 for
soldiers' pensions. It has paid $888,000,000 of the public debt, and,
by refunding the balance at lower rates, has reduced the annual
interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 to less than $89,000,000.
All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand,
wages have increased, and throughout the entire country there is
evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed.
Upon this record, the Republican party asks for the continued
confidence and support of the people; and this Convention submits
for their approval the following statement of the principles and pur-
poses which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts :
1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty years has been such
as to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the fruits
of the costly victories which we have achieved, through immense
difficulties, should be preserved; that the peace regained should be
cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily restored, should
be perpetuated, and that the liberties secured to this generation
should be transmitted, undiminished, to future generations; that the
156 REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS.
order established and the credit acquired should never be impaired;
that the pensions promised should be paid ; that the debt so much
reduced should be extinguished by the full payment of every dollar
thereof; that the reviving industries should be further promoted ;
and that the commerce, already so great, should be steadily encouraged.
2. The Constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and
not a mere contract; out of Confederate States it made a sovereign
nation. Some powers are denied to the nation, while others are
denied to States; but the boundary between the powers delegated
and those reserved is to be determined by the national and not by
the State tribunals.
3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the
several States, but it is the duty of the national government to aid
that work to the extent of its constitutional ability. The intelligence
of the nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence of the several
States ; and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the
genius of any one State, but by the average genius of all.
4. The Constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law
respecting an establishment of religion; but it is idle to hope that
the nation can be protected against the influence of sectarianism
while each State is exposed to its domination. We, therefore, recom-
mend that the Constitution be so amended as to lay the same prohi-
bition upon the Legislature of each State, to forbid the appropriation
of public funds to the support of sectarian schools.
5. We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 1876, that the duties levied
for the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor Amer-
ican labor ; that no further grant of the public domain should be
made to any railway or other corporation ; that slavery having per-
ished in the States, its twin barbarity — polygamy — must die in the
territories; that everywhere the protection accorded to citizens of
American birth must be secured to citizens of American adoption ;
that we esteem it the duty of Congress to develop and improve our
water-courses and harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private
persons or corporations must cease; that the obligations of the repub-
lic to the men who preserved its integrity in the day of battle are
undiminished by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory —
to do them perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, the grateful
privilege and sacred duty of the American people.
6. Since the authority to regulate immigration and intercourse
between the United States and foreign nations rests with the Con-
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 157
gress of the United States and its treaty-making powers, the Repub-
lican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the Chinese
as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of that power to
restrain and limit that immigration by the enactment of such just,
humane, and reasonable provisions as will produce that result.
7. That the purity and patriotism which characterized the early
career of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided
the thoughts of our immediate predecessor to select him for a presi-
dential candidate, have continued to inspire him in his career as
chief executive, and that history will accord to his administration
the honors which are due to an efficient, just, and courteous dis-
charge of the public business, and will honor his interposition
between the people and proposed partisan laws.
8. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of
patriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for office and
patronage. That to obtain possession of the National and State
Governments, and the control of place and position, they have
obstructed all efforts to promote the purity and to conserve the
freedom of suffrage; have devised fraudulent certifications and
returns; have labored to unseat lawfully-elected members of Con-
gress, to secure, at all hazards, the vote of a majority of the States
in the House of Representatives; have endeavored to occupy, by
force and fraud, the places of trust given to others by the people of
Maine, and rescued by the courageous action of Maine's patriotic
sons ; have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in prac-
tice, attached partisan legislation to appropriation bills, upon whose
passage the very movements of governments depend; have crushed
the rights of the individual ; have advocated the principle and sought
the favor of rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to
obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inesti-
mably valuable results of nationality, personal freedom, and indi-
vidual equality. "Equal, steady, and complete enforcement of the
laws, and protection of all our citizens in the enjoyment of all privi-
leges and immunities guaranteed by the Constitution, are the first
duties of the nation. The danger of a solid South can only be
averted by the faithful performance of every promise which the
nation made to the citizen. The execution of the laws, and the
punishment of all those who violate them, are the only safe methods
by which an enduring peace can be secured, and genuine prosperity
established throughout the South. Whatever promises the nation
158 REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS.
makes, the nation must perform; and the nation cannot with safety
relegate this duty to the States. The solid South must be divided by
the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all opinions must there find
free expression: and to this end honest voters must be protected
against terrorism, violence, or fraud. And we affirm it to be the
duty and the purpose of the Republican party to use all legitimate
means to restore all the States of this Union to the most perfect har-
mony which may be practicable; and we submit to the practical,
sensible people of the United States to say whether it would not be
dangerous to the dearest interests of our country, at this time to sur-
render the administration of the National Government to a party
which seeks to overthrow the existing policy, under which we are so
prosperous, and thus bring distrust and confusion where there is now
order, confidence, and hope.
9. The Republican party, adhering to a principle affirmed by its
last National Convention, of respect for the Constitutional rule cov-
ering appointments to office, adopts the declaration of President
Hayes, that the reform of the civil service should be thorough, radi-
cal, and complete. To this end it demands the cooperation of the
legislative with the executive department of the Government, and
that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper
practical tests, shall admit to the public service; and that the power
of removal for cause, with due responsibility for the good conduct
of subordinates, shall accompany the power of appointment.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORM— CHICAGO,
JUNE 3, 1884.
The Republicans of the United States, in National Convention
assembled, renew their allegiance to the principle upon which they
have triumphed in six successive Presidential elections, and congrat-
ulate1 the American people on the attainment of so many results in
legislation and administration by which the Republican party has,
after saving the Union, done so much to render its institutions just,
equal, and beneficent — the safeguard of liberty and the embodiment
of the best thought and highest purposes of our citizens.
The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and faithful
response to the demands of the people for the freedom and the
equality of all men, for a united nation assuring the rights of all
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 159
citizens, for the elevation of labor, for an honest currency, for purity
in legislation, and for integrity and accountability in all departments
of the Government ; and it accepts anew the duty of leading in the
•work of progress and reform.
"We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound states-
man^hip, long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong
and successful Administration, a promise fully realized during the
short period of his office as President of the United States. His
distinguished success in war and in peace has endeared him to the
hearts of the American people.
In the Administration of President Arthur we recognize a wise,
conservative, and patriotic policy, under which the country has been
blessed with remarkable prosperity, and we believe his eminent
services are entitled to, and will receive, the hearty approval of
every citizen.
It is the first duty of a good government to protect the rights and
promote the interests of its own people. The largest diversity of
industry is most productive of general prosperity and of the comfort
and independence of the people. We therefore demand that the
imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be made, not for reve-
nue only, but that, in raising the requisite revenues for the Govern-
ment, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our
diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the
laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital,
may have its just reward and the laboring man his full share in the
national prosperity. Against the so-called economic system of the
Democratic party, which would degrade our labor to the foreign
standard, we enter our earnest protest. The Democratic party has
failed completely to relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary
taxation by a wise reduction of the surplus. The Republican party
pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff and to reduce
the surplus, not by the vicious and indiscriminate process of hori-
zontal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the tax -payer
without injuring the labor or the great productive interests of the
country. We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the
United States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing,
and the danger threatening its future prosperity; and we therefore
respect the demands of the representative of this important agricultu-
ral interest for a readjustment of duty upon foreign wool, in order
that such industry shall have full and adequate protection.
160 REPUBLICAN PLATFOUMS.
We have always recommended the best money known to the civil-
ized world, and we urge that an effort be made to unite all com-
mercial nations in the establishment of an international standard
which shall fix for all the relative value of gold and silver coinage.
The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the
States is one of the most important prerogatives of the General
Government, and the Republican party distinctly announces its pur-
pose to support such legislation as will fully and efficiently carry out
the constitutional power of Congress over inter-State commerce.
The principle of the public regulation of railway corporations is a
wise and salutary one for the protection of all classes of the people,
and we favor legislation that shall prevent unjust discrimination and
excessive charges for transportation, and that shall secure to the
people and to the railways alike the fair and equal protection of the
laws.
We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor, the
enforcement of the eight-hour law, a wise and judicious system of
general education by adequate appropriation from the national reve-
nues wherever the same is needed.
We believe that everywhere the protection to a citizen of American
birth must be secured to citizens by American adoption, and we
favor the settlement of national differences by international arbi-
tration.
The Republican party having its birth in a hatred of slave labor,
and in a desire that all men may be free and equal, is unalterably
opposed to placing our workingmen in competition with any form
of servile labor, whether at home or abroad. In this spirit we
denounce the importation of contract labor, whether from Europe or
Asia, as an offense against the spirit of American institutions, and
we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting Chinese
immigration and to provide such further legislation as is necessary
to carry out its purposes.
The reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Republi-
can administration, should be completed by the further extension of
the reformed system already established by law to all the grades of
the service to which it is applicable. The spirit and purpose of the
reform should be observed in all executive appointments, and all
laws at variance with the objects of existing reformed legislation
should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions
which lurk in the power of official patronage may be wisely and
effectively avoided.
REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS. 161
The public lands are the heritage of the people of the United
States, and should be reserved as far as possible, for smair holdings
by actual settlers. We are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts
of these lands by corporations or individuals, especially where such
holdings are in the hands of non-resident aliens, and we will endeavor
to obtain such legislation as will tend to correct this evil.
We demand of Congress the speedy forfeitures of all land grants
which have lapsed by reason of non-compliance with acts of incor-
poration in all cases where there has been no attempt in good faith
to perform the conditions of such grants.
The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union
soldier and sailors of the late war, and the Republican party stands
pledged to suitable pensions for all who were disabled, and for the
widows and orphans of those who died in the war. The Republican
party also pledged itself to the repeal of the limitations contained in
the arrears act of 1879, so that all invalid soldiers shall share alike,
and their pensions shall begin with the date of disability or dis-
charge, and not with the date of the application.
The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from
entangling alliance with foreign nations, and which shall give the
right to expect that foreign nations shall refrain from meddling in
American affairs. The policy which seeks peace and can trade with
all powers, but especially with those of the Western Hemisphere.
We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time strength
and efficiency, that it may in any sea protect the rights of American
citizens and the interests of American commerce, and we call upon
Congress to remove the burdens under which American shipping has
been depressed, so that it may again be true that we have a com-
merce which leaves no sea unexplored, and a navy which takes no
law from superior force.
Resolved, That appointments by the President to offices in the
Territories should be made from the bona fide citizens and residents
of the Territories which they are to serve.
fiesofaed, That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as
shall promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy
within our Territory and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical
power from the so-called Mormon Church, and that the law so
enacted should be rigidly enforced by the civil authorities if possi-
ble, and by the military if need be.
The people of the United States, in their organized capacity, con-
11
162 BEPDBLICAN PLATFORMS.
stitute a nation, and not a mere confederacy of States. The National
Government is supreme within its sphere of national duty, but the
States have reserved rights which should be faithfully maintained ;
each should be guarded with jealous care, so that the harmony of our
system of government may be preserved and the Union kept invio-
late. The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance
of a free ballot, an honest count, and correct returns. We denounce
the fraud and violence practiced by the Democracy in Southern
States, by which the will of the voter is defeated, as dangerous to the
preservation of free institutions, and we solemnly arraign the Demo-
cratic party as being the guilty recipient of the fruits of such fraud
and violence.
We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their
former party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to them
our most earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation as
will secure to every citizen, of whatever race or color, the full and
complete recognition, possession, and exercise of all civil and political
rights.
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, 1864. 163
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM— CHICAGO.
AUGUST 29, 1864.
Resolved, That in the future, as in the past, we will adhere with
unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Constitution, as the only
solid foundation of our strength, security, and happiness as a people,
and as a frame-work of government equally conducive to the welfare
and prosperity of all the States, both Northern and Southern.
Resolved, That this convention does explicitly declare, as the sense
of the American people, that after four years of failure to restore the
Union by the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense
of a military necessity of a war power higher than the Constitution,
the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and public
liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material pros-
perity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity, liberty,
and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be made for a
cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate convention of all
the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that, at the earliest
practicable moment, peace may be restored on the basis of the Fed-
eral Union of all the States.
Resolved, That the direct interference of the military authority of
the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Mary-
land, Missouri, and Delaware, was a shameful violation of the Con-
stitution ; and the repetition of such acts in the approaching election
will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the means and
power under our control.
Resolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to
preserve the Federal Union and the rights of the States unimpaired;
and that they hereby declare that they consider the administrative
usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by
the Constitution, the subversion of the civil by the military law in
States not in insurrection, the arbitrary military arrest, imprison-
ment, trial, and sentence of American citizens in States where civil
law exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of speech and of
the press, the denial of the right of asylum, the open and avowed
disregard of State rights, the employment of unusual test-oaths, and
the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear
arms in their defense, as calculated to prevent a restoration of the
Union and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers
from the consent of the governed.
104 DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, 1864.
Resolved, That the shameful disregard of the administration to its
duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who now are, and long have
been, prisoners of war, in a suffering condition, deserves the sever-
est reprobation, on the score alike of public policy and common
humanity.
Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily
and earnestly extended to the soldiers of our army and the sailors of
our navy, who are and have been in the field and on sea under the
flag of their country; and, in the event of our attaining power, they
will receive all the care and protection, regard and kindness, that
the brave soldiers of the Republic have so nobly earned.
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. BLAINE.
THE nomination of Mr. Elaine was not an accident, nor was it
due to a systematic organization of political force. Indeed,
the friends of other candidates were more active than were the
friends of Mr. Elaine.
Opposing candidates were presented in each of six States, New
York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Connecticut, and Vermont. These
candidates were not only strong within the States where they resided,
respectively, but they commanded confidence, and were entitled to
support in all parts of the Union.
In several of those States delegates were elected who were friendly
to Mr. Elaine, and he was the second choice of a majority of those
who preferred other candidates.
Hence, at Chicago, the fact was disclosed at an early stage of the
Convention that it was impossible to unite the delegates who pre-
f ered other candidates upon any one of the candidates named. This
circumstance was not due to any want of confidence in or respect
for those candidates, but to the fact that Mr. Elaine was the second
choice of many whose first preference was for other persons. It is
thus apparent that Mr. Elaine's nomination was acceptable to a large
majority of the Convention.
Mr. Elaine's popularity in the country is not due to a sudden and
unreasoning impluse on the part of the people. The period of its
growth extends over many years, and the events of those years
demonstrate the depth and strength of the public feeling. He was
the leading candidate in the Convention of 1876 ; he was a formida-
ble candidate in the Convention of 1880; and he is the successful
candidate of the Republican party in 1884. Neither his candidacy
nor his nomination can be treated as a surprise.
Nor can it be assumed with any degree of justice that his nomina-
tion is due to the machinations of leaders. A candidacy might be
(165)
166 PUliLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE.
advanced, and a nomination even might be secured by Hie organized
efforts of friends, but such agencies are quite inadequate to give to a
man a continuing and increasing support in three successive presi-
dential contests. And especially must this be true when the candi-
date is without office, without patronage, and destitute of all extra-
neous means of advancing himself in the public esteem.
Therefore his standing among the people is not due to agencies or
to extraneous influences, but to the presence of personal qualities
constantly and through many years exhibited. In the elements and
characteristics of leadership in public, political affairs, he has not
been surpassed by any one in America and equaled only by Mr.
Clay. In Mr. Elaine are combined, as was the case also in Mr. Clay,
the power of controlling deliberative assemblies by the exhibition of
courage, tact, and skill in debate, with personal qualities which
inspire confidence and promote lasting attachments in those persons
to whom a leader is known only by a casual introduction or temporary
acquaintance.
By the possession and exhibition of this combination of rare qual-
ities, Mr. Blaine rose rapidly to the position of a leader in the House
of Representatives, while at the same time he gained the confidence
and enlisted the support of the majority of those in the country
who agreed with him in political opinions.
It is a significant fact that Mr. Elaine's strongholds in the country
are in the States and districts where the Republican party can com-
mand majorities. This fact precludes the suggestion or the thought
that the nomination of Mr. Blaine was due to the schemes of parti-
sans. It was in fact due to the opinion of the Republican masses
that he was the fittest man in the party for the post of leader in a
great national contest.
His nomination was an act of submission to the will of the major-
ity and as the will of the majority it is entitled to respect.
The rule of the minority in parties can only end in the overthrow
of Free States. If parties are ruled by minorities, then, as a con-
sequence, the States themselves will be ruled by minorities. Dis-
satisfied minorities are justifiable when they change their party
allegiance ; but unsatisfied minorities are not to be justified in de-
manding the submission of the majority to their will, and when
such demands are made a wise majority will decline to accede to
them and at the hazard of whatever consequences may follow. It
was only that, that the South demanded as the price of peace.
PUBLIC SERVICES OP JAMES O. BLAINE. 167
The entire period of Mr. Elaine's public life has been devoted to the
support of the principles of the Republican party. In two most
important ways he has earned the right to represent that party.
First, as a brilliant, bold, and skillful leader in the House of Rep-
resentatives, and then as an aggressive, eloquent, and convincing cam-
paign speaker.
In successive presidential contests he advanced the cause and
defended the positions of the Republican party in a manner to satisfy
his friends and to command the respect and excite the fears of his
opponents.
Mr. Elaine was elected a member of the thirty-eighth Congress
and he took his seat in December, 1863. His career as a public man
then opened before him and at the first session he achieved a national
reputation. He was then thirty-three years of age.
That House of Representatives was the first House elected under
the pressure and the responsibilities of the war. " Fortunate is that
country whose annals are uninteresting," is a maxim whose reason is
found in the fact that in peaceful times men of moderate abilities
rise to places of distinction and thus the times neither show forth
eminent talents in rulers nor extraordinary events in affairs. The
Thirty-eighth Congress contained many able men and in American
history it is only surpassed by the Thirty-ninth Congress. The
House of Representatives numbered among its members Stevens,
Kelley, Randall, and Schofield of Pennsylvania; Schenck, Garfield,
Cox, Ashley, and Pendleton, from Ohio; Winter Davis, Francis
Thomas, and Creewell from Maryland ; Wilson, Allison, and Kas-
son, from Iowa; E. B. Washburne, and Owen Lovejoy from Illinois,
and Voorhees, Julian, Orth, and Colfax from Indiana. Many of
these men, and others their equals from other States, had had long
experience in public affairs. In such an assembly it was no easy
undertaking for a new member to rise to a position of recognized
equality with old leaders and trained parliamentarians. The House
of Representatives always possesses a large share of ability, and the
judgment pronounced upon its own members is always a just judg-
ment. Mediocrity and pretense may find favor occasionally, but for
a brief period only at most, while capacity to deal with questions
and affairs is early recognized and the possessor is accorded his true
position freely and without delay. The House is usually just to its
own members.
It is a noticeable fact, that of the eminent men who were members
of the House of Representatives of the Thirty-eighth Congress, and
168 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE.
especially of those who were members for the first time, a large
number were under forty years of age. Of those mentioned, neither
Garfield, Elaine, Cox, Ashley, Randall, Pendleton, Creswell, Wilson,
Allison, or Voorhees had reached that age. Some of these men had
then acquired -a national reputation, and others gained that distinc-
tion without delay. Mr. Conkling had been elected to the Thirty-
sixth Congress when he was only thirty years of age, and at an earlier
period in our history Webster, Clay, Calhoun and others were known
to the country before they had reached that period of life, and their
qualities were as well understood, and appreciated as justly as they
were in their maturer years.
It is a singular fact, that at this moment there is not one man in
the country, and who is less than forty years of age, that has
achieved a national reputation in politics or law. The same remarks
may be made of England, France, and Germany. If there are
exceptions, knowledge of the gifted persons has not reached this
country.
The first important debate in which Mr. Elaine took a part related
to the tariff, and his speech was called out by an attack made by Mr.
Cox of Ohio, upon the system of protection, and consequently upon
New England as at once responsible for the wrong and the chief
beneficiary of it.
After an elaborate review of the tariff, Mr. Cox said: "I never
was afraid of buying in the cheapest market and selling in the dear-
est market I could find." . . . " The tendency of the present tariff
system, and, in fact, of all tariffs, revenue or protective, more or less,
is to drain wealth from the unprotected States and accumulate it in
the protected States. It can now be understood why New England
accumulates wealth so much more rapidly than the Western States."
To these assertions and doctrines Mr. Elaine replied, and in his
reply he exhibited the qualities which have rendered him efficient in
controversial debate and conspicuous before the country. He spoke
for Maine as a State, but as a member of the Union, rather than as a
State of the New England group. His mode of defense was a system
of attack also. Ohio was arraigned as a State that derived more benefit
from the system of protection than fell to the State of Maine.
Mr. Cox's speech was prepared with great care, and it was stuffed
with statistics, designed to prove that the doctrine of protection was
an error, that its application in this country divided the States into
two classes — the protected and non -protected, — and that the Eastern
States, and the States of New England especially, were protected,
PUBLIC SERVICES OP JAMES G. ELAINE. 169
while the States of the West were the non-protected class. In his
view, taxation without benefits was imposed upon one set of States,
and bounties, which yielded no consideration in return, were distrib-
uted to other States. The argument was based upon the census of
1860, supported by writers upon political economy, from Adam Smith
to Dr. Wayland, and elaborated through twenty-five columns of the
Congressional Globe. Mr. Elaine's reply was made without prepara-
tion, and it illustrates, therefore, his ability to command his re-
sources upon the instant — a quality indispensable in a leader.
An inexorable law of parliamentary life assigns to the leader
the task of meeting every opponent upon the ground that he may
choose, and that without delay. For this task Mr. Elaine was ever
ready, and he accepted it not so much as a necessity or a duty as a
pleasure which he coveted. If his reply to Mr. Cox does not present
him at his best, it illustrates his readiness in debate, his system of
defense by attack, and his power to marshal the facts and events in
history in support of his views and position.
"It has grown to be a habit in this House, Mr. Chairman, to speak
of New England as a unit, and in assailing the New England States
to class them together, as has been done to-day by the gentleman
from Ohio (Mr. Cox) throughout his entire speech. In response to
such attacks, each particular Representative from a New England
State might feel called upon to defend the whole section. For my-
self, sir, I take a different view. I have the honor to represent in
part only one State, the State of Maine, and I have no more to do
with the local and particular interests of the rest of New England
than with any other State in the Union. The other New England
States are ably represented upon this floor, and it would be officious
and arrogant in me to attempt to speak for them. But when the
gentleman from Ohio presumes to charge here that the State I repre-
sent receives from Federal legislation any undue protection to her
local interests, he either ignorantly or willfully misrepresents the case
so grossly, that for ten minutes I will occupy the attention of the
House in correcting him.
" If the gentleman from Ohio who has given us such a learned
lecture on political economy were at all well posted in regard to the
industrial pursuits of the people of Maine, he would know that the
great and leading interests are lumber and navigation. Now will
the gentleman be good enough to tell the House what protection is
extended by the laws of the United States to the lumber interest?
At no time in our history, sir, did lumber receive more than a feeble
170 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE.
protection, and even that was taken away ten years ago by the gen-
tleman's political associates when they formed the reciprocity treaty,
and thus broke down the only barrier we had, and threw in the whole
lumber product of the British Provinces to compete with us. And
in regard to our great interest of navigation, will the gentleman be
good enough to tell the House when a ship is launched from a Maine
ship-yard to engage in the commerce of the world, what protection
is given by the United States laws against competition with foreign
bottoms? Not a particle, sir. These two great leading interests of
my State derive no advantage from Federal legislation, while one of
them has been very greatly damaged by the treaty-making power of
the Federal Government. I do not hesitate to declare here to-day
that the State of Ohio has upon her products and her manufactures
ten dollars of protection from Federal legislation where Maine ha£
twenty-five cents.
"But, sir, let us take another view of this matter. The State of
Maine consumes every year five hundred thousand barrels of flour,
all of which, with a very trifling exception, is brought from the West,
and a large proportion, I presume, from the State of Ohio. Now,
if the gentleman's logic be good, it would be a very admirable idea
for this country to so change its domestic industry as to detach the
six hundred thousand people of Maine from their present pursuits
and convert them into producers instead of consumers of bread-stuffs
and provisions. And let this change be made throughout all the
manufacturing and commercial districts of the Union, converting
the five million consumers into producers of grain and meats, and
the withering effect on the gentleman's State and on the entire West
would be too apparent to require a speech of an hour and a half to
demonstrate it. Sir, I am tired of such talk as the gentleman from
Ohio has indulged in to-day, and in so far that it includes my
own State as being a pensioner upon the General Government,
or being dependent upon the bounty of any other State, I hurl
back the charge with scorn. If there be a State in this Union
that can say with truth that her Federal connection confers no
special benefit of a material character, that State is Maine. And
yet, sir, no State is more attached to the Federal Union than Maine.
Her affection and her pride are centered in the Union, and God
knows that she has contributed of her best blood and treasure with-
out stint in supporting the war for the Union; and she will do so to
the end. But she resents, and I, speaking for her, resent the insinu-
ation that she derives any undue advantage from Federal legislation
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE. 171
or that she gets "a single dollar that she does not pay back. As com-
pared with Ohio, whence this slander comes, I repeat, sir, that
Maine receives from the Federal legislation no protection worth
reckoning.
****#*###
"No, sir; but the gentleman comes up here and classifies the States
of the Union as ' protected ' and ' unprotected ' States, and he puts
my State in the ' protected ' class, while the most youthful page on
this floor who has studied Mitchell's Geography knows that the gen-
tleman's own State derives from the General Government an im-
measurably larger degree of protection for her local interests than
the State of Maine does. And I tell the gentleman that he shall not
with impunity include my State in his wholesale slander.
"I observe, sir, that a great deal has been said, recently, in the
other end of the Capitol in regard to the fishing bounties, a portion
of which is paid to Maine. I have a word to say on that matter, and
I may as well say it here. According to the records of the Navy
Department, the State of Maine has sent into the naval service since
the beginning of this war six thousand skilled seamen, to say nothing
of the trained and invaluable officers she has contributed to the same
sphere of patriotic duty. For these men the State has received no
credit whatever on her quotas for the army. If you will calculate
the amount of bounty that would have been paid to that number of
men had they enlisted in the army instead of entering the navy, as
they did, without bounty, you will find it will foot up a larger sum
than Maine has received in fishing bounties for the past twenty years.
Thus, sir, the original proposition on which fishing bounties were
granted— that they would build up a hardy and skillful class of
mariners for the public defense in time of public danger — has been
made good a hundred and a thousand-fold by the experience and the
developments of this war.
"Thus much, sir, I have felt called upon to say in response to the
elaborate and carefully prepared speech of the gentleman from
Ohio. I have spoken in vindication of a State that is as independent
and as proud as any within the limits of the Union. I have spoken
for a people as high-toned and as honorable as can be found in the
wide world. I have spoken for a particular class— many of them
my constituents — who are as manly and as brave as ever faced the
ocean's storms. And so long, sir, as I have a seat on this floor the
State of Maine shall not be slandered by the gentleman from Ohio,
or by gentlemen from any other State."
172 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE.
When the bill to amend the act for enrolling and calling out the
national forces was pending in the House of Representatives (Febru-
ary, 1865), Mr. Elaine proposed an amendment designed to remedy
the injustice of allowing credits to towns and cities for men not
furnished by such cities and towns. In support of the amendment
Mr. Elaine said, ' ' nothing so discourages and disheartens the brave
men at the front as the belief that proper measures are not adopted
at home for reinforcing and sustaining them. Even a lukewarmness
or a backwardness is enough ; but when you add to that the suspicion
that unfair devices have been resorted to by those charged with fill-
ing quotas, you naturally inflame the prejudices and passions of our
veterans in the field hi a manner calculated to lessen their personal
zeal and generally to weaken the discipline of the army. After four
years of such patriotic and heroic effort for national unity as the
world has never witnessed before, we cannot now afford to have the
great cause injured, or its fair fame darkened by a single unworthy
incident connected with it. The improper practices of individuals
cannot disgrace or degrade the nation; but after these practices are
brought to the attention of Congress we shall assuredly be dis-
graced and degraded if we fail to apply the requisite remedy when
that remedy is in our power.
Let us then in this hour of triumph to the national arms do our
duty here, our duty to the troops in the field, our duty to our con-
stituents at home, and our duty, above all, to our country, whose
existence has been in such peril in the past, but whose future of
greatness and glory seems now so assured and so radiant. "
At the commencement of the first session of the thirty-ninth Con-
gress, Mr. Elaine introduced a bill to reimburse the loyal States for
the expenses incurred and debts contracted in support of the war for
the preservation of the Union. The proposition involved an appro,
priation of about one hundred and eighteen million dollars. He
supported the measure in an elaborate speech in which he reviewed
the scheme of Mr. Hamilton for the assumption of the State debts
in the administration of Gen. Washington, and he cited also the
opinions of many eminent men who favored the act. In that speech
Mr. Elaine had a field for the use of his knowledge of American
political history, extensive, minute, and accurate, a knowledge for
which he has found a large' field in his great work, TWENTY YEARS
IN CONGRESS.
That speech, however, presents Mr. Elaine at his best as a parlia-
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE. 173
mentary speaker. It is not an oration, and the day has passed for
the delivery of orations in deliberative assemblies. Henceforth,
orations are reserved for anniversary days and commemorative
occasions. Argument is every where acceptable; a clear, chaste,
forcible style is demanded ; and when the cause or the occasion justi-
fies or requires that elevated quality of speech which we call elo-
quence, but which no one can describe, and which only a favored
few can create, the charm is for all, the rustic and the noble, the
ignorant and the learned, the generation that is and the generations,
successive, that are to come.
Interest in the subject of Mr. Elaine's speech has passed away; but
if the speech itself can now attract the reader, its quality is thus
shown to be above the reach of disparaging criticism.
Closing his review of the history of the country in regard to the
assumption of State debts, he says :
' ' The precedents, then, for such legislation as is contemplated in the
pending bill are ample and uniform hi our congressional history.
The principles on which this legislation is based are so plain as to
scarcely need any argument in support of them, and yet, with your
leave, I will proceed to point out some reasons of peculiar force, as
it seems to me, why the State debts incurred in the war for the Union
should be made a common charge on the national treasury. If such
reimbursement was just and equitable in former wars, it is so now in
a far more enlarged and imperative sense.
"I need not remind the House, Mr. Chairman, that during the past
five years all the loyal States have been compelled to raise large sums
of money in aid and support of the war for the Union. The statis-
tics of expenditure have been gathered with all practicable exactness
by the special committee which reported the pending bill, and the
aggregate hi the loyal States reached well-nigh five hundred million
dollars. Nor was this vast sum of money expended fruitlessly,
needlessly, or wastefully. I do not state the case too strongly when
I assert that without it the war would not and could not have suc-
ceeded. Had not volunteering been stimulated and sustained by the
State and local bounties we should have been thrown back on the
"rough and perilous edge" of the draft in its naked, indiscriminate,
and most repulsive form. At several of the most critical junctures
of the war, when reverses had been experienced, when popular
ardor and hope were chilled, and when the administration felt weak
and timid, the revival of patriotism and courage throughout the
174 PUBLIC SEBVICE8 OP JAMES G. BkAINE.
land had its origin in the stimulus imparted to fresh volunteering by
the large inducement of the local bounties. The most that can be
said in favor of the conscription law is that it operated as an incen-
tive to enlistments, being held in terrorem over the people, and induc-
ing thousands to volunteer for bounties in order to avoid the possi-
ble alternative of being drafted into the service without other
pecuniary reward than the monthly pay. It is not discreditable to
American patriotism that our people have a deep prejudice against
conscriptions, and it was therefore wise, nay, it was absolutely neces-
sary, for the strength, harmony, and success of the Union cause,
that the loyal States, counties, cities, and towns, should offer boun-
ties sufficient to fill the ranks of our army without a ruthless resort
to the draft. The money thus expended for bounties was, I repeat,
wisely, and in the main economically, expended; far more carefully,
indeed, than the average of Federal disbursements during the war.
Though raised by local effort, every dollar of it was designed for the
good of the national cause ; and hence every dollar is fairly reimburs-
able from the national treasury.
And this great effort on the part of the loyal States was not made
for themselves only. Success of the Union cause was really of no
more importance to them than to the revolted States, to the States
yet to grow up on our vast western domain, and, indeed, to all the
generations that are to follow us as American citizens and the inher-
itors of Republican Government and constitutional liberty. The
contest was not local, but general ; not for ourselves, but for man-
kind ; not merely for to-day, but for all time. The twenty -five loyal
States derive no more advantage from the victorious issue of the
war than do the eleven revolted States which were thereby saved
from anarchy and destruction, or the forty new States that are yet
to be added to the Union, and which would never have had an
opportunity to reach an organized existence but for the successful
struggle which has assured to them the fostering care and protecting
aegis of the great Republic.
The contest, then, was one in which all the States, both now
existing and hereafter to be organized, were equally interested; and
what justice, what semblance even of fair dealing is there in leaving
a heavy burden of debt on Maine, while Nevada has not paid a dollar
in the struggle ; or in asking Michigan to pour out her money and
her credit like water, while Colorado escapes without the cost of a
penny? Nevada and Colorado were as much interested prospectively
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. BLAINE. 175
in the result of the contest as Maine and Michigan, and the burden
should be proportionally and impartially shared between them.
Some gentlemen, with a tender sympathy which I fail to appreci-
ate, argue that the Southern States have suffered so severely in their
abortive rebellion that they ought not to be called on to bear any-
thing more than their part of the national debt already contracted.
What those States expended in their wicked effort to destroy this
Union is not, in my judgment, to be reckoned to their credit on the
national ledger, nor is the exhaustion to which they were reduced
by their insane persistence in the war, to be made the basis of an
appeal to our sympathy, much less to our reason. They were kept
back from suicide and redeemed with a great price, and it is but fair
and honest that they should pay their full proportion of the cost,
even to the uttermost farthing. But as a matter of fact let it be
asserted that the lately revolted States are not burdened or embar-
rassed with debt. Their obligations incurred in supporting the
rebellion have been or will be repudiated, so that however much
certain speculative traitors may lose, the political communities are
free from debt and will enjoy light local taxation. They are not
therefore in a position to decline their fair share of the national
burden, and as the tax to support that burden is raised wholly by
impost and excise, it cannot fall heavily on any community until the
revival of business and the development of trade shall provide the
means of meeting and sustaining it.
And in this connection let me remark, Mr. Chairman, that it is
not only for the interest of the loyal States to adopt this measure,
but it is preeminently for their interest to adopt it now. The subject
is a dangerous one to leave open, and unless definitely and finally
closed at this tune it may reappear in a future Congress in a form
most embarrassing and detrimental to the national treasury and the
national credit. Whenever the Representatives are readmitted on
this floor from the Southern States you will find a series of proposi-
tions introduced for the relief of their constituents from losses
entailed by the war. These schemes will embrace compensation for
slaves emancipated for the benefit of the Union ; restitution for prop-
erty seized for the use of the Federal army; payment for losses
inflicted by the march of our troops, and the nameless and number-
less other claims which the extraordinary events of the past five years
will so readily suggest. Let us beware how we leave open a class of
meritorious claims from the loyal States with which the southern
176 PUBLIC SERVICES OP JAMES G. ELAINE.
jobs may be combined and coalesced into a gigantic onslaught upon
the Federal treasury. Pass the present measure and you at once
remove the opportunity and the temptation for such a dangerous
coalition. Pledge the one hundred and eighteen millions embraced
in this bill, and you will thereby escape the danger of paying twelve
hundred millions in the future. The whole matter is subject to our
control to-day. It may not always remain so.
For many years to come, Mr. Chairman, the loyal States will in
any event inevitably bear the principal burden in sustaining the
national credit. In addition to this, unless the pending measure
prevails, they will each be called upon to bear a large local debt
whose interest is provided by direct, merciless, and I had almost
said, ruinous taxation. Throughout the States represented on this
floor to-day the direct tax on property, real and personal, will annu-
ally average more than two per cent, of its value, while in many
communities it reaches the staggering rate of three to three and a
half and even four per cent. Such taxation may be endured, and
has been patiently and patriotically endured during our great strug-
gle for national existence, but as a permanent charge upon the prop-
erty of the country, ina ddition to all the Federal taxes, it is more
than can be borne without grievous affliction. Let it be remembered
that the local tax of which I am speaking comes in the most oppres-
sive form. It is not disguised by any excise system, nor lightened
by any indirection. It is so many dollars out of the earnings of the
farmer, the gains of the merchant, the wages of the mechanic, and
the savings of the humblest. It embarrasses every enterprise, is felt
as a hardship at -every fireside, and shrouds the business and com-
mercial future with doubt and despondency. The communities that
are thus suffering have never thought and will never think of resort-
ing to repudiation as a remedy, but their high sense of honor on this
point and their determination to meet all their obligations should not
be taken, as I am sorry to say it is by some, as an argument for leav-
ing them to struggle unaided against their onerous and crushing
burdens.
But the financial question involved in this measure is not of
pressing interest merely to the States that are so sorely burdened
with debt and taxation. I maintain that it is of equal importance to
the General Government that these debts be assumed, and my fear is
that if this policy should be rejected serious embarrassment may
result to the Treasury of the United States. When Mr. Hamilton
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE. 177
originally recommended the policy of assumption with regard to the
revolutionary debt, he did not view it simply from the stand-point of
justice to the States, but quite as much from motives of sound policy
touching the interests of the Federal Treasury. To quote his own
language, he declared that "the assumption of the State debts was
no less a measure of sound policy than of substantial justice, and
that it would contribute in an eminent degree to an orderly, stable,
and satisfactory arrangement of the national finances." The com-
munities that are oppressed with these local debts are the same that
pay almost the entire national revenue collected under the excise
law, and the latter is felt as an infinitely greater burden because of
its coming in addition to the heavy direct tax levied by the local
authorities. Could this local tax be relieved to the extent which this
bill would relieve it, the Federal tax could be paid with great ease,
even if largely increased beyond its present rate. To illustrate my
position by pertinent figures, let me say that the pending bill if
adopted would add some one hundred and eighteen millions to the
national debt, or, in other words, it would increase it a trifle more
than four per cent., and would call for a corresponding increase in
the amount raised to pay interest. But the immense relief that
would be experienced throughout the loyal States by the removal of
these enormous direct taxes would enable them to pay the increased
excise with comparative ease. And in this way the General Govern-
ment would have the field to itself, and could regulate its system of
taxation with far greater efficiency and far greater equity. Compe-
ting and conflicting systems of taxation can but produce mutual
injury, and if the power can be lodged wholly or mainly in one, a
larger amount of money can be raised with less burden to the people
than where each is compelled to make the utmost exaction to meet
the demands upon it.
If there be any correctness in the view just suggested, the assump-
tion of the State debts would make a nominal rather than a real
addition to the national debt. The States and communities which
owe these debts are precisely the same States and communities upon
which must rest the maintenance of the national credit during the
entire period that it may be said to be on trial before the world.
While this oppressive burden of local indebtedness is upon them, it
impairs their resources and their ability to carry the national debt by
even a larger amount. And if the national debt is increased by
refunding to the States, the local burdens are, to say the least, cor-
12
178 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE.
relatively and proportionally reduced. This fact is so palpable and
undeniable that it is only a waste of time to repeat it. Bankers and
money-lenders would everywhere recognize it ; and the tendency of
such a policy would be to strengthen the national credit through-
out the world. The change of securities does not change the amount
to be raised by taxation, it only simplifies the mode of obtaining it.
And this phase of the case presents another striking parallel to the
first assumption as proposed and accomplished by Mr. Hamilton.
In discussing the identical point to which I have just referred, that
great master of finance dismissed it summarily with the following
brief and conclusive comment:
"Admitting that a provision must be made in some way or other
for the entire debt, it will certainly follow that no greater revenues
will be required, whether that provision be made wholly by the
United States or partly by them and partly by the States separately."
Another point, Mr. Chairman, in this connection, for the special
attention of those gentlemen who fear that the adoption of the pend-
ing measure would injure the national credit. Nothing is so injuri-
ous to credit as uncertainty. It is the apprehension to-day of what
our debt may be rather than the knowledge of what it is that pre-
vents our bonds selling at a premium in gold, both at home and
abroad. One source of uncertainty is found in this very question of
the war debts of the States. Will they be assumed, or will they
not, and if assumed, to what amount? are questions asked at all
financial centers, with anxious concern. So long as nothing is done
the worst is feared, and the anticipated amount of assumption will
expand with the agitation of the question. It is natural to exagger-
ate the unknown. Omne ignotum pro magnifico. We can put an
end to injurious surmises as to what may be done, by adopting at
once the very moderate and well-guarded proposition now under
discussion. Refusing to pass this bill will not quiet agitation nor
remove alarm. Agitation will go on and injury to our national
credit will be the inevitable result.
Should the policy of assuming these debts be rejected, an act of
injustice would be done entirely without precedent thus far in the
dealings between the General Government and the States. The
strange spectacle would be presented of less than one-third of the
prospective number of States bearing in its most oppressive form an
enormous debt, every dollar of which was contracted as much for
the benefit of the other two thirds of the Union as for themselves.
PUBLIC SERVICES OP JAMES G. ELAINE. 179
The prejudicial effect which this would have on the States subjected
to the burden need not be described. It would in a great degree
cripple their energies and retard their growth, and the climax of its
baleful influence would be made odiously and cruelly manifest in the
emigration from the old to the new States, and from the North to
the South, for the purpose of escaping the very tax which was
incurred that the new States might be born and that the South might
be saved from suicide. I could not, by any reasoning, enhance the
force of such a fact as this, nor strengthen the plea which it makes
for the equalization of the entire debt created by the war.
If further argument were needed to show the justice of reimburs-
ing the States for their advances in support of the war, it would be
found in the fact that Congress, in devising a system of taxation for
the Union, has deprived the States of all the means of raising
money except through the' instrumentality of a direct levy on real
and personal property. Many of the States had previously enjoyed
the advantage of certain forms of excise, tolls, and other indirect
taxes, which enabled them to lighten, if not entirely remove, the
burden of local government. In Massachusetts, I believe, the tax
derived from the State banks for a long series of years almost sup-
ported the State government ; and other States had similar sources of
revenue, if not proportionally so large; but the General Govern-
ment, through its constitutional right to levy impost and excise,
has absorbed all the easy and ready available channels of taxation,
throwing back the States, as I have said, to the severest form of
raising revenue. It is an inevitable hardship that, for necessary
local purposes, the States must procure revenue by direct tax, but it
is a hardship rendered almost unendurable by its injustice when the
States have in this way to raise a large sum to pay the interest and
principal of a debt contracted for the good of the whole Union.
The power to meet the burden having been taken from the States,
common equity demands that the burden should be taken away also.
And the burden to which I have just referred, Mr. Chairman, falls
with increased severity on the farmers and other holders of real
estate, from the fact that so vast a proportion of the personal prop-
erty in many communities has sought investment in Government
securities, which are specially exempt from State and municipal
taxation. I should certainly be among the last to countenance a
breach of the national faith in the slightest degree. We must stand
by the terms "nominated in the bond," no matter how onerous and
180 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE.
oppressive they may be. No hardship can arise to any of us from
observing good faith on the part of the Government, at all compara-
ble with the hardship that would ensue to all of us by violating that
faith even by the remotest hint. But while we all agree, I trust, on
this point, I submit that as the policy of the Government has made
the war debt of the States bear unequally on different classes of the
community, and most oppressively on the specially meritorious class,
it is the imperative duty of the Government to equalize the burden
by assuming an equitable share of the debt.
I am not willing, Mr. Chairman, to be understood as making in
these remarks a supplicating appeal for relief on behalf of my own
State, or the other loyal Commonwealths that have "borne the heat
and burden of the day" throughout the great contest that has
resulted so auspiciously for all the interests of humanity. Supplica-
tion is the language of those who have no right to use a stronger
phrase. But standing here to-day as one of the Representatives of
the people, I have a right to demand that equal and exact justice be
done to all the States of the Union, and that the Government of the
Union should without cavil or hesitation pay the debts which were
contracted on its own account and for its own benefit. Justice is all
that the loyal States ask, and in the grand language of Mr. Hamil-
ton, already quoted, "justice is not completely fulfilled until the
entire debt of every State contracted in relation to the war is em-
braced in one general and comprehensive plan of payment."
In a speech delivered the 7th of March, 1868, Mr. Blaine discussed
the subject of the currency in connection with the finances of the
country. A statement had been made that the Republican party, or
the Republican leaders, designed to pay the five-twenty bonds in
gold. This statement he refuted. As none of those bonds were due
and payable previous to the year 1882, he counseled delay, and upon
the ground that long before that time the United States notes would
be as valuable as coin, and that the bonds would be paid in the cur-
rency then used in business. But he denounced the scheme of pay-
ing the bonds in greenbacks. These are his words :
"Does any sane man doubt that the inflation of the currency
would speedily result in its depreciation? If so, he shuts his eyes to
the prominent facts of history, to our own experience as a nation,
and to the plainest deductions of common sense. An excess of irre-
deemable money at once raises the price of all commodities necessary
for daily consumption. Clothing becomes higher and food becomes
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE. 181
higher, without a corresponding increase of those of limited means
to purchase these articles. The rich can stand it, but what would
become of the poor? The man who lives by his daily toil would find
the necessaries of life run up in price far beyond any increase he
could hope to secure for his labor; an^ it would soon become a
struggle for existence with him and his family. I do not think any
imagination can picture or foretell the misery that would be in-
flicted on this country if the currency should be inflated to the extent
necessary to pay the five-twenties in greenbacks, as advocated by the
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Butler), and the gentleman from
Ohio, not now a member of this House (Mr. Pendleton). And in
this connection I desire further to say that it is an immense delusion
to attribute any of the dullness now prevalent in business circles to a
scarcity of money. We have over seven hundred million dollars of
paper money now in circulation — nearly three times as much as the
entire bank circulation of the United States prior to 1861, while it is
quite notorious that the money markets in our business centers were
rarely known to be easier, or more abundantly supplied than during
the whole of this winter. Moreover, business of all kinds in France
and England at this time is far duller than with us ; and yet in both
these countries the plethora of money is in excess of what was ever
known before. The Bank of France alone holds a surplus of $200,-
000,000, and a corresponding amount is held in the Bank of England,
and by the large banking-houses at Frankfort-on-the-Main. In view
of these facts, it seems to me that no delusion is so absurd as to
suppose that any relief could come from an inflation of the currency.
Misery, wide-spread and hopeless, would be its only and inevitable
result.
"Nor do I see how any gentleman can consistently propose an
inflation of the currency in the face of an express and solemn pledge
to the contrary by Congress. When the Government was very hard
pressed for money, and when the great fear was that our whole
financial fabric, like the continental system of our Revolutionary
ancestors, might be utterly and hopelessly ruined by a deluge of
paper money, Congress, by deliberate enactment of June 30, 1864,
pledged to all the public creditors that 'the total amount of treasury
notes issued or to be issued should never exceed $400,000,000.' We
are now within $40,000,000 of that amount, and if we were ever so
eager to pay off our five-twenties in greenbacks, we are absolutely
estopped by the $400,000,000 pledge. If we disregard that pledge
183 PUBLIC SERVICES OP JAMES G. ELAINE.
we might as well trample on others, and take a short cut at once to
repudiation and national bankruptcy. A government that will disre-
gard one solemn pledge cannot expect to be trusted on other pledges."
That Mr. Blaine possessed the full confidence of President Gar-
field there can be no doubt. Their relations were not official merely ;
they were bound to each other by the ties of sincere friendship. Mr.
Elaine's eulogy on President Garfield was received by the country as
the tribute of a friend; but it was received also as a wise and just
analysis of the President's character and career. Only a friend could
have written the closing passages of the eulogy :
"On the morning of July 2d, the President was a contented and
happy man — not in an ordinary degree, but joyfully, almost boyishly
happy. On his way to the railroad station, to which he drove
slowly, in conscious enjoyment of the beautiful morning, with an
unwonted sense of leisure and a keen anticipation of pleasure, his
talk was all in the grateful and gratulatory vein. He felt that after
four months of trial his administration was strong in its grasp of
affairs, strong in popular favor, and destined to grow stronger; that
grave difficulties confronting him at his inauguration had been safely
passed; that trouble lay behind him and not before him; that he was
soon to meet the wife whom he loved, now recovering from an ill-
ness which had but lately disquieted, and at times almost unnerved
him ; that he was going to his Alma Mater to renew the most cher-
ished associations of his young manhood, and to exchange greetings
with those whose deepening interest had followed every step of his
upward progress from the day he entered upon his college course
until he had attained the loftiest elevation in the gift of his coun-
trymen.
" Surely, if happiness can ever come from the honors or triumphs
of this world, on that quiet July morning James A. Garfield may
well have been a happy man. No foreboding of evil haunted him;
no slightest premonition of danger clouded his sky. His terrible fate
was upon him in an instant. One moment he stood erect, strong,
confident in the years stretching peacefully out before him ; the next
he lay wounded, bleeding, helpless, doomed to weary weeks of tor-
ture, to silence, and the grave.
"Great in life, he was surpassingly great in death. For no cause,
in the very frenzy of wantonness and wickedness, by the red hand
of murder, he was thrust from the full-tide of this world's interest,
from its hopes* Its aspirations, its victories, into the visible presence
PUBLIC SERVICES OP JAMES G. BLAINE. 183
of death — and he did not quail. Not alone for the one short moment
in which, stunned and dazed, he could give up life, hardly aware of
its relinquishment ; but through days of deadly languor, through
weeks of agony, that was not less agony because silently borne, with
clear sight and calm courage, he looked into his open grave. What
blight and ruin met his anguished eyes, whose lips may tell — what
brilliant, broken plans, what baffled, high ambitions, what sundering
of strong, worn, manhood's friendships, what bitter rending of sweet
household ties ! Behind him a proud, expectant nation ; a great host
of sustaining friends; a cherished and happy mother, wearing the
full, rich honors of her early toil and tears; the wife of his youth,
whose whole life lay in his; the little boys not yet emerged from
childhood's day of frolic ; the fair young daughter ; the sturdy sons,
just springing into closest companionship, claiming every day and
every day rewarding a father's love and care; and in his heart the
eager, rejoicing power to meet all demand. Before him, desolation
and great darkness! And his soul was not shaken. His countrymen
were thrilled with instant, profound, and universal sympathy. Mas-
terful in his mortal weakness, he became the center of a nation's love,
enshrined in the prayers of a world. But all the love and all the
sympathy could not share with him his suffering. He trod the wine-
press alone. With unfaltering front he faced death. With unfailing
tenderness he took leave of life. Above the demoniac hiss of the
assassin's bullet he heard the voice of God. With simple resignation
he bowed to the Divine decree.
"As the end drew near, his early craving for the sea returned.
The stately mansion of power had been to him the wearisome hospi-
tal of pain, and he begged to be taken from its prison walls, from its
oppressive, stifling air, from its homelessness and its hopelessness.
Gently, silently, the love of a great people bore the pale sufferer to
the longed-for healing of the sea, to live or to die, as God should
will, within sight of its heaving billows, within sound of its manifold
voices. With wan, fevered face tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze,
he looked out wistfully upon the ocean's changing wonders ; on its
far sails, whitening in the morning light ; on its restless waves, roll-
ing shoreward to break and die beneath the noon-day sun; on the
red clouds of evening, arching low to the horizon; on the serene and
shining pathway of the stars. Let us think that his dying eyes read
a mystic meaning, which only the rapt and parting soul may know.
Let us believe that in the silence of the receding world he heard the
184 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES G. ELAINE.
great waves breaking on a farther shore, and felt already upon his
wasted brow the breath of the eternal morning."
Mr. Elaine's leadership on the floor of the House was interrupted
by his transfer to the Speaker's chair at the commencement of the
forty-first Congress. He served as Speaker during the forty-first,
forty-second, and forty-third Congresses. As a presiding officer he
takes a place in the small class which consists of Mr. Clay, Mr.
Winthrop, and General Banks.
During the first session of the forty-fourth Congress, Mr. Elaine
resigned his seat in the House upon his appointment to the Senate,
where he served with distinction until he became Secretary of State
in the administration of President Garfield.
It is to be said of Mr. Elaine that he has had a long, varied, and
successful career in public life. He has been connected with both
houses of Congress, and with the Executive department. If experi-
ence is of any value, he is well equipped for the duties of President.
There is a general and aggressive public sentiment which demands
the retention of experienced officers in all the subordinate places of
government, and at the same time the country indulges in the illu-
sion that the chief place of all may be safely filled, or wisely filled,
by a man who is without experience even in the forms of government.
The shafts hurled in disappointment, envy, or malice, reach every
conspicuous station in life. Every representative man is a victim.
Leadership awakens rivalry, and it implies hostility.
In this contest the Republican party does not seek for success in
the obscurity of its candidates. It has selected men of large experi-
ence, of abilities recognized generally, and often tested.
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN.
OF the personages of American history, a few only have risen to
distinction in more than one walk in life. General Logan be-
longs to the exceptionally small class who have attained eminence,
a right to be known historically, in more than one department of
effort and contest. The prizes in war are attractive, and the names
of those who gain them are known widely. The favor of the multi-
tude is sure to wait upon the successful soldier. The victories of
peace are not more easily won than the victories of war ; but when
won, they do not so readily command the applause of mankind.
General Logan has been 'a successful leader in peace and in war.
It was his fortune to be born into a family of attainments in profes-
sional and general knowledge, and therefore he enjoyed advantages
in his childhood and youth that were not common to frontier life in
America a half a century ago. His mother was of Scottish ancestry,
and of a family which numbered among its members some who were
lawyers and others who were entrusted with public duties. His
father was an Irishman in nationality, and a physician by profession.
He had the means to command a private tutor for the education of
his children, and their opportunities for gaining knowledge were
superior to the opportunities of others in the vicinity. General
Logan shared and improved these advantages; but he was also
trained and disciplined for the stern duties of a soldier and a states-
man as a sharer in the hardships of frontier life. He was prepared
for the profession of the law by a course of three years at college,
and by a full course at the Louisville Law School.
Leaving college in his twentieth year, he volunteered as a private
in a regiment raised for the Mexican war. He served as a lieutenant
of Company H, First Illinois Infantry. In Mexico he acquired
some knowledge of the art of war, some acquaintance with its perils
and duties, and a speaking knowledge of the Spanish language.
Upon his return, he was elected clerk of Jackson county in 1849,
(185)
106 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN.
but he resigned the position that he might pursue his studies in the
Law Department of the Louisville University.
He commenced his professional life at Murphy sboro', Illinois, in
partnership with his uncle, Ex-Governor Jenkins.
The childhood and youth of eminent men are subjects of interest ;
but the events and surroundings of childhood and youth do not
demonstrate, and usually they do not foreshow the future of the
man. There are failures in life where the early advantages were
many ; and there have been successes when the early advantages were
few. The educational advantages enjoyed and improved by General
Logan were greater than were possessed by Washington, Jackson,
Harrison, Taylor, or Lincoln. The fact that General Logan en-
joyed the means for acquiring knowledge does not demonstrate his
fitness for public employment ; but he is not to be excluded from the
roll of soldiers and statesmen upon the ground that he did not have
the benefit of teachers or schools, or that he neglected to improve
his opportunities.
The fastidiousness in politics of men who are mere scholars, and
the claim indirectly made that the country should be governed by
scholars, will yet receive a rebuke at the hands of the people.
There is a general opinion that the means of education should be
furnished to all the children and youth of the country, but there is
an opinion equally general and equally sound that mere scholarship
is not a guarantee for wisdom in the administration of governments.
In 1852 General Logan was elected to the House of Representa-
tives of the State of Illinois. His legal attainments were recognized,
especially in criminal jurisprudence ; and upon the expiration of his
term of service in the Legislature he was chosen prosecuting attor-
ney for the judicial district in which he resided.
In 1858, at the age of thirty-two, General Logan was elected a
Representative in the Thirty-sixth Congress. He was a Democrat — a
Douglas Democrat — and his majority was greater than any Demo-
cratic majority previously given in the district.
At the session of December, 1860, General Logan supported the
" Crittenden Compromise," and he strove to avert a war, but always
as a Union man. He voted for the resolution approving the Presi-
dent's action in support of the laws and for the preservation of the
Union. In December, 1860, he voted for a resolution introduced by
Mr. Morris, his colleague. That resolution was in these words:
"Resolved ty the House of Representatives, That we are unalterably
PUBLIC SBHVICE8 OF JOID* A. LOGAN. 167
and immovably attached to the Union of the States ; that we recog-
nize in that union the primary cause of our present greatness and
prosperity as a nation ; that we have yet seen nothing, either in the
election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States,
or from any other source, to justify its dissolution, and that we
pledge to each other ' our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honors '
to maintain it."
This vote should end all controversy as to General Logan's position
upon the subject, and it should silence the groundless calumny that he
had any sympathy, even the least, either with the Secessionists or with
the doctrines of secession. While he was yet a member of the House
of Representatives he carried a musket and served as a private soldier
in the first battle of Bull Run. Thus at an early day he redeemed
the pledge that he had given by his vote in favor of the Morris
resolution.
A majority of General Logan's constituents were immigrants from
the Slave States, or descendants of immigrants from those States, and
the weight of public sentiment was in favor of the South. This
sentiment General Logan met and overcame by his personal influence
and by public addresses. Upon his return to his district in the early
summer of 1861, threats of personal violence were made frequently;
but in a series of speeches he accomplished two important results. He
recruited a regiment, the Thirty-first Illinois, and he changed the
public sentiment of the district.
Then and thus his career as a soldier began. His first experience
was at Belmont, where his horse was shot under him, and his pistol
at his side was shattered by a shot from the enemy. The official re-
port says, "Colonel Logan's admirable tactics not only foiled the
frequent attempts of the enemy to flank him, but secured a steady
advance towards the enemy's camp."
This was the beginning of the verification of the prophecy that he
made when he canvassed his district for the Union and for a regi-
ment of volunteers: " Should the free navigation of the Mississippi
river be obstructed by force, the men of the West will hew their way
through human gore to the Gulf of Mexico."
Logan's regiment formed a part of the expedition against Forts
Henry and Donelson. He was the first to enter Fort Henry, and in
command of a cavalry force he captured eight guns. These forts,
and especially Donelson, constituted the defense of Nashville. The
sioge of Donelson lasted three days* Logan's regiment suffered
188 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN.
i"
severely. Of 606 men who were engaged in the battle 303 were
killed or wounded. Logan received three wounds so severe that his
life was in peril, and yet he continued in command until from loss
of blood he was unable to stand.
General McClernand says : ' ' Schwartz's battery being left unsup-
ported by the retirement of the 29th, the 31st boldly rushed to its
defense, and at the same moment received the combined attack of the
forces on the right and of others in front, supposed to have been led
by General Buckner. The danger was imminent, and calling for a
change of disposition adapted to meet it, which Colonel Logan made
by forming the right wing of his battalion at an angle with the left.
In this order he supported the battery, which continued to play upon
the enemy and held him in check until his regiment's supply of am-
munition was entirely exhausted."
Colonel Oglesby of the 8th Illinois, commanding the First Brigade,
says in his report of the battle : ' ' Turning to the 31st, which yet held
its place in line, I ordered Colonel Logan to throw back his right, so
as to form a crochet on the right of the llth Illinois. In this way
Colonel Logan held in check the advancing foe for some time under
the most destructive fire, whilst I endeavored to assist Colonel Cruft
with his brigade in finding a position on the right of the 31st. It was
now four hours since fighting began in the morning. The cartridge-
boxes of the 31st were nearly empty. The Colonel had been severely
wounded, and the Lieutenant-Colonel, John H. White, had, with
some thirty others, fallen dead on the field and a large number
wounded. In this condition Colonel Logan brought off the remain-
der of his regiment in good order."
General Logan was promoted to the rank of Brigadier- General for
his conduct at the battle of Fort Donelson, and upon the recommen-
dation of General Grant. Of General Logan and three others he
says: "They have fully earned their positions on the field of battle."
After an absence of two months, and before he had recovered from
his wounds, General Logan took command of his brigade, and was
engaged in the battle of Corinth, the 28th and the 29th of May, 1862.
Of his conduct in that contest General Sherman says: "And further
I feel under special obligations to this officer, General Logan, who,
during the two days he served under me, held critical ground on my
right, extending down to the railroad."
It was at this crisis of affairs, when our arms had met with serious
reverses in the Peninsula under McClellan, when Pope had been de-
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN. 189
feated before Washington, that the friends of General Lognn solicited
the use of his name as a candidate for election to the Thirty-eighth
Congress. A weak man or a timid man might have seized the occa-
sion to retire from the army without the reproach of resigning in
the face of the enemy. General Logan declined the opportunity in
a letter filled with patriotic sentiments :
"In reply, I would most respectfully remind you that a compli-
ance with ydur request on my part would be a departure from the
settled resolution with which I resumed my sword in defense and for
the perpetuity of a government, the like and blessings of which no
other nation or age shall enjoy, if once suffered to be weakened or
destroyed.
"In making this reply, I feel that it is unnecessary to enlarge as
to what were, or may hereafter be, my political views, but would
simply state that politics of every grade and character whatsoever
are now ignored by me, since I am convinced that the Constitution
and life of this Republic — which I shall never cease to adore — are
in danger. I express my views and politics when I assert my attach-
ment for the Union. I have no other politics now, and consequently
no aspirations for civil place and power I have entered the
field, to die if need be, for this government, and I never expect to
return to peaceful pursuits until the object of this war of preservation
has become a fact established If the South by her malignant
treachery has imperiled all that made her great and wealthy, and it
were to be lost, I would not stretch forth my hand to save her from
destruction, if she will not be saved by a restoration of the Union."
To these pledges General Logan was faithful. He returned to
peaceful pursuits only when the authority of the Union was reestab-
lished in every State.
He was commissioned Major-General of Volunteers, November 29,
1862, and he and his command were in the advance in all the move-
ments of the autumn of 1862 and of the winter and spring of 1863,
which terminated in the fall of Vicksburg, the 4th day of July in that
year.
The winter of 1862 and 1863 was a gloomy period in the annals of
the war. The elections of 1862 had resulted disastrously to the Re-
publican party. There was discontent in the loyal States, and there
was discontent in the army.
In February, 1863, General Logan issued an address to the Seven-
teenth Army Corps, of which he was then in command :
190 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN.
" Ny Fellow Soldiers: Debility from recent illness lias prevented
and still prevents me from appearing amongst you, as has been my
custom, and is my desire. It is for this cause I deem it my duty to
communicate with you now, and give you the assurance that your
General still maintains unshaken confidence in your patriotism, de-
votion, and in the ultimate success of our glorious cause. I am
aware that influences of the most discouraging and treasonable char-
acter, well calculated and designed to render you dissatisfied, have
recently been brought to bear upon some of you by professed friends.
Newspapers, containing treasonable articles, artfully falsifying the
public sentiment at your homes, have been circulated in your camps.
Intriguing political tricksters, demagogues, and time-servers, whose
corrupt deeds are but a faint reflex of their more corrupt hearts,
seem determined to drive our people on to anarchy and destruction.
They had hoped, by magnifying the reverses of our arms, basely
misrepresenting the conduct and slandering the character of our
soldiers in the field, and boldly denouncing the acts of the consti-
tuted authorities of the Government as unconstitutional usurpations,
to produce general demoralization in the army, and thereby reap their
political reward, weaken the cause we have espoused, and aid all
those arch-traitors of the South to dismember our mighty Republic,
and trail in the dust the emblem of our national unity, greatness, and
glory. Let me remind you, my countrymen, that we are soldiers of
the Federal Union, armed for the preservation of the Federal Consti-
tution and the maintenance of its laws and authority. Upon your
faithfulness and devotion, heroism and gallantry, depend its perpe-
tuity. To us has been committed this sacred inheritance, baptized
in the blood of our fathers. We are soldiers of a government that
has always blessed us with prosperity and happiness. It has given
to every American citizen the largest freedom and the most perfect
equality of rights and privileges. It has afforded us security in per-
son and property, and blessed us until, under its beneficent influence,
we were the proudest nation on earth.
"We should be united in our efforts to put down a rebellion, that
now, like an earthquake, rocks the Nation from State to State and
from center to circumference, and threatens to engulf us all in one
common ruin, the horrors of which no pen can portray. We have
solemnly sworn to bear true faith to this Government, preserve its
Constitution, and defend its glorious flag against all its enemies and
opposers.
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN. 191
" To our hands has been committed the liberties, the prosperity, and
happiness of future generations. Shall we betray such a trust?
Shall the brilliance of your past achievements be dimmed and tar-
nished by hesitation, discord, and dissension, whilst armed traitors
menace you in front and unarmed traitors intrigue against you in the
rear? We are in no way responsible for any action of the civil authori-
ties. We constitute the military arm of the Government. That the civil
power is threatened and attempted to be. paralyzed, is the reason for
resort to the military power. To aid the civil authorities (not to oppose
or obstruct) in the exercise of their authority is our office ; and shall we
forget this duty, and stop to wrangle and dispute over this or that
political act or measure, whilst the country is bleeding at every pore ;
whilst a fearful wail of anguish, wrung from the heart of a distracted
people, is borne upon every breeze, and widows and orphans are ap-
pealing to us to avenge the loss of their loved ones who have fallen
by our side in defense of the old blood-stained banner, and whilst the
Temple of Liberty itself is being shaken to its very center by the
ruthless blows of traitors, who have desecrated our flag, obstructed
our national highways, destroyed our peace, desolated our firesides,
and draped thousands of homes in mourning?
"Let us stand firm at our posts of duty and of honor, yielding a
cheerful obedience to all orders from our superiors until, by our united
efforts, the Stars and Stripes shall be planted in every city, town,
and hamlet of the rebellious States. We can then return to our
homes, and through the ballot-box peacefully redress all our wrongs,
if any we have.
"Whilst I rely upon you with confidence and pride, I blush to
confess that recently some of those who were once our comrades in
arms have so far forgotten their honor, their oaths, and their coun-
try, as to shamefully desert us, and sulkily make their way to
their homes, where, like culprits, they dare not look an honest man
in the face. Disgrace and ignominy (if they escape the penalty of the
law) will not only follow them to their dishonored graves, but will
stamp their names with infamy to the latest generation. The scorn
and contempt of every true man will ever follow those base men who,
forgetful of their oaths, have, like cowardly spaniels, deserted their
comrades in arms in the face of the foe, and their country in the
hour of its greatest peril. Every true-hearted father or mother,
brother, sister, or wife, will spurn the coward who could thus not
only disgrace himself, but his name and his kindred. An indelible
192 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN.
i
stamp of infamy should be branded upon his cheek, that all who look
upon his vile countenance may feel for him the contempt his cow-
ardice merits.
" Could I believe that such conduct found either justification or
excuse in your hearts, or that you would for a moment falter in our
glorious purpose of saving the nation from threatened wreck and
hopeless ruin, I would invoke from Deity, as the greatest boon, a com-
mon grave to save us from such infamy and disgrace. The day is not
far distant when traitors and cowards, North and South, will cower
before the indignation of an outraged people. MARCH BRAVELY ON!
Nerve your strong arms to the task of overthrowing every obstacle in
the pathway of victory, until, with shouts of triumph, the last gun
is fired that proclaims us a united people under the old flag and one
government! Patriot soldiers! this great work accomplished, the
reward for such services as yours will be realized ! the blessings and
honors of a grateful people will be yours! "
In the style of this address there may be food for critics ; but in
the purpose and sentiments of the address there is cheer for the
patriot. It was designed to encourage war-worn veterans, who, after
two years of service and of peril on many hard-fought fields, had
not accomplished the great purpose of the war nor demonstrated the
possibility of success.
In some States enlistments were discouraged and deserters were
protected. The efficiency of the army was affected by the opin-
ions of the troops as to the state of the public sentiment at home.
General Logan's address was designed to meet the difficulties of the
situation in a political as well as military point, of view.
General Logan occupied responsible positions and took a leading
part in all the movements under General Grant, which culminated
finally in the capture of Vicksburg. The movement down the Mis-
sissippi river, across the channel, and through the State of Mississippi,
was the brilliant undertaking of the war, and the most successful
achievement until the final triumph at Appomattox. It decided the
fate of Yicksburg, secured the free navigation of the river, and dis-
sipated every doubt as to the final success of the Union cause. The
battle of " Champion Hill " was the final and decisive battle of a
brilliant series, and in that battle General Logan was a conspicuous
actor.
"When our troops halted along the slopes of Champion Hill,"
says the Comte de Paris in his History of the Civil War in America,
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN. 193
"the dead and wounded were piled together in such vast numbers,
that these soldiers, although tried on many a battle-field, called the
place 'The Hill of Death.'"
The same eminent and impartial authority says : "The battle of
Champion Hill, considering the number of troops engaged, could
not compare with the great conflicts we have already mentioned, but
it produced results far more important than most of those great heca-
tombs, like Shiloh, Fair "Oaks, Murfreesborough, Fredericksburg,
and Chancellorsville, which left the two adversaries fronting each
other, both unable to resume the fight. It icas the most complete de-
feat the Confederates had sustained since the commencement of the war.
They left on the field of battle from three to four thousand killed and
wounded, three thousand able-bodied prisoners, and thirty pieces of
artillery. But these figures can convey no idea of the magnitude of
the check experienced by Pemberton, from which he could not again
recover This battle icastJie crowning icork of the operations con-
ducted by Grant with equal audacity and skill since his landing at
Bruinsburg. In outflanking Pemberton's left, along the slopes of
Champion Hill, he had completely cut off the latter from all retreat
north. Notwithstanding the very excusable error he had committed
in stopping Logan's movement for a short time, the latter had through
this manceuver secured victory to the Federal army"
General Grant, in his report of this battle, uses the following
language: "Logan rode up at this time, and told me that if Hovey
could make another dash at the enemy, he could come up from
where lie then was and capture the greater part of their force; which sug-
gestions were acted upon and fully realized."
The siege of Vicksburg followed.
" On the morning of the 18th," says the Corate de Paris in his his-
tory, "Pemberton, with all his troops, shut himself up inside the
vast fortifications constructed around Vicksburg. His forces, includ-
ing the sick and a very small number of wounded — for those of
Champion Hill had all remained on the battle-field — amounted to
thirty-three thousand men On the morning of the 19th the
investment of Vicksburg was complete. McClernand on the left,
McPherson on the center, and Sherman on the right, surrounded the
place from the Mississippi on the south to the Yazoo on the north.
Pemberton had abandoned all the outer works without a fight. . . .
Grant's army, reduced by fighting and rapid marching, did not reach
forty thousand m^n."
13
194 PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN A. LOGAN.
General Logan's corps was engaged in the two memorable assaults
on Vicksburg, and portions of Ms command gained and occupied
positions nearest the lines of the enemy. Upon the surrender, Logan's
command, with General Grant at the head, was the first to enter the
city. Says the Comte de Paris: " It had fully deserved this honor."
General Logan was put in command of the city, and he was at the
same time the recipient from the Board of Honor of the Seventeenth
Army Corps of a gold medal, on which were inscribed the names of
the nine battles in which he had been most distinguished for heroism
and generalship.
General Logan spent a portion of the autumn of 1863 in Illinois,
where, in a series of speeches, he gave efficient support to the admin-
istration and contributed largely to .the successes of the Republican
party in that year.
In November, 1863, General Logan succeeded General Sherman as
commander of the Fifteenth Corps, and from that time forward he
was engaged conspicuously in all the movements of the army, from
the capture of Atlanta to the surrender of Johnston.
General Logan's magnanimity and sense of justice were exhibited
in his treatment of General Thomas. It is known that in the autumn
of 1864 General Logan was ordered to Nashville, and to the com-
mand of -the Ayny of the Cumberland. When he arrived at Louis-
ville he learned that General Thomas had attacked the enemy.
Logan telegraphed immediately to General Grant, and suggested that
Thomas should not be removed. For himself, he asked to be assigned
to the command of the Fifteenth Army Corps.
General Logan's farewell address to the Army of the Tennessee
was dated at Louisville, Kentucky, July 18, 1865. Thereupon he
resigned his commission and turned to the pursuits of private life.
His military career was such that the officers of the regular army
and the graduates of "West Point assign him the first place among the
volunteers. It is difficult to comprehend the reason for the distinc-
tion indicated by the form of the concessions to the military career
of General Logan. If in any instance he exhibited a lack of knowl-
edge, or if his movements had in any case been followed by disaster,
there would be grounds for qualifying the words of praise used in
recognition of his services.
In courage, in the ready command of his resources, in coolness of
temperament injnoments of peril, in ability to inspire confidence and
arouse the enthusiasm of soldiers, and finally, in the degree of success
that crowned all his undertakings, he deserves to be classed with the
most accomplished and most successful generals of the war.
PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOIItf A. tOGAtf. 195
General Logan was elected to the House of Representatives of the
fortieth and forty-first Congresses. He took part in the most important
debates, having rank always with the leading members of the House.
He was one of the managers in the impeachment of President John-
son. In all cases he sustained the policy of the Republican party in
the work of reconstruction.
After four years of faithful and honorable service in the House he
was elected to the Senate. He took his seat at the opening of the
forty-second Congress. With the interruption of a term of two
years he has continued a member of the Senate to the present time.
General Logan has been distinguished especially, both in the House
and in the Senate, as the soldiers' friend. He was a witness of the
hardships and sufferings met and endured by the armies of the
Union; he was a sharer in the dangers of the war, and he feels,
naturally, that the gratitude of the country cannot exceed the value
of the services rendered by those who stood in the hot fire of battle
for its defense.
His argument in the Fitz-John Porter case must be accepted as an
exhaustive array of facts, and a clear presentation of the law. Its
delivery occupied three whole days. It was not only listened to by
a full Senate and crowded galleries, but the impression was so strong
that the bill for the relief of General Porter was abandoned for the
There may be differences of opinion as to the merits of the appeal
made to the country by Fitz-John Porter; but there can be none as
to the merits of the argument of General Logan hi support of the
decision rendered more than twenty years ago by a competent mili-
tary tribunal whose action was approved by President Lincoln.
The candidates of the Republican party represent the principles of
the party, and they represent the military spirit of the country. Not
the spirit of war. There is neither the wish nor the purpose to
engage in new military undertakings; but there is in the Republican
party an earnest wish and a fixed purpose to guard, protect and sup-
port in comfort the survivors of the armies by whose valor and sacri-
fices the Union was restored. There is neither arrogance nor injustice
in the claim that the Republican party is the safer custodian of that
duty.
The candidates of the Republican party are men of large experi-
ence in the affairs of the government. In the subordinate places of
duty and trust the claim is made, and with good reasons, that ex-
perienced men should be preferred. Can it then be wise to bestow
the chief posts of trust and power and duty upon men without
experience?
INDEX.
Page.
Acquisition of the territory of Texas gave fresh conse-
quence to slavery, ... .16
Act for the admission of Maine was approved March 3,
1820, 14
was passed for the admission of Missouri as a State
March 6, 1820, ..... 14
of March 6, 1820, prohibited slavery in that part
of the original territory of Louisiana north of
parallel 36° 30', excepting in the State of Missouri, 14
approved February 8, 1861, authorized a loan of
twenty-five million dollars, . . .65, 66
approved March 2, 1861, increased the duties upon
many articles of merchandise, ... 67
authorizing the issue of United States notes and
for funding the public debt, was approved Feb-
ruary 25, 1862, . . . . . 68
of February 25, 1862, provisions of, relating to
United States notes, issue of bonds, sinking
fund, etc., ..... 68
establishing a national bank currency was approved
February 25, 1863, ..... 69
establishing national banks, its provisions, and the
advantages derived therefrom, ... 69
of February 25, 1862, does not permit the issue of
United States notes except upon the pledge of
redemption in coin, .... 70
to strengthen the public credit, approved March 18,
1869, was the first legislative act of the Forty-
first Congress, ..... 71
approved March 18, 1869. provided for the pay-
ment in coin of all obligations, unless it was
otherwise provided in said obligations, . . 71
to authorize the refunding of the national debt,
was approved July 14, 1870, ... 72
Acts of March 2, 18G1, August 5, 1861. July 14, 1862, and
June 30, 1864, were for providing revenues upon
a war basis, and for protection, , 67. 68
(i)
11 INDEX.
Acts of 1816, 1828, and 1842, gave temporary encour-
agement to manufacturing industries, . . 77
Abolition views of President Lincoln in 1862, . . 42
Administration of Government, injustice still exists in the, 10
of President Pierce, and the country were involved
in the horrors of civil war in Kansas, . . 20
of Mr. Tyler was controlled by the leaders of the
Democratic party, in a large degree, . . 95
as a measure of that of Mr. Lincoln, the national
bank system was adopted, but it was opposed by
the Democratic members of both houses of Con-
gress, ...... 96
Africa, negroes found on slave-trading vessels after 1819 to
be returned to, ..... 12
the return to of captured negroes may have been
just, but it was politic for the border Slave States, 13
Virginia and other border Slave States were willing
that negroes found on slave-trading vessels should
be returned to, ... . 13
Agricultural Colleges, veto of grant to,
grants of lands to, .
Allegiance, choice of, .
Amalgamation, one of the fruits of slavery,
92
8
Amendments to the Constitution were adopted by the Re-
publican party, ..... 24
each of the three was opposed by the Democratic
party, but it has been compelled to accept and
endorse them, ..... 96
America, had only three cotton spinning mills in 1800, . 11
Annexation of Texas inured to the advantage of freedom, g
of Texas was the policy of Southern statesmen, . 15
of Texas was opposed by the Whig party of the
North, . . . . 15
of Texas, Mr. Folk's election was considered an
endorsement of the scheme for, . . .15, 16
of Texas, Congress provided for by a joint resolu-
tion approved March 1, 1845, ... 16
by it the United States accepted the controversy
and the war then existing between Texas and
Mexico, ...... 16
of Texas in 1845, was dictated by the Democratic
leaders of the South, .... 95
of Texas, has inured to the benefit of the country,
but the scheme was designed for the advantage
of slavery, ...... 95
Arbitration, policy of, ..... 110
Arkansas, was admitted into the Union in 1836, . . 14
Army, of Gen. Taylor was first termed, of observation,
then of occupation, and finally of invasion, . 16
of the United States, condition of in 1864, . . 60
INDEX. iii
Army was only sufficient for protection against the Indi-
ans, when the Republican party came to power
in March, 1861, ..... 64
could in 1862 be paid and kept in the field only
by means of the United States notes, . . 70
Ashley, J. M., motion by in regard to thirteenth amend-
ment, ...... 45
Antagonism between slavery and freedom had not taken
form in the colonial period or in the years of
confederation, ..... 22
Bank, the sum in the United States Treasury January 1,
1861, was inadequate for the safe management
of a, 65
Beauregard, attack by, on Fort Sumter, ... 34
Bell, John, received thirty-nine electoral votes on a popu-
lar vote of less than six hundred thousand, in
1860, 29
Belmont, August, speech of, at Chicago in 1864, . . 57
Bidders, the Whig and Democratic parties were, for south-
ern support, ..... 15
Bigler, Governor, speech of, at Chicago in 1864, . . 58
Bill authorizing the issue of treasury notes to the amount
of ten million dollars, was approved December
17, 1860, 65
for the abolition of the slave-trade in the District
of Columbia was carried under the lead of Mr.
Clay, 18
for the surrender of fugitives from slavery, was
carried under the lead of Mr. Clay, . . 18
fugitive slave, was the most offensive of the com-
promise measures of 1850, ... 19
Bills, it was claimed that those for the organization of Utah
and New Mexico were an abandonment of the
principles of the Missouri compromise, . . 20
Bonds, eighteen million of those authorized by the act of
February 8, 1861, were sold at an average price
of 89.03 per cent., ..... 66
the act authorizingsthe issue of six per cent. , for the
issue of United States notes, and for a sinking
fund, was approved February 25, 1862, . . 68
of the United States, in March, 1869, were sold at
eighty-three cents on the dollar, in gold, . 71
Border States, influence of Confederacy in, . . . 44
struggle for supremacy in, .... 41
Bounty, of land to soldiers anil sailors, ... 85
Breckinridge, J. C., \vas the Democratic condidate of the
South, in 1860, ..... 29
iV INDEX.
Buchanan, President, responsibility of, for the war, . 112
veto of, on homestead bill, . . . . 84
veto of bill making grants of lands to agricultural
colleges, ...... 89
effect of his position in promoting secession,
opinion of in regard to secession, .
was a minority president, .... 29
it was a necessity of the situation that the Con-
federacy should be organized during the admin-
istration of, ..... 30
in his message of December, 1860, made such dec-
larations as justified Mr. Davis and his associates
in assuming that he would not interfere, etc. , . 30
denied the right of secession as a Constitutional right, 30
denied the right of the United States Government
to prevent secession, by force, ... 30
upon his theory, it was competent for the smallest
State to declare the Union at an end, . . 30
upon the admission of, the Union ceased to exist
on the 17th day of December, 1860, . . 30
attempted to assert a right of property in the cus-
tom-houses and forts, which could not be visited
except as an act of war, .... 30
according to his own theory, was, from December
17, 1860 to March 4, 1861, president of a part
only of the country, etc. , . . . . 30
if he had had two years more of official life, the
Confederacy would have been firmly established,
and recognized by the leading nations of the
world, ...... 31
Business, every branch of would be embarrassed by the
financial evils that would attend the overthrow
of the national banking system, . . . 98
periods of depression in, will occur, they are inev-
itable, ...... 99
upon the ocean is more perilous, and the returns
are more uncertain than upon land, . . 81
Calhoun, John C., the dying speech of was read in the
Senate March 4, 1850, .... 17
in his dying speech demanded an amendment to
the Constitution insuring equality of political
power to the South, . . . 17
js believed to have said a few months before his
death, ' ' Slavery will go down, sir ; it will go
down in the twinkling of an eye, sir," . . 17
the essay of, on government, contained his plan
for re-establishing the equilibrium between the
Free and Slave States, .... 17
advocated an amendment to the Constitution,
which should provide for two presidents, one
from the North and one from the South, . 17
Calhoun, John C., had, before his death, lost faith in the
permanence of slavery, .... 17
California contained sufficient population for a State, . 16
most of its area, and the larger part of its inhabi-
tants were north of the line 36° 30', . . 16
whether admitted as a Slave or Free State, would
destroy the equilibrium of power, . . 16
was presented for admission as a Free State, be- ^
cause of the annexation of Texas and the con-
sequent war with Mexico, . . . . 17
the people of, framed a Constitution without the
authority of Congress, .... 18
the bill for the admission of, was approved Septem-
ber 9, 1850, 18
the real reason for the resistance to her admission
was the exclusion of slavery, ... 18
the bill for the admission of, was silent upon the
subject of slavery, ... .18
except for slavery the admission of would have
been considered separately, ... 18
Campaign, in this, the question of the equality of rights
in the South, is the paramount question, . 106
Candidates, of each party dictated by the South, . . 1
Captors, of slave-trading vessels after 1819, were required
to deliver negroes to the President for return to
Africa, 12
Census, errors of, in 1860, ..... 91
in 1850, relative representative power of the Slave
and Free States, . . . . 16, 17
Cession of land to the United States, ... 83
Chicago, Democratic convention at, in 1864, . . 57
Child, followed the condition of the mother, , . 8
Citizenship, secured by the fourteenth amendment, . . 49
under our system, government resides in, . . 70, 71
Citizens, it is not the duty of a government to give employ-
ment to, . . . . 74
the nation cannot be an indifferent witness of
thousands of, seeking refuge in those States where
the equal rights of men are recognized, . . 106
of the States are citizens of the United States, .' 97
Civilization, that of freedom would have triumphed in the
end, ....... 21
Civil Service, it is reasonable to assume that should the
Democratic party attain power, the law relative
to, would either be repealed or its purpose avoided, 102, 103
by whatever of peril it is menaced, is due to the
fact of a solid South, .... 106
reform, the Democratic party can make no claim
to friendship for, ..... 102
there is a very general opinion in the Republican
party that there shall be a full and fair trial of
the undertaking, ..... 103
VI UIDEX.
Civil "War, the administration of President Pierce, and the
country were involved in the horrors of, . . 20
the territories were made the theaters of, . . 20
Clark Thread Company, manufactories of, in Paisley, Scot-
land, and in Newark, N. J., . . 77, 78, 79
Clay, Henry, under his lead the five compromise measures
of 1850 were carried, . . . .' 18
made a public surrender of the question of the
annexation of Texas, . . . . 15
was wanting in principle or lacked the courage to
declare his opinions, etc., .... 15
may have had misgivings as to slavery, . . 15
represented the Whig party in the canvass of 1844, 15
Coin, to the redemption of all paper money in, the Repub-
lican party is pledged, .... 99
the act of February 25, 1862, does not permit the
issue of United States notes, except upon a pledge
of redemption in, . . . . 70
the act approved March 18, 1869, provided for the
payment in, of all obligations, unless it was
otherwise provided in said obligations, . . 71
Colleges, grants to agricultural, . . . 88, 89
Colonies, of the original, seven had become free and six
were slave in 1820, ..... 13
Commerce, is the first and easiest victim of war, . . 75
Competition of the laborer in another country, . . 76
Compromise, existed for twenty years between the Free,
Northern Slave, and Southern Slave States, upon
the foreign slave trade, . . 12, 13
Compromises, of and under the Constitution are alike value-
less, ....... 9
Confederacy, upon the formation of, the Democratic party
ceased to exist in the Rebel States, . . 13
influence of in border States, ... 44
its condition in 1864, .... 59
if Jefferson Davis were to become the president of,
he must surrender his seat in the Senate of the
United States, . . . . . 29, 30
if Mr. Buchanan had had two years more of official
life, would have been firmly established, and
recognized by the leading nations of the world, 31
Confederate authorities, commission from, ... 35
States, overthrow of slavery made possible by, . 38
Confederation, antagonism between slavery and freedom
had not taken form in the years of, or during the
colonial period, ..... 22
Conflict was inevitable, because of the three provisions m
the Constitution concerning slavery, . . 9
when arising upon a topic that engages the thought
of the majority, HUT will appropriate either ex-
isting, or create new parties, etc., . . 9
INDEX. Vll
Congress denied to alleged fugitives right of trial by Jury, 8
in 1794 passed a penal statute against the exporta-
tion of slaves, etc., .... 12
in 1794 passed a penal statute against carrying slaves
between foreign countries in American vessels, 12
in 1807 proceeded to enforce the constitutional
prohibition against the importation of slaves, . 12
by a joint resolution, offered March 1, 1845, pro-
vided for the annexation of Texas, . . 16
the resolution of, guaranteed that not more than
five States might be formed out of the Territory
of Texas, ...... 16
the people of California framed a Constitution
without the authority of, . . . . 18
near the close of the thirty-second, a bill was intro-
duced for the organization of the Territory of
Nebraska, . . . . . 19
at the opening of the thirty-third, President Pierce
congratulated the country upon the settlement of
the slavery controversy, .... 20
the question of slavery or freedom in the Terri-
tories, that should have been settled by, was the
cause of a contest of arms, ... 20
was compelled by the exigencies of the war to as-
sume jurisdiction of the subject of paper circu-
lation, ...'.. 97
is composed of representatives of the States an«.
of the people, ..... 97
anything in the nature of usurpation is impossible
with, . . . . . . 97
the records of, fuly sustain the allegations as to the
conduct of elections in Louisiana, Mississippi,
and South Carolina, .... 103
the South gains more than thirty representatives
in, by the present basis of representation, and an
equal number in the electoral colleges, . . 104
both houses of. have been captured, and the execu-
tive department has been put in peril, . . 104
power of, in regard to public lands, . 84
refused to pledge the public lands as security for a
loan, in 1860, ..... 63
authorized a loan of twenty-five million dollars, by
an act approved February 8, 1861, . . 65, 66
at the extra session of, July 4, 1861, the President
asked for authority to bomrw four hundred mil-
lion dollars, . ... 66
was left in the control of the Republican party, by
the secession of States and the resignation of
Senators and Representatives, ... 67
the authority of, to provide for the issue of United
States notes and make them a legal tender, has
been sustained by the Supreme Court, . . 70
viii INDEX.
Congress has authority to endow United States notes with
the legal tender quality or not, under an opinion
of Chief Justice Marshall, etc., . . 70
the constitutional grant to, to borrow money, in-
cludes the power to provide for the issue of notes,
either with or without interest, ... 70
during the administration of President Johnson,
the attention of, was directed chiefly to meas-
ures of reconstruction, and to questions in con-
troversy between the legislative and executive
departments of the Government, ... 71
"An Act to strengthen the public credit " approved
March 18, 1869, ...... 71
Constitution, three provisions of which were in conflict
with the principles of the founders of the North-
ern States, ...... 7
•the provisions of, designed to protect slavery be-
came the cause of its destruction, . 7
by its provisions the foreign slave-trade was toler-
ated for twenty years, .... 7
the provisions of, governing the representation of
slaves, etc., . . . . . 7, 8
doctrine of obedience to, taught, ... 8
the North would concede to slavery, what was stip-
ulated in, ...... 8
the compromises of, and under it, are alike value-
less, ....... 9
the guarantees of, to slavery, were all temporary,
etc., ....... 9
the three provisions therein concerning slavery,
made a conflict inevitable, ... 9
has been reformed by the people through the Re-
publican party, ..... 9
unjust to assume that the framers of foresaw the
evils to come from slavery, . . . 11
slavery was imbedded in, .... 12
the pro-slavery provisions of, gave rise to the strug-
gle for an equilibrium of political power, . 13
the equilibrium between the Free and Slave States
was destroyed by, ..... 14
required the re-distribution of political power, . 14
an act was passed March 6, 1820, authorizing the
inhabitants of Missouri to frame a, 14
Mr. Calhoun, in his dying speech, demanded an
amendment to, insuring equality of political
power to the South, .... 17
Mr. Calhoun, in his Essay on Government, advo-
cated an amendment to, which should provide
for two Presidents, etc., .... 17
was framed by the people of California without
the authority of Congress, ... 18
INDEX. IX
Constitution, the inherent antagonism between slavery and
freedom was organized and developed under, . 22
the amendments to, were adopted by the Republi-
can party, . . . . ... 24
each of the three amendments to, was opposed by
the Democratic party, but it has been compelled
to accept and endorse them, ... 96
within the limits prescribed by, the question
whether a particular power shall be exercised by
the General Government, or left to the States, is
for Congress, ..... 97
the negro race and many white persons in the
South are deprived of the privileges and immu-
nities to which they are entitled under, . . 104
effect of thirteenth amendment to, . . . 108
none of the provisions of, have contributed more to
industrial freedom than that for the protection
of authors and inventors, .... 75
Hamilton was an advocate of the British, . . 76
provision of, in regard to public lands, . . 83
ratification of fifteenth amendment to, . . 50
amendments to, the work of the Republican party, 50
fifteenth amendment of, .... 49
fourteenth amendment of, . . . . 49
thirteenth amendment of, . . . 45
thirteenth amendment to, ratification of, . . 45
at the time of the adoption of, all the territory out-
side of the thirteen States was dedicated to free-
dom, . . . . . 27
the President took the responsibility of announcing
that the Government had no power under, to in-
terfere with secession, .... 30
Constitutional concessions, effect of, to endow the Slave
States with unequal political power, . . 9
effect of, to dethrone the Slave States and leave
them prostrate, ..... 9
prohibition, Congress proceeded to enforce, in 1807,
against the importation of slaves, . . 12
Contest, bred of slavery, ..... 10
for supremacy began when the leading men discov-
ered that the equilibrium between the sections
could not be preserved, .... 14
of blood occurred in Kansas, ... 25
Contestants, when a conflict arises that engages _ their
thoughts they will appropriate either existing or
new parties to their service, ... 9
Controversy, by the annexation of Texas the United States
accepted, etc., ..... 16
over the exclusion of slavery from the Territories,
effects of, 24
X INDEY.
Cost of living in 1880 was not greater than in 1860, and the
wages of the mill operatives were increased in
that period by twenty per cent., ... 80
Cotton, the export of, in 1800 was less than 90,000 bales, . 11
the raising of, was experimental and unproductive, 11
no domestic demand for American, in 1790, 11
eight bags of American, were seized in Liverpool
in 1764, . . . . . 11
from America, neglected by English spinners in
1764, who doubted its value, ... 11
the culture of, was largely increased by the inven-
tion of the cotton-gin and press, . . . 11
the cotton-gin stimulated the growth of, . . 17
gin, enhanced the wages of labor, and added to the
comfort of the laboring classes, ... 17
gin, stimulated the manufacture of cotton goods in
the North and East, .... 17
gin, the invention of, stimulated the importation of
slaves, ...... 11
gin, stimulated the growth of cotton, . . 17
gin, the invention of, inaugurated the slave-trade be-
tween the States of the Potomac and of the Gulf
of Mexico, and added to their value, . . 11, 17
invented by Eli Whitney of Westborough, Mass., 11
press, invented by Jacob Marshall of Lunenburg,
Mass., ...... 11
Convention, Democratic, of 1864, .... 52
Conventions, Democratic State, .... 52
Country, the South subjected the political organizations of,
to its will, by threats, etc., ... 19
the financial and commercial prosperity of, is put
in jeopardy by the denial of the equality of men, 25
was invited to the entertainment of civil war in
Kansas, ...... 25
the Government of, was in the hands of the Demo-
cratic party during four of the six Presidential
terms next preceding the inauguration of Mr.
Lincoln, ...... 95
the annexation of Texas has inured to the benefit
of, but the scheme was designed for the advant-
age of slavery, ..... 95
there is in, a body of men who advocate the issue of
United States notes without a promise of pay-
ment in coin, . . . . . 98, 99
condition of, when ]VJr. Lincoln became President, 34
when measures relating to human rights have been
been adopted by, the Democratic party has con-
strained to give them, lately, approval, . . 96
an experiance of twenty years shows that our sys-
tem of bank currency has never been excelled in
this, or any other, ..... 98
INDEX. H
Country, not less than thirty million of the population of
this, are dependent directly upon labor for
means of subsistence, . . 81
Credit of the United States was impaired when the Repub-
lican party came to power in March, 1861, . 64
the impairment of, was due to the position of the
Democratic party, in reference to threats and
doctrines of secession, .... 65
Culture of cotton wras largely increased by the invention of
the cotton-gin and press, .... 11
Currency, that is constantly increasing in volume as com-
pared with the increase of wealth, is a sure cause
of business disaster, ... . . 99
in regard to, nothing can be assured of the Demo-
cratic party, ..... 99
the power to decide the quantity and quality of, is
an essential incident of sovereignty, . . 71
Customs, the gross receipts from, for the year ending June
30, 1861, were a trifle less than forty million
dollars, ...... 68
the gross receipts from, for the year ending June
30, 1864, were more than one hundred and two
million dollars, ..... 68
Davis, Jefferson, if he were to become the President of the
Confederacy, he must surrender his seat in the
United States Senate, . . . 29, 30
Debt, public, of the United States, .... 110
public, guaranteed, . . 49
was a trifle more than sixty-three million dollars at
the close of the Mexican war, ... 64
June 30, 1860, was about two million more than it
was June 30, 1849, .... 64
in 1860, was equal only to two dollars for each in-
habitant, ...... 64
in 1791, was equal to about twenty dollars for each
inhabitant, ...... 64
of the United States, in March, 1869, amounted to
about two thousand six hundred million dollars, 71
an act to authorize the refunding of the national,
was approved July 14, 1870, . . . 72
of the United States, in August, 1865, . . 72
of the United States, June 30, 1883, . . 72
more than three hundred and sixty million dollars
of the interest-bearing, were paid during the first
term of President Grant's administration, . 72
Delegates, probable that those to the Constitutional Con-
vention from both South and North, expected
the gradual extinction of slavery, . . 11
Democratic Convention of 1864, ....
Convention, platform of 1864, . . 60
xii IKDEX.
Democratic party, has always resisted, and often denounced,
the measures upon which the Republican party
may now rest its claim for continued confidence, 10
profited by slavery, and so resisted its overthrow, 10
now profits by intolerance and persecution, . 10
now defends intolerance and persecution, . . 10
yielded itself to the defense of slavery, . . 13
subordinated its love for the Union to slavery, . 13
advocated non-interference with slavery by the
National Government, .... 13
advocated constitutional protection to^slavery, . 13
abandoned its principles, . . . 13
remained passive in the North, etc., during the Re-
bellion, 13, 14
furnished shelter to Southern sympathizers in the
North during the Rebellion, . . .13, 14
ceased to exist in the Rebel States upon the forma-
tion of the Confederacy, . . . . 13
was represented by Mr. Polk in the canvass of 1844, 15
achieved an easy victory in 1852, upon the declara-
tion that the compromise measures of 1850 had
secured peace, . . . . 19
of the South, the leaders of, were the leaders in
nullification, ..... 19
of the North was divided by the repeal of the
Missouri compromise, .... 23
maintains the equality of States and denies the
equality of men, ..... 25
in power at "Washington, gave its influence to mak-
ing Kansas a Slave State, .... 25
the Government of the country was in the hands
of, during four of the six Presidential terms next
preceding the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, . 95
the leaders of, upon the death of General Harri-
son, controlled the administration of Mr. Tyler in
a large degree, ..... 95
from 1837 to 1861, there were only temporary inter-
ruptions in the domination of, . . 95
it is no credit to, that a scheme designed to foster
slavery has been controlled for the advantage of
freedom, ...... 95
its doctrine of State rights has become odious to
the people, . . . . . 95, 96
in obedience to the doctrine of State rights, con-
tinued in a persistent defence of slavery, . 96
the Southern half of, engaged in rebellion, . 96
a portion of, in the North, either encouraged or
tolerated the treasonable conduct of their South-
ern brethren, ..... 96
a minority, not exceeding one-fourth of the entire
organization, united with the Republican party
during the Rebellion, .... 96
INDEX. xiii
Democratic party, not exceeding one-fourth of, contributed
their full share to the prosecution of the war
and the destruction of slavery, ... 96
if it is to be judged by its record from 1837 to 1861,
there is no ground for belief that it would meet
the demands of the present period, . . 96
when it lost power in 1860, its tariff policy and its
financial ideas were alike distasteful to the people, 96
since 1860, has resisted all new measures, and
more especially those relating to human rights, . 96
has been constrained to give measures relating to
human rights tardy approval, after they have
been adopted by the country, ... 96
has been found each year giving assent to some
measure which it had previously condemned, . 96
has uniformly resisted every new measure when it
was proposed, ..... 96
opposed Emancipation, but it has been compelled
to accept and endorse it, . . . . 96
opposed each of the three Amendments to the
Constitution, but it has been compelled to accept
and endorse them, ..... 96
opposed the homestead laws, the grants of lands to
agricultural colleges, and the system of improv-
ing rivers and harbors, .... 96
does not now avow its opposition to the home-
stead laws, the grants of lands to agricultural
colleges, or to the system of improving rivers
and harbors, ..... 96
the opposition of, to the National Bank System, was
due to its State rights notions, . . 97
never admitted that a change of policy in regard
to paper circulation was required, . 97
always assumed that the war was unnecessary, and
consequently that exigencies should not control
the public policy, . . . ". • 97
opposed the system of bank currency at the outset,
and has never exhibited friendship for it, there
is no violence in assuming that it would willingly
> see it die, ...... 98
either members of, or closely allied with, is the
class of financiers who believe that the govern-
ment can extemporize wealth, ... 99
offers no assurance in regard to the currency, . 99
the policy of, in regard to the tariff is either uncer-
tain or dangerous, ..... 99
the history of from 1837 to 1860, would lead to the
conclusion that it would favor free trade as a
principle, ...... 99
the history of from 1837 to 1860, would lead to the
conclusion that it would favor a tariff for reve-
nue only, as a wise application, etc., . . 99, 100
14
xiv
INDEX.
Democratic party, the history of, and its traditions, found
expression in the platform of 1880, . . 100
the organization of, is hostile to the system of pro-
tection, ...... 102
can make no claim to friendship for Civil Service
Reform, ...... 102
should the, attain power, it is reasonable to assume
that the existing civil service law would either
be repealed, or its purpose avoided, . . 102, 103
the rule of has been perpetuated in South Caro-
lina, Mississippi, and Louisiana, sometimes by
force, and sometimes by fraud, . . . 103, 104
as a national organization, has accepted the re-
sults of force and fraud in Southern States, . 104
secured a majority in the United States Senate for
a time, by means of usurpation in the South, . 104
has been able to command a majority in the House
of Representatives during three Congresses, be-
cause of usurpation in the South, . . 104
by usurpation in the South has secured advantages
such as it did not enjoy even in the days of
slavery, . . . . . 104
in the presence of this usurpation the votes of two
Democrats in South Carolina, have as much
weight in the government as do those of five
citizens of New York, etc., . . . 105
the success of, would perpetuate the wrong in the
South, for four years at least, . . 105
being benefited by the usurpations in the South
there is no ground to anticipate any action by
that party, etc. , . . . . 105
not a safe custodian of power, . Ill
danger from, ..... 112
position of in 1864, .... 112
its reasons for supporting slavery, . . 51
. its policy in regard to the war and to slavery, 39
votes of members of, on Proclamation of Emanci
pation, ..... 41
alliance of, with slaveholders, . . 52
the impairment of the public credit was due to the
position of, in reference to the threats and doc-
trines of Secession, ..... 65
Mr. Buchanan, as the representative of, transferred
to Abraham Lincoln, March 4, 1861, a dissevered
Union, ...... 66
Mr. Buchanan, as the representative of, transferred
to Abraham Lincoln, March 4, 1861, a govern-
ment in form only, ..... 66
Mr. Buchanan, as the representative of, transferred
to Abraham Lincoln, March 4, 1861, a goyern-
nient whose treasury was empty, ... 66
INDEX. XV
Democratic party, Mr. Buchanan, as the representative of,
transferred to Abraham Lincoln, March 4, 1861,
a government whose credit was broken, . . 66
Mr. Buchanan, as the representative of, transferred
to Abraham Lincoln, March 4, 1861, a govern-
ment whose navy was dispersed, ... 66
Mr. Buchanan, as the representative of, transferred
to Abraham Lincoln, March 4, 1861, a govern-
ment whose army was weak in numbers, etc. , . 66
Mr. Buchanan, as the representative of, transferred
to Abraham Lincoln, March 4, 1861, a govern-
ment with an impending war, etc., . . 66
was divided in 1860, ..... 29
as represented by Mr. Breckinridge, was a Seces-
sion party, ...... 29
the division of, decided the election in favor of
Mr. Lincoln in 1860, .... 29
had it supported Mr. Douglas in good faith in 1860,
he would probably have been elected, . . 29
by the aggressive acts of one wing of, and by the
non-action of the representative of the whole,
the Union ceased to exist, .... 31
one wing of, said the Union had no right to exist, 31
one wing of, said the Union had no right to main-
tain its existence by force, ... 31
the Union was dismembered and surrendered by, . 31
Democrats, in the House of. Representatives, action of, in
regard to the thirteenth amendment, . . 45
Department of Education, ..... 90
Deposits in Savings Banks, the aggregate accumulation of,
was immensely greater in 1880 than in 1860, . 80
Dictatorship, advice of McClellan to Mr. Lincoln in regard
to, . 53-54
Disabilities, under Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitu-
tion, ...... 49
District of Columbia, no reference to slavery in or in the
States, was made in the declaration of the Repub-
lican party of 1856, .... 23
the Republican party was at first divided as to the
abolition of slavery in, .... 23
the bill for the abolition of the slave trade in, was
carried under the lead of Mr. Clay, . . 18
Disunion, the election of Mr. Lincoln in 1860, was made
the pretext for, ..... 29
Dixon, Senator, from Kentucky, gave notice of an amend-
ment to the Kansas and Nebraska bill abrogating
the Missouri compromise, .... 20
Doctrine of obedience to the Constitution was taught, . 8
the Republican part}T has identified itself with that
of protection to domestic labor, . . . 102
Douglas, Stephen A., the champion of the repeal of the
Missouri compromise, .... 20
XVi INDEX.
Douglas, Stephen A. , in the discussion in 1858, attempted in
vain to prove that Mr. Lincoln was a dis-
unionist, ...... 26
an experienced politician and a skillful debater, 27
had, in 1858, taken a place amongst the able men
of his time, . . . . 27
Mr. Lincoln's mastery over, was complete, in the
debate of 1858, . . . . 27
received a million three hundred and seventy -five
thousand of the popular, but only twelve electo-
ral votes in 1860, ..... 29
had the Democratic party supported, in good faith
in 1860, he would probably have been elected, . 29
became the responsible author of the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise, . . . 20
Duties, there is a class of, that may be performed by the
States, if the National Government does not
assert its better right, .... 97
customs were increased upon many articles of
merchandise by an act approved March 2, 1861, 67
Duty of securing certain conceded rights rests upon the
Republican party, ..... 10
to create a nation higher than to shun an evil, . 7
Education, department of, ..... 90
grants of public lands for, .... 83
policy of Republican party in regard to, . . 88
flection of Mr. Lincoln in 1860, was made the pretext for
disunion, ...... 29
flections of 1862, ...... 38
of 1864, ...... 45
if those in the old Slave States were free, and the
returns honest, the republican party would com-
mand a large majority, etc., . . . 104,105
the records of Congress fully sustain the allegations
as to the conduct of, in Louisiana, Mississippi,
and South Carolina, .... 103
Electoral Colleges, at the close of every decennial period
there was a new distribution of power in, . 14
the equilibrium in, and in the House of Represen-
tatives had been destroyed, . . . 17
the South gains more than thirty votes in, and an
equal number of representatives in Congress, by
the new basis of representation, . . . 104
Elements, four important, to which competition in manu-
factures relate, ..... 101
Emancipation was opposed by the Democratic party, but
it has been compelled to accept and endorse it, 96
action of Republicans in regard to, .
effect of the issue of proclamation of, . . 47
justified, ...... 40
efforts of President Lincoln to secure, . . 42
IXDEX
xrii
Emancipation, opposition of Democratic party to, . 38
proclamation of by Gen. Hunter, .
revocation of Gen. Hunter's proclamation of,
views of President Lincoln, ... 43
the great event of American history, . 46
the position of the Republican party as authors of 46
proclamation of,
Emigration, effects of upon Europe, . . . 109
Encouragement, the tariff acts of 1816, 1828, and 1843, gave
temporary, to manufacturing industries, . 77
England, the farmers of, supply the laborers of Birmingham
and Manchester, ..... 76
Enrollment act of 1863, declared unconstitutional by the
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, . . 55
Equality of States, the government has been reconstructed
upon this principle through the Republican party, 9
of men, the government has been reconstructed
upon this principle through the Republican
party, ..... 9
of all men before the law, has been secured by the
Republican party, ..... 10
of States and of representation hi the Senate could
not be changed, except, etc., ... 14
the old government recognized that of States, but
disregarded that of men, .... 24
the new government asserts that of men to be the
only security for that of States, . . 24, 25
of men is asserted by the Republican party as the
only sure basis of the equality of States, . 25
of States is maintained by the Democratic party
and that of men is denied, ... 25
of States and of men is the sole surviving issue
born of slavery, ..... 25
of States is destroyed by the denial of the right of
men to vote, ..... 25
of rights in the South is the paramount question
in this campaign, ..... 106
Equilibrium of political power had been established in 1820, 13
when the leading men discovered that it could not
be preserved between the sections, the contest
began, ...... 14
between the Free and Slave States was destroyed
by the Constitution, .... 14
of States was re-established by the admission of
Michigan in 1837, . . . . 14, 15
of representation had been destroyed, etc., . 15
of power would be destroyed whether California
were admitted as a Free or Slave State, . . 16
in the House of Representatives and in the Elec-
toral Colleges had been destroyed, . . 17
the overthrow of between the Free and Slave
States, was admitted in Mr. Calhoun's dying
speech, ...... 17
xviii INDEX.
Europe, opinions of masses in, in regard to slavery . 107
ruling classes, views of, . 107
character of emigrants from, . .109
migration from, effects of, . . 109
public law of, in regard to expatriation, . 92, 93, 94
Events, the formation of a new political party is always
due to, . . . . 22
rendered the formation of an anti-slavery party
inevitable, ......
neither men nor parties are the masters of, . 23
were the masters of the leaders of the Revolution, 24
Exclusion of slavery from the territories was the leading
issue in 1856, ..... 24
Exigencies of the war compelled Congress to assume juris-
diction of the subject of paper circulation, . 97
Expatriation, . . . . . . 92, 93
treaties in regard to, . . . . . 93, 94
Expenses of the government for the year ending June 30,
1862, 66
Export of cotton in 1800 was less than 90,000 bales, . 11
Farmers of England supply the laborers of Birmingham
and Manchester, ..... 76
of the United States supply the laborers of Pitts-
burgh and Lowell, ..... 77
Finance, a new system of, has been created by the Republi-
can party, ...... 25
the new policy of ...... 25
Financial System, by whatever of peril it is menaced, is
due to the fact of a solid South, ... 106
Financiers, the class of who believe that the government
can extemporize wealth, .... 99
Florida only remained of slave territory, ... 15
Force, the legally constituted governments have in some
instances been overthrown by, or abandoned
through fear of, . . . . 103
the government of Mississippi was seized by, in
1875, 103
Mr. Buchanan denied the right of the United
States Government to prevent Secession by, . 31
one wing of the Democratic party said that the
Union had no right to maintain its existence by, 31
Forests, cultivation of, ..... 85
Forfeiture was imposed by statute of March 2, 1807, upon
vessels, etc-., engaged in the foreign slave-trade, 12
Framers of the Constitution could not then "ad just the dif-
ferences between the South and North, . . 7
France, acquired Louisiana from Spain by treaty in 1763, . 14
ceded Louisiana to the United States by treaty in
1803, 14
Freedman's Bureau aid to schools, .... 90
Freedom, advanced by the struggles in Kansas, . . 9
INDEX. Xix
Freedom, advanced by the Mexican war, ... 9
the advantage to, by the annexation of Texas, . 9
the supporters of, and of slavery were invited to a
contest of arms for the settlement of a question
that should have been settled by Congress, . 20
the civilization born of, would have triumphed in
the end, ...... 21
and slavery, antagonism between had not taken
form during the colonial period or in the years of
confederation, ..... 22
and slavery, the inherent antagonism between, was
organized and developed under the Constitution, 22
and slavery, a struggle for the mastery between,
went on for seventy years, ... 22
it is no credit to the Democratic party that a
scheme has been controlled for the advantage of, 95
all the territory outside of the thirteen States was
dedicated to,* when the Constitution was adopted, 27
Free persons, if basis of representation had been limited to, 9
Free trade and protection were not referred to in the Repub-
lican platform of 1856, .... 23
Fugitives from slavery, statutes in relation to, . . 35, 36
right of trial by jury denied to, ... 8
slave laws, repeal of, .... 36
Georgia and South Carolina insisted upon their right to
continue the foreign slave trade, . . . 12
Government, in iti administration injustice still exists, . 10
was organized by Texas, .... 15
in Texas was composed largely of immigrants from
the Slave States, ..... 15
Mr. Calhoun's essay on, . . . 17
was reconstructed by the Republican party upon
the basis of equality of men and of States, . 24
the new, asserts that the equality of men is the
only security for the equality of States, . . 24, 25
the question whether a particular power of, shall be
exercised by the general, or left to the States,
is for Congress, ..... 97
power to furnish a bank currency is now lodged
with the general, ..... 98
under the defense offered for the suppression of
votes, the minority may usurp the, . . 103
ceases to be one of laws, and becomes one of men, 103
of an usurping minority runs rapidly into despotic
sway, ..... 103
that t'he majority vote shall be recognized and
obeyed in, is a vital element in Republican insti-
tutions, ...... 103
of Mississippi seized by force in 1875, . . 103
in a republic, usurpation of, ... 104
XX INDEX.
Government, in the presence of usurpation, the votes of
two Democrats in South Carolina have as much
weight in, as do those of five citizens of New
York, etc., . .... 105
never can the voters of the North enjoy an equality
of power in, until elections are free in the States
of the South, ..... 105
the South has enjoyed the fullest right of repre-
sentation, but at the same time one-third of its
inhabitants have been excluded from all part in, 105
when those of States are seized by force and fraud,
and an attempt is made upon that of the United
States, the nation cannot remain indifferent, . 106
it is not the duty of, to give employment to its cit-
izens, ...... 74
the expenses of, for the year ending June BO, 1862, 66
in 1861 and 1862, loans were made by, at the rate
of a million dollars a day, and upon moderate
terms, ...... 67
resides, under our system, in citizenship, . . 70, 71
under the administration of by the Republican
party, the Union has been restored, . . 72
under the administration of by the Republican
party, the debt has been paid, . . .72, 73
for the financial successes of, the country is in-
debted to the Republican party, ... 73
of the United States, the financial successes of are
unexampled in the history of the world, . 73
Mr. Buchanan denied the power of the, to prevent
secession, by force, .... 30
Governments, the legally constituted, have, in some instan-
ces been overthrown, or abandoned through fear
of force, ...... 103
Grant, the sinking fund system was not put in operation
until after the inauguration of , . . 72
during the first term of his administration, more
than three hundred and sixty million dollars
were applied to the payment of the interest-bear-
ing debt, ......
Great Britain, claims in regard to citizenship, . 93
Greatness of the Northwestern States was not foreseen, but
their coming was anticipated, etc., . . 15
Guadalupe Hidalgo, by the treaty of, signed February 2,
1848, the United States acquired a vast territory
of Mexico, ...... 16
the treaty of, caused California to be presented for
admission as a Free State, .... 17
Guarantees for slavery, effect of, to dethrone the Slave
States and leave them prostrate, ... 9
for slavery, effect of, to endow the Slave States
with unequal political power, ... 9
when slavery demanded new ones, neither of the
existing parties was prepared to resist, . . 9
INDEX. XXI
Habits of a people undergo great changes in a period of
twenty years, ..... 80
Hamilton, stated and argued the advantages of protection
as well as it can now be stated, ... 76
was an advocate of the British Constitution, . 76
Harmony of the Kepublic disturbed, ... 13
Harrison, unless his election be an exception, the South
achieved a victory in every election from 1828 to
1856 inclusive, ..... 15
by the death of, in April, 1841, John Tyler suc-
ceeded to the Presidency, .... 15
his death in 1841, made the annexation of Texas
possible during his presidential term, . . 18
upon the death of, the leaders of the Democratic
party controlled the administration of Mr. Tyler
in a large degree, ..... 95
History of a political party furnishes better means for test-
ing its quality, than can be deduced from its
platforms or the professions of its leaders, . 95
of the Democratic party from 1837 to 1860, would
lead to the conclusion that it would favor free
trade as a principle, .... 99, 100
of the Democratic party, and its traditions, found
expression in the platform of 1880, . . 100
of the world furnishes no example for the financial
successes of the government of the United States, 73
Holman, Wm. S. , motion of, in regard to Thirteenth Amend-
ment to Constitution, . . .45
Homestead bill, veto of,
vote on,
of 1860,
Hostilities, demand for cessation of in 1864,
84
84
84
60, 61
House of Representatives, representation of slave popula-
tion in, ...... 7
at the close of every decennial period there was a
new distribution of power in, . . 14
relative strength of South in, from 1810 to 1820,
showed that it could not maintain its equality, . 14
the equilibrium of, representation in, had been de-
stroyed, ...... 15
the equilibrium in, and in the Electoral Colleges
has been destroyed, .... 17
the control of, was lost to the South, . . 17
the Democratic members of, and of the Senate,
opposed the adoption of the National Bank As-
tern with great unanimity, ... 96
the Democratic party has been able to command a
majority in, ..... 104
state of parties in, in 1863, .... 38
action of, on Emancipation, ... - 41
Houses of Congress have both been captured, and the ex-
ecutive department has been put in peril, . 104
Hunter, General, proclamation of, in regard to slavery, . 42
XXM INDEX*
Idleness, owners of slaves lived in, . . 8
Immigrants, from the Slave States largely composed the
Government of Texas, .... 15
from Europe migrated to Free States, . . 17
Immigration, to the North, was encouraged because of the
increased wages to laborers, brought about indi-
rectly by the cotton gin, . . . . 17
Importation of slaves added to the political power of the
South, . . . . . . 7, 8
of slaves was stimulated by the invention of the
cotton gin, . . . . . . 11
Inauguration of President Lincoln, .... 33
Independence, Declaration of, its value, ... 46
Industries of the country, by whatever of peril they are
menaced, is due to the fact of a solid South, . 106
so long as we are the most prosperous of the nations,
in our domestic, our doings upon the ocean will
be insignificant as compared with our business
upon land, ...... 82
Inhabitants, the public debt in 1860, was equal only to two
dollars for each, ..... 64
the public debt in 1791, was equal to about twenty
dollars for each, ..... 64
of those in the United States in 1880, two million
seven hundred thousand were employed in man-
ufactures, ...... 81
of those in the United States in 1880, more than
thirteen million were employed in agriculture,
trade, transportation, mechanics, manufactures,
and mining, ..... 81
the number of in the United States in 1880, of the
age of ten years and upwards, was nearly thirty-
seven million, . . . . . 81
of a portion of Missouri applied for admission into
the Union as a Slave State, in 1820, . . 14
Injustice, still exists in the administration of the govern-
ment, ...... 10
t of slavery, the Democratic party has profited by, 10
Institutions, vital clement of Republican, is the recognition,
of the right of every qualified citizen to vote,
and have his vote counted, . . . 103
a vital clement in Republican, is in the proposition
that the government as constituted by the major-
ity vote, should be recognized and obeyed, . 103
Interest, an average of between eleven and twelve per cent.
was paid upon the loan authorized by the act
of December 17, 1860, .... 65
Internal Revenue, the system was established by the Statute
of July 1, 1862, . . . . 69
the receipts from for the year ending June 30, 1863, 69
the receipts from, for the year 1865, . . 69
the total collected under, up to June 30, 1883, . 69
xxtii
Intervention, foreign, danger from, .... 107
Intolerance, the Democratic party now profits by, . . 10
Invasion, the army of, Gen. Taylor finally became one of, . 16
Invention, of the cotton gin stimulated the importation of
slaves, ...... 11
of the cotton gin added to the value of slaves in
the tobacco and grain sections, ... 11
of the cotton gin inaugurated the slave trade be-
tween the States of the Potomac and of the
Gulf of Mexico, ..... 11
Inventions, two were made between 1788 and 1800, which
increased the profits of cotton culture and the
value of slave labor, .... 11
Inventors, if the results of the protection to were to be de-
stroyed, the effect would be experienced by every
family upon the continent, ... 75
Issue, of United States notes without a promise of pay-
ment in coin, advocated, . . . . 98, 99
of United States notes is the only financial meas-
ure of the war that has been assailed, . . 69, 70
Issues all are insignificant compared with the systematic
suppression of the votes of half a million citi-
zens, ...... 103
Jackson, Gen., made successful resistance to nullification of
the laws of the Union in 1832, ... 19
Jefferson and Washington were advocates of protection to
domestic labor, ..... 76
President, member of board of school trustees, . 89
Johnson, Andrew, vote on homestead bill, ... 84
the administration of, .... 71
Jury, if an alleged fugitive from service had been tried by, 9
Justice, the cause of is subserved by the spirit of selfish-
ness, ...... 25
and peace alike demand the assertion of the doctrine
of equality of rights in the States of the South, 106
Kansas, the struggles in, inured to the advantage of free-
dom, "...... 9
bill for the organization of , . . . . 20
the administration of President Pierce and the
country were involved in the horrors of civil
war in, ...... 20
the platform of the Republican party of 1856, de-
manded the admission of, as a Free State, and
denounced the proceedings there, . 23'
became the theatre of civil war, upon the rerjcal of
the Missouri compromise, . . ? 25
aid from the South to, . . 25
aid from the North to, .... 25
contests in, . . . . £
ruffian raids were tolerated, if not encouragedjn^ 25
XXIV INDEX.
Kansas, towns were burned in, .... 25
hostile legislatures assembled in, . . 25
antagonizing constitutional conventions met in, . 25
vain appeals were made for the admission of as a
State, . . . . • . . 25
the disorders in, strengthened the Republican party, 25
the admission of, was postponed until January,
1861, . . . ... 25
settlers of, ...... 88
after the passage of the act for the organization of,
all territory in the United States was open to
slavery, ...... 27
Labor of slaves, the value of, was largely increased by the
invention of the cotton-gin and press, . . 11
the United States had no skilled, in 1783, . . 74
the Republican party has identified itself with the
doctrine of protection to domestic, . . 25
the nation cannot be an indifferent witness to the
disturbance of, caused by the laborers going
from the States of the South to those of the
North, 106
when the demand for, is checked, the demand for
the products of, diminishes, ... 81
of the population of this country, not less than
thirty million are dependent directly upon, for
means of subsistence, .... 81
Laborer, the supplies consumed by, are largely obtained
from the vicinity, ..... 76
the supplies consumed by, are, in the main, fur-
nished by the agricultural population, . . 76
Laborers, the transfer of half a million of, from the mills
to mining and agriculture, would prostrate our
entire system of labor, .... 81
competition of those in other countries, . . 76
immigration of, to the North, was encouraged be-
cause of the increased wages, brought about in-
directly by the cotton-gin, ... 17
Land exhausted by slavery, ..... 8
because of the attractive opportunities for employ-
ment upon, the ocean was neglected, upon the
return of peace, ..... 82
Lands, public donation of, to agricultural colleges, . 88
public, revenue from, ... 83
bounties of,
mineral,
grants to railways, .
preemption of public,
policy in regard to, .
grants of,
ceded to the United States,
slave-owners needed new,
85
85, 86
85
85
83
83
83
8
INDEX. XXV
Law, wealth, and theology had combined for the protection
of slavery, . . . . . 12
was enacted in Louisiana that negroes delivered
under the statute of 1807 should be sold as slaves, 12
Laws, this ceases to be a government of, and becomes one
men, if the rule of the majority may be over-
turned whenever the minority is dissatisfied, . . 103
Leaders, of nullification, including Mr. Calhoun, were soon
restored to public confidence, ... 19
Leaders of the South knew that when slavery was limited
to existing territory it would begin to die, . 24
Lee, General, purpose of Mr. Lincoln, when he crossed the
Potomac, ......
Legislation, prohibiting the exportation of slaves, etc.,
satisfied the North, .... 12
prohibiting the exportation of slaves, etc., pro-
moted the interests of the South, . . 12
Liberty, love of, taught in the schools and churches, . 8
Lincoln, during the four of the six Presidential terms next
preceding the inauguration of, the government
of the country was in the hands of the Demo-
cratic party, ..... 95
as a measure of the administration of, the Nation-
al Bank system was adopted, ... 96
position of, in regard to the Rebellion, . 35
his nomination in 1860 was not accomplished with-
out a severe contest, . . . . 28
the nomination of, in 1860, was made after several
ballots, . . . . . 28
received, in 1860, of the popular vote, one million
eight hundred and sixty-six thousand, . . 29
received, in 1860, one hundred and eighty of the
three hundred and three electoral votes, . . - 29
was elected in 1860 because of the division in the
Democratic party, ..... 29
the election of, in 1860, was made the pretext for
disunion, ...... 29
to him more than to any one else, the Republican
party is indebted for its character, its measures,
and its success, ..... 27
at every step, tested his acts by the fundamental
law, ....... 27
his mastery over Douglas was completed in the
debate of 1858, 27
in the debate in 1858, claimed that the ordinance of
1787 made the institution of slavery local, . 27
in the debate in 1858, characterized the repeal of
the Missouri compromise a step towards making
the Union all slave,
popular and electoral vote for, in 1860, . . 29
policy of, in reference to emancipation,
President, views of, in regard to Secession, . 33
INDEX.
Lincoln, President, inauguration of, . . 32, 33
the inaugural address of, in 1861,
President, character of,
President, his place in history,
attributes the Rebellion to slavery,
views of, in regard to emancipation
48
47, 48
43
43
Abraham, election of 1864, .~ . 62
General McClellan's letter to, of July 7, 1862, . 53
condition of affairs when Mr. Buchanan transferred
the government to, . . . . 66
Abraham, was nominated for the United States
Senate, in Illinois, June 17, 1858, . . 26
Abraham, by his speech accepting the nomination
for the Senate in 1858, inaugurated a discussion
which has no equal in American politics, . 26
Abraham, is the first personage in the history of
the Republican party, .... 27, 28
Abraham, is the second personage in the history of
the Republic, ..... 28
Liverpool, eight bags of American cotton was seized in,
upon the ground that it could not have been
raised in America, . . . . . 11
Living, the cost of, in 1880 was not greater than in 1860, and
the wages of the mill operatives were increased
in that period 20 per cent., ... 80
Loan, Congress refused to pledge the public lands as se-
curity for, in 1860, .... 65
an average of between eleven and twelve per cent,
interest was paid upon other, authorized by the
act of December 17, 1860, . . 65
of twenty-five million dollars was authorized by
an act approved February 8, 1861, . . 65, 66
the passage of a law authorizing a new, was rec-
ommended by the Secretary of the Treasury in
December, 1869, etc., .... 71
authorized by act of June 22, 1860, ... 65
authorized by act of July 14, 1870, . . .71, 72
Loans were made by the Government in 1861 and 1862, at
the rate of a million dollars a day, and upon
moderate terms, . . . . 67
" London Times," quotation from, .... Ill
Louisiana enacted a law that negroes delivered under the
statute of 1807 should be sold as slaves, . . 12
and her associates would have made negroes found
on slave-trading vessels slaves, ... 13
in the territory of, slavery existed, ... 14
it was claimed that in the territory of, included all
the country west of the Mississippi, except a
small region near the Gulf of Mexico, . . 14
was acquired by France from Spain in 1763,
was ceded to the United States by France in 1803, 14
Missouri was formed out of the territory of, . 14
INDEX. xxvii
Louisiana, all the territory of, was slave when purchased in
1803, . . . . . 18
and South Carolina were seized by representatives
of the minority party in 1877, . . . 103
Love of Dolitical power was an inducement for the exten-
sion and defense of slavery, . . .11, 12
Lowell, the farmers of the United States supply the laborers
of, ....... 76
Lunenburg, Mass., Jacob Marshall of, invented the cotton-
press between 1788 and 1800, ... 11
Lust for gain was an inducement for the extension and de-
fense of slavery, . . . . . 11, 12
Maine, the act for the admission of, was approved March
3, 1820, ... 14
Majority, when the thoughts of, is engaged upon a topic
over which a conflict arises, the contestants will
appropriate either existing or new parties to
their service, ..... 9
if the rule of, may be overturned whenever the mi-
nority is dissatisfied, the government ceases to
be one of laws and becomes one of men, . 103
if the minority may dispossess, the process may go
on until a single person becomes supreme, . 103
Manufactories of the United States, the operatives in, enjoy
more of the comforts of life than in 1860, . 79
Manufacture of cotton goods North and East stimulated
by the cotton-gin, ..... 17
Manufactures, four important elements to which competi-
tion in, relate — (1) Interest on capital, (2) Wages
of the operatives, (3) Perfection of machinery,
(4) Skill of the operatives and mechanics, . 101
nearly three thousand million dollars are em-
barked in, . . . . . . 102
about two and three-quarter million operatives are
employed in, at an annual aggregate of wages of
nearly one thousand million dollars, . . 102
at the close of the Revolutionary war, England,
France, and Holland possessed all the skill, etc., 74
the product of, aggregated not more than eight
hundred and fifty-five million dollars in 1860, . 77
employed 1,311,246 persons in 1860, . . 77
the product of, aggregated $1,972,755,642 in 1880, 77
employed 2,732,595 persons in 1880, . . 77
Manufacturing, the aggregate wages paid to persons em-
ployed in, in 1880, were one hundred and fifty
percent, greater than in 1860, and the ineivase in
the number of hands was but one hundred and
eight per cent. ...... 77
Market, the Presidency was sold in, . . . . 15
Marshall, Jacob, of Limenburg, in Worcester County,
Mass., invented the cotton-press between 1788
aud 1800, .... 11
xxviii INDEX.
Marshals, Instructions to, in regard to valuation in 1860, . 91
Mason, James M., of Virginia, read Mr. Calhoun's dying
speech in the Senate, March 4, 1850, . . 17
Massachusetts, population of, .... 108, 109
property of, in 1860 and 1880, ... 92
McClellan, opinions of, in regard to enrollment act, . 56, 57
head of the army, ..... 53
letter of, to President Lincoln, July 7, 1862, . 53
Measures, of which the Republican party may boast, have
all been resisted and often denounced by the
Democratic party, . . . . ' . 10, 96
the five compromise of 1850, were carried under
the lead of Mr. Clay, . . . . 18
of compromise of 1850, it was understood were
opposed by General Taylor, ... 19
of compromise of 1850, the Fugitive Slave bill was
the most offensive, .... 19
when those relating to human rights have been
adopted by the country, the Democratic party
has been constrained to give them tardy ap-
proval, . . . . . 96
Men, the equality of all before the law has been secured by
the Republican party, .... 10
the formation of a new political party is not due
to the schemes of, but always to events, . . 22
upon the basis of the equality of, and of the equal-
ity of States, the government was reconstructed
by the Republican party, . 24
the new government asserts that the equality of,
is the only security for the equality of States, . 24, 25
the equality of, is denied by the Democratic party,
and the equality of States maintained, . . 25
the equality of, is asserted by the Republican
Earty as the only sure basis of the equality of
tates, ...... 25
the question of the equality of, is the only surviv-
ing issue born of slavery, .... 25
probably more than one-half million of, are de-
prived of their right to vote in the Slave States,
either by force of by fraud, ... 25
the denial of the equality of, destroys the equality
of States, ...... 25
the denial of the equality of, puts in jeopardy the
financial and economical prosperity of the coun-
try, ....... 25
and money were sent from the South into Kansas,
to make it a Slave State, .... 25
and money were sent from the North into Kansas,
to make it a Free State, .... 25
this government ceases to be one of laws and be-
comes one of, if the rule of the majority may be
overturned whenever the minority is dissatisfied, 103
INDEX.
Men, the remedy against the systematized scheme to de-
stroy the equality of, and the equality of the
States, is with the Republican party, . . 106
Merchandise, duties were increased upon many articles of,
by an act approved March 2, 1861, . . 67
Message of the President of December, 1860, justified Mr.
Davis and his associates in assuming that he
would not interfere, etc., . . . 30
Mexican war inured to the advantage of freedom, . . 9
at the close of, the public debt was a trifle more
than sixty-three million dollars, ... 64
Mexico, Texas declared its independence of, . 15
claimed the territory between the Rio Grande and
the Nueces, ..... 16
the war with, opened in May, 1846, . . 16
the capture of the City of, by General Scott, ended
the war, ...... 16
all the territory acquired of, was free, . . 18
the vast territory from, has inured to the benefit
of the country, but was designed for the advan-
tage of slavery, ..... 95
Michigan was admitted into the Union in 1837, . . 14, 15
Migration, incentives to, ..... 86
reasons for, ...... 108
Mills, only three for cotton-spinning in America in 1800, . 11
Minority of the Democratic party not exceeding one-fourth
of the entire organization, united with the Re-
publican party during the Rebellion, . . 96
the government of an usurping, runs rapidly into
despotic sway, ..... 103
States have been held by, through fear and force,
having been seized by usurpation,
a solid South means the rule of, etc. , . . 106
the Republican party should stake everything
upon the effort to redeem its supporters and allies
in the South from the domination of, . . 106
the rule of, must be destroyed, or the Republican
idea will disappear in the South, or the down-
trodden will rise in arms, etc., . . . 106
Mississippi, the government of, was seized by force in 1875, 103
valley of, north of the Ohio and Missouri, taken
possession of by the North, ... 8
Missouri compromise, Senator Dixon of Kentucky gave no-
tice of an amendment to the Kansas and Nebras-
ka bill, abrogating the, .... 20
Senator Douglas adopted the suggestion for the
abrogation of, ..... 20
Mr. Douglas was the champion cf the repeal of, . 20
the repeal of, precipitated a contest of arms be-
tween the two forms of civilization,
the words of repeal, .....
the far-reaching results of the repeal of, . . 21
15
XXX INDEX.
Missouri, upon the repeal of, the Democratic party of the
North was divided, . . . 23
after the repeal of, the Whig party as a national
organization, ceased to exist, ... 23
upon the repeal of, Kansas became the theater of
civil war, ...... 25
Mr. Lincoln, in the debate of 1858, characterized
the repeal of, as a step toward making the Union
all slave, ...... 26
a portion of the territory of, applied for admis-
sion into the Union as a Slave State in 1820, . 14
was admitted as a Slave State by the act of
March 6, 1820, ..... 14
the territory of, was formed out of that of Louis-
iana, ...... 14
Money, the constitutional grant to Congress to borrow, in-
cludes the power to provide for the. issue of
notes, either with or without interest, . . 70
the power to borrow, and to levy taxes is supreme,
and essential to national existence, . . 70
Monopoly of slave labor of the northern Slave States,
Georgia and South Carolina insisted upon con-
tinuing in foreign slave-trade to check, etc., 12
Moralists, views of, upon the importation of slaves, . 12
Name, of the Republican party was only an incident, 22
Nation, to create a, a higher duty than to shun an evil,
cannot be an indifferent witness of the flights
from their homes of thousands of citizens, etc., 106
cannot be an indifferent witness to the disturbance
of labor, caused by laborers going from the
States of the South, to those of the North, . 106
cannot remain indifferent, when by force and
fraud, the governments of States are seized, and
an attempt is made upon the government of the
United States, ..... 107
National Bank currency, the act establishing, approved
February 25, 1863, .... 69
National Banks, the act establishing it, its provisions, and
the advantages derived therefrom, . . 69
National Government, duty of returning fugitives from
service imposed upon it, .... 8
non-interference with slavery by, was the doctrine
of the Democratic party, . . . . 13
Naturalization, . . . . . 92, 93
Navy, scattered when the Republican party came to power
in March, 1861, ..... 64
Nebraska, near the close of the Thirty-Second Congress, a
bill was introduced for the organization of the
territory of, ..... 19
Negro, in large portions of the South, his rights to vote
denied, ...... 24
INDIJt.
Negroes, a class of moralists and theologians maintained
that they were brought into civilization by the
foreign slave trade, .... 12
the statute of March 2, 1807, provided that those
found on vessels in the slave trade should be
delivered to the state authorities where such ves-
sel was bought, ..... 12
delivered in Louisiana under the statute of 1807,
sold as slaves, ..... 12
found on slave-trading vessels, would have been
made slaves by Louisiana and her associates, . 13
found on slave-trading vessels, would have been,
made free by New York and her associates, . 13
rights of, during the war, .... 37
New Mexico, ceded to the United States by the treaty
of Guadalupe Hidalgo, February 2, 1848, . 16
a bill for the organization of the territory of,
approved the same day as that for the admission
of California, ..... 18
the portion of, north of parallel 36° 30' was pur-
chased of Texas for ten million dollars, . . 18
the organization of the territory of, a concession
to slavery, ...... 18
and Utah, by the death of President Taylor, were
surrendered to the chances of slavery, . . 18, 19
and Utah, bills for the territories of, an abandon-
ment of the principles of the Missouri compro-
mise, ...... 20
a part of, and all of Utah, north of the parallel
36° 30', . . . . . . 18, 20
New York, and her associates, would have made negroes,
found on slave-trading vessels, free, . . 13
and the presidency, Mr. Clay lost by his public
surrender of the question of the annexation of
Texas, 15
statement of prices in leading articles in the market •
of, in 1860 and 1880, . . . . 80
Nomination of Mr. Lincoln in 1860, not accomplished
without a severe contest, .... 28
Non-interference with slavery by the National Govern-
ment, the doctrine of the Democratic party, . 13
North, the educated freemen of, were set off against the
ignorant, non-voting slaves,
rich relatively, ..... 8
increase of population of, from 1790 to I860, . 8
the moral sentiment of, satisfied by the legislation
prohibiting the exportation of slaves, etc., . 12
the Democratic party of, furnished shelter to
Southern sympathizers during the rebellion, . 13, 14
vast waste in, out of which Iowa, Wisconsin, Min-
nesota, Oregon, Kansas, and Nebraska were
formed, ...... 15
XXX11 INDEX.
North, the Whig party of the, opposed to the annexation
of Texas, ...... 15
its excess of population due to superior civiliza-
tion, . . . . . . 21
its supremacy in commerce, in manufactures and
in the industrial arts, due to its superior civili-
zation, ...... 21
the Democratic party of, divided by the repeal of
the Missouri compromise, ... 23
sent men and money into Kansas, to make it a free
State, ...... 25
a portion of the Democratic party in, either encour-
aged or tolerated the treasonable conduct of their
Southern brethren, .... 96
never can the voters of, enjoy an equality of power
in the government, until elections are free in the
South, . ... 105
Nullification, an attempt at, successfully resisted in 1832, 19
the leaders of, restored to public confidence, 19
the means by which the slaveholders attempted
to assert their power, .... 19
the leaders in, the leaders of the Democratic party
of the South, . . . . . , 19
Observation, the army of Gen. Taylor first termed one of, 16
Occupation, the army of Gen. Taylor termed one of, . 16
Ocean, business upon, more perilous, and returns more
uncertain than upon land, ... 81
neglected upon the return of peace, . . 82
our business upon, insignificant so long as we are
prosperous in domestic industries, . 82
Ohio, State of, in 1860, presented Mr. Chase, . . 28
Operatives, about two and three-quarter million employed
in manufactures, ..... 102
in the manufactories of the United States enjoy
more of the comforts of life than in 1860, . 79
a system which adds twenty per cent, to the wages
of one class of, affects equally the wages of
every other class, ..... 80, 81
Opinions, Mr. Clay lacked the courage to declare his, or
was wanting in principle, etc., ... 15
of Buchanan harmonized with the purposes of
secessionists, . . . . . . s 30
Ordinance of secession adopted by the State of South
Carolina, 17th of December, 1860, . . 30
Overproduction, in foreign countries, effect of, protective
duties upon, ... . 101
Pacific Ocean, the project of a railway commended by
Republican party of 1856, . . . 23
Parties, the Whig and Democratic, rival ^bidders for South-
ern support, . . . . . '15
how judged, . . > ., ^ '. 113
DTDEX.
Party, the candidates of each usually dictated by the South, 15
the formation of a new, .... 22
events rendered the formation of an anti-slavery,
inevitable, ...... 22
history of a political, value of, . . . 95
representatives of the minority, seized South Caro
lina and Louisiana in 1877, . . . 103
in the United States most hostile to Great Britain,
also the one most hostile to protection, . . 76
Peace and justice alike demanded the assertion of the doc-
trine of equality of rights in the States of the
South, 106
upon the return of, ocean neglected, . . (82
Pendleton, Geo. H., nominated for Vice-President,. . 57
Pennsylvania, opinion of Supreme Court, in regard to
Enrollment Act, ..... 55
the votes of, in the convention of 1860, given for
Gen. Cameron, . . . . 28
People, through the Republican party, destroyed slavery,
reformed the Constitution, and reconstructed
the government, etc., . . . . '9
the Democratic doctrine of, has become odious to, 95, 96
when the Democratic party lost power in 1860, its
tariff policy and its financial ideas were alike
distasteful to, ..... 96
Congress is composed of representatives of, and of
the States, ...... 97
the habits of, undergo great changes in a period of
twenty years, ..... 80
condition- of, in 1860, .... 92
Persecution, the Democratic party now profits by, and
defends, ...... 10
Persons, number pecuniarily interested in slavery, in-
creased, ...... 7
Personage, Mr. Lincoln the first, in the history of the
Republican party, . . . . . 27, 28
second, in the history of the Republic, . . 28
Philadelphia, platform of 1856 at, . . . . 23, 24
Pierce, President, at the opening of the Thirty-third Con-
gress, congratulated the country upon the settle-
ment of the slavery controversy, . . 20
Platform, of the Republican party of 1856, condemned
slavery and polygamy in the territories, . . 23
commended the project of a railway to the Pacific
ocean, ...... 23
commended the improvement of rivers and har
bors, ...... 23
silent on the questions of protection and free trade, 23
declared that slavery should be prohibited in all
the territories, North and South, . . 23, 24
of the Republican party, in 1860, a contrast to
that of 1856, . . . . 28
xxxiv INDEX.
Policies of finance and protection to domestic labor can
never be secure until the equality of men is rec-
ognized, ...... 25
Policy of President Tyler, directed to the -annexation of
Texas, = ..... 15
the Democratic party never admitted that a change
of, was required in regard to paper circulation, 97
of the Democratic party in regard to the tariff, , 99
Political Power, of the South augmented by the importation
of slaves, ...... 78
slave owners, needed new States for, . . 8
slavery would have been without, ... 9
the love of, an inducement for the extension and
defense of slavery, . . . 11, 12
the establishment of an equilibrium of, and the
tendency to overthrow, caused sectional strug-
gles, 13
an equilibrium of, established in 1820, . . 13
the re-distribution of, required by the Constitution, 14
Polk, James K., represented the Democratic party in the
canvass of 1844, . . . . . 15
an open advocate of the annexation of Texas, . 15
his election treated as an endorsement of the scheme, 15, 16
Polygamy, and slavery, in the territories, condemned by
the Republican party of 1856, . . 23
Population, dependent directly upon labor for means of
subsistence, . . . . . 81
of the North, increase of, from 1790 to 1860, . 8
the increase of, not controlled by statutes, . 14
the larger part of, in California, north of the line
36° 30', 16
in California, sufficient for a State, . . 16
excess of, in the North, due to its superior civili-
zation, . . . . . . 21
distribution of, in the United States, . . 108
tendency of, to cities, .... 86
increase of, ...... 91
Power, at the close of every decennial period, anew dis-
tribution of, in the House of Representatives
and in the Electoral Colleges, . . . 14, 16, 17
the representative of, Slave to Free States, . 14
to furnish a bank currency, lodged with general
government, ..... 98
to decide the quantity and quality of currency
an essential incident of sovereignty, . . 77
Powers, to borrow money and to levy taxes supreme, and
essential to national existence, . . . 70
Pre-emption laws, ...... 85
President, and Vice-President, slave power in the election of,
in 1819, 7
negroes found on slave-traders, were to be delivered
to, and returned to Africa by, . . . 13
INDEX. XXXT
President, asked for authority to borrow four hundred
million dollars, at the extra session of Congress,
which began July 4, 1861, . . . . 66
the sinking fund system put in operation by, . 72.
the opinions of Buchanan, harmonized with the
purposes of the Secessionists, ... 80
announced that the government had no power to
interfere with Secession, .... 30
every executive act would require the concurrence
of both, . . . . . . 17
Mr. Calhoun advocated having two, one from the
North and one from the South, with equal
powers, . . . . . 17
Presidency, sold in the market, . . . . 15
John Tyler succeeded to, upon the death of Presi-
dent Harrison, in April, 1841, ... 15
Mr. Clay lost, by making open surrender on th«
question of the annexation of Texas, . . 15
Presidential elections in 1876 and 1880 in peril, because of
usurpation in the South, .... 104
Presidential election, it was always possible for the slave-
holding class to decide, .... 15
Prodigal ways, owners of slaves indulged in, 8
Products of labor, the demand for diminishes, when the
demand for labor itself is checked, . . 81
Profits of cotton culture and the value of slave labor
increased by the invention of the cotton-gin and
press, ...... 11
Property, valuation of in 1880, . . . 91, 92
valuation of in 1860, . . . . . 91
Mr. Buchanan attempted to assert a right of, in the
custom-houses and forts, .... 30
Protection of the Slave States from free negroes by the
statute of 1807, . . . 12
and free-trade not referred to in the Republican
platform of 1856, .... 23
to domestic labor, the Republican party identified
itself with the doctrine of, ... 25
to domestic labor and the new financial policy can
never be secure until the equality of man is rec-
ognized, and enjoyed by the former slaves, . 25
necessary to guard against over-production in for-
eign countries, ..... 101
a "revenue system with incidental" cannot be,
practically, ...... KM.
there may be a system of, that shall incidentally
yield a revenue, . . .
the Republican party a unit, upon the question of, 102
the organization of the Democratic party hostile to
the system of, ..... 102
influence of our system upon Europe, . . 108
. position of the Democratic party in reference to, . 113
INDEX.
Protection, to domestic labor advocated by Washington and
Jefferson, . .' 76
the advantages of, cannot be better stated than
they were by Hamilton, . . . . , 76
under the system of, only one interest has lan-
guished, the foreign carrying trade, . . 81
and revenues upon a war fcasis, when secured, . '67, 68
Raids, by ruffians tolerated, if not encouraged, in Kansas, 25
Railway, to the Pacific Ocean, the projects for, was com-
mended in the platform of the Republican party
of 1856, 23
Railways, grants to, of lands, . ... . 83
Rebellion, organized, etc., ..... 9
the Southern half of the Democratic party en-
gaged in, . . . . . 96
slavery, our chief peril in, . . . . 107
war of, influence of, upon Europe,, . . 109
supported by slavery, .... 40
war of, ...... 59
condition of the country, at the opening of, . Ill
Receipts, from Internal Revenue, .... 69
Reconstruction, of Union, laws of, . . . . 63
during the administration of President Johnson, 71
Remedy, no effectual, has yet been applied to the usurpa-
tions in the South, ..... 105
is with the Republican party for the protection of
citizens, against the systematized scheme to de-
stroy the equality of men, and the equality of
States, .... .106
Repeal of the Missouri compromise, Senator Douglas
became the responsible author of, . . 20
of the Missouri compromise precipitated the con-
test of arms between the two forms of civiliza-
tion, .t 21
of the Missouri compromise, the words of, . 21
of the Missouri compromise, the far-reaching
results of ....... 21
of the Missouri compromise divided the Demo-
cratic party of the North, ....
Representation, of slaves, under the Constitution, . . 78
if basis of, had been limited to free persons, . 5
the equilibrium of, in House of Representatives
destroyed, ...... 15
Representatives, of the minority party seized South Caro-
lina and Louisiana, in 1877, . . . 103
the South gains more than thirty in Congress, by
emancipation, and an equal number in the elec-
toral colleges, ..... 104
Republic, the harmony of, disturbed by the tendency to the
overthrow of the equilibrium of political power,
Mr. Lincoln the second personage in the history of, 88
IXDEX. xxxvii
Republic, in a, there can be no baser political crime than a
usurpation by which millions of men are robbed
of their rightful share in the government, . 104
Republican ideas, dissemination of, . . . . 110
Republican Party, a necessity, .... 9
through it the people have destroyed slavery, re-
formed the Constitution and reconstructed the
government, etc., ..... 9
its existence is still a necessity, . . . 10
is alone authorized to speak for, or defend what
has been accomplished, .... 10
the measures of which it may boast, and on which
its claim for public confidence rests, have all
been resisted and often denounced by the Demo-
cratic party, . . . . 10
accepted and continued the great struggle to abol-
ish unjust features of the Constitution, . . 10
has made secure the equality of all men before the
law, 10
upon it rests the obligation of securing practically
certain conceded rights, .... 10
destined to destroy slavery, and preserve the Union,
the anti-slavery sentiment organized in, . . 13
the child of events, .....
the name of, an incident, .... 22
its principles and purposes the vital facts, . . 22
at first divided as to the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, .... 23
there was at first in, a general opposition to inter-
ference with slavery in the States where it existed, 23
in its declaration of 1856, no reference made to
slavery in the States, in the District of Colum-
bia, or to rendition of fugitives, ... 23
the platform of, in 1856, demanded the admission of
Kansas as a free state, and denounced the pro-
ceedings there, ..... 23
the platform of, in 1856, condemned slavery and
polygamy in the territories, . . 23
commended the project of railway to the Pacific
Ocean, ......
commended the improvement of rivers and harbors, 23
was silent upon the question of protection and free
trade, 23
resisted secession, prosecuted the war, overthrew
slavery, adopted the amendments to the Consti-
tution, and reconstructed the government, . 24
asserts the equality of men as the only sure basis
of the equality of States, ....
created a new system of finance, ... 25
identified itself with the doctrine of protection
to domestic labor, , 25
strengthened by the disorders in Kansas, . . 25
xxxviii INDEX.
Republican party, a minority of the Democratic party, not
exceeding one-fourth of the entire organization,
united with, during the Rebellion, . . 96
pledged to the system of redemption of all paper
money in coin, ..... 99
a unit, substantially, upon the question of pro-
tection, . . . . . . 102
a very general opinion, that there shall be a full
and fair trial of the system of civil service reform, 102
would command a large majority, etc., if the elec-
tions in the old Slave States were free, and the
returns were honest, . . . . . 104, 105
the remedy is with, for the protection of citizens
against the systematized scheme to destroy the
equality of man and the equality of States, . 106
should stake everything upon the effort to redeem
its supporters and allies in the South from the
domination of a minority, . . . 106
character of, . . . . . . Ill
its merits in preserving the union, . . . Ill
responsible for amendments to the constitution, . 50
its position as an historical party, ... 46
final policy of, in regard to slavery, . . 40
early declarations of, in regard to slavery, .
policy of, in reconstruction,
a party of principle, ..... 58
policy of, ...... 92
when it came into power, in March, 1861, condition
of the country, ..... 64
the financial policy of, first dictated by the exi-
gencies of war, but afterwards adapted to the
conditions of peace, .... 67
acquired the control of Congress, upon secession
of States, ...... 67
under the administration of the government by,
the Union has been restored, ... 72
under the administration of the government by,
the debt has been paid so rapidly that the four
per cent, bonds have been sold at twenty -five per
cent, above their par value, . . % 72, 73
the country is indebted to the, for financial suc-
cesses of the government, ....
Mr. Lincoln aided in the organization of, .
indebted to Mr. Lincoln, .... 27
Mr. Lincoln the first personage of its history, . 27, 28
Mr. Seward recognized as the leader of, in 1860, 28
by September, 1860, was not merely united, but
firmly compacted, and sustained by its principles,
rendered enthusiastic by the certainty of success, 28
the platform of, in 1860, in many particulars
a contrast to that of 1856, ... 28
the Union re-established by, ...
met the enemy at the point of attack in 1856, . 23
INDEX. XXXix
Republicans, opposition of, to emancipation, . . 38
Resignation of Senators and Representatives, . . 67
Resistance to the admission of California based upon the
ground that her people formed a Constitution
without the authority of Congress, . . 18
Resolution of March 1, 1845, extended the Missouri com-
promise line across Texas, ... 16
Resources, natural, how made valuable, . . . 110
Revenue from public lands, ..... 83
there may be a system of protection that shall inci-
dentally yield, ..... 101
Revenues, upon a war basis, and protection were secured
by the acts of March 2, 1861, August 5, 1861,
July 14, 1862, and June 30, 1864, . . 67, 68
Revolution, events were the masters of the leaders of, . 24
Revolutionary War, at the close of, England, France, and
Holland, possessed all the skill in manufactures,
etc.,. ...... 74
at the close of, the United States had neither capi-
tal nor skilled labor, .... 74
Rhode Island, population of , . . . . 108
Right to continue the foreign slave-trade insisted upon by
Georgia and South Carolina, etc., . . 12
Rights, if there were no remedy for the gross violation of,
the re-establishment of the Union could be re-
garded only as a mistake, .... 105
Rio Grande, named by Texas as its Southern boundary, 16
Gen. Taylor ordered to the left bank of, . . 16
Rule of the Democratic party has been perpetuated in
South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana, some-
times by force and sometimes by fraud, . . 103, 104
of the minority must be destroyed or the Republi-
can idea will disappear in the South, or the down-
trodden will rise in arms, etc. , . . . 106
Savings Banks, the aggregate accumulation of deposits in,
greater in 1880 than 1860, .... 80
Scheme, Mr. Calhoun's, for two Presidents designed, mani-
festly, to effect a dissolution of the Union, . 17
Schools, influence of free, ..... 88
established by Freedman's Bureau, ... 90
in the city of Washington, .... 89
Scriptures, a class of theologians maintained that slavery
was not forbidden in, .... 12
Secession threatened in Mr. Calhoun's dying speech, unless
equality of political power should be given to the
South, ...... 17
resisted by the Republican party, .
prompted by opinions of Mr. Buchanan, . . 32
to the position of the Democratic party in refer-
ence to the threats and doctrines of, was due the
irjapairrnent of the public credit; ... 65
Xl INDEX.
Secession of States and the resignation of Senators and Rep-
resentatives, left Congress in the control of the
Republican party, ..... 67
Mr. Buchanan denied the right of, as a constitu-
tional right, ..... 30
Mr. Buchanan denied the right of the United
States Government to prevent, by force, . 30
the ordinance of, adopted by South Carolina the
17th of December, 1860, .... 30
Secessionists, the opinions of the President harmonized
with the purposes of, .... 30
Secretary of the Treasury was only able to borrow seven
million dollars in September, 1860, . . 65
of the Treasury, in December, 1869, recommended
the passage of a law authorizing a new loan, etc., 71
Selfishness, the spirit of, subservient to the cause of justice, 25
Senate, the equality of States and of representation in, could
not be changed, except, etc., ... 14
the attempt to preserve the equality of the Slave
States in, intensified the struggle, . . 15
the Democratic members of, and of the House of
Representatives, opposed the adoption of the
National Bank System with great unanimity, . 96
of the United States controlled by the Demo-
cratic party for a time, because of usurpation in
the South, ...... 104
Sentiment of anti-slavery organized in the Republican party, 13
Sentiments, bred of slavery, must disappear before the con-
test will end, ..... 10
Seward, "William H., the recognized leader of the Repub-
lican party in 1860, .... 28
Seymour, Governor, error of, .... 58
President of Democratic Convention at Chicago,
1864, 58
speech of, at Chicago, 1864, .... 58
Sinking Fund, the act providing for, also for the issue of
six per cent, bonds, and for the issue of United
States notes, was approved February 25, 1862, . 68
the system was not put in operation until after the
inauguration of President Grant, . . 72
Slave-holders, alliance of, with Democratic party, . . 52
Slave-owners, needed new lands, .... 8
Slave power, subordination of, to Democratic party, . 39
its rule in politics, ..... 39
Slave States, productive power of, in 1860 and 1880, . 92
the attempt to preserve the equality of, in the Sen-
ate, intensified the struggle, ... 15
Slave-trade, Free and Slave States did not antagonize each
other upon the suppression of the foreign, . 12
if Constitution had abolished instantly, . . 9
penalties imposed upon vessels, etc., engaged in
the foreign, by statute of March 2, 1807, . 12
LNDEX. Xll
Slavery, three provisions of the Constitution relating to,
conflicted with the principles of the founders of
the Northern States, .... 7
the advocates of, achieved a victory in the framing
of the Constitution, .... 7
extended to new territories, and the number of per-
sons pecuniarily interested largely increased, . 7
land exhausted by, .
tendency to consume, under a system of, . . 8
hatred of, taught in schools and churches, . . 8
would have continued for years and perhaps gen-
erations in the South if, etc., ... 9
would have been without political power, . . 9
would have been abolished by the individual ac-
tion of States, ..... 9
the guarantees derived from the Constitution were
all temporary, etc., .... 9
provisions in the Constitution concerning, made a
conflict inevitable, ..... 9
when it demanded new guarantees, neither of the
existing parties was prepared to resist, . . 9
has been destroyed by the people through the Re-
publican party, ..... 9
the Democratic party has profited by the injustice
of, ....... 10
the overthrow of, was resisted by the Democratic
party, ...... 10
unjust to assume that the framers of the Constitu-
tion foresaw the evils to come from, . . 11
the gradual destruction of, expected by the dele-
gates from both South and North, . . 11
the extension and defense of, induced by lust for
gain and love of political power, . . .11, 12
imbedded in the Constitution, ... 12
protected by moral, theological, and financial de
fenses, ...... 12
protected by law, wealth, and theology combined, 12
prohibiting the foreign trade in, the only action by
the government which could or did affect the in-
stitution, ...... 13
the Democratic party yielded itself to the defense
of, and subordinated its love of the Union to, . 13
neither opposed nor defended by the Whig party, 13
the destruction of, destined to be accomplished
by the Republican party, ....
existed in the Territory of Louisiana, . . 14
prohibited in that part of the original territory
of Louisiana north of parallel 36° 30', by the act
of March 6, 1820, except in the State of Missouri, 14
Mr. Polk and Mr. Clay were both in the interest of, 15
States formed south of 36° 30', might be admitted
either with or without, .... 16
xlii INDEX.
Slavery, prohibited in States formed north of 36° 30', 16
gained fresh concessions by the acquisition of
the vast Territory of Texas, ... 16
contributed to the overthrow of its own power,
wherever it existed manual labor dishonored, . 17
the exclusion of, the real reason for the resist-
ance offered to the admission of California, . 18
the bill for the admission of California silent upon
the subject, . . . . 18
the statutes organizing the territories of Utah and
New Mexico permitted them to be admitted into
the Union with or without, as their Constitutions
might prescribe, .... 18
the bill for the surrender of fugitives from, carried
under the lead of Mr. Clay, ... 18
the organization of Utah and New Mexico a con-
cession to, ...... 18
except for, the admission of California would have
been considered separately, ... 18
the Democratic party declared, in 1852, that peace
upon the subject of, had been secured by the
compromise measures of 1850, . . 19
the power of, compelled President Pierce to violate
his pledge, ...... 20
the supporters of, and of freedom, invited to a
contest of arms, ..... 20
and freedom, antagonism between, ... 22
and freedom, a struggle for the mastery between,
went on for seventy years, ... 22
triumphed in the early contest, allied with the
Democratic party, . ... 22
the Republican party at first divided as to the
abolition of, in the District of Columbia, . . 23
no reference to, in the States or in the District of
Columbia, is made in the declaration of the
Republican party in 1856, ... 23
and polygamy in the Territories condemned by the
platform of the Republican party in 1856, ' . 23
the South asserted its right to establish, in all the
Territories of the Union, .... 23
the exclusion of, from the Territories, was the
leading issue in 1856, .... 24
the controversy over the exclusion of, from the
Territories, led to secession, war, the abolition
of slavery, the constitutional amendments, and
the reconstruction of the government,
overthrown by the Republican party, . . 24
the sole surviving issue born of, is that of the
equality of men and of States, ... 25
the annexation of Texas, the consequent war with
Mexico, and the vast acquisitions of territory,
formed a scheme designed for the advantage of, 95
INDEX. xliii
Slavery, it is no credit to the Democratic party that a
scheme designed to foster the institution of, has
teen controlled for the advantage of freedom,
defense of, by the Democratic party, . . 96
not exceeding one -fourth of the Democratic party
contributed to the destruction of, . . 96
, abolition of, in West Indies, . . ' 107
United States humiliated by, . . . 107
our peril from, in the Rebellion, . . . 107
defenders of, . . . . . . 107
questions growing out of, .... 34
influence of, statute of July, 1862, on, . . 34
effect of abolition of, on representation, . . 48
the source of inequality of political power, . 46
its influence on parties in the North, . . 46
the effect upon parties of overthrow of, . . 39
the cause of the war, .... 43
aid to States for the abolition of, . 42
final abolition of, ..... 46
Mr. Lincoln claimed that the ordinance of 1787
made the institution of, local, ... 27
after the passage of the act for the organization of
Kansas, all territory in the United States was
open to, ...... 27
Slaves, the number of, augmented by the foreign slave-
trade, ... . . 7
of the South were set off against the freemen of
the North, ...... 8
the importation of, stimulated by the invention
of the cotton-gin, . . . 11
the value of, increased in the tobacco and gram
sections by the invention of the cotton-gin, . 11
Congress passed a penal statute in 1794 against the
exportation of , ..... 12
and against their transportation between foreign
countries, in American vessels, ... 12
the importation of, insisted upon by Georgia and
South Carolina to check monopoly, etc., . 12
the importation of, prohibited by Congress March
2, 1807,
emancipated, not citizens, .... 48
agency of in supporting the Rebellion, . . 40
the value of, had been increased by the cotton-gin, 17
Solid South, by whatever of peril the civil service, the
financial system, or the industries of the country
are menaced, is due to the fact of, . . 106
means the rule of the minority, etc., . . 106
South, poor, .......
government of the country by, ... 8
the pecuniary interests of, were promoted by the
legislation prohibiting the exportation of slaves, 13
Xliv INDEX.
South, hoped that slave States could be formed from the
territory south of 36° 30' in set-off to the Free
States that might be formed north of that line, . 14
achieved a victory in every presidential election
from 1828 to 1856, inclusive, unless that of Har-
rison be an exception, .... 15
usually dictated the candidates of each party, . 15
ruled by the slave-holding class, - 15
received a fresh opportunity by the admission of
Texas, but fraught with peril, - . . 16
the representative power of, broken down,
control of the House of Representatives, lost to, 17
Mr. Calhoun, in his dying speech, threatened seces-
sion unless equality of political power should be
given to, . . . . 17
the demands of, always accompanied by threats of
dissolution, ..... 19
subjected political organizations to its will, . 19
asserted its right to establish slavery in all the ter-
ritories, ... . . . 23
in large portions of, the right of the negro to vote
is practically denied, .... 24
sent men and money into Kansas, ... 25
the Democratic leaders of, dictated the annexation
of Texas, ...... 85
the systematic suppression of votes in the States of, 103
gains more than thirty representatives in Congress
by the present basis of representation, and an
equal number n the electoral colleges, . . 104
by usurpations in, the negro race and many white
persons are deprived of the privileges and immu-
nities to which they are entitled, etc., . . 104
never, until elections are free in the States of, can
the voters of the North enjoy an equality of
power in the government, . . . 105
has enjoyed the fullest right of representation, but
at the same time one-third of its inhabitants
have been excluded from all part in the govern-
ment, ...... 105
effects of a free vote and an honest count in the
States of, . . . . . . 106
the Republican party should take everything upon
the effort to redeem its supporters and allies in,
from the domination of a minority, . . 106
effects of emancipation upon the, . . .47, 48
elections in, . . . . . . 52
condition of, in 1864, .... 62
Mr. Breckinridge the Democratic candidate of, in
1860, 29
peace and justice alike demand the assertion of the
doctrine of equality of rights in the States of, . 106
INDEX. Xlv
South, no effectual remedy has yet been applied to the
usurpations in, . . . . 105
South Carolina insisted upon the right to continue the
foreign slave trade, .... 12
seized by representatives of the minority in 1877, 103
the State of, adopted the ordinance of secession, 30
Sovereignty, the power to decide the quantity and quality
of currency, is an essential incident of, . . 71
Speech, of Mr. Lincoln accepting the nomination for the
Senate in 1858, inaugurated a discussion that has
no equal in American politics, ... 26
State, once a State, always a State, .... 40
upon Mr. Buchanan's theory it was competent for
the smallest, to declare the Union at an end, . 30
State rights, to its notions of, was due the opposition of the
Democratic party to the National Bank System, 97
the Democratic doctrine of, has become odious to
the people, . . . . . . 95, 96
in obedience to the doctrine of, the Democratic
party continued in the persistent defense of
slavery, ...... 96
States, slave-owners needed men, for political power, . 8
citizens of, are citizens of the United States, . 97
slavery would have been abolished by the individ-
ual action of, . » . . . 9
free and slave, did not antagonize each other upon
the suppression of the foreign slave trade, ' . 12
compromise between, on the slave trade, . . 12, 13
of the original thirteen, seven had become free and
six were slave in 1820, .... 13
eleven were free and eleven slave, in 1820, . 13
representation in the Senate of, could not be
changed except by the admission of new ones, etc. , 16
the representative power of slave to free, was, in
1820, as 88 to 100, ..... 14
the representative power of slave to free was, in
1810, as 92 to 100, ..... 14
the representative power of slave to free was, in
1800, as 85 to 100, 14
the representative power of slave to free was, in
1790, as 87 to 100, 14
the equilibrium between the free and slave, . 14, 15
the greatness of the future of, was not foreseen, etc., 15
apparent that the equality of, could not be main-
tained, etc., ..... 15
Congress guaranteed that not more than five might
be formed out of the territory of Texas, . 16
formed south of 36° 30' might be admitted either
slave or free, as their people might desire, . 16
formed north of 30° 30', slavery was prohibited in, 16
the annexation of Texas made an open way for
new slave States, . . . . 16
16
Xlvi INDEX.
States, to be formed from the territory of Texas were to
be set-off against those to come from the north-
west, ...... 16
at the close of the Mexican War the Union was
composed of fifteen slave and fifteen free, . 16
the census of 1850 showed the relative representa-
tive power of slave and free, as 63 to 100, . 16, 17
the overthrow of equilibrium between the free and
slave, admitted in Mr. Calhoun's dying speech, . 17
Mr. Calhoun's plan for re-establishing the equilib-
rium, ...... 17
no reference to slavery in, in the declarations of the
Republican party of 1856, ... 23
upon the basis of the equality of, and of the
equality of men, the Government was recon-
structed by the Republican party, . . 24
the old Government recognized the equality of,
and disregarded the equality of men, . . 24
the new Government asserts that the equality of,
can only be secured through the equality of men, 24, 25
the question of the equality of, and of men, is the
only surviving issue born of slavery, . . 25
in the old slave, men are deprived of their right to
vote, either by force or by fraud, . . 25
the equality of, is destroyed by the denial of the
right of men to vote, .... 22
there is a class of duties that may be performed
by, if the National Government does not assert
its better right, ..... 97
until 1863, the furnishing of a circulation of paper
was left to, ...... 97
within the limits prescribed by the Constitution, the
question whether a particular power shall be left
to, or exercised by the General Government, is
for Congress, ..... 97
Congress composed of representatives of, and of
the people, ...... 97
have been seized by usurpation, and held by a
minority, through fear and force, . 104
never until elections are free in those of the South
can the voters of the North enjoy an equality o
power in the Government,
seizure of governments of, .
the remedy against the systematized scheme to de
stroy the equality of, and the equality of men,
effects of a free vote in, .
105
106
106
106
67
the secession of,
a direct tax upon,
all the territory outside the thirteen original, was
dedicated to freedom when the Constitution was
adopted, . ... 27
INDEX. xlvii
States, equality of, .... .63
eleven voted for Mr. Breckinridge in 1860, . . 29
Statesmen of the South had as a policy the annexation of
Texas, .... .15
Stephens, A. H., views of in 1862, . . .112
Sumter, Fort, attacked, ..... 34
Supplies consumed by the laborer and his family are largely
obtained in the vicinity, .... 76
consumed by the laborer, are, in the main, fur-
nished by the agricultural population, . . 76
Supremacy, the contest for began when the leading men
discovered that the equilibrium between the sec-
tions could not be preserved, ... 16
in commerce, in manufactures, and in the inventive
arts was due to the superior civilization of the
North, ...... 21
Supreme Court has sustained the authority of Congress to
provide for the issue of United States notes, and
to make them a legal tender. ... 70
Tariff, the policy of the Democratic party in regard to,
either uncertain or dangerous, ... 89
bill, the purposes of the authors of are more im-
portant to understand than are the effects of the
measure itself, ..... 100
Tax, a direct, upon the State, was provided for by the stat-
ute of July 1, 1862, .... 69
Taxes, the power to levy, and to borrow money is supreme,
and essential to national existence, . . 70
Taylor, Gen., ordered to the left bank of the Rio Grande, 16
opposed to the compromise measures of 1850, . 19
the death of, in 1850, made it possible to secure
Utah and New Mexico to the chances of slavery, 18, 19
Texas, the annexation of inured to the advantage of free-
dom, ...... 9
the State of, declared its independence of Mex-
ico, 15
called the " Lone Star State," ... 15
the annexation of, the policy of President Tyler,
Mr. Polk an open advocate of the annexation of, 15
the annexation of, opposed by the Whig party
of the North, ..... 15
Congress provided for the annexation of, by joint
resolution approved March 1, 1845, . . 16
the resolution of Congress guaranteed that not
more than five States might be formed out of the
territory of, ..... 16
the annexation of, an open way for new Slave
States 16
the admission of gave the South a fresh opportu-
nity, but one fraught with peril, ... 16
named the Rio Grande as its Southern boundary, 16
xlviii INDEX.
Texas, by the annexation of, the United States accepted
the existing controversy and war, . . 16
the resolution of March 1, 1845, extended the Mis-
souri compromise line across, ... 16
the annexation of, and consequent war with Mex^
ico, caused California to be presented for admis-
sion as a Free State, .... 17
was paid ten million dollars for the portion of New
Mexico North of 36° 30', . ^ . . 18
all advantage gained by the extension of the Mis-
souri compromise line across, was abandoned, . 18
the annexation of, in 1845, dictated by the
Democratic leaders of the South, . . 95
the annexation of, made possible during that
presidential term, by the death of Harrison, . 18
capacity of, to support inhabitants, . . . 108
Theologians, a class of, maintained that bringing negroes
to this country transferred them ink) civilization, 12
a class of, maintained that slavery was not forbid-
den in the Scriptures, . . . . 12
Thirteenth Amendment to Constitution, effect of, . . 108
Towns burned in Kansas, . . . . . 25
Tradej*no foreign in American cotton in 1790, . . 11
in slaves inaugurated between the States of
the Potomac, and of the Gulf of Mexico by the
invention of the cotton gin, . . . 11
Virginia and the other border States willing to
prohibit the foreign in slaves at the earliest
day, 13
Traditions, bred of slavery must disappear before the con-
test will end, . 10
of the Democratic party and its history, found ex-
pression in the platform of 1880, . . 100
Treasury of the United States was empty when the Repub-
lican party came to power in March, 1861, . 64
amount in, was inadequate for the safe manage-
ment of a first-class bank, ... 65
Treaty, France ceded Louisiana to the United States by, in
1803, 14
of Gaudalupe Hidalgo signed February 2, 1848, 16
of Gaudalupe Hidalgo, the result of the annexa-
tion of Texas, and consequent war with Mexico,
caused California to be presented for admission
as a Free State, . . . .17
Trial by jury, denied to alleged fugitives, ... 8
Tyler, John, was allied to the slave-holding class, . 15
succeeded to the presidency upon the death of
President Harrison in April, 1841, . . 15
Union, the more perfect, being a necessity, the friends of
the Constitution could not adjust the differences
between the South and North, ... 7
INDEX. Xlix
Union, of the nine States admitted into, previous to 1820,
five were slave and four free, . . . 13
the Democratic party subordinated its love of, to
slavery, ...... 13
the preservation of, was destined to be accomplished
by the Republican party, . . . . 13
Maine applied for admission to, in 1820, . . 14
Arkansas was admitted into, in 1836, . . 14
Michigan was admitted into, in 1837, . . 14, 15
at the close of the Mexican War, composed of
fifteen Slave and fifteen Free States, . . 16
Mr. Calhoun, by his scheme for two Presidents,
manifestly designed to effect a dissolution of, . 17
resistance to the admission of California into, . 18
the statutes organizing the Territories of Utah and
New Mexico permitted them to be admitted into,
with or without slavery, as their Constitutions
might prescribe, ..... 18
threats of dissolution of, .... 19
nullification of the laws of, successfully resisted
in 1832, ...... 19
the South asserted its right to establish slavery in
all the territories of, .... 23
vain appeals for the admission of Kansas into,
bank currency equally valuable in every part of, 98
the reestablishment of, could be regarded only as a
mistake, if there were no remedy for the gross
violation of personal and public rights, . . 105
the reestablishment of, a necessity, . . 105
preserved by the Republican party, . . Ill
its restoration and preservation, . . . 105
old, failure of, . . . . . 40
restoration of old, ..... 40
as it was, ...... 40
restoration of, on pro- slavery basis impossible, . 63
restored by the Republican party, . . .31, 72
ceased to exist on the 17th of December, 1860, by
the admission of Mr. Buchanan, ... 30
ceased to exist by the aggressive acts of one wing
of the Democratic party, and by the non-action
of the representatives of the whole party, . 31
United States, France ceded Louisiana to, by treaty, in 1803, 14
annexation of Texas to, .... 16
citizens of the States are citizens of, . . 97
when the governments of States are seized by force
and fraud, the nation can not remain indifferent, 106
humiliation of, in days of slavery, . . . 107
influence of, in affairs of the world, . . 107
capacity of, to support inhabitants, . . 108
military power of, . . . . . 109
fortunate condition of, (London "Times,") . Ill
influence of example of, in China and Japan, . 110
1 INDEX.
United States, financial ability of, . . . . 110
had neither capital nor skilled labor, at the close
of the Kevolution War, .... 74
the farmers of, supply the laborers of Lowell and
Pitsburgh, ...... 76
the political party in, most hostile to Great Britain,
was also the one most hostile to protection, . 76
the operatives in the manufactories of, enjoy more
of the comforts of life than in 1860, . . 79
the number of inhabitants in, in 1880, of the age
of ten years and upwards, ... 81
of the inhabitants of, in 1880, number employed
in agriculture, trade, transportation, mechanics,
manufactures, and mining, . . 81
of the inhabitants of, in 1880, number employed
in manufactures, ... .81
policy in regard to expatriation,
valuation in, .
notes of , . .
the public debt of, in March, 1869, .
the bonds of, in March, 1869, sold at eighty-three
cents on the dollar, in gold,
the debt of, in August, 1865,
93
92
68
71
71
72
72
the debt of, June 30, 1883,
the financial success of, the government of, is
unexampled in the history of the world, . 73
after the passage of the act for the organization of
Kansas, all the territory in, was open to slavery, 27
acquired a vast territory from Mexico by the treaty
of Gaudalope Hidalgo, .... 16
United States Notes, the issue of, the only financial
measure of the war that has been assailed, . 69, 70
the Supreme Court has sustained the authority of
Congress to provide for the issue of, and to make
them a legal tender, .... 70
the act of February 25, 1862, does not permit the
issue of, except upon a pledge of redemption in
coin, .... .70
in 1862, constituted the only means by which the
army was to be paid and kept in the field, . 70
Upper California, was ceded to the United States by the
treaty of Gaudalope Hidalgo, . . 16
Usurpation, anything in the nature of, is impossible with
Congress, ...... 97
States have been seized by, and held by a minority,
through fear and force, . . . . 104
in the presence of, the votes of two Democrats in
South Carolina have as much weight in the gov-
ernment as do those of five citizens of New
York, ...... 105
Utah, the bill for the organization of the territory of,
approved the same day as that for the admission
of California, ... 18
INDEX. U
Utah, the whole of the territory of, north of the parallel
36° 30', ..*.... 18
the organization of the territory of, a concession
to slavery, ...... 18
Utah and New Mexico, by the death of President Taylor,
in 1850, were opened to the chances of slavery, 18, 19
it was claimed that the bills for the organization of
the territories of, were an abandonment of the
principles of the Missouri compromise, . . 20
Valuation of property in 1860, . . , 91
Vessels, in the slave-trade, negroes found on after 1819
to be delivered to the President for return to
Africa, ...... 12
Victory of the slave power in framing the Constitution was
temporary, ...... 7
was achieved by the South in every presidential
election from 1828 to 1856 inclusive, unless that
of Harrison be excepted, . 15
of slavery in every contest was due to its alliance
with one or both of the old political parties, . 22
Virginia, and other border States willing to prohibit the
foreign slave-trade, . , . . 13
and the other border States willing that negroes
found on slave-trading vessels should be returned
to Africa, 13
Vote, the aggregate popular in 1860, exceeded four million
six hundred and eighty thousand, . . 29
under the defense offered for the suppression of,
the minority may usurp the government, when-
ever the rule of the majority is disagreeable
or burdensome, ..... 103
the suppression of, is defended upon the ground
that it is impossible to live under negro govern-
ment, ...... 103
the fact of the systematic suppression of, in the
South, is proved, and is often admitted by those
who profit thereby, . . . 103
all other issues are insignificant compared with that
springing from the systematic suppression of, in
the States of the South, ... 103
the average for each person employed in manufac-
turing for 1860, was $288.00, and for 1880,
$346.00, 77
the aggregate paid in 1880, and in 1860,
rate of increase in Europe, .... 109
about two and three quarter million operatives are
employed in manufactures, at an annual aggre-
gate of, amounting to nearly one thousand million
dollars, ...... 102
"War, by the annexation of Texas, the United States ac-
cepted, &o., ..... 16
lii INDEX. ^
War with Mexico opened in May, 1846, ... 16
with Mexico ended with the capture of the city,
by Gen. Scott, ..... 16
to suppress the rebellion was prosecuted by the
Republican party, . . . 24
not exceeding one-fourth of the entire Democratic
party contributed their full share to the prosecu-
tion of, and the destruction of slavery, . . 96
the exigencies of, compelled Congress to assume
jurisdiction of the subject of paper circulation,
commerce is the first and easiest victim of, . . 75
the primary object of, .... 40
would have been a failure if it had been conducted
by the Democratic party, .... 41
the issue of United States notes is the only financial
measure of, that has been assailed, . . 69, 70
Mr. Buchanan asserted a right of property in the
custom-houses and forts, which could not be
* visited except as an act of, ... 30
Washington and Jefferson were advocates of protection to
* domestic labor, ..... 76
schools in the city of, 89
Wealth, law, and theology had combined for the protection
of slavery, ...... 12
Westborough, Massachusetts, Eli Whitney of, invented the
cotton-gin between 1788 and 1800, . . 11
West Indies, emancipation in, .... 107
Whig and Democratic parties were rival bidders for south-
ern support, ..... 15
Whig party, could not command efficient support, &c.,
would neither oppose nor defend slavery, .
disappeared, . .... 13
was represented by Mr. Clay in the canvass of 1844, 15
of the North was opposed to the annexation of
Texas, . ... . 15
ceased to exist as a national organization, after the
repeal of the Missouri compromise, . . 23
effect of destruction of, .... 39
White persons, surrender of as an incident of the system, 8
Whitney, Eli, of Westborough, Worcester county, Mass.,
invented the cotton-gin between 1788 and 1800, 11
Woodward, Geo. W., opinion in regard to Enrollment act, 55
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