The Wide-awake gift: a Know-nothing token for 1855. Edited by "One of 'em"

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KNOW-NOTHING TOKEN

EDITED BY "ONE OF 'EM

"$ut Notu &ut Snuruans on (Gcuarfc to-m'cjtt."

NEW YORK:

J. 0. DERBY, 119 NASSAU STREET

BOSTON :
PHILLIPS, SAMPSON & CO.

CINCINNATI I

H. W. DERBY.

1855.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, by J. C. DERBY, in the Clerk's Office

of the U. S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, in the

year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four.

'

W. H.
PRINTER ASD 8TERKOTTPKB,

24 B«ekman Street.

THIS

GIFT

; . 18 miffiMLLY M

Co tJM

SONS AND DAUGHTERS OF AMERICA,

jFor ©ur

COMMON MOTHER,

Whose Beauty, unlike that of other Mothers, increases with Her Years,

and Her Strength with the Number of Her Children.

nfatorg.

NEITHER Preface nor Apology is necessary to intro-
duce to the American public a volume so thoroughly
American in subject and in sentiment, and so
purely a product of American talent and genius
as this, which we proudly hand to the American
reader. Having culled our bouquet from among
the choicest flowers of native Eloquence and Poetry,
we lay the Patriotic Offering upon the altar
of American Liberty, believing that the incense
thereof will prove a " sweet-smelling savor " in the
nostrils of all who love the aroma of their NATIVE
LAND.

THE EDITOR.

NKW YORK, October, 1854.

Page
13
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89
40
44
46
47
52
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64
66

71

74
95
97
89
101
10T
109
111
118
115
11T
119
122
124
127
129
131
133
185
137
140
142
144

The American Flag,
The Bible,
America for Americans,

J. R. Drake.
R. W.Emerson. .
JT. Y. Mirror.
Mrs. L. ff. Sigourney .
W. C. Bryant.
Hon. J. W. Savage.
F.8.Key. .
Dr. Thomas E. Bond .
Joseph Hvpkinson.
N. Y. Mirror. .
Jane Gay Putter.

The Twenty-second of December,
The Bible in Schools,
Star-Spangled Banner,

Romanism and Liberty,

H. W. Longfellow.

Bomanism,
Bunker Hill,

H. Putter.
Richard Haywarde. .
L. C. Levin. .
a. F. Gould.
H. Putter. .

Best Policy in Regard to Naturalization,
The Scar of Lexington,
Native Land,

The Preservation of the Union, ....
Ode for the Fourth of July, 1833, .
The Fourth of July, ....

Hon. Daniel Webster. .
Maria James.
Hon. Daniel Webster. .
W. C. Bryant.
E.Everett. .
T. Dwight. .
John M. Mason. .
R.Alsop.
E. Everett.
John PUrpont. .
Dr. Beeeher.
W. G-. Simms.
E. P. Whipple. .
J. G. Percivai.

Seventy-Six,
The Youth of Washington,
Columbia,
The Death of Washington,
Monody on the Death of Washington, .
The Mayflower,
The Pilgrim Fathers,

The Memory of our Fathers, ....
The Union and its Government, ....
The Puritans,
The Eagle,

X CONTENTS.

Tage

Supposed Speech of Adams in Favor of the De-
claration of Independence, .... Hon. Daniel Webster. . 148
America, Commerce, and Freedom, . . . Susannah Rowson. . 151

Embassy to Home, L. O. Levin. . . 153

The Roman Catholic Religion, . ... . Grace, Greenwood. . 155

Old Ironsides, O. W. Holmes. . . 156

Patriotism, 157

Monument to the Pilgrims, N. Y. Mirror. . . 158

Freedom, 160

New England, J. 6. Percival. . . 161

Mount Vernon ffrastus Brooks. . . 164

The Mothers of the West W. D. Gallagher. . 171

Science Friendly to Freedom X. H. Chopin. . . 178

Adams and Liberty, B.T. Paine. . . 175

Teachings of the Revolution, .... Jar ed Sparks. . . 179

Americans who Fell at Eutaw, .... P. Freneau. . . . 182
Patrick Henry before a Convention of Delegates,

Virginia, 184

Fourth of July, J.Pierpont. . . .189

Marion, the Republican General, 191

Native Land, 195

Warren's Address to hia Soldiers before the Battle

of Bunker Hill, 196

American Women, N. Y. Mirror. . . 198

Landing of the Pilgrims, 203

Rejoicings on Repeal of the Stamp Act, . . Hon. George Bancroft. 205

Our Country, 207

Antiquity of Freedom. W. O. Bryant. . . 208

Enterprise and Boxer, 211

The Pilgrim Fathers, W. H. Burleigh. . . 213

It is Great for our Country to Die, . . . J. G. Percival. . . 214

Dicey Langston, 216

The Victoria Vase, Won by the Yacht America,

at the late Ryde Regatta, .... Hon. Caleb Lyon. . . 219

Sergeant Jasper, 221

True Glory of America, G. JUellen. . . . 226

Christian Woman in the Hour of Danger, ........ 229

Liberty, . 231

Battle of Lake Champlain, 232

New England's Dead, L. MaLellan, Jr. . . 234

What Constitutes a State, 236

Blessing the Beasts, Grace Greemoood. . 237

Do Right, 239

The Silent Scourge, Jf.Y. Mirror. . . 240

My Owu Green Mountain Land, 244

Republics— Ancient and Modern, . . . Anonymous. . . 246

The American Farmer 249

CONTENTS. XI

P.g«

A Sacrifice for Freedom, 250

Foreign Military Organizations, .... My Vie Editor. . . 251

A Patriotic Donation, 253

The Freeman's Home, J. G. WhittAer. . . 254

Washington, Chief Justice Marshall. 257

'Tis a Glorious Land, W.J. PaboAle. . . 262

The Women of the Mayflower, .... E. Oakes Smith. . . 264

Washington Crossing the Delaware, . . . Seba Smith. . . 274

The Monument to Mary Washington, . . . Andrew Jackson. . 276

Revolutionary Tea, Seba Smith. . . 279

Declaration of Independence, 281

Constitution of the United States, 2SS

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS : — The period for a new
election of a citizen to administer the executive government
of the United States being not far distant, and the time
actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in
designating the person who is to be clothed with that import-
ant trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may
conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that
I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to
decline being considered among the number of those out of
whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you, at the same tune, to do me the justice to be
assured that this resolution has not been taken without a
strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the
relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and
that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in
my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution
of zeal for your future interest — no deficiency of grateful
respect for your past kindness — but am supported by a full
conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the officq

14 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a
uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to
a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I con-
stantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my
power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty
to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had
been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to
do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the
preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but mature
reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our
affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of
persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon
the idea.

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well
as internal, no longer renders the pursuits of inclination incom-
patible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety ; and am
persuaded that whatever partiality may be retained for my
services, in the present circumstances of our country, you will
not disapprove of my determination to retire.

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous
trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the dis-
charge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good
intentions, contributed towards the organization and adminis-
tration of the government, the best exertions of which a very
fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, hi the out-
set, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my
own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strength-
ened the motives to diffidence of myself ; and every day the

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 15

increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that
the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be
welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given
peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I have the
consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite
me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment which is intended to
terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not
permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt
of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the
many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the
steadfast confidence with which it has supported me, and for
the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my
inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering,
though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have
resulted to our country from these services, let it always be
remembered to your praise, as an instructive example in our
annals, that under circumstances in which the passions,
agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst
appearances sometimes dubious — vicissitudes of fortune often
discouraging, — in situations in which not unfrequently want
of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism — the
constancy of your support was the essential prop of the
efforts and a guarantee of the plans by which they were
effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry
it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing
prayers that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens
of its beneficence — that your union and brotherly affection

16 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

may be perpetual — that the free Constitution, which is the
work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained — that its
administration in every department may be stamped with
wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, the happiness of the people
of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made
complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use
of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recom-
mending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of
every nation which is yet a stranger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your
welfare, which cannot end but with life, and the apprehension
of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion
like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and
to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments,
which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable
observation, and which appear to me all-important to the
permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be
offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in
them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can
possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor
can I forget, as- encouragement to it, your indulgent reception
of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament
of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to
fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of government which constitutes you one people
is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main
pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 17

your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad ; of your
safety ; of your prosperity ; of that very liberty which you so
highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different
causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken,
many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the convic-
tion of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress
against which the batteries of internal and external enemies
will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly
and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you
should properly estimate the immense value of your national
union to your collective and individual happiness ; that you
should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment
to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the
palladium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching
for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing
whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any
event be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first
dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our
country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which
now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and
interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country,
that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The
name of American, which belongs to you, in your national
capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more
than any appellation derived from local discriminations.
With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion,
manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a

18 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

common cause, fought and triumphed together ; the indepen-
dence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils,
and joint efforts : of common danger, sufferings, and success.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address
themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by
those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here,
every portion of our country finds the most commanding
motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the
whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South,
protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds,
in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of
maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious material
of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same inter-
course, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agri-
culture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly
into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its
particular navigation invigorated ; and while it contributes,
in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of
the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of
a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted.
The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds,
and in the progressive improvement of interior communications
by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent
for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufac-
tures at home. The West derives from the East supplies
requisite to its growth and comfort — and what is perhaps of
still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 19

enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to
the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the
Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble com-
munity of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which
the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived
from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and
unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrin-
sically precarious.

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immedi-
ate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined
cannot fail to find, in the united mass of means and efforts,
greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater
security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of
their peace by foreign nations, — and what is of inestimable
value, they must derive from union an exemption from those
wars and broils between themselves, which so frequently
afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same
government ; which then* own rivalships alone would be suffi-
cient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attach-
ments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence,
likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown
military establishments, which under any form of government
are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as
particularly hostile to republican liberty : hi this sense it is,
that your union ought to be considered as a mam prop of
your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to
you the preservation of the other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language to every

20 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance ot
the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a
doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a
sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere specula-
tion in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to
hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxili-
ary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will
afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a
fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious
motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while
experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability,
there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those,
who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union,
it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should
have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical
discrimination — northern and southern — Atlantic and western —
whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that
there is a real difference of local interests and views. One
of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particu-
lar districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other
districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the
jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misre-
presentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those
who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.
The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a
useful lesson on this head : they have seen, in the negotiation
by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 21

Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satis-
faction at that event, through the United States, a decisive
proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among
them of the policy in the general government, and in the
Atlantic States, unfriendly to their interests in regard
of the Mississippi: they have been witnesses to the form-
ation of two treaties — that with Great Britain, and that
with Spain — which secure to them everything they could
desire in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming
their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the
preservation of these advantages on the union by which they
were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those
advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their
brethren, and connect them with aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government
for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict,
between the parts can be an adequate substitute ; they must
inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which
all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this
momentous truth, you have unproved upon your first essay,
by the adoption of a constitution of government, better cal-
culated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the
efficacious management of your common concerns. This gov-
ernment, the offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced and
unawed ; adopted upon full investigation and mature delibera-
tion ; completely free in its principles ; in the distribution of
its powers, uniting security with energy ; and containing within
itself a provision for its own amendments, has a just claim to

22 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority,
compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are
duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty.
The basis of our political system is the right of the people to
make and to alter their constitutions of government. But
the constitution which at any tune exists, until changed by an
explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly
obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the
right of the people to establish a government, presupposes
the duty of every individual to obey the established govern-
ment.

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combina-
tions and associations, under whatever plausible character,
with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the
regular deliberations and actions of the constituted authorities,
are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal
tendency. They serve to organize faction ; to give it an arti-
ficial and extraordinary force ; to put in the place of the
delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small,
but artful and enterprising minority of the community ; and
according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to
make the public, administration the mirror of the ill-concerted
and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of
consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils,
and modified by mutual interests.

However combinations or associations of the above descrip-
tion may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely,
in the course of time and things, to become potent engines,

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 23

by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be
enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for
themselves the reins of government ; destroying afterwards
the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

Towards the preservation of your government, and the per-
manency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only
that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its
acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care
the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious
the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the
forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the
energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be
directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may
be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as neces-
sary to fix the true character of governments, as of other
human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard, by
which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of
a country ; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere
hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the
endless variety of hypothesis and opinion : and remember,
especially, that from the efficient management of your com-
mon interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government
of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of
liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a
government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted,
its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name,
where the government is too feeble to withstand the enter-
prises of faction, to confine each member of the society within

24 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the
secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of persons and
property.

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in
the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on
geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more com-
prehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner,
against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind.
It exists, under different shapes, in all governments, more or
less 'stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but hi those of the
popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly
their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another,
sharpened by the spirit .of revenge, natural to party dissen-
sions, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated
the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism.
But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent
despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradu-
ally incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in
the absolute power of an individual ; and sooner or later, the
chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate
than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of
his own elevation, or the ruins of public liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind
(which nevertheless ought not to bo entirely out of sight), t;ie
common and continual mischiefs of the spirity of party are

•WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 25

sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to
discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble
the public administration. It agitates the community with
ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosity
of one part against another ; foments occasionally riot and
insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and cor-
ruption, which find a facilitated access to the government
itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus tho
policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy
and will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful
checks upon the administration of the government, and serve
to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits,

is probably true ; and in governments of a monarchical cast,

^
patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon

the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in
governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged.
From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be
enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there
being constant danger of excess, the effort ought' to be, by
force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it, A fire
not to be quenched, it demands an uniform vigilance to pre-
vent its burning into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it
should consume.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a
free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its
administration, to confine themselves within their respective
2

26 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers
of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of
encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the
departments into one, and thus to create, whatever the form
of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that
love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates
in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth ' of
this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exer-
cise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into
different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of
the public weal against invasions by the others, has been
evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ; some of them
in our country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them
must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion
of the- people, the distribution or modification of the constitu-
tional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected
by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates.
But let there be no change by usurpation ; for though this,
in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the cus-
tomary weapon by which free governments are destroyed.
The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent
evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any
tune yield.

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports.
In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who
should labor to subvert those great pillars of human happiness
— those firmest props of the duties of men and citizens.

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 27

The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to
respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all
their connections with private and public felicity. Let it
simply be asked, where is the security for property, for repu-
tation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the
oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of
iustice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition
that morality can be obtained without religion. Whatever
may be conceded to the influence of refined education on
minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid
us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion
of religious principles.

It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a neces-
sary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends
with more or less force to every species of free government.
Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference
upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?

Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institu-
tions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion
as the structure of the government gives force to public
opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlight-
ened.

As a very important source of strength and security, che-
rish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it
as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by
cultivating peace ; but remembering also, that timely dis-
bursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much
greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding likewise the accu-

28 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

mulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense,
but by vigorous exertions in time of peace, to discharge the
debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not
ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we
ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims
belongs to your representatives ; but it is necessary that
public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the
performance of their duty, it is essential that you should prac-
tically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts
there must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be
taxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or
less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embar-
rassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects
(which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a
decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of
the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence
in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public
exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cul-
tivate peace and harmony with all : religion and morality
enjoin this conduct ; and can it be that good policy does not
equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened,
and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind
the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always
guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can
doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of
such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages
which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 29

be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity
of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is
recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human
nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential
than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular
nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be
excluded ; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feel-
ings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which
indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual
fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its ani-
mosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead
it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one
nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer

X

insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and
to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling
occasions of dispute occur.

Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and
bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resent-
ment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to
the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes
participates in the national propensity, and adopts through
passion what reason would reject ; at other times, it makes
the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility,
instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and perni-
cious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the
liberty of nations, has been the victim.

So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for

30 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

another, produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the
favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary com-
mon interest in cases where no real common interest exists,
and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the
former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the
latter, without adequate inducements or justification. It
leads also to concessions to the favorite nation, of privileges
denied to others, which are apt doubly to injure the nation
making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what
ought to have been retained ; and by exciting jealousy, ill-
will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom
equal privileges are withheld ; and it gives to ambitious,
corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the
favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests
of their own country, without odium, sometimes eveu with
popularity : gilding with the appearance of a virtuous sense
of obligation, a commendable deference of public opinion, or
a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compli-
ances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such
attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened
and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they
afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts
of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe
the public councils ! Such an attachment of a small or
weak towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former
to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 31

you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free peo-
ple ought to be constantly awake ; since history and experi-
ence prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful
foes of republican government. ' But that jealousy to be
useful must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of
the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against
it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive
dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see dan-
ger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the
arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist
the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected
and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause
and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign
nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with
them as little political connection as possible. So far as we
have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with
perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have
none, or a very remote, relation. Hence she must be engaged
in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially
foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise
in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary
vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and
collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us
to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under
an efficient government, the period is not fur off, when we

32 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

may defy material injury from external annoyances : when we
may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we
may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ;
when belligerent nations under the impossibility of making
acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us
provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our
interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by
interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe,
entangle our prosperity in the toils of European ambition,
rivalship, interest, humor or caprice ?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances
with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we
are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as
capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I
hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private
affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it,
therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine
sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be
unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish-
ments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust
to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are
recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even
our commercial policy should liold an equal and impartial
hand : neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or prefer-

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 33

ences ; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and
diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but
forcing nothing ; establishing, with powers so disposed, in
order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of
our merchants, and to enable the government to support
them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary,
and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as
experience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keep-
ing in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinter-
ested favors from another ; that it must pay with a portion
of its independence for whatever it may accept under that
character ; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the
condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and
yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more.
There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate
upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion
which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to
discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old
and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the
strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they will
control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our
nation from running the course which has hitherto marked
the destiny of nations : but if I may even flatter myself, that
they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occa-
sional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate
the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of

2*

34 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

foreign intrigue ; to guard against the impostures of pre-
tended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the
solicitude of your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been
guided by the principles that have been delineated, the public
records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to
you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own
conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided
by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my pro-
clamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan.
Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your
representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that
measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any
attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best
lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country,
under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take,
and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral posi-
tion. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend
upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and
firmness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will
only observe, that according to my understanding of the
matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the
belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 35

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred,
without anything more, from the obligation which justice and
humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free
to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity
towards other nations.

' The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will
best be referred to your own reflections and experience.
With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain
time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent insti-
tutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree
of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it,
humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I
am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too
sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may
have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I
fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils
to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the
hope that my country will never cease to view them with
indulgence ; and that after forty-five years of my life dedi-
cated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incom-
petent abih'ties will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must
soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actu-
ated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural
to a man who views it in the native soil of himself and his
progenitors for several generations ; I anticipate with pleas-

36 WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

ing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to
realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in
the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influences of good
laws under a free government — the ever-favorite object of
my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual
cares, labors, and dangers.

THE AMERICAN FLAG. 31

THE AMERICAN FLAG.

BY J. R. DRAKE.

WHEN Freedom, from her mountain height,
Unfurled her standard to the air,

She tore the azure robe of night,
And set the stars of glory there.

She mingled with its gorgeous dyes,

The milky baldrick of the skies,

And striped its pure, celestial white,

With streakings of the morning light ;

Then, from his mansion in the sun,

She called her eagle-bearer down,

And gave into his mighty hand

The symbol of her chosen land.

Majestic monarch of the cloud !

Who rear'st aloft thy eagle form,
To hear the tempest trumping loud,
And see the lightning-lances driven,

When strides the warrior of the storm,
And rolls the thunder-drum of heaven ;.
Child of the sun ! to thee 'tis given

To guard the banner of the free,

38 THE AMERICAN FLAG.

To hover in the sulphur smoke,
To ward away the battle-stroke,
And bid its blendings shine afar,
Like rainbows in the cloud of war,
The harbinger of victory.

Flag of the brave ! thy folds shall fly
The sign of hope and triumph high.
When speaks the signal-trumpet tone,
And the long line comes gleaming on,
Ere yet the life-blood, warm and wet,
Has dimmed the glistening bayonet,
Each soldier's eye shall brightly turn
To where thy meteor glories burn,
And as his springing steps advance,
Catch war and vengeance from the glance ;
And when the cannon's mouthings loud,
Heave, in wild wreaths, the battle shroud,
And gory sabres rise and fall,
Like shoots of flame on midnight's pall,
There, shall thy victor glances glow,
And cowering foes shall sink below
Each gallant arm, that strikes beneath
That awful messenger of death.

Flag of the seas ! on ocean's wave
Thy stars shall glitter o'er the brave.
When death, careering on the gale,
Sweeps darkly round the bellied sail,

THE AMERICAN FLAG. 39

And frighted waves rush wildly back,
Before the broadside's reeling rack.
The dying wanderer of the sea
Shall look at once to heaven and thee,
And smile, to see thy splendors fly
In triumph o'er his closing eye.

Flag of the free heart's only home !

By angel hands to valor given,
Thy stars have lit the welkin dome,

And all thy hues were born in heaven.
Forever float that standard sheet !

Where breathes the foe but falls before us,
With freedom's soil beneath our feet,

And Freedom's banner waving o'er us !

THE BIBLE.

BY R. W. EMERSON.

Our from the heart of Nature rolled
The burthens of the Bible old.
The Litanies of Nations came,
Like the volcano's tongue of flane,
Up from the burning core below,
The Canticles of Love and Woe.

40 AMERICA FOR AMERICANS.

AMERICA FOR AMERICANS.

FROM THE NEW YORK MIRROR.

WELL, why not ? Is there another country under the sun,
that does not belong to its own, native-born people? Is
there another country where the alien by birth, and often by
openly boasted sympathy, is permitted to fill the most respon-
sible offices, and preside over the most sacred trusts of the
land ? Is there another country that would place its secret
archives and its diplomacy with foreign states, in other than
native hands — with tried and trusty native hearts to back
them ? Is there another country that would even permit the
foreigner to become a citizen, shielded by its laws and its
flag, on terms such as we exact, leaving the political franchise
out of sight ? More than all else, is there a country, other
than ours, that would acknowledge as a citizen, a patriot, a
republican, or a safe man, one who stood bound by a religious
oath or obligation, in political conflict with, and which he
deemed temporarily higher than, the Constitution and Civil
Government of that country — to which he also professes to
swear fealty?

America for the Americans, we say. And why not ?
Didn't they plant it, and battle for it through bloody revolu-
tion— and haven't they developed it, as only Americans could,
into a nation of a century, and yet mightier than the oldest

AMERICA FOR AMERICANS. 41

empire on earth ? Why shouldn't they shape and rule the
destinies of their own land — the land of their birth, their
love, their altars, and their graves ; the land red and rich
with the blood and ashes, and hallowed by the memories of
their fathers ? Why not rule their own, particularly when
the alien betrays the trust that should never have been given
him, and the liberties of the land are thereby imperilled ?

Lacks the American numbers, that he may not rule by the
right of majority, to which is constitutionally given the poli-
tical sovereignty of this land ? Did he not, at the last num-
bering of the people, count seventeen and a half millions,
native to the soil, against less than two and a half millions
of actually foreign born, and those born of foreigners coming
among us for the last three quarters of a century ? Has he
not tried the mixed rule, with a tolerance unexampled, until
it has plagued him worse than the lice and locust plagued the
Egyptian ? Has he not shared the trust of office and council,
until foreign-born pauperism, vice and crime, stain the whole
land — until a sheltered alien fraction -have become rampant
in their ingratitude and insolence ? Has he not suffered bur-
dens of tax, and reproach, and shame, by his ill-bestowed
division of political power ?

America for the Americans ! . That is the watchword that
should ring through the length and breadth of the land, from
the lips of the whole people. America for the Americans — •
to shape and to govern ; to make great, and to keep great,
strong and free, from home foes and foreign demagogues and
hierarchs. In the hour of Revolutionary peril, Washington

42 AMERICA FOR AMERICANS.

said, " Put none but Americans on guard to-night." At a
later time, Jefferson wished " an ocean of fire rolled between
the Old World and the New." To their children, the Ame-
rican people, the fathers and builders of the Republic,
bequeathed it. " Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty 1" —
let the American be vigilant that the alien seize not his birth-
right.

America for the Americans ! Shelter and welcome let
them give to the emigrant and the exile, and make them
citizens in so far as civil privileges are concerned. But let
it be looked to that paupers and criminals are no longer
shipped on us by foreign states. Let it be looked to that
foreign nationalities in our midst are rooted out ; that foreign
regiments and battalions are disarmed ; that the public
laws and schools of the country are printed and taught in the
language of the land ; that no more charters for foreign
titled or foreign charactered associations — benevolent, social
or other — are granted by our Legislatures ; that all National
and State support giwn to "Education, have not the shadow
of sectarianism about it. There is work for Americans to
do. They have slept on guiird — if, indeed, they have been on
guard — and the enemy have grown strong and riotous in
their midst.

America for the Americans ! We have had enough of
" Young Irelands," " Young Germanys," and " Young Italys."
We have had enough of insolent alien threat to suppress our
" Puritan Sabbath," and amend our Constitution. We have
been a patient camel, and borne foreign burden even to the

AMERICA FOR AMERICANS. 43

back-breaking pound. But the time is come to right the
wrong ; the occasion is ripe for reform in whatever we have
failed. The politico-religious foe is fully discovered — he must
be squarely met, and put down. We want in this free land
none of this political dictation. We want none of his religious
mummeries — let him keep his "holy shirt of Treves," his
" winking (pictorial) damsel of Rimini," his " toe-nails of the
Apostle Peter," and his travail about the " Immaculacy of the
Virgin Mary," in those lands that have been desolated with
persecution, and repeopled with serfs and lazzaroni by the
hierarchy to which he owes supreme religious and temporal
obedience. Our feeling is earnest, not bitter. The matters
of which we have written are great and grave ones, and we
shall not be silent until we have aided in wholly securing
America for the. Americans !

44 THE MOTHER OF WASHINGTON.

THE MOTHER OF WASHISGTOfl.

BY MRS. L. H. SIGOURXEY.

LONG hast thou slept unnoted. Nature stole
In her soft ministry, around thy bed,
And spread her vernal coverings, violet-gemm'd,
And pearl'd with dews. She bade bright Summer bring
Gifts of frankincense, with sweet song of birds,
And Autumn cast his yellow coronet
Down at thy feet, and stormy Winter speak
Hoarsely of man's neglect. But now we come
To do thee homage, Mother of our Chief,
Fit homage, such as honoreth him who pays !
Methinks we see thee, as in olden time,
Simple in garb — majestic and serene — •
Unaw'd by "pomp and circumstance"' — in truth
Inflexible — and with Spartan zeal
Repressing vice, and making folly grave.
Tkou didst not deem it woman's part to waste
Life in inglorious sloth, to sport awhile
Amid the flowers, or on the summer wave,
Then fleet like the ephemeron away,
Building no temple in her children's hearts,
Save to the vanity and pride of life
Which she had worshipp'd.

THE MOTHER OF WASHINGTON-. 45

Of the might that cloth'd
"The Pater Patriae " — of the deeds that won
A Nation's liberty, and earth's applause,
Making Mount Vernon's tomb a Mecca haunt —
For patriot and for sage while time shall last,
What part was thine, what thanks to thee are due,
Who mid his elements of being wrought
With no uncertain aim — nursing the germs
Of godlike virtue in his infant mind,
We know not,' — Jieaven can tell !

Rise, noble pile !

And show a race unborn, who rests below — •
And say to mothers, what a holy charge
Is theirs — with what a kingly power their love
Might rifle the fountains of the new-born mind — •
Warn them to wake at early dawn, and sow
Good seed before the world doth sow its tares,
Nor in their toil decline — that angel bands
May put the sickle in, and reap for God,
And gather to his garner.

Ye who stand

With thrilling breast and kindling cheek this morn,
Viewing the tribute that Virginia p"ays
To the blest Mother of her glorious Chief ;
Ye, whose last thought upon your nightly couch,
Whose first, at waking, is your cradled son,

46 THE TWENTY-SECOND OF DECEMBER.

What though no dazzling hope aspires to rear

A second Washington, or leave your name

Wrought out in marble, with your country's tears

Of deathless gratitude, — yet may ye raise

A monument above the stars, a soul

Led by your teachings, and your prayers, to God.

THE TWEXTY-SECOXD OF DECEMBER.

BY W. C. BRYANT.

WILD was the day ; the wintry sea

Moaned sadly on New England's strand,

When first the thoughtful and the free,
Our fathers, trod the desert land.

They little thought how pure a light,

With years should gather round that day ; ,

How love should keep their memories bright,
How wide a realm their sons should sway.

Green are their bays ; but greener still

Shall round their spreading fame be wreathed,

And regions, now untrod, shall thrill
With reverence when their names are breathed.

Till where the sun, with softer fires,

Looks on the vast Pacific's sleep,
The children of the pilgrim sires

This hallowed day like us shall keep.

THE BIBLE IN SCHOOLS. 47

THE BIBLE IN SCHOOLS.

BY BOX. JOSEPH W. SAVAGE.

SIR, our Common Schools are places wherein the children
of all our people meet. They study together, they associate
together upon a common level They come to understand
and know each other, assimilate in morals, in tastes, and in
habits. A sort of brotherhood is established, fraternity of
feeling promoted, and a foundation for a life of liberality and
kindness towards each other is laid. The importance ot this
consideration is not, I fear sufficiently appreciated. Its
influence is measureless in giving practical effect to that spirit
of universal toleration which breathes through all our institu-
tions and speaks in all our laws. I know well, that our
Common Schools have been denounced as "Godless" and
"infidel" by a denomination that arrogates to itself all the
wisdom, all the truth, and all the piety of the world. I
know they have been thus denounced because they do not
teach a blind and unquestioning obedience to the priesthood,
because they do not inculate the doctrines of Rome as a
primary element of Education. I should hold them as worse
than useless if they did so, because I am myself a heretic
according to the papal creed. But, sir, I should be equally
opposed to the introduction of my own particular faith as one

48 THE BIBLE IN SCHOOLS.

to be propagated through our Common Schools or by means
of the Common School Fund. Those schools are not the
places to shape the particular faith of the pupils. Faith in
the Bible itself should be taught, its holy inspiration as the
word of the great God spoken to man as a guide to salvation
should be taught, because it is so regarded by all denomina-
tions of Christians. Certain great fundamental truths of
Christianity should be inculcated, for they are acknowledged
by all ; but creeds and dogmas should be left to home
influence, or to the calm study of the Bible itself.

Sir, the children educated by these funds are to be the
future sovereigns of the country ; they are to wield the des-
tiny, for good or for evil, of the State. What kind of edu-
cation should they have, to fit them for the exercise of this
power and these duties ? Xo one, I presume, will deny the
proposition that it should be intellectual, historical and moral :
upon these, three propositions all will unite. The history
taught should be authentic ; it should be the truth ; it should
not be fashioned and shaped to meet the views of any sect,
nor to promote or screen any particular denomination — nor
should it be arranged with a view to prejudice or wipe out
any stain from the character of any man or combination of
men, or from any institution that belongs to or has passed
into history.

The morality taught should be of the very highest and
purest character, shaped to meet the views of no sect or
denomination, nor fashioned to square with the consciences of
any particular sect. The State educates the children not for

THE BIBLE IN SCHOOLS. 49

the children's sake, but for its own, and hence that morality
should be inculcated which, while it accords with the revealed
will of heaven, will make them good citizens, good republic-
ans, and will best promote the interests of the institutions
tinder which they live and for which they are to be responsi-
ble hereafter. We have heretofore legislated hi some measure
to please at least one sect. We have permitted what any
other nation hi the world that recognizes the Christian reli-
gion would never have allowed. We have suffered the Bible
to be banished from many of our State schools, have shut out
from the children of those schools the very book which all
denominations of Christians make the foundation of their
' faith, and, strange as it may seem, out of tenderness towards
the consciences of a Christian sect.

Of all the people of this country, one denomination alone
objects to the reading of the Bible in the schools, and to
please that sect we have excluded it ; they then denounce
our schools as Godless. What course shall we pursue ?
Shall we deliver the schools into their hands, allow them to
direct the education of the State, contrary to the wishes and
the consciences of all the others? Shall bigotry triumph?
No ! What course then shall we pursue ? There is but one
true course, and that should never have been deviated from.
Let the education of the children of this Christian State be
carried forward without regard to the clamors of bigoted
sectarianism or infidelity. Return the Bible to every school,
and let our children from it alone, without note or comment,
become acquainted with their relations and obligations to the

3

50 THE BIBLE IN SCHOOLS.

Creator. The word of God is not the only book that has
been excluded. We first excluded the New England Cate-
chism ; this was yielded as soon as it was objected to,
because it was sectarian, and inculcated a particular creed.
We then excluded all books in which there was any religious
discussion. This was yielded for the same reason. We then
excluded all books that spoke harshly of the Roman Catholic
creed. Though this is a Protestant country, we yielded
that too.

In this was shown a principle of liberality, in Protestant-
ism, that it would be well if all denominations of Christians
would copy, and let our noble system of Common School edu-
cation progress in peace. But we have done more than this :
we have banished from some of our schools, some of the
choicest English literature, because it was offensive to Roman
Catholic taste. We have excluded impartial history because
it spoke of the despotism of the Roman Church. We have
mutilated books, and blotted out clearly authenticated facts,
for fear of offending the conscience of this denomination, or
of exciting prejudice against the career of that church in
times long past. In this we have committed a grievous
error.

The history of the past is the common property of all the
present, and we can withhold it from none without perpetrat-
ing a wrong. This is not the way to educate those who are
sovereigns.

The past should be permitted to speak to them in the
language of frankness and truth, and to utter in their ear its

THE BIBLE IN SCHOOLS. 51

voice of admonition. The pilot of State should be well ac-
quainted with the rocks and shoals upon which other govern-
ments have been wrecked. Sir, when sectarianism demanded
this, when it went further, and demanded that we should
surrender the Bible, it should have been met with a firm and
emphatic denial. Regard for the truth of history, reverence
for the Deity, a decent respect for the religion and faith of
the country, a holy regard for the future welfare of the State,
should have prevented our yielding up and denying the Bible
a place on the scholars' desks, and in the teachers' hands of
our schools. The Bible, sir, is not a sectarian book ; men
base sectarian theories upon it, and pervert it to their own
purposes. This is not the fault of the Bible, and it should
not be held responsible for the weakness or wickedness of
men. The Bible, sir, is the foundation of the Christian's
faith. It is the corner stone upon which the doctrines of
every Christian denomination rests. It is the foundation
upon which civilization itself and rational liberty are based.
Sir, it is more. It is the only guide that man has to lead
him upward to God — without it human wisdom is as nothing.
Without it the future is all darkness, and the present all
gloom. It is the only ray of light glancing from the throne
of God that illuminates the destiny of man beyond the
grave.

52 STAR-SPANGLED BANNER

STAR-SPANGLED BANNER.

BY P. S. KEY.

OH I say, can you see, by the dawn's early light,

What so proudly we hail'd at the twilight's last gleaming ?

"Whose broad stripes and bright stars, through the perilous

fight,

O'er the ramparts we watch'd, were so gallantly streaming ;
And the rocket's red glare, the bombs bursting in air,
Gave proof through the night, that our flag was still there.
Oh ! say, does that star-spangled banner yet wave
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave !

On the shore dimly seen, through the mists of the deep,
Where the foe's haughty host in dread silence reposes,
What is that which the breeze, o'er the tow'ring steep,
As it fitfully blows, half conceals, half discloses ?
Now it catches the gleam of the morning's first beam ;
Its full glory reflected now shines on the stream.
'Tis the star-spangled banner, oh ! long may it wave
O'er the land of the free, and the home of the brave.

And where is that band who so vauntmgly swore,
Mid the havoc of war and the battle's confusion,

8TAR-SPAKGLED BANNER. 53

A home and a country they'd leave us no more ?

Their blood hath wash'd out their foul footsteps' pollution.

No refuge could save the hireling and slave

From the terror of flight, or the gloom of the grave ;

And the star-spangled banner hi triumph doth wave

O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave.

Oh ! thus be it ever, when freemen shall stand
Between their lov'd home, and the war's desolation ;
Blest with vict'ry and peace, may the heaven-rescued land,
Praise the Power that hath made and preserv'd us a nation.
Then conquer we must, for our cause it is just,
And this be our motto, "In God is our trust ;"
And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall wave
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave.

54 THE "KNOW NOTHINGS."

"THE KNOW NOTHINGS."

BT DR. THOMAS E. BOND.

IT will be readily admitted that all secret associations are
liable to be abused to bad purposes, and especially political
organizations, whose proceedings are secret, because they are
not restrained by the wholesome check of public opinion ;
and hence the individual members are not so essentially con-
trolled, by regard to their reputation, as they would be if
what they proposed to do was subjected to public animad-
version. "Know Nothingisin" may, therefore, be an evil,
or it may become one of great magnitude by the abuse of
power ; but, on the other hand, it may, if directed by right
motives, effect great good, and counteract evils of the great-
est magnitude ; and evils, too, for which we know no other
remedy.

If we are rightly informed, the association has been got up
to counteract the political influence of Romanism, by resisting
the political elevation of foreigners. It does not propose to
exclude from office or authority, legislative or executive,
Romanists as such, but only foreigners. Yet, as the great
body of Romanists in this country are emigrants from
Europe, it cannot be denied that the exclusion of foreigners
wfll necessarily affect the Roman Catholic Church more

THE "KNOW NOTHINGS.

55

than other churches ; and this, so far from being a political
evil, may be shown to be necessary to the conservation and
perpetuation of civil and religious liberty. And hence, it may
be asserted, with great propriety, that an organization such
as the " Know Nothings" constitute, is essential to the wel-
fare of our country, as the only adequate means of counter-
acting Romanism — the most secret and the most formidable
association that human ingenuity ever devised, and which,
from its very nature, is, /ind cannot cease to be, hostile to the
principles of civil and religious liberty.

That the Roman Catholic Church is a secret society,
directed by its hierarchy — absolutely controlled by its priest-
hood to a degree which has never been exercised by the
leaders of any poh'tical party hi this or any other country — •
is evident by its religious creed, and its practice everywhere.
The confessional is a secret tribunal, before which every mem-
ber of the Church is required to make known, not only every
unmoral action, but every thought and purpose of the heart,
upon pain of incurring the anathema of the Church, which is
equivalent to a sentence of eternal damnation. The secresy
of this tribunal is not only admitted by the Church, but
gloried in. Even the priest dare not reveal what is extracted
from the penitent under the seal of confession, unless he be
authorized to divulge it by Church authority.

This will not be denied, we presume ; but this is not all.
The priest is thus put in possession of secrets which enable
him to hold his penitent under secret obligation which he dares
not violate. The priest, as we have said, is bound to secresy,

56 THE "KNOW NOTHINGS."

but may be released by his superiors from the obligation, and
always will be, as he always has been so released, when the
good of the Church requires it. The penitent must have been
a very correct man in all his relations, if his confession does
not place him absolutely in the power of his priest, even in
regard to his worldly interests ; but in regard to his spiritual
interests, his absolute dependence on his confessor is unques-
tionable. He has been taught to believe that priestly abso-
lution is essential to his salvation, and what is still worse,

•

that the validity and efficacy of this absolution depend upon
the secret intention of the priest who administers, or pro-
nounces it : so that if it be pronounced with all formality, and
according to the established formula of the church, it is
wholly unavailing, unless the priest has a "right intention"
in the exercise of his function.

The penitent is, therefore, wholly in the power of the priest ;
for, although his confessor may go through all the outward
form of receiving his confession and giving absolution, yet he
must be lost — for ever lost — if his priest has not been so con-
ciliated as to exercise a right intention in his own mind.
This is the doctrine of the Church, as laid down by the so
called holy, infallible Council of Trent, the last oecumenical
council of the Roman Catholic Church.

Now, we put it to any man of reason and common sense : if
you believe all this ; if you believe the priest had all your
eternal interests in his power — could send you to heaven or
hell, even while he administered the rites of the Church out-
wardly, by exercising or withholding a secret " right inten-

THE "KNOW NOTHINGS.'

57

tion" in the administration of the sacraments, or the power
of absolution — if you believe in these doctrines of the Chnrch
of Rome, would you incur the displeasure of the priest for
any earthly consideration ? But if not, is not every Roman
Catholic under the absolute control of a secret society, by
considerations not only of a temporal, but of an eternal
weight ?

But it may be thought that no sensible man can believe all
this ! Yet if a man does not believe it he is not a Roman
Catholic at all ; and why any but such can go to confession,
in a country where no legal authority or political advantages
are made to depend upon going to confession, we cannot
divine. In Roman Catholic countries, where all social and
political advantages are made to depend upon being in the
Church, and the being in the Church is made to depend upon
going to confession, at least once a year, we can easily con-
ceive how an Atheist my be induced to conform to the require-
ment, as he believes in no future judgment or accountability.
But why even an Atheist should profess to be a Catholic, and
conform to the requirements of the confessional in this coun-
try, we cannot imagine, unless it be from a desire to secure
Catholic votes and influence, to aid his political aspirations.

Having, then, among us a very large secret society, gov-
erned by a priesthood, who are believed by the members of
the association to exercise by divine right the power to fix
and determine their eternal destiny, and this priesthood itself
being the subjects of a foreign pontiff, prince, and potentate,
by what means can such influence be controlled but by a com-

3*

58 THE "KNOW NOTHINGS."

bination of its opponents ? and how can such combination be
effected but by association and organization? Will it be
answered that Romanism, though a secret organization, is not
a political one, and therefore does not require to be opposed
by a political combination, such as that of the "Know
Nothings ? " To show this, it will be necessary to prove that
the secret organization of Romanism cannot be brought
to bear upon politics and political institutions ; a position
which contradicts all history and experience ; — all history, for
the Pope himself has been an active agent in the political
quarrels, intrigues, and wars of Europe ; and in every coun-
try where Romanism is dominant, it sustains despotism in the
State by the very means it employs to perpetuate it in the
Church. So potent is this ecclesiastical influence, that every
struggle of the people for civil liberty has been prostrated by
it, except where the Reformation overthrew Romanism, and
gave the people the Bible. Napoleon the First succumbed
to Popery, and established it as the religion of France, with
princely revenues and endowments. Louis Philippe assumed
the protectorate of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, and
compelled the helpless Tahitians to admit the Jesuits and
French brandy. And now the Emperor, elected by the peo-
ple of France, keeps a body of French troops in Rome to
protect his "holiness" from the indignation of an oppressed,
enslaved, and starving population.

Where, we ask, has Romanism the ascendancy in any
country in which it has not crushed out every feature and
semblance of civil and religious liberty ?• But if this cannot

THE "KNOW NOTHINGS." 59

be shown, is it not idle to contend that this systematic hos-
tility to human rights is not inherent in the system, and will,
if permitted, do the very same thing in our free and happy
country ? Indeed, the purpose has been openly avowed by
the papers of the Roman Catholic Church, which have kindly
forewarned us that " whenever the Roman Catholics obtain -a
sufficient numerical majority of the population of the United
States — as they are destined to do — there will be an end to
civil and reh'gious liberty ; " that is, we shall be governed by
the incumbent of St. Peter's chair, whoever he may chance to
be. The oath of every Roman Catholic bishop and arch-
bishop binds him to absolute and unquestioned obedience,
not only to the present Pope, but to his successors, and to
" oppose and persecute " all who do not submit to his
authority.

Was it not time to take the alarm, and to combine to
resist the secret association which already threatened us with
the loss of all that freemen, and free Christians, hold dear on
earth ? Yet the fact is, that even this did not produce any
associate resistance or counteraction. We waited for some
overt act of the Romish hierarchy to rouse us to opposition ;
and, encouraged by the ever swelling tide of Romanist immi-
grants from abroad, the priesthood ventured to enter upon an
open field of combat, and everywhere assailed our public
school system of education. The first onset was, we think,
in the city of New York, by Bishop Hughes himself, who
applied to the city council for one-fifth of the annual amount
of the school tax, for the education of Catholic children,

60 THE "KNOW NOTHINGS."

alleging that the Bible, and other books offensive to the
Catholic conscience, were read in the public schools. The
council appointed a committee to visit the schools, and ascer-
tain what books were read hi the schools, and whether there
was really anything in them which could reasonably be
objected to by any religious denomination. In the meantime,
the public school society had done much to appease the
Romanists. They had blotted and defaced many of the
books in use. Some whole pages were obliterated by being
stamped with printers' ink, on other pages only paragraphs
were expunged, and other pages were pasted together, there-
by obliterating two pages at once.

The committee from the council entering upon their mis-
sion, most mischievously took it into their heads to visit the
Roman Catholic free schools, which were of course under
their exclusive management, and found there these same
books without any obliterations whatever, whether by ink or
paste, showing that the objection to them was a mere pre-
tence, after all the professions made of conscientious scruples.
But the committee found no Bibles there. The Bible had
long since been placed in the index expurgatorus, and was,
therefore, a forbidden book to all Romanists, unless by special
pel-mission of the bishop. We have now a large collection
of the expurgated books, and find that most of the passages
obliterated are historical and indisputable. So that, in fact,
the demand upon the public school society was to falsify his-
tory for the accommodation of the Romanists. We are sorry
the society complied ; but it was done to appease, what they

THE "KNOW NOTHINGS." 61

supposed to be, a conscientious uneasiness on the part of a
denomination whose children, most of all, required the benefit
of common free school instruction.

Nothing was gamed, however, by the sacrifice ; and as the
bishop could not prevail on the council to grant him the
money, he carried his grievances to the State legislature.
But neither could the general assembly be persuaded to let
the bishop put his hand into the strong box ; yet they did
what was equivalent, going far towards destroying the best
public schools in the world. A law was enacted by which
the trustees were made elective, and the disinterested and
able supervision of the public school society was superseded
in some of the wards by men of very little education — some
could not even read, and kept grog-shops at that. If any
one should inquire why the governor should recommend, and
the legislature enact such a measure, we reply, the Papists
had votes at the command of the bishop, and the politicians
were in the market.

After this the opposition to the Bible in the public schools
was carried into every part of the United States ; and even
where it succeeded it did not appease the Romanists.
The sworn enemies of knowledge among the people, nothing
short of the destruction of the whole system of the common
school education could satisfy the Romish hierarchy. It was
now that the "Know-Nothings" effected an organization, and
aroused the people everywhere to a sense of their danger ;
and showed that this danger was imminent, notwithstanding
the Romanists were in a minority ; for the majority were

62 THE "KNOW NOTHINGS."

divided into two great parties, each catering for the Catholic
vote, which was ready everywhere, under 4,he direction of the
priesthood, to be cast in favor of whatever party would most
favor the pretensions and claims of " Holy Mother Church."

We conclude, therefore, that if secret party associations
are an evil, yet the organization of the "Know Nothings" is
a necessary one — necessary to the salvation of the country
from the despotic rule of the Romish hierarchy — to the
preservation of our civil and religious freedom, and hence
should be not only tolerated, but encouraged.

That the public safety cannot be entirely trusted to either
of the great political parties, is evident from reason and expe-
rience. Nor would any good arise from the destruction of
these parties, and the substitution of new ones ; for 'while the
contest is only between political parties, held together by the
hope of public office or emolument, they will bid high for the
influence of the Catholic priesthood. Any counteraction of
this sinister influence must necefesarily come from those who,
rising above party ties and compacts, make the counteraction
of the secret society which threatens the public liberty an
exclusive, all-governing principle, in the exercise of the right
of suffrage.

The influence of the Romanists on our political men, even
Protestants, is seen in the readiness some of them show to
comply with .the demand of the priesthood to exclude the
Bible from our common schools. They affect to consider it
as a question of conscience, and if their reasoning is sound,
they ought to exclude all religious teachings whatever ; for

THE "KNOW NOTHINGS." 63

no religious doctrine, or moral precept, can be taught which
will meet no objections. We hold that the State has a right
to make the Bible a school book, without leave of either
Catholics or Protestants. The design of public schools is not
to make theologians, or churchmen of any kind, but to make
good citizens. This object cannot be obtained without incul-
cating the doctrine of future retribution ; and no book but
the Bible does this by divine authority. No system of reli-
gion or ethics, not founded upon the Bible, can afifect to teach
of authority, or to enforce either doctrines or precepts with
suitable sanctions. The Bible, then, is the only school-book
which can be relied upon by the State to carry out the great
purpose of common school education ; and hence the State has
a right to require the reading of it in the schools it main-
tains, without consulting the wishes of any sect or deno-
mination.

64 HAIL, COLUMBIA.

HAIL, COLUMBIA.

BY JOSEPH HOPKINSON.

HAIL, Columbia ! happy land !
Hail, ye heroes ! heaven-born band !

Who fought and bled hi Freedom's cause,
Who fought and bled hi Freedom's cause,
And when the storm of war was gone,
Enjoy'd the peace your valour won.

Let independence be our boast,
t Ever mindful what it cost ;
Ever grateful for the prize,
Let its altar reach the skies.
Firm — united — let us be,
Rallying round our Liberty ;
As a band of brothers join'd,
Peace and safety we shall find.

Immortal patriots ! rise once more,
Defend your rights, defend your shore ?
Let no rude foe, with impious hand,
Let no rude foe, with impious hand,
Invade the shrine where sacred lies
Of toil and blood the well-earn'd prize.

HAIL, COLUMBIA. 65

While offering peace sincere and jnst,
In Heaven we place a manly trust,
That truth and justice will prevail,
And every scheme of bondage fail.
Finn — united, &c.

Sound, sound the trump of Fame !
Let WASHINGTON'S great name

Ring through the world with loud applause,

Ring through the world with loud applause :
Let every clime to Freedom dear
Listen with a joyful ear.

With equal skill, and godlike power,

He governs in the fearful hour

Of horrid war ; or guides with ease,

The happier times of honest peace.
Firm — united, &c.

Behold the Chief who now commands,

Once more to serve his country, stands —
The rock on which the storm will beat,
The rock on which the storm will beat :

But, arm'd in virtue firm and true,

His hopes are fix'd on Heaven and you.
When hope was sinking in dismay,
And glooms obscured Columbia's day,
His steady mind, from changes free,
Resolved on death or liberty.
Firm — united, &c.

66 ROMANISM AND LIBERTY.

ROMANISM AND LIBERTY.

BY H. FULLER.

WE entirely agree with those who hold that religion, in so
far as the individual enjoyment thereof is concerned, should
not enter among the tests by which the citizen is politically
tried at the ballot box. Religion, simply as a matter of
individual opinion and faith, is a concern which it is more safe
to leave between man and his Maker, than to intrust it to any
third party, whomsoever. So, at least, has its universal his*
tory proved. Mankind could scarcely have been more irre-
ligious had creeds and priests never existed. But we do not
agree with those who would shut from the ballot-box and the
political forum all judgment upon religion, whether of individ-
uals or classes, where it is beyond question that this religion
has more in it of political craft than of soul-saving godliness.

To come directly to the point, we do not agree that a reli-
gion, like Roman Catholicism, judged by its record, past or
present — if infallible, its record should be always the same —
is entitled to that exemption from political discussion and judg-
ment which may be, and we think is, due to the unvaunting,
unambiguous, and sublime religion of Jesus. No ; if there were
no world-wide history, written too often in letters of blood
and rapine, by which to judge it, we have seen enough in our

ROMANISM AND LIBERTY. 61

midst in this, its most tolerable and tolerant age, to satisfy
as that, in countermining or meeting it face to face, we have,
in Catholicism, to do with a vast and mighty political ma-
chinery— a machinery worked by cunning minds and skilful
hands — that has, in darker ages, clasped all who disputed its
claims, whether divine or temporal, to a breast, not of " tender
mercy," but of implacable, life-crushing spikes and thorns.

A religion which compels its chiefs to swear, in the hour
of sacred investiture," to yield nothing to "principalities or
powers," that can conflict with the will and interests of their
one and only sovereign, the temporality-grasping " Successor
of St. Peter," is a political element and authority to be
watched, and met, and baffled wherever the people would rule
the State, or govern their own temporal affairs. A religion
which exacts such fealty from its chiefs, must impose a no less
dangerous obligation on its rank and file ; and thus it is that,
wherever the Roman Catholic is a citizen, he is bound, if
Papal ambition or need demand, to abjure all other allegiance.
And the fealty of the chiefs goes farther than this ; — as we
saw only lately, when a mutilated oath of a just consecrated
Catholic Bishop was sought to be palmed off as the real,
whole thing — it binds him to a ceaseless persecution, if that
will avail, of any or all who are without the Catholic fold.
There is no denying this, had there never been quenched a
brand in a martyr's blood — had never a soul passed to heaven
from the torture of the rack. It is in the nature of the
religion which, of itself, is a perpetual instigaton to violence
against all who are not of " the faith."

08 BOMANISM AND LIBERTY.

In our own country, we have seen but a mild exercise of its
spirit and power, yet enough to betray the hoary and profound
despotism that lies concealed beneath its local, temporary
inability. It has not, among us, dared, or rather, has not seen
fit — for it is politic, and patient withal — to re-thunder the
motto of that Austrian bravo of the "Holy Alliance," who
said " I will oppose a will of iron (steel ?) to the progress
of liberal principles ; it has not ventured — save in petty
instances — to burn sacred or profane literature in our high-
ways ; it has not kindled the material faggot, nor raised the
auto-da-fe ; it has not denied all decent grave-space to " here-
tics." No ; it is not bold and brave in defence of itself ; it
does not spurn time-serving policy, and unmask itself, at once,
in all its hideous ugliness. The spirit is there, burning with
hate and vengeance, as deeply as on Bartholomew's Day, or
when the Bohemian expiated his Protestantism in fire, or the
Emperor-monk of Yuste dabbled his crucifix in heretic gore ;
but the time is not come to manifest it " in the flesh," and
God grant that it never may come !

But it has done all it dared to do. It has seized on strong
elements of temporal power, grasping for its Pontifical head
temples, and treasures, and graves, reared, and coined, and
dug by its blind followers' sweat and blood. It has isolated
and armed its herd — with one weapon or other — against all
hearty coalition with the people of the land. It has battled
against free thought and free speech, and particularly against
the education of the children of the land, free and in common.
In the name of a religion which it dare not trust to the march

ROMANISM AND LIBERTY. 69

of mind and the progress of events, it has stood like a rock of
flint in the way of liberty's watch-lights — free altars and free
schools. It has opposed, secretly always, and openly when it
dared, whatever tended to make a people more free and self-
reliant.

If it has veiled the pageants and mummeries wherewith it
has deluded and debauched in other lands, it is because the
intelligence of the people at large would not tolerate them ;
or because, perhaps, it has found ample work for its genius
and craft in attempting to stem the currents of intelligence,
lest they should so widen, and swell, and burst, as to swirl
down the Jesuitic Roman structure, stripping despotism of
its mightiest stronghold, and ridding freedom of her deadliest
foe. We have had the true programme of what Catholicism
would do if it had the State in its clutches — as in Spam, or
Naples, or Rome — sounded in our ears by an Archbishop's
organ, "The Shepherd of the Yalley." It would suppress
free schools and common schools ; it would crush or censor
the press, and by any and every means drive back the people
to the convenient barbarism of ignorance ; it would make them
serfs in mind, soul and body, and finally, by putting on the
inquisitorial screws of an "infallible faith," have but one
church, one fold, and no heretics.

Beautiful and harmonious unity 1 We can fancy this
consummation so devoutly labored for by " Shepherds of the
Valley ;" — honest shepherds, but belching the truth too soon ; —
it would not be different from the state of Christendom ere
the Reformers arose ; all knees would bend, or be broken,

70 ROMANISM AND LIBERTY.

before " His Holiness" of Rome; all tongues would sing paeans
to the tenant of the Vatican, or be plucked out by the roots ;
the crosier and the sword would beat the bones of heresy to
dust ; daring Galileos would sup in dungeons on horrors ;
emperors and kings, and, may be, presidents, would go a-toe-
kissing, and perchance be glad to expiate some rebellious deed
by a two days' shiver, en deshabille, in wintry weather, in a
Pope's ante-chamber. Ah, there would be unity ; the unity
of hand-bound and tongue-tied slaves. Protest-&nis would
be hushed, even to the stillness of the grave. Then there
would be a rare time for shaven monks — an imperial field
of plunder and rapine.

But let us believe that a counter spirit is awake, a part of
whose business it will be to smite this religion, in so far as it
has a political, anti-republican aspect, on the head — smite it
surely and swiftly. No intelligent Catholic, priest or layman,
can say that Roman Catholicism, unshorn, is compatible with
liberty. He who is true to the last extremity to his obliga-
tions as a Catholic, cannot be equally true to the Constitution
and institutions of this country. The matter can be narrowed
down to just so small a point as this. There is a deep, univer-
sal, crafty and dangerous political spirit in connection with
the Catholic religion, — a spirit more threatening to the future
of our Republic than any other. It must be hunted out, and
brought into the light, and have its claws pared. Religion,
purely, we would have divorced from politics, but politico-
Catholicism can only be stripped as it deserves, in the free
school-house, by the unmuzzled press, and at the ballot-box.

THE HEART OP " SEVENTY-SIX.

THE HEART OF "SEVENTY-SIX."

BY JANE GAT FULLER.

WHEX our great mother's hand essayed

To whip and make us yield ;
Our stubborn sires quick foot-prints made

For camp and battle-field !
The lawyer quit his client then,

The parson, wig and gown,
And hosts of panting husbandmen

Left ploughshares in the ground !

Banners of snowy mist were hung

Over one Autumn morn,
"When a matron and two maidens young

Went reaping harvest corn I
The maidens were of gentle blood,

Lofty that matron's brow :
" Thou wear'st no weeds of widowhood —

Where rests thy husband now ? "

" Rests ! " — and she haughtily began :

" I joy to know that he
Fights foremost in the battle's van,

For Home and Liberty !

THE HEART OP "SEVENTY-SIX."

And I have taken in my hand,

The sickle in his stead ;
For patriot women of the land

Should reap the winter's bread I"

" Thou elder maiden, thy fair brow

Rivals our mountain snows,
And on thy cheek scarce lingers now

The faintest tint of rose !
I met thee, ere the summer-tide,

A dreamer light and gay :
A manly form was at thy side,

Where doth the loiterer stay?"

And proudly then that maid replied :

" My lover is not one
To linger at a lady's side,

While glorious deeds are done !
He stands where battle-thunder jars,

And plumes of warriors wave,
Bearing the ' Eagle and the Stars,'

The ensign of the brave ! "

" And thou, my little maiden dear,
Thou hast not strength, I ween,

To bind the heavy bundles here,
Or urge the sickle keen !

THE HEART OF "SEVENT Y-SIX." 73

Call thy young brother from his play !

Why doth that tear-drop start ?"
She said — " He is a Volunteer,

And bears a manly heart I

" We taught him lessons of the strife,

And how to use a gun,
And told him that a hero's life

Was best in youth begun !
And then he took the powder-horn,

Which our dead grandsire gave,
Shouldered his gun, and one bright morn

Went forth to join the brave !

" And are ALL gone — husband, and son —

Lover, and brother — all !
Ye lofty-hearted, still toil on !

No evil can befall,
A country, struggling mightily,

To give young Freedom birth ;
The unborn infant yet shall be

The Giant of the Earth !':

74 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 1

Washington, December 21, 1850. )

THE undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States,
had the honor to receive some time ago, the note of Mr.
Hiilsemann, Charge d'Affaires of his Majesty, the Emperor of
Austria, of the 30th September. Causes, not arising from
any want of personal regard for Mr. Hiilsemann, or of proper
respect for his government, have delayed an answer until the
present moment. Having submitted Mr. Hulsemann's letter
to the President, the undersigned is now directed by him to
return the following reply.

The objects of Mr. Hiilsemann's note are, first, to protest,
by order of his government, against the steps taken by the
late President of the United States to ascertain the progress
and probable result of the revolutionary movements in Hun-
gary ; and, secondly, to complain of some expressions in the
instructions of the late Secretary of State to Mr. A. Dudley
Mann, a confidential agent of the United States, as communi-
cated by President Taylor to the Senate on the 28th of
March last.

The principal ground of protest is founded on the idea, or
in the allegation, that the Government of the United States,
by the mission of Mr. Mann, and his instructions, has inter-

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN. 75 •

ferred in the domestic affairs of Austria in a manner unjust or
disrespectful towards that power. The President's message
was a communication made by him to the Senate, transmit-
ting a correspondence between the Executive Government
and a confidential agent of its own. This would seem to be
itself a domestic transaction, a mere instance of intercourse
between the President and the Senate, in the manner which
is usual and indispensable in communications between the
different branches of the government. It was not addressed
either to Austria or Hungary ; nor was it any public mani-
festo, to which any foreign State was called upon to reply. It
was an account of its transactions communicated by the
Executive Government to the Senate, at the request of that
body ; made public, indeed, but made public only because
such is the common and usual course of proceeding ; and it
may be regarded as somewhat strange, therefore, that the
Austrian Cabinet did not perceive that, by the instructions
given to Mr. Hulsernann, it was itself interfering with the
domestic concerns of a foreign State, the very thing which is
the ground of its complaint against the United States.

This Department has, on former occasions, informed the
ministers of foreign powers that a communication from the
President to either house of Congress is regarded as a do-
mestic communication, of which, ordinarily, no foreign State
has cognizance ; and, in more recent instances, the great
inconvenience of making such communications subjects of
diplomatic correspondence and discussion has been fully shown.
If it had been the pleasure of his majesty, the Emperor of

76 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

Austria, during the struggles in Hungary, to have admon-
ished the Provisional Government or the people of that
country against involving themselves in disasters, by following
the evil and dangerous example of the United States of
America in making efforts for the establishment of indepen-
dent Governments, such an admonition from that Sovereign
to his Hungarian subjects, would not have originated here a
diplomatic correspondence. The President might, perhaps, on
this ground, have declined to direct any particular reply to
Mr. Hulsemann's note ; but, out of proper respect for the
Austrian Government, it has been thought better to answer
that note at length ; and the more especially, as the occasion
is not unfavorable for the expression of the general sentiments
of the Government of the United States upon the topics
which that note discusses.

A leading subject in Mr. Hulsemann's note, is that of the
correspondence between Mr. Hulsemann and the predecessor
of the undersigned, in which Mr. Clayton, by direction of the
President, informed Mr. Hulsemann "that Mr. Mann's mis-
sion had no other object in view than to obtain reliable infor-
mation as to the true state of affairs in Hungary, by personal
observation." Mr. Hiilsemann remarks, that "this explana-
tion can hardly be admitted, for it says very little as to the
cause of the anxiety which was felt to ascertain the chances
of the revolutionists." As this, however, is the only purpose
which can, with any appearance of truth, be attributed to the
agency ; as nothing whatever is alleged by Mr. Hulsemann to
have been either done or said by the agent inconsistent witb

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN. 77

such an object, the undersigned conceives that Mr. Clayton's
explanation ought to be deemed, not only admissible, but quite
satisfactory. Mr. Hiilsemann states, in the course of his note,
that his instructions to address his present communication to
Mr. Clayton reached Washington about the time of the la-
mented death of the late President, and that he delayed from
a sense of propriety the execution of his task until the new
administration should be fully organized : "a delay which he
now rejoices at, as it has given him the opportunity of ascer-
taining from the new President himself, on the occasion of the
reception of the diplomatic corps, that the fundamental policy
of the United States, so frequently proclaimed, would guide
the relations of the American Government with other Powers."
Mr. Hiilsemann also observes that it is in his power to assure
the undersigned "that the Imperial Government is disposed
to cultivate relations of friendship and good understanding
with the United States." The President receives this assur-
ance of the disposition of the Imperial Government with great
satisfaction, and, in consideration of the friendly relations of
the two Governments, thus mutually recognized, and of the
peculiar nature of the incidents by which their good under-
standing is supposed by Mr. Hiilsemann to have been, for a
moment, disturbed or endangered, the President regrets that
Mr. Hiilsemann did not feel himself at liberty wholly to for-
bear from the execution of instructions, which were of course
transmitted from Yienna without any foresight of the state of
things under which they would reach Washington. If Mr.
Hiilsemann saw, in the address of the President to the diplo-

78 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

matic corps, satisfactory pledges of the sentiments and the
policy of this Government, in regard to neutral rights and
neutral duties, it might, perhaps, have been better not to
bring on a discussion of past transactions. But the under-
signed readily admits that this was a question fit only for the
consideration and decision of Mr. Hulsemann himself ; and al-
though the President does not see that any good purpose can
be answered by reopening the inquiry into the propriety of
the steps taken by President Taylor, to ascertain the probable
issue of the late civil war in Hungary, justice to his memory
requires the undersigned briefly to restate the history of those
steps, and to show their consistency with the neutral policy
which has invariably guided the Government of the United
States in its foreign relations, as well as with the established
and well-settled principles of national intercourse, and the doc-
trines of public law.

The undersigned will first observe that the President is per-
suaded, his majesty the Emperor of Austria does not think
that the Government of the United States ought to view,
with unconcern, the extraordinary events which have occurred,
not only in his dominions, but in many other parts of Europe,
since February, 1848. The Government and people of the
United States, like other intelligent governments and commu-
nities, take a lively interest in the movements and events of
this remarkable age, in whatever part of the world they may
be exhibited. But the interest taken by the United States
in those events has not proceeded from any disposition to de-
part from that neutrality towards foreign powers, which is

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN. 79

among the deepest principles and the most cherished traditions
of the political history of the Union. It has been the neces-
sary effect of the unexampled character of the events them-
selves, which could not fail to arrest the attention of the co-
temporary world ; as they will doubtless fill a memorable page
in history. But the undersigned goes further, and freely ad-
mits that, in proportion as these extraordinary events appeared
to have their origin in those great ideas of responsible and
popular governments, on which the American Constitutions
themselves are wholly founded, they could not but command
the warm sympathy of the people of this country.

Well-known circumstances in their history, indeed their
whole history, have made them the representatives of purely
popular principles of government. In this light they now
stand before the world. They could not, if they would, con-
ceal their character, their condition, or their destiny. They
could not, if they so desired, shut out from the view of man-
kind the causes which have placed them, hi so short a national
career, in the station which they now hold among the civilized
States of the world. They could not, if they desired it,
suppress either the thoughts or the hopes which arise in
men's minds, in other countries, from contemplating then-
successful example of free government. That very intelligent
and distinguished personage, the Emperor Joseph the Second,
was among the first to discern this necessary consequence of
the American Revolution on the sentiments and opinions of
the people of Europe. In a letter to his Minister in the
Netherlands, in 1187, he observes that "it is remarkable

80 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

that France, by the assistance which she afforded to the
Americans, gave birth to reflections on freedom." This fact,
which the sagacity of that monarch perceived at so early a
day, is now known and admitted by intelligent powers all
over the world. True, indeed, it is, that the prevalence on
the other continent of sentiments favorable to republican
liberty, is the result of the reaction of America upon Europe ;
and the source and centre of this reaction has doubtless been,
and now is, hi these United States. The position thus belong-
ing to the United States is a fact as inseparable from their
history, their constitutional organization, and their character,
as the opposite position of the powers composing the European
alliance is from the history and constitutional organization of
the government of those powers. The sovereigns who form
that alliance have not unfrequently felt it their right to inter-
fere with the political movements of foreign States ; and have,
in their manifestoes and declarations, denounced the popular
ideas of the age in terms so comprehensive as of necessity to
include the United States, and their forms of government. It
is well known that one of the leading principles announced by
the allied sovereigns, after the restoration of the Bourbons,
is, that all popular or constitutional rights are holden no
otherwise than as grants and indulgences from crowned heads.
"Useful and necessary changes in legislation and administra-
tion," says the Laybach Circular of May, 1821, "ought only
to emanate from the free will and intelligent conviction of
those whom God has rendered responsible for power ; all that
deviates from this line necessarily leads to disorder, commo-

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN. 81

tions, and evils far more insufferable than those which they
pretend to remedy." And his late Austrian majesty, Francis I.,
is reported to have declared, in an address to the Hungarian
Diet, in 1820, that "the whole world had become foolish,
and, leaving their ancient laws, was in search of imaginary
constitutions." These declarations amount to nothing less
than a denial of the lawfulness of the origin of the Govern-
ment of the United States, since it is certain that that Gov-
ernment was established in consequence of a change which did
not proceed from thrones, or the permission of crowned heads.
But the Government of the United States heard these denun-
ciations of its fundamental principles without remonstrance,
or the disturbance of its equanimity. This was thirty years
ago.

The power of this Republic, at the present moment, is
spread over a region, one of the richest and most fertile on
the globe, and of an extent in comparison with which the
possessions of the House of Hapsburg are but as a patch on
the earth's surface. Its population, already twenty-five mil-
lions, will exceed that of the Austrian empire within the
period during which it may be hoped that Mr. Hulsemann
may yet remain in the honorable discharge of his duties to
his Government. Its navigation and commerce are hardly
exceeded by the oldest and most commercial nations? its
maritime means and its maritime power may be seen by
Austria herself, in all seas where she has ports, as well as it
may be seen, also, in all other quarters of the globe. Life,

liberty, property, and all personal rights, are amply secured

4*

82 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

to all citizens, and protected by just and stable laws ; and
credit, public and private, is as well established as in any
government of Continental Europe. And the country, in all
its interests and concerns, partakes most largely in all the
improvements and progress which distinguish the age. Cer-
tainly, the United States may be pardoned, even by those
who profess adherence to the principles of absolute govern-
ments, if they entertain an ardent affection for those popular
forms of political organization which have so rapidly advanced
their own prosperity and happiness, which enabled them, in
so short a period, to bring their country, and the hemisphere
to which it belongs, to the notice and respectful regard, not
to say the admiration, of the civilized world. Nevertheless,
the United States have abstained, at all times, from acts of
interference with the political changes of Europe. They can
not, however, fail to cherish always a lively interest in the
fortunes of nations struggling for institutions like their own.
But this sympathy, so far from being necessarily a hostile
feeling towards any of the parties to these great national
struggles, is quite consistent with amicable relations with
them all. The Hungarian people are three or four tunes as
numerous as the inhabitants of these United States were
when the American Revolution broke out. They possess, in
a distinct language, and in other respects, important elements
of a separate nationality, which the Anglo-Saxon race in this
country did not possess ; and if the United States wish success
to countries contending for popular constitutions and national
independence, it is only because they regard such constitutions

WEB&TER'S REPLY TO HCLSEMANN. 83

and such national independence, not as imaginary, but as real
blessings. They claim no right, however, to take part in the
struggles of foreign powers in order to promote these ends.
It is only in defence of his own Government, and its principles
and character, that the undersigned has now expressed him-
self on this subject. But when the United States behold the
people of foreign countries, without any such interference,
spontaneously moving towards the adoption of institutions like
then' own, it surely can not be expected of them to remain
wholly indifferent spectators. v

In regard to the recent very important occurrences in the
Austrian Empire, the undersigned freely admits the difficulty
which exists hi this country, and is alluded to by Mr. Hlilse-
mann, of obtaining accurate information. But this difficulty
is by no means to be ascribed to what Mr. Hulsemann calls
— with little justice, as it seems to the undersigned — "the
mendacious rumors propagated by the American press."
For information on this subject, and others of the same kind,
the American press is, of necessity, almost wholly dependent
upon that of Europe ; and if " mendacious rumors " respect-
ing Austrian and Hungarian affairs have been anywhere
propagated, that propagation of falsehoods has been most
prolific on the European continent, and in countries imme-
diately bordering on the Austrian Empire. But, wherever
these errors may have originated, they certainly justified the
late President in seeking true information through authentic
channels. His attention was first particularly drawn to the
state of things in Hungary, by the correspondence of Mr.

84 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

Stiles, Charge d'Affaires of the United States at Vienna. In
the autumn of 1848, an application was made to this gen-
tleman, on behalf of Mr. Kossuth, formerly minister of finance
for the kingdom of Hungary by Imperial appointment, but at
the time the application was made, chief of the Revolution-
ary Government. The object of this application was to
obtain the good offices of Mr. Stiles with the Imperial Govern-
ment, with a view to the suspension of hostilities. This appli-
cation became the subject of a conference between Prince
Schwarzenberg, the Imperial Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
Mr. Stiles. The Prince commended the considerateness and
propriety with which Mr. Stiles had acted ; and, so far from
disapproving his interference, advised him, in case he received
a further communication from the Revolutionary Government
in Hungary, to have an interview with Prince Windisch-
gratz, who was charged by the Emperor with the proceedings
determined on in relation to that kingdom. A week after
these occurrences, Mr. Stiles received, through a secret chan-
nel, a communication signed by L. Kossuth, president of the
committee of defence, and countersigned by Francis Pulsky,
secretary of state. On the receipt of this communication,
Mr. Stiles had an interview with Prince Windischgratz,
" who received lu'm with the utmost kindness, and thanked,
him for his efforts toward reconciling the existing difficulties.7'
Such were the incidents which first drew the attention of the
Government of the United States particularly to the affairs
of Hungary, and the conduct of Mr. Stiles, though acting
without instruction in a matter of much delicacy, having

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN. 85

been viewed with satisfaction by the Imperial Government,
was approved by that of the United States.

In the course of the year 1848, and in the early part of
1849, a considerable number of Hungarians came to the
United States. Among them were individuals representing
themselves to be in the confidence of the Revolutionary Gov-
ernment, and by these persons the President was strongly
urged to recognize the existence of that Government. In
these applications, and in the manner in which they were
viewed by the President, there was nothing unusual ; still
less was there anything unauthorized by the law of natioas.
It is the right of every independent State to enter into
friendly relations with every other independent State. Of
course, questions of prudence naturally arise in reference to
new States, brought by successful revolutions into the family
of nations ; but it is not to be required of neutral powers
that they should await the recognition of the new Govern-
ment by the parent State. No principle of public law has
been more frequently acted upon, within the last thirty years,
by the great powers of the world than this. Within that
period eight or ten new States have established independent
Governments within the limits of the colonial dominions of
Spain, on this continent ; and hi Europe the same thing has
been done by Belgium and Greece. The existence of all
these Governments was recognized by some of the leading
powers of Europe, as well as by the United States, before it
was acknowledged by the States from which they had sepa-
rated themselves. If, therefore, the United States had gone

86 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEJIANN.

so far as formally to acknowledge the independence of Hun-
gary, although, as the result has proved, it would have been
a precipitate step, and one from which no benefit would have
resulted to either party, it would not, nevertheless, have been
an act against the law of nations, provided they took no part
in her contest with Austria. But the United States did no
such thing. Not only did they not yield to Hungary any
actual countenance or succor, not only did they not show
their ships-of-war in the Adriatic with any menacing or hos-
tile aspect, but they studiously abstained from everything
which had not been done in other cases in times past, and
contented themselves with instituting an inquiry into the
truth and reality of alleged political occurrences. Mr. Hiilse-
rnann incorrectly states, unintentionally certainly, the nature
of the mission of this agent, when he says that " a United
States agent had been dispatched to Vienna with orders to
watch for a favorable moment to recognize the Hungarian
republic, and to conclude a treaty of commerce with the
same." This, indeed, would have been a lawful object, but
Mr. Mann's errand was, in the first instance, purely one of
inquiry. He had no power to act, unless he had first come
to the conviction that a firm and stable Hungarian Govern-
ment existed. "The principal object the President has in
view," according to his instructions, " is to obtain minute and
reliable information in regard to Hungary in connection with
the affairs of adjoining countries, the probable issue of the
present revolutionary movements, and the chances we may
have of forming commercial arrangements with that power

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN. 81

favorable to the United States." Again, in the same paper,
it is said : " The object of the President is to obtain informa-
tion in regard to Hungary, and her resources and prospects,
with a view to an early recognition of her independence, and
the formation of commercial relations with her." It was only
in the event that the new Government should appear, in the
opinion of the agent, to be firm and stable, that the President
proposed to recommend its recognition.

Mr. Hulsemann, in qualifying these steps of President Tay-
lor with the epithet of "hostile," seems to take for granted
that the inquiry could, in the expectation of the President,
have but one result, and that favorable to Hungary. If this
were so, it would not change the case. But the American
government sought for nothing but truth ; it desired to learn
the facts through a reliable channel. It so happened*, in the
chances and vicissitudes of human affairs, that the result was
adverse to the Hungarian Revolution. The American agent,
as was stated in his instructions to be not unlikely, found the
condition of Hungarian affairs less prosperous than it had
been, or had been believed to be. He did not enter Hun-
gary, nor hold any direct communication with her revolution-
ary leaders. He reported against the recognition of her inde-
pendence, because he found she had been unable to set up a
firm and stable government. He carefully forbore, as his
instructions required, to give publicity to his mission, and tho
undersigned supposes that the Austrian government first
learned its existence from the communications of the Presi-
dent to the Senate.

88 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO IIULSEMAXN.

Mr Hulsemann will observe from this statement that Mr.
Mann's mission was wholly unobjectionable, and strictly
within the rale of the law of nations, and the duty of the
United States as a neutral power. He will accordingly feel
how little foundation there is for his remark, that " those who
did not hesitate to assume the responsibility of sending Mr.
Dudley Mann on such an errand, should, independent of con-
siderations of propriety, have borne in mind that they were
exposing their emissary to be treated as a spy." A spy is a
person sent by one belligerent to gain secret information of
the forces and defences of the other, to be used for hostile
purposes. According to practice, he may use deception,
under the penalty of being lawfully hanged if detected. To
give this name and character to a confidential agent of a
neutral power, bearing the commission of his country, and
sent for a purpose fully warranted by the law of nations, is
not only to abuse language, but also to confound all just
ideas, and to announce the wildest and most extravagant
notions, such as certainly were not to be expected in a grave
diplomatic paper ; and the President directs the undersigned
to say to Mr. Hulsemann, that the American Government
would regard such an imputation upon it by the Cabinet of
Austria, as that it employs spies, and that in a quarrel none
of its own, as distinctly offensive, if it did not presume, as it
is willing to presume, that the word used in the original Ger-
man was not of equivalent meaning with " spy" in the English
language, or that in some other way the employment of such
an opprobrious term may be explained. Had the Imperial

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HVLSEMAXX. 89

Government of Austria subjected Mr. Mann to the treatment
of a spy, it would have placed itself without the pale of
civilized nations ; and the Cabinet of Vienna may be assured
that if it had carried, or attempted to carry, any such lawless
purpose into effect, in the case of an authorized agent of this
Government, the spirit of the people of this country would
have demanded immediate hostilities to be waged by the
utmost exertion of the power of the Republic, military and
naval.

Mr. Hiilsemann proceeds to remark that "this extremely
painful incident, therefore, might have been passed over, with-
out any written evidence being left on our part in the archives
of the United States, had not General Taylor thought proper
to revive the whole subject, by communicating to the Senate,
in his message of the 18th [28th] of last March, the instruc-
tions with which Mr. Mann had been furnished on the occa-
sion of his mission to Vienna. The publicity which has been
given to that document has placed the Imperial Government
under the necessity of entering a formal protest, through its
official representatives, against the proceedings of the American
Government, lest that Government should construe our silence
into approbation, or toleration even, of the principles which
appear to have guided its action and the means it has adopt-
ed." The undersigned reasserts to Mr. Hiilsemann, and to
the Cabinet of Vienna, and in the presence of the world, that
the steps taken by President Taylor, now protested against
by the Austrian Government, were warranted by the law of
nations and agreeable to the usages of civilized States. With

90 •WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

respect to the communication of Mr. Mann's instructions to
the Senate, and the language in which they are couched, it
has already been said, and Mr. Hiilsemann must feel the justice
of the remark, that these are domestic affairs, in reference to
which the Government of the United States can not admit
the slightest responsibility to the Government of his Imperial
Majesty. No State, deserving the appellation of independent,
can permit the language in which it may instruct its own offi-
cers in the discharge of their duties to itself to be called in
question, under any pretext, by a foreign power. But, even if
this were not so, Mr. Hiilsemann is in an error in stating that
the Austrian Government is called an "Iron Rule" in Mr.
Mann's instructions. That phrase is not found in the paper ;
and in respect to the honorary epithet bestowed in Mr. Mann's
instructions on the late chief of the Revolutionary Govern-
ment of Hungary, Mr. Hiilsemann will bear in mind that the
Government of the United States can not justly be expected,
in a confidential communication to its own agent, to withhold
from an individual an epithet of distinction of which a great
part of the world thinks him worthy, merely on the ground
that his own Government regards him as a rebel. At an
early stage of the American Revolution, while Washington
was considered by the English Government as a rebel chief,
he was regarded on the continent of Europe as an illustrious
hero. But the undersigned will take the liberty of bringing
the Cabinet of Vienna into the presence of its own predeces-
sors, and of citing for its consideration the conduct of the Im-
perial Government itself. In the year 1111, the war of the

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN. 91

American Revolution was raging all over these United States ;
England was prosecuting that war with a most resolute deter-
mination, and by the exertion of all her military means to the
fullest extent. Germany was at that time at peace with Eng-
land ; and yet an agent of that Congress, which was looked
upon by England in no other light than that of a body in
open rebellion, was not only received with great respect by
the embassador of the Empress Queen at Paris, and by the
minister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who afterwards
mounted the imperial throne, but resided in Vienna for a con-
siderable tune ; not, indeed, officiously acknowledged, but
treated with courtesy and respect ; and the Emperor suffered
himself to be persuaded by that agent to exert himself to pre-
vent the German powers from furnishing troops to England
to enable her to suppress the rebellion in America. Neither
Mr. Hiilsemann, nor the Cabinet of Vienna, it is presumed,
will undertake to say that anything said or done by this Gov-
ernment hi regard to the recent war between Austria and
Hungary is not borne out, and much more than borne out, by
this example of the Imperial Court. It is believed that the
Emperor Joseph the Second habitually spoke in terms of
respect and admiration of the character of Washington, as he
is known to have done of that of Franklin ; and he deemed
it no infraction of neutrality to inform himself of the progress
of the Revolutionary struggle in America, nor to express his
deep sense of the merits and the talents of those illustrious
men who were then leading their country to independence and
renown. The undersigned may add, that in 1781, the courts

92 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

of Russia and Austria proposed a diplomatic Congress of the
belligerent powers, to which the commissioners of the United
State should be admitted.

Mr. Hlilsemann thinks that in Mr. Mann's instructions,
improper expressions are introduced in regard to Russia ; but
the undersigned has no reason to suppose that Russia herself
is of that opinion. The only observation made in those
instructions about Russia is, that she " has chosen to assume
an attitude of interference, and her immense preparations for
invading and reducing the Hungarians to the rule of Austria,
from which they desire to be released, gave so serious a cha-
racter to the contest as to awaken the most painful solicitude
in the minds of Americans." The undersigned cannot but
consider the Austrian Cabinet as unnecessarily susceptible in
looking upon language like this as a " hostile demonstration."
If we remember that it was addressed by the Government to
its own agent, and has received publicity only through a com-
munication from one Department of the American Govern-
ment to another, the language quoted must be deemed
moderate and inoffensive. The comity of nations would
hardly forbid its being addressed to the two Imperial Powers
themselves. It is scarcely necessary for the undersigned to
say, that the relations of the United States with Russia have
always been of the most friendly kind, and have never been
deemed by either party to require any compromise of their
peculiar views upon subjects of domestic or foreign policy, or
the true origin of governments. At any rate, the fact that
Austria, in her contest with Hungary, had an intimate and

WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN. 93

faithful ally in Russia, cannot alter the real nature of the
question between Austria and Hungary, nor in any way affect
the neutral rights and duties of the Government of the
United States, or the justifiable sympathies of the American
people. It is, indeed, easy to conceive, that favor toward
struggling Hungary would not be diminished, but increased,
when it was seen that the arm of Austria was strengthened
and upheld by a power whose assistance threatened to be,
and which in the end proved to be, overwhelmingly destruc-
tive of all her hopes.

Toward the conclusion of his note, Mr. Hulsemann remarks
that " if the Government of the United States were to think
it proper to take an indirect part in the political movements
of Europe, American policy would be exposed to acts of
retaliation, and to certain inconveniencies which would not
fail to affect the commerce and industry of the two hemi-
spheres." As to this possible fortune, this hypothetical retalia-
tion, the Government and people of the United States are
quite willing to take their chances and abide their destiny.
Taking neither a direct nor an indirect part in the domestic
or intestine movements of Europe, they have no fear of events
of the nature alluded to by Mr. Hulsemann. It would be
idle now to discuss with Mr. Hulsemann those acts of retalia-
tion which he imagines may possibly take place at some
indefinite time hereafter. Those questions will be discussed
when they arise ; and Mr. Hulsemann and the Cabinet of
Vienna may rest assured that, in the mean tune, while per-
forming with strict and exact fidelity all their fceutral duties,

94 WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HULSEMANN.

nothing will deter either the Government or the people of
the United States from exercising, at their own discretion,
the rights belonging to them as an independent nation, and
of forming and expressing their own opinions, freely and at
all times, upon the great political events which may transpire
among the civilized nations of the earth. Their own institu-
tions stand upon the broadest principles of civil liberty ; and
believing those principles and the fundamental laws in which
they are embodied to be eminently favorable to the prosperity
of States — to be, in fact, the only principles of government
which meet the demands of the present enlightened age — the
President has perceived, with great satisfaction, that, in the
Constitution recently introduced into the Austrian Empire,
many of these great principles are recognized and applied,
and he cherishes a sincere wish that they may produce the
same happy effects throughout his Austrian Majesty's exten-
sive dominions that they have done in the United States.

The undersigned has the honor to repeat to Mr. Hiilse-
mann the assurance of his high consideration.

DANIEL WEBSTER.

THE LAUNCH OF THE SHIP. 95

THE LAUNCH OF THE SHIP.

BY H. W. LONGFELLOW.

THEN the master,

With a gesture of command,

Waved his hand ;

And at the word

Loud and sudden there was heard,

All around them and below,

The sound of hammers, blow on blow,

Knocking away the shores and sours.

And see ! she stirs !

She starts — she moves — she seems to feel

The thrill of life along her keel,

And, spurning with her foot the ground,

With one exulting, joyous bound,

She leaps into the ocean's arms !

And, lo ! from the assembled crowd

There rose a shout, prolonged and loud,

That to the ocean seemed to say,

" Take her, O bridegroom, old and grey,

Take her to thy protecting arms,

With all her youth and all her charms I"

96 THE LAUNCH OF THE SHIP.

How beautiful she is ! How fair

She lies within those arms, that press

Her form with many a soft caress

Of tenderness and watchful care !

Sail forth into the sea, 0 ship !

Through wind and wave, right onward steer !

The moistened eye, the trembling lip,

Are not the signs of doubt or fear.

Thou, too, sail on, 0 ship of State,
Sail on, 0 UNIOX, strong and great !
Humanity, with all its fears,
With all the hopes of future years,
Is hanging breathless on thy fate 1
We know what master laid thy keel,
What workmen wrought thy ribs of steel,
Who made each mast, and sail, and rope,
What anvils rang, what hammers beat,
In what a forge and what a heat
Were shaped the anchors of thy hope !

Fear not each sudden sound and shock,
"Tis of the wave, and not the rock ;
'Tis but the flapping of the sail,
And not a rent made by the gale !
In spite of rock and tempest's roar,
In spite of false lights on the shore,
Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea !

W I D E - A VT A K E . 97

Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee.
Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears,
Our faith triumphant o'er our fears,
Are all with thee — are all with thee !

WIDE-AWAKE.

WIDE-AWAKE ! wide-awake ! fogy and sleeper,

Dream not the battle of life ;
Wide-awake I wide-awake ! laggard and creeper,

Lagging is losing the strife ;
Wide-awake ! wide-awake ! office and honor

Fly from the dreamer away ;
Wide-awake ! wide-awake ! keep your eye on her —

Fortune is fickle as gay ;

Wide-awake ! wide-awake ! up and be doing :
All that's worth having is won but by wooing.

Wide-awake 1 wide-awake ! while the game 's going,

Try it, and have a hand in ;
Wide-awake I wide-awake ! while the wind 's blowing,

Look to your helm, and you win ;
Wide-awake ! wide-awake ! priest and law-maker,

Up ! or be left in the rear ;
Wide-awake ! wide-awake 1 people — the breaker

Is always ahead that 's to fear.
5

98 ROMANISM.

110 M AN I S M.

BY H. FULLER.

WE don't believe in Romanism. We regard the Pope as
an imposter ; and the Mother Church as the mother of abomi-
nations. We don't believe in the close shaven, white-cravated,
black-coated priesthood, who profess to "mortify the flesh,"
by eschewing matrimony and violating nature. We don't
believe in the mummeries of prayers in unknown tongues ; nor
in the impious assumption of the power to forgive sins — to
send the soul of a murderer to heaven, or to curse the soul of
a good man down to the other place. We don't believe in
Nunneries, where beauty that was made to bloom and beam
on the world is immured and immolated, not to say prosti-
tuted. We don't believe in "John, Archbishop of New York,"
any more than we believe in ten thousand other Johns who
make no pretensions to extra piety, and who do not arrogate
to themselves any of the awful prerogatives of Divine Power.

And what reasons have we to offer for these daring nega-
tions. In the first place, we find nothing in the preaching or
practice of the meek and lowly Christ to sanction the assump-
tions, the pomposities, and the absurdities of Romanism. He
mumbled no prayers which the multitude could not under-
stand ; but taught them simply to say " OUR FATHER." He

ROMANISM. 99

gave no orders for the building of St. Peter's ; but taught his
disciples in the streets, in the cornfields, by the sea-shore ; and
upon the mountains. He said nothing about burning candles,
or counting beads, or kissing anybody's great toe. Nothing
about the establishment of Convents, or of Inquisitions ; or
of a class of men to live on tithes, and suck their sustenance
from other men's labors. He never called his followers to
take up arms in defence of then* faith, much less of their
Churches, for they had none ; but told the zealous and impetu-
ous Peter to put up his sword ; and not to fight with carnal
weapons hi behalf of One whose kingdom was not of this
world.

Another reason for rejecting Romanism is, that it is incom-
patible with Republicanism. It is essentially the religion of
ignorance and superstition. It is based upon the fears of
men — and these fears grow out of their vices. What need
has an honest man of any "confessional" outside of his own
heart, or his own closet ? Why resort to the impossible inter-
vention of the Priest to settle an account between himself and
his God ? The very statement of the proposition exposes the
impious absurdity of the creed.

But do we, then, believe that all Romanists are not Chris-
tians ? By no means. The memory of Fenelon is sufficient
to redeem any sect from utter condemnation ; and he is but
one of hundreds of Roman Catholics whose beautiful lives
are embalmed in history. — It is the institution, the Church
itself, that we detest, and not its individual members. The
uneducated, ignorant believer in Romanism, may sincerely and

100 ROMAXISM.

honestly cherish his faith. It is with him simply the "Jides
carbonaria" — 'the faith of the collier, who, when asked about
his religious belief, replied that he believed what the Church
believed ; and when asked what the Church believed, inno-
cently said, the Church believed what he believed. But the
more intelligent Romanist can hardly be sincere in his profes-
sions.— He kiicws that Popery is a humbug ; that Pio Nino is
no more than a man, upon whose life and conduct the All-
Seeing God looks with the same impartial eye that he looks
•on all his creatures. He knows that there is no especial
virtue in the Pope's blessing (not half so much as in his
mother's), and that his anathemas are as idle as the commonest
every-day denunciation — not half as much to be feared as a
hot curse shot from the heart of some blasted woman. He
knows, in a word, that Popes, Cardinals and Bishops are but
fallible mortals, mere worms of the dust, whose ashes, a hun-
dred years hence, the most bigoted papist on the earth would
not be able to distinguish from those of the noblest heretic
whom the Church has ever burned for daring to assert his
belief in the supremacy of man over all his institutions, — for
acknowledging his allegiance to the eternal God rather than
to a mere creature of a day like himself.

BUNKER HILL. 101

BUNKER HILL.

BY RICHARD HAYWARDE.

IT was a starry night in June ; the air was soft and still,
When the "minute-men" from Cambridge came, and gathered

on the hill :

Beneath us lay the sleeping town, around us frowned the fleet,
But the pulse of freemen, not of slaves, within our bosoms

beat;

And every heart rose high with hope, as fearlessly we said,
"We will be numbered with the free, or numbered with the

dead !"

" Bring out the line to mark the trench, and stretch it on the

sward 1"
The trench is marked — 'the tools are brought — we utter not

a word,
But stack our guns, then fall to work, with mattock and with

spade,

A thousand men with sinewy arms, and not a sound is made :
So still were we, the stars beneath, that scarce a whisper fell ;
We heard the red-coat's musket click, and heard him cry,

"All's well!"

102 BTN'KF.R HILL.

And here and there a twinkling port, reflected on the deep,
In many a wavy shadow showed their sullen guns asleep.
Sleep on, thou bloody hireling crew ! in careless slumber lie ;
The trench is growing broad and deep, the breast-work broad

and high :
Xo striplings we, but bear the arms that held the French in

check,

The drum that beat at Louisburgh, and thundered in Quebec !
And thou, whose promise is deceit, no more thy word we'll

trust,
Thou butcher GAGE ! thy power and thee we'll humble in

the dust ;

Thou and thy tory minister have boasted to thy brood,
"The lintels of the faithful shall be sprinkled with our blood !"
But though these walls those lintels be, thy zeal is ah" in vain :
A thousand freemen shall rise up for every freeman slain ;
And when o'er trampled crowns and thrones they raise the

mighty shout,
This soil their Palestine shall be ! their altar this redoubt !

See how the morn is breaking ! the red is in the sky ;

The mist is creeping from the stream that floats in silence by ;

The Lively's hull looms through the fog, and they our works

have spied,
For the ruddy flash and round shot part in thunder from her

side ;

And the Falcon and the Cerberus make every bosom thrill,
With gun and shell, and drum and bell, and boatswain's

whistle shrill ;

BUNKER HILL. 103

But deep and wider grows the trench, as spade and mattock

p!y,

For we have to cope with fearful odds, and the tune is draw-
ing nigh !

Up with the pine-tree banner ! Our gallant PRESCOTT stands
Amid the plunging shells and shot, and plants it with his hands :
Up with the shout ! for PUTNAM comes upon his reeking bay,
With bloody spur and foamy bit, in haste to join the fray :
And-PoMEROY, with his snow-white hairs, and face all flush

and sweat,
Unscathed by French and Indian, wears a youthful glory yet.

But thou, whose soul is glowing in the summer of thy years,
Unvanquishable WARREN, thou (the youngest of thy peers)
Wert born, and bred, and shaped, and made to act a patriot's

part,

And dear to us thy presence is as heart's blood to the heart !
Well may ye bark, ye British wolves ! with leaders such as

they,

Not one will fail to follow where they choose to lead the way :
As once before, scarce two months since, we followed on your

track,

And with our rifles marked the road ye took in going back.
Ye slew a sick man in his bed ; ye slew, with hands accursed,
A mother nursing, and her blood fell on the babe she nursed :
By their own doors our kinsmen fell and perished in the strife ;
But as we hold a hireling's cheap, and dear a freeman's life,

104 BUNKER HILL.

By Tanner brook and Lincoln bridge, before the shut of sun,
We took the recompense we claimed — a score for every one !

Hark ! from the town a trumpet I The barges at the wharf
Are crowded with the living freight — and now they're push-
ing off ;

With clash and glitter, trump and drum, in all its bright array,
Behold the splendid sacrifice move slowly o'er the bay !
And still and still the barges fill, and still across the deep,
Like thunder-clouds along the sky, the hostile transports

sweep ;
And now they're forming at the Point — and now the lines

advance :

We see beneath the sultry sun their polished bayonets glance ;
We hear a-near the throbbing drum, the bugle challenge ring :
Quick bursts, and loud, the flashing cloud, and rolls from

wing to wing.
But on the height our bulwark stands, tremendous in its

gloom,
As sullen as a tropic sky, and silent as a tomb.

And so we waited till we saw, at scarce ten rifles' length,
The old vindictive Saxon spite, in all its stubborn strength ;
When sudden, flash on flash, around the jagged rampart burst
From every gun the vivid light upon the foe accurst :
Then quailed a monarch's might before a free-born people's ire ;
Then drank the sward the veteran's life, where swept the yeo-
man's fire ;

BUNKER HILL. 105

Then, staggered by the shot, we saw their serried columns

reel,

And fall, as falls the bearded rye beneath the reaper's steel :
And then arose a mighty shout that might have waked the

dead,
"Hurrah! they run! the field is won 1" "Hurrah! the foe

is fled 1"
And every man hath dropped his gun to clutch a neighbor's

hand,
As his heart kept praying all the while for Home and Native

Land.

Thrice on that day we stood the shock of thrice a thousand

foes ;
And thrice that day within our lines the shout of victory

rose!
And though our swift fire slackened then, and, reddening in

the skies,
We saw, from Charlestown's roofs and walls, the flamy columns

rise;

Yet while we had a cartridge left, we still maintained the fight,
Nor gained the foe one foot of ground upon that blood-stained

height.

What though for us no laurels bloom, nor o'er the nameless
brave

No sculptured trophy, scroll, nor hatch, records a warrior-
grave?

5*

106 BUNKER HILL.

What though the day to us was lost ? Upon that deathless

page

The everlasting charter stands, for every land and age !
For man hath broke his felon bonds, and cast them in the dust,
And claimed his heritage divine, and justified the trust ;
While through his rifted prison-bars the hues of freedom pour
O'er every nation, race and clime, on every sea and shore,
Such glories as the patriarch viewed, when, 'mid the darkest

skies,
He saw above a ruined world the Bow of Promise rise.

BEST POLICY IN REGARD TO NATURALIZATION. 107

BEST POLICY IN REGARD TO NATURALIZATION.

BY LEWIS C. LBYIN.

EACH hour will behold this tide of foreign emigration rising
higher and higher, growing stronger and stronger, rushing
bolder and bolder.

The past furnishes no test of the future, and the future
threatens to transcend all calculations of this formidable evil.
Yiew this great subject in any light, and it still flings back
upon us the reflected rays of reason, patriotism, and philan-
thropy. The love of our native laud is an innate, holy, and
irradicable passion. Distance only strengthens it — time only
concentrates the feeling that causes the tear to gush from the
eye of the emigrant, as old age peoples by the vivid memory
the active present with the happy past. In what land do we
behold the foreigner, who denies this passion of the heart ?
It is nature's most holy decree, nor is it in human power to
repeal the law, which is passed on the mother's breast, and
confirmed by the father's voice. The best policy of the wise
statesman is to model his laws on the holy ordinances of nature.
If the heart of the alien is in his native land — if all his dearest
thoughts and fondest affections cluster around the altar of his
native gods — let us not disturb his enjoyments by placing this
burden of new affections on his bosom, through the moral

108 BEST POLICY IN REGARD TO NATURALIZATION.

force of an oath of allegiance, and the onerous obligation of
political duties that are against his sympathies, and call on
him to renounce feelings that he can never expel from his
bosom. Let us secure him the privilege, at least, of mourning
for his native land, by withholding obligations he cannot dis-
charge either with fidelity, ability, or pleasure. Give him
time, sir, to wean himself from his early love. A long list of
innumerable duties will engage all his attention during his
political novitiate, in addition to those comprised in reforming
the errors and prejudices of the nursery, and in creating and
forming new opinions, congenial to the vast field which lies
spread before him in morals, politics, and life. A due reflec-
tion will convince every alien, when his passions are not
inflamed by the insidious appeals of senseless demagogues,
that his highest position is that of a moral agent in the full
enjoyment of all the attributes of civil freedom, preparing the
minds and hearts of his children to become faithful, intelligent,
and virtuous republicans, bom to a right that vindicates
itself by the holy ties of omnipotent nature, and which, while
God sanctions and consecrates, no man can dispute.

THE SCAR OF LEXINGTON. 109

THE SCAR OF LEXINGTON.

BT H. P. GOULD.

WITH cherub smile, the prattling boy,
Who on the veteran's breast reclines,

Has thrown aside his favorite toy,
And round his tender finger twines

Those scattered locks, that, with the flight

Of fourscore years, are snowy white ;

And, as a scar arrests his view,

He cries, " Grandpa, what wounded you ? "

" My child, 'tis five-and-fifty years

This very day, this very hour,
Since, from a scene of blood and tears,

Where valor fell by hostile power,
I saw retire the setting sun
Behind the hills of Lexington ;
While pale and lifeless on the plain
My brothers lay for freedom slain !

" And ere that fight, the fi?st that spoke

In thunder to our land; was o'er,
Amid the clouds of fire and smoke,
I felt my garments wet with gore !

110 THE SCAR OF LEXINGTON.

'Tis since that dread and wild affray,
That trying, dark, eventful day,
From this calm April eve so far,
I wear upon my cheek the scar.

" When thou to manhood shalt be grown,

And I am gone in dust to sleep,
May Freedom's rights be still thine own,

And thou and thine in quiet reap
The unblighted product of the toil
In which my blood bedewed the soil !
And, while those fruits thou shalt enjoy,
Bethink thee of this scar,, my boy.

" But, should thy country's voice be heard

To bid her children fly to arms,
Gird on thy grandsire's trusty sword :
And, undismayed by war's alarms,
Remember, on the battle field,
I made the hand of God my shield :
And be thou spared, like me, to tell
What bore thee up, while others fell ! "

NATIVE LAND. Ill

NATIVE LAND.

FROM THE NEW YORK MIRROR.

How deep and abiding in the human heart, is the love of
native land. Civilized or savage, man feels the same strong,
unalterable devotion to the soil and clime which gave him
birth, and though it be in the icy north, or amid the sands of
the tropics, he clings to it as the kindest and brightest spot
of God's earth. No time nor distance can efface the impres-
sion, and whether he be through life a dweller in the place of
his nativity, or from infancy an exile or wanderer in strange
lands, his heart will yearn towards and long for his native
land.

The sentiment is universal as the human race. Other
lands than our own may lure us with brighter skies and more
varied scenes, for a time. We may eat the bread and drink
the waters or wines of foreign climes, and be merry even in
the house*of the stranger ; but when the novelty of change is
past, and the banquet of excitement palls, the memory of the
first home-hearth, the native land, breaks in upon the heart
with a light, mellow and rich as the glow of the setting sum-
mer sun,

God has written this holy love in the heart of man for wise
and beautiful purposes. Without it, man would be a rover

112 NATIVE LAND.

and robber, having neither society, civilization, government
nor country. To-day, he would pitch his tent and dig a grave
in the desert ; to-morrow, his home would be in the wilderness.
Wherever there was most to tempt the passions of his nature,
thither would he go, building his hearth without care for the
future, and leaving it without thought or regret for the past.
To him, history, associations, and old landmarks would have
no charm ; — like Cam, he would be an outcast and wanderer
in the earth.

But there are none such ; every man feels irresistibly drawn
towards his native land, wherever he may be. Towards that
spot he turns his eyes, as the Hebrew does towards the East,
the Moslem towards his Mecca, and the Magian towards the
Sun. It fills his day visions and his night dreams — his pray-
ers, his memories, and his hopes. It makes him a patriot, a
martyr, a friend, and a fellow-loving, civilized man. God
bless the native land !

UNION. 113

U N I 0 N .

THE blood that flowed at Lexington, and crimsoned bright
Champlain,

Streams still along the Southern Gulf, and by the lakes of
Maine;

It flows in veins that swell above Pacific's golden sand,

And throbs in hearts that love and grieve by the dark Atlan-
tic's strand.

It binds in one vast brotherhood the trapper of the West,
With men. whose cities glass themselves in Erie's classic

breast ; . ^

And those to whom September brings the fireside's social

hours,
With those who see December's brow enwreathed with

gorgeous flowers.

From where Columbia laughs to meet the smiling western

wave,

To where Potomac sighs beside the patriot hero's grave ;
And from the steaming everglades to Huron's lordly flood,
The glory of a nation's Past thrills through a kindred blood !

114 UNION.

Say, can the South sell out her share in Bunker's gory

height,
Or can the North give up her boast of Yorktown's closing

fight?

Can ye divide with equal hand a heritage of graves,
Or rend in twain the starry flag that o'er them proudly

waves ?

Can ye casts lots for Vernon's soil, or chaffer 'mid the gloom
That hangs its solemn folds about your common Father's

tomb?

Or could you meet around his grave as fratricidal foes,
And wake your burning curses o'er his pure and calm repose ?

YE DARE NOT ! is the Alleghanian thunder-toned decree :
'Tis echoed where Nevada guards the blue and tranquil sea ;
Where tropic waves delighted clasp our flowery Southern

shore,
And where, through frowning mountain gates, Nebraska's

waters roar !

THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION. 115

THE PRESERVATION OF THE UfllOff.

BY DANIEL WEBSTER.

I PROFESS, Sir, in my career hitherto, to have kept steadily
in view the prosperity and honor of the whole country, and
the preservation of our Federal Union. It is to that Union
we owe our safety at home, and our consideration and dignity
abroad. It is to that Union we are chiefly indebted for
whatever makes us most proud of our country. That Union
we reached only by the discipline of our virtues, in the severe
school of adversity. It had its origin in the necessities of
disordered finance, prostrate commerce, and ruined credit.
Under its benign influences, these great interests immediately
awoke, as from the dead, and sprang forth with newness of
life. Every year of its duration has teemed with fresh proofs
of its utility and its blessings ; and although our country
has stretched out wider and wider, and our population spread
further and further, they have not outran its protection, or its
benefits. It has been to us all a copious fountain of national,
social, personal happiness. I have not allowed myself, Sir,
to look beyond the Union, to see what might lie hidden in
the dark recess behind. I have not coolly weighed the
chances of preserving liberty, when the bonds that unite us
together shall be broken asunder. I have not accustomed
myself to hang over the precipice of disunion, to see whether,

116 THE PRESERVATION' OF THE UNION*.

with my short sight, I can fathom the depth of the abyss
below ; nor could I regard him as a safe counsellor in the
affairs of this Government whose thoughts should be mainly
bent on considering, not how the Union should be best pre-
served, but how tolerable might be the condition of the
People when it shall be broken up and destroyed.

While the Union lasts, we have high, exciting, gratifying
prospects spread out before us, for us and our children.
Beyond that I seek not to penetrate the veil. God grant
that, in my day, at least, that curtain may not rise ! God
grant that on my vision never may be opened what lies
behind ! When my eyes shall be turned to behold, for the
last time, the Sun in Heaven, may I not see him shining on
the broken and dishonored fragments of a once glorious Union ;
on States dissevered, discordant, belligerent ; on a land rent
with civil feuds, or drenched, it may be, in fraternal blood !
Let their last feeble and lingering glance, rather, behold the
gorgeous Ensign of the Republic, now known and honored
throughout the earth, still full high advanced, its arms and
trophies streaming in their original lustre, not a stripe erased
or polluted, nor a single star obscured, — bearing, for its motto,
no such miserable interrogatory as — • What is all this worth 1
nor those other words of delusion and folly — Liberty first and
Union afterwards — but everywhere, spread all over in charac-
ters of living light, blazing on all its ample folds, as they float
over the sea and over the land, and in every wind under the
whole Heavens, that other sentiment, dear to every true
American heart — Liberty and Union, now and for ever, one
and inseparable !

ODE FOR THE FOURTH OF JULY. 117

ODE FOR THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1833.

BY MARIA JAMES.

I SEE that banner proudly wave —

Yes, proudly waving yet ;
Not a stripe is torn from the broad array,

Not a single star is set ;
And the eagle, with unruffled plurne,
Is soaring aloft in the welkin dome.

Not a leaf is plucked from the branch he bears ;

From his grasp not an arrow has flown ;
The mist that obstructed his vision is past,

And the murmur of discord is gone :
For he sees, with a glance over mountain and plain.
The Union unbroken, from Georgia to Maine.

Far southward, in that sunny clime,

Where bright magnolias bloom,
And the orange with the lime tree vies

In shedding rich perfume,
A sound was heard like the ocean's roar,
As its surges break on the rocky shore.

118 ODE FOR THE FOURTH OF JULY.

Was it the voice of the tempest loud,

As it felled some lofty tree,
Or a sudden flash from a passing storm

Of heaven's artillery ?
But it died away, and the sound of doves
Is heard again in the scented groves.

The links are all united still

That form the golden chain,
And peace and plenty smile around,

Throughout the wide domain :
How feeble is language, how cold is the lay,
Compared with the joy of this festival day —

To see that banner waving yet —
Ay, waving proud and high — •

No rent in all its ample folds,
No stain of crimson dye :

And the eagle spreads his pinions fair,

And mounts aloft in the fields of air.

THE FOURTH OF JULY. 119

THE FOURTH OF JULY.

BT HON. DANIEL WEBSTER.

THIS is that day of the year which announced to mankind
the great fact of American Independence ! This fresh and
brilliant morning blesses our vision with another beholding of
the birth-day of our nation : and we see that nation, of recent
origin, now among the most considerable and powerful, and
spreading over the continent from sea to sea.

" Westward the course of empire takes its way ;

The four first acts already past,
A fifth shall close the drama with the day :
Time's noblest offering is the last."

On the day of the Declaration of Independence, our illus-
trious fathers performed the first scene in the last great act
of this drama : one, in real importance, infinitely exceeding
that for which the great English poet invoked

" A muse of fire,

A kingdom for a stage, princes to act,
And monarchs to behold the swelling scene."

The Muse inspiring our fathers was the Genius of Liberty, all
on fire with a sense of oppression, and a resolution to throw
it off ; the whole world was the stage, and higher characters
than princes trod it ; and, instead of monarch, countries, and
nations, and the age, beheld the swelling scene. How well

120 THE FOURTH OF JULY.

the characters were cast, and how well each acted his part,
and what emotions the whole performance excited, let history,
now and hereafter, tell.

On the Fourth of July, 1176, the representatives of the
United States of America, in Congress assembled, declared
that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free
and independent States. This declaration, made by most
patriotic and resolute men, trusting in the justice of their
cause, and the protection of Heaven, — and yet made not
without deep solicitude and anxiety,' — has now stood for
seventy-five years, and still stands. It was sealed in blood.
It has met dangers, and overcome them ; it has had enemies,
and conquered them ; it has had detractors, and abashed
them all ; it has had doubting friends, but it has cleared all
the doubts away ; and now, to-day, raising its august form
higher than the clouds, twenty millions of people contemplate
it with hallowed love, and the world beholds it, and the
consequences which have followed from it, with profound
admiration.

This aniversary animates, and gladdens, and unites, all
American hearts. On other days of the year we may be.
party men, indulging in controversies more or less important
to the public good ; we may have likes and dislikes, and we
may maintain our political differences, often with warmth, and
sometimes with angry feelings. But to-day we are Americans
all ; and all nothing but Americans. As the great luminary
over our heads, dissipating mists and fogs, now cheers the
whole hemisphere, so do the associations connected with this

THE FOURTH OF JULY. 121

day disperse all cloudy and sullen weather in the minds and
feelings of true Americans. Every man's heart swells within
him, every man's port and bearing becomes somewhat more
proud and lofty, as he remembers that seventy-five years have
rolled away, and that the great inheritance of liberty is still
his ; his, undiminished and unimpaired ; his, in all its original
glory ; his to enjoy, his to protect, and his to transmit to
future generations.

'

122 SEVENTY-SIX.

SEVENTY-SIX.

BY W. C. BRYANT.

WHAT heroes from the woodland sprung

When, through the fresh awakened land,
The thrilling cry of freedom rung,
And to the work of warfare strung
The yeoman's iron hand !

Hills flung the cry to hills around,
And ocean mart replied to mart,
And streams, whose springs were yet uufound,
Pealed far away the startling sound
Into the forest's heart.

Then marched the brave from rocky steep,

From mountain river swift and cold ;
The borders of the stormy deep,
The vales where gathered waters sleep,
Sent up the strong and bold, —

As if the very earth again

Grew quick with God's creating breath,
And. from the sods of grove and glen,

SEVENTY-SIX. 123

Rose ranks of lion-hearted men

•

To battle to the death.

Already had the strife begun ;

Already blood on Concord's plain
Along the springing grass had run,
And blood had flowed at Lexington,

Like brooks of April rain.

That death-stain on the vernal sward

Hallowed to freedom all the shore ;
In fragments fell the yoke abhorred —
The footstep of a foreign lord

Profaned the soil no more.

124 THE YOUTH OF WASHINGTON.

THE YOUTH OF WASHINGTON.

BY E. EVERETT.

JUST as Washington was passing from boyhood to youth,
the enterprise and capital of Virginia were seeking a new
field for exercise and investment, in the unoccupied public
domain beyond the mountains. The business of a surveyor
immediately became one of great importance and trust, for no
surveys were executed by the government. To this occupa-
tion the youthful Washington, not yet sixteen years of age,
and well furnished with the requisite mathematical knowledge,
zealously devoted himself. Some of his family connections
possessed titles to large portions of public land, which he was
employed with them in surveying.

Thus, at a period of life when, in a more advanced stage
of society, the intelligent youth is occupied in the elementary
studies of the schools and colleges, Washington was carrying
the surveyor's chain through the fertile valleys of the Blue
Ridge and the Alleghany Mountains ; passing days and
weeks in the wilderness, beneath the shadows of eternal for-
ests ; listening to the voice of the waterfalls, which man's art
had not yet set to the healthful music of the saw-mill or the
trip-hammer ; reposing from the labors of the day on a bear-
skin, with his feet to the blazing logs of a camp-fire ; and

THE YOUTH OF WASHINGTON. 125

sometimes startled from the deep slumbers of careless, hard-
working youth, by the alarm of the Indian war-whoop.

This was the gymnastic school in which Washington was
brought up ; hi which his quick glance was formed, destined
to range hereafter across the battle-field, through clouds of
smoke and bristling rows of bayonets ; the school in which
his senses, weaned from the taste for those detestable indul-
gences, miscalled pleasures, in which the flower of adolescence
so often languishes and pines away, were early braced up to
the sinewy manhood which becomes the

; ;. •

" Lord of the lion heart and eagle eye."

There is preserved among the papers of Washington a
letter, written to a friend while he was engaged on his first
surveying tour, and when he was, consequently, but sixteen
years of age. I quote a sentence from it, in spite of the
homeliness of the details, for which I like it the better, and
because I wish to set before you, not an ideal hero, wrapped
in cloudy generalities and a mist of vague panegyric, but the
real, identical man, with all the peculiarities of his life and
occupation.

"Your letter," says he, "gave me the more pleasure, as I
received it among barbarians and an uncouth set of people.
Since you received my letter of October last, I have not slept
above three or four nights in a bed ; but, after walking a good
deal all the day, I have lain down before the fire, upon a little
hay, straw, fodder, or a bear-skin — whichever was to be had —
with man wife, and children, like dogs and cats ; and happy

126 THE YOUTH OF WASHINGTON.

is lie who gets the berth nearest the fire. Nothing would
make it pass off tolerably but a good reward. A doubloon
is my constant gain, every day that the weather will permit
my going out, and sometimes six pistoles."

If there is an individual in the morning of life who has not
yet made his choice between the flowery path of indulgence
and the rough ascent of honest industry — if there is one who
is ashamed to get his living by any branch of honest labor —
let him reflect that the youth who was carrying the theodo-
lite and surveyor's chain through the mountain passes of the
Alleghanies, in the month of March, sleeping on a bundle of
hay before the fire, in a settler's log-cabin, and not ashamed
to boast that he did it for his doubloon a day, is George
Washington ; that the life he led trained him up to command
the armies of United America ; that the money he earned
was the basis of that fortune which enabled him afterwards
to bestow his services, without reward, on a bleeding and
impoverished country.

For three years was the young Washington employed, the
greater part of the time, and whenever the season would per-
mit, in this laborious and healthful occupation ; and I know
not if it would be deemed unbecoming, were a thoughtful
student of our history to say that he could almost hear the
voice of Providence, in the language of Milton, announce its
high purpose,

" To exercise him in the wilderness ;
There shall he first lay down the rudiments
Of his great warfare, ere I send him forth
To.conquer!"

COLUMBIA. 127

COLUMBIA.

BY T. DWIGHT.

COLUMBIA, Columbia, to glory arise,

The queen of the world, and the child of the skies ;

Thy genius commands thee ; with rapture behold,

While ages on ages thy splendors unfold.

Thy reign is the last and the noblest of time ;

Most fruitful thy soil, most inviting thy clime ;

Let the crimes of the East ne'er encrimson thy name ;

Be freedom, and science, and virtue thy fame.

To conquest and slaughter let Europe aspire ;
Whelm nations in blood and wrap cities in fire ;
Thy heroes the rights of mankind shall defend,
And triumph pursue them, and glory attend
A world is thy realm ; for a world be thy laws,
Enlarged as thine empire, and just as thy cause ;
On Freedom's broad basis that empire shall rise,
Extend with the main, and dissolve with the skies.

Fair Science her gates to thy sons shall unbar,

And the East .see thy morn hide the beams of her star ;

New bards and new sages, unrivall'd, shall soar

To fame, unextiuguish'd when time is no more ;

To thee, the last refuge of virtue design'd,

Shall fly from all nations the best of mankind ;

128 COLUMBIA.

Here, grateful, to Heaven with transport shall bring
Their incense, more fragrant than odors of spring.

Nor less shall thy fair ones to glory ascend,
.And genius and beauty in harmony blend ;
The graces of form shall awake pure desire,
And the charms of the soul ever cherish the fire :
Their sweetness unmingled, their manners refined,
And virtue's bright image enstamp'd on the mind,
With peace and soft rapture shall teach life to glow,
And light up a smile in the aspect of woe.

Thy fleets to all regions thy power shall display,

The nations admire, and the ocean obey ;

Each shore to thy glory its tribute unfold,

And the East and the South yield their spices and gold ;

As the day-spring unbounded, thy splendor shall flow,

And earth's little kingdoms before thee shall bow,

While the ensigns of union, in triumph unfurl'd,

Hush the tumult of war, and give peace to the world.

Thus, as down a lone valley, with cedars o'erspread,
From war's dread confusion I pensively stray'd —
The gloom from the face of fair heaven retired,
The winds ceased to murmur, the thunders expired ;
Perfumes as of Eden, flow'd sweetly along,
And a voice, as of angels, enchantingly sung :
" Columbia, Columbia, to glory arise,
The queen of the world, and the child of the skies."

THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON. 129

THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON.

BY JOUN M. MASON.

IT must ever be difficult to compare the merits of Wash-
ington's characters, because he always appeared greatest in
that whic,h he last sustained. Yet if there is a preference,
it must be assigned to the lieutenant-general of the armies of

America. Not because the duties of that station were more

»

arduous than those which he had often performed, but because
it more fully displayed his magnanimity. While others become
great by elevation, Washington becomes greater by condescen-
sion. Matchless patriot I to stoop, on public motives, to an
inferior appointment, after possessing and dignifying the
highest offices ! Thrice favored country, which boasts of
such a citizen ! We gaze with astonishment : we exult that
we are Americans. We augur everything great, and good,
and happy. But whence this sudden horror ? What means
that cry of agony ? Oh ! 'tis the shriek of America I The
fairy vision is fled : Washington is — no more ! —

" How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished !"

Daughters of America, who erst prepared the festal bower
and the laurel wreath, plant now the cypress grove, and
water it with tears.

6*

130 THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON.

" How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished !"

The death of Washington, Americans, has revealed the
extent of our loss. It has given us the final proof that we
never mistogk him. Take his affecting testament, and read
the secrets of his soul. Read all the power of domestic vir-
tue. Read his strong love of letters and of liberty. Read
his fidelity to republican principle, and his jealousy of national
character.

In his acts, Americans, you have seen the man. In the
complicated excellence of character, he stands alone. Let
no future Plutarch attempt the iniquity of parallel. Let rib
soldier of fortune, let no usurping conqueror, let not Alexan-
der or Caesar, let not Cromwell or Bonaparte, let none among
the dead or the living, appear in the same picture with Wash-
ington f or let them appear as the shade to his light.

MONODY ON THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON. 131

MONODY ON THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON.

BT KICHARD ALSOP.

BEFORE the splendors of thy high renown,
How fade the glow-worm lustres of a crown !
How sink, diminish'd, in that radiance lost,
The glare of conquest, and of power the boast 1
Let Greece her Alexander's deeds proclaim,
Or Caesar's triumphs gild the Roman name ;
Stript of the dazzling glare around them cast,
Shrinks at their crimes humanity aghast ;
With equal claim to honor's glorious meed,
See Attila his course of havoc lead ;
O'er Asia's realm, in one vast ruin hurl'd,
See furious Zinges' bloody flag unfurl'd.
On base far different from the conqueror's claim,
Rests the unsullied column of thy fame ;
His on the graves of millions proudly based,
With blood cemented and with tears defaced ;
Thine on a nation's welfare fixed sublime,
By freedom strengthen'd, and revered by time ;
He, as the comet whose portentous light
Spreads baleful splendor o'er the glooms of night,

132 MONODY ON THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON

With dire amazement chills the startled breast,

While storms and earthquakes dread its course attest;

And nature trembles, lest in chaos hurl'd

Should sink the tottering fragment of the world ;

Thine, like the sun, whose kind, propitious ray,

Opes the glad morn, and lights the fields of day,

Dispels the wintry storm, the chilling rain,

With rich abundance clothes the fertile plain,

Gives all creation to rejoice around,

And light and life extends, o'er nature's utmost bound

Though shone thy life a model bright of praise,

Not less the example bright thy death portrays ;

When, plunged in deepest woe around thy bed,

Each eye was fix'd, despairing sunk each head,

While nature struggled with extremest pain,

And scarce could life's last lingering powers retain ;

In that dread moment, awfully serene,

No trace of suffering marked thy placid mien,

No groan, no murmuring plaint escaped thy tongue ;

No longing shadows o'er thy hrow were hung ;

But, calm in Christian hope, undamp'd with fear,

Thou sawst the high reward of virtue near.

On that bright meed, in surest trust reposed,

As thy firm hand thine eyes expiring closed,

Pleased, to the will of Heaven resign'd thy breath,

And smiled, as nature's struggles closed in death.

THE MAYFLOWER. 133

THE MAYFLOWER.

BY E. EVERETT.

METHINKS I see it now, that one solitary, adventurous
vessel, the Mayflower of a forlorn hope, freighted with the
prospects of a future state, and bound across the unknown
sea. I behold it pursuing, with a thousand misgivings, the
uncertain, the tedious voyage. Suns rise and set, and weeks
and months pass, and winter surprises them on the deep, but
brings them not the sight of the wished-for shore. I see
them now, scantily supplied with provisions, crowded almost
to suffocation in their ill-stored prison, delayed by calms, pur-
suing a circuitous route ; and now, driven in fury before the
raging tempest, in their scarcely sea-worthy vessel. The
awful voice of the storm howls through the rigging. The
laboring masts seem straining from their base ; the dismal
sound of the pumps is heard ; the ship leaps, as it were,
madly from billow to billow ; the ocean breaks, and settles
with ingulfing floods over the floating deck, and beats with
deadening weight against the staggering vessel.

I see them escaped from these perils, pursuing thejr all but
desperate undertaking, and landed at last, after a five months'
passage, on the ice-clad rocks of Plymouth, weak and

134 THE MAYFLOWER.

exhausted from the voyage, poorly armed, scantily pro-
visioned, depending on the charity of their ship-master for a
draught of beer on board, drinking nothing but water on shore,
without shelter, without means, surrounded by hostile tribes.
Shut now the volume of history, and tell me, on any prin-
ciple of human probability, what shall be the fate of this
handful of adventurers ? Tell me, man of military science,
in how many months they were all *wept off by the thirty
savage tribes enumerated within the boundaries of New Eng-
land ? Tell me, politician, how long did this shadow of a
colony, on which your conventions and treaties had not
smiled, languish on the distant coast ? Student of history,
compare for me the baffled projects, the deserted settlements,
the abandoned adventures of other times, and find the paral-
lel of this. Was it the winter storm, beating upon the
houseless head of women and children ? was it hard labor
and spare meals? was it disease ? was it the tomahawk ? was
it the deep malady of the blighted hope, a ruined enterprise,
and a broken heart, aching in its last moments at the recol-
lections of the loved and left, beyond the sea ? was it some
or all of them united that hurried this forsaken company to
their melancholy fate ? And is it possible, that neither of
these causes, that all combined, were able to blast this bud
of hope I Is it possible, that from a beginning so feeble, so
frail, so worthy, not so much of admiration as of pity,
there has gone forth a progress so steady, a growth so won-
derful, a reality so important, a promise yet to be fulfilled so
glorious !

THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 135

THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

BT JOHN PIERPONT.

THE Pilgrim Fathers, — where are they ?

The waves that brought them o'er
Still roll in the bay, and throw their spray

As they break along the shore : •
Still roll in the bay, as they roll'd that day

When the Mayflower moor'd below,
When the sea around was black with storms,

And white the shore with snow.
The mists, that wrapp'd the Pilgrim's sleep,

Still brood upon the tide ;
And his rocks yet keep their watch by the deep,

To stay its waves of pride.
But the snow-white sail, that he gave to the gale

When the heavens look'd dark is gone ; —
As an angel's wing, through an opening cloud,

Is seen, and then withdrawn.
The Pilgrim exile, — sainted name '

The hill, whose icy brow
Rejoiced, when he came, in the morning's flame,

In the morning's flame burns now.
And the moon's cold light, as it lay that night

136 THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

•

On the hill-side and the sea,
Still lies where he laid his houseless head ; —

But the Pilgrim, — where is he ?
The Pilgrim Fathers are at rest ;

When summer's throned on high,
And the world's warm breast is in verdure dress'd,

Go, stand on the hill where they lie.
The earliest ray of the golden day
On that hallow'd spot is cast ;
And the evening sun, as it leaves the world,

Looks kindly on that spot last.
The Pilgrim spirit has not fled ;

It walks in noon's broad light ;
And it watches the bed of the glorious dead,

With their holy stars, by night.
It watches the bed of the brave who have bled,

And shall guard this ice-bound shore,
Till the waves of the bay, where the Mayflower lay,

Shall foam and freeze no more.

THE MEMORY OP OUR FATHERS. 137

THE MEMORY OF OUR FATHERS.

BY DR. BEECHER.

WE are called upon to cherish with high veneration and
grateful recollections, the memory of our fathers. Both the
ties of nature and the dictates of policy, demand this. And
surely, no nation had ever less occasion to be ashamed of its
ancestry, or more occasion for gratulation in that respect ;
for, while most nations trace their origin to barbarians, the
foundations of our nation were laid by civilized men — by Chris-
tians. Many of them were men of distinguished families, of
powerful talents, of great learning, and of pre-eminent wisdom,
of decision of character, and of most inflexible integrity. And
yet, not unfrequently, they have been treated as if they had no
virtues ; while their sins and follies have been sedulously
immortalized in satirical anecdote.

The influence of such treatment of our fathers is too mani-
fest. It creatas, and lets loose upon then* institutions, the
vandal spirit of innovation and overthrow ; for, after the mem-
ory of our fathers shall have been rendered contemptible, who
will appreciate and sustain then* institutions ? The memory
of our fathers, should be the watchword of liberty throughout
the land : for, imperfect as they were, the world before had
not seen their like, nor will it soon, we fear, behold then* like

138 THE MEMORY OP OUR FATHERS.

again. Such models of moral excellence, such apostles of
civil and religious liberty, such shades of the illustrious dead,
looking down upon their descendants with approbation or
reproof, according as they follow or depart from the good
way, constitute a censorship inferior only to the eye of God ;
and to ridicule them is national suicide.

The doctrines of our fathers have been- represented as
gloomy, superstitious, severe, irrational, and of a licentious
tendency. But when other systems shall have produced a
piety as devoted, a morality as pure, a patriotism as disinte-
rested, and a state of society as happy, as have prevailed
where their doctrines have been most prevalent, it may be in
season to seek an answer to this objection.

The persecutions instituted by our fathers, have been the
occasion of ceaseless obloquy upon their fair fame. And
truly, it was a fault of no ordinary magnitude, that sometimes
they did persecute. But let him whose ancestors were not
ten times more guilty cast the first stone, and the ashes of
our fathers will no more be disturbed. Theirs was the fault
of the, age and it will be easy to show, that no class of men
had, at that time, approximated so nearly to just apprehen-
sions of religious liberty ; and that it is to them that the world
is now indebted, for the more just and definite views which
now prevail.

The superstition and bigotry of our fathers, are themes
on which some of their descendants, themselves far enough
from superstition if not from bigotry, have delighted to
dwell.

THE MEMORY OP ODK FATHERS. 139

But when we look abroad, and behold the condition of the
world, compared with the condition of New England, we may
justly exclaim, " Would to God that the ancestors of all the
nations had been not only almost, but altogether, such bigots
as our fathers were."

140 THE UNION AND ITS GOVERNMENT.

THE UNION AND ITS GOVERNMENT.

BY W. G. SIMMS.

Government

We hold to be the creature of our need,
Having no power but where necessity
Still, under guidance of the Charter, gives it.
Our taxes raised to meet our exigence,
And not for waste or favorites. Our People
Left free to share the commerce of the world,
Without one needless barrier on their prows.
Our industry at liberty for venture,
Neither abridged nor pampered : and no calling
Preferred before another, to the ruin
Or wrong of either. These, Sir, are my doctrines —
They are the only doctrines which shall keep us
From anarchy, and that worst peril yet,
That threatens to dissever, in the tempest,
That married harmony of hope with power
That keeps our starry Union o'er the storm,
And, in the sacred bond that links our fortunes,
Makes us defy its thunders ! Thus in one,
The foreign despot threatens us in vain.
Guizot and Palmerston may fret to see us

THE* UNION AND ITS GOVERNMENT. 141

Grasping the empires which they vainly covet,
And stretching forth our trident o'er the seas,
In rivalry with Britain. They may confine,
But cannot chain us. Balances of power,
Framed by corrupt and cunning monarchists,
Weigh none of our possessions ; and the seasons
That mark our mighty progress East and West,
Show Europe's struggling millions fondly seeking
The better shores and shelters that are ours.

142 THE PUBITANS.

THE PURITANS.

BY E. P. WHIFFLE.

THE Puritans — there is a charm in that word which will
never be lost on a New England ear. It is closely associated
with all that is great in New England history. It is hal-
lowed by a thousand memories of obstacles overthrown, of
dangers nobly braved, of sufferings unshrinkingly borne, in the
service of freedom and religion. It kindles at once the pride
of ancestry, and inspires the deepest feelings of national
veneration. It points to examples of valor in all its modes
of manifestation, — in the hall of debate, on the field of
battle, before the tribunal of power, at the martyr's stake.
It is a name which will never die out of New England
hearts. Wherever virtue resists temptation, wherever men
meet death for religion's sake, wherever the gilded baseness
of the world stands abashed before conscientious principles,
there will be the spirit of the Puritans. They have left
deep and broad marks of then* influence on human society.
Then- children, in all times, will rise up and call them
blessed. A thousand witnesses of their courage, their indus-
try, their sagacity, their invincible perseverance in well-
doing, their love of free institutions, their respect for justice,

THE PURITANS. 143

their hatred of wrong, are all around us, and bear grateful
evidence daily to their memory. We cannot forget them,
even if we had sufficient baseness to wish it. Every spot
of New England earth has a story to tell of them ; every
cherished institution of New England society bears the print
of theu* minds. The strongest element of New England
character has been transmitted with their blood. So intense
is our sense of affiliation with then: nature, that we speak of
them universally as our " fathers." And though their fame
everywhere else were weighed down with calumny and
hatred, though the principles for which they contended, and
the noble deeds they performed, should become the scoff of
sycophants and oppressors, and be blackened by the smooth
falsehoods of the selfish and the cold, there never will be
wanting hearts in New England to kindle at their virtues,
nor tongues and pens to vindicate their name.

144 THE EAGLE.

THE EAGLE.

BY J. G. PERCIVAL.

BIRD of the broad and sweeping wing,

Thy home is high in heaven,
Where wide the storms their banners fling,

And the tempest clouds are driven.
Thy throne is on the mountain top ;

Thy fields, the boundless air ;
And hoary peaks that proudly prop

The skies, thy dwellings are.

Thou sittest like a thing of light,

Amid the noontide blaze :
The midway sun is clear and bright ;

It cannot dim thy gaze.
Thy pinions, to the rushing blast,

O'er the bursting billow, spread,
Where the vessel plunges, hurry past,

Like an angel of the dead.

Thou art perch'd aloft on the beetling crag,
And the waves -are white below,

And on, with a haste that cannot lag,
They rush in endless flow.

THE EAGLE. 145

Again thou hast plumed thy wiiig for flight

To lands beyond the sea,
And away, like a spirit wreathed iu light,

Thou hurriest, wild and free.

Thou hurriest over the myriad waves,

And thou lea vest them all behind ;
Thou sweepest that place of unknown graves,

Fleet as the tempest wind.
When the night-storm gathers dim and dark

With a shrill and boding scream,
Thou rushest by the foundering bark,

Quick as a passing dream.

Lord of the boundless ream of ah*,

In thy imperial name,
The hearts of the bold and ardent dare

The dangerous path of fame.
Beneath the shade of thy golden wings,

The Roman legions bore,
From the river of Egypt's cloudy springs,

Their pride, to the polar shore.

For thee they fought, for thee they fell,

And their oath was on thee laid ;
To thee the clarions raised their swell,

And the dying warrior pray'd.

146 THE EAGLE.

Thou wert, through, an age of death and fears,

The image of pride and power,
Till the gather'd rage of a thousand years

Burst forth in one awful hour.

And then a deluge of wrath it came,

And the nations shook with dread :
And it swept the earth till its fields were flame,

And piled with the mingled dead.
Kings were rolPd in the wasteful flood,

With the low and crouching slave ;
And together lay, in a shroud of blood,

The coward and the brave.

And where was then thy fearless flight ?

" O'er the dark, mysterious sea,
To the lands that caught the setting light,

The cradle of Liberty.
There, on the silent and lonely shore,

For ages, I watch'd alone,
And the world, in its darkness, ask'd no more

Where the glorious bird had flown.

"But then came a bold and hardy few,

And they breasted the unknown wave ;
I caught afar the wandering crew ;
And I knew they were high and brave.

THE EAGLE. 147

I wheel'd around the welcome bark,

As it sought the desolate shore,
And up to heaven, like a joyous lark,

My quivering pinions bore.

" And now that bold and hardy few

Are a nation wide and strong ;
And danger and doubt I have led them through,

And they worship me in song ;
And over their bright and glancing arms,

On field, and lake, and sea,
With an eye that fires, and a spell that charms.

I guide them to victory."

148 SUPPOSED SPEECH OF ADAMS.

SUPPOSED SPEECH OF ADAMS,

IN FAVOR OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
BY DANIEL WEBSTER.

SINK or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand
and my heart to this vote. It is true, indeed, that in the
beginning, we aimed not at independence. But there's a
Divinity which shapes our ends. The injustice of England
has driven us to arms ; and, blinded to her own interest for
our good, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is
now within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and
it is ours. Why then should we defer the declaration ? Is
any man so weak as now to hope for a reconciliation with
England, which shall leave either safety to the country and
its liberties, or safety to his own life, and his own honor ?
Are not you, sir, who sit in that chair, is not her our venera-
ble colleague near you, are you not both already the pro-
scribed and predestined objects of punishment and of ven-
geance ? Cut off from all hope of royal clemency, what are
you, what can you be, while the power of England remains,
but outlaws ? If we postpone independence, do we mean to
carry on, or to give up the war ? Do we mean to submit to
the measures of Parliament, Boston port-bill and all ? Do
we mean to submit, and consent that we ourselves shall be

SUPPOSED SPEKCH OF ADAMS. 149

i

ground to powder, and our country and its rights trodden
down into dust ? I know we do not mean to submit. We
never shall submit. The war then must go on. We must
fight it through. And if the war must go on, why put off
longer the Declaration of Independence ? That measure will
strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. If we fail,
it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause
will raise up armies, the cause will create navies. The people,
the people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will
carry themselves, gloriously, through this struggle. Sir, the
declaration will inspire the people with increased courage.
Read this declaration at the head of the army ; every sword
will be drawn from its scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered
to maintain it, or to perish on the bed of honor. Publish it
from the pulpit ; religion will approve it, and the love of reli-
gious liberty will cling round it, resolved to stand with it, or
fall with it. Send it to the public hall ; proclaim it there ;
let them hear it who heard the first roar of the enemy's can-
non ; let them see it, who saw their brothers and their sons
fall on the field of Bunker Hill, and in the streets of Lexing-
ton and Concord, and the very walls will cry out hi its
support.

Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs, but I see, I
see clearly through this day's business. You and I, indeed,
may rue it. We may not live to the tune when this declara-
tion shall be made good. We may die ; die, colonists ; die,
slaves ; die, it may be, ignominiously, and on the scaffold.
Be it so. Be it so. But if it be the pleasure of heaven that

150 SUPPOSED SPEECH OF ADAMS.

my country shall require the poor offering of my life, the vic-
tim shall be ready at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come
when that hour may. But while I do live, let me have a
country, or at least the hope of a country, and that a free
country. Whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured,
that this declaration will stand. It may cost treasure, and it
may cost blood ; but it will stand, and it will richly compen-
sate for both. Through the thick gloom of the present, I see
the brightness of the future, as the sun in heaven. We shall
make this a glorious, an immortal day. When we are in our
graves, our children will honor it. They will celebrate it,
with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires, and illumina-
tions. On its annual return they will shed tears, copious
gushing tears, not of subjection and slavery, not of agony and
distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy. Sir,
before God, I believe the hour has come. My judgment
approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it. All that
I have, and all that I am, and all that I hope, in this life, I
am now ready here to stake upon it ; and I leave off, as I
began, that live or die, survive or perish, I am for the declar-
ation. It is my living sentiment, and by the blessing of God
it shall be my dying sentiment ; independence, now; and

INDEPENDENCE FOR EVER !

AMERICA, COMMERCE AND FREEDOM. 151

AMERICA, COMMERCE AND FREEDOM.

BY SUSANNAH ROWSON.

How blest a life a sailor leads,

From clime to clime still ranging ;
For as the calm the storm succeeds,
The scene delights by changing !
"When Tempests howl along the main,

Some object will remind us,
And cheer with hopes to meet again
Those friends we've left behind us.
Then, under snug sail, we laugh at the gale,

And though landsmen look pale never heed 'em ;
But toss off a glass to a favorite lass,
To America, commerce, and freedom !

And when arrived hi sight of land,

Or safe in port rejoicing,
Our ship we moor, our sails we hand,

Whilst out the boat is hoisting.
With eager haste the shore we reach,

Our friend^ delighted greet us ;
And, tripping lightly o'er the beach,

The pretty lasses meet us.

152 AMERICA, COMMKRCE AXD FREEDOM.

When the full-flowing bowl has enlivened the soul,

To foot it we merrily lead 'em,
And each bonny lass will drink off a glass

To America, commerce, and freedom !

Our cargo sold, the chink we share,

And gladly we receive it ;
And if we meet a brother tar

Who wants, we freely give it.
No freeborn sailor yet had store,
But cheerfully would lend it ;
And when 'tis gone, to sea for more —

We earn it but to spend it.
Then drink round, my boys, 'tis the first of our joys,

To relieve the distressed, clothe and feed 'em ;
Tis a task which we share with the brave and the fair
In this land of commerce and freedom !

EMBASSY TO ROME. 153

EMBASSY TO ROME

BT L. C. LEVIN.

SYMPATHY with Pope Pius IX. appears to be the hobby-
horse of political leaders. O'Connell, the Irish reformer, is
dead. The curtain has fallen upon the last act of the national
farce, and now the Pope, an Italian reformer, steps upon the
stage to conclude what O'Connell left unfinished. The hurrah
has gone through the country ; public meetings have been
held ; sympathy for the Pope has grown almost into a fash-
ion : yet sir, hi no legitimate sense can this embassy to Pvome
be called a national measure, intended for the public benefit.
We have no commerce to protect in the Roman States ; we
have no seamen whose rights may need even the supervision
of a government agent or consul ; we have no navy riding in
her only harbor ; we have no interests that may be exposed
to jeopardy for want of an ambassador.

The Papal flag has never been known to wave hi an Ame-
rican port. No American vessel has received the visit of a
Pope. Dwelling under the shadow of the nuns of antiquity,
they have never disturbed us, save by the bulls of Pope Gre-
gory and the intrigues of his Jesuits. What, then, has pro-
duced this sudden revolution in the concerns of the two coun-

7*

154 EMBASSY TO ROME.

.tries ? We are told that Pius IX. is a reformer. Indeed !
In what sense is he a reformer ? Has he divested himself of
any of his absolute prerogatives ? Has he cast off his claims
to infallibility ? Has he flung aside his triple crown ? Has
he become a republican ? Has he emancipated his people ?
Has he suppressed the Jesuits ? Far from it. Nothing of
this has been done. He maintains his own prerogatives as
absolute as Gregory XIX., or any other of his illustrious
predecessors. In what, then, does the world give him credit
for being a reformer ? For building up a new and firmer
foundation to his own secular and hierarchical power; for
permitting a press to be established in Rome, under his own
supervision and control ; for carrying out measures not to be
censured, but certainly giving him no pretensions beyond that
of a selfish sagacity, intent on the study of all means calculated
to add stability to his spiritual power, and firmness to his tem-
poral throne.

But, it is said, if Rome will not come to America, America
must go to Rome ! This is the new doctrine of an age of
retrogressive progress. If the Pope will not establish a
republic for his Italian subjects, we, the American people,
must renounce all the ties of our glorious freedom, and endorse
the Papal system as the perfection of human wisdom, by send-
ing an ambassador to Rome to congratulate "His Holiness"
on having made — what ? The Roman people free ? Oh !
no ; but on having made tyranny amiable ; in having sugared
the poisoned cake. And for this, the highest crime against
freedom, we are to commission an embassador to Rome ! Is

EMBASSY TO ROME. 155

there an American heart that does not recoil from the utter
degradation of the scheme ? Sir, in the name of the Ameri-
can people, I protest against this innovation, which would
make us a by-word among the nations.

THE ROMM CATHOLIC RELIGION.

BY GRACE GREENWOOD.

O CLEOPATRA of religions ! throned in power, glowing and
gorgeous in all imaginable splendors and luxuries — proud
victor of victors — in the "infinite variety" of thy resources
and enchantments more attractive than glory, resistless as fate
— now terrible in the dusk splendor of thy imperious beauty
— now softening and subtle as moonlight, and music, and
poet-dreams — insolent and humble, stormy and tender ! 0
alluring tyranny, O beautiful falsehood, 0 fair and fatal
enchantress, 0 sovereign sorceress of the world ! the end is
not yet, and the day may not be far distant, when thou shalt
lay the asp to thine own bosom, and die.

156 OLD IRONSIDES.

OLD IRONSIDE S.

BY 0. W. HOLMES.

AYE, tear her tattered ensign down !

Long has it waved on high,
And many an eye has danced to see

That banner in the sky ;
Beneath it rung the battle-shout,

And burst the cannon's roar ; —
The meteor of the ocean air,

Shall sweep the clouds no more !

Her deck, once red with heroes' blood

Where knelt the vanquished foe,
When winds were hurrying o'er the flood,

And waves were white below,
No more shall feel the victor's tread,

Or know the conquered knee ; —
The harpies of the shore shall pluck

The eagle of the sea !

0 better that her shattered hulk
Should sink beneath the wave ;

Her thunders shook the mighty deep,
And there should be her grave ;

OLD IRONSIDES. 151

Nail to the mast her holy flag,

Set every threadbare sail,
And give her to the god of storms, —

The lightning and the gale !

THEY never fail who die

In a great cause : the block may soak their gore,
Their heads may sodden in the sun ; their limbs
Be strung to city gates and castle walls ; —
But still their spirit walks abroad. Though years
Elapse, and others share as dark a doom,
They but augment the deep and sweeping thoughts
Which overspread all others, and conduct
The world at last to freedom.

158 MONUMENT TO THE PILGRIMS.

MONUMENT TO THE PILGRIMS.

FROM THE NEW YORK MIRROR.

SUBSCRIPTIONS are accumulating, and arrangements are
rapidly progressing for the erection of a monument to the
Pilgrims. The rock-ribbed earth is to be smitten, and from
the quarry the snowy marble, or the grey granite is to be
evoked, to swell from a durable base into a sky-piercing column,
whose sides shall bear record of the peerless band, who, daring
the wintry sea and the wilderness, landed centuries agone on
that rock of Plymouth, which has since become a more than
Caaba to millions of their descendants — millions of proud awl
happy freemen. Worthy object for a national monument —
column, obelisk, pyramid, or temple ! — worthy theme for an
epic in granite or marble, in which the heroism of the truest
of heroes shall be sung while the earth lasts.

Let the monument go up, to the chorus of hammer and
trowel, ringing their hymn of grateful industry — a strain
caught from the national pulse and heart — until, crowned with
its cap-stone, it shall catch the morning's smile with a music
of hallowed reminiscence, sweeter than the song of Memnon.
A monument to the Pilgrims ! fit associate of Bunker's column,
and of that temple-based shaft rising to the memory of him
who led the children of the Pilgrims through the perils of

MONCMEXT TO THE PILGRIMS. 159

revolution, to the altar of freedom. Glorious trio of triumphal
piles ! — triumphal, though the Pilgrims, and the day of victo-
rious battle, and the peerless chief who led the host to victory,
are past — triumphal, in that they quicken not nor brighten
the names, and deeds, and memories of the illustrious dead —
the living and immortal dead — but that they will stand there
on Bunker's height, on Plymouth's Rock, and at the Republic's
Capital, linking generations of grateful children to the heroic
Fathers — making them, through their gratitude, worthy of
the name and fame of the Pilgrims !

And yet, why should the marble rise to such as these ?
Why — save to honor the living, rather than the dead ? Of
what avail are

" Storied urn and animated bust,"

to embalm or glorify the memories of the immortal ? The
rock on which they landed ; the wilderness they subdued ; the
continent they planted ; the hemisphere and world they have
overspread with the splendor of their achievements — these
are the Pilgrims' monuments. The history of a New World
piles their time-defying column of perils dared, of sacrifices
made, of the battle fought and the victory won, until it over-
tops Grecian or Roman fame.

A monument to the Pilgrims ! — it rises from a nation's
heart, spreads through a nation's proud memory, and points
on and up in a nation's present pulsings and mighty future.
And their name and spirit are written all over it — written hi
the industry and enterprise that survive them ; honoring their

160 FREEDOM.

example — in the free schools, on the free altars, hi the free
thought and speech, and on the free soil which they bequeathed,
as our priceless inheritance ; and in the institutions by which
they triumphed, and which are our glory and the admiration
of the world, the Pilgrims have their monument, more dura-
ble than marble or granite. They will be glorified when the
pyramids shall have crumbled, and the rock-piles builded to
their memory are powdered under the heel of time. It is only
we, their children, whom special monuments can serve. These
will testify our gratitude, to our own honor, more than they
can add to the immortality of our Pilgrim Fathers.

FREEDOM.

BY the hope within us springing,
Herald of to-morrow's strife ;

By that sun, whose light is bringing
Chains of freedom, death or life —

O remember, life can be

No charm for him who lives not free !

NEW K\OI, AN"D. 161

NEW E N G L A N D.

BT J. O. PERCIVAL.

HAIL to the land whereon we tread,

Our fondest boast ;
The sepulchre of mighty dead,
The truest hearts that ever bled,
Who sleep on Glory's brightest bed,

A fearless host :

No slave is here ; our unchain'd feet
Walk freely as the waves that beat

Our coast.

Our fathers cross'd the ocean's wave

To seek this shore ;
They left behind the coward slave
To welter in his living grave ;
With hearts unbent, and spirits brave,

They sternly bore

Such toils as meaner souls had quell'd ;
But souls like these, such toils impell'd

To soar.

Hail to the morn, when first they stood
On Bunker's height,

162 NEW ENGLAND.

And, fearless, stemm'd the invading flood,
And wrote our dearest rights in blood,
And mow'd in ranks the hireling brood,

In desperate fight !
0, 'twas a proud, exulting day,
For even our fallen fortunes lay

In light.

There is no other land like thee,

No dearer shore ;
Thou art the shelter of the free ;
The home, the port of Liberty,
Thou hast been, and shall ever be,

Till tune is o'er.
Ere I forget to think upon
My land, shall mother curse the son

She bore.

Thou art the firm, unshaken rock,

On which we rest ;
And, rising from thy hardy stock,
Thy sons the tyrant's frown shall mock,
And slavery's galling chains unlock,

And free the oppress'd :
A 11, who the wreath of Freedom twine
•> ^eath the shadow of their vine,

Are bless'd.

NEW ENGLAND. 163

We love thy rade and rocky shore,

And here we stand —
Let foreign navies hasten o'er
And on our heads their fury pour,
And peal their cannon's loudest roar,

And storm our land ;
They still shall find our lives are given
To die for home ; — and leant on Heaven

Our hand.

LET Spain boast the treasures that grow in her mines ;
Let Gallia rejoice in her olives and vines ;
In bright sparkling jewels let India prevail,
With her odors Arabia perfume every gale : —
'Tis Columbia alone that can boast of the soil
Where the fair fruits of virtue and liberty smile.

MOUNT VERNOX.

MOUNT V E R N 0 N.

BY ERASTUS BROOKS.

THE time has come when the Mount Vernon estate, for a
century or more in the possession of the Washington family,
and for half that time owned by George Washington, as a
bequest from his brother, must either become the common
property of the nation, or belong to one or more of its
citizens. It was to Mount Vernon, just one hundred years
ago, the present winter, that Washington retired after throw-
ing up his commission as an officer in the British army, in
consequence of a royal order, that the officers of the regular
army should take precedence of the officers of the provincial
troops. It was from Mount Vernon Washington went to
cross the mountains, to visit the head waters of the Ohio,
and to penetrate the wilderness shores of the Allegheny.
From this spot he was called to take charge of the armies of
the United States, to preside over the Convention which
framed the Constitution, to be the Chief Magistrate of the
nation during the first and second terms of the Presidential
office, and, finally, to be General-in-Chief of the army in the
threatened war between France and the United States, which
followed almost immediately upon his retirement from the
city which bore his name. It was to Mount Vernon lie

MOUNT VERNON. 165

looked with longing eyes and delightful anticipations in all
intervals from the public service — when he took leave of his
companions in arms on the banks of the beautiful Hudson ;
when he gave up his commission as general of the army to
Congress, at Annapolis, and when he resigned his civic
honors, and voluntarily retired from his eight years of con-
secutive and arduous service as President of the United
States.

The practical question for us to consider is, whether this
spot of earth — where Washington lived, died, and was
buried ; where he suffered an illness, which, though brief in
time, was intense in character, where he gave utterance to
these memorable words — " I am not afraid to die " — shall be
desecrated to purposes of speculation and dissipation, or be
c nsecrated to the higher good of becoming the property of
the people of the entire American Union.

It has passed into a proverb that republics are ungrateful,
and when we remember the long series of omissions in regard
to the claims of Washington, I almost think the proverb to
be true. Washington, it is known to all, gave his best affec-
tions, his hardest labors, his highest duties to the service of
his country. Whether in the army, or hi civil life, he drew
no more from the treasury than a bare sufficiency to meet his
daily expenses. Fifty-four years ago, the Congress of the
United States received intelligence of his death. The Capitol
was shrouded in sorrow, while a feeling of gloom pervaded
the entire nation. In the freshness of the general sympathy
for the loss of the lamented dead, Congress adopted resolu-

166 MOUNT VERNOX.

tions providing for the erection of a marble tomb, and a mar-
ble monument over the remains of Washington, and sent an
earnest request to Mrs. Washington, that these sacred relics
of the nation's friend and benefactor should be transmitted
for final repose beneath the walls of the Capitol, and the flag
of the country. The answer of Mrs. Washington, who was
a model of her sex, and like the mother of Washington,
among the noblest examples of the great and good women of
the land, was, that accustomed as she had been to bring her
private feelings into subjection to the voice of the country,
and taught as she had been by Washington himself, to bow
to the will of the nation, she was ready to surrender the
remains of her deceased husband to what seemed to be the
call of the country.

Mr. President, — I feel sure I may bespeak the good will
of the Senate of New York for a proposition like that upon
your table, and which has come to us unanimously approved
by the other branch of the State Legislature. My
assurance is founded upon the debt which New York owes to
the memory of the Father of his Country. At Long Island,
at Staten Island, on both banks of the Hudson, in the city of
New York, and all around that city, through the darkest
hours of the Revolution, and in the fiercest struggles for
independence, he stood upon our soil, the defender of its
liberties, the preserver of its property, the protector of the
lives of its citizens. 'It seems to me, sir, that the waters of
the Hudson, on the shores of which Washington perilled his
life, and the waters of the Potomac, on the shores of which

MOUNT VERNON. 167

he lived and died, might be mingled into one flowing and
harmonious river ; that the Old Dominion and New York,
forgetting all past animosities, might mutually bury their
differences and divisions in the grave of Washington, and
upon the soil of Mount Vernon. At least, let me hope that
New York will unanimously recommend that this hallowed
ground will be rescued from desecration, and become the

property of the American people.

******

I see before me the beloved and honored John Marshall,
of Virginia, as he addressed the representatives of the people
in words which had become historic truths : " First in war,
first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen." I see the
venerated form of President John Adams, on whose motion
in the Provincial Congress, George Washington had been
placed at the head of the American armies. I hear his letter
read to the two Houses of Congress, in answer to the official
record of his death. I read his declaration, that if " Trajan
found a Pliny, Marcus Aurelius will not need historians,
biographers, or eulogists." True, sir, it is that Washington
needs neither historians, biographers, nor eulogists. His
name is written all over the country, while his fame is
inscribed upon the hearts of all his countrymen. But the
soil where his remains repose is not, as it should be, the pro-
perty of the nation. In the tomb of Washington and the
home of Washington, I would let every American citizen
enjoy an ownership, and therefore it is I so urgently press
the passage of this resolution.

168 MOUNT VERNON.

******

Washington was a hero, a statesman, a philanthropist, a
patriot, and, to sum up all, in one word, he was an American.
IS" o public man, living or dead, can be compared with him in
moral purity, in generous self-sacrifices, or in disinterested
benevolence. The sublimity of his character, rising in ma-
jesty above all common levels, reminds one of " the cloud-
capt towers" of the Alps or Apennines, as the traveller at
the foot of these mountains has seen them bathed in the morn-
ing sunlight, and kissing the very skies with which they
seemed to hold delightful communion ; or to come to our
own home, it soars as much above the level of common men,
as the highest peaks of the Alleghanies rise above the muddy
waters of the Ohio. I compare the Hon. Senator to no such

man, nor Washington to any man whatsoever.

******

If I heard the Senator read aright, he alluded to what is
called " the Higher Law 1" There are men, sir, who can
boldly march to the desk of the presiding officer of this body,
and, holding up then* right hands, repeat the sacred words — •
11 1 do solemnly sioear that I will support the Constitution of
the United States" or who, as they repeat these solemn
pledges of fidelity, can put their lips to God's holy book, and
imprint, I fear, just such a kiss upon it, as that with which
Judas betrayed his Master. For one, sir, I know of no
higher law to govern me here than the Constitution of my
country, and when I say this, I speak both as a legislator
and a man. That Constitution is in perfect harmony with

MOUNT VERNON. 169

the teachings of God, and the precepts of humanity. It was
modelled by good Christian men, and is in perfect conformity
with divine wisdom and the highest public good. Sir, I can
have some respect for the logic of those bold bad men, who
find in the Constitution a power which they hate, and who
are, therefore, ready to tear the instrument to pieces, and
trample it under foot. I can have no respect whatever for
that other class of higher law persons, who take upon them
the oath of God to abide by the Constitution, and yet are
ready to violate it as often as it conflicts with their interests
or principles to support it.

******

I hope that this resolution, upon which I have been urging
action from day to day, is not to be mutilated or destroyed.
I have exhausted all the language and argument of which I
am capable, in favor of its adoption as it came to us from the
Assembly, and in conclusion, borrowing words and thoughts
stronger than any of my own, I must say to you as the great
Pericles said to the people of Athens, upon an occasion not
wholly dissimilar to the present : "0 Athenians (Americans
I would say), these dead bodies ask no monument : their
monument arose when they fell, and so long as liberty shall
have defenders, their names will be imperishable. But, O
Athenians, it is we who need a monument to their honor.
We, who survive, not having yet proved that we, too, could
die for our country, and be immortal. We need a monument,
that the widows and children of the dead, and all Greece,
and the shades of the departed, and all future ages may see

110 MOUNT VERNON.

and know that we honor patriotism, and virtue, and liberty,
and truth ; for, next to performing a great deed, and
achieving a noble character, is to honor such characters and
deeds."

BUT slaves, that once conceive the glowing thought

Of freedom, in that hope itself possess

All that the contest calls for : — spirit, strength,

The scorn of danger, and united hearts,

The surest presage of the good they seek.

THE MOTHERS OF THE WEST. 171

THE MOTHERS OF THE WEST.

BY W. D. GALLAGHER.

THE mothers of our forest-land 1

Stout-hearted dames were they ;
With nerve to wield the battle-brand,

And join the border fray.
Our rough land had no braver,

In its days of blood and strife —
Aye ready for severest toil,

Aye free to peril life.

The mothers of our forest-land !

On old Kentucky's soil,
How shared they, with each dauntless band,

War's tempest and life's toil !
They shrank not from the foeman —

They quail'd not in the fight —
But cheer'd their husbands through the day,

And soothed them through the night.

The mothers of our forest-land 1

Their bosoms pillow'd men !
And proud were they by such to stand,

In hammock, fort, or glen,

172 THE MOTHKKS OF THE WEST.

To load the sure old rifle —
To run the leaden ball —

To watch a battling husband's place,
And fill it should he fall.

The mothers of our forest-land !

Such were their daily deeds.
Their monument ! — where does it stand ?

Their epitaph ! — who reads ?
No braver dames had Sparta,

No nobler matrons Rome —
Yet who or lauds or honors them,

E'en in their own green home ?

The mothers of our forest land !

They sleep in unknown graves.
And had they borne and nursed a band

Of ingrates, or of slaves,
They had not been more neglected !

But then* graves shall yet be found,
And their monuments dot here and there

" The Dark and Bloody Ground !"

SCIENCE FRIENDLY TO FREEDOM. 173

SCIENCE FRIENDLY TO FREEEOM.

BT E. H. CHAPIN.

No cause is so bound up with religion as the cause of
political liberty and the rights of man. Unless I have read
history backwards — unless Magna Charta is a mistake, and
the Bill of Rights a sham, and the Declaration of Indepen-
dence a contumacious falsehood — .unless the sages, and heroes,
and martyrs, who have fought and bled, were impostors — •
iftiless the sublimest transactions in modern history, on Tower
Hill, in the Parliaments of London, on the sea-tossed May-
flower— unless these are all deceitful, there is no cause so
i

linked with religion as the cause of democratic liberty.

And, sir, not only are all the moral principle, which we
can summon, on the side of this great cause, but the physical
movements of the age attend it and advance it. Nature is
republican. The discoveries of Science are republican.
Sir, what are these new forces, steam and electricity, but
powers that are levelling all factitious distinctions, and forcing
the world on to a noble destiny ? Have they not already
propelled the nineteenth century a thousand years ahead ?
What are they but the servitors of the people, and not of a
class? Does not the poor man of to-day ride in a car

174 SCIENCE FRIENDLY TO FREEDOM.

dragged by forces such as never waited on kings, or drove
the wheels of triumphal chariots ? Does he not yoke the
lightning, and touch the magnetic nerves of the world ?
The steam-engine is a democrat. It is the popular heart
that throbs in its iron pulses. And the electric telegraph
writes upon the walls of despotism, Mene mene tekd upharsin !
There is a process going on in the moral and political world
— like that in the physical world — crumbling the old Saurian
forms of past ages, and breaking up old landmarks ; and this
moral process is working under Neapolitan dungeons and
Austrian thrones ; and, sir, it will tumble over your Metter-
nichs and Nicholases, and convert your Josephs into fossils.
I repeat it, sir, not only are all the moral principles of the
age, but all the physical principles of nature, as developed by
man, at work in behalf of freedom.

Live, and take comfort. Thou hast left behind
Powers that will work for thee ; earth, air, and skies :
There's not a breathing of the common wind,
That will forget thee ; thou hast great allies ;
Thy friends are exultations, agonies,
And love, and Man's unconquerable mind.

ADAMS AND LIBERTY. 175

ADAMS AID LIBERTY.

BY R. T. PAINE.

YE sons of Columbia, who bravely have fought

For those rights, which unstain'd from your sires had

descended,

May you long taste the blessings your valor has bought,
And your sons reap the soil which their fathers defended.
Mid the reign of mild Peace
May your nation increase,

With the glory of Rome, and the wisdom of Greece ;
And ne'er shall the sons of Columbia be slaves,
While the earth bears a plant, or the sea rolls its waves.

In a clime whose rich vales feed the marts of the world,

Whose shores are unshaken by Europe's commotion,
The trident of commerce should never be hurl'd,
To incense the legitimate powers of the ocean.
But should pirates invade,
Though in thunder array'd,
Let your cannon declare the free charter of trade.
For never shall the sons, &c.

116 ADAMS AND LIBERTY.

The fame of our arms, of our laws the mild sway,

Had justly ennobled our nation in story,
'Till the dark clouds of faction obscured our young day,
And envelop'd the sun of American glory.
But let traitors be told,
Who their country have sold,
And barter'd their God for his image in gold,
That ne'er will the sons, &c.

"While France her huge limbs bathes recumbent in blood,

And society's base threats with wide dissolution,
May Peace, like the dove who return'd from the flood,
Find an ark of abode in our mild Constitution.
But though peace is our aim,
Yet the boon we disclaim,
If bought by our sovereignty, justice, or fame.
For ne'er shall the sons, &c.

'Tis the fire of the flint each American warms ;

Let Rome's haughty victors beware of collision ;
Let them bring all the vessels of Europe in arms ;
We're a world by ourselves, and disdain a division.
While, with patriot pride,
To our laws we're allied,
No foe can subdue us, no faction divide.
For ne'er shall the sons, &c.

ADAMS AND LIBERTY. lit

Our mountains are crowned with imperial oak,

Whose roots, like our liberties, ages have nourish'd ;
But long ere our nation submits to the yoke,

Not a tree shall be left on the field where it flourished.
Should invasion impend,
Every grove would descend
From the hilltops they shaded our shores to defend.
For ne'er shall the sons, &c.

Let our patriots destroy Anarch's pestilent worm,

Lest our liberty's growth should be checked by corrosion ;
Then let clouds thicken round us ; we heed not the storm ;
Our realm fears no shock, but the earth's own explosion.
Foes assail us in vain,
Though their fleets bridge the mam,
For our altars and laws with our lives we'll maintain.
For ne'er shall the sons, &c.

Should the tempest of war overshadow our land,

Its bolts could ne'er rend Freedom's temple asunder ;
For, unmoved, at its portal would WASHINGTON stand,
And repulse, with his breast, the assaults of the thunder 1

His sword from the sleep

Of its scabbard would leap,
And conduct with its point every flash to the deep !

For ne'er shall the sons, &c..

8*

178 ADAMS AND LIBERTY.

Let Fame to the world sound America's voice ;

No intrigues can her sons from their government sever ;
Her pride is her ADAMS ; her laws are his choice,
And shall flourish till Liberty slumbers for ever.
Then unite heart and hand,
Like LEONIDAS' band,

And swear to the God of the ocean and land,
That ne'er shall the sons of Columbia be slaves,
While the earth bears a plant, or the sea rolls its waves

TEACHINGS OF THE REVOLUTION. 179

TEACHINGS OF THE REVOLUTION.

BY JARED SPAKKS.

HAPPY was it for America, happy for the world, that a
great name, a guardian genius, presided over her destinies in
war, combining more than the virtues of the Roman Fabius
and the Theban Epaminondas, and compared with whom, the
conquerors of the world, the Alexanders and Caesars, are but
pageants crimsoned with blood and decked with the trophies
of slaughter, objects equally of the wonder and the execration
of mankind. The hero of America was the conqueror only
of his country's foes, and the hearts' of his countrymen. To
the one he was a terror, and in the other he gained an ascend-
ancy, supreme, unrivalled, the tribute of admiring gratitude,
the reward of a nation's love.

The American armies, compared with the embattled legions
of the old world, were small in numbers, but the soul of a
whole people centred in the bosom of those more than Spar-
tan bands, and vibrated quickly and keenly with every inci-
dent that befel them, whether hi their feats of valor, or the
acuteness of their sufferings. The country itself was one
wide battle-field, in which not merely the life-blood, but the
dearest interests, the sustaining hopes, of every individual,
were at stake. It was not a war of pride and ambition

180 TEACHINGS OF THE REVOLUTION.

between monarchs, in which an island or a province might be
the award of success ; it was a contest for personal liberty
and civil rights, coming down in its principles to the very
sanctuary of home and the fireside, and determining for every
man the measure of responsibility he should hold over his own
condition, possessions and happiness. The spectacle was
grand and new, and may well be cited as the most glowing
page in the annals of progressive man.

The instructive lesson of history, teaching by example, can
nowhere be studied with more profit, or with a better pro-
mise, than in this revolutionary period of America ; and
especially by us, who sit under the tree our fathers have
planted, enjoy its shade, and are nourished by its fruits. But
little is our merit, or gain, that we applaud their deeds,
unless we emulate their virtues. Love of country was in
them an absorbing principle, an undivided feeling ; not of a
fragment, a section, but of the whole country. Union was
the arch on which they raised the strong tower of a nation's
independence. Let the arm be palsied that would loosen
one stone in the basis of this fair structure, or mar its
beauty ; the tongue mute, that would dishonor their names,
by calculating the value of that which they deemed without
price.

They have left us an example already inscribed in the
world's memory ; an example portentous to the aims of
tyranny in every land ; an example that will console in all
ages the drooping aspirations of oppressed humanity. They
have left us a written charter as a legacy, and as a guide

TEACHINGS OF THE REVOLUTION. 181

to our course. But every day convinces us that a written
charter may become powerless. Ignorance may misinterpret
it ; ambition may assail, and faction destroy its vital parts ;
and aspiring knavery may at last sing its requiepi on the
tomb of departed liberty. It is the spirit which lives ; in
this is our safety and our hope ; the spirit of our fathers ;
and while this dwells deeply in our remembrance, and its
flame is cherished, ever burning, ever pure, on the altar of
our hearts ; while it incites us to think as they have thought,
and do as they have done, the honor and the praise will be
ours, to have preserved unimpaired the rich inheritance,
which they so nobly achieved.

182 AMERICANS WHO FELL AT EUTAW.

AMERICANS WHO FELL AT EUTAW.

BT P. FBENEAU.

AT Eutaw Springs the valiant died ;

Their limbs with dust are cover'd o'er —
Weep on, ye springs, your tearful tide ;

How many heroes are no more !

If, in this wreck of ruin, they

Can yet be thought to claim the tear,
0 smite your gentle breast, and say,

The friends of freedom slumber here !

Thou who shalt trace this bloody plain,
If goodness rules thy generous breast,

Sigh for the wasted rural reign ;
Sigh fof the shepherds, sunk to rest !

Stranger, their humble graves adorn ;

You too may fall, and ask a tear :
'Tis not the beauty of the morn

That proves the evening shall be clear.

They saw their injured country's wo ;

The flaming town, the wasted field ;
Then rush'd to meet the insulting foe ;

They took the spear — but left the shield.

AMERICANS WHO FELL AT EUTAW. 183

Led by the conquering genius, GREENE,

The Britons they compell'd to fly :
None distant viewed the fatal plain ;

None grieved, hi such a cause to die.

But like the Parthians, famed of old,
Who, flying, still their arrows threw ,

These routed Britons, full as bold,
Retreated, and retreating slew.

Now rest in peace, our patriot band ;

Though far from Nature's limits thrown,
We trust they find a happier land,
A brighter sunshine of their own.

184 PATRICK HENRY.

PATRICK HENRY,

BEFORE A CONVENTION OF DELEGATES, VIRGINIA.

MR. HENRY arose with a majesty unusual to him in an
exordium, and with all that self-possession by which he was
so invariably distinguished. "No man," he said, "thought
more highly than he did of the patriotism, as well as abilities,
of the very worthy gentleman who had just addressed the
house. But different men often saw the same subject in
different lights ; and, therefore, he hoped it would not be
thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as
he did, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, he
should speak forth his sentiments freely, and without reserve.
This was no time for ceremony. The question before the
house was one of awful moment to this country. For his
own part, he considered it as nothing less than a question of
freedom or slavery. And in proportion to the magnitude of
the subject, ought to be the freedom of the debate. It was
only in this way that they could hope to arrive at truth, and
fulfil the great responsibility which they held to God and then*
country. Should he keep back his opinions at such a time,
through fear of giving offence, he should consider himself as
guilty of treason toward his country, and of an act of disloy-

PATRICK HENRY. 185

alty towards the Majesty of Heaven, which he revered above
all earthly kings.

" Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illu-
sions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful
truth — and listen to the song of that syren, till she transforms
us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a
great and arduous struggle for liberty ? Were we disposed
to be of the number of those, who having eyes, see not, and
having ears, hear not the things which so nearly concern their
temporal salvation ? For his part, whatever anguish of spirit
it might cost, he was willing to know the whole truth ; to
know the worst ; and to provide for it.

" He had but one lamp by which his feet were guided ; and
that was the lamp of experience. He knew of no way of
judging of the future but by the past. And, judging by the
past, he wished to know what there had been in the conduct
of the British ministry, for the last ten years, to justify those
hopes with which gentlemen had been pleased to solace them-
selves and the house ? Is it that insidious smile with which
our petition has been lately received ? Trust it not, sir ; it
will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be
betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious
reception of our petition comports with those warlike prepara-
tions which cover our waters and darken our land. Are
fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconcilia-
tion ? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be recon-
ciled, that force must be called in to win back our love ? Let
us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of

186 PATRICK HENRY.

war and subjugation — the last argument to which kings
resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array,
if its purpose be not to force us to submission ? Can gentle-
men assign any other possible motive for it ? Has Great
Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all
this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has
none. They are meant for us : they can be meant for no
other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those
chains which the British ministry have been so long forging.
And what have we to oppose to them ? Shall we try argu-
ment ? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years.
Have we anything new to offer upon the subject ? Nothing.
We have held the subject up in every light of which it is
capable ; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to
entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we
find, which have not been already exhausted ?

"Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer.
We have done everything that could be done, to avert the
storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned ; we
have remonstrated ; we have supplicated ; we have pros-
trated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its
interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry
and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted ; our
remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult ;
our supplications have been disregarded ; and we have been
spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain,
after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace
and reconciliation. There is nt> longer any room for hope.

PATRICK HENRY. 187

If we wish to be free — if we mean to preserve inviolate those
inestimable privileges for which we have been so long con-
tending— if we mean not basely to abandon the noble strug-
gle hi which-we have been so long engaged, and which we
have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious
object of our contest shall be obtained — we must fight ! — I
repeat it, sir, we must fight ! I An appeal to arms, and to
the God of Hosts, is all that is left us 1

" They tell us, sir, that we are weak — unable to cope with
so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger ?
Will it be the next week, or the next year ? Will it be when
we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be
stationed in every house ? Shall we gather strength by irreso-
lution and inaction ? Shall we acquire the means of effectual
resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the
delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies have bound us,
hand and foot ? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper
use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in
our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause
of liberty, and hi such a country as that which we possess,
are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against
us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There
is a just God, who presides over the destinies of nations, and
who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The
battle, sir, is not to the strong alone ; it is to the vigilant,
the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If
we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire
from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and

188 PATRICK HENRY.

slavery ! Our chains are forced. Their clanking may be
heard on the plains of Boston ! The war is inevitable — and
let it come ! ! I repeat it, sir, let it come ! I ! It is in vain,
sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace,
peace — but there is no peace. The war is actually begun I
The next gale that sweeps from the north, will bring to our
ears the clash of resounding arms ! Our brethren are already
in the field ! Why stand we here idle ? What is it that
gentlemen wish ? What would they have ? Is life so dear,
or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains
and slavery ? Forbid it, Almighty God ! I know not what
course others may take ; but as for me," cried he, with both
his arms extended aloft, his brows knit, every feature marked
with the resolute purpose of his soul, and his voice swelled
to its boldest note of exclamation — " give me liberty, or give
me death 1 "

He took his seat. No murmur of applause was heard.
The effect was too deep. After the trance of a moment,
several members started from their seats. The cry, " To arms !"
seemed to quiver on every lip, and gleam from every eye !
Richard H. Lee arose and supported Mr. Henry, with his
usual spirit and elegance. But his melody was lost amidst
the agitation of that ocean, which the master-spirit of the
storm had lifted up on high. That supernatural voice still
sounded in their ears, and shivered along their arteries. They
heard, in every pause, the cry of liberty or death. They
became impatient of speech — their souls were on fire for
action.

FOURTH OP JULY.

FOURTH OF JULY.

BY J. PIERPONT.

DAY of glory ! welcome day !
Freedom's banners greet thy ray ;
See ! how cheerfully they play

With thy morning breeze,
On the rocks where pilgrims kneel'd,
On the heights where squadrons wheel'd,
When a tyrant's thunder peal'd

O'er the trembling seas.

God of armies ! did thy " stars
In then* courses" smite his cars,
Blast his arm, and wrest his bars

From the heaving tide ?
On our standard, lo 1 they burn,
And, when days like this return,
Sparkle o'er the soldiers' urn

Who for freedom died.

God of peace ! — whose spirit fills
All the echoes of our hills,
All the murmurs of our rills,
Now the storm is o'er ;

190 FOURTH OF JULY.

0, let freemen be our sons ;
And let future WASHINGTONS
Rise, to lead their valiant ones
Till there's war no more.

By the patriot's hallowed rest
By the warrior's gory breast,
Never let our graves be press'd

By a despot's throne ;
By the Pilgrims' toils and cares,
By their battles and their prayers,
By then- ashes — let our heirs

Bow to thee alone 1

MARION, THE REPUBLICAN GENERAL. 191

MARION, THE REPUBLICAN GENERAL.

WE received, says hia biographer, a flag from the enemy
in Georgetown, S. C., the object of which was to make some
arrangements about the exchange of prisoners. The flag, after
the usual ceremony of blindfolding, was conducted into Mar-
ion's encampment. When led into Marion's presence, and the
bandage taken from his eyes, he beheld in our hero'a swarthy,
smoke-dried little man, with scarcely enough of threadbare
homespun to cover his nakedness ! and, instead of tall ranks
of gaily-dressed soldiers, a handful of sun-burnt yellow legged
militia-men, some roasting potatoes, and some asleep, with
their black firelocks and powder-horns lying by them on the
logs. Having recovered a little from his surprise, he pre-
sented his letter to General Marion, who perused it and soon
settled everything to his satisfaction.

The officer took up his hat to retire. — " Oh no !" said
Marion, "it is now about our tune of dining ; and I hope, sir,
you will give us the pleasure of your company to dinner."

At the mention of the word dinner, the British officer
looked around bun, but, to his great mortification, could see

192 MARION, THE REPUBLICAN GENERAL.

no sign of a pot, pan, Dutch oven, or any other cooking
utensil, that could raise the spirits of a hungry man.

" Well, Tom," said the general to one of his men, " come,
give us our dinner." — The dinner to which he alluded was no
other than a heap of sweet potatoes, that were very snugly
roasting under the embers, and which Tom, with his pine stick
poker, soon liberated from their ashy confinement, pinching
them every now and then with his fingers, especially the big
ones, to see whether they were well done or not. Then, hav-
ing cleansed them of the ashes, partly by bio wing, them with
his breath, and partly by brushing them with the sleeve of
his old cotton shirt, he piled some of the best on a large
piece of bark, and placed them between the British officer and
Marion, on the trunk of the fallen pm6 6n which they sat.

" I fear, sir," said the general, " our dinner will not prove
so palatable to you as I could wish — 'but it is the best we
have." The officer, who was a well bred man, took up one
of the potatoes, and affected to feed, as if he had found a
great dainty, but it was very plain that he ate more from
good manners than good appetite.

Presently he broke out into a hearty laugh : Marion looked
surprised — " I beg pardon, general," said he, " but one cannot,
you know, always command one's conceits. I was thinking
how droll some of my brother officers would look, if our gov-
ernment were to give them such a bill of fare as this."

"I suppose," said Marion, "it is not equal to their style of
dining;" "No, indeed," quoth the officer; "and this, I
imagine, is one of your accidental Lent dinners — a sort of

MARIOX, THE REPUBLICAN GENERAL. 19o

ba n i/an ; in general, no doubt, you live a great deal better ?"
'• Rather worse," answered the general, "for often we do not
get enough of this." " Heavens !" rejoined the officer, " but
probably what you lose in ineal you make up in malt — though
stinted in provisions, you draw noble pay." "Xot a cent,
sir," said Marion, " not a cent." " Heavens and earth ! then
you must be in a bad box ; I don't see, general, how you can
stand it." " Why, sir," replied Marion with a smile of self-
approbation, "these things depend on feeling." The English-
man said, " he did not believe it would be an easy matter to
reconcile his feelings to a soldier's life on General Marion's
terms — all fighting, no pay, and no provisions but potatoes."

"Why sir," answered the general, "the heart is all ; and
when that is much interested, a man can do anything. Many
a youth would think it hard to indent himself a slave for
fourteen years ; but let him be over head and ears in love,
and with such a beauteous sweetheart as Rachel, and he will
think no more of fourteen years' servitude than young Jacob
did. Well, now, this is exactly my case — I am in love, and
my sweetheart is Liberty : be that heavenly nymph my cham-
pion, and these woods shall have charms beyond London and
Paris in slavery. To have no proud monarch driving over
me with his gilt coaches — nor his host of excisemen and tax-
gatherers insulting and robbing : but to be my own master,
my own prince and sovereign — gloriously preserving my
national dignity, and pursuing my true happiness — planting
my vineyards, and eating their luscious fruit ; sowing my
fields, and reaping the golden grain ; and seeing millions of

9

194 MARION, THE REPUBLICAN GENERAL.

brothers all around me equally .free and happy as myself.
This sir, is what I long for."

The officer replied, that both as a man and a Briton, he
must certainly subscribe to this as a happy state of things.

" Happy," quoth Marion, " yes happy, indeed ; and I would
rather fight for such blessings for my country, and feed on
roots, than keep aloof, though wallowing in all the luxuries
of Solomon ; for now, sir, I walk the soil that gave me birth,
and exult in the thought that I am not unworthy of it. I
look upon these venerable trees around me, and feel that I do
not dishonor them — I think of my own sacred rights, and
rejoice that I have not basely deserted them. And, when I
look forward to the long, long ages of posterity, I glory in the
thought that I am fighting their battles. The children of
distant generations may never hear my name, but still it glad-
dens my heart to think that I am now contending for their
freedom, with all its countless blessings."

I looked at Marion as he uttered these sentiments, and
fancied I felt as when I heard the last words of the brave
De Kald ; the Englishman hung his honest head, and looked,
I thought, as if he had seen the upbraiding ghosts of his
illustrious countrymen, Sidney and Hampden.

On his return to Georgetown he was asked by Colonel
Watson, why he looked so serious ? "I have cause, sir," said
he, " to look so serious." " What ! has General Marion refused
to treat?" "No sir." "Well, then, has old Washington
defeated Sir Henry Clinton, and broke up our army ?" " Xo,
sir, not that either : but worse." "Ah! what can be worse ?''

NATIVE LAND. 195

"Why, sir, I have seen an American general and his officers
without pay, almost without clothes, living on roots, and
drinking water, and all for Liberty ! What chance have we
against such men."

NATIVE LAND.

THE wandering mariner, whose eye explores
The wealthiest isles, the most enchanting shores,
Yiews not a realm so beautiful and fair,
Nor breathes the fragrance of a purer air ;
In every clime the magnet of his soul,
Touch'd by remembrance, trembles to that pole.

J96 WARREN'S ADDRESS TO HIS SOLDIERS.

WARREN'S .ADDRESS TO HIS SOLDIERS.

BEFORE THE BATTLE OP BUNKER HILL.

STAXD ! the ground's your own, my braves I
Will ye give it up, to slaves ?
Will ye look for greener graves ?

Hope ye mercy still ?
What's the mercy despots feel ?
Hear it in that battle peal ;
Read it on yon bristling steel ;

Ask it ye who will.

Fear ye foes who kill for hire ?
Will ye to your homes retire ?
Look behind you — they're on fire !

And before you see
Who have done it ! From the vale
On they come — and will ye quail ?
Leaden rain and iron hail,

Let their welcome be !

In the God of battles trust,
Die we may — and die we must ;
But, 0 where can dust to dust
Be consigned so well

WARREN'S ADDRESS TO HIS SOLDIERS. 197

As where Heaven its dews shall shed
On the martyred patriot's bed,
And the rocks shall raise their head
Of his deeds to tell !

CAROLINA, Carolina 1 Heaven's blessings attend her !
While we live we will cherish, and love, and defend her.
Tho' the scorner may sneer at, and witlings defame her,
Our hearts swell with gladness whenever we name her !

198 AMERICAN* W 0 M K N* .

AMERICAN WOMEN.

FROM THE NEW TORK MIRROR.

STANDING in his noble park at Ashland, Henry Clay once
said to a friend who was praising the " tall" things of Ken-
tucky— •" Yes, sir ! We have tall trees, tall horses, and tall
men — but, sir, taller than all these are the women of Kentucky .'"
Eloquent eulogist and most competent judge — never uttered
his lips a braver truth. And what he said of the women of
Kentucky may be said of American women, take them all
together. Beautiful, intelligent, virtuous, industrious, and if
need be heroic, they challenge to comparison the perfections
of their sisterhood of whatever land or clime.

Not among the Circassian hills, where the lord of the
harem hunts his concubine ; nor in sunnier Italy, nor by the
hearths of the golden-haired, " blue-eyed nations of the
North " are there fairer women — and in all the world are
there none so gentle and brave. Women of other nations
are of orders of beauty and virtue — American women, com-
posite in their graces and charms, cluster all the orders and
blend, in themselves, the perfections of their sex. Not like
ours, were the women of France, or Napoleon would not,
when Madame cle Stael asked — " What does France most
want?" have replied, "France wants good mothers !" The

AMERICAN WOMEN. - 199

answer was a bitter sarcasm to the unfruitful querist ; but it
was, also, if not an insulting libel, a sad confession for " La
Belle" France.

American women may have had prototypes, but they were
individual or in isolate groups, and not the sex of whole
nations or races. Woman has never failed, since the world
began, to illustrate, in instances, the glory of her nature,
— never ceased to manifest the divine in the human. With
the regal Esther, yearning to bless her enslaved kindred,
and the filial-love inspired daughter, who suckled her grey-
haired father through a prison's bars, there have not been
parallels wanting, in all ages, to prove that the angels of
God still wandered on earth, to remind man of Eden, and
give him a foretaste of heaven.

It was not Semiramis and Zenobia, writing their names in
blood ; not Aspasia, corrupting Athens and making Greece
drunk with the wine of her sensuous charms ; not Cleopatra,
Egypt's beautiful and the world's most shameless courtesan —
nay ! none of these, famous through their unwomanliness and
infamy, were illustrators of the glory of their sex — none of
these typed American women. Their type was, rather,
Penelope, weaving amid her maidens through weary years the
web that shielded her virtue, until her royal husband returned
from his wanderings and wars to gladden Tier heart ; or,
courteous Rebecca, at the well ; or, timid Ruth, gleaning in
the field ; or, nobler still, the Roman Cornelia, who, taunted
in Rome's decaying age by rivals with her poverty, held up
her virtuous children, exclaiming—" These are my jewels !''

200 AMERICAN- WOMEN*.

Fit \voman to have been the " mother of the Gracchi," and
like whom, had all Roman mothers been, Rome might to this
day have boasted an unbroken progeny of heroes.

The stamina of a nation depends on the character of its
women. If the mothers are intelligent and virtuous ; if they
teach nobly — the daughters modesty, industry, simplicity, and
truth, and the sons, justice, honor, and patriotism — poverty,
bondage, and shame, can never come upon the land of which
the children of such mothers are the most enduring basis and
bulwark.

Thank God, the generation that planted the wilderness of
the New World with the seeds of surpassing empire — an em-
pire now radiant with light and liberty — had such mothers.
Their sons and daughters were the precious freight of the
" Speedwell " and the " Mayflower," and from the landing
at Plymouth, through the centuries of peril and sacrifice, by
which our fathers conquered the wilderness, the savage, and
the bitter father-land oppressor — giving us wealth and fame
when they had only poverty and obscurity — the race of noble
American mothers has been preserved. Mothers, and sisters,
and wives, and daughters, unsurpassed ! Mothers who
taught their sons to worship God, to love their country, and
to honor manhood ; who led them to the altars of religion,
and cheered them with brave hearts to the battle-field, buck-
ling the shield to each young hero's arm, bidding him return
victoriously with, or honorably dead upon it.

Are we grateful enough, and proud enough of the memory
of such mothers ? Do we realize how much we owe of out

AMERICAN WOMEX. 201

national greatness and glory to them ? Do we ask ourselves
if their virtues are emulated and perpetuated in all the land ?
It were well if we did ; for if it be not so, the sap begins to
dry at the nation's root, and the most vital element of our
endurance and strength will gradually pass away, leaving
the tree of Freedom, under which the world has promise
of shelter, rotten in the trunk and withered in all its
branches.

God forbid that American women should degenerate from
what their noble mothers were, in the young days of the
]New World and of the Republic. Better there never were a
luxury~or refinement — save the luxury of virtuous intelligence,
and honest, independent industry, and the refinement that
scorns every corrupting guilt — never a " princely " equipage,
drawing-room, or boudoir, than that the land should cease to
boast a race of women, who could dare the severest trials and
sacrifices, were the nation's liberty imperilled, or furnish
matrons and maidens, ready to turn their petticoats into
cartridges, or, like " Moll Pitcher," at Trenton, " stand to
the gun," when husband, brother, son, or lover had fallen,
leaving no comrades to fill their places.

A noble race are American women — God forbid that they
should cease to be such. Nor will they, so long as they are
taught that the truest beauty, grace, and glory of woman, lie
in her intelligence, simplicity, and virtue. Teach her to love
home and country, to honor parents and old age, to practise
industry, and to respect sacred things ; in short, educate her

as a daughter fitly to become the wife of a freeman and the

q*

202 AMERICAN WOMEN.

mother of freemen, and ages hence, as now, she will eclipse
her sex in all the world. God bless American women, and
preserve to them for ever the virtues and graces of their
glorious mothers.

WERT thou all that I wish thee, great, glorious and free,
First flower of the earth, and first gem of the sea,
I might hail the with prouder, with happier brow,
But oh ! could I love thee more deeply than now ?

LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS.

LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS.

THE breaking waves dashed high
On a stern and rock-bound coast,

And the woods against a stormy sky, •
Their giant branches tossed ;

And the heavy, night hung dark

The hills and waters o'er,
When a band of exiles moored their bark

On the wild New England shore.

Not as the conqueror comes,

They, the true-hearted, came,
Not with the roll of the stirring drums,

And the trumpet that sings of fame.

Not as the flying come,

In silence, and in fear ;
They shook the depths of the desert's gloom

With their hymns of lofty cheer.

Amidst the storm they sang,

And the stars heard, and the sea ;

And the sounding aisles of the dim woods rang
To the anthem of the free.

204 LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS

The ocean eagle soared

From his nest by the white wave's foam,
And the rocking pines of the forest roared ;

This was their welcome home.

There were men with hoary hair,

Amid that pilgrim band,
Why had they come to wither there,

Away from their childhood's land ?

There was woman's fearless eye,

Lit by her deep love's truth ;
There was manhood's brow, serenely high,

And the fiery heart of youth.

What sought they thus afar ?

Bright jewels of the mine ?
The wealth of seas, the spoils of war ?

They sought a faith's pure shrine !

Aye, call it holy ground,
The soil where first they trod !

They have left unstained what there they found-
Freedom to worship God !

REJOICINGS OX REPEAL OF STAMP ACT.

REJOICINGS ON REPEAL OF STAMP ACT.

BY HON. GEORGE BANCROFT.

THE joy was, for a time, unmixed with apprehension.
South Carolina voted Pitt a statue ; and Virginia a statue
to the king, and an obelisk, on which were to be engraved
the names of those who, in England, had signalized them-
selves for freedom. " My thanks they shall have cordially,"
said Washington, " for their opposition to any act of oppres-
sion." The consequences of enforcing the Stamp Act, he
was convinced " would have been more direful than usually
apprehended."

Otis, at a meeting at the Town Hall in Boston, to fix a
time for the rejoicings, told the people that the distinction
between inland taxes and port duties was without foundation ;
for whoever had a right to impose the one, had a right to
impose the other ; and, therefore, as the parliament had given
up the one, they had given up the other ; and the merchants
were fools if they submitted any longer to the laws restrain-
ing their trade, which ought to be free.

A bright day in May was set apart for the display of the
public gladness, and the spot where resistance to the Stamp
Act began, was the centre of attraction. At one in the
morning the bell nearest Libert v Tree was the first to be

206 REJOICINGS ON REPEAL OF STAMP ACT.

rung ; at dawn, colors and pendants rose over the housetops
all around it ; and the steeple of the nearest meeting-house
was hung with banners. During the day all prisoners for
debt were released by subscription. In the evening the town
shone as though night had not come ; an obelisk on the Com-
mon was brilliant with a loyal inscription ; the houses round
Liberty Tree exhibited illuminated figures, not of the king
only, but of Pitt, and Camden, and Barre ; and Liberty Tree
itself was decorated with lanterns, till its boughs could hold
no more.

All the wisest agreed that disastrous consequences would
have ensued from the attempt to enforce the Act, so that
never was there a more rapid transition of a people from
gloom to joy. They compared themselves to a bird escaped
from the net of the fowler, and once more striking its wings
freely in the upper air ; or to Joseph, the Israelite, whom
Providence had likewise wonderfully redeemed from the per-
petual bondage into which he was sold by his elder brethren.

The clergy from the pulpit joined in the fervor of patriot-
ism and the joy of success. " The Americans would not have
submitted," said Chauncey. " History affords few examples
of a more general, generous, and just sense of liberty in any
country than has appeared in America within the year past."
Such were Mayhew's words ; and while all the continent was
calling out and cherishing the name of Pitt, the greatest
statesman of England, the conqueror of Canada and the Ohio,
the founder of empire, the apostle of freedom ; — "To you,"
said Msiyhew, speaking from the heart of the people, and as

OUR COUNTRY. 207

if its voice could be heard across the7 ocean, " to you grateful
America attributes that she is reinstated in her former liber-
ties. The universal joy of America, blessing you as our
father, and sending up ardent vows to heaven for yon, must
give you a sublime and truly godlike pleasure ; it might, per-
haps, give you spirits and vigor to take up your bed and walk,
like those cured by the word of Him who came from heaven
to make us free indeed. America calls you over and over
again her father ; live long in health, happiness, and honor.
Be it late when you must cease to plead the cause of liberty
on earth."

OUR COUNTRY.

OUR country first, our glory and our pride.
Land of our hopes — land where our fathers died,
When in the right, we'll keep thy honor bright ;
When in the wrong, we'll die to set it right.

208 ANTIQUITY OF FREEDOM.

ANTIQUITY OF FREEDOM.

BY W. C. BRYANT.

HERE are old trees, tall oaks, and gnarled pines,
That stream with grey-green mosses ; here the ground
Was never touch'd by spade, and flowers spring up
Unsown, and die ungather'd. It is sweet
To linger here, among the flitting birds
And leaping squirrels, wandering brooks and winds
That shake the leaves, and scatter as they pass
A fragrance from the cedar thickly set
With pale blue berries. In these peaceful shades —
Peaceful, uupruned, immeasurably old —
My thoughts go up the long dim path of years,
Back to the earliest days of Liberty.

0 FREEDOM ! thou art not as poets dream,
A fair young girl, with light and delicate limbs,
And wavy tresses gushing from the cap
With which the Roman master crown'd his slave,
When he took off the gyves. A bearded man,
Arm'd to the teeth, art thou : one mailed hand
Grasps the broad shield, and one the sword ; thy brow,
Glorious in beauty though it be, is scarr'd
With tokens of old wars ; thy massive limbs

AXTTQriTV OF FREEDOM. 209

Are strong and straggling. Power at thee has launchYl

His bolts, and with his lightnings smitten thee ;

They could not quench the life thou hast from Heaven.

Merciless Power has dug thy dungeon deep,

And his swart armorers, by a thousand fires,

Have forged thy chain ; yet while he deems thee bound,

The links are shiver'd, and the prison walls

Fall outward ; terribly thou springest forth,

As springs the flame above a burning pile,

And shoutest to the nations, who return

Thy shoutings, while the pale oppressor flies.

Thy birth-right was not given by human hands :
Thou wert twin-born with man. In pleasant fields,
While yet our race was few, thou sat'st with him,
To tend the quiet flock and watch the stars,
And teach the reed to utter simple airs.
Thou by his side, amid the tangled wood,
Didst war upon the panther and the wolf,
His only foes ; and thou with him didst draw
The earliest furrows 0:1 the mountain side,
Soft with the Deluge. Tyranny himself,
The enemy, although of reverend look,
Hoary with many years, and far obey'd,
Is later born than thou ; and as he meets
The grave defiance of thine elder eye,
The usurper trembles in his fastnesses.

Thou shalt wax stronger with the lapse of years,
But he shall fade into a feebler age ;

210 ANTIQUITY OF FRKEDOM.

Feebler, yet subtler ; he shall weave his snares,

And spring them on thy careless steps, and clap

His withcr'd hands, and from their ambush call

His hordes to fall upon thee. He shall send

Quaint maskers, forms of fair and gallant mien,

To catch thy gaze, and uttering graceful words

To charm thy ear ; while his sly imps, by stealth,

Twine round thee threads of steel, light thread on thread,

That grow to fetters or bind down thy arms

With chains conceal'd in chaplets. Oh ! not yet

Mayst thou unbrace thy corslet, nor lay by

Thy sword ; nor yet, O Freedom ! close thy lids

In slumber ; for thine enemy never sleeps.

And thou must wateh and combat, till the day

Of the new Earth and Heaven. But wouldst thou rest

Awhile from tumult and the frauds of men,

These old and friendly solitudes invite

Thy visit. They, while yet the forest trees

Were young upon the unviolatecl earth,

And yet the moss-stains on the rock were new,

Beheld thy glorious childhood, and rejoiced.

ENTERPRISE AND BOXER. 211

ENTERPRISE AND BOXER.

ON the 1st of September, the Enterprise, Captain Bur-
roughs, sailed from Portsmouth on a cruise. On the 5th,
early in the morning, they espied a brig in-shore, getting
under way. They reconnoitered her for awhile to ascertain
her character, of which they were soon informed by her hoist-
ing three British ensigns, and firing a shot as a challenge.
The Enterprise then hauled upon a wind, stood out of the
bay, and prepared for action. A calm for some time delayed
the encounter ; it was succeeded by a breeze from the south-
west, which gave our vessel the weather-gage. After maneu-
vering for a while to the windward, in order to try her sailing
with the enemy, and to ascertain his force, the Enterprise,
about three, p. jr., shortened sail, hoisted three ensigns,
fired a gun, tacked and ran down with an intention to bring
him to close quarters. When within half pistol-shot, the
enemy gave three cheers, and commenced the action with his
starboard broadside. The cheers and the broadside were
returned on our part, and the action became general. In
about five minutes after the battle had commenced, the gal-
lant Burroughs received a musket-ball in his body and fell ;

212 ENTERPRISE AXD BOXER.

he, however, refused to be carried below, but continued on deck
through the action. The active command was then taken by
Lieutenant McCall, who conducted himself with great skill
and coolness. The enemy was out-manoeuvered and cut up ;
his main-top-mast and topsail-yard shot away ; a position
gained on his starboard bow, and a raking fire kept up, until
his guns were silenced and he cried for quarter, saying that
as his colors were nailed to the mast he could not haul them
down. The prize proved to be his Britannic majesty's brig
Boxer, of fourteen guns. The number of her crew is a matter
of conjecture and dispute.

We turn gladly from such an idle discussion to notice the
last moments of the worthy Burroughs. There needs no
elaborate pencil to impart pathos and grandeur to the death
of a brave man. The simple anecdotes, given in simple terms
by his surviving comrades, present more striking pictures than
could be wrought up by the most refined attempts of art.
" At twenty minutes past three P. M.," says one account,
"our brave commander fell, and while lying on the deck,
refusing to be carried below, raised his head and requested
that the flag might never be struck." In this situation he
remained during the rest of the engagement, regardless of
bodily pain ; regardless of the life-blood fast ebbing from his
wound ; watching with anxious eye the vicissitudes of battle ;
cheering his men by his voice, but animating them still more
by his glorious example. When the sword of the vanquished
enemy was presented to him, we are told that he clasped his
hands and exclaimed, "I am satisfied, I die contented." He

THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 213

now permitted himself to be carried below, and the necessary
attentions were paid to save his live, or alleviate his sufferings.
His wound, however, was beyond the power of surgery, and
he breathed his last within a few hours after the victory.

THE PILGRIM FATHERS.

BY W. H. BTJRLEIGH.

BOLD men were they, and true, that pilgrim band,

Who plou'gh'd with venturous prow the stormy sea,

Seeking a home for hunted Liberty
Amid the ancient forests of a land
Wild, gloomy, vast, magnificently grand !

Friends, country, hallow'd homes they left, to be
Pilgrims for CHRIST'S sake, to a foreign strand —

Beset by peril, worn with toil, yet free, !
Tireless in zeal, devotion, labor, hope ;

Constant in faith ; in justice how severe !

Though fools deride and bigot-skeptics sneer,
Praise to their names ! If call'd like them to cope,

In evil times, with dark and evil powers,

O, be their faith, their zeal, their courage ours !

214 IT IS GREAT FOR OUR COUNTRY TO DIE.

IT IS GREAT FOR OUR COUNTRY TO DIE.

BY J. O. PERCIVAL.

0 ! IT is great for our country to die, where ranks are con-
tending :
Bright is the wreath of our fame ; Glory awaits us for

aye —

Glory, that never is dim, shining on with light never ending —
Glory that never shall fade, never, 0 ! never away.

0 ! it is sweet for our country to die — how softly reposes
Warrior youth on his bier, wet by the tears of his love,
Wet by a mother's warm tears ; they crown him with garlands

of roses,

Weep, and then joyously turn, bright where he triumphs
above.

Not to the shades shall the youth descend, who for country

hath perish'd
HEBE awaits him in heaven, welcomes him there with her

smile ;

There at the banquet divine, the patriot spirit is cherish'd ;
Gods love the young, who ascend pure from the funeral
pile.

IT IS GREAT FOR OUR COUNTRY TO DIE. 215

to Elysian fields, by the still, oblivious river ;
Not to the isles of the bless'd, over the blue, rolling sea ;
But on Olympian heights, shall dwell the devoted for ever ;
There shall assemble the good, there the wise, valiant, and
free.

0 ! then, how great for our country to die, in the front rank

to perish,

Firm with our breast to the foe, Victory's shout in our ear :
Long they our statues shall crown, in songs our memory

cherish ;

We shall look forth from our heaven, pleased the sweet
music to hear.

216 DICEY LANGSTON.

DICEY LANGSTON

DICEY LANGSTON was the daughter of Solomon Langston,
of Laurens District, South Carolina. She possessed an
intrepid spirit, which is highly serviceable in times of emer-
gency, and which, as she lived in the days of the Revolution,
she had more than one opportunity to display. Situated in
the midst of Tories, and being patriotically inquisitive, she
often learned by accident, or discovered by strategy, the
plottiugs, so common hi those days, against the Whigs.
Such intelligence she was accustomed to communicafe to
the friends of freedom on the opposite side of the Ennoree
River.

Learning one time that a band of loyalists — known in
those days as the " bloody scout " — were about to fall upon
the " Elder Settlement," a place where a brother of hers and
other friends were residing, she resolved to warn them of
then- danger. To do this she must hazard her own life. But
off she started, alone, in the darkness of the night ; travelled
several miles through the woods, and over marshes and across
creeks, through a country where foot-logs and bridges were
then unknown ; came to the Tyger, a rapid and deep stream,
into which she plunged, and waded till the ^ater was up to

DICEV LANGSTON. 217

her neck ; she then became bewildered, and zigzagged the
channel for some time ; reached the opposite shore at length,
for a helping Hand was beneath, a kind Providence guided
her ; hastened on ; reached the settlement, and her brother
and the whole community were safe !

She was returning one day from another settlement of
Whigs, in the Spartanburg District, when a company of
Tories met her and questioned her in regard to the neigh-
borhood she had just left ; but she refused to communicate
the desired information. The leader of the band then held a
pistol to her breast, and threatened to shoot her if she did
not make the wished for disclosure. " Shoot me if you
dare ! I will not tell you !" was her dauntless reply, as she
opened a long handkerchief that covered her neck and bosom,
thus manifesting a willingness to receive the contents of the
pistol, if the officer insisted on disclosures or life. The das-
tard, enraged at her defying movement, was in the act of
firing, at which moment one of the soldiers threw up the
hand holding the weapon, and the cowerless heart of the girl
was permitted to beat on.

The brothers of Dicey were no less patriotic than she ; and
they having, by their active services on the side of freedom,
greatly displeased the loyalists, these latter were determined
to be revenged. A desperate band accordingly went to the
house of then* father, and finding the sons absent, they were
about to wreak their vengeance on the old man, whom they
hated for the sons' sake. With flu's intent one of the party
drew a pistol ; but just as it was aimed at the breast of her

10

218 DICEY LANGSTON.

aged and infirm father, Dicey rushed between the two, and
though the ruffian bade her get out of his way, or receive in
her own breast the contents of the pistol, she regarded not
his threats, but flung her arms around her father's neck, and
declared she would receive the ball first, if the weapon must
be discharged. Such fearlessness and willingness to offer
her own life for the sake of her parent, softened the heart of
the " bloody scout," and Mr. Langston lived to see his noble
daughter perform other heroic deeds.

One time her brother James, in his absence, sent to the
house for a gun which he had left in her care, with orders for
her to deliver it to no one except by his directions. On
reaching the house one of the company who were directed to
call for it, made known then* errand, whereupon she brought
and was about to deliver the weapon. At this moment it
occurred to her that she had not demanded the counter-
sign agreed on between herself and brother. With the gun
still in her hand, she looked the company sternly in the face,
and remarking that they wore a suspicious look, called for
the countersign. Hereupon one of them, in jest, told her
she was too tardy in her requirements ; that both the gun
and its holder were in their possession. " Do you think so?"
she boldly asked, as she cocked the disputed weapon and
aimed it at the speaker. " If the gun is in your possession,"
she added, " take charge of it !" Her appearance indicated
that she was in earnest, and the countersign was given with-
out further delay. A hearty laugh, on the part of the
" liberty men," ended the ceremony.

THE VICTORIA VASE. 219

-

THE VICTORIA VASE,

WON BY THE YACHT AMERICA, AT THE LATE RYDE REGATTA.

BT THE HOJT. CALEB LYON, OF LTONSDALB.

IN travel it has been my lot

To meet with curious things ;
The flags which won a thousand fights
- On battle-fields of kings ;
The ancient flagon Wallace wore

On Falkirk's fatal field,
The iron casque of William Tell,

And Hermann's rusted shield ;
The trusty blade of Bolivar,

A ring from Cromwell's hand,
And the covering of the Kaaba

In Yemen's happy land.
Yet prouder beats my heart to-day,

While gazing upon thee,
Thou monolith, whose silent voice

Records our destiny.
The Empire of the seas hath passed

Awqf from Albion's shore ;
Columbia rules the ocean now

Britannia ruled of yore.

THE VICTORIA VASE.

The Warwick Vase is wondrous rare, —

Its satyrs, wild with mirth,
Are types of all that's beautiful

And Bacchanal on earth.
The Portland Vase is rarer still,

For antiquarian lore
Hath never solved the legends strange

Its sculptured beauty bore.
The Hebe Vase., that gem of all,

A type of Grecian mould,
From whence ambrosial nectar flowed

For Jupiter of old.
But thou art the Victoria Vase,

Never Etruscan art
Produced an antique like to thee,

To stir a nation's heart.
For with thee passed the sea's domain

Away from Albion's shore ;
Columbia rules the ocean now

Britannia ruled of yore.

SERGEANT JASPER.

221

SERGEANT JASPER.

THE reader is doubtless already acquainted with the name
of William Jasper — perhaps Sergeant Jasper is the better
known. This brave man possessed remarkable talents for a
scout. He could wear all disguises with admirable ease and
dexterity. Garden styles him " a perfect Proteus." He was
equally remarkable for his cunning as for his bravery ; and
his nobleness and generosity were, quite as much as these, the
distinguished traits of his character. Such was the confi-
dence in his fidelity and skill that a roving commission was
granted him, with liberty to pick his associates from the
brigade. Of these he seldom chose more than six. " He
often went out," says Moultrie, " and returned with prisoners,
before I knew that he was gone. I have known of his
catching a party that was looking for him. He has told me
that he could have killed single men several times, but he
would not ; he would rather let them get off. He went into
the British lines at Savannah, as a deserter, complaining, at
the same time, of our ill-usages of him ; he was gladly
received (they having heard of his character) and caressed by
them. He stayed eight days, and after informing himself

222 SERGEANT JASPER.

well of their strength, situation and intentions, he returned to
us again ; but that game he could not play a second tune.
With his little party he was always hovering about the
enemy's camp, and was frequently bringing in prisoners." It
was while in the exercise of his roving privileges that Jasper
prepared to visit the post of the enemy at Ebenezer. At this
post he had a brother, who held the same rank in the British
service, that he held in the American. This instance was
quite too common in the history of the period and country,
to occasion much surprise, or cause any suspicion of the inte-
grity of either party. We have already considered the causes
for this melancholy difference of individual sentiment hi the
country, and need not dwell upon them here. William Jasper
loved his brother and wished to see him : it is very certain,
at the same time, that he did not deny himself the privilege
of seeing all around him. The Tory was alarmed at Wil-
liam's appearance in the British camp, but the other quieted
his fears, by representing himself as no longer an American
soldier. He checked the joy which this declaration excited
in his brother's mind, by assuring him that, though he found
little encouragement in fighting for his country, " he had not
the heart to fight against her." Our scout lingered for two
or three days in the British camp, and then, by a detour,
regained that of the Americans ; reporting to his commander
all that he had seen. He was encouraged to repeat his visit
a few weeks after, but this time he took with him a comrade,
one Sergeant Newton, a fellow quite as brave in spirit, and
strong in body as himself. Here he was again well received

SERGEANT JASPER. 223

by his brother, who entertained the guests kindly for several
days. Meanwhile, a small party of Americans were brought
into Ebenezer as captives, over whom hung the danger of
" short shrift and sudden cord." They were on their way to
Savannah for trial. They had taken arms with the British,
as hundreds more had done, when the country was deemed
reconquered ; but, on the approach of the American army,
had rejoined their countrymen, and were now once more at
the mercy of the power with which they had broken faith.
"It will go hard with them," said the Tory Jasper to his
Whig brother ; but the secret comment of the other was,
"it shall go hard with me first." There was a woman, the
wife of one of the prisoners, who, with her child, kept them
company. William Jasper and his friend were touched by
the spectacle of their distress ; and they conferred together,
as soon as they were alone, as to the possibility of rescuing
them. Their plan was soon adopted. It was a simple one,
such as naturally suggests itself to a hardy and magnanimous
character. The prisoners had scarcely left the post for
Savannah, under a guard of eight men, a sergeant and cor-
poral, when Jasper and his friend departed also, though in
a different direction from the guard. Changing their course
when secure from observation, they stretched across the
country and followed the footsteps of the unhappy captives.
But it was only in the pursuit that they became truly con-
scious of the difficulty, nay, seeming impossibility, of effect-
ing their object. The guard was armed, and ten in number ;
they but two and weaponless. .Hopeless, they nevertheless

224 SERGEANT JASPER.

followed on. Two miles from Savannah there is a famous
spring, the waters of which are well known to travellers. The
conjecture that the guard might stop there, with the prisoners,
for refreshment, suggested itself to our companions ; here,
opportunities might occur for the rescue, which had nowhere
before presented themselves. Taking an obscure path with
which they were familiar, which led them to the spot before the
enemy could arrive, they placed themselves in ambush in the
immediate neighborhood of the spring. They had not long
to wait. The conjecture proved correct. The guard was
halted on the road opposite the spring. The corporal with
four men conducted the captives to the water, while the ser-
geant, with the remainder of his force, having made them
ground their arms near the road, brought up the rear. The
prisoners threw themselves upon the earth — the woman and
child, near its father. Little did any of them dream that
deliverance was at hand. The child fell asleep in the mother's
lap. Two of the armed men kept guard, but we may suppose
with little cautioa What had they to apprehend, within
sight of a walled town in the possession of their friends ?
Two others approached the spring, in order to bring water to
the prisoners. Resting their muskets against a tree they pro-
ceeded to fill their canteens. At this moment Jasper gave
the signal to his comrade. In an instant the muskets were
in then* hands. In another, they had shot down the two sol-
diers upon duty ; then clubbing then- weapons, they rushed
out upon the astonished enemy, and felling their first oppo-
nents each at a blow, they succeeded in obtaining possession

SERGEANT JASPER. 225

of the loaded muskets. This decided the conflict, which was
over in a few minutes. The surviving guard yielded them-
selves to mercy before the presented weapons. Such an
achievement could only be successful from its audacity and
the operation of circum stances. The very proximity of
Savannah increased the chances of success. But for this the
guard would have used better precautions. None were taken.
The prompt valor, the bold decision, the cool calculation of
the instant, were the essential elements which secured success.
The work of our young heroes was not done imperfectly.
The prisoners were quickly released, the arms of the captured
British put into their hands, and, hurrying away from the spot
which they have crowned with a local celebrity not soon to
be forgotten, they crossed the Savannah hi safety with their
friends and foes.

10*

226 TRUE GLORY OF AMERICA.

TRUE GLORY OF AMERICA.

BY G. MELLEN.

ITALIA'S vales and fountains,

Though beautiful ye be,
I love my soaring mountains

And forests more than ye ;
And though a dreamy greatness rise

From out your cloudy years,
Like hills on distant stormy skies,

Seem dim through Nature's tears,
Still, tell me not of years of old,

Of ancient heart and clime ;
Ours is the land and age of gold,

And ours the hallow'd time !

The jewell'd crown and sceptre

Of Greece have pass'd away ;
And none, of all who wept her,

Could bid her splendor stay.
The world has shaken with the tread

Of iron-sandall'd crime —
And, lo 1 o'ershadowing all the dead,

The conqueror stalks sublime !

TRUE GLORY OF AMERICA,. 221

Then ask I not for crown and plume

To nod above my land ;
The victor's footsteps point to doom,

Graves open round his hand !

Rome ! with thy pillar'd palaces,

And sculptured heroes all,
Snatch'd, in their warm, triumphal days,

To Art's high festival ;
Rome ! with thy giant sons of power,

Whose pathway was on thrones,
Who built their kingdoms of an hour

On yet unburied bones, —
I would not have my land like thee,

So lofty — yet so cold !
Be hers a lowlier majesty,

In yet a nobler mould.

Thy marbles — works of wonder !

In thy victorious days,
Whose lips did seem to sunder

Before the astonish'd gaze ;
When statue glared on statue there,

The living on the dead, —
And men as silent pilgrims were

Before some sainted head !
0, not for faultless marbles yet

Would I the light forego

TRUE GLORY OF AMERICA.

That beams when other lights have set,
And Art herself lies low !

0, ours a holier hope shall be

Than consecrated bust,
Some loftier mean of memory

To snatch us from the dust.
And ours a sterner art than this,

Shall fix our image here, —
The spirit's mould of loveliness —

A nobler BELVIDERE !

Then let them bind with bloomless flowers

The busts and urns of old, —
A fairer heritage be ours,

A sacrifice less cold !
Give honor to the great and good,

And wreathe the living brow,
Kindling with Virtue's mantling blood,

And pay the tribute now !

So, when the good and great go down,

Their statues shall arise,
To crowd those temples of our own,

Our fadeless memories !
And when the sculptured marble falls,

And art goes in to die,
Our forms shall live in holier halls,

The Pantheon of the sky !

CHRISTIAN WOMAN IN THE HOUR OF DANGER. 229

CHRISTIM WOMAN IN THE HOUR OF DANGER.

EARLY in the war, the inhabitants on the frontier of Burke
county, North Carolina, being apprehensive of an attack by
the Indians, it was determined to seek protection in a fort in
a more densely populated neighborhood in an interior settle-
ment. A party of soldiers was sent to protect them on their
retreat. The families assembled, the line of march was taken
towards their place of destination, and they proceeded some
miles unmolested — the soldiers marching in a hollow square,
with the refugee families in the centre. The Indians, who
had watched these movements, had laid a plan for their
destruction. The road to be travelled lay through a dense
forest in the fork of a river, where the Indians concealed
themselves, and waited till the travellers were in the desired
spot. Suddenly the war-whoop sounded in front, and on
either side ; a large body of painted warriors rushed in,
filling the gap by which the whites had entered, and an
appalling crash of fire-arms followed. The soldiers, however,
were prepared ; such as chanced to be near the trees darted
behind them, and began to ply the deadly rifle ; the others
prostrated themselves upon the earth, among the tall grass,

230 CHRISTIAN WOMAN IN THE HOUR OF DANGER.

and crawled to trees. The families screened themselves as
best they could. The onset was long and fiercely urged ;
ever and anon amid the din and smoke, the warriors would
rush, tomahawk in hand, towards the centre ; but they were
repulsed by the cool intrepidity of the back-woods riflemen.
Still they fought on, determined on the destruction of the
victims who offered such desperate resistance. All at once
an appalling sound greeted the ears of the women and chil-
dren in the centre ; it was a cry from their defenders — a cry
for powder 1 " Our powder is giving out !" they exclaimed.
" Have you any ? Bring us some, or we can fight no longer 1"
A woman of the party had a good supply. She spread her
apron on the. ground, poured her powder into it, and going
round, from soldier to soldier, as they stood behind the trees,
bade each who needed powder put down his hat, and poured
a quantity upon it. Thus she went round the line of defence,
till her whole stock, and all she could obtain from others,
was distributed. At last the savages gave way, and, pressed
by their foes, were driven off the ground. The victorious
whites returned to those for whose safety they had ventured
into the wilderness. Inquiries were made as to who had
been killed, and one running up cried, " Where is the woman
that gave us the powder ? I want to see her 1" " Yes ! —
yes! — let us see her!" responded another and another;
" without her we should have been all lost !" The soldiers
ran about among the women and children, looking for her
and making inquiries. Directly came in others from the
pursuit, one of whom observing the commotion, asked the

LIBERTY. 231

cause, and was told. " You are looking in the wrong place,"
he replied. " Is she killed ? Ah, we are afraid of that !"
exclaimed many voices. " Not when I saw her," answered
the soldier. " When the Indians ran off, she was on her
knees in prayer at the root of yonder tree, and there I left
her." There was a simultaneous rush to the tree — and there,
to their, great joy, they found the woman safe, and still on
her knees in prayer. Thinking not of herself, she received
their applause without manifesting any other feeling than
gratitude to heaven for then' great deliverance.

LIBERTY.

THERE is a spirit working in the world,

Like to a silent subterranean fire ;
Yet, ever and anon, some monarch hurl'd

Aghast and pale, attests its fearful ire.

The dungeon'd nations now once more respire
The keen and stirring ah* of Liberty.
The struggling giant wakes and feels he's free.

By Delphi's fountain cave, that ancient choir,
Resume their song ; the Greek astonished hears ;
And the old altar of his worship rears.

Sound on, fair sisters ! sound your boldest lyre,
Peal your old harmonies as from the spheres.

Unto strange gods too long we've bent the knee,

The trembling mind, too long and patiently.

232 BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN.

BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN,

THE assaults on Plattsburgh and on the American fleet by
the British were simultaneously made by land and water, on
the llth of September. At eight o'clock in the morning, the
British fleet was seen approaching ; and, in an hour, the
action becam£ general. It is thus described by Macdonough,
in his official letter :

" At nine," he says, " the enemy anchored in a line ahead,
at about three hundred yards distant from my line ; his ship
opposed to the Saratoga ; his brig to the Eagle, Captain
Robert Henley ; his galleys — thirteen in number — to the
schooner, sloop and a division of our galleys ; one of his
sloops assisting their ship and brig ; the other assisting then*
galleys ; our remaining galleys were with the Saratoga and
Eagle.

" In this situation, the whole force on both sides became
engaged ; the Saratoga suffering much from the heavy fire of
the Confiance. I could perceive, at the same tune, however,
that our fire was very destructive to her. The Ticonderoga,
Lieutenant Commandant Cassin, gallantly sustained her full
share of the action. At half-past ten, the Eagle, not being

BATTLE OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 233

able to bring her guns to bear, cut her cable, and anchored in
a more eligible position, between my ship and the Ticonderoga,
where she very much annoyed the enemy, but unfortunately,
leaving me much exposed to a galling fire from the enemy's
brig.

" Our guns on the starboard side being nearly all dismounted
or unmanageable, a stern anchor was let go, the bower cable
cot, and the ship winded, with a fresh broadside on the
enemy's ship, which soon after surrendered. Our broadside was
then sprung to bear on the sloop, which surrendered about
fifteen minutes afterward. The sloop which was opposed to
the Eagle had struck some tune before, and drifted down the
line. The sloop that was with their galleys hafl also struck.
Our galleys were about obeying with alacrity the signal to
follow them, when all the vessels were reported to me to be
in a sinking state. It then became necessary to annul the
signal to the galleys, and order their men to the pumps. I
could only look at the enemy's galleys going off in a shattered
condition, for there was not a mast in either squadron that
could stand to make sail on. The lower rigging being nearly
shot away, hung down as though it had just been placed over
the mast-heads.

" The Saratoga had fifty-five round shot in her hull ; the
Confiance, 105. The enemy's shot passed principally over
our heads, as there were not twenty whole hammocks in the
nettings, at the close of the action, which lasted without inter-
mission two hours and twenty minutes.

234 NEW ENGLAND'S DEAD.

NEW ENGLAND'S DEAD.

BY i. M'LELLAN, JR.

NEW ENGLAND'S DEAD 1 New England's dead !

On every hill they lie ;
On every field of strife, made red

By bloody victory.
Each valley, where the battle pour'd

Its red and awful tide,
Beheld the brave New England sword

With slaughter deeply dyed.
Their bones are on the northern hill,

And on the southern plain,
By brook and river, lake and rill,

And by the roaring main.

The land is holy where they fought,

And holy where they fell ;
For by their blood that land was bought,

The land they loved so well.
Then glory to that valiant band,
The honor'd saviours of the land !

NEW ENGLAND'S DEAD.

0, few and weak their numbers were —

A handful of brave men ;
But to their GOD they gave their prayer,

And rush'd to battle then.
The GOD of battles heard their cry,
And sent to them the victory.

They left the ploughshare in the mould,
Their flocks and herds without a fold,
The sickle in the unshorn gram,
The corn half-garner'd, on the plain,
And muster'd, in then* simple dress,
For wrongs to seek a stern redress,
To right those wrongs, come weal, come wo,
To perish, or o'ercome their foe.

And where are ye, 0 fearless men ?

And where are ye to-day ?
I call : — the hills reply again

That ye have pass'd away ;
That on old Bunker's lonely height,

In Trenton, and in Monmouth ground,
The grass grows green, the harvest bright

Above each soldier's mound.
The bugle's wild and warlike blast

Shall muster them no more ;
An army now might thunder past,

And they heed not its roar.

236 WHAT CONSTITUTES A STATE.

The starry flag, 'neath which they fought,

In many a bloody day,
From their old graves shall rouse them not,

For they have pass'd away.

WHAT CONSTITUTES A STATE.

WHAT constitutes a State ?
Not high-rais'd battlements or labor'd mound,

Thick wall or moated gate ;
Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crown'd ;

Not bays and broad-armed hosts,
Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride ;

Not starr'd and spangled courts,
Where low-bow'd baseness wafts perfume to pride

No : — men, high-minded men,
With power as far above dull brutes endued,

In forest, wake, or den,
As beasts excel cold rocks and hamlets rude I

"Men who their duties know,
But know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain,

Prevent the long-aim'd blow,
And crush the tyrant while they rend the chain :

These constitute a State.

BLESSING THE BEASTS. 237

BLESSING THE BEASTS.

BY GRACE GREENWOOD.

WE went, last Sunday, to see the blessing of beasts — an
annual ceremony, which takes place at the Church of San
Antonio. There was an immense crowd of all descriptions
and classes of people ; among the rest, a vast convocation of
beggars, the crippfed and maimed in endless varieties, wrecks
and remnants, divisions and subdivisions of men.

A priest stood on the steps of the church, with a holy-water
sprinkler in his hand, and a little boy at his side, bearing the
benitier. The animals were trotted up before him ; he read
a form of benediction in Latin, shook the sprinkler at them,
and they were good for a twelvemonth. Of course, this is
done for a consideration — as what is not, in the way of church
parades, privileges, and immunities ? The first applicants for
a benediction, after our arrival, were two miserable old cart-
horses, who looked as though the blessings of all the fathers
of the church could not keep them on their legs for twenty-
four hours. I fear the rite was extreme unction to them ; and
yet the owner doubtless led them away, rejoicing in the faith
that the crows were cheated of the poor skeletons for a year
to come.

Next came a drove of donkeys, with their heads and tails

238 BLESSING THE BEASTS.

decorated with gay ribbons. One of these committed the
ever-to-be-apprehended asinine impropriety of braying in the
midst of the ceremony. So absurd, ludicrous, and pompously
farcical was this scene, — so stupid, yet consciously ridiculous
seemed the chief actors, — that it struck me the benediction
might have commenced without great inappropriateness with
an apostolic " dearly-beloved brethren !"

I trust I shall not be thought irreverent from this or any
thing of the kind I may say. I feel a daily-increasing indig-
nation and contempt towards the monstrous absurdities of this
system of religion and the actors therein. To reverence such
things and such men were an insult to the God in whom I believe.

There came up a sudden and violent shower, and we were
driven for shelter into the church, where we were brought
into more intimate relations with the lower classes than was
altogether safe or savory. I am a democrat, even in Italy,
tih1 it comes to garlic and.jmZa, when I must confess, my
democracy assumes a purely abstract character. After the
storm was passed, the Pope's stud came, mostly driven in
carriages, magnificent turnouts. Then followed those of the
cardinals, scarcely less stately and gorgeous. Next came
twenty-four superb horses, belonging to Prince Piombino,
attached to one carriage, all .decorated with plumes and
ribbons — really a beautiful sight.

The horses which are to run in the Corso, during the
Carnival, were blessed amid unusual demonstrations of popu-
lar feeling ; and so it ended — the oldest, absurdest, most
utterly ridiculous religious ceremonial I ever beheld.

DO RIGHT. 239

DO RIGHT

THOUGH earthly interest takes flight,

Or sobs upon the sod ;
Still dare thou ever to " do right,

And leave the rest to God."
Do what thy duty calls each day,
Regardless what the world may say.

Though scoffs and jeers thy frenzied foes

Roll on thee like a flood,
Or weave a subtle web of woes,

They cannot harm the good ;
The clouds and shadows here you have,
Project a glory to the grave.

Do right, and bravely bear each blow ;

A blessing will be 'given —
If not in this black world below,

In yonder smiling heaven.
Walk in the way by virtue trod,

"Do right, and leave the rest to God."

240 THE SILENT SCOURGE.

THE SILENT SCOURGE.

BY THE EDITOR.

NEVER was the near future of political parties in this coun-
try so seething with anxious hopes, and doubts, and fears ;
never so pregnant with inexplicable terrors to time-servers
and place-men ; never so ominous to demagogues and huck-
sters in the field of politics as now. From the tap-room to
the Senate Chamber,' wherever party organization has here-
tofore stalked, confident and defiant — wherever the edict of
the bully-governed caucus has decided nominations and appoint-
ments, and ruled with a rude, yet iron hand, the rank and file
of the people — led like sheep to the slaughter — at the ballot-
box, all is dismay and trembling. The mouthing impudence,
so brazen and brow-beating until now, is as suddenly hushed
as though the finger of death was on its lips — no grim skeleton
ever brought such stilness to an Egyptian feast. All ears
are open to hear, all eyes are staring to see, and all tongues
are questioning the course of the silent scourge that has risen
up in the land, invisible and secret as sleeping lightning, to
rebuke and punish the traders and traitors who have so long
corrupted the national franchise, and brought the country to
shame — and nigh to ruin.

Who is it — what is it — and where is it — this scourge, so
potent and purifying ? Who conceived it — who evoked it — •

THE SILENT SCOURGE. 241

and how and where is it to end, if, indeed, it end at all ?
Mighty and mysterious scourge ! preceded by no rumbling,
yet it stirs all the land, bursting like a sudden earthquake
wherever its fires are called to purge Freedom's palladium,
and make the ballot what the framers of the Republic intended,

" A weapon surer jret,

And mightier than the bayonet ;
A weapon, that comes down as still

As snow flakes fall upon the sod,
And executes a freeman's will,

As lightnings do the will of God !"

East and West, and North and South — in the chie f marts
and capitals of the "Union, its stroke has fallen swift and sure,
and politicians and parties, stripped of every gauge of accus-
tomed calculation, have only been aware of its presence when
they saw their petted candidates and schemes rolling headlong
in the ditch of overwhelming defeat. New Orleans, long at
the mercy of insolent, foreign-born brawlers, bears witness !
So does Washington, as it will, despite the executive guillotine
that flashes its knife madly and in vain. So do St. Louis —
where the German boasted that the American should be put
down — and Philadelphia — desecrated too long by foreign-
born mobs — and Mobile, and Norfolk, and many a lesser
place we might name. And so, by-and-by, in our own city
and State, this silent scourge will fall, and many a dema-
gogue's back will writhe under the biting blow, and all true
men will gladly confess that this is yet an American land, and
that Americans can and will rule it, as they ought ever to
have done.

11

242 THE SILENT SCOURGE.

And far wider than municipalities and States, the blow will
be struck all over the Union, and the next occupant of the
White House chair will owe his elevation — of which he must
be worthy — to invisible hands. Even now, while no man can
say of it more than is said of the wind, " It goeth and cometh
as it listeth," there is fright and confusion in every political
camp. The master demagogues, the whippers-in, the men
who have been the leaders, the Sampsons of their hosts, grope
stone-blind in the midst of their temples, waiting to be buried
when the pillars shall be shaken by the coming scourge. The
tricky place-men feel their doom at hand. They would trade
to avert it, but they idly beat the air in their search for the
angel of the scourge. Here he is, and there he is, they cry —
but they find him not. One says the scourge is against that
party, and another that it is against this ; yet the only thing
men know is this : — that it is against all men, and all parties,
who have been false, or are likely — having the power — to be
false to this Union, this American Republic.

If any party may seem — as one perhaps does — to have
most severely felt the scourge, it is because that party has
most betrayed and trampled on the principles that should
accompany its sacred name ; because its possession of that
name — a pretentious cheat — has most enabled it to barter
the officers and interests of the land to a foreign horde. No
other party could have so sold a country, and raised up in its
midst a sedition against its most cherished institutions and
ideas — nor can this one do it longer, nor could it have done it,
but for a delusive came, t nd the easy temper until thoroughly

THE SILENT SCOURGE. 243

aroused, of the American people. The game is now up !
Neither coaxing nor threatening can stay the impending blow
that is to punish the shameless traders and traitors, native or
foreign, until every citizen shall be glad and proud to say, " I,
too, am an American."

The secret forces that wield the silent scourge, clearly
understand their work. They aim at the right mark. They
strike no indiscriminate blows, but smite the jockeys who have
curried the foreign horse (worse than the fabled Greek),
who have seduced and misled the people, and for a time have
played their game of place and plunder without check. These
are the heads to lop off, be they little or big, be they repre-
sentatives or executives. Its silence preserved, a party organ-
ization avoided, and eternal vigilance — the price of liberty —
written on its front, and all men will yet bless this scourge.
It will purify the land. It will bury all young or old foreign-
alities, and, placing the destinies of the country in American
hands, at home and abroad, will make the name of the Ame-
rican Republic honored and respected throughout the world —
which is not the case now. We warn nobody, for we know
nothing more than is open and visible, to all who choose to
see. But we reckon a warning is felt, and that it has struck
deep in the right quarter, and will strike deeper, until the
joints of political schemers are made to rattle louder than did
ever the "dry bones" in the valley. All we have to say is,
God speed the silent scourge, until its bravely begun work is
triumphantly done !

MY OWN GREEN MOUNTAIN LAND.

MY OWN GREEN MOUNTAIN LAND.

MY Native Land ! in many a dream —

Beneath the northern skies —
Amid the purpling clouds, I see

Thy dark Green Mountains rise ;
And proudly o'er thy valley sands

The bright blue waters roll,
Whose music broke at life's clear dawn.

With glory on my soul.

Though years have flown since last I saw

Thy mountains' cresting pines,
I love thee for the memories

That cling around thy shrines :
For all that e'er my boyhood knew —

Loved, beautiful or grand —
Is cradled 'mong thy hills and vales,

My own Green Mountain land.

I love thee for those hero souls
Who answered Freedom's call ;

I love thee for the liberty

Thou claim'st and giv'st to all ;

MY NATIVE LAND. 245

I love thee for the stalwart arms

And braver hearts, that stand
A stronger guard than castle walls,

For thee — my Native Land !

I may have trod in sunnier climes,

Where rolls the flashing Rhine,
Or Albion rears her chalky cliffs —

A kindlier soil than thine ;
But never have I seen the spot —

Loved, beautiful or grand —
That led my heart away from thee,

My own Green Mountain Land.*

* Vermont.

246 REPUBLICS ANCIENT AND MODERN

REPUBLICS-ANCIENT AND MODERN.

ANONYMOUS.

IT is idle to measure the United States as a nation, or the
Americans as a people, by drawing parallels. The entire
history of the world furnishes no parallel, either to the Repub-
lic or the people, so that all inferences drawn, and prophecies
made, on the strength of what nations and races have done ii>
past tune, are a lost illustration applied to us. Every nation
has its peculiarities, every age its phase, and every people its
distinct manifestations. The nation is an image of the people ;
the people are a reflex of circumstance and condition ; and
the age is a cycle through which nation and people pass. The
attempt to justify or condemn, by contrasting moderns with
ancients, generally shows the imbecility of searchers for
analogies. The only analogy that can be drawn between
nations or races, is, that the one were either kingdoms,
empires, hierarchies, oligarchies, or republics, from their form
of government ; and the other either savage, barbarous, civil-
ized or enlightened. There is just so much similarity, and
no more. Scythia was a kingdom, and so is England — Greece
was a republic, and so is the United States ; and there the
parallel ends.

The old kingdom and republic founded their politics upon

REPUBLICS ANCIENT AND MODERN. 247

their peculiar positions, according to tlie character and cir-
cumstances of their people, and the new do the same. But
how different may be those positions, characters and circum-
stances ! England is not like Spain, yet both are kingdoms.
Nor is our America of to-day, like the Rome of two thousand
years ago, though both republics. The warnings and prophe-
cies of those who divine the future from the past are, therefore,
mainly mere cant. It is barely possible to say man is the same
in all ages. He is only so in certain sympathies and wants.
Men in all ages and of all conditions, require air to breathe,
food and drink for their nourishment, and certain protective
raiment and shelter, — and these not hi the same proportion,
but according to climate and occupation ; whatever is higher
than these instinctive necessities, depends upon the character
of races and the age in which they live.

The United States has been compared to Greece and Rome,
and warnings have been founded on the comparison. "Where
is the likeness except in the name Republic ? Had Greece or
Rome a free people, educated, enlightened, and surrounded by
institutions like ours ? Had they commerce, agriculture, arts,
and sciences like ours? Had they even armies and navies
like ours, and what is more, soil, climate, resources, and people
dispositioned as in the Anglo-Saxon Republic? Certainly
not ; therefore there is no parallel between them. Ballot-
boxes, common schools, the printing press, steam, electricity
and Christianity, make us one thing ; Greece and Rome with
their inheritance and acquirements, were quite another. If
we push a conquest or enlarge a bound of empire, some prophet

248 REPUBLICS- ANCIENT AND MODERN.

owl is ready to hoot in our ears — "Remember the fate of the
ancient republics 1" Away with such nonsense. If the dark-
ness of their ages and the scantiness of their genius belonged
to us with the name Republic, we might heed their warnings.
But we only bear the name — the old circumstances and con-
ditions are swept away, lost for ever. Warnings are worthy
of our heed only when they are based on our violations of
true republican principles.

• Rome was a military republic, born of force and magnified
by unscrupulous conquests. She held her empire together,
not by unity of language, not by community of interests and
equality of enjoyment among her captive nations, nor by a
common government, but by the sword ; and when the native
hand that held the sword grew weak, the empire was broken
and scattered. She had no art but the tread of her legions
to compass and annihilate distance ; no lightning-winged
wires threading the air from ocean to ocean, making near
neighbors of men at the remotest distacce. Nay, scarcely a
feature in common with us had she Oi' her sister, Greece.
They were, in the aggregate of respects, infinitely our inferior ;
and yet there are living, legislating fools who strive to judge
us by their standard. Stuff ! It were as well to compare
the flight of a buzzard through a London fog, with the
majestic rise of an eagle, through a transparent atmosphere,
into the sun's eye.

THE AMERI:AN FARMER. 249

THE AMERICAN FARMER.

THERE is a man of prouder heart

And nobler far, I ween,
Than sceptred king or laureled chief,

Or warrior hi his sheen,
Who would not give to prince or peer

The splendor of his name,
Though hosts ran shouting at his heels —

The heralds of his fame !

See, yonder is his palace high,

His kingdom fair and wide :
His throne the cot, his sword the plough,

His realm the valley side ;
His only host his flocks and herds,

And fields of nodding grain,
The subjects of his royal rule —

The lords of his domain !

He wants no helms nor iron hands,
Nor pomp of waving plumes,

Nor vassal knee, nor courtier tread,
Nor India's soft perfumes ;
11*

250 A SACRIFICE FOR FREEDOM.

.

He holds his rein, he guides his steed

And bares his shining blade,
And herds are thinned and fields are strewn —

But not in ruin laid !

A SACRIFICE FOR FREEDOM.

THE subject of the following anecdote was a sister of
General Woodhull, and was born at Brookhaven, Long
Island, in December, 1140. Her husband was a member of
the Provincial Convention which met^ in May, 1775, and of
the Convention which was called two years after, to frame
the first State Constitution.

While Judge William Smith was in the Provincial Con-
gress, his lady was met, at a place called Middle Island, by
Major Benjamin Tallmadge, who was then on his march
across Long Island. He told her he was on his way to her
house to capture the force then possessing Fort George, and
that he might be obliged to burn or otherwise destroy her
dwelling-house and other buildings in accomplishing this
object. Ready to make any sacrifice for the good of her
bleeding country, she promptly assured the Major that the
buildings were at his disposal, to destroy or not, as efforts to
dislodge the enemy might require.

FOREIGN MILITARY ORGANIZATIONS. 251

FOREIGN MILITARY ORGANIZATIONS.

BY THE EDITOR.

FOR what purpose are these men banded together ? Why
do they meet and drill, and parade the streets, flaunting their
foreign banners in the face of our stripes and stars ? They
come here for bread and work, and a home for their child-
ren— many of them to be supported by the private charity
and public alms of our citizens. In forsaking the land of
starvation and oppression for the land of freedom and plenty,
are they not willing to leave their impotent Saints and their
trampled ensigns behind them ? Let them leave their help-
less Saint Patricks and down-trodden shamrocks in the barren
bogs of their priest-scourged country, and in this free land of
their adoption, embrace the American flag the moment they
touch American soil.

If the Irish, or any other people, choose to form beiteuolent
associations for the relief and succor of their suffering fellow-
countrymen, there is no cause of complaint against such
. organizations ; but rather of approbation. And to keep warm
the home feeling — to vivify the remembrance of the misery
from which they have fled — let them wear, as melancholy
mementoes, the mottoes and the badges of their wretched native

252 FOREIGN i ILITARY ORGANIZATIONS.

land. But when it comes to military associations — to the
arming of bodies of foreign-born men, for the purpose of fight-
ing against the citizens and the institutions of the land of
their adoption — we think it high time for the State to inter-
fere. In a country of equal rights and equal laws, the lives,
the property, and the religions of all classes are alike respected
and protected. There is not an American citizen, worthy of
the name, who would not arm himself to defend the rights, the
churches, and the persons of any portion of the community,
without regard to sect or origin. The strong arm of the
Republic will protect all classes of her citizens. The stars
and stripes float broadly and proudly over all. We want no
clannish banners nor foreign cliques to disturb the unity of
American feeling — to clash with American arms. The for-
eign element must either melt into and amalgamate with the
native element, or battle lines will be drawn in all our future
contests — political, if not military.

We cherish no hostility to any man on account of the acci-
dent of his birth-place, nor on the score of the religion which
he inherited from his fathers. If the most uncompromising
protestant among us had been born in Ireland, he would
doubtless have grown up a firm believer in Romanism. Nei-
ther do we blame the poor emigrant for his ignorance cf our
institutions and the superstition which beclouds and benumbs
his intellect. These are his misfortunes, not his faults. And
even the crimes of these benighted men should be treated
with the leniency due to children. They are often but the
errors of men who stumble in darkness. But when it comes

A PATRIOTIC DONATION. 253

to a question of government ; when we are asked to vote for
men to hold the reins and the sword over us, we say give us
the intelligent, honest, native sons of the soil, rather than
these strangers and aliens, who are equally ignorant of our
language, our laws, and our history.

A PATRIOTIC DONATION.

WHEN General Green was retreating through the Caro-
linas, after the battle of the Cowpens, and while at Salisbury,
North Carolina, he put up at a hotel, the landlady of which
was Mrs. Elizabeth Steele. A detachment of Americans had
just had a skirmish with the British under Cornwallis, at the
Catawba ford, and were defeated and dispersed ; and when
the wounded were brought to the hotel, the General no doubt
felt somewhat discouraged, for the fate of the South, and
perhaps of the country seemed to hang on the result of
this memorable retreat. Added to his other troubles
was that of being penniless ; and Mrs. Steele, learning
this fact by accident, and ready to do anything in her
power to further the cause of freedom, took him aside, and
drew from under her apron two bags of specie. Presenting
them to him she generously said, " Take these, for you will
want them, and I can do without them."

254 THE FREEMAN'S HOME.

THE FREEMAN'S HOME.

BY J. G. WHITTIER.

LAND of the forest and the rock —

Of dark-blue lake and mighty river —
Of mountains rear'd aloft to mock
The storm's career, the lightning's shock —

My own green land for ever !
Land of the beautiful and brave —
The freeman's home — the ma-rtyr's grave —
The nursery of giant men,
Whose deeds have link'd with every glen,
And every hill, and every stream,
The romance of some warrior-dream !
Oh ! never may a son of thine,
Where'er his wandering steps incline,
Forget the sky which bent above
His childhood like a dream of love —
The stream beneath the green hill flowing,
The broad-arm'd trees above it growing,
The clear breeze through the foliage blowing ;
Or hear, unmoved, the taunt of scorn
Breathed o'er the brave New England born ;

THK FREEMAN'S HOME. 255

Or mark the stranger's jaguar-hand

Disturb the ashes of thy dead,
The buried glory of a land

Whose soil with noble blood ia red,
And sanctified in every part, —

NOT feel resentment, like a brand,
Unsheathing from his fiery heart 1

Oh ! greener hills may catch the sun

Beneath the glorious heaven of France ;
And streams, rejoicing as they run

Like life beneath the day-beam's glance,
May wander where the orange-bough
With golden fruit is bending low ;
And there may bend a brighter sky
O'er green and classic Italy —
And pillar'd fane and ancient grave

Bear record of another tune,
And over shaft and architrave

The green, luxuriant ivy climb ;
And far towards the rising sun

The palm may shake its leaves on high,
Where flowers are opening, one by one,

Like stars upon the twilight sky ;
And breezes soft as sighs of love

Above the broad banana stray,
And through the Brahmin's sacred grove

A thousand bright-hued pinions play !

256 THE FREEMAN'S HOME.

Yet unto thee, New England, still

Thy wandering sons shall stretch their arms,
And thy rude chart of rock and hill

Seem dearer than the land of palms ;
Thy massy oak and mountain-pine

More welcome than the banyan's shade,
And every free, blue stream of thine

Seem richer than the golden bed
Of oriental waves, which glow
And sparkle with the wealth below !

WASHINGTON. 25t

WASHINGTON.

BY CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL.

GENERAL WASHINGTON was rather above the common size ;
his frame was robust, and his constitution vigorous, capable
of enduring great fatigue, and requiring a considerable degree
of exercise for the preservation of his health. His exterior
created in the beholder the idea of strength united with manly
gracefulness. His manners were rather reserved than free,
though they partook nothing of that dryness and sternness
which accompany reserve when carried to an extreme ; and,
on all proper occasions, he could relax sufficiently to show
how highly he was gratified by the charms of conversation
and the pleasures of society. His person and whole deport-
ment exhibited an unaffected and indescribable dignity, unmin-
gled with haughtiness, of which all who approached him
were sensible ; and the attachment of those who possessed
his friendship, and enjoyed his intimacy, was ardent, but
always respectful. His temper was humane, benevolent, and
conciliatory ; but there was a quickness in his sensibility to
anything apparently offensive, which experience had taught
him to watch and to correct. In the management of his
private affairs, he exhibited an exact, yet liberal economy.
His funds were not prodigally wasted on capricious and ill-

258 WASHINGTON.

examined schemes, nor refused to beneficial though costly
improvements. They remained, therefore, competent to that
expensive establishment which his reputation, added to a
hospitable temper, had in some measure imposed upon him,
and to those donations which real distress has a right to claim
from opulence. He made no pretensions to that vivacity which
fascinates, or to that wit which dazzles and frequently imposes
on the understanding. More solid than brilliant, judgment
rather than genius, constituted the most prominent feature of
his character. As a military man, he was brave, enterprising,
and cautious. That malignity which has sought to strip him
of all the higher qualities of a general, has conceded to him
personal courage, and a firmness of resolution which neither
dangers nor difficulties could shake. But candor will allow
him other great and valuable endowments. If his military
course does not abound with splendid achievements, it exhibits
a series of judicious measures, adapted to circumstances, which
probably saved his country. Placed, without having studied
the theory, or been taught ha the school of experience the
practice of war, at the head of an undisciplined, ill-organized
multitude, which was unused to the restraints and unac-
quainted with the ordinary duties of a camp, without the aid
of officers possessing those lights which the commander-in-
chief was yet to acquire, it would have been a miracle, indeed,
had his conduct been absolutely faultless. But, possessing an
energetic and distinguishing mind, on which the lessons of
experience were never lost, his errors, if he committed any,
were quickly repaired ; and those measures which the state

WASHINGTON. 259

of things rendered most advisable were seldom, if ever, neglect-
ed. Inferior to his adversary in the numbers, in the equip-
ment, and in the discipline of his troops, it is evidence of real
merit, that no great and decisive advantages were ever
obtained over him, and the opportunity to strike an important
blow never passed away unused. He has been termed the
American Fabius ; but those who compare his actions with
his means, will perceive at least as much of Marcellus as of
Fabius in his character. He could not have been more enter-
prising without endangering the cause he defended, nor have
put more to hazard without incurring justly the imputation
of rashness. Not relying upon those chances which some-
times give a favorable issue to attempts apparently desperate,
his conduct was regulated by calculations made upon the
capacities of his army, and the real situation of his country.

Xo truth can be uttered with more confidence than that
the ends of Washington were always upright, and his means
always pure. He exhibits the rare example of a politician to
whom wiles were absolutely unknown, and whose professions
to foreign governments, and to his own countrymen, were
always sincere. In him was folly exemplified the real dis-
tinction which for ever exists between wisdom and cunning,
and the importance as well as truth of the maxim that "hon-
esty is the best policy." If Washington possessed ambition,
that passion was, in his bosom, so regulated by principles, or
controlled by circumstances, that it was neither vicious nor
turbulent. Intrigue was never employed as the means of its
gratification ; nor was personal aggrandizement its object.

260 'WASHINGTON.

The various high and important stations to which he was
called by the public voice, were unsought by himself ; and,
in consenting to fill them, he seems rather to have yielded to
a general conviction that the interests of his country would
be thereby promoted, than to his particular inclination.
Neither the extraordinary partiality of the American people,
the extravagant praises which were bestowed upon him,
nor the inveterate opposition and malignant calumnies which
he experienced, had any visible influence upon his con-
duct. The cause is to be looked for in the texture of his
mind. In him, that innate and unassuming modesty which
adulation would have offended, which the voluntary plaudits
of millions could not betray into indiscretion, and which never
obtruded upon others his claims to superior consideration, was
happily blended with a high and correct sense of personal
dignity, and with a just consciousness of that respect which is
due to station. Without exertion, he could maintain the
happy medium between that arrogance which wounds, and
that facility which allows the office to be degraded in the
person who fills it. It is impossible to contemplate the great
events which have occurred in the United States, under the
auspices of Washington, without ascribing them, in some
measure, to him. If we ask the causes of the prosperous issue
of a war, against the successful termination of which there
were so many probabilities ; of the good which was produced,
and the ill which was avoided, during an administration fated
to contend with the strongest prejudices that a combination
of circumstances and of passions could produce ; of the con-

WASHINGTON. 2bl

stant favor of the great mass of his fellow citizens, and of
the confidence which, to the last moment of his life, they
reposed in him, — the answer, so far as these causes may be
found in his character, will furnish a lesson well meriting the
attention of those who are candidates for political fame.
Endowed by nature with a sound judgment, and an accurate,
discriminating mind, he feared not that laborious attention
which made him perfectly master of those subjects, in all their
relations, on which he was to decide ; and this essential
quality was guided by an unvarying sense of moral right,
which would tolerate the employment only of those means
that would bear the most rigid examination ; by a fairness
of intention which neither sought nor required disguise ;
and by a purity of virtue which was not only untainted, but
unsuspected.

262 'TIS A GLORIOUS LAXD.

'TIS A GLORIOUS LAND.

BY W. J. PABODIE.

OUR country ! — 'tis a glorious land !

With broad arms etretch'd from shore to shore,
The proud Pacific chafes her strand,

She hears the dark Atlantic roar ;
And, nurtured on her ample breast,

How many a goodly prospect lies
In Nature's wildest grandeur drest,

Enamel! 'd with her loveliest dyes.

Rich prairies, deck'd with flowers of gold,

Like sunlit oceans roll afar ;
Broad lakes her azure heavens behold,

Reflecting clear each trembling star,
And mighty rivers, mountain-born,

Go sweeping onward, dark and deep,
Through forests where the bounding fawn

Beneath their sheltering branches leap.

And, cradled mid her clustering hills,
Sweet vales in dreamlike beauty hide,

Where love the air with music fills ;
And calm content and peace abide ;

'TIS A GLORIOUS LAND. 263

For plenty here her fulness pours

In rich profusion o'er the land,
And, sent to seize her generous store,

There prowls no tyrant's hireling band.

Great GOD ! we thank thee for this home —

This bounteous birthland of the free ;
Where wanderers from afar may come,

And breathe the air of liberty ! —
Still may her flowers untrampled spring,

Her harvests wave, her cities rise ;
And yet, till Time shall fold his wing,

Remain Earth's loveliest paradise !

264 WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWER.

THE WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWER.

BY ELIZABETH OAKES SMITH.

IN the northeast part of our country there is a lowly ever-
green plant, a species of the arbutus, I believe, for I never
analyzed it, — we never do analyze anything that we love, —
but which is called by children and people who do not affect
to be scientific, the May Flower. It is an exceedingly deli-
cate and lovely flower, of a pale pink, growing in clusters amid
the rich evergreen leaves, and so fragrant as to scent the air
with its violet-like perfume. I remember the delight with
which, in my childhood, I used to join our group of school-girls
in quest of this harbinger of spring, peering with its sunny
yet timid aspect from amid

' The springy moss just crisping back,"

as the little foot of a companion left the yet spongy hillock.

The first of May is a great day to the child of that north-
ern climate, pent for so many months from the green blessed-
ness of nature ; and my heart beats now at the remembered
thrill, and the spontaneous shout, that recorded the discovery
of a May Flower. How the little group gathered about it.
How daintily we took it from the wet soil. How eagerly it
passed from nose to r.ose. Your pardon, reader, if you have

WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWER. 265

not a proper respect for that delicate sense, the perfection. of
which is the best indication of "thorough breeding."

How the cry of "May Flowers ! May Flowers !" extended
the circle. How the girls came leaping and bounding from
knoll to knoll, over "sodden logs," out from the verge of the
woods, down from the ledge, round by the black pool, and
all up to the bit of firm ground upon the side of the hill,
where the May Flower had ventured thus into the sunshine,
although

" The snow yet in the hollow lies."

God be praised for the memory of such things ; and for
the love he has planted in our hearts for his own beautiful
creations. The love that will make us encounter peril and
discomfort hi any shape, that we may look upon his " handy
work." The heart has much to fear for itself, that does not
glow with pleasure at the sight of a flower : it has wandered
far from the gate of heaven ; for the sense of the beautiful is
the link that binds us to the angels.

At first sight, the name, " May Flower," — for this lovely
yet lowly evergreen, appearing as it often does in sunny spots
and uplands even in March, when the season is moderate,
ready to bloom at the first caressings of sunshine in our cold
northern latitude, — seems inefficient and indefinite ; but a
glance at historic association will give the name, "May
Flower," a peculiar and touching appositeness.

It was the name of the frail bark that bore the Pilgrims
to our shores. This pale, pink blossom, with its surpassing
12

266 WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWEK.

fragrance, was the first to greet the eye of woman, when the
bleak winter abated its rigors ; and the sunshine, in revealing
its beauty, whispered, all is not utterly barren and desolate
in this "howling wilderness;" and she called it the May
Flower, partly in reference to the ship that had borne her
hither, partly in memory of the Maypole, bedecked with blos-
soms in "fatherland."

To me, this flower is a link binding the sex of the present
day to the suffering, struggling, devoted, and unrecorded
matrons of that day of hardy toil, and self-sacrificing love and
duty. I look into its meek face, and see, in my mind's eye,
the pale, drooping women of those days, who stifled the
weakness of the sex, smothered the heart's yearnings, and
nobly and patiently died, while their stern husbands and fathers
laid the corner-stone of empire, and planted, in the midst of
blood and peril, the handful of corn, the "fruit thereof to
shake like Lebanon."

Ay, touching, most touching, in this point of view, does this
blossom become to me, emblematic, as flowers always are, of
the tenderness, the beauty, and the devoteduess of woman,
blessing with her life-restoring love, not the garden and the
palace wall alone, but the waste places of poverty, and the
desolate and arid wilds of grief and pain.

The May Flower, blooming amidst sle&t and snow, fragrant,
lowly, evergreen, and most beautiful, is peculiarly appropriate
as an emblem of the wives and the daughters of the Pilgrim
Fathers., This one blossom decking the hoary crown of
winter, is like the pitying gift of spring ; so they with their

WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWER. 267

hardy graces must have served somewhat to abate the savage-
ness of virtue in those hard principled, hard thinking men ; —
and there let me not be supposed to speak irreverently.

It has sometimes been attempted to soften down the aspe-
rities of the Pilgrim character into something more accordant
with the genialities of life than what appears upon the face
of history. It is a futile task. They were men of a great
age, men habituated to daring and subtle thought, who had
learned to grasp what they believed to be truth, even with
the desperation of those who clung to the horns of the altar ;
and they had accustomed themselves to the heroic bearing
of those ready to lay down then: lives for its sake. They
were Cromwell-men, Milton-men, full of the arrogance of
manly prerogative, little careful for the gentleness suited to
lady's bower, and rarely disposed to turn aside to the "delec-
table fields " of merely domestic enjoyment.

Indeed, men who had nobly converted the hearth-stone into
an altar for the Most High, and each declared himself,
" Priest unto the Lord," in the stern simplicity of primitive
worship, inasmuch as they had spurned from them the vest-
ments of popery, were likely, in assuming the sacred office, by
an instinctive reverence, to assume a portion of the monkish-
ness hitherto associated therewith ; and hence arose, in part,
that severity of life, that sternness of discipline, that ascetic
renunciation of the natural tendencies of the human heart,
that rejection of human sympathy, and rooting out as it were
of human sensibilities.

They had engrafted the unyieldingness of the stoic upon

268 WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWER.

the sublime charities of Jesus, and nerved themselves to a
superiority to the ordinary emotions of humanity. They had
searched for truth, and having found what they regarded as
such, they rightly judged that no truth is of value except as
it becomes a principle of action. Alas ! truth is always
progressive, always moving in a path for ever brightening to
her followers ; but prejudice and error seize upon him who
dares to stop in her pathway, as did the men of those days.

The Pilgrims were not men full of the sweet charities of
life. They were men for reverence, not for love. They were
men of severe duty, often of high thought, men jealous of
freedom, tenacious of principle,yet men of a wondrous subtlety
of logic, by which, however arbitrary, cruel, and unjust became
then- civil and ecclesiastical decisions, they were able to make
them square with the principles of their associations, and the
great objects of the colony.

I say not this to disparage these venerable men. One
whose veins are coursed with the Pilgrim blood is not likely
to undervalue it. But it would be imputing to them super-
human power of mind, to suppose that these men, exiles from
their native land, volunteers, indeed, yet exiles, — and every
patriot will understand the depth of the sentiment of love for
one's country — sufferers from famine and from pestilence, with
inadequate shelter from an inclement latitude ; weighed by
the gloom of measureless and unknown forests, haunted by
the faith in the supernatural, augmented into tenfold power
by the solitude and immensity of nature, and daily and hourly
exposed to savage warfare.; it would, I say, be imputing to

WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWER. 269

such men super-human power of mind, to suppose they could
preserve the vividness and the magnanimity of thought under
such curcumstances, — far less, that they could indulge in the
softening charities of life.

No, no ! the Pilgrims learned to reject these things as
subordinate to the great purposes of their mission. They
subdued the promptings of nature, that they might be unshack-
led hi the contest which it involved. They stifled the plead-
ings of their own hearts, that thought might be free and
triumphant ; and, alas ! in our goodly heritage of political
and intellectual freedom, they have bequeathed also a portion
of their religious intolerance, and that very hardness of cha-
racter, that superiority of thought over affection, which to them
was a secret of power and success.

So far as our sex is concerned, the records of those times
are barren indeed ; yet, where women is, as in that day of
peril and darkness, and bereavement and cold intellectual
speculation, there must have been griefs, bitter and heart-
breaking. There must have been crushed affections, yearn-
ings for tenderness and sympathy, too great for 'womanly
endurance, sobbings stifled in the sternness of duty, and a
weariness of life hard to be borne. Yet from this must have
arisen a desire to cope with these lords of creation, in thought
at least, if that was from henceforth to be the ground of
sympathy ; for woman is sure to look about for new combina-
tions for affection — a new form of the altar, since the old
is destroyed, upon which she may hang the sweet garlands
of her love.

270 WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWER.

Hence, she began to think, to cavil ; hence, we have, to
this day, the tendency to identify ourselves with the principles,
whether in politics or religion, of those we love, not blindly,
but with searchingness and patient thought. Hence the rest-
less action of the female mind throughout New England, and
that preponderance of intellectual development, so remarkable,
and becoming effective, not only in point of duty, but moral
harmony.

In the earliest settlement of the colony — barren as are the
details of the tunes in that respect — we have three remarkable
types of womanhood recorded as episodes in our colonial his-
tory ; for historians rarely, in recounting events in which
women are concerned, give a straightforward, manful detail,
but content themselves with an " aside," as it were ; and this
is to be understood as a proper tribute to the modesty of the
sex, which is to shrink from justice even, if it involve publicity.

The first type is in that of the mother of Peregrine White,
who must have been a cheerful, active, beautiful woman, able
to cope in an off-hand practical manner with the worst hard-
ships of a new world life. She must have had a certain
audacious affectionateness, by which she disarmed the ferocity
of polemic discussion, or Nathaniel Morton would never have
thought it worth while to notice the birth of little Peregrine, '
in the midst of his registry of the hardships of the " godly."

The second was the lady Arabella Jonson, whose brief his-
tory is far more touchingly effective than any embellishment
of fancy. She and her husband, who survived her but a few
weeks, had sadly mistaken their vocation, when, in the excess

WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWER. 211

of religious and political zeal they tempted the hardships of
the wilderness.

The slight glimpse we have of Arabella Jonson is one of per-
fect loveliness ; full of the tenderness of sentiment, and the
refinement of elegant life. She is a creature the imagination
delights to contemplate, whose moral greatness made her for-
get her disabilities of physical power ; whose intellect seemed
only second to her delicacy and tenderness, and these again
subordinate to her resolute devotedness. She is the embodied
poetry of the Pilgrim race.

The third is Anno Hutchinson, a woman altogether so
remarkable as to throw the whole colony into a ferment by
the vigor of her understanding, and the force and boldness with
which she advocated her opinions. She it was who occasioned
the meeting of the first synod in America, who came together
expressly to examine and condemn what were called her
heresies.

We, at this late day, with only the bald details of her
opposers upon which to base our opinions of her character,
can hardly hope to do justice to one so superior to the gene-
rality of her sex. If her courage was not feminine, it was at
least Pilgrim-like. It was equal to those of the other sex
with whom she had to compete, and far above that of the
women of the day, who, till she began to question the doc-
trines of the leaders, and to look at their dogmas with her
acuteness of perception, and wondrous grasp of reason, had
tamely echoed their thoughts, and submitted to their exac-
tions.

272 WOMEN OF THE MAYTLOWER.

But Anne Hutchinson began to collect the women of the
colony in her own house, and examine coolly and keenly the
nature of opinions. This alarmed the authorities, and she
was called up for public examination into what were assumed
to be heresies, because they were opinions conflicting with
those of the times. Nothing can exceed the clear and vigor-
ous manner in which she defended herself upon this occasion.
Of her subsequent banishment and her many misfortunes, we
must not write, as they are historic, and would alter the pur-
port of this paper, which is simply to exhibit the rill, up in
the recesses of the mountain, which, joining itself to otherc in
the process of time, swells to the overflowing river.

Anne Hutchinson, with her affluence of thought, and her
clear, vigorous understanding, her searching and courageous
power of combination, so beyond the age in which she lived,
stands out as the type of intellectual woman, and is the base
of that large class of thinkers in that section of the country,
who command the respect of the other sex, and sometimes
provoke their fears ; and who, if not loyal to themselves, and
single in their search for truth, may be used hereafter by
those who dare not hope to suppress them (since " banish-
ment" now would little obviate the difficulty), as were their
lively sisters, the other side of the water, when they were
enrolled by the Illuminee into lodges, and made subservient
to the progress of revolution.

God grant, that the restless power of thought, so charac-
teristic of a New England woman, may keep even pace with
the developed harmonies of what is truly womanly, and that

WOMEN OF THE MAYFLOWER. 273

the religion which has so much to do with the head, may
never retire from the citadel of the heart. Yet must she not
be blamed for her pertinacious questionings, since doctrine hi
every possible shape is thrust hi her way, and the evils of
heresy so often forced upon her thoughts, and she naturally
begins to inquire wherein it consists. From the days of the
Pilgrims downwards, this has been the case, in the pulpit
and by the fireside ; and even the dying benediction par-
takes of that model left by " Mr. Thomas Dudley, the pillar
of the colony of Massachusetts, who leaves his poetic injunc-
tion in this wise :

" Farewell, dear wife, children, and friends,
Hate heresy, make blessed ends."

274 WASHINGTON CROSSING THE DELAWARE.

WASHINGTON CROSSING THE DELAWARE.

BT 8EBA SMITH.

DARK and gloomy was the hour,
And Freedom's fires burnt low,

For twenty days had Washington
Retreated from the foe ;

And his weary soldiers' feet were bare

As he fled across the Delaware.

Hearts were fainting through the land,

And patriot-blood ran cold ;
The stricken army scarce retain'd

Two thousand men, all told ;
While the British arms gleam'd everywhere,
From the Hudson to the Delaware.

Cold and stormy came the night ;

The great Chief roused his men ;
" Now, up, brave comrades, up and strike

For Freedom once again ;
For the Lion sleepeth in his lair,
On the left bank of Delaware.

WASHINGTON" CROSSING THE DELAWARE. 275

How the strong oars dash the ice

Amid the tempest's roar ,!
And how the trumpet-voice of Knox

Still cheers them to the shore !
Thus, in the freezing midnight air,
Those brave hearts cross'd the Delaware.

In the morning, grey and dun,

The shout of battle rose,
And the Chief led back his valiant men

With a thousand captive foes,
While Trenton shook with the cannon's blare,
That told the news o'er the Delaware.

276 MONUMENT TO MARY WASHINGTON.

THE MONUMENT TO MARY WASHINGTON.

ADDRESS OF ANDREW JACKSON.

WE are assembled, fellow-citizens, to witness and assist in
an interesting ceremony. More than a century has passed
away since she to whom this tribute of respect is about to be
paid, entered upon the active scenes of life. A century fertile
in wonderful events, and of distinguished men who have
participated in them. Of these our country has furnished a
full share i and of these distinguished men she has produced a
WASHINGTON ! If he was " first in war, first in peace, first in
the hearts of his countrymen," we may say, without the impu-
tation of national vanity, that if not the first, he was in the
very first rank of those, too few indeed, upon whose career
mankind can look back without regret, and whose memory
and example will furnish themes of euology for the patriot,
wherever free institutions are honored and maintained. His
was no false glory, deriving its lustre from the glare of splen-
did and destructive actions, commencing in professions of
attachment to his country, and terminating in the subversion
of her freedom. Far different is the radiance which surrounds
his name and fame. It shines mildly and equally, and guides
the philanthropist and citizen in the path of duty ; and it will
guide them long after those false lights, which have attracted
too much attention, shall have been extinguished in darkness.

MONUMENT TO MARY WASHINGTON. 277

In the grave before us, lie the remains of his Mother.
Long has it been unmarked by any monumental tablet, but
not unhonored. You have taken the pious duty of erecting a
column to her name, and of inscribing upon it, the simple but
affecting words, "Mary, the Mother of Washington." No
eulogy could be higher ; and it appeals to the heart of every
American.

These memorials of affection and gratitude are consecrated
by the practice of all ages and nations. They are tributes
of respect to the dead, but they convey practical lessons of
virtue and wisdom to the living. The mother and son are
beyond the reach of human applause ; but the bright example
of paternal and filial excellence, which their conduct furnishes,
cannot but produce the most salutary effects upon our country-
men. Let their example be before us from the first lesson which
is taught the child, till the mother's duties yield to the course

of preparation and action which nature prescribes for him.
* * * * * *

Tradition says, that the character of Washington was
strengthened, if not formed, by the care and precepts of his
mother. She was remarkable for the vigor of her intellect
and the firmness of her resolution.

******

In tracing the few recollections which can be gathered of
her principles and conduct, it is impossible to avoid the con-
viction that these were closely interwoven with the destiny of
her son. The great points of his character are before the
world. He who runs may read them in his whole career, as

278 MONUMENT TO MARY WASHINGTON.

a citizen, as a soldier, as a magistrate. He possessed unerring
judgment — if that term can be applied to human nature, —
great probity of purpose, high moral principles, perfect self-
possession, untiring application, and an inquiring mind, seeking
information from every quarter, and arriving at its conclusions
with a full knowledge of the subject ; and he added to these
an inflexibility of resolution, which nothing could change but
a conviction of error. Look back at the life and conduct of
his mother, and at her domestic government, as they have
tins day been delineated by the Chairman of the Monumental
Committee, and as they were known to her contemporaries,
and have been described by them, and they will be found
admirably adapted to form and develop, the elements of such
a character. The power of greatness was there ; but had it
not been guided and directed by maternal solicitude and judg-
ment, its possessor, instead of presenting to the world
examples of virtue, patriotism and wisdom, which will be
precious in all succeeding ages, might have added to the num-
ber of those master-spirits, whose fame rests upon the faculties
they have abused, and the injuries they have committed.

***** v

Fellow-citizens, at your request, and in your name, I now
deposit this plate in the spot destined for it ; and when the
American pilgrim shall, in after ages, come up to this high
and holy place, and lay his hand upon this sacred column,
may he recall the virtues of her who sleeps beneath, and
depart with his affections purified, and his piety strengthened,
while he invokes blessings upon the Mother of Washington.

REVOLUTIONARY TEA. 279

REVOLUTIONARY TEA.

tM
BY SEBA SMITH.

THERE was an old lady lived over the sea,

And she was an Island Queen ;
Her daughter lived off in a new countrie,

With an ocean of water between.

The old lady's pockets were full of gold,

But never contented was she ;
So she called to her daughter to pay her a tax

Of " thrippence" a pound on her tea.

" Xow, mother, dear mother," the daughter replied,

" I shan't do the thing that you ax ;
I'm willing to pay a fair price for the tea,
But never the thrippeuny tax.

" You shall," quoth the mother, and reddened with rage,

" For you're my own daughter, ye see ;
And sure 'tis quite proper the daughter should pay
Her mother a tax on her tea."

And so the old lady her servants called up,

And pack'd off a budget of tea,
And, eager for thrippence a pound, she put hi

Enough for a large familie.

280 REVOLUTIONARY TEA.

She ordered her servants to bring home the tax,

Declaring her child should obey,
Or, old as she was, and almost woman-grown,

She'd half whip her life away.

The tea was conveyed to the daughter's door,

All down by the ocean side,
And the bouncing girl poured out every pound

In the dark and boiling tide.

And then she called out to the Island Queen,

" Oh, mother, dear mother," quoth she,
" Your tea you may have, when 'tis steeped enough,
But never a tax from me —
No, never a tax from me."

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 281

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

WHEN, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary
for one people to dissolve the political bands which have
connected them with another, and to assume among the
powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which
the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a
decent respect for the opinions of mankind requires, that
they should declare the causes which impel them to the sepa-
ration.

We hold these truths to be self-evident — that all men are
created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with
certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights,
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just
powers from the consent of the governed ; that when any
form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is
the right of the people to alter or to abolish j£, and to insti-
tute a new government, laying its foundation on such prin-

282 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

ciples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them
shall Beem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Pru-
dence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long estab-
lished should not be changed for light and transient causes ;
and, accordingly, all experience has . shown, that mankind
are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to
right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are
accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpa-
tions, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design
to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right,
it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide
new guards for their future security. Such has been the
patient sufferance of these colonies ; and such is now the
necessity which constrains them to alter their former system
of government. The history of the present king of Great
Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all
having in direct object the establishment of an absolute
tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be sub-
mitted to a candid world.

He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and
necessary for the pubh'c good.

He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate
and pressing importance, unless suspended in then* operation
till his assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he
has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation
of large districts of people, unless those people would relin-

DECLARATION- OF I ND E PEN D E NCE . 283

quish the right of representation in the legislature — a right
inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies, at places unusual,
uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public
records, for the sole purpose..of fatiguing them into compliance
with his measures.

He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for
opposing with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of
the people.

He has refused for a long tune after such dissolutions, to
cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers,
incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large
for their exercise ; the state remaining, in the meantime,
exposed to all the danger of invasion from without, and con-
vulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these
states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturaliza-
tion of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their
migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropria-
tions of lands.

He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing
his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

He has made judges depend on his will alone, for the
tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their
salaries.

He has erected a multitude of offices, and sent here swarms
of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.

284 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies
without the cousent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the military independent of, and
superior to, the civil power.

He has combined with others, to subject us to a jurisdic-
tion foreign to our Constitution, and unacknowledged by our
laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legisla-
tion :

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among
us :

For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment
for any murder they should commit on the inhabitants of
these states :

For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world :

For imposing taxes on us without our consent :

For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by
jury:

For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended
offences :

For abolishing the free system of English law in a neigh-
boring^ province, establishing therein an arbitrary government,
and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an
example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute
rule into these colonies :

For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valu-
able laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our gov-
ernments :

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 285

For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring them-
selves invested with power, to legislate for us in all cases
whatsoever.

He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of
his protection, and waging war against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our
towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign
mercenaries, to complete the works of death, desolation and
tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and
perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and
totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

He has coastrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the
high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the
executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall them-
selves by their hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has
endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the
merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an
undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and condi-
tions.

In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for
redress in the most humble terms : our petitions have been
answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character
is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is
unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British

286 DECLARATION OF IXDE PEND E N C E .

brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of
attempts made by their legislature, to extend an unwarrant-
able jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the
circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We
have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and
we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred,
to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt
our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been
deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must,
therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our
separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind —
enemies in war ; — in peace, friends.

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of
America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the
Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten-
tions, DO, in the name and by the authority of the good people
of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these
United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and inde-
pendent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance
to the British Crown, and that all political connection
between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought
to be, totally dissolved ; and that as free and independent
States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace,
contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other
acts and things which independent States may of right do.
And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reli-
ance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

287

pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred
honor.

Signed by order and in behalf of the Congress,

JOHN HANCOCK, President.
Attest, CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Josiah Bartlett,
William Whipple,
Mathew Thornton.

MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
Samuel Adams,
John Adams,
Eobert Treat Paine,
Elbridge Gerry.

RHOPE ISLAND. .
Stephen Hopkins,
William Ellery.

CONNECTICUT.
Roger Sherman.
Samuel Huntington,
William Williams,
Oliver Wolcott.

NEW YOE .
William Floyd,
Philip Livingston,
Francis Lewis,
Lewis Morris.

NEW JERSEY.
Richard Stockton,
John Witherspoon,
Francis Hopkinson,
John Hart,
Abraham Clark.

PENNSYLVANIA.
Robert Morris,
Benjamin Rush,
Benjamin Franklin,
John Morton,

George Clymer.
James Wilson,
George Ross.

DELAWARE.
Caesar Rodney,
Thomas M'Kean,
George Reed,

MARYLAND.
Samuel Chase,
William Paca,
Thomas Stone,
Charles Carroll.
VIRGINIA.
George Wythe,
Richard Henry Lee,
Thomas Jefferson,
Benjamin Harrison,
Thomas Nelson, Jr.
Francis Lightfoot Lee,
Carter Braxton.

NORTH CAROLINA.
William Hooper,
Joseph Hewes,
John Penn.

SOUTH CAROLINA.
Edward Rutledge,
Thomas Heyward, Jr.
Thomas Lynch, Jr.
Arthur Middleton.

GEORGIA.
Button Gwinnett,
Lyman Hall,
George Walton.

288 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

WE, THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STAGES, in order to form
a more perfect Union, establish justice, ensure domestic tran-
quillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general
welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and
our posterity, do ordain and establish this CONSTITUTION for
the United States of America.

ARTICLE I.

OF THE LEGISLATIVE POWER.

§ 1. All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested
in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a
Senate and House of Representatives.

OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

§ 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of
members chosen every second year by the people of the seve-

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 289

ral States ; and the electors in each State shall have the
qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous
branch of the State Legislature.

No person shall be a representative who shall not have
attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years
a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when
elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be
chosen.

Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned
among the several States which may be included within this
Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
determined by adding to the whole number of free persons,
including those bound to service for a term of years, and
excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons.
The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after
the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and
within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as
they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall
not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall
have at least one representative ; and until such enumeration
shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled
to choose three ; Massachusetts, eight ; Rhode Island and
Providence Plantations, one ; Connecticut, five ; New York,
six ; New Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, eight ; Delaware,
one ; Maryland, six ; Virginia, ten ; North Carolina, five ;
South Carolina, five ; and Georgia, three.

When vacancies happen in the representation from any

290 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATKS.

State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of
election to fill such vacancies.

The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker
and other officers, and shall have the sole power of impeach-
ment.

OF THE SENATE.

§ 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed
of two senators from each State, chosen by the Legisla-
ture thereof, for six years ; and each senator shall have one
vote.

Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence
of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may
be into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first
class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of
the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of
the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one
third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies hap-
pen, by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the
Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make
temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legis-
lature, which shall then fill such vacancies.

No person shall be a senator who shall not have at-
tained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a
citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elect-
ed, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be
chosen.

The Vice-President of the United States shall be President

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 291

of the Senate, but shall have no vote unless they be equally
divided.

The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a
president pro tempore, in the absence of the Yice-President,
or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United
States.

The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeach-
ments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath
or affirmation. When the President of the United States is
tried, the chief justice shall preside ; and no person shall be
convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the mem-
bers present

Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall not extend
further than to removal from office, and disqualification
to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit, under
the United States ; but the party convicted shall, never-
theless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment,
and punishment, according to law.

MANNER OF ELECTING MEMBERS.

§ 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for
senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each State
by the Legislature thereof ; but Congress may at any time,
by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the
places of choosing senators.

CONGRESS TO ASSEMBLE ANNUALLY.

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year,

292 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December,
unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

POWERS OF THE HOUSE.

§ 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns,
and qualifications of its own members ; and a majority of
each shall constitute a quorum to do business ; but a smaller
number may adjourn from day to day, and may be author-
ized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such
manner, and under such penalties, as each house may
provide.

Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings,
punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the
concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member.

Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and
from tune to tune publish the same, excepting such parts as
may, in their judgment, require secresy ; and the yeas and
nays of the members of either house, on any question, shall,
at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the
journal.

Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, with-
out the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three
days, nor to any other place than that in which the two
houses shall be sitting.

§ 6. The senators and representatives shall receive a com-
pensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and
paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in
all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 293

privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session
of their respective houses, and in going to or returning from
the same ; and for any speech or debate in either house, they
shall not be questioned in any other place.

Xo senator or representative shall, during the tune for
which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under
the authority of the United States, which shall have been
created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased
during such tune ; and no person holding any office under
the United States, shall be a member of either house during
his continuance in office.

MANNER OF PASSING BILLS, ORDERS, ET(J.

§ 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the
House of Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or
concur with amendments, as on other bills.

Every bill which shall have passed the House of Repre-
rentatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be
presented to the President of the United States : if he
approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it, with
his objections, to that house in which it shall have originated,
who shall enter the objections at large on their journals, and
proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-
thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be
sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by
which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved of by
two thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all
cases, the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas
and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against

294 CONSTITUTION OF THE UXITED STATES.

the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respect-
ively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President
within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been
presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as
if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjournment,
prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law.

Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence
of the Senate and House of Representatives may be neces-
sary'(except on a question of adjournment), shall be pre-
sented to the President of the United States ; and before the
same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being
disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the
Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules
and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.

POWERS OF CONGRESS.

§ 8. The Congress shall have power :

To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to
pay the debts and provide for the common defence and
general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, im-
posts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United
States :

To borrow money on the credit of the States :

To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the
several States, and with the Indian tribes :

To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform
laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United
States :

CONSTITUTION OP THE UNITED STATES. 295

To coin money, regulate the value thereof, ami of foreign
coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures :

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the
securities and current coin of the TJnited States :

To establish post-offices and post-roads :

To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by
securing, for limited tunes, to authors and inventors, the ex-
clusive right to their respective writings and discoveries :

To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court :

To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on
the high seas, and offences against the law of nations :

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and
make rules concerning captures on land and water :

To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of
money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years :

To provide and maintain a navy :

To make rules for the government and regulation of the
land and naval forces :

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws
of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions :

To provide for organizing arming, and disciplining the
militia, and for governing such parts of them as may be em-
ployed in the service of the United States, reserving to the
States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the
authority of training the militia according to the discipline
prescribed by Congress :

To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever,
over such district (not exceeding ten miles square), as may,

296 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Con-
gress, become the seat of Government of the United States,
and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by
the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same
yhall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-
yards, and other needful buildings : — And

To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for
carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other
powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the
United States, or in any department or office thereof.

LIMITATIONS OF THE POWER OF CONGRESS.

§ 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any
of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall
not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year one
thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or duty may
be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars
for each person.

The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus-
pended, unless when, in case of rebellion and invasion, the
public safety may require it.

No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.

No caption, or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in pro-
portion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to
be taken.

No tax or duty shall be put on articles exported from any
State. No preference shall be given by any regulation of
commerce or revenue of the ports of one State over those

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 297

of another ; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be
obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.

No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in conse-
quence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular state-
ment and account of the receipts and expenditures of all pub-
lic money shall be published from time to time.

No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States,
and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them,
shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any pre-
sent, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from
any king, prince, or foreign State.

LIMITATIONS OF THE POWERS OF THE INDIVIDUAL STATES.

§ 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or
confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin
money ; emit bills of credit ; make anything but gold and
silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bills of
attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation
of contracts ; or grant any title of nobility.

No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay
any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may
be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and
the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State
on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of
the United -States ; all such laws shall be subject to the
revision and control of Congress. No State shall, without
the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops
or ships of war, in time of peace, enter into any agreement or

13*

298 CONSTITUTION' OF THE UNITED STATES.

compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or
engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent
danger as will not admit of delay.

ARTICLE II.

THE EXECUTIVE POWER TO BE VESTED IN A PRESIDENT.

§ 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President
of the United States of America. He shall hold his office
during the term of four years, and together with the Yice-
President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows :

MANNER OF ELECTING THE PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT.

Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature
thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole
number of senators and representatives to which the State
may be entitled in Congress ; but no senator or representa-
tive, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the
United States, shall be appointed an elector.

[The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote
by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be
an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they
shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the num-
ber of votes for each, which list they shall sign and certify,
and transmit sealed to the seat of Government of the United
States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the Presi-
dent of the Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House
of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes
shall then be counted : the person having the greatest num-
ber of votes shall be the President, if such number shall be a

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITEt) STATES. 299

majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if
there be more than one who have such majority, and have ail
equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives
shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for Presi-
dent ; and if no person have a majority, then, from the five
highest on the list, the said house shall, in like manner, choose
the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall
be taken by States, the representation from each State having
one vote : a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a mem-
ber or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority
of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every
case, after the choice of the President, the person having the
greatest number of votes of the electors, shall be the Vice-
President. But if there should remain two or more who have
equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them, by ballot, the
Vice-President.*]

The Congress may determine the time of choosing the
electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes ;
which day shall be the same throughout the United States.

WHO MAY BE ELECTED PRESIDENT.

No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the
United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitu-
tion, shall be eligible to the office of President ; neither shall
any person be eligible to that office who shall not have
attained the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years
a resident within the United States.

* This paragraph is annulled. — See Amendment, Article 12.

300 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

IN CASE OF REMOVAL, ETC. OF THE PRESIDENT, HIS POWERS
TO DEVOLVE ON VICE-PRESIDENT.

In case of the removal of the President from office, or of
his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers
and duties of said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-
President, and the Congress may, by law, provide for the case
of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the Presi-
dent and Yice-President, declaring what officer shall then
act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until
the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.

PRESIDENT'S COMPENSATION — HIS OATH.

The President shall, at stated times, receive for his ser-
vices a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor
diminished during the period for which he shall have been
elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other
emolument from the United States, or any of them.

Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take
the following oath or affirmation : —

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully
execute the office of President of the United States, and
will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend
the Constitution of the United States."

POWERS AND DUTIES OP THE PRESIDENT.

§ 2. The President shall be Commander-m-Chief of the
army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the
several States, when called into the actual service of the
United States : he may require the opinion, in writing, of the

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 301

principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon
any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices ;
and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for
offences against the United States, except hi cases of im-
peachment.

He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate,to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the
senators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint am-
bassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the
Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States,
whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for,
and which shall be established by law : but the Congress
may, by law, vest the appointment of such inferior officers as
they may think proper, in the President alone, in the courts
of law, or in the heads of departments.

The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that
may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting
commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next
session.

§ 3. He shall, from tune to time, give to the Congress
information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their
consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and
expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both
houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between
them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may
adjourn them to such time as he may think proper ; he shall
receive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall

302 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall com-
mission all the officers of the United States.

HOW THE PRESIDENT, AND ALL CIVIL OFFICERS, MAY BE
REMOVED FROM OFFICE.

§ 4. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers
of the United States, shall be removed from office on
impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other
high crimes and misdemeanors.

ARTICLE m.

OF THE JUDICIAL POWER — CONCERNING THE JUDGES.

§ 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be
vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as
the Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish.
The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall
hold their offices during good behavior ; and shall, at stated
times, receive for their services a compensation, which shall
not be diminished during their continuance in office.

EXTENT OF JUDICIAL POWER.

§ 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law
and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the
United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made,
under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassadors,
other public- ministers and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty
and marine jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United
States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or
more States, between a State and citizens of another State ;
between citizens of different, States ; between citizens of the

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 303

same State, claiming lands under grants of different States ;
and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign
States, citizens, or subjects.

OF THE ORIGINAL AND APPELLATE JURISDICTION OF THE
SUPREME COURT.

In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers,
and consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the
Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the
other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have
appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such
exceptions, and under such regulations, as the Congress shall
make.

OP TRIALS FOR CRIME — OF TREASON.

The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment,
shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held hi the State
where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when
not committed within any State, the trial shall be at any
such place or places as the Congress may by law have
directed.

§ 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only
in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies,
giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted
of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the
same overt act, or on confession in open court.

The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment
of treason ; but no attainder of treason shall work corruption
of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person
attainted.

304 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.
AETICLE IV.

FAITH TO BE GIVEN TO PUBLIC ACTS, ETC. OF THE STATES.

§ 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to
the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every
other State. And the Congress may, by general laws, pre-
scribe the manner hi which such acts, records, and proceed-
ings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.

PRIVILEGES OF CITIZENS — FUGITIVES FROM JUSTICE TO BE
DELIVERED UP.

•*

§ 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all pri-
vileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.

A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or
other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in
another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of
the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed
to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.

PERSONS HELD TO SERVICE, OR LABOR, TO BE DELIVERED UP.

Jfo person held to service or labor in one State, under the
laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of
any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such ser-
vice or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party
to whom such service or labor may be due.

NEW STATES MAY BE ADMITTED.

§ 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this
Union, but no new State shall be formed or erected within
the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed
by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States,

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 305

•

without the consent of the Legislatures of the States con-
cerned, as well as of the Congress,

DISPOSAL OF TERRITORY AND OTHER PROPERTY OF THE
UNITED STATES.

The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all
needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other
property belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this
Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims
of the United States, or of any particular State.

GUARANTEE AND PROTECTION OF THE STATES BY THE UNION.

§ 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in
this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect
each of them against invasion ; and on application of the
legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot
be convened), against domestic violence.

ARTICLE V.

OF AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall
deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Con-
stitution, or on the apph'cation of the Legislatures of two
thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for pro-
posing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all
intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when rati-
fied by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States,
or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the
other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress :
Provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to

306 CONSTITUTION OP THE UNITED STATES.

•

the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall hi any
manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section
of the first article ; and that no State, without its consent,
shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.

ARTICLE VI.

FORMER DEBTS AND ENGAGEMENTS TO REMAIN VALID.

All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before
the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against
the United States under this Constitution, as under the Con-
federation.

THIS CONSTITUTION, THE LAWS AND TREATIES OP THE UNITED
STATES, TO BE THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND

This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which
shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or
which shall be made, under the authority of the United
States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges
in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Con-
stitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.

OATH TO SUPPORT THE CONSTITUTION — NO RELIGIOUS TEST
REQUIRED.

The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the
members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive
and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the
several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to sup-
port this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be
required as a qualification to any office or public trust under
the United States.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 307

AETICLE VII.

WHEN THIS CONSTITUTION WILL TAKE EFFECT.

The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be
sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between
the States so ratifying the same.

Done in convention, by the unanimous consent of the States
present, the 17th day of September, in the year of our
Lord, 1787, and of the Independence of the United
States of America, the twelfth. In witness whereof we
have hereunto subscribed our names.

GEORGE WASHINGTON, President,

and Deputy from Virginia.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
John Langdon,
Nicholas Oilman,

MASSACHUSETTS.
Nathaniel Gorham,
Rufus King.

CONNECTICUT.
Wm. Samuel Johnson,
Roger Sherman.

NEW YORK.
Alexander Hamilton.

NEW JERSEY.
William Livingston,
David Brearly,
William Patterson,
Jonathan Dayton.

PENNSYLVANIA.
Benjamin Franklin,
Thomas Mifflin,
Robert Morris,
George Clymer.
Thomas Fitzsimons,
Jared Ingersoll,
James Wilson,
Gouverneur Morris.

Attest,

DELAWARE.
George Reed,
Gunning Bedford, Jr.
John Dickinson,
Richard Bassett,
Jacob Broom.

MARYLAND.
James M'Henry,
Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer,
Daniel Carroll.

VIRGINIA.
John Blair,
James Madison, Jr.

NORTH CAROLINA.
William Blount,
Richard Dobbs Spaight,
Hugh Williamson.

SOUTH CAROLINA.
John Rutledge,
Charles C. Pinckney,
Charles Pinckney,
Pierce Butler.

GRORGIA.
Willam Few,
Abraham Baldwin
WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary.

308 CONSTITUTION OP THE UNITED STATES.

AMENDMENTS.

ARTICLE I.

FREE EXERCISE OF RELIGION — FREEDOM OF PRESS — RIGHT TO
PETITION.

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment
of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or
abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the
right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the
government for a redress of grievances.

AKTICLE II.

BIGHT TO BEAR ARMS.

A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of
a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms
shall not be infringed.

ARTICLE III.

NO SOLDIER TO BE BILLETED, EXCEPT, ETC

No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 309

house without the consent of the owner ; nor in tune of war,
but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

ARTICLE IV.

UNREASONABLE SEARCHES PROHIBITED.

The right of the people to be secure in their persons,
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and
seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrants shall issue,
but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation,
and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the
person or things to be seized.

ARTICLE V.

PROCEEDING IN CERTAIN CRIMINAL CASES.

Xo person shall be held to answer for a capital or other-
wise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment
of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval
forces, or in the militia when in actual service, in time of war
or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the
same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor
shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness
against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property,
without due process of law ; nor shall private property be
taken for public use without just compensation.

ARTICLE VI.

MODE OF TRIAL IN CRIMINAL CASES.

In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the
right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the

310 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

State and district wherein the crime shall have been com-
mitted, which district shall have been previously ascertained
by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the
accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ;
to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his
favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.

AETICLE VII.
IN CIVIL CASES.

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy
shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be
preserved ; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise
re-examined in any court of the United States, than accord-
ing to the rules of the common law.

AETICLE Vm.

CONCERNING BAIL, FINES, AND PUNISHMENTS.

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines
imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

ARTICLE IX.

EIGHTS NOT ENUMERATED.

The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shall
not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the

people.

ARTICLE X.

POWERS RESERVED TO THE PEOPLE.

The powers not delegated to the United States by the
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved
to the States respectively, or to the people.

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 311
ARTICLE XI.

LIMITATION OF THE JUDICIAL POWER.

The judicial power of the "United States shall not be con-
strued to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or
prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of
another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State.

ARTICLE XII.

MANNER OF CHOOSING PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT.

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote
by ballot, for President and Vice-President, one of whom at
least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with them-
selves ; they shall name, in their ballots, the person voted for
as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as
Yice-President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all per-
sons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as
Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which
list they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the
seat of Government of the United States, directed to the
President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall,
in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives,
open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted.
The person having the greatest number of votes for Presi-
dent, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of
the whole number of the electors appointed ; and if no person
shall have such majority, then from the persons having the
highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those

312 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall
choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choos-
ing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the
representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum
for this purpose shall consist pf a member or members from
two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States
shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Repre-
sentatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of
choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of
March next following, then the VicS-President shall act as
President, as in case of the death or other constitutional disa-
bility of the President.

The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-
President, shall be the Yice-President, if such number be a
majority of the whole number of the electors appointed ; and
if no person have a majority, then, from the two highest
numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Yice-Presi-
dent : a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds
of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole
number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person con-
stitutionally ineligible to the office of President, shall be
eligible to that of Yice-President of the United States.

THE END.

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