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REYNOLDS  HISTORICAL 
GENEALOGY  COLLECTION 


ALLEN  COUNTY  PUBLIC  LIBRARY 


3  1833  01740  3566 


GENEALOGY 
975.502 
W67WM 
1914-191E 


William  and  Mary  Colli:ge 
Quarterly 


HISTORICAL  MAGAZINE 


EDtTO«  :  LYON  G    TYLER,  M.  A.,  LL.  D. 

PRESIDENT  OF  WILLIAM  AND  MARY  COLLEGE,  WILLiAMJBl  RG.   VA. 

VOLUME  XXIII 


Ric»ur>:<o,  Va. 


.11 


1 


mHuKam  anb  /Hbar^  College 

^uarterl^  l^lstorical  fE^jagasine 

Vol.  XXIII.  JULY,  1914.  No.  1. 

THE  WHIG  PARTY  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

Among  the  most  interesting-  historical  works  of  the  past  year 
is  "The  Whig  Party  in  the  South,"  by  Arthur  Charles  Cole,  Ph. 
I).,  instructor  in  history  in  *he  University  of  Illinois.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly an  illuminating  treatise  and  is  worthy  of  the  honor  to 
which  it  was  voted  by  the  American  Historical  Association  as  a 
"Prize  Essay."  It  unites  a  temperateness  of  tone  and  conscienti- 
ous research  that  cannot  fail  to  interest  and  instruct.  Dr.  Cole 
presents  very  carefully  all  the  facts  which  entered  into  the  origin 
and  career  of  the  ofd  Whig  party  in  the  South. 

Taken  together  these  facts  show  that  the  Wliig  party  in  the 
I  South  was  one  of  the  greatest  curiosities  in  history.     It  arose  as 

a  protest  against  the  Federalism  of  the  Democratic  party.     The 
I  Southern  Whigs  were  Whigs  because  the  Democrats  were  not 

States-rights  enough.  And  yet  these  men,  who  were  opposed  to 
bank,  tariff  and  internal  improvements,  suddenly  in  1841  turned  a 
complete  somersault,  and  metamorphosed  into  a  party  in  favor  of 
these  policies.  More  remarkable  still,  unmindful  of  their  own 
self-stultification,  and  forgetful  of  their  former  principles,  they 
had  the  astonishing  effrontery  to  heap  unmitigated  abuse  up<:>n 
John  Tyler,  who  remained  faithful  to  their  oft-expressed  political 
opinions.  Had  he  set  a^ide  a  plank  in  the  party  platform  like 
President  Wilson  has  done  in  the  matter  of  our  coastwise  vessels 


2  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

passing  through  the  Panama  Canal,,  there  might  have  been  some 
reason  for  their  abuse,  but  the  Whigs  had  no  platform.' 

The  work  of  Dr.  Cole,  however,  is  not  without  some  ob- 
jections. While  cheerfully  according  to  him  his  claim  of  being 
free  from  any  "sectional  feeling,"  I  have  to  regret  tliat  in  begin- 
ning his  work  he  makes  the  mistake  of  ascribing  to  the  Federal- 
ists, National  Republican,  and  Whig  parties  '"essentially  the  same 
principles." 

This  is  probably  due  to  the  unconscious  influence  of  his 
Northern  surroundings.  Party  principles  to  Dr.  Cole  seem  to 
mean  measures  only,  but  to  my  mind  the  fundamental  distinction 
between  parties  is  their  attitude  to  the  States  and  to  the  Union. 
The  Hamilton  Federalists  believed  in  a  consolidated  government. 
They  went  out  of  existence  as  a 'party  in  i8i6,  and  the  Demo- 
cratic Republican  party  held  the  field  in  solitary  triumph.  The 
National  Republican  party  formed  in  1828  out  of  two  factions 
of  the  old  Democratic  Republican  party  (J.  Q.  Adams  and  Clay) 
avowed  no  relationship  to  the  Federalists  and  professed  to  adhere 
to  the  doctrines  of  1798- '99-  Clay,  their  great  leader,  when  most 
a  latitudinarian,  professed  to  believe  in  the  sovereignty  of  the 
States,  and  afterwards  in  1832  pronounced  Jackson's  proclama- 
tion against  South  Carolina  as  "ultra  Federal  black  cockade." 

As  to  the  Whigs,  Dr.  Cole's  own  book  shows  that  the  party 
in  the  South  was,  during  its  early  years  and  up  to  1841,  over- 
whelmingly States  rights  in  feeling  and  make  up,  and  only 
assumed  a  real  Federalistic  resemblance  in  184 1,  when  Clay  brow- 
beat both  Northern  and  Southern  Whigs  into  a  kind  of  short-lived 
unity;  but  this  unity  itself  was  based  upon  an  understanding  quite 
different  from  that  which  prevailed  in  1828  with  the  old  National 
Republican  party.  In  the  Whig  party  platform  of  1844  noth- 
ing was  said  of  a  bank;  and  the  tariff  endorsed  was  a  revenue 
tariflf  with  only  incidental  protection. 

iComparative  history  presents  many  curiosities.  Tyler  was  denounced 
by  the  WTiigs  for  annexing  Texas  by  joint  re>oIutions  of  Congress,  and  yet 
not  many  years  a^o  William  McKmley  annexed  the  Hawaiian  Islands  in 
the  same  way.  In  hib  history  Theodore  R-josevek  denounced  Tyler  tor 
spoliating  upon  Mexico,  and  he  in  turn  has  Deea  denounced  for  •':>tciling" 
Panama  from  Colombia.     And  so  it  goes! 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  3' 

After  1844  the  slavery  question  started  the  processes  of  dis- 
soUition,  and  while  tlie  Whigs  of  the  South  drifted  again  towards 
States  nghts,  the  Whigs  of  the  North  drifted  into  the  new 
Republican  party  of  1856,  in  union  with  those  elements  of  the 
Democratic  party  which  controlled  it  under  Jackson  and  Van 
Buren,  In  measures  and  principles  this  new  party  was  entirely 
Hamiltonian. 

During  the  time  in  which  the  Whig  party  was  so  largely 
States  rights  (1834-1841),  the  Democratic  party  was  decidedly 
Federalistic.  There  is  little  difference  in  principle  between  Jack- 
son's proclamation  against  South  Carolina  and  Lincoln's  mes- 
sages in  1861.  Both  Jackson  and  Lincoln  denied  the  sovereignty 
of  the  States,  and  so  the  Democratic  party,  founded  in  1828  out 
of  two  factions  (Jackson  and  Crawford)  of  the  old  Democratic 
Republican  party,  placed  themselves  in  line  with  the  Hamilton 
Federalists,  and  this  continued  until  the  Van  Buren  regency  was 
driven  from  power  in  1845.^  It  is  suggestive  that  all  Jackson's 
surviving  intimates  in  the  North  in  1S56  joined  the  new  Republi- 
can organization. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  absurd  to  talk  of  party  homogeneity 
before  1861.  First,  there  was  the  question  of  power,  and  experi- 
ence teaches  that  the  party  in  power  is  generally  quite  a  dif- 
ferent thing  from  the  same  party  out  of  power.  The  New  Eng- 
land Federalists  in  1812-1814,  with  their  doctrines  of  States 
rights  as  outlined  in  the  militia  acts  of  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut, and  in  the  Hartford  convention  resolutions,  were  very 
different  from  the  Hamiltonian  Federalists  of  1800  confident 
through  the  possession  of  power  for  twelve  years. 

TTien  there  were  ever  present  the  economic  differences  of  the 
North  and  the  South,  which  really  m.ade  of  tiie  Union  two  dis- 
tinct nations,  dividing  parties  as  well  as  sections.  It  follows, 
that,  if  there  is  anv  truth  in  the  statement  made  by  Dr.  Cole  of 


»  Under  Jackson  all  the  Northern  Democrats  in  Congress  e-xcept  ivvo 
voted  for  the  protective  tanir  of  i8j2.  and  more  money  was  voted  by  them 
for  interna'  improvements  than  was  voted  by  the  National  Republicans 
under  Adams. 


4  .  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

this  identity  between  the  Federalists,  the  National  Republicans 
and  the  Whigs,  it  is  only  of  a  character  to  be  very  cautiously  and 
doubtfully  declared.  As  the  statement  stands  on  the  first  page  of 
his  work,  it  has  the  effect  of  anticipating  the  reader's  judgment 
and  is  inconsistent,  in  the  case  of  the  Whigs,  with  the  evidence 
which  Dr.  Cole  furnishes  on  the  very  next  page. 

Qay's  connection  as  both  leader  of  the  National  Republicans 
and  Whigs  proves  nothing,  for  in  no  two  great  periods  of  his  life 
were  his  views  ever  the  same.  As  a  National  Republican  in  1828, 
he  was  for  bank,  tariff  and  internal  improvements,  but  as  a  Whig 
in  1839,  he  declared  all  these  measures  "obsolete"  questions. 

Possibly,  this  error  of  Dr.  Cole  in  identifying  the  Whigs  with 
the  Federalists,  is  chargeable  to  some  extent  to  a  mistaken  con- 
ception entertained  by  hi.m  as  to  the  Northern  Whigs,  whose  con- 
nection, through  not  the  subject  of  investigation  in  this  book, 
could  not  be  entirely  passed  over.  In  several  places.  Dr.  Cole 
refers  to  these  people  before  1841,  as  "nationalists,"  in  favor  of 
a  protective  tariff,  bank,'&c.  But  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  North- 
ern VVhigs,  largely  consisting,  it  is  true,  of  old  National  Republi- 
cans, gradually  chan.^ed,  through  Clay's  courtship  with  the  South, 
into  very  respectable  States  rights  men  themselves.  In  the  can- 
vass of  1840  their  policy  was  either  to  say  nothing  or  to  assume 
States  rights  ground.  Throughout  the  canvass,  said  James 
Buchanan,  no  single  Whig  meeting  in  any  part  of  the  country 
endorsed  a  National  Bank.  Even  Daniel  Webster,  formerly  a 
member  of  the  old  Federalist  party,  claimed  in  one  of  his  speeches 
that  he  was  a  Jeffersonian  Democrat.  And  John  Quincy  Adams, 
the  only  National  Republican  President  ever  elected,  and.  there- 
fore, the  man  best  fitted  to  express  the  views  of  the  Northern 
VVTiigs,  declared  in  Congress,  as  late  as  February  4,  1841,  in  a 
debate  on  the  Treasury  Note  Bill,  diat  he  had  not  made  up  his 
mind  on  any  subject  and  that  he  was  equally  at  sea  as  to  the  in- 
tentions of  General  Harrison,  the  President-elect  (See  Tyler, 
Tylers,  U.^  p.  yi). 

Nor  do  I  think  that  Dr.  Cole  does  justice  to  the  number 
cf  the  personal  following  of  President  Tyler.  According  to  the 
President's. own  statement  to  Robert  J.  Walker,  which  the  latter 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  5 

in  his  letter  to  Jackson  reporting  the  interview  did  not  contra- 
dict, upwards  of  150,000  persons  accompanied  him  out  of  the 
Whig  party.  That  his  estimate  was  not  overstated  was  shown, 
after  the  bank  vetoes,  by  the  results  of  the  elections  for  Congress 
in  1842.  Then  the  very  earth  seemed  to  open  under  the  Whigs, 
and  John  Quincy  Adams  wrote  as  follows:  "All  the  other 
elections  are  excessively  disjointed;  the  Whigs  overwhelmed 
and  the  Democracy  altogether  in  the  ascendant.  Caleb  Cushing, 
too,  has  had  a  magnificent  reception  at  Newbury  port  and  the 
signs  of  the  Tyler  party  are  much  stronger  than  I  would  have 
imagined."  Afterwards,  during  the  canvass  of  1844  ^'or  Presi- 
dent, the  Tyler  contingent  controlled  the  results  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, New  York  and  other  States  where  the  issue  between 
Democrats  and  Whigs  was  close.  Robert  J.  Walker,  Chairman 
of  the  Democratic  party,  and  N.  P.  Tallmadge,  leader  of  the 
Conservatives  in  New  York,  ought  to  be  pretty  fair  authority  on 
this  point.    (Tyler,  Tylers,  III.,  139,  153,  159.) 

In  conclusion,  it  may  be  suggested  that  a  comprehensive  his- 
tory of  the  Whig  party  in  the  North  is  now  in  order.  Perhaps, 
no  other  person  is  as  capable  of  giving  satisfaction  in  compiling 
such  a  work  as  Dr  Cole. 


William  and  Maky  Quarterly 


THE  HONOR  SYSTEM  IN  AMERICAN  COLLEGES 

Professor  Bird  T.  Baldwin's  dissertation  on  the  "Honor  Sys- 
tem" in  the  Journal  of  Educational  Psychology  for  January,  19 14, 
published  at  Baltimore,  Maryland,  affords  interesting  reading. 
It  appears  necessary  to  understand  the  question,  Dr.  Baldwin 
seems  to  make  the  Honor  System  identical  with  "student  direc- 
tion and  student  control  in  examinations."  and.  after  referring 
to  the  claims  of  William  and  Mary  College  and  South  Carolina 
College,  as  of  much  earlier  date,  gives  the  L'niversity  of  Virginia 
tlie  credit  of  "first  definitely  fixing  the  date  of  the  formal  adop- 
tion of  the  organized  system  as  a  system."  In  this  he  refers  to 
the  action  of  the  University  Board  in  1S42  of  requiring  a  pledge 
to  the  examination  papers. 

If  by  all  this  Dr.  Baldwin  intended  to  define  the  system  of 
honor  as  a  mere  rule  established  for  the  examination  room,  it  is 
not  the  Honor  System  I  was  acquainted  witii  at  the  University 
when  a  student  there  from  1S70  to  1S76.  The  "system  of  honor" 
which  we  heard  talked  of  was  a  spirit,  not  a  rule  or  set  of  rules. 
It  had  relation  to  the  behavior  of  the  student  considered  as  a 
gentleman  of  dignity  and  standing.  It  covered  his  whole  con- 
duct. We,  as  students,  were  not  to  be  spied  upon,  we  were  not 
to  be  harassed  by  petty  rules  and  regulations  and  our  word  was 
to  be  taken  without  question.  Lying,  cheating,  stealing  and  haz- 
ing were  proscribed  by  this  code,  and  it  made  no  ditTerence 
whether  they  were  committed  in  the  examination  room  or  out  of 
it.  We  never  regarded  the  pledge  attached  to  the  examination 
papei-s — that  "we  had  neither  given  nor  received  assistance  from 
the  beginning  to  the  end  of  this  examination" — other  than  as  a 
formal  acknowledgement  of  our  obligation  lo  act  as  gentlemen. 

This  being  the  case,  the  priority  regarding  the  Honor  System 
as  between  William  and  ^[ary  College  and  the  University  of 
Viri^'inia  is  easily  determined.  The  fact  is  that  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  L'niversity  in  1824  to  the  year  1842,  at  least,  the 
Board  of  Visitors  of  the  University  did  not  recognize  the  splendid 


William  and  Mary  Quabcterly  7 

code  of  honor  which  distinguished  the  institution  in  after  days. 
As  shown  by  ttie  official  minutes,  the  laws  of  the  University  durr 
ing  these  eighteen  years  were  almost  those  of  a  reformatory  in- 
stitution, and  regulated  every  particular  of  dress,  table  fare,  and 
student  behavior.  The  result  was  that  the  Virginia  youth  re- 
sented this  treatment,  and  the  history  of  the  University  was  for 
years  one  of  open  rebellion  and  lawlessness. 

Now  then,  what  was  the  discipline  at  William  and  Mary 
College  during  this  early  period  when  the  espoinage  system  pre- 
vailed at  the  University?  So  far  was  it  from  being  like  that  at 
the  University,  that  the  President,  John  Augustine  Smith,  in  a 
report  in  1826,  referred  to  the  University  regulations  as  a  sys- 
tem "no  one  is  willing  to  adopt  here."  But  what  was  the  system 
at  William  and  Mary?  Why,  if  we  can  trust  Judge  Nathaniel 
Beverley  Tucker  in  his  address  to  his  Law  Class  in  1834,  u  was 
in  every  respect  like  the  noble  code  of  honor  which  prevailed  at 
the  University  from  1870  to  1876,  and  of  which  the  present 
writer  can  personally  speak,  being  a  student  there  at  the  time. 
Here  is  a  passage  from  Judge  Tucker's  address  in  1834: 

"If  there  be  anything  by  which  the  University  of  William  and 
Mary'  has  been  advantageously  distinguished,  it  is  the  liberal  and 
ma^animous  character  of  its  discipline.  It  has  been  the  study  of 
its  professors  to  cultivate  at  the  same  time  the  intellect,  the 
principles,  and  the  deportment  of  the  student,  laboring  with  equal 
diligence  to  infuse  the  spirit  of  the  scholar  and  the  spirit  of  the 
gentleman.  He  comes  to  us  as  a  gentleman.  As  such  we  receive 
and  treat  him,  and  resolutely  refuse  to  know  him  in  any  other 
character.  He  is  not  harassed  with  petty  regulations ;  he  is  not 
insulted  and  annoyed  by  impertinent  surveillance.  Spies  and  in- 
forme'rs  have  no  countenance  among  us.  We  receive  no  accusa- 
tions but  from  the  conscience  of  the  accused.  ?Iis  honor  is  the 
only  witness  to  which  we  appeal;  and  should  be  even  capable  of 
prevarication  as  falsehood,  we  admit  no  proof  of  the  fact." 

To  this  he  added  the  following  sentence: 

"The  effect  of  this  system  in  inspiring  a  high  and  scrupulous 
tense  of  honor,  and  a  scorn  of  all  disingenuous  artifice,  has  been 


g  Wn-LiAii  AND  Mary  Quarterly 

ascertained  by  long  experience,  and  redounds  to  the  praise  of  its 
authors." 

In  1847,  thirteen  years  later,  Judge  Tucker  emphasized  these 
views.  In  his  address  to  his  Law  Class  he  spoke  of  the  College 
as  a  "School  of  Honor" — as  establishing  "a  system  altogether  her 
own,"  as  "taking  the  lead  in  that  great  experiment  in  the  disci- 
pline of  the  youthful  mind,  which  substitutes  candid  appeals  to 
the  better  feelings  of  the  pupil,  and  frank  reliance  on  his  honor 
for  espionage,  severity  and  the  restraints  of  tlie  cloister."  and 
"as  keeping  in  advance  of  all  the  rest"  of  the  colleges  in  this  re- 
si)ect.  (See  William  and  Mary  Quarterly  Magazine,  XVIII., 
165-171.)  Judge  N.  B.  Tucker  was  brother  of  Henry  St.  George 
Tucker,  author  of  the  University  resolution  of  1842;  both  of 
them  had  been  students  of  William  and  Mary  College  in  1799. 
and  both  had  been  trained  in  the  William  and  Mary  "School  of 
Honor." 

Judge  Tucker  in  his  address  in  1834  referred  to  the  system 
at  William  and  Mary  as  one  of  '"long  continuance."  When  did 
it, therefore,  origirate?  Certainly  before  1799  when  the  Tuckers 
were  students.  I  have  been  inclined  to  consider  the  time  as  about 
1779,  when  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  Governor,  living  in  Williamsburg, 
reorganized  the  curriculum,  when  the  Grammar  School  for  boys 
was  abolished,  when  the  chairs  of  Law  and  Medicine  were  es- 
tablished, and  when  the  college  had  in  its  attendance  several  Rev- 
olutionary officers,  such  as  Captain  John  Marshall,  afterwards 
Chief  Justice,  and  Captain  William  Pierce,  who  distinguished 
himself  at  "Eutah  "Springs."  The  conditions  must  have  been 
much  like  those  I  remember  at  the  University  from  1870  to  1876, 
when  that  institution  numbered  on  its  rolls  a  number  of  men  who 
had  served  in  the  Confederate  army,  and  who  would,  of  course, 
have  resented  any  attempt  to  treat  them  as  children. 

It  was  not  lor.5  after  1779 — to  be  exact,  in  1784— that  a  writ- 
ten pledge  was,  for  the  first  time,  required  by  the  William  and 
Mary  authorities  of  the  matriculates  to  observe  the  college  regu- 
btions,  and  to  "pursue  that  kind  of  conduct  which  they  shall 
think  conducive  to  the  honor  and  prosperity  of  the  institution." 
So  in  the  published  code  of  rules  of  1817,  students  were  to  be 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  9 

examined  on  "honor"  in  cases  of  dereliction;  and  in  1830  an 
elaborate  statute  was  passed  wherein  it  was  stated  that  "if  any 
student  denied  on  his  honor  an  offence,"  such  denial  should  be 
taken  as  "conclusive  evidence"  of  his  innocence,  because,  as  was 
asserted,  "the  convention  (that  is,  the  Board  of  Visitors)  is  satis- 
fied that  no  student  will  degrade  himself  by  a  falsehood,  and  that 
an  appeal  to  his  honor  will  never  be  made  in  vain." 

In  his  address  in  1847,  previously  referred  to,  we  are  further 
assured  by  Judge  Tucker  that  "to  the  student's  own  sense  of  duty 
and  interest  fortified  by  his  plighted  word"  was  committed  "the 
entire  enforcement  of  the  scanty  but  important  code  of  rules  at 
William  and  Mary,"  and  he  says  that  "the  experiments  succeeded 
so  well  that  the  example  to  a  certain  extent  had  been  everywhere 
followed." 

Let  us  not  deceive  any  one.  Judge  Tucker's  words  must  not 
be  understood  as  meaning  that  the  Honor  System  cured  all  the 
troubles  of  college  discipline.  On  the  contrary  the  students  were 
very  wild  at  times,  and  cases  of  disorder  and  intoxication  were 
by  no  means  infrequent.  But  these  minutes  of  the  college  pro- 
ceedings are  conspicuously  free  from  recording  any  instances  of 
the  baser  defects  of  human  character — lying,  cheating,  stealing 
or  hazing,  on  the  part  of  the  students ;  and  we  fail  to  find  any 
evidence  of  espionage,  on  the  part  of  the  Faculty. 


10  William  and  Mahy  Quarterly 

NOTES  FROM  THE  RECORDS  OF  YORK  COUNTY. 
{Continued  from  Vol.  XXII.,  p  248.) 

Att  a  court  holden  for  the  county  of  Yorke  the  26^  of  Octo- 
ber 1646:  Whereas  Thomas  Beale  hay  in  Co"  made  sufficient  pfe 
that  yere  is  due  to  him  twoe  hundred  &  fifty  Acres  of  land  for 
ye  transportation  of  five  psons  into  yis  Collony  viz'  Tho:  Beale, 
Ah"ce  Beale,  Morgan  Hennett,  John  Ashfield  &  John  Heyward, 
The  courfdoy  order  that  certificate  yereof  be  made  ut  siip. 

Whereas  it  appearey  to  the  court  by  the  confession  of  John 
Merryman  that  he  stands  indebted  to  Thomas  Harrwod  the 
sume  of  one  thousand  powndes  of  tob:  for  consideration  of  a 
man  to  keepe  his  booke  &  rec.  tob:  in  y*  imployment  of  Capt. 
Derrickson  as  alsoe  twoe  hundred  powndes  of  tob :  more  wch 
he  paid  to  Capt.  Chri:  Calthropp  at  y*  request  of  y'  s'^  Merry- 
man  for  y*  s**  Derrickson's  debt.  The  Co"  doy  Therefore  order 
yat  y*  s''  Merr>-man  shall  make  payment  of  >-*  s"^  twelve  hundred 
powndes  of  tob:  to  y*  s**  Thomas  Harrwod  wth  Courth  charges 
within  tenn  dayes  ells  exec. 

Whereas  there  was  divers  men  liveing  at  the  lower  end  of 
Yorke  Psh  who  weare  delinquent  in  sending  upp  a  man  to  y' 
Middle  Plantation  for  that  gen'all  worke  in  setting  upp  a  pale 
yere  according  tp  former  order  whereby  Capt.  Robert  Higginson 
was  forst  to  put  a  man  in  his  Rome,  The  Court  doy  Yerefore 
order  that  the  s**  men  soe  delinquent  shall  upon  demand  pay  to 
y*  s"*  Capt  Robert  Higginson  the  sume  of  yerty  five  powndes  of 
tobacco  p.  poll  for  satis facon  of  the  hire  of  a  man  in  yier  room 
&  by  him  imployed  as  attores'^  and  yat  upon  refuseall  Y"  sherr. 
to  distrayne  for  the  same  as  in  public  leavyes. 

Whereas  it  appeareth  to  the  Court  by  Attestacon  out  of  Hol- 
land as  by  the  oath  of  John  Merryman  that  Capt.  Der- 
rickson carryed  home  in  his  shipp  a  maide  servant  by  name 
Trinity  Slough  belonging  to  Mr.  Richard  Glover,  the  Court  doy 
therefore  order  that  the  s"^  Richard  Glover  shall  have  an  attach- 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  ii 

mcnt  against  the  estate  of  y*  s*  Capt  Derrickson  for  satisfacon 
of  y*  s"  Maide  servant  &  damages  yereby  sustained. 
Nov.  the  20'"  1646  p'sent 

Capt.  Nicholas  Martian 

Mr.  William  Pryor 

Capt.  \Vm  Taylor 

Mr.  Rowland  Bumham. 

Thomas  Bremore  comrnitted  to  the  Sheriff  to  be  deta>Tied  in 
prison  for  "behaving  himself  unseemly"  in  y*  presents  of  y 
Court  for  drunkenness. 

The  Court  doy  order  that  if  at  any  Co"  hereafter  there  be  any 
man  distempered  with  drinke  whereby  they  may  as  fformerly 
boy  abuse  yemselves  and  yis  court.  And  if  it  appeare  they  had 
y*  s-*  drinke  from  Thomas  Deacon  that  yen  y^  s"*  deacon  for 
letting  yem  y*  s**  drinke  shall  yerefore  bide  ye  censure  of  yis 
Court. 

Whereas  there  was  du  to  Robert  Lewis  from  Edward  Shelen- 
dine,  Wm.  Todd,  John  Hartwell  and  W'm  Hunt  sixe  days  worke 
for  the  soulder  wch  was  presst  for  Rappahannock,  It  is  there- 
fore ordered  that  f  s^  Shellendine,  Hartwell,  todd  &  Hunt  pay 
)•*  s*  Lewis  100  tob.  p.  day  for  the  s"*  worke  according  to  former 
order  y*  counsell  of  war'. 
Nov:  the  26'"  1646: 

Whereas  M""  Thomas  Hampton  Ger  obtayned  the  Guardian- 
ship of  the  orphants  of  John  Powell  late  of  yis  County  dec. 
&  hay  possest  himself e  with  yere  estates  and  hay  alsoe  removed 
on  of  y*  s"*  orphants  with  most  pte  of  ye  sd  estates  out  of  yis 
county  and  left  beBinde  ye  oyer  orphant  by  name  Wm.  Powell 
wiyout  necessary  pvison  to  say  even  starke  naked,  where  upon  y" 
Court  upon  y*  pet  of  y  s"  \Vm  Powell  doy  order  yat  Thomas 
Harrwod  shall  take  into  his  keeping  Wm.  Powell  orphant  and  to 
pvide  sufficient  &  necessary  Cloaying  for  y*  s'^  Wm  PoweU  and  at 
r  ne:<t  County  Court  to  give  an  ace'  yereof  at  wch  Co^  furyer 
order  to  be  taken  yerein  and  y'  y«  sherr  shall  hereby  have  power 
to  make  seizure  of  see  much  tobacco  as  is  due  from  a  negro 
woeman  for  her  wages  yis  yeare  wch  belongs  to  y«  s^  orphants. 


12         .'  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

And  that  a  bull  belonging  to  >■*  s*  orphants  wch  dayley  doy 
tresp.Tss  y*  Neighbours  as  p  y*  pet  of  Rich :  Wyate  to 
jf*  Qiurt  be  sold  at  y*  best  rate  &  payment  hereof  made  to 
y*  s*  Tho.  Harnvod  whoe  is  to  give  acco'  hereof  at  y^  next  Court. 
December  21,  1646. 

Richard  Wyat  order  to  pay  Thomas  Eaton  of  London  Cur- 
rigion  one  hhd  of  tobacco  with  Court  charges. 

Att  a  Court  holden  for  the  county  of  Yorke  the  25"'  January, 
\6.\6  p'sent  &c. 

In  the  name  of  God  amen.  I  Wm.  Prj-or  being  sicke  in  body 
but  pfect  in  minde  &  memory  praysed  be  god  revokeing  all 
fomier  wills  doe  make  and  ordayne  Yis  my  last  will  &  testament 
in  manner  &  forme  following. 

Imp""  I  give  &  bequeath  my  soule  into  >-*  hands  of  almighty  god 
my  maker  &  my  body  to  decent  Christian  buriall,  and  as  con- 
cemirig  my  temporall  estate  vizt. 

I  give  &  bequeath  to  my  eldest  daughter  Margareth  my  whole 
pte  of  the  shipp  Honor  and  five  hundred  and  ninety  one  powndes 
sterling. 

I  give  &  bequeath  to  my  daughter  Mary  five  hundred  pownds 
sterling. 

I  give  &  bequeath  to  y*  eldest  sonn  of  my  broyer  law  Jasper 
Qa3rton  fifty  pounds. 

I  give  &  bequeath  to  y"  wife  of  Richard  Kemp  Esq  fifty  pownds 
sterling.  I  give  &  bequeath  to  Ric.  Bennett  Esq.  yirty  pounds 
sterling. 

I  give  &  bequeath  unto  Capt.  Thomas  Harrison,  capt  of  y*  shipp 
Honor  yerty  pounds  sterling. 

I  give  &  bequeath  unto  Capt.  Thomas  Harrwod  yerty  pounds 
sterling. 

I  give  &  bequeath  to  my  eldest  daughter  Margaret  the  whole 
divident  of  land  where  I  now  live  with  all  the  appurtenances 
thereto  belonging  as  howses,  orchards  or  the  like,  but  for  the  rest 
and  remainder  of  my  land",  Igive  and  bequeath  to  my  daughter 
Mary.  I  give  &  bequeath  to  Mrs.  Mary  Kcrton  one  hundred 
pounds  sterling.  My  will  is  yat  if  in  case  I  have  not  soe  much 
money  now  in  England  to  pay  &:  discharge  the  legacyes  abovesd 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  13 

that  my  children  being  my  exect"  shall  be  pd  in  y*  first  place, 
and  the  legacy  to  others  following  that  is  out  of  y*  pceed  of  y* 
tob:  that  shall  be  sent  home  y"  yeare  or  yereafter  what  shall  be 
pduced  out  of  my  estate  yere  in  V^irginia.  . 

And  for  the  rest  of  my  temporall  estate  of  what  kinde  &:  quality 
or  condition  soe  ever  that  shall  be  remaining  I  freely  give  & 
bequeath  unto  my  two  daughters  Margarett  &  Mar>-  to  be  equally 
divided  betwixt  them  whom  I  make  &  ordeyn  my  full  &  sole  exer" 
to  see  yis  my  will  p' formed  and  my  leyacyes  pd  &  I  doe  hereby 
yis  my  will  &  testament  request  &  appoynte  my  beloved  ffriends 
Jasper  Gayton  my  brother-in-law,  Capt.  Thomas  Harrison  and 
capt  Thomas  HarrAOod  overseers  in  trust  for  &:  in  behalfe  of  my 
children  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  sett  my  hand  & 
scale  the  2iy  day  of  Jaun.  1646 

William  Pryor  the  scale 

Sealed  &  delivered  in  the 
presence  of 

John  Rose 

Wm  Hockaday 
pbat'  in  cur  comt.  Ebora  vicessimo  quinto  die  mensis  Januarii 
Sacrament  Johanes  Rose  et  Wm.  Hockaday    Ano  1646 

Teste  me,  Ro.  Bouth  Cler.  cur. 
The  agreement  of  Capt.  Wm.  Brocas  Esq  and  Mary  his  wife 
conveys  to  capt  Thomas  Harrison  "maister  of  the  shipp  Honnor" 
"two  negroe  men  servants."  and  also  consigns  to  his  keeping  a 
quantity  of  tobacco  to  be  delivered  to  William  Allen,  merchant 
in  London— the  said  tobacco  being  rated  12  shillings  per  lOO. 
Dated  Jan.  30.  1646. 

By  the  Gov°or  and  Capt.  Generall  of  Virginia 
To  all  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come  I  S'  Wm  Berkeley  Knt 
Cov'-nor  &  Capt.  Generall  of  Virginia  send  Greeting  in  our 
Lord  God  everlasting,  whereas  Wm  Pryer  gentleman,  late  of  the 
County,  of  Yorke  dec.  did  by  his  last  will  &  testament  make  & 
orda}'ne  Margaret  and   Mary    Pryor  his   twoe  daughters  exec™ 


14  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

of  hts  last  will  &  testament  &  alsoe  M""  Jasper  Clayton  Capt  Tho 
Harrison  &  Capt.  Thomas  HarwooJ  overseers  of  y*  same.  And 
whereas  at  ai  Co"*  holden  at  York  the  26'''  day  of  January  last 
the  s"  Capt.  Tho.  Harrison  &  Captain  Thomas  Harwood  make 
humble  suite  to  the  co''t  that  a  p'bate  myght  be  made  unto  yem  of 
the  s**  last  will  &  testament  in  y'  behalfe  of  >-*  children  ^Ia^garett 
&  Mary  Pryor  for  wch  cause  full  power  &  authority  accordingly 
is  given  yem  on  y^  s**  estate  in  the  behalfe  of  y*  s''  Margaret  & 
Mary  Pryor  and  for  the  dispensing  of  y*  same  according  to  y° 
true  intent  &  meaning  of  y*  s^  testator,  given  under  my  hand  & 
sealed  with  y*  seal  of  y*  Collony  this  foweth  of  feb.  1646. 

William  Berkeley. 

Robert  Ellison  is  allowed  to  satisfy  his  claim  for  1030  pounds  of 
tobacco  out  of  Robert  Jackson's  estate. 

25"'  of  January,  1646. 

Where  is  appearey  to  y*  court  by  tlie  oath  of  M""  Richard  Ander- 
son Oer  that  he  gave  unto  Thomas  Hardy  twoe  heifers  and 
twoe  Calves  for  his  servis  done  for  him.  And  that  y*  s"*  Anderson 
made  ouer  the  s"*  Catle  to  Geo:  Hardy  as  in  trust  for  the  use  of 
the  s"*  Thos :  Hardy.  And  for  as  much  as  y*  s**  Thomas  Hardy 
hay  peticon  to  y"  Co"^  that  the  s<*  M""  Richard  Anderson  myght 
by  order  deliver  to  him  the  s"  Catle  This  co^  doth  therefore  order 
that  the  s"  M""  Richard  Anderson  Clu  shall  forthwith  deliver  the 
s*  Catle  to  y*  s*^  Thomas  Hardy  And  that  the  bill  made  for  the 
s"  Catle  by  the  s"*  M'  Richard  Anderson  to  Geo.  Hardy  be  voyde 
and  of  noe  force  against  him  for  the  s'^  Catle. 
The  Co'*  order  that  Capt.  Xicho:  Martian,  M""  John  Chew  and 
M""  Row:  Bumham  or  any  twoe  of  yem  take  the  oay  of  M"" 
Wormley,  Wife  to  Capt.  Ralph  Wormeley,  on  the  Inventory  of 
her  late  husband's  estate  dec.  '•   . 

January  27,  1646 

The  under  sheriff  Phillip  Thacker  ordered  to  collect  corne  or 
the  value  thereof  from  whom  it  is  due  and  to  pay  Nicholas  Sebril 
"for  his  servis  done  at  the  Midle  plantaton  the  last  yeare  wch  was 
to  be  collected  and.pd  to  him  by  the  then  sherr." 


William  asd  Mary  Quarterly  15 

Whereas  Edward  Wright  stands  indebted  unto  Thomas  deacon 
one  Mayde  servant  wch  should  have  been  pd  the  25th  day  of 
December  last,  for  paymt  whereof  the  s^  Wryght  made  over  in 
O/*  one  cowe  &  one  yearling  wiy  his  cropp  of  tob  and  corne  And 
for  as  mucli  as  the  s**  Wrjght  hay  not  made  payment  of  >-*  s* 
servant,  the  Court  doth  yerefore  order  that  >-*  s**  deacon  shall 
have  execucon  against  >■*  s^  cow  &  yearling  cropp  of  tob  &  come 
for  satis f aeon  of  y*  s^  Maide  servant  &  charges  of  Court. 

I,  Henry  Brooke,  doe  acknowledge  to  have  rec  of  M*"  W"  Hocka- 
day  for  the  use  of  Barnaby  Brooke,  dec,  the  sume  of  fourteen 
pownds  &  five  shillings  sLx  pence  for  wch  sume  I  rec.  twoe 
yousand  &  twoe  hundred  pounds  of  tob  in  the  yeare  1643  it 
pducing  the  sume  afforesd  in  hoUand  &.  noe  more  witness  my 
band  yis  14  y  of  June  1644 

^  me  Henry  Brooke 
Teste 

Tho:  Heath 
Know  all  men  by  these  p'sents  that  I  Nicholas  Browne  of  the 
backe  river  in  Virginia,  gentlemen,  y^  lawful  attorney  of  Charles 
foxe.  Leather  seller  of  London,  doe  by  vertur  of  a  letter  of 
Attorney  to  me  &  oyers  directed  accquit  &  discharge  Wm.  Ed- 
wards, Thomas  WombiU  &  Wm  Hockaday  yere  heyres  executors 
or  Adm'""  frome  one  bill  of  fift)-  odd  pounds  sterling  due  & 
payable  to  y*-  s**  Charles  foxe  &  doe  hereby  binds  myself e  to  de- 
liver the  bond  or  the  true  copy  yereof  Lawfully  Attested  y*  next 
retume  of  shipping  unto  Virginia  as  witness  my  hand  yis  3"^  of 
Jan:  An*  dora  1644 

Witness  Robert  Bradshaw,  Nicholas  Browne. 

Received  of  Mathew  Hawkins  three  hoghds  of  tob  marke  ^L  H. 
by  me  capt  Derrick  Derrickson,  for  the  prceed  and  pfitt  of  the  s"* 
to6  according  to  order  rec.  from  the  s'^  Matthew  Hawkins  I  doe 
bind  me  m.y  heires.  exect"  Adm'"  &:  Assignes  to  be  accountable, 
necessary  charges  &  the  danger  of  >-*  seas  excepted.  In  witness 
whereof  I  have  hereunto  sett  my  hands  this  21^  of  March  1645 

Derrick  Derrickson* 


i6  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Witness  by 
Humphrey  Floyd 
Ralph  Ring 
John  (T.)  Merriman 

his  mark 
♦From  Graft  in  Holland. 

Att  a  court  holden  att  the  house  of  Capt  Rich  Townshend  Esq. 

the  5y  of  feb  1646. 

p'sent.    S'  Wm  Berkeley  Knt  Gov''nor 

Capt  John  West 

Mr.  Rich  Kempe 

Capt  Richard  Townshend 

Geo  Ludlow,  esqrs. 

In  the  difference  depending  betwixt  Capt.  Nicholas  Martian  and 
Mr.  Rich  Lee  High  Sherr  of  Yorke  County  concerning  the 
seizure  of  a  man  servant  of  >■*  s**  Capt  Martian's  for  county 
Levyes  is  referred  to  be  tried  y*  4'"  day  of  March  cort  next  be- 
fore the  Gov''nor  &  counsell. 

"James  Stone  of  London  March'"  acknowledges  a  debt  to 
"Robert  Vaus  of  Virginia  March^" 

Robert  Blackwell  given  a  certificate  for  250  acres  of  land  for 
transporting  5  person  into  the  colony 

Certificate  granted  to  John  Holding  for  the  transportation  of 
13  persons. 

At  a  Quarter  Court  at  James  City  the  6'*'  of  May  1645  the 
following  were  present 

S'  Wm  Berkeley  Gov'^ner  &c. 

Hichard  Kempe  Capt  Humphrey  Higginson 

csqrs 


WiLUAM  AND  Mary  Quarterly  17 

Capt.  Tho:  Fetters  George  Ludlow 

Ruggby's  patent 

(August  16,  1640.) 

Know  all  men  by  these  p''sents  shall  come  I  S""  \Vm  Berkeleys  K\ 
Gov'.  &  Capt.  Generall  of  \'irginia  send  greeting  in  our  lord  god 
everlasting,  Whereas  by  his  Ma"*»  instructions  directed  to  me 
and  the  Counsell  of  State  his  ma"*  was  graciously  pleased  to  auth- 
oryze  me  the  s**  Governor  &  the  counsell  to  grant  pattents  and 
to  assign  such  p'portion  of  land  to  ail  adventurers  &  planters 
as  have  been  made  heretofore  in  like  cases  either  for  adventures 
of  money  or  transportation  of  people'  according  to  y*  order  of 
the  late  Compariy  &  since  allowed  by  his  Ma'*  &  likewise  that 
there  bee  y  same  p'portion  of  fifty  acres  of  land  granted  and 
assigned  for  every  pson  that  hath  been  transported  into  y*  Collony 
since  midsomer  1625  and  that  the  same  be  continued  to  all  per- 
sons transported  by  them  untill  it  shall  be  oyeru  ise  determined  by 
his  Ma""  now,  know  y^  &c  tScc  (400  acres  granted  on  Rugsby's 
creek  near  Chesapeake  Bay) 

John  Chew's  deed  conveying  to  Robert  Linsey  &  Henry  Lowry, 
Churchwardens  of  the  p'ish  of  Yorke,  for  the  use  benefitt  & 
behoofe  of  v"*  s"^  p'ish  for  there  Glebe  200  acres  of  land  lying  on 
the  west  side  of  W'm  Hawkins  which  is  p'te  &  p'cell  of  seaven 
hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land  lying  on  the  north  side  of 
Chisman  creek  as  p  a  Pattent  once  granted  bearing  date  y*  18'" 
day  of  February,  1638  may  more  fully  at  large  appeare,  January 
16,  1642. 

This  bill  of  sale  was  surrendered  upp  in  Co"^  by  Peter  Rugby 
&  his  heiress  &  assignes  foiever  by  John  Clarkson  and  Robert 
Todd,  churchwardens,  successors  to  Linsey  5:  Lowry.  24th  of 
September  1647 

Mr.  Bushrode  Loveing  ffriend  with  my  best  respects  remembered 
I  pray  you  to  lett  me  intreat  you  to  p'secute  a  suite  for  me 
against  capt.  Ralph  Wormley  for  a  rlebt  due  to  Joseph  Xettmaker 
from  the  estate  of  Luke  Stubbins  dec,  I  have  sent  you  Mr. 
Xettmakers  letter  of  attorney  by  wch  I  give  you  power  to 
psecute  y*  suite  youselfe  or  to  appoint  one  other.     I  have  sent 


i8  William  AND  Mary  Quarterly 

you  also  Mr.  Stubbins  his  note  under  Mr.  Nettmaker  his  hand 
and  Mr,  John  Stringer's  deix)sition  to  prove  >■«  debt.  I  believe 
Capt  VVormeley  will  pay  y*  debt  without  suite  when  he  sees 
Mr.  Stringer's  deposition.  Not  ells  at  present.  I  am  yo-""  to  be 
commanded  Cornelius  Loyd 

A  true  &  pfect  Inventory  of  the  estate  of  M""  \Vm  Kellaway  dec 
in  y*  hands  of  Capt  Ralph  Wormeley  gentlen  Administraf"" 
Yereof  taken  yis  5^  of  August  1647  '^y  "s  whose  names  are  hereto 
subscribed 

b  tob 
Imp'mis  one  old  cloath  suit  &  Cloathes  &  one  old 

cloak  lined  with  plus  all  0350 

Itm  3  pre  of  new  boates  being  much  damnified  oa;>o 

Itm  3  pre  of  old  boates  at  20''  %)  paire  is  0060 

Itm  one  old  suite  &  coate  of  Clouy  0050 

Itm  one  pre  of  shooes  smale  &  greate  at  20"  pre  0320 

Itm  I  new  Kersey  suite  for  a  servant  at  0060 

Itm  twoe      .     .     .     suites  of  Cloyes  for  boyes  0100 

Itm  fower  small  shirts  for  boyes  CX)40 

Itm  fower  pre  of  sheepe  skine  gloves  0024 

Itm  twoe  little  piece  of  coarse  ribbon  0003 

Itm  twoe  old  Holland  sheirts  at  20"  p  sheirt  0040 

Itm  twoe  quire  of  pap  0006 

Itm  twoe  new  pre  of  course  yarn  stockins  for  boyes     0016 
Itm  iwo  pre  of  old  patched  stockins  0008 

Itm  twoe  knives  0006 

Itm  twoe  old  Hatts  0020 

Itm  one  pap  of  garden  seeds  0030 

Itm  one  old  beauer  brush  0003 

Itm  sLxe  little  books  0100 

Itm  one  old  sea  Coate  0040 

Itm  one  old     ...  0040 

Itm  one  old  trunk  0025 

Itm  one  smale  Trunke  0025 

Itm  a  pcell  of  old  cufts  &  bands  &  bolt  of  house  linen  0080 
Itm  five  Rundelh  &  conteyninge  23  gallons  of  strong 

waters  at  20"  p  gallon  0460 

Itm  one  bill  of  debt  due  from  M""  Burnhara  1500  " 

Sume  is  3530  b  tob 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


19 


Row.  Burnham,  Rich  Lee 
Ralph  VVormcley 

Juran''  Coram  me  John  Chew. 

Money  debts  due  to  y"  estate  found  as  followeth 

Itm  Capt  Thomas  Pettus  bill  for 
Itm  Corronell  ffrancis  Trasford  bill  for 
Itm  Eliz  Johnson  her  bill  for 
Itm  Grace  Stillington  her  bill  for 
Itm  an  acco^  of  Rich  Kempe  esq  for         1 
whereof  due  upon  the  ballance 

Sume  is  } 

More  three  servants  sold  by' ye  Administraf 
wiy  there  beding  &  cloathing 


b      s      d 

31—15—00 
81 — 00 — 00 
14 — 1 1 — 08 
15 — 00 — 00 
17 — 00 — 00 


159 — 06 — 08 


b      s      d 

08 — 00 — 00 
14 — 10 — 00 


One  to  S""  \Vm  Berkeley  for 
One  mayd  servant  to  Capt  Upton 

One  boy  to  M""  Edwin  Connavvay  for  150  b  tob  caske 

Exhibit'  in  our  comt  Eboras  p*"  sacremcntum 

Cap''  Ralph  Wormeley  vicessimo  quarto  die  Sept  An"  1647 

Recordaf  p  Ro.  Bouth  CIu  Cur. 
Appraisement  of  such  goods  as  Jone  Jackson  presented  to  the 
view  of  us  whose  names  are  heare  under  written  belongini^  to 
the  estate  of  Robert  Jackson  late  deceased  being  sworne  before 
Cap'  Richard  Barnhouse  the  9"^  of  ffebruarie  1646 
Jurattor  Cor.  me  Richard  Barnhouse  579  b  tob  and  2505  b  tob 
9b.r  y  25'«'  1647. 

Edward  Eurwell  intermarried  with  the  relict  of  Henry  Mag- 
gett.  John  Hansford  appears  in  the  suit'ot  Bassett  vs.  Hansford. 
Thomas  Gib>on's  deed  of  gift  date  15'"  day  of  November  1641 
to  Elizabeth  Bouth  daughter  to  Robert  Bouth  of  Charles  River 
in  \'irginia  atfpresd  gentle  granting  titty  acres  of  land  being  the 
same  tract  granted  to  s*^  Gibson  "of  Queens  creeke  in  the  county 
of  Charles  River  in  \'irginia  planter"  by  John  Utie  by  a  bill 
of  sale  dated  the.  13th  day  of  November  1639 


r  20  William^ AND  Mary  Quarterly 

I  WTicrcas   Francis   Wheeler  of   Loudon,   Marchant,   being  now 

f  bound   a  voyage  to  Virginia   in   the  good   ship   the   Honor  'of 

I  London  whereof  Capt.  Thomas  Harrison  is  M""  &  whereas  y*  s"* 

I  ffrancisiand  M'  John  White  of  London  Grocer  doe  send  in  y*  s* 

[  sfiipp  divers  goods  &  Marchandizes  packed  toyeyer  as  by  y*  bills 

I  of  invoyces  yereof  is  signified  and  alsoe  servants  whereof  one  of 

I  yem  is  >•*  servant  of  s"*  John  White  And  whereas  the  s''  ffrancis 

I  Wheeler  may  happ  to  dye  in  y*  s"^  voyage,  now  yerefore  yey  the  s"* 

t  ffrancis  Whelcr  &  John  White  doe  by  yese'p''sents  assigne  auyorize 

I  &  appoint  Antony  Stansford  factor  for  Wm  Allen  marchant  in 

I  case  y*  s"  flfrancis  Wheeler'dy  to  be  yere  Attor:,  factor  &  deputy 

i  to  unlade  y*  s"*  goods  &  marchandize  when  y'^  come  to  \'irginia  & 

I  to  trafiicke   with   &   dispose   of   y"   same   togeyer   with   y*   ser- 

t  vant    affores''      &  to    shippe    &  returne  y*  pduce    &    trafficke 

I  yereof  to  London  to  be  consigned  Uo  y""  s'*  John  White  for  &  to 

I  y*  use  of  him  )•*  s''  John  White  &  ffr  Wheeler,  there  exece"  & 
I    .    assignes  respectively  &  alsoe  to  demande  &;  gayer  upp  all  debts 

I  due  y*  s"*  M'  John  White  and  to  give  &c  make  acquittances  for  y" 

I  same.     And  so  doe  all  yings  'ells  needful  about  y'  primises  as 

I  fully  &  eflectually  as  if  }•*  s"^  ffr  Wheeler  doe  live  and  weare 

i  yere  psonally  p''sent  alLwch  y«  s'*  ffra  Wheeler  &  John  White 

I  doe  hereby  ratifie  &  confirme,  given  under  yere  hands  &  seales 

I  dated  at  London  yis  16  day  of  Sept  1646. 

I  Sealed  &  deliver  in  the  p''sence  of 

f  John  Eldred 

(  ffrands   Cooper 

I  ffr  Wheeler 

I-  *  y*  scale 

John  White 
g  y*   scale 

{To  Be  Continued.) 


William  AND  Mary  Quarterly  2I 

RECORDS  OF  HANOVER  COUNTY. 

{Coniimied  from\Vol.  XXII.,  174.) 

Oct.  6,  1791.— W"  Richardson,  Chas.  Hundley  &  David  Cochran, 
Inspector's  bond. 

Feb.  19,  1785. — Mary  Robinson,  of  St.  Mary's  Parish  Caroline 
gives  "for  love"  to  Thos.  Read  Rootes  of  St.  Paul, 
Hanover,  "who  hath  married  my  niece  Sarah  Ring 
Battaile,"  negroes. 

June  I,  1785. — John  Robinson,  late  of  St.  Martin  Parish,  in  his 
life  possessed 

(1)  400  a.  surveyed  for  Jno.  Whealer  on  Mar.  8  1784, 
on  branches  of  Sycamore  creek. 

(2)  140  a.  surveyed  for  Richard  Robins  Apr.  15,  1749 

(3)  150  a.  surveyed  for  Joseph  Bennett  Nov.  7,  1751 

(4)  275  a.  surveyed  for  Thos.  Stockley  Nov.  7,  175 1 

(5)  263  a.  surveyed  for  David   ''rriffith  Nov.  7,  1751 
All  situated  at  the  time  in  Lunenbur^;  County  but  now  sup- 
posed to  be   in   Pittsylvania  Co. ;   said  John   Robinson 
made  his  will  July  4,  1783  &  app't  Maj.  W""  O.  Winston 
&  John  Warden  his  attorneys. 

Nov,  18,  1788. — George  Rowland  &  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  to 
Jos.  Cross,  Jr.,  of  Hanover,  126  a.  adj.  Haines,  Jas. 
Cross  Si.  David  Rowland. 

Dec.  24,  1788. — Jno  Richmond  &  Jane  Mar.xton  made  oath  be- 
fore Justice  of  Fairfield  Co.,  South  Carolina,  that  Sarah 
Terry,  wife  of  Stephen  Terry,  late  of  the  Watens  Creek, 
died  in  July,  1728,  Sc  further  testified  that  they  remem- 
ber her  regretting  that  she  had  left  her  children  in 
Virginia  &c. 

^^'  15.  1791. — Sarah  Rutherford  to  her  sister  Frances  Noel's 
children — negroes. 

Dec.  10,  1789. — Hezekiah  Seay,  of  Hanover,  to  James  Seay — 
negroes  &.  cattle. 


22  William  AND  Mary  Quarterly 

Aug.  23,  1790. — Hezekiah  Seay  to  his  brother-in-law  John  Hines, 
of  Hanover — negroes  &c. 

Nov.  30,  1786. — ^James  Siiepherd  &  his  wife  Sarah  to  Richard 
Littlepage  135  a.  called  Piping  Hall. 

Oct,  1789. — Christopher  Shields  to  Jesse  Anthony — cattle  &c. 

Dec.  8,  1788.— John  Sheiton  &  Ann.  his  wife,  to  W"  Wingfield 
50  a.  on  Cedar  Creek  adj.  \V°  Austin,  McClough,  Capt. 
Thompson,  'Capt.  Sheiton. 

Sept  16,  1791. — ^John  Sheiton  &  Nancy,  his  wife,  of  St.  Paul 
Parish,  to  Jno.  Crenshaw  75  a.  begin  at  the  fork  of 
Ground  Squirrel  road  &  the  new-  road  to  Chester  Gap 
on  Mill  road  adj.  Thos.  Crenshaw,  John  Crenshaw. 

June  I,  1790. — John  Sheiton  &  Ann  his  wife,  of  St  Paul,  to  W° 
Pollard  331  a.  in  St.  Martin  north  side  South  fork  of 
Pamunkey  river.  Begin  on  river  just  below  ground 
Squirrel  bridge  down  river  to  mouth  of  Fat  Beef 
bnmch  in  Thos.  Crenshaw's,  adj.  John  Crenshaw's  to 
Chester-gap  road. 

Mar.  18,  1785. — Bernard  Sims  of  Cumberland  Co.  to  Nathan 
Sims  of  Hanover  150  a.  on  Middle  branch  of  Tarapin 
Swamp,  adj.  W"  Henderson,  Mott  Sims  &  James  Sims. 

Mar.  20,  1786. — James  Sims  &  Elizabeth  his  wife  of  Uncon  Co., 
South  Carolina  to  W"  Chick  of  James  City  Co.,  Va., 
342  a.  in  Louisa  &  Hanover  Counties  on  Terapin  road, 
adj.  Pouncey  Anderson,  David  Johnson,  Nathan  Sims 
&  John  Glenn. 

Dec.  8,  1787. — Nathan  Sims  &:  Mary,  his  wife,  of  Hanover,  to 
\V"»  Chick  of  Hanover  206  a.  on  branches  of  Terapin 
Swamp,  adj.  David  Henderson,  \V"°  Henderson,  W° 
Chicks  &  Chas.  Sims. 

Oct  5,  1786.— W"  Sims  &  Judith,  his  wife,  of  St  Paul  Parish, 
to  Meaken  Green  150  a.  on  road  from  County  Clerk's 
ofHce  to  the  C.  H. :  adj.  John  Timberlake  &  land  said 
W"  Sims  bought  of  W"*  Armstrong  &  on  Ivy  Branch — 
South  Fork  of  Crump's  Creek  adj.  Pollard's. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  23 

Dec.  31,  1791. — David  X  Sims,  of  Hanover,  &  Rachel  X,  his  wife, 
to  Robt  Sneed  33  a.  adj.  Robt  Elliott — David  Sims,  Benj. 
Sims.    Witness  James  Henry. 

June  5, — 1792. — David  X  Sims  &  Rachel  X,  his  wife,  of  St. 
Paul  Parish,  to  their  son  John  Sims  (a  part  of  their 
homestead),  adj.  John  Martin,  Elizabeth  Anderson, 
David  Sims  &  Benj.  Sims — Witness  Hardin  Davis  & 
Evan  Ragland. 

May  27,  1784. — Dodman  X  Sledd^  of  St.  Paul  Parish,  to  Jere- 
jniahGlinn  53  a.  adj.  James  For  tin,  Solomon  Nash,  W" 
Cawthorn,  Elizabeth  Butler  &  Chas.  Toler. 

Dec.    10,    1791. — Dennis   Smelt,   of   Augusta,   Georgia,   revokes 

power  of  Attorney  he  had  given  W'""  Simpkin  of  King 

&  Queen  Co.  8c  appoints  W""  Pollard,  the  younger  his 

attorney. 

Witness  W"  Longstreet,  W"  Cocke,  &  Philip  Clayton  J.  P. 

Jan.  17,  1792. — Bartelott  Smith,. Barnett  Smith,  Geo.  Smith,  Thos. 
Smith,  Joel  Watkins,  Wyat  Coleman  &  Sally  Coleman 
to  Isaac  Winston,  90  a.  on  North  Branch  of  Pamunkey 
River  (it  being  a  part  of  200  a.  which  Frances  Smith  in 
her  will  left  to  the  several  legatees  mentioned  therein. 
Begin  at  a  corner  of  George  Smith  on  Pug  Swamp, 
thence  up  North  River  to  Garlands  bridge — old  Mill 
dam  on  Piny  Swamp. 

Nov.  7,  1783. — Jno  Snead  Jr.  Sc  Rebecca  Snead,  his  wife,  of  Han- 
over, to  W"  Keaser  100  a.  on  Stoney  Run  adj.  Jno. 
Bowles  Jr.,  Jno  Priddy,  Jno  Snead  Sr.,  being  land  for- 
merly given  Jno  Snead,  Jr,  by  his  Father  Jno  Snead,  Sr. 

Sept.  4,  1788. — Jno.  Snead,  of  St.  Paul,  to  Richard  Snead  100  a. 
on  Stoney  Run,  adj.  John  Bowles  deC^,  Anderson,  James 
Litdepage,  Mire  Branch,  Stamping  branch. 

Nov.  8,  1790. — W=°  Snelson  to  Jno.  Woolfolk — negroes. 

Oct.  I,  1788.— Jno.  Southworth  Sc  San,-,  his  wife,  &  W™  King, 
of  Hanover,  to  Richard  Littlepage,  60  a.  (formerly  the 


24  -     William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

prop-erty  of  Cuthbirth  Hudson  Rowland),  adj.  said 
Ricii*  LittJepage,  Pettus  Ragland,  W°  King  &  Jas.  Cross 
Sr. 

Apr.  II,  1786. — Rose  X  Spicer,  of  Hanover,  to  Richard  Owen  & 
W"  Spicer:  "whereas  Thos.  Grigsby  formerly  of  Staf- 
ford did  in  his  will  bequeath  a  cenain  Part  of  his  estate 
to  all  the  children  of  his  brother  Chas.  Grigsby,  Now 
the  said  Rose  Spicer,  one  of  the  legatees  under  said 
will  &c. 

Feb.  2,  1791. — Rosemon  X  Spicer,  of  Hanover,  to  W"  Spicer 
negroes  &  one  feather  bed. 

Sept.  2,  1784. — John  Stanley  &  W""  Richardson,  inspectors  of 
warehouse,  bond,   Bennett  Timberlake  security. 

July  6,  1791. — Maddox  X  Stanley  to  Jno.  Anderson,  Taylor's 
Creek,  Hanover,  negroes  &  cattle. 

July  6,  1791. — Maddox  X  Stanley  to  Jno.  Anderson  50  a.  on 
Cedar  Creel:,  adj.  Thos.  Stanley,  Sr.,  Peter  Fitzgerald, 
Littleberry  Stanley,  Sam'  Harris,  Thos.  Stanley. - 

Aug.  7,  1776. — Maddox  Stanley  to  his  son  Jno.  Stanley  106  a. 

(same  was  to  him  by  Alice  dc  Ed.  Power  Oct.  6,  1768.) 

Witness    Chas.    Crenshaw,    Joshua    Stanley    &    Thos. 

Stanley. 
Oct  4,  1786.— Thos  Stanley,  of  Hanover— frees  negro  "Oliver.'* 
Nov.  17,  1788. — Maddox  X  Stanley  to  his  son  Obediah  Stanley 

20  a.  adj.  Littleberry  Stanley — Cedar  Creek. 
Dec.  14,  1788. — Obediah  X  Stanley  &:  Susan,  his  wife,  to  Samuel 

Maddox  Stanley,  Thos.  Stanley,  Jno.  Stanley. 

Aug^.  29,  1790. — Thos.  Stanley  &  Unity,  his  wife,  of  Hanover, 
to  Jno.  Harris  &  Rachel  his  wife  Yz  a.  ajd.  said  Harris 
on  Cedar  Creek,  bought  for  the  purpose  of  raising  Mill 
Pond  Dam.  ^.^ 

Mar.  3,  1785. — Joseph  Starke  to  Jno.  Starke  150  a.  Begin  at  the 
church  gate  near  the  road  &  running  to  the  middle  gate 
crossing  creek  to  Pates,  to  Tinsley — Witness  Jno 
Surke,  &  Richard  Starke. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  25 

1785. — Jno.  Starke,  Jr.  &  Elizabeth,  hrs  wife,  to  Jno.  Burnett  80 
2L  S.  side  main  road,  Muggot  Talley  to  Matedequin 
creek. 

Sept.  I,  1789. — Jno.  Starke  &  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  to  Jno.  Austin 
25  a,  on  Beaver  Dam  (part  of  homestead.)  Begin  on 
Beaver  Dam  below  Benj.  Oliver's  Mill  to  Hezekiah 
Bowles,  to  said  Jno.  Austin.  Witness  Richard  Starke, 
Susan  Starke,  Abner  Hundley  Austin. 

Jan.  5,  1790. — Jno  Starke,  Jr.  &  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  to  his  son 

I  Thos.   Starke,   St   Paul,   the  same  bought  by  s'd  Jno. 

I  Starke   from  John    Parke   Custis,   being  in   the   North 

fork  of   Beaver  Dam.     Witness  Rich'^  Starke — Susan 

i  Starke,  Abner  Austin. 

[  Mar.  31,  1787.— Jno.  Starke  &  Eliz^  his  wife,  to  Jesse  Tate — a 

I  part  of  283  a.  wh.  said  Starke  bought  of  Rich'^  Richard- 

I  son,  Mill  Road  down  to  Madequin  Creek,  near  David 

I  Richardson's  Mill. 

I  May  2,  1790. — Jno.  Starke  &  Elizabeth  Greyer  (marriage  con- 

I  tract.) 

I  Oct.  5,  1790. — Jno.  Starke,  of  St  Paul.  Hanover,  &  Elizabeth  to 

i  Nathan  Gipson  122  a.  (the  same  bought  of  Jno  Starke 

I  Jr.  of  Richard  Richardson)  adj.  Pole  Green's  old  field, 

I  then  down   the   Mill   water   to   head   of   Matedequinn 

I  creek.    Witness  Thos.  Starke,  Jno.  Starke,  Lucy  Starke. 

}  Sept.  2,  1790. — Jno.  Starke,  the  elder,  of  St.  Paul,  Hanover,  to 

I  his  son  Joseph  Starke  260  a.  on  Mechump's  adj.  Henry 

j  Watkins,  W""  Cocke,  Thos.  Wingfield,  Jno.  Wingfield, 

i  Jeremiah  Pates,  Nathan  Tinsley. 

I      Dec.  5,   1789. — Jno.   Street,  of   St   Paul,  Hanover,  to   Nathan 
I  Thompson  33  1/3  on  main  road  adj.  Jno.  McDougall's. 

I  Witness  Reuben  Blackwell,  Jno.  Garland,  Jno.  Kilby. 

I      July  26,   1787.— Mrs.  Eleanor  Stuart,  late  wife  of  Jno.  Parke 
I  Custis,  relinquishes  dower  in  land  sold  by  Jno.   Parke 

I  Custis  on  3  Dec.  1798  to  Jno.  Starke,  Jr.    She  is  'ex- 


26        '  WlLUAM    AND  MarY  QUARTERLY 

amined  apart  from  her  late  husband  by  Robert  Hooe  & 
Jno.  Fitzgerald,  Justices  of  Fairfax  Co.  {Note:  It 
looks^as  if  she  were  divorced.) 

SepL  I,  1790.— W°  Stewart,  of  Sussex,  to  W"  Thompson  & 
Frances,  his  wife,  100  a.,  adj.  Christopher  Smith,  Robt. 
Morris — Fox  &  W"  Thompson. 

June  22,  1793. — Rich"  Stewart,  Sr.,  of  Albemarle  Parish,  Sussex 
Co.,  to  Thos.  Macon,  of  Hanover,  161  a.  In  Blackweil's 
neck  of  Pamunkey — on  Pamunkey  River,  adj.  Robt. 
King,  on  King's  Ferry  road,  Mr.  Macon. 

July  5,  1792 — Alex'  X  Stewart  &  Agnes  his  wife,  of  St  Paul's 
Parish,  Hanover,  to  Mary  Mills  200  a.,  adj.  Benj.  An- 
derson, Jos.  Penick  on  Watts  Swamp,  Elkanah  Baughan, 
James  Wicker  (being  same  said  Alevander  Stewart 
bought  of  James  Lyle.) 

June  20,  1789. — W"  Sydnor  &  Betty  his  wife,  Amey  Sydnor, 
Fortunatus  Sydnor,  Anthony  Sydnor,  Robert  Sydnor, 
ex'""  of  Robert  Sydnor  dec",  of  St  Martin,  to  W"" 
Wingfield  56^  a.  side  Cedar  Creek,  adj.  Thomas  Cren- 
shaw, W^°*  Austin,  Mr.  Qough's  Mill. 

Feb.  4,  1791. — Robt  Sydnor  &  Lucy,  his  wife,  to  James  Harris 
400  a.  (being  same  sold  by  James  Harris  to  Jno.  Taylor 
&  by  him  to  Robert  Sydnor  Jan.  11,  1791,  adj.  Ambrose 
Lipscomb,  Peter  Winston  dec",  Mrs.  Garke,  Henry 
Priddy  &  Mrs.  King.) 

Jan,  5,  1792. — Robt  Sydnor  &  Lucy,  his  wife,  to  Richard  Little- 
page  200  a.  on  Stag  creek,  adj.  Stephen  Hanes,  W™ 
Hendrick  Sc  W""  Lumpkin  (being  same  land  said  Sydnor 
bought  of  Reuben  Pur)'ear  &  conveyed  by  him  to  John 
Meed  Jan.  i,  1789.) 

Mar.  15,  1788. — Col.  John  S>-me  app'ts  John  Warden  his  att'y. 

Nov.  28,  1789. — ^John  Syme,  of  Hanover,  to  Rob'  Stuart,  sur- 
viving ex'"""  of  his  Father.  Thos.  Stuart  of  Augusta 
Co:   Whereas  Jno.   Henn.-,   late  of   Hanover  Co.,  sold 


William  and  Mary  Quartekly  27 

John  Syme  2000  a.  on  Tye  River  on  account  of  a  mort- 
gage July  5,  1764  &  said  Henry  has  since  sold  the  said 
Stuart  528  a.  &c. 

Aug.  18,  1790. — John  Syme,  of  St.  Martin's,  &  Sarah,  his  wife, 
to  John  \\  arden  of  King  William,  atty  at  law  :  "Where- 
as Adams  Hoops  late  of  the  Falls,  county  of  Bucks, 
Pennsylvania,  Father  of  said  Sarah  Syme  &;c.'* 

May  21,  1791. — John  Syme  to  W"'  Duvall,  trustee;  whereas  said 
John  Syme  owes  Jas.  Hamsley  £  1000,  David  Hoops 
'  £200  lbs,  the  late  Rich**  Johnson  for  Capt.  Jno.  Syme 
£900  lbs,  the  late  Thos  Meux  £500  lbs,  Preson  Bow- 
doin,  Jr.  £200,  Elisha  Hall  assignee  of  W""  Haxham 
£250.,  Jno,  Royall  for  Capt.  John  Syme  10  hogshead 
tobacco,  Hickman's  estate,  Burwell  estate  &:c. 

Jan.  21,  1784. — Thos.  Clarke  &  Nathan  Tally,  inspectors  at  ware- 
house. 

May  6,  1784.— Charles  Talley  Jr.  &  Sarah  X,  his  wife,  of  St 
Paul  Parish,  to  Ann  Talley  42  a.  South  side  Motedequin 
Creek  (it  being  the  same  land  said  Charles  Talley,  Jr. 
received  by  the  will  of  his  Father  Charles  Talley  dec'') 
adj.  Bartelot  Talley,  W"  Johnson,  Gideon  Hill,  James 
Talley,  Samuel  Fc.x,  on  Modequin  creek  &  Pancake 
branch. 

Nov.  4,  1784. — David  Talley  Jr.  &  Frances,  his  wife,  to  Bartelot 
Talley  100  a.  North  side  Modequin  (being  same  said 
David  Talley  received  by  will  of  Dudley  Talley;  adj. 
W"  Johnson,  Mary  Anderson  &  Thos.  Jordan.) 

Apr.  7,  1785.— Nathaniel  Talley,  with  Benj.  Toles  security,  col- 
lect ta.xes. 

Oct.  6,  1785.— Nathaniel  Talley,  of  St  Paul,  to  Nathaniel  Talley 
of  aforesaid  Parish  10  a.  in  St.  Paul  Parish  on  Stoney 
Branch  &  Totopotomoy  creek,  adj.  Nathan'  Talley  & 
Nathan  Tally. 

Mar.  30,  1787.— Nicholas  X  Talley  to  his  sons  Charles  &  Dibdal 
&.  his  daughters  Judith  &  .\lice  his  homestead  &c. 


i> 


^  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Sept.  6,  1787. — Nathan  Talley  to  Nathaniel  Talley  260  a.  in  St. 
Paul,  on  Totopotonioy  creek  &  Stoney  branch. 

Sept.  5,  1787. — Nathan  Talley  of  St  Paul  to  Billy  Talley  40  a., 
being  a  part  of  a  larger  tract  which  descended  to  said 
Nathan  Talley  from  his  Father  Jno.  Talley  the  elder, 
dec**  on  Ponny  branch  &  Totopotomy  creek. 

Oct.  6,  1 79 1. — Nathan'  Talley  &  Ambrose  Lipscomb  inspectors 
of  tobacco  at  Pages  warehouse;  securities  W,  O.  Win- 
ston &  Benj.  Toler. 

Oct  5,  1791. — Nathaniel  Talley  of  Halifax  Co.  &  Sarah,  his  wife, 

to  Pitman  Kidd,  of  Hanover  Co.,  130  a.  being  the  same 

land  given  Nathaniel  Talley  by  his  Father,  adj.  Joshua 

Acree  dec",  Nathan  Whitlock,  John  Chapel,  W'""  Thur- 

.  man  dec**  &  Richard  Jones. 

June  23,  1784. — Francis  Tate  of  Beaufort  District,  South  Caro- 
lina, &  ^^artha,  his  wife,  to  David  Richardson  112  a. 
in  St  Paul,  adj.  Col.  Starke  on  the  head  of  matidyquin 
Creek. 

Sept.  I,  1791. — W""  Tate,  of  Louisa  ^o.,  &  Peggy,  his  wife,  to 
John  Tate  of  Hanover  112  a.  in  St.  Paul,  adj.  Gibson, 
head  of  Matidyquin  Creek,  also  another  tract  which 
John  Tate,  dec**,  bought  of  Nathan  Tate  deC^,  Father 
of  said  W°  Tate. 

Dec.  30,  1791. — Jesse  Tate  to  Isaac  Burnett  80  a.  on  road  from 
New  Castle  to  Richmond,  on  mill  pond  adj.  Stannup 
Richardson. 

Apr.  19,  1786.— Jno.  Taylor  &;  Frances,  his  wife,  to  James  Harris 
of  Henrico. 

Jan.  II,  1791. — Jno.  Taylor  &  Frances,  his  wife,  to  Robert 
Sydnor  (where  said  John  Taylor  now  lives  but  formerly 
the  land  of  Jno.  Grymes)  adj.  Ambrose JLipscomb,  Peter 
Winston  dec"*,  Mrs.  Clarkt,  Henry  Priddy,  Mrs.  King. 

Nov.  6,  1783.— W"  Terrell  &  Jno.  Wingfield  to  Benj.  Oliver- 
bond. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  29 

Nov.  6,  1783.— W"  Terrell  &  John  Wingfield  to  Benj.  Oliver: 
whereas ^aid  John  Wingfield  has  sold  to  Benj.  Oliver 
370  a.  in  St.  Paul  Parish,  which  he  bought  of  W" 
Terrell. 

Nov.  6,  1783.— Whereas  Timothy  Terrell  &  Eliza  his  wife  did 
by  deed  in  1774  sell  to  Geo.  Brackinridge  130  a. — Eliza- 
beth examined  &;c. 

May  31,  1787.— W°>  Terrel,  of  St.  Martin  Parish,  &  Judith  X 
his  wife  to  George  Brackinridge  30  a.  in  St.  Martin 
Parish,  adj.  land  of  said  George  Brackinridge  &  Timothy 
Terrell  (a  part  of  greater  tract  which  said  W""  Terrell 
possessed.) 

Apr.  5,  1785.— Echo  X  Thacker  &  Mary  Thacker,  his  wife,  of 

St.  Paul,  to  W""  Elmore  100  a.  on  waters  of  Sioney  run, 

adj.    Benj.   Bowles,   Jas.    Bagley,   Lucy   Thacker,   W° 

Jones  &  Jno  Mansfield. 
Oct.  2,  1786.— Paul  Thilman  dcc^  by  Paul  WoolTolk  his  e.K'°^ 

to  Jno  Penny  of  Hanover,  on  Winston's  road  opposite  to 

Capt.  Thomas  White,  Tinsley. 
June  21,  1786.— John  Thilman  of  Va.  &  Robt.  Keeling  &  Robt. 

Burton  &  Agatha  his  wife  of  Granville  Co.,  N.  C.  to 

David  Dejarnette  of   Middlesex  Co.  36  a.  called  Fall 

Point,  in  North  Fork  of  Pamunkey,  adj.  Thos.  Nelson. 
July  7,  1789.— Paul  Thilman,  of  Hanover,  to  Paul  Woolfolk,  of 

Caroline  Co.  ( for  amount  due  him  the  said  Woolfolk  as 

adm'"'  of  W""  Dudley  dec-*)— negroes. 
Dec.  18,  1790.— Jno  Thilman  to  Paul  Thilman  &  Mary,  his  wife, 

(for  the  love  said  Jno  Thilman  has  for  Paul  Thilman 

&  his  wife  &  their  children— negroes.) 
Aug.  5,   1784.— Nelson  Thomson,  of  Louisa  Co.,  to  Abraham 

Fontaine  of  Hanover   13  a.  mouth  of  South  Fork  of 

Licking  Hole  Creek. 
Aug.   5,    1784.— Ditto   to   Reuben    Waddy   263    a.,   adj.   David 

Thompson.    Nelson    Thompson,    The    Glebe,    Abraham 

Fontaine  &  David  Anderson. 


30  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Aug.  5,  17S4. — Ditto  to  David  Thomson,  of  Hanover,  land  adj. 
Mr.  Barrett,  on  South  Fork  of  Licking  Hole  Creek. 

Dec.  26,  1786. — Anderson  Thompson,  David  Thompson,  Waddy 
Thompson,  Jr.  Sarah  Thompson  &  Elizabeth  Thompson 
app't  Nelson  Thompson  of  Albemarle  Co.  their  att'y  con- 
cerning estate  Nelson  Anderson  Jr.,  dec**. 

Sept.  6,  1787. — \V°  Thompson,  of  St.  Martin,  to  his  (son?) -in- 
law Rich''  Anderson  of  Louisa — a  negro  girl. 

Nov.  16,  1787. — W""  Thompson,  the  elder,  of  Hanover,  to  his 
son  Edmund  Thompson  250  a.  adj.  Gen'  Nelson,  Chas. 
Hopkins,  Nelson  Thomson  &  the  Glebe. 

June  5,  1788. — \V™  Thomson,  the  elder  of  Hanover,  to  his  son 
Rich**  Thomson  95  a.,  adj.  Chas.  Hopkins,  Martin  Baker, 
Nicholas   Mills,  the  Glebe  land. 

Apr.  14,  1791. — \V™  Thompson  &  Susan,  his  wife,  of  St.  Paul 
Parishj  to  David  Wade,  of  Botetourt  Co.  35  a.  adj. 
Solomon  Wash,  David  Wade,  Elizb.  Hooper,  W""  Payne 
&  John  Farrow. 

Nov.  7,  1785. — W™  Thornton,  of  Hanover,  to  Eenj.  Lewis,  of 
Richmond  City,  400  a.  on  Totopotomoy  Creek,  adj.  Tim- 
berlake's  Mill  pond,  Sam'  Gist,  John  Tinsley. 

Nov.  12,  1784. — Charles  X  Therman  &  Elizabeth  X  Thurman, 
of  New  Kent,  to  Nathan  Thurman,  of  Goochland  Co. 
150  a.,  signed,  Elizabeth  Thurman,  Chas.  Thurman. 

Nov.  I,  1788. — John  Thurmand  Sc  Judith  his  wife  to  Thos.  Hogg, 
alias  Boze  63  a.  in  St.  Paul  Parish,  adj.  Nathaniel 
Smith,  John  MackGhee,  &  Andrew  Thurmand. 

Oct.  6,  1785. — Philip  Tinsley  &  Judith,  his  wife,  to  Samuel  Cross 
(both  of  Hanover)  100  a.  on  the  fork  of  Crump's  Creek 
&  horse  branch,  adj.  John  Tinsley. 

June  7,  1787. — Philip  Tinsley  &  Judith,  his  wife,  to  Sam'  Cross 
117^4   a.   in   St.   Paul   on   Crump's   Creek.     Begin  on 
Horse  branch  in  John  Rus>ell  to  Crump's  creek  down  the 
same  to  Peter  Lyons,  to  John  Tinsley,  Cross. 
{To  be  Continued) 


WiLUAM  AND  Mary  Quarterly  31 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  DIARY  OF  EDMUND  RUFFIN. 

See  Quarterly  XIV.,  193-211,215;  XX.,  69-101 ;  XXL,  224-232; 
XXII.,  258-262. 

British  Violation  of  International  Law 

June  6,  1864- — Large  shipments  of  troops  have  recently  been 
sent  from  it  (Grant's  army)  down  James  River.  From  various 
indications,  it  was  understood  at  Petersburg  that  the  Yankee 
army  had  been  greatly  reduced  in  numbers.  ;  Persons  who  have 
lately  escaped  from  the  country  occupied  by  the  Yankees  in  the 
rear  of  Grant's  army  report  that  there  are  numerous  stragglers 
&  deserters  scattered  throughout.  Foraging  parties  of  the  enemy 
were  destroying  such  crops  as  had  been  harvested.  The  same 
process  of  destruction  was  reported  from  Curls  Neck,  &  the 
neighboring  lands.  There  will  be  no  pains  or  crimes  spared  to 
destroy  all  the  supplies  of  food  yet  left  to  our  people     .     .     . 

Gen.  Adam  R.  Johnson,  the  brave  and  able  commander  of 
our  few  troops  in  S.  W.  Kenutcky,  has  died,  from  a  wound  re- 
ceived in  battle  sorhe  time  before. 

The  case  of  the  former  C.  S.  steamer,  Georgia,  sold  to  a 
British  subject,  &  subsequently  captured  by  a  Yankee  vessel, 
may  be  considered  as  already  settled.  The  British  government 
has  notified  the  English  purchaser,  that  it  will  take  no  step  to 
support  his  claim  &  that  he  must  look  for  justice  solely  to  the 
U.  S.  prize  court.  The  decisions  of  this  court,  it  may  be  con- 
fidently predicted,  will  be  in  favor  of  the  U.  S.  governm.ent — 
that  is,  for  the  legality  of  the  capture,  &  adverse  to  the  rights 
of  the  British  purchaser.  Thus,  the  British  ministry,  by  holding 
back  from  the  controversy.  &  yielding  the  issue  to  the  decision  of 
a  panial  &.  interested  Yankee  court,  elTects  two  ohjcct^^ :  it  fur- 
thers the  punishment  of  the  British  merchant  for  indirectly  though 
legally  aiding  the  hated  C.  S..  in  buying  from  their  agcnc  a 
useless  vessel — &.  by  preventing  such  sales,  aids  the  hostile  means 


y2  WiLUAM   AND  MaRY  QUARTERLY 

of  the  favored  Yankee  government.     During  this  war,  many 
more  than  looo  Yankee  vessels  (to  avoid  the  risk  of  capture  by 
C.  S.  cruisers,)  have  been  sold  to  British  purchasers  (whether 
honestly  or  fraudulently,)  &  are  now  navigating  the  ocean  under 
British  papers,  &  as  British  property.     All  such  have  been  re- 
spected as  British  property,  when  boarded  &  their  papers  exam- 
ined by  our  cruisers,  &  many  have  been  thus  discharged,  &  all 
have  owed  their  exception  from  dozens  of  capture  to  their  hav- 
ing been  sold  to  neutral  owners.    Now  all  these  sales,  when  made 
bona  fide,  were  cases  similar  to  the  sale  of  the  Georgia.     And 
probably,  hundreds  were  fraudulent  &  pretended  sales,  designed 
merely  to  cover  &  protect  Yankee  ships   from  capture.     It  is 
stated  in  our  papers,  that  hereafter,  or  as  soon  as  this  case  shall 
be  decided  in  favor  of  the  legality  of  the  capture  of  the  Georgia, 
that  our  cruisers  will  make  prizes  of,  &  destroy  every  captured 
vessel  thus  transferred  by  sale,  during  this  war,  from  a  Yankee 
to  a  British  owner.    This  will  be  both  just  &  effective  retaliation 
for  the  partial,  unjust,  &  hostile  action  of  the  British  govern- 
ment in  regard  to  the  Georgia,  &,  further,  would  place  that  gov- 
ernment in  a  position  of  peculiar  &  great  difficulty,  in  its  seek- 
ing redress,  if  deeming  such  capture  illegal.     For,  as  a  con- 
sequence of  not  in  any  way  recognizing  the  separate  nationality 
of  the  C.  S.,  ignoring  their  existence  as  a  political  power,  & 
deeming  their  citizens  as  still  belonging  to  the  U.  S.,  the  owners 
of  such  captured  vessels,  or  their  government,  if  then  choosing 
to  act,  could  only  seek  redress   from  the  Yankee  government, 
for  alleged  depredations  committed  by  the  subjects  of  that  gov- 
ernment, though  called   in  universal   speech,  excepting  of   the 
British  government  &  Yankeedom,  the  people,  cruisers,  &  auth- 
orities of  the  Confederate  States.    It  will  be  a  curious  difficulty, 
if  some  twenty  or  thirty  of  such  ships  (formerly  Yankee  &  sold 
to  British  owners.  &  a  large  proportion  of  them  fraudulently, 
so  as  to  be  still  really  though  concealed  Yankee  property,)  should 
be  uken  &  burnt  by  Yankee  cruisers,  (as  instructed  by  the  ex- 
pected opinion  &  decree  of  the  Yankee  prize  court.)  Sc  the  British 
owners,  or  their  government,  if  then  driven  to  act,  seeking  redress 
&  compensation  from  the  Yankee  government. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  33 

Thomas  H.  Benton. 

Sept.  30'".  Friday.  Finished  reading  a  part,  &  merely  glanc- 
ing over  or  skipping  much  more  of  Benton's  big  book — the  first 
volume  only  of  his  intended  work.  As  was  to  be  expected,  from 
tlie  character  &  immeasurable  vanity  of  the  author,  it  is  a  huge 
monument  of  self-eulogy.  Benton  was  an  able  man — Sc  a  great 
scoundrel,  both  in  public  &  still  more  in  private  life.  The  cer- 
tain fact  of  his  having  stolen  money,  &.  by  means  of  a  false  key, 
when  19  years  old,  &  a  student  at  the  University  of  X.  C*  though 
perhaps  his  only  felonious  act,  (in  law,)  was  by  no  means  his 
most  dishonest  or  immoral  act.  Though  laden  throughout  his 
adult  life  by  the  whispered  but  widely  spread  accusation  of  his 
"youthful  indiscretion,"  (as  termed  by  his  apologists)  he  was 
able  to  stand  up  against  the  scorn  of  virtuous  men  &  to  hold,  for 
thirty  years  the  high  position  of  U.  S.  Senator  of  a  State — & 
even  was  talked  of  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency  of  the 
United  States — to  the  disgrace  of  popular  election  &  republican 
institutions     .     .     . 

Lincoln's  War  Policy. 

Sept.  13,  1864.  [On  page  229,  \'ol.  XXI.  of  the  Quarterly, 
are  published  under  the  date  Sept.  13,  1864,  some  comments  by 
Mr.  Ruffin  in  his  Diar\-  on  Mr.  Lincoln's  policy  of  enlisting 
negro  troops,  refusing  to  exchange  prisoners,  requiring  the  oath 
of  allegiance  of  all  persons  in  occupied  districts,  devastating  the 
country,  burning  towns  and  cities  and  driving  away  the  in- 
habitants as  at  Atlanta.  The  Democratic  party  of  the  North 
were  opposed  to  these  methods  and  especially  to  enlisting  negroes 
as  troops.  A  newspaper  clipping  appended  and  pasted  in  the 
Diar>-  gives  an  interview  with  Lincoln  by  John  T.  Mills,  Judge  of 
the  Fifth  Judicial  Circuit  Court  of  Wisconsin.  This  interview 
was  first  published  in  the  Grant  Co.  (Wisconsin)  tierald,  and 
Judge  Mills  quoted  the  President  as  saying:]  -    . 

"Sir,"  said  the  President,  "'the  slightest  knowledge  of  arith- 
metic will  prove  to  any  man  that  the  rebel  armies  cannot  be  de- 
stroyed by  Democratic  strategy.     It  would  sacrifice  all  the  white 


54  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

men  of  the  North  to  do  it.  There  are  now  in  the  service  of  tlie 
United  States  near  200,000  able  bodied  colored  men,  most  of  them 
under  arms,  defending^  and  acquiring  Union  territory.  The 
Democratic  strategy  demands  that  these  forces  be  disbanded,  and 
that  the  masters  be  conciliated  by  restoring  them  to  slavery. 
The  black  men  who  now  assist  Union  prisoners  to  escape,  they 
are  to  be  converted  into  our  enemies  in  the  vain  hope  of  gaining 
the  good  will  of  their  masters.  We  shall  have  to  fight  two  nations 
instead  of  one. 

You  cannot  conciliate  the  South  if  you  guaranty  to  them 
ultimate  success;  and  the  experience  of  the  present  war  proves 
their  success  is  inevitable,  if  you  fling  the  compulsory  labor  of 
millions  of  black  men  into  their  side  of  the  scale.  Will  you  give 
our  enemies  such  military  advantages  as  insure  success,  and  then- 
depend  on  coaxing,  flattery  and  concession  to  get  them  back  into 
the  Um'on  ?  Abandon  all  the  posts  now  garrisoned  by  black  men, 
take  two  hundred  thousand  men  from  our  side  and  put  them  in 
the  battlefield  or  corn  field  against  us,  and  we  would  be  com- 
pelled to  abandon  the  war  in  three   weeks. 

"We  have  to  hold  the  territory  in  inclement  and  sickly  places ; 
where  are  the  Democrats  to  do  this?  It  was  a  free  fight,  and 
the  field  was  open  to  the  War  Democrats  to  put  down  this  rebel- 
lion by  fighting  against  both  master  and  slave  long  before  the 
present  policy  was  inaugurated.  ***♦♦* 
My  enemies  pretend  I  am  now  carrying  on  this  war  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  abolition.  So  long  as  I  am  President  it  shall  be  car- 
ried on  for  the  sole  purpose  of  restoring  tlie  Union.  But  no 
human  power  can  subdue  this  rebellion  without  the  use  of  the 
emancipation  policy,  and  every  other  policy  calculated  to  weaken 
the  moral  and  physical  forces  of  the  rebellion.  Freedom  has 
given  us  two  hundred  thousand  men  raised  on  Southern  soil.  It 
will  give  us  more  yet." 

The  Federals  in  Kentucky.  .  " 

Sept  21,  1864.  The  Yankee  Gen.  Paine,  with  a  competent 
force,  has  been  posted  in  Southwestern  Ky.,  &  is,  with  a  high 
hand,  regulating  that  disalTected  &  lately  much  disturbed  section. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  '  -'  'yxJ^± 


35 


s  His  measures,  set  forth  in  published  general  orders  &  dedara- 
I  tions,  amount  to  the  deprivation  of  every  civil  right,  &  all  rights 
i  of  property,  of  everj'  person  who  does  not  establish  his  "loyalty," 
f  or  entire  support  of  Lincoln's  government  &  rule.  No  other 
\  person  can  collect  a  debt,  draw  his  deposits  from  bank,  or  have 
I  any  legal  aid  to  transact  business  of  any  kind,  or  to  the  slightest 
I  extent.  All  debtors  of  the  persons,  not  proved  "loyal"  are  pro- 
L  hibited  paying  to  them  any  dues  for  rents,  purchases,  loans  &c, 
f  but  required  to  pay  to  the  army  quartermaster  the  funds  thus 
i  confiscated.  Of  course,  the  policy  amounts  to  the  confiscation 
I  of  the  money, "credits,  future  earnings  &  possible  profits,  of  the 
I  labor,  business  &  time,  of  every  disaffected  or  "disloyal"  resident, 
s  Besides,  every  able  male  slave,  (as  the  before  established  pro- 
I  cedure,)  is  taken  from  his  owner,  without  choice  or  compensa- 
l  tion,  Sc  put  into  the  Yankee  anny.  These  measures  are  declared 
I  in  a  publication  addressed  more  especially  to  the  great  body  of 
I  the  richer  &  better  class  of  that  district,  who  are  assumed  to  be 
I  generally  "disloyal."  And  speaking  to  these.  Gen.  Paine  adds 
I  the  declaration  of  his  designed  &.  general  policy  of  restraining 
I  the  guerillas,  of  which  that  region  had  been  full,  as  follows:  "I 
[  shall  shoof  every  guerilla  taken  in  my  district,  &  if  your  Southern 
f  brethren  retaliate  by  shooting  a  Federal  soldier,  I  will  walk  out 
I  five  of  your  rich  bankers,  brokers,  &  cotton  men,  &  make  you 
kneel  down  &  shoot  you.  I  will  do  it,  so  help  me  God !"  When 
\  it  is  considered  that  this  rule  declared  of  Paine's  actual  &  pros- 

f  pective  government  (Appended  ante)  follows  the  general  seizing 

[  &  confiscation  of  all  negroes  fit  for  military  service  throughout 

t         the  State — &  as  many  others  as  choose  to  go  to  Yankee  protec- 
I  tion— &  the  settling  every  election  in  the  State  by  Yankee  sol- 

\  diers  keeping  from  the  polls  all  "■disatfected"  or  "disloyar'  voters, 
I  &  so  by  allowing  only  thorough  •'loyar'  men  to  vote,  secured 
every  where  the  election  of  Lincoln  "representatives"  for  the 
State,  &  for  the  most  -disatlected"  counties— it  will  be  manifest 
that  no  people,  professing  to  be  free  have  ^ver  been  more  de- 
graded &  trcKlden  upon,  than  the  Kentuckians.  If  they  are  not 
driven  to  revolt  by  tiiese  last  measures,  they  must  be  much  more 
mean-spirited  than  all  former  experience  had  indicated. 


36  William  and  Mary  Quakterly 

Molly  and  Mary  Bell. 

Oct  29,  1864.  Two  young  women,  Molly  &  Mary  Bell,  cousins, 
from  Southcwestem  \'irginia,  two  years  ago,  disguised  in  male 
attire  enlisted  as  soldiers  and  acted  as  such  unsuspected  by  other 
persons,  until  a  few  days  past.  One  of  them  had  been  promoted 
and  served  as  sergeant,  and  the  other  as  corporal.  When  their 
sex  was  detected  they  were  serving  in  Gen.  Early's  army  and 
they  were  sent  on  to  Richmond  and  are  detained  in  Castle 
Thunder,  until  arrangements  can  be  made  for  their  welfare.  They 
ought  to  have  been  permitted  to  remain  as  soldiers  (if  preferring 
it),  as  they  were  doubtless  good  soldiers,  as  they  had  served  for 
two  years,  and  also  acted  within  propriety,  so  as  to  remain  un- 
suspected as  women.  I  see  no  objection  to  their  continuing  in 
military  service.  It  would  certainly  be  wrong  to  receive  new 
soldiers  of  the  female  sex,  if  known,  or  to  permit  the  contin- 
uance in  the  army  if  their  sex  was  detected  before  they  had 
established  character  for  good  conduct.  But  while  distrusting 
and  discountenancing  such  attempts  as  have  been  made  by  many 
romantic  girls,  whether  induced  by  love  or  patriotism  and  of 
whom  ver>'  few  would  prove  equal  to  the  task  undertaken,  I 
would  be  glad  if  we  had  regiments  of  brave  women  embodied  as 
soldiers,  fit  compeers  for  the  heroines  Mary  &:  Molly  Bell. 

Capture  of  the  "Florida." 

Nov.  29,  1864.  The  Brazilian  government  acted  with  vigor 
in  regard  to  the  capture  of  the  Florida.  The  exequatur  of  the 
U.  S.  Consul  at  Bahia  was  revoked,  all  friendly  intercourse  with 
the  U.  S.  cut  off,  &  the  Wachusetts  forbidden  to  enter  any 
Brazilian  port.  The  principal  courts  of  Europe,  also,  have  sent 
such  strong  protests  against  this  violation  of  the  law  of  nations, 
that  Lincoln's  government  is  alarmed,  &  has  manifested  clear 
indicadon  that  it  will  back  down  as  it  did  in  the  case  of  the  Trent, 
&  in  the  same  manner.  For  it  is  as  clear,  as  it  was  in  that  case, 
that  the  Lincoln  administration  approved  the  outrage,  &  fully 
intended  to  sustain  it.  If  otherwise,  it  would  have  hastened  to 
disclaim  the  act  as  soon  as  it  was  heard  of,  &  to  announce  the 
intention  of  redressing  the  wrong.     But  not  a  word  of  disap- 


WiLUAM  AND  Mary  Quarterly  37 

probation  was  heard  from  the  government,  &:  the  Yankee  papers 
&  people  were  unanimous  in  rejoicing  at  &  glorifying  the  cap- 
ture, the  Florida  was  received  as  a  prize,  &  the  men  captured 
therein  were  confined  as  prisoners  of  war.  And  it  was  not  until 
tlie  universal  outcry  of  shame  &  detestation  was  heard  from 
Europe,  &  the  diplomatic  protests  of  the  governments  of  Europe 
&  Brazil  that  Lincoln's  government  thought  of  adding  the  mean- 
ness of  backing  down  to  the  previous  atrocity  of  the  outrage. 
.  .  .  It  is  understood  tliat  a  reward  of  $500,000  had  been  of- 
fered by  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  N.  Y.  for  the  capture  of 
the  Florida — which  was  the  chief  incentive  of  the  infamous 
f  treachery  of  the  Yankee  officers. 

I  Federal  Enlistments  and  Devastation 

I  Oct.  II,  1864,    On  j'*'  gold  in  New  York  advanced  to  2055-4 

i  (for  100,)  "but  subsequently  under  the  influence  of  official  intelli- 

t  gence  from  tlie  armies,"  fell  to  199,  &  closed  at  202 ^.'2. — Yankee 

t  Reports  from  Chattanooga  claim  a  complete  victory  gained  over 

I  the  rebels  at  Alatoona  (between  Rome  &;  Marietta, — that  Forrest's 

E  train  had  been  captured,  &  his  forces  were  falling  back,  &.  about 

f  to  be  "cornered."     This  needs  confirmation — &  until  that  is  re- 

l  ceived,  the  particulars  need  not  be  noted.    Yankee  official  advices, 

\-  to  St.  Louis,  say  that  Price's  main  army  attempted  to  cross  the 

I  Osage  river  on  6"",  but  was  prevented  by  forces  stationed  on  the 

I  opposite  side — that  a  desperate  fight  ensued,  (across  the  river?) 

I  of  which  the  result  had  not  been  learned.     Price  had  burnt  the 

I  bridge  across  the  Gasconade  &.  another  report  says  also  that  R.  R. 

I  bridge  across  the  Osage".    Gen.  Ewing  (Yankee,)  had  made  good 

I  his  retreat  to  Rolla,  "losing  only  a  few  stragglers  &  the  killed 

I  &  wounded  by  the  way." 

i  Appended  are   two   recently   published   articles   showing  the 

I  manner  in  which  ignorant  foreigners  in  Europe  are  deluded  & 

I  cheated  by  the  false  &;  swindling  others  of  the  agents  of  the  State 

I  of  Massachusetts.     These  poor  creatures  are  offered  in  printed 

I  hand-bills,  three  years  employment  with  an  outfit  of  $100.,  $12.  a 

I  month  wages. with  food  &;  clothing.  They  believe  they  are  engaging 

I  for  work.  &  do  not  know  until  thev  are  landed  in  Bo-ton,  that  in 


*g  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

^  signing  the  contracts  (as  they  suppose,)  in  English,  of  which 

h  they  cannot  read  a  word,  they  have  enlisted  for  three  years  to 

I  fight  for  Lincoln.     What  soldiers  must  be  made  by  such  acts, 

I  &  of  such  matei-ial?    The  Yankee  commanders  have  been  pub- 

i  lishing,  &  circulating  in  our  armies  invitations  to  our  soldiers  to 

f  desert  to  them,  promising  that  they  shall  be  sent  to  the  North, 

I  &  left  free  from  military  service.    Our  government  has  met  this 

I  by  publishing  a  general  order,  (Xo.  65.)  appended  p.  18.)  ad- 

I  dressed  especially  to  deluded  &  kidnapped  foreigners,  but  offer- 

I  ing  ta  all  deserters  from  the  enemy  protection  &  support  until  they 

I  can  be  forwarded  to  "convenient  points  on  the  border."     Many 

I  have  come  in  under  this  order,   (which,  printed  in  English  & 

I  German,  has  been  sent  into  the  enemy's  camps,)  &  two  parties, 

^  each  of  more  than  200,  have  been  sent  away  to  such  points  as  they 

I  bhose,  but  which  are  not  published.    Most  of  these  deserters  are 

I  newly  arrived  Germans,  ignorant  &  simple,  who  had  barely  landed 

I  in  N.  Y.  before  they  were  dragged  &  crimped  into  the  Yankee 

I  army.     Such  men  cannot  have  acquired  any  love  for  Yankee 

i  people  or  opinions  &  by  choosing  to  remain  in  the  C.  S.  &  acquire 

I  domicils,  as  laborers,  they  would  be  harmless  if  not  useful  addi- 

I  tions  to  our  population. 

I  Grant  has  issued  &  published  orders,  which  Sheridan  is  exe- 

I  cuting,  to  do  for  all  the  accessible  lands  in  the  Valley,  what  wis 

I  as  faithfully  &  much  more  generally  done  for  our  tide-water 

I  region,  without  the  publicity,  &   formality  of  general  orders- 

I  that  is,  to  plunder  &  destroy  everything  that  can  aid  in  furnish- 

I  ing  food  to  man  or  beast,  to  burn  the  mills,  break  the  implements 

I  of  agriculture,  steal  the  slaves  &  stock,  &  lay  waste  &  unpro- 

I  ductive,  the  whole  country  (Appended.)    Would  that  our  govern- 

I  ment  had  the  boldness  &  vigor  which  would  be  useful  (even  at 

I  this  late  time)  to  order  the  shooting  and  hanging  of  all  officers 

I  captured  of  these  marauding  and  destroying  forces  and  all  pri- 
I  vates  belonging  to  bodies  that  had  engaged  actually  in  such  ser- 

I  vices!    Thus  treating  them  not  as  soldiers  nor  even  as  Yankee 

I  invaders,   but  as  robbers,  house  burners,  destroyers  and  nmr- 

I  derers. 


I  WiLUAM  AND  Mary  Quarterly  39 

f 

i  Lincoln's  Proclamation  of  Confiscation. 

!  April  2-f  1865.    Thursday.    Reported  that  Gen  Halleck  has 
assumed  civil  command  of  Richmond,  &  I  suppose  of  the  state,  or 

\  this  portion  of  it — &  that  his  rule  is  very  harsh     ,     .     .     Instead 

\  of  Lincoln  having  actually  published  a  new  &  mild  &  conciliatory 

\  proclamation  of  general  amnesty,  as  was  urged  &  expected  by 

I  his  ablest  supporters   in  the  North  &  reported  as  published  in 

1  Richmond,  he  has  merely  republished  without  the  slightest  mitiga- 

I  tion  his  proclamation  of  '63,  enforcing  the  confiscation,  execution, 

1  &  emancipation  enactments  of  Congress,  &  offering  to  each  rebel 

!  state  &  person  pardon  on  the  condition  of  complete  submission — 

!  &  the  authority  to  one-tenth  of  the  people  of  any  state,  (traitors 

[  &  Yankee  immigrants,  of  course,)  to  re-establish  a  state  govem- 

I  ment,  &  be  represented  (as  the  State,)  in  Congress.     This  of- 

'  fered  benefit  will  be  more  intolerable  than  all  other  undisguised 

l  measures  of  oppression  &  tyranny. 

I 

I  Assassination  of  Lincoln. 

April  19,  1865.  More  than  a  page  of  small  print  of  the 
Herald  is  filled  with  notices  and  abstracts  from  the  various  ser- 
mons and  church  services  in  N.  Y.  all  on  the  subject  of  Lincoln's 
death.  I  felt  no  curiosity  to  read  any— but  accidentally  my  eye 
was  caught  by  a  name  in  Dr.  Chapin's  sermon :  "There  is  noth- 
ing so  base  as  the  work  of  the  assassin.  .  .  .  when  a  man 
comes  sneaking  behind  your  back  to  destroy  your  life.  There  is 
something  meaner  in  the  act  than  I  can  find  language  to  express. 
I  will  not  say  that  this  is  the  spirit  of  all  the  people  of  the  South. 
(How  mild'&  moderate!)  but  I  may  say— without  being  m.is- 
understood  that  the  spirit  which  actuated  the  assassination  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  is  the  same  spirit  which  fired  on  Fort  Sumter 
(Loud  Applause)."-  When  the  reverend  clerg>-  from  the  pulpits, 
&  in  the  professed  acts  of  the  worship  of  God.  thus  charge  the 
southern  people  with  the  assassination  of  Lincoln,  &  so  urge  the 
Yankee  people  to  increased  hatred  &  vengeance,  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  the  like  disposition  should  be  displayed  by  the  mob. 
I  tor  one— &  as  I  suppose  not  in  this  respect  in  a  majority  of  the 
people  of  C.  S.— approve  S:  rejoice  at  the  slaying  of  these  instiga- 


I  ^                     William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

r 

[  tors,  permitters,  &  encouragers  of  the  assassins,  &  robbers,  & 

I  house  burners,  &  destroyers  of  the  property  of  millions  of  south- 

I"  em  victims.    But  the  act  was  committeed  in  Yankeedom  on  Lin- 

I  coin,  &  by  a  man  of  northern  birth  &.  residence  &  whom  there  is 

f  no  allegation  that  he  had  held  any  intercourse  with  the  South. 

^  Whether  his  act  was  the  hight  of  atrocity  ik.  villiany,  or  otherwise, 

I  nothing  can  be  more  senseless  than  to  charge  it  on  southern  seces- 

l  sionists.    I  have  barely  glanced  over  a  few  more  of  the  notices 

I  of  these  many  sermons — all  delivered  on  Easter  Sunday,  within 

i  less  than  three  days  of  the  assassination — and  was  soon  utterly 

t  disgusted  by  the  servile  sycophany,  the  man-worship  of  a  low- 

i  bred,  vulgar  &  illiterate  buffoon,  &  the  near  approach  to  blas- 

t  phemy,  of  these  holy  flatterers.     Of  course,  they  make  Lincoln 

i  "a  martyr."    That  was  to  be  expected.     Dr.  Vinton,  in  Trinity 

I  Church,  uses  the  coincidence  of  the  occurrences  on  Good  Friday, 

I  to  compare  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus  witli  the  slaying  of  Lincoln. 

I  In  questioning  the  causes  ot  the  "permission  of  Jesus  Christ" 

I  for  this  crime,  the  preacher  said — "When  we  saw  the  one  man 

\  (Lincoln)  like  Saul,  a  head  and  shoulders  taller  than  the  rest, 

I  our  disposition  for  hero  worship  might  have  led  us  to  give  him 

I  more  honor  than  belonged  to  providential  man,  &;  a  jealous  God 

<  had  removed  him  from  us  to  show  that  the  Lord  Jesus  alone  was 

f  our  President,  our  King,  our  Savior."    Another  cause  suggested 

[  (in  somewhat  covert  but  plain  &  rough  phrase,)  that  Lincoln  had 

I  erred  by  his  too  great  mercy  and  indulgence  to  the  rebels,  as  Saul 

I  had  in  sparing  the  life  of  Agag — "which  one  great  incident  of  the 

I  Bible  (including  the  subsequent  hewing  to  pieces  by  Samuel,)  our 

I  judges  should  have  before  their  eyes  as  an  example."^  And  after 

I  reciting  the  hewing  to  pieces  of  Agag,  the  preacher  immediately 

I  thereto,  ''Tn  this  spirit  should  the  leaders  of  the  rebellion  be 

f  dealt  with."     .     .     .    "It  may  be  that  President  Lincoln  was  un- 

[  fitted,  by  the  natural  gentlenes's  &  humanity  of  his  disposition, 

I  to  execute  the  stern  justice  of  Christ's  vice-regent"  &  therefore, 

[  as  niay  be  inferred,  he  was  removed  to  make  way  for  Andrew 

f  Johnson,  who,  under  the  direction  of  the  holy  men  of  God.  & 

I  instructions  from  the  pulpit,  (to  say  nothing  of  the  additional 

I  stimulus  of  whiskey,)  will  be  more  ready  to  aci  the  bloody  part 

1  of  Samuel  upon  the  southern  .Agags.     The  Rev.  Dr.  Forbes  is 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  41 

not  satisfied,  like  others  in  proclaiming  Lincoln  a  "martyr,"  but 
cites  the  authority  of  the  Fathers  for  it.  "If  they  examined  the 
views  of  the  early  writers  of  the  Christian  Church,  they  would  at 
once  discover  that  M'  Lincoln  was  worthy  of  the  sacred  term 
of  "martyr."  Another  preacher  pronounced  A.  L.  to  be  the 
mature  version  of  George  Washington.  "'Another,  that  "Since 
the  illustrious  citizen  who  founded  the  government  was  taken 
from  us,  there  has  been  none  other  like  Abraham  Lincoln."  The 
Rev,  D.  Watsoo  of  the  3'"'*  Unitarian  Church,  after  the  usual 
out-pouring  of  sycophancy  &  adoration  of  Lincoln,  delivers  a 
eulogy  upon  the  rising  sun,  Johnson,"  &  an  elaborate  defence  of 
his  habits  of  sobriety,  though  admitting  tlie  unforunate  excep- 
tion of  his  being  drunk  when  inaugurated  as  Vice-President.  Both 
Lincoln  Si  Johnson  were  in  Rd.,  after  its  occupation  by  the 
Yankee  forces.  The  Union  League  in  X.  Y.  (on  Easter  Sunday), 
in  a  most  crowded  meeting  passed  a  series  of  resolutions  charg- 
ing the  assassination  of  Lincoln  &  of  Seward  upon  the  South — of 
which  the  following  short  extracts  will  show  the  spirit :  these 
"crimes  hardly  possible  in  darkest  ages  of  the  past  .  .  .  are 
reproduced  in  the  barbarism  of  the  rebels,  who,  when  their 
armies  conquered  in  the  field  in  fair  combat,  have  been  treated 
magnanimously  by  a  generous  people,  have  resorted  to  the  bullet 
&  the  knife  &  "struck  at  these  chiefs"  &c.,  "that  the  blow  thus 
fully  struck  at  the  nation  should  unite  loyal  citizens  of  every  shade 
of  party,  as  did  the  first  shot  fired  at  Sumter"  &c  .  .  .  "that 
the  rebellion  &  slavery,  its  cause,  must  be  terminated  by  the 
strong  hand  of  the  law,  without  delay,  hesitation  or  compromise." 
After  adopting  these  resolutions,  the  meeting  was  addressed  at 
length,  &  no  doubt  in  the  same  spirit,  by  G.  Bancroft,  the 
historian. 

Treatment  of  Prisoners. 

June  13"",  1865.  Tuesday.  There  are  some  lies  which  by 
txing  resolutely  persisted  in  &  often  repeated,  seem  to  acquire 
the  appearance  &  character  of  truth.  Of  such,  the  strangest 
example  known  is  the  now  general  Sc  loud  outcry,  &  scarcely 
disputed  fact  as  charged  in  the  N'orth,   (there  is  no  free  press 


J^2  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

I      to  deny  it  in  the  South.,)  of  the  starving  &  otherwise  maltreat- 
\      ing  &  torturing  of  Yankee  soldiers  when  confined  in  the  prisons 
J      of  the  C.  S. — &  of  which  a  full  proportion  is  alleged  as  to  the 
I      Libby  &  other  prisons  in  &  near  Rd.    Now  I  never  heard  of  such 
?      charge  in  Rd.,  where  it  must  have  been  known,  if  true,  to  hun- 
:      dreds  besides  the  prisoners,  &  it  could  not  have  been  concealed 
1       from  many  persons,  inimical  to  the  South,  &  who  would  have 
I      been  rejoiced  to  prove  the  facts.    There  was  no  want  of  facilities 
i.      through  the  press,  opposed  to  the  administration  to  expose  such 
i       iniquity.     I  fully  believe  that  the  Yankee  prisoners  were  always 
}       fed  as  well  as  our  own  soldiers  in  the  field,  when  these  had  full 
\       rations — &  fully  as  well  when  from  scarcity  of  supply  but  part 
[       of  full  rations  were  issued  to  our  neighboring  troops.    It  is  true 
t       that  sometimes  full  supplies  of  provisions  could  not  be  obtained 
I       by  any  means — &  our  soldiers  were  often  upon  half  or  three- 
quarter  allowance  of  rations.    When  this  was  the  case,  I  presume, 
I        tliough  I  do  not  know  that  it  was  always  done,  the  prisoners 
I        were  put  upon  the  same  reduced  allov.ance.    This  was  just,  as  a 
general  proposition.     It  could  not  be  expected  that  our  enemies, 
in  prison  &  at  rest,  were  to  be  better  supplied  with  food  than 
our  own  soldiers  in  actual  service.     Such  should  have  been  the 
case  if  'no  blame  had  attached  to  the  Yankee  government.     But 
in  fact,  the  want  of  provisions  was  caused,  &.  designedly,  by  the 
barbarous  &  illegitimate  mode  of  warfare  carried  on  systematically 
by  that  government,   in   destroying  crops,   laying  waste   farms, 
destroying  all  agricultural  implemeits  &  machines,  stealing  &  kill- 
ing working  animals,   &  carrying  off   slaves — burning  mills   & 
bams,  &  doing  everything  to  destroy  the  food  of  the  whole  coun- 
try, &  the  future  means  of  producing  food.     In  addition — every 
railway  route  &  means  for  transportation  was  destroyed,  merely 
for  the  same  object.    And  when  these  operations  had  produced 
general  &  great  scarcity  of  food,  &  unexampled  high  prices,  the 
general  blockade  by  the  enemy  of  all  our  ports  shut  out  all  for- 
eign supplies.     But  superaddeil  to  all  these  '&:  mostly  illegal  & 
atrocious  acts  of  warfare,  was  the  fraudulent  &  perfidious  refusal 
by  the  Yankee  authorities  to  continue  the  exchange  of  prisoners 
according  to  the  established  cartel  agreed  upon — Si  that  for  two 
reasons;  one  was  that  many  of  their  prisoners  in  our  hands  had 


WiixiAM  AND  Mary  Quarterly  43 

'[  already  served  theii  terms  and  as  soon  as  exchanged,  would  re- 

I  turn  to  their  posts  &  active  service,  while  our  soldiers  in  their 

f  prisons  were  enlisted  for  the  war,    (This  infamous  ground  for  a 

I  further  violation  of  agreement  for  exchange,  was  stated  by  Gen. 

f  Sherman,  in  his  letter  to  Gen.  Hood.)    The  second  &  main  rea- 

I  son  for  refusing  exchange  &  thus  to  relieve  the  inevitable  prison 

I  sufferings  of   their  own   soldiers   in  our  prisons,   was   that  the 

I  enemies  expense  of  supporting  them  (twice  or  thrice  as  great  as 

\  the  expense  to  them  in  prisons  in  the  Xorth,)  would  go  far  to- 

I  wards  breaking  down  our  means  to  provide  food,  &  support  the 

i  war.  And  for  these  reasons,  they  perfidiously  violated  the  solemn 

t  agreement  first  acted  upon,  &  upon  different  pretences,  all  of  which 

J  .were  false,  refused  to  exchange  prisoners,  until  the  numbers  on 

either  side  had  increased  to  some  50,  to  60,000  men.     Knowing 

I  the  inevitaiile  misery  &  murderous  effect  of  long  continued  im- 

I  prisonment,  &  of  deferred  hopes  of  release,  even  with  the  kindest 

\  treatment — also  having  produced  as  well  as  knowing,  the  scarcity 

[  of   provisions — the   Yankee   authorities   coolly   speculated,   as    a 

f  means  of  damaging  their  enemy,  upon  the  misery,  &  the  then 

f  falsely  alleged  cruel  treatment  &  starvation  of  50,000  of  their 

I  own  confined  soldiers!    This  charge,  I  insert  in  the  most  authori- 

I  tative  form  I  have  seen,  in  the  first  paragraph  of  the  charge  of 

[  Judge  Underwood  of  the  U.  S.  court,  lately  in  session  in  Norfolk : 

t 

f  "You  will  be  compelled  by  your  regard   for  your  countr>',   freedom 

I  and  humanity  to  present  tor  trial  the  authors  and  conductors  of  the  most 

I  gigantic  bloody  and  unprovoked  crimes  that  ever  cursed  our  world.     You 

I  are  to  pass  upon  those  who  caused  not  only  tens  of  thousands  of  deaths 
on  the  battle  fields  of  (the  rebellion,  but  the  greater  agonies  and  tortures 

I  of   starvation    in    the    Libby    Prison,    on    Belle    Island,    at    Salisbury    and 

I  Andersonville.      In    comparison    with    which    the    cruelties    of    Spanish 

I  inquisitions,  the  massacres  of  St.  Barthlomew,  and  of  the  French  Revolu- 

I  tions,  sink  into  msignificance.     You  are  to  review  the  conduct  and  motives 

I  of  men  who«e  lust  of  power  and   greed  of  gain  are   without  a  parallel; 

I  whose    thirst    for    notoriety,    strangely    desired    and    courted    and    finally 

I  acquired,  the  public  gaze  cnly  to  sink  them  to  disgrace  and  infamy.    There 

I  has  been  nothing  so  terrible  since  the  Cruciri.\ion  as  this  conspiracy  against 

I  the  mildest  and  best  government  the  human  race  has  ever  known — agamst 

I  liberty  and  humanity,  and  in  the  interest  of  slavery  and  despotic  power— 
until  it  has  culminated  in  an  assassination  which  has  shaken  all  Cbns- . 
tendom  with  horror  and  abhorrence." 


44  William  and  Maky  Quarterly 


f  It  is  only  with  the  cliarges  of  cruelty  to  prisoners  that  I  have 

i  any  concern — though  I  present  the  whole  paragraph  as  a  sample 

i  of  the  whole  charge  of  the  judge.    Now  if  such  charges  were  as 

I  true  as  they  were  false,  they  were  known  (by  their  own  reports 

[  from  15  to  18  months  before  they  consented  to  renew  the  ex- 

i  change,  &  the  stipulations  of  the  cartel  which  they  had  falsely 

I  &  peifidiously  broken.    During  that  long  time,  the  Yankee  authori- 

I  ties  knowing   (as  they  pretended  to  believe)    that  trom  20,000 

I  to  50,000  of  their  soldiers    (as  continually   increasing  by   new 

y  captures,)  were  suffering  &  dying  in  prison  by  starvation  &  other 

I  cruel  treatment,  &.  yet  persisted,  by  a  base  violation  of  plighted 

I  faith  &  of  a  fair  contract,  in  leaving  them  to  sutler,  &  perish 

[  under  such  horrible  treatment!    On  the  other  hand,  the  charges 

I  so  falsely  brought  against  our  prison  treatment  &:  policy  were 

I  fully  true  as  to  the  Yankee  prisons,  in  all  the  latter  part  of  the 

I  war,  without  the  excuse  for  us,  of  the  impossibility  of  obtaining 

[  full  supplies  of  food,  &  of  paying  enormous  prices  for  all  ob- 

I  tained,  the  Yankee  prisons,  in  the  northern  states  could  be  sup- 

t  plied  plentifully' &  at  moderate  prices.    Yet  from  all  that  I  have 

I  heard  from  lespectable  gentlemen  who,  as  private  soldiers,  were 

I  prisoners,  the  food  was  always  deficient  in  quantity  Sc  in  quality. 

I  Among  thse  informants  was  my  grandson  Thomas  Ruffin,  who 

!  was  8  months  in  northern  prisons,  &  most  of  the  time  in  the 

[  large  establishmet  at  Point  Lookout.    He  could  not  tell,  as  he  did 

i*  not  know,  the  quantity  of  food  -given  each  man  per  day.  But  it 
consisted  of  a  few  crackers,  or  cakes  of  "hard  tack,"  &  a  piece 
of  meat  of  about  half  the  size  of  a  man's  hand — all,  uninviting  as 

[  was  the  quality  was  not  more  than  half  as  much  as  the  men 

r  would  have  eaten,  if  more  had  been  at  their  command.    They  were 

5  always  hungry.     But  there  was  much  more  of  other  kinds  of 

I  cruelty.    All  offences  against  rules,  &  even  of  the  most  trifling 

I  descriptrbn  were  punished  most  severely,  by  torture.    For  exam- 

iple:  a  highly  respectable  gentleman  stated  of  himself,  that,  under 
the  constant  suffering  of  hunger,  he  had  attempted,  by  trick,  to 

s  draw,  a  second  allowance  for  a  meal,  after  having  received  one. 

f  Of  course  the  offense  ought  to  have  been  punished.     But  he  was 

I  punished  (as  any  other  would  have  been  for  an  offence  equally 

f  slight.)  by  being  tied  &  suspended  off  the  floor  by  his  thumbs 


Willi  AM.  AND  Mary  Quarterly  45 


\  until  he  fainted  under  the  extreme  pain.  The  guards  were  negro 
I  soldiers — &  for  any  real  or  pretended  disobedience  of  orders,  they 
fired  on  the  offender  &  men  were  frequently  thus  wounded  or 
killed,  &  no  investigation  made  of  the  facts,  beyond  the  verbal 
statement  of  the  soldier  who  killed  or  wounded  the  prisoner. 
His  own  statement  in  his  justification  was  received  as  ample,  & 
nothing  would  be  heard  in  opposition  from  any  prisoner,  or 
was  called  for  even  from  other  guards.  Yet,  according  to  the 
loud  sound  &  violence  of  the  charges  by  the  Yankees,  &  the  little 
said  on  our  side,  (&  now  the  whole  Press  is  under  their  control,) 
it  v.ould  seem,  &  I  doubt  not  that  it  will  s'o  pass  into  history, 
&  to  posterity,  that  their  treatment  of  our  soldiers  as  prisoners 
was  humane,  &  our's  cruel  in  the  extreme.  When  the  Yankee 
army  occupied  Rd.,  they  captured  Turner,  superintendent  or  chief- 
jailor  of  the  Libby  prison,  &  wlio,  by  virtue  of  his  office,  was 
deemed  especially  guilty  of  the  cruelties  falsely  cliarged  as  prac- 
tised in  tliat  prison.  Xo  paper  in  Rd.  even  if  disposed  could  have 
published  what  I  shall  report  without  being  immediately  sup- 
pressed by  military  authority,  the  business  broken  up,  &  the 
publisher  ruined.  Therefore  no  notice  of  any  such  thing  is  to  be 
expected.  But  it  was  the  current  verbal  whispered  report  through 
Rd.,  that  Turner  had  been  chained  to  the  floor  in  the  prison  (then 
under  charge  of  Yankees,)  &:  given  one  cracker  (of  "hard  tack") 
&  one  glass  of  water  only,  each  day,  until  he  was  (as  designed,) 
starved  to  death.  This  end  was  supposed  by  his  friends  who 
know  how  he  was  kept  &:  fed,  &  who  could  know  what  must  be  the 
result.  But  it  was  reported  by  his  keepers  that  he  had  made  his 
escape — which  is  altogether  incredible  considering  the  manner  of 
1  his  confinement,  &  the  strong  interest  felt  in  his  detention  &  pun- 
ishment. Probably  the  story  has  been  exaggerated,  &  the  true 
I  circumstances  cannot  be  known,  while  all  investigation  &  discus- 
I  sion  are  prohibited.  I  only  report  what  a  respectable  gentleman 
stated  what  was  generally  reported  &  believed  in  Rd. 


I  46                     William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

I 

}  JACOB  HALL. 

I  (See  Quarterly,  XXII.,  pp.  134,  158.) 

I  Letter  FKOii  Surgeon  Samuel  Finley. 

»■ 

I  I  am  my  dear  Jake,  this  very  2nd  Day  of  July  within  twenty 

%  miles  of  Williamsburg  sitting  under  a  tree,  enjoying  the  refresh- 

I  ments  of  cool  breezes  &  comfortable  eatables  &  drinkables  after 

I  the  severity  of  a  twenty  four  hours  March  (which  makes  a  day 

I  &  a  night)    thus  after  taking  a  comfortable  nap  &  finding  my 

1:  Ifeart  at  ease,  &  Captain  Trotter  about  to  sett  off  tomorrow 

I  morning  for  the  Northward,  tS:  myself  to  sett  oft  in  a  few  hours 
up  the  Country  to  a  M""  Fosters  near  our  Cousins  Elisha  &  John, 
to  attend  Major  Washington;  I  say  after  all  these  considerations 
&  inducements,  I  thought  I  might  as  well  tell  you  as  any  person 

I  I  know  in  the  World,  how  matters  are  transacting  in  this  part  of 

I  the  creation. 

I  After  being  sufficiently   reen forced   by   the  junction   of   the 

i  Pennsylvania  Line,  &  meriads  of  Militia,  under  Generals  Morgan, 

I  Lawson,  Campbell  &  Stevens,  the  Marquis  began  a  march  more 

f  rapid, than  I  believe  he  ever  retreated,  drove  the  Enemy  out  of 

I  Richmond,  &  so  on  from  Pillar  to  post  untill  he  drove  them  into 

I  Williamsburgh,  where  they  are  at  this  present  time  of  writing,— 

I  their  position  there  is  too  strong  to  venture  an  attack  without 

I  manifest  hazard  &  as  the  Militia  cannot  be  altogether  so  thor- 

I  oughly  relied  upon  in.  attacks  of  that  nature,  &  the  continental 

I  troops  too  few  to  achieve  any  great  matters,— There  was  a  skirm- 

I  ish    a    few    days    agoe,   between    Major    McPhersons    Corps    & 

|:  SimcoeS — There  were  some  men  killed,  wounded  &  taken  on 

I  both  sides,  as  is  usual  in  like  cases— last  night,  or  rather  early 

I  this  morning  Colonel  Tarlton  &  his  Legion  were  put  into  a  much 

i  greater  hurry  than  I  believe  they  ever  were  before— They  were 

I  nearly    surrounded   by    the     Brigade    commanded    by    General 

i  Muhlenburgh,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  stupidity  of  the  Guide, 

I  (who  thro'   ignorance  or  inattention  led  them  through  a  field 

I  which  discovered  them),  the  whole  party  almost  to  a  man  would 

I  have  been  killed  or  taken— I  am  obliged  to  break  off  abruptly,  as 


I  William  .and  Mary  Quarterly                      47 

I  Major  Washington  is  now  in  the  carriage  waiting  for  me,  but 

I  the  next  conveyance  that  offers  shall  be  made  use  of  to  inform 

[  you  of  ever)'  occurrence  that  transpires,  of  consequence  suffi- 

I  cient  to  give  you  a  detail  of — 

[  Compliments  to  M""  &  M^  Coale— The  good  people  over  the 

t  river,  &  all  the  clever  fellows  of  your  acquaintance. 

I 

I  God  bless  you 

I  Sam  Finley 

I 

I 

I  When  I  roraed  over  the  Country  I  called  to  see  Ehsha.    The 

I  Enemy  had  not  done  him  a  farthing  of  Damage— Mrs.  Hall  has 

i  been  very  unwell,  but  is  getting  better— Jack  is  as  fat  or  rather 

[  fatter,  than  ever  I  saw  him— the  Dog  is  making  a  fortune,— 

(  let  him  he  deserves  one — 

1  (Addressed)                       "Doctor  Jacob  Hall  Ju' 

[  Hand  by                                                   Deer  Creek 

I  Cap'  Trotter                                                 Hartford  County 

I  To  be  left  at  Colonel  Vanhorns  at  Bushtown" 

!  This  letter  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Richard  VVilmot  Hall,  of 

I  New  Orleans.     Although  undated  as  to  the  year,  it  was  evidently  written 

f  July  2,  1781.    The  writer,  Sam  Finley,  was  without  question  Dr.  Samuel 

I  Finley'  (174S-1801),  the  son  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Finley,  President  of  the 

I  College  of  New  Jersey  (afterwards  Princeton  College),  and  his  wife  Sarah 

^  Hall.s  daughter  of  Joseph   Hall,^   of  the   Tacony   family  of  Halls.     The 

|.  writer  was,  therefore,  a  first  cousin  of  Dr.  Jacob  Hall,  president  of  Cokes- 

f  bury  College,  Maryland,  to  whom  the   letter  is  addressed.     Dr.  Samuel 

I  Fmley  was  bom  at   Nottingham.   Maryland,  about   1743  and  graduated  as 

I  an   A.    B.    from    Princeton    1765.     He    served    in    the   Revolution   m   the 

I  Fourteenth    Massachusetts  as  surgeon    from    April    10,    1778.   and   in   the 

{  Seventh  Massachusetts  from  January   i,   I7«i.  to  June  i.  I7S3-     He  later 

f  practiced  medicine  in  New  York  where  he  died  in  i8or.    "Cousins  Elt.ha 

I  and  John"  were  Dr.  Elisha  Hall  and  Dr.  John  Hall,  sons  of  Ehsha  and 

\  Ruth  Hall  previously  referred  to.     The  events   referred  to  in  the  letter 

I  apparently   cover  the   few  months  preceding  the  surrender  of   Cornwallis 

i  at  Yorktown,  October  19,  ij^i- 


I       a8  William  and  Marv  Quarterly 

I 

\:  REV.  THOMAS  HALL. 


5  (See  Quarterly,  XXII.,  p.  145.) 


Epitaph  on  a  Tomb  in  the  English  Cemetery  at  Leghorn.. 


Sacred  to  the  Memory  of 
The  Rev.  Thomas  Hall 

I  Who  for  nearly  41  years  filled  the  office 

And  faithfully  performed  the  functions 

Of  Chaplain  to  the  British  Factory  at  Leghorn 

To  the  zealous  discharge  of  his  religious  duties 

He  added  the  best  qualities  of  the  heart 

And  a  characteristical  firmness  which  at  a 

Period  of  foreign  invasion  saved   from  destruction 

The  Sanctuary  where  his  ashes  now  repose 

He  was  born  in  Philadelphia  the  year  1750 

And  died  at  Leghorn  12th  April  1825 

Aged  74  Years 

Tiiis  Monument  has  been  erected  by  the  British  Factory 

In  token  of  Respect  for  his  Memory 

And  affectionate  remembrance 

Of  his  Virtues. 


From  the  Minutes  of  the  Board  of  Trustees  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania,  July  2,  1816: 

In  the  minutes  of  the  Trustees  of  July  16,  1816,  it  is  recorded 
"on  motron  resolved  that  this  Board  receive,  with  peculiar  satis- 
faction the  distinguished  attention  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Hall  of 
Leghorn,  who  being  formerly  a  pupil  of  the  College  of  Phila- 
delphia has  presented  to  the  Trustees  of  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania a  manuscript  in  the  Greek  language  of  the  Acts  of  the 


I  William  AND  Mary  Quarterly  49 

t' 

?  Apostles  said  to  be   written  in  the  fourteenth  century,  &  also 

i  an   Eg-yptian   infant   numimy   stated   to   be   in   high   perfection. 

}  Bisiiop  White  was  directed  to  acknowledge  the  same." 

f  [There    is   no   reference   in   the   minutes   to   the   offer  of   a 

f  collection  of  medals.] 

I  


i      FAMILY  RECORD  OF  HEXRY  ST.  JOHN  CLARK,  1690. 

r 

I  Communicated  by  Mrs.  E.  F.  Keeble,  N'ashville,  Tennessee. 

I 

^        PIcnry  St.  John  Clark,  born  April  6,  1715. 
I        Sarah  Clark,  born  April  15,  17 18. 
I        William  Clark  born  Dec.  26,  1722. 
I        Esther  Clark,  born  Dec.  4.  1724. 

IPriscilla  Clark,  born  Sept.  2,  1731. 
William  Clark  of  the  above  family  married  Rebecca.     Their 
-         family : 

(        Elizabeth   Clark,  born  Nov.  22,   1754. 
I        Joseph  Clark,  born  June  5,  1756. 

I  Rebecca,  mother  of  the  above  children,  died  Sept.  28,  1758- 

I  William  Clark  married  Catherine  ^McDowell. 

I         Rebecca  Clark,  born  Sept.  i,  1762.  •      - 

I:         WilHam  Clark,  born  July  27,  1764. 
f         Isaac  Clark,  born  Sept.  9,   1766. 
i  Catherine  McDou'ell  Clark  died  Sept.  25,  1766. 

I  William    Clark    was    married    to    Mary    Wells    (third    wife) 

I         Sept.  28,  1769. 
f         -A-nn  Clark,  born  March   13,   1776. 

(Mary  Wells  Clark  died  Nov.  21,  1776. 
William  Clark,  father  of  the  above  children,  died  May  30, 

I  William  Clark,  Jr.,  born  July  2y,  1764.'    ^Married  Margaret 

I         Thrasher  Oct.  13.  1785. 

r         Patsy  Clark,  born  July  10,  1786. 

I         Xancy  Clark,  born  April  7,  1789. 

i         Margaret  Clark,  born  Nov.  20,  1791. 

Henry  St.  John  Clark,  born  April  6,  1795. 


50  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

William  Clark,  born  April  24,  179S. 
Jane  Clark,*  born  Dec.  25,  1800. 

Margaret,  the  mother,  died  Aug.  16,  1802. 

William  Clark  married  to  Susan  Graves  July  15,   1803. 

Sarah  Smith  Clark,  born  Feb.  15,  1805. 

Joseph  Tarpley  Clark,  born  Jan.  31,  1807. 

Alfred  Clark,  born  Oct.  23,  1808. 

Mary  A.  Clark,  born  April  iS,  1810. 

Thomas  Coke  Clark       )  ,  ,^  o 

T^         •      A   1  n^     \    :- born  Dec.  27,  1813. 

Francis  Asbury   Clark  j 

Susan  McDowell  Clark,  born  Feb.  5,  1816. 

Dorothy  Martin  Clark,  born  Feb.  26,  1818. 

Georgiana  Adella  Clark,  born  Oct.  20,   1820. 

Minerva  Colinda  Clark,  born  Aug.  7,  1822. 

Adrian  Graves  Clark,  born  May  17.  1825. 

Susan   Graves  Clark  died  June    14,    1825. 

William  Clark  married  Margaret  ]\IcKee(  third  wife)   Xov. 
23,  1827. 

William  Clark,   father  of  the  above  children,  died  Jan.   17, 
1849. 

Alfred  Clark,  died  Dec.  11,  1808. 
Dorothy  Clark,  died  Oct.  9,  1829. 
Joseph  Tarply  Clark,  died  June  22,  1829. 


*  Note — The  Clark  family  went  to  Georgia  from  some  county  in  Vir- 
ginia, possibly  from  the  Valley  of  Virginia.  Jane  Clark  married  Guy 
Smith,  son  of  Rev.  Guy  Smith,  a  Baptist  minister,  who  was  born  in  Vir- 
ginia about  1760,  and  died  in  Wilkes  County,  Georgia,  August  17,  1830. 
He  was  minister  of  Fishing  Creek  Church  in  this  county.  He  probably 
came  from  Bedford  County,  Virginia,  and  was  doubtless  a  descendant 
of  Rev.  Guy  Smith,  an  Episcopal  minister,  who  came  to  Virginia  about 
1700  and  was  rector  of  Abingdon  Parish,  Gloucester  County  (\Villi.\m 
AND  Mary  Qu.\rtekly,  IX.,  44;  X.,  62),  Rev.  Guy  Smith  of  Georgia, 
made  his  will  in  1830,  and  he  names  v/ifc  Sally  Smith,  and  children — 
John,  Nanny  Jennings,  Mary  Bailey,  William.  Guy,  Thomas,  Sarah 
Goolshy  and  Elsie  Smith.  Of  these  Guy  Smith  married  Jane  Clark 
and  had  issue — Guy,  Thomas  Henry  (grandfather  of  Mrs.  E.  F.  Keeble), 
Anne  Kcmfier,  Margaret  Caroline,  Joseph,  Junius,  Martha,  Jane,  Sallie 
Beatrice  (Mrs.  Vason  living  in  11)14  nearly  eighty  years  old). 


I  William  and  Mary  Quarterly  51 

[  COURT  HOUSES  OF  NORTHAMPTON  COUNTY 

I  Communicated  by  T.  B.  Robertson,  Eastville,  Virginia. 

I  For  some  years  after  the  settlement  of  this  county  the  county 

I  commissioners  held  their  sessions  sometimes  in  private  houses, 
f  but  usually  at  the  most  convenient  tavern,  as  they  were  the  chie^ 
f  meeting-  places  of  the  inhabitants.  The  house  of  the  Secretary, 
I  Porey.  was  one  of  the  houses  used.  At  first  the  population  was 
I  small  and  this  could  be  done  without  any  great  inconvenience. 
I  The  first  court  held  for  "Accomacke,"  as  the  county  was  then 
I  called,  v.-as  in  1632,  but  unfortunately  it' docs  not  state  where, 
I  though  one  can  well  imagine  that  Secretary  Porev  entertained 
j  the  commissioners,  as  his  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  new  county 
f  seemed  considerable.  Indeed  he  might  be  termed  the  father  of 
i  the  new  settlement  acios^  the  water,  as  it  was  then  spoken  of. 
I  From  that  early  day,  when  the  commissioners  gathered  in  a 

I  private  room,  till  1664.  no  court  house  is  mentioned,  but  the 
I  houses  where  court  was  held,  sometimes  are  found.  By  the  lat- 
ter year,  however,  the  population  of  this  half  of  the  Virginia 
Eastern  Shore  had  grown  considerably,  and  it  then  contained 
some  1,500  souls,  and  they  were  well  established  and  prosperous. 
Two  cliurches — one  in  lower  Northampton  and  the  other  in  the 
.  upper  parish — had  been  founded.  So  Col.  William  Waters,  then 
i  high  sheritt.  was  instructed  to  erect  a  suitable  court  house  at 
I  the  place  called  the  "Town  Fields."  At  the  court  of  levies  fol- 
I  lowing  he  was  allowed  5,286  pounds  of  tobacco  for  the  work.  He 
I         niade  the  following  report  at  that  court  showing  the  cost  itemized : 

I  For  Building  a  Court  House  at  Town  Fields. 

I        Lt.  Col.  Wm.  Waters : 

I  This  day  Liefi.  Coll  Will  Waters  presented  to  the  court  an 

:  account  of  his  disburse  to  this  daye  upon  the  court  house  like- 
i  wise  an  account  of  the  countie's  creditt  in  his,  the  said  Waters, 
hands,  the  sd  account  being  by  the  court  examined  they  find, 
justly  due  to  the  sd  Waters  upon  ballance  of  the  sd  account 
1  ^even  hundred  twentee  and  two  pounds  of  tobacco.  Itt  is  there- 
fore ordered  that  the  sd  Waters  bee  payed  this  ensueing  yeare 
att  the  court  of  leavies  out  of  the  Countv  Leavies  eighteen  bun- 


52  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

dred-forty  &  one  pounds  of  tobacco  being  due  as  above  said,  S: 
likewise  itt  is  ordered  that  tbe  clerke  putt  the  sd  account  upon 
Record. 

Northamp"  County 

Deb'  Lief.  Coll  Will  Waters 

pd.  Capt  Custis  &  his  brother  W™  Custis 

33/^  days  of  three  men  at  35  p.  daye 

ii89>S 
"     John  Braddan  i  day  work  25 

"     Booth  Robins  3  hands  help 

to  raise  the  frame  t.^ 

"     For  27^  days  work  Robt  Warren  att  35  p  day  is  962^/2 

"       "     my  man  &  2  hands  2  days 

&  for  my  cart  &  2  hands  2  days 

200 
"       "     One  stuck  lock  &  one  paire  of 

hinges  bougt  of  Mr  Martin  &  Mr  Foxcroft         42 
"     For  bord  &  sound  timber  for  stoods  &c  209,^/2 

"'     for  nails  &  spikes  480 

"       "    drames  att  the  raisinge  the  House  &c  25 

"       "    415^2  days  worke  of  my  man  &  for  his  dyett  & 

for  the  carpenter's  dyett  &  other  dyett  1425 

"       "     caskes  for  4595P  3^7/2 

"       "    mine  own  timber  &  for  the  use  of  sevreall  things 

of  mine  about  the  house  324 


5286 
Pd  me, by  order  of  levie  &  by  Capt  Joanes  toward  this 

charge  2000 

Pd  so  much  in  my  hands   due   to  our  county   '^   order 

of  Assembly  not  disposed  of  as  yett  2259 

"     2  unfixt  gunns  remains  of  the  war  160  &  by  old  Iron 

sould  to  Charles  Parkes  1 10  &  by  2  Iron  wedges  35         305 
Moore  2  barrells  of  salt  beefe  allowed  him   for  500  pd 
tobacco  the  county  had  from  Lower  Norfolk  for- 
merly ordered  to  Wm  Waters  ^22 

5286 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  53 

This  location  seemed  to  be  unsatisfactory  to  some  of  the  in- 
habitants, so  they  secured  an  act  of  the  '"Grand"  Assembly  re- 
quiring the  justices  to  put  the  question  to  a  vote  of  the  people, 
the  householders  and  freeholders.  In  accordance  with  the  act 
mentioned  the  vote  was  published  to  be  held  at  "The  Homes" 
December  31st,  1677. 

In  Order  Book  Xo.  10.  page  254,  is  found  the  following: 

"Whereas  by  order  of  Assembly  for  enlargement  of  this 
county  of  Northampton  the  Inhabitants  were  left  to  their  votes 
for  making  choice  where  the  Court  House  should  bee  for  their 
greatest  &  most  convenience — and  havinge  this  day  mett  accord- 
inge  to  ye  said  order  &  an  order  of  the  last  court  grounded  there- 
upon, Have  voted  that  the  Court  for  the  future  shall  bee  kept  att 
ye  place  called  'The  Homes'  where  Henry  Mattliews  now  livitli 
and  that  the  next  court  to  bee  held  for  this  county  bee  there 
kept." 

At  the  April  court  following,  the  record  states  that  Mr. 
Hancock  Lee  was  sworn  in  as  High  Sheriit  and  Owen  Marsh  as 
subscheriiT.  The  said  Hancock  Lee  petitioned  the  court  for  a 
jail,  and  the  court  ordered  a  "prison  to  be  built  forthwith  by 
Henry  Matthews,  to  be  15  feet  square  &c.  and  that  he  be  allowed 
1000  pounds  of  tobacco  at  the  next  levy"  for  the  work.  Order 
Book  Xo.  10,  page  254. 

This  location  has  been  fully  identified  as  the  same  as  East- 
ville,  and  from  the  diagrams  these  two  structures  were  on  the 
east  side  of  the  road  or  street  opposite  the  present  court  grounds. 

In  1688  Joseph  Godwin  donated  forty  acres  of  land  for 
county  purposes  and  agreed  to  erect  a  new  court  house  at  his 
own  cost  if  the  justices  would  accept  and  use  it.  This  offer  was 
accepted,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  following  order: 

Joseph   Godwin  Court  House 

Tq  the  Wor.  his  ^Ma"*^  Justices  of  the  Peace  for  the  County  of 
X'orthampton 


54  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Joseph  Godwin  of  the  county  aforesaid  shewcth  that  hee 
hath  land  neare  adjacent  to  the  maine  Roade  &  the  present 
court  house  and  is  willinge  to  give  forty  Acres  thereof  to  this 
county  for  ever  to  serve  for  a  Court  house  and  other  appur- 
tenances and  also  to  build  the  same  at  his  owne  proper  costs  & 
charges  (hee  only  haveing  the  timber  brought  in  place)  and 
also  for  the  further  accomodation  &  decency  to  plaister  and, 
white  lime  the  same  (provided  you  will  finde  lime).  If  this  his 
proposall  &  donation  be  acceptable,  He  requests  you  will  signify 
soo  much  and  he  will  by  any  act  or  acts  Requested  Confirm  ye 
same  &:  forthwith  begin  to  build  the  said  court  house  and  in  the 
interim  yo""  worphs  may  (if  you  please)  continue  the  court 
where  at  present  it  is. 


Endorsed)  The  pei"^  proposall  accepted  by  the  court  in  the 
behalfe  of  tliemselves  &  the  rest  of  the  county  and  that  the 
Boards  &  planks  already  provided  for  the  intended  court  house 
that  was  to  be  built  bee  delivered  ye  said  pef  towards  that  hee 
assumes  to  build  for  the  said  of  — .  The  pet"  building  the  court 
house  according  to  the  former  dimensions  agreed  upon  for  that 
which  was  to  have  been  built  at  the  county  charge  and  perform- 
ing all  thinges  else  consonant  to  the  full  purpcrt  &  contents  of 
his  peticion  within  expressed  and  yt.  the  same  w'^  this  endorse- 
ment bee  entered  upon  Record.  The  land  by  Mr.  A\'m  Kendall 
given  the  county  for  ye  use  of  a  court  house  is  Ret"^  unto  him 
as  freely  as  given. 

Teste  Dan  ^leche 
C.  C.  Co.  Xorthn. 

Record. 

Dec.  29  1687 

A  year  or  so  later.  Col.  John  Custis,  then  High  Shcrift.  peti- 
tioned the  court  for  a  jail  near  the  new  court  house,  and  the 
court  ordered  Jacob  Godwin  to  build  one,  but  in  tlie  meantime 
the  '"old  one  at  the  old  court  house,  the  place  called  'The  Homes,' 
to  continue  as  the  gaol  till  the  new  one  is  completed."  Rook  13, 
V^S^  33-     This  shows  that  the  Godwin  Court  House  was  some 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  55 

where  else  than  in  Eastville,  and  was  perhaps  a  mile  or  two  up 
the  road  towards  or  near  Hun,cars  Bridge,  as  Bridgetown  was 
then  called.  It  certainly  was  near  the  road  precinct  of  Richard 
Nottingham,  then  road  surveyor  for  the  road  from  "The  Homes" 
to  the  Bridge  at  Hungars,  as  he  was  ordered  to  clear  the  way 
to  it. 

In  169S  Mr.  William  Waters,  then  High  SheritT  (evidently 
son  of  Coin.  Wm.  Waters),  was  instructed  to  put  the  old  court 
house  in  repair.  Book  14  page  4.  Indicating  that  the  justices 
had  decided  to  return  to  the  Eastville  site. 

The  next  court  house  referred  to  is  the  one  erected  by  Wm. 
Rabishaw.     The  order  for  which  is  as  follows  below: 

Wm  Rabyshaw  Co.  Ho. 

This  day  William  Rabyshaw  hath  undertaken  the  building 
and  erecting  of  a  court  house  at  a  place  called  the  home  old 
field,  upon  the  Land  of  Mr.  Savage,  for  7000  pounas  of  Tobacco 
according  to  the  Dimensions  hereafter  mentioned  viz:  the  said 
court  house  to  be  30  foot  long  and  20  foot  wide  from  inside  to 
inside,  well  framed  of  sawed  timber  except  jice  and  Plate  and  to 
be  overhead  of  8  foot  Pitch  from  Sill  to  plate  and  to  be  covered 
with  wdiite  oake  Shingells  the  sape  to  be  taken  out ;  upon  oake 
lath ;  weatherboarded  with  good  three-quarter  inch  pine  Plank 
with  an  outside  chimley  to  be  well  lathed  and  filled  in  and 
Plastered  with  a  good  Paire  Stares  all  the  upper  flower  to  be 
Payed  with  good  pine  old  Platike  and  the  under  part  of  the  Pine 
flower  to  be  well  Plained  two  dores  to  be  well  hinged  with  hooks 
and  hinges  to  the  said  house  within  the  Bare  where  the  justices  is 
to  sitt  and  that  to  bee  raised  and  to  be  layed  with  plained  old 
pine  Plank  Sawed  out  of  old  Pine  and  the  sitt  benches  to  be  well 
Plained  and  the  Railes  for  the  Bare  and  the  Uore  at  each  ende 
of  the  Bare  to  be  well  hinged  with  hooks  &  hinges  and  to  be 
an  earthen  flower  except  where  the  justices  is  to  sitt  are  that 
to  be  done  as  aforesaid  and  the  same  to  be  viewed  by  too  honest 
workmicn  as  he  goes  along  and  all  to  be  completed  and  ended 
workmandike  between  the  date  hereof  and  May  come  12  month 


56  William  and  j\Iary  Quarterly 

which  is  in  the  year  iji6  and  the  said  Rabyshaw  forthwith  re- 
pair to  the  clerks  ofice  and  there  enter  into  bond  with  good  se- 
curity for  his  performance  of  the  sd  court  house. 

Robt.  Howson 

C.  C.  N. 
19th  day  of  Apr.  1715. 
Order  Book  No.  15,  p.  201. 


Att  a  Court  of  Levey  Held  for  Northampton  by  his  Alaj'^ 
Justices  of  the  Peace  on  the  27  day  of  Nov.  1716 
To  Robt.  Plowson  as  services  done  ye  county  as  dark,  & 

caske  loSo 

Robt.  Widgon  for  finding  water  &  fire  for  the  county      270 
Nathaniel  Capill  for  being  cryer  to  the  court  864 

j\Ir.  John  Powell  late  sheriff,  as  by  ace  1968 

Col.  W^"  Waters  for  his  attendance  as  Burgiss  & 
sloop,  time  and  man  for  the  year  1714  being  47  days 
&  caske  9137 

Mr.  Charles  Floyd   for  his  attendance  as  Burgiss   for 

year  1714  being  47  days  &  caske  6095 

Mr.  John  Plarmonson   for  his  attendance  as   Burgiss 

for  the  year  171 5  being  44  days  &  caske  5703 

Mr.  Charles  Floyd  for  \\h  attendance  as  Burgiss  for 
for  the  year  171 5  being  44  days  &  caske  5703 

******* 

To  Mr.  Hillary  Stringer  sherifif  as  by  ace.  2204 

John  Atkinson  44  days  attendance  with  his  sloope  & 
man  ye  Burgess  at  the  Assembly  in  yeare  1715  2S55 


"At  a  court  of  Levy  held  for  Northampton  County  by  his 
Maj''  Justices  of  the  Peace  this  5th  day  of  December  1715." 

(Among  other  entries  the  following:) 
"To  W""  Rabyshaw  for  building  the  court  house  at  Horns  old 
field  7000 

(This  is  7000  pounds  of  tobacco.) 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  57 

This  court  house  (Rabishaw)  is  shown  on  a  diagram  of  the 
prison  bounds  made  in  1724  and  spread  on  the  records.  The 
survey  was  made  by  Luke  Johnson.  Eastville  was  then  desig- 
nated as  "The  Horns."  The  Court  House  was  built  on  the  origi- 
nal site  selected' in  1677,  the  prison  is  shown  three  hundred  feet 
north  of  the  Court  House,  and  the  foundations  can  be  noted  now. 
The  pillory  is  represented  by  the  post  with  arms  standing  be- 
tween the  prison  and  the  Court  House. 

June  id""  1724 

Surveyed  by  order  of  the  Court  of  Northampton  County 
ten  Acres  of  Land  situate  in  the  said  County  of  Northampton, 
beginning  at  a  gum  tree  standing  by  the  branch  near  the  court 
house  water  spring  thence  south  551/2  easterly  13  chains,  or  ^2 
poles  &c  marked  &  bounde  as  by  this  platt  is  specified  the  which 
ten  Acres  is  laid  out  for  prisoners  bounde  at  the  charge  of  Abra- 
ham Bowker. 

Luke  Johnson  Surveyor. 

Laid  down  by  a  scale  including  10  poles  in  one  Inch. 

Admitted  to  record  8'^  day  of  September  1724. 

Godfrey  Pole  CI — cur — 

Book  Deeds  &  Wills  No  25,  p.  209. 

Following  the  Wm.  Rabyshaw  order  comes  that  to  Capt.  John 
Marshall  to  erect  a  brick  court  house  at  a  cost  of  50,000  pounds 
of  tobacco.  This  latter  is  the  one  still  standing  on  the  court 
yard  here,  used  so  long  as  a  bar-room  after  the  county  had 
erected  a  better  one. 

/ 
The  Brick  Court  House  • 

Court  held  for  Northampton  County  9th  day  of  Dec.  1730. 

The  Court  house  of  this  county  being  much  out  of  repair 
and  not  in  A  Condition  for  the!  Justices  to  do  the  county  busi- 
ness in,  which  the  court  having  taken  into  consideration  came 
to  A  Resolution  to  build  one  of  Brick  and  to  treat  with  workmen 
who  will  undertake  the  same  in  Feb.  Court  next  and  it  is  ordered 


58  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

that  the  sheriff  give  Public  Notice  hereof  both  in  Accomack  & 
this  county. 

Order  Book  No.  lo,  p.  60. 


Northampton  Ct.  Mar.  9'^  1731. 

Mr.  Thomas  Savage  off'ers  to  deed  10  acres  to  the  Justices. 

The  justices  aforesaid  have  given  the  old  Ct.  Ho.  to  said 
Savage. 

Capt  Wiliam  Tazewell  order  to  write  the  deed. 

Order  Book  No.  10,  p.  60. 

At  a  Court  held  for  Northampton  County  the  9th  day  of 
Feb  1 73 1. 


The  court  having  in  December  coourt  last  past  an  order  to 
treat  w""  workmen  to  build  A  Brick  Court  house  for  this  county 
and  this  day  several  bidders  appearing  and  ^Ir.  John  }^Iars]iall 
being  the  fairest  proposition  for  the  undertaking  of  the  building 
at  50,000  pounds  of  Tobacco  to  finish  it  according  to  A  Rough 
Scheme  this  day  read  in  open  Court  to  the  proposers  Ordered 
that  the  said  ^Marshall  give  Bond  with  good  &  sufficient  security 
in  the  sum  of  10,000  pounds  of  Tobacco  to  finish  the  said  work 
by  the  last  day  of  December  next. 

John  Robins 
Thos   Cobb   CI — Cur 
Order  Book  No.  10,  p.  66. 


At  a   Court  held   for   Northampton   County   for  laying  the 
County  Levy  the  30  Day  of  Nov.   1731 

(Among  other  items:) 
To  Luke  Johnson   surveyor   for  surveying  court  house 

land  500 

To  John  Marshall  to  be  paid  him  down  towards  building 

the  court  house  25000 

John  ^Larshall,  but  not  to  be  paid  until  the  court  house  is 

finished  25000 


William  and  ^Iary  Quarterly  59 


NOTES   ON    IIARDWICK    (HARDIDGE;,    KINCHELOE, 

McCARTY,  :McCONATHY,  CROOK,  DAWSON, 

LAWSON  AND  RELATED  FAMILIES. 

By  Arthur  Leslie  Keith,  Northfield,  ]Minn. 

{Continued  from  Vol.  XXI L,  page  191,  and  Concluded). 

We  now  come  to  Nancy  McCarty,  sister  of  Thomas  and 
Cornelius.  She  married  about  1780  to  James  Crook.  Their  three 
children  (names  given  below)  seem  to  have  been  left  orphans, 
and  were  reared,  according  to  reliable  tradition,  in  the  home 
of  their  uncle  Thomas  !\IcCarty.  In  the  latter's  family  Bible 
the  births  of  John  Crook  is  recorded  as  the  son  of  James  and 
Ann  (Nancy)  Crook.  An  unconfirmed  tradition,  however,  repre- 
sents that  Nancy  Crook  md.  a  second  time  to  Adams. 

The  nanie  g'oes  back  to  early  times  in  \'irginia  and  Maryland. 
Robert  Crooke,  in  Cecil  Co.,  Z\Id.,  in  1675,  witnessed  wills  of 
Thomas  Howell  and  John  \'anheck.  In  same  county  in  1697 
he  was  an  heir  of  Edward  Jones.  He  makes  will  in  1687,  pro- 
bated i6<)3  (sic)  in  which  no  relations  are  mentioned  and  prop- 
erty is  left  to  Jones,  Frisby,  Pearce,  Penning  and  Wilson. 

In  St.  Mary's  Co.  in  1693  James  Crook  is  named  as  one  of 
heirs  in  the  will  of  Richard  Gardner.  James  Crooke  in  1701 
witnessed  will  of  Wm.  Barker.  In  same  county  in  1711  James 
Crock  (sic)  witnessed  will  of  Samuel  Sothoron.  James  Crook  of 
St.  Mary's  Co  on  Jan.  24,  1725,  made  will,  probated  Mch.  30. 
1726,  in  which  he  mentions  v.ite  Mildred  and  children  John,' 
Thomas.  James,  Joseph  (youngest  son),  and  ]vlargaret  Crook. 
James  Crook,  of  Baltimore  Co.,  Md.,  made  will  Oct.  5.  1727, 
probated  Dec.  30,  1727.  in  which  he  mentions  daughter  Cloe 
Crooke  (sic)  and  son  Charles  Crooke.  Sarah  Crooke  (appar- 
ently~  the  widow  of  the  preceding  James)  in  Annapolis  on  Dec. 
7,  1737.  made  will,  probated  Dec.  30,  1737,  in  which  she  men- 
tions son  Charles  Crooke,  granddaughters  Riddle  Dallas  and 
Chloe  Dallas,  children  of  Walker  Dallas,  of  Baltimore  Co. ;  grand- 


6o  ■    William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

children  Sarah  Chloe  Raven,  Mary  Raven,  Aberella  Raven  and 
Luke  Raven,  children  of  Luke  Raven  and  Sarah,  his  wife. 

James  Crook  was  member  of  the  vestry  of  St.  Anne's  Parish 
171 5  and  later.  Joseph  Crook  was  vestryman  of  St.  John's 
Parish,  Baltimore  Co.,  May,   1758. 

John  Crook  appears  in  a  deed  in  Prince  William  Co.,  Va".,  in 
1760;  Ephraim  Crook  in  1784  in  same  place.  Zephania  Crook  in 
same  county  makes  will  in  1779,  in  which  he  mentions  wife 
Molly  Haydon  Crook,  brother  Absalom  Crook,  but  no  children. 
Allen  Crook  was  a  soldier  in  the  Revolution  from  Loudoun  Co., 
Va.,  in  Capt.  Andrew  Russell's  Co.  of  the  5th  \'a.  Rcg't.  (The 
juxtaposition  of  his  name  with  that  of  David  Harriott  is  inter- 
esting, as  will  appear  later.) 

According  to  Eckenrode,  the  following  also  did  Revolutionary 
service:  Charles,  Henry,  James,  John,  Jonathan,  Joseph  and 
Rennel  Crook;  James  Croocks ;  James  and  Thomas  (Capt.) 
Crooks ;  and  Samuel  Crookes. 

James  Crook  was  an  inhabitant  of  Fairfax  Co.  in  1785,  ap- 
parently living  near  James  McCarty.  It  is  very  likely  that  he  is 
identical  with  the  James  Crook  who  md  Nancy  McCarty  wdiom 
we  fmd  a  little  later  in  Loudoun  Co.  The  Md.  census  for  1790 
shows  various  Crooks  in  different  parts  of  the  state  as  John, 
Plenry,   William,   Samuel   and  Alexander. 

Notwithstanding  these  numerous  references  the  parentage  of 
James  Crook  who  md  Nancy  McCarty  is  not  known.  He  cer- 
tainly had  a  brother,  Allen  Crook,  probably  identical  with  the 
Allen  Crook  of  Loudoun  Co.  mentioned  above.  He,  James, 
probably  died  before  1797,  the  year  of  the  Ky.  emigration.  We 
know  that  in  1789  he  was  living  in  Loudoun  Co.,  as  the  Bible 
of  John  Crook,  his  son,  expressly  states  that  he  was  born  in 
that  county. 

James  Crook  and  Nancy  ^vlcCarty,  his  wife,  had  three  chil- 
dren. I.  ^lary  Crook,  born  Jan.  7.  1782,  died  1846-7.  in  Meade 
Co.,  Kv.  She  md  about  1799,  probably  in  Fayette  Co.,  Ky.,  to 
James  Lawson,  born  Sept.  8,  1765,  died  Nov.  12,  1845.  and  they 
had  Sarah  H.,  born  April  30,  1800,  md.  Robert  Jenkins;  John 
Crook,  born  May  2S,  1803.  md  .\rethusa  Grundy;  James  A.,  born 


William  and  IvIarv  Quarterly  6i 

Nov.  6,  1805,  md  Louisa  Board;  ^lary  Ann,  born  Aug.  11,  1808, 
died  single;  Margaret,  born  ]May  18,  181 1,  died  single;  Susanna 
Hardridge  (named  for  her  great-aunt),  born  Sept.  21,  1813.  died 
Jan.  25,  1888,  at  Vincennes,  Indiana;  md  July,  1833.  in  Meade 
Co.,  Ky.,  to  Henry  Keith  (the  writer's  grandfather)  ;  Thomas 
Jefferson,  born  July  21,  1816  (?),  died  Feb.  19,  1866,  md  Sarah 
Darnall;  Elizabeth  Jane,  born  May  8,  1819,  md.  John  Beatty ; 
America,  born  Nov.  22,  1821  ;  and  Frances  Davis  Lawson,  born 
Dec.  13,  1824,  md  Jeremiah  Tarlton,  of  Lexingeon,  Ky. 

2.  Betsy  Crook,  daughter  of  James  and  Xancy,  md  

Swinford  and  had  James;  Peggy,  md  Allen;  Eliza,  md 

Howard;  and  Jane  Swinford,  born  May   18,   1817,  died 

June  30,  1S74,  md  July  24.  1834,  to  Thomas  Chambers,  son  of 
Asa  Chambers  by  his  wife.  Jane  McCarty,  daughter  of  Thomas. 

3.  John  Crook,  only  son  of  James  and  Nancy,  was  born  in 
Loudoun  Co..  \'a.,  Jan.  20,  17S9,  died  Dec.  30,  1864,  in  Scotland 
Co.,  ]Mo.  He  md  ist  on  Oct.  25,  1813.  Nancy  Dawson,  born 
Feb.  15,  1789,  died  Apr.  19,  1831,  by  whom  all  his  children;  md 
2nd  on  Feb.  i,  1834,  to  a  widow,  Elizabeth  Rush,  nee  Branden- 
burg.    John  Crook  and  Nancy  had  James,  born  Aug.  28,   181 5, 

died  Nov.,  1839,  who  md  Anne and  left  one  son,  Wesley, 

who  reared  a  large  family;  Adaline,  born  Mch.  10,  1817,  md 
James  Calvin  Brandenburg  on  Aug.  20,  1839  (he  was  a  brother 
of  John  Crook's  second  wife)  ;  David  Dawson,  born  Feb.  15, 
1819,  died  Oct.  31,  1891,  md  Lucretia  Ann  Maxwell  and  reared 
a  large  family  at  Savannah,  Tenn. ;  Allen,  born  June  10,  1821, 
died  Dec.  16,  1900,  md  Sarah  Dillo ;  Ann  E.,  born  Nov.  24,  1823, 
died  July  10,  1843,  md  on  July  3,  1839,  to  Charles  S.  Rush  (son 
of  her  stepmother)  and  had  a  daughter,  Amanda  Melissa  Rush, 
born  Nov.  6,  1840,  who  md  and  reared  a  large  family;  John  D._. 
born  Oct.  15,  1827.  died  1904,  md  Amanda  lirandenburg,  no 
issue;  Jvlariah,  born  Apr.  9,  1828,  md  Oscar  Rush  (she  is  still 
living  at  Memphis,  Mo.)  ;  and  Samuel  Wesley  Crook,  born  Apr. 
19,  1830,  died  May  17,  183 1. 

We  now  take  up  the  line  of  Betsy  McCarty,  sister  of  Thomas, 
Cornelius  and  Nancy.  Betsy  was  born  Apr.  20,  1771,  died  Mch. 
I,  1807,  in  Fayette  Co.,  Ky.     She  md  on  Mch  19,  1789,  to  Capt. 


62  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Jacob  ^vlcConathy,  born  Nov.  4,  1766,  in  Wilmington,  Delaware, 
died  Mch.  29,  1827,  in  Fayette  Co.,  Ky.  Tradition  states  that 
Jacob  McConathy  was  the  son  of  a  first  marriage  between  his 
father  and  Anne  Springer,  that  he  did  not  get  along  well  with 
his  father's  second  wife  and  went  from  Delaware  to  \'a.,  where 
he  changed  his  name  from  }JcConagh  to  McConathy.  His 
captain's  commission  is  signed  by  Patrick  Henry  for  some  Va. 
militia  service.  He  moved  to  Fayette  Co.,  Ky.,  in  1797,  and  is 
said  to  have  owned  part  of  the  first  steam  mill  operated  west  of 
the  Alleghanies,  at  or  near  Lexington,  Ky. 

Capt.  Jacob  McConathy  and  wife,  Betsy  McCarty,  had  five 
children,  as  follows,  i.  James,  born  Se[>t.  i,  1792,  died  about 
1865,  ^\^'*^  "^"^  1st  on  May  21,  1S16,  to  Eliza  Craig,  died  June 
19,  1836;  md  2nd  on  Oct.  12,  1S37.  to  Eliza  Peniston,  born  Jan. 
28,  1811,  died  July  29,  1840.  All  his  children  but  the  last  one 
were  by  first  wife;  they  were  Alfred,  born  May  23,  1817,  died 
Nov.  24,  1887;  John,  born  Jan.  30,  1819,  died  Apr.  9,  1890; 
Betsy,  born  Jan.  6.  1821,  died  June  24,  1824;  Jane,  born  May  14, 
1823,  died  Sept.  20,  1875,  md  Wm.  Wilson.  No  issue;  Ann,  born 
Aug.  23,  1S25,  md  Feb.  2S,  1849,  to  Alfred  C.  Wilson  ;  James,  born 
Jan.  9,  1828;  Henry,  born  May  25.  1830;  Eliza  E.,  born  Sept. 
28,  1832;  Alice,  born  Oct.  15,  1834;  and  Sarah  McConathy  (by 
2nd  wife),  born  Aug.  24.  1838.  2.  Elisha  McConathy  son  of  Jacob 
and  Betsy,  born  Dec.  17,  1795,  murdered  on  the  Mississippi 
River  near  Fort  Adams.  July,  1S17. 

3.  Sallie  McConathy,  daughter  of  Jacob  and  Betsy,  born 
April  17,  I799^  died  Oct.  6.  1861,  in  Chicot  Co.,  Ark.  She 
md  1st  Robert  ^IcConnell  and  had  James  E..  born  Mch.  9,  1817, 
died  1819;  Jacob,  born  Sept.  18,  1818,  killed  in  Confed.  Army 
at  Chickamauga,  Sept.,  1863;  Robert  P.,  born  June  17,  1S21, 
died  Sept.  27,  1850;  Elizabeth,  born  Mch.  4,  1824.  died  Feb.  7, 
1865,  md  Joshua  Craig,  and  Herbert  :\IcConnell,  born  Nov.  2, 
1826,  died  yich.  20,  1900;  she  md  2nd  Christian  Martin  on  Dec. 
16,  1838.  and  had  Charles,  born  Sept.  8,  1839,  died  Dec.  2,  1895, 
single;  and  Mary  Ann  ]\Iartin  born  May  26,  1843.  4.  Asa  Mc- 
Conathy, son  of  Jacob  and  Betsy,  was  born  Aug.  9,  1801,  died 
Nov.  16,  1872.  He  md  on  July  22,  1824.  to  Rebecca  Berry  born 
1805.  died  Mch.  19,   1872,  and  had  eleven  children,  as  follows: 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  63 

George  Berry,  born  Oct.  2y,  1825,  died  1893;  Jacob,  born  July 
21,  1827,  died  1S92;  Nancy  Berry  Pettit,  born  Jan.  29,  1829, 
died  1831;  Newton  Berry,  born  May  26,  1831,  died  June,  1895; 
Elizabeth,  born  Mch.  29,  1S34,  md  1854  to  John  A.  Gibson;  Asa, 
born  Sept.  7,  1S36,  nid  Alice  xA.lford;  Eliza  Rebecca,  born  Mch. 
4,  1839,  died  Apr.  2,  1912,  md  Dr.  Wrn.  Wilson;  James,  born 
Jan.  23,  1841,  md  Mary  Mitchell;  :\rary  B.,  born  Apr.  15.  1843, 
died  1889;  Martha  Edwards  born  Mch.  4,  1845,  "id  Thomas 
Hare;  and  Belle  Truesdale  McConathy,  born  Feb.  9,  1847,  md 
Robert  Wilson  Davis.  5.  Anne  Springer  McConathy,  daughter 
of  Jacob  and  Betsy,  was  born  May  19,  1804,  died  Nov.  12,  1878. 
She  md  ist  Wm.  Garrett  on  May  9,  1S22,  and  had  Wm.  Garrett, 
Jr.,  born  June  18,  1823,  died  Feb.  13,  1895,  md  Martha  Rorer; 
Elizabeth,   born   Feb.   28.    1825,   died   Dec.  9.    i860,   md  James 

Wright;  Mary,  born  1826,  md Taylor;  and  James  Garrett. 

Anne  Springer  ^vlcConathy  m.d  2nd  John  Bridges  and  had  Sarah 
and  Martin  Bridges. 

Capt.  Jacob  ^McConathy  md  a  second  time,  Jan.  11,  1809,  to 
Eunice  Holleyman,  born  Dec.  29,  1778,  died  June  9,  1833,  and 
had  tierbert,  born  Oct.  28,  1809;  Milton,  born  Feb.  22,  181 1; 
Perry  born  Aug.  17,  1813;  and  Elizabeth  McConathy,  born  Dec. 

5,  1816,  md Taylor,  said  to  be  a  brother  of  Pres.  Zachary 

Taylor. 

We  next  take  up  the  supposed  Boseley  connection.  The  name 
Bozeley  appears  as  one  of  the  names  of  a  son  of  Enos  Orear 
McCarty  and  the  said  Enos'  daughter  believes  it  was  the  family 
name  of  the  mother  of  Thomas,  Cornelius,  etc.  We  have  al- 
ready seen  how  the  names  Orear,  Hardridge  and  others  were 
handed  down.  But  much  more  important  is  the  evidence  fur- 
nished by  the  Bible  of  Mary  Rose  McCarty,  born  Apr.  9,  1805, 
daughter  of  James  McCarty,  son  of  Thomas.  (She  is  said  to 
have  had  great  interest  in  family  history  and  sent  a  record  of 
the  family  of  her  father,  James  McCarty  by  his  wife,  Nancy 
Fusk,  to  one  who  was  preparing  a  Todd  genealogy,  the  Fusks 
and  Todds  being  connected.  Nancy  Fusk's  mother  is  said  to  have 
been  a  Williams.)  In  her  handwriting,  as  reported  to  me  by  her 
^on,  are  these  words:    "Nancy  Boseley  from  Scotland,  Elizabeth 


64  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Nevitt    from    England.      These    were    my    Great-Great-Grand- 
mothers." 

This  is  a  tantalizing  bit  of  evidence  as  there  is  nothing  to 
show  which  two  of  her  eight  grcat-great-grandmothers  are  in- 
tended. However.  I  believe  the  Boseley  comes  in  on  the  Mc- 
Carty  side,  because  of  the  appearance  of  the  name  among  the 
descendants  of  Cornelius.  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  inasmuch 
as  the  mother  of  Thomas,  Cornelius,  etc.,  was  named  Nancy, 
she  might  have  been  the  Boseley  ancestor  rather  than  one  from 
the  preceding  generation,  which  it  must  be  if  the  above  record  is 
correct.  The  Boseley  family  of  Md.,  to  which  all  seem  traceable, 
was  of  English,  not  of  Scotch  origin.  Though  not  yet  able  to 
give  the  exact  connection  between  Xancy  Boseley  and  the  Mc- 
Carty  family,  I  offer  here  the  Boseley  data  in  my  possession, 
which  I  believe  has  never  yet  been  published. 

There  is  a  tradition  of  a  Walter  Eosley  who  settled  in  Balti- 
more Co.,  ]\ld.,  about  1660.  If  this  is  correct  (I  have  not  veri- 
fied it)  he  could  hardly  be  identical  with  the  Walter  Bosley  who 
made  will  in  Baltimore  Co.  in  171 5.  if  we  assign  to  the  latter 
the  children  born  in  1712  and  1714.  Perhaps  there  were  two  of 
the  name,  father  and  son,  the  senior  coming  to  Md.  in  1660 
and  dying  in  1715  and  the  children  born  about  1712  belonging  to 
the  junior.  The  first  certain  reference  that  I  know  of  is  of  one 
John  Bosley,  who  was  a  witness  to  will  of  Wm.  Hensey  in 
Charles  Co.  in  1G84.  The  first  certain  reference  of  Walter  Bosley 
dates  from  1696.  In  that  year  he  bought  of  Lawrence  Rich- 
ardson, 150  acres  called  Arthur's  Choice.  In  17 14  he  bought 
Boseley's  Palace  from  Thomas  Taylor.  One  of  these  tracts, 
Arthur's  Choice,  lay  on  the  south  side  of  the  west  branch  of 
Gunpowder  River  in  Baltimore  Co.,  joining  land  of  the  Du- 
laneys.  Arthur's  Choice  was  surveyed  Aug.  20,  1683,  for  Arthur 
Taylor  and  consisted  of  300  acres  of  which  at  some  time  before 
1696  Walter  Bosley  was  proprietor  of  150  acres,  Lawrence  Rich- 
ardson of  75  acres,  Oliver  Hareot  of  75  acres  (of  whom  we 
shall  have  more  to  say  later).  On  Nov.  10,  1697,  Walter  Bozley 
patented  Bozley's  Expectation,  199  acres  in  Baltimore  Co.  The 
original  Walter  Boselev  is  said  to  have  been  a  barrister. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  65 

Walter  Boslcy  in  Baltimore  Co.  made  will  on  July  29,  171 5, 
probated  Nov.  2,  1715,  in  which  he  mentions  wife  Mary  Bosley ; 
son  Joseph  to  whom  he  leaves  Bosley's  Pallace  lying  on  the  north 
tide  of  Patapsco  River  near  Jones  Falls ;  son  John,  son  James 
to  whom  he  leaves  part  of  a  tract  called  Bosley's  Expectation 
lying  on  Gunpowder  River;  son  William  (youngest)  to  whom  he 
leaves  the  rest  of  Bosley's  Expectation;  and  son  Charles  Bodey 
to  whom  he  leaves  75  acres,  being  part  of  a  tract  called  Arthur's 
Choice  lying  on  Gunpowder  River.  There  is  no  son  Walter  men- 
tioned in  this  will  yet  it  appears  that  there  was  another  Walter 
Bosley  of  the  same  place  from  the  following:  The  records  of 
St.  John's  and  St.  George's  Parish  (of  Baltimore  and  Harford 
Counties)  show  that  Walter  and  Mary  Elizabeth  Bozley  had 
son  William,  born  ]\Ich.  11,  1711-12;  also  Walter  and  Elizabeth 
Bozley  had  son  Charles,  born  j\Iay  13,  17 14.  In  the  will  quoted 
above,  William  was  the  youngest  son,  but  with  this  Walter, 
Charles  was  younger  than  his  brother  William.  The  Walter  of 
the  will  had  wife  Z^.Iary ;  the  other  Walter  had  wife  Mary  Eliza- 
beth or  Elizabeth.  It  seems  almost  inevitable  that  the  two  were 
related.  The  other  items  from  these  parish  records  arc  as  fol- 
lows: William  Eozly  and  Elizabeth  his  wife  have  daughter 
(name  undecipherable),  born  June  10,  1745.  John  Bozley  md 
Hannah  Bull,  Oct.  18,  1759.  \'incent  Dapnel  md  ^larth  (?) 
Bozley,  Nov.  20,  1768  (?)  Daniel  Bond  md  Patience  Bozley, 
daughter  of  James  and  Elizabeth,  Nov.  i,  1759.  Gideon  Boseley, 
son  of  James  and  Elizabeth  Parish  Boseley,  md  Sarah  Cole,  Jan. 
9,  1772.  James  Bosley,  son  of  James  and  Elizabeth,  md  Tem- 
perance March,  Sept.  16,  1776.  Thomas  Bosley,  son  of  James 
and  Elizabeth  md  Mary  Richards,  Dec.  13,  1770.     Caleb  Bozley 

md    Eliz.    Wheeler    Feb.    27,    1772.      John    Helm    md  

Bozley,  Sept.  2,  1762.  Benjamin  Barney  md  Delilah  Bozley, 
^pr-  22,  1758.  Daniel  Rowan  md  Sarah  Bosley,  daughter  of 
Capt.  James  and  Elizabeth  Feb.  18,  1779.  Vincent  Bozley  md 
Wilhemina  Morris  Mch.  28,  1771.  John  (?)  Parish  md  Charity 
Boseley,  daughter  of  James  and  Elizabeth,  July  12,  1770.  Daniel 
Shaw  md  Prudence  Bozley,  April  14,  1763.  Elias  Majors  md 
Diana  Bozley  Sept.  8,  1763.  Elisha  Bozley  md  Eliz.  Merrydeth, 
June  29,  i/fyj.     Wm.  Hadmungton  (?)  md  Eliz.  Bozley  Feb.  2. 


66  William  and  Maky  Quarterly 

1772.    James  Bozley  nul  Rachel  Garsuch  Sept.  iS,  1760.    Ezekiel 
Bozley  nid  Eliz.  Morris  Oct.  21,   1760. 

From  other  sources  of  information  I  find  that  James  Bosley 
md  Elizabeth  Parri>h,  Nov.  26,  1730.  He  was  probably  the  son 
of  Walter  of  the  will  dated  1715.  James  and  Elizabeth  had  a 
^  daughter,  Patience,  born  Sept.  16.  1731,  who  md  Daniel  Bond 
(see  above)  and  had  Betsy,  Anna,  Zaccheus,  Joshua  and  Thomas 
Bond.  Capt.  James  Bosley  (whose  father  is  also  called  Ca[)t. 
James)  md  Tem[)erance  I^Iarsh  and  had  Gamaliel,  md  Eleanor 
Kcnney ;  Anion,  born  Feb.  27,  1779,  died  Aug.  23,  1836,  md 
Rebecca  Marsh  (his  cou-^in);  Ellen,  md  Nathan  Corbin ;  Eliza- 
beth md  Benedict  Bosley;  Mary  md  Luke  Ware;  Ruth  md  Peter 
Ware;  Achsala  md  Jack  lUick ;  Temperance  md  ist  Capt.  Kidd ; 
2nd  Moses  Parlette?  Gideon  Bosley,  who  md  Sara  Cole  in  1772 
(see  above)  had  Edith;  Ruth;  Anah ;  Thomas  Berry  md  Eliza- 
beth Sutton;  Elijah;  AbranT;  James;  Gideon,  born  July  9,  17S4, 
died  Nov,  30,  1832,  md  Elizabeth  Fleece.  Thomas  Berry  Bosley 
who  md  Elizabeth  Sutton  (daughter  of  John  Sutton  by  his  wife 
America  Pope)  had  Ann;  Amanda;  Wm,  Perry;  Elizabeth; 
Catharine;  Martha;  and  John  Sutton  Bosley,  born  July  23,  1823, 
The  Maryland  census  of  1790  shows  many  heads  of  families  of 
the  name  Bosley,  Bossley,  Bausley, 

As  for  the  Nevitts  there  is  less  to  be  said,  as  the  clue  is  still 
quite  indefinite.  Richard  Nevett  took  up  land  in  Md.  in  the 
17th  century.  ]\Iillisent  Nevett  witnessed  will  of  Andrew 
Wheatley,  St.  Mary's  Co.,  in  1693. 

The  Md.  census  for  1790  shows  Charles  Nevett,  John  Nevet, 
Jr.,  Joseph  Nevett,  Richard  Nevet,  Jr.,  and  William  Nevitt  in 
Prince  George,  St.  ]Mary's  and  Queen  Ann  Counties.  Hugh 
Nevett  makes  will  in  Va.  July  27,  1673.  He  mentions  brothers 
William,  Richard  and  Arthur  and  nephew  John  Nevett.  Hugh 
Nevett  patented  iSoo  acres  in  Rappahannock  Co.,  \'a.,  in  1664. 
A  William  Miles  Nevitt  lived  in  Fairfax  Co.,  Va.  (his  family 
was  intimate  with  the  Daniel  McCarty  family)  and  had  William 
Nevitt,  who  had  Elizabeth  Nevitt  wdio  in  1849  "id.  Rev.  J.  W. 
Kelley,  William  Nevitt,  son  of  Joseph  and  ]Mary  Nevitt,  was 
born  Sept,  3,  1718,  at  Mountrath,  Queen's  Co.,  Ireland.     He  set- 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  67 

tied  at  W'arringtun.  York  Co.,  Peniia.,  and  md  in  1753  to  Hannah, 
daughter  of  Peter  and  Sarah  Gilpin  Cook.  He  was  a  minister 
of  the  Quaker  Society.  He  died  Aug.  15,  1800,  without  issue. 
His  brother,  Thomas  Xevitt,  likewise  a  Friend,  md  in  1743  to 
Catharine,  daughter  of  Isaac  Steer  of  Lancaster  Co.,  Penna.,  and 
died  prior  to  1760,  leaving  son  Isaac  Xevitt,  who  removed  to 
Fairfax,  Loudoun  (sic)  Co.,  \'a.,  about  1765;  Mary  who  md 
Nov.  27,  T766.  to  W'm.  W'ickersham ;  Ruth  and  Elizabeth  Xevitt, 
who  in  about  i7()6-8  removed  to  Hopewell,  \'a.  Catharine  Steer 
Ncvitt's  brother,  John  Steer,  in  1749  removed  to  Fairfax  Co., 
Va. 

The  Dawson  family.  John  Crook's  family  Bible  states  that 
he  md  Xancy,  born  Feb.  15,  17S9,  third  child  of  John  and 
Hannah  Dawson.  John  Dawson  died  intestate  in  ]\Ieade  Co., 
Ky.,  prior  to  Apr.  i,  1S26.  Besides  X'ancy  they  had  also  James 
Dawson  who  md  Jemima,  daughter  of  Thomas  and  Elizabeth 
McCarty  (see  above)  ;  Middleton  Dawson  md  Nancy,  daughter 
of  Thomas  and  Elizabeth  !McCarty  (see  above)  ;  Artimesia  Daw- 
son md  Enos  Orear  McCarty,  son  of  Cornelius  and  Susaimah 
(see  above);  Rachel  Dawson  md  Thomas  Bennet ;  Priscilla 
\  Dawson  md  Josiah  Watts,  and  David  M.  Dawson,  deceased  De- 
fore  Mch.  6,  1S37;  and  as  his  share  was  one-eighth  part  of  the 
estate  of  John  Dawson,  there  was  probably  another  child  whose 
name  is  lost.  In  Meade  Co.,  Ky.,  in  Oct.,  1846,  Priscilla  Watts 
and  Artimesia  ^^IcCarty  were  proved  to  be  the  daughters  of  John 
Dawson,  deceased,  so  as  to  enable  them  to  be  the  beneficiaries  of 
the  estate  of  George  \"anlandigham,  deceased,  late  of  Wood- 
ford Co.,  Ky.,  according  ta  his  will. 

The  Lawson  family.  James  Lawson,  who  md  Mary  Crook 
(see  above),  was  born  Sept.  8,  1765,  in  Baltimore  Co.,  Md.  Fle 
was  the  son  of  John  Lawson,  who  md  Sarah  Harratt  in  St.  John's 
and  St.  George's  Parish  Nov.  15,  1764.  Some  old  papers,  in- 
cluding the  will,  pertaining  to  this  John  Lawson,  still  belong  to 
his  great-grandson,  Thomas  Lawson,  of  Louisville,  Ky.  The 
oldest  paper  shows  that  in  1767-8  he  was  acting  as  administrator 
of  the  estate  of  John  Lawson  deceased,  presumably  his  father. 
This  is  on  record  at  Annapolis,  where  his  bond  shows  date  Nov. 
14,  1767,  with  Joseph  Sutton  and  Joseph  Gruver  as  sureties. 


68  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

i 

The  parish  records  above  referred  to,  show  that  John  Law- 
son  and  Frances  his  wife,  had  daughter  Anne,  born  Nov.  9, 
1730;  Elizabeth,  born  Sept.  29,  1733;  and  son  Moses  Lawson, 
born  May  10,  1736.  Also  John  Law  and  Elizabeth  Lawson  were 
md  Nov.  14,  1748.  Thomas  Lawson  and  Ann  Herrington  were 
md  July  20,  1749.  John  Mayner  and  Mary  Lawson  were  nid 
Jan.  8,  1756.  Frances  Davis  Lawson,  daughter  of  James  and 
Mary  Crook  Lawson,  is  said  to  have  been  named  for  her  grand- 
mother. This  is  an  error.  Perhaps  she  was  named  for  her  great- 
grandmother,  identical  with  the  Frances  mentioned  above  as 
wife  of  John  Lawson.  Tradition  states  that  John  Lawson  who 
md  Sarah  Ilarratt  had  tv/o  sisters  who  md  brothers  named  Du- 
laney.  Dulaneys  a[)pear  in  St.  John's  and  St.  George's  Parish 
in  Baltimore  Co.,  i\ld.,  but  the  relationship  with  the  Lawsons  is 
not  as  yet  established.  In  same  records  appear  also  the  Plarratt 
and  Bosley  families. 

John  Lawson  moved  to  Fayette  Co.,  Ky.,  probably  in  1797, 
where  he  made  will  on  June  29,  1798,  probably  probated  soon 
after,  no  account  thereof  being  found  in  the  Lexington  C.  H. 
records,  which  were  destroyed  by  fire  in  1803.  The  will  itself 
is  extant  and  mentions  wife  Sarah  ;  son  James  (appointed  execu- 
tor) ;' Richard ;  Thomas;  David;  Moses  (whom  he  practically 
disowns)  ;  Walter,  and  daughters  Mary,  Rachael  and  Ann  Law- 
son.  John  Stonestreet,  Samuel  Galey  and  Thomas  Walters  wit- 
ness this  will.  Of  these  children  James  with  his  family  have  been 
accounted  for  above. 

David  Lawson,  son  of  John  and  Sarah,  md  late  in  life  to 
Catharine  ^Lay,  who  after  his  death  without  issue,  md  Dr.  Joseph 
Chinn  and  lived  to  be  more  than  100  years  old.  Nothing  is 
known  of  Richard  and  Thomas,  sons  of  John  and  Sarah  Lawson. 
Moses  Lawson,  born  Jan.  21,  1776.  ran  away  from  home  and 
md  Ann  Thomas  and  had  Horace  Lawson,  born  June  4,  1800, 
who  md  Martha  Alexander;  Louisa,  md  John  Hundley;  Dorie ; 
Thornton;  Washington;  and  Willis  Green  Lawson. 

Walter  T.  Lawson  son  of  John  and  Sarah,  was  born  1781-2, 
died  Mch.  17,  1836.  and  is  buried  at  Hopkinsville,  Ky.  He  md 
and  had   Frazier  Young,  born    1808,  died   1865,  md  Calloway; 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  69 

Granville  Herod  (-Harratt),  born  Mch  3,  1814,  died  Aug.  31, 
1866,  md  Sarah  J.  Holman ;  and  Amanda  Lavvson,  md  Dr. 
Calloway.  Of  the  daughters  of  John  Lawson,  it  is  said  that 
two  md  men  named  Wilson.  There  is  said  also  to  have  been  an- 
other son  of  John  and  Sarah  Lawson,  named  John,  but  if  so, 
he  probably  predeceased  his  father.  Among  the  old  papers  in 
the  possession  of  Thomas  Lawson,  of  Louisville,  Ky.,  referred 
to  above,  was  one,  now  lost,  but  remembered  as  connecting  a 
Capt.  John  Lawson  with  a  Dulaney.  Whether  this  Capt.  John 
was  the  one  who  md  Sarah  Harratt  or  his  supposed  son,  is  not 
certain.  A  receipt  for  sum  paid  by  John  Lawson  to  K.  Lawson, 
Clerk,  is  dated  1771.  Alexander  Lawson  of  "Baltimore  Town" 
on  the  Fatapsco,  advertises  in  the  Md.  Gazette,  May  27,  1746, 
in  regard  to  certain  lands  of  Daniel  Dulany.  John  Lawson  of 
Back  Neck  River,  Baltimore  Co.,  is  referred  to  in  the  Md. 
Gazette,  Oct.  18,  1745.  Alexander  Lawson  of  Baltimore  made 
will  Sept.  3,  1760,  probated  Mch,  1761,  wherein  he  mentions 
wife  Dorothy;  his  mother  (not  by  name);  his  brother  James; 
sister,  Mrs.  Logan  and  Mrs.  Robinson;  son  Alexander;  daugh- 
ters Isabella ;  Mary,  and  Rebecca. 

The  Harratt  family.  The  name  occurs  variously  spelled. 
It  is  undoubtedly  preserved  as  Herod,  in  the  name  of  Granville 
Herod  Lawson.  son  of  Walter.  The  St.  John's  and  St.  George's 
Parish  records,  of  Baltimore  Co.,  Md.,  refer  to  this  family  also. 
Ann  Harritt,  the  wife  of  Oliver  Harritt,  died  May  13,  1716. 
Oliver  Harrett  and  Susannah  Morrow  was  (sic)  married  Oct. 
13,  1717.  William  Cock  and  Susannah  Harriott,  married  June 
18,  1792.  And  the  marriage  of  John  Lawson  and  Sarah  Harratt 
already  given.  We  have  already  seen  the  names  of  Oliver 
Hareot  and  Walter  Bosley  appearing  in  the  same  land  transac- 
tion; also  that  Allen  Crook's  and  David  Hariott's  names  are 
juxtaposed  in  a  company  roll  from  Loudoun  Co.,  Va.,  in  1776. 
Oliver  Harriott  is  a  witness  of  the  will  of  John  Anderson, 
planter,  of  Baltimore  Co.,  Md.,  will  probated  Mch.  26,  171 1. 
He  is  probably  the  one  referred  to  in  the  sheriff's  books  of  Balti- 
more Co.,  Md.,  for  the  years  1762-3,  as  follows:  "Oliver  Har- 
riott's heirs.     To  Hunting  Quarter  50  acres." 


70  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


HISTORICAL  AND  GENEALOGICAL  NOTES. 

Grekntiow,  James. — There  is  in  the  Library  at  Norfolk  a 
curious  pamphlet,  being  the  graduating  address  of  James  Green- 
how  (Virginian)  at  tlie  University  of  Edinburgh.  It  is  in  Latin 
and  is  entitled,  "Disputatio  Medica  inauguralis  de  Dyspepsia," 
etc.,  1797.  There  are  two  dedications,  one  very  laudatory  to 
Dr.  Philip  Barraud,  of  Williamsburg,  and  another  to  the  author's 
brother,  Robert  Greenhow,  Gent.  Dr.  I'hilip  Barraud  afterwards 
resided  in  Norfolk,  and  Greenhow  seems  to  have  owed  his  early 
instruction  to  him. 

Virginia. — There  are  in  the  Library  at  Norfolk  two  quite 
interesting  books  on  X'irginia.  The  first  is  "Letters  from  \'ir- 
ginia  translated  from  the  French,"  by  George  Tucker,  though 
not  among  his  catalogued  works.  The  second  book  is  called 
"Practical  Pictures  of  America,"  time  179S-1S07,  the  places  Nor- 
folk and  Alexandria.  Mr.  Sergeant,  the  Librarian,  traces  the 
authorship  of  this  to  a  Mrs.  Ritson,  an  aunt  of  Robert  Barraud 
Taylor's  wife. 

Old  Clock. — ]Mrs.  Winston  Fearn  Garth,  of  Huntsville,  Ala- 
bama, writes  that  her  mother  has  a  grandfather  clock,  v.hich  has 
on  its  brass  face  the  words  "Joseph  Rothrock,  York  Town."  In- 
side the  case,  behind  the  works,  written  in  pencil  is  "Bought  by 
J.  M.  Ashby,  Fauquier  Co.,  Va.,  1805,  ^60." 

Walton,  William,  of  Botetourt  Co.,  Va.,  had  six  daughters 
and  one  son,  William  Leftwich  Walton.  Can  any  one  give  in- 
formation of  this  family  and  their  descendants? — Mrs.  Winston 
Fearn  Garth,  Hiintsiillc,  Alabama. 

Dr.  Walter  C.  Gardiner. — This  gentleman  made  his  will  in 
Northampton  County,  Virginia,  March  30.  181 5.  This  seems  to 
show  that  he  came  from  either  Rhode  Island  or  New  York.    He 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  71 

mentions  his  three  chiUlren  by  his  first  wife,  deceased,  daughter 
of  Thomas  Wickham,  of  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  viz.:  (i)  Mary 
S.  Pinckney,  "now  wife  of  Richard  Nottingham."  (2)  AngeHca 
Gilbert  Gardiner,  "living  from  infancy  and  provided  for,  as  I 
trust,  by  her  grandfather  Thomas  WTckhain  of  Newport,  Rhode 
Island."  {3)  Joseph  Wanton  Gardiner,  "a  cripple  of  12  years," 
now  being  educated  with  Capt.  John  Smith  in  Massachusetts,, 
"to  be  cared  for  by  his  present  wife  as  her  own  dear  child  until 
his  Rhode  Island  or  New  York  friends  can  claim  him."  He 
gave  all  his  property  in  Virginia,  consisting  of  personalty,  to  his 
second  wife,  Elizabeth,  and  his  daughters  by  her  viz.:  Emma 
and  Sarah.  He  desired  his  body  to  lie  in  the  same  grave'  with  his 
deceased  son  \'ictor,  his  coffin  "placed  on  the  top  of  my  coffin." 

Moody.— Mildred  bloody,  of  Williamsburg,  married  I.  Josiah 
Johnson,  professor  in  William  and  Mary  College.  II.  Jud-e 
Thomas  Evans,  who  won  one  of  the  Botetourt  medals  at  the 
College  in  1773.  He  resided  at  "Sunderland  Hall,"  Accomac 
County,  and  was  a  member  of  the  5th  and  6th  Congresses.^  He 
wrote  some  well  known  letters  under  the  name  of  "Tacitus." 
His  son,  Thomas  Moody  Evans  married  Eliza  Mary  White,  only 
child  of  General  Anthony  Walton  White,  aide  de  campe  to 
George  Washington,  and  member  of  the  order  of  the  Cincinnati. 
Mildred  :Moody  was  doubtless  a  descendant  of  Dr.  Giles  Mode, 
a  Frenchman,  who  settled  in  York  County  about  1650  and  whose 
name  was  anglocised  into  Moody. 

Queries  as  to  ^^Offutt"  and  "Gold  Mine  Billy  Smith.''— 
Information  wanted  as  to  Elizabeth  Offutt,  who  first  married 
Stephen  Lewis,  and  secondly  married  Col.  Wm.  Douglas,  of  Lou- 
doun Co.  Va.  He  died  in  1783.  Elizabeth  Ofifutt  Lewis  was  of 
Fairfax  Co.  Col.  Wm.  Douglas  came  to  Virgmia  from  Ayr. 
Scotland;  was  son  of  Hugh  Douglas  and  Catherine  Hume.  He 
was  Justice  of  the  Peace  and  High  Sheriff. 

My  second  inquiry  is  for  information  of  "Gold  Mine  Billy 
Smith"— name  taken  from  the  Gold  Mine  Parish  (I  think  Trinity 


72  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Parish),  where  his  father,  John  Suiith,  of  Louisa  County,  was 
magistrate  and  vestryman.  This  William  Smith  or  "Gold  Mine 
Billy  Smith"  married  Mary  Rodes,  and  emigrated  to  Kentucky. 
Farther  than  this  I  can  find  no  other  information,  and  would  be 
most  grateful  if  some  of  the  readers  of  the  Quarterly  could 
supply  me  with  data. — Mrs.  Lister  Witherspoon,  Versailles, 
Ky. 


Corrections. — In  the  January  Quarterly,  1914,  p.  217, 
Henry  R.  Pollard,  who  donated  the  "venerable  text  book"  to  the 
College,  is  referred  to  as  former  "Speaker  of  the  Hou>e  of  Dele- 
gates." Mr.  Pollard  was  a  very  prominent  member  of  the  House 
of  Delegates,  but  was  not  Speaker,  though  he  lost  the  election 
for  the  ofhcc  by  a  narrow  margin  twice. 

In  the  April  Quarterly,  1914,  p.  249,  under  the  head  of  "Old 
Usage  of  Words,"  by  Philip  AFexander  Bruce,  "]^Irs.  Mary 
Grant"  should  be  Mrs.  Mary  Gaunt. 


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Vol.  XXIII  OCTOBER,  1914.  No.  2 


MORGAN  AND  HIS  RIFLEMEN       • 

By  William  Waller  Edwards 
First  Lieutenant  of  Cavalry 

If  we  carefully  simmer  down  the  theories  and  precepts  of 
logistics,  strategy-  and  tactics,  stirring  occasionally,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  infallible  recipe  of  actual  experience,  two  very 
elementary  general  principles  will  continually  arise  to  the 
surface. 

The  first  is,  that  in  ever>'  successful  army  the  rank  and  file 
must  .show  themselves  fully  competent  under  all  adverse  con- 
ditions of  weather,  of  route,  of  shelter,  raiment  and  food,  to 
march  against  the  enemy  whithersoever  their  presence  may  be 
necessary.  For  only  in  this  way  does  the  opportunity  come  to 
make  effective  the  second  principle  which,  equally  essential,  is 
sometimes  called  the  final  test  of  a  soldier.  It  is  that  he  must 
he  able  to  outshoot  his  adversary  whenever  he  meets  him.  Ex- 
cellence in  these  two  cardinal  military  virtues  distinguished  the 
American  ritle  con:panies  of  the  Revolution. 

Within  a  few  months  after  the  first  shots  had  Been  fired  by 
the  minute  men  at  Lexington,  the  Continental  Congress  passed 
a  "resolve"  (June  14,  1775)  "That  six  companies  of  expert  rifle- 
men be  immediately  raised,  two  in  Pennsylvania,  two  in  Mary- 
land, and  two  in  Virginia;  that  each  company  as  soon  as  com- 
pleted shall  march  and  join  the  army  near  Boston." 

All  of  these  companies  except  that  of  Captain  Daniel  Mor- 
gan have  since  marched  with  unhampered  step  straight  into  the 


74  William   and  Mary  Quarterly 

depths  of  oblivion.  Six  hundred  good  English  miles  of  rough 
trail  lay  between  the  flourishing  seaport  of  Boston  and  the  little 
village  of  Winchester,  Frederick  County,  Virginia,  where  Morgan 
raised  his  first  company  of  rangers.  In  the  regrettably  brief 
sketch  of  his  military  career,  which  he  was  persuaded  to  attempt 
in  later  life,  he  says:  "I  was  appointed  a  captain  by  Congress 
on  the  22^  of  June,  1775,  to  raise  a  company  of  riflemen  and 
march  with  haste  to  Boston.  In  a  few  days  I  raised  ninety-six 
men,  and  set  out  for  Boston  reached  that  place,  in  twenty  one 
days  from  the  time,  I  marched,  bad  weather  included,  nor  did  I 
leave  a  man  behind." 

What  a  glow  of  pride  emanates  from  the  last  line !  And 
what  wonder,  v;hen  we  consider  that  this  notable  march  was 
made  with  practically  green  troops?  The  adjective  should,  how- 
ever, be  used  advisedly  and  only  in  its  most  restricted  military 
sense,  because  this  same  company  we  shall  presently  follow  in 
another  expedition  far  more  arduous,  comprising  hardships  suf- 
ficient to  strain  their  powers  of  endurance  almost  to  the  breaking 
point,  yet  sufficient  also  to  further  demonstrate  their  marching 
ability,  as  an  organization  of  the  best  seasoned  soldiers  in  the 
country.  These  green  troops  were  borderers  and  woodsmen,  with 
whom  "training  for  field  service"  was  interwoven  with  every 
incident  of  their  daily  lives. 

The  western  border  of  Virginia  presented  a  different  aspect 
from  that  of  the  sumptuous  manor  houses  and  smiling  baronial 
estates  lying  along  the  Potomac  and  James.  Beyond  the  Blue 
Ridge  the  traveler  might  steer  an  uncertain  course  for  miles 
through  a  forest  of  primeval  oaks  and  wide  spreading  elms,  the 
haunt  of  savages  and  wild  beasts,  before  he  caught  a  glimpse  be- 
tween the  tree  trunks  of  a  friendly  log  cabin.  Stooping  under  the 
rough  hewn  lintel  of  the  door,  he  perceived  as  he  entered  a  col- 
lection of  flint-lock  weapons,  spotlessly  clean  and  bright,  couched 
on  a  row  of  buckhorn  prongs  over  the  wide  fireplace.  They 
were  the  Lares  and  Penates  of  the  household.  On  the  farther 
peg  was  a  cow's  horn  of  ample  curvature,  that  hoarded  the 
precious  powder,  and  nearby  a  buckskin  pouch  in  which  were 
stowed  bullets  fresh  from  the  mold,  strips  of  tow  for  wadding, 


William  and   Mary  Quarterly 


75 


and    spare    flints    collected    in    rambles    along    the    neighboring 
streamlet.  , 

When  a  boy  was  given  a  rifle  a  certain  number  of  bullets  were 
counted  into  his  hand  and  he  was  expected  to  bring  back  as  many 
deer  or  wild  turkeys.  He  was  sent  into  the  woods  with  the  spare 
equipment  of  flint  and  steel  and  tomahawk  and  knife,  and  ex- 
pected to  build  a  hunter's  lean-to  camp  of  spruce  branches,  and 
subsist  himself  for  days  until  he  had  "laid  in"  a  supply  of  game. 
Or  he  was  put  on  picket  duty  to  give  warning  against  the  ever 
present  danger  of  an  Indian  attack,  wiiile  his  father  and  brothers 
performed  the  necessary  labor  of  breaking  the  ground  to  sow 
seed ;  and  in  addition  he  was  assigned  his  particular  loophole  in 
the  block  house,  which  from  the  time  he  was  old  enough  to  hold 
a  rifle  to  his  shoulder,  he  was  called  upon 
to  man  whenever  the  alarm  bell  summoned 
him.  From  such  seasoned  material  did 
Morgan  build  his  company.  The  arrival 
of  these  knights  of  the  wilderness  with 
their  buckskin  hauberks  and  Indian  battle 
axes,  the  first  troops  on  Continental  estab- 
lishment, occasioned  a  little  stir  of  excite- 
ment among  the  New  England  militia 
which  composed  the  beseiging  army  at, 
Cambridge,  many  of  whom  were  shop- 
keepers, not  overly  accustomed  to  practice 
with  firearms.  They  marveled  greatly  at 
the  Virginians'  display  of  marksmanship.  A  military  journal 
of  the  day  narrates  incidentally  that  "while  marching  at  quick 
step  they  could  hit  a  mark  seven  inches  in  diameter  at  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  yards."  A  Boston  historian  has  added  marvel- 
lously to  their  fame  by  ascribing  a  similar  feat  to  each  member 
of  the  company  at  the  double  quick. 

When  Captain  Morgan  reported  to  .  General  Washington, 
these  two  were  the  only  Southern  leaders  yet  arrived  upon  the 
scene  of  action.  Each  had  been  trained  in  the  same  rough  school 
of  frontier  v/arfare.  Washington  was  of  the  aristocracy,  while 
Morgan  could  claim  no  such  prestige,  being  of  obscure  plebian 


76  William   and  Mary  Quarterly 

birth.  As  a  youth,  he  had  run  away  through  the  woods  from 
his  father's  clearing  on  the  Jersey  shore  of  the  Delaware — an 
honest-faced,  overgrown  Welsh  boy,  strong  limbed  and  indus- 
trious. He  performed  the  first  task  he  obtained — that  of  "grub- 
bing" a  piece  of  Virginia  land — so  satisfactorily  that  from  that 
time  he  did  not  lack  for  employment.  He  was  given  work  as  a 
wagoner  by  the  overseer  of  Nathaniel  Burwell,  who  owned  a 
plantation  in  the  Valley,  and  in  this  capacity  he  delivered  sup- 
plies to  the  market  towns  until  by  his  thrift  he  was  enabled  to 
buy  a  wagon  and  team  of  his  own.  His  roving  nature  needed  no 
very  remunerative  offers  of  General  Braddock  to  induce  him  to 
enter  the  service  of  the  English  army  in  the  humble  capacity 
of  teamster  on  its  march  against  Fort  Duquesne.  While  Wash- 
ington, as  Braddock's  aide,  at  the  front  of  the  column  was  in- 
spiring the  demoralized  English  regulars  who  could  see  nothing 
to  shoot  at  but  rocks  and  trees,  Morgan,  in  rear,  was  bringing 
up  supplies  which  they  were  to  leave  behind  in  their  disgraceful 
flight.  "We  will  know  better  next  time  how  to  fight  them," 
was  the  feeble  utterance  of  the  dying  Braddock.  How  little  did 
his  successors  profit  by  his  mistaken  tactics,  or  by  his  last  admoni- 
tory words!  Braddock  died  in  vain,  for  the  foolish  formation 
he  employed  for  wilderness  warfare  still  continued  to  live  and 
flourish. 

Morgan's  wagon  was  one  of  the  train  which  drove  over  his 
unmarked  grave  in  the  wilderness  to  conceal  all  trace  of  it  from 
desecrating  savage  hands.  The  young  backwoodsman,  ere  his 
return,  felt  a  touch  of  English  discipline,  the  scars  of  which  he 
carried  to  his  grave.  For  a  breach  of  orders  a  British  officer 
struck  him  with  the  flat  of  his  sword,  and  the  high  spirited, 
Morgan  promptlv  stretched  him  senseless  on  the  ground  with 
one  blow  of  his  clenched  fist.  The  punishment  he  was  ordered 
to  receive  was  five  hundred  lashes  on  his  bare  back,  but  the 
drummer  of  the  company  who  was  charged  with  administering 
the  whipping  miscounted,  in  his  hurry  to  get  through  witli  itj 
and  the  offender  always  contended  that  he  was  indebted  to  King 
George  one  lash. 

Durinsr  th.e  two  decades  between  the  defeat  of  Braddock  and 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  y"] 

Lord  Dunmore's  war,  Morgan  took  more  than  his  incHvidual 
share  in  the  internecine  strife  along  the  borderland  of  the  Dlue 
Ridge.  In  the  wanton  campaign,  inaugurated  by  Lord  Dun- 
mOre,  the  last  colonial  governor  of  the  Old  Dominion,  against 
Chief  I^gan,  he  received  the  only  wound  he  ever  got  in  his  life. 
While  out  with  a  small  scouting  party,  he  was  shot  in  the  head 
from  ambush,  and  though  blinded  from  the  gush  of  blood,  he 
clung  with  grim  tenacity  to  the  neck  of  his  faithful  filly  until 
she  carried  him  safely  beyond  the  range  of  his  Indian  pursuers. 

Custom,  prior  to  the  Revolution,  among  the  backwoods  com- 
numity  where  he  lived,  made  the  Welsh  lad  a  frequenter  of 
taverns,  a  tippler  and  a  gamester,  and  excess  of  spirit  and  energy 
developed  him  into  a  formidable  border  pugilist.  Battletown 
was  the  name  given  to  the  scene  of  his  many  stirring  encounters, 
which  have  become  woven  into  local  tradition.  His  fight  with 
Big  Bill  Davis,  a  ruftian  among  border  folk,  was  won  not  so 
much  by  strength  as  by  good  judgment  and  the  mental  attitude 
of  never  knowing  when  he  was  beaten,  a  prime  characteristic  of 
a  successful  leader  of  men,  which  his  after  military  career  showed 
him  to  possess  to  the  highest  degree. 

He  reformed,  married  and  became  a  plain  and  rather  blunt 
backwoods  farmer,  concealing  beneath  his  rough  exterior  a 
kindly  heart,  admiring  courage  above  all  things,  devoting  him- 
self to  the  cultivation  of  some  land  he  had  acquired  by  hard 
labor  and  as  a  reward  for  military  services  in  various  Indian 
uprisings.  Up  to  the  time  he  was  twenty  years  old,  he  could 
not  write  so  that  anybody  but  himself  could  read  the  writing.  To 
overcome  his  illiteracy  he  studied  by  candle  light  at  home  under 
his  wife's  tutelage.  This  was  the  life  from  which  the  shots  at 
Lexington  roused  Morgan,  and  firing  his  martial  spirit,  sent  him 
to  Boston  at  the  head  of  his  company  of  riflemen. 

From  contemporaneous  accounts,  the  American  army  at  Bos- 
ton must  have  felt  toward  Sir  William  Howe  somewhat  as  the 
Lilliputian  host  did  toward  the  sleeping  Gulliver,  whom  thev 
tied  down  with  pack  thread.  When  the  English  military  giant  in 
the  present  instance  did  not  awake,  Morgan's  men  grew  de- 
cidedly restless.     They  pined  for  more  exciting  occupation  than 


78 


William   and  Mary  Quarterly 


that  of  handling  pick  and  shovel  in  digging-  parallels  and  ap- 
proaches. In  the  circumscribed  surroundings  of  a  besieger's 
camp,  tiiey  found  a  poor  substitute  for  the  unbounded  freedom 


THE    TWO    KOUTES    TO    QUEBEC 

to  which  they  had  been  accustomed.  When  an  expedition  to 
Quebec  was  broached  and  it  became  known  for  a  certainty  that 
two  rifle  companies  would  be  needed,  the  rivalry  was  so  keen 


William   and  Mary  Quarterly  79 

that  lots  had  to  be  cast  to  determine  which  they  should  be,  and 
great  was  the  rejoicing  among  Morgan's  men  when  the  lucky 
number  fell  to  their  share. 

The  idea  of  an  invasion  into  Canada  was  first  exploited  in 
a  letter  from  Schuyler  to  Washington,  though  shortly  afterwards 
Arnold  seems  also  to  have  suggested  it.  The  route  which 
Schuyler  proposed — from  Ticonderoga  up  the  Sorel,  past  Samt 
John's  to  Montreal,  and  thence  down  the  Saint  Lawrence— was, 
however,  a  far  easier  one  than  that  selected  by  Arnold  through 
the  Maine  wilderness.  Washington  approving  of  the  plan,  de- 
cided to  let  each  expedition  set  out,  the' one  under  Schuyler,  the 
other  under  Arnold,  the  two  to  meet  at  Quebec.  With  Arnold's 
column,  Morgan  led.  That  the  attack  upon  the  fortressed  city 
flashed  in  the  pan  was  in  no  way  their  fault,  nor  does  it  detract 
from  a  record  of  nerve  and  endurance  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri- 
can soldier,  which  has  scarcely  ever  been  equalled.  The  expe- 
dition wears  an  air  of  romance,  and  it  has  been  called  "chiv- 
alric."  Except  tliat  it  came  so  near  to  being  successful,  it  might 
very  properly  have  been  termed  foolhardy.  The  scheme  was 
built  upon  a  false  hypothesis ;  it  was  supposed  that  the  Canadians 
would  give  their  aid,  but  the  volatile  French  there  were  indif- 
ferent to  our  cause.  Independence  meant  nothing  to  them. 
Wolfe  had  decided  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham  that  Canada  should 
belong  to  England,  and  they  were  content  that  it  was  so.  It  is 
an  incongruity  nevertheless,  which  still  is  rather  surprising,  that 
through  the  apathy  of  the  French  we  lost  Canada  at  Quebec, 
and  through  the  enthusiasm  of  the  French  we  gained  our  inde- 
pendence at  Yorktown.  In  order  to  find  out  the  true  state  of 
feelinsT'  of  the  inhabitants  of  Canada  towards  us,  a  hardv  little 
band  of  eight  hundred  men  strapped  on  their  knapsacks  and 
braved  an  unbroken  wilderness  to  storm  a  walled  city  as  strong 
as  a  feudal  castle. 

Pushing  their  bateaux  against  the  turbid  current  of  the  Ken- 
nebec, they  started  in  September  of  the  year  1775.  Throtigh 
the  two  months  following  while  the  brief  northern  Indian  sum- 
mer disappeared  amid  the  chill  snows  of  November,  they  val- 
iantly toiled  forward  on  their  unknown  way,  now  in  the  water 


8o  William   and  Mary  Quarterly 

to  their  waists,  now  losing  their  bearings  aud  following-  some 
tributary  stre.i.m  for  clays  before  discovering  their  mistake ; 
portaging  their  boats  and  baggage  across  thick  woods,  where 
the  thorns  and  brambles  slashed  their  clothing  to  shreds  and 
were  left  crimson  with  their  blood;  through  deep  ravines  which 
saw  not  the  sunlight.  They  shot  the  rapids  of  the  Chaudiere, 
where  the  treacherous  rocks  gored  their  water-logged  craft,  and 
scattered  their  provisions  on  the  seething  tide.  From  one  of  the 
overturned  boats,  Morgan,  barely  escaping  death,  succeeded  by 
main  strength  in  dragging  ashore  with  him  the  money  chest 
which  Arnold  had  consigned  to  his  care.  They  were  always 
thinking  that  their  troubles  were  nearly  over  and  always  finding 
fresh  difficulties  along  their  route,  greater  than  those  they  had 
already  overcome.  There  were  some  of  the  band,  as  was  to  be 
expected,  who  gave  up  hope  and  returned,  but  the  proportion  was 
comparatively  small.  At  length  it  became  as  hazardous  to  turn 
back  as  to  go  forward. 

The  riflemen,  by  their  hunter's  skill,  brought  in  an  occasional 
moose  or  deer,  and  so  temporarily  replenished  their  rapidly 
diminishing  larder,  but  the  time  soon  arrived  when,  on  reaching 
a  deserted  Indian  encampment,  which  were  few  in  that  inhos- 
pitable region,  they  attacked  the  few  remnants  of  food  they 
found  scattered  about,  with  the  voracity  of  famished  wolves. 
The  sogg}'  flour,  all  that  remained  of  their  provisions,  was 
divided  equally,  and  yielded  five  pints  to  each,  and  after  that  was 
gone  they  boiled  their  moose  skin  moccasins  and  greedily  drank 
the  gruel. 

Arnold,  with  a  few  men,  paddled  ahead  in  birch  canoes,  and 
the  distant  lowing  of  some  Canadian  cattle  which  he  purchased 
and  sent  back,  was  the  most  welcome  sound  his  starving  forces 
had  ever  listened  to.  By  means  of  these  cattle  alone,  which  they 
devoured  raw  on  the  spot,  was  this  gaunt  and  hungry  crew  of 
adventurers  able  to  reach  the  Saint  Lawrence.  At  last  across 
the  river,  there  loomed  before  them  the  rocky  summits  of 
Quebec  the  goal  they  had  hungered  to  reach.  Stopping  only 
long  enough  to  collect  canoes  for  their  transit,  they  crossed  the 
river  one  dark  night,  passing  between  a  fleet  of  English  gun- 


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MORCAx's    TJIM-KMAN 


William  and  Map.v  Quarterly  8i 

boats,  landed  at  the  foot  of  Wolfe's  Cove  and  scaled  the  heights 
as  he  had  done  to  the  Plains  of  Abraham.  The  advanced  party 
of  ritlemen  then  took  possession  of  a  large  frame  house  a  short 
distance  off  from  the  edge  of  the  cliff,  which  being  tenantless, 
offered  them  a  convenient  and  necessary  shelter. 

Morgan's  enthusiasm,  upon  driving  in  the  enemy's  pickets, 
made  him  favor  very  strongly  an  immediate  entrance  into  the 
town.  The  plan  had  much  to  commend  it.  With  their  small 
numbers,  surprise  was  an  essential  element  to  their  success.  The 
suddenness  of  their  appearance  had  created  a  small  panic  in  the 
garrison,  while  the  Americans  were  inspired  by  the  gain  they  had 
already  achieved  ami  were  anxious  to  press  forward. 

Arnold,  on  the  other  hand,  who  had  visited  Quebec  previ- 
ously to  sell  horses  and  had  formed  a  regard  for  the  strength  of 
its  battlements,  was  emphatically  opposed  to  taking  unnecessary 
chances  without  knowing  more  definitely  what  garrison  there 
was  before  him.  His  other  subordinates  wavered  and  were 
divided  in  their  opinions.  Morgan's  rough  eloquence  had  almost 
carried  his  point,  when  the  moon  came  out — it  had  hitherto  been 
very  dark — and  lit  up  a  pathway  across  the  river,  and  the  boom 
of  a  shot  from  a  British  boat  reverberating  among  the  clitTs  be- 
tokened that  one  of  Arnold's  canoes  had  been  discovered  and 
fired  on,  with  the  result  that  the  sleeping  townspeople  were  pro- 
bably alarmed.  All  thoughts,  therefore,  of  taking  the  town  that 
night  were  perforce  abruptly  dismissed,  especially  as  they  had 
left  behind  them  their  scaling  ladders  and  must  now  await  a 
more  favorable  opportunity  to  bring  them  across. 

It  was  thereupon  agreed  to  await  the  arrival  of  Montgomery, 
who  had  taken  the  place  of  Schuyler,  when  the  latter  was  forced 
by  sickness  to  relinquish  the  command.  Montgomery  had  taken 
and  garrisoned  Montreal,  after  which  he  had  only  a  force  of  a 
couple  of  hundred  men  and  a  few  small  cannon  with  which  to 
push  on  to  Quebec,  but  small  though  it  was,  its  arrival  was  as 
lustily  cheered  as  if  it  had  been  a  great  army. 

Arnold  had  made  a  parade  of  his  tattered  forces  before  the 
walls,  and  sent  flags  of  truce  which  were  treated  with  disgusted 
contempt.    He  had  also  sent  arrows  ensheathed  in  enticing  mes- 


82  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

sages  into  the  streets,  hoping  that  he  might  lure  the  French 
Canadians  into  his  fold ;  but  to  no  avail.  Montgomery's  first 
act  was  to  dispatch  a  flag  of  truce  and  demand  surrender,  but 
his  message  received  the  same  cavaHer  treatment  that  had  been 
bestowed  upon  Arnold's.  Winter  was  upon  them,  and  it  became 
evident  that  if  they  were  to  occupy  the  comfortable  quarters  in 
Quebec  upon  which  they  gazed  with  wistful  eyes,  an  immediate 
and  decisive  attack  was  imperative. 

There  were  three  methods  by  which,  under  ordinary  condi- 
tions, an  attack  might  be  made :  One  was  by  digging  parallels 
and  approaches.  This  he  could  not  do  in  the  frozen  ground, 
and,  indeed,  it  would  have  been  found  difficult  even  in  summer, 
owing  to  their  lack  of  suitable  tools.  Another  was  by  completely 
surrounding  the  place  and  cutting  off  the  enemy's  supplies  and 
reinforcements ;  but  this  method  was  equally  out  of  the  question, 
for  the  American  force  was  inadequate  and  the  avenues  of  ap- 
proach too  numerous  to  be  guarded.  IMuch  as  Montgomery, 
should  have  liked  to  prevent  him,  Carleton  had  already  slipped 
in  and,  a  host  in  himself,  his  assumption  of  command  within 
the  beleaguered  town  had  gone  far  to  restore  order  out  of  chaos. 

The  third  alternative  was  to  attempt  an  assault.  The  British 
long  range  defense  guns  were  rendering  the  crude  American  em- 
placements untenable.  Morgan's  sharpshooters  crept  up  daily  with 
grim  perseverance  behind  rocks  and  hillocks  to  pick  off  the 
most  exposed  of  Carleton's  sentinels  on  the  walls.  The  young 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Americans  carefully  weighed  his 
chances,  and  decided  that  the  assault  offered  the  greatest  chance 
of  victory,  and  the  enlistment  of  many  of  his  men  would  ex- 
pire with  the  old  year,  it  was  not  to  be  delayed.  The  lower  town 
being  projected  between  two  rivers  was  shaped  like  a  heel,  and 
like  that  of  Achilles  the  one  vulnerable  spot,  and  the  night  of  the 
first  snow  storm  the  blow  was  to  be  struck  in  that  quarter. 

On  New  Year's  eve,  1776,  two  columns  prepared  to  move. 
That  led  by  Montgomery,  and  composed  of  New  York  troops, 
m.oved  silently  along  the  Saint  Lawrence  around  Cape  Diamond ; 
Arnold's  men  along  the  Saint  Charles,  to  attack  the  town 
at    its    northwestern    extremity.       The     ice     thrown     up     from 


William  and  Mary   Quarterly  83 

the  river  afforded  but  a  narrow,  uncertain  path,  over  which  they 
slid  and  stumbled  in  Indian  file.  Morgan's  riflemen  were  again 
in  the  lead,  carrying  the  necessary  scaling  ladders  and  armed' 
with  espontoons  or  spears  in  addition  to  their  long  ritles,  which 
they  protected  from  the  dampness  as  best  they  could  beneath 
the  skirts  of  their  hunting  frocks.  Bravely  bringing  up  the 
rear  was  their  only  piece  of  ordnance — how  pathetically  inade- 
quate it  seems ! — a  cannon  dragged  upon  a  sled  by  Captain 
Lamb's  artillery  company.  It  was  soon  deeply  buried  in  a  hill 
of  snow  and  had  to  be  abandoned. 

At  the  first  barricade  that  jutted  half  across  their  way — the 
rock  of  Sault  au  Matelot — Arnold  received  a  musket  ball  in  the 
leg  and  was  borne  to  the  rear.  His  field  officers  reflected  credit 
on  their  disinterested  judgment  by  electing  Captain  Morgan  on 
the  spot  to  fill  his  place,  because  he  had  seen  service  while  they 
had  not. 

Observing  that  the  men  behind  him  were  huddled  together 
and  made  a  fine  target  for  the  enemy  at  point  blank  range,  he 
urged  them  forward  with  a  voice  that  rose  clear  and  distinct 
above  the  northeast  gale.  For  fear  the  business  might  not  be 
executed  with  spirit,  he  seized  a  scaling  ladder  at  the  next  bar- 
rier and  was  the  first  to  climb  to  the  top  of  the  wall,  only  to  fall 
stunned  by  the  concussion  of  a  cannon  which,  aimed  a  trifle 
high,  was  fired  over  his  head.  The  second  gun  flashed,  and  be- 
fore the  third  could  be  touched  off  he  was  on  his  feet,  and  with 
face  begrimed  with  the  powder  of  tlie  first  discharge,  he  had 
alighted  upon  the  muzzle,  lost  his  footing  and  fallen  underneath 
it,  where  his  followers  warded  off  a  circle  of  British  bayonets 
aimed  at  his  breast.  The  guard  being  quickly  overpowered,  the 
backwoodsmen  and  their  indom.itable  leader,  panting  from  their 
exertions,  reached  the  gate  in  the  centre  of  the  town,  where  they 
were  to  meet  Montgomery.  They  had,  many  of  them,  discarded 
their  own  weapons,  useless  from  contact  with  the  snow,  and 
replenished  the  loss  with  those  of  sixty  prisoners  taken  on  the 
way.  They  found  the  gate  unbarred  and  the  poople  fleeing  be- 
fore them  like  frightened  sheep.  The  combatative  blood  of 
Morgan  was  at  fever  heat,  but  the  counsel  of  his  brother  ofl?i- 


84  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

cers — those  whom  he  had  superceded  in  command — warned  him 
that  to  advance  further  at  that  time  would  be  to  both  disobey 
orders  and  sin  against  discretion.  It  would  not  only  destroy 
Montgomery's  plan  of  the  attack,  but  they  would  be  compelled 
to  leave  their  prisoners  unguarded  in  their  rear.  Montgomery 
was  at  that  very  moment  lying  where  his  aide,  the  stripling 
Aaron  Burr,  had  left  him  in  his  winding  sheet  of  snow,  and  the 
officer  upon  whose  hesitating  shoulders  the  mantle  of  command 
had  fallen,  did  not  possess  the  stamina  called  for  by  the  critical 
moment,  succeeding  the  sudden  blinding  repulse,  to  rally  his 
bewildered  and  disheartened  men.  Had  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
riflemen  been  general,  the  failure,  which  most  of  our  historians 
dislike  to  dwell  upon,  would  not  have  been  so  abject  as  to  need 
their  charity.  Had  he  known  of  the  defeat  and  death  of  his 
gallant  commander  in  time,  Morgan  might  possibly  have  cap- 
tured the  lower  town  unaided!  His  men  were  never  properly 
supported.  The  New  England  troops  in  his  rear  had  lost  their 
way  in  the  dark  streets,  made  still  more  opaque  by  the  fast  flying 
flakes.  In  disguise  he  went  up  to  the  edge  of  the  upper  town, 
accompanied  only  by  an  interpreter,  and  convincing  himself  that 
there  was  small  resistance  and  anything  was  better  than  inaction 
in  the  bitter  cold  which  cut  through  their  buckskin  garments  like 
a  knife,  he  returned  and,  snatching  a  rifle  from  a  soldier  near 
him,  called  for  volunteers  to  go  forward.  Their  moccasined 
feet  crunched  the  snow  with  rhythmic  tread.  But  the  oppor- 
tunity had  flown.  Every  churcli  bell  in  the  town  had  rung  an 
alarm.  Lights  twinkled  above  them  from  all  the  windows  as 
they  passed.  They  were  waylaid  in  the  shadows  below.  Here 
scaling  a  barrier,  there  attacking  a  house,  they  pushed  onward, 
until  they  could  go  no  farther.  They  were  isolated,  surrounded 
and  alone.  Two  hundred  of  Arnold's  party  had  been  captured ; 
the  rest  had  either  retreated  or  sought  refuge  against  the  cold 
in  the  houses  from  which  neither  Morgan's  entreaties  or  British 
bullets  could  dislodge  them.  The  enemy  were  now  reinforced 
twofold.  It  became  with  the  Americans  a  clear  case  of  each 
man  for  himself.  They  saw  their  chief — a  bearded  giant  in 
stature  and  strength,  weighing  two  hundred  pounds  and  stand- 


William   and  Mary  Quarterly  85 

ing  six  feel  in  his  moccasins— backed  against  a  wall  like  a  lion 
at  bay,  and  for  a  time  defying  capture.  In  sheer  vexation  of 
spirit,'  he  is  said  to  have  wept  like  a  child.  A  priest  stepped  up 
and  took  his  sword  while  he  stood  vowing  that  no  one  else  in 
the  crowd  about  him  should  take  it  from  his  grasp. 

A   British  officer,   who  visited  the  convent  prison  where  the 
Americans  were  subsequently  confined,  spoke  the  truth  in  saying 
that  Daniel   Morgan  had  done  all  that  lay  within  the  reach  of 
human  endeavor.     He  came  as  an  emissary  from  Carleton  to  see 
the  Virginian   captive,    who  had   been   one   of   his   comrades   in 
Fontiac's  War,  to  give  him  not  only  praise,  but  friendly  advice. 
"As  the  Continental  cause  is  hopeless,"  he  counseled,  "Accept  a 
colonelcy  in  the  English  service."     How  typical  of  his  ardent  and 
unreckoned  patriotism  was  Morgan's  abrupt  reply !    "Do  not  m- 
sult  me  again,"  he  defiantly  growled,  "in  my  present  helpless  con- 
dition."   Finding  that  his  prisoners  would  not  purchase  freedom 
at  that  price,  the  clemency  of  Governor  Carleton  yielded  to  a  i>eti- 
tion,  and  striking  off  their  chains— the  consequence  of  a  fruitless 
effort  to  escape— he  sent  them  home  on  parole  until  exchanged ; 
while  Arnold,  as  soon  as  he  was  able  to  hobble  about  on  crutches, 
seized  his  desperate  pen  and  wrote  Washington  that  he  could 
not  expect  to  take  Quebec  with  less  than  five  thousand  men. 
******* 
A   communication    from   Washington's    headquarters    offered 
Morgan  upon  his  return  the  command  of  a  rifle  regiment,  with 
the  rank  he  had  refused  in  the   British  service,   so  soon   as  he 
should  be  exchanged,  but  enjoined  strict  secrecy,  alleging  that 
did  the   British  know  what  was  on  foot  they  would   demand  a 
field  ofticer  in  exchange,  and  it  would  be  difficult  to  muster  an 
English  captive  officer  wearing  that  msignia. 

His  exchange  having  been  effected  without  having  to  face 
the  foreboded  embarrassment,  he  became  a  colonel  of  riflemen 
at  the  age  of  forty,  and  forthwith  received  an  order  to  put  his 
regiment  in  the  field  before  the  ink  on  his  commission  was  thor- 
oughly dry  or  the  recruiting,  even  with  the  "turn,  he  had  for  it," 
had  been  completed. 


S6  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

The  loyalty  of  his  men  was  displayed  when  those  who  had 
faced  the  snows  of  Quebec  with  him,  unless  incapacitated,  joined 
his  ranks  to  a  man.  They  needed  no  persuasion  nor  did  they 
require  other  recommendation.  For  the  others,  the  principal 
requirements  were  that  they  could  use  their  rifles— that  they 
had  gained  some  local  celebrity  at  backwoods  shooting"  matches. 
could  snuff  a  candle  or  bark  a  squirrel  in  two  out  of  three  trials, 
and  were  equal  to  the  Indians  in  woodcraft.  There  was  no 
tune  wasted  in  equipping  them.  Each  man  brought  his  own  long 
rifled  flintlock,  his  powder  horn  and  bullet  pouch ;  also  those 
weapons  of  last  resort  in  frontier  warfare,  the  long  bladed  knife 
and  the  keen  edged  tomahawk.  Neither  did  their  uniforms  cost 
Congress  a  Continental  dollar.  Their  linsey-woolsey  hunting 
shirts  were  the  product  of  their  own  spinning  wheels  and  looms, 
and  their  buckskin  leggins  and  moccasins,  likewise  home  made', 
were  smoke  tanned  after  the  manner  of  the  Indians,  and  fringed 
to  suit  their  individual  tastes  in  the  matter  of  adornment.  The 
deficit  in  their  numbers  was  soon  made  up  from  the  army  at 
large,  as  it  had  become  the  fashion  in  the  American  army  for 
many  of  the  regiments  to  have  at  least  one  rifle  company. 

Washington  at  first  sent  Morgan's  corps,  five  hundred  strong, 
to  Philadelphia;  then  changed  the  order  and  dispatched  him 
northward  to  help  Gates  against  Burgoyne,  whose  Indians  were 
raising  visions  in  people's  minds  of  the  fate  of  Deerfield  and 
Schenectady.  In  a  letter  to  Colonel  Morgan,  Washington  said : 
"The  approach  of  the  enemy  in  that  quarter  (the  north)  has 
made  a  further  reinforcement  necessary,  and  I  know  of  no  corps 
so  likely  to  check  their  progress,  in  proportion  to  its  number,  as 
that  under  your  command,"  and  to  General  Gates  he  wrote: 
"I  have  despatched  Colonel  Morgan  and  his  corps  of  riflemen 
to  your  assistance  .  .  .  This  corps  I  have  great  dependence 
on  and  have  no  doubt  they  will  be  exceedingly  useful  to  you  as 
a  check  given  to  the  savages  and  keeping  them  within  proper 
bounds,  will  prevent  General  Burgoyne  from  getting  intelligence 
as  formerly,  and  animate  your  other  troops  from  a  sense  of 
their  being  more  on  an  equality  with  the  enemy."  General  Put- 
nam was  instructed  to  have  sloops  at  Peekskill,  ready  to  trans- 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  87 

port  them  and  provisions  laid  in  that  they  might  not  wait  a 
minute.  Gates,  upon  their  arrival,  further  increased  their 
strength  by  draughting  one  subaltern,  one  sergeant,  one  cor- 
poral and  fifteen  picked  men  from  each  regiment  of  his  com- 
mand to  serve  with  the  ritie  corps,  which  were  to  receive  orders 
only  from  the  commander-in-chief. 

It  was  not  against  the  Indians  however  that  they  were  des- 
tined to  employ  their  own  peculiar  tactics.  At  the  battle  of  Free- 
man's Farm,  after  driving  in  the  Canadian  pickets,  we  see  them 
arrayed  against  the  flower  of  Burgoyn^'s  army.  The  country 
there  upon  his  right  flank  was  thick  and  rugged,  and  the  fron- 
tiersmen, veritable  wood  folk,  soon  faded  into  the  sombreness 
of  the  forest  and  became  indistinguishable  from  the  tree  trunks. 
"Tempted  by  the  firing,"  says  Wilkinson  in  his  memoirs,  "I 
found  a  pretext  to  visit  the  scene  of  strife.  ...  I  crossed 
an  angle  of  the  field,  leaped  a  fence  and  just  before  me  on  a 
ridge  saw  Lieut.-Colonel  Butler  with  three  men,  all  treed.  From 
him  I  learned  they  had  caught  a  Scotch  prize ;  that  having  forced 
the  picket,  they  had  closed  with  the  British  line,  had  been  in- 
stantly routed  and  from  the  suddenness  of  the  shock  and  the 
natur,e  of  the  ground,  were  broken  and  scattered  in  all  directions. 
Returning  to  the  camp  to  report  to  the  General,  my  ears  were 
saluted  with  an  uncommon  noise,  when  I  approached  and  per- 
ceived Colonel  Morgan,  attended  by  two  men  only,  and  who 
with  a  turkey  call  was  collecting  his  dispersed  troops."  A  wmg 
bone  of  a  wild  turkey  for  a  bugle !  The  Colonel  himself  sounding 
the  call!  In  doing  so,  he  was  employing  the  decoy  notes  which 
Indians  sometimes  used  to  tempt  settlers  to  their  doom.  To  the 
ears  it  'was  intended  to  reach,  the  sound  would  convey  as  much 
meaning  as  the  rattle  of  a  drum,  while  to  those  of  their  adver- 
saries it  only  blended  with  the  other  queer  noises  of  the  woods. 
What  more  effective  means  of  assembly  could  he  have  possibly 
devised? 

Burgovne,  bewildered  like  Braddock  by  an  unseen  foe,  also 
ordered  the  thickest  portion  of  the  woodland  from  whence  the 
shots  were  coming  fast  and  furiously,  to  be  cleared  with  the 
bayonet.     Although   his   order   was   obeyed   with   more   alacrity 


88  William  and  AIary  Quarterly 

than  Braddock's.  the  foe  they  reckoned  with  was  not  now  an 
array  of  breech-clouted  savages  led  by  a  few  audacious  French- 
men, as  at  Duqnesne.  The  riflemen  returned  like  a  swarm  of 
mosquitoes  and  stung  more  angrily  than  before.  A  brigade  was 
sent  to  their  assistance,  and  then  four  more  regiments,  and  as 
the  shadows  lengthened,  the  ritle  corps  tenaciously  held  their 
ground  in  spite  of  the  frantic  efforts  of  the  British  to  advance, 
while  eleven  thousand  American  troops  remained  in  camp  by 
Gates'  orders  as  idle  onlookers. 

Several  days  afterwards  Lieutenant  John  Hardin  of  Morgan's 
regiment,  in  making  a  reconnaissance  around  the  British  rear, 
shot  an  Indian  on  the  summit  of  a  high  ridge.  Hidden  away  in 
^is  shot  pouch  was  a  carefully  folded  scrap  of  paper  addressed 
to  Brigadier-General  Powell  at  Ticonderoga.  "We  have  had  a 
very  smart  and  honorable  action,"  it  said,  "and  are  now  en- 
camped in  front  of  the  field,  which  must  demonstrate  our  vic- 
tory.'' It  was  the  most  that  Burgoyne  could  boast  of !  On  the 
day  of  the  battle  of  Bemis  Heights,  when  Wilkinson  dismounted 
at  General  Gates'  tent  to  report  the  British  advancing  against 
their  works.  Gates  took  but  a  moment  to  review  in  his  mind's 
eye  the  troops  upon  which  he  must  depend  for  the  crucial  test, 
and  he  expressed  the  only  order  he  gave  that  day  in  a  single 
concise  sentence:  "Well  then,"  he  said,  "order  out  Morgan  to 
begin  the  game." 

The  advice  of  ]\Iorgan,  previously  given,  that  both  British 
flanks  should  he  attacked  simultaneously,  was  prompted  as  usual 
by  a  frontiersman's  instinct  of  the  advantages  of  cover,  tlardly 
a  vestige  of  this  region  along  the  upper  reaches  of  the  Hudson 
was  forestless  except  where  it  was  made  so  by  the  keen  edge  of 
the  pioneer's  axe.  A  green  sea  of  verdure  inundated  the  long 
white  serpentine  line  of  British  tents  at  either  extremity,  and 
again  the  riflemen  disappeared  into  its  depths,  partially  emerging 
therefrom  upon  a  sparsely  wooded  ridge,  where,  with  powder 
charges  carefully  measured  and  rammed  home  and  flints  picked 
and  adjusted,  they  lay  down  and  listened  for  the  distant  firing 
cf  Learned's  briga'Je,  wliich  was  to  be  the  signal  for  attack. 
A-.r"in  tlic\-  struck  the  British  ri^lit  and  were  greeted  bv  a  '"ter- 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  89 

rible  discharge  of  musket  balls  and  grape  which  made  havoc 
with  the  trees  over  their  heads."  "The  enemy  had  great  num- 
bers of  marksmen,"  remarked  General  Burgoyne,  "armed  with 
ritle  barreled  pieces.  They  hovered  on  our  flank  and  were  very 
expert  in  securing  themselves  and  shifting  their  ground."  Never 
was  there  a  rift  in  the  smoke  clouds  from  the  British  guns  that 
officers  did  not  fall  in  this  portion  of  Burgoyne's  line.  General 
Phillips'  aide,  in  delivering  a  message  to  the  commander-in-chief, 
fell  from  his  richly  caparisoned  saddle,  which  was  probably  mis- 
taken for  that  of  Burgoyne  himself,  who,  though  several  balls 
went  through  his  hat  and  clothing,  passed  through  the  rain  un- 
scathed. General  Frazier's  iron  grey  horse  was  grazed  by  a 
bullet  which  cut  the  crupper,  and  another  severed  a  lock  of  his 
mane.  Unheeding  the  warning,  his  Scotch  rider  received  a 
mortal  v/ound,  and  his  fall  "was  a  death  blow  to  his  corps."  The 
huddled  artillery  horses  were  shot  in  their  traces  and  the  can- 
noneers at  their  posts. 

The  brunt  of  the  defense  here  on  Burgoyne's  right  fell  on 
Balcarras'  Light  Infantry,  who  fought  in  compact,  conspicuous 
masses,  and  were  prone  to  fire  by  volley.  The  brunt  of  the  at- 
tack was  borne  throughout  the  day  by  the  Light  Infantry  of 
Morgan,  v/hose  loose  lines  were  diametrically  opposed  to  Euro- 
pean methods,  but  whose  every  soldier,  believing  the  fate  of  the 
country  rested  upon  him  alone,  required  a  certain  amount  of 
elbow  room  to  fight  it  out  his  own  way.  The  British,  scorning 
to  take  shelter,  w'ere  at  first  posted  in  front  of  their  own  in- 
trenched lines.  They  were  towards  evening  compelled  to  quit 
their  ground,  and  Lord  Balcarras  was  put  to  the  humiliation  of 
attempting  to  repel  an  onslaught  by  Morgan  and  his  men  upon 
his  own  camp — one  of  the  few  instances  that  day  in  which  the 
British  line  was  actually  pierced. 

"If  there  can  be  any  person,"  magnanimously  asserts  General 
Burgoyne  in  his  review  of  the  evidence  taken  before  the  British 
House  of  Commons,  "who,  considering  that  circumstance  and 
the  positive  proof  of  the  subsequent  obstinacy  in  the  attack  on 
the  post  of  Lord  Balcarras,  .  .  .  continue  to  doubt  that  the 
Americans  possess  the  quality  and  faculty  of  fighting  (call  it  by 


90  William   and  Mary  Quarterly 

whatever  term  you  please),  they  are  of  a  prejudice  that  it  would 
be  very  absurd  longer  to  contend  with." 

Washington  learned  of  these  things  not  from  Gates,  but  in 
a  letter  from  General  Putnam.  Gates  sent  his  Adjutant-General 
Wilkinson  to  report  to  Congress  at  Yorktown,  where  it  had  been 
reconvened  after  evacuating  Philadelphia  upon  the  approach 
of  Sir  William  Howe.  In  his  voluminous  report  Gates  gave 
neither  Morgan  nor  Arnold  the  credit  they  deserved., 

Through  an  indiscreet  remark  let  fall  by  Wilkinson  on  his 
slow  journey  to  Yorktown,  it  had  already  become  known  that 
Gates  was  planning  to  displace  Washington  and  to  rise  upon  the 
ruin  of  his  reputation.  His  attempt  to  convert  Morgan, 
however,  showed  that  he  misjudged  the  character  of  the 
man  completely.  His  argument  was  as  vain  as  the  force 
of  the  wind  against  some  forest  oak.  "Under  no  other  com- 
mander than  General  Washington,"  was  Morgan's  indignant 
reply,  "will  I  ever  serve."  A  coolness  arose  between  them,  and 
from  a  banquet  given  in  the  tent  of  Gates  to  General  Burgoyne 
and  his  officers,  Morgan  was  conspicuously  absent.  A  health 
was  proposed  to  General  Washington  on  that  occasion,  but  it 
was  not  by  the  host,  and  it  must  have  been  drunk  by  him  with 
a  very  poor  grace. 

As  for  Morgan's  patriotism  and  loyalty,  Washington  amply 
repaid  it  by  the  most  steadfast  confidence.  After  the  battle  of 
Freeman's  Farm  he  had  written  Gates  that  if  he  were  so  for- 
tunate as  to  have  forced  General  Burgoyne  to  return  to  Ticon- 
deroga,  he  must  send  Morgan  back  to  him,  as  he  was  in  great 
need  of  his  services.  Gates'  laconic  reply  was  that  he  could  not 
think,  under  the  circumstances  (while  the  two  armies  sat  glaring 
at  each  other),  of  sparing  the  corps  General  Burgoyne  was  most 
afraid  of.  After  Saratoga,  however,  there  was  no  excuse  for 
.his  failure  to  comply  with  Washington's  continued  request:  and 
yet  j\rorgan  was  not  sent  until  Alexander  Hamilton  was  de- 
spatched with  peremptory  orders  that  his  march  was  not  to  be 
further  hindered. 

In  the  fightmg  around  Philadelphia,  the  rifle  corps  rendered 
as  signal  service  as  they  had  done  during  the  retreat  across  the 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  91 

[  Jerseys  previous  to  their  journey  north.     "I  never  saw  men," 

says  La  Fayette,  "so  merry,  so  spirited  and  so  desirous  to  go  on 
to  the  enemy,  whatever  force  they  might  have."  It  had  been 
originally  planned  by  Washington  to  have  them  do  reconnois- 
sance  duty,  and  they  were  to  have  been  furnished  with  espon- 
toons  or  pikes  like  those  they  had  used  at  Quebec,  the  present 
need  of  them  being  to  ward  against  unexpected  attack  of  the 
mounted  troops  to  which  their  duties  would  likely  expose  them. 
These  weapons,  sharing  the  fate  of  other  munitions  of  war  des- 
tined for  the  Americans,  were  unconscionably  slow  in  arriving, 
and  in  an  order  to  Morgan  instructions  were  philosophically 
added  that  in  the  meantime  he  was  to  keep  out  of  the  cavalry's 
way. 

Morgan  complains  bitterly,  in  one  of  his  letters,  of  the  broken 
down  horses  which  had  been  attached  to  his  command,  most  of 
which  could  not  be  goaded  into  a  gallop,  and  as  a  terse  argument 
in  favor  of  obtaining  better  ones,  gave  expression  to  the  military 
aphorism  that  "cavalry  are  the  eyes  of  the  infantry." 

Before  the  battle  of  Monmouth  the  British  laid  a  trap  for 
Morgan  primed  with  what  they  considered  an  irresistible  bait. 
They  sent  into  his  camp  a  pretended  deserter  who  described  in 
glowing  terms  a  most  wonderful  opportunity  to  surprise  them. 
The  man's  tale  was  plausible ;  the  surprise  harmonized  with 
Morgan's  methods.  He  listened  with  apparent  eagerness  and 
seemed  to  acquiesce  in.  the'  proposal.  He  began  at  once  to  pre- 
pare his  men  for  the  attack,  and  when  all  was  quite  ready  the 
Briton  slipped  back  to  his  own  lines  to  assure  them  that  their 
plot  was  successful.  Preparations  for  an  annihilating  reception 
were  made  for  Morgan's  "surprise,"  but  instead  of  at  the  desig- 
nated spot,  the  crack  of  his  rifles  was  heard  at  another  distant 
and  entirely  unexpected  quarter,  and  the  poor  spy  was  left  hang- 
ing to  the  branches  of  the  nearest  tree  as  a  punishment  for  his 
presumed  treachery. 

Sir  William  Howe  had  spent  a  pleasant  winter  in  Philadel-" 
phia,  but  the  city  being  of  no  stragetic  value  as  a  base,  it  was 
abandoned   at   the  beginning  of   summer  and   the   British   army 


92  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

retraced  their  steps  towards  New   York,  while  the  Continental 
Congress  again  sat  in  Liberty  Hall. 

Congress  treated  Morgan  as  it  had  treated  otliers  who  had 
given  their  best  to  their  country.  His  services  were  not  recog- 
nized. He  was  passed  over  without  receiving  the  promotion 
which  his  valor  and  patriotism  plainly  merited.  Weakened  in 
body  because  of  the  terrific  hardships  he  had  encountered  on  the 
way  to  Quebec,  and  sick  in  mind  from  seeing  others  less  worthy 
advanced  over  his  head,  he  journeyed  to  Philadelphia  to  submit 
to  Congress  the  resignation  of  his  commission.  Despite  his  car- 
rying with  him  an  eulogistic  letter  from  Washington,  his  resig- 
nation was  promptly  accepted,  and  Morgan  retired  to  the  Shen- 
andoah farm  he  had  named  Saratoga  in  honor  of  the  field  he 
had  helped  to  glorify  and  on  which  had  been  fought  "the  battle 
of  the  husbandmen." 

In  the  case  of  Morgan  the  transition  from  soldier  to  hus- 
bandman and  from  husbandman  to  soldier  was  neither  a  sudden 
nor  striking  one.  Stark  had  resigned  under  somewhat  similar 
circumstances,  but  Morgan  was  more  magnanimous  than  Stark. 
With  ever  a  keen  interest  and  insight  in  military  matters,  when 
he  observed  that  affairs  in  the  South,  whither  his  old  commander, 
Gates,  had  been  sent,  began  to  wear  a  gloomy  aspect,  he  decided 
his  pride  must  be  subservient  to  his  patriotism.  He  at  first  held 
out  against  going  back  into  the  service  with  his  old  rank  of 
Colonel,  but  the  news  of  Gates  overwhelming  defeat  at  Camden 
silenced  forever  all  personal  considerations,  and  in  the  fall  of 
1780  he  set  out  for  North  Carolina,  where  General  Nathaniel 
Greene  was  striving  to  recuperate  the  army  which  the  selfish 
ambition  of  Gates  had  so  nearly  ruined. 

A  "resolve"  of  Congress  that  Colonel  Daniel  Morgan  be  and 
hereby  is  appointed  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General  in  the  army 
of  the  United  States"  out  traveled  him,  and  was  waitinsf  to  ereet 
him  at  Camp  Hillsboro  where  he  joined. 

Greene  had  two  thousand  men,  of  whom  but  eight  hundred 
were  regulars,  and  the  Board  of  War  had  hampered  him  amaz- 
ingly in  not  supplying  wagons  to  transport  his  camp  equipage 
and  stores.    Cornwallis'  armv  in  the  South  showed  on  its  returns 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  93 

that  it  was  three  thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty-four  strong. 
It  was  still  encamped  in  the  vicinity  of  Camden,  with  Ferguson 
at  Ninety-Six  and  Tarleton  at  Winnsboro  protecting  his  basq 
of  suppHes  at  Charleston.  Greene's  ultimate  plan  was  to  pre- 
vent, or  at  least  delay,  Cornwallis'  threatened  invasion  of  North 
Carolina  and  his  entrance  into  Virginia  until  an  army  could  be 
assembled  there  to  oppose  him. 

Marching  from  Hillsboro  to  Charlotte,  Greene  split  his 
forces.  He  took  the  main  body  himself  to  a  camp  of  repose  op- 
posite Clieraw  on  the  upper  Pedee — a  difficult  place  to  ap- 
proach— where  he  proposed  to  improve  the  discipline  and  spirits 
of  his  men,  and  he  sent  off  a  smaller  force  under  Morgan  to 
occupy  the  country  between  the  Broad  River  and  the  Pacolet. 
Greene  hoped  that  he  would  induce  Cornwallis  to  divide  his 
army.  "He  cannot  leave  Morgan  behind  him  and  come  at  me," 
reasoned  Greene,  "or  his  posts  of  Ninety-Six  and  Augusta  would 
be  exposed.  And  he  cannot  chase  Morgan  far  or  prosecute  his 
views  upon  Virginia  while  I  am  here  with  the  whole  country  here 
before  me." 

The  post  of  Ninety-Six  was  an  important  one  in  the  line 
protecting  Charleston,  while  Greene,  from  his  position  on  Corn- 
wallis' flank  was  threatening  Charleston  itself.  If  his  lordship 
had  been  quick  enough  he  might  have  destroyed  witlT  his  united 
force  each  of  his  adversary's,  which  were  but  a  half  to  a  third 
of  his  own ;  but  encumbered  with  heavy  baggage,  he  disregarded 
the  primary  principle  which  Napoleon  worked  out  so  brilliantly 
in  his  campaign  of  1796,  and  did  what  Greene  wanted  him  to 
do — divided  his  command.  In  apportioning  his  forces,  he  de- 
tached the  dashing  Tarleton  with  his  famous  legion  of  light  in- 
fantry and  dragoons,  to  move  westward  in  the  direction  of  Broad 
River  while  he  himself  halted  to  await  reinforcements  from 
Charleston  before  beginning  his  advancement  northward. 

The  force  of  General  Morgan  at  this  time  consisted  of  a 
corps  of  light  infantry,  Lieut. -Colonel  Washington's  regiment 
of  dragoons,  and  a  detachment  of  militia  which  was  to  be  in- 
creased by  volunteers  in  the  vicinity  and  those  which  had  lately 
served  under  Sumter.     J^Iorgan's  orders  were  quite  broad,  and 


94 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


yet  left  not  much  leeway  to  his  judgment  and  discretion.     He 
was  to  give  protection  to  the  part  of  the  country  whither  he 


-^  o 


V.  » 


Si  ^ 


S        0      V    -r  M  C-A-RoL 


•    >t<  A 


SCENE    OF    OPER-VTIOXS    IX    THE    SOTTII 

was  sent,  and  "spirit  up  the  people."  If  the  enemy  should  move 
in  force  towards  Greene's  army  on  the  Pedee,  he  was  to  move 
in  such  a  direction  as  would  enable  him  to  join  forces  with  him 
if  necessary  or  fall  back  upon  the  enemy's  flank  or  rear. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  95 

"It  is  not  my  wish  that  you  should  come  to  action,"  was 
the  exact  and  unmistakable  phraseology  of  Greene's  instructions, 
"unless  you  have  a  manifest  superiority  and  moral  certainty  of 
succeeding-.  Put  nothing-  to  the  hazard ;  a  retreat  may  be  dis- 
agreeable, but  not  disgraceful.  I  shall  be  perfectly  satisfied  if 
you  keep  clear  of  a  misfortune ;  for  though  I  wish  you  laurels, 
I  am  unwilling  to  expose  the  common  cause  to  give  you  an  op- 
portunity to  acquire  them.", 

The  activities  of  the  Cherokee  Indians  along  the  southern 
border  prevented  Morgan  from  being  joined  by  any  considerable 
number  of  militia,  and  that  which  he  did'  acquire  was  far  from 
being  dependable.  They  were  untrained  levees  from  the  country- 
side round  about,  living  on  small  farms  or  "clearings" ;  half  of 
them  had  no  flints  for  their  firearms.  They  were  not  amenable 
to  much  discipline.  Because  they  had  volunteered  they  felt  that 
they  reserved  the  right  to  leave  when  they  pleased,  and  there  was 
no  saying  when  the  notion  would  take  them.  It  was  not  Mor- 
gan's wish  to  retreat,  for  if  he  did  they  would  probably  desert 
him.  Victory  or  an  advance  was  the  only  thing  which  could  pos- 
sibly keep  them  pinned  within  his  ranks,  and  toward  the  latter 
course  his  ardent  nature  leaned. 

Furthermore,  if  he  remained  in  one  place,  he  would  be  beset 
by  another  trouble — that  of  subsistence.  The  country-  between 
the  Catawba  and  the  Broad  had  been  swept  clean.  There  was 
no  forage  for  his  horses;  the  storehouses  yielded  but  a  small 
supply  of  Indian  meal  to  be  converted  into  the  palatable  ash 
cake,  arid  even  the  lean  and  half  wild  cattle  of  the!  pine  lands 
and  savannahs,  which  furnished  but  poor  sustenance,  were  be- 
coming 'few  and  difficult  to  get. 

In  a  letter  from  the  banks  of  the  Pacolet  on  the  subject, 
Morgan  says :  "This  country  has  been  so  exhausted  that  the 
supplies  for  my  detachment,  which  have  been  precarious  and 
scant  since  my  arrival,  in  a  few  days  will  be  unlattainable,  so 
that  a  movement  will  be  unavoidable,"  to  which  Greene  replied 
from  his  wilderness  camp  on  the  Pedee:  "This  is  no  Egypt," 
but  could  offer  nothing  more  substantial  than  sympathv.  The 
Tories  were  interfering  with  Morgan's   foraging  parties,  which 


9^  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

were   compelled   to  make   wider   detours   as   provisions   became 
more  scant. 

Bands  of  Tory  pillagers  were  constantly  annoying  the 
Whigs— perchance  shaking  their  patriotism  with  ruffian  threats 
or  beguiling  promises.  In  order  to  teach  all  skulking  loyalists 
in  the  neighborhood  to  keep  their  heads  down,  Morgan  sent 
Colonel  William  Washington  to  make  a  raid  on  a  body  of  them 
known  to  be  gathering  between  Ninety-Six  and  Winnsboro. 

Washington,  a  distant  cousin  of  the  Commander-in-chief, 
whose  resource  had  been  demonstrated  when  he  captured  a 
British  fort  by  mounting  a  blackened  pine  log  on  wheels,  and 
with  it  threatening  and  compelling  the  surrender  of  the  terrified 
garrison,  was  so  intent  upon  the  capture  or  destruction  of  the- 
Tory  band,  that  when  they  retreated,  haying  gotten  wind  of  his 
approach,  he  pursued  them  far  within  the  British  lines.  After 
a  hard  chase,  he  came  up  with  them  at  a  place  called  Hammond's 
Store,  charged  them  through  a  wood  in  front  and  flank  and  com- 
pletely demolished  them.  General  Morgan  was  so  enthusiastic 
over  the  result  that  he  immediately  requisitioned  General  Greene 
for  two  hundred  swords  and  began  seeking  horses  for  his  rifle- 
men and  light  infantry  in  contemplation  of  a  movement  with 
his  whole  command  on  a  similar  though  larger  expedition  into 
Georgia. 

The  stockade  of  Ninety-Six  had  no  ditch  or  abattis,  and  as 
Governor  Rutledge  had  told  him  that  though  the  place  seemed 
formidable  to  country  people,  the  taking  of  it  with  regular  troops 
should  prove  no  very  difficult  matter,  he  thought  he  might  do 
this  on  the  way,  provided  no  time  were  wasted  in  the  accom- 
plishment. To  the  end  that  he  might  economize  time  to  the 
utmost,  he  planned  to  rid  himself  completely  of  wagon  transpor- 
tation and  ordered  one  hundred  pack  saddles  made*  to  take  their 
place.  Whithersoever  he  might  go,  whether  to  annoy  the  enemy 
or  provide  for  his  own  safety  in  fight,  he  held  it  to  be  incom- 
patible with  the  nature  of  light  troops  to  be  encumbered  with 
baggage. 

In  disclosing  this  project  to  General  Greene,  he  writes:  "I 
have  asked  Colonel  Davidson  and  Colonel  Pickens  whether  we 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  97 

could  secure  a  safe  retreat  if  pushed  by  a  superior  force.  They 
tell  me  it  can  be  easily  effected  by  passing  up  the  Savannah  and 
crossing  over  the  heads  of  rivers  along  the  Indian  line."  A 
postscript  to  the  letter  enjoiiis  strict  secrecy  as  "essentially  neces- 
sary to  the  soul  of  enterprise." 

But  Greene,  in  commenting  upon  the  proposed  expedition, 
was  far  from  being  enthusiastic.  He  did  not  think  it  warrant- 
able, owing  to  the  critical  situation  of  the  army,  and  though  he 
gave  permission  to  attempt  the  capture  of  Ninety-Six,  the  stipu- 
lation was  that  it  should  be  by  surprise,  as  any  other  method 
would,  in  liis  opinion,  be  like  beating  their  heads  against  a  stone 
wall. 

The  weekly  express  bearing  Greene's  answer  did  not  have 
time  to  return  before  the  movement  of  the  British  drove  all 
such  thoughts  completely  out  of  Morgan's  mind.  Phillips  had 
landed  in  Virginia  with  an  army  of  twenty-five  nundred  men 
from  New  York,  and  ]Marion's  crafty  and  sleepless  scouting 
parties  had  brought  inform:ition  that  General  Leslie  was  on  his 
way  to  join  Cornwallis  from  Charleston.  Tarleton  was  already 
in  motion,  and  the  dislodgmeut  of  Morgan  was  undoubtedly  his 
object.  A  short,  friendly  and  informal  note  from  Cornwallis  *o 
Tarleton  will  best  reveal  his  intentions: 

"WiNNSBORouGH,  Jan.  2,  1781. 
"Dear  Tarleton : 

"I  sent  Haldane  last  night  to  desire  you  would  pass  Broad 
river  with  the  legion  and  the  first  battalion  of  the  71"*  as  soon 
as  possible.  If  Morgan  is  still  at  Williams's  or  anywhere  within 
your  reach  I  should  wish  you  to  push  him  to  the  utmost.  I  have 
not  heard  except  from  McArthur  of  his  having  cannon  and 
would  not  believe  it  unless  he  has  it  from  very  good  authority. 
It  is  however  possible,  and  Ninety-Six  is  of  so  much  conse- 
quence that  no  time  is  to  be  lost. 

"Yours  sincerely, 

"Cornwallis." 


98  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

When  Tarleton,  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  his  instruc- 
tions, after  passing  Broad  River,  arrived  at  Grindall's  Shoals  on 
the  Pacolet,  where  he  expected  to  find  the  unsuspecting  Morgan, 
he  was  surprised  to  discover  the  encampment  deserted  so  re- 
cently that  the  ashes  of  his  fires  were  scarcely  cold.  Obsessed 
with  the  idea  that  Morgan  was  fleeing  before  him,  he  pushed 
forward  without  a'  halt,  travelling  all  of  the  night  over  swampy 
roads,  where  his  jaded  horses  were  fetlock  deep  in  mire,  and 
his  infantry  with  leaden  steps  felt  their  packs  growing  heavy  as 
iron  as  the  uncertain  way  lengthened  into  the  darkness. 

Morgan,  meantime  had  halted  at  Hannah's  Cowpens,  a 
natural  pasture  for  cattle,  but  twelve  miles  further  up  the  river, 
where  he  suddenly  decided  to  give  battle.  He  was  in  the  midst 
of  a  grove  of  tall  pine  trees — an  ideal  location  for  his  riflemen — 
with  the  ground  between  them  open  and  free  from  underbrush, 
so  that  his  cavalry  corps,  which  filled  but  little  over  one  hundred 
saddles,  could  also  maneuvre  to  great  advantage.  There  was  a 
slight  slope  toward  a  pair  of  hills  in  rear,  or  rather  parallel  ridges, 
the  one  in  front  being  somewhat  the  higher  and  longer  of  the 
two. 

A  further  consideration  of  the  geography  of  the  spot  shows 
that  for  a  defensive  position  it  was  in  one  respect  unique.  Four 
miles  in  his  rear  swept  the  Broad  River,  forming  a  deep  bow 
oni  his  left.  General  Morgan  has  been  criticised  for  placing 
himself  with  an  unfordable  river  at  his  back,  which  in  case  of 
disaster  did  not  oflfer  him  the  least  chance  of  a  retreat.  He 
could  easily  have  crossed  Broad  River.  Tarleton  was  worried 
for  fear  he  would,  and  had  he  done  so  and  advanced  to  King's 
Mountain,  where  Shelby  and  Cleveland  had  captured  Ferguson, 
and  thwarted  for  the  first  time  Cornwallis'  advance,  he  would 
have  found  an  excellent  place  for  a  stand.  There  he  might  have 
counted  himself  secure.  His  riflemen  would  have  been  supreme, 
and  what  was  equally  to  the  point,  Tarleton's  cavalry,  which 
trebled  his  own,  would  upon  the  steep  rocky  slopes  have  been 
decidedly  powerless.  He  may  have  considered  the  mountain, 
for  its  fame  was  familiar  enough,  but  he  chose  the  river  instead 
premeditatedly.  and  counted  upon  its  effect.     Leonidas-Iike,  he 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  99 

wished  no  back  door  of  escape.  "I  saved  Tarleton  the  trouble," 
said  he,  "of  sending  cavalry  around  to  my  rear  to  cut  off  my 
militia  from  possible  flight.  I  did  not  want  them  to  think  they 
could  retreat  if  they  wanted  to.  Men  will  fight  best  when  they 
know  they  have  to.  If  there  had  been  a  swamp  handy,  I  have 
no  doubt  they  would  all  have  jumped  into  it." 

Militia  were  coming  in  at  all  hours  of  the  night,  until  his 
numbers  had  risen  to  high  water  mark  of  eight  hundred  men, 
less  than  half  being  regulars.  Around  each  glowing  camp  fire 
Morgan  chatted  pleasantly  with  successive  groups,  inspiring  con- 
fidence by  his  sympathy  and  his  soldierly  admonitions,  and 
courage  by  the  manly  optimism  of  his  strong,  courageous  per- 
sonality. 'The  old  wagoner,"  he  bawled  forth  w^th  rustic  elo- 
quence, using  the  familiar  pseudonym  by  which  he  was  most 
affectionately  known,  "the  old  wagoner  will  crack  his  whip  over 
Ban  Tarleton  to-morrow,"  and  as  the  fires  burned  low  and  the 
bronzed  faces  were  hidden  underneath  the  folds  of  their  blankets, 
his  men  went  to  sleep  with  that  certain  conviction.  An  hour  be- 
fore daylight  one  of  his  scouts,  a  member  of  Washington's  out- 
posts guarding  the  Pacolet,  returned  and  reported  that  Colonel 
Tarleton's  column  was  within  five  miles  of  camp,  but  the  mes- 
sage did  not  prevent  the  completion  of  a  hearty  breakfast,  as 
another  of  Morgan's  staunch  principles  was  that  men  fight  best 
on  full  stomachs. 

His  dispositions  for  this,  the  crowning  battle  of  his  career, 
stamp  him  as  an  original  genius  in  the  art  of  war.  The  assump- 
tion that  his  plan,  being  an  unusual  one,  was  unwarranted,  or 
that  his  ideas  were  crude  or  visionary,  can  hardly  be  retained. 
He  was  no  dogmatic  theorist.  Cowpens  was  the  masterly  cul- 
mination of  his  whole  military  experience.  His  original  ideas 
were  not  those  of  a  tyro.  They  had  been  polished  by  partici-* 
pating  in  over  fifty  battles  of  the  Revolution,  eight  of  which  had 
been  general  engagements.  His  fertility  of  resource  he  had 
brought  with  him  from  the  backwoods,  where  it  grew  abun- 
dantly, and  he  had  gradually  evolved  a  philosophy  of  his  Own. 
He  knew  his  men  as  he  knew  the  woods.  He  knew  that  some 
of  them  were  expertly  familiar  with  the  use  of  their  long  flint- 


loo  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

lock  rifles.  On  these  he  depended  to  oppose  Tarleton's  bayonets. 
Pie  had  no  artillery,  as  Cornwallis  had  surmised,  but  he  relied 
again  upon  his  riflemen,  who  had  always  most  effectually  sup- 
plied this  defect.  He  was  convinced  of  the  efficiency  of  Wash- 
ington's cavalry,  but  Tarleton's  outnumbered  them  three  to  one; 
so  in  order  to  lessen  the  disparity,  he  mounted  some  of  his  men 
on  the  most  suitable  of  the  draft  horses,  and  putting  crude  swords 
into  their  hands  placed  them  at  Washington's  disposal. 

His  militia  he  put  in  the  front  rank,  with  orders  to  "hold  up 
their  heads,  give  the  enemy  three  fires,  and  they  were  free." 
Their  retreat  was  then  marked  out  for  them  around  the  left 
flank  of  the  line  of  regulars— Virginia  riflemen  and  light  in- 
fantry— which  were  stationed  on  the  first  eminence.  These  were 
to  wait  until  the  British  had  arrived  within  thirty  yards,  and 
then  carefully  aim  and  fire  with  the  most  telling  effect.  The 
cavalry,  under  Colonel  Washington,  was  perched  behind  the 
second  hill,  and  like  a  hawk  it  was  to  pounce  down  upon  Tarle- 
ton's cavalry  as  soon  as  the  latter  had  disclosed  its  intentions. 
Screened  from  sight  in  the  background  of  the  ridge,  many  of  ths 
American  horses  were  tied  to  the  boughs  of  trees  contentedly 
nibbling  the  bark,  while  they  awaited  the  command  of  their 
expectant  riders. 

Well  in  front  of  the  militia  were  sixty  picked  marksmen 
posted  behind  trees.  These  men  kept  Tarleton  from  making 
much  of  a  reconnaissance  of  the  field  in  person,  or  of  selecting 
a  position  for  his  artillery,  but  he  examined  it  long  enough  to 
say  afterwards  that  he  could  not  have  chosen  a  place  more  favor- 
able to  himself  for  an  engagement. 

Morgan  having  gotten  his  men  keyed  up  to  the  proper  pitch, 
was  glad  to  obser^•e  that  Tarleton  contemplated  an  immediate 
attack,  before  their  ardor  had  had  a  chance  to  cool.  The  British. 
one  thousand  strong,  formed  at  four  hundred  yards  in  two  lines, 
the  first  tipped  with  dragoons,  the  legion  cavalry  in  reserve. 
The  dragoons  charged  the  line  of  marksmen  who  were  to  re- 
sume their  posts  after  the  horsemen  had  retired,  but  the  fire  of 
the  field  pieces  of  the  variety  known  as  "grasshoppers"  was  too 
galling,   and  under  its  protection   "Tarleton's   infantry,   despite 


William  and  Mary  Qi>arterly  ioi 

their  march  of  the  previous  night,  rushed  forward  impetuously, 
shouting  as  they  came.  The  sun  had  scarcely  risen,  as  the  militia 
met  them  in  a  body;  Within  one  hundred  yards  they  opened  a 
brisk  fusillade,  having  held  it  up  to  that  time.  The  advance  of 
the  British  regulars  slackened,  and  the  militia  were  disposed  to 
hold  their  ground,  but  remembering  their  directions,  they  re- 
treated to  within  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  m.ain  line 
before  they  broke  and  fled.  The  English  troops  thought  their 
unanimous  retreat  meant  that  the  battle  was  won,  and  Tarleton 
put  his  reserve  infantry  in  his  first  line.  They  dashed  onward 
pell  mell,  until  they  were  suddenly  checked  by  the  line  of  Con- 
tinentals, whose  presence  had  been  unsuspected,  having  been  en- 
tirely concealed  behind  the  hill;  the  militia  were  meanwhile  given 
the  promised  opportunity  of  reforming.  Up  to  this  stage,  affairs 
had  moved  exactly  as  Morgan  had  anticipated.  There  was  never 
a  general,  however  great  or  small,  who  was  enough  of  a  prophet 
to  foresee  every  wild  contingency  which  is  likely  to  leap  from 
the  smoke  of  conflict.  Fortunate  is  he,  if  on  the  spur  of  the 
moment,  he  can  turn  it  to  meet  his  own  purposes. 

The  contingency  in  the  present  instance  sprang  from  per- 
fectly natural  causes.  Morgan's  flanks  were  unsupported,  and 
Tarleton's  line,  being  longer,  overlapped  his  materially;  the  con- 
sequence was  that  the  flanks  of  the  American  line  were  soon  m 
imminent  danger  of  being  turned.  This  was  prevented  on  the 
left  by  an  opportune  charge  of  Washington's  cavalry.  Not  so 
on  the  right !  The  pressure  in  that  quarter,  despite  the  reinforce- 
ment of  the  reformed  militia,  was  becoming  more  than  the  Con- 
tinentals could  bear.  A  change  of  front  was  ordered  to  avoid 
the  fatality  of  an  infilade.  A  misconception  of  the  order  arose, 
and  word  was  passed  along  the  line  that  a  rearward  movement 
had  been  directed  to  the  next  hill. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Howard  of  the  regular  light  infantry,  see- 
ing his  inability  to  correct  the  mistake,  decided  that  the  move- 
ment would  be  to  better  advantage  than  that  originally  conceived. 
The  weather  eye  of  Morgan  at  once  detected  a  flaw  in  the  wind, 
and  as  he  saw  the  receding  line,  was  filled  with  astonishment. 
Its  steadiness  and  cohesion,  however,  reassured  him.     Grasping 


I02  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

the  situation,  he  rode  to  a  spot  which  he  selected  for  the  line  to 
halt.  The  militia  having  reformed  and  joined  them,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Howard  recognized  the  opportune  time  to  order  the 
regulars  to  face  about  at  the  present  short  pistol  range  of  thirty- 
yards,  give  a  fortunate  volley,  and  then  charge  with  the  bayonets 

The  British  ran  afoul  of  their  own  well-known  "no  flint" 
tactics  at  a  moment  when  their  l)rcath  was  about  spent.  The 
dragoons  had  been  cut  to  pieces  by  Washington.  The  infantry, 
given  no  time  by  Howard  to  rally,  was  soon  reduced  to  a  fleeing 
mob.  The  artillery  was  the  last  to  yield.  Surrounded  by  about 
fourteen  of  his  officers,  the  Commandei'-in-chief  attempted  to 
assemble  the  fresh  legion  cavalry — which  had  remained  in  rear, 
taking  no  part  in  the  action — to  bear  off  the  guns.  Only  a  single 
troop  responded.  It  was  met  and  turned  about  by  Washington, 
who  had  just  flashed  again  into  view  from  driving  off  some 
British  dragoons  of  the  front  line,  v/ho  had  gained  the  American 
rear  in  pursuit  of  tiie  militia.  Washington's  eagerness  threw 
him  so  far  ahead  of  his  regiment  that  three  of  the  retreating 
English  officers  wheeled  and  charged  him.  The  one  on  the  right 
was  aiming  to  cut  him  down,  when  a  Continental  sergeant  came 
up  and  by  a  blow  disabled  his  sword  arm ;  Washington  was  saved 
from  the  one  on  the  left  by  a  shot  from  a  bugler's  pistol,  and  he 
parried  at  the  same  time  a  vicious  thrust  from  the  one  in  the 
centre,  who  was  none  other  than  Ban  Tarleton  himself.  The 
day  had  been  lost  beyond  recovery  by  the  British,  and  the  three 
officers,  failing  in  their  object,  followed  the  disappearing  horse- 
men, who  were  thinking  only  of  their  own  safety  and  trampling 
down  the  infantry  in  their  mad  unreasoning  flight.  With  splin- 
tered lance,  Tarleton  fled  from  the  lists  as  precipitately  as  he  had 
entered. 

The  greatest  generalship  was  shown  by  Morgan  after  the 
battle  was  won,  in  realizing  the  necessity  for  an  immediate  re- 
treat. Cornwallis'  camp,  containing  several  .thousand  troops,  was 
on  the  east  side  of  Broad  River,  only  thirty  miles  distant.  Some 
of  the  fugitives  reached  there  the  same  evening;  all  bv  the  fol- 
lowing morning.  His  lordship  was  sure  that  the  rude  soldier 
from  whom  Tarleton's  legion  had  been  compelled  to  ask  quarter 


William   and  Mary  Quarterly  ioj 

would  now  march  cfirectly  on  Ninety-Six,  and  he  delayed  moving 
until  Morgan  had  consequently  gotten  several  days  start  of  him 
in  the  other  direction.  Xhen,  although  Cornwallis,  realizing  his 
mistake,  destroyed  his  baggage,  setting  a  glorious  example  by 
first  burning  that  pertaining  to  headquarters,  he  was  unable  to 
overtake  the  more  lightly  equipped  Americans ;  he  arrived  at 
the  Catawba  and  the  Yadkin  just  after  they  had  crossed,  and 
was  delayed  at  each  by  sudden  "rises"  to  which  these  streams 
were  particularly  liable. 

But  the  active  military  service  of  General  Daniel  Morgan  was 
drawing  rapidly  to  a  close.  A  sciatic  complaint,  to  which  he 
had  been  subject  since  he  left  Quebec,  combined  with  fever  and 
ague  of  the  southern  swamps,  incapacitated  him  for  further  use- 
fulness. "If  I  could  only  ride  about,"  he  writes  deploringly 
from  the  Yadkin,  "but  I  am  lying  in  a  house  in  the  outskirts  of 
the  town  and  must  depend  upon  others."  Greene,  who  had  hur-. 
ried  over  from  his  camp  on  the  Pedee  with  a  small  escort  as 
soon  as  the  news  of  Tarleton's  defeat  reached  him,  assumed'im- 
mediate  command,  while  ^Morgan  set  out  in  a  carriage  for  Guild- 
ford Court  House  where,  after  making  arrangements  for  sup- 
plies, his  weakened  condition  would  not  allow  him  to  remain 
until  the  anny  came  up.  He  was  given  a  leave  of  absence  for 
an  indefinite  period  "until  such  time  as  the  poor  state  of  his 
health  permitted  him  to  rejoin." 

By  easy  stages  he  journeyed  homeward,  stopping  often  on 
the  way.  At  one  of  his  resting  places  he  sent  General  Greene  a 
letter  which  illustrates  how  absorbed  were  his  thoughts  in  the 
critical  condition  of  the  army  he  so  reluctantly  left  behind.  "I 
expect  Cornwallis  will  push  you  until  you  are  obliged  to  fight 
him,  on  which  much  will  depend,"  runs  a  portion  of  the  epistle; 
"you  have  from  what  I  see  a  great  number  of  militia.  If  they 
fight,  you  will  beat  Cornwallis ;  if  not.  he  will  beat  you  and  per- 
haps cut  your  regulars  to  pieces,  which  will  be  losing  all  your 
hopes.  I  am  informed  that  among  the  militia  will  be;  found  a 
number  of  old  soldiers.  I  think  it  would  be  advisable  to  put 
them  in  the  ranks  with  the  regulars.  Select  the  riflemen  also 
and  fight  them  on  the  flanks,  under  enterprising  officers  who  are 


104  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

acquainted  with  that  kind  of  fighting,  and  put  the  militia  in  the 
centre  with  some  picked  troops  in  their  rear,  with  orders  to  shoot 
down  the  first  man  that  runs.  If  anything  will  succeed,  a  ats- 
position  of  this  kind  will.  I  hope  you  will  not  look  on  this  as 
dictating,  but  as  my  opinion  in  a  matter  I  am  much  concerned 
in." 

In  the  battle  of  Guildfort  Court  House,  where  the  erratic 
course  of  Cornwallis  was  checked  a  third  time,  the  advice  of  the 
absent  Morgan  was  followed  implicitly  by  Greene,  who,  singu- 
larly free  from  jealousy,  placed  his  trust  in  the  experience  and 
understanding  of  his  subordinate  in  preference  to  his  own.  "It 
was  an  emanation,"  says  Johnson,  his  biographer,  "from  the 
same  bold  and  original  genius  which  soared  so  far  above  ordinary 
views  and  measures  on  the  day  of  Cowpens." 

******* 

Allowing  Morgan  due  credit  as  a  leader,  the  distinction 
gained  by  his  men  on  the  battlefield  is  directlyl  attributable  to 
their  superior  arms  and  markmanship,  their  backwoods  methods 
of  fighting,  and  the  woeful  lack  of  the  British  in  both  these  re- 
spects, they  being  too  absurdly  conservative  at  the  time  to  profit 
by  them. 

When  Baron  Steuben  wrote  at  Valley  Forge  a  book  of  drill 
regulations  for  the  American  army  known  as  the  "Blue  Book," 
and  which  was  in  use  for  many  years  afterwards,  he  went  con- 
trary to  what  he  had  recently  learned  in  the  camp  of  the  Great 
Frederick.  He  advocated  the  skirmish  line,  an  open  order  forma- 
tion for  battle,  and  he  was  inspired  to  this  by  the  exploits  of 
Morgan's  riflemen. 

Originally  grafted  upon  Indian  methods  which  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  settler  invariably  improved  whenever  he  came  in  contact 
with  them,  these  tactics  are  now  as  well  known  in  Europe  as  in 
America,  and  have  largely  supplanted  the  close  order  forma- 
tion which  the  British  religiously  clung  to  until  Cornwallis  sur- 
rendered at  Yorktown.  They  had  particularly  in  mind  the  back- 
woods riflemen  when  they  used  to  speak  deprecatingly  of  the 
colonists  as  a  race  of  bush  fisfhters. 


\>^ 


/  v.-    *^v-'"-.. .         ■..'■..v•^  ■•>-.'  '  ; 

■v..,     •^.  :..^      X  .,JT^^.: 


■.?^ 


P^'. 


■■4  ''■■  ■■ . 


^^<^ 


^^^Mi^^^^S^^&^i^ife^^Si^-iiuyi^^si^^^ias^^^'^sM^^-^^ 


BATTLE     OF     THE     COWI'EXS CONFLICT     BETWEEN 

COLONELS    WASHINGTON    AND    TAULETON 


^'      O       C-.        o.       *'^ 


/  -^^      "J       CJ        c^ 

'  '"'''111.., 


\1"-  *z.  *  .         V. 


cj     o      □      a 


ntT  feme  1-1  Z^ 


THE    BATTLE    OF    COWl'EXS 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  105 

What  a  misconception  it  was !  It  withered  away  when  they 
saw  them  Rght  in  the  open  at  Bemis  Heights,  and  felt  their  cold 
steel  as  they  charged  so  unexpectedly  at  Cowpens.  Still  it  was 
as  sharpshooters — the  pioneer  sharpshooters  in  fact  of  the 
world — that  the  corps  of  Morgan  was  always  most  greatly  feared. 
"The  Indians  feared  them  like  the  devil,"  writes  a  British  his- 
torian, and  he  might  have  added  that  Burgoyne's  regulars  shared 
the  same  feeling.  Though  crude,  their  flint-lock  rifles  of  American 
manufacture,  long  of  barrel  and  heavy  to  hold,  were  infinitely 
more  accurate  and  reliable  than  the  smooth  bore  English  musket. 
Even  most  of  Morgan's  militia  at  the  battle  of  Cowpens — border 
settlers  from  the  mountain  districts  of  western  Georgia  and  the 
Carolinas — used  rifled  weapons,  v/hich  were  the  best  they  could 
obtain  for  hunting,  while  the  only  English  troops  similarly 
armed,,  which  came  within  Morgan's  ken,  were  the  German 
Jagers  at  Saratoga.  From  their  dearly  bought  experience  the 
English  hastened  to  improve  the  rifle,  and  waited  only  about  ten' 
years — till   1794 — to  adopt  it  for  military  use. 

The  term  rifleman  is  at  present  of  no  significance  whatever ; 
it  may  be  applied  without  discrimination  to  all  armies  of  the 
civilized  Vv-orld. 

The  American  backwoodsman  in  a  century  and  a  half  has 
become  practically  an  extinct  species.  We  are  transformed  into 
a  nation  of  urban  dwellers.  The  woods  have  been  cleared  to 
make  room  for  clusters  of  smoking  factories,  on  wTiich  we  have 
grown  hopelessly  dependent  for  the  necessities  and  luxuries  of 
life.  The  humble  log  cabin  has  faded  away,  and  instead  are 
sumptuous  schools  and  colleges  in  whose  curricula  the  science 
of  shooting  a  rifle  has  somehow  been  crowded  out.  Let  the 
rising  generation  not  forget,  however,  that  knowledge  of  its  use 
is  still,  and  must  always  remain,  one  of  the  essentials  of  good 
citizenship,  our  bulwark  of  defense,  our  reserve  force  in  the 
event  of  an  invasion,  our  best  possible  preservative  of  peace. 


io6  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


"THE  INDIAN  GR.'WE"— A  MONACAN  SITE  IN 
ALBEMARLE  COUNTY,  VIRGINIA 

The  Jamestown  colonists,  and  others  at  a  later  day,  appear  to 
have  regarded  the  country  westward  from  the  falls  of  the  James, 
now  the  site  of  Richmond,  as  a  distant  land,  the  home  of  a  people 
different  from  those  with  whom  they  first  became  acquainted. 
The  territory  beyond  the  falls  was  first  visited  during  the  autumn 
of  1608,  v.hen  a  party  numbering  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
and  led  by  Newport,  followed  the  course  of  the  James  to  a  point 
some  forty  miles  beyond  the  falls  and  discovered  the  Monacan 
villages  of  Massinacak  and  Mowhemenchouch.  Two  years  later 
a  letter  written  by  George  Yardley  to  Sir  Henry  Payton,  then  in 
London,  and  dated  "James  town,  this  XVIII  of  November  1610," 
referred  to  an  expedition  planned  by  the  Governor  who  intended 
going  "up  unto  a  famous  fall  or  cataract  of  waters,  where  leaving 
his  pinnasses  &  Boates  safe  riding,  so  purposely  to  loade  up  and 
go  into  the  Land  called  the  Monscane."  ^ 

This  "Land  called  the  Monscane"  was  the  area  occupied  by 
the  Monacan  and  confederated  tribes,  mentioned  by  the  early 
writers,  but  of  whom  we  have  very  little  definite  knowledge. 
They  were  of  the  Siouan  stock  and  the  recognized  enemies  of 
the  Algonquian  tribes  which  formed  the  Powhatan  confederacy 
of  the  Tidewater  section  of  Virginia.  It  is  quite  evident  the 
Monacan  were  at  one  time  a  numerous  people,  occupying  many 
villages  on  the  banks  of  the  streams  westward  from  the  falls  of 
the  James  and  Rappahannock,  but  as  a  result  of  the  wars  with 
the  English  and  the  native  tribes  of  the  north,  they  were  greatly 
reduced  in  numbers  and  soon  lost  their  power,  and  before  the  ' 
close  of  the  seventeenth  century  ceased  to  be  recognized  as  a 
tribe.  An  important  town  of  the  Monacan,  probably  one  of  the 
principal  settlements  of  the  confederated  tribes,  stood  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Rivanna,  on  the  left  or  north  bank  of  the  James, 

1  MS.  Eng.  Hist.,  C.  4,  fol.  3,  in  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford.     Copied 
in  part  in  Am.  Anthropologist,  1907,  p,  27- 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  107 

in  the  present  Fluvanna  County,  Virginia.  It  appears  on  Smith's 
map  as  Rassazvck,  while  northward  is  Monassukapanoiigh,  to 
which  we  shall  again  refer.  Human  remains  have  been  discov- 
ered on  the  site  of  Rassazvck,  and  many  objects  of  stone  have 
been  found  scattered  over  the  surface,  being  evidence  of  the  site 
of  an  Indian  village. 

The  valley  of  the  Rivanna  was  about  the  center  of  the  Mona- 
can  country  and  may  have  been  comparatively  thickly  peopled. 
Small  streams  and  springs  are  numerous,  and  fish  and  game 
must  have  been  plentiful  and  easily  taken.  Quantities  of  wild 
fruits,  berries,  and  nuts  were  obtainable  in  the  proper  seasons. 
The  country  was  well  adaptej  to  the  wants  and  requirements  of 
the  native  tribes. 

Settlers  entered  the  section  about  the  year  1730,  at  which 
time  a  fev/  Indians  seemed  to  have  lived  in,  or  frequented,  the 
present  Albemarle  County.  In  1735  six  hundred  acres  of  land 
were  granted  to  Thomas  jMoorman.  This  land  was  on  the 
south  or  right  bank  of  the  Rivanna  and  included  the  "Indian 
Grave  low  grounds."  The  site  has  now  been  identified  a  few 
miles  north  of  the  University  of  Virginia.  The  term  "Indian 
Grave"  was  applied  to  a  large  burial  mound  which  at  that  time 
stood  on  the  lowland  a  short  distance  south  of  the  river.  This 
mound  was  later  examined  and  described  by  Jefferson,  whose 
home,  Monticello,  was  only  a  few  miles  distant.  The  descrip- 
tion is  quoted  in  full : 

"It  was  situated  on  the  low  grounds  of  the  Rivanna,  about  two  miles 
above  its  principal  fork,  and  opposite  to  some  hills,  on  which  had  been  an 
Indian  town.  It  was  of  a  spheroidical  form,  of  about  forty  feet  diameter 
at  the  base,  and  had  been  of  about  twelve  feet  altitude,  though  now 
reduced  by  the  plough  to  seven  and  a  half,  having  been  under  cultivation 
about  a  dozen  years.  Before  this  it  was  covered  with  treees  of  twelve 
inches  diameter,  and  round  the  base  was  an  excavation  of  five  feet  depth 
and  width,  from  whence  the  earth  had  been  taken  of  which  the  hillock 
was  formed.  I  first  dug  superficially  in  several  parts  of  it,  and  came  to 
collections  of  human  bones,  at  different  depths,  from  six  inches  to  three 
feet  below  the  surface.  These  were  lying  in  the  utmost  confusion,  some 
vertical,  some  oblique,  some  horizontal,  and  directed  to  every  point  of  the 
compass,  entangled,  and  held  together  in  clusters  by  the  earth.     Bones  of 


io8  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

the  most  distant  parts  were  found  together;  as,  for  instance,  the  small 
bones  of  the  foot  in  the  hollow  of  a  scull,  many  sculls  would  sometimes 
be  in  contact,  lying  on  the  face,  on  the  side,  on  the  back,  top  or  bottom, 
so  as,  on  the  whole,  to  give  the  idea  of  bones  emptied  promiscuously 
from  a  bag  or  ba?.ket,  and  covered  over  with  earth,  without  any  attention 
to  their  order.  The  bones  of  which  the  greatest  numbers  remained, 
were  sculls,  jaw-bones,  teeth,  the  bones  of  the  arms,  thighs,  legs,  feet, 
and  hands.  A  few  ribs  remained,  some  vertebrae  of  the  neck  and  spine, 
without  their  processes,  and  one  instance  only  of  the  bone  which  serves  as 
a  base  for  the  vertebral  column.  The  sculls  were  so  tender,  that  they 
generally  fell  to  pieces  on  being  touched.  The  other  bones  were  stronger. 
There  were  some  teeth  which  were  judged  to  b,e  smaller  than  those  of  an 
adult;  a  scull,  which,  on  a  slight  view,  appeared  to  be  that  of  an  infant, 
but  it  fell  to  pieces  on  being  taken  out,  so  as  to  prevent  satisfactory  ex- 
amination; a  rib,  and  a  fragment  of  the  under-jaw  of  a  person  about 
half  grown;  another  rib  of  an  infant;  and  part  of  the  jaw  of  a  child, 
which  had  not  yet  cut  its  teeth.  This  last  furnishing  the  most  decisive 
proof  of  the  burial  of  children  here,  I  was  particular  in  my  attention  to  it. 
It  was  part  of  the  right  half  of  the  under  jaw.  The  processes,  by  which 
it  was  articulated  to  the  temporal  bones,  was  entire;  and  the  bone  itself 
firm  to  where  it  had  been  broken  off,  which,  as  nearly  as  I  could  judge, 
was  about  the  place  of  the  eye-tooth.  Its  upper  edge,  wherein  would 
have  been  the  sockets  of  the  teeth,  was  perfectly  smooth.  Measuring  it 
with  that  of  an  adult,  by  placing  their  hinder  processes  together,  its 
broken  end  extended  to  the  penultimate  grinder  of  the  adult.  This  bone 
was  white,  all  the  others  of  a  sand  colour.  The  bones  of  infants  being 
soft,  they  probably  decay  sooner,  which  might  be  the  cause  so  few  were 
found  here.  I  proceeded  then  to  make  a  perpendicular  cut  through  the 
body  of  the  barrow,  that  I  might  examine  its  internal  structure.  This 
passed  about  three  feet  from  its  center,  was  opened  to  the  former  surface 
of  the  earth,  and  was  wide  enough  for  a  man  to  walk  through  and 
examine  its  sides.  At  the  bottom,  that  is,  on  the  level  of  the  circumjacent 
plain,  I  found  bones;  above  these  a  few  stones,  brought  from  a  cliff  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  off,  and  from  the  river  one-eighth  of  a  mile  off;  then 
a  large  interval  of  earth,  then  a  stratum  of  bones,  and  so  on.  At  one 
end  of  the  section  were  four  strata  of  bones  plainly  distinguishable;  at 
the  other,  three ;  the  strata  in  one  part  not  ranging  with  those  in  another. 
The  bones  nearest  the  surface  were  least  decayed.  No  holes  were  dis- 
covered in  any  of  them,  as  if  made  with  bullets,  arrows,  or  other  weapons. 
I  conjectured  that  in  this  barrow  might  have  been  a  thousand  skeletons. 
.  .  .  Appearances  certainly  indicate  that  its  has  derived  both  origin 
and  growth  from  the  accustomary  collection  of  bones,  and  deposition  of 
them  together;  that  the  first  collection  had  been  deposited  on  the  common 
surface  of  the  earth,  a  few  stones  put  over  it,  and  then  a  covering  of 
earth,  that  the  second  had  been  laid  on  this,  had  covered  more  or  less  of 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  109 

it  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  bones,  and  was  then  also  covered  with 
earth;  and  so  on."  ^ 

From  the  foregoing  statement  it  is  evident  the  mound  had 
been  greatly  reduced  by  the  plow  at  the  time  of  Jefferson's  ex- 
ploration of  the  site;  since  then  it  has  entirely  disappeared 
However,  it  is  an  interesting  and  curious  fact,  that  although  the 
place  of  burial  has  been  destroyed  the  name  still  remains,  and 
an  area  of  several  acres  is  now  referred  to  as  "the  Indian  Grave." 
It  was  for  the  purpose  of  determining  the  true  nature  of  "the 
Indian  Gravef'  that  ^he  writer  examined  the  site  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnolog>',  Smithsonian  Institution. 
The  work  was  carried  on  during  June,  1911. 

As  already  stated,  the  area  in  question  occupies  a  portion  of 
a  broad  and  fertile  bottom  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Rivanna. 
At  this  point  the  river  curves  from  west  to  southeast,  the  cliff, 
south  of  the  river,  extends  in  a  rather  straight  line,  close  to  the 
stream  at  both  ends  of  the  lowland,  but  distant  nearly  one-half 
miles  near  the  middle  of  the  plain.  The  "Indian  Grave"  is  about 
midway  of  the  level  area. 

Some  forty  years  ago  there  was  exceptionally  high  water  in 
the  Rivanna,  much  of  the  lowland  was  submerged,  the  banks  fell 
in  and  deep  gullies  were  formed.  The  surface,  to  a  depth  of  two 
or  more  feet,  and  at  one  point  extending  for  more  than  two 
hundred  feet  from  the  river  bank,  was  washed  away.  When 
the  waters  receded  many  objects  of  Indian  origin  were  discovered 
in  the  vicinity  of  "  the  Indian  Grave,"  and  at  one  place  human 
remains  were  encountered.  In  1911  that  part  of  the  site  just 
south  of  the  area  washed  over  by  the  floods  of  forty  years  ago 
was  examined.  A  trench  thirty  feet  in  length,  connecting  two 
excavations  each  about  six  feet  square,  was  made  parallel  with 
the  line  of  erosion.  Five  excavations  were  made  at  intervals 
of  about  forty  feet,  in  a  line  extending  south  from  the  first 
trench,  these  averaged  about  eight  feet  square.  Three  trenches 
running  south  from  the  line  of  erosion  were  opened  west  of 
the  first  excavation.     All  were  carried  to  a  depth  of  three  feet 


*  Notes  on  the  State  of  Virginia,  Philadelphia,  1788,  pp.  103-106. 


110  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

or  more.  No  human  remains  were  discovered ;  no  evidence  of 
burials  was  encountered.  In  seven  of  the  nine  excavations  small 
fragments  of  pottery  were  found  at  an  average  depth  of  twenty 
inches;  a  few  pieces  of  quartz  and  quartzite  and  pieces  of  char- 
coal occurred  in  the  same  excavations.  No  animal  bones  were 
discovered.  This  was  evidently  the  site  of  a  village,  and  the 
surface  at  the  time  the  area  was  occupied  was  some  twenty 
inches  lower  than  at  the  present  time.  This  increase  represents 
the  amount  of  alluvium  deposited  by  the  w-aters  during  periods 
of  flood,  but  is  no  indication  of  great  age.  According  to  an  old 
negro  who  has  been  on  or  about  the  site  for  more  than  sixty 
years,  innumerable  objects  of  aboriginal  origin  have,  from  time 
to  time,  been  revealed  by  the  plow.  He  described  celts  ai.u 
grooved  axes,  discoidals,  pestles,  and  other  forms.  This  v/as  <in 
extensive  aboriginal  settlement,  undoubtedly  the  site  of  an  im- 
portant town  of  the  Monacan.  The  burial  mound  probably  stood 
at  the  edge  of  the  village. 

We  have  already  seen  how,  before  the  year  1700,  the  Mona- 
can ceased  being  recognized  as  a  tribe,  and  no  longer  figured 
in  the  history  of  the  colony.  The  remaining  mcmoers  of  tne 
tribe  were  probably  widely  scattered,  some  wondering  from  place 
to  place,  others  living  with  neighboring  tribes.  But  it  is  evident 
that  scattered  as  they  were,  they  for  many  years  retained  mem- 
ories or  traditions  of  their  old  homes.  The  burial  places  of  their 
ancestors  were  sacred  spots,  and  were  visited  long  after  the  vil- 
lages had  disappeared.  Such  was  the  mound  at  "the  Indian 
Grave."  Jefferson,  referring  to  mounds  in  general,  but  to  the 
one  he  opened  in  particular,  wrote : 

"But  on  whatever  occasion  they  may  have  been  made,  they  are  of 
considerable  notoriety  among  the  Indians;  for  a  party  passing,  about  thirty 
years  ago,  through  the  part  of  the  country  where  this  barrow  is,  went 
through  the  woods  directly  to  it,  without  any  instructions  or  enquiry,  and 
having  staid  about  it  some  tim.e,  v/ith  expressions  which  were  construed 
to  be  those  of  sorrow,  they  returned  to  the  high  road,  which  they  had  left 
about  half  a  dozen  miles  to  pay  this  visit,  and  pursued  their  journey." 

This  visit  to  the  burial  place  was  evidently  made  about  the 
year  Moorman  obtained  his  grant  to  the  area,  the  year   1735. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  hi 

And  it  is  within  reason  to  suppose  the  party  consisted  of  some 
who  had  formerly  lived  in  the  nearby  village.  But  we  have 
record  of  another  visit  to  the  site,  one  made  a  century  later. 
An  old  negro  woman,  reputed  to  have  passed  her  hundredth 
birthday,  and  who  was  raised  on  the  plantation,  has  related  to 
the  writer  that  when  a  child  she  several  times  saw  parties  of 
Indians  stop  there,  and  at  night  dance  around  a  fire  on,  or  near, 
"the  Indian  Grave." 

The  name  of  this  ancient  settlement  is  not  known,  unless  it 
is  the  site  of  Monassukapanough,  shown  on  Smith's  map  a  short 
distance  north  of  Rassazvck;  however,  on  the  map  it  is  not  placed 
on  the  river  bank  but  a  short  way  eastward.  But  it  must  be 
remembered  Smith  had  not  visited  the  country,  and  that  mu'^*"' 
of  his  information  was  derived  from  Indians  and  others. 

The  eastern  boundary  of  the  Siouan  territory  w^as  clearly 
defined,  but  its  western  limits  were  rather  obscure,  although  it 
undoubtedly  extended  beyond  Jackson  River.  It  is  quite  evident 
that  when  Europeans  first  reached  the  coasts  of  Virginia  the  in- 
terior country,  now  included  within  the  limits  of  Louisa,  Albe- 
marle, and  Bath  counties,  though  separated,  was  occupied  by 
people  of  the  same  stock  representing  one  cultural  group.  The 
custom  of  erecting  mounds,  similar  to  the  one  described  by  Jef- 
ferson, prevailed  throughout  the  territory.  We  have  already 
mentioned  the  visit  to  the  mound  on  the  Rivanna  by  a  party  of 
Indians  after  the  neighboring  village  ceased  to  exist,  and  the 
people  greatly  reduced  in  numbers  and  scattered.  In  this  con- 
nection it  is  of  the  greatest  interest  to  know  of  visits  to  two 
other  burial  mounds  by  parties  of  Indians,  both  visits  were  pro- 
bably made  early  in  the  nineteenth  century.  In  a  communication 
to  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  some  years  ago,  the  late  W,  M. 
Ambler,  of  Louisa  County,  wrote  regarding  a  burial  mound  on 
the  bank  of  Dirty  Swamp  Creek : 

"I  was  told  by  Abner  Harris,  now  deceased,  that  some  Indians  from 
the  southwest  visited  this  mound  many  years  ago.  They  left  their  direct 
route  to  Washington  at  Staunton,  and  reached  the  exact  spot  traveling 
through  the  woods  on  foot.  This  has  made  me  suppose  that  this  mound 
was  a  noted  one   in   Indian   annals." 


112  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

And  again  ive  have  this  most  interesting  reference  to  a  large 
burial  mound  which  stood  on  the  lowland  near  the  Cowpasture, 
or  Wallawhutoola  River,  on  the  land  of  Warwick  Gatewood,  in 
Bath  County: 

"Some  years  since,  Col.  Adam  Dickinson,  who  then  owned  and  lived 
on  the  land,  in  a  conversation  I  had  with  him,  related  to  me,  that  many 
years  before  that  time,  a?  he  was  sitting  in  his  porch  one  afternoon,  his 
attention  was  arrested  by  a  company  of  strange  looking  men  coming  up 
the  bottom  lands  of  the  river.  They  seemed  to  him  to  be  in  quest  of 
something,  when,  all  at  once,  they  made  a  sudden  angle,  and  went  straight 
to  the  mound.  He  saw  them  walking  over  it  and  round  and  round; 
seeming  to  be  engaged  in  earnest  talk.  After  remaining  a  length  of  time, 
they  left  it  and  came  to  the  house.  The  company,  I  think  he  told  me, 
consisted  of  ten  or  twelve  Indians;  all  young  men  except  one,  who  seemed 
to  be  born  down  with  extreme  old  age.  By  signs  they  asked  for  something 
to  eat;  which  was  soon  given  them;  after  which  they  immediately 
departed."  ' 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  apparently  no  attempt  was  made  to 
learn  the  names  of  the  Indians,  whence  they  came,  or  the  reasons 
for  the  visit.  But  it  is  plausible  to  consider  the  different  parties 
to  have  been  formed  of  some  whose  forefathers  were  buried  in 
the  mounds.  These  and  no  others  would  have  retained  traditions 
of  the  sites  of  the  villages  of  their  ancestors,  and  no  others  would 
have  made  pilgrimages  to  their  tombs.  Therefore  it  is  evident 
that  descendants  of  the  ancient  Monacan  were  living  in  Virginia 
within  a  century,  and  still  retained  knowledge  of  their  ancient 
settlements.  As  the  party  visiting  the  mound  in  Louisa  County 
traveled  from  the  southwest  it  may  be  they  were  from  the  settle^ 
ment  in  Amherst  County.  At  the  present  time  there  are  living 
along  the  foot  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  in  Amherst,  a  number  of  fam- 
ilies who  possess  Indian  features  and  other  characteristics  of 
the  aborigines.  Their  language  contains  many  Indian  words; 
but  as  yet  no  study  has  been  made  of  the  language.  While  these 
people  may  represent  the  last  remnants  of  various  tribes,  still  it 
is  highly  probable  that  among  them  are  living  the  last  of  the 
Monacan. 

David  I.  Bushnell,  Jr. 


"Montanus,"  Virginia  Historical  Register,  Vol.  III.,  1850,  pp.  91-92. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  113 

THE  HATTON  AND  JOHNSON  FAMILIES 

Compiled  by  Dr.  Christopher  Johnson,  Baltimore,  Md. 

I.  Thomas^  Hatton  came  to  Maryland  in  1648,  with  his 
wife  Margaret,  his  sons  Robert  and  Thomas,  and  three  servants! 
The  following-  year,  1649,  he  brought  into  the  province  his  sister- 
in-law,  Margaret  Hatlon,  widow  of  his  brother  Richard,  and 
her  children  William,  Richard,  Barbara,  Elizabeth,  Mary,  and 
Eleanor  Hatton  (Md.  Land  Office,  Lib.  2,  fol.  613;  Md.  Archives, 
^•.  259).  He  was  commissioned  Secretary  of  State  12  August, 
1648  (Md.  Archives  II L,  217),  and  served  until  29  March, 
1652,  when  he  was  temporarily  deposed  by  the  Parliamentary 
Commissioners  (Ibid.,  275).  Reinstated  28  June  following,  he 
serv^ed  until  22  July,  1654,  when  he  was  again  deprived  of  his 
office  by  the  Commissioners  Bennett  and  Claiborne.  He  was 
killed  at  the  battle  of  Severn,  1655,  in  Stone's  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt to  assert  the  Proprietary's  rights  by  force  of  arms.  Sec- 
retary Hatton  had  two  sons:  2.  Robert,  d.  before  1675,  appar- 
ently unmarried.     3.  Thomas  Hatton. 

3.  Thomas^  Hatton  of  St.  Mary's  Co.,  b.  14  March,  1642 
(Md.  Arch.,  X.,  86,)  and  d.  1675.  In  his  will  (dated  27  January, 
proved  4  February,  1675)  he  bequeaths  to  his  "sister-in-law  Bar- 
barie  Hanson,"  personality  which  belonged  to  his  first  wife,  and 
mentions  his  father-in-law,  Randolph  Hanson;  his  sister-in-law, 
Eliza:  Hanson;  his  brother-in-law,  Thomas  Waughop;  his  wife, 
Elizabeth  (executrix)  ;  his  only  son,  4  Thomas^;  and  James  John- 
son, Richard,  Thom.as,  Timothy,  Barbara,  and  Elizabeth  Hanson, 
children  of  Randolph  Hanson  aforesaid  and  his  wife.  William 
Hatton,  Randolph  Hanson,  and  Thomas  Dent  are  appointed  over- 
seers. The  testator  was  evidently  twice  married :  first  to  a  daugh- 
ter of  Randolph  Hanson,  who  died  without  issue,  and  secondly  to 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  John  Waughop  of  Piney  Point,  St.  Mary's 
Co.,  who  names  in  his  will  (proved  18  March,  1677/8),  his  son 
Thomas  Waughop,  his  grandson  Thomas  Hatton. 


114  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

4.  Thomas^  Hatton,  only  son  of  Thomas  and  Elizabeth 
(Waughop)  llatton,  died  in  August,  1701.  He  married  Susanna, 
daughter  of  Col.  Nehemiah  Blackiston  and  Elizabeth,  daughter 
of  Thomas  Gerard,  his  wife  (see  Md.  Hist.  Mag.  H.,  58),  and 
left  an  only  child,  Elizabeth  Hatton. 

I.  Richard^  Hatton,  brother  of  Secretary  Thomas  Hatton, 
died  before  1649,  leaving  a  widow,  Margaret,  and  the  children 
named  above,  who  came  to  Maryland  in  that  year.  The  widow, 
Mrs.  Margaret  Hatton,  married  Lieutenant,  later  Captain,  Rich- 
ard Banks  (Md.  Arch.,  X.,  259-260).  The  children  of  Richard 
and  Margaret  Hatton  were:  2.  William  Hatton,  d.  1713;  mar. 
1st.  Elizabeth  (living  1675),  daughter  of  Rev.  William  Wilkin-- 

son;  2d.  Mary (d.  1730),  and  left  issue  by  his  second 

wife.  3.  Richard  Hatton  of  Poplar  Hill,  St.  Mary's  Co.,  d.  Feb., 
1675.  He  married  Anne,  only  child  of  Col.  John  Price,  and  had 
a  son  Richard  wllo  probably  died  young.  Richard  Hatton's  will 
(dated  5  Feb.,  proved  14  Feb.,  1675)  mentions  his  wife  Anne 
(executrix)  ;  his  son  Richard;  and  his  cousin  (/.  c,  niece)  Eliza: 
Henson.  His  brothers  William  Hatton  and  Randolph  Hanson 
are  appointed  overseers.  4.  Barbara^  Hatton.  5.  Elizabeth  Hat- 
ton, mar.  ist.  Luke  Gardiner  (d.  1674),  2d.  Hon.  Clement  Hill 
(d.  s.  p.  1708).  6.  Eleanor  Hatton  (b.  1642;  d.  1725)  mar.  ist» 
Maj.  Thomas  Brooke  (d.  1676),  2d.  Col.  Henry  Darnall  (d. 
171 1 ).     7.  Mary  Hatton,  mar.  Zachary  Wade   (d.   1678). 

4.  Barbara^  Hatton,  daughter  of  Richard  and  Margaret, 
was  born  about  1634,  came  to  Maryland  with  her  mother  in  1649, 
and  was  living  in  1698.  She  married  ist.,  in  1650  (Md.  Arch., 
X.,  12),  James  Johnson  of  Poplar  Hill,  St.  Mary's  County;  2nd, 
Randolph  Hanson  of  Poplar  Hill,  later  of  Charles  County,  whose 
will  (dated  28  Sept.,  1698,  proved  16  April,  1699)  mentions  his 
wife  Barbara  as  then  living.  Barbara's  children  by  this  mar- 
riage are  named  in  the  will  of  her  cousin,  Thomas  Hatton,  cited 
above.  Her  first  husband,  James  Johnson,  came  to  Maryland  in 
1647  {Md.  Hist.  Mag.,  Vn.,  310)  and  settled  in  Poplar  Hill- 
Hundred.  St.  Mary's  County.  He  was  commissioned,  24  April, 
1655,  a  Justice  of  St.  Mary's  County  (Md.  Arch..  X.,  413), 
and  was  a  member  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Mar>-land  in  1657 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  115 

(lb.,  I.,  359).  He  probably  died  about  1660,  and  his  widow, 
Barbara,  married  her  second  husband,  Randolph  Hanson,  about 
1661  or  1662,  these  dates  being  largely  conjectural.  According 
to  the  will  of  Thomas  Hatton,  cited  above,  James  Johnson  and 
Barbara  (Hatton)  his  wife  had  an  only  son,  8.  Janics^. 

8.  James^  Johnson,  who  was  probably  born  about  1652,  and 
was  living  in  1707.  Four  adoining  tracts  of  land  in  Poplar  Hill 
Hundred,  had  been  surveyed  for  and  patented  to  his  father,  viz : 
Latchford,  200  acres,  surveyed  14  July,  1647;  Hunting  Creek, 
200  acres,  surveyed  14  July,  1647;  Grannell,  200  acres,  surveyed 
28  May,  1 651;  and  Wilderpoole,  300  acres,  surveyed  14  June, 
1653  (St.  ]\Iary's  Rent  Roll,  pp.  21-22),  and  the  Rent  Roll  com- 
piled in  1707,  states  of  each  of  these  tracts  that  the  possessor 
was  "J^^cs  Johnson,  he  lives  in  Virginia."  Poplar  Hill  Hundred 
was  on  the  Potomac,  and  there  was  constant  intercourse  between 
Maryland  and  Virginia  across  the  river,  so  that  James  Johnson, 
son  of  James  Johnson  and  Barbara  Hatton,  is  naturally  to  be 
looked  for  in  one  of  the  Potomac  counties  of  Virginia.  When 
we  find  a  James  Johnson  living  in  Westmoreland  County  and 
marrying,  about  1678,  Elizabeth,  widow  of  John  Gerard  (Quar- 
terly,^IV.,  36-37),  whose  father  was  a  former  Marylander,  and 
whose  family  still  had  possessions  in  Maryland,  there  can  be 
little  doubt  of  his  identity.  The  children  of  James  Johnson  and 
Elizabeth,  his  wife,  are  named  in  the  will  of  their  half  brother, 
John  Gerard  of  Cople  Parish,  Westmoreland,  proved  25  April, 
171 1.  They  were:  9.  James  Johnson.  10.  Barbara  Johnson, 
mar.  William  Newton.  11.  Elizabeth  Johnson,  mar.  William 
Davis.  12.  Frances  Johnson.  13.  j.A.nn  Johnson,  mar.  Samuel 
Pleath, 'who  died  about  1740.  They  had  issue:  (17.)  Elizabeth" 
Heath,  mar.  Henry  Aliller.  (18.)  Mary  Heath,  mar.  William 
Tebbs.  (19)  Ann  Heath,  b.  9  ]\Iay,  1721,  mar.  ist.,  1739,  George 
Conway  (d.  1754),  2d.,  30  Dec.  1764,  Travers  Downman.  (20.) 
Judith  Heath,  mar.  John  Sorrell  (Hayd'cn's  Va.  Genealogies, 
pp.  247,  514;  Qarterly,  XL,  207.) 


ii6  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Note  by  the  Editor 

Probably  William  Hatton,  who  figures  in  the  York  Co.,  Va.  records, 
was  William,  son  of  Richard  Hatton,  brother  of  Secretary  Thomas  Hat- 
ton.  On  February'  26,  1660,  the  court  of  York  County  complained  that 
"when  about  three  weeks  since  M""  Edmond  Fetters  com""  in  Quorum 
sent  his  warrant  for  y^  appearance  of  William  Hatton  before  him  on 
sight,"  Hatton  said  "he  was  not  then  at  leisure,  but  when  he  was  at 
leisure  he  would  come  before  him."  The  court,  deeming  this  a  dangerous 
contempt,  ordered  the  sheriff  to  take  Hatton  into  custody.  On  October 
24,  1662,  his  presumption  once  more  excited  the  anger  of  the  court.  He 
was  presented  by  Edward  Wade,  one  of  the  church  wardens  of  Hampton 
Parish,  for  abusing  several  of  the  justices  and  calling  them  "Coopers, 
Hogg-trough  Makers,  Pedlars,  Cobblers,  Tailers,  Weavers  and  saying 
they  are  not  fitting  to  sit  where  they  doe  sit."  But  upon  his  acknolwedging 
his  "abuses  and  scandals,"  he  was  forgiven  by  the  court.  However,  Major 
William  Barber,  one  of  the  justices,  had  been  a  cooper.  There  is  also 
recorded  at  Yorktown  a  power  of  attorney  from  Richard  Hatton,  of  the 
County  of  Warwick,  gentleman,  to  Thomas  Penryn  to  implead  Joha 
Sandifer  dated  Aug.  26,  1661. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  117 

RECORDS  OF  HANOVER  COUNTY. 
(Concluded  from  Vol.  XXIIL,  30.) 

Dec.  29,  1788. — Thomas  Tinsley  &  Susan,  his  wife,  of  St.  Paul, 
to  W"  Woody  of  St.  Paul  126  a.  adj.  W"'  Gardner  on 
East,  Totopotomoy  creek  on  South,  Hon^'^  Peter  Lyons 
on  West,  &  Reuben  Gardner  on  North. 

July  21,  179-0. — John  Tinsley,  of  Hanover,  I0  Peter  Christian 
100  a.  called  "Bear  Garden"  in  St.  Paul,  adj.  on  North 
W"*  Tinsley,  Jas.  Cross,  Henry  Cross,  John  Penny, 
Richard  Glazebrook.  Witness  Robt.  Priddy,  W"^ 
Tinsley,  Chas.  Tiiisley. 

Sept.  12,  1791. — Thos.  Tinsley  to  W"  Anderson.  Aisken  Bur- 
kett  &  W°  Fowlkes,  Merchants  of  the  City  of  London, 
Lots  in  Hanover  town. 

Dec.  22,  1789. — Bernard  Todd,  of  Charlotte  Co.  app'ts  W""  Meri- 
wether of  Louisa  Co.  his  att'y,  to  settle  &c.  22000  acres, 
for  wh.  warrant  was  made  to  W""  Kennedy, 

Feb.  17,  1784. — W""  Toler  &  Hannah,  his  wife,  to  John  Parker 
141  a.  wh.  the  said  W'^^  Toler  bought  of  Jas.  Toler  & 
Mary,  his  wife,  by  deed  made  Mar.  4,  1779,  in  St.  Paul 
Parish,  Adj.  Jas.  Shelton,  the  deep  Swamp — Witness 
Benj.  Toler. 

July  6,  1786. — W"  Toler  &  Hannah,  his  wife,  of  Hanover,  to  W^ 
Tinsley  300  a.  adj.  Charles  Carter  to  South  Branch 
of  Mechump's  Creek  to  Matthew  Pate,  North  fork  of 
Mechump's  Creek, 

Dec.  23,  17S8. — Charles  Toler,  of  Hanover,  to  Peter  Winn  100  a. 
on  Grassy  Swamp,  Elizabeth  Butler. 

Mar.  23,  1791. — Adam  Toler  &  Mary,  his  wife,  to  Nathaniel  West 
Dandridge  150  a.,  a  part  of  Toler's  homestead,  called 
Bosewell's  old  tract  on  Allen's  creek. 


ii8  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

June  3,  1788. — Hamilton  Tomlinson  &  Fanny,  his  wife,  of  St. 
Paul's  Parish,  to  John  Mileston  47  acres  being  a  part  of 
tract  which  said  Tomlinson  bought  of  Samuel  Pearson, 
North  side  of  Pipen  tree  road. 

May  II,  1784. — Valentine  Tucker,  of  Hanover,  &  Elizabeth,  his 
wife,  to  Joseph  Gathright  69  a.  adj.  Joshua  Acre,  & 
said  Gathright. 

May  5,  1784. — Thomas  Tucker  &  Tabitha,  his  wife,  of  St.  Paul, 
to  W°^  Row  7  a.  adj.  John  Hallingses — on  road  from 
Bottom's  bridge  to  Waddy's'  warehouse  adj.  David 
Blackwell,  Gideon  Tucker. 

Dec.  3,  1789. — Whereas  Thomas  &  Gideon  Tucker  sued  John 
Adams  &  W^  Rowe,  concerning  right  to  land  whereon 
John  Adams  lives  &  part  of  that  whereon  W™  Rowe 
lives. 

Mar.  20,  1790. — David  TuUock  to  Nathan  Dickerson  141  a.  adj. 
Winston. 

Mar.  18,  17S5. — Joseph  Tunstall  &  Jane,  his  wife,  of  Louisa,  to 
Edwin  Fleet  1/7  part  of  undivided  tract  in  St.  Paul 
Parish,  formerly  the  dower  land  of  Sarah  Pierce,  relict 
of  John  Pierce  &  which  said  Jane  Tunstall  holds  as 
coheir  of  said  John  Pierce. 

Nov.   II,   1783. — Ann  Turner    (widow)    &  Andrew   Castlen  of 
Hanover.     ]Marriage  contract. 
Witness  Jedediah  Turner  &  James  Blackwell. 

Oct.  4,  1787. — William  Turner  &  Susan,  his  wife,  of  Hanover,  to 
I  Sarrows  Dinmore,  of  Caroline  Co.,  75  a.  adj.  Parmer, 
Rich"*  Owen  &  Jno  Winston. 

Sept.  3,  1787. — John  Turner  &  Sarah,  his  wife,  of  St.  Paul,  to 
Major  Winfree  171  a.  ("except  ^4  of  acre  being  the 
burying  ground  where  my  Father  &  ancestors  lay") 
adj.  Jedediah  Turner,  Anne  McDougle.  John  McDougle 
dec*^,  John  Street — Johnson  Mill  pond.  Also  excepting 
the  dov/er  of  Ann  Castlin,  mother  of  the  said  John 
Turner. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  119 

Nov.  I,  17S7.— Susan  Turner,  wife  of  W'"  Turner,  to  he  examined 
by  Nathan  Massie,  Joseph  Payne  &  Sam'  Pryor,  Jus- 
tices of  Goochland  Co.,  in  regard  to  her  consent  to  the 
sale  of  land  on  Oct.  4,  17S7  by  her  husband  W'^  Turner, 
Larrows,  Dimmer  &c. 
Jan.  5,  1792.— W"  Turner  &  Susan,  his  wife,  of  Goochland,  to 
Evan  Ragland  of  St.  Martin— adj.  Dimmer— being  part 
of  the  land  bought  of  Isaac  Winston  by  said  W°^  Turner. 
Nov.  21,  1790.— Wilson  Trevilian  &  Alice  X,  his  wife,  of  Han- 
over to  Thomas  Anderson  24  a.  on  2°*^  fork  of  Pamunkey 
adj.  Thos.  Anderson. 
Jan.   I,   1790.— Charles  Tyler,  Jr.,  &  Rebekah  his  wife,  of  St. 

Paul,  to  Thomas  Tinsley  23  a.  on  Deep  Swamp. 
Dec.  6,  1784.— Sarah  Tyree  deC^  by  W^  Winston,  her  only  acting 
executor,  to  W°  Bobby  Winston  125  a.  South  side  To- 
topotomy  creek,  being  the  same  received  by  said  Sarah 
Tyree  from  her  husband,  Benj.  Tyree,  dec^  &  bought 
by  the  said  Benj.  Tyree  of  Samuel  Tyree. 
Nov.  4,   17S4.— Benj.  Tyree  deC^  by  John  Richardson  his ^ only 
acting  ex*^^  to  W"  Bobby  Winston  128  a.  called  "Gra- 
ham," south  side  of  Totopotomoy  creek.  Said  land  willed 
to  the  said  Benj.  Tyree  by  his  Father  David  Tyree  dec^ 
&   which   the   said   David   Tyree   bought    from   James 
Anthony. 
Aug.  19,  17S8.— Robt.  Via  Sr.,  of  St  Paul,  to  his  son  Robert  Via, 

Jr.,  household  goods.  \ 

Sept.  2„  1790.— Claudius  Vial  to  W"  Manson,  both  of  Hanover 


May  7,  1792.— John  Vest,  of  Louisa,  to  Charles  Vest  79  acres 

adj.  Charles  Vest,  John  Thornton  &  Thos.  Bingham. 
Nov.   2,    17S4.— Rebecca   Henson,   Charles 'Yeamans   &  Obediah 

Farmer,  of  Hanover  Co.,  to  Thomas  Smith  of  Louisa 

48  acres  adj.  Fountain. 
June  3.  17S4.— Geddes  Winston  (with  W"  Winston  Sec'ty.)  bond 

as  sheriff. 


120  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Jan.  6,   17S5.— W°   P.oby  Winston  to  W"^  Winston    (to  secure 
him  for  being-  security  for  land  bought  last  Dec.)   50  a. 
adj.  Fred  Tyler's  &  vvh.  was  given  to  said  W"  Boby 
Winston  by  will  of  late  Thomas  Winston. 
I795-— W"  Winston  (ex'°^  of  Sarah  Tyree)  to  Wp  Boby 
Winston,  South  side  Totopotomoy  Creek,  said  land  left 
to  Sarah  Tyree  by  her  husband,  Benj.  Tyree,  &  which 
Eenj.  Tyree  bought  of  Samuel  Tyree. 
his 
1785. — W°  Bobby  x  Winston  to  Chapman  Austin    (for 
mark 
paying  to  ex*°^  of  will  of  Benj.  Tyree)  150  a.,  Winston's 
Mill  Swamp,  Main  Creek. 

Nov.  4,  17S5. — Geddes  Winston  to  John  Gervis  100  a.  on  Half 
Sink  road  &  adj.  said  Winston. 

Feb.   6,    1785.— Geddes    Winston    to   John    Taylor   &    Chapman 
Austin,  by  order  of  court. 

Nov.  2.  1 7S6.— William  Overton  Winston  (with  Samuel  Winston 
&  W">  Winston)  Sheriff's  bond. 

Dec  I,    1786.— W«   Bcibby  Winston  &  W"  Winston  to  David 
Whitlock  198  a.  called  'Tyree's  tract." 

Apr.  5.  1787.— Isaac  Winston  &  Lucy,  his  wife,  to  W°^  Turner 
262  a.  adj.  John  Winston. 

April  4,  1787.— Deed  to  W°  Pollard  to  land  on  main  road,  Thil- 
man,  Wingfield  at  Elbow  in  C.  H.  road. 
Hastings  Marks'  will  in  Hanover  Nov,  5,  1761. 

1.  Left  his  wife  INIary  life  interest  (she  is  alive  at  this 

date).  She  is  designated  "as  relict  of  Hastings 
Marks  of  Louisa.") 

2.  Son  Thomas  Marks,  bought  6ut  his  brothers  &  sis- 

ters, also  bought  of  Edw.  Boss  &  Judith  his  wife 
Sept.  4,  1784 — 144  acres — &  sells  it  to  W"  Pollard. 
He  is  of  Hanover. 

3.  Son  Peter  Marks,  of  Albemarle. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  121 

4.  Son  John  Marks,  of  Louisa. 

5.  Son  James  Marks,  of  Georg-ie  ni.  Elizabeth. 

6.  Son  Hastings  Marks,  of  Albemarle. 

7.  Son  Samuel  ^larks,  of  Albemarle. 

8.  Daughter  Sarah  Marks  m.  James  Winston,  of  Louisa. 
Dec.  29,   17S6. — W''-'  Winston  to  Gcddes  Winston    (mortgage), 

1300  a.  Forks  of  Totopotomoy  Creek,  to  pay  estate  &c. 
of  Benj.  Tyree. 

May  I,  178S.— W"  B.  Winston  (with  Jno  B.  Johnston)  Sheriff 
bond.  ' 

June  4,  1788.— W"  Littlepage,  W"'  Winston  &  ^^tary  Ann  (his 
wife)  &  Geddes  Winston,  of  Hanover,  to  Ann  Sydnor, 
153  a.  adj.  John  Carter  Littlepage,  Benj.  Thomson. 

May  2,  1786.— W""  Winston  &  Bol*by  Winston  to  David  Wliit- 
lock  34  a.  part  of  land  formerly  belonging  to  Benj. 
Tyree  dec'',  adj.  said  Whitlock. 

Oct.  13,  178S. — Geddes  Winston,  of  Honover,  to  W'"  Radford, 
of  Goochland — negroes. 

Apr,  28,  1789. — W^"  Winston,  of  Hanover,  to  Jno.  Carter  Little- 
page 260  a.,  (212  being  a  part  of  tract  willed  by  Thomas 
Winston  to  W"^  Winston  after  the  death  of  W™  Little- 
page &  the  remaining  50  a.  was  willed  by  said  Thomas 
Winston  to  W""  Bobby  Winston  &  bought  by  said  W°^ 
Winston, — adj.  said  Winston  to  creek  dividing  s'd  land 
from  the  Academy  land  below  s'd  Winston  &  Little- 
page. 

Dec.  27,  1786.— W=°  Bobby  Winston  to  W""  Winston— formerly 
a  tract  bought  of  ex*^"""  of  Henry  &  Sarah  Tyree  250. 

July  2,  1788. — Geedes  Winston  to  his  son  Sam'  Jordon  Winston, 
both  of  Llanover,  where  said  Geddes  Winston  formerly 
lived  on  Totopotomoy  creek. 

Jan.  23,  1790. — Geddes  Winston  to  Jno.  D.  Blair  the  Glebe  300 
a.  South  side  Totopotomoy  creek — Timberlake — W'" 
Tinslev.    Witness  Sam'  Winston  &  W™  Winston. 


122  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Nov.  5,  1790. — Geddes  Winston  to  his  son  W""  Winston,  Jr.  farm 
called  Merry  Oaks,  head  of  Totopotomoy. 

Oct.  7,  1790. — Geddes  Winston  app'ts  Walter  Davis  his  att'y. 

Nov.  2,  1780. — John  Wing-field.  St.  Martin,  &  Frances  his  wife 
to  Benj.  Oliver  325  a. — homestead. 

Oct.  6,  1783. — John  Wing-field  of  St.  Paul  &  Frances  his  wife 
to  Nathan  Bowe  (for  90J/2  a.  being  a  part  of  Daniel 
Fitch  Patrick,  dec*^,  &  wh.  was  willed  by  him  to  his  son 
John  Fitch  Patrick,  adj.  said  Wingfield)  100  a.  in  St. 
Paul — Henry  Bowe's  spring  branch — Burnley's  line. 

July  30,  1783. — Littlcberry  Wade  &  Susan  X  his  wife  to  Alex 
Crafiford  Burnett  iS~/2  a.  head  of  Black  Creek,  adj. 
said  Wade,  Julius  Lane,  across  road  leading  from  New 
Castle  to  Bottom's  Bridge. 

Nov.  13,  17S3. — John  Wingfield  Sr.  app'ts  his  friends  David 
Meriwether  &  Edw'^  Butler  &  his  son  Thomas  Wing- 
field  his  attorneys. 

Jan.  II,  1784. — Robt.  White,  of  St.  Paul,  heir  of  my  sister  Lucy 
White  dec*^,  of  Henrico,  to  our  mother  Lucy  White. 
Witness  Ann  White — Jesse  White. 

May  30,  1784. — Richard  Winn  &  Ann  his  wife  to  Jesse  Cross, 
Jr. — wife's  acknowledgement. 

Jan.  21,  1785. — John  Winn,  Sr.,  to  John  Winn,  Jr.,  300  a.  Grass 
Swamp — Buck  Branch  mill  pond — John  Austin. 

17S5. — James  White  &  Sarah,  his  wife,  to  Thos.  Meux  of 
New  Kent  218  a.  Thos.  Meux  at  the  time  in  posses- 
sion— Rice  Wolf  Pit  branch  on  John  Barker's  line — 
John  White,  James  Lipscomb. 

1785. — John  Woodson,  of  Goochland,  &  Dorothy  his  wife, 
to  son  John  Woodson,  Jr.,  710  a.  Pernumkey  River, 
John  Glenn,  Richard  Anderson's,  to  mountain  road,  up 
to  Col.  W°'  Dandridge's  on  north  side  of  South  Pamun- 
key. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  123 

July  2,  17S5.— John  Wincrficld,  Jr..  &  James  Bullock,  attorneys 
for  Thos.  W'ingfield,  to  Jno  Drown  533  a.  adj.  Garland 
Anderson,  W"  Thacker,  Isaac  Winston.  Begin  at  Ed- 
ward Bullock's  old  mill,  up  to  mouth  of  Beaver  Dam 
Creek. 

July  26,  1785. — Sarah  Wicker,  widow  of  James  Wicker,  to  her 
son-in-law  John  Hughes. 

Sept.  3,  1785. — Benj.  Walker,  son  &  heir  of  John  Walker,  dec"', 
late  of  Hanover,  Physician,  to  Gen'  Thos.  Nelson,  of 
York,  593  a.  called  Bullheld  in  St.  Martin's,  North 
branch  of  Pamunkey. 

Dec.  I,  1785. — Thos.  Wingfield,  of  Honover  (with  Ed.  Butler, 
of  I^ouisa,  his  security)  Trustees  for  John  W^ingfield, 
of  Georgia. 

May  4,  1786. — William  Walker  &  Kesiah  his  wife,  of  King  Wil- 
liam, to  Moses  Harris  100  a.  on  Stone  horse  branch 
adj.  Julian  Lacy.  &  wh.  was  willed  to  me  by  W°^  Walker, 
dec'',  of  Hanover. 

Oct.  16,  17S6.— David  Whitlock.  &  Martha,  his  wife,  to  Mathias 
Sims  187  a.  adj.  Littleberry  Wade's,  Thos.  Meux,  Jno. 
Blackwell  dec''. 

Oct.  28,  1786. — Sisily  Woody,  of  St.  Paul,  to  son  William 
Woody. 

Oct.  28,, 1786.— William  Woody  of  St.  Paul  to  Wm.  :Macon  17  a. 

Oct.  2,  1786. — Paul  Woolfolk,  executor  of  Paul  Thilman,  dec'', 
to  John  Penny. 

Mar.  I,  1787. — John  Woodson  &  Dorcthea,  his  wife,  of  Gooch- 
land, to  Pleasant  Atkinson  on  South  side  ^Mountain 
Road,  Col.  Rich''  Anderson,  Col.  W™  Dandridge,  Jno. 
Woodson,  Jr. 

Apr.  3,  1787. — Jas.  White  to  Chas.  Tallcy  13  a,,  branch  of  Mate- 
dequin  creek — White's  homestead — Fo.x  branch,  Talleys 
Spring  branch ;  witness  Bart  Anderson,  Elisha  White, 
Jas.  Pollard,  Nat  Anderson. 


124  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Nov.  30,  1788.— John  Wingficld,  St.,  appointed  W"^  Harris  his 
attorney. 

Oct.  7,  I788.--Jas.  Watson  to  Daniel  Hawes  &  Royall  Allen- 
negroes. 

Jan.  20,  1789.— W"  Woody  to  Thos.  Tinsley  for  5  shillings  126 
a.  St.  Paul,  Totopotomoy  Creek,  Honorable  Peter 
Lyons,  Reuben  Garden. 

Oct.  I,  17S8. — Augtistine  Woolfolk,  of  Louisa,  to  his  son  Jos. 
Woolfork  y.  of  572  a.,  where  said  Jos.  lives  adj.  Ed- 
mund Eggleston,  W"^  Jones,  John  Anthony,  John  Seay, 
Ezekiak  Seay,  W"  Spicer,  Jos.  Spicer,  John  Lavely. 

Mar.  2,  1789.— Shad  rack  Watts  to  Lucy  Hewlett— (negroes). 

Mar.  9,  17S9.— Jeremiah"  Wade  to  Littleberry  Wade,  Sr..  North 
fork  of  Matedequin  Creek,  being  land  willed  by  W^ 
Wade  dec'^  to  his  son  said  Jeremiah,  except  mill  &  10 
acres  of  land  sold  to  Col.  John  Syme,  adj.  Samuel  Fox, 
Jas.  White,  Nich.  Talley,  Chas.  Talley,  Fork  of  Mate- 
dequin Creek. 

June  2,  1789.— Ann  Whitlock,  David  &  Martha,  his  wife,  to  Benj. 
Oliver,  part  where  party  of  i"'  part  now  lives  on  road 
from  Meadow  bridge  to  New  Castle,  adj.  said  Whitlock, 
Lemay's  corner. 

Mar.  8,  1788.— John  M.  Walker,  son  of  Dr.  John  Walker,  dec^ 
to  W""  O.  Winston  150  a.  called  Purrear,  adj.  Chas. 
Carter,  Mary  Jones,  also  157  a.  called  Licking  hole,  adj. 
Chas.  Carter,  Benj.  Toler  &  said  Winston. 

Sept.  2,  1790.— Jos.  Watson  to  Mary  Allen,  for  5  shillings,  754 
a.  adj.  Robt  Anderson,  Thos.  Puryear,  South  Anna 
River,  Allen's  creek,  John  Hughes. 

Sept.  2,  1790. — Jos.  Watson  to  Thos.  Puryear  210  a.  Robt.  An- 
derson, Johnson. 

Oct.  7,  1790. — Nathaniel  Wilkinson,  surviving  executor  of  Sir 
John  Clay,  dec"^,  John  Watkins  &  Mary,  his  wife,  to 
Henry  Watkins  "whereas  by  a  decree  of  the  high  courf 
of  chancery  Nov.  13,  1787,  in  a  suit  brought  by  the  said 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  125 

Nathaniel  Wilkinson  &  Richmond  Chapman  Since  de- 
ceased, Ex^°"  of  the  said  John  Clay  deceased,  Geo.. 
John,  Henry  &  Peter  Qay,  sons  &  devisees  of  said  John 
Clay  against  the  said  John  Watkins  &  Mary  his  wife, 
Henry  Watkins  &  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  &  Augustine 
Eltham.  It  was  ordered  that  464  acres  (the  land  de- 
vised by  the  will  of  Geo.  Hudson  &  formerly  in  the  oc- 
cupation of  the  said  John  Clay),  St.  Paul  Parish, 
Machump's  creek,  464  a. 
1791. — John  M.  Walker  of  St.  Paul,  Hanover,  to  Jere- 
miah Hooper  6J/2  a.,  formerly  owned  by  Jno.  I^Ieri- 
wether.    Tinsley,  Frances  Plog. 

Feb.  2,  1791. — John  ]\I.  Walker,  of  Bedford,  to  Frances  Hog  of 
Hanover  23  a. 

Apr.  6,  1791. — Edw.  Walton  to  his  children  &  gr.  children,  son 
Ison  Walton  &  son  Thomson  Walton  &  his  children, 
son  Richmond  Walton. 

Mar.  6,  1785. — Joseph  Watson  to  his  sister  Sarah  Watson  118 
a.,  partly  in  Hanover,  Goochland  &  Henrico — John  Wal- 
ton, father  of  said  Joseph  Walton,  bought  this  land 
from  W^  Barker. 

Oct.  II,  1790.— Henry  Watkins,  of  St.  Paul,  Hanover,  to  John 
Watkins  of  Woodford  Co.,  Ky. 

Jan.  16,  1785. — Benj.  Walker  to  Thos.  Nelson,  Jr.,  of  Williams- 
burg, land  near  Bullfield. 

May  31,  1 79 1. — W""  Wingficld  &  Eliza,  his  wife,  &  Rhoda  Davis 
to  John  Austin,  Jr.' — Totopotomoy  creek.  Chapman 
Austin,  James  Turner. 

May  4,  1786. — Margaret  Wright,  of  Hanover,  to  John  Thornton, 
on  New  Found  River  (a  part  of  Alsup  Yarbough  dec'', 
tract  left  to  his  daughter  Margaret  Wright. 

Aug.  I,  1 791. — Isom  Walton  &  his  wife  Elizabeth  (St.  Martin), 
to  Sam'  Moody,  of  Plenrico — 87  a.  Roan  Horse  branch. 

Mar.  12,  1791. — John  Winston  &  Thos.  Macon,  Justices;  where- 
as Elisha  White,  gent.,  &  Lucy  his  wife,  sold  Mar.  11, 
1791,  to  Thos.  Butler,  &c. 


126  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

July  4,  1791.— John  Winn  &  Mary  his  wife  to  Hezekiah  Winn. 

May  21,  1792.— Gcddes  Winston,  &  Mary,  his  wife,  &  Sam  Jor- 
dan Winston,  to  Thos.  Austin  8  acres,  Chickahominy, 
Tzards  Swamp,  adj.  Nelson  Anderson,  on  main  run 
called  ditched  run  to  a  run  wh.  Col.  Nathaniel  Wilkin- 
son formerly  contended  was  the  main  run. 

May  21,  1792. — Geddes  Winston  &  Mary,  his  wife,  of  the  City 
of  Richmond  and  Samuel  J.  Winston,  of  Hanover,  to 
Nathan  Wilkinson,  of  Henrico  sH  a.,  Izard's  Pond, 
Chickahominy— John  Winston  &  W'"  Isaac  W^iuston  as 
to  si-nature  in  deed  Apr.  5,  17S7,  to  W°^  Turner  200 
a.  on  waters  of  Beaver  Dam. 

June  30,  1790.— Gcddes  Winston  to  Sam'  J.  Winston,  both  of 
Hanover,  160  a.,  Chickahominy  Swamp,  Royster  Spring 
branch,  adj.  Nelson  Anderson.  Witness  Edward  Wins- 
ton, W™  Winston.  W""  B.  Winston,  Jr. 

June  30,  1790.— Sam'  Jordan  Winston  to  Geddes  Winston  160  a. 
Chickahominy  Swamp,  Royster  Spring  branch  &c.  Wit- 
ness as  above. 

Aug.  4,  1 79 1. —Isaac  Winston  app'ts  as  his  att'y  Walter  Over- 
ton. 


OLD  PRONUNCIATION. 

As  is  well  known,  the  Virginians  of  the  older  generation 
pronounced  "James"  as  if  spelt  "Jeames"  or  "Jemes."  In  ex- 
amining a  map  of  London  and  its  environs  dated  1563,  now  in 
the  London  Museum,  formerly  Stafford  House,  I  found  that  "St. 
James  Park,"  even  then  in  existence,  is  spelt  on  the  face  of  thq 
map  "St.  Jemes  Park."  It  is  evident  from  this  that  the  old  Vir- 
ginia pronunciation  of  "James"  goes  back  as  far  as  the  sixteenth 
century  if  not  earlier.  Another  interesting  object  in  this  Museum 
is  the  painted  wooden  statue  of  an  Indian  warrior  used  as  the 
sign  of  a  London  tobacco  shop  in  the  seventeenth  century. 

Philip  Alexander  Bruce. 


'  William  and  Mary  Quarterly  127 

WILL  OF  COL.  WILLIAAI  CUSTIS 
Communicated  by  G.  C.  Callahan,  Philadelphia,  Penn. 

In  the  name  of  God  Amen.  I  William  Custis  of  the  County 
of  Accomac,  being  aged  and  weak  of  body  but  of  perfect  and 
sound  mind  and  memory,  do  make  and  ordain  this  my  last  Will 
and  Testament. 

FiKST  I  commit  my  soul  to  Almighty  God  who  gave  it  me, 
my  body  to  the  Earth  to  be  buried  in  a  Christian  manner  and  as 
for  what  worldly  estate  it  hath  pleased  God  to  bless  me  with  I 
give  and  bequeath  as  followeth:  Imprimis — I  give  and  be- 
queath unto  my  loving  wife  Bridget  Custis  to  her,  her  heirs  or 
assigns  forever  my  five  slaves  hereafter  named  (viz)  Joe,  Robin, 
Sue,  Nancy  and  Daniel — likewise  two  hundred  acres  of  land 
which  Churchill  Darby  is  now  my  tenant  upon,  to  her  and  her 
heirs  forever;  likewise  I  give  unto  my  said  wife  Pjridget  all  my 
personal  estate  as  goods  and  chattels  (excepting  what  I  have 
already  given  in  a  Deed  of  Gift  to  my  daughter  Bridget  Custis) 
to  her  my  said  wife  and  her  heirs;  Likewise  I  give  to  my  said 
wife  Bridget  a  third  [jart  of  all  my  lands  and  Islands  and  all 
my  orchards  and  b.ouses  (besiLles  the  two  hundred  acres  of  land 
above  given)  to  my  said  wife  Bridget  during  her  natural  life. 

Item — I  give  unto  my  daughter  Bridget  Custis  and  to  her 
heirs  lawfully  begoten  on  her  body  (excepting  what  is  above 
given)  all  my  lands,  Islands,  Marshes,  orchards  and  buildings, 
but  if  my  said  daughter  Bridget  should  die  without  heirs  as 
aforesaid  then  the  lands  &c.  given  to  my  said  daughter  Bridget 
I  give  to  my  granddaughter  Joanna  Custis  Hope  and  her  heirs 
lawfully  begotten  on  her  body  and  in  case  of  my  said  grand- 
daughter Joanna  Custis  Plope  shall  die  without  heirs  as  afore- 
said then  I  give  all  my  said  lands,  Islands,  Marshes,  Orchards 
and  buildings  to  my  wife  Bridget  Custis  her  heirs  and  assigns 
forever. 


128  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Item.  I  give  unto  my  granddaughter  Joanna  Custis  Hope 
when  she  arrives  to  the  age  of  eighteen  years  or  on  the  day  of 
her  marriage  (provided  my  wife  Bridget  should  die  without  dis- 
posing of  them)  two  of  the  slaves  given  to  my  wife  aforesaid, 
viz: — Joe  and  Daniel  and  also  the  two  hundred  acres  of  land 
above  given  my  wife— provided  my  wife  Bridget  should  die 
without  disposing  of  it,  to  her  the  said  Joanna  Custis  Hope  and 
her  heirs  lawfully  begotten  on  her  body,  but  if  the  said  Joanna 
Custis  Hope  should  die  without  heirs  as  aforesaid,  then  I  give 
the  said  two  slaves  and  the  said  two  hundred  acres  of  land  to 
my  daughter  Bridget  and  her  heirs  forever.  I  give  unto  my  said 
Grandaughter  Joanna  Custis  Hope  and  to  her  heirs  lawfully 
begotten  three  slaves,  viz:— Harry,  Betty  and  Sarah  and  their 
increase,  they  being  the  slaves  I  lent  to  my  daughter,  Joanna 
Custis  Hope,  and  if  my  said  granddaughter  should  die  without 
heirs  aforesaid,  then  I  give  the  said  slaves  with  all  their  increase 
to  my  daughter  Bridget  and  her  heirs  forever.  I  also  give  unto 
my  said  grandaughter  (provided  she  lives)  after  my  wife 
Bridget's  deceise  twenty  head  of  cattle  and  two  feather  beds 
and  furniture;  likewise  I  give  unto  my  said  grandaughter  Joanna 
Custis  Hope  sufficient  diet,  washing,  lodging  and  apparel  at  my 
house  till  she  comes  to  the  age  of  eighteen  years  or  the  day  of 
marriage  to  be  given  her  by  them  that  possess  my  estates.  My 
will  is  further  that  if  my  wife  should  die  without  disposing  of 
the  two  hundred  acres  of  land  aforesaid  and  the  two  slaves,  viz: 
Joe  and  Daniel  aforesaid— then  my  daughter  Bridget  to  enjoy 
the  said  land  and  two  slaves  until  tliat  mv  grandaughter  arrives 
at  the  age  of  eighteen  years  or  the  day  of  her  marriage. 

Lastly:  I  make  and  ordain  my  loving  wife  and  my  dau^^hter 
Bridget  to  be  my  Executrix  o'f  this  my  last  will  and  testament, 
hereby  revoking  all  former  wills  by  me  made  as  witness  my  hand 
and  seal'  this  29  day  of  Novr  1725.  The  words  (viz)  her  or  on 
the  day  of  her  marriage,  to  my  wife  interlined  before  signing 
or  sealing 

Wm.  Custis.     (Seal). 


William  and  AIary  Quarterly 


129 


Signed,  sealed  and  delivered 

in  the  presence  of 

Robt,  Coleburn, 

WnL  Burton 

Charles  McClester, 

Will  Wood. 


The  within  last  will  and  testament  of 
Col.  William  Custis,  Dec'd,  was  proved  in 
oiien  court  of  Accomack  County  by  the 
oaths  of  Robt.  Colebnrne  and  William 
Wood  two,  of  the  witnesses  to  the  same 
and  allowed  to  be  a  probaceon  thereof  &c. 
November  ye  i,  1726,  and  ye  Court  admitted 
ye  said  will  to  Record, 


Recorded  Xovembcr  ye  16,  1726. 

Vol.  171 5  to  1729  p.  262. 

Accomac  Co.  Va. 
Endorsed: 
Will 

OF 

Col.  William  Custis. 


130  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

SHEILD  FAMILY  ADDENDA. 

By  R.  M.  Sheild. 

(Sec  Quarterly,  V.,  22-24.) 

Addenda — Sheild  Family,  following  out  article  in  William 
AND  Mary  College  Quarterly,  Vol.  ^^,  No.  i.: 

.72.  Frederick  Augustus  Sheild,  born  May  10,  1830.  Came 
to  Iowa  in  1S55,  settling  in  Harrison  County.  Farmer, 
merchant,  cabinet  maker.  Married  Susan  McXealy  (B. 
May  17,  1835)  St  iMagnoIia,  Harrison  County,  Iowa, 
April  8,  1857.    Fredk  A.  died  Jan.  25,  1881.    Issue: 

Marccllus  Crocker,  B.  April  6,  1858. 
Julian  E.,  B.  Nov.  2,   1861. 

J^I,  Cornelia  Johnson,  Nov.  30,   1891,  died  Nov.  21, 
1893.     No  issue. 

Widow  of  Fredk  A.  still  living  with  family  in  Winona,  Minn. 

Marcellus  Crocker  Sheild,  Sr.  (B.  Apl.  6,  1858),  commercial 
railroad  agent.  Married  Emma  Schlatter  at  Bellevue, 
Jackson  County,  Iowa,  June  17,  1884.  died  Winona  Minn., 
March  17,  1910.    Widow  Emma  still  living.    Issue: 

Marccllus  Crocker  Sheild,  Jr.,  address  assistant  clerk, 
Committee  on  Appropriations,  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, Washington,  D.  C,  B.  April  13,  1885. 
■Married  Harriet  P.  Morgan,  Winona,  Minn.,  Oct. 
26,  1910.     Issue: 

Tvlorgan  Tawney,  B.  Aug.  6,  1911. 

Frances  Allyn,  B.  C)ct.  26,  191 3. 

Mercedes  Carrie,  B.  March  22,  1887,  living  in  Winona, 
unmarried. 

Rexford  Monroe,   B.    Nov.    Nov.   29,    1889,   lawyer, 
Winona,  Minnesota. 


William   and   Mary   Quarterly  131 

THORNTON  ADDENDA 
By  W.  G.  Stanard. 

(See  v.,  200;  VI.,  240.) 

Philip  Wade  Thornton  married  Lucy  Brockenbrough  and  had 
issue: 

1.  Charnpe  Brockenbrough,  married  Elizabeth  Grammer  of 
Washington, 

2.  John  Tayloe,  married  Ann  ,  3.  Wade  Augustine ;  4. 

Charles  Pre.-ley. 

Issue  of  Charnpe  B  Thornton'  and  Elizabeth  Grammer,  was: 

'Charnpe  B.  Thornton,  Jr.  m.  Laura  Stcttcnious  (issue — Cham.pe 
B  III,  Heber  Leslie  Thornton,  Grayson  Lomax  Thornton, 
and  Mattie  Roselie  Thornton  m.  Leiaud  Conness. 

*Chas.  Presley  Thornton  (Charnpe^) — m.  Miss  Charnpe  Fitzhugh 
I  (no  issue). 

'Grammar  Thornton  (Champe')  died  unmarried. 

*Rosena  Thornton — m.  David  Bernard  Powers  (issue — David  Ber- 
nard^ Jr.,  Elizabeth  Grammicr" — m.  R.  H.  Seward ;  Rosena 
Gertrude^ — m.  W.  T.  Holloway;  James  Thomas^;  Frances 
Brockenbrough — m.  C.  A.  Holloway  (issue — Frances  Pow- 
ers*) ;  Chas.  Presley^;  Jennie  Taylor^;  and  William  Thorn- 
tt)n^ 

•Julius  Fitzhugh  Thornton  (Charnpe') — m.  Miss  Florence  War- 
ner of  Baltimore  (issue — Julia^ — m.  Rev.  Ziegler  ;  Charles 
Wade^;  Elizabeth  Grammer';  Mary,  Warner'). 

•John  Tayloe  Thornton  (Champe') — m.  Miss  Louise  Disney  (is- 
sue— Elizabeth  Gramimer^ ;  Louise  Beatrice^). 

•Tillie  Grammer  Thornton  (Champe')  m. 


132  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

•Arthur  Presley  Thornton  (Champe') — m.  ist  Miss  Leslee 
Thompson  (issue — Arthur  Leslie)  ;  2nd  Miss  Elizabeth  New- 
man (issue — Barbour,  Frances). 

*Chas.  Wade  Thornton  (Champe')  died  unmarried. 

Issue  of  Philip  Wade  Thornton*  and  Lucy  Brockenbrough 
T.,  in  addition  to  four  sons  above  mentioned,  two  daughters. 

(**) Charlotte  Belson  Thornton'— m.  Richard  Ball  Mitchell  of 
Northumberland  County  (is>ue — Arthur  Spicer*' — m.  Eliza- 
beth Carter  Snead ;  Joseph  Dowman^; — m.  Louise  Morrison 
of  Gate  City,  Va. ;  Richard  Ball" — m.  Miss  Daisy  Peters  of 
Bristol,  Tcnn.;  Austin  Brockenbrough^ — m.  Miss  Bessie 
Aylett,  d.  of  Col.  Wm.  Aylett  of  King  William  County. 

('^)Lucy  Austin  Thornton^  (P.  W.  T.*). 


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William   and  Mary  Quarterly  143 


HISTORICAL  AND  GENEALOGICAL  NOTES. 

Lee. — Thomas  Lee,  who  settled  in  Prince  Edward  County, 
A^irginia,  in  1747.  Was  his  wife  named  Mary?  Did  he  have  a 
son  named  Needham? — ?.[rs.  Peter  A.  Boyle,  No.  1025  South 
Seventeenth  Stieet,  Birmingham,  Alabama. 

Strother. — "Please  permit  me  to  call  your  attention  to  an 
error  in  'Strother  Family,'  on  p.  300  of  April.  1914,  issue  of 
William  and  Mary  College  Quarterly:  the  'William  Strother, 
Gent.'  had  six  children,  all  daughters,  as  named,  but  no  son. 
The  '(i)  Anthony,'  was  his  brother,  b.  1710,  d.  1765,  and  was 
guardian  of  all  of  William's  children  except  Alice,  who  probably 
was  the  eldest  child  and  had  married  Henry  Tyler  before  Anthony 
was  appointed  guardian  of  the  other  children.  William  Strother 
was  sheriff  and  justice  of  King  George  and  a  vestryman  of  the 
parish,  he  was  also  a  Burgess  from  that  county  from  1727  to 
date  of  his  death  in  1732." — Henry  Strother,  Fort  Smith, 
Arkansas. 

Eldridge. — In  "Brunswick  ^Marriage  Bonds,"  Vol.  XX.,  200, 
the  paragraph  ''1771,  Nov.  25,  Thomas  Edwards  and  Sarah  El- 
dridge" should  read  "1771,  Nov.  2^,  Thomas  Edmunds  and  Sarah 
Eldridge."  The  will  (proved  in  1751  in  Brunswick  Co.)  of  Eliza- 
beth Stith,  widow  of~ Thomas  Eldridge  (XX.,  205),  shows  that 
she  had  by  the  Eldridge  marriage  Aristotle,  Sarah,  Howell,  Kath- 
erine  and  Thomas  Eldridge.  Of  these  Sarah  Eldridge  married' 
Thomas  Edmunds,  son  of  Col.  Nicholas  Edmunds,  of  Sussex.. 
In  ''Sussex  Marriage  Bonds,"  Quarterly  XL,  268-270,  Nicholas. 
Edwards  is  said  to  have  married  in  1755  Mary  Nicholson,  wido'A 
of  John  Nicholson..  Nicholas  Edwards  should  be  Nicholas  Ed- 
munds. 

In  the  Eldridge  Pedigree  Quarterly  XX.,  page  207: 
"7.  Capt.   Willlvm-   Eldridge    {Thomas^)    lived   in   Sussex- 
County,  where  he  died  April  17,  1712.     (Quarterly  XIV.,  p.  5.) 

He  married  Anne ,  who  married  2dly.  John  Cargill,  son  os 

Rev.  John  Cargill,  of  Surry." 


144  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

This  should  be  rewritten  and  read : 

"7.  Capt.  William-  Eldridge  (Thomas^)  lived  in  Sussex 
County,  where  he  died  April  17,  1772.  (Quarterly,  XIV.,  p.  5.^ 
He  married  Anne  Jones,  daughter  of  Richard  Jones,  of  Surry, 
who  died  in  1774.  She  married  2dly.  John  Cargill,  grandson  of 
Rev.  John  Cargill,  of  Surry." 

The  will  of  Richard  Jones,  dated  Feb.  14,  1774,  was  proved 
in  Surry  Co.,  Alch.  22,  1774,  and  names  wife  Anne,  sons  Hamilton, 
James,  Richard,  John,  Robert,  William  and  Nathaniel  and  daugh- 
ters Susannah  and  Anne.  He  v,-as  born  in  1703  and  died  Feb. 
8,  1774.  The  will  of  Anne  Jones,  his  wife,  dated  18  Feb.,  1774, 
was  proved  in  Surry  county,  March  22,  1774,  and  names  sons 
Hamilton,  John,  Robert,  and  William  and  daughter  Susannah 
Curetor  and  Anne  Eldridge.  She  was  born  in  1709  and  died 
Feb.  21,  1774.  (Surry  County  Records,  and  Albemarle  Parish, 
Sussex  County,  Register.) 

Cargill  Family. — This  family  begins  with  Rev.  John^  Cargill, 
w^ho  went  from  England  to  the  Leeward  Islands  in  170S.  (Fother- 
gill,  E)nigrant  Ministers  to  America,  p.  191.  He  settled  in  Surry 
County,  Va.,  and  had,  it  is  believed,  at  least  two  sons:  (i)  John= 
and  (2)  Cornelius.-  The  former  John-  married  Elizabeth  Har- 
rison daughter  of  Col.  Nathaniel  Harrison,  and  died  in  1742.  In 
his  will  dated  ten  years  earlier  (January  4,  1732)  he  nientions  his 
son  John^  and  wife.  The  will  of  his  wife  Elizabeth  Harrison 
dated  January  10,  1744,  vas  proved  in  Surry,  May  15,  1753.  It 
names  daughters  Lucy  (who  married  Nicholas  Massenburg,  of 
Surry),  and  Elizabeth,  and  leaves  them  all  her  estate.  '-Brothers 
Nathaniel  and  Benjamin  Harrison,"  and  Dr.  Patrick  Adam.s  and 
Robert  Jones,  Jr.,  were  made  executors  of  the  will.  Iohn=  Car- 
gill, third  of  the  name,  married  (i)  in  1762  Sarah  Avery,  daugh- 
ter of  Capt.  Richard  Avery,  of  Sussex,  who  died  in  1775,  and 
his  wife  Lucy  Binns  (daughter  of  Charles  Binns)  ;  (2)  in  1774 
Anne  Jones,  widow  of  Capt.  William  Eldridge  and  daughter  of 
Richard  and  Anne  Jones,  of  Surry.  (See  Anne  Jones'  will 
above.)  John^  Cargill's  will  dated  Dec,  1771,  names  his  wife 
Anne  and  children  John,   Elizabeth,  Lucy  Binns,  who  married 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  145 

George  Hamilton  Jones,  Sarah,  and  son  unbaptized.  Cornelius- 
Cargill,  the  other  son  of  Rev.  Jolin  Cargill,  married  Elizabeth 

;  in   1726,  made  a  deed  in  Prince  George  County;  was 

living  in  Brunswick  County,  in  1737;  and  in  1746  was  one  of  the 
first  justices  of  Lunenburg  County.  In  1753  he  married  Hannah 
Blanks,  widow.  Her  will  in  1757  shows  that  Cornelius  was  still 
living,  and  that  he  had  no  children  by  this  second  wife.  (See 
Quarterly,  Sussex  Marriage  Bonds,  XL,  26S-270 ;  XH.,  12-18. 
Albemarle  Parish  Register,  XIV.,  1-6;  Jones  Family  of  Peters- 
burg, XIX.,  2S7-292 ;  Marriage  Bonds,  Bru)iszi'ick  County,  XX., 
195-202 ;  Eldridge  Family,  XX.,  204-208. 

BoLLixG. — "Robert  Boiling  (after  the  death  of  his  first  wife 
Jane  Rolfe)  married  in  16S1  Anne  Stith.  Among  other  children 
of  this  marriage  were:  Stith  BolHng,  born  ]\Iarch  28,  1686; 
Edward  Boiling,  born  Oct.  i,  1687;  Drury  Boiling,  born  June 
21,  1695;  Thomas  Boiling,  born  March  20,  1697.  Wanted  to 
know  to  whom  these  were  married  and  anything  of  their  descen- 
dants, or  any  of  them." — La)idon  C.  Bell,  Columbus,  Ohio. 

[Stith  Boiling,  son  of  ]\Iajor  Robert  Boiling,  married  Eliza- 
beth, widow  of  John  Hartwell,  of  Surry  County  (son  of  William 
Hartwell,  Captain  of  Sir  William  Berkeley's  Body  Guard  in 
Bacon's  Rebellion,  and  nephew  of  Henry  Hartwell,  Esq.,  of  the 
Council).  His  will  was  proved  in  Prince  George  County,  Aug. 
16,  1727,  and  names  sons  Stith,  Alexander,  John  and  Robert.  Of 
these,  Alexander  Boiling  was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses 
from  Prince  George  County,  and  died  in  176S.  He  married  his 
first  cousin,  Susannah  Boiling,  daughter  of  Robert  Boiling,  Jr. 
There  are  some  references  to  him  and  other  Boilings  in  the 
Bristol'  Parish  Register,  Prince  George  County.  Alexander  and 
Susannah  Boiling  had  a  son  Robert,  born  in  March,   175 1.] 

Reese. — Francis,  son  of  Thomas  and  Mary  Rees,  born  Dec.  5, 
1727.  Priscilla.  daughter  of  Hugh  and  Sarah  Riss,  born  February 
21,  1729;  Thomas,  son  of  Thomas  and  Mary  Rees,  born  X'ov.  2, 
1729;  Martha,  daughter  of  Roger  and  Eliz.  Reese,  born  Feb. 
9,  1730;  Isham,  son  of  Hugh  and  Sarah  Reese,  born  Aug.  8, 
1732;  John,  son  of  Thomas  Reese,  born  Sept.  30,  1731  ;  Charles, 


146  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

son  of  Roger  and  Eliz.  Reese,  born  April  3.  1733;  Mary,  daugh- 
ter of  Thomas  and  }klary  Reese,  born  Oct.  18,  1733 ;  Sarah,  daugh- 
ter of  Hugh  and  Sarali  Reese,  born  October  10,  1735;  Thomas, 
son  of  John  and  Mary  Recs,  born  Feb.  i-2,  1739;  ^lason,  Daugh- 
ter of  Thomas  and  Mary  Reese,  born  July  10,  1740;  James,  son 
of  Hugh  and  Sarah  Rees,  born  Aug.  29,  1741  ;  EHzabeth,  daugh- 
ter of  Hugh  and  Elizabeth  Raes,  born  April  25,  1743;  Xeiil,  son 
of  Hugh  and  Elizabeth  Raes,  born  Feb.  10,  1745-46.  (Bristol 
Parish  Register.) 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  147 


BOOK  REVIEWS. 

Ral>Jiael    St-mmes.      By    Colyer    Meriwether.      Philadelphia:    George    W. 
Jacobs  and  Company,  Pubhshers.     1913. 

This  is  one  of  the  best  of  the  "American  Crisis  Biographies."  Mr. 
Meriwether  had  a  t'lrilHng  subject,  and  he  has  told  the  story  well.  Only 
the  name  of  one  American  seaman  can  be  placed  by  tlie  side  of  Raphael 
Semmes,  and  that  is  John  Paul  Jones;  and  both  of  them  were  identified, 
strange  to  say,  with  the  South,  whose  energies  were  chiefly  agricultural. 
Indeed,  of  all  the  Southern  leaders  in  the  war  for  Southern  Independence, 
Semmes  dealt  the  blows  against  the  United  States  most  lasting  in  their 
results. 

Mr.  Meriwether  justly  says  that  the  world  never  saw  and  will  never 
see  again  a  cruise  like  the  two  years'  cruise  of  the  Alabama.  During  all 
this  time  Semmes  exhibited  the  daring  example  of  the  Viking  of  old, 
tempered  with  the  courtesy  and  humanity  of  the  Southern  gentleman.  It 
seems  strange  at  this  date  that  his  really  admirable  qualities  were  not 
appreciated  by  Lincoln  and  Welles,  his  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  Although 
Semmes,  was  a  regularly  commissioned  officer  of  the  Confederate  States, 
Lincoln  denounced  him  as  "a  pirate"  and  Welles,  his  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  unchecked  by  his  superior,  employed  every  means  to  have  him  cap- 
tured and  punished  as  a  felon.  This  was  perfectly  in  line  with  the  harrh 
poIic;y  pursued  by  Lincoln  throughout  the  war,  and  for  which  he  cheaply 
atoned  in  one  or  more  of  his  messages  by  a  few  kind  and  much  exploited 
expressions. 

Perhaps  Mr.  Meriwether  should  luive  mixed  a  little  censure  with  his 
praise  in  commenting  upon  Semmes'  battle  with  the  Kearsage.  This  battle 
brought  on  by  Semmes  himself  was  the  one  great  blunder  of  his  life. 
His  boat  was  not  intended  for  offensive  war,  but  was  a  commerce  de- 
stroyer, and  he  should  have  risen  above  the  temptation  of  risking  her  real 
value  in  a  mere  duel  at  sea.  Moreover,  the  evidence  produced  by  Mr. 
Meriwether  shows  that  Semmes  knew  that  he  went  into  the  battle  under 
many  disadvantages,  and  that  he  fought  largely  because  he  could  no 
longer  bear  the  foolish  taunts  of  the  enemy's  newspapers  that  he  was 
afraid  to  meet  an  enemy  of  anything  like  equal  strength.  This  was  a 
weakness,  pure  and  simple,  but,  perhaps,  it  only  shows  that  like  all 
human  beings,  Semmes  was  not  perfect. 


A   Confederate   Girl's  Diary.     By   Sarah   Morgan  Dawson.     Boston   and 
New  York:    Houghton,  Mifflin  Company.    IQU- 

This  is  a  very  readable  work,  and  intensely  human  in  its  narrative. 
Mrs.  Dawson  was  the  daughter  of  Judge  Thomas  Gibbs  Morgan,  who  had 


148  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

been  collector  of  the  port  of  Baton  Rouge  and  judge  of  the  Second 
District  Court  of  the  Port  of  Orleans.  The  family  had  divided  sympathies. 
Some  representatives  were  in  the  Federal  Army  and  some  in  the  Southern. 
Judge  Morgan's  eldest  son,  who  was  also  a  judge,  was  a  Union  sym- 
pathizer, and  his  eldest  daughter  married  a  Federal  major.  And  the  nar- 
rative seems  to  show  that  Mrs.  Dawson  was  herself  divided  in  her  own 
feelings.  She  wanted  the  South  to  beat  the  North,  but  she  wanted  the 
Union  to  be  preserved — two  things  not  exactly  reconcileable.  She  thought 
some  of  the  Federal  soldiers  capital  fellows  and  makes  some  comparisons, 
which  are  disadvantageous  to  the  Southerners.  In  all  this  she  was  wholly 
unlike  the  vast  majority  of  the  Southern  ladies  who  saw  only  good  in  the 
Southern  soldiers  and  only  bad  in  the  Northern.  Her  comnients  and 
opinions,  therefore,  are  not  always  truly  ''Confederate."  In  the  present 
war  in  Europe,  when  fair  France  is  torn  by  th  guns  of  the  Germans,  it 
would  doubtless  be  hard  to  find  a  French  girl  who  would  compliment  an 
enemy. 

Religious  Development  of  the  Negro.  By  Joseph  B.  Earnest,  Jr.,  M.  A,, 
Norfolk,  Virginia.  The  Michi'e  Company,  Printers,  Charlottesville, 
Va.     1914. 

In  compiling  this  work  Mr.  Earnest  has  been  very  true  to  his  name. 
The  careful  industrious  study  which  he  has  given  to  it  has  borne  fruit  in 
what  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  best  treatises  on  the  negro  which  has  been 
published.  It  is  a  fact  that  in  spite  of  all  that  has  been  said  against 
slavery,  no  other  thing  has  worked  more  for  the  good  of  the  world.  It 
was  the  chief  stimulus  to  the  voyage  of  Sir  John  Hawkins,  who  was  the 
first  to  open  up  America  to  English  institutions;  and  the  fact  that  there 
exist  in  Amicrica  io,ckx),ooo  civilized  negro  Christians  is  entirely  due  to 
its  existence.  This  only  shows,  of  course,  that  God  has  His  way  often  of 
bringing  good  results  out  of  evil  conditions.  The  slaves  imported  to 
America  were  already  in  cruel  bondage  in  Africa,  and  thus  the  change 
did  not  make  their  condition  worse,  but  bettered  it.  Mr.  Earnest  begins 
with  th^  introduction  of  slavery  into  Virginia  in  1619,  and  by  an  appeal 
to  the  ^record  refutes  the  statement  of  the  negro  historian  Williams,  that 
"in  a  moral  and  religious  sense  the  slaves  of  the  colony  of  Virginia  re- 
ceived little  or  no  attention  from  the  Christian  church."  The  religious 
conversion  of  the  negroes  was  on  the  contrary  the  object  of  very  early 
attention,  and  among  the  baptisms  at  Jamestown  as  early  as  1624  was  one 
of  a  negro.  Baptisms  grew  increasingly  frequent,  and  church  attendance 
by  negroes  on  the  ministration?  on  the  Episcopal  Church,  about  the  time 
of  the  French  and  Indian  war,  was  general. 

Mr.  Earnest  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  African  church  in  this 
place  (Williamsburg)  established  before  1791,  was  the  first  negro  church  in 
Virginia,  if  not  in  the  United  States.     This  is  most  interesting,  and  it  is  a 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  149 

pity  that  more  of  the  history  of  its  unique  establishment  has  not  been 
handed  down  to  us.  The  church  had  a  membership  almost  entirely,  if 
not  altogether,  of  negroes.  Moses,  a  negro,  and  afterwards  a  man  called 
Gowan   Pamphlet  preached  among  them. 

After  faithfully  tracing  the  development  of  the  negro  through  the 
seventeenth,  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries,  Mr.  Earnest  is  of 
opinion  that  while  "many  modern  negroes  have  proved  themselves  un- 
worthy to  be  recipients  of  so  many  Christian  labors,  many  more  have 
shown  by  their  deeds  that  not  one  iota  of  the  Christian  labors  expended 
on  them  has  been  misplaced."  This,  I  believe,  is  a  view  in  which  most 
unbiased  Southern  men  agree. 

Sketches  of  a  Tour  to  the  Western  Country,  Through  the  States  of  Ohio 
and  Kentucky,  etc.  By  Fortescue  Cumming,  with  Notes,  Intro- 
ductions, Index,  etc.,  by  Reuben  Gold  Thwaites.  Cleveland,  Ohio: 
The  Arthur  Clarke  Company.     1914. 

This  work,  though  a  separate  publication,  constitutes  Vol.  IV.  in 
the  series  of  '"Early  Western  Travels."  It  is  a  reprint  and  the  contents 
are  most  interesting.  Cumming  was  what  one  may  call  a  good  traveller — 
he  was  uniformly  good  natured  and  his  remarks  are  free  from  any  tinge 
of  cynicism  or  superiority.  In  this  respect  he  differs  from  the  majority 
of  English  travellers  in  his  day,  who,  because  they  did  not  find  all  the 
civilization  of  ancient  Europe  in  America,  dwelt  veiy  much  upon  Ameri- 
can imperfections  and  often  exaggerated  them.  Cumming,  on  the  con- 
trary, tells  of  elegant,  beautiful  homes  and  fine  fields  of  corn  and  grain 
met  with  in  his  travels.  He  has  many  good  things  to  say  of  the  people 
in  the  Mississippi  River  region.  The  journeys  narrated  were  taken  dur- 
ing two  successive  years.  The  first  in  January,  1807,  was  a  pedestrian 
tour  from  Philadelphia  to  Pittsburg.  The  second  from  May  to  September 
consisted  of  a  river  trip  from  Maysville  down  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
to  Bayon  Pierre,  and  a  horse-back  ride  through  the  settlements  of  Mis- 
sissippi Territory  lying  along  the  Mississippi  and  some  distance  inland, 
on  its  tributaries.  It  is  essentially  a  virile  life  to  which  Cumming  intro- 
duces us — confident  and  boisterous,  the  civilized  tinged  with  the  primitive- 
ness  of  the  wild.  Indian  fighters  had  become  rare,  and  the  mighty 
struggle  with  the  wilderness  had  passed,  bu^  there  was  a  survival  of  the 
ancient  conditions  in  the  crudeness  of  the  social  life  which  he  represents. 
Heated  politics,  heavy  drinking,  and  boisterous  amusements  are  char- 
acteristic of  this  Western  Country.  .'\nd  yet  side  by  side  with  them, 
we  have  the  hospitality,  cultivation  and  charm  of  the  upper  classes. 

The  work  is  copiously  annotated  by  Dr.  Thwaites.  It  is  very  care- 
fully and  beautifully  printed. 


150  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Reconstruction  in  North  Carolina.  By  J.  G.  de  Roulhac  Hamilton,  Pro- 
fessor of  History  in  the  University  of  North  Carolina.  New  York, 
Columbia  University.     Longmans,  Green  &  Co.,  Agents. 

This  is  a  study  commenced  by  the  author  in  1902  as  a  doctrinal  dis- 
sertation in  Columbia  University,  and  since  that  time  continued  so  as 
to  cover  the  entire  period  of  Reconstruction  in  North  Carolina,  which 
closed  in  1876.  The  author  states  that  in  his  search  for  material,  he 
found  a  marked  disinclination  in  many  of  the  actors  in  the  period  to 
discuss  all  the  matters  therein  involved.  And  no  wonder,  for  looking 
back  from  this  day  of  peace  and  quiet,  the  period  of  reconstruction 
appears  like  some  dreadful  nightmare  in  which  the  dominant  authority  in 
Ihe  North  seems  to  have  goiie  stark,  staring  mad.  That  the  Southern 
people  did  many  regrettable  things  within  this  interval  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at.  For  eleven  years  the  welter  of  reconstruction  continued,  and 
this  fact  will  ever  remain  a  severe  commentary  upon  the  boasted  claim 
of  the  North  to  superior  civilization.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  at  the 
bottom  of  tlic  policy  was  tlie  determination  of  the  Northern  leaders  to 
humiliate  the  Southern  people  and  to  wreak  vengeance.  The  policy  of 
the  British  government  a  few  years  ago  towards  the  Boers,  after  a  bloody 
war,  was  quite  the  reverse,  and  bore  the  noble  fruits  which  are  shown 
to-day   in   their   enthusiastic   loyalty   to    the   British   government. 

Mr.  Hamilton  has  shown  great  industry  in  sifting  the  facts  and  has 
•divested  himself  of  all  prejudices  in  the  matter.  His  work  is  a  luminous 
one  and  there  will  be  no  occasion  for  any  one  to  attempt  a  second  study. 
Has  the  South  been  financially  benefitted  by  the  abolition  of  slaverj'? 
The  answer  to  this  question  is  not  legitimately  one  for  this  work,  but  the 
subject  involved  may  e.xcuse  the  asking;  as  also  some  remarks  pertinent 
thereto.  Tlie  old  slaveholders  insisted  that  abolition  would  greatly  im- 
poverish the  South — has  it  done  so?  The  cold  facts  seem  to  show  that 
they  were  right.  Fifty  years  have  passed  since  the  war — nearly  two  gen- 
-erations — and  the  ordinary  wounds  of  war  should  be  well  healed.  Com- 
pare the  old  South  with  the  old  North,  both  of  1861,  and  then  compare 
the  new  South  with  the  new  North  (1910),  taking  the  same  States,  and 
the  cenisus  shows  that  the  new  South  is  relatively  many  times  poorer 
than  the  old  South.  The  single  State  of  Massachusetts  has  more  wealth 
than  all  the  States  that  went  into  secession,  if  Texas  be  omitted.  ThQ 
present  negro  question  in  the  South  is  not  one  of  a  homogeneous  society, 
but  of  a  society  in  which  two  races  exist  side  by  side,  without  possibility 
of  assimilation,  and,  in  which  one,  unquestionably  as  it  must,  assumes 
superiority  in  both  government  and  society.  Slavery  is  unjustifiable,  and 
so  is  German  imperiaism,  which  denies  so  largely  freedom  of  action  to 
the  individual ;  and  yet,  under  the  German  system,  there  has  developed 
one  of  the  strongest  nations  intellectually  and  commercially  the  world  has 
e\'er  known. 


Advert  isMENTS 


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PRINTERS 

'^ 
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BURK  &  COMPANY, 

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AND  Gents'  Furnishers  in  all  its  Branches. 

Inaugurators  of  from  Mill  to  Wearer  System.  No  Middle  Profits  Charged. 

BURK  &  COMPANY 

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WEYMOUTH,    MEISTER   &   SMETHIE, 

Law  and  Miscellaneous  Book  Binders 
and  Blank-Book  Manufacturers. 

105-107  Governor  Street  RICHMOND,  VIRGINIA 

Your  patronage  solicited. 


YOU  WILL  BE  OLD  SOME  DAY. 

Prepare  to  lighten  the  burden  of  old  age  NOV/,  by  starting  a  savings 
account  with  this  strong  bank. 

PLANTERS  NATIONAL  BANK, 

CAPITAL  -  -  $     30:), 000.00 

SURPLUS   AND    PROFITS,       $1,500,000.00 

Main  and  !2th  Streets,  Richmond,  Virginia 

$1.00  will  open  an  account 


"^illfani  anb  l^nv^  College 

Quaiterlv^  Ibistortcal  nDa(5a5inc 


Vol.  XXIII  JANUARY,  1915.  No.  3 


THANKSGIVING  DAY  ANb  CHRISTMAS. 

These  are  the  two  great  festival  days  of  the  United  States. 
The  one  is  said  to  be  a  Puritan  institution  and  the  other  the 
favored  day  of  the  cavaliers.  But  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  cava- 
lier influence  has  impressed  itself  upon  both  days  far  more  than 
the  Puritan. 

As  to  Thanksgiving-  Day.  while  its  general  recognition 
throughout  the  Ignite  J  States  may  be  conceded  to  Puritan  influ- 
ences, the  custom  of  an  annual  thanksgiving  was  not  confined 
to  New  England.  Days  were  frequently  set  apart  in  the  history 
of  \'irginia  as  days  of  thanksgiving  and  prayer.  Thus,  after  the 
Indian  massacre  of  1622,  the  22d  of  March  was  consecrated  an- 
nually to  this  observance,  and  when  the  Second  Massacre  occurred 
in  1644,  the  same  character  v^-as  assigned  by  legislative  act  to  the 
i8th  of  April  of  each  year.  Frequently  afterwards,  both  in  the 
colonial  history  and  the  history  of  the  State,  special  days  were 
designated  as  days  of  thanksgiving  and  prayer. 

But  the  severe  aspect  of  such  days,  even  in  Puritan  New  Eng- 
land, has  been  almost  entirely  lost.  Thanksgiving  has  become 
a  day  of  pleasure  and  rejoicing,  a  day  given  up  to  picnics  and 
football — far  more  than  to  prayer  and  religious  service. 

Christmas,  the  greatest  of  all  holidays,,  was  absolutely  ignored 
by  the  early  Puritans,  but  it  now  reigns  supreme  even  in  New 
Haven,  the  Puritan  stronghold.  No  one  thinks  of  an  "eve"  to 
Thanksgiving  day,  but  "Christmas  Eve"  is  second  only  to  Christ- 
mas Day. 


154  William  and  Mary  Qlarterly 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  DIARY  OF  EDMUND  RUFFIN. 

(See  Quarterly,  XIV.,  193-211;  XX.,  69-101;  XXL,  224-233; 
XXII.,  258-263.) 

February  13,   1S61. 

Recent  occurrences  have  served  to  place  the  government  & 
dominant  party  of  N^ew  York,  in  a  collision  with  the  South,  in 
as  contemptible  a  position  as  was  the  federal  administration  in 
the  vain  attempt  to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter.^  28  cases  counting 
950  muskets,  &c.,  had  been  ordered  from  the  north  by  priva*^*^ 
individuals  in  C^  &  Al^  &  were  shipped  at  New  York  for 
Savannah.  The  city  police,  under  orders  from  Governor  Morgan, 
(as  it  now  appears,)  seized  &  retained  these  arms,  as  contra- 
band of  war.  As  soon  as  the  facts  were  learned,  Gov.  Brown  of 
G'  sent  by  telegraphic  dispatch  to  the  Governor  of  N.  Y.  to 
demand  the  delivery  of  the  arms  so  seized.  Gov.  Morgan  an- 
nounced that  he  had  ordered  the  seizure  &  detention  of  the  arms 
because  G^  was  making  war  on  the  U.  S.,  &  that  he  was  "bound  by 
his  oath  to  support  the  constitution  of  the  U.  S.  to  do  so."  Gov. 
Brown  immediately  ordered,  as  reprisal,  the  seizing  of  all  the 
N.  Y.  vessels  then  in  the  port  of  Savannah,  which  was  done,  to 
be  held  as  security  for  the  restoration  of  the  arms.  This  seizure 
(of  5'  vessels,)  was  immediately  communicated  by  the  com- 
manders to  their  employers,  &  by  them  to  Gov.  Morgan,  wdio 
then,  without  an  hour's  delay,  ordered  the  delivery  of  the  arms 
to  the  agent,  before  authorized  by  G*,  to  receive  &  transmit 
them.  Upon  this  prompt  restoration  being  communicated  to  the 
Governor  of  G*  he  forthwith  ordered  the  release  of  the  N.  Y. 


^  The  reference  here  is  to  the  first  attempt  to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter 
by  the  Star  of  the  IVest,  which  was  fired  on,  and  went  back. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  155 

vessels.  There  never  was  a  negotiation  between  different  govern- 
ments, on  a  disputed  &  difficult  question  of  right,  so  speedily  car- 
ried through  &  settled. 


The  Growth  of  Secession. 

April  5,  1861. 

In  the  Virginia  Convention,  a  direct  vote  has  been  taken  for 
immediate  secession  &  received  only  48  voices  against  9S.  This 
is  more  than  I  supposed  possible  even  of  that  submissive  &  mean 
body.  In  the  meantime,  there  are  daily  indications  of  continued 
popular  changes  to  secession.  One  of  the  most  recent  &  strongest 
is  that  of  the  "Whig"  Newspaper  of  Richmond,  the  able  &  in- 
fluential &•  main  organ  of  the  Unionists  &  Submissionists,  has 
changed  editors  &  sentiments,  &  is  about  to  come  out  for  imme- 
diate secession  *  *  .  The  Literary  ^lessenger  for  April  re- 
ceived today  presents  as  the  leading  article  my  "Reminiscences  of 
the  Times  of  Nullification."  This  was  placea  .  .  -!.e  hands  of  the 
Editor  before  I  determined  to  withdraw  from  the  public  press — 
but  I  have  tried  to  keep  its  authorship  entirely  secret  except  to  the 
Editor. 

Death  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

June,  1861. 

Lately  Stephen  A.  Douglas  died.  Not  many  months  ago,  this 
able  man  and  unequalled  demagogue  stood  higher  in  popular 
favor  &  in  the  prospect  of  gaining  political  eminence,  than  any 
other  individual  in  this  country.  No  other  politician  had  so 
many  devoted  &  zealous  supporters  though  he  had  not  enough 
to  beat  the  combination  votes  that  elected  the  com.parativelv  ob- 
scure Lincoln.  Since  Douglas  coalesced  with  the  abolition  party, 
he  had  lost  his  previously  high  political  position,  &  his  later  ad- 
vance to  the  presidency  v.-as  hopeless.  Probably  chagrin  &  morti- 
fication for  his  political  overthrow  combined  with  disease  & 
the  fruits  of  long  continued  intemperance  (part  of  his  dema- 
gogical policy  &  precedure),  to  cause  his  early  death.  There  was 
no  more  unscrupulous  or  dangerous  politician. 


156  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

McClellan's  Ability  as  a  General. 

June  17,   1861. 

*  *  The  battle  of  Bethel  seems  to  excite  men  more  in  the 
North  than  the  South.  It  is  as  mortifying  to  them  as  gratifying 
to  us.  The  northerners  are  still  gaining  &  encroaching  in  the 
Northwestern  counties  &  in  the  Valley,  by  aid  of  our  disaffected 
or  traitorous  citizens.  They  have  got  footing  along  the  Bait. 
&  Ohio  Railroad  by  invasions  from  Pennsylvania  as  far  as  into 
Hampshire.  Gen  McCIellan,  who  commands  the  Northern  forces 
in  all  the  West,  is  said  by  Gen.  Lee  to  be  the  ablest  of  all  the 
commanders  under  Scott.  His  successful  &  extended  advances  on 
us  seem  to  offer  evidence  of  his  talents. 


Successes  of  the  South. 

June  21,  1861. 

The  events  of  the  war,  so  far,  have  been  remarkable  in  char- 
acter, &  in  general,  of  remarkable  uniformity.  The  Northern 
government  had  possession  of  all  the  Navy,  of  the  regular  army 
of  Veteran  troops — &  of  all  the  fortifications  &  munitions  of  war, 
except  such  as  our  authorities  or  people  seized  upon  in  the  be- 
ginning. On  our  side  we  had  not  (&  scarcely  have  now)  an 
armed  vessel — not  a  regular  or  trained  soldier — &  no  military 
organization.  In  every  skirmish  or  more  important  fight,  except 
the  shameful  surprise  of  our  troops  at  Phillipi,  we,  with  raw 
volunteers  have  had  the  advantage.  Even  in  the  two  surprises  at 
Phillippi  (Sc  at  Fairfax  C.  H.,  our  forces,  though  surprised  &  at 
Phillippi  routed,  caused  much  bloodshed — &  at  Fairfax  C.  H., 
the  remnant  of  our  men,  who  stood  their  ground,  gained  a  decided 
advantage. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  157 

The  Surrender  of  the  Confederate  Commissioners. 

January  5,  1862. 

The  letter  of  instructions  from  the  British  ministry  to  Lord 
Lyons,  &.  by  him  laid  before  the  U.  S.  government,  after  stating 
the  circumstances  of  the  capture  of  our  Commissioners  on  board 
the  Trent,  concludes  with  the  concise  &  unequivocal  demand  that 
(if  not  previously  offered  by  the  U.  S.  authorities,)  there  shall 
be  made  "to  the  British  government  such  redress  as  alone  could 
satisfy  the  British  nation,  namely,  the  liberation  of  the  four  gentle- 
men, (the  Commissioners  &  their  Secretaries,)  &  their  delivery  to 
your  lordship,  (the  British  embassador  at  Washington,)  in  order 
that  they  may  be  again  placed  under  British  protection,  and  a  suit- 
able apologv'  for  the  aggression  which  has  been  committed."  This 
letter  was  exhibited  to  Seward.  His  reply  is  very  long,  of  argu- 
ment justifying  the  legality  of  the  capture  upon  various  grouiids, 
&  nearly  throughout.  But  nearly  at  the  close,  on  technical  &  othet 
grounds  he  yields  the  question,  &  agrees  that  the  prisoners  were 
illegally  captured  &  shall  be  delivered  up. 

Now  if  this  conclusion  had  been  reached,  (as  he  would  have 
it  understood,)  on  the  reasoning  of  his  government,  in  advance 
&  irrespective  of  the  British  demand,  the  prisoners  ought  to  have 
been,  &  would  have  been,  set  free,  with  all  courtesy  to  them,  as 
soon  as  their  arrest  was  known — &  "a  suitable  apology"  offered, 
before  being  required,  to  the  British  government.  Or,  this  not 
having  been  done  before,  when  it  was  demanded  &  the  demand 
was  to  be  conceded,  Seward  v.ould  have  saved  some  little  of  the 
humiliation  of  his  government  if  he  had  yielded  at  once,  &  in  few 
words,  admitting  the  wrong  committed,  &  to  be  so  rigiited.  But 
his  labored  justification  makes  his  surrender  so  much  the  more 
glaring  &  humiliating. 

But  this  is  a  small  matter  to  what  previously  had  occurred. 
The  retaining  the  prisoners  in  close  confinement,  &  send- 
ing them  to  Boston — the  entertaining  in  Congress  of  a 
proposition  to  confine  them  as  felons, — the  justification  &  boast- 
ing of  the  act  by  Congress,  the  Navy  Department  (&  therefore 
including  the  Executive,)  the  approval,  boastful  &  defiant  tone 


158  William  and  aIakv  Quarterly 

of  the  whole  northern  press  &  people — all  go  to  prove  that  there 
was  no  intention  to  deliver  up  the  prisoners,  or  to  confess  or  re- 
pair any  wrong-doing,  until  after  &  under  the  peremptory  de- 
mand of  the  British  government.  Therefore,  the  surrender, 
which  might  have  been,  if  made  at  first,  &  voluntarily,  honorable 
to  the  U.  S.  government,  is  now  as  full  &  complete,  &  yet  is  dis- 
honorable &  humiliating  as  is  possible,  not  only  to  the  Executive, 
but  to  the  House  of  Representatives  which  so  promptly  sanc- 
tioned the  act  &  also  to  the  Northern  people  in  general.  Still  the 
"suitable  apology"  to  the  British  government  has  not  been  made — 
unless,  in  pity  &  contempt  for  the  degradation  of  its  adversary, 
the  long  whining  letter  &  defence  by  Seward  shall  be  deemed 
an  apology — which  it  certainly  is  in  the  whole  purport,  &  in 
abject  submission  &  humiliation. 

This  may  be  deemed  a  sufficient,  though  not  an  assured  & 
literal  apology,  if  the  British  government  chooses  to  be  magnani- 
mous, or  deems  it  would  bring  dishonor  on  itself  to  drive  its  ad- 
versary, for  refuge,  into  a  still  lower  depth  of  humiliation  & 
contempt.  But  if  there  is,  on  the  contrary,  a  disposition  to  make 
the  most  of  the  advantage  gained  &  offered,  the  full  measure  of 
retribution  will  be  exacted  of  the  government  which  had  first 
maintained  its  wrong-doing  as  an  approver,  a  boaster,  &  a  bully, 
to  an  extent  only  equalled  by  its  subsequent  prompt  (&  as  M' 
Seward  says  "cheerful") .  acquiescence  in  the  demands  of  Eng- 
land for  redress. 

But,  putting  aside  all  this,  as  questions  of  honor  &  dishonor, 
it  is  inconceivable  why  the  U.  S.  government  should  have 
hazarded  any  loss,  or  danger,  by  retaining  the  captured  Com- 
missioners after  they  had  been  brought  to  Fortress  Monroe. 
Their  mission  had  then  been  frustrated,  so  far  as  their  early  pres- 
ence in  France  &  England  was  concerned.  Their  longer  detention 
could  do  no  greater  harm  to  the  objects  of  their  mission — &  might 
promote  them,  as  no  doubt  has  been  done  by  their  arrest.  If  they 
had  been  released  immediately,  Lincoln's  government  would  have 
effected  every  possible  good  to  itself  from  the  arrest,  &  would 
have  removed,  in  the  manner  most  honorable  to  its  sense  of  jus- 
tice, courtesy,  &  moderation,  every  ground  of  complaint  from 
every  quarter. 


William  a.nd  Mary  Quarterly  159 

But  as  in  all  its  other  acts  &  general  policy,  in  the  struggle 
to  subjugate  the  South,  the  North  acts  as  if  demented  for  its 
own  destruction.  Often  has  been  quoted,  in  reference  to  the 
acts,  of  the  northern  government,  &  every  week  there  occurs 
some  new  8z  fit  occasion  to  repeat,  "Oiicm  Deus  vult  perderc,  prins 
dcmentat." 

One  continued  &  uniform  part  of  this  policy  is  the  habitual 
&  systematic  lying  of  the  functionaries,  as  if  required  by  rule  & 
general  orders,  «&  practiced  by  all  ranks  from  President  Lincoln 
to  the  lowest  military  commander,  who  has  to  report  to  the 
public  through  the  government.  Not  one  of  them  utters  lies  more 
grossly,  deliberately.  «&  in  the  face  of  all  known  facts  &  proba- 
bilities, than  Mr.  Seward — &  nowhere  more  remarkably  than 
in  this  official  letter.  He  therein  speaks  of  the  resistance  of  ("pre- 
tended"') Confederate  States  as  certainly  drawing  to  a  speedy 
close,  &  that  the  only  thing  that  has  encouraged,  or  will  cause 
the  continuance  of  their  rebellion  to  the  North,  is  their  hope 
of  being  recognized  &  aided  by  European  powers.  Much  of 
such  stuff  was  believed  in  England,  while  such  lies  were  some- 
what new,  &  all  news  from  the  C.  S.  had  to  be  obtained  (as  is 
mostly  still  the  case,)  through  northern  newspapers.  But  the 
falsehood  of  nearly  all  northern  statements  has  now  become  so 
notorious  even  in  Europe,  that  they  will  receive  but  little  credit 
when  not  otherwise  confirmed,  &  even  in  the  absence  of  all  con- 
tradiction. 

Confederate  Prisoners  at  Camp  Douglas. 

March  10,  1S63. 

[Mr.  Ruffm  inserts  a  newspaper  clipping  giving  an  account 
of  the  freezing  to  death  at  Camp  Douglas,  Ohio,  of  twelve  Con- 
federate prisoners.  The  65th  Illinois  Regiment,  U.  S.  A.,  on 
guard  there,  protested  against  the  condition  of  the  barracks, 
which  had  no  stoves  and  no  panes  in  tlie  windows.  This  con- 
demnation was  echoed  by  the  Chicago  Times,  which  denounced 
as  murder  the  transportation  to  this  Northern  latitude  of  pris- 
oners from  the  warm  climate  of  the  South,  to  endure  the  tor- 


i6o  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

tures  of  the  fierce  rigors  of  the  winter  weather,   witliout  any 
protection  being  prepared  for  them.] 

Policy  of  England  to  Injure  Both  Sections. 

March  lo,  1863. 

A  writer  in  a  London  paper  has  addressed  a  letter  to  Lord 
Palmcrston  stating  and  denouncing  the  number  of  war  steamers 
now  building  in  Britain  for  the  C.  S.  in  violation  of  law  & 
the  declaration  of  neutrality. 

But  if,  as  this  writer  charges,  the  British  government  has 
illegally,  &:  in  violation  of  its  professed  neutrality,  favored  the 
Confederates  on  the  ocean,  &  indeed  enabled  us  to  do  all  that 
our  few  cruisers  have  done,  it  is  no  contradiction,  but  the  re- 
verse, 10  what  I  have  before  charged,  that  the  British  government 
wishes  the  two  parties  to  this  war  to  do  all  possible  damage  to 
each  other.  Without  an  armed  vessel  for  ocean  service,  with- 
out seamen,  with  all  our  ports  blockaded,  &  European  ports 
closed  against  our  prizes  &  our  obtaining  naval  &  military  sup- 
plies, the  C.  S.  could  have  done  nothing  on  the  ocean,  &  the 
Yankee  mercantile  marine,  in  safety,  would  still  have  success- 
fully rivalled  British  ships.  Therefore,  the  government  connives 
at  the  invasion  of  its  neutrality,  &  permits  a  few  armed  cruisers 
to  sail  &  make  captures  under  the  Confederate  flag — not  to  send 
them  into  port,  &  save  them  in  existence,  as  future  competitors 
with  British  ships — but  to  destroy  them,  &  so  extinguish  so  many 
future  competitors,  whether  as  northern  or  southern  property. 

To  aid  the  C.  S.  so  far,  &  in  this  manner  only,  is  to  enable 
them  to  fight  for  the  benefit  of  England,  &  as  much  in  promotion 
of  its  interests  as  their  own.  On  the  other  hand,  by  denying  to 
the  C.  S.  the  free  supply  of  arms,  ammunition  &  military  equip- 
ments, (by  recognizing  as  legal  the  blockade  of  our  ports,). 
while  the  Yankees  are  supplied  to  any  extent,  &  by  the  exclud- 
ing from  us,  in  like  manner,  all  necessary  supplies  of  clothing, 
&c.,  the  C.  S.  are  practically  prevented  from  exerting  half  of 
their  military  power  on  land  against  their  enemy,  who  is  under 
none  of  these  disadvantages,  &  thus  is  enabled  to  inflict  a  double 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  i6i 

amount  of  danger  on  the  unprotected  southern  states.  Thus,  by 
pretending  to  observe  neutrality,  &  by  violating  it  in  different 
modes  against  both  parties,  England  enables  the  C.  S.  to  greatly 
injure  Yankeedom  on  the  ocean,  &  Yankeedom  to  injure  the 
C.  S.  on  the  land,  &  in  general — &  in  both  cases,  to  forward  to 
the  greatest  extent  the  desire  &  policy  of  England,  of  the  North 
&  South  destroying  each  other.  &  neither  gaining  any  power 
from  the  losses  it  inflicts  on  the  other. 


Difficulties  With  England. 
April  21,   1863. 

Earl  Russell,  the  British  Minister  for  Foreign  Aftairs,  has 
in  their  correspondence,  treated  our  Commissioner  M''  Mason, 
with  so  much  slight  &  disrespect,  &  also  the  C.  S.  government 
with  so  much  unfairness,  &  injustice,  &  even  using  falsehood 
&  fraudulent  construction  to  favor  the  Yankee  illegal  &  invalid 
blockade,  that  the  general  wTsh  of  the  people  is  in  favor  of  recall- 
ing our  commissioner  from  England,  &  ceasing  all  attempts 
at  diplomatic  intercourse  with  that  government.  Why  our  Presi- 
dent has  not  done  so,  long  ago,  is  to  me  surprising  &  incom- 
prehensible. But  while  our  enemy  has  been  so  greatly  favored 
by  England,  professing  neutrality  at  our  expense — &  even,  by 
maintaining  the  illegal  blockade,  Yankeedom  has  been  enabled 
to  frustrate  or  defeat  our  military  efforts,  &  to  continue  to  carry 
on  the  war  with  doubled  power  &  effect — still  its  government  is 
greatly  dissatisfied  with  that  of  England. 

The  building  war  vessels  in  England  to  be  sold  to  the  C.  S., 
(though  not  armed  or  equipped  before  being  delivered  to  our 
agents)  has  been  conplained  of  by  the  U.  S.  Minister,  loudly  & 
in  offensive  terms.  And  to  such  complaints,  &  charges  of  illegal' 
&  partial  action,  Earl  Russel  has  replied  as  curtly  &  almost  as 
insultingly  as  to  our  Commissioner.  Hence,  with  all  the  care 
of  England  to  conciliate  Yankeedom,  the  relations  of  the  two 
governments  are  in  an  uneasy  state,  &  may,  1)y  any  act  of  im- 
prudence, or  of  vigor,  on  either  side,  at  any  moment  may  be- 
come hostile.     At  the  North  it  is  manifest  from  the  tone  of  the 


i62  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

principal  papers,  that  war  with  England  is  deemed  not  improba- 
ble. And  the  offensive  language  of  these  papers,  &  the  threats 
against  England,  &  boasts  of  what  can  be  effected  in  war,  are 
calculated  to  deeply  offend  the  proud  English  nation,  &  compel 
its  government  to  cease  its  forbearance,  &  submission  to  Yankee 
insults  to  England,  as  well  as  its  injustice  in  sustaining  the 
illegal  blockade  in  violation  of  the  just  rights  of  the  C.  S.,  of  the 
law  of  nations,  &  the  interests  of  England. 

It  has  been  a  regtdar  business  in  Yankeedom  to  counterfeit 
the  paper  money  of  the  C.  S.  &  send  the  counterfeit  paper  here 
for  circulation.  But  the  extent  of  the  policy,  &  the  shameless- 
ness  of  the  operations,  have  not  been  made  so  manifest  as  by  a 
recent  advertisement  in  a  Cincinnati  paper,  by  which  "Jas. 
Slemans"  offers  for  sale  "Fac-simile  Confederate  scrip  of  the 
last  issue,  perfect  in  plate,  paper  &  signature,  &  will  pass  at  any 
banking  house  in  the  Confederacy." 

The  North  Encourages  a  Servile  Insurrection. 

May  I,  1863. 

Xhe  Yankee  forces  are  making  successful  &  extensive  progress 
in  the  interior  of  L*  &  as  elsewhere,  are  laying  waste  the  coun- 
try they  occupy.  It  seems  that  the  Yankee  government  has  been 
strangely  impressed  with  the  supposed  indications  afforded  by 
what  were  falsely  designated  as  our  "bread  riots" — &  by  the 
more  truthful  accounts  of  scarcity  of  provisions  in  some  locali- 
ties, &  from  our  army  in  V^,  &  of  high  prices  more  generally. 
It  is  a  general  Yankee  belief  that  the  people  &  armies  of  the 
C.  S.  are  on  the  borders  of  starvation,  &  that  they  can  damage 
us  most  effectually  by  destroying  our  means  &  preparations  for 
subsistence.  To  this  end,  they  are  now  aiming  all  their  efforts, 
&  their  war  policy.  They,  by  destruction  even  more  than  plunder, 
waste  our  existing  provisions  whenever  i't  is  in  their  power  to 
do  so — &  also  destroy  the  means  for  the  cultivating  &  harvesting 
other  crops.  This  atrocious  policy  the  Yankee  government, 
through  the  invasions  &  predator}-  raids  of  its  arm.ies  &  gtm- 
boats,  have  it  in  their  power  to  carry  out  to  great  &  terrible 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  163 

extent.  The  enfranchising  &  arming  &  embodying  the  negro 
slaves,  which  is  now  moving  with  new  vigor,  is  now  cherished 
by  Yankeedom  even  less  as  offering  military  aid,  &  favoring 
abolition  fanaticism,  than  because  it  is  a  patent  means  for  pre- 
venting the  cultivation  of  the  soil  &  reaping  its  products. 

It  w'as  clear  enough,  even  before  Lincoln's  proclamation, 
that  this  was,  or  would  be,  the  practical  policy  of  the  Yankee 
government.  Before,  to  great  extent,  but  systematically,  & 
generally  since  that  proclamation,  Yankee  military  &  naval  com- 
manders have  been  encouraging  the  stealing  of  slaves  bv  their 
subordinate  officers  &  soldiers,  compelling  or  inducing  the  slaves 
to  abandon  labor,  or  to  assert  their  freedom,  enrolling  them  as 
soldiers,  &  in  all  these  modes,  indirectly,  if  not  directly  &  openly, 
endeavoring  to  incite  the  negro  class  to  general  &  bloody  insur- 
rection &  rebellion.  But  while  this  whole  policy  was  obvious 
enough,  it  has  not  been  so  plainly  &  explicitly  expressed  as  in 
a  recent  speech  of  Gen.  Thomas,  U.  S.  A,,  delivered  at  Lake 
Providence,  L^,  &  where  he  could  have  had  only  Yankees  & 
negroes  for  auditors.  The  writing  &  publishing  his  speech  (ap- 
pended), is  the  exposition  of  Lincoln's  policy.  For  General 
Thomas  declares  himself  the  authorized  exponent  of  Lincoln's 
views  &  intentions.  &  fully  empov/ered  to  embody  negro  troops 
&  to  select  &  commission  their  officers. 

Death  of  Stonewall  Jackson. 

May  II,  1863. 

A  great  calamity  has  fallen  upon  the  Confederate  States 
in  the  death  of  Gen.  T.  J.  Jackson.  He  died  on  the  lo^**,  from 
pneumonia  combined  with  the  effects  of  his  wounds.  Our  coun- 
try and  its  cause  could  not  have  lost  near  as  much  in  the  death 
of  any  other  one  citizen,  soldier,  or  statesman,  unless  of  Gen. 
Lee.  And  neither  the  death  of  Lee,  nor  of  any  other  citizen,  no 
matter  how  much  deserving  &  possessing  the  esteem  &  gratitude 
of  our  people,  would  be  half  as  much  regretted  &  deplored  as 
the  death  of  Jackson.  Perhaps  no  other  man,  in  this  or  any  other 
countrv,  was  so  universally  admired  &  venerated.     Neither  his 


164  WiLLi-M  AND  Mary  Quarterly 

defects  or  his  virtues  &  merits  were  of  the  character  to  produce 
enmity,  or  ill-wi!l  in  others — &  he  had  the  good  fortune,  which 
rarely  attends  the  most  distinguished  worth  &  valuable  public 
services,  of  having  acquired  no  enemies.  Jackson,  as  a  military 
commander,  had  the  quaUties  &  the  success  most  suited  to  earn 
general  approval  &  admiration.  He  had  led  &  fought  in  numer- 
ous bloody  conllicts,  &  always  conquered.  In  all  of  his  num.er- 
ous  battles,  &  in  all  his  other  military  operations,  he  has  never 
once  been  defeated,  or  failed,  or  was  successfully  opposed  by 
the  enemy's  force  against  which  he  operated.  Yet  with  all  this 
unexampled  success,  throughout  his  brilliant  career,  &  with  all 
the  praise  heaped  upon  him  from  every  quarter — with  applauses 
in  which  the  highest  civil  &  military  authorities  concurred  with 
the  most  obscure  private  soldier  &  citizen — Jackson  never  seemed 
to  be  the  least  exalted  or  uplifted,  or  to  exhibit  any  indications 
that  he  was  not  insensible  or  ignorant  of  his  own  great  merits.  He 
semed  to  have  but  one  object — to  perform  his  duty  in  the  best  pos- 
sible manner.  Prominent  as  were  his  military  actions,  &  contin- 
ually as  his  services  placed  him  conspicuous  before  the  public  view, 
&  brought  to  him  new  evidences  of  public  &  universal  favor,  he 
never  did  or  said  an}1:hing  to  direct  attention  to  any  act  or 
opinion  of  his  own,  or  to  any  of  the  numerous  brave  &  glorious 
services  of  the  troops  w-hich  he  had  trained  &  so  often  led  in 
battle.  He  did  everything  that  was  required  to  obey  the  orders 
of  his  superiors — strictly  and  fully,  &  without  hesitation  or  ques- 
tion— &  to  perform  all  his  duties  when  commanding  on  his  own 
discretion — Sc  he  neither  did  nor  said  anything  more. 

High  as  was  his  military  rank,  &  exalted  as  the  respect  paid 
to  him  even  by  his  superiors  in  command,  he  seemed  never  to 
think  of  himself  but  as  a  subordinate,  whose  inflexible  duty  it 
was  to  respect  &  obey  his  superior  officer.  And  whether  this 
under  immediate  command  of  another,  or  on  separate  service  &  in 
independent  command,  he  not  only  thus  performed  his  duty, 
special  or  in  general,  but  it  was  done  as  silently  &  quietly  as  the 
nature  of  the  circumstances  permitted.  Few  men  have  lived 
of  whom  so  much  can  be  truly  reported,  as  in  regard  to  what 
he  has  done,  with  so  little  of  what  he  has  said,  or  offered  his 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  165 

opinions  to  the  public.  If  he  had  lived  to  continue  his  military 
service  to  the  end  of  tliis  war — with  unabated  success  &  still  in- 
creased glory — he  would  then  have  returned  to  private  life,  (if 
his  countrymen  did  not  prevent,).  &  have  been  content  to  act 
the  part,  for  the  remainder  of  his  days,  of  an  unobtrusive  &  ob- 
scure citizen  in  claiming  no  'distinction  for  past  services,  &  no 
reward  for  the  exceeding  great  measure  of  his  duties  per- 
formed. Another  quality  of  Jackson's  I  may  not  be  competent 
to  properly  understand  or  appreciate — but  which,  at  least,  I  can, 
&  do,  hold  in  honor  &  veneration.  He  was  earnesdy  &  zealously 
religious — a  sincere,  a  devoted  Christian. 

Conditions  of  the  Country. 

July   15,   1863. 

There  has  been  a  remarkable  frequency  and  quantity  of  rain, 
first  for  a  long  spell  extending  through  the  latter  part  of  winter 
&  nearly  to  the  latter  part  of  spring— &  since,  &  after  an  interval 
of  dry  weather  &  earth,  there  have  been  almost  daily  light  rains, 
&  frequent  heavy  rains,  &  always  a  clouded  &  threatening  sky, 
for,  the  latter  4  weeks  or  more.  The  labors  for  preparation  & 
of  later  tillage  of  crops  were  obstructed,  or  entirely  prevented 
in  part,  (&  especially  on  lands  like  Marlbourne  then  greatly  need- 
ing drainage,)  to  an  unprecedented  degree.  In  the  latter,  &  still 
continuing  wet  spell,  the  harvest  operations  of  clover-hay.  Wheat, 
&  oats,  were  all  obstructed,  &  the  crpps  damaged  more  or  less — 
&  tillage  of  the  corn  crop,  at  the  most  essential  time,  readered  im- 
possible. Also  the  great  prevalence  of  cloudy  &  cool  weather 
has  checked  the  growth  of  growing  crops,  both  in  spring  & 
summer.  The  high  freshes  of  the  rivers,  so  unusual  in  mid- 
summer, but  latterly  caused  by  the  unusual  quantity  of  rains, 
have  produced  complete  destruction  of  all  grown  &  growing 
crops,  on  the  extensive  &  fertile  bottoms  of  the  Dan  and  Roanoke 
— &  doubtless  great  injury  to  the  crops  on  many  other  river 
bottoms  less  deeply  inundated. 

Add  to  these  losses  from  rains,  that  a  large  extent  of  land 
in  Eastern  \'*  had  been  wasted  by  the  depredations  or  fear  of 


i66  William  and  Makv  Quarterly 

the  enemy  last  year,  &•  still  lie  wasted  &  unproductive — &  that 
much  of  the  actual  j^reparation  for  &  tillage  of  crops  for  this 
year,  even  where  resumed,  was  very  limited  &  defective,  for 
want  of  the  lost  laboring  hands  &  teams,  &  utensils,  &  of  due 
time  for  the  needed  operations.  For  all  these  reasons,  the  gen- 
eral produce  of  lower  V*  especially  would  have  been  very  small, 
even  if  the  cultivators  had  had  only  to  contend  agaist  the  losses 
of  last  year,  &  the  excess  of  rainy  weather  since.  But  in  addi- 
tion, our  vile  enemy  has  resorted  to  the  atrocious  &  unprecedented 
policy  (among  civilized  nations,)  of  destroying  the  growing 
crops,  by  plundering  &  harassing  the  country  mainly  for  that 
object — stealing  the  slaves  &  working-beasts,  &  breaking  the 
farming  machines  &  utensils,  which  cannot  be  replaced  now  at 
any  prices.  And  the  farms  so  plundered  &  their  crops  indirectly 
ruined,  by  the  actual  presence  &  operations  of  the  enemy's  forces, 
are  not  one  tenth  the  number  of  those  abandoned  suddenly  in 
terror,  &  in  expectation  of  like  visitations,  the  proprietors  mov- 
ing off  such  property  as  could  so  be  saved,  &  leaving  the  re- 
mainder, including  all  the  standing  crops,  to  be  entirely  wasted 
&  lost. 

This  process  of  general  destruction  of  crops  has  been  effected 
latterly  by  the  infernal  Yankees  over  a  large  portion  of  the  tide- 
water lands  of  \'irginia,  either  by  their  actual  &  direct  opera- 
tions of  plunder,  fire,  or  destruction  of  implements  &c.,  or  by 
the  farther  extending  terror  of  these  everywbere  threatened  & 
expected  ravages.  The  proprietors  had  ruin  before  them,  &  little 
choice  in  the  alternatives,  whether  they,  with  their  families  & 
property,  awaited  the  coming  of  the  barbarous  rangers  &  plun- 
dererSy  or  earlier  sought  safety  in  flight,  with  such  property  as 
could  be  removed.  For  a  farmer  thus  to  move  his  property  to 
a  distant  &  strange  residence,  &:  then  have  to  pay  for  the  sup- 
port of  all  his  household,  slaves  &  necessary  animals  at  current 
rates  of  expense,  is  nearly  as  ruinous  as  to 'lose  all  by  the  plunder- 
ing enemy. 

Except  the  Brandons  &  a  few  other  farms  of  the  lower  & 
broad  water  of  James  River,  &  as  high  as  City  Point,  nearly  all 
the  farms  had  been  left  waste  last  summer,  &  have  so  remained. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  167 

That  the  borders  of  this  river  had  not  been  again  visited  &  plun- 
dered, before  the  present  visit  of  gun-boats,  is  probably  owing 
to  the  fact,  well  known  to  the  enemy,  that  nearly  all  the  farms 
were  already  lying  waste,  &  offered  no  temptation  for  the  robbers. 
Why  the  fertile  peninsula  of  Brandon  has  been  entirely  spared, 
through  the  last  &  the  present  year,  is  a  mystery,  as  well  as  rare 
good  fortune  to  the  wealthy  proprietors. 

But  while  in  Virginia  there  has  been  this  great  diminution 
of  the  green  crops  of  this  year,  it  is  fortunate  for  general  as  well 
as  particular  interests,  that  in  the  more  southern  &  south-west- 
ern states,  grain  culture  had  generally  superseded  cotton  &. 
sugar  culture,  &  that  the  grain  crops  have  had  the  most  propitious 
weather.  Wheat  has  rarely  been  attempted  south  of  northern 
N.  O,  &  when  sown  farther  south,  has  rarely  escaped  great  dam- 
age from  the  climatic  disease  "rust,"  which  seemed  a  never  fail- 
ing attendant  &  destroyer  of  this  crop.  But  it  is  a  remarkable 
fact  of  this  year,  &  no  less  a  great  blessing  to  the  cultivators 
&  the  country  in  general,  that  throughout  the  South,  wherever 
wheat  had  been  seen  (&  it  had  been  very  extensively  sown,)  fine 
crops  were  reaped,  entirely  untouched  by  rust. 

MiSCEGEN.A.TION    FaVORED    IN    THE    NoRTH. 

July  17,  1S64,  Sunday. 

As  no  mail  comes  on  Sundays,  but  the  passenger  trains  as 
usual,  it  is  not  usual  for  us  to  hear  reports  of  news  through  some 
near  neighbor  who  had  been  to  the  R.  R.  Station.  Thus  we 
heard,  this  evening,  from  a  visitor,  the  report  so  brought  that 
our  forces  besieging  Washington  had  met  with  a  repulse.  Such 
a  result  is  more  than  probable.  But  no  report  to  our  disadvan- 
tage, coming  now  from  Yankee  sources  in  Baltimore,  &  when 
communication  with  Washington  was  cut  off,  deserves  any  credit. 
Still,  this  rumor  has  increased  my  uneasiness,  &  my  feverish 
anxiety  to  get  the  news  by  the  next  mail. 

Sometime  back  I  noted  the  information,  from  northern  papers, 
of  the  rising  in  Yankeedom  of  the  new,  or  newly  avowed  isnt 
of  "miscegenation."     A  book  which  elaborately  sets   forth  the 


1 68  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

doctrine  &  advocates  the  practice,  has  reached  Richmond,  & 
from  it  some  extriicts  have  been  made,  with  comments,  by  the 
Examiner.  The  book  is  anonymous.  But  it  is  accompanied  by 
the  certified  approval  &  recommendation  of  so  disting-uished  an 
aboHtionist  as  Wendell  Phillips.  &  of  Tilton,  an  editor  of  the 
"Independent,"  of  N.  Y.,  &  other  political  writers.  The  funda- 
mental proposition  inaintained  is,  that  "no  race  can  long  endure 
without  a  commingling  of  its  blood  with  that  of  other  races. 
The  condition  of  all  human  progress  is  miscegenation."  And 
the  most  expedient  &  proper  kind  of  such  mingling  of  races 
recommended  for  general  practice  to  Yankeedom,  is  that  be- 
tween the  white  (Yankee)  race  &  the  negro  race,  for  the  im- 
provement of  both.  Says  the  author  of  this  book,  "the  great 
truth  shall  be  declared  in  our  public  documents,  &  announced  in 
the  Messages  of  our  President — that  it  is  desirable  the  white  man 
shall  marry  the  black  woman,  &  the  white  woman  the  black  man 
- — that  the  race  should  become  mellalenketick  (mulatto,)  before 
it  becomes  miscegenetic"  .  .  .  "We  must  become  a  yellow 
skinned,  black-haired  people,  in  fact,  we  must  become  miscegens, 
if  we  would  retain  the  fullest  results  of  civilization."  If  the 
author  had  studied  properly  the  natural  history  of  races,  &  had 
not,  been  blinded  by  his  abolition  fanaticism,  he  could  not  have 
failed  to  know  that  the  reverse  of  his  proposition  was  true — 
that  the  mingling  of  the  white  &  negro  races,  in  the  production 
of  mulattoes,  or  any  of  the  intermediate  crosses,  operates  to 
produce  degeneracy  of  the  best  and  opposite  characteristic  quali- 
ties of  both  the  original  races.  The  mulatto  offspring  has  less 
mental  power  than  the  white  race,  &  less  physical  power  of 
endurance  of  labor  &  privation  than  the  black  race — &  is  more 
feeble  in  constitution,  &  liable  to  disease  &  death  than  either. 
As  a  thorough  hater  &  despiser  of  the  Yankee  people,  J  heartily 
wish  their  teachers  |he  utmost  success  in  establishing  this  doc- 
trine) practice — that  they  may  extend  &, increase  as  fast  as  pos- 
sible their  degeneracy  &  ill  repute  &  become  still  more  hateful 
&  despicable  in  the  eyes  of  all  the  white  race.  Finished  the  4''' 
vol.  of  Macaulay's  History  of  England. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  169 

Seward  and  the  Confeder_\te  Prisoners. 

December  13,  1864. 

Seward  (in  the  name  of  Lincoln,)  has  lately  issued  two  in- 
sulting documents  to  the  British  people,  which  will  reach  them 
nearly  at  the  same  time  with  Webb's  insulting  letters.  Palmerston 
&  Russell  have  seemed  ready  to  bear  any  insults  from  Yankee- 
dom.  But  there  may  be  a  limit  even  to  their  forbearance— &  the 
people  will  surely  be  indignant  with  these  three  offensive  docu- 
ments appearing  together.  A  respectful  petition  to  Lmcoln's 
government,  praying  that  it  would  make  peace,  had  been  got  up 
&  circulated  in  Britain  &  Ireland,  &  had  obtained  no  less  than 
350000  signatures,  including  many  of  the  most  respectable  of 
the  nobility,  digniiicd  clergy,  &  gentry.  This  petition  was  lately 
offered  to  Seward  to  be  laid  before  Lincoln,  &  its  reception  re- 
fused, on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  a  paper  sent  by  the  British 
government. 

The  next  act  was  worded  still  more  offensively.    Many  ladies 
of  high  rank  or  social  position  in  England  had  got  up  a  bazaar, 
of  which  the  profits  were  to  be  devoted  to  the  relief  of  C.  S.  mili- 
tary prisoners  confined  in  the  prisons  of  the  U.S.     The  sales  of 
articles,  &  gifts  to  this  institution   soon  made  its  clear  profits 
amount' to  £17.000,  ($85,000,)  which  sum,  Lord  Wharncliffe,  in 
the  names  of  the  Lady   Patronesses  of  the  charity,   requested 
(through  M^  Adams,  U.  S.  minister  at  London,)  of  the  Lincoln 
government  leave  to  transmit,  &  to  distribute  to  the  prisoners,  by 
the  hands  of  their  chosen  almoner  &  actuary.     To  this  request 
Seward  gives  a  printed  refusal    (appended,)    in  very  insulting 
terms,  treating  the  benefaction  as  not  needed,  &  the  offer  as 
intrusive  &  offensive— &  even  snubs  the  U.  S.  Minister  Adams 
for  his  permitting  the  proposition  to  come  through  his  hands. 
These  two  added  to  Webb's  most  insulting  &  gratuitous  declara- 
tions, I  think  must  have  some  irritating  effect  on  the  proud  Eng- 
lish people,  &  possibly  may  cause  some  such  stimulus  to  be  ap- 
plied to  their  mean-spirited  ministry,  which  is  willing  to  put  up 
with  any  insult  or  outrage  from  Yankeedom  rather  than  to  risk 
war  with  that  power,  or  to  require  &  allow  the  just  claims  of 


ijo  William  aad  Mary  Quarterly 

neutrality  to  ihe  hated  Confederate  States.  "It  is  the  last  feather 
that  breaks  the  camel's  back."  The  commercial  interests  of  Eng- 
land &  the  fears  of  the  ministry  of  Yankee  hostility,  &  their  fana- 
tical hatred  of  slavery  &  slaveholders,  have  concurred  in  making 
the  English  government  basely  subservient  to  Lincoln's.  Rut 
the  English  people  are  not  so  disposed.  A  recent  article  of  the 
London  Times,  (appended,)  exhibits  scorn  &  contempt  for  Presi- 
dent Lincoln,  &  indirectly  for  the  people  who  have  re-elected 
him,  which  sentiments  probably  are  approved  by  a  majority  of 
the  British  nation.     Finished  De  Foe's  "Memoirs  of  a  Cavalier." 

(Newspaper  clipping  appended.) 

A  Wraihy  Letter  from  Scu'ard. 

Mr.  Seward  has  written  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Adams, 
in  reply  to  the  application  made  on  behalf  of  the  Confederate 
Bazaar  in  Liverpool,  for  permission  to  apply  the  fund  collected 
in  "distributing  aid"  to  the  Confederate  prisoners  in  Northern 
prisons.  Lord  W'harncliffe,  in  making  the  apjplication,  had  taken 
care  to  disavow  any  intention  of  giving  "political  aid,"  or  "an 
imputation  that  rebel  prisoners  are  deprived  of  such  attentions  as 
the  ordinary  rules  enjoin." 

Departtnent  of  State. 

Washington,  December  5,   1864. 

Sir:  I  have  received  your  dispatch  of  the  iSth  of  November, 
No.  807,  together  with  the  papers  therein  mentioned,  viz. :  a 
copy  of  a  letter  which  was  addressed  to  you  on  the  12th  of  No- 
vember last  by  Lord  WharnclifFe  and  a  copy  of  your  answer 
to  that  letter.  You  will  now  inform  Lord  Wharnclifte  that  per- 
mission for  an  agent  of  the  committee  d[escribed  by  him  to  visit 
the  insurgents  detained  in  the  military  prisons  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  distribute  among  them  seventeen  thousand  pounds 
of  British  gold  is  disallowed.  Here  it  is  expected  that  your  cor- 
respondence with  Lord  WharncHfTe  will  end.  That  correspon- 
dence will  necessarily  become  publick.    Ch2  reading  it  the  Ameri- 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  171 

can  publick  will  be  well  aware  that,  while  the  United  States 
have  ample  means  for  the  support  of  prisoners,  as  well  as  for 
every  other  exigency  of  the  war  in  which  they  are  engaged,  the 
insurgents  who  have  blindly  rushed  into  the  condition  are  suf- 
fering no  privations  that  appeal  for  relief  or  charity  either  at 
home  or  abroad.  The  American  people  will  be  likely  to  retlect 
that  the  sum  thus  insiduously  tendered  in  the  name  of  humanity 
constitutes  no  larger  portion  of  the  profits  which  its  contributors 
may  be  justly  supposed  to  have  derived  from  the  insurgents  by 
exchanging  with  them  arms  and  munitions  of  war  for  the  coveted 
productions  of  immoral  and  enervating  slave  labour.  Nor  will 
any  portion  of  the  American  people  be  disposed  to  regard  the 
sum  thus  ostentatiously  otTered  for  the  relief  of  captured  insur- 
gents as  a  too  generous  equivalent  for  the  devastation  and  desola- 
tion which  a  civil  war,  promoted  and  protracted  by  English  sub- 
jects, has  spread  throughout  the  States,  which  before  were  emi- 
nently prosperous  and  happy.  Finally,  in.  view  of  the  last  offici- 
ous intervention  in  our  domestic  affairs,  the  American  people 
can  hardly  fail  to  recall  the  warning  of  the  Father  of  our  Coun- 
try directed  against  two  great  and  intimately  connected  publick 
dangers,  namely  sectional  faction  and  foreign  intrigue. — I  do  not 
think  the  insurgents  have  become  debased,  although  they  have 
sadly  wandered  from  the  ways  of  loyalty  and  patriotism.  I  think 
that,  in  common  with  all  our  countrymen,  they  will  rejoice  in 
being  saved  by  their  considerate  and  loyal  Government  from  the 
grave  insult  which  Lord  Wharnclift'e  and  his  associates,  in  their 
zeal  for  the  overthrow  of  the  United  States,  have  prepared  for 
the  victims  of  this  unnatural  and  hopeless  rebellion.  I  am,  sir, 
your  obedient  servant  William  FI.  Seward. 


172  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


THE  VIRGINIA  FARMER. 

Communicated  by  Alfred  J.  Morrison,  Ph.  D.,  Hampden 
Sidney,  Va. 

The  first  number  of  Edmund  Ruffin's  Farmers'  Register  ap- 
peared in  June,  1833,— 'Vol.  I.,  Richmond,  June,  1833.  No.  i. 
Edmund  Ruffin,  Editor  and  Proprietor.--$5  per  annum— T.  W. 
White,  Printer.'  In  the  second  number  of  the  Register,  p.  93, 
there  was  printed  an  extrjict  from  the  Richmond  Enquirer,  under 
the  title,  "Agriculture  of  Virginia,"  signed  "A  Buckingham 
Farmer'/'  and  dated  June  S'^  1833.  This  contributor  says,  "I 
will  take  the  liberty  of  adverting  to  one  fact— that  is,  the  exist- 
ence of  one  agricultural  paper  in  Scottsville,  Albemarle  County,." 

The  agrlcutural  paper  published  at  Scottsville  was  the  "Vir- 
ginia Farmer,"  owned  and  edited  by  Theodorick  McRobert.  Jan. 
25,  1833,  Mr.  McRobert  gave  a  deed  of  trust  to  John  tiartman, 
on  2-3  of  a  lot  in  Scottsville,  bought  of  Peyton  Harrison,  and 
the  .printing  press,  &c.,  for  the  "Virginia  Farmer."  [Prince 
Edward  County  Deed  Books,  Vol.  XXL,  p.  122.] 

That  Mr.  McRobert's  journal  was  meant  to  be  a  thorough- 
going farm  journal  may  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  Farmers' 
Register,  Vol.  I.,  p.  337,  where  the  letter  quoted  below  is  pub- 
lished : 

"Liberty,  Bedford,  Va.,  y'""  Sept.,  1833. 

To  Theodorick  McRobert,  Esq., 

Editor  of  the  Virginia  Farmer. 
Dear  Sir, — The  postmaster  at  this  place  has  placed  in  my 
hands  a  printed  circular  received  by  him  some  months  ago  from 
you,  requesting  information  respecting  the  present  state  of  agri- 
culture, &c.,  and  respecting  the  soil— the  kind  of  soils— capacity 
for  improvement— the  kind  of  crops  cultivated— the  progress  of 
improvement  in  agriculture  generally,  &c.,  &c.  And  the  post 
master  has  requested  me  to  write  you.  giving  the  desired  informa- 
tion    *****" 


William  and  Mary  Quaktkrly  173 

This  Virginia  Farmer  may  have  been  established  as  early  as 
1829.  Any  copy  of  it,  from  which  the  information  could  be  had 
as  to  its  tenure  of  life,  would  be  a  great  curiosity.  The  editor, 
Theodoric  McRobert,  was  not  a  successful  man.  He  was  born  in 
Prince  Edward  County,  and  died  there  before  1S90  at  a  rather 
advanced  age.  He  was  the  grandson  of  Archibald  McRobert,  the 
last  minister  of  St.  Patrick's  Parish,  Prince  PMward  County, 
who  had  come  from  Scotland,  and  was  first  settled  in  Dale  Parish, 
Chesterfield  County.  It  is  supposed  that  Archibald  McRobert  v/as 
a  graduate  of  the  University  of  Edinburgh.  He  was  a  charter 
trustee  of  Hampden  Sidney  College,  and  for  a  good  many  years 
before  his  death  in  1807  was  usually  the  presiding  officer  of  the 
Board  of  Trustees  of  that  college. 


WILL  OF  LADY  REBECCA   GOOCH,  WIDOW  OF   SIR 
WILLIAM  GOOCH. 

Conmiunicated  by  E.  Alfred  Jones,  London. 

(Extracted  from  the  Principal  Registry  of  the  Probate  Divorce 

and  Admiralty  Division  of  the  High  Court  of  Justice. 

In  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury.) 

I,  Dame  Ref.ecca  Gooch  of  Hampton  in  Middlesex  widow 
do  make  publibh  and  declare  this  my  last  will  and  testament  in 
manner  following  I  steadfastly  believe  and  hope  that  God  Al- 
mighty through  his  great  mercy  and  the  merits  of  my  blessed 
Saviour  will  pardon  all  my  sins  and  failings  and  receive  my  Soul 
as  to  to  my  poor  body  w'^  Mr.  Wood  of  Littletons  leave  I  would 
have  it  laid  in  Cobham  Chancel  by  my  Father  Mother  and  sister 
I  would  be  buried  in  linnen  and  my  wedding  ring  on  my  Finger. 
A  plain  black  cloth  outside  coffin  with  black  plates  and  nails 
and  a  very  good  Elm  one  within  unless  I  die  at  so  great  a  dis- 
tance they  are  obliged  to  put  me  in  lead  I  would  have  a  velvet 
hearse  with  six  horses  and  two  coaches  and  six  no  Pall  bearers 


174  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

nor  Escutcheons  only  a  velvet  pall  eight  poor  men  of  the  parish 
of  Cobham  who  do  nc^t  take  alms  of  the  parish  I  desire  to  carry 
me  into  the  Church  and  to  have  Hatbands  and  Gloves  and  five 
shillings  each  a  Scarf  Hat  Iland  and  gloves  and  a  twenty  shilling 
ring  to  the  Minister  at  Cobham  that  buries  me  and  a  twenty 
shilling  ring  to  the  Minister  at  Hampton  and  five  shillings  a 
piece  to  six  poor  men  who  assist  in  putting  me  iiTto  the  tiearse 
at  Hampton  I  would  have  an  Atchievement  over  my  house  door 
to  be  hung  in  Cobham  Chancel  at  a  proper  time  And  first  I 
would  bequeath  wherewith  to  repair  and  keep  up  the  Burying 
place  at  York  in  Mrginia  where  my  dear  sQn  and  grandson  and 
brother  lie  but  have  met  with  such  ill  usage  in  relation  to  it  al- 
ready as  convinces  me  it  will  never  be  put  to  the  right  use  there- 
fore I  omit  it  but  as  a  small  token  of  my  Remembrance  to  the  place 
of  his  education  I  give  to  William  and  ]\Iary  College  in  Virginia 
my  Gilt  Sacrament  Cup  ^  and  put  in  a  Red  Leather  case  and  a 
large  Foil:  Bible  of  P'ields  bound  in  four  volumes  I  give  to  my 
Daughter  Eleanor  Lewis  twenty  pounds  for  mourning  and  to 
her  son  Warner  Lewis  Junr  my  gold  watch  with  a  Mans  Gold 
Chain  to  it  which  Eve  laid  by  for  that  purpose  I  likewise  order 
five  hundred  pound  consolidated  Bank  Stock  to  be  put  in 
trusts  hands  the  interest  thereof  to  be  paid  to  Mrs.  Frances 
FergusscSn  during  her  life  and  at  her  death  I  give  it  to  the  afore- 
said Warner  Lewis  Junr  my  Godson  I  give  to  Ralph  Wormly 
Esquire  Senr  my  son  and  daughters  pictures  half  lengths  that 
hang  in  the  little  parlour  I  do  give  to  William  Gooch  Esquire 
second  son  to  Sir  Thomas  Gooch  Bart  one  hundred  pound  Con- 
solidated Bank  Stock  and  my  snuff  box  with  my  sons  picture  in 
it  done  by  Zinks  a>nd  I  do  give  to  Miss  Matilda  Gooch  Sir 
Thomas  Gooch's  daughter  and  to  ]\Iiss  Mary  Gooch  and  Miss 
Rachael  Gooch  Dr.  Gooch's  daughters  and  to  my  Godson  Master 
Thomas  Sherlock  Gooch  one  hundred  pound  consolidated  Bank 
stock  each  I  do  likewise  desire  Mrs.  Hanburv  Mr.  Capel  Han- 
bury 's  widow  will  accept  of  twenty  guineas '  for  a  ring  as  a 
small  remembrance  of  the  many  favors  received  from  him  I  do 


^  This  beautiful  cup  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Bruton  Church,  Wil- 
liamsburg.   It  was  made  in  i6S6  by  Peter  Harache  (Quarterly  V'I.,  p.  40). 


William  and  Mary  Quartlrly  175 

give  to  my  own  Maid  Alary  not  if  living  with  me  at  the  time  of 
my  death  t'lirty  pounds  to  William  Stoke  if  living  with  me  then 
twenty  pound  to  each  of  my  other  servants  that  .-.hall  have  lived 
with  me  two  year  or  upwards  ten  pound  each  I  do  give  to  ten 
poor  widows  of  the  parish  of  Hampton  twenty  shilling  each  as 
T^Irs.  Frances  Fergusson  shall  name  them  and  I  do  give  to  Mr. 
Oswood  Hanbury  and  Mr.  Samuel  Athaxyes  who  have  given  me 
leave  to  appoint  them  my  executors  fifty  pounds  each  Lastly 
I  do  give  and  bequeath  all  the  rest  and  residue  of  my 
estate  of  what  kind  or  nature  soever  and  whatsoever  sum  or 
sums  of  money  I  am  intitlcd  to  or  have  any  right  to  dispose  of 
by  will  or  other  wise  unto  my  dear  friend  ]Mrs.  Franc/j-^ 
Fergusson  and  I  do  hereby  constitute  and  appoint  Mr.  Osgood 
Hanbury  and  Mr.  Samuel  Athait'j  executors  to  this  my  will 
and  I  do  declare  these  presents  all  of  my  own  handwriting 
to  be  my  last  will  in  witness  whereof  I  have  hereto  set  my 
name  &  seal  this  twelf  day  of  August  1773.  rer  :  CtOoch  (L.  S) 
Signed  sealed  &  delivered  in  th.e  presence  of  us. 

I  do  allso  give  to  Miss  Mary  Athawes  one  hundred  pound 
Consoladated  Bank  Stock  rer:  gooch. 

Administration  (With  Will  and  Codicil)  granted 

25th  February  1775. 

Administration   (with  Will  and  Codicil)  granted 

1st  September  1810. 

Fos    10. 

J  H  G. 

52  Alexander. 


WILL  OF  SIR  ROBERT  PEAKE. 

Will  of  Sir  Robert  Peake.  Knight,  citizen  and  Goldsmith  of 
London,  dated  15  May,  1666,  proved  at  London  26  July,  1667. 
Among  other  legacies  are  legacies  to  "my  cousin  and  sometime 
servant"  George  Lyddall.  of  Virginia,  gentleman,  £300;  to  "'my 
sometime  servant"  Michael  Tucker  in  Virginia,  husbandman  £10; 
to  my  friend  Dr.  James  Hide,  of  Oxford,  and  his  wife.  Mar- 


1^6  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

garet,  ^50,  and  to  their  son  Robert  Hide  my  godson  £50.  (Pub- 
lished in  Waters'  Gleanings,  in  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register,  Volume  37.) 

Note. 

This  will  is  interesting,  because  it  shows  very  aptly  how  in- 
definite was  the  meaning  of  the  word  servant,  which  is  now  sug- 
gestive almost  altogether  of  menial  relations.  In  colonial  times 
it  designated  anybody  employed  by  another.  George  Lyddall 
was  "a'^ gentleman"— a  near  relation  and  yet  "sometime  servant" 
of  Sir  Robert  Teake.  The  will  is  valuable  also  for  identifying 
three  settlers  in  Virginia— George  Lyddall,  who  was  com- 
mander of  the  Fort  on  Mattaponi  River,  and  died  in  New  Kent 
County,  January  19,  i705-'o6;  Michael  Tucker,  of  New  Kent 
who  died  there  in  March.  1726-1727,  and  Robert  Hide,  who  was 
doubtless  the  lawyer  of  the  same  name,  that  lived  in  York  County, 
and  died  there  in  171S. 

George  Lyddall  was  the  fifth  son  of  Thomas  Lyddall  and 
younger  brother  of  Sir  Thomas  Lyddall,  who  married  Bridget 
Woodward,  daughter  of  George  Woodward  and  Elizabeth  Honi- 
wood.  He  patented  lands  in  New  Kent  County  in  1654.  and  in 
1679  was  commander  of  the  Fort  on  Mattaponi  River.  It  is  not 
known  to  the  writer  how  Sir  Robert  Peake  was  related  to  him. 
The  will  of  Elizabeth  Woodward  (See  Keith's  Ancestry  of  Ben- 
jamin Harrison)  shows  that  Sir  Thomas  Lyddall,  brother  of 
George  Lyddall  had  a  son  Thomas,  who  may  have  been  the 
Thomas  Lyddall  mentioned  as  a  headright  to  Captain  Edmund 
Bacon,  of  New  Kent  County,  Virginia.  (Quarterly,  X..  268.) 
The  mother  of  Elizabeth  Honiwood,  who  married  George 
Woodward,  was  the  celebrated  Mrs.  Honiv/ood  famous  for  her 
charities.  One  of  her  gran(l^ons  was  Sir  Robert  Honiwood,  a 
member  of  Cromwell's  Council  of  State,  who  was  father  of  Sir 
Philip  Honiwood,  a  Royalist,  who  came  to  Virginia  in  1649,  and 
patented  land,  but  returned  to  England,  and  died  in  1682  at 
Charing,  County  Kent,  England,  leaving  an  only  daughter 
Frances,  who  married  George  Sayers.     (Quarterly,  III.,  64.) 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  177 

He  sold  his  land  in  Virginia  to  William  Bassctt,  who  in  his  will 
calls  Nathaniel  F-acon  "brother." 

Now  Nathaniel  Bacon  was  the  son  of  a  Royalist  minister,  Rev. 
James  Bacon  of  Friston  Hall,  County  Suffolk,  by  Martha,  a 
sister  of  Bridget  Woodward,  who  married  Sir  Thomas  Lyddall. 
He  came  to  X'irginia  about  1651,  and  rose  to  be  President  of  the 
Council.  His  grandfather.  Sir  James  Bacon,  was  first  cousin 
of  Lord  Francis  Bacon,  and  he  was  a  cousin  once  removed  of 
Nathaniel  Bacon,  the  Rebel,  and  a  cousin  too  of  Capt.  Edmund 
Bacon,  of  New  Kent  County,  (Quarterly,  X.,  268),  among 
whose  descendants  appear  the  names  of  Lyddall  and  the  Bacon 
family  names  of  Edmund  and  Nathaniel. 

Nathaniel  Bacon,  Sr.,  settled  first  in  Isle  of  Wight  County 
and  his  first  wife  was  a  widow,  Anne  Smith,  who  had  two  chil- 
dren: Anne  Smith,  who  married  in  1684,  Major  George  Fawdon, 
of  Isle  of  Wight  County,  and  William  .Smith.  The  marriage 
contract  of  ivlajor  Fawdon  and  Anne  Smith  is  witnessed  by 
Thomas  Woodward,  who  was  assay  master  of  the  mint  to  Charles 
I.  (Quarterly,  VH.,  223.)  He  was  doubtless  a  relative,  proba- 
bly, a  son  of  John  Woodward — a  half-brother  of  Nathaniel 
Bacon's  mother,  Martha  Woodward.  Col.  Bacon  married  2dly. 
Elizabeth  Kingsmill,  daughter  of  Richard  Kingsmill,  an  early 
settler.  Her  tom.bstone  is  still  extant  bearing  the  arms  of  Kings- 
mill  and  Tayloe,  her  first  husband  being  Col.  William  Tayloe, 
of  the  Council.  While  Co!.  Bacon  left  no  descendants  in  Vir- 
ginia his  niece,  Abigail  Smith,  who  came  to  Virginia,  did.  She 
was  daughter  of  Anthony  Smith,  of  Colchester,  England,  and 
married  Major  Lewis  Burwell  of  Carter^'s  Creek,  Gloucester 
County,  \^irginia,  grandson  of  Edward  Burwell,  of  Harlington, 
County  Bedford,  England.  , 

The  \'irginia  settlers  came  over  in  families  or  groups  df 
connections.  Thus  William  Bassett,  founder  of  tlie  distinguished 
family  of  that  name  calls  Col.  Nathaniel  Bacon  "brother,"  and 
George  Lyddall  was  one  of  his  executors.  He  saw  Sir  Philip 
Honiwood  at  White  Hall  in  London  and  purchased  lands  belong- 
ing to  Honiwood  in  Virginia.  His  wife  was  Bridget  Cary, 
daughter  of  iMiles  Cary,  of  Bristol,  and  afterwards  of  Virginia, 


1/8  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

of  tlie  same  family  as  Robert  Cary,  Lord  Hunsdon.  In  his  will 
Bassetl  mentions  his  nephew,  Joseph  Foster,  and  this  nephew 
settled  in  New  Kent  County,  became  captain,  colonel.  &c.,  and  his 
descendants  were  leading  citizens.  And  Bassett's  sister,  Mary 
Scott,  was  probably  mother  of  Col.  John  Scott,  of  the  same 
county.  Thus  there  were  ties  of  relationships  between  the 
Lyddalls,  Bacons,  Bassetts,  Carys,  Honiwoods,  Fosters,  Wood- 
wards, &c. 


WHO  WAS  ELIZABETH  WASHINGTON? 
Compiled  by  Mrs.  James  H.  Frexch,  Fort  Worth,  Texas. 

A  record  of  the  Washington  and  Lanier  families  from  1183 
was  made  up  principally  from  the  records  of  George  P.  Custis, 
of  Arlington,  adopted  son  of  General  George  Washington. 
Through  this  record  an  error  has  existed  for  years,  in  many  sec- 
tions throughout  the  South,  and  is  herewith  corrected  by  copies 
of  wills  and  numerous  other  authorities  cited.  His  record  states 
that  John  Washington,  son  of  Lawrence  and  Mildred  Warner 
Washington,  married  Catherine  Whiting,  of  Gloucester  County 
Virginia,  and  that  their  daughter,  Elizabeth  married  Thomas 
Lanier  and  they  had  Richard,  Elizabeth,  and  Sampson.  Now 
the  reading  of  a  genealogy  compiled  by  George  Washington,  him- 
self, will  show  that  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  John  Washington 
and  Catherine  XA'hiting  never  married.  Her  tombstone  also 
speaks  as  follows:  (See  William  and  Mary  Quarterly,  Vol., 
JI.,  No.  4,  page  226,  April,  1894.)  "She  was  a  maiden,  virtuous 
without  reservedness,  wise  without  affectation,  beautiful  without 
knowing  it.  She  left  this  life  on  the  5th  day  of  February,  in  the 
year  mdccxxxvi.,  in  the  20th  }ear  of  her  age." 

We  will  show  now  who  this  Elizabeth  Washington  was  who 
married  Thomas  Lanier.  In  the  chancel  of  the  Church  of  St. 
Nicholas,  Islip,  there  is  a  monument  of  round  stone,  supported 
by  two  small  Tuscan  pillars,  and  on  a  tablet  between  the  pillars  is 
this  inscription : 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  179 

"Here  lieth  the  body  of  Dame  Mary,  wife  unto  Sir  John 
\\'ashirigton,  Knight,  daughter  of  Phillipe  Curtis,  Gente.,  who 
has  issue  by  her  said  husband,  3  sons;  Mordaunt,  John  and 
Phillipe.     Deceased  ist  of  January,  1624." 

There  is  an  old  manor  house  in  the  village,  which  for  genera- 
tions has  been  known  as  the  Washington  House,  where  it  is  very 
probable  that  the  above  lady  lived. 

Sir  John  Washington,  Knight,  was  a  son  of  the  second  Law- 
rence Washington,  of  Brington.  He  had  a  brother,  also  named 
Lawrence,  who  took  holy  orders  and  was  rector  of  Purleigh, 
Essex.  It  is  from  this  Lawrence  Washington  that  George  Wash- 
ington, first  President  of  the  United  States  was  descended. 

The  rector  of  Islip  in  1910  wrote  to  J.  E.  Washington,  mem- 
ber of  Congress  from  Tennessee  from  1S97  to  1907,  asking  him 
if  he  knew  of  this  monument  in  the  above  church.  He  re{)lied, 
saying,  '"that  he  had  good  reason  to  believe  that  Dame  ^L^ry's 
son,  John  Washington,  was  the  first  of  his  ancestors  in  Virginia." 
Mr.  Washington  has  a  beautiful  home  thirty  miles  from  Nasli- 
ville,  Tenn.,  which  he  calls  "Wessington"  (original  name  of  the 
family).  In  a  letter  dated  June,  191 1,  he  says:  "Sons  Phillipe 
and  Mordaunt,  sons  of  Sir  John  and  Dame  Mary,  died  without 
issue.  Their  son,  John  Washington,  was  in  the  Barbadoes  be- 
tween 16^0  and  i6f,8.'' 

In  July  of  the  same  year,  191 1,  Joseph  E.  Washington  visited 
Islip,  and  the  rector  placed  before  him  the  idea  of  some  memorial 
in  the  church  to  the  memory  of  his  ancestor. 

In  a  genealogical  pamphlet  published  on  the  Washingtons, 
Lieut. -Col.  John  Washington,  of  Westmoreland  County,  Va., 
ancestor  of  John  Washington,  referred  to  this  John  as  "my  cousin 
John  in  the  Barbadoes."  This  John  from  the  Barbadoes  was 
married  in  i6jS,  in  Surry  County,  Va.,  to  the  widow  Mary  Flood, 
who  had  been  the  widow  of  Richard  Blount.  After  Mr.  Wash- 
ington's death,  she  married  Mr.  Ford. 

John  Washington  and  Mary  Flood  had  an  only  child,  Richard, 
whose  will  is  dated  in  Surry  County,  Virginia,  Nov.  9,  1724, 
probated  May  19,  1725  in  Southwark  Parish,  fie  gives  property 
to  sons  George,  Richard,  John,  William,  Thomas,  James,  and 


i8o  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Arthur  Washington,  and  Daughters  Anne;  Elizabeth  Washington 
Lanier;  son-in-law  Sampson  Lanier  daughters  Pricilla,  Faith 
Parker,  Mary  Hart  and  beloved  wife  Elizabeth  Washington; 
to  four  grandsons  Arthur,  Sampson,  Richard  and  Lemuel. 

The  wife  of  the  testator,  Richard  lVashi)igton,  was  Elizabeth 
Jordan  (daughter  of  Arthur  Jordan,  who  died  nn  1698).  Eliza- 
beth's will  was  dated  May  21,  1/35,  in  Surry  County,  Va.  She 
gives  property  to  George,  Richard,  John,  Thomas  (died  in  1749), 
W^illiam,  James  and  Arthur ;  daughters  Elizabeth  Lanier,  Pricilla 
Lanier,  Faitha  Parker,  Mary  Flart  and  daughter  Anne.  Elica- 
hetli  was  the  wife  of  Sampson  Lanier. 

Sampson  Lanier,  of  Brunswick  County,  Va.,  made  his  will 
January  8th,  1/4S,  probated  May  5,  1745,  which  gives  properly 
to  sons  Thomas  Lanier,  sons  Sampson  and  Richard ;  daughter 
Elizabeth  Burch,  son  Lemuel  Lanier,  son  James,  and  gives  prop- 
erty to  wife  (no  name  given).  From  Sampson  Lanier  descended 
Sidney  Lanier,  the  poet.  Lemuel,  son  of  Sampson  and  Elizabeth 
Washington,  made  his  will  in  181 /,  probated  same  year  in 
Rutherford  County,  Tenn. ;  gives  property  to  beloved  wife  Lucy, 
to  daughters  Martha  Faga)i,  Elizabeth  Floyd,  grandsons  Robert 
Lanier  Fagan,  Samuel  S.  Kelly,  and  Abner  Kelly;  Lemuel 
Lanier  is  mentioned  in  xMbcmarle  Parish  register,  in  774?.  John 
S.  Fagan,  who  married  Martha  Lanier,  daughter  of  Lemuel. 
served  three  years  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution  and  his  name  is 
on  a  monument  erected  at  "Kings  Mountain''  and  another  erected 
in  tlie  courthouse  yard  in  Nashville,  Tenn.,  by  the  Daughters  of 
the  American  Revolution.  Their  son,  Robert  Lanier  Fagan, 
served  in  the  War  of  1812,  and  was  wounded  Dec.  23,  1814. 
Robert  Lanier  Fagan,  the  grandfather  of  Mrs.  H.  H.  Neil!, 
widow  of  the  highly  esteemed  and  lamented  Chief  Justice  Neill 
of  San  Antonio,  Texas. 

Authorities:  Richmond  Times-Dispatch,  William  and 
Mary  Quarterly,  Vol.  IV.,  page  35 ;  Nezv  England  Historical 
and  Genealogical  Register,  Vol.  XLIV.,  page  307. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  i8i 


THE  JEFFERSON   FAMILY  OF   PITTSYLVANIA 
COUNTY. 

Communicated  by  Mrs.  N.  E.  Clemext,  Chatham,  Va. 

In  number  3  of  Vol.  XXII.,  in  an  account  of  the  Allen  family, 
mention  is  made  of  the  marriage  of  Elizabeth  Allen  to  Field 
Jefferson,  mother  of  Col.  Peter  Jefferson,  of  Albemarle.  Field 
Jefferson's  will,  dated  1762,  is  filed  at  Mecklenburg  Courthouse, 
and  in  it  he  names  four  sons,  viz. :  Thomas,  Peter  Field,  George 
and  John. 

George  Jefferson  patented  large  bodies  of  land  in  Pittsylvania 
County,  a  part  of  which  he  later  sold  to  his  brother  Peter  Feld. 

In  the  first  lists  of  tithables  taken  in  Pittsylvania  County 
we  find, 

"List  of  Tithables  taken  by  George  Jefferson  in  Pittsylvania 
County,  Camden  Parish,  Year  1767." 

In  list  occurs   following  items : 
"George  Jefferson   (^Mecklenburg) 

John  Davis,  Overseer,  and  negroes   (towit),  Land 

Tithes  Acres. 

Sam,  Chance,  Pompey,  Phillis,  Pal  and  Sary  7  8000 

In  ^lay,  1774,  George  Jeflferson,  of  Lunenburg,  sells  to  Peter 
Field  Jeflferson,  of  Mecklenburg,  for  £120,  409  acres  on  Turkey 
Cock  Creek,  Pittsylvania  Co. 

For  £60,  321  acres  on  Sailor's  Creek,  Pittsylvania  co. 

For  £500,  1005  acres  on  Turkey  Cock  Creek,  Pittsylvania. 

Again  in  1776,  he  sells  him  140  acres  in  Pittsylvania.  Peter 
Field  Jefferson  must  have  soon  after  tliis  removed  to  Pittsyl- 
vania County  to  live,  for  in  1779  we  find  him  selling  380 
acres  for  £350  to  Eiisha  Walker,  and  in  the  deed  giving  his  place 
of  residence  as  Pittsylvania  County.  There  is  no  will  of  Peter 
Field  Jeflferson  recorded  in  Pittsylvania,  but  there  is  one  of  his 
wife,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  JeiTerson,  datcil   1828.     In  it  she  mentions 


1 82  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

following  children:  Sons  I-leld  Jefferson,  John  Jefferson, 
SanuicI  A.  Jefferson,  Alexander  Jefferson,  Archer  Jefferson, 
dec'd,  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  dec'd;  daughters  Patsy  Brewer 
and  Judith  Jefferson.  From  the  marriage  Register  we  find 
that  on  Feb.  27,  1806,  Thomas  Jeft'erson  married  Elizabeth  Ball. 
Feb.  20,  1808,  Alexander  Jefferson  married  Elizabeth  Smith. 
Alexander  Jefferson's   will  is  dated   1837  and  probated   183S. 

A  grandson  of  Alexander  Jefferson,  Col.  David  Alexander 
Jeft'erson,  of  Chatham,  Virginia,  is  a  prominent  member  of  hib 
family  to-day. 


NORTHUMBERLAND  COUNTY  AND  SOME  OF  ITS 
FAMILIES. 

At  the  arrival  of  the  first  colonists  at  Jamestown  in  1607  there 
was  a  tribe  of  Indians  living  on  the  south  side  of  Potomac  River 
at  the  entrace,  called  W'iccocomicos,  having  130  fighting  men. 
These  Indians  were  small  in  statue,  and  quite  a  contrast  to  the 
giant  Susquehannas,  who  occupied  the  country  at  the  head  of 
Chesapeake  Bay.  Adjoining  the  Wiccocomicos  was  a  small  tribe 
of  thirty  fighting  men  called  Chickacoans.  In  1634,  when  Leon- 
ard Calvert  came  with  his  settlers  to  St.  Mary's,  the  Yeocomico 
tribe,  who  inhabited  on  the  north  side  of  the  Potomac,  being 
much  harassed  by  the  Susquehannas,  sold  Calvert's  settlers  their 
lands  and  moved  across  the  river  and  settled  in  the  district  called 
after  them  Yeocomico,  in  what  is  now  Westmoreland  County,  \^a. 

During  the  difficulties  which  ensued  in  Maryland  between 
Calvert  and  William  Claiborne,  who  had  settled  Kent  Island,' 
and  regarded  the  charter  of  Maryland  as  a  spoliation  of  the 
territory  of  Virginia  and  a  usurpation  of  his  rights,  Chicacoan 
became  a  refuge  and  a  rallying  point  for  Protestants  disaffected 
to  the  government  of  Lord  Baltimore,  who  was  a  Catholic.  A 
settlement  grew  up  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Virginia,  but  sepa- 
rated by  many  miles  of  unbroken  forest  from  the  settlements 
on   the   Jamestown   peninsula. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  183 

]^or  sometime  the>e  fugitives  from  Maryland  were  not  noticed 
by  the  law  givers  at  Jamestown,  and  v/ere  not  taxed  in  the  levies, 
but  a  step  was  made  in  this  direction  when  in  February,  1645,  the 
Chiokacoan  district  having  been  erected  by  the  governor  and 
council  into  a  county  called  Northumberland,  was  required  like 
the  other  counties  to  contribute  to  the  expenses  of  the  war  then 
being  carried  on  with  the  Indians,  and  in  November,  1645, 
Northumberland  was  represented  for  the  first  time  in  the  House 
of  Burgesses  by  a  prominent  merchant  named  John  Mottrom, 
who  not  long  before  had  removed  from  York  to  this  distant  set- 
tlement on  the  Potomac. 

Probably  the  turmoils  of  ^Maryland,  for  which  the  Chickacoan 
settlement  furnished  a  plotting  place,  were  too  engaging  for  any 
other  thoughts  and,  despite  the  commands  of  Jamestown,  North- 
umberland failed  to  contribute  any  taxes,  and  the  county  had  no 
representative  in  the  Assembly  of  October,  1646. 

This  negligence  did  not  pass  unnoticed,  and  the  last  act  of  the 
session  at  this  time  after  declaring  that  "  the  inhabitants  of 
Chickawane,  alias  Northumberland,  have  not  hitherto  contri- 
buted towards  the  charges  of  the  war,"  assessed  the  county  at  the 
rate  of  78  pounds  of  tobacco  for  every  person,  15^:4  pds.  of 
tobacco  for  every  100  acres  of  land  and  153-4  pds.  of  tobacco  for 
every  cow  above  three  years  of  age.  and  threatened  that  "in  case 
the  said  inhabitants  shall  refuse  or  deny  payment  thereof  the 
next  Assembly  shall  take  speedy  course  to  call  them  off  the 
said  plantation." 

Even  after  this  the  authority  of  Assembly  failed  to  command 
respect,  for  though  the  county  was  represented  the  following 
Assembly  in  November.  1647,  by  Mr.  William  Presley,  the  first 
act  of  the  next  x\ssenibly  of  October.  1648,  took  the  case  of 
Northumberland  again  in  hand,  and,  while  extending  to  it  the 
right  of  representation  and  the  promise  of  furnishing  the  people 
patents  for  their  lands,  authorized  and  directed  Capt.  Francis 
Poythress,  who  commanded  the  militia  north  of  the  York  to  col- 
lect not  only  the  taxes  ordered  by  the  then  Assembly  but  all 
taxes  in  arrears,  and  in  case  of  refusal  to  distrain  for  them. 


184  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

This  decisive  iiieabure  seems  to  have  ended  the  trouble,  and 
Northumberland  was  represented  in  the  next  Assembly  (October, 
1649)  by  Capt.  Francis  Poythress  and  John  Trussell,  and  con- 
tinuously afterwards.  In  1653  the  upper  parts  of  Northumber- 
land from  Machodoc  river  to  the  falls  of  Potomac,  where  the 
Necostan  Indians  had  their  village,  was  made  into  Westmoreland 
County. 

Presley  Family. 

1.  William^  Presley,  who  appeared  as  the  representative 
for  Northumberland  Co.  in  1647,  was  afterwards  a  representa- 
tive in  1651.  He  was  one  of  the  justices  or  commissioners  of 
the  court,  and  his  will  dated  Aug.  15,  1650,  was  proved  Jan.  20, 
1656.  He  had  issue  named  in  his  will.  2  Willia;;?,  3  Peter, 
under  age  in  1650. 

2.  William^  Presley,  {lVillia>n^)  was  a  justice  of  Northum- 
berland County  and  a  burgess  during  the  long  Assembly  1662- 
1676,  and  afterwards  till  his  death  about  1685.  He  is  remem- 
bered for  his  rather  quaint  sayings  during  Bacon's  Rebellion. 
One  of  the  grievances  leading  to  those  disturbances  was  Berke- 
ley's continuing  the  same  Assembly  for  fourteen  years,  without 
an  election  (1662-1676).  At  last  yielding  to  the  public  com- 
plaints, he  called  a  new  Assembly.  At  its  meeting  in  June,  1676, 
some  one  moved  to  invite  the  governor  to  send  two  of  the  coun- 
cil to  sit  with  the  committee  on  Indian  affairs.  This  was  objected 
to,  and  in  reply  a  member  urged  that  this  was  the  usual  method 
of  procedure.  Whereupon  "the  old  Assembly-man,"  Mr.  Presley, 
arose,  and  in  "a  blundering  manner"  said  "Tis  true  it  had  been 
customary,  but  if  we  have  any  bad  customs  amongst  us,  we  are 
come  here  to  mend  them,"  which  set  the  House  to  laughing.  > 
Presley  considered  the  custom  a  bad  one,  as  it  was  tantamount 
to  having  spies  present  in  the  committee. 

After  Bacon's  death,  Sir  William  Berkeley  hung  so  many  of 
his  followers  that  the  Assembly  which  met  in  February,  1677, 
begged  him  to  desist,  and  Mr.  Presley  on  his  coming  back  home 
to  Northumberland  remarked  to  his  colleague,  Thomas  !^Iatthew, 
of  Cherrv  Point,  who  wrote  for  I^rd  Oxford  an  interestinsr  ac- 


William  and  Mary  Qu,\kterly  185 

count  of  Bacon's  Rebellion,  that  "he  believed  the  governor  would 
have  hanged  lialf  the  country  if  we  had  let  him  alone." 

2.  William-  Presley  died  about  1685,  ^"d  left  issue:  4 
William,  named  in  the  will  of  William  Presley  his  father,  but 
who  did  not  survive  his  father;  5  Peter,  who  on  May  20,  16S5, 
is  mentioned  as  "heir  to  his  father,  Mr.  William  Presley,  dec'd." 

5.  Peter^  Presley  {William,-  William'^)  was  one  of  the  jus- 
tices in  Northumberland  in  1685,  and  appears  in  the  records  as 
"Peter  Presley,  Jr.,"  to  distinguish  him  from  his  uncle  Peter. 
He  was  captain  in  1692  and  a  burgess  at  the  Assembly,  which 
met  in  April  of  that  year.  He  probably  left  female  descendants 
as  the  name  Presley  was  used  in  a  number  of  families  of  the 
Northern  Neck,  Cox,  Carr,  &c.,  which  indicates  intermarriages. 

3.  Peter-  Presley  {Williani^)  was  a  justice  of  the  peace  in 
Northumberland  Co.  from  1660,  and  burgess  for  the  county  in 
1677,  1684,  and  perhaps  other  years.  He  died  in  1693,  but  as  his 
will  caimot  be  found  on  record  we  only  know  of  two  of  his 
issue.  7  Jane,  who  married  (i)  Richard  Rogers,  (2)  Christopher 
Neale,  and  8  Peter,  who  was  a  minor  at  the  time  of  his  father's 
death.  Thus  a  commission  of  administration  was  granted  on  the 
estate  of  Peter  Presley,  dec'd  19  April,  1693,  to  Mr.  Peter 
Presley  (afterwards  Col.  Peter  Presley)  and  Thomas  Hobson  as 
overseers  of  his  will,  in  behalf  of  his  infant  son  Peter.  Peter 
was  still  under  age  in  1699  (Quarterly,  XXH.,  211.) 

8.  Peter^  Presley  {Peter,-  IViUiam^)  was  sheriff  of  North- 
umberland and  colonel  of  militia  in  1712,  and  burgess  in  the 
Assemblies  from  1710  to  1749.  He  married  Winifred  Grifhn, 
daughter  of  Col.  Leroy  Grifihn  (born  in  1646),  and  had  issue: 
6  Winifred,  only  child  and  heiress,  who  married  Anthony  Thorn- 
ton. Col.  Presley  was  murdered  by  his  servants,  and  his  will 
dated  Aug.  12,  1748,  was  proved  Sept.  10,  1750.  With  him  the 
male  line  of  the  Presley  family  in  Virginia  appears  to  have  be- 
come extinct.  Col.  Peter  Presley  gave 'nearly  all  of  his  exten- 
sive estates  in  \'irginia  and  elsewhere  to  his  grandson  Presley 
Thornton,  who  was  born  in  1722,  resided  at  "Northumberland 
House,"  and  was  a  member  of  the  council  from  1760  till  his 
death  December  8,  1769.  For  his  descendants  see  Quarterly, 
IV.,  176. 


i86  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


HoBSON  Family. 

The  statement  made  in  Quarterly,  XXL,  139,  needs  revi- 
sion. Thomas^  Hor.sox,  who  was  resident  in  1624  in  Charles 
City  Corporation,  in  the  employment  of  Mr.  William  Whitaker, 
who  treated  him  as  ""his  son  and  child,"  was  not  the  same  as 
Thomas-  Hobsox,  clerk  of  Lancaster  Co.,  but  he  may  have  been 
his  father.  The  latter,  according  to  his  deposition  in  1671 
stated  his  age  at  35  years,  which  would  make  him  born  in  1636. 
Henry  Watts  gave  legacies  to  his  "sons-in-law"  (the  old  term 
for  "stepsons")  Thomas,  John  and  Francis  Webb,  so  it  might 
seem  that  Thomas  Ilobson  married  a  sister  of  these  Webbs. 
Thomas  Llobson  was  clerk  of  Northumberland  Co.  as  early  as 
1664,  and  continued  to  hold  the  office  till  his  death,  which  oc- 
curred probably  in  1682,  since  in  171 1  his  son  Thomas,  then 
clerk,  stating  his  age  as  forty-five,  gave  evidence  from  his  father's 
book  of  clerk  fees  from  1675  to  1682.  He  had  issue  (i) 
Thomas,^  (2)  Jcsiana,  (3)  Elizabeth.  The  two  last  are  named 
in  the  will  of  Henry  Watts. 

Of  these  Thomas^  Hobson  was  born  in  1666  and  succeeded 
his  father  as  clerk,  continuing  in  that  office  till  17 16.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  in  the  Assembly  of  1700-1702. 

He  niarried  Sarali  ,  and  had  issue,  the  following  children 

named  in  the  parish  records  and  the  county  books:  (i) 
Thomas,^  born  August  30,  1694;  (2)  Sarah;  (3)  lViIliai)i,*  born 
April  28,  1700;  (4)  John,  born  March  4,  1701  ;  (5)  Eliza;  (6) 
Lettisina ;  (7)  Clerk  (a  daughter  probably  named  such  in  honor 
of  the  clerkship  of  the  county,  which  had  been  held  in  the  family 
for  more  than  fifty  years).  Of  these  children,  Thomas*  died 
in  1726  and  left  his  property  to  his  brother  William  and  sisters. 
William  married  in  1723  Judith  Fleet,  daughter  of  Llenry  Fleet, 
who  was  grandson  of  Capt.  Henry  Fleet,  famous  as  an  Indian 
trader  in  early  Maryland  and  Virginia.  William*  Hobson  had 
issue:  (i)  Sarah,  born  May  29,  1775;  (2)  Judith,  1727;  (3) 
John,  born  April  13.  1730;  (4)  Mary  Ann;  (5)  Betty. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  187 

Probably  Adcock  Hobson  was  another  son  of  William  Hobson. 
He  married  July  30,  1741,  Joanna  Lawson,  daughter  of  John 
and  Mary  Lawson,  of  Richmond  Co.,  and  had  issue.  He  moved 
to  Cumberland  County  and  was  the  ancester  of  the  Hobsons  in 
that  region.    See  Miller,  Genealogy  of  the  Carter  Fauiily,  p.  135. 

ScuREVER  Family. 

1.  Bartholomew^  Sciirever  (Schriver)  married  ist  Mary, 
daughter  of  Paschall  Dennis,   (son  of  John  Dennis).     Barbara, 

Paschall  Dennis'  widow,  married  2dly Salisbury,  and  3dly 

Thomas  Fearn,  by  which  last  husband  she  had  a  daughter  Mary, 
who  died  without  issue.  (Northumberland  Co.  Records.)  By 
this  marriage  Schrever  had  son  2  Dennis  who  probably  died 
early.  He  married  2dly  ]Mary,  who  had  been  previously  the 
widow  of  Thomas  Heath,  and  was  the  execiitrix  of  Capt.  William 
Lee,  who  died  about  1696.  By  this  marriage  he  had  issue  3 
BartJwlomezv  Schrever,  Jan.,  born  probably  about  169B. 

March  20,  1694-5,  Capt.  William  Lee  brought  a  suit. 

October  4,  1695,  he  is  said  to  have  made  a  note  and  was 
therefore  living. 

Sept.  16,  1696,  upon  petition  of  Bartholomew  Schrever  and 
Mary,  his  wife,  executrix  of  Capt.  William  Lee,  dec'd,  the 
estate  of  Capt.  William  Lee  is  ordered  by  the  court  to  be  ap- 
praised. 

Nov.  20,  1701,  Bartholomew  Schrever  and  Mary,  his  wife, 
late  Mary  Heath  executrix  of  Capt.  William  Lee,  dec'd. 

Bartholomew  Schrever,  Sr.,  died  in  1720.  See  Lee,  Lee  of 
Virginia,  p.  73.) 

2.  Bartholomew^^   Schrever   (Bartholomew.'^)   born  about 

1698,  married  Sarah  Hull,  daughter  of  Richard  Hull  and '■ — 

Gaskins.  (b.  Dee.  25,  1706.)  He  had  issue  4  Elizabeth'  Schrever, 
who  died  in  1738,  leaving  her  property  to  her  Gaskins  relations. 
He  died  in  1727. 

Bishop  Meade  has  mentioned  a  tankard,  "The  gift  of  Bartho- 
lomew Schriver,  who  died  in  1720,  and  of  Bartholomew,  his  son, 
who  died  in  1727,  for  the  use  of  the  parish  of  Great  Wycomico, 


i88  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

in  the  county  of  Northumberland,  1728."  {Old  Churches,  Fami- 
lies, &.C.,  II.,  134.) 

The  will  of  Bartholomew  Schrever  (dated  the  21st  of  March, 
1720),  mentioned  his  wife  Mary  and  son  Bartholomew;  left  "$£ 
to  Wicomico  Church  to  be  used  towards  buying  Communion 
plate";  also  io£  to  buy  "tenn"  mourning  rings;  for  Mr.  Richard 
Lee,  Mr.  Charles  Lee  and  wife,  Mr.  Thomas  Waddy  and  wife,  Mr. 
Thomas  Heath  and  wife,  for  "sister  Bol,"  and  for  Sam'l  Heath 
and  wife.    Residue  of  his  estate  to  his  son  Bartholomew. 

Bartholomew  Schrever,  Jr.  (will  dated  14  December,  1727; 
probated  April,  1728),  gave  25i  to  Mary  Heath,  daughter  to  his 
brother  Sam'l  Heath,  to  be  paid  when  16,  or  at  marriage,  which- 
ever should  first  happen ;  to  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  his  dec'd 
brother,  Thomas  Heath,  also  25^  on  same  terms ;  to  Wicomico 
Church,  £5  to  be  added  to  the  £5  already  given  by  his  father; 
50  acres  of  land  to  his  brother,  Sam'l  Heath.  Residue  of  estate 
to  the  lawful  male  issue  of  his  daughter,  Elizabeth.  In  default 
of  such  issue,  the  estate  to  pass  to  brother,  Sam'l  Heath,  who  was 
appointed  sole  executor.     (Lee,  Lee  of  Virgbiia,  72-73.) 

Hull  Family. 

I.  JoHN^  Hull  obtained  a  patent  in  Northumberland  Co., 
Oct.  18,  1650.  for  200  acres  due  for  the  importation  of  "J^^^n 
Hull,  twice,  Sarah,  his  wife,  and  Charles  Parker."  He  had 
numerous  other  grants  in  the  Northern  Neck,  one  in  Rappa- 
hannock County  in   1662,  for  5,000  acres.     He  had  the  title  of 

colonel  of  militia.     He  married  secondly  Ann  ,   and  his 

will  was  dated  May  19.  1667,  to  which  a  codicil  was  added  dated 
April  16,  166S.  He  names  wife  Ann  and  children:  2  Maryann, 
3  Ann,  who  made  a  marriage  contract  with  Richard  Smith,  of 
Fairfield,  Northumberland  Co.,  in  July,  1669;  4  Thomas,  under 
17  in  1667.  He  died  before  April  16,  1668,  date  of  codicil;  5 
Richard,-  6  John. 

5.  Richard-  Hull  (JohyJ),  is  stated  in  the  records  to  have 
made  his  will  Oct.  11.  1693,  but  the  will  itself  is  not  on  record  in 
any  of  the  bo'^ks  at  the  county  seat.  Northumberland  C.  H.     He 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  189 

died  before  1696,  when  Mr.  Peter  Presley,  Capt.  Peter  Hack  and 
Mr,  Charles  Harris  are  mentioned  as  executors  of  Richard  Hull, 
dec'd,  during"  tlie  minority  of  his  son  Richard  Hull.  In  1699, 
Anne  Hull,  executrix  of  John  Hull,  dec'd,  brought  suit  against 
Capt.  Peter  Hack  and  Mr.  Charles  Harris,  surviving  exors.  of 
Mr.  Richard  Hull,  dec'd.  He  had  issue  (St.  Stephen's  Parish 
Register,  Quarterly,  XML,  p.  244)  :  7  Sarah,  born  Dec.  18. 
1680,  married  Henry  Brereton,  son  of  Major  Thomas  Brereton. 
of  Wicomico,  Northumberland  Co.,  since  "Henry  Brereton  and 
Sarah,  his  wife,  one  of  the  daughters  of  Richard  Hull,  de- 
ceased," brought  suit  against  Richard  Hull,  executor  of  Richard 
Hull,  deceased,  Nov.  19,  1707,  8  ^lary,  born  Dec.  12,  1682; 
9  Richard,^  born  April  14,  1685;  10  Rebecca,  who  married 
Thomas  Suggett. 

9.  Richard^  Hull  {Richard i^  John^),  was  born  14  April, 
1685,  and  died  before  Dec.  18,  171 7,  when  his  inventory  was  re- 
ported to  the  court  by  his  widow  Mrs.  Hannah  Harris.  He  was 
twice  married.  His  first  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Thomas  Gaskins 
and  iVlartha  Pinkard,  his  wife,  since  Thomas  Gaskins  executes 
a  deed  of  gift  17  June,  171 3,  to  his  "granddaughter  Sarah  Hull." 
By  this  wife  he  had  11  Sarah,  born  25  Nov.  1706,  married  Bartho- 
lomew Schrever,  Jr.,  who  had  one  daughter,  Eliza  Schrever,  who 
died  in  1738.  (Quarterly,  XI.,  278.)  12  Richard,  born  Aug. 
4,  1709;  13  William,  born  31  Aug.,  1713.  Richard  Hull's  second 
wife  was  Hannah  Kenner  (born  31  August,  iC)95),  daughter  of 
Rodham  Kenner  and  Hannah  Fox,  his  wife,  whom  he  mar- 
ried about  1714,  since  in  that  year  mention  is  made  in  the  records 
of  "Richard  Hull  and  Hannah,  his  wife,  one  of  the  daughters 
of  Rodham  Kenner."  (Quarterly,  XVII.,  63,  where  1704  is 
printed  incorrectly  for  1714. )  By  this  marriage  he  had  14 
Richard,  born  April  13,  1717.  the  half  brother  of  the  same  name 
having  probablv  died,  though  in  these  days  the  same  name  was 
often  given  to  two  brothers. 

After  Richard  Hulls'  death  his  widow  married  2dly.  John 
Harris:  he  died  in  1718,  naming  in  his  will  wife  Hannah.  She 
then  married  Thomas  Cralle.  In  17 19,  Thomas  and  Hannah 
Cralle  were  administrators  of  Richard  Hull,  dec'd,  and  in   1720 


390  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Mrs.  Hannah  Cralle,  "formerly  Hannah  Hull,"  reported  to  the 
Court  the  estate  of  "Richard  Hull,  son  of  Richard  Hull,  de- 
ceased." Thomas  Cralle  died  in  1726,  naming  in  his  will  his 
wife  Hannah.  After  his  death  Hannah  married  his  brother  John 
Cralle.     (See  also  Hayden,  Virginia  Genealogies.) 

14.  Richard^  Hi^ll  (Richard,^  Richard^^  Juhn^),  born  April 
13,  1717,  married  Elizabeth  Gaskins,  daughter  of  Thomas 
Gaskins  and  Mary  his  wife,  and  granddaughter  of  Thomas 
Gaskins  .  and  Martha  Pinkard  his  wife.  In  1738-1739  he 
received  his  share  of  Elizabeth  Schrever's  estate  and  his 
wife's  part  of  her  father's  estate.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses  from  1762  to  1765,  and  his  will  was  proved 
Feb.  10,  1777.  He  had  issue:  15  Anne,  born  Jan.  7.  1739-1740; 
16  Richard,  born  Dec.  14,  1741,  but  not  named  in  will;  17  Eliza- 
beth, born  May  i,  1745,  married  Charles  Bell;  18  Thomas,  twin 
to  Elizabeth,  but  not  named  in  will;  19  Sarah,  born  Sept.  27, 
1747,  married  Charles  Lee  of  "Cobbs  Hall,"  Northumberland 
Co. ;  20  Hannah,  born  Dec.  26,  1749,  married  her  first  cousin, 
Thomas  Gaskins  son  of  her  uncle  Col.  Thomas  Gaskins  and 
Sarah  Eustace,  his  wife;  21  John,  born  Sept.  21,  1752,  who 
married  his  first  cousin  Sarah  Gaskins,  and  was  a  major  of 
the  Northumberland  Co.  militia  in  the  War  of  the  Revolution ; 
22  Martha  and  23  Mary  twins,  born  Nov.  10,  1754;  24  Edwin, 
born  Sept.  2,  1760;  25  Molly,  born  Dec,  25,  1761. 

A  Captain  Peter  Hull  was  a  burgess  for  Isle  of  Wight  Co. 
in  1645,  S'l*^  3  Peter  Hull  was  a  captain  the  Augusta  militia, 
during  the  American  Revolution.  Augustine  Hull  was  commis- 
sioned in  1661  justice  of  the  adjoining  courts  of  Westmoreland 
Co.  He  it  was  doubtless,  who  married  Anne,  daughter  of 
Thomas  Sturman,  and  widow  of  Thomas  Yowell.  In  Quar- 
terly, IV.,  41,  she  is  said  to  have  married  John  Hull,  which  must 
be  a  mistake. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  191 

mr.  robert  jones,  of  fleet's  bay,  northumber- 
iLand  county,  and  some  of  his  descendants. 

By  Mrs.  O.  A.  Keach,  Wichita,  Kansas. 

These  notes  of  prominent  early  Northumberland  Co.  families 
are  assembled  because  of  their  value  to  genealogical  students. 
Many  interesting  probabilities  offer  themselvs,  and  perhrps  the 
discovery  of  private  records  may  supplement  what  the  county 
records  fail  to  make  clear.  Every  suggestion  not  supported  by 
positive  proof  has  been  given  very  careful  study  from  all  sources 
of  circumstantial   evidence  open  to  the  writer. 

There  were  four  prominent  families  of  Joneses  in  Northum- 
berland Co.  My  first  record  is  of  Thos.  Jones,  mentioned  Sept. 
20,  1652,  as  a  headright  of  Mr.  Richard  Turnev. 

Among  the  patents  issued  by  the  Royal  Gov'  was  one  to 
a  Thos.  Jones  Aug.  6,  1655,  for  400  a.  of  land  on  the  n.  side  of 
the  James  river,  and  an  abstract  from  the  will  of  Wm.  Thomas 
Jan.  2,  1656  (Va.  Hist.  Mag.)  recites  that  a  legacy  was  left  "To 
Thos.  Jones  here  in  Va.,  also  to  vSarah  Jones,  late  wife  of  Richard 
Jones."  These  references  to  Thos.  Jones  are  mentioned  merely 
as  interesting  possibilities  for  his  future  historian.  The  Northum- 
berland Co.  Thos.  Jones  died  before  May  16,  1694,  as  his  will 
was  probated  at  that  time  by  Mr.  Edward  Fielding,  one  of  the 
executors,  who  afterwards  evidently  married  his  "relict,"  Hannah 
Jones.  Further  notes  of  Thos.  Jones  and  his  descendants  will 
be  given  in  a  later  article. 

The  Lancaster  Co.  Court  on  Oct.  6,  1652,  granted  a  certifi- 
cate of  land  to  Mr.  David  Fox  for  the  transportation  of  si^ 
persons.  Among  them  was  Hugh  Jones.  At  about  the  same 
date  Mr.  Lawrence  Dameron,  of  Wicomico  Par.,  North'd  Co., 
transported  Jeane  Jones.  In  the  Order  B(X)k,  1678-98,  is  a 
record  of  Jeane  Jones,  relict  of  Hugh  Jones.  St.  Stephen's 
Parish  Register  records  the  birth  of  five  children  to  Hugh  Jones. 
John,  b.  April  13,  1(362;  Roger,  b.  Feb.  14,  1671  ;  Elinor,  b. 
Aug.  12,  1674;  Mary,  b.  .Aug.  3,  1676;  Eliz.,  b.  Feb.  15,  167 — . 


192  William  axd  Mary  Quarterly 

The  many  references  in  the  Order  Boolcs  at  Heathsville, 
would  make  it  appear  that  Robert,  Hugh,  and  Thomas  Jones 
were  brothers.  (And  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  Heathsville, 
the  county  seat  of  Northumberland  Co.,  derives  its  name  from 
John  Heath,  a  great-great  grandson  of  Robert  Jones.) 

Robert  and  Thomas  Jones  were  both  prominent  in  the  early 
life  of  the  colony,  and  left  numerous  descendants.  Closely  related 
to  the  older  Joneses  were  HeW'es,  Cossens,  Jaimceys,  Lamberts, 
Claughtons,  Fieldings,  Haynes  and  Ironmongers. 

My  first  mention  of  Robert  Jones  in  .North'd  Co.  records  is  in 
July,  1660.  His  business  seemed  to  demand  frequent  absences 
from  home  and  his  wife  Martha  transacted  his  affairs  with  des- 
patch and  ability.  In  fact,  Martha  Jones  shows  in  the  records 
as  an  example  of  the  strong,  competent  gentlewoman,  who  bore 
heroic  share  in  the  successful  shaping  of  colonial  life.  The 
writer  has  not  sufficient  data  to  attempt  a  conjecture  of  her 
origin,  but  two  records  containing  the  name  of  Martha  Jones 
are  herewith  introduced  as  a  matter  of  interest.  In  the  I'a. 
Historical  Mag.,  July,  1905,  p.  53,  is  given  an  abstract  of  the 
will  of  Daniel  Lluellen,  of  Chelmsford,  Essex  planter,  dated 
Feb,  6.  1663,  in  which  his  dau.  Martha  Jones  is  given  2  servants. 
His  wife  Anne,  and  dau.  Mary  Deerington,  widow,  are  also  men- 
tioned. Jai)ics  Jaiincey  is  named  an  executor,  and  this  gives 
some  significance  to  the  will  as  future  records  will  make  evident. 

It  will  be  remembered  by  those  familiar  with  Hayden's  Gen- 
ealogies, that  Martha  and  I\Iary  Jones,  daus.  of  Hannah  Ball, 
are  mentioned  among  the  headrights  of  Col.  Wm.  Ball,  when 
he  is  granted  certificate  for  land  April  17,  1667.  In  the  North'd 
Co.  Court  Mch.  19,  1672,  an  order  was  made  for  !vlr.  Robert 
Jones  to  pay  over  to  Col.  Wm.  Ball  1524  pounds  of  tobacco,  and 
after  the  death  of  Robert  Jones  Col.  Wm.  Ball  got  judgment 
against  his  estate  for  that  amount. 

The  will  of  Daniel  Lluellen  was  dated  1663  with  James 
Jauncey  as  an  executor.  In  Order  Book  1666  to  78  North'd  Co. 
Mrs.  Martha  Jones  brought  suit  against  Mr.  Wm.  Jauncey.  In 
this  same  Order  Book  Mr.  Wm.  Jauncey  is   set  down  as  the 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  193 

brother-in-law  of  Mr.  John  Cosscns,  and  Mary  Cossens  was 
witness  to  the  will  of  Daniel  Holland. 

Two  or  three  items  from  these  early  books,  bearing-  on  the 
later  history  of  the  family,  will  be  mentioned  here.  On  page 
21,  O.  B.  1666-72,  is  recorded  a  deed  of  gift  from  Martha  Jones 
to  Robert  Atkins,  son  of  John  Atkins  and  on  p.  33  of  this  same 
book,  Robert  Jones  is  designated  bro-in-law  of  Wni.  Ironmonger. 

Another  note  for  future  reference  is  that  the  will  of  Robert 

Francis  devises  a  legacy  to  Mary  Jones  and  Susan,  wife  of 

Hughes.  This  name  was  variously  spelled  in  the  court  records — 
Hughes,  Hewes,  and  Hues. 

Susan  Hughes  was  probably  the  wife  of  Jonathan  Hughes. 

One  of  Mr.  Lothrop  Withington's  "Gleanings,"  in  a  recent 
William  and  Mary  Quarterly  doubtless  refers  to  Robert 
Jones  of  Fleet's  Bay,  though  he  may  not  have  lived  in  Northum- 
berland at  this  time. 

"loth  May,  1656,  Robert  Jones,  Englishman,  factor  in  Va. 
landed  at  Dover  the  4th  of  the  present  mondi,  out  of  the  Wm.  & 
John,  .  .  .  come  to  London  on  ye  9th  and  lodgeth  at  ye 
house  of  Evan  Prickards  at  ye  red  Lyon  .  .  ,  and  saith 
yt  haveing  brought  a  quantitie  of  Tobacco  over  with  him  his  busi- 
ness is  to  make  sale  of  the  same  and  to  employ  himself  in  his 
affairs  relating  to  Va." 

Piichard  is  a  well  known  name  both  in  Lancaster  and  North- 
umberland Co.  and  will  later  be  mentioned  in  connection  with  the 
second  generation  of  Jones. 

In  Dec,  1662,  Robert  Jones  made  a  deed  to  John  Williams, 
planter,  for  500  acres  of  land  on  the  S.  side  of  the  Potomac 
river  .  .  .  near  Machoatique  Creeke,  which  had  been  as- 
sigiied  to  him  the  last  day  of  July,  1660.  The  release  of  dower 
rights  was  authorized  by  Martha  Jones,  wife  of  Robert,  through 
her  atty,  Mr.  Thos.  Hobson. 

The  next  record  is  of  considerable  historical  value,  as  an  ori- 
ginal deed  from  the  "Wickocomico  Indians." 

Whereas  it  was  ordered  the  sixt  day  of  Aug.  last  past  by  the 
Commissioners  appoynted  for  the  Indian  affairs  That  Robert 
Jones  by  the  consent  of  the  Wickocomico  Indians  should  enjoy 


194  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

the  necke  of  Land  where  here  clwelleth,  extending  up  alonge  the 
norlhernrnost  branche  to  the  glade,  in  consideracons  of  12  moch- 
coats  to  bee  paid  at  the  arrivall  of  the  second  shijip,  now  these 
presents  witness  that  we  the  greate  men  of  Wickocomico  Indian 
Towne  doe  acknowledge  to  have  received  the  sd  consideracons 
in  the  presence  of  Col.  John  Carter  and  therefore  doe  hereby 
bargain  and  sell  the  sd  land  with  all  its  apportunances  to  the  sd 
Robt  Jones,  his  heyrcs  and  assignes  forever  And  alsoe  doe  hereby 
authorise  ]\Ir.  Thos.  Hobson  in  our  names  and  as  our  attorney  to 
acknowledge  this   in  court 

Witness  our  hands  this  17°^'^  of  Xov.  1662 
Witness.  John  Carter  Orasonay  X 

Geo  Seaborne  Chistecuttewaws  X 

John  Carter  Tatemenony  X 

In  the  same  year  1662  Richard  Fielding,  of  Bristol,  merchant 
gave  "Robert  Jones  of  Great  Wiconico"  power  of  atty  to  transact 
business    for   him   in   Va. 

There  are  numerous  references  to  Mr.  Robert  Jones  in  the 
county  books,  but  on  account  of  limited  space  we  must  omit  all 
except  those  most  important. 

In  1669,  Oct.  5,  Mr.  Robert  Jones  added  200  acres  to  his 
holdings  by  reason  of  four  headrights,  among  them  "  a  Dutch- 
man taken  from  him  by  the  Dutch  Fleet." 

On  May  20,  1670,  Mr.  Robert  Jones,  Gent.,  was  sworn  high- 
sheriff  with  Mr.  Wm.  Carney,  sub.  sheriff.  A  little  later  he  was 
empowered  to  pay  Capt.  Thos.  Brereton  .  .  .  for  work  done 
on  the  new  court  house. 

The  sheriff  evidently  gave  some  hours  to  relaxation  from  his 
duties,  for  in  Xov.  he  and  Mr.  Sam'l  Bayley  had  a  "difference" 
in  relation  ""to  the  ground  the  Horses  were  to  run  the  race  over 
for  2000  pds.  of  tobacco." 

Mch.  28,  1671,  Mr.  Robert  Jones  brough  suit  against  Capt. 
Jno.  Lee  for  a  Stout  horse. 

On  June  19th  ]\Ir.  Robert  Jones  was  appointed  to  take  the 
"list  of  tythables"  for  the  lower  part  of  the  Co.  and  on  Oct. 
l6th  he  was  sworn  a  Justice  of  the  Co.  which  office  he  filled 
for  several  vears. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  195 

May  21,  1673,  Mr.  Robert  Jones  and  Mr.  Francis  Lee  were 
appointed  to  audit  the  accounts  between  Lt.-Col.  John  Carter 
and,  Thos.  Griffin,  miller. 

On  Feb.  3,  1674,  Probate  was  granted  Lt.  Col.  John  Carter 
executor  of  the  will  of  Mr.  Jno.  Cosscns.  An  inventory  of 
Mr.  Cossen's  estate  was  presented  by  Col.  Carter  and  the  Court 
empowered  Mr.  Robt.  Jones  to  take  the  oath  of  sd.  Carter  con- 
cerning same. 

Mr.  John  Owens  presented  a  bill  against  Mr.  Cossens'  estate 
for  preaching  the  funeral  sermon.  The  next  year  Mr.  Robert 
Jones  was  appointed  administrator  of  the  estate  of  the  Rev.  John 
Owen,  dec'd. 

Nov.  7,  1675,  Mr.  Jno.  Gaylard  having  in  Court  used  offen- 
sive language  to  Mr.  Robert  Jones,  one  of  the  members  of  the 
Court,  gave  a  bond  for  good  behavior.  In  Dec.  Mr.  Jones  was 
appointed  administrator  of  the  estate  of  Mr,  Thos.  Lambert, 
with  Thos.  Winter  sec.  Thomas  Lambert  was  also  related  to 
the  family  in  some  v/ay. 

Mr.  Robert  Jones  died  in  1676.  His  will  was  probated  IMch. 
1st,  and  Mrs.  Martha  Jones  exc'rx  was  granted  a  commission  of 
administration  on  the  estate  of  her  dec'd  husband.  Her  securities 
were  Col.  St.  Leger  Codd  and  Mr.  Jno  Harris.  The  appraisers 
appointed  at  her  request  were  Col.  St.  Leger  Codd,  Mr.  John 
Haynie,  Maj.  Thos.  Brereton  and  Mr.  Edward  Porteus. 

On  July  4,  1676,  Mr.  Wm.  Ball  presented  an  account  against 
the  estate  for  bill  Dated  Dec.  29,  1675.  Mr.  Francis  and  Hancock 
Lee  also  presented  accounts  and  Mrs.  Martha  Jones  was  awarded 
an  attachment  against  the  estate  of  Corderoy  Ironmonger. 

July  19,  1677,  she  brought  suit  against  Mr.  IVdi.  Jauncey  for 
1043  pounds  of  tobacco  and  that  same  year  was  exec'rx  of  the  will 
of  Robert  Hughes. 

On  Nov.  22,  1677,  Mr.  Wm.  Jones,  the  eldest  son  of  Robt. 
Jones  made  oath  that  Chas.  T^Iorgan  was  indebted  to  Mrs.  Martha 
Jones. 

A  month  later  Dec.  20,  1677,  the  will  of  Airs.  Martha 
Jones  was  proved  by  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Haynes  or  Haines  and  by 
a   note   from   Mr.   Thos.   Haines,   of   Lancaster   Co.     Elizabeth 


1^6  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Haines  was  probably  the  eldest  dau.  of  Robert  and  Martha 
Jones. 

In  April,  1678,  the  court  appointed  \Vm.  Jones  administrator 
of  the  estate  as  follows:  "Whereas  Mrs.  Martha  Jones  adminis- 
tratrix of  Mr.  Robert  Jones  lately  dec'd  left  an  estate  with  many 
children  and  by  reason  of  the  minority  of  most  of  the  sd  chil- 
dren the  Court  orders  that  Mr.  Wm.  Jones  the  eldest  son  take 
the  said  estate  in  his  hands  and  manage  same  for  the  benefit  of 
his  brothers  and  sisters  and  give  an  account  thereof  when  thereto 
required." 

From  the  various  evidences  it  would  seem  that  the  first  genera- 
tion of  Jones  in  Northumberland  Co.  were  I.  Robert,  II.  Hugh, 
III.  Thomas,  IV.  wife  of  Wm.  Ironmonger,  V.  wife  of  John 
Atkins,  VI.  wife  of  Thos.  Lambert,  VII.  Susan  Hewes,  wife 
of  Jonathan  Hewes. 

Mrs.  Martha  Jones  and  Mary  Cossens,  wife  of  Jno.  Cossens 
may  have  been  si>ters.  Mr.  Jno.  Cossens  w^as  bro-in-law  to  Mr. 
Wm.  Jauncey.  The  will  of  Mr.  Robert  Jones  was  first  probated 
Mch.  I,  1676,  and  was  burned  in  the  fire  of  1710.  It  v;as  quite 
fully  quoted  as  evidence  in  a  lawsuit  in  1709,  and  finally  recorded 
again  by  Mr.  Richard  Lee  on  Nov.  19,  1718. 

The  will  of  r^Ir.  Robert  Jones  of  Fleets  Bay,  Northumberland 

Co.,  Va.     Probated  first  Mch.  i,  1676,  burned  with  other  county 

records  in  17 10,  and  again  presented  for  record  by  Mr.  Richard 

Lee  Nov.  19,  17 18. 

'  In  the  name  of  God  Amen     .     .     .     the  14'^  1675.     I  Robert 

Jones in  Fleets  Bay  &c.     .     .     First  I  will  and  bequeath  to 

my  son  Wm.  Jones  all  my  land  from  the  branch  to  the 

plumb  tree  swamp  and  below  it  to  the  outmost  bounds  

land  &  to  his  heirs  and  assigns  forever. 

Item.    I  will  and  bequeth  to  my  Sam'l  Jones  all  my 

land  from  the  afores'd   Beach  Branch  ditch  cast  about 

the  glade  &  the  fences  thereto  belonging  which  joynes  to  

swamp  by  the  house  of  my  cozen  (nephew)  Robert  Hues  (Hewes, 
Hughes)  with  all  the  glade  opposite  to  him  and  to  his  heirs 
and  assigns  forever. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  197 

Item.  I  will  and  bequeath  to  my  son  Robert  Jones  all  the 
rest  of  my  land  as  far  as  the  mill  path  up  the  Hills — all  the 
glade  that  is  ditched  in,  and  the  old  plantation  whereon  I  live, 
the  plantation  of  my  cozen  Robert  Hues  and  to  his  heirs  and 
assigns   forever. 

Item.  Whereas  my  son  Maurice  Jones  have  a  competent  seat 
of  land  given  to  him  by  his  godfather  Mr.  John   Cosscns,  my 

will  and  grant  to  him  is  that  if  any  his  aforesd  brothers 

shall  happen  to  die  before  they  come  to  full  age  or  without 
issue  male  then  that  divident  of  land  belonging  to  Ifis  dec'd 
brother  to  belong  to  my  son  Maurice  Jones  and  to  his  heirs 
and  assigns  forever. 

Items.  My  will  and  pleasure  is  that  if  any  of  the  other  sons 
happen  to  die  before  they  come  of  full  age  or  without  issue 
male  then  that  divident  of  land  to  be  vallewed  in  tobacco  and 
every  child,  sons  and  daughters  to  have  equal  shares  and  the 
land  being  equally  shared  among  my  sons  and  the  sons  paying 
the  daus.  their  equal  share  in  tobacco. 

Item.  IMy  will  and  pleasure  is  that  if  my  3  eldest  sons  shall 
live  until  they  come  of  full  age  and  enjoy  their  land,  till  my  son 
Maurice  Jones  comes  of  age,  that  then  his  eldest  bros  Wm.,  Sam- 
uel, and  Robert  Jones  pay  unto  their  brother  Maurice  Jones  15000 
pounds  of  good  merchantable  tobacco  convenient  for  him  by  equal 
portions. 

Item.  I  will  and  bequeath  to  my  cozen  Jno  Jones  i  young 
mare  and  i  young  heifer  of  2  years  old  with  their  increase  for- 
ever, with  privelege  of  having  good  ground  &  housing  sufficient 
for  2  servants  for  corn  and  tobacco  at  his  choice  upon  any  5 
dividcnts  of  land  bequeathed  to  my  three  sons,  Wm.,  Samuel  and 
Robert  Jones.  I  also  give  him  i  servant  boy  about  15  or  16 
years  of  age  to  be  paid  him  within  one  year  after  my  decease 
provided  it  be  shipping  time  and  in  case  of  his  decease  without 
issue  to  return  to  my  own  children. 

Item.  As  to  the  land  on  the  other  side  of 'the  mill  path  run- 
ning towards  Peewanrs  (?)  Paplor  &  downwards  the  branches  of 
Corotomon  my  will  is  that  the  said  land  be  sold  by  my  executrix 
towards  payment  of  my  debts. 


198  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Item,  as  to  my  personal  estate  of  what  kind  so  ever  I  doe 
hereby  will  and  bequeath  to  my  loving  wife  Martha  Jones  &  my 
will  is  that  upon  the  arrival  of  each  child  to  their  full  age  or  day 
of  marriage  by  the  consent  of  their  mother,  my  sd  wife  Martha 
Jones  shall  pay  to  each  child  in  horses,  cattle  and  other  Va. 
estate  to  the  vallew  of  7000  pounds  of  tobacco  &  3000  pds  tobacco 
in  new  furniture  for  a  room  and  other  necessarys.  Always  pro- 
vided that  in  case  their  mother  shall  be  incapacitated  exactly  to 
perform  it,  that  then  neither  of  my  children  shall  sue  or  molest 
their  mother  for  the  same  if  she  continues  still  in  her  widov/- 
hood,  but  forbear  her  till  she  be  better  'able  and  upon  the  arrival 
of  each  of  my  sons  to  their  full  age,  they  to  the  best  of  their 
knowledge  &  power  assist  their  mother  in  managing  the  estate 
and  in  case  their  mother  dye,  then  as  they  come  of  age  to  have 
equal  power  with  the  overseers  in  managing  the  estate.  Lastly 
I  doe  hereby  ordain  and  appoint  my  sd  loving  wife  Martha  Jones 
executrix  of  this  my  last  will  and  testament  and  my  loving 
friends  Mr.  Thomas  Haynes  &  Mr.  Geo.  Flowe — (Flov/ers)  to  be 
overseers  of  the  same. 

Robert  Jones  ye  seal 
Wit.  Benj.  Doggitt 

'    Matthew  Burrowes. 


Then  the  children  of  (i)  Mr.  Robert  Jones  and  his  wife 
Martha   were   from   will. 

2  W^illiam,  3  Samuel,  4  Robert,  5  Maurice. 

From  county  record  6  Mary  the  wife  of  Mr,  Geo.  Wale  (of 
Lancaister). 

From  other  evidences  it  would  seem  that  7  Elizabeth  wife  of 
Mr.  Thos.  Haynes,  8  Margaret  wife  of  Christopher  Garlington 
9  Frances  wife  of  Erasmus  Withers  and  2nd  Mr.  Jno.  Curtis 
were  daughters. 

The  Carters,  Lysters,  Lees,  Hobsons,  Fitzhughs,  Coutanceaus 
were  intimately  associated  with  this  branch  of  the  Jones  family, 
but  the  Xorthumberland  Co.  records  fail  to  clear  up  these  rela- 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  199 

tionships.  Later  records  would  make  it  appear  that  John  Jones, 
"Cozen"'  of  Robert  Jones,  was  a  son  of  Tlios.  Jones,  whose  widow 
Hannah  m.  Richard  I'iclding. 

Some  scattered  notes  of  the  Hughes  or  Hewes  family  may  be 
of  interest.  Order  Book,  1666  to  78,  Mary  Jones  and  Susan  wife 
of Hughes,  legatees  of  Robert  Francis  deed. 

1671  May  30,  Thos.  Heckman  vs.  Johnathan  Hewes.  1671 
Nov.  15,  Robt.  Hewes  adm.  of  the  estate  of  Robert  Francis  deed. 
1674  Richard  Hewes  app.  appraiser. 

1676,  May  17,  Will  of  Robert  Hughes,  John  Jones  wit. 
1677,  Mrs.  Martha  Jones  mentioned  as  executrix  of  Robert 
Hughes.  April  7,  1677,  will  of  Thos.  Hughes  proved  l:>y  Thos. 
Ashley  &  Geo.  Pickering.  Dec.  20,  1683,  Geo.  Hambleton  to 
have  estate  of  Geo.  Hughes  minor. 

1685,  Thos.  Hughes  being  of  age  petitions  for  land  demised 
to  him  by  father's  will,  Mr.  John  Hughes.  Capt.  John  Haynie 
one  of  Judges. 

1697,  Richard  Hewes  vs.  Raleigh  Travers. 

1703,  Sept.  16,  Richard  Hewes  judgment  vs.  Wm.  Jones. 
This  was  Capt  Richard  Hewes,  who  m.  Mary  Ball,  grand- 
mother of  Geo.  Washington, 

1718,  Aug.  22,  Mrs.  Mary  Hewes,  widow  of  Capt  Richard 
vs.  Richard  Jones,  &  also  1719,  June  17,  Mrs.  Mary  Hewes  vs. 
Richard  Jones. 

In  his  will  Capt.  Richard  Hewes  provided  generously  for  his 
stepchildren. 

In  a  short  time  after  becoming  administrator  of  his  father's 
estate,  that  is,  Aug.  21,  1678,  Mr.  Wm.  Jones  paid  to  his  sister 
Mary,  wife  of  Mr.  Geo.  Wale,  a  Justice  of  Lancaster  Co.,  her 
part  of  the  estate  of  Robert  Jones. 

On  Oct.  17,  Thos.  Hobson  sued  Wm.  Jones  for  5813  pounds 
of  tobacco,  and  as  he  instituted  various  suits  against  the  estate 
for  several  years,  it  raises  the  query  if  he  did  not  also  marry 
one  of  the  daus.  of  Robert  Jones. 

On  Aug.  19,  1680,  Mr.  Wm.  Jones  was  appointed  constable 
of  the  lower  part  of  the  county  sometimes  called  Lee's  Parish. 
This   was   his   initiative   into   "official   life." 


200  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

June  15,  168 f,  tlie  nuncupative  will  of  Mr.  Erasmus  Withers 
was  presented  by  his  widow  Frances,  to  which  Wm.  Jones  was  a 
witness.  Frances  Withers  was  related  to  him  in  some  way  as 
after  events  proved.  In  North'd  Co.  two  or  three  relatives  were 
usually  included  among  the  appraisers  of  an  estate  by  the  peti- 
tion of  the  widow.  On  the  list  for  the  appraisement  of  the 
Withers  estate  were  Mr.  John  Harris,  Mr.  Jno.  Eustace,  Mr.  Wm. 
Jones  &  Mr.  Thos.  Waddy. 

On  Dec.  6,  16S2,  he  first  appears  as  Capt.  Wm.  Jones. 

In  1685  Capt.  Wm.  Jones  &  Mr.  Jno.-  Eustace  (Capt.  Wm.^ 
who  had  m.  Sarah  Jauncey)  sued  Mr.  Jno.  Curtis  who  had  m. 
Frances,  the  widow  of  Erasmus  Withers.  This  suit  was  con- 
tinued thro  several  terms  of  court. 

In  1686  Capt.  Jones  entered  Mr.  Richard  Haynle  his  attorney. 

On  Mch.  19,  1691,  Mr.  Jno.  Coutanceau  began  suit  against 
Capt.  Jones,  which  lasted  over  a  long  period. 

Mav  19,  1692,  the  list  of  tithables  of  the  lower  part  of  Lee 
Parish  were  orderd  brought  by  Cai)t.  Wm.  Jones.  On  Nov.  16, 
in  the  Co.  Levy  of  the  same  year  he  was  allowed  tobacco  for 
"colours  and  leading  staft'e." 

F'rom  this  period  on  Capt.  Jones  and  Mr.  Jno.  Turberville 
were  frequently  associated. 

In  the  County  Levy  Dec.  21,  1693,  Burgess  charges  were 
allowed  the  following:  Mr.  Richard  Rogers,  Mr.  Richard  Flynt, 
Capt.  Wm.  Lee,  Mr.  Cuthbert  Span,  Mr.  Jno.  Downing  &  Capt. 
Wm.  Jones. 

Mch.  21,  1694,  the  three  brothers  Capt.  Wm.  Jones,  Sam'l 
and  Robert,  united  in  a  suit  against  Mr.  Jno.  Eustace  for  tres- 
passing. ( 

On  July  21,  1697,  Capt.  Jones  was  sworn  High  Sheriff. 

Sam'l  Jones  died  Oct.,  1697  without  male  issue,  and  a  few 
months  after,  Capt.  Wm.  Jones  was  appointed  administrator  of 
his  dec'd  bro.  and  petitioned  the  court  to  appoint  as  appraisers 
Hancock  Lee,  Chas.  Lee,  Jno.  Curtis,  Thos.  Curtis  and  James 
Havnes. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  201 

Feb.,  1698,  for  the  first  time  Morris  Jones  appears  in  the 
records  enLering  Mr.  Chas.  Plan  is  his  atty,  and  petitioning  that 
noe  administration  be  granted  on  the  estate  of  Mr.  Sam'l  Jones 
until  reasons  could  be  assigned. 

It  is  possible  that  Morris  Jones  had  lived  in  some  other 
county.  Mr.  J  no.  Cossens  had  given  him  "a  competent  seat  of 
land"  of  which  no  trace  has  been  found  in  North'd  Co. 

The  death  of  Sam'l  Jones  without  male  issue  was  the  occa- 
sion of  a  redistribution  of  Mr.  Robert  Jones'  estate,  and  Capt. 
Wm.-  Jones  as  administrator  was  made  party  to  numerous  suits, 
which  with  further  investigation  may  determine  the  complex 
relationships  of  this  numerous  family.  At  this  time  it  is  pos- 
sible to  merely  give  tlic  court  records. 

1699,  April  20,  Wm.  Lambert  vs.  Capt.  Jones. 

June  22,  Robert  Roebuck  vs.  Capt.  Jones,  exc.   Sam'l 

Jones. 
June  2'i,,  Richard  Pemberton  vs.  Wm.  Jones. 

Mr.  John  Turbeville  vs  William  Jones. 

On  July  19,  1699,  Capt.  Wm.  Jones  was  sworn  a  Justice.  On 
the  same  day  he  became  security  for  Robert  Roebuck  on  a  bond 
td  Capt.  Wm.  Lister. 

1699,  Aug.  18,  Martha  Haynes  vs.  Capt.  Wm.  Jones. 
Wm  Jauncey 

1699,  Sept.  23,  Capt  Wm.  Jones  &  Col.  Wm.  Fitzhugh  deed  to 
Major  Rodham  Kenner. 

1699,  Oct.  18,  Mr.  Jas.  Haynes  deed  to  Capt.  Wm.  Jones. 

1700,  April  18,  Capt.  Peter  Knight  atty  for  Capt.  Wm.  Jones 
assigns  patent  for  1200  acres  to  Thos.  Hobson. 

i/CXD,  June  19,  Col.  Wm.  Fitzhugh  &  Capt.  Wm.  Jones  relin- 
quishment of  a  mortgage  to  Maj.  Wm.  Lister.  Richard  Hayriie 
atty.  On  the  same  date  Capt.  Wm.  Jones  and  Margaret,  his  wife, 
make  a  deed  for  250  acres  of  land  to  Maj.  Wm.  Lister.  Mr. 
Robert  Jones  acknowledges  mortgage  for  200  acres  to  Maj  Lister, 
and  Maj.  Lister  acknowledges  receipt  for  £200  sterling  to  Capt. 
Jones. 


202  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

1700,  Auj:^.  16,  John  Tarpley  &  Eliz  his  wife,  admix  of  Win 
Bruce  vs.  Capt  Win  Jones,  adm.  of  Mr.  Sam'l  Jones.  This  suit  in 
various  form  continued  for  nearly  forty  years. 

1701,  Feb.  22,  Morris  Jones  vs.  Capt.  Wni.  Jones,  James 
Haynes,  Thos.  Gaskins,  Thos  Pinckard,  John  Nicklers  &  his  wife 
Eliz.  adnis,  Mrs.  Eliz.  Pinckard  dec'd. 

1 70 1,  April  16,  Capt.  Wm.  Jones  deed  for  592  a.  to  Mr.  Peter 
Coutanceau. 
\   1703,  \'incent  Cox  of  Westmoreland  Co.  vs  Capt  Wm  Jones. 

1704,  Sept.  20.  Cai)t  Wm  Jones  «S:  Margaret  his  wife  by  her 
atty  Wm  Jones  Jr.  deed  for  land  to  Robert  Carter,  Mr.  Hancock 
L,ee  atty  Robt  Carter. 

1708,  July  2T,,  Deed  to  land  from  Peter  Coutanceau,  &  Wm 
Jones  Gent,  to  Robert  Carter,  Esq. 

On  Jan.  19,  1709.  the  suit  of  Morris  Jones  vs  Capt  Wm  Jones, 
adm.  of  Saml  Jones,  which  had  been  on  the  records  for  nearly 
ten  years  in  some  form,  was  finally  tried.  The  will  of  Mr.  Robert 
Jones  '"late  of  this  Co,"  was  used  in  evidence  and  quoted  in  tlie 
findings  of  the  jury  which  were  favorable  to  Morris  Jones. 

1709,  June  15,  Upon  the  petition  of  Andrew  Jackson  S: 
Dorothy,  his  wife,  and  Jno.  Gresham,  exec'rs  of  Wm.  Lister  late 
of  Lane.  Co.,  Capt  Wm.  Jones  and  Mr.  Wm.  Jones  were  among 
the  appraisers. 

1709,  Sept  21,  Harry  Beverley  of  Middlesex  Co.  vs.  Mr.  Wm 

Jones,  Sr.,  of  Northo'd  Co. 
Sept.  22,  John  Tarpley  &  Eliz  his  wife,  exectrix  of  Mr. 
Wm.   Bruce  vs.   Wm.  Jones,  admr  of   Sam'l 
Jones. 

1710.  Mch.  15,  Wm.  Jones  admitted  administrator  of  his 
deed  father,  his  mother  Margaret  Jones  declining  same. 

(To  Be  Continued.)     ^_^  L.  \ 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  203 


A  TABLET  OF  TRIORITIES. 

On  December  5th.  there  was  unveiled  on  the  walls  of  the  main 
hall  of  the  old  College  building  (erected  in  i^>94)  before  a  large 
audience  a  beautiful  marble  tablet  presented  by  the  Association 
for  the  Preservation  of  \'irginia  Antiquities,  through  Capt.  Joim 
Archer  Coke,  of  Richmond,  who  made  the  presentation  address. 
The  tablet  reads  as  follows  : 

Priorities  of  the  College  of  William  and  Mary. 

Chartered  February  8,  1693,  by  King  William  and  Queen  Mary. 
]Main  Building  Designed  by  Sir  Christopher  Wrenn. 


First  College  in  the  United  States  in  its  antecedents,  which  go 
back  to  the  College  proposed  at  Henrico  (1619).  Second  to 
Harvard  University  in  actual  operation. 

F^irst  American  College  to  receive  its  charter  from  the  Crown 
under  the  Seal  of  the  Privy  Council,  1693.    Hence  it  was  known 
as  "their  Majesties'  Royal  College  of  William  and  Mary." 
,    First  and  only  American  College  to  receive  a  Coat-of-Arms 
from  the  Herald's  College.  1694. 

First  College  in  the  United  States  to  have  a  full  Faculty, 
consisting  of  a  President,  six  Professors,  usher,  and  writing 
master,  1729. 

First   College   to   confer   medallic   prizes :   the   gold   medals 
donated  by  Lord  Botetourt  in  1771. 
(  First  College  to  establish  an  inter-collegiate  fraternity,  the 

Phi  Beta  Kappa,  December  5,  1776. 

First  College  to  have  the  Elective  System  of  study,  1779. 

First  College  to  have  the  Honor  System,  1779. 

First  College  to  become  a  University,  1779. 

First  College  to  have  a  school  of  Modern  Languages,  1779. 

First  College  to  have  a  school  of  Municipal  and  Constitutional 
Law,    1779. 

First  College  to  teach  Political  Economy,  1784. 

First  College  to  have  a  school  of  History,  1803. 


204  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

NOTES  FROiM  THE  RECORDS  OF  YORK  COUNTY. 
(Continued  from  Page  20.) 

Att  a  Court  holden  for  the  County  of  Yorke  the  26y  of  Octo- 
ber 1646: 

Whereas  Thomas  Beale  hay  in  Co""*  made  sufficient  pfe  that 
ycre  is  due  to  him  twoe  hundred  &  fifty  Acres  of  land  for  ye 
transj>ortation  of  five  psons  into  yis  Collony  viz^  Tho.  Beale, 
Alice  Beale,  Morgan  Hennett,  John  Ashfield  &  John  Heyward, 
The  court  doy  order  that  certificate  yereof  be  made  ut  sup. 

Whereas  it  apf>earcy  to  the  court  by  the  confession  of  John 
Merryman  that  he  stands  indebted  to  Thomas  Harrwod  the  sume 
of  one  thousand  powndes  of  tob:  for  consideration  of  a  man  to 
keepe  his  booke  &  rcc  tob:  in  ye  imployment  of  Capt.  Derrick- 
son  as  alsoe  twoe  hundred  powndes  of  tob :  more  wch  he  paid 
to  Capt.  Ch':  Calthropp  at  ye  request  of  ye  sd  Merryman  for 
ye  sd  Derrickson's  debt.  The  Co"^  doy  Therefore  order  yat  ye 
sd  Merryman  shall  make  payment,  of  ye  sd  twelve  hundred 
powndes  of  tob:  to  ye  sd  Thomas  Harrwod  with  Court  charges 
within  tenn  dayes  ells  exec. 

Whereas  there  was  divers  men  liveing  at  the  lower  end  of 
Yorke  psh  who  weare  delinquent  in  sending  upp  a  man  to  y* 
Middle  Plantation  for  that  gen'"all  worke  in  setting  upp  a  pale 
yere  according  to  former  order  whereby  Capt.  Robert  Higginson 
was  forst  to  put  a  man  in  his  Rome,  The  Court  doy  Yere  fore 
order  that  the  said  men  so  delinquent  shall  upon  demand  pay  to 
y*  s^  Capt.  Robert  Higginson  the  sume  of  yerty  five  pov/ndes  of 
tobacco  p.  poll  for  satisfacon  of  the  hire  of  a  man  in  yeir  room 
&  by  him  im  :loyed  as  affores'^,  and  yat  upon  refusall  Ye  sherr, 
to  distrayne  for  the  same  as  in  public  leavyes. 

Whereas  it  appeareth  to  the  Court  by  Attestacon  out  of  Hol- 
land as  [appears]  by  the  oath  of  John  Merryman  that  Capt. 
Derrickson  carryed  home  in  his  shipp  a  maide  servant  by  name 
Trinity  Slough  belonging  to  Mr.  Richard  Glover,  the  Court  doy 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  205 

therefore  order  that  th  es'^  Richard  Glover  shall  have  an  attach- 
ment against  the  estate  of  y^  s"^  Capt.  Derrickson  for  satisfacon 
of  y*  s^  Maide  servant  &  damages  yereby  sustained. 

Nov.  the  26'''  1646  p'"sent 

Capt.  Nicholas  Martian,  M""  William  Pryor,  Capt.  William 
Taylor,  M""  Rowland  Burnham. 

Thomas  Bremor  committed  to  the  sheriff  to  be  dctayned  itl 
prison  for  "behaving  himself  unseemly"  in  y^  presents  ofl'  y' 
court  for  drunkenness. 

The  Court  doy  order  that  if  at  any  Co"^  hereafter  there  be 
any  man  distempered  with  drinke  whereby  they  may  as  fformerly 
boy  abuse  yemselves,  and  yis  court,  And  if  it  appearc  they  had 
y^  s'^  drinke  from  Thomas  Deacon  that  yen  y®  s''  deacon  for  let- 
ting yem  y  s'^  drinke  shall  yerefore  bide  y^  censure  of  yis  Court. 

Whereas  there  was  due  to  Robert  Lewis  from  Edward  Shei- 
endine,  Wm.  Todd,  John  Hartwell  and  Wm.  Hunt  sixe  days 
v^rorke  for  the  souldcr  wch  was  presst  for  Rappahannock  It  is 
therefore  ordered  that  y^  s'^  Shelendine,  Hartwell,  todd  &  Hunt 
pay  }^  s*^  Lewis  100  b.  tob.  p.  day  for  the  s"^  worke  according  to 
former  order  (of)  y^  counsell  of  war. 

Nov.  the  26'^  1646: 

Whereas  M""  Thomas  Hampton  Cler  obtayned  the  Guardian- 
ship of  the  orphants  of  John  Powell  late  of  yis  County  dec,  & 
hay  possest  himselfe  with  Yere  estates  and  hay  alsoe  removed 
on  of  y^  s"^  orphants  with  most  pte  of  y"  s**  estates  out  of  yis 
county  and  left  behinde  ye  oyer  orphant  by  name  Wm.  Powell 
without  necessary  pvison,  to  say,  even  starke  naked  whereupon 
y^  Court  upon  y*^  pet  of  y'^  s''  W™  Powell  doy  order  vat  Thomas 
Harrwod  shall  take  into  his  keeping  W'"  Powell  orphant  and 
to  pvide  sufficient  &  necessary  cloaying  for  y^  s^  W™  Powell  and 
at  y*  next  County  Court  to  give  an  ace'  yereof  at  wch  Co-^  furyer 
order  to  be  taken  yerein  and  y'  y^  sherr  shall  hereby  have  power 
to  make  seizure  of  soe  much  tobacco  as  is  due  from  a  negro 
woman  for  her  wages  yis  yeare  wch  belongs  to  y*  s^  orphants. 


2o6  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

And  that  a  bull  belong-ing  to  y^  s"^  orphants  wch  dayly  doy  trespas 
y*'  Neighbours  as  p  y"  pet,  of  Rich :  Wyate  to  y*^  Court  be  sold 
at  y"*  best  rate  &  paynit  yereof  made  to  y®  s*^  Tho.  Harrwod  whoe 
is  to  give  acco'-  hereof  at  y^  next  Court. 

December  21,  1646,  Richard  Wyat  ordered  to  pay  Thomas 
Eaton,  of  London,  Currurgion,  one  hhd.  of  tobacco  with  Court 
charges. 

Att  a  Court  holden  for  the  County  of  Yorke  the  25*^  January, 
1646,  p'"sent  (S:c.  In  the  name  of  god  amen  I  \V"^  Pryor  being 
sicke  in  body  but  plcct  in  minde  <&  memory  praysed  be  god  re- 
voking all  former  wills  doe  make  and  ordayne  vis  my  last  will 
&  testament  in  manner  &  forme  following.  Imp'°'^  1  give  &  be- 
queath m.y  soule  unto  y^  hands  of  almighty  god  my  maker  &  my 
body  to  decent  Christian  buriall  and  as  concerning  my  temporall 
estate  vizt:  I  give  &  bequeath  to  my  eldest  daughter  Margarett 
my  whole  pte  of  the  shipp  Honor  and  five  hundred  and  ninety 
one  powndes  sterling.  I  give  and  bequeathe  to  my  daughter  Mary 
five  hundred  pounds  sterling.  I  give  &  bequeathe  to  y^  eldest 
sonn  of  my  broyerlaw  Jasper  Clayton  fifty  pounds.  I  give  & 
bequeath  to  y^  wife  of  Richard  Kemp  Esq  fifty  pownds  sterling, 
I  give  &  bequeath  to  Rich  Bennett  Esq  Yerty  pounds  sterling. 
I  give  &  bequeath  unto  Capt.  Thomas  Harrison,  capt  of  y®  shipp 
Honor,  yerty  pounds  sterling.  I  give  &  bequeath  unto  Capt. 
Thomas  Harrwod  yerty  pounds  sterling.  I  give  &  bequeath  to 
my  eldest  daughter  Margaret  the  whole  divident  of  land  where 
I  now  live  wi'y  all  the  appurtenances  thcteto  'belonging  as 
bowses,  orchards  or  the  like,  but  for  the  rest  and  remainder  of 
my  land,  I  give  and  bequeath  to  my  daughter  Mary. 

I  give  &  bequeath  to  Mrs.  oMary  Kerton  one  hundred  pounds 
sterling.  My  will  is  yat  if  in  case  I  have  not  soe  much  money 
now  in  England  to  pay  &  discharge  the  legacyes  abovesd  that 
my  children  being  my  execut"  shall  be  pd  in  y^  first  place,  and 
the  legacy  to  others  following,  that  is  out  of  y*  pceed  of  y*  tob: 
that  shall  be  sent  home  yis  yeare  or  yereafter  what  shall  be 
prduced  out  of  my  estate  yere  in  Virginia.     And  for  the  rest  of 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  207 


I  my  temporall  estate  of  what  kind  &  quality  or  condition  soe  ever 

j  that  shall  be  remaining  I  freely  give  &  bequeath  unto  my  two 

I  daughters  Margarett  &  Alary  to  be  equally  divided  betwixt  them 

I  whom  I  make  &  ordeyn  my  full  &  sole  exec^  to  see  yis  my  will 

I  p^formcd  and  my  leyayes  pd  &  I  doe  hereby  [by]  yis  my  will  & 

j  testament  request  &  appoint  my  beloved  ffreinds  Jasper  Clayton 

my  brother-in-law,  Capt.  Thomas  Harrison  and  Capt.  Thomas 
j  Harrwod,  overseers  in  trust  for  &  in  behalfe  of  my  children.     In 

I  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  sett  my  hand  &  seale  the  21''' 

day  of  Janu.  1646.     William  Pryor. 

[  Sealed    &    delivered    in    the    presence    of    John    Rose,    Wm. 

i  Hockaday, 

P.  bat^  in  Cur,  Comt.  Ebora  vicessimo  quinto  die  mensis  Jan- 
uarii.  Sacrament:  Johanes  Rose  et  Wm.  Hockaday.  Ano  1646. 
Teste  me,  Ro.  Bouth  Cler.  Cur. 

The  agreement  of  Capt.  W""  Brocas  Esq  and  ]Mary  his  wife 
conveys  to  Capt.  Thomas  Harrison,  "maister  of  the  shipp 
Hounor,"  "tvvoo  negroe  men  servants"  and  also  consigns  to  his 
keeping  a  quantity  of  tobacco  to  be  delivered  to  William  Allen, 
merchant  in  London— the  said  tobacco  being  rated  12  shillings 
per  100.    Dated  Jan.  30,  1646. 

By  the  Gov°or  and  Capt.  Generall  of  Virginia.  To  all  to 
whom  these  presents  shall  come,  I  S""  W""  Berkeley  Knt  GoVnor 
&  Capt.  Generall  of  Virginia  send  Greeting  in  our  Lord  God 
everlasting,  whereas  W"  Pryor  gentlem,  late  of  the  County  of 
Yorke  dec.  did  by  his  last  will  &  testament  make  and  ordeyn  Mar- 
garett and  Mary  Pryor  his  twoe  daughters  exec  of  his  last  will 
&  testament  &  alsoe  M""  Jasper  Clayton  Capt  Tho :  Harrison  & 
Capt.  Thomas  Harrwood  overseers  of  y''  same.  And  whereas  at 
a  Co^  holden  at  York  the  25'''  day  of  January  last  the  s**  Capt. 
Tho:  Harrison  &  Captain  Thomas  Harrwod  made  humble  suite 
to  the  CC^  that  a  p''bate  myght  be  made  unto  yem  of  the  s^  last 
will  &  testament  in  y"  behalfe  of  y'  children  Margarett  &  Mary 
Pryor,  for  wch  cause  full  power  &  authority  accordingly  is  given 


2o8  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

yem  on  >-*  s^  estate  in  the  behalfe  of  y*  s**  Margaret  &  Mary 
Pryoi  and  for  the  dispensing  of  y^  same  according  to  y*  true 
intent  &  meaning  of  y^  s^  testator;  given  under  my  hand  &  sealed 
with  y«  seal  of  y^  CoUony  this  foweth  of  feb.  1646.  William 
Berkeley. 

Robert  Ellison  is  allowed  to  satisfy  his  claim  for  1030  pownds 
of  tobacco  out  of  Robert  Jackson's  estate. 

25^''  of  January  1646.  Whereas  it  appearey  to  y^  Co^  by  the 
oath  of  M'  Richard  Anderson  Clu  that  he  gave  unto  Thomas 
Hardy  twoe  heifers  and  twoe  Calves  for  his  servis  done  for  him. 
And  that  >-*  s*^  Anderson  made  over  the  s^  Catle  to  Geo.  Hardy 
as  in  trust  for  the  use  of  the  s"^  Thos :  Hardy.  And  for  as  much 
as  y*  s**  Thomas  Hardy  hay  peticon  to  yis  Co"'  that  the  s;^  M^ 
Richard  Anderson  myght  by  order  deliver  to  him  the  s^  Catle 
This  co^  doth  therefore  order  that  tiie  s'^  M""  Richard  Anderson 
Clu  shall  forthwiih  deliver  the  s^  catle  to  y^  s^  Thomas  Hardy 
And  that  the  bill  made  for  the  s^  Catle  by  the  s"^  M-"  Richard 
Anderson  to  Geo.  Hardy  be  voyde  and  of  noe  force  against  him 
for  the  s**  Catle. 

The  Co'^  doth  order  that  Caj^t^  Nicho:  Martian,  M"  John 
Chew  and  M'  Row :  Burnham  or  any  twoe  of  yem  take  the  oay 
of  M"  Wormeley  wife  to  Capt.  Ralph  Wormeley  on  the  Inven- 
tory of  her  late  husband's  estate  dec. 

January  27,  1646.  The  under  sheriff  Phillip  Thacker  ordered 
to  collect  corne  or  the  value  thereof  from  whom  it  is  due  and  to 
pay  Nicholas  Sebrill  "for  his  servis  done  at  the  Midle  plantacon 
the  last  yeare,  wch  was  to  be  collected  and  pd  to  him  by  the  then 
sherr." 

Whereas  Edw  Wright  stands  indebted  unto  Thomas  deacon 
one  Mayde  servant  wch  should  have  been  pd  the  25''^  day  of  De= 
cember  last  for  paymt  whereof  the  said  Wryght  made  over  in 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  209 

CO'"'  one  covve  &  one  yearling  vviy  his  cropp  of  tob  and  corne  And 
for  as  much  as  the  s**  Wryght  hay  not  made  payment  of  y^  s** 
servant,  The  Court  doth  yerefore  order  that  y^  s'^  Deacon  Shall 
liave  execucon  against  y  s**  cow  &  yearling,  Cropp  of  tob  & 
corne,  for  satisfacon  of  y*  s*^  Maide  servant  &  charges  of  Court. 

I  Henry  Brooke,  doc  acknowledge  to  have  rec.  of  M""  W"" 
Hockaday  for  the  use  of  Barnaby  Brooke,  dec.  the  sume  of  four- 
teene  powndes  &  five  shillings  six  pence  for  wch  sume  I  rec. 
twooe  yousand  &  twoe  hundred  pounds  of  tob  in  the  yeare  1643 
it  pduciiig  the  sume  afToresd  in  holland  &  noc  more,  witness  my 
hand  yis  I4y  of  June  1644.     P  me  Henry  Brooke. 

Teste  Tho :  Heath. 

Know  all  men  by  these  p'"sents  that  I  Nicholas  Browne  of  the 
backe  river  in  V'erginia,  gentlem,  )-*  lawful  attorney  of  Charles 
foxe  Leather  seller  of  London  doe  by  virtue  of  a  letter  of  Attor- 
ney to  me  &:  oyers  directed  accquit  &  discharge  \V"'  Edwards, 
Thomas  W'onibell  &  W™  Hockaday  yere  heyres  executors  or 
Adm'"  frome  one  bill  of  fifty  odd  pounds  due  &  payable  to  y^  s*" 
Charles  foxe  &  doe  hereby  binde  myself e  to  deliver  the  bond  or 
the  true  copy  yereof  Lawfully  Attested  y^  next  returne  of  ship- 
ping unto  \^erignia  as  wittness  my  hand  yis  3d  day  of  Jan :  An** 
dm  1644.     Wittness  Robert  Bradshaw,  Nicholas  Browne. 

Received  of  Mathew  Hawkins  three  hogds  of  tob  marked 
MH.  by  me  Capt.  Derrick  Derrickson  [of  Graft  in  Holland]  for 
the  pceed  and  p'"fitt  of  the  s*^  tob  &  according  to  order  rec.  from 
the  s*^  Mathew  Hawkins  I  doe  binde  me  my  heires,  exect"  Adm'™ 
&  assignes  to  be  accountable,  necessary  charges  &  the  danger  of 
y*  seas  excepted,  In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  sett  my 
hande  this  21'^  o""  March  1645. 

Derrick  Derrickson  Wilre  (?) 

Witnes  by  Humphrey  ffloyd 
Ralph  Routh 
John  X  Merryman 
his  mark. 


2IO  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Att  a  court  holden  att  the  house  of  Capt.  Rich.  Townshend 
Esq.  the  5y  of  fcb  1646,  p^  sent  S^  W-^  Berkeley  Kn'  Gov^nor 
Esq,  Capt.  John  West,  M-"  Richard  Kemp,  Capt  Richard  Town- 
send,  George  Ludlow,  Esqrs.  In  the  diiterence  depending  bc: 
twixt  Capt  Nicholas  Martian  and  Mr.  Rich  Lee  High  Sherr  of 
York  County  concerning  the  seizure  of  a  man  servant  of  y-  s"^ 
Capt  Martian's  for  County  Levyes  is  referred  to  be  tryed  y^ 
44^''  day  of  }vlarch  Cor^  next  before  the  Gov''nors  counsell. 

"James  Stone  of  London  March'"  acknowledges  a  debt  to 
"Robert  Vans  of  Virginia  March*." 

Robert  Blackwell  given  a  certificate  for  250  acres  of  land  for 
transporting  5  persons  into  the  Colony. 

Certificate  granted  to  John  Holding  for  the  transportation 
of  13  persons. 

John  Chew's  deed  conveying  to  Robert  Linsey  &  Henry 
Ix>wry,  Churchwardens  of  the  p'ish  of  Yorke  "for  the  use  bene- 
fitt  &  behoofe  of  y^  s^  pish  for  there  Glebe  200  acres  of  land 
lying  on  the  west  side  of  W"  Hawkins  as  is  pte  &  p^cell  of  seaven 
hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land  lying  on  the  north  side  of  Chis- 
man  Creeks  as  p  a  Pattent  once  granted  bearing  date  y'  i8th 
day  of  February  1638  may  more  fully  at  laye  appeare  &c  Jan- 
uary 16,  1642. 

This  bill  of  sale  was  surrendered  upp  in  Co"  by  Peter  Rugby 
&  his  heires  &  assigns  forever  by  John  Clarkson  and  Robert 
Todd,  churchwardens,  (successors  to  Linsey  &  Lowry)  24'*^  of 
September  1647. 

T^lr.  Bushroode  Loveing  fifreind  with  my  best  respects  remem- 
bered I  pray  you  to  lett  me  intrcat  you  to  p'"secute  a  suite  for  me 
against  Capt.  Ralph  Wormley  for  a  debt  due  to  Joseph  Nett- 
maker  from  the  estate  of  Luke  Stubbins  dec.  I  have  sent  you 
Mr.  Nettmaker's  letter  of  attorney  by  wch  I  give  you  power  to 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  211 

p''secute  y^  suite  yorselfe  or  to  appoint  one  under  you.  I  have 
sent  you  also  Mr.  Stubbins  his  note  under  Mr.  Nettmaker  his 
hand  and  Mr.  John  Stringer's  dejx>sition  to  prove  y  debt.  I 
believe  Capt.  Wormeley  will  pay  y  debt  without  suite  when  he 
sees  Mr.  Stringer's  deposition.  Not  ells  at  present  I  rest  yo" 
to  be  commanded  Cornelius  Loyd. 

A  true  &  pfect  Inventory  of  the  estate  of  M""  W'"  Kellaway 
dec  in  y^  hands  of  Capt.  Ralph  Wormeley  gentlen  Administrat*"" 
yereof  taken  yis  5y  of  August  1647  by  us  whose  names  are  here- 
to subscribed  Imp''mis 

b  tob 
One  old  Cloath  suit  of  Cloathes  &  one  old  cloake 

lined  v/ith  plus  all  0350 

Item  3  pre  of  new  boates  being  much  damnified  0090 

Item  3  pre  of  old  boates  at  20  b  p.  paire  is  0060 

Item  one  old  suite  &  coate  of  Cloay  0050 

Item  one  pre  of  shooes  smale  &  greatc  at  20  pre         0320 
Item  I  new  Kersey  suite  for  a  servant  at  0060 

Item  twoe  suites  of  Cloayes  for  boyes  0100 

Item  fower  sale  sheirts  for  boyes  0040 

Item  fowre  pre  of  Sheepe  skine  gloves  0024 

Item  twoe  litle  peece  of  course  Ribbin  0003 

Item  twoe  old  Holland  sheirts  at  20*'  p  shirt  0040 

Item  twoe  quire  of  pap.  0006 

Item  twoe   new   pre   of   course   yarne   stockins    for 

boyes  «>i6 

Item  twoe  pre  of  old  patched  stockins  0008 

Item  one  pre  of  Irish  stockins  0008 

Item  twoe  knives  0000 

Item  twoe  old  Hatts  0020 

Item  one  pap  of  garden  seeds  ^  0030 

Item  one  old  beauer  brush  0003 

Item  sixe  little  bookes  0100 

Item  one  old  sea  Coate  0040 

Item  one  old  (?)  0040 


212  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Item  one  old  trunke  0025 

Item  one  smale  Tiunke  0025 

Item  a  pcell  of  ole  custs  &  bands  &  boote  house 

linen  0080 
Item  five  Rundletts  &    ?  conteyninge  23  gallons  of 

strong  waters  at  20  b  p  gallon  0460 

Item  one  bill  of  debt  due  from  M""  Burnham  1500 


Sume  is  3530  t)  tob 

Row :  Burnham,  Rich  Lee 
Ralph  Wormeley 

Juran'*  Coram  me 
John  Chew 
Money  debts  due  to  }'*  estate  found  as  followeth 

Item  Capt  Thomas  Pcttus  bill  for 
Item  Corronell  ffrancis  Traslord  hill  for 
Item  M"  Eliz  Johnson  her  bill  for 
Item  Grace  Stillington  her  bill  for 
Item  an  acco*  of  Rich  Kempe  esq  for  whereof  due 
upon  the  ballance 

Sume  is  159    06    oS 

More  three  servants  sold  by  y''  Administraf  wiy 
there  beding  &  cloathing 

b 
one  to  S""  W"  Berkeley  for  08 

one  mayd  servant  to  Capt  Upton  14 

One  boy  to  Mr.  Edwin  Connaway  for  150  b  tob  caske 
Exhibit  in  Cur  Court  Eboras  p^  ?acramentum 
Capt  Ralph  Wormeley  vicessimo  quarto  die  Sept  An°  1647 
Recordaf  p.  Ro.  Eouth  CIu  Cur. 

Appraisement  of  such  goods  as  Jone  Jackson  presented  to  the 
viev/  of  us  whose  names  are  yeare  under  written  belonging  to 


b 

s 

d 

31 

15 

00 

80 

00 

00 

14 

II 

08 

15 

00 

00 

17 

00 

00 

s 

d 

00 

00 

10 

2Q 

\  William  and  Mary  Quarterly  213 

1 

the  estate  of  Robert  Jackson  late  deceased  being  swornc  before 
Capt  Richard  Barnhousc  the  9^*"  of  iTebreware  1646. 

Jurantur  Cor  me  Richard  Banihouse,  579  b  tob  and  2505  b 
tob. 

9  ber  y  25th,  1647. 

Edward  Burwell  intermarried  with  the  rt-lict  of  Henry  !Vlag- 
gett.    John  Hansford  appears  in  the  suit  of  Bassett  vs.  Hansford. 

Thomas  Gibson's*  deed  of  gift  dat?  15th  day  of  November 
1641  to  Elizabeth  Bouth,  daughter  of  Robert  Bouth  of  Charles 
River  in  Virginia  afforesd  gentlem.  granting  fifty  acres  of  land 
being  the  same  tract  granted  to  s*^  Gibson  by  John  Utie  by  a  bill 
of  sale  dated  the  13th  of  November  1639. 

(To  be  Continued.) 


*  "Of   Queene's   creeks   in   the   county   of   Charles   River   in   Virginia 
planter." 


214  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

RECORDS  OF  DINWIDDIE  COUNTY 

Abstracts  1789,  1790. 
/  (Most  of  the  records  of  Dinwiddie  County  are  destroyed.) 

Edward  Pegram,  Jun.,  assignee  of  Vines  Collier,  pit.  agt.  Stephen 
Pettypool  &  Anderson  Pettypool  defts.,  in  Debt.    1789. 

Thomas  Tabb,  surviving  exor.  Martha  Wallace,  dec'd,  pit.,  agt, 

William  Stegar  &  Gressit  Davis. 
Green  Hill  &  Margery  Hill,  exor  &  ex'x  of  Richard  Hill,  dec'd. 
Hannah  Goodwyn  to  Bosvvell  Goodwyn.    Deed  of  gift. 

Last  will  of  John  Gary  proved  by  Tarpley  Irving,  presented  in 
Court  by  Rebecca  Gary. 

William  Tucker  &  Elizabeth  his  wife,  Mary  &  Rebecca  Jones, 
Ann  Jones,  Martha  &  Sarah  Jones,  infants  vs.  Green  Jones, 
heir  at  lav/  of  Thomas  Jones,  dec.  &  Susanna,  widow  &  relict, 
&  Thomas  Clay,  adm.  of  said  Thomas  Jones. 

Edith  Westmoreland  &  John  Tarpley,  exors.  of  Thos.  Westmore- 
land dec'd.  vs.  James  Harwell, 

Jos,  Jones  signs  the  court  orders. 

Seth  Pettypool,  Jun.  ap'ted  surveyor  of  the  roads. 

Justices:  Edward  Pegram,  Jr.,  Wood  Tucker,  Peterson  Good- 
wyn, William  Watts,  John  Videll  ( ?),  Jr..  &  George  Pegram, 
gent,  justices. 

Mac.  Goodwyn,  Lt.  &  Collier  McDonald,  Ensign,  of  a  Co.  of 
militia,  1789. 

William  Archer  &  Stephen  Goodwyn  give  bond  as  inspectors  with' 
William  Watkins  and  Braddock  Goodwyn,  as  securities. 

Henry  Spain,  Major;  Noel  Waddill  &  Braddock  Goodv/yn  Cap- 
tains; Robert  Williams  &  Joseph  Goodwyn,  Jr.  Lieutenants; 
of  the  Militia  of  this  county,  severally  took  the  oath  re- 
quired by  the  Militia  Law  &  also  took  the  oaths  to  the 
United  States,  agreeable  to  an  Act  of  Congress. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  215 

Joseph  Watkins  &  Mary  his  wife,  the  said  Mary  being  Daughter 
and  devisee  of  James  Boisseau,  dec'd,  Daniel  Boisseau,  John 
Boisseau,  Lucy  Boisseau,  Benjamin  Boisseau,  Patrick  Bois- 
seau, David  Boisseau,  Anne  Boisseau,  &  Susannah  Boisseau, 
children  of  James  Boisseau,  against  William  Watkins  and 
Gray  Briggs,  ex'  of  said  James  Boisseau,  17S9. 

Distribution  of  the  estate  of  William  Pegram  dec'd — between  his 
widow  &  children.  Daniel  eldest  son,  Elizabeth  Pegram 
widow — Sally,  Elizabeth,  Frances,  William,  Baker  Pegram, 
children.  1 

Baker  Pegram  Captain,  William  Scott  Lieutenant,  &  Benjamin 
Andrews  Ensign,  of  the  Co.  of  Light  Infantry  in  the  Militia, 
severally  took  the  oath  required  by  the  IMilitia  Law  &  Act 
of  Congress. 

John  Daingerfield  &  Elizabeth  his  wife  vs.  Thomas  Pettypool. 

St.  George  Tucker  vs.  Robert  Armistead  &  Thomas  Armistead. 
Suit  abates  as  to  Thomas  Arnn'stead  who  is  returned  no  in- 
habitant of  this  county. 

Harwood  Gocdwyn  mentioned. 

Deed  of  Boswell  Goodwyn  to  Stephen  Goodwyn. 

Peterson  Goodwyn,  gent.,  produced  a  commission  from  his  Ex- 
cellency the  Governor  appointing  him  Colonel  of  the  second 
Battalion  of  Militia  of  this  County,  and  was  sworn  accord- 
ingly, 19  March  1789. 

William  Geddy  produced  commission  as  Lt.  to  Capt.  Durrell's 
Conipany,  Aug.  17S9. 

Edward  Young,  orphan  of  Edward  Young,  made  choice  of 
Baker  Pegram  as  guardian — Peter  Manson  security. 

Last  will  of  Samuel  Hinton,  proved  in  Court  by  Joseph  White- 
head, John  Edmunds,  and  Mary  Edmunds ;  the  exors.  named' 
in  said  will  &c.  refused  to  take  upon  themselves  the  exe- 
cution thereof — Joseph  Whitehead,  William  Watts,  John 
Pegram,  William  Sydnor  &  James  Hinton  the  exors.  Feb. 
Court  1789. 


2i6  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Marriage  contract  between  David  Tucker  &  Frances  Jackson 
proved  by  the  oathes  of  Nathaniel  Epcs,  Ralph  Jackson  & 
Daniel  Tucker  &  recorded. 
Joseph  Jones,  gent.,  produced  commission  from  his  Exc  y  the 
Governor,  app'ting  him  County  Lt.  &  was  sworn  accord- 
ingly. 
Katherine,  widow  of  Samuel  Hinton. 

Last  will  of  Joseph  Tucker  dec'd,  having  been  proved  in  Dec^ 
court  last— Wood  Tucker  &  Isaac  Tucker,  the  exors.  named 
in  said  w\\\,  came  into  court  ^:c. 
John  Nicholas,  clerk  of  the  county,  John  Jones,  gent,   sherif!; 

Gray  Briggs  State  Attorney;  4610  tithables.  17S9. 
William  Cardwell,  Henry  Cardwell,  Jane  Cardwell,  &  Elizabeth 
Cardwell,  Infants  of  Thomas  Cardwell,  dec'd,  by  the  said 
William,  their  next  friend,  complt.  agt.  Henry  Thweatt  & 
Obedience  Cardwell,  exors.  of  Thomas  Cardwell,  de'd,  in 
chancery. 
Thomas  Tabb,  surviving  obligee  of  Thomas  Tabb   &  William 

Roscow  Wilson  Curie,  dec'd  vs.  Hill  &  Archer. 
William  Watkins,  John  Tabb  &  Peter  Jones,  surviving  partners 
of  W"  Watkins  &  Co.  pits.   vs.   Robert  Tucker,  exor  of 
Daniel  Tucker,  dec'd.  deft.     In  case. 
Robert  Morris  vs.  Henry  Broadnax,  1790. 
Matthew  Murray  Claiborne  vs.  Jno.  Atkinson. 
Joseph  Turner,  Jr.,  guardian  of  Elizabeth  Hines  &  Patty  Hines, 

orphans  of  Charles  Hines. 
Last  will  of  Daniel  Qaiborne  was  presented  into  court  by  Mary 
Claiborne,  the  Exec,  &  proved  by  the  oaths  of  Benjamin 
Boisseau,  Peterson  Goodwyn  &  Penelope  Hudson  &  together 
with  Mathew  M.  Claiborne  &c.  entered  into  bond  of  5000 
pds.  Sept.  Court  1790. 
Thomas  Tabb  vs.Seth  Foster  &  Ann  his  wife,  ex^  of  John  Gary, 
dec'd.,  November  Ct.,  1790. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  217 

Baldwin  Sheplierd  &  Susanna,  his  wife,  vs.  Seth  Foster  and 
Ann,  his  wife,  ex'  John  King,  dec'd,  Nov.  i,  1790. 

Joshua  Spain  &■  Martha  his  wife.  Epes  Spain  &  Ann  his  wife, 
John  Sandifer  &  Susanna  his  wife,  Joshua  Epes  &  Lucy  his 
wife  &  Samuel  Sandifer,  adrn.  of  Samuel  Sandifer,  dec'd. 
vs.  Rich  Newman,  cxor.  of  Richard  Newman,  dec'd. 

Jury,  Nov.  1790.  Leonard  Bott,  Nicholas  Lamb,  William  Lanier, 
Boswell  Goodwyn,  jr.,  Irby  Hudson,  William  Scott,  Thomas 
Clay,  Peterson  Epes,  Joshua  Epes,  Lsham  Spain,  Laban 
Epes  &  Absalom  Johnson. 

A  deed  of  gift  from  John  H.  Claiborne  to  Fanny  Gregory  proved 
by  Richard  Gregory  witness. 

Clement  Williams,  ensign  to  Braddock  Goodwyn's  Company  of 
Militia  of  this  County,  produced  his  commission  &  qualified 
according  to  law. 

Catharine  Brookes  charged  with  petit  treason  in  poisoning  her 
Husband  Edward  Brookes — Oct.  Court  1789. 

Thomas  Hardav.-ay  vs.  Samuel  Scott,  for  that  Ludwell  Jones  in 
1755  was  possessed  in  his  right  of  6  slaves ;  he  made  his 
will  and  bequeathed  them  to  his  sister  Sarah  Jones,  who 
afterwards  married  Thomas  Hardaway.  She  died  in  1761, 
leaving  Thomas  Hardaway,  jun.,  her  son  and  heir.  Nov. 
1789. 

William  Eppes,  late  guardian  of  lsham  Eppes  Dabney,  orphan  of 
William  Dabney — J  any  1790. 

John  Pettypool  exempted  from  payment  of  notes. 

A  deed  of  gift  from  Lewis  Burwell,  of  the  Co.  of  Mecklenburg, 
to  Elizabeth  the  wife  of  Bellficld  Stark,  proved  by  the  oaths 
of  Ann  Burwell,  Elizabeth  Walker  &  Ann  Burwell.  May, 
1790. 

Pursuant  to  an  order  or  request  of  the  Council  of  State,  the  jus- 
tices took  under  their  consideration  the  charge  of  pecula- 
tion exhibited  against  Peterson  Goodwyn  Gent,  by  Doctor 
James  Greenway,  and  having  entered  into  a  thorough  in- 


i2i8  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

vestigation  thereof  are  unanimously  of  opinion  that  the 
sum  of  money  mentioned  in  the  narrative  laid  before  the  ex- 
ecutive by  the  said  Greenway  was  not  designedly  retained 
by  the  said  Goodwyn,  and  that  he  is  innocent  of  the  charge 
aforesaid.  The  executive  having  referred  this  matter  to  the 
consideration  of  a  full  court,  and  it  having  been  decided  by 
five  Magistrates  only,  it  is  hereby  certified  that  there  were 
only  five  other  acting  Magistrates  in  the  County  &  that  two 
of  these  were  absent  and  that  the  other  three  refused  to  sit 
in  consequence  of  having  acted  as  commissioners  on  pre- 
paring and  bringing  in  reports  thereof.  March  Quarterly 
Sessions  1790. 

Marriages  in    1832,   1833. 

To  the  County  Court  of  Dinwiddle — I  do  hereby  testify  and 
report  to  the  court  that  the  following  marriages  were  solemn- 
ized by  me  agreeably  to  the  dates  hereunto  annexed  to  wit — The 
rites  of  Matrimony  were  solemnized  below : 

Isham  A  Trotter  and  Louisa  Watts  Novemb''  6'*^  1832 

James  Aldridge  and  Mary  King  ditto       22 

George  Worsham  and  Martha  Ann  Wynn  "         27 

Tho'  D.  Prosser  (  ?)  &  Rebecca  M.  Rowland  Feb.  6  1833 
Nicholas  Edmunds  &  Mary  Ann  Moody  Mch     6  1833 

Richard  Spain  and  Mary  Ann  Harmon  "       6 

Shadrack  Stott  &  Eliza  Parkinson  "       6 

David  Wells  &  Mary  Ann  Conally  "     27      " 

Wm  H.  Goodwyn  &  Hannah  L.  Williams  May  ist  1833 
Gardner  Hawkins  &  Sarah  Roberts  July  10  1833 
Stith  Hardaway  &  Elizabeth  Ann  Young  Nov  28  1833 
Given  under  my  hand  this  30'"  day  of  August  1833. 

J.  E.  Hargrave  (L.  D.) 

M.  E.  Church. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  219 


j  QUERIES. 

1 

j  Dennett. — John   and    Mary    Dennett   were   living   in    York 

I  County,  Va.,  a   few  years  before    1640;  had  children  Thomas, 

I  Margaret,  and  Sarah.     By  the  year  1645,  John  had  died,  and  his 

{  widow  had  married  WilHam  Barber.     One  of  the  daugliters  of 

I  John  and  Aviary  Deimett  married  a  Juxon,  having  issue  W^illiam 

^  and   Mary,  who  married  a  Timson. 

I  Capt.  Thomas  Dennett,  son  of  John  and  Alary,  married  Ann 

I  Booth,  daughter  of  Robert  Booth,  of  York.     Issue:  Ann,  John, 

I  Sarah,   and   Eleanor. 

I  John   Dennett,   son   of   Thomas   and   Ann,   married   •, 

and   had   Parthenia,   Elizabeth,   Thomas,    and   John.      Elizabeth 

5  married   William   Stone,  in    1710. 

1  .                                .       .      ;.    .  .' 

!  Waxtcd.— Date    of    arrival    in    Mrginia    of    the    first    John 

i  Dennett;  and  the  name  of  the   wife  of  John   Dennett,   son   of 

I  Thomas  and  Ann. 

j  McRae- Young. — Shortly  before  or  after  the  year  iSoo,  Dun- 

I  can  McRae  married,  in  either  \'irginia  or  North  Carolina,  Miss 

I  Rhoda  Young.     Information  is  wanted  about  the  ancestry  of  this 

I  Miss  Young. 

! 

I  Thompson. — The    first    sherifT    of    Albemarle    County    was 

\  Joseph  Thompson,  who  died  in  1759.     Information  about  his  an- 

I  cestrv  is  desired. 


Ballard. — Capt.  John  Ballard  died  in  York  County  in  1745,' 


I  leaving  several  children.     Whom  did  he  marry? 

I 
t 

f 

i 

\ 

's 

f 

i 

i 


220  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


HISTORICAL  AND  GENEALOGICAL  NOTES. 

Paimlrs  in  Virginia. — Dunlap  in  his  "History  of  Arts  of 
Design  in  the  L'liited  States,"  states  that  Mr.  Robert  Sully,  who 
kindly  assisted  him  in  making  researches  into  the  antiquities  of 
art  in  Virginia,  reported  that  the  only  portrait  painters  that 
are  remembered  by  the  oldest  inhabitants  "were  Durand,  ISIanly 
and  W^oolaston — the  first  tolerable,  the  second  execrable,  and 
the  third  very  good."  John  W'oolaston,  an  English  painter,  came 
to  America  about  1758  when  he  painted  portraits  in  Philadelphia 
and  in  Maryland  as  early  as  1759- 1760.  He  afterwards  came  to 
Virginia,  when  he  p^ainted  Washington's  mother,  and  m.any  por- 
traits in  Petersburg,  among  them  the  portrait  of  the  grandmother 
of  John  Randolph  of  Roanoke.  He  painted  a  portrait  of  White- 
field  preaching,  "which  is  now  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery 
and  was  engraved  b}-  John  Fabcr."  To  a  later  period  belongs 
Robert  Edge  Pine,  a  British  painter,  wdio  was  born  in  England 
in  1730,  came  to  this  country  in  1784  and  died  in  Philadelphia 
November  19,  1788.  After  painting  portraits  of  Francis  Hop- 
kinson  and  Robert  Morris  in  Philadelphia  he  visited  Mt.  Vernon 
in  1785,  where  he  painted  a  portrait  of  Washington,  }>Irs.  Wash- 
ington, her  three  grandchildren — Elizabeth,  Eleanor  and  George 
Washington  Parke  Custis,  and  her  niece,  ]\Iary  Bassett,  who 
married  the  son  of  Washington's  brother  Charles.  After  a  stay 
of  three  years  he  went  to  Annapolis  and  then  again  to  \'irginia, 
where  he  painted  portraits  of  Gen.  Horatio  Gates  and  Gen. 
Henry  Lee.  Mr.  William  Lanier  Washington,  of  New  York,  has 
a  portrait  of  an  old  lady  by  Pine,  which  Charles  Henry  Hart,  of 
Philadelphia,  the  great  atithority  on  the  Washington  portraits,  has 
identified  as  Mary  Ball  Washington,  the  rnother  of  Washington. 
It  is  the  only  authentic  portrait  of  this  lady. 

Leftwich. — In  1658,  Ralph  Leftwich  patented  land  on  the 
branches  of  the  Pianketank  river.  "Said  land  being  due  for  the 
transportation  of  six  persons  into  this  colony."     This  patent  was 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  221 

renewed  to  said  Ralph  Leftwicli,  October,  1662.  He  was  proba- 
bly ancestor  of  Aug^istinc  Leftwich,  of  Caroline  Co.,  who  moved 
to  Bedford  where  his  will  dated  June  10,  1795,  shows  that  he 
left  a  widow  Elizabeth  (his  second  wife)  and  sons  William, 
Thomas,  Augustine.  Uriah,  John,  Littleton,  Jabez  and  Joel,  and 
daughters  Fanny  Leftwich  Carter,  Mary  Leftwich  Early,  Xancy 
Leftwich  Pettross  and  Rebecca  Moorman.  Of  these  Thomas 
and  Augustine  Leftwich  were  captains  in  the  American  Revolu- 
tion. Ralph  Leftwich',  the  emigrant  from  England,  evidently 
belonged  to  the  Leftwich  family  of  Cheshire.  The  visitation  of 
Cheshire  gives  the  children  of  Ralph  Leftwich  and  his  wife, 
Eleanor  ]\Iainwaring  as  Robert,  Thomas,  and  William.  Thomas 
married  in  1556,  Catherine,  daughter  of  Arthur  Holford,  and 
had  a  son  of  the  name  Ralph. 

Stitii.- — In  Oi'ARTF.RLY,  XXL,  189.  Dr.  Johnston  states  that 
Col.  Drury  Stith  had  no  children  by  his  second  marriage  with 
Elizabeth  Jones,  widow  of  Thomas  Eldridge,  but  ^.Irs.  S.  O. 
James,  of  Petersburg,  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  his  will 
contains  the  following  section:  "I  give  to  my  wife  Elizabeth 
Stith  all  the  remainder  of  my  slaves  and  personal  estate  of  all 
kind  whatsover  I  shall  die  possessed  of  during  her  life;  after 
her  decease  to  be  equally  divided  among  the  children  I  have  had 
by  her."  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Stith's  will  was  dated  January,  177 1, 
"'^  and  proved  February  25,  1771.  Witnessed  by  Sterling  Edmunds. 
Thomas  Edmunds,  and  Thomas  Stone.  It  names  children,  who 
were  all  supposed  by  Dr.  Johnston  to  be  issue  by  Thomas  El- 
dridge— Aristotle.  Sarah,  Howell,  Katherine,  Charlotte,  Thomas 
and  Edmunds.  John  Coleman,  Thomas  Simmons  and  Sterling 
Edmunds  executors.  The  will  of  Col.  Drury  (Drewry)  Stith, 
of  the  County  of  Brunswick,  was  dated  June  25,  1770,  and 
proved  February  25,  1771,  and  was  witnessed  by  Thomas  Lundie, 
Henry  Simmons,  and  Thomas  Edmunds ;  disclaimed  all  right 
to  any  part  of  the  estate  of  his  wife.  Elizabeth  Stith,  and  names 
his  children  Buckner.  Thomas,  Elizabeth,  Edmund,  Drury ;  ap- 
points John  Coleman,  Sterling  Edmunds  and  wife,  Elizabeth, 
executors. 


222  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


BOOK  REVIEWS. 

Coplcy-Pclham  Letters.  jMassachusctts  Historical  Society  Collections, 
Volume  71. 

The  letters  and  documents  printed  in  this  volume  are  in  the  Public 
Record  Office,  London.  Fclcr  Pelharn,  son  of  Peter  Pelham,  of  London, 
came  to  P>o?ton  about  1721,  wliere  he  taught  dancing,  writmg,  reading, 
painting  upon  glass,  and  all  kinds  of  needle  work.  By  a  wife,  iNIartha,  in 
England  he  had  Peter,  Charles  and  William.  ,  In  Boston  he,  married  the 
widow  of  Richard  Copley  and  had  by  her  Henry  Pelham,  who  was  also  an 
artist.  John  Singleton  Copley,  an  eminent  portrait  painter,  born  in  Boston, 
was  his  stepson.  Peter  Pelham.  Jr.,  was  born  in  London,  December  17, 
1721.  came  to  Boston  with  his  father,  and,  in  1741,  was  tutor  in  Charles- 
ton, South  Carolina,  to  the  sister  of  Lady  Deloraine.  About  1752  he  came 
to  Vv'illiamsburg,  assisted  in  installing  the  great  new  organ  in  Bruton 
Church,  and  was  employed  by  the  General  Assembly  as  organist  at  a 
salary  of  i"j5.  a  year.  Subsequently  he  was  also  appointed  at  a  salary  of 
£40.  keeper  of  the  Public  Jail  in  Williamsburg  and  given  apartments  in 
that  building.  He  added  to  his  revenue  by  gi\ing  music  lessons,  and  at  all 
the  theatrical  performances  he  furnished  the  musical  accompaniments. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Williamsburg  Lodge  of  Masons,  and  was  living 
in  1776,  when  he  was  still  organist  and  jailer.  His  son,  Charles  Pelham, 
was  a 'Major  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution  and  his  son  Peter  v.  as  clerk  of 
Brunswick  County.  The  gallant  Major  John  Pelham  of  the  Confederate 
army  was  a  descendant.  The  chief  musician  in  Williamsburg  previous  to 
Pelham  was  Cutlibert  Ogle,  of  whom  more  information  is  desirable,  as  he 
had  a  remarkable  collections  of  musical  literature. 

The  Genealogy  of  the  Fishhack  Family  in  America,  1714-1914.  Compiled 
and. edited  by  Willis  Miller  Kemper.  Published  by  Thomas  Madi- 
soq  Taylor,  New  York. 

The  German  people  have  furnished  no  inconsiderable  element  to  the 
population  of  Virginia.  In  very  early  days  some  strong  members  of  this 
nation  found  their  way  to  .Accomac.  Dr.  George  Hack,  of  Cologne,  and 
Thomas  Harmanson.  of  Brandenburg,  were  founders  of  important  fami- 
lies in  that  part  of  Virginia.  The  first  regular  German  colony  was  estab- 
lished in  Virginia  in  1714.  They  were  miners,  forty-two  in  number, 
counting  men,  women  and  children,  who  came  from  Nassau-Siegen  and 
its  neighborhood,   and   were   settled  by   Gov.   Alexander   Spotswood   at   a 

place  called  Germanna  in  Spotsylvania  Co.,  where  he  engaged  them  in 
mining. 


William  and  ^Iary  Quarterly  223 

The  pastor  of  the  colony  was  John  Henry  Haeger,  born  at  Antz- 
hausen  Sept.  2^,  1644;  2nd  among  the  leading  sciders  was  John  Fisch- 
bach,  or  Fishback  as  it  came  to  be  angloci>ed,  who  married  Ilaegcr's 
daiigluer  Agnes.  Mr.  Kemper,  tlie  author  of  the  work  is  a  descendant 
of  John  Peter  Kemper  and  his  wife  EHzabeth,  daughter  of  John  Fish- 
back; and  John  Peter  Kemper  wns  a  son  of  John  Kemper,  of  Miisen, 
another  of  the  miners. 

Besides  enumerating  the  descendants  of  John  Fishback,  among  whom 
are  many  distinguislicd  men,  Mr.  Kemper  gives  us  a  full  account  of  the 
origin  of  the  settlement  at  Germanna,  and  of  the  country  whence  the 
German  colonists  came.  Altogether,  it  is  a  valuable  book,  containing 
many  suggestive  details  and  contributing  something  real  to  the  history 
of  Virginia. 

Commerce  of  Rhode  Island,  Vol.  I.,  1726-1774.  Massachusetts  Historical 
Collections,  Vol.  IX. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceedings,  1913-1914,  Vol.  47. 

Among  the  interesting  papers  in  this  publication  are  "Wolseley  and  the 
Confederate  Army,"  "Washington  and  Parties,  17S9-1797.''  "Argyll  Let- 
ters," "Great  Britain  and  our  war  of  1846-1848." 

Notes  on  Colonial  Theatres.  A  pamphlet  by  Robert  Adger  Law,  Univer- 
sity of  Texas. 

This  little  brochure  consists  of  two  articles  reprinted  from  the  Nation 
and  shows  that,  while  Williamsburg  had  the  first  theatre,  Charleston  had 
the  third,  and  that  the  first  prologue  spoken  to  an  American  audience, 
which  is  preserved,  was  not  at  Williamsburg  in  1752,  but  at  Charleston, 
January  24,   1734-5- 

Ta~e'u'ell  M.  Carrington.  An  address  by  Judge  George  L.  Christian,  Rich- 
mond, Virginia,  January  5,  1914. 

This  is  a  beautiful  tribute  to  the  worth  and  services  of  one  who  was 
long  President  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce.  Judge  Christian  has  no 
superior  in  this  kind  of  work. 

The  Lams  of  Bacon's  Assembly,  by  Arm.istead  C.  Gordon.  An  address 
delivered  before  the  Beta  of  Virginia  Chapter  of  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa 
Society  at  the  University  of  Virginia,  June  17,  1914- 

In  this  little  treatise,  we  have  an  interesting  presentation  of  the  most 
popular  legislation  ever  enacted  in  America  during  the  Colonial  times. 
The  laws  were  soon  repealed,  but  some  of  them  were  afterwards  re- 
enacted. 


224  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

The  School  of  Hellas.    An  address  by  Fairfax  Harrison,  President  of  the 
Southern    Railway    Company,    Riclmiond,    Virginia,    November    27, 

.     1914. 

The  literary  instinct  and  the  business  instinct  are  not  often  found  in 
the  same  person  to  the  degree  that  they  are  found  in  Mr.  Harrison.  This 
address  is  an  eloquent  plea  for  the  study  of  the  classics.  He  f^nds  its  decay 
in  modern  co!Ie-es  as  due  to  the  aridness  of  the  teaching,  which  is  purely 
disciplinary.  '"The  School  of  Hellas"  demands  the  vitalizing  of  the  study 
through  an  appeal  addressed  to  the  spirit  and  to  the  imagination. 

Confederate  .\rcmoncs  and  Experiences.    By  George  L.  Christian,     i.  Ad- 
dress; at  Annual  Commencement  of  the  Training  School  for  Nurses, 
connected  with  St.  Luke's  Hospital,  Richmond,  Virginia.   2,  Remini- 
scences and  a  Contract,  giving  some  experiences  of  the  writer  as  a 
student  of  the  University  of  Virginia  during  the  war.     3,  Recollec- 
tions of  the  Evacuation  of  Richmond,  April,  1865. 
This  pamphlet  though  intended  "for  private  circulation  only"  contains 
so  manv  interesting  facts  that  it  ought  to  have  a  wide  circulation.     While 
the  modestv  of  Judee  Christian  is  appreciated,  much  of  the  real  value  of 
the  articles' consist?  in  its  personal  character.     Much  light  is  afforded  of  a 
historical    character,    to   which   the   experiences    of   Judge    Christian   as    a 
maimed   Confederate  veteran  lends  a  brilliant  coloring. 

The  Maternal  Ancestors  and  Kindred  of  Margaret  Jane  Crocker.     Pub- 
lished   in   the    Virginia   Historical   Society    Quarterly,    Portsmouth. 
Virginia.     By  Judge  James  Francis  Crocker. 
This  is  an  excellent  piece  of  genealogical  work  proceeding  from  the 
trained  pen  of  one  of  the  most  honored  men  in  Virginia,  who  served  his 
country  gallantly  in  war  and  peace. 

The  Influences  of  Reconstruction  on  Education  in  the  South.     By  Edgar 
Wallace  Knight.  Assistant  Professor  of  Education  in  Trinity  Col- 
lege, North  Carolina. 
This  is  an  excellent  monograph  and  shows  great  labor  and  care  of 
preparation.     Dr.  Knight  combats  the  idea  which  seems  to  be  prevalent, 
especially  in  the   North,  that  there  was  no  public  educational   system   in 
the   South   previous   to   reconstruction,      .-^s   a   matter  of    fact,    in   all   the 
Southern  States  the  present  plans  of  public  education  were  in  operation, 
and  needed  only  development.     The  general  structure  was  there,  but  the 
details  of  superintendence  were  more  or  less  lacking.     This  development 
would  have  doubtless  come  without  the  aid  of  reconstruction. 

The  Marylayid  Calendar  of  IViUs,  Vol.  IV.,  1914;  Wills  from  I7i3-I7^- 
Compiled  by  Jane  Baldwin  and  Roberta  Boiling  Henry. 
This  is  a  volume  of  great  interest,  containing,  as  it  does,  the  wills  of 
some  of  the  most  important  men  and  women  of  the  Province  of  Maryland. 


Advert I SMENTS 


WHITTET  &  SHEPPERSON 

PRINTERS 


11-13-15  North  FZighth  Street      -      Richmond,  Va. 


BURK  &  COMPANY, 

CLOTHIERS 

AND    GeN'TS'    Fl'R\T=;HKKS    IN'    AIX    ITS   B  U  WCl-lliS . 
Inaugurators  of  from  Mill  to  Woarc-r  Svitem.  No  Mljdle  Profits  Charged. 

BURK  &  COMPANY 

800  East  Main  St., 
Edgar  Holt,  Representative  RICHMOND,   Va. 


VVBYMOUTH,    MFJSTER   &   SMETKIH, 

Law  and  Miscellaneous  Book  Binders 
and  Blank-Book  Manufacturers. 

105-107  Governor  Street  RICHAIOXD,  VIRGINIA 

Your  patronage  solicited. 


YOU  WILL  BE  OLD  SOME  DAY. 

Prepare  to  lighten  the  burden  of  old  age  NOW,  by  starting  a  savings 
account  with  this  strong  bank. 

PLAMTERS  NATIONAL  BAMK, 

CAPITAL  -  -  $     300,000.00 

SURPLUS    AND    PROFITS,       $1,500,000.00 

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$1 .00  will  open  an  account 


itiliam  anb  oDar\>  (TolleGC 

(^-uavtevlv^  1i5l9toiical  fn^aoasine. 


Vol.  XXIII.  APRIL,  1915.  No.  4. 


THE  PLANTER'S  PRIDE  IN  HIS  SLAVES. 

"Uncle  Aaron  Hilton,"  colored,  is  one  of  the  landmarks  of 
Cliarles  City  County,  Virginia.  He  followed  his  young  master, 
Robert  Selden,  through  the  Civil  War,  and  is  naturally  proud  of 
it.  He  ii  an  authority  in  hi?  county  on  the  care  of  sheep  and  the 
neighboring  farmers  send  to  him  on  all  occasions  for  advice. 
There  is  an  air  about  him  which  suggests  his  early  associations 
with  gentlemen  of  culture. 

Uncle  Aaron  tells  a  story  of  Ex-Presidont  John  Tyler,  who 
was  one  of  his  master's  neighbors.  Like  other  plantation  owners 
he  was  intensely  proud  of  his  negroes,  and  claimed  that  he  had 
the' "likeliest"  lot  in  Charles  City  County.  "Peter  Black,  my 
coachman,"  the  ex-president  would  say,  "is  the  handsomest, 
straightest  and  sm^artest  man  in  Charles  City."  But  Imcle 
Aaron's  story  is  not  of  Peter  Black,  but  of  another  of  the  young- 
negroes  on  President  Tyler's  plantation.  "Sherwood  Eorest," 
named  Roscius  Short.  Th.e  ex-president  had  a  great  opinion 
of  his  .physical  j)0wers  and  admired  him  intensely.  This  was 
somewhere  hack  in  the  fifties,  wdien  Mr.  Tyler  had  as  overseer 
a  man  named  Hogan.  This  overseer  had  a  {>rejudice  against 
Roscius,  especially  because  Roscius  would  not  pay  as  much  de- 
ference to  his  orders  as  others.  One  time,  being  in  the  barn 
alone  with  Roscius,  Hogan  locked  the  door,  put  the  key  in  his 
pocket  and  told  Roscius  that  he  was  going  to  whip  him.  "What 
do  you  want  to  whip  me  for,  Mr.  Hogan?"  "Because  I  want  to 
show  you  that  T  am  the  better  man  of  the  two."  said  Hogan 
Roscius  replied,  "Mr.  Hogan.  T  don't  let  any  man  touch  me 
without  inv  oh1  master  sav  so." 


226  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Hogan  made  a  dart  for  Roscius,  but  the  latter  caught  him  by 
the  wrists  and  held  him  off.  Then  Hogan,  unable  to  loose  him- 
self cried,  "Murder!"  and  soon  the  baru  was  surrounded  by 
excited  negroes.  They  could  hear  a  scufthng  going  on  and  they 
tried  to  get  in,  but  the  door  was  locked,  and  it  was  impossible 
to  do  so.  Roscius'  father,  "Uncle"'  William  Short,  the  head 
butler,  who  stood  very  high  in  the  opinion  of  the  colored  people. 
undertook  to  quell  the  disturbance  inside  by  calling  at  Roscius 
and  connnanding  him  to  come  out.  But  the  barn  still  remained 
locked  and  the  scuflling  and  yells  of  Mr.  Hogan  continued.  At 
last  the  President  himself  appeared  on  the  scene,  and  the  follow- 
ing colloquy  ensued:  "Roscius.  you  young  rascal,  what  are 
you  doing  in  there?"  "Master,  I  am  just  trying  to  keep  Mr. 
Hogan  from  beating  me."  "]\Iurder!"  yelled  Hogan.  "Roscius, 
open  the  door  at  once,  sir,  and  come  out  of  that  barn."  "Master, 
how  can  I  open  the  barn  wh.en  ]\Ir.  Hogan's  got  the  barn  door 
key  in  his  pocket?"  "Well,  then,  take  your  hands  off  of  him,  and 
let  hiin  open  the  door."  The  door  was  thially  opened  and  Hogan 
appeared  unharmed,  but  very  much  crestfallen. 

President  Tyler  could  hardly  retain  his  gravity  before  the 
negroes,  and  dismissed  the  crowd  by  saying  that  he  would  inves- 
tigate the  matter  later.  Dr.  William  Selden,  Uncle  Aaron's  mas- 
ter, looked  in  at  "Sherwood  Forest"  at  this  time,  and  President 
Tyler  told  him  the  absurd  incident  over  an  old  \'irginia  mint 
julep,  laughing  loudly,  ''Ha!  ha!  Selden,  did  you  ever  know  of 
such  a  fool  as  my  overseer  Hogan?  Lock  himself  up  in  a  barn 
with  my  man  Roscius.  Why,  sir,  he  might  just  as  well  have 
locked  himself  in  a  cage  with  a  roaring,  raging  lion;  ha!  ha! 
did  you  ever  hear  the  like?" 

Later  on  President  Tyler  considered  the  matter,  and  it  was 
not  long  after  before  he  gfot  rid  of  the  overseer. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  227 


DEMOCRACY  IN  VIRGIMA. 

One  of  the  most  extraordinary  perversions  of  facts  occurring 
with  New  England  historians  is  their  apparently  studious  at- 
tempt to  represent  the  New  England  colonies  as  democracies  in 
contrast  to  Virginia,  which  they  represent  as  an  aristocracy. 
The  fact  is  that,  while  the  institutions  of  New  England  were 
more  democratic  in  form,  they  were  far  more  aristocratic  in  the 
substance  of  the  administration.  The  limited  suffrage  and  the 
peculiar  forms  of  the  elections  in  the  towns  made  permanent 
the  terms  of  the  officeholders  in  spite  of  annual  elections,  and  the 
aristocracy,  though  not  so  spectacular  as  that  of  Virginia,  had 
much  greater  authority  in  the  management  of  colonial  affairs. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  institution  of  negro  slaveiy  made 
race  and  not  class  tlie  great  distinction  in  \'irginia  society.  And 
hence,  when,  after  the  Revolution,  each  American  community  had 
for  the  first  time  the  direction,  without  foreign  restraint,  of  its 
own  affairs,  Virginia  became  the  headquarters  of  the  Democratic- 
Republican  party  of  popular  ideas  and  New  England  that  of  the 
Federalist  Party,  the  party  of  aristocratic  ideas  and  class  dis- 
tinctions. 

Jefferson  stated  these  differences  between  \'irginia  and  Mas- 
sachusetts very  clearly  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  John  Adams 
July  5.   1814: 

It  is  probable  that  our  difference  of  opinion  may,  in  some  meas- 
ure, be  produced  by  a  difference  of  character  in  those  among  whom  we 
live.  From  what  I  have  seen  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  my- 
self, and  still  more  from  what  I  have  heard,  and  the  character  civen 
of  the  former  by  yourself  who  know  them  so  much  better,  there 
seems  to  be  in  those  two  States  a  traditionary  rcz'crencc  for  certain  fami- 
lies, which  has  rendered  the  offices  of  the  governnieiit  nearly  hereditary 
in  those  families.  I  presume  tliat  from  an  early  period  of  your 
history,  members  of  those  families  happening  to  possess  virtue  and 
talents,  have  honestly  exercised  them  for  the  good  of  the  people, 
and  by  their  services  have  endeared  their  names  to  them.  In  coupling 
Connecticut  with  you,  I  mean  it  politically  only,  not  morally.  For 
having  made  the  Bible  the  common  law  of  their  land,  they  seemed  to 


228  William  and  Mary  Quartkkly 

have  modeled  their  nioralUy  on  the  story  of  Jacob  and  Laban.  But 
although  this  hereditary  succession  to  office  with  you  may  in  some 
degree,  be  founded  in  real  family  merit,  yet  in  a  much  higher  degree, 
it  has  proceeded  from  your  strict  alliance  of  Church  and  State.  These 
families  are  canonized  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  on  common  principles, 
"you  tickle  me,  and   I   will  tickle  you." 

In  Virginia  zee  liavc  nothing  of  tliis.  Our  clergy,  before  the  Revolu- 
tion, having  been  secured  against  rivalship  by  fixed  salaries,  did  not 
give  themselves  the  trouble  of  acquiring  influence  over  the  people. 
Of  wealth,  there  were  great  accumulations  in  particular  families, 
handed  down  from  generation  to  generation,  under  the  English  law 
of  entails.  But  the  only  object  of  ambitiort  for  the  wealthy  was  a 
seat  in  the  King's  Council.  All  their  court  then  was  paid  to  the 
crown  and  its  creatures;  and  they  Philipized  in  all  collisions  between 
the  King  and  the  people.  Hence  they  were  unpopular;  and  that 
unpopularity  continues  attached  to  their  names.  A  Randolph,  a  Car- 
ter, or  a  Burwell  must  have  great  personal  superiority  over  a  common 
competitor  to  be  elected  by  the  people  even  at  this  day.  At  the  first 
session  of  our  legislature  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  we 
passed  a  law  abolishing  entails.  And  this  was  followed  by  one  abol- 
ishing the  privilege  of  primogeniture,  and  dividing  tlie  lands  of  intes- 
tates equally  among  all  their  children,  or  other  representative^.  These 
law^s,  drawn  by  myself,  laid  the  ax  to  the  foot  of  pseudo-aristocracy. 


LIiTTERS  OF  ARMISTEAD  THOMSON   MASON. 
1813-1818. 

(Communicated  by  Kate  Mason  Rowland.) 

To  John  Thomson'  Masox,  Lexington,  Kentticky. 

"Camp  ou  Craney  Island,  30th  May,  1813. 

My   dear  'Brother, 

I  have  been  six  weeks  encamped  in  this  neiglihorhood.  This 
island,  on  which  I  have  under  my  command  a  force  of  five  hun- 
dred effective  men,  is  the  advanced  post  of  the  army.  It  is  about 
five  miles  below  Norfolk  on  the  road  to  Linhaven  Bay.  where  the 
enemy  now  lies.  Our  whole  amiy  in  this  vicinity  is  three  thou- 
sand strong.  General  Hampton  who  commanded  here  has  just 
left  us  for  the  Canada  line ;  and  the  chief  command  devolves  on 
General  R.  B.  Taylor.  The  enemy  were  reinforced  last  night, 
the    night    before    General    Hampton    departed,    and    he    heard 


William  axd  Makv  Quautlrly  229 

nothing  of  it.  We  are  now  for  the  first  time  since  my  arrival 
here  iii  the  hourly  expectation  of  an  attack.  It  will  commence 
on  this  island,  and  we  must  conquer,  die  or  he  slaves,  for  we  are 
completely  surrounded  by  water  and  without  the  means  of  a  re- 
treat. We  have  several  times  been  beat  to  arms  in  the  night, 
and  from  my  observation  of  the  men  while  in  the  momentary 
expectation  of  being  led  to  battle,  I  am  convinced  that  they  are 
brave.  We  are  raw  and  undisciplined  ;  we  may  be  overpowered 
and  cut  to  pieces,  but  I  trust  and  feel  confident  that  we  shall  not 
be  disgraced.  W'hatever  may  be  the  fate  of  this  post  no  appre- 
hensions need  be  entertained  for  Norfolk  ;  it  is  safe.  My  regi- 
ment will  be  relieved  and  withdrawn  from  this  station  in  the 
course  of  a  week,  and  if  anything  of  interest  occurs  in  the  mean- 
time I  will  inform  you  of  it.  I  regret  extremely  to  hear  of  the 
misfortune  which  still  attends  the  brave  Kentuckians.  They 
deserve  a  better  fate.  I  hope  our  successes  at  York  and  on 
Ontario  will  alarm  the  Indians  and  r^^lieve  our  western  frontier 
from  the  ruin  which  threatens  it."     *     *     * 

The  allusions  here  to  the  "brave  Kentuckians"  and  the  suc- 
cesses at  York  and  on  Ontario  relate  to  military  operations  of  the 
early  part  of  1813.  The  war  had  been  signalized  so  far  by 
American  naval  victory,  counterbalanced  by  very  general  dis- 
asters on  land.  Little  York,  or  Toronto,  was  captured  by  the 
Americans  in  April,  however,  and  the  stores  collected  on  Lake 
Ontario  in  May.  It  was  at  the  siege  of  Fort  Meigs  on  the  ]\Iiami 
by  the  British,  the  last  of  April,  that  the  Kentucky  militia 
suffered  so  severely,  falling  into  an  ambuscade  of  Indians,  a 
snare  into  which  they  were  led  by  their  impetuous  valor.  The 
siege  was  abandoned  at  the  end  of  thirteen  days.  In  the  follow- 
ing letter  an  account  is  given  of  the  repulse  of  the  British  at 
Craney    Island   the   twenty-second  of  June: 

"Camp  near  Fort  Norfolk,  29th  June,    18 13. 
Dear  Jack, 

Great  and  unexpected  changes  have  taken  place  since  I  wrote 
you  last.     The  enemy  have  augumented  their  force  to  the  num- 


230 


William  A\n  Maky  OuAKTKRf.Y 


ber  of  eight  seventy-fours,  twenty  frigates,  tenders,  launches  and 
barges  in  proportion,  and  five  or  six  thousand  troops  exclusive 
of  seamen.  An  action  has  been  fought  between  our  gunboats 
and  two  of  their  frigates,  in  which  we  made  the  frigates  retreat, 
damaged  one  of  them  very  much,  and  killed  a  captain  and  sev- 
eral of  their  men.  Our  loss  was  one  man  killed,  a  mast  shot 
away  from  one  of  the  gunboats,  and  a  cannon  ball  through  the 
hull  of  another.  We  claim  the  victory,  which  I  believe  is  not 
denied  to  us. 

They  have  since  made  an  unsuccessful  attack  on  Craney 
Island,  in  which  without  the  loss  of  a  man  on  our  side,  we  re- 
pulsed them  with  great  ease,  killed  eight  or  ten  of  their  men, 
took  one  barge,  sunk  and  destroyed  two  and  took  about  twenty 
prisoners.  They  fired  several  of  their  celebrated  congreve 
rockets  without  the  least  effect,  and  those  instruments  of  war 
have  ceased  to  excite  the  apprehensions  of  danger  which  the 
newspaper  accounts  of  them  were  calculated  to  inspire.  So  far 
we  proceeded  w  ell ;  but  we  experienced  a  sad  reverse  of  fortune 
on  Friday  last.  Hampton  has  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
Our  loss  in  the  battle  which  terminated  in  the  evacuation  and 
surrender  was  inconsiderable ;  only  two  killed  and  six  or  eight 
wounded,  but  we  lost  all  our  baggage,  tents  and  camp  equipage. 
Our  old  acquaintance  W"''^  Pryor  who  commanded  a  company 
of  artillery  distinguished  himself  more  than  any  other  nian  in 
the  battle.  He  behaved  like  a  hero.  Major  Gawin  Corbin  was 
severely  wounded  in  the  leg  and  had  his  left  arm  shattered. 

The  conduct  of  the  British  towards  the  inhabitants  of  Hamp- 
ton has  been  cruel  and  infamous  beyond  expression.  They  have 
literally  plundered  the  town  of  every  atom  of  moveable  prop- 
erty; they  have  insulted  and  abused  th.e  citizens  in  the  grossest 
and  most  brutual  manner;  in  several  instances  they  committed 
deliberate  murder.     *     *     * 

Great  apprehensions  are  entertained  for  the  fate  of  Norfolk, 
but  for  my  part  I  see  little  cause  for  them.  The  inhabitants 
have  moved  off  their  families  and  furniture.  Almost  all  the 
ladies  have  left  the  town.  The  enemy  certainly  have  a  most 
powerful  force  to  bring  against  us.  but  we  are  not  much  inferior 


William  and  Mary  Quartrkly  231 

to  them  in  numbers  and  we  are  well  fortified  on  all  sides.  If  they 
conquer  us  1  think  they  will  pay  for  their  victory.  We  are  every 
day  expecting  a  general  engagement.  One  week  I  think  will 
determine  the  fate  of  Norfolk." 

February  11,  rSi^:  "The  deplorable  state  of  our  public  alTairs, 
and  the  danger  which  threatens  the  nation  are  sufficiently  appar- 
ent to  every  man  not  dead  to  the  interest  and  honor  of  his 
country.  They  recpiire  no  comment  here.  Congress  have  basely 
shrunk  from  the  performance  of  their  duty,  and  left  the  country 
at  the  mercy  of  the  enemy  ;  but  fortunately  for  us  on  the  Sea- 
board the  State  Legislatures  have  acted  with  more  firmness  and 
taken  upon  themselves  its  defence.  It  is  unmanly  to  despond 
and  impolitic  to  anticipate  evil  that  may  never  come,  but  we 
have  every  prospect  of  a  bloody  campaign  next  summer;  and 
we  shall  have  to  fight  with  raw  and  inexperienced  against  dis- 
ciplined and  veteran  troops.  The  contest  is  unequal,  but  relying 
with  confidence  on  the  valor  of  our  soldiers  and  the  justice  of  our 
cause,  v.e  leave  to  Heaven  without  fear  the  issue." 

Letter  to  William  S.  Archer,  Amelia  Co.,  Virginia. 

[Wm.  S.  Archer  in  the  General  Assembly  1812-1819,  Member 
of  Congress  1820-1835.  In  1841  became  member  of  L^  S. 
Senate.] 

"Rasberry  Plain,  Decemb'er  28,  191 5. 

The  favorable  expressions  which  you  were  pleased  to  use  in 
regard  to  my  military  merits  would  from  any  man  I  respect  have 
been  very  flattering  to  me,  but  the  particular  source  from  whicii 
they  proceeded  rendered  them  infinitely  more  gratifying,  as  they 
afforded  another  strong  evidence  of  the  partiality  of  my  friend. 
Had  the  war  continued,  it  would  have  been  inexpressibly  mortify- 
ing to  me  to  have  been  entirely  excluded  from  command.  But 
this  I  flatter  myself  would  not  have  been  the  case.  I  should,  I 
belie\e,  have  obtained  the  command  of  a  Ivegimcnt,  and  that 
would  have  satisfied  me,  notwithstanding  its  great  inferiority  to 
the  station  with  which  the  Legislature  liad  been  so  kind  as  to 
honor  me.  and  which  being  far  above  my  merits  or  expectations 


232  William  and  Marv  Quarterly 

was  calculated  to  Matter  my  vanity,  and  might  have  spoiled  me 
but  for  the  l:no'A ledge  of  my  own  deficiencies  and  the  great 
humility  with  which  1  regard  them.  To  have  been  deprived  of 
your  association  and  society,  for  the  promise  of  which  I  feel 
myself  much  indebted  to  you.  would  have  been  one  of  the  princi- 
pal causes  of  regret  at  my  exclusion  from  the  command  of  a  Di- 
vision;  for  I  do  assure  you.  my  dear  Archer,  that  I  dreaded  the 
responsibility  of  that  station,  and  my  chief  consolation  was  de- 
rived from  the  aid  which  1  knew  I  should  obtain  from  the 
friends  by  uhom  I  should  have  been  immediately  surrounded. 
The  exclusion  from  th.at  command  relieved  me  from  the  dreaded 
responsibility,  but  it  would  also  have  deprived  nie  of  the  assist- 
ance and  society  of  friends  whom  I  sincerely  love.  I  rejoice, 
however,  in  the  event  which  renders  it  unnecessary  for  us  to 
take  the  field  in  any  capacity,  and  altho  that  event  separates  me 
almost  entirely  from  friends  most  dear  to  me  whom  I  should 
otherwise  liave  seen  frequently,  it  gives  peace  and  happiness  to 
millions  ;  and  it  came  at  the  moment  most  propitious  to  the  mili- 
tary character  and  renown  of  your  country,  and  the  most  likely, 
of  course,  to  secure  to  her  a  long  and  prosperous  and  honorable 
tranquillity." 

['In  December,  1870,  there  died  in  Leesburg,  Virginia,  George 
Heard,  a  volunteer  soldier  in  Col.  Charles  Fenton  Mercer's  regi- 
ment, who  later  ''entered  the  regular  service  and  participated  in 
the  military  campaign  around  the  city  of  Baltimore  under  Col. 
A.  T.  Mason."— Baltimore  Sioi,  December,  1870.] 

Letters  to  John  Thomson  Mason. 

15th  of  July,  1S16:    Rasberry  Plain. 

"I  expected  the  Compensaiion  Bill  would  create  great  excite- 
ment and  dissatisfaction  throughout  tlie  Union,  but  I  did  not 
anticipate  the  effects  produced  in  Kentucky.  I  am  extremely 
sorry  for  the  opposition  to  Colonel  Johnson  and  for  the  manner 
in  which  Sharpe  has  been  treated.  The  first  I  regard  as  one  of 
the  most  honorable,  patriotic  and  useful  men  in  Congress,  and 
the  other  as  one  of  the  most  promising.     1  hope  they  will  both  be 


William  and  Mary  Quartf.ulv  233 

reelected.  I  hope  also  that  M""  Clay  will  not  lose  his  election, 
although  I  cannot  say  that  I  regret  the  opposition  to  him.  His 
disgusting  vanity  and  inordinate  ambition  were  fast  destroying 
his  influence  and  his  usefulness  as  a  public  man.  The  mortifica- 
tion he  now  experiences  will  be  wholesome  to  him,  it  will  bring 
him  to  his  senses  and  render  him  less  lordly  than  he  was.  I 
admire  his  talents  and  the  zeal  he  has  always  manifested  in  tlie 
Republican  cause  entitles  him  to  the  acknowledgements  of  every 
Republican.  I  have  no  sympathy  for  Desha,  but  I  am  really 
sorry  for  the  old  judge.  His  case  I  suppose  is  hopeless  in  spite 
of  the  'blarney'  he  has  published  in  the  newspapers. 

Our  elections  not  coming  on  till  the  spring,  the  subject  has 
not  been  much  agitated  here,  but  I  think  it  probable  that  every 
member  from  the  State  who  voted  for  the  bill  will  be  turned  out, 
and  that  the  bill  will  be  repealed  as  it  ought  to  be." 

The  following  letters  of  Armistead  T.  ]\Iason  refer  to  the 
trials  and  uncertainties  of  the  seeker  after  Federal  office  in  the 
year  of  grace,  1S17.  And  a  strong  light  is  thrown  upon  the  cor- 
relative perplexities  of  the  appointing  powers,  and  the  policy 
which  sways  them : 

"Washington,  14th  January,  iSiJ. 
Dear  Jack 

I  have  hitherto  forborne  to  write  to  you,  partly  because  I 
thought  it  was  as  well  to  have  little  communication  directly  with 
you  pending  the  contest  that  is  going  on  between  you  and  M' 
Trimble,  lest  that  might  be  suspected  to  be  the  suljject  of  it,  and 
because  I  wished  when  I  did  write  to  give  you  some  certain  in- 
formation in  regard  to  the  issue  of  tliat  contest.  lUit  it  is  still 
pending  and  as  much  in  doubt  as  ever.  Yuur  friends  Johnson  and 
Fletcher  have  exerted  themselves  in  a  most  extraordinary  man- 
ner, and  have  gone  all  lengths  in  your  support.  They  have  done 
everything  that  the  most  devoted  and  enthusiastic  friendsliip 
could  suggest,  anrl  whether  they  succeed  or  not,  you  are  under 
great  obligations  to  them  for  the  determined  zeal  and  boldness 


234  William  anu  MAR^■  Q^AK■l"r•.RL^ 

with  which  they  have  advocated  your  claims,  denied  ilie  allega- 
tions against  )oii.  and  denuunced  yuur  enemies.  \(-)ur  enemies 
on  the  other  hand,  although  not  so  avowed  and  hold,  iiave  been 
not  less  industrious.  They  have,  as  1  am  well  convinced,  prac- 
tised a  low  and  disgraceful  intrigue  with  the  legislature  of 
Kentucky,  which  will,  if  anything  does,  defeat  your  pretensions. 
They  have  attempted  to  deceive  the  .Administration  with  regard 
to  the  etlect  thai  your  api)oinlment  would  have  upon  the  public 
feeling  in  Kentucky,  and  they  are  now  endeavoring  to  buliy 
your  friend>  into  a  withdrawal  of  \ou.  Kverything  has  been 
said  and  done  to  put  the  Administration  on  their  guard  against 
the  artifice  which  has  been  practised  with  )our  legislature  to 
deceive  and  impose  upon  them.  But  i  fear  the  eh'cct  of  the 
recommendation  signed  by  the  legislature  in  favor  of  Trimble. 
The  manner  in  w  hich  that  recommendation  was  obtained  has  been 
fully  explained  to  the  Administration,  but  still  I  fear  its  eifect. 
Your  friends,  however,  have  determined,  let  the  consequence  be 
what  it  may,  not  to  withdraw  you  ;  and  let  the  appointment  be 
conferred  as  it  may,  still  the  contest  will  ha\e  been  most  honor- 
able to  you.  h'or  \ou  are  supported  in  it  by  a  great  majorit}-  of 
the  best  and  most  respectable  men  in  Kentucky,  and  by  nine- 
tenths  of  the  real  Republicans.  And  the  opimsition  to  you  is  con- 
stituted (with  a  few  exceptions)  of  the  disaffected,  the  Federal- 
ists, the  Tories,  and  of  men  who  have  no  political  character  or 
principles  whatever.  And  of  this  fact  I  think  1  can  assure  you, 
that  the  feelings  of  the  President  and  Secretary  of  State  are 
decidedly  with  you— of  the  feelings  of  the  latter  gentlemen  I 
have  no  doubt.  These  facts  will  afford  you  cause  of  triumph 
and  exaltation  c\tu  if  }-ou  should  lose  the  a[)[)ointment.     *     *     * 

I  showed  your  letter  on  the  subject  of  the  next  cabinet  to 
Colonel  Monroe,  uho  showed  it  to  the  rresidcnt.  They  read  it 
with  great  satisfaction,  and  they  acknov\ledge  that  tlie  views  you 
take  of  certain  characters  is  a  very  strtjug  one,  and  it  is  feared 
there  is  too  nnich  justice  in  it.  The  coalition  which  you  appre- 
hend will  not  be  permitted  to  take  place;  and  the  cabinet  will  be 
substantially  a  good  one,  and  such,  as  I  !elie\e.  will  be  generally 
satisfactory  to  the  Re;)ublicans." 


William  and  Makv  Quarterly  235 

■■Washing^lon,  29th  January,   1817. 
Dear  Jack 

The  contest  between  your  friends  and  Trimble's  is  at  length 
decided  against  you.  Trimble  was  yesterday  nominated  to  the 
Senate  as  District  Judge  of  Kentucky,  and  his  nomination  will 
of  course  be  confirmed.  1  repeat  my  conviction  that  both  the 
President  and  Col.  Monroe  wished  to  give  you  that  appointment, 
but  that  the  artifices  and  intrigues  of  Trimble's  friends  succeeded 
in  producing  the  impression  on  their  minds  that  the  api)ointment 
of  you  in  preference  to  Trimble  who  had  been  so  long  with  them 
would  be  badly  received  by  the  people  of  Kentucky. 

About  ten  days  ago  I  discovered,  indeed  I  was  expressly 
told,  by  a  confidential  friend  of  the  President  (M""  John  Graham 
of  the  State  Department)  that  the  Administration  felt  great 
embarrassment  in  deciding  between  you  and  Trimble,  that  indeed 
he  never  had  seen  them  so  much,  or  more  embarrassed  on  any 
similar  occasion.  And  it  was  distinctly  intimated  to  me  that  it 
would  be  a  great  relief  to  the  Executive  if  your  friends  would 
withdraw  you.  I  could  not  understand  this  otherwise  than  as  an 
annunciation  of  the  feelings,  if  not  of  the  intentions,  of  the 
President  coming  at  least  immediately  from  himself.  I  instantly 
addressed  the  enclosed  letter  to  the  President.  The  object  of  the 
letter  was  to  bring  the  matter  at  once  to  a  close  and  relieve  us 
from  the  state  of  suspense  in  which  we  were.  I  endeavored  so 
to  frame  the  letter  as  not  to  induce  the  President  to  decide 
against  you,  unless  he  had  predetermined  to  do  so.  but  at  tlie 
same  time  so  to  pen  it  as  to  furnish  him  with  a  pretext,  upon  the 
authority  of  that  letter,  to  decide  against  you  at  once,  provided  he 
had  predetermined  to  do  so.  I  have  no  doubt  that  his  uhimate 
decision  would  have  been  what  it  now  is  if  the  enclosed  letter  had 
not  been  Vvritten  ;  it  perhaps  might  have  been  postponed  a  few 
days,  but  it  would  not  have  been  different.  I  anticipated  too  and 
still  anticipate  that  the  view  taken  in  the  enclosed  letter  (which 
was  shown  to  Col.  Monroe  before  it  was  sent  to  the  President) 
will  have  a  beneficial  effect  in  any  subsequent  controversy  that 
may  arise  between  the  real  Republicans  and  friends  of  the  Ad- 
ministration and   such  hvnocrites  and   time-servers  as  combined 


236  WuxiAM  AND  Mary  Quartkrlv 

ag:ainst  you.  With  regard  to  the  particular  controversy  in  ques- 
tion, I  have  nu  tloubt  that  it  has  been  greatly  beneficial  to  you, 
and  although  you  are  defeated,  you  have  still  ample  cause  to 
exult  and  congratulate  yourself.  It  has  raised  you  greatly  in 
public  estimatiun  and  placed  you  on  very  high  ground  with  the 
Administration.  I  think  I  can  safely  say  that  the  Administration 
would  gladly  embrace  any  opportum'ty  to  manifest  the  high  re- 
spect in  which  I  know  they  hold  you.  And  a  little  patience  on 
your  part  will  no  doubt  bring  all  right. 

Your  friends  Johnson  and  Fletcher  held  out  with  unabated 
zeal  in  your  support  to  the  last.  *  *  As  to  the  part  which 
M""  Clay  has  taken,  I  scarcely  know  what  to  say.  There  is  a 
mystery  about  the  actions  of  great  men  which  is  inscrutable  to 
the  eye  of  a  comnion  observer.         ****** 

Your  most  affectionate  brother, 

Armistead  T.  Mason." 

"Washington,  20th  January,   1S17. 
Sir, 

It  is  with  great  reluctance  that  I  trespass  on  your  time.  I 
would  not  on  any  consideration  expose  myself  to  the  imputation 
of  intrusion,  but  on  the  other  hand  I  should  be  sorry  to  neglect 
the  discharge  of  a  duty  from  motives  of  false  delicacy.  I  am 
encouraged  alao  to  adi.Iress  you  on  this  occasion  by  the  example 
of  others,  who  whatever  may  be  my  claims,  have  not  stronger 
than  mine,  to  your  attention. 

I  regret  to  learn  that  the  recommendation  of  my  brother  as 
District  Judge  of  Kentucky  has  given  you  any  trouble.  I  am 
sorry  he  was  ever  recommended  for  that  office,  and  I  am  sure, 
was  he  here,  he  would  immediately  remove  all  difficulty  on  the 
subject  by  renouncing  all  pretensions  to  it.  I  speak  thus  confi- 
dently of  the  course  which  he  would  pursue  because  I  know  him 
well,  and  I  know  he  w  ould  disdain  to  palm  himself  by  any  means, 
upon  the  Administration  contrary  to  their  wishes;  and  still  less 
if  their  feeling-  pre  friendly  towards  him,  would  he  consent  to 
interfere,   from  any  personal  consideration,  with  their  views  of 


William  and  Makv  Quarterly  237 

policy.  I  would  not,  nor  would  he,  accept  any  office,  not  even  if 
existence  depended  on  it,  which  was  not  given  freely  and  without 
reluctance  by  those  who  had  it  to  give.  I  request  therefore  that 
the  office  in  question  may  at  once  be  given  to  M""  Trimble,  for  if 
my  brother  was  here  he  would  not  accept  it  unless  it  was  given 
freely  and  without  apprehension.  He  would  have  the  Adminis- 
tration to  make  no  sacrifice,  to  run  no  risk,  to  incur  no  uneasiness 
on  his  account.  But  sir,  notwithstanding  that  I  request  you  to 
decide  against  him,  I  cannot  undertake  to  withdraw  his  preten- 
sions. His  friends  have  gone  too  far  to  retreat,  they  will  maintain 
their  ground  as  well  as  they  can,  if  they  are  defeated  they  will 
submit  to  their  fate  in  silence;  but  they  prefer  defeat,  after  an 
honorable  contest,  to  an  ignominious  retreat  from  the  fear  of  the 
issue  of  the  contest.  If  I  thought  that  the  appointment  of  my 
brother  would  do  injury  to  the  Republican  cause  or  to  the  Admin- 
istration in  Kentucky  or  elsewhere,  I  would  myself  undertake  to 
withdraw  his  name.  I  was  of  that  opinion  at  the  commencement 
of  the  session  of  Congress,  and  I  had  determined  not  to  say 
another  v/ord  on  the  subject.  Under  that  impression  I  thought  it 
right  that  Trimble  should  have  the  appointment;  I  wished  him  to 
have  it,  and  I  tiiought  the  question  was  decided  in  his  favor. 
But  in  conversing  with  the  delegation  from  Kentucky  in  Con- 
gress, after  my  arrival  here.  I  found  that  impression  to  be  erron- 
eous; I  found  that  the  appointment  of  my  brother  would  be  very 
acceptable  to  the  great  body  of  the  Republicians  throughout  the 
State  and  most  particularly  so  to  those  in  that  section  of  it  in 
which  he  and  Trind)le  both  reside.  Every  subsequent  fair  disclosure 
of  the  public  sentiment,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  has  been  in  favor  of 
my  brother.  As  to  the  reconunendation  signed  by  the  members 
of  the  Kentucky  legislature,  it  was  surreptitiously  obtained,  and 
ought  not  to  have  any  weight:  for  very  many  if  not  a  majority 
of  the  members  who  signed  that  paper  did  it  under  the  impression 
that  my  brother  was  not  a  candidate  for  the  office;  they  are  in- 
diiterent  upon  the  subject,  and  would  I  am  well  assured  be  per- 
fectly satisfied  with  his  appointment. 

It  becanie  manifest  also,  from  various  sources,  that  the  con- 
test, which  commenced  between  him  and  Trimble,  had  resolved 


238  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

itself  completely  into  a  contest  between  the  genuine  Republicans 
and  real  friends  of  the  Administration  on  the  one  side,  and  the 
Federalists  and  with  a  few  exceptions  the  disaffected  and  luke- 
warm Republicans  on  the  other.  These  facts  could  not  fail  to 
give  greater  excitement  to  the  feelings  which  would  naturally 
dispose  me  to  wish  success  to  my  brother;  and  to  engage  me 
again,  and  with  greater  activity  and  zeal  on  his  side  in  the  con- 
test. But  J  have  done  with  it.  It  is  true  I  did  think  and  I  still 
think  that  those  who  have  l^een  uniformly  correct  in  their  political 
principles  and  conduct;  who  were  the  friends  of  the  Republican 
cause  and  the  Administiation  in  the  worst  of  times;  who  were 
their  best  friends  v.hen  they  most  wanted  friends;  whose  devo- 
tion and  zeal  increased  with  their  diihculties  and  distress,  and 
who,  willing  to  share  their  fate,  faithfully  and  fearlessly  fought 
the  good  hght,  disdaining  even  for  a  moment,  to  despair  or  to 
doubt,  should  not  now,  when  victory  has  crowned  their  efforts, 
be  abandoned  by  the  men  for  whom  they  would  have  sacrificed 
their  lives,  and  be  mac'.e  to  give  place  to  those  who  stood  aloof 
from  the  contest  ready  to  join  the  victorious  party,  or  for  those 
more  meritorious  and  more  honorable,  T  admit,  who  boUlIy  ar- 
rayed themselves  in  the  hostile  ranks.  But  mine  may  be  a 
limited  view  of  this  subject;  it  may  be  incorrect,  and  therefore, 
although  I  feel  that  it  is  just,  and  shall  adhere  to  it  through  life, 
I  would  not  urge  its  adoption  by  others.  There  is  another  view 
of  this  subject,  which,  perhaps  ought  to  influence  the  Administra- 
tion. If  my  broth.er  is  appointed,  it  will  excite  considerable 
clamor  among  those  who  recommend  M""  Trimble,  because  they 
are  secretly  hostile  to  the  Administration,  and  would  eagerly 
embrace  any  pretext  to  clamor  against  it.  But  if  AT  Trimble  is 
appointed  it  will  excite  no  clamor,  for,  however  the  friends  of 
my  brother  may  lament  the  triumphs  of  their  enemies  and  their 
own  disappointment,  they  will  lament  it  in  silence;  they  are  the 
triends  of  the  Administration  and  they  will  excite  no  clamor 
against  it ;  they  will  say  nothing  on  that  account  that  can  tend  to 
its  injury.  It  is  perhaps  then  safer  to  appoint  M""  Trimble;  a 
frequent  recurrence  of  examples  of  this  sort  might,  it  is  true,  do 
mischief,  serious  mischief,  but   this    1   know   will   not;   for  those 


William  and  Marv  Ql'ahtkrly  "       239 

who  are  particularly  affected  by  it  are  too  firmly  attached  to  the 
members  of  the  Administration  to  be  easily  ;;haken.  And  1  con- 
clude by  a^^ain  recommending'  it  to  you  in  good  earnest  and  in 
friendship  to  appoint  ^M""  Trimble,  and  to  appoint  him  speedily, 
that  the  excitemeiU  which  now  exists  on  this  subject,  and  which 
is  increasing-  e\ery  day,  n^.ay  at  once  give  place  to  harmoiiious 
intercourse  between  those  who  from  their  public  stations  are 
oblig-ed  to  associate  with  each  other.  I  have  conceived  it  to  be 
my  duty  to  present  this  view  of  the  subject,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  offer  this  recommendation,  although  not  entirely  consistent 
with  it,  in  order  to  relieve  the  Administration  from  all  embarrass- 
ment, if  they  feel  any,  and  to  restore  the  harmony  which  has  been 
disturbed  by  this  contest,  and  which  will  be  the  more  disturbed 
the  longer  the  contest  is  protracted. 

I  am,  sir,  very  sincerely  and  respectfully, 

Your  friend  and  obedient  servant 

Armistead  T.  Mason." 

His  Excellency 

James  Madison,  President  United  States. 

The  new  President,  James  iMonroe,  was  to  be  inaugurated  in 
March,  1817,  and  in  February  the  new  cabinet  was  decided  upon. 
It  was  still  a  state  secret  when  Armistead  Mason  wrote  to  his 
brother  on  the  iSth  of  February:  "I  promised  in  my  last  not  to 
say  anything  more  on  the  subject  of  the  appointment  of  Secre- 
tary of  War,  until  that  appointment  was  actually  made,  I  believe 
I  must  violate  that  promise.  I  can  now  say  uith  certainty  that 
Governor  Shelby  will  l)e  appointed  Secretary  of  War.  It  h 
very  desirable  that  he  should  accept,  and  I  hope  his  friends  and 
the  friends  of  the  Administration  will  urge  him  to  accept,  if  only 
for  a  short  time.  I  give  you  the  cabinet  in  confidence:  J.  Q. 
Adams,  Secretary  of  State;  M""  Crawford  or  M""  Lowndes.  Sec- 
retary of  Treasury;  Governor  Shelby,  Secretary  of  War;  M' 
Crowningshieltl  or  Judge  \'anness  of  New  York.  Secretary  of 
Navy.     'Tis  said  M'  Rush  or  M""  Clay  will  go  to  England." 


240  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  DIARY  OF  EDMUND  RUFFIN. 

(See  Quarterly,.  XIV.,  193-21 1,  215;  XX.,  69-101  ;  XXL,  224- 
233;  XXII.,  258-263;  XXIIL,   153-172.) 

The  Gre-^t  Storm  of  1857. 

Jan.  18,  1857. 

Sunday.     Snow  with  strong  wind  &  bitter  cold.     Violent  & 
continued   north    wind,   forming  the  snow    in  deep   drifts.      We 
could  scarcely  keep  comfortably  warm  sitting  by  the  tire.     Temp. 
7"  at  9  A.  M.  and  3°  at  4  P.  M. 
Jan.    19*^. 

The  furious  north  wind  but  little  abated.  Snowing  ceased 
in  the  night.  The  ways  impassable,  by  snow  drifts,  &  other 
places  barely  covered.  The  thermometer  blown  down  &  broken, 
so  catmot  know  the  temperature  this  morning.  I  passed  a 
wretched  night,  with  cold  feet.  Yet  I  went  to  bed  comfortable, 
with  a  good  tire  burning  until  it  burnt  out — &  with  as  much 
covering  as  could  do  any  good — 6  blankets,  &  2  more  over  my 
feet,  which  were  pulled  up  when  needed,  &  also  a  doubled  cloak 
over  all,  on  my  knees  &  feet.  Woolen  night  socks,  &  over  them 
a  woolen  wrapj^er,  both  well  warmed,  covered  my  feet,  &  yet  be- 
fore the  tire  had  quite  burnt  out,  I  was  awakened  by  cold  feet, 
they  continued  to  grow  colder  until  I  had  tire  &  arose  in  the 
morning.  No  amount  of  covering  &  nothing  but  external  heat 
can  keep  me  warm  in  the  coldest  nights.  The  snow  lies  so  ir- 
regularly owing  to  the  violent  Vvind,  that  I  cannot  even  guess  the 
depth.  Perhaps  it  may  not  average  10  inches.  But  while  many 
places  are  scarcely  covered,  in  others  the  drifts  are  from  3  to  7 
feet  deep.  It  is  not  only  extremely  laliorious  to  walk,  or  even  to 
ride  in  any  direction,  or  pathway,  but  even  dangerous,  because 
of  the  snow  drifts  to  be  crossed.  No  w^ork  attempted  today,  by 
Edmund's  order,  except  to  feed  the  live-stock,  &  to  put  wood  on 
the  fires.     Luckilv  a  g(  od  stack  of  wood  was  on  hand.  &  cut  up. 


William  and  Mary  Quaktkfu.y  241 

before  the  snow  began.  We  hear  that  in  the  overseer's  house,  & 
all  the  negroes'  houses,  (the  latter  good  framed  and  new  build- 
ings) the  entrance  of  the  very  fine  snow,  driven  by  the  wind 
through  scattered  crannies,  covered  all  the  floors  &  even  the  beds. 
Such  a  snow  siorni  1  have  never  known  before.  Clear,  &  some- 
thing milder.  We  needed  the  mail  especially,  but  did  not  attempt 
to  send  to  the  Post  Office,  because  of  the  difficulty  &  danger,  & 
also  under  the  belief  that  no  mail  could  have  been  brought. 

20'^. 

By  using  still  greater  precautions,  &  especially  by  keeping  the 
fire  burning  in  my  room  all  night,  &  a  servant  sleeping  there  for 
the  purpose,  (neither  of  which  did  I  ever  have  before,)  I  kept 
nearly  warm  and  comfortable.  But  not  entirely  so — as  at  i 
o'clock  I  fell  my  feet  a  litde  cold.  Clear  &  milder.  Aly  sons 
Edmund  &  Charles  attempted  to  ride,  &  with  great  difficulty, 
reached  the  parsonage,  on  the  public  road.  &  but  a  mile  from  tlie 
farm  buildings.  The  way  was  barely  practicalile,  the  riders 
having  to  dismount  in  several  of  the  dee])csl  snow  drifts,  to 
enable  their  horses  to  scramble  out.  For  even  an  empty  wheel 
carriage  of  anv  kind,  the  way  was  impracticable.  Edmund  &  Mary 
rode  on  horseback  to  Tarbay,  for  exercise  for  the  latter.  And 
though  the  short  distance  is  over  level  &  open  ground,  where 
there  was  nothing  to  accumulate  drifts,  the  passage  was  difficult 
for  horses,  &  the  small  drifts  would  have  stopped  walkers. 
Everything  that  has  to  be  moved  on  this  farm,  except  in  the 
yard,  has  to  be  carried  on  horseback.  The  only  firm  v/alking  i-' 
on  the  frozen  river,  over  which  the  ice  &  snow  extend  every 
where.  I  walked  out  more  than  a  quarter  mile,  &  1  believe  that 
the  ice  is  strong  enough  to  albnv  walking  across.  Except  the  calls 
made  today  on  the  nearest  neighbors,  at  Tarbay  &  the  Parsonage. 
I  suppose  that  every  family  has  been  entirely  cut  off  from  all 
intercourse  with  others. 

Warmer.  Edmund  &  Charles  rode  to  the  Glebe,  but  Charles 
had  to  leave  his  horse  there,  &  pick  his  way  on  foot,  through  the 
fields,  to  his  farm.     The  public  mail  road  beyond  the  Glebe  was 


242  William  and  Mary  Ql'arti:rlv 

iinpassal)le,  &  had  not  then  been  trodden  by  a  foot.  A  physician 
attempted  to  ride  farther,  but  was  obliged  to  turn  back,  though  in 
siglit  of  his  patient's  house.  Edmund  heard  tlie  average  depth  of 
the  snow  estimated  at  i8  inches.  He  thinks  it  not  much  less. 
Having  been  confuied  to  the  house  (&  yard,  &  seeing  so  much 
ground  nearly  bare  «S:  here  the  wind  was  most  violent,  I  had 
supposed  the  average  depth  of  the  snow  much  less — perhaps  lo 
inches  deep.  But  it  is  not  the  general  depth,  but  the  particular 
.deep  drifts,  that  render  walking  &-  riding  almost  impracticable.  I 
walked  to  Tarbay,  by  favor  of  the  frozen  snow  along  the  river- 
shore,  &  the  adjacent  hillsides,  on  which  the  north  wind  did  not 
allow  nuich  snow  to  remain.  Of  course,  no  mail  has  reached  the 
E'ost  Oi^ce  since  the  snow  began  last  Saturday  night.  Such  ob- 
struction to  travelling,  even  for  a  day,  I  have  never  heard  of  be- 
fore, in  this  region.  According  to  present  appearances  &  pros- 
pects, the  roads  \\ill  scarcely  be  practicable  for  carriages  in  a 
week.  No  one  has  attempted  even  to  ride  on  horseback,  except 
on  compulsion.  Those  who  have  been  compelled  to  send  to  the 
mill,  for  meal,  have  sent  on  horseback,  &  some  on  foot — &  these 
have  left  the  road  often  to  avoid  the  snow  drifts,  that  the  travel 
does  not  in  the  least  prepare  for  the  subsequent  use  of  wheel 
carriages. 

Jan.  22. 

Colder  last  night,  &  a  light  snow.  Clear  &  bright  sunshine, 
but  with  a  N.  W.  sh.arp  wind  (S:  the  we^ither  colder  (apparently) 
than  at  any  time  before.  Confined  to  the  house  bv  the  cold  wind. 
&  very  tired  of  the  confmement.  Nothing  heard  from  the  outside 
of  the  farm.  I  have  read  everything  I  can  find  amusing  in  our 
late  Reviews  &  other  periodicals,  &  have  been  reduced  to  such 
poor  stuff  as  the  books  of  "Fanny  Fern." 

I  walked  across  the  river  on  the  ice,  to  Berkelev  landing,  from 
the  beach  nearest  to  this  house.  With  the  usual  liberal  measure 
allowed  for  distances  on  water,  this  broad  part  of  the  river  is 
generally  called  3  miles  across.  But  it  is  certainly  less,  &  from  the 
time  I  made,  I  do  not  think  the  distance  more  than  2  miles.     I 


William  and  Mary  Quartkrly  243 

walked  over  in  55  minutes,  &  returned  in  60.     I  designed  to  have 
visited  the  family  for  an  hour  or  two.     But  hearing,  at  the  shore, 
that  all  were  from  home,  I  returned  immediately,  after  leaving 
my  card.     The  ice  v/as  generally  rough,  but  some  spots  (newly 
formed  since  the  cessation  of  the  violent  wind  in  the  night  of 
July   iS"',)    being  smooth.     Some  patches   of   dry  &  thin  snow. 
The  ice  had  numerous  cracks,  made  by  the  rising  &  falling  of  the 
tide,  &  the  sound  of  cracking  was  head  uninterruptedly.     In  one 
place,  the  ice  settled  perceptibly,  with  cracking,  as  I  was  on  it. 
But  it  was  so  thick,  that  my  weight  did  not  make  the  least  ad- 
dition to  the  settling  or  cracking.    No  doubt  the  passage  was  very 
safe.     But  we  are  so  unaccustomed  here  to  ice  so  solid,  &  still 
more  to  any  one  venturing  to  cross  a  wide  &  deep  river,  that  my 
walking  over  was  a  very  unusual  performance.     Except  in  the 
case  of  the  sailors  of  a  vessel  frozen  in,  &  who  walked  to  the 
shores  to  obtain  food  &c,  I  did  not  hear  of  any  walking  across 
the  river  last  winter,  when  it  was  hard  frozen— nor  in  the  many 
preceding  milder  winters,  during  my  proprietorship  &  residence 
here.     But  though  very   few  persons  would  now  dare  to  v/alk 
across — &  still  fewer  except  under  strong  necessity — &  through 
certainly  none  ought  to  incur  any  apparent  risk,  without  neces- 
sity—I am  inclined  to  believe  that  a  horse  might  have  been  sup- 
ported on  most  of  the  ice  over  which  I  passed  today,  notwith- 
standing its  numerous  cracks.     I  was  well  Vv-rapped  up  to  guard 
me  from  cold,  &  my  feet  especially  well  covered.     I   found  the 
clothing  &  the  exercise  sufficient  to  keep  me  warm  enough.     I 
am  not  very  much  fatigued  by  the  walk  of  at  least  4  miles  on  the 
ice,  but  1  had  several  falls,  &  by  two  of  which  I  was  hurt  con- 
siderably for  a  while.     I  carried  a  light  but  strong  staff  of  7  feet 
long,  v/ith  a  headless  nail   driven  partly  into  the  lower  end,  to 
prevent  my  slipping,  &  also  to  offer  some  aid  in  case  of  the  ice 
breaking.     However.  I  had  every  little  dread  of  the  latter  con- 
tingency—&  if  it  had  happened,  I  would  not  have  been  in  much 
danger  of  drowning,  but  in  great  danger  of  perishing  by  freezing, 
if   remaining  wet   for  half  an  hour  in  the  present  temperature. 
The  ice  on  all  tlie  shallow  water,  &  in  tlie  bay  on  this  side,  was  as 
described  above.    But  that  over  the  ship  channel  looked  less  trust- 


244  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

worthy.  From  the  i^reatcr  effect  there  of  both  the  wind  &  tides, 
all  the  ice  had  been  broken  up,  &  mostly  in  small  pieces,  during 
the  snow  storm — &  all  this  ice  has  been  formed  since  the  night  of 
18'''.  This  ice  is  full  of  the  fragments  of  the  previous  cover  of  ice, 
very  distinct  from  the  new  portion  in  which  they  are  imbedded. 
But  both  the  old  &  the  new  there  is  perfectly  transparent.  Sent 
to  the  Post  Office,  only  to  hear  that  no  mail  had  yet  arrived — & 
that  no  wheel-carriage,  or  sleigh,  had  been  on  the  main  public  & 
mail  road.  We  have  so  little  snow,  that  few  persons,  in  the  coun- 
try, or  for  business,  ever  use  a  sleigh.  But  on  this  snow,  because 
of  its  scarceity  or  absence  in  many  spots,  &  the  deep  drifts  in 
others,  sleighing  would  be  impracticable.  We  have  now  lost  all 
three  mails  for  the  week — &  have  no  prospect  that  the  next  mail 
can  come.  Yet  this  post  office  is  but  16  miles  from  Petersburg  & 
the  main  rail-road  route,  which  must  have  been  cleared  of  snow 
some  days  ago. 

24'^ 

Rode  to  the  Glebe,  &  thence  to  Ruthven  to  dinner.  The  road 
so  deep  in  snow  in  many  places  that  I  had  to  leave  it  (following 
preceding  tracks,)  crossing  fences  into  the  adjacent  fields. 
Founc'l,  as  expected,  that  Julian's  thermometer  also  had  been 
broken  by  the  storm.  Mildred  has  l)een  detained  nnich  over  her 
designed  stay  at  Ruthven — but  she  &  the  other  ladies  there  having 
had  a  pleasant  time,  while  confined  to  the  house. 

25'' 

Sunday.  No  attempt  to  get  to  church — as  it  would  certainly 
have  been  fruitless.     Milder. 

26. 

Still  no  mail.  Only  one  cart  had  passed  along  the  main  mail 
road,  &  that  had  been  cfimpelled  to  return,  because  unable  to 
proceed. 

27. 

Very  mild.  Thawing — &  no  freezing  by  bed-time.  Left 
Ruthven  for  Beechwood.  A  sale  appointed  for  today  had  served 
to  draw  out  sundry  neighbors,  to  see  other  persons,  &  hear  some 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  245 

news.  I  found  some  of  these  on  my  route,  «&  heard  something 
from  abroad.  M'.  Mark's  thermometer  showed  12^  below  zero, 
on  the  morning  of  the  23''^.  This  was  2"  colder  than  1  ever  knew 
before.  M'.  Dunn  had  been  compelled  to  ride  to  Petersburg  on 
that  day.  Heard  that  the  rail-way  to  Washington  had  not  been 
then  made  practicable  &  of  course  no  northern  mail,  except  from 
Richmond.  4  men  in  Petersburg  &  in  the  vicinity  had  been  ex- 
posed to  the  weather  of  the  night  of  the  iS'*"  &  3  were  frozen  to 
death,  &  the  fourth  is  expected  to  die.  One  of  these  was  D^  Cox, 
a  physician,  riding  in  a  buggy  from  Petersburg  to  his  farm  in 
Chesterfield.  He  was  unable  to  open  the  gate,  or  to  reach  the 
house  on  foot,  &  died  close  to  it.  tlis  companion  (Traylor)  is 
alive,  but  is  worse  than  dead.  All  these  cases  were  probably  the 
results  of  more  or  less  of  intemperance.  But  two  negro  men, 
supposed  sober,  were  frozen  to  death,  in  different  places  of  this 
county,  in  that  dreadful  Sunday  night  in  attempting  to  visit  other 
houses  but  a  few  hundred  yards  distant.  The  snow  &  snow  ice 
over  the  hard  ice  on  the  river  mostly  thawed,  &  in  solt  wet 
sludge,  or  water,  before  night.  Edmund  still  confined  to  the 
house  by  his  cold. 

2S'^ 

Thawing  last  night  &  all  this  day.  Light  drizzle.  Julian 
hearing  yesterday  that  the  mail  had  been  brought  as  far  as  the 
Court  House,  sent  there  for  his  papers,  &  sent  them  to  us  this 
morning.  We  thus  received  the  paper  for  9  days  at  once — & 
scarcely  any  news,  except  the  numerous  accounts  of  the  incidents 
of  the  snow  storm,  &  of  disasters  therefrom.  The  roads  are  still 
blocked  up  &  impassable  everywhere  heard  from.  The  railways 
had  been  impassable  for  from  2  to  4  days— &  no  entire  opening 
northward  yet.  Sunday  more  deaths  reported,  and  others  barely 
escaped,  from  freezing.  The  temperature  correctly  observed  in 
Petersburg,  on  the  morning  of  the  23'"'',  reported  to  be  14°  below 
zero— &  in  Richmond  13°— &  in  different  others  places  of  the 
vicinity,  still  lower  marks.  &  in  one  case  as  low  as  20°  below  zero. 
I  doubt  these  latter  statements,  but  fully  believe  in  the  report  from 
Petersburg.  One  of  the  negroes  reported  yesterday  as  frozen  in 
Prince  George,  was  in  Planover.     And  4  whites,   (one  a  small 


246  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

boy)  in  a  wagun,  were  frozen  to  death  in  that  county.  In  Rich- 
mond &  Petersburg,  (the  only  towns  from  which  we  received 
papers,)  there  has  been  a  general  cessation  of  ordinary  labor  & 
business.  Xo  supplies  or  customers  from  the  country.  The 
passenger  &  mail  trains  on  the  Central  Railroad,  (on  which  the 
great  N.  &  S.  mail  is  transported,)  remained,  with  all  its  freight, 
blocked  up  within  6  miles  of  Richmond,  for  two  days  &  nights,  & 
could  not  be  there  reached,  &  the  passengers  relieved,  by  car- 
riages, nor  even  by  messengers  on  foot,  sent  with  food.  The 
mail  to  this  ofl[ice  has  not  been  brought  yet  —  nor  even  at- 
tempted to  be  brought  by  the  only  means,, that  is,  on  horseback,  & 
frequently  through  the  fields,  where  the  snow  is  too  deep  in  the 
roads.  It  is  not  so  strange  that  so  many  lives  have  been  lost,  as 
that  there  were  so  few.  The  great  violence  of  the  wind  &  in- 
tense cold  &  the  continued  driving  snow  on  the  night  of  Sunday 
(iS'^)  prevented  the  slaves  visiting  as  is  their  usage.  If  the  storm 
had  not  abated,  many  more  of  sober  negroes,  as  well  as  of  drunken 
whites  would  have  perished.  The  danger  of  the  former  was  so 
great  on  this  farm,  that  it  was  a  mercy  that  all  escaped.  The 
negroes'  houses  were  built  in  several  different  places,  the  better 
for  health  &  comfort.  If  any  one  of  the  residents  of  one  house 
had  visited  another,  in  tliat  night,  he  might  have  sunk  in  a  snow 
drift,  where  no  cry  for  help  could  have  been  heard,  though  within 
a  few  hundred  yards  of  a  dwelling. 

Jan.  20)^^. 

M"".  Sayre  arrived,  to  the  great  joy  of  his  wife,  &  of  all  of  us 
for  her  sake  especially.  With  her  feeble  state  of  health,  &  weak 
nerves,  she  had  been  as  wretched  because  of  M"".  Sayre's  ab- 
sence, &,  not  hearing  from  him,  as  if  he  had  been  exposed  to  all 
the  horrors  of  the  storm  «S:  cold.  As  might  have  been  counted  on 
with  confidence,  he  has  been  quite  safe  &  comfortable,  &  only 
shut  in  by  the  snow,  &  came  as  soon  as  a  way  was  practicable. 
As  it  was,  his  carriage  (hired  in  Petersburg, at  double  price,)  was 
the  first  that  came  near  so  far.  For  the  last  7  miles  the  road  was 
abandoned  almost  entirely,  &  the  carriage  was  driven  through  the 
fields,  &  sometimes  through  woods.  The  railroads  from  Rich- 
mond to  Washington  were  only  ctpened  on  yesterday.     Got  a  late 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


247 


newspaper  by  Mr.  S.,  but  with  no  important  &  definite  news. 
Glad  to  learn  tliere  that  had  been  no  disaster,  &  no  suffering,  from 
the  storm,  at  Malbourne.  The  public  roads  there  were  at  last  made 
passable  by  the  road  laborers,  called  out  by  the  surveyors  of  the 
roads.  Here,  no  surveyor  has  moved,  &  perhaps  has  not  thought  of 
it — because  working  on  the  roads  to  remove  or  tread  down  snow 
was  never  heard  of,  or  needed,  heretofore.  Unless  it  is  done,  no 
public  road  can  be  travelled  by  carriages  for  a  week  or  more,  & 
neither  the  church  or  the  post-office  will  be  accessible  along  the 
roads  by  carriages. 

Feby.  2^^ 

It  would  seem  from  the  annexed  statement  of  a  Petersburg 
paper,  (//  to  be  relied  on,)  that  the  degrees  of  cold  were  very 
different,  at  dift'erent  hours  of  the  same  morning — &  this  may 
serve  to  account  for  the  various  statements  of  different  observers 
of  thermometers,  on  the  morning  of  the  cold  iS'*^.  It  is  reported 
in  the  Norfolk  paper  that  a  man  walked  across  Hampton  Ivoads, 
from  Old  Point  Comfort  to  Willoughby's  Point,  &  thence,  on  the 
ice,  to  Norfolk.  Tliough  the  ferry  steamers  were  kept  running, 
(by  breaking  the  ice  ahead)  still  most  of  the  persons  who  passed 
between  Norfolk  &  Portsmouth  walked  across  on  the  ice.  Per- 
sons also  walked  across  the  Chesapeake  bay,  at  Annapolis,  where 
it  is  12  miles  wide — &  from  Edenton  to  Plymouth,  20  miles. 
across  Albemarle  Sound. 


[Annexed  Cluting  from  a  Petersuukg  Newspaper.] 


The  Cold  on  Friday. 

"We  are  indebted  to  a  friend  who  resides  on  Bollingbrook  street, 
for  the  following  report  of  the  state  of  the  Thermometer  on  Friday 
at  the  hours  indicated,  by  observations  carefully  made  by  himself: — 

At  5J-4  o'clock  A.  M.  is°     below  zero. 


7 

7 'A 

8 

8K. 

91-2 


15 

I7K'' 

22° 

20° 

16° 

13° 


248  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

At  tlie  last  named  hour  the  Thcrn'.ometer  was  rut  in  the  sun  and 
showvd  5°  below  zero.  These  observations  were  taken  on  Boiling- 
brook  street  in  a  Xorihern  exposure.  In  the  more  elevatel  parts  of 
the  city  it  was  about  2'  warmer. 

The  above  statement  fully  establishes  the  fact  that  the  cold  ex- 
ceeded in  intensity  any,  VN-ithin  the  memory  of  the  present  genera- 
tion— and  it  may,  we  doubt  not,  be  truly  asserted  that  it  never  has 
been  equalled  in  this  part  of  the  world.  So  Friday,  January  23,  1857. 
will  be  memorable,  (we  hope  in  all  time  to  come)  as  the  very  coldest 
day   upon   record." 

William  Maxwell  and  Andrew  Stevenson. 

Jan.  30*^. 

The  later  papers  state  the  deaths  of  two  Virginians  of  some 
note,  William  Maxwell  &  x\ndrew  Stevenson,  but  whose  claims 
for    distinction    were    very    different.      M^    Maxwell    had    great 
natural  powers  of  mind,  well  cultivated  by  education,  fine  literary 
taste,  was  a  good  writer  &  eminent  as  a  conversational  debater. 
Besides  his  general  literary  pursuits,  through  his  long  life,  he  had 
occupied    (for  the   first   year,)    the   post  of   editor   of   the  Jour- 
nal of  Commerce  in  N.  Y.,  &  later  the  Presidency  of  Hainpden 
Sidney  College.     His  only  service  in  political  life  was   for  one 
term  in  the  State  Senate  of  V^  in  which,  as  elsewhere,  his  ready 
&  pleasing  elocution  placed  hiin  in  high  rank.     Still,  with  all  his 
admitted    abilities,    and    with    unquestioned    private    integrity    & 
worth,  &  a  moral  &  religious  life  from  his  boyhood,  he  never 
succeeded    in    any    effort,    except    in    gaining   the    esteem   of    his 
friends ;  &  his  living  has  had  as  little  effect  on  the  public  interest 
or  action  as  in  promoting  his  own  private  interests  or  objects.   He 
was  not  wanting  in  industrious  &  proper  effort,  &  yet  lived  &  died 
poor.     Stevenson  was  immeasurably  inferior  in  natural  faculties 
of  the  higher  order,  &  still  more  so  in  scholastic  education.     He 
was  not  a  pattern  of  integrity  in  private  life — &  in  public,  was  a 
corrupt  &  unprincipKnl  politician,  seeking  to  advance  his  own  in- 
terest in  preference  to  all  others.     But  his  moderate  abilities  in- 
cluded preserverance  &   impudence,   &   were   precisely   suited   to 
benefit  himself.    He  succeeded  in  reaching  eminence  &  wealth,  as 
a  lawyer — &  high  rank  as  a  politician,  in  his  long  public  life.    He 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  249 

occupied  a  liigh  position  in  the  legislature  of  \'^. — then  in  Con- 
gress, where  he  was  Speaker,  until  (&  indeed  after,)  he  had  re- 
ceived as  pay  for  his  corrupt  devotion  to  Gen.  Jackson's  adminis- 
tration, tlie  bribe  of  the  appointment  of  minister  to  Great  Britain. 
This  great  honor,  (if  it  had  been  honorably  earned  and  deserved,) 
seemed  however  to  have  been  deemed  payment  in  full  for  all  his 
political  services — as  he  never  could  afterwards  obtain  anything 
more  of  political  office  from  either  government  or  people.  Still, 
he  had  empty  compliments,  flattering  to  his  vanity.  Thus,  he  was 
appointed  a  Visitor  of  the  University,  &  Rector,  or  chairman  of 
the  board.  He  was  little  fitted  b)-  education  for  the  government 
of  an  institution  of  learning.  He  had  not  even  learned  latin, 
though  he  was  in  the  habit  &  very  fond  of  using  commonplace 
latin  quotations  in  his  speeches  in  Congress  &c.,  which  he  ob- 
tained readily,  with  their  meaning,  from  tlie  "Dictionary  of  Quo- 
tations." I  have  had  so  bad  an  opinion  of  this  distinguished  \'ir- 
ginian,  that  I  have  avoided  making  his  personal  acquaintance — &, 
(though  I  trust  for  diiTerent  cause,)  he  seemed  as  little  to  desire 
my  acquaintance,  or  to  appreciate  any  worth  in  me.  One  reason 
may  have  been  this:  Among  his  undeserved  honors,  he  used  to 
be  invited  to  deliver  agricultural  addresses  (in  other  States,)  & 
w^s  president  of  the  former  State  Agrl.  Society  of  \'^.,  (so- 
called,)  until  that  abortion  was  merged  in  the  present  State  So- 
ciety, &  when  I  was  unanimously  elected  President,  &'  not  a  vote 
was  given  to  him,  for  that  office. 

A  Visit  to  Washington. 

Fcby.  13. 

Went  to  Washington,  by  the  Fredericksburg  line — railroad  & 
steamer.  The  Potomac  much  obstructed  by  ice  still — both  new, 
of  34  inch  thick,  &  in  the  upper  part  of  the  route,  the  old  &■  very 
thick  ice,  broken  up,  but  lying  thick.  This  came  from  above  the 
falls.  But  the  steamer  is  well  constructed  fur  breaking  ice — &  as 
the  passage  had  been  broken  through,  &  travelled  twice  a  day,  we 
made  better  v;ay  than  expected.  To  Browme's  Hotel.  Found 
there  AP.  W™.  Boulware,  &  Thos.  Ruftin,  (M.  C.)  of  N.  C^ 


2^o  William  and  Mary  Quahterly 

Feb.  14. 

In  the  course  of  Lhe  day,  saw  most  of  my  former  acquaint- 
ances,  (members  of  Congress,)   &  was  intro(hiced  to  others— & 
saw  some  other  &  distinguished  of  great  men,  whom,  humble  as 
I  may  be,  1  would  nut  be  introduced  to.  or  hold  any  communica- 
tion  with.      Among   these   is    Sam    Houston,   the   "hero   of    San 
Jacinto,"  the  former  President  of  Texas.  &  now  senator  of  Texas. 
The  position  of  this  man.  in  regard  to  his  merits,  is  marvellous. 
When  long  ago  in  Congress,  he  was  only  notable  for  his  want  of 
integrity,  his  being  a  tool  &  a  pet  of  President  Jackson,  &  his 
conduct  as  a  bully\^:  a  western  rowdy.     Afterwards,  when  Gov- 
ernor of  Tennessee,  his  conduct  to  his  newdy  married  wife  was 
so  monstrous  &  unaccountable,  that  he  was  obliged   (by  public 
indignation)  to  resign  his  office,  &  leave  the  State.     Subsequently 
///or  wife    obtainc(f   a    divorce.      He    took    refuge    among    the 
Indians,  &  became  as  one  of  them,  &  took  an  Indian  wife,  whom 
he  basely  abandoned  when  he  found  it  convenient  to  return  to 
more  civilized  associates.     Xext  he  turned  up  in  Texas,  &  in  that 
new  community  of  desperadoes  of  the  worst  habits  &  morals  m 
general,  it  may  be  that  tlouston's  vices  were  recommendations. 
He  rose  to  the  command  of  the  army,  &  led  in  its  seemingly 
hopeless   retreat  before  the  Mexican   army.   &   in  all  the   signal 
victory  afterwards  achieved  at  San  Jacinto.     Yet  many  of  the 
most  respectable  of  the  men  who  fought  there,  pronounced  that 
Houston   showed   total   incompetency.  &  even  want  of   personal 
courage — that  his  men  forced  him  to  stand  at  bay,  or  rather  thai 
the  army  fought  without  his  will,  or  his  direction— &  the  victory 
was  gained  without  any  aid  from  the  nominal  commander.     Still 
the  glory  so  acquired  raised  him  to  be  President  of  independent 
Texas.    During  all  this  time,  in  conduct  &  habits,  he  was  a  low 
blackguard  &  common  drunkard.    After  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
(which  he  tried  all  he  could  do  to  prevent.)  he  was  elected  one  of 
the  U.  S.  senators  of  the  new  State.     He  has  since  aspired  to  the 
presidency  of  the  C.  S.,  &  has  abstained  latterly  from  his  former 
drunken  &  other  low  habits.     In  the  hope  of  obtaining  northern 
support  for  his  ambitious  views,  he  has  assumed  northern  grounds 
as  to  slavery.     But  in  this  last  corrupt  movement  he  has  over- 


William  and  ]Marv  Qlauterlv  251 

reached  himself.  It  is  uiulcrstood  thai  he  will  not  be  again  elected 
to  his  present  post — &  he  will  have  lost  his  previous  popular  sup- 
port, &  become  as  despicable  as  he  deserves  to  be,  without  gaining 
anything  from  the  north.  He  has  n)arried  again.  «S:  tluis  has  or 
had  three  wives  ali\'e  at  once —  his  divorced  wife,  his  deserted 
Indian  wife,  the  last  &  legal  wife.  It  is  one  of  the  foulest  dis- 
graces of  this  country,  that  this  despicable  wretch  should  have 
reached,  &  so  long  maintained,  a  high  position  in  popular  favor, 
&  that  he  should  have  been  even  thought  of  as  one  who  might  be 
elected  President  of  the  United  States.  For  though  other  as 
base  men  have  stood  as  high,  most  of  these  (as  r»enton)  had 
great  ability  as  well  as  villainy.  But  Houston  never  has  exhibited 
any  evidence  of  uncommon  talent  &  his  deviations  from  the 
course  of  discretion  &  good  sense,  as  well  as  of  moral  rules,  have 
been  accounted  for  by  some  persons  as  the  results  of  supposed 
partial  insanity. 

I  sought  &  had  introductions  to  EUvood  Fisher  &  A.  Dudley 
Mann.  The  latter  is  full  of  confidence  in  the  success  of  his 
scheme  of  a  line  of  enormous  steamers  like  the  "Great  Eastern" 
now  building  near  London.  These  vessels  will  be  700  feet  in 
length,  or  30,000  or  more  tons  freight,  are  expected  to  cross  the 
Atlantic  in  7  days,  &  can  so  economize  fuel,  &  cheapen  freights, 
as  to  command  the  monoply  of  transportation.  And  these  vessels 
will  draw  so  much  water,  that  the  Chesapeake  Bay  &  Norfolk 
harbor  only  will  afford  admittance.  H  half  of  M""  Mann's  antici- 
pations can  be  realized,  they  promise  a  great  improvement  &  a 
glorious  future  for  southern  &  especially  \'irginia  commerce.  I 
called  on  him,  &  was  much  gratified  to  hear  his  views  more  fully 
detailed  than  in  his  publication  on  the  subject.  I  had  long  known, 
by  his  writings,  Elwood  Fisher  as  the  able  &  instructive  advocate 
for  the  southern  states  &  their  institution  of  slavery,  &  was  re- 
joiced to  make  his  personal  acquaintance.  &  to  converse  freel\ 
with  him. 

IS'"- 

Was  introduced  to  Major  Ben.  Ma^culloch,  the  celebrated 
Texan  soldier,  &  who,  as  commander  of  the  company  of  "Texas 
Rangers,''  rendered  distinguished  services  in  the  Mexican  war,  & 


252  William  axd  Makv  Quarterly 

especially  at  Bucna  \'ista.  There,  as  I  have  heard,  his  previous 
bold  &  succsesfi'.l  reconnoitring  of  the  enemy's  forces,  penetrating 
within  their  piquet  guards,  was  very  instrumental  in  securing  our 
great  &  wonderful  victory.  His  appearance  &  manner  are  entirely 
different  from  wiiat  I  v.oukl  have  expected  in  one  of  liis  deeds  & 
associations.  His  face  is  handsome  &  striking,  &  his  countenance 
mild  &  pleasing — his  dress  &  manners  such  a?  suit  a  plain  &  un- 
pretending but  high-bred  gentleman.  I  was  much  pleased  with 
him  in  our  sliort  conversation,  lloulware  &  Fi.-her  came  to  my 
apartment,  &  we  conversed  for  two  hours — F.  the  main  talker. 
I  referred,  with  due  Sc  high  commendation  to  his  celebrated  lec- 
ture on  the  "Xorlh  &:  South,"  &  our  conversation  was  on  its  sub- 
ject, &  that  of  my  own  former  address  or  the  social  results  of 
slavery  &  of  its  absence.  F.  adduced  many  facts,  within  his  own 
experience,  to  sustain  my  positions  which,  however  correct,  were 
more  drawn  by  me  from  reason  c^  induction,  than  from  any  per- 
sonal knowledge,  or  experience.  Fisher's  conversation  is  lively, 
am.u>ing  &  instructive.  He  was  raised  a  Quaker — &  his  grand- 
father &  father  had  emancipated  their  slaves  &'  made  every  other 
incidental  sacrifice  to  perform  what  they  deemed  their  moral  & 
religious  duty  in  that  respect. 

Soon  after  breakfast  Senator  Hunter  called  to  see  me.  I  did 
not  recollect  him,  until  he  announced  his  name.  When  I  had  be- 
fore called  to  see  my  old  friend  Goode,  where  Hunter  lives  also, 
I  asked  for  the  latter,  but  he  was  out — &  I  left  no  card,  or  mes- 
sage for  him,  so  as  not  to  make  any  claim  on  his  attention. 
Long  ago,  when  he  had  attained  no  higher  place  than  a  seat  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  there  was  personal  acquaintance  & 
some  correspondence  between  us.  I  have  in  almost  everything 
approved  his  political  conduct,  &  wished  for  his  success  &  higher 
elevation.  But  it  is  now  20  years  since  I  had  met  with  him,  & 
nearly  as  long  since  any  letters  had  been  exch.anged.  His  visit 
was  an  unusually  early  hour,  &  otherwise  without  ceremony,  &  his 
manner  cordial,  kind,  &  as  plain,  as  might  be  expected  in  country 
life.  He  offered  to  take  me  into  the  Senate  Chamber,  &  some 
ctlier  attentions,   which   I  knew   would   have  been  a  tax  on  his 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  253 

much  occupied  time.  I  gladly,  &  only,  accepted  his  invitation  to 
the  Senate  Chamber,  at  the  proper  hour.  Since  Hunter  has  been 
deemed  a  prominent  aspirant  to  the  presidency,  &  with  much 
prospect  of  future  success,  he  is  said  to  have  become  in  his  man- 
ner reserved,  cold,  &  very  cautious  of  his  words.  L  saw  that  he 
was  (&  properly  in  his  position,)  cautious  in  his  words,  &  very 
difrerent  from  my  own  open  &  unweighed  expressions  on  political 
matters— but  nothing  of  coldness,  or  reserve  otherwise,  &  no 
assumption  of  dignity,  more  than  when  we  had  met  formerly. 
At  the  Senate  Chamber,  afterwards.  &  at  my  request,  AP  Hunter 
introduced  me  to  Senator  Toombs  of  G''.  T  referred  to  his  pub- 
lishetl  letter  to  the  late  "Souihern  Convention."  in  which  he  as- 
sumed the  position  that  the  legislatures  of  the  Southern  States, 
had  the  legal  &  constitutional  right  to  tax  the  commodities  of  the 
North,  after  their  introduction — &  which  power,  if  exercised, 
may  be  used  etlectually  to  defend  &  aid  the  southern  states,  &  to 
retaliate  the  injuries  of  the  north.  I  told  him  that  if  he  was 
sure  of  being  correct  in  his  views,  he  owed  to  our  cau^e,  &  also 
to  himself,  to  sustain  his  propositions,  in  detail,  &  to  have  their 
truth  established.  He  answered  that  he  was  perfectly  sure  of  the 
soundness  of  his  positions,  &  that  he  had  been  collecting  mater- 
ials, &  considering  all  the  many  published  objections  to  his 
letters,  &  would,  as  soon  as  at  leisure,  present  the  subject,  fully 
elucidated,  to  the  public.  I  earnestly  hope  that  he  may  be  able 
to  do  so — &  that  the  Southern  States  may  fully  avail  themselves 
of  this  potent  means  for  defence.  &  retaliation.  But  I  doubt  it. 
I  have  no  legal  knowledge  on  this  or  other  subjects,  &  cannot 
present  legal  objections.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  if  the  several 
states  fully  possess  the  power  of  taxing,  (&  of  course  prohibit- 
ing,) the  sale  of  the  commodities  of  other  states,  that  it  may  be 
so  exercised  as  to  obtruct  entirely  the  free  commerce  designed  by 
the  federal  constitution.  &  to  break  the  union  itself.  And  though 
these  results  are  exactly  such  as  I  would  value  the  power  for,  1 
cannot  believe  that  any  such  destructive  power  was  ever  designed 
to  be  admitted  into  the  constitution. 

With   M'.   Boulware  rode  to  the  Oljservatory  to   visit   Lieut. 
A^aury.     I  had  known  hi-n  Ijcfore,  &  found  him  nuw,  as  formerly. 


254  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

cordial,  affable  &  afrreeable,  in  our  conversations  on  ordinary 
topics,  in  addition  tu  his  far  more  exalted  merits  as  a  m.an  of 
science.  He  is  one  of  the  most  able  men  of  this  confederation — & 
perhaps  has  the  most  extended  reputation  in  Europe  of  any  living 
citizen  of  America.  Afternoon,  visited  the  great  niece  of  my 
wife,  formerly  Marian  Moore,  now  married  to  Lieut.  Johnson, 
U.  S.  N. 

Feby.  if^. 

Attending  to  the  two  houses  of  congress.     \\'ent  to  dine,  on 
invitation   of    ^M""    Ilunier,    with    his    "mess,"    which    consists   of 
himself.    Senator    Mason   of   V^,   Senator   Butler   of   S.    C^,   «& 
Messrs.  Goode  &  Garnett,  members  of  H.  of  R.  from  V^.     I  had 
previously  been  well  acquainted  with  all,  except  Senator  Mason. 
M^    Eoulware  tl^e   only   other  guest.     We   had   a   very  pleasant 
sitting,  of  several  hours.     There  was  nothing  said  seriously  on 
political  matters — but  enough  in  other  ways  to  make  me  think- 
that  Buchanan,  the  incoming  president,  has  very  little  of  the  re- 
spect or  the  confidence   of   the  men   from   the   south,   by   whose 
support  alone  he  v.-as  sustained  &  elected.     I  anticipate  for  him 
a  reign   that   will  bring  to  him  but  little  of   either  pleasure  or 
honor.     The  victory  in  the  election  of  president,  such  as  it  was. 
was  gained  by  the  southern  states  &  the  Democratic  party,  as  I 
inferred,  only  because  Buchanan  was  a  Pennsylvanian.  &  had  the 
votes  of  his  state  because  of  favor,  &  not  because  of  their  ap- 
proval.    But  1  had  heard  from  Fisher,  &  it  was  repeated  to-day, 
that  enormous  sums  of  money  were  sent  from  the  city  of  New 
York,   &   a   good   deal   also   from   the   democrats   of   New   Eng- 
land, to  buy  votes  in  Pennsylvania — &  which  turned  the  vote  of 
that   state.     The   victory  over   Fremont  &  abolitionism,   if   thus 
gained  by  bribery,   is   worth   even   less   than   I   had  before   esti- 
mated it. 

I8'^ 

As  proposed  yesterday  by  M^  Hunter,  he  called  for  me  this 
m.orning  soon  after  breakfast,  &  carried  me  to  the  public  Botanic 
Garden,  which  is  rather  a  collection  of  exotic  t^-  mostly  trophical 
plants,    in    several    green    or    hot-houses.      The    establishment   is 


William  and  Makv  Ol'arteklv  255 

uiuler  the  charge  of  a  very  intelligent  &  competent  Scotchman, 
named  Smith,  who  was  at  first  employed  as  a  common  laborer. 
There  were  many  curious  plants,  which  would  have  interested 
me  for  hours.  But  I  would  not  detain  M^  Hunter  long,  as  1 
knew  his  time  was  precious.  His  polite  offer  &  invitati(in,  as  on 
the  two  proceeding-  days,  admitted  me  to  the  Senate  Chamber. 
Nothing-  of  interest  there,  as  in  the  House  oi  Representatives. 
Saw  Dc  Bow,  editor  of  the  Southern  Review,  ^l-  had  some  con- 
versations in  regard  to  it  &  connected  matters. 

Feb.  19. 

An  exciting-  scene  in  the  House  of  F^eprc-^eiitatives,  for 
which  I  had  been  watching  two  days  previous.  The  rcj)ort  of 
the  "corruption  conmiittee"  was  submitted,  h^our  members,  all 
abolitionists  &  northern  men  (3  of  X.  Y.  &  i  of  Conn.,)  are 
proved  guilty  of  receiving  enormous  bribes,  for  their  votes  to 
enrich  private  interests.  &  their  expulsion  from  the  house  is  re- 
commended by  the  committee,  by  4  tu  i.  The  comuu"llcc.  selected 
by  the  abolition  speaker,  consists  of  two  democrats,  two  abolition- 
ists, &  one  '"know-nothing"'  whig.  The  reading,  &  then  the  re- 
ception of  the  report  was  opposed  by  every  effort,  b}-  some  of  the 
abolitionists,  in  long  speeches.  But  two  others  of  that  party 
denounced  this  attempt  to  produce  delay,  &  thus  ward  off  the 
trial — by  v/hich  delay  alone  the  rascals  would  escape  punish.ment, 
as  the  session  is  so  near  at  an  end.  After  a  long  i!v  animated,  d^- 
disorderly  debate,  the  report  was  received.  &  ordered,  with  the 
testimony,  to  be  printed.  The  discussion  is  postponed  to  next 
week.  We  have  enough  of  immoral  men  in  the  south,  &  enough 
of  such  representatives  in  Congress.  Nevertheless,  not  a  mem- 
ber from  any  slave-holding  state  has  been  suspected  (^f  sharing 
in  this  base  conduct,  of  receiving  bribes,  which  though  only  now 
proved,  has  existed  for  a  long  time.  So  it  had  come  to  be  under- 
stood that  very  few  large  private  claims  could  be  passed  without 
bribery — &  that  few  such  were  rejected,  if  enough  nioney  was 
used  to  forward  them.  Still,  this  was  but  suspicion.  &  the  facts 
were  known  only  to  those  who  either  paid  or  received  the  bribes. 
Very  warm  for  the  last  three  days — no  fires  needed — &  chilly  as 
I  am,  a  single  sheet  was  as  nuich  bed-covering  as  I  could  bear 
in  the  early  part  of  the  nights. 


256  William  axd  Mary  Quaktkrly 

Who  were  to  compose  the  cabinet  of  the  new  president  has 
been  a  mystery  until  yesterday,  when  it  was  announced  (though 
on  no  certain  authority,)  &  the  members  are  now  beHcved  to  be 
understood.  Cass  is  to  be  the  Secretary  of  State.  Howell  Cobb 
of  G^.  Sec.  of  War,  &  Floyd,  of  \'a.  Sec.  of  the  Xavy.  All  these 
I  deem  bad  appointments,  <!t  there  is  nothing  to  compensate  these 
deficiencies  in  the  other  heads  of  inferior  departments.  In  addi- 
tion to  objections  to  Cass's  political  views,  (he  being  a  represen- 
tative of  northern  democracy,)  he  has  seemed  to  have  a  mono- 
mania for  war  with  England.  Besides,  lie  is  old,  that  his  mind 
is  probably  failing.  &  it  was  never  of  very  high  order.  Cobb  was 
an  advocate  for  the  "compromise"  measures  of  1850,  by  which 
the  rights  of  the  southern  states  were  sacrificed.  In  Ex-Gov. 
Floyd's  integrity,  public  or  private.  I  have  no  confidence. 
Pickens  of  S.  C.  is  the  only  member  of  the  new  cabinet  who  (I 
suppose)  goes  fully  for  the  south.  But  his  own  state  could 
supply  many  men  as  true  as  he  can  be,  &  of  greater  ability.  Yet 
all  the  democratic  newspapers  are  pronouncing  the  appointments 
to  be  admirable. 

20^''. 

Called  on  M""  W'heeler  our  minister  to  Nicaragua,  with  whom 
I  had  been  slightly  acquainted  formerly.  Had  much  information 
from  him  concerning  that  country  &  its  inhabitants.  He  thinks 
that,  according  to  his  latest  news.  Walker's  situation  is  good. 
He  has  nearly  1200  men  from  the  U.  S.,  which  number  Wheeler 
thinks  can  maintain  their  ground  against  all  the  forces  that  the 
allies  of  Central  America  can  bring  against  them.  Nearly  the 
whole  population  is  of  mixed  blood,  &  no  distinction  made  be- 
tween, or  repugnance  of  anv  one  color  to  anoth.er.  The  only 
inhabitants  of  pure  blood  are  the  aborigines.  These  are  also  the 
best  of  the  population,  in  morals  &  habits — but  tliey  are  few  in 
number.  Taken  altogether,  &  throughout  Central  .\nierica,  the 
people  are  worthless.  &  afford  no  hope  of  their  i;nprovement. 
They  must  give  way  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  race — &  their  extinction 
will  be  a  benefit  to  America.     *     *     * 

With  M"".  Boulware.  invited  to  take  family  dinner  with  M"". 
Fisher.     M''\  Fi=her  a  woman  of  fine  arneira'ice.  &  very  intelH- 


William  and  AIary  Quarterly  257 

gent  &  agreeable  in  conversation.  The  time  spent  very  pleasantly. 
This  morning  completed  an  arrangement  with  De  Bow.  I  am 
to  furnish  to  him  any  of  my  writings  on  general  agricultural 
subjects,  which,  if  approving  &  publishing  them,  he  will  pay 
for  at  the  rate  of  ^3.  the  page  of  his  Review.  1  proposed  for 
this  purpose  most  of  the  several  articles  I  have  written  (without 
correcting  or  altering  as  yet,)  in  the  course  of  1856.  And  this  is 
the  only  proper  channel  for  them — as  they  are  too  general,  & 
not  enough  practical,  &  also  too  long,  for  communications  .to  the 
State  Agrictultural  Society,  &  unsuited  to  any  other  publication, 
even  if  the  agricultural  periodical  papers  were  not  all  of  too  low 
character  to  receive  my  pieces.  In  addition,  probably  neither  they 
nor  the  political  or  commercial  papers  would  choose  to  publish 
such  long  &  general  or  speculative  articles,  although  furnished 
to  them  gratituitously.  Of  course,  none  of  them  (in  the  south) 
would  pay  anything  for  communications  of  this  or  any  other 
kind.  De  Bow  also  agreed  to  republish  my  recent  articles  advo- 
cating a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  I  was  surprised  that  he  should 
so  consent.  I  had  placed  the  series  in  his  hand  for  his  secretary— 
but  I  believe  he  read  but  little  of  them,  before  agreeing  to  insert 
thcuL  Spent  the  evening  in  reading  &  correcting  &  making  some 
change  of  form  of  the  pieces,  suitable  to  its  place  in  a  Review. 
At  De  Bow's  request,  it  is  to  appear  with  my  name  as  the  author. 
If  there  is  no  other  reason  for  its  attracting  notice,  the  boldness 
of  the  propositions,  in  a  work  of  such  character  as  this  Review, 
will  both  attract  attention,  &  bring  on  the  acknowledged  author 
plenty  of  censure  &  abuse. 

Gen.  Cass  has  long  been  noted  for  the  exhibition  of  hatred 
for  England,  &  a  seeming  wish  to  get  into  war  with  that  conntry. 
Fears  seem  to  be  entertained  by  many,  that  he  may  bring  this 
about.  Lord  Palmerston  the  prime  minister  of  England,  is  al:)OUt 
as  old  as  Cass,  with  a  general  propensity  for  war,  &  probably 
hates  this  country  as  much  as  Cass  hates  England.  It  would  be 
remarkable,  though  not  a  very  improbable  event,  if  these  two  old 
fellows,  who  ought  to  be  pushed  off  the  stage  of  action,  should 
brine  about  so  g^reat  a  calamitv  as  a  war  between  their  countries. 


258  Wir.LfAM  AND  Mary  Quarterly 

21". 

Dined  by  invitation  with  A.  Dudley  Mann,  at  his  boarding 
house.  The  few  other  persons  he  expected  were  all  engaged,  & 
so  he  &  I  dined  tcte-a-tete.  ^l''.  Mann  is  a  strong  southerner. 
VVe  agreed  not  onlv  in  that  but  other  things — one  of  which  is  op- 
position to  all  duties  on  imported  commodities,  (or  indirect 
taxes)  or  advocating  perfectly  free  trade,  8c  direct  taxation.  I 
knew  that  M'".  Buchanan  (like  other  Pennsylvania  Democrats.) 
advocated  high  protective  duties  on  coal  &  iron,  the  great  pro- 
ducts of  P\  But  I  did  not  know,  until  now  (from  M^  M.)  that 
he  had  voted  for  the  high  tariff  enacted  in  1S42.  In  this  act  of 
support  of  the  protection  system.  &  also  of  the  basest  breach  of 
faith  to  the  South  in  thus  violating  the  noted  compromise  act. 
M^  Rives  shared  the  infamy.  It  is  understood  here  that  the 
hungry  office-seekers  who  were  most  active  in  supporting  M"". 
Buchanan,  expect  him  to  make  room  for  them  by  dismissing  the 
present  office  holders,  though  they  also  are  of  the  same  party,  & 
as  good  Buchanan  men — &  no  matter  if  they  have  discharged 
their  official  duties  ever  so  well.  It  is  thought  that  this  will  be 
done.  If  so,  it  will  {)resent  a  new  phase  of  the  proscription  sys- 
tem, which  was  first  established  by  President  Jackson,  &  adopted 
by  every  succeeding  administration.  This  course  has  been,  when 
a  party  victory  v/as  gained  in  a  presidential  election,  for  the  new- 
incumbent  to  turn  out  every  office-holder,  of  the  opposite  party, 
no  matter  how  meritorious,  &:  to  give  their  place  to  his  supporters. 
This  was  sufficiently  infamous.  V>ut  wdien  no  change  of  party 
power  is  made,  as  at  present,  the  partisans  who  have  done  all  the 
dirty  v.-ork  of  the  election,  will  lose  their  pay,  if  respect  is  paid 
to  the  occupancy  or  merit  of  office-holders.  Therefore,  as  re- 
ported, th.ere  is  to  be  a  general  sweep.  And  in  rewarding  his  ex- 
pectant friends,  the  president  will  convert  as  many  other  friends 
to  enemies,  by  unjustly  depriving  them  of  office.  Truly  M""  B. 
will  have  an  uneasy  time. 

I  left  the  wharf  at  Washington  at  6^  A.  m.  &  by  steamer  & 
railway  reached  Kichmond  at  2I2  P.  M. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  259 

A  SPICY  CORRESPONDENCE. 
Communicated  by  Judge  L.  H.  Jones,  Louisville,  Kentucky. 

The  following  lively  interchange  of  notes  occurred  between 
Sir  Marmaduke  Beckwith,^  and  Col  Thos.  Jones,-  clerk  of 
Northumberland  county.     The  original  papers  arc  endorsed : 

"Sr.  Marmadukes  Memo.  &  my  Letter  to  him — 
Apl.  5th   1766." 

Sir  Marmaduke's  letter : 

"Mr.  Eskridge  informs  me  that  you  refuse  to  issue  an 
Ex'on  agst :  Collo.  Thornston's^  body  it  being  contrary  to  lav/. 
*  *  *  I  should  be  mightily  obliged  to  you,  if  you  would  give 
Mr.  Eskridge  a  mem'd.  where  I  shall  find  that  law,  for  I  have 
got  all  the  laws  in  \'irg'a  thats  in  force.  *  *  *  The  Gen'll 
Court  Law  made  in  1753  Section  14  concerning  a  Councillor  does 
not  I  think  warrant  you  for  refusing  an  Exo.  *  *  *  It 
would  be  highly  proper  if  there  be  a  law  that  a  coimcillors  body 
sliall  not  be  taken  in  Exo.  for  a  just  debt,  that  e\ery  body  should 
know  it,  for  I  don't  know  who  would  lend  money  for  perhaps 
their   Estates   may   either   be   Entail'd  or   mortgaged.     *     *     * 


1  Sir  Marmaduke  Beckwilh  was  the  son  of  Sir  Roger  Beckwith,  of 
England,  and  settled  in  Richmond  County,  of  which  he  was  clerk  from 
1708  to  1748. 

2  Col.  Thomas  Jones  was  a  grandson  of  Captain  Roger  Jones, 
who  came  to  Virginia  with  Lord  Culpcper  in  1680  and  had  command 
of  a  sloop  of  war  to  suppress  unlawful  trading  in  James  River.  Col.  Jones 
was  born  Dec.  25,  1726,  was  clerk  of  Northumberland  Co.  from  1740 
to  1778,  after  which  time  he  removed  to  his  seat  "Spring  Garden," 
near  New  Castle,  Hanover  Co.,  where  he  died  in  I78?-I7S6.  He  mar- 
ried Sally,  daughter  of  James  Skelton  and  his  wife  Jane  Meriwether. 
This  Jones  family  is  particularly  distinguished  for  the  great  number 
of  eminent  men  it  furnished  to  Virginia.  Kentucky,  and  the  Union  at 
large. 

3  Col.  Presley  Thornton  is  meant,  who  lived  at  "Northumberland 
House,"  in  Northumberland  Co.  He  was  born  in  1722  and  died 
Dec.  8,  1769,  being  made  a  member  of  the  Council  in  1760.  (See  last 
number,  p.   185.) 


26o  William  and  Maky  Quarterly 

1  desire  you  will  give  Mr.  Eskridge  an  Exo.  agst :  Collo. 
Thornton's  Estate  returnable  to  September  Court,  also  a  copy  of 
the  Collos.  list  of  Tythables,  for  the  Sheriff's  better  Direction. 

I  think  it's  too  low  for  a  Councellor,  that  owes  a  man  a  Just 
Debt,  to  declare  publickly  that  he  will  keep  him  out  of  it,  as  long 
as  he  can,  and  not  give  a  good  reason  for  it.  *  *  *  But  noe 
matter,  according  to  the  old   proverb— The   More   months,  the 

more  40  s. 

I   should  be   very   glad   that   every  man    in   Northumberland 
County  should  see  this  Letter.     *     *     * 
I  am 

Your  most  humble  Serv't 

M:  Beckwilh 

last  July  1765" 

"memd.  for  Mr.  Eskridge  to  goe  to  Northumberland  Office 
and  get  a  copy  of  my  Exo.  agst:  Collo.  Thornton  Estate,  also  a 
copy  the  sheriffs  return,  also  a  copy  of  the  bond,  where  Collo. 
Thornton  &  his  Securitys  obliges  themselves  to  pay  the  money  in 
three  months.  **-•!=  I  design  to  put  it  in  the  Gazette,  to 
let  every  body  know  by  what  Authority,  tlie  Clk  of  Northumber- 
land   Court    refused    me    an    Exo.    against    Collo.    Thornton's 

body.     *     *     * 

M:  B 

R:  C.     17th:  March  1766." 

Col.  Thus.  Jones'  Reply. 
"Sr. 

I  have  sent  you  a  copy  of  your  Execution  against  Colo. 
Presly  Thornton,  together  with  his  Bond,  and  the  Sheriffs  re- 
turn; as  to  your  putting  it  in  the  Gazette,  (as  you  express  your- 
self) you  are  extremely  welcome,  the  Clerk  of  Northumberland's 
Action,  dares  stand  the  Scrutiny  of  the  ill  natured  ignorant 
Vulgar.  Lest  ycu  should  not  have  reserved  a  Copy,  of  your 
Curious,  &  Genteel  ]Memorandum  to  me,  T  have  sent  you  one. 
*  *  *  Vizt.  Mem'd  for  ^Mr.  Eskridge  &:c. 
T  am  Yr.  Servant 

Thos.  Jones" 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  261 

MR.  ROBERT  JONES  OE  ELEET'S  BAY,  NORTHUMBER- 
LAND COUNTY,  AND  SOME  OF  HIS  DESCENDANTS. 

^/.jrv.\  'V'-  ''  (Continued  from  Page  202.) 

Capt.  \Vm.  Jones  was  pro.  about  sixty  years  old,  when  he 
died,  had  served  as  burgess,  high  sheriff  and  justice  of  the 
County  Court. 

He  had  ra.  ist.,  probably  a  dau.  of  Jas.  Johnson,  and,  sec- 
ond, Margaret  Pinckard  dau.  of  Capt.  Jno.  Pinckard,  of  Lan- 
caster Co. 

He  seems  to  have  left  no  will,  and  no  doubt  divided  his  es- 
tate among  his  children,  though  there  is  recorded  but  one  deed 
of  gift  to  his  son  \Vm.,  Jr. 

10.  \Vm.^  Jones,  Jr.  (Capt.  \Vm.,=  Robert,^)  m.  Leanna  Lee 
dau.  of  Chas.  Lee,  about  1703.  Other  children  of  Capt.  Wm." 
Jones  were  probably  (11)  Robert,  (12)  Johnson,  and  (13)  Ann 
whom  m  Nov.  i,  17 18,  \Vm.  Fleet  of  Lane.  Co.,  with  Geo  Wale 
security. 

1706,  No.  19,  (2)  Capt.  Wm.  Jones  gave  his  son  (10)  Wm. 
Jones  a  deed  for  245  a.  of  land,  and  in  1707  Wm  Jones,  Jr., 
brought  suit  against  Geo  Pickering  for  divers  trespasses  com- 
mitted by  sd.  Pickering  on  his  land  in  St  Stephen's  parish,  which 
land  had  been  granted  by  the  Proprietors  of  the  Northern  Neck, 
April  3,  1706,  to  Capt.  Wm.  Jones, 

Wm.  Jones,  Jr.,  as  his  father's  administrator,  fell  heir  to 
many  law  suits.  He  seems  to  have  lived  in  St.  Stephen's  parish 
for  several  years  at  least  and  a  number  of  his  children  wer^ 
born  then. 

On  May  17,  1710,  W"m.  Jones,  gent.,  and  his  uncle  Maurice 
Jones  were  sworn  Justices. 

June  22,  1710.  Francis  Willis  brought  suit  against  Wm. 
Jones,  and  on  June  23,  the  old  suit  of  John  Tarpley,  &  his  wife 
Elizabeth,  executrix  of  Wm.  Bruce,  was  revived 


262  William  and  Mary  Quarteklv 

July  20,  upon  the  petition  of  Mrs.  Sarah  Lee,  widow  of  Han- 
cock Lee,  Rohert  Carter,  Jno.  Howson,  Jno.  Ingram,  and  Wm. 
Jones  were  appointed  to  divide  the  estate. 

Nov.  21,  1711,  (10)  Wm.  Jones  Gent  was  atty.  for  Richd.  Lee. 
esq. 

July  15,  172.1  Crpt.  WuL  Jones  this  day  took  the  oaths  ap- 
pointed by  the  late  militia  law. 

1728  April  17.  Upon  petition  of  Wm.  Jones,  in  behalf  of 
his  son  Chas.  Jones, — Lewis  ap  Lewis  Lewis  to  be  summonded 
to  answer  sd.  petition,  and  that  Mary  Johnson,  Winifred  Jones 
and  Jane  Lampkin,  be  summonded  as  evidences  for  sd.  Chas. 
Jones. 

,  The  will  of  Capt.  Wm.  Jones  was  dat.  Nov  25,  1740. — pro. 
May  II,  174 1,  names  v.-ife— daus.  Elizabeth  Bell,  Leana  Jones, 
Ann  Jones,  son  William,  granddau.  Ann  Jones,  Rev.  John  Bell. 

Children  of  Capt.  Wm.  Jones  and  Leana^  (Lee)  Jones  (dau. 
Chas."  Lee,  Richard'  Lee)  from  will  and  St.  Stephens'  Parish 
register: 

I  "Elizabeth^  Jones,  dau.  to  WnL,^  b.  Aug.  21,  1707,  nL  Rev. 
John  Bell. 

2  Charles  Jones,  son  to  Wm.,  b.  July  17,  1710,  d.  before  Jan. 
9,  1738,  m.,  probably,  about  1736  Elizabeth  Pleath,  dau.  of  Sam- 
uel Heath.  They  had  one  child  /Vnn,  who  m.  Walter  Jameson, 
attorney. 

3  Jemima  Jones,  dau.  to  Wul,  b.  July  26,  1720. 

4  William  Jones,  son  to  Wm.,  b.  May  12,  1723;  d.  before 
-  1749.     AL  ]\Iary  had  son  Charles. 

5  Leanna,  m.,  after  1740,  Chas.  Lee;  will  dated  Jan.  24,  1761, 
proved  Aug.  10,  I7rii.  Names  sister  Ann  Cottrell  (wife  of  Thos. 
Cottrell),  names  her  nephews  Chas.  Jones.  James  Bell,  Samuel 
Heath  Jameson  (great  nephews),  son-in-law  Chas.  Lee,  dec'd  son 
Thos.  Lee.  niece  Mary  Burnley,  cousin  Margaret  Pinckard. 
(Her  grand  niuther  was  ^Margaret  I'inckard  Jones) 


William  and  AIarv  Quakteklv  263 

6  Ann  Jones  m.  1st  W^m  Nclnis.  had  Wm.,  ni.  2nd,  Thos 
Cottrell. 

The  will  of  Leaniia"  (Lee)  Jones  (Chas.-  Richard*)  was 
dated  Feb.  28  1750,  pro.  1760.  Names  dau.  Leanna  Lee,  grand- 
son Wm   Xelms. 

II.  Robert^  Jones  (Capt.  Wm.,-  Robert*) 

This  Robert  Jones  m.  Elizabeth  I'rereton  prior  to  1716. 

1718,  June  18.  Petition  of  Robert  Jones  and  Elizabeth,  his 
wife,  for  a  commission  of  administration  on  the  estate  of  Thos. 
Brereton,  the  younger,  Elizabeth  next  of  kin  to  llios.  Brereton. 

Children  (St.  Stephen's  Parish  register): 

Brereton  Jones,  son  to  Robert  b.  Jan.  4,  1716 

Betty  Jones,  dau.  to  Robert  b.  Jan.  9,  1718 

Robert  Jones,  son  to  Robert  b.  Jan.  26,  1721 

Wm.  and  Thomas  Jones,  sons  to  Robert  b.  Oct.  15,  1723 

3.  Samuel-  Jones  (Robert*)  b.  circa.  1662,  d.  Oct.  1697 

Samuel  Jones  is  mentioned  second  in  his  father's  will.  Mis 
appearances  in  the  county  records  are  infrequent.  In  16S4,  he 
was  sued  by  Henry  JJond,  so  had  no  doubt  recently  attained  his 
majority.  On  June  21,  1693,  Mr.  Wm.  Bruce  brought  suit 
against  him,  which  was  continued  on  Aug.  16,  1700  by  John 
Tarpley  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  administrators  of  Wm.  Bruce, 
against  Capt.  Wm.  Jones,  administrator  of  ^Ir.   Samuel  Jones. 

This  is  an  instance  of  the  persistence  with  which  cases  in- 
volving property  rights  were  continued. 

On  May  22,  1729,  Capt.  Maurice-  Jones,  the  only  sur- 
viving son  of  the  first  Robert*  Jones  was  sued  by  John  Tar- 
pley, Jr..  and  Chas.  Jones,  pro.  the  son  of  Capt  Maurice,  was 
sued  1733  for  the  estate  of  Wm.  Bruce. 

On  March  21.  1694  Capt.  Wm.  Jones,  Mr.  Samuel  Jones,  and 
Mr.  Robert  Jones  join  in  a  complaint  against  Mr.  Jno.  Eustace, 
their  cousin,  for  divers  trespasses. 

Mr.  Samuel  Jones  died  Oct.,  1697,  and  his  brother  Capt. 
Wm.  was  appointed  administrator.     He  possibly  left  a  wife  ansi 


264  William  and  IMarv  Quarterly 

daughters,  but  no  sons,  and  there  was  much  litigation  over  the 
disposal  of  his  estate,  which  according  to  the  will  of  his  father 
should  revert  to  Maurice  Jones. 

4.  Robert"  Jones  (RobertM  was  born  16G —  d.  1703;  m.,  first, 

probabl)' W'addy.    dau.    ]\Ir.    Jas.    W^addy ;    m.    second, 

Sarah,  widow  of  Thos.  Salisbury,  and  dau.  of  Cliristopher 
Garlington,  before  169S.  His  will  was  probated  May  19,  1703, 
by  his  brother  Capt.  Jvlaurice  Jones. 

Aug.  19,  1703,  Sarah  Jones,  widow  of  Mr.  Robert  Jones, 
confirms  patent  of  s'd  Jones,  and  the  sd  Sarah  his  then  wife,  made 
Aug.  17,  1698,  to  Mr.  James  Waddy,  she  being  then  under  age. 
In  17 12,  Mr.  James  Waddy,  administrator  of  Wm.  Jones, 
brought  suit  against  Mr.  Wm.  Jones,  and  the  court  ordered  the 
evidence  of  Mrs.  Tvlargaret  Jones,  (widow  of  Capt.  Wm.)  be 
taken. 

June  22,  1704,  yiv.  John  Carnegie  sued  Wm  Jones,  prob.  the 
son  of  Robert,  as  he  soon  after  brought  suit  vs.  Capt  Maurice 
Jones,  th.e  executor  of  Robert,  for  rent  for  a  plantation.  Sarah, 
the  administratrix  of  Thos.  Salisbury,  had  released  land  to  Mr. 
Thos  Fcrne,  step-father  to  Thos.  Salisbury  &  Winifred  Hughlett. 

Mr.  John  Carnegie  m.  first,  Winifred  Hughlett,  afterward 
Elizabeth  Ball,  dau.  Col.  Joseph  Ball. 

The  will  of  Christo.  Garlington  was  dat.  May  18,  1709,  but 
burned  with  the  records.  At  the  request  of  ^Margaret  Garlington, 
the  widow,  Capt.  JNIaurice,  who  wrote  the  original  will,  furnished 
a  traiiScript  of  it,  and  this  will  was  again  recorded  Aug.  18,  1714, 
Christo.  Garlington  mentions,  among  others,  his  dau.  Sarah  Jones 

(widow  of  Robert)  and  his  brotlur  ^vlauricc  Jones.  The  writer 
believes  that  Margaret,  wife  of  Christo.  Garlington,  was  a  sister 

of  Maurice  Jones.     Later  records  are  corroborative  of  this. 

The  will  of  Sarah  Jones,  relict  of  Robert  Jones,  was  dated 
Jan  26,  1720.  She  divided  her  estate  between  her  son  Maurice 
Jones  "to  be  under  the  care  of  her  brother  Christopher  Garling- 
ton, until  he  reaches  the  age  of  iS",  and  her  son-in-law  Thos. 
Heath. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  265 

Maurice  Jones  died  unmarried   in  ,  and  left  his  whole 

estate  to  his  siner  Winifred  Heath  and  her  children,  Wm.,  John, 
Mary  and  Betty  Heath. 

4.  Robert-  Jones. 

Winifred  (Jones)  Heath  m.  2nd  Geo.  Oldham.  Her  dau. 
Betty  Heath  m.  Roger  Winter. 

John  Heath  m.  first  Mary  Waddy.  He  was  a  prominent  man 
in  North'd  co.,  and  his  descendants  have  been  prominent  in  the 
affairs  of  the  nation.  Hcathsville,  the  county  scat  of  Northum- 
berland Co.,  was  named  in  honor  of  the  son  of  John  Heath. 

4  Robert-  Jones   (Robert^   then  had 

II  Robert",  12,  WiUiam,  13  Winifred,  14  Maurice;  and  doubt- 
less others. 

II.  Robert^  (Robert",  Robert^  b.  before  169S,  d.  1750,  will  pro. 
Jan  14,  1751.  He  m.  ist  Elizabeth,  widow  of  Jeffrey  Gooch, 
2nd.  about   1741   Elizabeth,  widow  of  Thos.  Taylor. 

He  was  inspector,  justice  for  many  years  and  May  11,  1741 
was  sworn  hii,di  sheriff.  He  was  captain  of  the  County  militia 
and  resided  in  Wicomico  parish. 

June  12,  1739.  Col.  Philip  Smith  and  Capt.  Robert  Jones  took 
oaths  appointed  for  officers  of  militia. 

Feb.  II,  1740.  John  Berry  sued  him  for  his  wife's  part  of 
Jeffrey  Gooch's  estate. 

Oct.  II,  1742.   In  the  difference  between  Spencer  Ball,  admin. 
of   Mrs.   Judith   Jones,   on   behalf   of   his   children,   vs.    Zachary 
Taylor,  of  Orange  Co.,  guardian  of  John  Jones,  orphan  of  Swan,' 
the   estate   was   divided   by    Robert    Berry,    Robert   Jones,    Thos 
Berry  and  Christopher  Garlington. 

Sept.  10.  1744.  John  Berry  and  Ann  his  wife,  Wm  Berry  & 
Grace,  his  wife,  coh.eirs  of  Jeffrey  Gooch  dec'd.,  with  the  consent 
of  Robert  Jones,  who  m.  Elizabeth,  the  widow  of  Jeffrey,  ask  for  a 
division  of  the  estate.  Capt  Robert  Jones's  will  was  dated  Aug 
27,  1749;  names  son  Hezekiah,  daus.  Elizabeth,  Sarah  Ann,  and 
Margery. 


266  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Capt  Maurici-:  Jones^  of  Fleet's  Bay,  Nortii'd  Co. 

5.  Maurice-    (Robert^  Jones) 

Maurice  Jones  first  aj^j^ears  in  the  Northumberland  Co.  re- 
cords. Feb.  16,  i(^H)S,  when  he  "entered  a  caveatt  that  no  ad- 
ministration be  granted  on  the  estate  of  Mr.  Samuel  Jones  until 
reasons  are  assigned." 

His  godfather,  Mr.  John  Cossens,  in  his  will  pro.  by  Lt.  Col. 
Jno  Carter  Feb.  3,  1764,  had  given  him  a  '"competent  seat  of 
land,"  and  lie  may  have  resided  in  another  county. 

I  have  found  no  trace  of  the  Cossens'  seat  of  land  in  the 
North'd  records. 

Maurice  Jones  was  the  youngest  son  of  Mr.  Robert  Jones  and 

his  wife  ^Martha.     He  was  b.  166 ;  d.  before  April  13,  1733. 

He  m.  probably,  second,  Judith  .Swan,  dau.  of  Capt  Alexander 
Swan.  Capt  Thos  Pinckard  m.  Margaret,  a  sister  of  Judith 
Swan.  Capi.  Jno.  Eustace  in  his  will  dated  Dec  23,  i/Oi  be- 
queathed to  Maurice  Jones,  Thos.  Pinckard  and  his  wife  ^lar- 
garet,  each  mourning  rings. 

May  19,  1703  ;  Maurice  Jones  probated  the  will  of  his  brother 
Robert  Jones,  of  which  he  was  executor. 

Mch.     ,  1706;  Capt  Maurice  Jones  tliis  day  sworn  a  Justice. 

Jan  19,  1709;  the  suit  vs.  his  brother  Capt.  Wm  Jones,  admin- 
istrator of  the  estate  of  ]Mr.  Samuel  Jones,  who  died  without  male 
issue,  and  by  the  provision  of  his  father's  will  in  such  case  was  to 
revert  to  Maurice  terminated  favorably  to  him. 

June  15,  1709;  Maurice  Jones  was  sworn  high  sheriff. 

July  20,  1709.  Upon  the  petition  of  Madam  Sarah  Lee,  he 
was  appted.  one  of  the  appraisers  of  Mr.  Hancock  Lee's  estate. 

May  17,  1710.  He  was  again  sworn  justice,  and  in  June  high 
sheriff. 

Aug.  16,  1716.  Indian  John,  belonging  to  Wicomico  Indian 
Town,  was  charged  with  burning  two  dwellings  belonging  to 
Capt.   Maurice  Jones.     This  record  shows  that  for  nearly  tliree 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  267 

quarters  of  a  century  the  Wicomico  Indians  hacj  lived  contin- 
uously in  a  village  of  their  own  in  North'd  Co.  What  became 
of  these  Indians  eventually  would  make  an  interesting  contribu- 
tion  to  American  history. 

June  17,  1719.  Upon  the  motion  of  Elizabeth  Taptico,  wife  of 
Wm  Taptico,  one  of  the  chief  men  of  the  Indian  Townc,  Capt 
Maurice  Jones  was  app'ted  one  of  the  appraisers  of  the  estate  of 
the  sd.  William  Taptico. 

Dec.  20,  1 72 1.  Capt  Maurice  Jones  probated  the  will  of  Thomas 
Sandlford  (This  name  was  also  spelled  Sandford  and  Sanford). 
This  will  was  dated  Sept.  21,  1721  and  recites,  *T  Thomas  Sandi- 
ford  living  att  Maurice  Jones  att  Fleet's  Bay  in  North'd  Co." 
names  Swann  Jones,  Mrs  Judith  Jones  (wife  of  Capt  Maurice) 
Judith  Jones  Jr.,  Betty  Smith,  his  father  Mr.  (Dr.)  Thos.  Sandi- 
ford  and  Capt.  Maurice  Jones. 

James  Sanford,  of  Richmond  Co.,  in  his  will  probated  there 
Nov.  2,  1700  (Wm.  &  Mary  Ql'AR.)  names  his  grandson  Thomas 
Sandford  and  leaves  a  legacy  to  Sanford  Jones.  Sanford  Jones 
was  a  son  of  Edward  Jones  (will  pro.  1715),  who  names  his  sons 
Sanford,  Edward  and  Chas.,  and  dau.  Alicia  Payne.  Raleigh 
Travers,  will  Feb.  20,  1701,  leaves  legacies  to  Samuel  &  Mrs. 
Peachy,  and  Edward  Jones.  Mary  Peachey's  will,  1713,  names 
her  daus.  Mary  Tarpley  and  Eli/.  Jones.  These  will  are  all 
from  Richmond  Co.,  and  they  unfold  genealogical  problems  not 
yet  worked  out. 

At  the  same  time  that  Capt  Maurice  Jones  presented  tlie 
will  of  Thomas  Sandiford  for  probate,  he  made  a  deed  for  land 
to  Dr.  Thos.  Thornton, — Mrs.  Judith  Jones,  his  wife,  relinquished 
her  dower  rights  by  her  atty.  Mr.  Richard  Lee. 

Jan. -18,  1727.  Upon  the  motion  of  Richard  Lee,  Charles  Jones 
took  the  oath  as  deputy  clerk  of  North'd  Co. 

On  the  same  day  Capt.  Maurice  Jones,  Mr.  Wm.  Jones,  Capt. 
Chas.  Lee  and  Mr.  Wm.  Eustace  were  appointed  to  divide  the 
estate  of  Mr.  Hancock  Lee  dcc'd,  he  had  died  in  1709,  between 
Elizabeth  Lee  and  the  rest  of  the  orf)hans. 


268  William  and  Mary  Ouarti:rly 

Mch  19,  1729.  John  Tarpley  brought  suit  against  Capt.  Morris 
Jones.  Dr.  \Vm.  Bruce  bad  first  brought  suit  vs.  Sanil.  Jones 
Jan  21,  1696.  It  was  afterwards  continued  against  Capt.  Wm. 
Jones  by  Jno.  &  Eliz.  Tarpley,  adnis.  of  Wm.  Bruce. 

]\Iay  22,   1729,  John  Tarpley,  Jr.   Gent.,  continues  the  suit. 

April  18,  1733.  The  will  of  Capt  Maurice  Jones  was  presented 
for  probate  by  his  widow,  Mrs.  Judith  Jones.  Mr.  Swann  Jones, 
and  Spencer  Ball  executors. 

Unfortunately,  the  will  books  of  this  time  are  missing,  so  that 
the  provisions  of  the  will  are  gleaned  only  in  part  from  the 
meagre  items  of  the  Order  Books.  As  was  often  the  case,  Capt. 
Jones  may  have  provided  for  his  older  children  before  his  mar- 
riage with  Judith  Swann.  It  is  hardly  possible  that  Swann  was 
his  eldest  son. 

When  the  v.ill  was  probated,  and  probably  from  a  provision 
of  the  will,  a  deed  of  lease  and  relcai^e  to  100  acres  of  land  in 
Wicomico  Parish  was  made  to  Wm.  Garlington,  perhaps  a 
nephew  of  Capt.  Jones.  Power  of  atty.  from  Mrs.  Elizabeth 
Jones,  wife  of  Swan  Jones,  was  given  to  Charles  Jones  and 
proved  by  Mrs  Judith  Jones  &  Spencer  Ball.  Mrs  Judith  Jones 
relinquished  lier  right  of  dower  in  this  100  acres,  and  Mr.  Charles 
Jones,  atty.  for  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Swann  in  her  behalf,  relin- 
quished her  right  of  dower  in  sd.  land. 

Mrs.  Judith  Jones,  widow  of  Capt  ^Maurice,  died  1742. 

April  13,  1742,  Spencer  Ball  petitioned  for  administration 
upon  her  estate  in  bel^alf  of  his  four  children,  Judith,  Mattrom, 
Betty  and  William  Ball. 

May  10,  1742,  Spencer  Ball  agreed  to  surrender  certain  prop- 
erty to  Zachary  Taylor  gent,  of  Orange  Co,  present  husband  of 
Elizabeth,  the  mother  of  John  Jones  and  orphan  of  Swan  Jones, 
gent.,  deed. 

From  the  records  the  children  of  Capt.  Morris  Jones  probably 
were : 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  269 

15  Chas.,  b.  before  1700,  cl.  1759  m.,  first,  Elizabeth  (possibly 
Lee),  second,  Mary  Lampkin,  widow  of  Theo  (?)  Lanipkin,  six 
children. 

16  Swann,  b.  after  1700,  d.  before  17.12,  m.  Elizabeth,  who 
in.,  second,  Zachary  Taylor  of  Orange  Co.     Child,  John  Jones. 

17  Betty,  m.  Smith,  before  172 1. 

18  Judith,  b.  171 — ,  m.  Spencer  Ball;  children:  (a)  Judith  b. 
1730,  died  April  30  1759;  m.  Jan  17,  1750  John  Cralle.  (b) 
Mattrom  (c)  Betty  ni  William  Roane,  had  Spencer  &  Thomas 
(d)  William.     Eor  further  account  see  Haydcn's  Goicalogics. 

15  Mr.  Chas.  Jones,  Sr.  (Capt  Maurice,^  Robert^)  born  pro. 
before  1700,  d.  1755,  m.  ist,  Elizabeth,  2nd,  Mary  Lamiikin, 
widow. 

Capt.  Maurice  Jones'  will  is  missing,  but  various  records 
-make  it  seem  probable  that  Chas.  Jones,  Sr.  was  his  son.  Chas. 
Jones,  Jr.,  son  of  William  and  Leanna  (Lee)  Jones  was  born  in 
St.  Stephen's  Parish  in  Jul}-,  1710,  and  died  before  1739,  leaving 
one  child,  an  infant  dau.,  Ann,  named  in  her  grandfather's  will. 
1741 

The  following  notes  relate  to  Chas  Jones  (senior) 

On  Jan.  18,  1727,  upon  the  motion  of  Richard  Lee,  Charles 
Jones  took  the  oath  as  deputy  clerk  of  this  county.  On  the  same 
day  Capt.  Maurice  Jones.  ]\Ir.  Wm.  Jones,  Capt  Chas.  Lee  and 
Mr.  Wm.  Eustace  were  appointed  to  divide  the  estate  of  Mr. 
Hancock  Lee  dec'd,  between  Elizabeth  Lee  and  the  rest  of  the 
orphans.  This  same  group  of  appraisers  were  apjiointed  upon 
the  motion  of  Hancock  Lee,  orphan  of  Hancock  Lee,  to  allot  him 
his  estate,  Mch.  19,  1729. 

1731,  Mch.  17.  Power  of  Atty,  from  Lucy  Baker  to  Chas. 
Jones  to  make  deed  to  land  from  the  s'd  Lucy  to  Andrew  Chilton, 
witness,  Geo.  Ingram  and  John  Bash  ford. 

1733  Mch.  15.  Power  of  atty.  from  Lucy  Baker  to  Chas. 
Jones  proved  by  Geo.  Ingram  and  Wm.  Bell.  Chas.  Jones,  atty. 
for  sd.   Lucy,   to  make  deed   to  Wm.   Garlington.      Christopher 


270  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Garlington  and  wife  Margaret  made  deed  to  land  to  Capt. 
Maurice  Jones  July  17,  1706,  which  seems  to  have  some  refer- 
ence to  this  release. 

1733-  Julv  18.  The  will  of  Capt.  Maurice  Jones  presented  by 
Mrs.  Judith' Jones,  widow,  Mr.  Swan  Jones  and  Spencer  Ball 
executors. 

Mrs.  Elizabeth  Jones,  the  wife  of  Swann  Jones,  gives  power 
of  atty.  to  Chas.  Jones  to  relinquish  her  right  of  dower  in  a  hun- 
dred acres  of  land,  made  over  to  Wm.  Garlington  in  Wicomico 
parish  by  her  husband  Swan  Jones.  Mrs.  Judith  Jones,  widow  of 
Capt  :^Iaurice  Jones,  relinquishes  her  right  of  dower  in  this  land, 
which  was  probaly  given  back  to  Wm.  Garlington  by  a  provision 
in  Capt.  Jones'  will. 

I7U  ^lay  15.  The  will  of  Maj.  Chas.  Lee  was  presented  for 
probate  by  his  widow,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  (Pinckard)  Lee.  Capt 
Thos.  Pinckard,  the  father  of  :^Irs.  Lee,  his  brother  Richard  Lee, 
and  i\Ir.  Charle?  Jones,  were  the  executors. 

Eli::abcih  Jones  gave  power  of  atty.  to  Mr.  Richard  Lee, 
which  was  proved  by  Mattliew  Quelle  and  Chas.  Jones. 

The  inventory  of  ^laj.  Lee's  estate  was  presented  Nov.  21, 
1734,  by  Richard  Lee  and  Chas.  Jones. 

1736,  Mch.  17.  Upr^n  the  petition  of  Mr.  Chas.  Jones,  one  of 
the  exec,  of  the  late  :^Iaj.  Chas.  Lee,  for  a  division  of  s'd  de- 
ceased's estate,  ordered  that  Elizabeth  and  Mary  Lee  be  assigned 
their  parts  of  same.  (A  woman's  sliare  of  her  father's  estate 
was  sometimes  assigned  under  her  maiden  name.) 

The  will  of  Mr.  Chas.  Jones  was  dated  Sept.  20,  1754;  P^o. 
May  12,  1759.  He  names  his  sons  William,  Robert,  John,  Mor- 
ton and'whittv  Jones:  his  dau.  Mary  Ann  Jones  and  his  "loving 
wife  !^Liry."  'The  witnesses  were  John  Cralle  and  Susannah 
Stanley.  The  will  provided  that  his  estate  should  be  equally 
divided  between  his  dau.  Mary  Ann  and  his  wife  Mary,  whom 
he  pro.  had  recently  married,  when  his  dau.  should  come  of  age  or 
marry.  At  the  death  of  his  wife  his  entire  estate  devised  to  her 
returned  to  his  daughter  Mary  -Ann. 


William  and  Mary  Ql'arterly  271 

Will  Jones,  son  of  Chas.  m.  Ann,  and  had  according:  to  St. 
Stephen's  Parlfh  reg.  Chas.  Jones  b.  Sept  19.  i755-  Swann  Jones 
b.  Oct  5,  1759.  In  the  fust  census  of  Va.  there  is  a  Whittey 
Jones  in  Nansemond  Co..  mentioned  in  Capts.  Sumner's,  Hol- 
land's and  Dardcn's  companies  of  militia,  but  I  have  no  record  of 
him  in  Northumberland  Co. 

Mary  Ann  Jones,  dau.  of  Chas.,  m.  about  1758  George 
Dameron,  great-grandson  of  Mr.  Lawrence  Dameron. 

The  children  of  George  and  Mary  Ann  (Jones)  Dameron 
were,  (i)  George  Washington  (2)  Thomas  (3)  Alice  (4)  Robert 
Jones  Dameron. 

Geo  W.  Dameron,  d.  unmarried.  Thomas  Dameron  m.  about 
1790  Elizabeth  (tradition  says  Elizabeth  Willis)  and  had  (i) 
Mary  Ann  b.  1791,  d.  June,  1862;  m.  about  1821  Isaac  Brent. 

(2)  Willis  Dameron  b.  in  1794:  cl  1834.  Probably  lived  in 
Georgia. 

(3)  Margaret  Sarah  Dameron,  b.  in  179S:  d.  Dec.  7,  1839 
m.  Lawrence  Haynie  in  Northumberland  Co.,  Va.,  Sept.  14th, 
1831. 

(4)  Elizabeth,  d.  unmarried. 

Alice  Dameron,  dau.  of  George  &  Mary  Ann  (Jones) 
Dameron,  m.  May  12,  1794  Capt  Wm.  Giddings,  aiid  had  Geo. 
Dameron  Giddings,  John,  .Mary  Ann  Jones  Giddings.  and  Sarah 
Giddings. 

Robert  Jones  Dameron,  youngest  child  of  Geo.  &  Mary 
Ann  Dameron,  m.  Alice  Chinn  Shearman,  dau  Thomas  and  Ann 
Shearman. 

[Any  additional  information  will  be  appreciated.] 


272  WiM.iAM  AND  Mary  Quarterly 

NOTES  FROM  THE  RECORDS  OF  YORK  COUNTY 

(Continued  from  Page  213.) 

Whereas  ffrancis  Wheeler  of  London,  Merchant  being  now 
bound  a  voyage  to  Virginia  in  the  good  ship  the  Honor  of  Lon- 
don whereof  Capt.  Thomas  Harrison  is  M""  &  whereas  y"  s* 
ffrancis  and  M="  John  White  of  London  Grocer  doe  send  by  y*  s** 
sliipp  divers  goods  &  marcliandizes  packed  toyeyer  as  by  y^  bills 
of  invoyces  yereof  is  signified  and  alsoe  servants  whereof  one 
of  yem  is  y°  servant  of  s"^  John  White.  And  whereas  the  s** 
ffrancis  Wheeler  may  happ  to  dye  in  y*  s*^  voyage,  now  yerefore 
yey  the  s'^  ffrancis  Wheeler  &  John  White  doe  by  ycse  p'"sents 
assigne  auyorize  &:  appoynt  Anyony  Stanford  factor  for  W™ 
Allen  marchant  in  case  y*"  s*^  ffrancis  Wheeler  dy  to  be  yere  attor: 
factor  &  deputy  to  unlade  y^  s"^  goods  &  marchandize  when  yey 
come  to  \^irgiiiia  &  to  traficke  with  &  dispose  of  y*  same  toyeyer 
with  y^  servants  affores'^  &  to  shippe  &  rcturne  y"  pduce  &  traf- 
ficke  yereof  to  London  to  be  consigned  to  y^  s*^  John  White 
for  &  to  y"  use  of  him  y^  s'^  John  White  &  ffr  Wheeler,  there 
exec"  S:  assignes  respectively  and  alsoe  to  demande  &  geyer  upp 
all  debts  due  y^  s'^  'M'^  John  White  and  to  give  &  make  acquit- 
tances for  y'^  same.  And  so  doe  all  yings  ells  needful  about  y® 
prmises  as  fully  &  effectually  as  if  y"  s*^  ffr  Wheeler  doe  live  and 
weare  yere  psonally  present  all  wch  y*"  s'^  ffr  Wheeler  &  John 
White  doe  hereby  ratifie  &  confirme,  given  under  yere  bans  & 
seales  dated  at  London  yis  16  day  of  Sept  1646. 

'  ffr  Wheeler,  ye  scale 

John  White,  ye  seale 
Sealed  and  deliv.  in  the  p''sence  of  John  Eldred,  ffrancis  Cooper, 

Att  a  Court  holden  for  the  County  of  Yorke  Co.  No  y*  30^, 
1647. 

Whereas  it  appearey  to  y^  Court  by  sufficient  p'ffe  that  James 
Pinor  servant  to  Capt.  William  Taylor  hay  scverall  tymes  ab- 
sented himselfe  from  his   M^  service  by  running  away  by  wch 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  273 

meanes  it  appcarey  vat  y^  s'^  Capt  Taylor  hay  been  much  damui- 
fitd  bv  y°  losso  of  many  of  his  catle  wch  wcare  committed  to  y* 
care  &  keeping  of  y^  s*^  Pinor.  This  Court  doy  yercfore  order 
that  y*  s''  James  Pinor  shall  according"  to  act  of  Assembly  in  such 
cases  p''vided  make  y^  s''  Capt.  William  Taylcr  satisfacon  lor  his 
absenting  himselfe  from  his  servis  in  running  away  by  serveing 
y^  s*^  Capt.  William  Taylor  one  compleat  yearc  after  he  is  free  by 
his  Indenture  or  oyer  Covenant. 

It  is  ordered  that  there  bee  levyed  in  yis  County  of  Yorke 
the  sume  of  scaventeene  thousand  five  hundred  &  sixty  pounds 
of  tob.  &  that  yere  be  pd  out  of  y"  same  these  sev'all  sumes  to  y* 
p'sons  herein  specified  as  followeth  by  the  sev'"all  collectors  ap- 
poynted  by  y^  s"^  Assembly  for  yis  County  whoe  are  authorized 
to  rcc.  the  same  viz* : 

To  pay  to  David  doehart  for  keeping  the  ferry  in  Hamp- 
ton p'ish  the  yeare  1647  the  sume  of  250 
To  Dictoris   Christmas   for  keeping  y*^   ferry   in   Xew   Po- 

quosin  0700 

To  John  Wilson  for  keeping  y'  ferry  at  Yorke  300 

To  Richard  Hopkins  for  his  boate  kept  for  ye  County  ser- 
vice 0300 
To  Hampton  P'ish  for  arrears  last  years  for  corne  to  y" 

ferryman  0900 

To  William  Blacklcy  for  killing  a  wolfe  according  to  act  0100 
To  Peeter  Riggby  for  killing  a  wolfe  according  to  act  0100 

To  Arthur  Price  for  Woodley  his  escape  0300 

To  Capt  Christopher  Calthroppe   for  arrears  of  his   Bur- 
gesses charges  0480 
To  Mr.  Robert  Vans  for  soc  much  ou""  charged  him  in  the 

Middle  Plantacion  servis  01^0 

T.  Mr.  Hugh  Gwinn  for  Smith  worke  &  accommodation  to 

prison^  iioo 

To  Capt  William  Taylor  for  his  Burgesses  Charges  300 

To  Mr.  Richard  Lee  for  his  Burgesses  charges  300 

To  Capt  John  Chisman  for  lockes  keyes  &  nayles   for  y- 

prison  laste  years  0150 

To  pvison  to  y  Collect'''  i59 


274  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

ffor  satistfacon  whereof  it  is  tlioup:ht  fitt  &  accordingly  ordered 
that  yere  be  levycd  upon  every  tytheable  p'son  in  yis  county 
twenty  pounds  of  tob  for  every  cowe  fower  pounds  of  tobacco 
for  every  horse  or  mare  twenty  seaven  pounds  of  tob  for  every 
hundred  Acres  of  huid,  &  for  every  goate  twoe  pounds  of  tob. 
And  for  discharge  of  payment  yereof  by  any  pson  in  yis  county 
the  sev^all  collect'"  are  hereby  authorized  to  distrayne  of  y'  estates 
of  such  delinquents  in  satisffacon  of  yere  dues  as  in  oyer  yere 
collections  yev  are  auyorized  by  virtue  of  an  act  of  Assembly  & 
to  discharge  y^  credit"  herein  nominated  by  such  yere  distresses 
as  is  expressed  in  y''  act  of  As'^embly  in  y"  like  kinde  whereby 
y^  County  may  be  discharged  yereof. 

Cornelius  Tanse  Eraser  of  Rotterdam,  marriner,  constitutes 
his  beloved  freind  M'  John  ^lerriman  ":Marchant  at  p'sent  at 
Rotterdam"  his  true  and  lawful  attorney  to  collect  debts  &c. 
August  1647. 

Cornelius  Starrman  of  Rotterdam  marriner  constitutes  his 
beloved  friend  M'  John  Merryman  &c  his  lawful  attorney. 

Robt:  Brock,  Currurgeon's  deed  to  Thomas  Bremo  and  Wil- 
liam Crouch  dated  23d  day  of  October  1647. 

Deed  of  Bernard  Miller  of  y^  Pish  of  Bartholomew  London 
and  inhabiting  in  Lond  (?)  lane  within  y'^  s'^  pish,  coleman,  ap- 
points his  loving  friend  Richard  Bryan  of  Ratcliffc  in  the  County 
of  Middlesex  Marriner  "his  true  and  lawful  attorney  &c,"  second 
day  of  Sept.  Ano.  do.  1647. 

Capt.  John  Chisman  of  the  New  Poquosin  Pish  gentleman 
release  to  John  Adison  last  day  of  December  An°  1647. 

"Thomas  Wallis  of  the  County  of  Warwick  river  in  Virginia, 
Doctor  in  Physic,"  "in  consideration  of  six  thousand  pounds  of 
tobacco,"  mortgages  one  Xegro  by  name  Sebastian,  one  Eng- 
lish boy  by  name  Xaihaniel  Chambers,  one  Indian  woman  by 
name  :Marian.  one  great  fTeather  bed,  boulster  &  pillow  one 
mattress  and  one  pillow  a  p.  of  Elanketts.  one  lesser  fifeather- 
bed  Bolster  &  Pillow  marked  with  L  one  white  Rugg  &  one 


William  and  Mary  Quartf.klv  275 

Blanket!  to  have  and  to  hold  unto  George  Ludlow  Esq. — 16th 
day  of  December  1647. 

I  Addam  Key,  cordewinder  of  Ratliffe,  doe  hereby  make  & 
ordain  constitute  appoynt  &  put  in  my  place  M""  Thomas  Harrison 
of  Ratlife  marriner  my  true  and  lawful  attorney,  &c.  to  aske, 
demand  and  leavy  &c.  of  John  Ilamor  or  any  one  that  is  indebted 
to  me  in  Virginia  all  such  some  or  somes  of  Tobacco,  hoggs  & 
Catle  &c.  the  4th  Sept.  1647. 

This  bill  bindeth  me  Richard  Bernard  of  Yorkc  in  Virginia- 
Gent  to  pay  or  cause  to  be  paid  unto  Capt  Thomas  Harrison  of 
Middlesex.  Gent,  or  his  assigns  for  the  use  of  the  children  of 
Will  Pryor  gent,  deceased  for  thirtic  fower  cowes,  yearlings  & 
calves  &  a  Boat  the  some  of  fower  score  &  one  pounds  of  law  full 
English  money  in  or  uppon  the  thirtieth  day  of  May  which  shall 
be  iii  the  year  of  our  Lord  1649  and  in  Case  the  sd  some  of 
Eightie  one  powndes  bee  not  payed  to  the  s'^  Thomas  Harrison 
or  hi 3  assignes  at  or  before  the  s'^  thirtieth  day  of  May  that  then 
this  Bill  bindeth  me  the  s'^  Richard  Bernard  my  executors,  ad- 
ministrators or  assignes  to  pay  Thomas  Harrison  or  Capt.  Thomas 
Harwood  or  their  Assignes  for  the  use  of  the  Children  of  M^ 
William  Pryor  deceased  sixteene  thousand  powndes  of  Good  <S: 
Marchantable  tobacco  without  Ground  leaves,  with  Caske,  on 
the  first  day  of  Xovem  which  shall  be  in  the  same  yearo  of  our 
lord  1649.  Given  under  my  hand  &  scale  the  thirdc  day  of  Jan- 
uary 1647. 

Richard  Bernard,  the  scale 

Signed,  sealed  and  delivered  in  the  p^sents  of  Philip  Thacker, 
John  Hartwell. 

A  court  holden  for  the  County  of  Yorke  January  24th  1647 
p^sent  Mr.  John  Chew,  Capt.  W™  Taylor,  Capt.  Ralph  Wormeley, 
M^  Richard  Lee,  M^  Henry  Lee.  The  Co^'  hath  made  choice  of 
George  Johnson  to  be  constable  in  the  place  and  limitts  of  Richard 
Vauson.  alsoe  of  Robert  Baldrcy  for  the  upper  pts  of  Yorke  Pish 
and  William  Tyman  for  the  lower  pte  of  the  said  Pish.  And 
Capt.  John  Chisman  is  desired  to  sweare  the  s^  Johnson,  Capt. 


276  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Nicholas  Martian  to  sweare  Robt.  Baldrey  and  Mr.  John  Chew 
to  sweare  William  Tynian  to  execute  yere  offices  in  yere  several! 
limitts. 

At  a  Court  holden  for  the  County  of  Yorke  January  24th 
1647.  A  suit  of  Jolin  Mcrryman  vs  Walter  Sensserfe  "M""  of 
the  shipp  King  David"  dismissed. 

An  order  that  Thomas  Broughton  who  undertook  to  answer 
for  a  debt  due  by  W'"  Knight  "at  the  request  of  Tho:  Wilson  M"" 
of  y*  shipp  desire,"  pay  the  same  to  Richard  Duning,  Assignee 
of  Luke  Davis  .Administrator  of  y^  estate  of  Edward  Clussell  to 
whom  the  debt  was  due. 

The  court  doy  order  that  M""  Lewis  Burwell  and  Richard 
Parrett  shall  appray^e  y"  estate  of  Capt.  Robt  Morrison  dec  and 
M""  Richard  Lee  is  desired  to  give  yem  y^  oayes  for  y^  same. 

An  Appraysement  of  the  goods  belonging  unto  y^  estate  of 
Rob^  Wilde  as  fiollowey  on  the  27th  of  Xo''.  1647 

lbs 
Imp''mis  3  barrells  &  halfe  &  one  bushell  of  corne_  0300 

Item  twoe  heifers  and  one  Cowe  Calfe  0700 

Item  one  old  flocke  bedd  and  boulster  0080 

Item  two  old  blanketts  ooSo 

Item  one  sheete  0040 

Item  one  old  coate  0040 

Item  one  old 
Item  one  old 
Item  one  pre  of 
Item  one'  old  shirte 
Item  4  yds  of  dutch 
Item  one  old  booke 
Item  one  old  drawing  knife 
Juraf  Coram 

Jaun ;  23th  1647 

ffr.  Willis 
The  Invoices  of  tob  and  debts  due  to  y' 
deceased  being  incerted  (?)  by  his  will  as  follows 
(Total  debt  due  from  various  persons  of  tobacco. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  2"]^ 

Susan  English's  deed  of  gift  of  cattle  to  her  children  Eliza- 
beth, William  and  Denis  English  "And  whereas  there  will  be 
charges  in  bring  upp  y^  afores''  Children  both  for  diett  cloathing 
and  schooling  I  desire  it  may  be  soc  entered  upon  record  in  y® 
court  booke  yat  whosoever  bring  upp  y'^  children  unto  y^  yeares 
of  discresion  with  all  yings  necessary  &  fitting  shall  have  the 
male  catle  for  soe  long  a  tynie  as  y^  children  be  with  }'em.  Wit- 
ness John  Chew,  Tho :  Dobbs. 

(To  be  continued) 


THE  F.  F.  V.'S  OF  VIRGINIA. 

Who  were  the  F.  F.  V.'s?  These  letters  are  interpreted  to 
stand  for  "The  First  Families  of  X'irginia."  They  obviously  had 
no  reference  to  the  early  settlers,  but  to  those  families  who  in 
colonial  times  were  socially  prominent  and  wealthy.  Perhaps 
the  best  test  of  such  families  w^as  representation  in  the  governor's 
office  or  in  the  colonial  council  v.'hose  membership  was  selected 
just   for  these  elements   in   life. 

All  the  families  represented  in  the  council  might  not  be  in- 
cluded, but  only  those  who  showed  a  continuity  of  importance  by 
great  and  continued  prominence  in  local  affairs  as  county  lieuten- 
ants or  colonels  of  the  county  militia. 

According  to  this  definition  I  submit  the  following  tentative 
list:  '  Allcrton.  Armistead,  Ballard,  Bassett,  Beale,  Berkeley.  Bev- 
erley, Blair,  Bland,  Bray,  Bridger,  Browne  of  "Four  l\Iile  Tree." 
Burwell,  Byrd,  Carter,  Cary,  Churchill,  Claiborne.  Corbin,  Cus- 
tis,  Cole,  Dawson,  Digges,  Eppes,  Farrar,  Fh^hjigh,  Fairfax. 
Gooch,  Grymes,  Harrison,  Jcnings  of  Ripon  Hall.  Kemp,  Lev.-is, 
Littleton,  Ludwell,  Lee,  Lightfoot.  Mathc}y^  Xelson,  Page, 
Perry,  Parke,  Randolph,  Robinson,  Scarborough,  Smith,  of 
Gloucester  Co.,  Spotsv.'ood,  Taylce.  Thorowgood.  ThcTrnton, 
Warner,  West,  Whiting,  Willoughby,  Willis,  \\'onr.eley,  Yardley. 


278  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

A  GRAMMAR  SCHOOL  BOY  AT  WILLIAM  AND  MARY 

COLLEGE. 

During  the  colonial  times  the  College  of  William  and  Mary  embraced 
I.  a  Grammar  School  for  scholars,  in  which  Latin  and  Greek  were  the 
main  studies.  It  had  four  classes;  II.  A  Philosophy  School,  in  which 
there  were  two  professors.  This  school  prepared  those  who  had  passed 
the  grammar  school  for  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts.  The  scholar 
became  a  student  and  assumed  the  cap  and  gown.  Under  the  College 
rules  of  June  24,  1727.  it  required  two  years  for  B.  A.,  but  latter  under 
those  of  1758.  it  required  four  years  for  that  degree;  III.  A  Diviiaty 
School.  Such  graduates  as  proposed  to  be  ministers  passed  on  to  the 
Divinity  School,  in  which  there  were  two  professors;  IV.  There  was,  m 
add;t;on,  an  elementary  school  for  Indian  children,  to  which  white  chil- 
dren of  Williamsburg  were  also  admitted. 

All  these  schools  were  represented  by  their  professors  in  the  Faculty, 
or,   as  it  was  then  called,   the  "Society." 

In  1779  the  College  curriculum  was  reformed  by  Mr.  Jefierson,  and 
with  the  view  of  the  making  the  College  the  State  University  he  caused 
the  Grammar,  Divinity  and  Indian  Schools  to  be  abolished  and  substituted 
departments  of  ^Vledicinc,   Law  and  Modern  Languages. 

The  department  of  Medicine  was  conducted  by  the  celebrated  Dr. 
James  McClurg,  but  was  discontinued  in  1783  when  he  removed  to  Rich- 
mond. It  was  the  second  school  of  its  kind  in  the  United  States.  The 
Law  School  continued  till  186 1.  It  was  the  first  in  the  United  States. 
The  School  of  Modern  Languages  was  also  the  first  of  its  kind.  It  has 
continued,   with   some   interruptions,   till  the   present   day. 

The  Grammar  School  was  revived  in  1791,  under  its  former  pro- 
fessor, John  Bracken,  assisted  by  Humphrey  Harwood,  and  in  I795  it 
had  fifty  or  sixty  boys  and  three  teachers.  It  appears  that  Bracken  was 
dignified  at  this  time  with  the  title  of  Professor  of  Humanity. 

Among  the  boys  in  179^  was  Henry  St.  George  Tucker, 
son  of  Judge  St.  George  Tucker,  who,  on  March  8,  1790,  was 
elected  to  succeed  George  Wythe,  as  professor  of  Law.  Henry  St. 
George  Tucker  was  born  December  29,  1780,  and  died  August 
28,  184!^.-  He  entere'!,  it  appears,  the  Grammar  Sch.ool  in  1792,  and 
graduated  B.  .-\.  July  4,  1709.  He  aUamed  great  distinction,  was  member 
of  Congress,  President  of  the  State  Supreme  Court  of  Appeals,  and  pro- 
fessor of  Law  at  the  University  of  Virginia,  at  the  time  of  his  death.  x\t 
the  same  time   his  brother,  Judge   Nathaniel   Beverley  Tucker,   was   pro- 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  279 

fcsior  of  Law  at  William  and  Mary  College.  They  were  half-brothers 
of  John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke.  John  Bracken,  master' of  the  Grammar 
School,  came  to  Virginia  from  England  in  1772,  and  was  made  minister 
of  Bruton  Church,  Williamsburg.  In  November,  1775,  he  qualified  as 
Master  of  the  Grammar  School  at  the  CoUtgc.  After  his  reinstatement 
in  i/gi,  he  continued  head  of  that  school  till  his  election  in  1812  as  tem- 
porary President  of  the  College  for  one  year.     lie  died  July  15,  1S18. 


Letters 

VV"'^burg,  Thursday  Evening,  Oct.  18 
Sir, 

I  am  informed  by  my  son  Harry  that  he  has  not  untill  this 
evening  been  called  up  to  say  a  lesson  since  Monday  evening  last. 
As  1  understand  he  is  at  present  immediately  under  you.  1  should 
be  much  obliged  to  you  to  inform  me  whether  such  an  omission 
of  duty  arises  from  accident  or  from  such  an  arrangement  of  the 
classes  as  to  render  it  probable  that  he  may  iti  future  receive  so 
small  a  porlion  of  your  attention,  only.  I  would  fain  flatter  myself 
the  latter  cannot  be  the  case,  but  as  I  am  unacquainted  with  the 
arrangements  of  the  Grammar  School  your  communications  on 
the  subject  would  much  oblige 
Sir: 
Your  most  obed'.  hble  Servant 

St.  Geo.  Tucker. 
The  reverend  M''  Bracken 
First  professor  of  Humanity 
in  \Vm  &  Mary  Colledge. 

Oct.   19,   1792 

Sir, 

The  omission  mentioned  in  your  Letter  has  been  occasioned 
by  a  variety  of  causes,  to  which  accident:  casual  inadvertence  & 
some  particular  circumstance  arising  from  the  accession  of  a  new 
class,  &  the  difl'ercnt  arrangement  of  another,  have  contributed. 
Yoii  will  observe  that,  on  Tuesday,  the  forenoon  only  is  assigned 
to  the  Granunar  School  &  the  Pres'  indulges  the  Boys  with  a 


28o  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Holiday  on  Wednesday.  Plence  it  inadvertently  escaped  me  on 
Thusday  morning  that  the  lowest  class  had  not  been  attended  to 
on  the  preceding  Tuesday 

I  am  Sir 

Your  most  obd'.  Serv* 

John  Bracken. 
[Addressed]  St.  George  Tucker,  Esq^ 

Williamsburg,  June,  1793 
My  dear  papa, 

I  now  sit  down  to  write  you  a  few  lines  to  show  you  my  filial 
affection,  and  at  the  same  time  to  let  you  know  how  we  all  are. 
Mama  has  given  Brother  Tudor  and  myself  leave  to  go  to  a  barbe- 
que  which  the  boys  are  to  have  at  college  on  Saturday,  and  more- 
over they  are  to  run  footraces.  I  have  often  wished  to  go  to 
many  places  with  the  boys,  but  have  said  to  myself,  Would  my 
papa  like  it?  Would  he  do  a  thing  his  papa  had  bid  him  not  to 
do?  And  by  asking  that  question  I  hardly  v/ant  to  go  anywhere 
with  them,  since  I  am  sure  you  do  it  only  for  our  good.  I  am  now 
reading  Cicero  which  though  very  hard  yet  it  is  very  pretty,  and  I 
am  also  reading  that  part  of  Virgil  where  the  Trojans  &  Rutuli 
are  engaged  in  battles:  on  the  Rutulian  side  because  Euryalus  and 
Nisus  two  youths  who  were  sent  to  Aeneas  slew  many  of  the 
Rutulian  chiefs:  who  being  enraged  slew  Euryalus,  and  Nisus 
slew  himself  seeing  his  friend  dead.  The  Rutuli  then  cut  off 
their  heads  and  set  them  on  long  spears  and  then  engaged  in 
battle. 

I  have  one  thing  now  to  tell  you,  and  that  is  that  poor  granny 
has  had  a  very  sore  eye  though  it  is  getting  better.  Adieu  my 
Dear  papa  and  believe  me  to  be  your  affectionate  and  dutiful  son. 

Henry  St.  George  Tucker. 

P.  S.     Excuse  this  foolish  scroll. 
[Addressed]  The  Hon'"" 

S'  George  Tucker  Esq"". 

Richmond. 


William  and  Mary  Quartl:rly  281 

MISCELLANEOUS  LETTERS. 
LiLLiA  Skipwitii  TO  Mrs.  Ravexscroft 

The  writer  of  this  letter,  Lillia  Skipwith,  was  the  daughter  of  Sir 
Peyton  Skipwith,  of  "PrestwouM,"  Mecklenburg  Co.,  Virginia  descended 
from  Sir  (iray  Skipwith,  who  emigrated  to  Virginia  from  Prestwould, 
Leicestershire,  England,  during  the  usurpation  of  Cornuvell.  Her  father 
married  two  sisters,  daughters  of  Hugh  Mdlcr  and  Jane  Boiling,  his 
wife — Anne  Miller,  born  March  13,  17-I2-3  and  Jane,  born  April  10.  1743, 
and  had  issue:  (i)  Lillia,  writer  of  the  above  letter,  married  ist.  George 
Carter,  issue:  Dr.  Charles  and  Mary  W.  who  married  Joseph  C.  Cabell; 
married,  second,  in  1791  Judge  St.  George  Tucker,  his  second  wife. 
(2)  Sir  Gray,  died  1852;  (3)  Peyton  married  Cornelia  Green;  (4)  Helen 
married  Tucker  Coles;  (5)  Selina  married  John  Cole-;  (6)  Horatio  died 
single:  (7)  Hamberstcne,  died  at  Prestwould,  Sept.,  1S63.  SlauglUer, 
History  of  Bristol  Parish.,  p.  227. 

The  handwriting  of  this  letter  is  remarkably  neat  and  gcod.  The 
writer  herself  was  distinguished  for  her  brilliancy  and  information.  Judge 
John  Tyler  complimented  her  by  comparing  her  to  the  celebrated  Madam 
Ann  Dacier,  daughter  of  Tanaquil  Faber,  who  was  born  at  Saumer  in 
1651    and    was    a    prodigy    of    learning. 

The  letter  is  addressed  to  "M'^  Ravenscroft,  Scotland.  To  the  parti- 
cular care  of  Lieu*  Heron  of  the  30'^  Reg'  or  Cap*^  J.  Murray,  Queen's 
Rangers."  Mrs.  Ravenscroft  was  Lillias  Mdler,  daughter  of  Hugh  Mdler, 
^and  aunt  of  the  writer  of  the  letter.  She  was  wife  of  Dr.  John  Ravenscroft, 
of  Petersburg,  who  studied  medicine  at  the  University  of  Edinburg  in 
1770.  Mrs.  Ravenscroft  married  2dly  Patrick  Stewart  of  Borness  and 
Cairn  =  more  in  Gallov.ay,  Scotland.  Notice  the  signature  of  the  !c:ter. 
Her  name  was  Lillii  Skipix.'ith,  not  Lillias  or  Lelia,  as  sometimes  repre- 
sented 

James  River  Virginia  Mar  16'^  17S1 

.When  I  inform  my  dear  Aunt  of  the  reasons  which  have 
obliged  me  to  so  long  a  silence  I  hope  she  will  not  accuse  me  of 
neglect  or  want  of  attention.  Believe  me  my  dear  Aunt  I  have 
for  a  long  time  most  ardently  wished  for  an  opportunity  of  letting 
you  know  that  your  Xiece,  tho'  almost  an  entire  stranger,  wants 
not  the  regard  and  respect  due  to  an  Aunt  and  the  Sister  of  a 
Mother  she  sincerely  loved.  Tho  total  step  put  to  an  intercourse 
between  this  and  the  ^Mother  Country  has  hitherto  prevented  me 
from  writing  and  this  which  1  now  embrace  is  the  first  oppor- 
tunity I  have  met  with  since  the  conmiencement  of  tliese  unhappy 
disputes. 


28j  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

Perhaps  my  dear  Aunt  you  have  not  yet  heard  of  the  irrepar- 
able loss  we  have  sustained,  and  you  must  either  remain  in  ignor- 
ance or  I  put  myself  to  the  pain  of  making  you  acquainted  with  it ; 
I  will  therefore  sacrifice  my  own  to  your  feelings,  and  inform  you 
that  last  September,  was  twelve  month  I  had  the  misfortune  to 
lose  the  best  of  Mothers.  I  doubt  not  my  dear  Aunt  will  sym- 
pathize with  me  on  the  unhappy  occasion,  an  occasion  1  must  for 
ever  regret.  I  liave  now  two  Brothers,  Gray,  &  Peyton,  and  a 
Sister  called  Maria.  The  tw^o  last  I  know  you  have  never  seen. 
iViaria  is  now  three  years  old,  and  I"'eyton  was  given  us  a  day 
before  my  Mamma's  death.  My  Papa  intends  obtaining  leave  of 
Congress  to  visit  Britain  &  will  wait  on  you  immediately  on  his 
arrival.  He  saw  ]\P.  Gordon  on  his  return  from  England  but 
could  learn  from  him  very  little  of  the  state  of  your  family.  With 
regard  to  my  other  Aunt,  whom  I  never  had  the  happiness  of 
seeing,  he  had  heard  nothing,  and  we  are  entirely  ignorant  of  her 
situation.  ]VIy  Uncle  Miller  still  continues  single  and  in  good 
health;  he  is  concerned  in  Merchandise,  and  takes  great  pleasure 
in  the  management  of  a  little  Farm  in  the  County  of  Mecklenburg. 
He  purposes  returning  to  1  Britain  as  soon  as  the  time  will  permit. 
I  am  also  in  the  pleasing  expectation  of  paying  you  a  visit  if 
peace  should  take  place  before  my  Papa's  departure,  as  he  has 
hinted  to  me  his  intention  of  carrying  me  with  hinu 

I  flatter  myself  my  dear  Aunt  will  one  day  favour  me  with  a 
letter  which  if  directed  to  the  care  of  Benjamin  Dean  Esq^  in 
Philadelphia  &:  sent  by  the  way  of  New  York  will  certainly  come 
to  hand. 

Please  to  present  my  love  joined  to  my  Papa's  Compliments  to 
my  Uncle  Aunt  &  Cousins  &  believe  me  to  be  most  sincerely. 
Dear  Madam, 
Your  affectionate  &  obedient  Niece 

Lillia  Skipvvith. 
M"  Ravenscroft 

Scotland 
To  the  particular  care  of 
Lieu'.  Heron  of  the  30*^. 

Reg^  or  Cap-.  T.  Murray 
Queen's  Rangers. 


William  and  Marv  Ouarti:rly  283 

En.   F.  Tayloe  to  Gov.  T.   \V.  Gilmer. 

The  writer  of  this  letter  was  a  son  of  Col.  Jolin  Tayloe,  of  "Mt. 
Airy,"  and  Anne  Ogle,  his  wife,  daughter  of  Benjamin  Ogle,  of  Mary- 
land, and  granddaughter  of  Gov.  Samuel  Ogle.  Col.  Tayloe  was  one 
of  the  wealthiest  men  in  America,  and  a  very  accomplished  gentleman 
and  his  homes  in  Virginia  and  Washington  were  famous  for  hospitality. 
His  son,  E.  F.  Tayloe,  resided  in  King  George  County,  Va.,  where  his 
residence,  a  fine  brick  house,  mounted  on  a  hill  overlooking  the  Rappa- 
hannock,   was    known    as    "Powhatan." 

Powhatan   Hill,    10"^   Oct.    1840. 

To  His  Ex'cy  Governor  Gilmer, 
Richmond. 

My  dear  Sir, 

I  do  not  feel  at  liberty  to  withhold  from  you  the  following 
extracts  from  a  letter,  which  I  for.nd  here  on  my  return  from 
Richmond.  It  is  from  my  brother,  D.  O.  Ta\ioe,  who  has  been 
for  several  weeks  past  in  tlie  neighborhood  of  Albany,  and  bears 
date  on  the  2"]^^  Sept.  He  wrote  me  with  the  earnest  hope  that 
it  might  reach  me  before  I  set  out  for  the  Convention  of  the  5'^'. 

It  will  suffice  to  furnish  you  the  information  without  any 
comment.  After  hearing  the  repeated  declarations  of  Mr:  Web- 
ster concerning  our  Southern  Rights,  and  knowing  that  tlie  mass 
of  the  Whig  Party  at  the  North  entertain  the  same  sentiments. 
we  cannot  doubt  whether  we  have  any  thing  to  fear  from  our 
Northern  political  allies  on  tliis  Abolition  Question — wh.ilst  the 
threats  of  our  opponents — Dallas,  Forsythe  &  the  \'an  P>uren 
press — that  if  the  South  do  not  support  \'an  P.uren,  it  must  not 
expect  the  aid  of  his  friends — make  it  certain  that  this  party  is 
not  to  be  trusted  on  this  nor  on  anv  other  subject.  They  will  do 
nothing  which  will  not  make  to  their  interest.  Put  I  preceed  to 
furnish  the  extracts.  The  letter  is  written  from  Troy  in  New 
York. 

"Yesterday,  the  Governor,  as  Com"",  in  Chief,  with  his  Military 
Staff,  was  here,  to  review  the  ?vlilitia.  Pefore  going  to  the  field. 
I  was  invited  to  meet  him  at  a  'collation.'     After  some  little  con- 


284  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

versation  on  the  politics  of  the  day,  he  eiuiuired  of  me,  "Why  does 
your  Governor  push  nie  so  hard  on  a  subject  that  it  is  not  discreet 
for  nie  to  discuss  with  him  at  this  time.'  'I  was  willing  to  bear 
the  blame  of  dela)',  and  to  be  charged  with  rudeness,  non-com- 
mittalism, or  anything  rather  than  get  into  a  discussion  that  may 
endanger  the  Whig  cause/  'But  your  Governor  will  not  allow  me 
to  remain  silent/  'I  can  no  longer  postpone  an  answer  to  his 
letters  &  I  must  write  one  forth  wit!:,  but  it  will  not  be  such  an 
one  as  will  please  him  or  the  people  of  Virginia.  I  cannot  write 
one  that  might  destroy  us  at  home — the  fault  is  not  mine,  should 
it  injure  the  Whig  cause  with  you  (in  X'irginia).  Gov'.  Seward 
is  no  Abolitionist,  but  he  thinks  it  might  seriously  affect  our 
cause,  by  driving  many  of  them  from  the  Whig  ranks,  who 
might  be  induced  to  join  their  independent  ticket,  were  he  to  re- 
consider his  course  in  such  a  way  as  to  suit  the  views  of  Vir- 
ginia, or  especially  those  of  Gov.  Gilmer." 

''I  give  you  his  remarks,  so  that  in  your  intercourse  with  Gov. 
Gilmer,  you  may  anticipate  Gov"".  Seward's  letter,  and  prevent 
perhaps,  by  a  suggestion  from  you,  its  gaining  publicity,  until 
after  the  Presidential  election  in  \^irginia." 

"You  are  no  doubt  already  informed,  how  Mr.  V.  B.'s  political 
partisans,  (as  Dallas  &  Forsyth,  by  concert)  have  threatened  the 
South  with  the  dangers  of  Abolitionism,  from  the  North  and 
"Centre,"  in  case  it  will  not  vote  for  V.  B.'s  re-election.  Gov. 
Seward  is  confident  of  his  total  overthrow  &  predicts  his  union 
with  the  Abolitionists,  as  the  party  to  be  hereafter  opposed  to 
Harrison  &  the  Whigs.  The  Gov :  estimates  Harrison's  majority 
in  this  State  from  15  to  17,000,  thinking  we  may  lose  New  York- 
City  by  2000;  or  perhaps  carry  it  by  a  very  small  vote." 

You  will,  I  hope,  appreciate  my  motives  in  writing  you,  and 
believe  me  to  be,  with  most  sincere  regard,  Very  Respectfully, 
Yours, 

Ed.  F.  Tayloe. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  285 

Leiter  to  Mr.  M.  J.  Smead.' 

Richmond,  Feby  9"',  1845. 

Your  letter  would  have  been  answered  sometime  since,  had  I 
remained  at  home,  but  I  left  very  unexpectedly  for  Petersburg, 
where,  according  to  my  custom,  I  staid  tuice  as  long  as  I  in- 
tended. While  I  was  there,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  write, 
for  there  were  five  girls  staying  in  the  house  with  me,  &  it  was 
one  continued  round  of  frolicking  the  whole  time,  so  that  I  had 
not  a  leisure  mrmient,  and  after  I  returned  M""  Lefebre  told  me 
not  to  write  until  he  did,  so  I  took  his  advice  and  postponed  it 
till  the  present  moment. 

Richmond  has  been  gayer  this  winter  than  I  have  ever  known 
it  to  be,  caused  by  the  number  of  weddings  I  sujipose ;  three  large 
parties  the  same  evening  is  a  very  conmion  occurrence  and  the 
town  is  filled  with  strangers.  There  is  scarcely  a  house  that  hns 
not  three  or  four  young  ladies  (vistors)  staying  with  them.  We 
have  had  a  good  many  weddings.  I  believe  you  are  acquainted 
with  some  of  the  parties — the  wealthy  Miss  Bruce  heads  the  list, 
she  married  Mr.  Seddon,  a  lawyer  of  this  place  (with  whom 
perhaps  you  are  acquainted),  now  our  representative  in  Congress. 
Sarah  Sheppards,  Jack's  sister  is  also  married.  Eliza  McCaw 
married  Mr.  Patterson,  and  there  have  been  numerous  weddings 
but  the  parties  I  believe  are  strangers  to  you.  Ann  Carmichael 
is  to  be  married  in  a  few  days  to  a  gentleman  from  New  York. 
He  was  introduced  to  her  on  Friday,  addressed  her  on  ^Monday 
and  is  to  marry  her  in  a  few  days.  I  suppose  that  her  exper- 
ience taught  her  that  long  engagements  did  not  terminate  happily 
and  she  determined  to  try  a  short  one.  I  understand  that  she 
told  him  that  she  had  never  loved  any  one  but  Shakespeare  Cald- 
well but  that  she  would  try  to  love  him — very  complimentary 
don't  you  think  so  ? 

Well,  now  for  the  last  piece  of  news,  wliich  T  fear  will  distress 
you  very  much;  it  is  that  your  old  flame  Miss  Fanny  Giles  is  to 


1  Mr.  Smcad  was  Professor  of  Latin  and  Greek  in  William  and  Mary 
College,  1848-1857. 


286  William  and  Marv  Quarterly 

be  married  very  soon  to  Mr.  Edward  Wills.  They  were  to  have 
been  married  in  December,  but  his  business  prevented  him  from 
coming  in  from  Missouri,  where  he  now  resides.  But  he  is  at 
present  in  Richmond,  &  rumor  says  he  is  to  take  Miss  Fanny  off 
in  a  few  davs.  The  only  consolation  I  can  offer  is  that  there  is 
many  a  slip  betwext  the  cup  and  lip,  and  as  the  wedding;  has  been 
postponed,  it  may  possibly  be  indefinitely  postponed. 

[Signed]     Kate. 


Mrs.  Cynthia  B.  T.  Washington  to  Lawrence  Washington. 

The  writer  of  this  letter  was  a  daughter  of  Judge  Nathaniel  Beverley 
Tucker,  of  Williamsburg.  Slie  was  born  Jan'y  i8,  1S32,  and  died  Oct. 
24,  IQC'S.  She  married,  first,  Henry  A.  Washington,  who  was  Professor  of 
History  and  Political  Economy  in  William  and  Mary  College  from  184^ 
1857.  He  was  son  of  Lawrence  Washington,  a  great-nephew  of  General 
George  Washington.  After  iMr.  Washington's  death,  which  occurred 
before  this  letter  was  written,  she  married  Dr.  Charles  Washington  Cole- 
man. She  was  a  leading  figure  in  the  life  of  Williamsburg.  This  letter 
is  interesting  on  account  of  its  description  of  the  fire  which  consumed 
the  College  in   1S59. 

Williamsburg  Feb  9'\   1859 
Wednesday  night 

I  have  not  heard  from  you  all,  my  dear  Pa,  since  soon  after 
Xmas,  &  I  am  really  beginning  to  be  uneasy  about  you.  So  long 
as  I  had  not  written  1  could  not  expect  to  hear,  but  I  have  been 
looking  recently,  day  after  day,  for  a  letter  from  either  Ala  or 
yourself.     I  do  trust  nothing  is  the  matter  with  any  of  you. 

We  are  all  in  great  distress  about  our  old  College.  Late  on 
the  night  of  the  7th  I  directed  the  enclosed  invitation  to  you,  & 
before  tlie  morning  light  the  College  was,  in  ashes.  The  fire 
broke  out  in  the  wing  in  which  were  both  Laboratory  &  Library, 
when  it  was  discovered  both  were  in  flames,  &  the  students  who 
had  rooms  above  narrowly  escaped  with  their  lives,  &  several  of 
them  losing  a  great  deal.  Only  a  fez.-  books  not  in  the  Library 
were  saved,  th.at  room  caild  never  be  entered.     In  it  were  books 


William  and  Makv  Quarterly  287 

of  great  value  on  account  of  their  antiquity— a  fine  classical  & 
Theological  collectiun  all  lost,  Books  presented  by  one  of  the 
Kings  of  France,  Louis  the  i6th  I  think.  The  chemical  apparatus, 
everything  in  short,  except  the  portraits  the  College  records  & 
Charter,  which  were  fortunately  in  the  Blue  room.  The  Library 
of  one  or  tlie  Literary  society  was  also  partly  saved.  The  Chapel 
is  a  perfect  wreck.  There  was  little  of  value  there  that  could  be 
inoi'cd,  but  its  walls  were  adorned  with  beautiful  marble  tal)lets 
in  memory  of  the  old  worthies.  All  were  broken  &  destroyed, 
except  the  handsomest  of  all  to  Sir  John  Randoli)h,  which  is 
partly  standing  &  the  Professors  hope  to  be  able  to  collect  the 
fragments,  &  perhaps,  be  able  to  put,  at  least,  this  one  together. 
It  is  not  known  how  the  fire  originated,  but  it  is  supposed  to  have 
begun  either  in  the  cellar  or  Laboratory.  The  loss  to  Williams- 
burg is  great,  the  citizens  feel  as  if  they  had  lost  a  dear  friend.  & 
it  is  a  melancholy  sight  to  gaze  upon  the  now  blackened  wall  of 
our  venerable  Institution.  Men-  &  women  have  mingled  their 
tears  over  her  sad  fate.  They  and  tlie  Faculty  are  united  in 
desiring  to  rebuild  immediately,  &  to-morrow  they  begin  their 
preparations,  to-night  letters  are  to  be  written  to  Architects.  The 
citizens  have  already  subscribed  $Cooo,  together  with  the  Faculty. 
The  College  is  insured  for  $20,000,  &  it  is  thought  with  $50,000 
they  can  put  up  a  handsome  building,  one  that  will  be  an  honour 
to  the  State,  furnished  with  a  useful  Library,  apparatus.  &c.  Of 
course,  they  hope  for  aid,  not  only  from  the  Ahnnni  of  the  Col- 
lege, but  from  all  her  friends.  And  now  I  am  going  to  do  what 
I  have  never  done  before  I  am  going  to  ask  if  you  have  any 
money  to  spare  to  give  old  William  &  Mary  a  helping  hand.  I 
know  you  must  feel  interested  in  this  venerable  institution  for 
her'  own  sake,  still  more  for  the  sake  of  one  who  while  a  Lecturer 
in  her  Halls  was  her  chief  ornament,  &  who  tho'  taken  from  them 
is  not  forgotten  by  her  Faculty.  I  must  tell  you  that  some  of 
the  books  he  gave  to  the  College  were  among  those  saved.  Lec- 
tures have  not  been  suspended,  but  afe  conducted  in  a  building 
near  by  the  ruin  secured  for  this  purpose.  \'irginia  cannot  be 
willing  to  let  William  &  Mary  go  down  for  ever.  I  know  you 
are  no  beggar,  but  just  say  what  yon  can  in  favour  of  the 
College.     I  am  so  sorry  Bob  did  not  come  here  tliis  vear,  as  he 


2SS  William  and  Maky  Quarterly- 

wanted  to  pay  particular  attention  to  the  Languages,  he  would 
have  had  admirable  opportunities  for  doing  so.  INl''.  Sniead  was 
disnu'ssed  by  the  \^isitors,  &  in  his  place  were  put  two  young 
gentlemen  educated  at  the  University,  &  since  in  Europe  paid 
particular  attention  to  the  Languages.  Both  arc  very  young,  & 
one  of  them  is  said  to  be,  in  point  of  talent,  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable men  of  his  age  in  the  State.  *  *  *  j  must  tell 
you  quite  a  remarkable  thing.  To-day  a  book  was  drawn  out 
from  under  the  ruins  perfectly  entire,  the  inoment  it  was  exposed 
to  the  air  it  took  fire,  &  could  not  be  saved. 

[Addressed  to  "Lawrence  Washington,  Esq.,  Ooak  Grove 
Post  Office,  Westmoreland  Co.,  \'irginia."] 

Llttf.rs  to  John  Tyler  in  i86i. 

Boston.  12  Feb''. 
1861. 
My  dear   ^Ir.   President, 

I  was  extremely  sorry  to  be  compelled  to  leave  Washington 
without  seeing  the  members  of  the  Peace  Convention,  &  without 
paying  my  respects  once  more  to  yourself.  Blness  in  my  family,  & 
engagments  from  v.-hich  I  could  not  escape,  left  me  no  alter- 
native. 

On  reacliing  home,  a  day  or  two  since,  T  was  greatlv  gratified 
by  fmamg  your  three  Historical  Addresses  awaiting  mc.  I  thank 
you  sincerely  for  so  kind  &  prompt  a  compliance  with  my  request. 
I  have  read  them  with  the  highest  interest,  S:  shall  preserve 
them  as  cherished  memorials  of  your  regard. 

We  are  looking  with  great  anxiety  to  the  results  of  the  de- 
liberations over  which  you  have  been  called  to  preside.  }vIo5t 
heartilv  do  I  hope  that  the  spirit  of  conciliation  &  of  patriotism, 
to  which  you  ga\e  such  felicitous  utterance  in  vour  opening  Ad- 
dress, may  actuate  all  the  proceedings  of  the  Covention.  I  dare 
not  relv  too  much  on  the  course  of  our  [Massachusetts  members, 
though  it  does  not  become  me  to  prejudge  them  unfavorably. 
Among  the  members  from  other  States  I  recognize  so  m.any 
noble  &  irallant  Statesn;en  with  whom  I  have  been  associated  in 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  289 

former  years,  that  I  cannot  despair  of  something  being  accom- 
plished for  the  peace  &  L'nion  of  our  Country.  If  a  successful 
adjustment  shall  be  reached  &  ratified,  under  your  auspices,  you 
will  have  won  a  higher  title  to  the  gratitude  of  posterity  than 
will  be  within  the  reach  of  others  for  many  generations  to  come. 

Believe  me.  Dear  Sir, 

With  the  highest  respect, 
Very  faithfully. 

Yours,  Rob'.  C  Winthrop.  • 
Pres*.  Tyler. 

P.  S.  On  your  return  home,  after  the  labors  &  cares  of  the 
Convention  at  Washington  &  Richmond  are  over.  I  may  venture 
to  send  you  an  Address  or  two  on  kindred  topics  with  your  own. 
in  renewed  remembrance  of  your  obliging  favors. 

Private  &  Confidential, 
Thursday  Evening,  21  Feb:  1861. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  called  to  see  you  this  evening  to  consult  you  about  a  matter 
of  some  little  importance.  Ought  the  P'ederal  troops  now  in 
Washington  to  parade  tomorrow  with  the  local  volunteers?  I 
thought  if  this  were  done,  it  might  arouse  the  susceptibilities  of 
mem.bers  of  the  Peace  Convention.  What  is  your  opinion  on 
the  subject? 

Your  friend, 

Vtry  respectfully, 

James  Buchanan. 
President  Tyler. 

Senate  Chamber,  2  March 
'6r.  10  P.  M. 
My  dear  Sir, 

I  send  you  a  note  of  the  progress  of  measures  to  furnish 
securities!!  to  the  South.  As  you  may  recollect,  the  report  of  the 
Peace  Conference  took  the  plea  in  tlie  Senate  of  the  Crittenden 


350  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

AmendmS  which  the  Legislature  said  would  be  accepted  by  \'ir- 
giuia — introduced  by  M^  Crittenden  from  the  Select  Committee 
to  which  it  was  referred  in  the  most  impressive  form.  That  re- 
port (or  the  amendm*  it  presented)  was  debated  yesterday  until 
the  adjournment.  To-day  it  was  postponed  on  motion  of  Douglas 
to  give  prccidcnce  to  a  joint  resol"  passed  yesterday  by  the  House 
purposing  as  an  amendm'  to  the  Constitution  the  single  iirticlr 
that  no  amendm'  should  be  made  to  the  Constitution  giving 
power  to  Congress  to  abolish  Slavery  in  the  States.  To  this  miser- 
able evasion  they  have  at  last  come  down,  to  gull  Virginia  and 
the  Southern  States,  &  Douglas  and  Crittenden  combining  to  'give 
it  precedence  in  the  vote  of  the  Senate,  both  to  the  amendm'  of 
the  latter  &  that  purposed  by  the  Peace  Commissioners.  What 
a  commentary  on  what  those  gentlemen  take  to  be  the  position 
of  our  honored  State. 

At  the  hour  I  write,  Crittenden's  amendm*  is  offered  &  pend- 
ing as  a  substitute  for  the  House  resol".     I  will  give  you  the  re- 
sult &  the  final  vote  before  I  close. 
Sunday  morning 

The  Senate  about  midnight  adjourned  to  7  o'clock  this  (Sun- 
day) evening,  no  vote  being  taken.  We  shall  endeavor  to  press 
them  to  a  vot  ?  on  Crittenden's  amendm'  as  ag'  the  House  resol", 
but  if  we  get  a  vote,- the  amendm'  will  fail.  After  that  I  suppose 
tht  thing  will  have  the  sleep  of  death. 

I  fear  you  can  hardly  decypher  this  scrawl. 

Very  respectfully  &  truly, 

My  dear  Sir,  Yours, 

J.  M.  Mason. 
The  Hon  Mr.  Tyler. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  291 


General  Joseph  E.  Johnston  to  Benjamin  S.  Ewell, 
President  of  William  and  Mary  College. 

Riclimond  June  29'"  1878 

My  dear  Colonel, 

Your  note  of  the  22''  came  in  due  time.  I  have  put  ofT  this 
reply  to  see  if  I  should  be  well  enough  to  go  with  the  party  on 
the  4""  and  now  think  that  I  shall,  and  if  able  I  shall  certainly  see 
you  on  the  4"*. 

I  was  much  gratified  by  my  election  as  visitor  of  Wm  &  Mary. 
On  account  of  historic  as  well  as  personal  associations,  the  latter 
bemg  your  connection  with  and  interest  in  the  most  venerable 
institution  in  the  State. 

Have  you  observed  that  in  a  moment  of  weakness  I  agreed 
to  be  a  candidate  for  Congress?  The  man  v/hose  idea  of 
greatest  harm  to  his  enemy  was  that  he  would  write  a  book  had 
not  heard  of  elections.  My  enemies  are  doubly  happy,  a  reflec- 
tion which  doubles  my  disgust. 

Yours  truly, 

J.  E.  Johnston. 

Mrs.  Johnston  is  afraid  to  undertake  the  journey  to  Williams- 
burg, although  it  would  give  her  very  great  pleasure  to  see  you 
again  an  event  which  we  continually  hope  for.  She  sends  cordial 
remembrances  to  Lizzy  and  you. 


\ 


292  William  and  Ma.^y  Quarterly 


TWO  JOHN  SMITHS. 

There  were  two  prominent  John  Smiths  living  in  Virginia 
about  1660,  in  regard  to  whom  some  confusion  had  resulted.  In 
an  article  on  the  Bernard  family  in  Quarterly,  V'.,  63,  it  is 
shown  th^t  Richard  Bernard,  of  Buckinghamshire,  Ejigland.  pat- 
ented 1,000  acres  in  Gloucester  County,  and  that  in  1662,  his 
widow,  Anna  Bernard,  whose  maiden  name  was  Corderoy,  was 
living  at  "Purton"  on  York  River  with  her  daughter,  Anna 
Smith.  Tliere  can  be  little  doubt  that  tliis  daughter  was  the  wife 
of  the  first  John  Smith,  of  "Purton"  (Portan,  Poctan,  Powhatan), 
ancestor  of  a  well-known  family,  who  resided  for  many  years  at 
that  place  now  identified  as  the  site  of  Powhatan's  chief  town 
Poetan  or  Werococomoco,  where,  in  1607,  another  and  more 
famous  John  Smith  was  saved  by  Pocahontas. 

As  evidence  of  this  marriage  of  Anna  Bernard  to  John  Smith. 
a  John  Smith  was  numbered  among  the  headriglUs  of  Ricliard 
Bernard  in  1652,  and  in  1662  John  Smith  witnessed  a  deed  of 
Mrs.  Anna  Bernard,  of  "Purton." 

The  following  year  (1663).  as  Beverley,  the  historian  informs 
us,  a  plot  was  disclosed  to  the  public  by  a  servant  of  "Mr.  Smith, 
of  Purton.'* 

So  much  seems  certain;  but  the  article  in  the  magazine  ap- 
pears in  error  in  attempting  to  identify  Jolin  Smith,  of  "Purton," 
with  Major  John  Smith,  of  Warwick  County,  who  vvas  Speaker 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses  in  165S.  The  fact  is,  tiicre  is  nothing 
to  show  that  John  Smith,  of  "Purton,"  attained  the  military  title 
of  major,  as  early  as  i^^58,  though  he  was  a  major  in  1665. 
There  was  another  John  Smith,  who,  in  1654,  purchased  land,  in 
Upper  Machodock  Xeck,  Westmoreland  County  (afterwards 
Stafford  Co.),  but  does  not  appear  to  have  resided  there  at  that 
time.  He  was  known  as  Major  John  Smith,  though  his  tnie  name 
was  Francis  Dade.  He  had  issue  living  in  1651,  Francis,  Mary 
and  Anna  Dade. 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  293 

Other  children  were  bom  later.  His  wife  was  named  Belieth- 
land  Bernard,  and  there  are  facts  which  appear  to  identify  them 
both  with  Warwick  County.  There  was  a  Capt.  Thomas  Bernard 
resident  in  Warwick,  who  might  have  been  iier  father,  and  in  the 
Westmoreland  records  there  are  certain  deeds  which  point  the 
family  to  a  Warwick  origin.  Thus  on  January  20,  1659- 1660, 
Major  John  Smith  and  Behethland,  his  wife,  "of  Potomack," 
made  a  power  of  attorney  to  Major  Edward  Griffith,  of  Mulberry 
Island,  in  the  county  of  Warwick.  Then,  on  December  29,  1663, 
Edward  Griffith  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  of  Mulberry  Island  in 
Jarnes  River,  assign  to  Francis  Dade,  son  of  Major  Francis  Dade, 
deceased,  all  their  right  in  a  patent  of  land  in  Westmoreland  Co., 
and  in  case  of  his  death  they  gave  their  interest  to  his  brothers 
and  sisters,  and  in  case  of  their  decease,  the  land  was  devised  to 
Mrs.  Behethland  Dade,  relict  of  said  Major  Francis  Dade. 

Major  Smith,  ollas  Dade,  died  on  a  return  voyage  from  Eng- 
land in  1662.  He  was  then  known  by  the  name  of  Francis  Dade; 
and  as,  up  to  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.,  he  called  himself  Smith 
and  immediately  after  was  known  as  Dade,  the  sudden  change  is 
very  suggestive.  He  was  doubtless  a  cavalier  who  had  been 
implicated  in  one  or  more  of  the  royalist  plots  previous  to  his 
coming  to  Virginia — a  fact  which  had  rendered  it  prudent  for  him 
to  assume  au  alias. 

After  Major  Dade's  death,  his  v/idow  married  Major  Andrew 
Gilson  and  had  a  daughter,  Behethland  (bom  in  1666,  died 
Octol)er,  1693),  ^^^^^  married  Xehemiah  Stork  and  had  a  daugh- 
ter, Elizabeth,  born  1687,  who  married  Captain  Thomas  Newton 
in  1702.  Behethland  Stork  married,  secondly,  Capt.  Samuel 
Oldham. 

Though  the  two  John  Smiths  married  two  Misses  Bernard, 
it  i^  not  known  that  either  couple  was  directly  related. 

(See  Quarterly  IV.,  46;  V.,  62-64;  XIII.,  146,  i47.  289,  290; 
Virginia  Magazine,  XX.,  2)-^''  Hayden,  Genealogies,  731-734 » 
Barradall's  Reports,  AnnUtead  vs.  Xeieton.) 


294  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


HISTORICAL  AND  GENEALOGICAL  NOTES. 

"Burial  Places. — A  committee  from  our  society,  together 
with  a  similar  one  from  the  society  of  tlie  Descendants  of  the 
Signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  have  undertaken 
jointly  the  preparation  of  a  work  on  the  subject  of  the  Signers 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  in  doing  that  we  desire 
to  obtain  all  the  information  we  can  respecting  each  signer,  in- 
cluding their  place  of  birth  and  burial,  etc.  Those  about  whose 
burial  places  we  are  seeking  information  are  the  following: 

Carter  Braxton,  died  at  Richmond,  Va.,  in  1797,  and  buried 
in  King  William  Co.,  Va. 

Francis  Light  foot  Lee,  died  January  ii,  1797,  on  his  estate  at 
''Menoken"  in  Richmond  Co.,  Va.  Supposed  to  have  been  burled 
either  there  or  at  "Mt.  .A.ir>',"  the  seat  of  the  Tayloes,  one  of  whom 
he  married. 

Arthur  Middleton,  of  South  Carolina,  died  January  i,  1788, 
at  his  home  at  Ashley  River.  Supposed  to  have  been  buried  in 
his  family  burial  ground  on  his  plantation. 

George  Wythe,  buried  in  Richmond  Va.,  cemetery  of  St. 
John's  Church,  'near  the  original  door  of  the  church  on  the  west.' 

If  any  one  can  give  me  information  as  to  the  exact  locations 
of  the  burial  places  of  any  of  the  above,  they  will  confer  a  great 
favor  upon  me  and  also  many  others.  The  probabilities  arc,  that 
information  regarding  the  burial  place  of  Francis  Lightfoot  Lee 
can  be  obtained  from  contemporary  letters  describing  his  dcatii, 
written  by  those  present  to  friends  or  absent  members  of  the 
family."— /?.  C.  Ballard  Thrnston,  Louisville,  Ky. 

Peake.— *'Wm.  Peake.  of  Truro  Parish.  Fairfa.x  Co..  Va.. 
in  his  will,  November  ii,  1761.  mentions  the  following  childreii: 

John  who  m.  Mary ;  Humphrey  who  m.  Mary and 

had  issue  mentioned  in  his  will.   1784:   (Wni..  Henry,  John.  Dr. 
Humphrey,   Elizabeth  died   single,   Ann   m.    Francis   Adams,   of 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  295 

Mt-   Gilead ;   Mary   who  in.    Abediicgo  Adams ;  Sarah   who   ni. 

Triplclt;   aiid   William    (will    1755)." — Information   re- 

fXarding  the  ancestors  of  \Vm.  Peake  (1761)  or  descendants  of 
the  family  is  requested  by  Harold  F.  Crookes,  1009  S.  Kenilworth 
Ave.,  Oak  Park,  111. 

Walker  —  Field — Wilson  —  Pescld. — *'The  article  in  the 
Quarterly  under  this  title  (Quarterly  XI\'.,  113)  gives  but 
three  of  the  childien  of  Henry  Walker  and  Martha  L?olling  Eppes, 
daughter  of  Richard  Eppes:  Richard  Henry  Walker,  Jane  Field 
and  Tabitha  P»oyd.  There  were  three  other  children :  Francis 
Eppes  Walker,  Ann  E.  Clark  and  Sarah  Hylton  Walker,  which 
last  married  Edmund  H.  \'aughan  of  Mecklenburg  Co.,  Va.,  in 
1810,  as  shown  by  the  records  of  that  county.  She  was  my  great 
grandmother,  Henry  Walker  did  not  live  in  Petersburg,  as  stated, 
but  in  Mecklenburg  Co.  The  will  of  Henry  Walker  was  filed  in 
the  court  houbC  there  in  1792,  and  the  will  of  his  wife,  Martha 
Boiling  Waiker,  in  1810.  These  wills  name  six  children  as  above. 
Sarah  Hylton  Walker,  one  of  these,  married  Ednuuid  H.  \'auj:;han 
in  1810,  and  they  came  to  Tennessee  when  the  Chickasaw  Pur- 
chase was  throwii  open  to  settlement.  Their  eldest  child.  Martha 
Boiling  Eppes  Vaughan.  married  her  cousin,  Thomas  Dickens, 
my  grandfather,  and  th-^ir  son.  Dr.  Samuel  Dickens,  was  my 
father."— A/arr/;a  C.  D.  Sinitlncick,  887  Washington  Avenue. 
Memphis,  Tennessee. 


19^  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 


BOOK  REVIEWS 

The  Capitol  Disaster:  A  Chapter  of  Reconstruction  in  Virginia.  By 
Hon.  George  L.  Christian,  of  Richmond,  Virginia,  sold  for  the 
benefit  of  die  Associated  Charities  of  Richmond,  Virginia.  Price 
50  cents  a  copy. 

In  this  interesting  pamphlet.  Judge  Christian,  whose  pen  has  illus- 
trated so  many  features  of  Virginia  history,  tells  of  the  e.xciting  occur- 
rences leading  up  to  the  disaster  in  the  State  Capitol,  April  27,  1870.  The 
Supreme  Court  of  Appeals  met  to  render  its  decision  in  the  rcr>tested 
case  for  the  Mayoralty  of  Richmond  .between  the  military  appointed 
Mayor  CaJhoon,  supported  by  the  FederaJ  Judge  John  C  Underwood,  and 
the  people's  elected  candidate  Ellyson.  The  sudden  failing  in  of  the 
floor  of  the  court  room  precipitated  a  crowd  of  about  350  men  into  the 
hall  of  the  House  of  Delegates  below,  killing  si.xty  and  wounding  251 
others.  Judge  Christian  was  among  those  who  fell,  but  he  was  not  seri- 
ously injured.  In  commenting  upon  ithis  chapter  in  reconstruction, 
marked  by  such  an  extraordinary  incident.  Judge  Christian  declares  that. 
in  the  appointment  of  such  an  extreme  and  unprincipled  partisan  as 
Underwood  to  the  bench,  and  in  his  sanctioning  the  establishment  of  thf 
State  of  West  Virginia,  against  the  opinion  of  his  own  Attorney  General 
that  in  doing  so  he  would  commit  "a  breach  of  both  the  Constitution 
of  the  State  and  the  nation,"  Lincoln  gave  a  distmct  negative  to  the  idea 
popular  among  a  good  many  persons  that,  if  he  had  livi'cd,  the  Southern 
people  would  have  been  spared  ''the  outrages,  the  trials  and  tortures 
of  reconstruction."  Indeed,  it  may  be  added  that  the  whole  idea  of 
Lincoln's  friendly  attitude  seems  to  spring  from  some  cheap  expressions 
uttered  by  him  in  a  few  of  his  speeches  and  messages,  and  from  the  cr-ger 
desire  of  the  North  to  convert  some  one  on  their  side  into  a  m.oral  hero. 
after  slowly  realizing  that  old  John  Brown,  by  reason  of  his  murderous 
character,  would  never  be  accepted  as  such  by  the  world  at  large.  Lincoln 
had,  plenty  of  opportunity  to  stay  the  hand  of  Sheridan  in  the  Valley  and 
Sherman  in  Georgia,  but  he  never  moved  a  finger.  Had  he  done  so,  he 
would  have  offered  a  better  proof  of  his  fnnedly  future  attitude  than 
by  writing  any  number  of  catchy  sentences.  His  policy  of  starving  the 
South  by  blockade  and  devastation  of  property  everywhere,  of  subjecting 
prisoners  to  humiliation  by  placing  over  them  their  former  slaves  as 
guards,  of  requiring  the  oath  of  allegiance  of  all  persons  of  both  sexes 
above  sixteen  years  of  age  on  pcnaUy  ot  being  driven  from  their  homes, 
of  treating  as  pirate's  regularly  ctmimi^-ioncd  pr;i  atiersmen  on  sea  and 
regularly   commissioned    partisans   on   land,   of   stirring   up  the   negroes   to 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  297 

s-:i-vi!c    iusurrcction,    was    without   doubt   aj   cxtrettte   a    policy    as   uetl 
ecmld  b>.: 

Ai.O  how  about  Lincoln's  proclamation  of  July  17.  1862.  approving  and 
publishing  the  act  of  Congress  denouncing  death  or  imprisonment  and 
confiscation  of  property  on  everybody  in  the  South.  Did  it  exactly  har- 
monize with  his  declaration  later  on  of  'malice  towards  none  and  charity 
for  all  ? 

Legal  Edvxahon  and  Admission  to  the  Bar  in  the  Soutlwrn  States.  An 
address  delivered  by  Hon.  William  Minor  Lile,  University  of  Vir- 
ginia, before  the  Kentucky  State  Bar  Association  at  Mammoth 
Cave,   Kentucky.  July  8,    1914- 

In  this  address  Dr.  Lile  notes  the  fact  that  out  of  eighty-eight  law 
schools  outside  of  the  South,  only  five,  or  less  than  six  per  cent.,  still 
offer  courses  of  less  than  three  years,  and  four  of  thc^e  five  are 
located  in  Indiana,  whose  constitution  endows  every  citizen  with  tlie 
privilege  of  practicing  law  without  any  previous  study  of  it.  Of  the  thirty 
law  schools  in  the  South  eighteen  (or  60  per  cent.)  are  still  content 
with  a  two  years'  course  or  less.  Dr.  Lile  stands  for  higher  standards 
of  admission  to  the  bar.  and  for  longer  courses  of  law  in  college,  and 
believes  that  the  time  has  passed  when  the  South  might  plead  the  usual 
excuse  of  poverty.  The  Editor  concurs  in  all  that  Dr.  Lile  says  as  to  the 
advantages  of  thorough  preparation  and  takes  exception  only  as  to  one 
statement,  which,  however,  does  not  affect  his  argument  in  the  slightest. 
He  says:  "Prior  to  1850,  the  law  school  that  I  have  the  honor  to 
serve  (University  of  Virginia)  was,  I  believe,  the  only  law  school  in  the 
United  States."  Surely,  this  belief  as  expressed  is  very  far  from  a  state- 
ment of  the  facts.  Prior  to  1850,  there  were  in  Virginia  alone  three  law 
schools— that  of  William  and  Mary  College,  which  began  in  i779  and 
was  realy  the  ftrst  in  the  United  States  and  the  law  bcnools  of  Judge 
Creed  Taylor  and  Judge  Henry  St.  George  Tucker.  That  of  W.Uiam 
and  Mary  continued  tiO  i86i.  In  the  North  there  was  the  famous  law 
school  at  Litchfield,  Connecticut,  and  both  Harvard  and  Yale  had  law 
schools  prior  to  1850.  There  were  certainly  others  both  in  the  North  and 
in  the   South,   previous   to  that   time. 

Address  on  the  Life  and  Scn-tces  of  General  .\farcus  I.  irrt-Zi/.  By 
Gen.  William  Ruffin  Cox,  delivered  before  R.  E.  Lee  Camp.  No.  i. 
of  Confederate  Veterans. 

This  address  was  made  by  General  Cox  on  tfie  .xcasion  of  the  pre- 
sentation to  Lee  Camp  of  a  p<irtrait  of  General  Wrght,  Februarv-  26.  iQiS- 
General    Wright    was   a   descendant   of    soldiers    who  ^erved   gallantly    in 


298  William  and  Mary  Quarterly 

the  American  Revolution  and  the  Mexican  War.  He  was  born  June  5, 
1831,  at  Piudy,  MacNairy  Co.,  Tennessee,  was  edtcated  at  a  classical 
sch'X)!,  practied  law,  and,  in  i86i,  entered  the  service  of  the  Confederate 
States  as  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  154th  Regiment  of  Tenr.es-.c  Militia. 
He  performed  a  gallant  part,  was  wounded  at  Shiloh.  and  was  promoted 
brigadier-general  Dec.  ij,  1862.  He  figured  bravely  in  the  battles  of 
Chickamaug.-^  and  Missiona:-y  Ridge  and  served  under  General  Richard 
Taylor  in  the  last  part  of  the  war.  After  the  surrender  he  returned  to 
his  house  in  Tennessee  and  resumed  the  practice  of  law.  But  General 
Wright  had  always  a  fondness  for  literary  work,  and  in  1878  he  was 
appointed  by  the  Federal-  government  as  agent  for  the  collection  of  Con- 
federate archives;  and  in  that  capacity  assisted  immensely  in  the  com- 
pilation of  the  official  records  of  the  civil  war.  He  has  written  various 
hisiorica!  works  among  which  may  be  mentioned  a  Life  of  Gcner.il  Win- 
field  Scott,  a  Life  of  Gov.  William  Blunt,  and  a  history  of  Mac.N'airy 
County,  Tennessee.  Though  advanced  in  years  he  still  enjoys  much  oi 
his  youthful  vigor  and  enthusiasm  for  improving  labor. 


Cvrrettcy  and  Banking  m  Nordi  Carolina,  1790-1834,  reprmted  from  His- 
torical Papers,  Series  X.,  published  by  the  Trinity  College  His- 
torical Society.  The  Finances  of  the  North  Carolina  Literary  Fund. 
reprinted  from  the  "South  Atlantic  Quarterly."  July  .ind  October 
numbers,   1914. 

These  are  very  interesting  studies  by  Dr.  William  K.  Boyd,  Profcss-ir 
of  Historj-  in  Trinity  College,  N.  C.  They  give  us  much  insight  into  the 
life  of  the  "Old  North  State,"  and  contribute  to  much  more  accurate 
views  of  things  than  has  generally  obtained.  In  accounting  for  emigra- 
tion from  North  Carolina,  Dr.  Boyd  notices  the  want  of  adequate  sea- 
ports, the  existence  of  slavery,  and  the  State's  financial  syitem,  but  he 
appears  to  overlook  two  of  the  most  potent  causes — the  host.le  Federal 
legislation  affecting  the  taxes,  and  the  great  attractions  afforded  by  the 
new  lands  open  to  the  cotton  industry,  in  the  South  and  Southwest.  There 
are  abundant  statistics,  nevertheless,  to  show  that  North  Carolina  made 
g^cat  and  substantial  advance  in  population  and  wealth  during  the  pcrio<l 
to  which  he  refers.  Indeed,  figures  can  be  produced  to  show  that  her 
wealth  increased  relatively  far  greater  in  the  fifty  years  before  i^:^!  than 
in  the  fifty  years  after  1865;  and  North  Carolina  was  comparativtly  free 
from  deva.^talion  during  the  war.  Is  Dr.  Boyd  quite  sure  that  the  emigra- 
tion from  North  Carolina,  even  in  the  last  past  twenty  years,  has  been 
relatively  less  than  in  any  similar  period  before   1861? 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  —      299 

The  Variotis  Uses  of  Buffalo  Hair  By  the  Xorth  American  Indians;  The 
Account  of  LdtnJtatty;  Research  in  f'lVgiiiia  from  Tidewater  to  the 
AUeghanies;  The  Sloane  Collection  in  the  British  Museum;  Vir- 
ginia from  Early  Records;  Discoveries  Bcyoud  the  Appalachian 
Mountains  in  1671  ;  Petroglyphs  Representing  the  Imprint  of  the 
Human  Foot. 

These  arc  interesting  reprints  from  the  Anierican  Anthropologist,  by 
David  I.  Bushnell,  Jr.,  whose  work  in  early  American  antiquities,  espe- 
cially relating  to  the  American  Indians,  is  so  favorably  known.  The 
above  monographs  constitute  a  little  librarj-  in  themselves.  Mr.  BushncH 
has  favored  the  last  October  number  of  this  Magazine  with  a  very  inter- 
esting article,  entitled  "The  Indian  Grave." 


Cotonial  Wars  in  Avterica. 

This  is  an  address  delivered  before  the  Society  of  Colonial  Wars  in 
tlie  Commonweallh  of  Pennsylvania,  March  13,  1913,  by  Hon.  Norris 
Stanly  Barratt,  LL.  D,  Judge  of  The  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  Xo.  J, 
First  Judicia'  Circuit  of  Pennsylvania.  It  may  be  justly  characterized  a> 
multum  in  pan-o.  As  a  summary  of  historical  events  covering  many  year^. 
it  is  a  decided  success.  As  a  literary-  accomplishment,  it  is  chaste  and 
finished.  The  publication  itself  is  tastefully  adorned  with  l>eautiful  illus- 
trations and  portraits.  It  seems  rather  in  the  nature  of  his  subject  ti;;it 
Judge  Barratt  should  justify  wars,  though  he  meets  with  the  embaira--.- 
ment  of  dealing  with  the  peace-loving  Quakers  of  Pennsylvania,  who 
hated  war.  For  this  reason  Pennsylvania  was  backward  in  all  the  coIoi:ir\l 
wars,  including  that  of  the  Revolution.  It  was  only  in  later  days,  after 
the  peace-loving  Quakers  fell  into  a  great  minority,  that  Pennsylvamn 
lost  the  charr^cter  which  modern  longings,  despite  the  great  European  »var. 
aims  to  establish  for  tlie  whole  world.  Undoubtedly,  as  to  the  <.!o<irciit 
writer  asserts,  good  has  rf^sulted  in  the  case  of  some  wars,  but  it  is  no 
compliment  to  human  reasoning  or  feelings  that  the  same  good  did  not  re- 
sult without  war.  It  we  admit  that  human  nature  is  hopelessly  bad.  tiicn 
war  is  necessary.  But  the  query  of  civilization  is,  why  men  should  I'ot 
listen  to  reason  and  apply  the  necessary  remedies  witiiout  war.  I'cnii- 
sylvania  originally  stood  for  this  noble  conception  of  a  tliinking,  c!o'-atc.l 
humanit>',  and  the  history  of  the  Quakers,  almost  proves  that  the  nlea  of 
a  universal  peace  is  not  a  dream. 

We  notice  one  error  in  reference  to  Christ  Church.  It  is  stated  that 
Peyton  Randolph  is  interred  in  tlie  churchyard  in  Phdadelphia.  This  can 
hardly  be.  as  he  is  interred  in  the  Chajjel  of  William  and  .Mary  College, 
with   his  brother  John  and    father   Sir   John. 


yjo  William  and  Marv  Quarterly 

tVUliam  Brank  Giles:  A  Study  in  the  Politics  of  Virginia  and  the  Nation 
from  1790  to  1S30.  By  Dice  Robins  Anderson,  B.  A..  M.  A.,  Pli.  D., 
Professor  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  Hislory  and  Political 
Science,   Richmond    College,    Virginia. 

Many  authors  of  tiie  present  time,  proposing  to  write  biography,  ap- 
pear to  think  it  incumbent  to  write  a  histor>.  The  result  is  that  their 
work  is  so  loaded  with  events  that  the  character  and  actions  of  their  hero 
is  generally  lost  in  the  mass  of  detail.  This  defect  is  largely  common  to 
works  emanating  from  professors  in  colleges  who  have  received  spe- 
cialistic  training.  They  seem  to  forget  that  they  are  only  required  to 
touch  upon  general  matters  in  so  far  as  it  is  necessary  to  give  a  proper 
setting  to  the  actions  of  the  subject  of  their  memoir.  A  biography  of 
a  man  is  nothing  more  than  than  a  painting  in  writing,  and  it  is  just  as 
ridiculous  to  crov.d  2  biography  with  details  of  history  as  it  is  to  crowd 
a  painting,  purporting  to  be  a  portrait,  with  extensive  landscapes  and 
other  things.     They  distract  the  mind  and  defeat  the  end  proposed. 

Dr.  Anderson,  though  apparently  announcing  a  biography,  is  careful 
to  state  tl-iat  it  is  after  all  "'a  study  in  politics."  In  this  he  shows  e.xcel- 
ient  good  sense.  His  work  is  a  history  and  in  no  wise  a  biography,  and 
should  not  be  so  viewed.  While  it,  therefore,  can  never  be  a  popular  work 
and  lacks  the  personal  interest  attaching  to  a  model  biography,  it  makcj 
up  for  it  in  the  information  which  it  affords  to  the  studcot  of  history  as 
to  current  3rta;rs.  The  title  of  this  work  might  have  been  more  appro- 
priately reversed  and  written.  "A  Study  in  Virginia  Politics,  &c.,  with 
William  B.  Giles  as  the  connecting  thread." 

However  that  may  be.  Dr.  Anderson  gives  us  a  mass  of  valuable 
material,  which  he  has  dug  up  out  of  many  forgotten  sources.  He  has 
shown  great  industry  and  research.  In  so  far  as  this-  material  bears  upon 
the  relatioas  of  the  North  and  South,  it  merely  emphasizes  the  contradic- 
tion involved  in  the  Union  as  it  existed  before  1S61.  There  were  two 
nations,  not  one,  and  the  South,  being  the  smaller  of  the  ^two,  was  a 
victim  to  the  desires  of  the  other  for  aggrandizement.  The  greatest  won- 
der is  that  the  old  Union  endured  as  long  as  it  did.  The  laws  wh:ch 
were  good  for  the  North  were  ruinous  to  the  slave-holdmg  South,  and 
the  Union  being  founded  in  contradiction  had  really  no  logical  ground 
for  existence,  economic,  political  or  otherwise.  In  his  earlier  and  latter 
-days,  Giles  seems  to  feel  very  keenly  the  force  of  these  facts,  but  tied 
up  as  he  and  the  other  Southern  men  were  in  the  meshes  of  the  Union, 
he  did  not  always  see  clearly  the  causes  nor  the  only  solution  of  the 
difnculties  as  presented  in  secession.  He  preferred  to  tcmpon-Te  rather 
than  to  act,  and  action  came  to.j  late;  but  it  is  idle  for  Dr.  .Xnderson  to 
say  that  the  resolutions  of  '<>8  and  'w,  which  found  in  Giles  such  a  stro-.ig 


William  and  Mary  Quarterly  ~       301 

supporter,  did  not  convey  the  notfon  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Uni'^",  when- 
ever the  proper  occasion  should  present  itself.  Its  language  meant  that 
or  it  ine?nt  nothirg  at  alJ. 

.So  in  the  same  way.  Dr.  Anderson,  following  Northern  example. 
speaks  of  the  "curse  of  slavery,"  and  leaves  unconsidered  the  much 
greater  calamity  of  a  negro  population.  The  war  of  1S61-1865  did  away 
with  slavery,  but  left  the  terrible  legacy  of  an  unassimilablc  alien  race. 

Why  does  not  some  one  give  a  candid  review  of  the  conditions  of 
the  Union  since  the  conquest  lof  the  South  and  the  overthrow  of  slavery? 
The  direct  effects  gf  the  war  between  the  States  ought  to  have  passe*! 
away  by  this  time,  but  only  a  general  knowledge  of  statistics  is  sufficient 
to  convince  one  tfiat  the  old  South  was  stronger  relatively,  both  matertally 
and  financially,  than  the  new  South.  ;At  the  present  day,  the  single 
State  of  Massachusetts  has  more  wealth  than  all  the  new  South  put  to- 
gether, if  we  leave  out  of  the  count  the  State  of  Texas. 

Now,  while  slavery  cannot  be  justified  on  moral  grounds,  this  is  far 
from  asserting  that  in  the  presence  of  two  contradictory  races,  mere  per- 
sonal freedom  must  bring  greater  results  than  the  organized  control  of 
one  race  by  the  others.  We  see  what  organization  has  done  for  Germany, 
despite  the  Inck  of  personal  liberty,  and  it  is  not  at  all  clear  that  the 
South,  independent,  under  laws  suited  to  its  own  conditions,  and  with 
slavery  abolished,  would  not  be  a  far  more  prosperous  community  than 
under  the  present  conditions  of  free  impossible  races  and  subjection 
to  the  will  of  the  Northern  States.  It  is  a  curious  fact 'that  in  the  great 
war  between  the  States  all  the  real  great  moral  military  heroes  were  on 
,the  Southern  side,   and  this   fact   is  now  generally  recognized. 

I  am  glad  to  see  that  Dr.  .Anderson  avoids  the  deetcstahle  fault  cu:ii- 
mon  to  so  many  writers  of  referring  to  eminent  men  m  disre-pcctful 
terms.  Such  references  are  neither  dignified  nor  illuminating.  There  is 
one  term,  however,  which  he  occasionally  uses,  that  I  wish  he  might  be 
persuaded  to  drop,  and  that  is  the  word  "paniculari:itic"  to  describe 
the  statesrights  school.  This  term  in  this  sense  is  a  newly  coined 
aft'air  and  ought  to  have  no  place  in  any  dictionary  ;  for  it  is  on  the  same 
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SUBJECT  INDEX 


VOLUME  XXIII. 


Baldwin,  Bird  T.,  on  the  Honor  System, 

6-9- 
Ball,  Spencer,  Children  of,  269. 
Beckwith,  Sir   Marmaduke,  259. 
Benton,  Thomas  H.,  Death  of.  33. 
Boiling   Note,    145. 

Book  Reviews.  147-150.  222,  224,  296-301. 
Boseley  Family,  63-66. 
Brown,    Governor,    Retaliation    of,    on 

New  York,  154. 
BuflFalo  Hair,   Indian  Use  of,  299. 
Burial  Places,  294. 
Capitol   Disaster.   The,   290. 
Cargill  Family,   144,   145. 
Clark,     He.nry     St.     John,     Family 

Record  of.  49-50. 
Clay,  Henry.  Political  Views  of,  1-5. 
Cole,  Arthur  Charies,  1-5. 
Colonial  Wars,  299. 
Confederate  Commissioners,  Mason  and 

Slidell    157-159. 
Confederate  Prisoners  at  Camp  Douglas. 

159- 

Copley-Pelham  Letters,  222. 

Crook  Family,  59-61. 

CusTis,  \ViLLi.\M,  Will  of,  127-130. 

Dawson  Family,  67. 

DeBow  and  Ruflfln,  257. 

Democracy'  i.n  Virgi.nia,  227. 

Di.NwiDDiE   County   Records,  214-218. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  Death  of,  155. 

Eldridge  Family.  145.  146. 

England's  Policy  in  i86i-'65,  166-167. 

England.   Difficulties   with.   161-165. 

F.  F.  V.'s.  OF  V"iRGiNi.\.  270. 

Federals  in  Kentucky,  34-36. 

Federal  Enlistments,  37-38;  Devastation, 
36.  38.   166. 

Fishback  Family,  222. 

Gardner,   Walter  C,  70. 

Georgia.  Case  of  the,  31,  32. 

Giles,  William  Branch,  Life  of.  300. 

GoocH.  Will  of  Lady  Rebecca,  173-175. 

Germans  in  Virginia,  222. 

Greenhow,  James,  70. 

Hall,  Jacob.  Lettehs  to.  46-47. 

Hall,  Thomas,  To.mbsto.se  of,  48, 

Hanover  County  Records.  21-31. 

Hardwick,  Kincheloe.  McCarty.  Mc- 
CoNATHY,  Crook,  Dawson.  Law- 
son   AND    Related  Fa.miu£s,  59-69. 

Harratt  Family.  69. 


Hatton  and  Joh.nson  Families,  113-117. 
HiSTORiCAL    a.nd    Genealocical    Notes, 

70-71,  143-146.  220-221,  294-295. 
Hobson    Family,    186. 
Honor  Syste.m  i.s  American  Colleges, 

6-9- 

Houston.  Sam,  Described  by  Ruffin.  230. 

Hull  Family.   188-191. 

Hunter,  R.  M.  T.,   Described  by  Rufhji, 

252-253. 
Indian  Grave,  The,  106-113. 

Jefferson  Family  of  Pittsylvania, 
181-182. 

Jones,  Mr.  Robert,  of  Fleet's  Bay,  191- 
192,  261-271. 

Johnson  Family,  113-117. 

Kentucky.  Federals  in,  34-35. 

Law  Schools,  297. 

Lawson    Family.  67-69.  ' 

Leftwich  Note,  2ro. 

Letters:  Dr.  Samuel  Finley  to  Jacob 
Hall,  46;  Armistead  Thomson  Ma- 
son to  John  Thomson  Jklason.  228- 
231,  232-23():  .Armistead  Thomson 
Mason  to  William  S.  .Archer,  231; 
Beckwith,  Sir  Nfarmaduke,  written 
to  Col.  Thomas  Jones.  259-260;  Col. 
Thomas  Jones's  reply,  2tx);  Judge  .St. 
George  Tucker  to  Rev.  John 
Bracken,  279;  Rev.  John  Bracken's 
reply.  279;  Henry  St.  Geo.  Tucker 
to  his  father.  2S0 ;  Lillia  Skipwith  to 
Mrs.  Ravenscroft.  281.  2S>2;  Edw.  F. 
Tayloe  to  Gov.  T.  W.  Gihner,  283 ; 
Letter  to  Mr.  M.  J.  S.-.;ead.  285; 
CjTithia  B.  T.  Wash.ini^ton  to  Law- 
rence Washington.  2H6-2iv-i;  Robert 
C.  Winthrop  to  John  Tyler.  jS.S ; 
James  Buchanan  to  John  Tyler,  2S«) ; 
J.  M.  Mason  to  John  Tyler,  28<;-2rj»j; 
Gen.  Joseph  E  Johnston  to  Ben- 
jamin S.  Ewell.  291. 

Lincoln,  War  Policy  of.  33.  34;  .\ssassi- 
nation  of,   39-41. 

Mann.  A.  Dudley  and  Ruffin.  251.  25S. 

Mason,  Armistead  Thomso.v,  Letters 
OF,  22&.  239. 

Majcweli.  VS'illiam,  Sketched  by  Ruffin, 
248. 

McCarthy  Family.  59. 

McConathy  Family,  6 1 -63. 

McClellan,  George.  Ability  as  a  General, 
156. 


INDEX 


McCuHoch,    Major    Ben,    Described    by 

Ruffin.  2S2. 
Middle  Plantation  Pole.  10. 
Miscei^enation  in  the  North.  167,  168. 
MoodV.  Mildred,  71-  ^ 

Morgan  and  His  Pjflemen,  73-100. 
Nevett  Family.  66. 

New  England,  Aristocracy  in,  227,  228. 
Norfolk  Library.  70.  o     1  • 

North  Carolina,  Currency  and   Banking 

in,   298. 
Northampton  County,  Colrthouse  of, 

5 1 -58. 
Norltiem  Democracy.  2,  3. 

N0BTHUMEEfiL.\ND  CoUNTY  Fa.MILIES, 
182-190. 

Old  Pro.sunciation,  126. 

Painters  in  Virginia,  220. 

Peake.  Wiil  of  Sir  Robert,  175-178- 

Planteh's,  The,  Pride  in  His  Slaves, 
225,  226. 

Presley  Family,   184-186. 

Priorities,  A  Table  of,  203. 

Pri-soners  in  S(3uthera  Prisons,  Treat- 
ment of,  41-43;   169-171.  219- 

Fryor,  William,  Will  of.  12-13;  206-207. 

QutaiES.  70.  71.  143.  144.  220-294. 

Reese  Family,  I4S- 

RuKFiN.  Edmund,  Dl^rv  of,  31-45.  '54- 
171,  240-258. 

Schrever  Family,  187-188. 


Secession,  Growth  of,  155. 

Sheild  Family  Addenda,    Ui-U-'- 

Seward,  William  H.,  and  the  Ladies  of 

England,   169-171- 
Smiths.  Two  John,  292-29J. 
Spicy  Correspondence,  259-260. 
Stevenson,  Andrew,  24S. 
Stith  Note,  221. 

Storm,  The  Great,  of  1857.  240-248. 
Strother  Note,   I43- 
Thanksgiving     Day    and    Christmas, 

153- 
Thornton  Addenda,  131,  132- 
Tucker,  N.  B.,  on   Honor  System,  79- 
Tyler's,  John,  Pride  in  His  Slaves,  222. 

223. 
Virginia  Farmer,  The.  172,  173. 
Walker  Family,  Note  on,  295. 
Washington,    W^ho    Was    Elizabeth? 

178-180. 
Whig  Party  in  the  South.  1-5. 
WiLUAM  AND  Mary  College:  Priorities 

of.   203. 
A  Grammar   School  at.   278-280. 
Burning  of.  in  1859,  2S6-2S9. 
Williamsburg,   Taxable   Values    in,    133- 

14^. 

Wright.  Marcus  J.,  297.  298. 
VoRK  County,  Notes  from  the  Records 
OF,  10-20,  204-213. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Abell,  153-        . 

Abingdon   Parish,   50. 

Acree.  2S,  118. 

Adams,  2,  3.  4.  S  59.  »i8,  14+  169,  170, 

227.  239,  294,  295. 
Adisory.  274, 
Albemarle  Pirish  Register,  26,  141,  145, 

180. 
Aldridge,  218. 
AJexander,  68.  175. 

Allen,  ij,  20,  61,  117,  124,  181,  207,  272. 
Allerton,  277. 
Alison,  13J. 
Ambler,  iii. 
Anderson,   14.  22,  23,  24,  26.  27,  29,  30, 

69,   117,   119.   122,   123,   124,   126,   133, 

208.  300,  301. 
Andrews,  133.  215. 
Ant}>ony,  22.  114,  124. 
Archer,  214,  216,  231. 
Argj'le,  223. 
Arlington,  178. 
Artnistead.  215,  277,  293. 
Armstrong,  22. 
Arnold,  79.  81,  82,  83.  84,  90. 
Arthur's  Choice,  64,  65. 
Ashly,  7a 
Ashfield,  IQ,  204. 
Ashley,  199. 
Athanes.    175. 
Atkins.  193.  196. 
Atkinson,  56,  123.  216. 
Austin,  22,  25,  26,  120,  122,  135,  126. 
Avery,  144, 
Aylett,  132. 

Bacon,  145,  176,  177,  178. 
Bacon's  Rebellion,  184,  185. 
Bagley.  29. 
Baker,  30,   134.  269. 
Balcaran,  89. 
Baldwin,  6.  224. 
Baldrcy.  273,  27t5. 
Ball,    182.    192.    195,    199.    264,   265,   268. 

269,  270. 
Ballard,  2ia  277. 
Baltimore.  Lord,  182. 
Barber.   n6.  219. 
Bancroft,  41. 
Barker,   59,    122,    125. 
Barney,  65. 
Bamhouse,  19.  213. 
Barradall,  293. 


Barraud,  70^  133. 

Barratt.  299, 

Barrett,  30. 

Barrom,  133. 

Bashford,  269. 

Bassett,  19.  177,  178,  213,  220,  227. 

Baltaile,  21. 

Baughan.   26. 

Baxter,  133. 

Bay  ley,  194. 

Beale,  10,  204,  277. 

"Bear  Garden,"  117. 

Bcatty,  61. 

Beaver   Dam  Creek,   123. 

Beckwith,  259,  260. 

Bell,  36.  145,  190.  262,  269. 

Bennett,  12,  21,  67,  113,  2c6. 

Bentley,   133. 

Benton,  33,  251. 

Berkeley,  13,  14,  16,  17,  19.  I45.  184,  207, 

208.  210.  212,  242. 
Bernard,  275,  292,  293. 
Berry,  62,  265. 
Bethel.  156. 

Beverley,  202,  277,  292. 
Bingham,  119. 
Bingley,  134. 
Binns,  144. 
Blackiston,   114. 
Blackley.  273. 

Blackwell,  16,  25,  26,  118,  123,  210. 
Blair.  121,  133,  277. 
Bland,  133,  216,  277. 
Blanks,  145. 
Blunt.  298. 
Board,  61. 
Bobby,  120. 
Boisscau,  215,  216. 
Boiling.   145,  281. 
Bond,  65.  66.  134,  263. 
Bose.  1 20. 
Boseley,  63-66. 
Boseley's  Expectation,  64. 
Boseley's  Palace,  64,  65. 
Boswell.  117. 
Botetourt  Lord,  71,  203. 
Bolt  217. 

Bottom's   Bridge,    122. 
Booth  (Bouth),  13,  19,  207.  212.  213,  219. 
Boulware.  249,  252,  253.  254.  256. 
Bowdoin.  27. 
Bo  we,  122. 


INDEX 


Bowles.  23.  25.  29. 

Eoyd,  295,  29S. 

Boylf.  143- 

Bracken.  278.  279.  280. 

Brackenriugc,  29. 

Braddan.  52. 

Brad  dock.  76.  87.  88. 

Brac'shaw,  15,  209. 

Brandenburg.   61. 

Brandon.  166,  167. 

Eraser,  274- 

Braxton,  294. 

Bray.  277. 

Brent,  271. 

Bremo  (Bremore),  II.  205.  274. 

Brereton,  i8<).  194,  195,  26j. 

Bridges.  63.  277. 

Briggs,  215,  216. 

Brien.   124. 

Bristol  Parish  Reg.,  145.  146,  281, 

Broadnax,  216. 

Br  ocas,  13,  207.    ' 

Brock,  274. 

Brockenbrough,  131,  132. 

Brooke.  15.  11+  209. 

Brookes,  217. 

Brouphto'i,  276. 

Brown  (Browne),  15,  123,  154.  209,  249. 

277.  296. 
Bruce.  72,  126.  202,  261.  263.  268,  285. 
Bruton  Church.  174,  222,  279- 
Bryan.  274- 

Bryant,   133-  „      „ 

Buchanan,  4.  254.  258,  289. 
Buck,  66. 
Bull  65. 
Bullock,  123.    . 
Burch,  180. 

Burgoyne,  86,  87,  88,  89,  90,  105. 
Bumham,  II,  14.  18,  19,  205,  208,  212. 
Burkett,  Ii7- 
Burnley,  122,  262. 
Burnett,  25,  28. 
Burrowes,  198. 
Burton,  129. 
Burrell,   19,   27,   76,    122,    133.    I77.   213, 

217.  228.  276.  277: 
Bushnell,   112,   299. 
Bushrode,  17,  210. 
Butler,  23,  87,  117.  122,  123,  125.  254- 
Byrd.  277. 
Cabell    281. 
Caldwell  285. 
Calhoon.  296. 
Callahan.  127. 
Calloway.  68,  69. 
Calthropp.  10,  204,  273. 
Calvert    182. 
Camden  Parish,   iSi. 


Campbell  46,  US- 
Camp  Douglas,   159. 
Capill  56. 
Capitol,  The,  296. 
Cardwell  216. 
Cargill  143.  144.  M5- 
Carleton.  %2.  85. 
Carmichael,  285. 
Carnegie,  264. 
Carney.  194- 
Carr,  185. 
Carrington.  223. 
Carter,   117,   134-   177.   187.   194,   195.   198, 

202,  221,  228.  262,  266,  277,  2S1. 
Cary,  135.  177,  1/8.  277- 
Cass.  256,  257. 
Castlen,  1 18. 
Cawthom,  23. 
Cedar  Creek,  22.  24,  26. 
Chambers,  61,  274. 
Chapel  28. 
Chapiii,  39- 
Chapman.  125. 
Charlton,  135. 
Chew,  14,  17.  19.  208,  210.  212,  275.  276, 

277- 
Cherokee  Indians,  95. 
Chickacoans,  182,  183. 
Chickawane.  183. 
Chicks,  22. 
Chinn,  68. 
Chiskiack,  68. 

Chisman.  17,  210,  273.  274.  278. 
Chistecuttewaws,  194. 
Christian,    117,   223,   224,   226. 
Churchill   277. 

Claiborne,  113.  182,  216,  217.  277- 
Clarke  (Clark),  26.  27,  "8,  49-50,  I49.  295- 
Clarkson,  17,  210. 
Claughton,    192. 

Clay.  24,  124.  125.  214,  217,  233.  236.  239. 
Clajton.  12.  13,  14,  23,  206,  207. 
Clement,  181. 
Cleveland,  98. 
Clough,  26. 
Claussell,   276. 
Cobham  Parish,  173,  174. 
Cobb.  58.  256. 
"Cobbs    Hall."    190. 
Cocke  (Cock),  2^,  25,  69,  1 34. 
Cochran,  21. 
Codd,    195. 

Coke,   134,  203.  ' 

Cole.  I,  2,  3,  4,  5.  65,  66,  277- 
Colebum,    129. 
Coleman.  2.  23,  221,  286. 
Collier.  214. 
Coles    281. 
Connaway,  19,  212. 


INDEX 


Gjnally.  218. 
Qjnness,  131. 

Ccr.v.ay,    115. 

Coplc  Parish,  115. 

Copley.  222. 

Cook.  67. 

Cooper,  20,  272. 

Corbin,  66,  230,  277. 

Comwallis.  .^9,  9A  93^  97.  9^    lOO. 

loj.   104. 
Corotoman,   197. 

Cossens.  192.  193,  195.  196.  197,  201, 
Cottrell,  262,  263. 
Couch-,  134. 

Coutanceau,  198.  200,  202. 
Cox,  185,  202,  245,  297. 
Craig.  62.  134- 
Cralle,  189,  190,  269,  270. 
Cranford.  239 

Craney  Island,  228.  229,  230. 
Cranford,   3. 
Crawley,  134, 
Crenshav,  22,  24,  26. 
Crittenden,  290. 
Crocker,  224,  293.    . 
Crook  (Crcoke).  59-70. 
Crooks,  295. 

Cros5.  21,  24,  30,   117,   122. 
Crouch,  274. 
Crowingshield,  239. 
Crump,   134. 
Culpeper.  Lord,  259. 
Cumming,   149. 
Curie,  216.  217. 
Curtis,  179,  198,  200. 
Cashing,  5. 

Custis,  25,  52,  54,   127-129,   178,  220. 
Dabney,  217. 
Dacier.  281. 
Daclc,  292.  293. 
Daingerfield,  215. 
Dale   Parish.   173. 
Dallas,  59.  283,  284. 
Damcron.  191,  271. 
Dandridge,  117,  122;  123. 
DapnelL  65. 
Darden,  271. 

Darnell   (Darnall),  61.  114. 
Davidson.  96. 

Davis,  23,  63,  77.  ">  122.  125,  135, 
214.   276. 

Dawson,  59-7a  I47.  148.  277. 
Deacon.  11.  15,  205,  208,  209. 
Dean   (Deane),  135,  282. 
DeBow.  2^3.  257. 
Deerfield,"86. 
Decrington.    192. 
DeFoe.  170. 
Degges  (Digges).  29.  135,  277. 


102, 


266. 


277- 


181. 


n 


Dejamette,  29. 

Deloraine,  Lady,  222. 

Dennett.  219. 

D.ennis,  187. 

Dent,  113. 

Dcrrickson,    10,    ir,   15,   204,   205,   209. 

Didbal,  27. 

Dickens,  295. 

Dickerson,    1 18. 

Dickinson,   112. 

Dickson,    135. 

Diiio,  61. 

Dimmer,   119. 

Dinmore.   118. 

Disney.    131. 

Dixon.   133. 

Dobbs,  277. 

Doggitt,   198. 

Douglas,  71,  155,  159,  290. 

Downing,  115^  200. 

Draper,  134.     v^^_^^ 

Drewitz,  134. 

Drummond,  134. 

Dudley,  29,  134. 

Dulaney,  64  68,  69. 

Dun  lop,  220. 

Dunmore.  Lord.  77. 

Dunn,  245. 

Dunning,  276. 

Durand.    220. 

Durrell,  215. 

Duvall.  27. 

Early,  36,  221. 

"Eastern,  Great,"  251. 

Eaton.  12,  2c6. 

Eckenrode,  60. 

Edmunds,  143.  215.  218.  221. 

Edwards,  15.  73.  143.  209. 

Eggleston,  124. 

Eld  red,  20,  272. 

Eldridge.  143-1+4.  221. 

Elmore,    29. 

Elliott,    23. 

Ellison,    14,    208. 

Eitham,    125. 

Ellyson,   296. 

English,   277. 

Eppes  (Epes),  2[6.  217.  277,  295. 

E^kridge,    259,   260. 

Eustace,  190.  200,  263.  266.  267,  269. 

Evans,  71. 

Ewell,  291. 

Ewing,  37. 

Faber,   220,   281. 

Fagan,    180. 

Fairfax.   277. 

Fawdon,    177. 

Farmer,   119. 

Farquharson.   135. 


INDEX 


Farrar,  277- 

Farrow,  30. 

Feam,  187. 

Ferguson    (Fergusson),   98,    174,    175. 

Floyd   (Floyd),  209,  256. 

Field  295- 

Fielding.   191,    192,    194.    199- 

Fields,  174- 

Finley,  4'>.  47- 

Finnic,   135. 

Fishback,   222,   223. 

Fisher,   251,   252,   254.   256. 

Fitzgerald.  24,  26,  135. 

Fitch,  Patrick.  122. 

Fitzhugh,   131.   19S.  201,  277. 

Fleece,  66. 

Fleet,  ii8,   186,  261. 

Fletcher,  233.  236. 

Pioyd,  16,  56. 

Flood,  179, 

Flone.  179. 

FIj'nt.  200. 

Fontaine,  29. 

Ford.  179. 

Forrest.  37. 

Forsythe,  283,  284. 

Fordn,  23. 

Foster,  46,  178,  216.  217. 

Fouace,  26. 

"Four  Mile  Tree,"  277. 

Fowlkes,  117. 

Fox   (Foxe),  15,  27,   123,   124,   189,  191, 

209. 
Foxcraft,  52. 
Francis,  193,  199. 
Frazicr,  89. 
Freeman,  87,  90. 
French,   178. 
Frisby,  59. 
Galey,   68. 
Gait,  135. 
Garden.   124. 
Gardiner,  7071.    114. 
Gardner.    114.    117. 
Garland,  23,  25. 

Garlingtoii,  198,  264.  265,  268,  269,  270. 
Gamett,  254. 
X  Garrett,  63. 
Garsuch.  66. 
Garth,  70. 
Gary,  214,  216. 
Gaskins.  187.  189,  190.  202. 
Gates,  86.  87.  88,  90,  92.  220. 
Gate  wood.  112. 
Gathright.  118. 
Gaylard.  105. 
Gcddy.  136.  215. 
Gerard.    114,    115. 
Gervis,  120. 


Gibson.  19,  28,  63,  21J,  293. 
Gipson,  25. 
Giddings.  271. 
Giles,  285.  300. 
Gilmer,  283,  284. 
Gist,  30. 

Glazebrook,    117. 
Glebe,  The,  29,  30,  241,  244 
^  Glenn,  22.   122. 
Glinn,    23. 

Glov^  10.  204,   205. 
Gooch.    173-175.  265,  277. 
Godwin.  53,  54. 

Goodwjii.  214.  215,  216.  217,  218. 
Goode.   252.   254. 
Gold  Mine  Parish,  71. 
Gordon,  223,  282. 
Graham.    136.    235. 
Grammar,    131. 
Grammar  School,  8,  278,  279. 
Grannell.   115. 
Grant,  31,  ^,  72. 
-■^JGraves.  50. 
Gregory.   217. 
Greyes.  25. 
Greene,  22,  25,  92,  93,  94,  95,  96.  97.  103. 

104,  281. 
Greenhow,  70,   136. 
Greenway,  217,  218. 
Gresham,    202. 
Griffin.    136,   185,    195. 
Griffith.   21,   293. 
Grigs  by.  24. 
Grindall's  Shoals,  98. 
Grundy,  60. 
Gruver.  67. 
Grymes.  28.  277. 
Guilford  Court  House,  103,  104. 
Gwinn,   273. 
Hack,    189.   222. 
Hadmungton.  65. 
Haeger,  222. 
"^Haines.  21. 
Haldane,  97. 
Haley.  213. 
Flail.  27,  46-49. 
Ha  I  leek.   39. 
Hallingser,    118. 
Hambleton,  199. 
Hamilton,  2.  3,  90,   150. 
Hamor.    275. 
Hammond.   96. 
Hampton,  11.  205.  228. 
Hampton  Parish.  116.  273. 
Hams  ley,  27. 
Hanbury,   174,   175. 
Hanes.    26. 

Hannah's  Cowpens,  98. 
Hansford,  19,  213. 


INDEX 


Hanson,  113,  I14,  II5- 
Harache,    I74- 

Hardawiy.  217,  218. 
Hardin.  88. 
,  Hardwick,  59-70.  _ 

y  Hardy.  14,  2u8. 
Hare.  62,  63. 
Hareot,  64. 
Hargravc,  218. 
Harmanion,  222. 
Harmon,   218. 
Hart,  220. 
Hartman,   172. 
Hartwell,  11,  143.  205,  275. 
Harratt   (Harriott),  60,  67,  68.  69. 
Harris,  24,  26,  28,  iii,  123,  124,  189,  195, 

200,  201. 

Harrison,  4,  12,  13,  14,  20,  144,  172,  176. 

206.  207.  224,  272,  275,  277,  2S4. 
Harwell,  205,  214,  275. 
Harrwod    (Harwood),    10,    11,    12,    13, 

14,  136.  204,  205.  206,  207,  275,  278. 
Hatton,  113-117,  136. 
Hawes,   124. 

Hawkins.  15.  17,  148,  209,  210,  218. 
Haxham,   27. 
Hayden,   Virginia  Genealogies,  J 15,   190, 

192,  269,  293. 
Hayes,    192. 
^Ha>Ties  (Haines).  192,  195,  196,  198.  200, 

201,  2Q2. 

Haynie.  195,  199.  200,  201,  271. 
Heard,  2^2. 

Heath.  15.  115.  187,  188.  209,  262,  264. 
^      265. 
Hcckman.  199. 
Helm,  65. 
Henderson,  22. 
Hendrick,  26. 
Hennett.  la  204. 
Henry,  2^,  26,  27,  62.  224. 
Hensey,  64. 
Henson,'  114,  119. 
Heron,  281.  282. 
Herrington.  68. 
Hewes  (Hues),  192,  196. 
Heyward,    10,   204. 
Hickman,  27. 
Hide,   175,   176. 
Hijfginson.  10.  16.  204. 
Hill,    27,    114,   214,   216. 
Hines,   22,   216. 
Hinton,  215,  216. 

Hobson.  185,  186-187,   193.  194.   198.   199- 
201. 
.Hockaday.  13,  15,  207.  209. 
Hog    (Hogg).   30.   125. 
Hoi^an,  225.  226. 
Holding,  16.  210. 


Holford,   221. 

Holland.    193. 

Holman,  69,   193. 

Holmes,  137. 

Holleyman.  63. 

HoUoway,   131. 

Holt.  137. 

Honey.    136. 

Honiwood.  176,  177,  178. 

Honnor,  The.  13. 

Hood,   43. 

Hooe,  2t». 

Hooper,  27,  30. 

Hope.   127,  128. 

Hopkins.  30,  273. 

Hopkinson.  220. 

"Homes.  The,"  53,  54,  55,  57. 

Horns  by,   136. 

House  of   Burgesses.    145,   183,  186.  190, 

292. 
House  of  Commons.  89. 
Houston,   250,   251. 
Howard,  61,   loi.   102. 
Howe,  77.  90,  91. 
Howell,   59. 
Howson,   56.   262. 
Hubard,   137. 
Hudson,  125,  216.  217. 
Hughes,  123,  124,  193,  195,  197.  199. 
Huirhlett,  264. 
Hull.   187.   18S-191. 
Hume,   71. 
Hundley,  21,  68. 
Hungar's  Bridge,  55. 
Hunsdon,  178. 
Hunt,    II,   205. 

Hunter.  136.  252,  253,  254,  255. 
Hunting  Creek,    115. 
Hutchinson,   137. 
laran.  137. 
Indian  John,  266. 
Ingram.   262.   269. 
Innis,   137. 
Irving,    214. 

Ironmonger.  192,  193,  195,  196. 
Jackson.  2,  3.  5.  14,  19,  163,  164,  202,  208, 

212,  213,  215,  249,  250,  258. 
Jacobs,   147. 
James,   70.   221. 
Jameson,   262. 

Jamestown,  106,  148,  182,  183.  , 

Jauncey.  192,  195,  196,  200.  201. 
Jeanes,   52. 
Jefferson.  8.   107,   109,   no.   III.   181-182, 

227,  278. 
Jeffrey.  265. 
Jenkins.  60. 
Jennings,  277. 
Joanes,   52. 


TUI 


INDEX 


-Jones,  28,  29,  59.  65.  124,  144,  MS-  U7, 
173,  191.  203.  214,  216,  217,  221.  239, 

260,  261-272,  291. 

Johnson,   19.     22,  27,  3U  A^>  57.  5^  71, 
104,  113.  130,  212.  217,  23J,  236,  254. 

261,  262,  275. 
Johnston,   220.  221.  291. 
Jordan.    27,    180. 
Juxon,  219. 

Kcach,    191. 
Kearsage,  The.  147. 
Keaser,  23. 
Keeble,  49.   50- 
FCceling,  29. 
Keith,  59-70,  176. 
Kellaway.  18,  211. 
Kclley,    66. 

Kempc,  12,  16,  19,  206,  210,  212,  277. 
Kemper,  50,  222,  223. 
Kendall  54. 
Kenner.    1S9.  201. 
Kenney,  66. 
Kerton,    12,    206. 
Key.  275. 
Kidd,  2a  66. 
Kilby,  25. 
Kincheloe,  59-70. 
King,  23.  24,  26,  2&  217,  218. 
King  Daz-id.  The,  276. 
Kingsmill,    177. 
"Kings  Mountain,"  180. 
Knight,  201,  224,  276. 
Lacy,  123. 
LaFayette,  91. 
Lafong    137. 
Lamb,  83,  217. 
Lambert.  192.  195,  201. 
Lampkin,  ^262,  2159. 
Lane,  122. 

Lajiier.  178-181,  201,  217. 
Larrows.    119. 
Latch  ford,  115. 
Lavely,  124. 
Law,  68.   223. 
Lawson.  46,  59- 7a  187. 
Lee,  16,    19^  S3-    M3.    IS^*.   163-    187.   188, 
190.  195.  196.  vfi.  200.  202.  22f),  261, 

262,  263.   266,    267.    26rt.    270.   273.    275. 
277,  254.  297. 

Lee's  Parish,  199.  200. 

Lefcbre.   285. 

Lefiwich.   220.  221. 

Lemay.   124. 

Lenox.  137. 

Leslie,  97. 

"Letters  and   Times  of  Tylers,"  5. 

Lewis.  II,  30,  71.  137.  174.  205.  202,  277- 

Libby  Prison,  43.  45. 

Lightfcot  277. 


Lile,   297. 

Lluellen,  192. 

Lincoln,  3,  31,  33,  35.  36.  37.  2^.  39.  40 
41,  147,  155.  158.  159.  163,  169,  170, 
296.   2>)7. 

Linsey.  17,  210. 

Lipscomb,  26,  28.   122. 

Lister,  201. 

Literary  Messenger,   155. 

Littlepage,  22,  23,  24,  26,   121. 

Littleton,  277. 

Logan.  69.  77. 

Longstreet,  23. 

Low,    137, 

Lowndes,   239. 

Lowry,  17,  210. 

XudwelL  277. 

Ludlo>v.  i6,  17,  210.  275. 

Lumpkin,  26. 

Lundie,  221. 

Lyddall,  I7S  1/6,  I77.  «78. 

Lyle,  26. 

Lyons,  30,  117,  124. 

Lyster,  198. 

Maccaulay,   168. 

Machoatique  Creeke,  193. 

Machump  Creek,  25,  117,  125. 

Mack  Ghee,  30. 

Macon,  26.  123,  125. 

Madison,    138.   239.  — 

Maggett,    19,   213. 

Mainwaring.  22. 

Majors,  65. 

Mann.  251,  258. 

Manson.    119.   215. 

Mansfield.  29. 

Many,  138. 

Marion,  97. 

Marks,    120,   121,  245. 

Marr,  138. 

Marsh,   66. 

Marshall    57.    58. 

Martian.   Il,   14.   16,  205,  210,  276. 

Martin,  23,  52,  62.  138. 

Marxton.  21. 
!    Massenburg,  138,  I44- 

Massie,   119. 
;    Mason.  161,  22A.  239,  251,  290. 
i    Matedequin  Creek.  25.  123.   124. 
S  Mathews    (Mathew),  53,    184,  277. 
j    Maury,  253. 
1    Maxwell  61,  248. 
j    May.  68., 
I    Mayner,  68. 
■    Mc Arthur.   97. 
'    !kIcCarty.   59-70.    138.  - 

McCaw,  285. 

McChester.   129, 

McClellan.  156. 


INDEX 


McOough.  22. 

McConaltry.  59-70. 

tIcConneil,  62. 

McCullock,   251. 

McCurg,  137.  278. 

McDonald.    214. 

McDougall,  25,  118. 

McDowell  49- 

Mcllwaine,   142. 

McKee,  50. 

McKinley.  22. 

McPherson,    46. 

McRae,    219. 

McRobert    172.    1 73-  .      .,.     „ 

Meade,   "Old   Churches   and   Families, 
187.  188. 

Mechc,  54- 

Meed.  26. 

"Menoken,"    294- 

Mercer.  232. 

Merriman    (Merr>-nian),    204,    209,    274. 
276. 

Meriwether.  117.  1-22,  125,  I47.  259 

Merry  Oaks,  122. 

Merrydeth,  65. 

Meux.  27,  122,  123. 

Michie,    I45. 

Middleton.   294. 

Mileston,   118. 

Miller.  115,  187.  274.  281,  282. 

/.lills.  26,  30.  i5- 
^litchell.  63,    132. 

Moody.  71.  125,  138.  218. 

Moir,  138. 
/  Monroe,  234,  235.  239. 

Montg<pmery,  8'.  82,  84. 

Monticello.    107. 

Moore,  254. 

Moorman.  107.  no,  221. 

Morgan.   46.  73-io6.    130,    147.    148.    154 

195- 
Morris.  26.  65,  66,  216.  220. 
Morrison,    132,   172,  276. 
Morrow.  69. 
Morton,  138. 
Mottrom,   J82.  268. 
"Mount  .\iry."  283,  294. 
Ikfount  Vtmon,  220. 
Moyer,    137. 
Mulberry  Island.  293. 
Murray,   281,   282. 
Nash,  23. 
Neale,   185. 

Necostan  Indians,  184. 
Nsedham,    143- 
Neil],   180. 
N'elms.  265. 

Nelson.  29.  30.  123.  138,  277. 
New  Poquosin  Pish.  274. 


New  England  HisL  and  Gen.  Register. 

176.   180. 
Nettmaker,   17,  18,  210,  211. 

Nevitt  66,  67. 

Newton.  115.  293. 

Newman,  132.  217. 

Nicholas,  216. 

Nicholson,   138.   143. 

Nicklers,  202. 

Noel.    21. 

Northern   Neck,   185. 

"Northumberland  House,"  185. 

Nottingham,  55,  71. 

"Offutt,"  7'- 

Ogee,  222,  283. 

Oldham,  265.  293. 

Oliver,  25,  28.  29,  122,  124. 

Orasonay,    194. 

Orear,  63,  67. 

Orr.   139. 

Overton,  126. 

Owen,  24,  118.   195  ': 

Oxford.   Lord,   184.  ! 

Page,    28,    277.  i 

Paine,  34,  35-  ^  : 

Palmerston.  Lord,  160.  169,  257. 

Pamphlet    149-  ; 

Parish    (Parrish),   65.  66. 

Parish  of  Bartholomew.  274. 

Parish  of  Great  Wycomico,   187. 

Parke.  277. 

Parker.  52,  117.  188. 

Parkinson,    218. 

Parlotte,  66. 

Parmer,  118. 

Parrett,   276. 

Pasteur,  139. 

Pate,  24,  25,   117- 

Patterson.  285. 

Payne,   30,    119.    267. 

Payton.   106. 

Peachy,  267. 

Peake.  175-178.  294-295- 

Pearce,    59.  — 

Pearson.    118.    139 

Peewanrs.   197. 

Pegram.    214.    215. 

Pelham.  222. 

Pemberton,  20. 

Penick.  26. 

Peniston,  62. 

Penning,    59- 

Penny.  29  "7.  123. 

Penryn.  ,116. 

Percy.  ISI" 
Perry,  66.  139,  277. 

Pescud.  295. 
Peters.  132. 
Petters    (Pettus).   17.   IQ,  116,  212. 


INDEX 


Pcttross,  22. 

Pcttypock.   214,   215,  217. 
,Pbi   Beta   Kappa,   223- 
Vphilip5    (Phiihps),  89,  97,   168. 
Pickcas,  96,  256. 
Piclccring,    199.   261. 
Pierce,  Sy^iSri39^ 
Pinckney,  71- 

Pine  22a  ■  ^       .^     -^ 

Pinkard.    189.    190,    202,    261,    262,    266, 

270. 
Pinor,  272,  273- 
Pipen  Tree  Road,  118. 
Pitt.   139- 
Plite,   139- 
Pocahontas,  292. 
Pole,  57. 
f  Pollard,  22,  23,  72,  120,  123. 
Pontiac   85. 
Pope,  66.  139- 

Poplar  Hill  Hundred,  114.  "5- 
Poquostn,  27^ 
Porteus,  195. 
Powell,  n,  56,  88,  205. 
Power  (Powers),  24,   131- 
Powhatan.   io6.  283.  292. 
Foythress,  183.  184- 
Price,  37.   lU.  ^3- 
Prentis,  139. 

Presley,  183,   184-186.  189. 
"Preslwould."  281. 
Price,  37,  114- 
Priddy,  26,  28.  117- 
Prosser,  218. 
Pryor,  li.  12.  13.  14.  "9.  205,  206,  207, 

2«>8,  230.  275. 
Puritan,  2f)2. 
Puryear,  26. 
Putnam,   86,   90. 
Quelle.  270. 

Queen's  Bangers,  281,  2S2. 
Rabishaw,   55,   56.   57- 
Radford,  121. 
Ragland,  23,  24,  119- 
Randolph.  220,  228.  277,  279.  287,  299. 
"Rasberry   Plain,"  231. 
Raven,  60. 

Ravensicroft,  281,  282. 
Rcadville,   I39- 
Red  Lyon.  Ye,  193- 
Reesc,  145,  146. 
Reid,  139. 
Rich.  65. 
Richards,  65. 

Richardson,  21.  24,  25.  28.  64,  119. 
Richmond,  2f. 
Riggby,   273. 
Ring,  i6,  21. 
Ripon  HAU  277. 


Ritson,  70. 

Rives.  258. 
^Roadman,   139. 

Roane,  269. 

Roberts.  218. 

Robertson,  51,  140.  ' 

Robins.  21.  52.  58. 

Robinson.  21,  69,  277. 
Rodes.  72. 

Roebuck,  201. 

Rogers.  185,  200. 

Rolfe.  145. 

Rorer,  63. 

Rose.  13. 

Rothrock.  70. 

Ross,   140. 

Roosevelt,  2. 

Rootes,  21. 

Routh,  209. 

Row.  118. 

Rowan.  65. 

Rowland.  21,  34,  2l8,   228. 

Rowsay,   140. 

Rovall,  27. 

Ru'ffin,  31-46,  154-171,  240-259,  297. 

RutTm's  Fanner's  Register,  172. 

Rugby,    17,   210. 

Rush,  61,  239. 

Russell,  30,  60.  139,  140,  161,  169. 

Rutherford.  21. 

Rutledge,  96. 

Salisbury,  187,  264. 

Sandifer,  116,  217. 

Sanford,  267. 

Saunders,    140. 

Savage,  55.  58. 

Sayers,  176. 

Say  re.  246,  247. 

Scarborough,  277. 

Schlatter,   130. 

Schrever,   187-188,    189.    190. 

Schuyler,  79.  8t. 

Scott,  156.  178,  215,  217,  298. 

Scouvement.  140. 

Seay,  21,  22,  124. 

Scbril,  14.  208. 

Seddon,   285. 

Selby.  140. 

Selden,  225.  226. 

Semmes,   147.  < 

Sensserfe.  276. 

Sergeant.  70. 

Seward  41.  UL  157.  158. 
;    Sharpe,  65.  232. 
,    Shaw;  65. 
I    Shearman.  271. 
j    Shelby.  98.  239. 
1    Sheild.   130. 
j    Shelendme.  11,  205. 


INDEX 


XI 


Shelton.  22,  117.  259. 

ShephcTd,  22,  216. 

Shcppards,  285. 

Sheridan,  38,  296. 

Sherman,  43,  296. 

"Sherwood  Forest,"  225,  226.   " 

Shields,  22. 

Ship(>  Desire,  Ye,  276. 

Shif>p  Honor,  206.  207. 

Shipp  King  Daz-id,  276. 

Simcoe,  46. 

Simpkins,   23. 

Sims.  22,  23,   123. 

Simmons,  221. 

Singleton,  140. 

Skip  with,  281,  282. 

Slaughter,    281. 

Sledd.  22.  ^^ 

SlouG;h,   ID. 

Smead.  285,  288. 

Smelt,  23. 

Smith,  7,  2Z,  26,  30,  50.  71,  72,  107,  III. 

119,    177.    i8j.    188,   255,   265,    267, 

269,  277,  292-294. 
Smithwick,  295. 
Sneed,  23. 
Snelson,  2-^. 
Sorrell,  115. 
Southal!.  140. 
Southworth,  2y 
Span,  200. 

Spain,  214,  217,  218. 
Spicer,  24,   124. 
Spotswood.  222,  277. 
Springer,  62, 

St.  Anne's  Parish,  60.  65.  67,  68,  69. 
St.  George's  Parish,  65,  67,  68,  69. 
St.  John's  Church,  294. 
St.  John's  Parish,  60,  65,  67,  68.  69. 
St.  Martin's  Parish,  21,  22,  26,  27,  29, 

30  119,   122.   123,   125. 
St.  Mary's  Parish,  21,  182. 
St.  Mary's  Rent  Roll,  115. 
St  Patrick's  Parish.  173,  261.  262,  263. 
St  Paul's  Parish,  21,  22.  zs,  25,  26,  27, 

28,  29,  30,   117,  118,   H9,   122,   124, 

125- 

St.  Stephen's  Parish  Register.  189,  191. 

Slag  Creek,   26. 

Stanford,  272. 

Stanely,  24,  270. 

Stark  (Starke),  25,  28,  92,  217. 

Starrman,  274. 

State  Capitol,  296. 

Steer.  67. 

Stettenious,    131. 

Steuben,  109. 

Stevens,  46. 

Stevenson,  248. 


Stewart,  26,  281. 
Stillington,  19,  212. 
Stith.   143.  221. 
StQckley.   21. 

Stoke,   175-  (^ 

Stone,  16,   113,  210,  219,  221. 
Stoney  Branch,  28. 
Stonestreet,  68. 
Stork,  293,  295. 
Stott,  218. 
Street,  25,  118. 
Stringer,  18,  56,  21 1. 
Strother,  143. 
Stuart,  25.  26,  27. 
Stubbins,  17,  18,  211. 
Sturman,    190. 
Suggett   189. 
Sully,    220. 
Sumner,  271, 
"Sunderland    Hall,"  71. 
Susquehannas,  182. 
Sutton,  66,  67. 
Swann,   266,   267,  268. 
-Swinford,  61. 
Sydnor,  26,  28,  121,  215. 
Synie,  26.  27,  124. 
Tabb,  214,  216. 
Taliaferro,  140. 
Tallmadge,  5. 

Tally  (Talley).  25,  27,  28,  123,  124. 
Taptico,  267. 
Tarlton  (Tarleton),  46.  61,  93,  97,  98. 

99,  100,  loi,  102.  103. 
Tarpley.  202,  214,  261,  263,  267,  268. 
Tate,  25,  28. 
Tatemenony,   194. 
Tayloe,  177,  277,  ^i^  284,  294. 
Taylor,  11,  25,  26,  28.  63,  64,  70,   120, 

140,    205,    222,    228.    265,    268,    269, 

272.  273.  275,  297,  298. 
Tazewell,  58. 
Tebbs,  115. 
Terrell,  28,  29. 
Terry,  21. 

Thacker,  29,  123,  141,  208,  275. 
Therman.  30. 
Thilman,  29,  120.  103. 
Thomas,  68,  163. 
Thomson,  29,  30,   121. 
Thompson.  22,   25,   26.   29,   30,   132.   219. 
Thornston,   259. 
Thornton,  30,    119,   125,   131,   185,   259, 

266,  267,  277. 
Thorowgood,  277. 
Thrasher,  49. 
Thruston,  294. 

Thurman    (Thurmand),  28,  30. 
Thweatt  216. 
Thwaiter,  149. 


xu 


INDEX 


Tillon,    i68. 

Timbcrlake,   22,  24,   I2I. 

Timson,  219. 

Tinslcy,  24.   25,  29,  30,   117,    119,   121, 

124.  125. 
Todd,  ii,  17.  63.  117,  205.  210. 
Toler.  23.  28.  117,  124- 
Tolcs,  27. 
Tomlinson,    118. 
Toombs,  2S3- 
Totopotomy  Creek,  27,  28,  30,  117,  119, 

120,   121,   122,   124,   12$. 
"Town  Fields."  51. 
Townsend,  16,  210. 
Trasford,  19,  212. 
Travers.    199,    267. 
Traylor,  245. 
Trent,  The,  157. 
Trevilian,    119. 

/rrimble.  233,  235,  237,  238.  239. 
Trinity  Parish,  72. 
Triplett,  295. 
Trotter,  46.  218. 
Truro  Parish.  294- 
Tnissell,  184. 
Tucker,  7,  8,  9,  70,  118,  175.  176.  214, 

215,  216.  278.  279,  280,  281,  286,  297. 
Tullock,  118. 
T-jnstall,  118. 
Turbcrville,  200,  201. 
Turner,  45,  118,  119,  120,  125,  126.  216. 
Turney,  191. 
Tyler,  i,  2,  4,  5,  119,  120,  143,  225,  2::6, 

281,  288,  289,  290. 
Tyman,  275,  276. 
Tyrec,  119,  120.  121. 
Underwood,  43,  296. 
Upper  Machodock  Neck,  292. 
Upton,  19,  212. 
Urift  141. 
Utie,   19,  213. 
Van  Buren,  3,  283. 
Vanheck,  59. 
Vanhorn,   47. 
Vanlandigham,  67. 
Van  Ness,  239. 
Vason,  50. 
Vaughan.  295. 
Vaus,    16,    210,    273. 
Vauson,   275. 
V'est,  119. 
Via,  119. 
Vinton,  40. 

yirginia  Farmer,  The.  172,   173. 
yirgtnia  Gazette,  260. 
I'irginia  Magazine  of  History  and  Bio<j- 

raphy,  191.   igj,  293. 
Virginia  State  Library,  142. 


Videll,  214. 

Wade,  30,  114.  116,  122,  123,  124. 

WaddiU,    214. 

Waddy,  29,  118,  i88.  200,  264.  265. 

Wale,   198,   199,   261. 

Walker.  4,  5,  123,  124,  125,  181,  217,  256, 

295- 
Wallace,  214. 
Waller.   141. 
Wallis,  274. 
Walters,   68. 
Walton,  70,   125. 
Warden,  21,  27. 
Ware.  66. 
Warner,  131,  277. 

Warren,   52. -- 

Wash,  30. 

Washington,  41,  46,  47.  71.  75.  76,  70. 

85.  86,  90,  91,  92.  93,  96,  99,   100, 

loi,    102,    III,    I78-i8j,    199,    220, 

223,  286.  288. 
Waters,  51,   52,   55.  56.   176. 
Watens  Creek,  21. 

Watkins,  22,  25,  124.  125,  214,  215,  216. 
Watson,  41,  67,  124,   125. 
Watts,  26,  64,  124.  186,  214,  215,  218. 
Waughop,   113. 
Webb,   169,   !86. 
Webster,  4,  283. 
Wells  (Welles).  49.  147,  218. 
Werococomoco.  292. 
Wcssington,  179. 
West.  16,  210,  277. 
Westmoreland,   214. 
Wharncliffe,  Lord,  169,  170,  171. 
Whealer,  21. 
Wheatley,   66. 
Wheeler,  20,  256,  272. 
Whitaker,  186. 
White,   20,   29.  71,    122,    123,    124,    125, 

172.  272. 
Whitetield,  220. 
Whitehead,  215. 
Whiting,  178,  277. 
Whitlock,  28,  120,  I2r.  123,  124. 
Wicker,  26. 
Wickershani,  67. 
Wickbam,  71. 
Wicomico    Parish,    188,    189,    191,   265^ 

268,  270. 
Wicomico  Indian  Town,  193,  194,  2^, 

267. 
Widgon.   56. 
Wilde,  276. 
V\  iiderpoole,   115. 

Wilkinson.  87.  88,  90,  114,  124,  125,  126. 
Williams.  63,  97.  I9>  214,  217.  2i8.  2S7, 

291. 


INDEX 


Williamsburg  (Middle  Plantation),  8, 

10,  46,   70,  71.    174.   204,   208.   222. 

i^3,  V2.  278,  279.  280,  2S6,  287. 
Williamsburg    Lodje   of   Masons,   222. 
William  and"  Mary  College,  6,  7,  8,  9, 

71,  72.  174,  203,  278,  279.  285.  286, 

291,  292,  297. 
William    and    Mary    College    Charter, 

287. 
William    and    Mary    College    Library, 

287. 
William    and    Mary    College    Chapel, 

299- 

IVilliarn   and    Mary    College    Quarterly, 

8.  3».  33,   46.  48,   50,   59.   72.    115. 
130,  143,  144.  145.  '54.  174.  176,  177, 
178,    180,    185,    i86,    189,    190,    193, 
240,  292,  293,  295. 
'.    Wiiloughby,  277. 
^    Wilre,  209. 

Wilson,  59,  62,  63,  69,  273,  276.  295. 
(    Wills,  201,  271,  276,  277. 
/    Winfree,    118. 

Wingfield,    22,    23,    25,    26,    28,    29.    120, 
;  ^<*iBi22,  123,   124,  125. 
^/Winn,  117,  122,  126. 

Winston,   21,   23,   26,   28.   29.    118,    119, 
120,  121,  122,  123,  IZ4,  125,  126. 
,  Winter.  195,  265. 
Winthrop,  289. 
Withers,  198,  200. 
Witherspoon,    72. 


Withington,  193. 
Wolfe,  79,  81,  122. 
Wolseley,  223. 
Wombill,   15,  209. 
---Wood,   129,  141,   173. 
Woodley,  273. 
W^oodson,  122,  123. 
Woodward,    170,    I77,   178. 
Woody,   117,  123.  124. 
Woolaston,  220. 
Woolfolk,  23,  29,  123.  124. 
Wormeley,  14,  17,  18,  19,  174,  208.  210, 

211.  212,  275,  277. 
Worsham,  218-. 
Wray,    141. 
Wrenn,  203.  • 

Wright,  15,  63,  125,  208,  209,  297,  293. 
Wyate,  12. 
W^ynn;  218. 
Wythe.   141.  288,  294. 
Varb<:)ugli,    125. 
Yardley,  106,  277. 
Yeanians,    119. 
Veocon;ico,    182. 

York  County,  71,  176,  204-213,  272-277. 
York  Parish,  10,  17,  275. 
Yorktown,    10.    12,    16,   47,   70,   79,   90, 

104,   116,   123. 
Young,  68,  141,  215,  2i8,  219. 
Yowell,  190. 
Ziegler,  131. 


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