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Volume 1, Series 2 



President William and Mary Librarian William and Mary 
College College 

Published Quarterly by William and Mary College at 
Williamsburg, Va. 

V. / 



JANUARY, 1921. VOL. 1, No. 1 

Foundations of Virgin-'a: Address by Hon. Alton B. Parker 1 

Letters of Beilby Porteus and John Blair relative to the Brafferton 

Estate 16 

Minutes of the College Faculty, 1758 24 

Notes Relative to Some of the Students who Attended the College of 

William and Mary, 1753-1770 27 

Some Letters of John Preston 42 

Thomas Dawson to Lady Gooch 52 

William Hunter to Thomas Dawson 54 

Hugh Jones 55 

Estate of Francis Robinson 56 

Alexandria Academy 58 

Petition to Increase Power of Congress over Commerce, 1785 61 

Taxation of Importers, 1780 63 

Letters from Mr. Povey, Concerning the Naturall Products of Virginia 

in Behalf of the Royall Society 66 

Petition of American Loyalists, 1778 70 

Editorial 72 

APRIL, 1921. VOL. 1, No. 2 

William Claiborne of Kent Island. By J. H. Claiborne 73 

Anthony Langston on Towns and Corporations, and on Manufacture of 

Iron 100 

Letters of Robert Pleasants of Curies 107 

John Clayton, of James City, 1684 114 

Notes Relative to Some Students of William and Mary, 1770-1778 116 

Charlotte County Notes. W S. Morton 131 

Christopher Robinson. By Mary P. Clarke 134 

Cloud-Capped Legion. By Clayton Torrence 137 

Essex County. Note. By Clayton Torrence 142 

John Tennent and Helen Balf our. By Clayton Torre; ce 142 

Mary Nicholson 143 

Fleming Family 144 


Hewick Facing page 134 

JULY, 1921. VOL. 1, No. 3 

The Family Register of Nicholas Taliaferro, with Notes. By W. B. 

McGroarty 145 

The Quaker's Attitude Towards the Revolution. By A. P. Archer 167 


Subscribers in Virginia to Blacksttme's Commentaries, 1772 183 

Letters of WilUam Byrd II, and Sir Hans Sloane Relative to Plants and 

Minerals of Virginia 186 

Charles C. Johnston to J. B Floyd, December 16, 1831. Contributed 

by Hon. R. M. Hughes 201 

Revolutionary Manufacturies. Contributed by Clayton Torrence 207 

Thomas McClanahan. Contributed by T. Adger Stewart 209 

Rebecca Dinwiddie to Thomas Dawson, 1758 214 

Queries: Gather Family; Hill Family; Larue Family; Booker, Weldon, 

Pitts, Anderson, Powell Families 215 


Zhe Hoi, formerly Totterdown Hill Frontispiece 

Newington: Hickory Neck Church Facing page 157 

Manuscript of Nicholas Taliaferro, Sr " " 165 

Portrait of Adair Pleasants Archer " " 167 

OCTOBER, 1921, VOL. 1, No. 4 

Virginia Indian Trade to 1673. By A. J. Morrison 217 

Professiona 1 Biography of Moncure Robinson. By R. B. Osborne 237 

Letters of Patrick Henry, Sr., Samuel Davies, James Maury, Edwin 

Conway and George Trask 261 

Foundation and Walls of the College Building. By Prof. Robt. J. 

Morrison 282 

Col. William Morton. By W. S Morton 285 

Taylor and Jones Families. By Trist Wood 287 

Revolutionary Officers of Virginia. By W. S. Morton 290 

John West of Accomac By M. L 292 

Notes on McCarty,. Chinn, Glasscock, Turley and Hardwick Families. 

By A. L. Keith 294 

Genealogical Queries 297 


Abbott, William, 62 
Abolition society in Virginia, 168. 
Academies, Alexandria, 58-60. 
Accomac Co., 120, 159, 184, 185, 

292, 293. 
Ackley, 297. 
Adam, Robert, 60, 62. 
Adams, James, 62. 

Thomas, 28. 
Africa (ship), 78. 
African company, 109. 
Agues, 102, 187. 
Air pump, 200. 
Albemarle Co., 117, 158, 184. 
Alexander, Ann, 154. 

James, 292. 

Morgan, 116. 

Sir Wm., 78, 86. 

William, 116. 

Mrs., 116. 
Alexandria, 61, 183, 184, 185, 


Alexandria Academy, 58-60. 
Alleghaney Co., Pa., 149. 
Alleghany portage railroad, 245. 
Alleghany river, 240. 
Allen, President, 271. 
Andrew, 70. 
Hudson, 28. 
Jolly, 71. 
William, 28. 
Allen Co., Ky., 297. 
Allerton, Sarah, 289. 
Allison, John, 60. 

Robert, 62. 
Altemaha river, 212. 
Alum, 192. 
Alvord, C. W., 217. 
Amados and Barlow, 218. 
Ambler, Mr., 21. 

Jaquelin, 28. 
Amboy, N. J., 210, 211. 
Amelia Co., 120, 215, 216, 298. 
American historical review, 280. 
American quarterly register, 270, 


Anacostan Indians, 222. 
Anchors, 149. 
Anderson, Mr., 43, 45, 47, 216. 

Ann Pauline, 216. 

Daniel, 183. 

Matthew, 276. 

William, 292. 
Andirons, 56. 
Annapolis, 210. 

Ants, 68. 

Anthony, Mr., 201. 
Appomattox Falls, 235. 
Appomattox river fort, 227. 
Archer, Adair P., J.67-182. 

W. W., 167. 
Arell, D., 62. 
Argall, Governor, 220. 
Ark (ship), 80. 
Armistead, Booth, 116. 

Bowles, 28, 116. 

James, 28. 

John, 28, 116. 

Robert, 28. 

Starkey, 28. 

Westwood, 29, 116. 

William, 29, 116. 
Armstrong, William, 62. 
Arrol, David, 183. 
Arthur and Needham, 235 
Asbury, Mrs. C. D., 164. 
Ashton, Henry, 116. 
Assabbacca, 188. 
Assembly's missionary magazine, 


Atkinson, John, 207. 
Atkinson, Roger, 108. 
Augusta Co., 122, 123, 164, 183, 

184, 185. 

Augusta, Ky., 162. 
Avalon, 80. 
Aylett, John, 29. 
Back River, 128, 129. 
Bacon, Langton, 133. 
Baker, , 297. 

William, 59. 
Balfour, Charles, 142. 
Eleanor, 142. 
Helen, 142. 
John, 142. 

Ball, Burgess, 296. 

Esther, 294. 

family, 294. 
Ballagh, J. C., 5. 
Ballard, William, 29. 
Baltimore, 210. 
Baltimore, Lord, 73 et seq., 223, 

2nd Lord, 79, 80. 
Bancroft, George, 4, 5, 9, 10. 
Banister, Mr., 113. 
Bank of U. S., 203, 204. 
Bankhead, D., 116. 

John, 116. 

Bannerman, Benj., 70. 
Barbados, 198. 



Barber, Ann, 295. 

Charles, 295. 
Barbour, John S., 205. 
Barclay, Thomas, 60. 
Barker, Mr., 21. 
Barksdale's, Capt., Company, 

132, 133. 

Barnet, James, 42. 
Barometer, 200. 
Barrett, Mr., 45, 47. 

William, 29, 212. 
Barrier, Philip, 47. 
Bary's cargo, 111. 
Baths (hot), 67. 
Battaile, Col. John., 151. 

Lawrence, 29, 160. 
Mary, 146, 166. 
Nicholas, 146, 151, 152, 


Sarah, 152. 

Batts and Fallam, 234. 
Baxter, Mr., 201. 
Bayes, 226. 
Baylor, Col., 212. 
John, 116. 
Robt., 116. 
Beads, 220. 
Beale, Richard, 289. 
Beaver furs, 220. 
Beaver makers, 101. 
Beaver trade, 224, 232. 
Bedding, 56. 
Bell, Miss, 47. 

Henry, 183. 
James, 289. 
John, 288. 
Mary, 289. 
Robert, 183. 
Thomas, 288, 289. 
Bellowes, 105. 

Benizette, Anthony, 107, 109. 
Bennett, Governor, 231. 

Richard, 89, 90. 
Berkley Co., 183, 184, 185. 
Berkeley, Edmund, 29. 
George, 228. 
Bishop, 228. 
Lord, of Stratton, 228. 
Sir Maurice, 228. 
Sir William, 66, 88, 
96, 190, 227, 228, 

Bermudas, 67, 68, 69, 129. 
Bevans, George, 183. 
Beverley, Elizabeth, 297. 
Katharine, 135. 
Beverleys, 136. 
Bibles for negroes, 
Bidgood, Lee, 217. 

Bill of attainder, 87. 
Billiard tables, 60. 
Billup, Joseph, 116. 
Birds, 69. 
Bitumens, 67. 
Black, John, 142. 
Blackburn, Arthur, 287. 
Esther, 287. 

Black's, Capt., Company, 132. 
Blackstone's commentaries, 183. 
Blackwater, 227. 
Blackwell, Robert, 144. 
Blair, James, 279. 

John, 216, 261. 
& Cocke, 128. 
Bland, Col., 291. 

Edward, 29, 231. 

John, 29. 

Peter, 29. 

Richard, 107, 108, 116, 


Theodorick, 11, 29. 
William, 29. 
Eland's regiment, 290. 
Blasingame, Prances, 150. 

James, 150, 154. 
Mary, 150. 
family, 161. 
Bleinheim, 158, 160. 
Boats, 101. 
Boatwrights, 101. 
Bolan, Miss, 297. 
Boiling, Archibald, 29, 116. 
Edward, 29, 116. 
Robert, 169, 174. 
Bon Homme Richard, 291. 
Bontz, Jacob, 62. 
Booker, Addie L., 216. 
John E., 216. 
Martha, 216. 
Pinkethman D., 216. 
Richard, 116. 
Shields, 216. 
Books, for Patrick Henry, 108. 

Francis Robinson's, 56. 
Boone, Daniel, 163. 
Borroum, William, 297. 
Borum, William, 297. 
Boston, Quakers in, 169. 
Bostwick, David, 271. 
Botetourt County, 48, 183, 184, 

Seminary, 42, 45 et 


town, 44, 45 et seq. 
Botrys Ambroscoides Mexiocana, 


Bouldin, James, 132. 
Bound Brook, N. J., 210. 



Bourbon Co., Ky., 212, 213. 
Boush, Samuel, 117. 
William, 117. 
Bowen, Joseph, 161. 
Bowyer, Henry, 42. 

Leu, 183. 

Boyd, James, 155. 
Boyd's heirs, 202. 
Boyle, Robert, 115. 
Bracken Co., Ky., 153, 155, 162, 


Bradby, Jones, 29. 
Braddock, Gen., 280. 
Bradley, J. W., 29. 
James, 29. 

Brafferton estate, 16-23. 
Brafford, Mrs., 131. 
Brampton, 159. 
Brandon, 146. 

Braxton, Carter, 29, 30, 117, 

Corbin, 117. 
George, 29t 117. 
Braxtons, 136. 
Bray's foundation, 41. 
Breckinridge, James, 48. 
John, 48. 
R. J., 42. 
Robert, 48. 
Brent, George, 183. 
Brewer's., Capt., Company, 132. 
Brickell, John, 183. 
Bricklayers, 101. 
Brickmakers, 101. 
Bridle bits, 140. 
Briggs, Mr., 239. 

Henry, 229. 
John, 117. 
Brisco, Mr., 143. 
Brissot de Warville, 170. 
Bristol, 210. 
British museum, 55. 
British transcripts, 69, 71, 106, 

115, 186-200. 
Broadnax, Win., 30. 
Broad run of Potomac, 296. 
Broadus, Wm., 290. 
Brockenbrough, Austin, 70, 158. 
Brooke, Francis, 290. 

John, 71. 
Brooking, V., 30. 
Brooks, John, 292. 
Brough, Robt., 117. 

Robt. B., 117. 
Brown, H. B., 117. 
Jamy, 43. 
W., 62. 
William, 59, 60, 117. 

Browne, Harry, 30. 

William, 30. 
Browning, Capt., 51. 
Brownsville, Pa., 163. 
Brumfield, Mrs., 143. 
Brunskill, John, 151, 274. 
Brunswick, N. J., 210, 211. 
Brunswick Co., 298. 
Bruton Church, 147. 
Bryan, Benjamin, 30. 
Bryce, David, 142. 
Buchanan, Andrew, 183. 
Buckingham, 169. 
Buckingham Co., 183, 185. 
Buckner, Ann W. T., 151. 
John, 162. 
Nicholas T., 151. 
P. J., 151, 162. 
Philip, 162. 
Richard, 162. 
Susan, 161, 162, 165. 
William, 30, 162, 165. 
Bull Run, 130. 
Bullitt, Mr., 44. 
Bullit, Mrs., 44. 
Bullskin Creek, 185. 
Bumpass, Diggs, 132. 
Burns, cure for, 190, 192. 
Burlington, N. J., 210, 211. 
Burnley, Zachary, 289. 
Burrell's ferry, 209. 
Burton, Robert, 117. 

William, 117. 
Burwell, Carter, 30, 117. 
James, 117. 
John, 30, 117. 
Lewis, 30, 117. 
Nathaniel, 30, 117, 183 
Robert, 30. 
Butcher, John, 60. 
Buttons, 56. 
Byrd, George, 30, 117. 
John, 30, 118. 
Thomas, 30. 
William I, 187, 234. 
William II, Letters to Sir 

Hans Sloane, 186-200. 
William III, 118, 200. 
Cabbell, Samuel Jerdone, 118. 

William, 118. 

Cabot, Sebastian, 217, 218. 
Calabar, 292. 
Call, Col., 290. 
Call's cavalry, 291. 
Calvert, Cecilius, 79, 88. 
George, 80. 
Jonathan, 118. 
Leonard, 80, 81, 82, 83, 
84, 85, 88, 224. 



Maximilian, 31, 118. 
papers, 83. 

Cameron, Charles, 290. 
Camm, John, 24, 25. 
Camp fever, 211. 
Campbell, Archibald, 118. 
Colin, 118. 
Ferdinand, 238. 
Sarah, 42. 
William, 42. 
Candles, 56. 
Candlesticks, 56. 

Capitol building in Williams- 
burg, 283.' 
Cardrona, 142. 
Carleton, John, 299. 

Priscilla, 299. 
Carolina, 233, 235. 
Caroline Co., 116, 142, 146, 151, 

152, 160, 162, 164, 184. 
Carpenters, 101, 103. 
Carrington, Clement, 290. 
E. C., 42. 
Paul, 131. 
Cart wheels, 105. 
Carter, Charles, 31, 118, 163. 
Edward, 31, 118, 158. 
Elizabeth, 46. 
George, 118. 
John Hill, 118. 
Landon, 118. 
Mary, 155. 
Robt. Wormley, 118. 
Samuel, 290. 
Thomas, 132. 

Cary, Archibald, 125, 126. 
Dorothy, 107. 
John, 31. 
Richard, 31. 
W. M., 118. 
Wilson, 31, 118. 
Catesby, Mr., 195. 
Gather family, 215. 
Catlett, John, 146, 156. 

Mary, 145, 146, 153, 166. 
Rebecca, 156. 
Cattle, 69, 79, 105. 
Cedar Run, 153, 159, 163. 
Chairs, 56. 
Chaises, 112. 

Champe, Ann, 158, 159, 166. 
Elizabeth, 158. 
Jane, 158, 161. 
John, 158, 159, 162. 
Lucy, 158. 
Mary, 158, 159. 
Sarah, 158. 
William, 161. 
Chapin, Hiram, 62. 

Charles I, 86, 93, 96. 

II, 92, 199. 
Charles City Co., 33. 
Charlotte C. H., 131. 

County, 131, 132. 
Cheat river, 240. 
Cheerful Hall, 154, 160, 161. 
Cheese, 115. 
Chelsea hospital, 282. 
Cheraw, S. C., 258. 
Cherokee Indians, 232, 235. 
Chesapeake and Delaware canal, 

Chesapeake bay, Indian trade in, 


Chesire cheese, 115. 
Chesnut, 68. 

Chestnut Hill, N. J., 211. 
Chesterfield Co., 281. 
Chevalier, M., 256. 
Chew, Alice, 289. 
Chichester, Richard, 294. 
Chickahominy ridge, 227. 
Childress, Benjamin, 131. 
Susannah, 131. 
Chilton, 294. 
Chinaware, 56. 
Chincomen tree, 68. 
Chinn, Ann, 294, 295. 

Catherine, 294. 

Elizabeth, 294. 

John, 294. 

John T., 294. 

Joseph, 294. 

Katharine, 294. 

Rawleigh, 294. 

Richard, 296. 

Sarah, 294. 

Thomas, 294. 

William, 294. 
Chirurgeon, 105. 
Christian, Francis H., 295. 
Church of England, Davies' belief 

in certain articles, 267-270. 
Cider, 56. 

Cincinnati, society of, 155. 
Citron, 110. 
Citrulls, 68. 
Civet cats, 69. 
Chowning, Josiah, 119. 
Christ Church, 135. 
Christian, Michael, 119. 
Pricy, 44. 

Richard Allen, 136. 
William, 44. 

Christy, Lieut. Col., 209. 
Clagett, Josiah, 296. 
Claiborne, J. H., 73-99. 

Mary Cole, 297. 



Philip, 29. 

William, 73-99, 223, 

224, 225, 231. 
Clarke, John, 55. 

Mary P., 134-136. 
Clark, Samuel, 132, 133. 
Clark's, Capt, Company, 133. 
Clay, Charles, 119. 
Henry, 204. 
Thomas, 119. 

Clayton, Mrs., housekeeper, 25. 
Jasper, Esq., 119. 
John, 114, 115, 119. 
Cleasby, Yorkshire, 135. 
Cleaton, Jeremiah, 298. 
Richard, 298. 
William, 298. 
Clergy, dissenters view of, 263, 


Clinton, DeWitt, 240. 
Cloberry and Co., 82, 84, 97, 98, 


Clobury, William, 78. 222, 224. 
Cloth, trade in, 226. 
Clothing for revolutionary sol- 
diers, 139. 
Clugh, William, 31. 
Coal, to make iron, 104, 105. 
Cobblers, 112. 
Cobbs, Elizabeth, 216. 
Robert, 216. 
Samuel, 31. 
Vinkle, 144. 
Cockatrice (ship), 83. 
Cocke, John, 31. 

Richard, 31. 
Coffin, Jonathan P., 71. 

Nathaniel, 71. 
Colchester, 184. 
Cole, W. K., 31. 

William, 31, 119. 
Coleman, Gilly, 159. 

James, Jr., 289. 
Robert, 142. 
Coles, John, 129. 

Walter, 31. 
Colic, 114. 
Collier, Locky, 31. 

Thomas, 132. 
Collins, Nicholas, 31. 
Colson, William, 31. 
Colston, William, 119. 
Commerce, petition to Increase 

power of Congress, 61. 
Congress, power over commerce, 


Conn, Thomas, 60, 62. 
Conner, Commodore, 256. 

Conversion, 262, 263. 

among slaves, 280. 
Conway, Edwin, 279, 280. 
Francis, 155, 156. 
Nelly, 156. 
Richard, 62, 65. 
Sukey, 161. 
Cook, Mordecai Gregory, 119 

William, 133. 
Cooke, Augustine, 31. 
John, 119. 
Mordecai, 31. 
Richard, 142. 
William, Indian, 32. 
Coombs, Israel, 297. 
John, 297. 
Mahlon, 297. 
Cooper, Fenimore, 256. 
Coopers, 101. 
Copeland, David, 32, 119. 
Corbin, Richard, 70, 183. 

Thomas, 70. 
Corn, 79, 111, 113. 

Indian Trade, 78. 
Corn Mills, 101. 
Corotoman, 118. 
Corporations, Langston on, 100- 


Cornwalleys, Capt., 83, 88. 
Costus, 193. 
Cotton cards, 207. 
Cottons, 226. 
Couper, Alexander, 62. 
Courtney, Letitia, 158. 
Covington, 249. 
Craig, John, 153. 
Craik, Elizabeth, 299. 
Craik, James, Jr., 62. 
Crew, Exum, 180. 
John, 180. 

Crofton, Yorkshire, 114. 
Croghan, Col., 162. 
Cronin, Jeremiah, 70. 
Crosbys and Trefford, 112. 
Crozier, quoted, 149. 
Crutchfield, O. M., 244. 
Culpeper County, 40, 148, 153, 

159, 161, 162, 164, 212. 
Culpeper C. H., 209. 
Culpeper minute men, 291. 
Culver, Francis B., 97. 
Cumberland County, 38, 119, 124, 
Curies, 107-113, 167-182. 
Curry combs, 140. 
Curte, John L., 290. 
Curtis, Edmund, 89, 90. 
Custis, Martha, 276. 
Cutler, Zacheus, 71. 


Dade, Francis, 165. 
Horatio, 119. 
Langhorne, 119. 
Dahlra, Dobson and Walker, 112, 


Dale, Governor, 76. 
Dalton, William, 62. 
Dan river, 230. 
Dane, Nathan, 9. 
Dangerfield, William, 146. 
Daniel, Tabitha A., 162. 
Davenport, Mr., writing master, 

Joseph, 57. 
Davies, Samuel, 261-281. 

William, 139, 140, 141. 
Davis, Clement, 215. 
Sarah, 298. 
William, 121. 
Mr., master, 26. 
Dawson, "Beck," 53. 

Musgrove, 146, 147, 

151, 153, 157. 
Rebecca, 52. 
Thomas, 24, 25, 52, 53, 

54, 214, 279. 
Mrs. Thomas, 52. 
William, 53, 57, 143, 
261, 266, 271, 272, 
papers, 16, 24, 52, 54, 

57, 143, 214, 261. 
Day, Lewis, 153. 
Deans, John, 183. 
Deer, 69. 

Delarue, Augustus, 62. 
Denbigh, 119. 
Dennis, Capt. Robert, 89. 
Diarroea, 190. 

Dick, Charles, 141, 148, 154. 
Dickeson, Mr., 51. 
Dickson, Beverley, 32. 
Digges, Cole, 32, 119. 
Digges, D., 28, 29, 119. 
Diggs, William, 32, 119. 
Dinwiddie, Rebecca, 214. 

Robert, 32, 52, 214. 
Mrs. Robert, 52. 
Dinwiddie Co., 185. 
Diseases in Virginia, 187. 
Dissenters in Virginia, 261-281. 
Dissington, 148, 158, 161, 166. 
Ditchley, 289. 
Dixon, Prof., 120. 

Beverly, 120. 
Daniel, 126. 
John, 120, 185. 
Thomas, 32, 120. 

William, 32, 120. 
Dobson, Dalhra and Walker, 112, 


Doctors, 186. 
Dogs, 69. 

Donaldson, Col., 144. 
Doncastle, John, 32, 120. 
Doniphan, Alex., 145. 
George, 145. 
Mary A. P., 145. 
Douglas, Margaret, 158. 

William, 148, 158. 
Douthat, Robert, 291. 
Dove (ship), 80. 
Dover estate, 241. 
Dow, John, 70. . 
Downman family, 294. 
Dozwell, James, 291. 
Drake, Sir Frances, 229. 
Drew, Dolphin, 120. 
William, 183. 

Dropsies, 102, 196, 197, 199. 
Drugges, 67. 
Dry gripes, 188. 
Dublin, 168. 
Du Bois, 6, 7, 11. 
Dudley, James, 120. 

William, 120. 
Duels, 48. 

Dulany, Benjamin, 59. 
Dumfries, 183, 184, 185. 
Dunbar executed, 210. 
Dundas, John, 62. 
Dunmore, Lord, 120, 124. 
Dunmore Co., 184. 
Dutch, 232. 
Dutroa, 192. 
Duvall, William, 60, 62. 
Dwarfs, 69. 
Dyes, 190, 192. 
Earths, variety of, 67. 
East India Co., 219. 
Easton, Pa., 211. 
Eastwick and Harrison, 255, 256. 
Edgefield district, S. C., 298. 
Edinburgh, 142. 
Edmonds, John, 32. 

Starling, 32. 
Edmunds, Mrs., 294. 
Education, Alexandria academy, 


Edwards, Ephraim, 62. 
Eggbird, 69. 
Eggleston, Edward, 290. 
Egglestone, J., 120, 291. 
Eldred, John, 219. 
Elizabeth, (Queen), 79. 
Elizabeth City County, 31. 



Elliott, John, 32. 

Seaton, 32. 
Ellzey, William, 183. 
Emerson, Arthur, 32. 
Emerson, James, 32. 
English grammar, 55. 
Epperson, Thomas, 132. 
Eppes, Francis, 32. 

Richard, 32. 
Epsom, 147, 157, 160. 
Erie canal, 240. 
Essex Co., 142, 150, 151, 157. 
Esten, John, 32. 
Eustace, John, 120. 
Evangelical and literary maga- 
zine, 271. 
Evans, Agnes, 298. 

Thomas, 120. 

William, 290. 

Evelin, George, 84, 85, 225. 
Evelinton, 85. 
Evelyn, John, 225. 

Robert, 225. 
Exploration of west, commission 

for, 100. 
Ewell, Jesse, 32. 

Thomas, 32. 
Eyre, Severn, 33, 183. 
Fairfax, W. M. C., 250, 251, 252. 
Fall Hill, 148, 166. 
Fallam and Batts, 234. 
Falmouth, 149. 
Farnham parish, 295. 
Farrar, John, 229, 231. 

Virginia, 229. 
Fauntleroy, Griffin, 183. 
Fauquier, Francis, 133. 
Fauquier Co., 209, 295. 
Fawcett's Ad., 280. 
Federal relations of Virginia, 202. 

Fee, , 164. 

Fegin, Captain, 297. 
Feltmakers, 101. 
Ferguson, William, 62. 
Fevers, 102. 

Fincastle, Lord, 120, 124. 
Finch, Adam, 133. 
Finley, Dr., 271. 
Finley William, 33, 62. 
Fisher, Daniel, 25. 

William, 108. 
Fishes, 69. 
Flske, John, 9. 73, 75, 79, 80, 

81, 87, 88, 92. 
Fitch, Samuel, 70. 
Fitzgerald, John, 59, 60, 62. 
Fitshugh, Battaile, IfiO. 
Beverly, 121. 

Daniel, 121. 
Henry, 147, 152. 
Theo, 121. 
William, 121, 152. 
Flax, 207. 
Flaxdressers, 101. 
Fleet, Capt., 83. 

Henry, 222, 223, 224, 

228, 231. 

Fleming, Charles, 144. 
J. D., 144. 
John, 144. 
Judge, 158. 
Thomas, 144. 
William, 42, 144. 
Fleming Co., 144. 
Fletcher, James, 62. 
Flies, 68. 

Flinn, Mrs. E. W., 299. 
Flood, Captain, 230. 

Doctor, 183. 
Floyd, J. B., 42, 201-206. 

John, 12, 228. 
Fogs, 102. 
Foliot, Mary, 148. 
Fontaine, James, 33. 
Peter, 25. 
William, 121. 

Foote's sketches of Virginia, 271. 
Ford, Edward, 57. 

Elizabeth, 216. 
John E., 62. 

Forge, Langston's, 104, 105. 
Fort Henry, 227, 228. 
James, 227. 
Royal, 227, 228. 
Stephenson, 162. 
Foster, Amelia, 298. 
George, 296. 
Peter, 291. 
Fothergill, Mr., 143. 
Foushee, 162. 
Fox, Capt., 277. 
John, 33. 
Rev. Mr., 31. 
William, 294. 
Fox furs, 220. 
Fredericsville, 279. 
Frederick Co., 183, 184, 185, 215. 
Frederick parish, 185. 
Fredericksburg, 123, 141, 148, 
150, 154, 157, 183, 185, 207, 
210, 212. 

Freelenhausen, Mr., 262. 
Fremont, J. C., 238. 
Prof., 238. 

Friend's Capt. Joseph, Company, 



Friends, society of, 107, 108. 

attitude towards revolu- 
tion, 167-182. 
Fuller, William, 91. 
Fulmer, Joseph, 62. 
Fur trade in Virginia, 217-236. 
Furnace, Langston's, 104, 105. 
Furs, Indian trade, 78, 219. 
Gaines, Elizabeth, 146. 
Galloway, Joseph, 70. 
Gait, Mr., 43, 141. 
Garrett, Mrs., 129. 

James, 297. 
Robert, 297. 
Gatewood, Peter, 162. 
Sarah, 162. 
Gee, Charles, 290. 
Georgia, message of, 205. 
Geoghegan, Michael, 62. 
Gerard's Herball, 192. 
Germaine, Lord, 70. 
Germana, 146. 
Giants, 69. 
Gibbons, Dr, 271. 

John, 121. 
Thomas, 121. 
Gibbs, Churchill, 290. 
Gibson, Abbia, 161. 

Abby, 150, 161. 
Abraham, 161. 
Ann, 161. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 218. 
Gibson, Jonathan, 159. 
Nannie, 161. 
Susanna, 159. 
Gilbert, Captain, 111, 113. 

Felix, 47, 183. 
Gilmer, Dr., 41. 
Gilpin, George, 184. 
Ginseng, 195, 197, 199. 
Girardin, L. H., 238. 
Girardin academy, 238. 
Gist, Richard, 33. 
Glasiers, 101. 
Glasscock, Agnes, 296. 
George, 296. 
Hezekiah, 295. 
John, 295, 296. 
Margaret, 295, 296. 
Mary, 295. 
Moses, 296. 
Susana, 295. 
Thomas, 295, 296. 
Glass manufacturing, 220. 
Gloucester Co., 21, 41, 119, 122, 
126, 127, 128, 129, 146, 184, 
Golden Vale creek, 146. 

Gooch, Lady, 52, 214. 

Sir William, 53, 273. 
Goochland Co., 157, 181. 
Goochland C. H., 272. 
Goode's, Capt., Company, 132, 


Goodrich, John, 121. 
Gordon, Alexander, 70. 

James, 184. 
Gorham, of Mass., 10. 
Gosport, 184. 
Gout, 114, 196, 197. 
Graham, Richard, 24, 25. 
Grammar, English, 55. 
Grampian Hill, 153, 164, 165. 
Grape, 196. 
Grattan, John, 184. 
Gray, John, Jr., 71. 

Lewis., 70. 
Grayson, Elizabeth O., 158. 

William, 9. 

Great Pedee River, 258. 
Great Wigh Cocomoco, 83. 
Greek language, teaching of, 45. 
Green, Ashbel, 271. 

John, 209, 212. 
Thomas, 263, 265. 
Greene, Nathaniel, 212. 
Greenfield, 46. 
Greenway, Joseph, 60. 
Gregory, Asa, 297. 

Elizabeth, 154, 166. 

Frances, 166. 

Godfrey, 297. 

Leroy, 297. 

Mary Eliza, 297. 

Mildred, 151, 153, 166. 

Richard, 121, 297. 

Roger, 121, 152, 297. 

Sanford, 297. 

Smith, 297. 
Gretter, James, 62. 
Grew, Nehemiah, 115. 
Gridley, Benjamin, 70. 
Griffin, David, 60. 

John T., 33. 
Grigsby, H. B., 284. 
Grinnan, Andrew G., 159, 287. 

Ann, 149, 159. 

Daniel, 159, 161, 163. 

John, 149, 159, 160. 
Grymes, Benjamin, 29, 33, 121. 

Charles, 33, 121, 146. 
John, 33. 
John R., 70. 
Philip, 33. 

Sarah, 146, 166. 
Guinea (ship), 89, 90. 



Guns, 233. 
Hale, Samuel, 70. 
Halifax Co., 25, 299. 
Hallowell, Benjamin, 70. 

Robert, 70. 
Halters, 140. 
(Hammond, author, 82. 
Hampshire Co., 184. 
Hampton, 78, 117, 123. 

Wade, 42. 

Hanbury, John, 16, 23, 24, 200. 
Hancher, William, 184. 
Hancock, George, 42. 
Hanewinckel, Alex., 207, 208. 
Hanna, Robert, 131. 
Hanover Co., 144, 184, 261-281. 
Hansborough, Peter, Jr., 163. 
Hanson, Samuel, 59. 
Hardwick, , 296. 

Aaron, 296. 
Elizabeth, 296. 
James, 296. 
John, 296. ' 
Margaret, 296. 
Susan, 295, 296. 
Hardyman, James, 33. 
Harmers, battle, 212. 
Harper, H., 115. 
John, 65. 
Harris, , 297. 

William, 100, 144. 
Harrison, Benjamin, Jr., 283. 

Randolph, 241. 
Hartshorne, glue of, 69. 

William, 59, 60, 62. 
Harvard University, 54, 167. 
Harvey, Governor, 80, 96, 225. 
John, 133. 
Robert, 42. 
Capt., Company, 132. 
Harvie, John, 184. 
Harwich, Margaret, 296. 
Harwood, Edward, 34. 
Samuel, 34. 
Harrison, Benjamin, 33, 34, 107, 

108, 176. 
Burr, 33. 
Carter, 33. 
Charles, 33. 
Claracy, 160. 
Henry, 33. 
Nathaniel, 33, 34. 
Robert, 34. 
William H., 162. 
Mrs., 214. 

Mrs., foundation of, 40. 
Widow, 113. 
(ship), 194. 

and Hooe, 65. 
Hawkins, Giles, 34. 
Hay, Charles, 122. 

Elizabeth, 157. 
Hayden, H. E. quoted, 155, 156, 

237, 280. 
Hays, 146, 166. 

Andrew, 44. 

Heath, Henry, 147, 154. 
James, 122. 
John, 122. 
Sir Robert, 229. 
Thomas, 122. 
and Mills, 247. 
Hecklery, 207. 
Heckles, 207. 
Helperby, 16. 
Hemp, 196, 207. 
Hemp dressers, 101. 
Hemp mill, 207: 
Hendrick, Judith, 298. 
Hendricks, Gustavus, 132. 

James, 59, 60, 62. 
John, 60. 
Henrico Co., 275. 
Henry, James, 184. 
Jenny, 272. 
John, 266. 
Lucy, 201. 

Patrick, Sr., 261-281. 
Patrick, 107, 108, 176, 
201, 209, 212, 266, 
270, 279. 

Herbert, William, 60. 
Herbs, 68. 
Herves, Aaron, 62. 
Hewick, 134-136. 
Hewitt, Richard, 34. 
Hickory Neck Church, 146 
Hill, Col., 40, 232. 
Elizabeth, 215. 
Endocia, 215. 
Johanna, 215. 
John T., 215. 
Martha, 215. 
Mary, 215. 
Rhoda, 215. 
Richmond S., 215. 
Samuel, 144. 
Samuel D., 215 
William, 215. 

Hind, Mr. of Ripon, 16-23. 
Kite, Abraham, 184. 

John, 184. 
Hobbs Hole, 142. 
Hoff, Lawrence, 62. 
Hog, Peter, 184. 
Hog Island Ferry, 185. 



Holcomb, Philip, 291. 
Holcomb's regiment, 291. 
Holden, Mr., 113. 

George, 34. 
Hollier, Simon, 34. 
Hollingsworth, James, 298. 
John, 298. 
Sallie Strother, 


Holsters, 140. 
Holt, Matthew, 34. 
Randolph, 34. 
Honey, 190, 192. 
Hooe, Gerard, 110. 

R., 34, 62. 

Hooe and Harrisons, 65. 
Hopkinsville, Ky., 299. 
Horses, 57. 

House of Burgesses, 74. 
Houston, John, 209. 
Hubard, James, 34. 
John, 34. 
William, 34. 
Hubbard, Taliaferro, 161. 

William, 132. 
Hudgins, John, 298. 
Hudson, Charles, 144. 
Hughes, Miss, 215. 

Gabriel, 122. 
R. M,, 42, 201-206. 
Thomas, 34, 122. 
Humber, Capt., 83. 
Hume, Benjamin, 150, 157. 
Hundley, Ambrose, 133. 
Hunter, Col. (governor), 189. 

James, 146, 148, 149, 


John, 184. 

Martha, 146, 148, 164. 
William, 54, 60, 62, 146, 


Huntington, Dr. A. J., 136. 
Hunter, Mr. of Fredericksburg, 


Hutchinson, W. S., 70. 
Hymns for negroes, 280. 
Hypoquecuana, 188, 189. 
Importers, taxation of, 63. 
Indian fortifications. 240. 
Indian trade, 78, 188, 217-236. 
Indians at William and Mary, 38, 


Industry, schooner, 111. 
Ingle, Richard, 87, 88, 96. 
Inglis, Samuel, 184. 
Ingram, Davy, 231. 
James, 70. 
Innis, James, 122. 

Inns, 115. 
Inoculation, 110. 
Insects, 68. 

Intermitting fevers, 198. 
Internal improvements, 203. 
Ipecac, 180, 189, 191, 193. 
Ipecoacanna, 191, 193. 
Iron, manufacture of, 100-106. 
sale of, 111, 112. 
works at Falmouth, 149. 
Iroquois Indians, 234. 
Isle of Wight Co., 121, 183. 
Ivy, 68. 
Jackets for Spotswoods' legions, 

Jackson, Andrew, 202 et seq. 

Susana, 295. 
Jalop, 190, 192. 
Jamaica, 142, 192, 194, 198, 199, 


James I, 79, 96. 
James Benjamin, 156. 
John, 156. 

Mrs. Mildred, 147, 156. 
Rev. Richard, 79. 
Susan Washington, 156. 
James City Co., 146, 148, 156. 
James river, falls of, 105. 
James river bridge, 248. 
James river canal, 241. 
Janney, Samuel, 171. 
Jartoux, Father, 195. 
Jameson, D., 163. 

William, 132. 
Jamestown, 1, 209, 
Jamestown weed, 190, 192. 
Jeane, Betty, 131. 
David, 131. 
Jefferson, Randolph, 122. 

Thomas, 6, 8, 9, 11, 34, 

122, 149, 158. 
Jenkinson, Anthony, 218. 
Jennings, Edmund, 21. 
Nancy, 299. 
Robert, 132. 
William, 122. 
Jernegan, M. W., 280. 
Jerusalem oak, 190. 192. 
Jesuits bark, 187. 
Johnson, Mr., 201. 

James, 35, 122. 
Reuben, 133. 
Samuel, 46. 

Johnston, C. C., 201-206. 
George, 184. 
J. E., 42. 
Peter, 201. 
Johonot, Peter, 70. 



Joiners, 101. 

Jordan, Margaret, 107. 

Jones, Dorothy, 298. 

Mrs. E. M,., 297. 

E. Ruffin, 147. 

Edward, 35, 122. 

Elizabeth, 288. 

Emmanuel, 24, 25, 122. 

Esther, 287. 

Gabriel, 122, 184. 

Hugh, 55, 282. 

J. A., 157. 

Jo., 124. 

John, 288, 289. 

Joseph, 149, 153, 164. 

Mrs. M. W., 299. 

Mary, 288, 289. 

Morgan, 233. 

Peter, 298. 

Richard, 35. 

Strother, 122. 

Swan, 288, 289. 

Walter, 35, 122. * 

William, 213. 

Jones' Capt., Company, 13, 132. 
Jones family of Northumberland, 

287- 289. 

Reach, O. A., 287-289. 
Kecoughtan, 78. 
Keech, William, 62. 
Keith, Anderson, 155. 

Arthur L., 294-296. 

Isaac S., 59, 60. 

James 62, 184. 
Kelsey, Elizabeth, 164. 
Kendal, 143. 

George, 123. 
Kenner, Rodham, 35. 
Kent Island, 73 et seq., 223, 225. 
Kentucky, 212. 
Kerr, Dabney, 35. 
Kettles, 139, 149. 
Kilbey, John, 291. 
Kincheloe, Elizabeth, 296. 

James, 296. 
King, Mr., 137. 

Henry, 123. 
John, 155. 
Michael, 123. 
King and Queen County, 126, 136, 

King George County, 145, 152, 

King William County, 121, 123, 

129, 279. 
Kirk, James, 62. 
Klug, Samuel, 31. 
Knapsacks, 139. 

Labourers, 104. 

Ladd, Amos, 181. 

Lamb, Thomas, 123. 

Lambs creek, 158. 

Lancaster Co., 157, 184, 185, 279. 

294, 296. 

Land, taxation, 1780, 63. 
Land office, 50. 
Lane and Perry, 115. 
Langston, Anthony, 100-106. 
Gideon, 35. 
John, 35. 

Larue, Aaron, 215. 
Abigail, 215. 
Abraham, 215. 
Annie, 215. 
Diana, 215. 
H. A., 216. 
Hannah, 215. 
Isaac, 184, 215. 
Jacob, 215. 
Lambert, 215. 
May Marie, 215. 
Sallie, 215. 
Union, 215. 
William, 215. 

Latane, Prof., 73, 79, 81, 86. 
Latin language, teaching of, 45. 
Law, first professorship in U. S., 


Lawless, John, 70. 
Lawrason, James, 60. 
Lawrence, James, 62. 
Lawton, John, 62. 
Lawyers, 114. 

Lechford, Sir Richard, 224. 
Lederer, John, 234. 
Lee, Charles, 59. 

Elizabeth, 287-289. 
Hancock, 289. 
John, 209. 

R. H., 9, 107, 108, 176. 
Richard, Esq., 127. 
Lee County, 61. 
Leesburg, 184. 
Lee's legion, 290. 
Leigh, Ferdinando, 123. 
W., 35, 62, 123. 
Leland, 123. 
Lemmon-thime, 189. 
Leonard, Daniel, 71. 
Lerue, Isaac, 184. 
Leslie's invasion, 138. 
Lethargies, 102. 
Lewis, Augustine, 153. 

Charles, 147, 152, 153, 
161, 164. 



Fielding, 123, 148, 152, 
153, 161. 

John, 123, 152. 

Lawrence, 153. 

Lucy, 153. 

Nicholas, 35. 

Robert, 152. 

Samuel, 153. 

Thomas, 42, 123, 184. 

Waller, 35. 

Warner, 35, 123, 153. 

Major William, 100. 
Liberty, Quaker's views of, 175. 
Library of Congress, 16, 52, 54, 
56, 57, 69, 71, 106, 115, 143, 
186-200, 214, 261. 
Licking Co., Ohio, 297. 
Lightfoot, Col., 39. 
Lightfoot's foundation, 41. 
Limestone, 105, 163. 
Limestone, Ky., 153. 
Lindsay, John D., 75, 76, 79, 87. 
Linen, 207, 208. 
Little, Mrs. J. B., 298. 
Littlepage, Miss, 158. 

Lewis, 158. 

Liturgy, dissenters view of, 263. 
Liverpool, 112. 
Lockhart, Major, 45. 

Patrick, 42. 
Locone root, 68. 
Logan Co., Ky., 213. 
Lomax, John, 35. 

Lunsford, 35. 
London company, 74. 
Long, Gabriel, 290. 
Longtail (ship), 83, 97. 
Looking-glass, 56. 
Lordon, John, 62. 
Lotus odorata, 192. 
Loudoun Co., 185, 294, 296, 297, 


Louisa Co., 279. 
Lowry, William, 60, 62. 
Loyalists, 70. 

Lucas, Mrs. Elizabeth, 131. 
Lucass, Humphreys, 131. 
Lunenburg Co., 299. 
Luzerne furs, 220. 
Lyles, William, 60. 
Lynchburg, 201. 
Lynn, Adam, 62. 
Lyon, Walter, 184. 
Lyons, James, 290. 

Peter, 184. 
McCarty, , 294. 

Billington, 295. 
Cornelius, 295, 296. 

Daniel, 35, 295. 
Dennis, 295. 
Eliza, 295. 
Elizabeth D., 295. 
Nancy, 295. 
Thaddeus, 294. 295. 
W. T., 295. 
McClanahan, Arden, 213. 

Elizabeth, 213. 
Henrietta, 213. 
Hulda, 213. 
Jane, 213. 
John, 213. 
Lucy, 213. 
Martha, 213. 
Mary, 213. 
Nancy, 213. 
Smith, 213. 
Tabitha, 213. 
Thomas, 209-213. 
William, 212, 213. 
McClurg, James, 35. 
Macky, John, 71. 
Macome, Hector, 184. 
Macorie, Mr., 122. 
McCrea, Robert, 60. 
McCulloch, Thomas, 184. 
Henry E., 70. 
McDonald, Angus, 184. 
McDonovan, 184. 
McDowell, James, 42. 
Samuel, 184. 
McFarland, Major, 51. 
McGroarty, W. B., 145, 215. 
Mclver, Charles, 62. 
McKenna, James, 60. 
McKinney, Reuben, 210. 
McKnight, William, 60. 
Mackoquir, 68. 
McLane, Allen, 291. 
McMaster, Mr., 73. 
McPherson, Daniel, 62. 

Isaac, 62. 
Mad dog, 196, 198. 
Maddocks, Lazarus, 299. 
Madison, Catlett, 149. 

James, 10, 11, 46, 123, 


Thomas, 42, 184. 
William S., 42. 
Madison Co., 159, 287. 
Magill, John, 184. 
Mahoney, Jeremiah, 62. 
Malcom, John, 71. 
Mallory, William, 35, 116. 
Malone, Mrs., 131. 



Manufacturers, Langston on, 100- 

revolutionary, 207. 
Maps (Moll's), 56. 
Margaridge, John, 71. 
Maricock, 68. 
Marmion, 121. 
Marquees, 140. 
Marriage ceremony by Samuel 

Davies, 272. 
Marsden, James, 158. 
Marshall, John, 145, 290, 299. 
Martin, 145, 165. 
Mary A. P., 145. 
Mungo, 147, 154, 158. 
Nicholas M., 162. 
Nicholas T., 165. 
T. A., 145. 
Thomas, 184. 
William, 35, 145. 
Marsteller, T., 60. 
Marten, Sir Henry, 97. 
Marten furs, 220. 
Martian, Nicholas, 79, 93. 
Martin, Luther, 10. 
Marye, James, 35, 148, 154, 157. 
Lucy, 154. 
Peter, 35. 
Susanna, 154, 158. 
Maryland, 73-99. 

Indian trade, 224. 
trade with West Indies, 


Marylanders, 233. 
Mason, George, 10. 
Mason Co., Ky., 164. 
Massachusetts, influence in es- 
tablishing the 
U. S., 2 et seq. 
Quakers in, 169. 
Massachusetts Bay, 231. 
Massaponax Run, 157. 
Massawomeckes, 224. 
Massie, Thomas, 35. 
William, 36. 
Mathews, Agnes, 215. 
Matthew, Sir Toby, 225. 
Matthews, Angelica, 298. 
Drury, 298. 
George, 184. 
Isham, 298. 
John, 36. 
Luke, 298. 
Sampson, 184. 
Samuel, 225. 
Maumeetown, 212. 
Maury, James, 123, 261-281. 
Matthew, 123. 

Walker, 123. 
May, David, 36, 42, 123. 
Mayo, John, 124. 

William, 124. 
Maysville, 163. 
Mead, Col., 139. 
Meade, William, 147, 151, 156, 

157, 158, 160. 
Mean, Robert, 60. 
Mecklenburg Co., 298. 
Meherrin parish, 298. 
Meherrin town, 230. 
Mercer, C. F., 12, 203. 
Francis, 124. 
Hugh, 210. 
James, 124, 149. 
Merchant adventures, 218. 
Merchants, of Alexandria, 63. 

taxation of, 63. 
Meredith, William, 36. 
Meri weather, Colyer, 55. 
Francis, 36. 
Nicholas, 36, 158. 
Thomas, 158. 
William, 144. 
Merriwethers. David, 144. 
Meserve, George, 70. 
Mexico, 231. 
Michaux, Judith, 298. 
Michell, Gary, 70. 

Robert, 124. 
Thomas, 124. 
Middle Brook, 210. 
Middle plantation, 283. 
Middlesex Co., 32, 135, 142, 146. 
Middleton's evangelical biography, 


Milam, Mrs., 131. 
Miller, George, 71. 
Robert, 70. 
Millwrights, 101, 103. 
Miner, Wilks, 133. 
Minerals, 67, 190, 193. 
Minerva, Ky., 164. 
Mines, 190, 221. 
Ministers, 105. 
Mississippi River, 232. 
Mitchell, Samuel, 42. 
Mitchells station, 159, 163. 
Mollet, Dr., 199. 
Molls' maps, 56. 
Monakin town, 227. 
Moncure, Robinson and Pleasants, 


Moncure, William, 258, 259. 
Monongahela River, 163. 
Monroe, James, 12, 124, 158. 



Montfort, Henry, 124. 
Joseph, 124. 
Montgomery, Capt., 111. 
W. A., 55. 
County, 42, 212. 
Montour, John, 36. 
Moody, , 299. 

Matthew, 36. 
Moore, Augustine, 155. 
Austin, 36, 124. 
Bernard, 36, 124. 
Cleon, 60, 184. 
Jane, 156. 
John, 156. 
Joseph, 132. 
Lucy, 155. 
Moore house, 155. 
Marathis creek, 294. 
More, Mr., 239. 
Morgan, Daniel, 211. 

Enoch, 62. 

Morris, Gouverneur, 10. 
Joshua, 133. 
Samuel, 263. 
Morrison, A. J., 217-236. 

Robert J., 282-284. 
Mortimer, William, Jr., 62. 
Morton, James, 290. 

Joseph, 149, 160. 

Little Joe, 133. 

W. S., 131, 282-284, 290, 


William, 156. 
Morton's Capt. Josiah, Company, 

Morton's, William, Company, 131, 

Mosby, John G., 168. 

Virginia Gary, 168. 
Wade, 290. 
Moseley, Bassett, 36. 
Edward, 132. 
Edward H., 36. 
Moses, Samuel F., 299. 
Moss, Elizabeth Craik, 299. 

Nathaniel, 299. 
Mossom, David, 271, 276. 
Moths, Jerusalem oak for, 192. 
Moulson, William, 36. 
Moulston, William, 36. 
Mt. Sharon, 157. 
Mountain Run, 146, 150. 
Muir, George, 70. 
Muire, John, 62. 
Munford, Theoderick, 36. 
Murphey, Charles, 36. 
Murray, Hon. Alexander, 124. 
John, 60. 

Muskrats, 69, 220. 

Muskets, 141. 

Musquaspenn, 68. 

Myers, Narratives of early Penn, 


Myrtlewax, 56. 
Mails, 47. 

Nansemond County, 130. 
Nash's brigade, 290. 
Natural products of Virginia, 66. 
Necks, Thomas, 36. 
Necotowance, 227. 
Needham and Arthur, 235. 
Neely, William, 42. 
Negroes, belonging to Nicholas 
Taliaferro, 152. 
Davies' interest in, 280. 
diseases, 195, 198. 
Neill, E. D., 96. 
Nelson, John, 291. 
Nelson's, Mr., son, 20. 
Nelson, Hugh, 36, 124. 
John, 36, 124. 
Nathaniel, 36, 124. 
Robert, 36, 124. 
Secretary, 28, 29. 
Thomas, 37, 124, 125. 
William, 124, 125. 
New Albion, 229. 
New Bottle, 21. 
New Castle, 210. 
New England, dyes in, 192. 
Newington, 146, 150, 155, 157, 

159, 160, 166. 

New Kent Co., 185, 276, 298. 
New light men, 261-281. 
New London, 50. 
Newport, Captain, 219. 
Newpost, 137. 
New river, 234. 
Nicholas, George, 125. 

John, 37. 

Nicholson, Francis, 283. 
Henry, 125. 
May, 143. 
Thomas, 179, 180. 
Nicols, John, 290. 
Nicolson, Mr., steward, 25. 
Niles register, 291. 
Noel, Emma Wilson, 298. 
Norfolk city, 117, 183, 185. 
Norfolk County, 183. 
North Carolina, commerce with 

West Indies, 63. 
Northampton County, 119, 128, 

183, 184, 185. 
Northumberland County, 122, 

Norton, Rebecca, 297. 



Norvell, Spencer, 45, 47. 
Nottingham, 137. 
Nottoway foundation, 41. 
Nottoway king, 230. 
Nova Scotia, 80. 
Occoneechee Island, 230, 235. 
Old Dominion, 89. 
Old Point, 81, 82. 
8 O'Neal, Rev. Mr., 149. 
jO'Neill, Rev., 160. 
.Opechacanough, 221, 227. 
Opossums, 69. 

Orange County, 41, 146, 148, 
149, 150, 151, 154, 156, 157, 
158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 164, 

Orange C. H., 150, 157, 159, 164. 
Orchards, 79. 
Ordinance of 1784, 9. 
Ordinance of 1787, 9. 
Ordinarys, 115. 

Orear, , 295. 

Osborne, Elizabeth, 158*. 
R. B., 237-260. 
Overton, Captain, 277. 
Oxen, 105. 

Oxford University, 143. 
Owen, Goronwy (or Gronow), 

Robert, 37. 
Page, Carter, 125, 290. 

John, 37, 125, 184. 
Mann, 37, 125. 
William, 37, 125. 
Page's cavalry, 290. 
Palfreeman, Aron, 46. 
Palmer, Amasa, 298. 

John, 25. 

Palmers Island, 86. 
Palmetto railroad, 258. 
Pamunkey fort, 227. 
Pamunkey Indians, 232. 
Pancoast, David, 62. 
Pannell, E. C., 150. 
Panoplist, 271. 
Paramour, ship, 222. 
Parker, Alton B., 1. 
James, 62. 
Josiah, 11. 

Winslow, 148, 158, 159. 
Parramore, John, 184. 
Passion flower, 68. 
Paton, William, 60. 
Patterson, Isham, 159. 

John, 71. 

Pattonsburg, 201, 202. 
Paxton's Marshall family, 165. 
Pears, 68. 
Peat, Thomas, 142. 

Peebles, county of, 142. 

Pemberton, uncle, 110. 

Pemberton, Israel, 176. 

Pemblico, 69. 

Pembrcke, Lord, 197. 

Penamenawo, 69. 

Penquin, 69. 

Pendleton, Edmond, 37, 40, 107, 
108, 122, 128, 176, 
Philip, 184. 

Pennsylvania, trade with West 
Indies, 63. 

Pepperrell, Sir William, 71. 

Perrin, John, 37. 

Perry, Micajah, 189, 191, 194. 

Perry and Lane, 115. 

Perry's papers relating to history 
of church, 279. 

Peruvian bark, 198. 

Petersburg, 185, 281, 298. 

Petersburg and Roahoke rail- 
road, 248. 

Petitions to general assembly, 

Pettit, Lucy, 144. 

Pettus, Col., 66. 

Pewter, 56. 

Peyton, Sir John, 125. 
Thomas, 125. 

Philadelphia, 210, 211. 

Philadelphia and Reading rail- 
road, 249. 

Philadelphia synod, 262. 

Philips, John, 70. 

Philpott, Robert, 93. 

Physicians, 114. 

Pickett, May A., 145. 

Piedmont, 160. 

Pinckney, Gen., 10. 

Pine Stake Church, 160. 

Pinkethman, Rebecca, 216. 

Piscataway Indians, 223. 

Pitcher, , 297. 

Pitt, Jabez, 18 5. 

Pitts, Edith, 216. 

Pittsylvania Co., 160. 

Plaisterers, 101. 

Plants, from Virginia, 67, 68. 
in Virginia, 186-200. 

Plater, George, 37. 

Pleasant Hill, 136. 

Pleasants, J. Hall, 107. 
James, 241. 
Jessey, 110. 
John, 107, 110, 168. 
Joseph, 181. 
Miss Lutie, 107. 
Mary, 181. 


Mary Webster, 168. 
Matthew, 181. 
Nancy, 111, 112. 
Polly, 111. 
Robert, 107-113, 110, 

167-182, 185. 
Rosalie, 167. 
Rosalie P., 167. 
Sally, 110. 
Samuel, 107-113, 176, 


Thomas, 168. 
family, 107. 
Pleurisy, 195, 198, 199. 
Plums, 68. 
Pocahontas, 169. 
Poke, 190, 192. 
Pollard, John, 136. 

Robert, 291. 
Pompion, 68. 
Poole, Robert, 221. 
Poplars, 135. 

Port Royal, 142, 162, 233. 
Porterfield, Robert, 290. 
Porteus, Beilby, 16, 21. 
Edward, 19. 
Robert, 21. 
Portmantuas, 140. 
Portsmouth, 184. 
Posford, Captain, 194. 
Potash, 196. 
Potash men, 101. 
Pott, Governor, 96. 
Potter, Henry, 221. 
Potts, John, Jr., 62. 
Pottsville and Danville railroad, 


Povey, Thomas, 66. 
Powder, 233. 
Powell, Burr, 296. 

William, 216. 
Power, Lord, 148. 

Henry, 146, 148. 
Henry, Jr., 148. 
Susanna, 145, 148. 
Powhatan Co., 216. 
Presbyterians in Virginia, 261- 

Preston, Col., 212. 

Billy, 45, 49. 
Eliza, 42. 
Eliza M., 201. 
Elizabeth, 42. 
Francis, 42-51, 201. 
J. P., 42. 
J. S., 42. 
Jammy, 45, 49. 
John (emigrant), 48. 
John, 42-51, 201 

Letitia, 48. 
Margaret, 42. 
Sally, 42. 
Sally B., 201. 
Sophonisba, 42. 
Susan, 42. 
T. L., 42. 
Tommy, 49. 
W. C., 42. 
William, 42, 46. 
Price, Mr., 51. 

Thomas, 37, 290. 
William, 132, 133, 291. 
Prince Edward County, 126, 215. 
Prince William County, 163, 

183, 288, 296. 

Princess Anne County, 184, 185. 
Princeton, 210. 
Princeton college, 259, 270. 
Prisons, 142. 

Private property, report of, 76. 
Providence (settlement of), 91. 
Public works board of Virginia, 


Purdie, Alexander, 185. 
Puritans in Maryland, 90, 91. 
Putchamin fruite, 68. 
Quakers attitude toward revolu- 
tion, 167-182. 
Queen Anne Co., Md., 78. 
Quirauke, 219, 234. 
Races at Richmond, 43 
Radclif, Dr., 196. 
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 218, 219, 


Ramage, C. J., 297. 
Ramsay, Alex, 185. 
Dennis, 62. 
Edward, 62. 
James, 125. 
William, 60. 

Randolph, Mrs., of Wilton, 125. 
Beverly, 125. 
D. M., 290. 
Elizabeth, 168, 169, 


John, 37, 70. 
Peyton, 107, 125, 176. 
Richard, 32, 37, 119. 
Robert, 126. 
Ryland, 177. 
Susan B., 237. 
Thomas Mann, 169. 
Rapalje, John, 185. 
Rappahannock (old) Co., 157, 


Rappahannock fort, 228. 
Rattlesnake bites, 198. 



Rattlesnake root, 188, 195, 197, 


Razors, 56, 165. 
Read, Charles, 126. 
Edmund, 133. 
John, 126. 
Robert, 38. 
Thomas, i26. 
Reade, Clement, 25, 37. 
James, 38. 
Thomas, 37, 38. 
Rector, John, 296. 
Mary, 295. 
Rectortown, 295. 
Red Stone Old Fort, 163, 164. 
Reeder, Thomas, 62. 
Religious toleration in Virginia, 


Remaine, Ireland, 148. 
Revolution, Spottswoods' legions 

in, 137-141. 
Revolutionary manufacturers, 

207. * 

Revolutionary officers and sol- 
diers, 131, 290, 291. 
Reynolds, John, 62. 

Robert, 151, 162. 
Thornton, 151. 
William; 38. 
Rheumatism, 199. 
Rhodes' history of U. S., 2. 
Rhondes, William, 71. 
Ricahack, 228. 
Ricahecrians, 232, 234. 
Rice, Edward, 149. 
John H., 271. 
Richard, George, 62. 
Richmond, 139, 202. 

bridge over James 

river, 248. 
races, 1786, 48. 
and Fredericksburg 

railroad, 248. 
and Petersburg rail- 
road, 248. 
County, 145, 157, 

185, 295. 

critic, quoted, 155. 
Little Theatre 

League, 167. 
Riddell, John, 185. 
Robert, 38. 
Riley, John, 185. 
Rigg, Richard, 185. 
Rind, William, 185. 
Roan, John, 261. 
Roanoke, 272. 

mountains of, 196. 
Island, 231. 

river, 230, 235. 
Roberts, Sarah, 159. 
Robinson, Benjamin, 38. 

Dr., Beverley, 237. 

Christopher, 38, 134- 
136, 135. 

David, 42. 

Francis, 56. 

Henry, 38. 

J. M., 258, 259. 

John, 38, 135, 136, 
237, 259. 

Judith, 135. 

Moncure, 237-260. 

Starkey, 38, 126. 

Thomas, 24, 25, 26. 

William, 185, 261. 

Wirt, 250, 251. 
Robinson river, 148. 
Robinsons, 136. 
Rolfe, John, 169, 219. 
Rome, George, 70. 
Rootes, Philip, 126. 
Ropemakers, 101, 207. 
Rosewell, 125. 
Rose Hill, 160. 
RoW, William, 38. 
Rowland, Thomas, 42. 
Royal Society, 66, 115, 186 et 


Rudy Fork, 212. 
Ruffin, Edmund, 38. 

John, 185. 
Rum, 56. 

Russell, William, 38. 
Russell county, 51. 
Sable furs, 220. 
Saddles, 57. 

St. Catherine's parish, 142. 
St. Clement Island, 80. 
St. Georges Dragon, 69. 
St. George's parish, 157, 158, 

159, 266. 

St. Helen (ship), 83, 97. 
St. Margaret (ship), 83, 97. 
St. Mark's parish, 151, 154, 156. 
St. Marys, 83, 85, 88, 90. 
St. Mary's, W. Va., 215. 
St. Mary's parish, 151. 
St. Paul's parish, 144, 152, 261 

et seq. 

St. Peters church, 276. 
St. Thomas parish, 151, 154, 157, 

158, 159. 
Salt Indians, 234. 
Salt Lick Creek; 144. 
Sambo, 292. 
Sampson, John, 38. 

Thomas, 38. 



Sanders, John H., 38. 
Rev. N., 161. 
Sanford, Edward, 62. 

Lawrence, 150. 
Santee, 160. 
Sapony river, 230. 
Sara and Elizabeth, ship, 225. 
Saunders, John, 62. 

John Hyde, 126. 
R. A., 291. 
Saura river, 230. 
Savage, Alice, 151, 156. 
John, 38. 

Nathaniel Littleton, 185 
Sawmills, 101. 
Sawyers, 101. 
Scarburgh, Edmund, 293. 
Scharf's history of Maryland, 86. 
Schaw, John, 185. 
Schools, 142. 

Sclater, William Selden, 126. 
Scotch merchants, 281. 
Scott, Mr., in Augusta, 49. 

Mrs. A. H., 297, 298. 

Alexander, 38. 

Charles, 213. 

Francis, 126. 

Gustavus, 38. 

Rose M., 299. 

Col. Thomas, 126. 
Scovell, George, 87. 
Sea feathers, 68. 
Seasonings, 102. 
Selden, William, 38, 126. 
Serge, 140. 

Shackelford, Roger, 263. 
Shaving utensils, 165. 
Shawnee Indians, 234. 
Sheffey, Mr., 201. 
Shepherd, David, 185. 
Shield, 126. 
Shields, James, 216. 

Samuel, 39, 126. 
Ships, surgeons of, 186. 
Shipyard (Hudgins), 298. 
Shoebuckles, 56. 
Shoemakers, 101. 
Shoes, 111, 113. 
Shomay, Thomas, 62. 
Short, Thomas, 298. 
Shot, 233. 

Shreve, Benjamin, 60. 
Shubrick, Commodore, 256. 
Silk, 66, 196. 
Silver, 56. 

mines, 221. 
Silvertown Hill, 148. 
Simms, Charles, 59, 60. 
Simpson, Mr., 140. 

A., 148. 
Southy, 120. 

Simpson Co., Ky., 209, 213. 
Skelton, Bathurst, 39, 126. 
Skillern, George, 42. 
Slaughter, Betty, 147. 

Caroline, 163. 
Francis, 146, 156. 
Col. James, 299. 
John, 291. 
Mary, 163. 
Capt. Philip, 291. 
Philip, quoted, 154, 
156, 157, 158, 159, 
160, 164. 
Robert, 156. 
Sarah, 147. 
Susan Clayton, 299. 
Vhomas, 155, 156. 
Slavery in Virginia, Judge Par- 
ker's address, 1-15. 
R. Pleasants on, 109, 


and conversion, 280. 
Slaves, 232. 

Davies' interest in, 280. 
importation cf, Judge 
Parker's address, 1-15. 
insurrection of, 280. 
to prohibit importation 

of, 109. 

Slitting mill, 207. 
Sloane, Sir Hans, letters to Wil- 
liam Byrd II, 186-200. 
manuscripts, 115. 
Smallpox, 113, 198, 210. 
Smelt, Dennis, 126. 
William, 126. 
Smith, Mr., 52. 

Mr., of Russell Co., 51. 
Abraham, 185. 
Alexander, 62. 
Armistead, 39, 126, 127. 
Burgess, 39. 
Daniel, 185. 
Edward, 39, 127. 
Elizabeth, 151. 
Emily Bird, 297. 
Francis, 290. 
Gerard, 39. 
Granville, 127. 
J. Augustine, 238. 
John, 39, 127, 290. 
Johnny, 47, 49. 
Lawrence, 146, 151, 155. 
Philip, 39. 

Sarah, 146, 151, 166. 
Capt. T., 45. 



Thomas, 39, 83, 86, 126, 


Tomy, 43. 
Smithfield, 45, 49. 
Smith's trade, 100, 101, 103, 


Snake root, 190. 
Smythe, Sir Thomas, 219. 
Sneyd, Smith, 185. 
Snites, 69. 
Snow Creek, 145, 146, 150, 152, 

155, 166. 

Soape boilers, 101. 
Socialism in early Virginia, 77. 
Solanum racemosum America- 

num, 192. 
Somers, John, 62. 
South Carolina, 198. 

message of, 205. 
Southampton County, 25. 
Southampton, Earl of, 229. 
Southdale, Col., 177. 
Southern states, taxation of, 204. 
Soward, Alfred, 165. 
Spain, claims of, 79. 
Spanktown memorial, 170. 
Spann, Richard, 39. 
Sparhawk, Samuel, 71. 
Sparhewk, Samuel H., 70. 
Speed, James, 132. 
Spelman, Henry, 221. 

Sir Henry, 221. 
Spice trees, 191. 
Spiders, 68. 
Spiers, Joshua, 62. 
Spinners, 207. 

Spotswood, , 163. 

Col., 159. 
Alexander, 137-141, 

209, 212, 282. 
John, 159. 
Mary, 137. 
Spotsylvania Co., 146, 147, 150, 

154, 157, 158, 159, 164, 244, 


Spurs, 56, 140. 
Squires, Thomas, 296. 
Squirrel, William, 39. 
Squirrels, 69. 

Stabler, Edward, 108, 185. 
Stafford County, 39, 127, 152, 


Stagg, Thomas, 89. 
Stanard, W. G., 156. 
Starke, Burwell, 127. 
Statham, Mary B., 215. 
Staunton, 184. 
Staunton river, 230. 
Stays, 111, 113. 

Steel furnace, 207. 

Steele, , 100. 

Dr., 299. 
James S., 299. 
John A., 299. 
Moses, 299. 
Rezin D., 299. 
Susan Clayton, 299. 
Stegg, Thomas, 235. 
Stephens, Col., 297. 

Adam, 185. 
Steptoe, William, 127. 
Stevens, Edward, 159, 160. 

John, 149, 159, 160. 
Mary, 159. 
Polly, 159. 
W. J., 290. 
Stevenson, Andrew, 158, 251. 

James, 148, 149, 158, 


John W., 158. 
Sarah, 160. 
W., 127. 

Stick weed, 190, 192. 
Steward, Joseph, 159. 
Stewart, Rev. Mr., 127. 
David, 59, 127. 
Frances, 159. 
Francis Willis, 149. 
John, 127, 159. 
Joseph, 149, 159. 
T. Adger, 209. 
W. G., 127. 
William, 159. 
Stingray, 69. 
Stith, Mr., 37. 

Griffin, 128. 
William, 39, 220. 
Stockdell, Ann, 151, 162. 

John, 162. 

Stone, William, 89, 90, 91. 
Stone, digging of, 104. 
Stones, 67. 
Storke, John, 128. 

Travis, 128. 
Stramonium, 192. 
Stringer, John, 39, 123. 
Strother, Ann, 156. 

French, 163. 
Sarah D., 289. 
Stuart, Archibald, 42. 

Francis W., 160. 
William, 39. 
Rev. William, 39. 
Suggett, James, 289. 
Sullivan, John, 70. 
Surry county, 31, 119. 
Susquehannock Indians, 233. 
Sweet Springs, 51. 



Swem, E. G., 115. 
Sweney, Daniel, 39. 
Swift, Jon, 60. 
Switzers, cavalry of, 196. 
Swords, 140. 
Tabb, Col., 31. 

Augustine, 39. 
John, 128, 
Johnson, 128. 
Tables, 56. 

Talbot Co., Md., 81, 85. 
Taliaferro, Ann, 148, 158, 163, 

Ann H., 148, 149, 


Ann P., 150. 
Catherine, 155. 
Carr B., 150, 151. 
Charles, 155, 156. 
Charles Champe, 157 
Elizabeth, 147, 149, 

150, 156, 157, 160. 
Elizabeth Hay, 151. 
Frances Ann, 151. 
Francis, 147, 156, 

157, 158. 
Francis Whitaker, 

George Catlett, 149, 

Hay. 150, 154, 160, 

161, 164. 

James Hay, 150, 151. 
Jane, 160. 
John, 145, 146, 147, 

148, 150, 151, 152, 

153. 155, 156, 158, 

161, 162, 166. 
John Champe, 148, 

151, 165. 

John N., 165. 

Laura Augusta Caro- 
line, 164, 165. 

Lawrence, 145, 146, 
148, 154, 156, 157, 
158 ; 160, 165, 166. 

Lawrence W., 150, 

152, 165. 
Lucy, 152, 164. 
Lucy M., 147, 148, 

151, 154, 161, 162, 

164, 165. 
Lucy M. B., 151. 
Marshall H., 150. 
Mary, 147, 150, 151, 

153, 155, 158, 162, 
164, 166. 

Mary B., 152. 

Mary Willis, 149, 

159, 163. 
Martha, 146, 152, 


Matilda, 165. 
Matilda Battaile, 145, 

149. 165. 
Motica Ann, 165. 
Nicholas, 145, 147, 

148, 150, 153, 154, 
155, 156, 158, 160. 
161, 162, 163, 164, 
165, 166. 

Nicholas H. B., 152. 

Richard, 39. 

Robert, 145, 155, 

Sarah, 146, 152, 155, 

William, 40, 146, 

147, 148, 149, 150. 

152, 155, 157, 159. 

160, 166. 
William Alonzo, 164, 


William B., 151. 
William Thornton, 

149, 162. 

Talman, William, 40. 
Tankersly, John, 133. 
Tanners, 101. 
Tappahannock, 142. 
Tar, for smallpox, 198. 
Tariff question, 202 et seq. 
Tarpley, Lucy, 294. 

Thomas, 128. 

William, 128. 
Tarry, Edward, 128. 
Tavern licenses, 60. 
Taxation of importers, 63. 

of Quakers, 174, 177, 
178, 179. 

Taylor, Anne Mackall, 289. 
Bennett, 237, 259. 
Charlotte R., 237. 
Edmund, 185. 
Elizabeth, 287, 288, 289. 
Erasmus, 147, 156. 
Fall, 287. 
Francis, 158, 210. 
FranK, 156, 158, 160, 

161, 164. 
George, 147, 155, 156, 


Hancock, 287, 289. 
John, 40, 60, 128, 155, 

Milly, 156. 



Richard, 209, 210, 287, 


Susan B. R., 237. 
Zachary, 12, 155, 287 et 

Tazewell, John, 40. 
Telescopes, 200. 
Temple farm, 155. 
Tennent, Mr., 195. 

Gilbert, 262. 
John, 40, 142. 
Tents, la 9. 
Tharp, David, 212. 
Thermon, Richard, 291. 
Thermometer, 200. 
Thorn, DeCourcy, 85, 98. 
Thomas, Elizabeth, 147, 154. 
George, 32. 
James, 161. 
John, 172, 175. 
Joseph, 154. 
Mary, 159. 

Thompson, Edward, 16-23. 
Gecrge, 71. 
John, 40. 
Joseph, 71. 
Jonah, 60, 62. 
Nathaniel, 40. 
Philip R., 240. 
William, 40, 128. 
Thomson, John, 261. 
Thornton, Elizabeth, 158. 

Francis, 150, 151, 153, 

155, 156, 158, 161, 

John, 147, 151, 153, 

156, 159, 161, 166, 

Mary, 151, 161, 166. 

Mildred, 161. 

Reuben, 147, 154, 
156, 166. 

Sarah, 155, 156, 158, 

William, 151. 
Thorny apple, 192. 
Thread, 69. 
Throckmorton, John, 128. 

Robert, 40, 128. 
Thruston Charles, 40, 62. 

Charles Minn, 185. 

John, 40, 128. 

Justina, 156. 

Thruston. See also Thurston. 
Thurston, Ann, 148, 159. 
Thurston Lucy M., 148, 159, 164, 

Lucy M. T., 161. 

William P., 154, 159, 


Tides, 69. 

Tilghman, Oswald, 81, 85. 
Tinctures, 67. 
Tinsley, Samuel, 291. 
Tithables in Accomac, 292, 293. 
Toadfish, 69. 
Toano, 146. 
Tobacco, for a gift, 110. 

to prevent excessive 

quantity of, 102. 
Tockawouge, 68. 

Todd, , 128. 

Christopher, 40, 128. 
John, 277. 
William, 126. 

Toleration act, 88, 92, 278. 
Tomihitan Cherokees, 235. 
Tomkies, Charles, 40. 
Tools, 100, 105, 106. 
Torrence, Clayton, 137-141, 142, 


Tortoises, 69. 
Totero towns, 234. 
Totopotomoy creek, 144. 
Totter-down-hill, 153, 163, 166. 
Towns, Langston on, 100-106 
Trabue, John, 291. 
Trades, Langston on, 100-106. 
Trafford and Crosbys, 112. 
Traill, Robert, 70. 
Trask, George, 281. 
Travers, Elizabeth, 294. 
Rawleigh, 294. 
Travis, Champion, 40, 129. 

Ed. Champion, 129. 
John, 129. 
Treaties relative to commerce, 

61, 62. 
Trees, 68. 
Trenton, 210. 
Tropics, 69. 
Trunks, 56, 110. 
Tucker, Henry, 129. 

Mrs. Jane, 107. 

Robert, 40. 

St. George, 129, 185. 

Travis, 129. 
Turberville, John, 40. 
Turley, Gates, 296. 

Ignatius, 296. 

John, 296. 

Margaret, 295. 

Martha, 296. 

Mary, 296. 

Sally, 296. 

Sampson, 296. 

Sarah, 296. 



William, 296. 
Turner, Thomas, 155. 
Turtles, 69. 
Tuskarood king, 230. 
Tuscarora Indians, 233. 
Tuscarora town, 230. 
Tyler, John (President), 12. 
John, 41. 

Dr. L. G., 72, 115. 
William, 62. 
Tyler Co., W. Va., 215. 
Uhler, Valentine, 62. 
Underwood, Elizabeth, 146, 156. 
Urbanna, 135. 
Valley Forge, 212. 
Venable, James, 132. 
Verser, Daniel, 290. 
Vessels, eaten by the worm, 102. 

unloading of, 102. 
Vineyards, 196. 
Virginia, Judge Parker's address, 


message of, 205. 
Natural products of, 66- 


and the federal gov- 
ernment, 205. 
Virginia gazette, 54, 183. 
Virginia company, 219. 
Virginia state library, 183. 
Virginia, University of, 167. 
Waddell, James, 185. 

John, 129. 

Waddy, Samuel, 144. 
Wade, William, 216. 
Waggoner, Greesby, 161. 
Wainoke Indians, 230. 
Waistcoats for Spotswood's le- 
gions, 141. 

Walker, John, 41, 112, 113. 
Wallace, James, 41, 129. 
Robert, 41, 129. 

Waller, , 129. 

Benjamin, 41, 129. 
Walnut furniture, 56. 
Wapergh, 67. 
Ward, James, 212. 
William, 62. 
Warren, Ratcliff, 83. 
Warrington, Rev. Mr., 41. 

Francis, 41. 
Warwick Co., 120. 
Washington, Betty, 152, 153. 
Catherine, 152. 
Charles, 153, 161. 
George, 58, 59, 107, 
108, 171, 176, 
Jane, 161. 

John, 139. 
Mildred, 152, 297. 
Samuel, 158, 161. 
William, 211. 
Washington county, 51. 
Washington Co., Ky., 297. 
Watches, 56. 
Watkins, Joel, 215. 
John, 132. 
Watson, Jonathan, 70. 

John, 116, 129. 
Josiah, 59, 60. 
Major, 129. 
Watkins, Rhoda, 215. 
Watson, William, 133. 
Watts' psalms for negroes, 280. 
Waugh, Abner, 41, 129. 

Alexander, 41, 154. 
John, 154. 

Mary, 147, 154, 157. 
Wayne, Anthony, 213. 
Weavers, 207. 
Webb, Foster, 41. 

John, 41. 

Webster, Daniel, 204. 
Mary, 169. 
Philip, 62. 
Weeks, S. B., 173. 
Weldon, Mr., 216. 

Mary, 216. 

Welsh language, 233. 
West, Miss, 297. 

John, 292, 293. 
Jonathan, 292. 
William, 41. 

West India, commerce, 63. 
West River, 110, 112. 
Westmoreland Co., 116, 128, 1 5 8, 

209, 295. 
Weston, Lewis, 62. 

Plowden, 225. 
Westover, 177. 

papers, quoted, 150. 
Westwood, William, 41. 
Wharton, Joseph, 108. 
Wheat, 11, 113. 
Whips, 110. 
White, Ensign, 211. 
Father, 88. 
Rev. Mr., 129. 
Alexander, 185. 
Canvass, 240. 
George, 221. 
John, 129. 
Samuel, 129. 

Whitfield, George, 262, 266, 271. 
Whiting, Francis, 41. 

Henry, 41, 129. 
John, 41, 129. 



Mr. M., 130. 
Mathew, 130. 
Peter, 41, 130. 
Thomas, 41, 130. 
William, 41. 
Whitmore, Robert, 62. 
Wichacan, 68. 
Wildcat furs, 220. 
William and Mary College, 50, 
134, 279. 

Brafferton estate, 16-23. 
Conferred degree on 

Franklin, 64. 
Faculty minutes, 1758, 

First professorship of law, 

Foundation and walls of, 


Francis Robinson, 56. 
Hugh Jones, 55. 
Hunter boys to be edu- 
cated at, 148. 
James Marye at, 157. 
Judge Parker's address, 1. 
Library, 183. 
Students at 1753-1776, 

27-41, 116-133. 

Williams', Capt., Company, 132. 
Williams, Mary, 159. 
Polly, 160. 
Tabitha, 213. 
Williamsburg, 185, 209, 210, 

283, 284. 

Williamson, Dr., 115. 
Willis, Henry, 147, 152, 154. 

Lewis, 158, 159. 
Wilcox, Edward, 41. 
Wiley, Peter, 44. 
Wilkinson, Mills, 130. 

Willis, 130. 

Wilson, W. Hasel, 252, 253. 
William, 62. 
William L., 136. 
Wilton, 125. 
Winchester, Va., 164, 170, 184, 

185, 298. 

Winchester and Potomac rail- 
road, 248. 
Winston, Edmund, 185. 

Isaac, 163. 
Wind-cholique, 188. 
Wine, 56. 
Wire making, 207. 

Wise, John, 62. 

Peter, 60, 62. 
Wolstenholme, Sir John, 219, 


Women on Kent Island, 79. 
Wood, Prof., 238. 

Abraham, 228, 230, 231, 
233, 234. 

James, 185. 

John, 42. 

Mary, 201. 

Trist, 287-289. 
Wood, cording of, 104. 
Woodbine, 68. 
Wood river, 234. 
Woodford, Gen., 290. 
Woodson, Charles, 290. 
Woodville, Rev. Mr., 149, 160. 
Woodward, Dr., 235. 
Wool cards, 207. 
Wool combs, 207. 
Wormseed, 190. 
Wormeley, Christopher, 135. 
Wormley, James, 130. 
Ralph, 130. 
Wormeleys, 136. 
Worms, 68. 

Jerusalem oak for, 190, 


specific against, 198, 199. 
Worthington, Ephraim, 130. 
Wren, Sir Christopher, 282. 
Wright, David, 180. 

James, 62. 

Wyatt, Governor, 222. 
Wythe, George, 31. 
Yadkin river, 235. 
Yale college, 54. 
Yancey, Philip, 299. 
Yardley, Francis, 231. 
Yapin, 227. 
Yates, Bartholomew, 41, 130. 

William, 130. 
Yeardley, Governor, 96. 
York county, 39, 121, 126, 127, 

216, 298. 
Yorktown, 155. 
Young, Gregory, 225. 

Susana, 225. 

Thomas, 225. 
Younghusband, Mr., 48. 
Yuille, Thomas, 128. 
Zane, Isaac, 185. 
Zhe Hoi, 163.- 

OTillt'am anb JWarp College 

uarterlp historical JfHaga?me 

Vol. 1. Verier JANUARY, 1921 No. 1 


Address of ALTON B. PARKER, Chancellor of the Sulgrave 


Delivered at The College of William and Mary October 6th, 1920, 

as a Part of the* Celebration of the Three Hundredth 

Anniversary of the Beginnings of Government 

in this Country. 

We are celebrating this year, with the aid of distinguished 
representatives from Great Britain and Holland, the beginnings 
of Government in this country, which finally ripened into a Gov- 
ernment, the like of which the world had never seen before surely, 
a Government of the people, by the people and for the people. 

The first Legislative Assembly ever held in this country met 
at Jamestown, Virginia, July 30th, 1619, in the chancel of the 
church, Governor Yeardley presiding. This Assembly was author- 
ized by a charter from Great Britain dated October 13, 1618. 

Some fifteen months later, all the men on board the Mayflower 
signed the following compact of Government: 

"In ye name of God, Amen. Doo by these, presents 
solemnly and mutually, in ye presence of God and one of 
another, covenant and combine ourselves togeather into 
a Civil body politick for our better ordering and preserva- 
tion and furtherance of ye ends aforesaide and By Vertue 
hearof to enacte, constitute and frame such just and equall 
lawes, ordnances, Acts, constitutions and offices from time 
to time as shall be thought most meete and convenient for 
ye generall good of ye colonie. Unto which we promise a 
due submission and obedience." 


These beginnings of Government in Virginia and in Massa- 
chusetts were by Englishmen who loved the great principles of 
English liberty which cost the people of England a struggle of 
nearly five hundred years to secure. And they also revered the 
common law. The Virginians were Church of England men 
and brought with them their Rector. The Pilgrims left England 
principally because they would have nothing to do with that 
Church or with a Government that supported it. 

Little did these pioneers dream that the Three Hundredth 
Anniversary of their first attempts at Government would be cele- 
brated by an independent nation of over One hundred millions 
of people possessing a territory extending from the Atlantic to 
the Pacific and from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, con- 
trolling a great ship canal which it had built connecting the At- 
lantic with the Pacific and possessed of wealth greater than that 
of any three nations in the world, a celebration participated in 
by Great Britain and Holland. 

While it is true, as the historian Rhodes says (Rhodes' His- 
tory of the United States, Vol. 3, p. 290), that Virginia's share 
in forming the Union was greater than that of any other State, 
it is also true that Massachusetts held the second place in that 
respect. Under such leadership, 157 years after the session of 
the first Legislative Assembly at Jamestown, there was brought 
about the Declaration of Independence followed by the working 
out of a plan of Government and the successful prosecution of a 
war for freedom. 

When in 1774, the people of Boston threw into the harbor a 
shipment of tea and the King responded by closing the port, 
Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee and other 
famous Virginians of that day met at Raleigh Tavern and resolved 
to stand by Massachusetts, just as in the early part of March of 
1772 those men with others met at the same place upon learning 
that the people of Rhode Island had burned the British war ves- 
sel "Gaspee" in Narragansett Bay, for which offense the Ministers 
of George the Third claimed the right to transport the accused 
from Rhode Island to England for trial. At that meeting they 
passed resolutions pledging Virginia to stand by Rhode Island and 


creating a Committee of eleven to correspond with the other 
Colonies and concert measures for the general defense. 

Jefferson, who in the month of June, 1774, took his seat as a 
member of the Continental Congress, presented in his own hand- 
writing the Declaration of American Independence. It contained 
an indictment of the King of Great Britain on the subject of 
slavery which was not adopted by the Congress. It will be re- 
ferred to a little later. Otherwise, the Declaration as drafted by 
him, after a debate in the Congress on three different days, was 
adopted, every member present signing it, except one. 

. Virginia contributed the Commander-in-Chief of the Armies 
in the struggle for freedom; the same man later, for our first 
President, one who in the judgment of the people, is first in war, 
first in peace and firsfr in the hearts of his countrymen. 

After eight years of service by him, Massachusetts furnished 
the country with the Second President in the person of John 

Three Virginia Presidents followed in succession, Jefferson, 
Madison and Monroe. Then came John Quincy Adams of Mas- 
sachusetts, Harrison and Tyler of Virginia succeeded Van Buren. 
And after Polk, Taylor of the same State became President. The 
last but not the least of Virginia's distinguished sons to achieve 
the presidency was "Woodrow Wilson. Eight out of twenty-eight 
of our Presidents have been natives of Virginia. 

With rightfully won leadership in the battle for freedom and 
in the formation of the Government, the people of Virginia have 
nevertheless been compelled to suffer as the people of no other 
State has suffered. This was due to slavery slavery which was 
forced upon her against her will. Her people were seriously in- 
jured in the good opinion of the people of a large part of the 
United States, because writers, and many of them, attempted to 
and did create the belief that they were responsible for the seizure 
of black men in Africa and the bringing of them bound in chains 
to this country to wear out their lives here in the service of in- 
human masters, a most unjust charge one that rankles in the 
breasts of the Virginians, both old and young, even to this day, 
for they know the truth. 


The truth should also be known by all the rest of the people 
of the United States, not alone in order that simple justice may 
be done to old Virginia and her people, but also to the end that 
people of all portions of the country may be more closely united 
in affectionate esteem. We need now and shall always need the 
hearty co-operation of the descendants of the early Virginians and 
of the Pilgrims in steering our ship of state through the turbulent 

What I am to say to you to-day is not new. Every Virginian 
knows it. But it is new to the majority of the people of the coun- 
try outside of Virginia. Indeed, my study of the subject was 
prompted by the reading of a book by the late Beverly Munford of 

All should know it for the general good. 

A descendant of a Revolutionary soldier from Massachusetts, 
I feel that I may and should take the liberty of telling in outline 
the story of the vain effort of the Virginians to prevent the im- 
portation of slaves. It is a record the like of which no other State 
can boast. Bancroft says (Vol. 3, p. 409), that the people of Vir- 
ginia were overruled on a subject of vital importance to themselves 
and their posterity. Their halls of legislation had resounded with 
eloquence directed against the terrible plague of negro slavery. 
* * * Again and again, they had passed laws restraining the 
importation of negroes from Africa. But their laws were dis- 
allowed by Great Britain; not only that, but after debate by the 
King and Council, the King issued on December 10, 1770, an in- 
struction, commanding the Governor "Upon pain of the highest 
displeasure to assent to no law by which the importation of slaves 
should be in any respect prohibited or obstructed." * * * 

Virginians thereupon resolved to appeal to the King himself 
for leave to defend themselves against this crime of avarice. This 
was done in these very words: 

"The importation of slaves into the Colonies from the 
coast of Africa hath long been considered as a trade of 
great inhumanity; and under its present encouragement 
we have too much reason to fear will endanger the very 
existence of your Majesty's American Dominions. We are 


sensible that some of your Majesty's subjects in Great 
Britain may reap emoluments from this sort of traffic; 
but when we consider that it greatly retards the settle- 
ment of the Colonies with more useful inhabitants and 
may in time have the most destructive influence we pre- 
ume to hope that the interest of a few will be disregarded 
when placed in competition with the security and happiness 
of such numbers of your Majesty's dutiful and loyal sub- 
jects. Deeply impressed with these sentiments we most 
humbly beseech your Majesty to remove all those restraints 
on your Majesty's Governors of these Colonies which inhibit 
their assenting to such laws as might check so very perni- 
cious a commerce." (Bancroft, Vol. 3, p. 411.) 

Poor Virginians: Wise was the prophecy of her great sons, 
that in time slavery might have the most destructive influence. 
But vain were her struggles against it. 

Let me call your attention to some of the more prominent 
steps that were taken by the people of Virginia and her states- 
men to end the importation of slaves into Virginia and also into 
the other Colonies, and later, into the States. 

In 1619, a few slaves were brought into Virginia, but not 
until 1661 was the institution of slavery recognized in Virginia 
by statute law. (History of Slavery in Virginia, Ballagh, p. 34.) 
For a long period after the first introduction very few slaves 
were brought to Virginia and for two reasons: First, there was 
but little money with which to pay for them, and Second, because 
the overwhelming majority of the Virginian people were then and 
ever continued to be opposed to slavery. At the end of the first 
half century there were only some 2,000 slaves in the Colony. In 
1770 Virginia through her House of Burgesses, protested against 
the introduction of African slaves. To that, the response of the 
King was "An instruction under his own hand commanding the 
Governor upon pain of the highest displeasure to assent to no law 
bj which the importation of slaves should be in any respect pro- 
hibited or obstructed." (Bancroft, Vol. 3, p. 410.) This in turn 
led the House of Burgesses to make the appeal to the King which 
I have already quoted from Bancroft. 

The King failing and refusing to use his power to end slavery, 


in obedience to the request of the House of Burgesses, the People 
of Virginia started a movement in 1774 to induce all Virginians 
to agree that they would not buy the slaves which the slave traders, 
backed by the King of England, insisted upon bringing into Vir- 
ginia. To that end, mass meetings were held in many of the 
Counties and appropriate resolutions adopted. The resolution of 
Fairfax County said in part: 

"We take the opportunity of declaring our most earn- 
est wish to see an entire stop forever put to such a wicked 
cruel and unnatural trade." (DuBois, 43.) 

In that same year and in the month of August, the Virginia 
Colonial Convention resolved as follows : 

"We will neither ourselves import, nor purchase any 
slave or slaves imported by any other person, after the first 
day of November next, either from Africa, the West Indies 
or any other place." (DuBois, 43.) 

On the 5th day of the following month, when the Continental 
Congress assembled for the first time, Virginia's delegates in that 
body submitted the memorial known as "A Summary View of the 
Eights of British America," in which the course of King George, 
the Third, was arraigned and the sentiments of Virginia declared 
in the following words : 

"For the most trifling reasons and sometimes for no 
conceivable reason at all, his Majesty has rejected lawi 
of the most salutory tendency. The abolition of domestic 
slavery is the great object of desire in these colonies where 
it was unhappily introduced in their infant state. But 
previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves we had, it ii 
necessary to exclude all further importations from Africa. 
Yet our repeated request to effect this by prohibitions and 
by imposing duties which might amount to a prohibition 
have been hitherto defeated by his Majesty's intervention, 
thus preferring the immediate advantage of a few British 
Corsaires to the lasting interest of the loyal states and to 
the rights of human nature deeply wounded by this in- 
human trade." (Writings of Thomas Jefferson (Ford), 
1892, Vol. 1, p. 440.) 


It makes the heart ache to read these words of protest by the 
Virginia representatives in the Continental Congress, know- 
ing as we do, the horrible sufferings to which her people were 
later to be subjected for an evil forced upon her despite the ef- 
forts of her people and of her House of Burgesses and her States- 
men. Her representatives in the Continental Congress made 
strenuous efforts to secure the adoption of the "Non-Importation 
Agreement," in which there was a resolve to discontinue the slave 
trade and a pledge neither to "hire our vessels nor sell our com- 
modities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it." (Du- 
bois, p. 45.) 

The agreement to wage a boycott against importers of slaves 
which Virginia's representatives in the Continental Congress 
sought to bring into operation stimulated the "Folks at Home" 
to boycott purchasers of imported slaves. Vigilant Committees 
were formed over the State who adopted vigorous methods to ac- 
complish that result. For example, here at Norfolk, the Com- 
mittee found that in spite of the well understood sentiment of the 
community, a well-to-do merchant had purchased slaves from 
Jamaica. Thereupon, the Committee made a report to the public 
that we "hold up for your just indignation Mr. John Brown, 
merchant of this place * * * to the end * * * that 
every person may henceforth break off all dealings with him." 
(DuBois, 47.) 

In the year 1776, but before the Declaration of Independence 
was proclaimed, Virginia adopted a written Constitution and Bill 
of Rights. The preamble to the Constitution dealt with the dif- 
ferences between Virginia and King George on the subject of 
importing slaves against its wish and despite the act prohibiting 
it which had been passed by Virginia's House of Burgesses. It 
declared that his action in perverting his kingly powers * * * 
into a detestable and insupportable tyranny by putting his negative 
on laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good", 
and again for "Prompting our negroes to rise in arms among us 
those very negroes who by inhuman use of his negative he hath 
refused us permission to exclude by law." (Hening's Statute*, 
Vol. 9, pp. 112, 113.) 


Other Colonies had already adopted Bills of Eights but Vir- 
ginia was the very first to open with the declaration "That All 
Men are by nature equally free and independent". This great 
truth, penned by Mason, was two months later expressed by Jef- 
ferson in the Declaration of Independence in these words: "That 
ill men are created free and equal." The proposed Declaration 
as framed by Jefferson and in his own handwriting and proposed 
by him to the Continental Congress contained in addition to the 
portion adopted by the Congress and made the Declaration of In- 
dependence, the following indictment of the King of Great Britain : 

"He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, 
violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty, in the 
persons of a distant people who never offended him; cap- 
tivating them and carrying them into slavery in another 
hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transporta- 
tion thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of 
infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian King of 
Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where 
men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his nega- 
tive for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit 
or restrain this execrable commerce. 

"And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact 
of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people 
to rise in arms among us and to purchase that liberty of 
which he has deprived them by murdering the people on 
whom he has obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes 
committed against the leaders of one people with crimes 
which he urges them to commit against the lives of an- 
other." (Writings of Jefferson, Vol. 12, VII.) 

The debate lasted three days, but the influence of South Caro- 
lina, Georgia and New England was sufficient to cause those words 
to be stricken out. And the Declaration was adopted as we now 
see it. 

After Virginia's Declaration of Independence from British 
rule, her General Assembly passed in 1778 an act providing that 
"no slaves shall hereafter be imported into this commonwealth 
by sea or land nor shall any slaves so imported be sold or bought 
by any person whatsoever". The statute further imposed a fine 
of one thousand pounds for each slave imported, and five hun- 


dred pounds upon any person buying or selling any such slave. 
It also declared that any slave "shall upon such importation be- 
come free." (Hening's Statutes, Vol. 9, p. 471. M 25.) 

When on March 1, 1784, Virginia's deed of cession of the 
great Northwest territory was accepted by the Continental Con- 
gress, Mr. Jefferson reported the bill prepared by him known 
as the "Ordinance of 1784". The Ordinance provided not only 
for many of the governmental needs of this large territory, but 
declared that after the year 1800 slavery should never exist in any 
portion of the vast domain west of a line drawn North and South 
between Lake Erie and the Spanish Dominions of Florida. It 
received the votes of but six States and Mr. Jefferson's two col- 
leagues voted against the Ordinance. This was a matter of great 
grief to him and led^him to write in a letter to M. de Munier: 
<f The voice of a single individual of the State which was divided 
or one of those which were of the negative would have prevented 
this abominable crime from spreading itself over the new coun- 
try. Thus, we see the fate of millions unborn hanging on the 
tongue of one man and heaven was silent in that awful moment." 
(Writings of Jefferson (Ford), Vol. 4, p. 181, M. 27.) 

Three years later, however, the Ordinance of 1787 was enacted 
into law and Fiske says that "No one was more active in bring- 
ing about this result than William Gray son of Virginia, who was 
earnestly supported by Lee." (Critical Period of American His- 
tory (Fiske), p. 205, M. 27.) 

Mr. Bancroft says: 

"Thomas Jefferson first summoned Congress to pro- 
hibit slavery in all the territories of the United States; 
Rufus King lifted up the measure when it lay almost life- 
less on the ground and suggested the immediate instead of 
the prospective prohibition; a Congress composed of five 
Southern States to one from New England, and two from 
the Middle States headed by William Grayson supported 
by Richard Henry Lee and using Nathan Dane as scribe, 
carried the measure to the goal in the amended form in 
which King had caused it to be referred to a Committee; 
and, as Jefferson had proposed, placed it under the sanc- 
tion of an irrevocable compact." (Bancroft's U. S. H., 
Vol. 6, p. 290, M. 27.) 


As the Ordinance passed contained many provisions not set 
out in Virginia's deed of cession, it became necessary that Vir- 
ginia should by a proper enactment reaffirm her deed. This she 
did through the action of her general Assembly at its next 

Virginia therefore bore a leading part in the legislative work 
by which slavery was forever prohibited in the vast tei^tory 
north of the Ohio River, a territory which she had won from 
England and the Indians. (Bancroft, Vol. 6, pp. 290, 291.) 

In the Convention which framed the Federal Constitution in 
1787 when the question of permitting further importation of 
slaves was under discussion, Mr. Mason, of Virginia, said: "This 
infernal traffic originated in the avarice of British merchants. " 
The British Government constantly checked the attempt of Vir- 
ginia to put a stop to it. Maryland and Virginia had already 
prohibited the importation of slaves expressly and North Carolina 
had done the same in substance. He was supported by Luther 
Martin, of Maryland, whereupon Gouverneur Morris adverted to 
the circumstances that the sixth section of the same article then 
under consideration contained a provision "That no Navigation 
Act should pass without the consent of two-thirds of the members 
present in each House", a provision especially affecting the in- 
terests of the New England States and he suggested that this 
section together with the fourth and fifth should be referred to 
the Committee. The suggestion was adopted and an agreement 
reached by the Committee to recommend the extension of the 
slave trade to 1800 and striking out the provisions requiring a 
two-thirds vote to an Act of Navigation Law. The report being 
read in Convention, General Pinckney of South Carolina, moved 
to extend the slave trade to 1808, which motion was seconded by 
Mr. Gorham, of Massachusetts, Mr. Madison, of Virginia, after- 
ward President of the United States, earnestly opposed the mo- 
tion declaring it to be dishonorable to the American character. 
But his opposition was in vain. The motion prevailing by the 
vote of all the New England States together with South Carolina, 
Georgia, Maryland and North Carolina. Voting against it were 
the States of Virginia, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware. 


Josiah Parker, of Virginia, in the first session of the Con- 
gress under the Constitution, held in April, 1789, sought to 
amend the Tariff Bill by inserting a clause levying an import 
tax of Ten Dollars upon every slave brought into the country. 
He was supported by Theodoric Bland and James Madison, after- 
wards President, the latter declaring "By expressing a national 
disappropriation of that trade it is to be hoped we may destroy 
it and so save ourselves from reproach and our posterity from the 
imbecility ever attendant on a country filled with slaves. (Annals 
of Congress, Vol. 1, Col. 336.) 

This effort was not successful, but it resulted in numerous 
petitions to the next session of Congress from Virginia and Mary- 
land and from almost every one of the Northern States. In the 
Virginia petition, tha slave trade was declared to be "An out- 
rageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human 
nature". (DuBois, 80.) 

In his message to Congress in 1806-7 President Jefferson said 
in part: 

"I congratulate you fellow citizens on the approach 
of a period at which you may interpose your authority 
constitutionally to withdraw the citizens of the United 
States from all further participation in those violations 
of the human rights which have so long been continued on 
the unoffending inhabitants of Africa which the morality, 
the reputation and the best interests of our country have 
long been eager to prescribe." 

The Congress passed an Act Prohibiting the Slave Trade and 
imposing forfeitures and fines upon ships and ship crews engaged 
In the traffic. But while by reason of the Act, the traffic in slaves 
was somewhat lessened, it still continued. 

James Madison, of Virginia, who succeeded Thomas Jefferson 
as President of the United States, in a message to Congress of 
December 5, 1810, declared : 

"Among the commercial abuses still committed under 
the American flag * * * it appears that American 
citizens are instrumental in carrying on the traffic in en- 
slaved Africans equally in violation of the laws of hu- 
manity and in defiance of those of their own country." 


And urged Congress to devise further means for suppressing 
the evil. 

He again brought the subject to the attention of Congress 
in a message dated December 3, 1816. 

In the course of 1819 under the leadership of Charles Fen- 
ton Mercer and John Floyd of Virginia, a Bill was passed amend- 
ing the statute so as to require the President to use armed cruisers 
off the coast of Africa and America to suppress the trade and 
providing for the immediate return to Africa of any imported 
slaves, and appropriating One hundred thousand Dollars to carry 
out the general purposes of the law. (Annals of Congress, 15th 
Congress, second section, part 1.) 

President Monroe, of Virginia, succeeded President Madison 
and he submitted in a special message to Congress dated May 21, 
1824, a Treaty with Great Britain which accorded "A search 
for slaves on vessels of the United States in return for a like 
privilege to Great Britain/' This treaty he supported with vigor; 
stating therein "That should this proposition be adopted, there 
is every reason to believe that it will be the commencement of a 
system destined to accomplish the entire abolition of the slave 
trade/' The ratification of this treaty, however, was unfortunately 
defeated in the Senate. 

Another resident of Virginia who became President, John 
Tyler, addressed two messages to the Congress upon the slave 
trade, appealing for amendments to the existing laws so as to 
give them greater force and efficiency, in one of which he said: 
"That the American flag is grossly abused by the abandoned and 
profligate of other nations is but too probable." 

In 1842 in the preparation of the Ashburton Treaty he ce- 
cured the insertion of a clause providing for the maintenance and 
oo-operation of squadrons of the United States and Great Britain 
off the coast of Africa for the suppression of the trade. (Letters 
and Times of the Tylers, Vol. 2, p. 219.) 

And still another citizen of Virginia, on becoming President 
of the United States, Zachary Taylor, appealed to Congress in a 
message under date of December 4, 1849, for an "Amendment of 
tur existing laws relating to the African slave trade with a view 


to the effectual suppression of that barbarous traffic." He also 
said "It is not to be denied that it is still in part carried on by 
means of vessels in tha United States and owned or navigated by 
some of our citizens." 

Thus, we see that six of the citizens of Virginia who became 
Presidents of the United States were most active in their efforts 
against slavery. 

I have already referred to the legislative action of Virginia, 
while a Colony, against slavery, calling your attention to the Act 
of 1778 passed after her Declaration of Independence in which 
the importation of slaves was prohibited. Other legislation tend- 
ing in the same general direction includes the Act of 1782 passed 
by the General Assembly of Virginia, by the terms of which slave- 
holders were authorized to emancipate their slaves by deed or will 
duly made and recorded. This was contrary to the British rule, 
which forbade slave-holders from manumitting their slaves except 
with the permission of the Council. (Hening's Statutes, Vol. 4, 
p.. 132, M. 41.) 

Three years later and in 1785, the General Assembly passed 
an Act providing that slaves brought into the State and remain- 
ing there twelve months should be free. 

In 1787 the General Assembly passed Validating Acts cover- 
ing attempts at manumissions by wills which were executed prior 
to 1782. 

The General Assembly also passed an Act in 1788 making the 
enslaving of the child of free blacks a crime punishable by death 
upon the scaffold. 

In 1795 it enacted that a slave might sue in forma pauperis 
in any court for the purpose of settling the question of his right 
to freedom. Under that Act he was authorized to make com- 
plaint to the nearest Magistrate or Court and the owner was 
required to give bond to permit the slave to attend the next term 
of the court and maintain his rights. 

The effect of these and other Acts together with the general 
desire on the part of most of the people was to stimulate manu- 

There were three thousand free negroes in Virginia at the 


close of the Revolution. Ten years later, there were thirteen thou- 
sand. The Census of 1810 showed them to number 30,570. This 
large number of free negroes led to statutory amendments requir- 
ing slaves who were freed to go out of the State. Many well-to-do 
Virginians thereafter provided by will that their respective Trus- 
tees should take the negroes to a State named therein and buy each 
family a farm and give them a stipulated sum of money with 
which to start. But they were not welcomed in any State. In- 
deed, they were told to go back to Virginia where they and their 
ancestors were brought in spite of the protest of the great majority 
of the good people of Virginia. That this is so, is shown not only 
by legislative and political action by the people as well as the 
leaders of Virginia to which some reference has been made by 
me today, but also by the United States Census of the year 1860. 
Therein it appears that the white population of Virginia was 
1,047,299 and the number of slave-holders was 52,12'8. Thus, 
out of a population of over one million, only some 52,000 were 

Zealous men in the North and particularly in New England 
who were ignorant of Virginia's history and had never heard of 
her great efforts against slavery were in the thirty years preced- 
ing I860, vigorously engaged in assaulting not only slavery and 
slave-holders, but also the morality and civilization of every State 
in which there were slaves and slave-owners. It was not possible 
for the majority of the people of such a State as Virginia, with 
a record in all respects as to slavery unsurpassed by any Colony 
or any State, to do otherwise than to resent the untruthful as- 
saults made upon her. 

It is not too late to attempt to contribute as large a measure 
of justice as the situation will permit. 

That effort should be made now, and if it shall be, it will won- 
derfully help toward that unity of effort for the public good that 
ought to inspire the people of the two sections of our country 
from whence came the beginnings of Government in the United 
States: Virginia and Massachusetts. 

Massachusetts has my filial and profound respect and regard. 
But Virginia, the fair and fertile; the first spot on this conti- 


nent that an Anglo-Saxon called ''home"; the land which gave 
the immortal Washington to a grateful country; the soil from 
which sprang so many leaders in the creation of our Government, 
so large a number of our foremost soldiers and statesman; the 
"Mother of Presidents" ; the cornerstone of our free Government 
when I remember your patriotism and loyalty, your scars of battle 
and your dismemberment, your early opposition to slavery and 
your later suffering from this serpent which had been thrust into 
your bosom in spite of your repeated protests, my heart and soul 
go out in profound love and respect to the sunny hills and fertile 
valleys, to the great and noble community known in history and 
romance as the "Old Dominion." 



(From the Dawson Papers, Library of Congress.) 

London, March 18, 1758. 
Dear Sir. 

You will before this have reed, a Letter from me & another from 
your Son, desiring your assistance in procuring an appointment 
to the Stewardship of Brafferton in Yorkshire (now vacant by 
my Fathers Resignation) for my Brother-in-Law Mr. Edward 
Thompson of Helperby in the same County did not then, for 
want of time & proper information, explain to you the particular 
reasons of this request, nor the perplexity which has been thrown 
upon the affair by indiscretion on the one hand & artifice on the 
other. But being now at London, where I have endeavourd by 
the opportunities & lights afforded me to make myself perfect 
master of the Subject, I shall lay before you what I have been 
able to learn in relation to it, divesting myself entirely of all par- 
tiality & private attachments give you what I really think to be the 
true and real State of the Case. 

The Estate at Brafferton in Yorkshire belongs as you know to 
the College in Virginia. My Father has had the care of it for 
many years; A Trust, which he had executed with so much fidelity 
& honour, that the College gave him the liberty of appointing his 
Successor after his Death or resignation. This was found out by one 
Hind an attorney at Ripon in Yorkshire, whom my Father un- 
luckily employ'd in Law-Affairs, & lately too as Steward of the 
Manor-Courts which are held at Brafferton. This man, as I said 
having found out that my Father had the power of naming hie 
Successor, & observing that age & Infirmity now grew upon him 
so fast that he must quickly be incapable of going through the 
Trouble of the Stewardship ; found means to draw from my Father 
a recommendation of him to Mr. Hanbury who is Agent for the 
College, as a proper person to be the Steward of Brafferton. The 
word Steward is an ambiguous term, & my Father says he only 
meant to recommend him as Steward of the Courts, & not of the 


Estate. That is to have him continued Steward of the Courts 
even after my Father had resigned the Stewardship of the Estate 
to another. However that may be, the words will fairly bear an 
interpretation favourable to Mr. Hind's pretensions & therefore I 
lay no stress on this plea. I am rather apt to think that my Father 
either does not remember what he wrote or what he intended, or 
that he did not at the time consider what he was doing. And I 
am the more inclined to this opinion, because the Letter recom- 
mending Hind (The original of which is in Mr. Hanbury's pos- 
session which I have seen) is wrote by Mr. Hind's own hand, & 
only sign'd by. my Father, whose faculties are now so much im- 
pair'd by Age & infirmity, that I am not much surpriz'd at his 
being prevaild on by a plausible designing Man to set his Name 
without much deliberation to that paper. A Copy of this Letter 
Mr. Hanbury has transmitted to the College, & you will there 
see that My Father mentions Hind (or rather Hind mentions 
himself) as a person of Integrity & proper for the Stewardship. 
I do believe that Hind had by little Services & great obsequious- 
ness insinuated himself into my Father's good graces. But what- 
ever his Opinion might then be, whether well or ill-grounded, he 
ha? since had the utmost reason to alter it. Mr. Hind upon this 
recommendation procur'd from Mr. Hanbury an appointment to 
the Stewardship, & prevailed upon my Father to resign the Ste- 
wardship, reserving to him the Salary for Life which he forsaw 
must be a very short time. No sooner were the Papers deliver'd 
up to him, than he began to act in the most arbitrary Tyrannical 
manner, gave notice to some of the best Tenants to leave their 
Farms, appointed the rect. Day a month sooner than it us'd to be, 
& Troubled Mr. Thompson my Brother in Law whose House is 
contiguous to Brafferton, in so outrageous a manner that if his 
Injuries are continued, Mr. Thompson will be obligM to quit the 
place. My Father upon this wrote to Mr. Hanbury, who 
desir'd him to resume the Stewardship till an appoint- 
ment came from the College; But Hind refus'd to give up 
the Papers, & continues to act as Steward. It is there- 
fore now my Father's most earnest request, that the College will 
displace Mr. Hind, & appoint Mr. Edward Thompson of Helperbv 


in the County of York, Gentleman, to be Steward of the Estate 
& Manor of Brafferton. To which request he is not induced by 
views of interest (for Hind had reserv'd to him the Salary for 
Life). But because he is now convinc'd (what every body be- 
side himself was convinc'd of long ago) that Mr. Hind is a most 
improper man to have the management of the Estate, & that Mr. 
Thompson is every way perfectly qualified for that Trust. To 
convince you of this I will only give you a short sketch of the 
characters of these two Gentlemen, & leave you to draw the In- 
ference. Were I to repeat to you every thing that I have heard in 
regard to Hind, you would not hesitate a moment in your opinion, 
but as I would always wish to be of the charitable side, even when 
it makes against myself; I will only observe to you, that in gen- 
eral it seems very imprudent to commit the care of Estates, whose 
owners are at a Distance, to attorneys, especially to an artfull, 
self-interested, litigious attorney, which I do assure you is speak- 
ing of H d in the softest terms. His Sole Aim seems the amass- 
ing of money which has involv'd him in continual Lawsuits that 
have not added any reputation to his Character. Mr. Thompson 
is a Gentleman of 3 or 400 a year, who has no profession or priv- 
ate End to serve, lives contiguous to Brafferton, is remarkable for 
the strictest Integrity & Honour & does not desire the Stewardship 
for the profits of it, which are very inconsiderable, but merely 
to preserve himself from the Trouble of so injurious a Neighbour 
as Hind, or of any other Person, who may endeavour to disturb 
him in his retirement. 

Upon the whole I see some infirmity & indiscretion on the side 
of my Father, but much Art & cunning on the side of Mr. Hind ; 
And you will, I dare say, agree with me in thinking that a Fault 
in the Head, especially in an aged Head, is much more pardon- 
able than a fault in the Heart; But supposing that nothing of 
this had happened & that Hind was now actually Steward of the 
Estate, I should out of regard to the College (supposing the Per- 
sons indifferent to me) desire to have the Estate entrusted in 
other hands. I would not for the sake of the nearest relation I 
have in the World, either do myself or desire you to do a wrong 
or ungenerous thing; but abstracting from all private attach- 


ments & Family considerations, I do protest to you upon the 
word of a Gentleman & a Clergyman, that in recommending Mr. 
Thompson & excluding Mr. Hind you will do the greatest piece 
of Service that can be done to the College. The value of the 
thing is trifling, not above 20 a year, but what makes me so 
earnest in it is that Mr. Hind by being Steward of the Estate & 
Manor of Brafferton has it in his Power (& he never wants the 
inclination) to plague & disturb Mr. Thompson in a thousand 
instances, & as this has happen'd by the inadvertence of my Father 
it may possibly create some uneasiness in the Family, wch would 
give me the utmost concern. The College may perhaps think that 
Mr. Thompson when he has got the Stewardship into his hands 
may out of Revenge Plague Hind, as Hind has done him. But 
this cannot be the case, because Mr. Hind lives at a Distance, 8 
or 9 miles, from Brafferton, so that the Stewardship of that Estate, 
let it be in whose Hands it will, can never affect him, whereas 
Mr. Thompson is upon the Spot, & exposed to innumerable incon- 
veniences from any Steward of Brafferton that chuses to be trouble- 
some. However as the removal of Hind is the most essential Point 
both in regard to the Quiet of Mr. Thompson, & the interest of 
the College. If the College think proper to appoint in his Room 
any other Person, rather than Mr. Thompson (though I declare 
aolemnelly I know none more proper) I would beg leave to recom- 
mend to them My Brother Mr. Edward Porteus of York, who is 
desirous of it in case Mr. Thompson should resign or die; or for 
the reason above suggested be thought improper by the College. 
I only mention this to you in private, wch you need not take any 
notice of, unless that objection to Mr. Thompson (which as I 
have shewn is really none at all) should be started by the College. 
I must desire that if Mr. Thompson be appointed or whoever is 
appointed in the room of Hind it may be done in the most cau- 
tious manner; For if Hind can possibly find out any Flaw in 
the appointment by all quirks and cavils of the Law he will do 
it. I suppose they know the Form of appointing a Steward or 
receiver of the Estate; it must be I apprehend conceiv'd in some 
such words as these, that they do constitute & appoint Edward 
Thompson of Helperbi in. the County of York, Gentleman : Ste- 


ward, Keceiver of the Rents & entire manager of the Estate at 
Brafferton in the said County; at the same time utterly exclud- 
ing William Hind attorney at Law of Ripon in the County of 
York from any share in the management of it or receiving the 
Rents thereof: 

As I look upon you to be our principal Friend in managing this 
affair, I have chose to explain the whole case to you at large, in 
order to give you a thorough knowledge of the Subject. You will 
not however communicate to others any more of the contents of 
this Letter than is absolutely necessary to assure the success of our 
negotiation. Particularly what I have said in regard to Hind's 
character (though I am sincerely persuaded of the Truth of that 
& much more) yet I should be unwilling to prejudice him in the 
opinion of others, as my desire is not to do harm to him, but to 
prevent him from doing harm to others. Add to this, that as he 
is the most litigious man upon Earth, if he could prove that I 
had said any thing derogatory to his reputation (However true 
it may be, or however fully I could prove it) yet he might have 
it in his Power to give me a good deal of Trouble & bring me 
into disputes wholly opposite to my Temper & manner of Life. 
I must desire therefore that He or His Friends (if he has any in 
the province) may never have an opportunity of getting this 
Letter or a Copy of it into their possession, or of taking any ad- 
vantage from it against me. 

You will excuse me for being thus prolix in regard to an affair 
which I confess I have much at heart, & which I most earnestly 
desire you to promote with all your credit & authority. I have 
just room to add a word or two in relation to your Son. I have 
acquainted your Son with your desire that he should spend an- 
other year in College, in which he very readily acquiesc'd, & will 
I dare say stay in it with more pleasure than many leave it. If 
he had happen'd to come at this time, I could have taken him as 
my own pupil, the engagements, which prevented me at first bein^r 
now at an end, & all my old Pupils on the Point of going, after 
staying with me three years. I am therefore now at Liberty to 
take any of your particular Friends that you would wish to have 
under the care of an acquaintance. Mr. Nelson's Son will shortly 


come to our College under my care. You will not however have 
the least reason to lament that your Son was admitted under Mr. 
Barker, who, I must say, has executed his Trust with the utmost 
entegrity and Honour. This will come to you by Mr. Ambler, to 
whom I refer you for further particulars, He knows Mr. Thomp- 
son & the whole state of the case, & will confirm to you every 
syllable I have said. 

I am Dear Sir, most Sincerely & affectionately 
Yours B. Porteus. 1 

Wmsburg 2'5th June 1760. 
Dear Sir; 

I have perused all t^e Papers relative to the Brafferton Affair 
with as much Care and Attention as their Prolixity and Dullness 
would admit of: And I cannot but think upon the whole that 
not only Thompson the present Steward but his Predecessors too 
have customarily made greater advantages of that office, than 
they would have openly appear. Messrs Hanbury, I find, wrote 
Mr. Porteus that he thought he ought to render an Acct. of what 
his Father, R. Porteus, had rec'd & did not acct. for in his Life 
Time, he accordingly renders an acct. acknowledges a small Bala. 
due, & at the same Time mentions some other Profits his Father 
had reed, from the Wood &c, which he looked upon as Part of 
his usual Perquisites, and therefor had not accounted for, but of 
wch (if insisted on) he would make an Acct. This would make 
it perhaps worth while to consider, whether it would not be aa 

i Beilby Porteus was born at York, England, May 8, 1731, the young- 
est but one of the nineteen children of Robert Porteus of New Bottle, 
Gloucester County, Virginia. His father and mother were natives of 
Virginia. His mother was the daughter of Edmund Jennings. The 
father left Virginia for England in 1720, and settled at York. Beilby 
Porteus became bishop of London in 1787. After the Revolution, 
through the influence of Beilby Porteus, the College of William ana 
to the religious education of the negroes in the West Indies. There 
may have been some personal reason for this action. See the note on 
the Porteus family in the WILLIAM AND MART QUARTERLY, volume 
S, pages 38, 39. 


[illegible] with their Deputy for a certain Sum (suppose more 
than has hitherto been allowed) and take from him all Per- 
quisites whatever, as there is no Possibility of knowing how much 
they make under that secret Article. I must believe it to be very 
considerable, since the two Competitors for the office are one of 
'em a Gentleman of Fortune and in that Respect [illegible] to 
the Approbation of Messrs. Hanbury by his Friends, & the other 
an attorney at Law. Now, can it be thought that a Gentn. of 
considerable Fortune, or an Attr. who generally knows how to 
employ his Time pretty advantageously in the Law-Way, would 
make such busy Interest for an office of twenty Pounds per year, 
which I find is their allowed Salary? There are other circum- 
stances (which it is not worth while to mention) that corroborate 
this Suspicion. As this then is the Case, I cannot esteem it in- 
consistant either with Justice or Honor to give that Power to 
Messrs Hanbury they desire. As to the appointing of a Deputy 
(who they desire may be nominated by the P. M"). 1 I cannot 
from the Letters I have seen, conceive that either of the Persons 
who have been tried are proper for that Trust. I observe that 
young Mr. Porteus (now the Eevd) applies to Messrs Hanbury 
in case of another Vacancy to be appointed himself (he was then 
soliciting for his Father in Opposition to Hinds) I don't know 
whether he may not since that Time have procured a Benefice, 
& if so whether it may not have removed him too far from the 
Brafferton Estate to be a fit Manager of it; otherwise from the 
small Acquaintance I had with him, I should suppose him from his 
Activity and Probity to be a very proper person unless his Pro- 
fession may be thought inconsistent, but of that the Gentn. of 
the College are better Judges. But I don't know whether after 
all it wd. not be as good a Way as any to leave the Deputation rn- 
tirely to Messrs. Hanbury; As they are on the Spot, they have a 
better oppertunity of knowing the most eligible Person. As to the 
calling the late Stewards to a strict Acct. Messrs. Hanbury must 
be the best Judges, as that will depend upon the Proof that can 
be made of their Mai- Administration : The Information of Jack- 

iPresident and Masters. 


son is very strong if he would stand to what he says. This man 
is turned out of his Farm for no other Reason I believe than hia 
having given Messrs Hanbury Intelligence of what no honest man 
could have suppressed, & that too under a Promise on their Part 
that he should lose nothing by it: for wch Reason I think he 
ought to have Restitution. There are some Complts. agst. him, 
but the Accusers seem to be the Partizans of Thompson intirely; 
an indifferent Person speaks well of him. I have been this Week 
under Engagement to go this Day to Mr. Gary & from thence 
to Gloster Court tomorrow & so up to Mr. Braxton's where I must 
be two Days afterwards to attend a Survey for Mr. Braxton on a 
disputed Title of his for wch Reason I hope my Attendance on the 
Meeting tomorrow may be dispensed with, as I take the Liberty of 
sending to you such Papers as I judge may be wanted : I am yr. 
most hble SerVt 

J Blair junr. 



The copy of the Minutes of the Faculty for the years 1729 U 
1784, is in the College Library. The Minutes have been printed in vol- 
umes 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 13, 14, and 15 of the William and Mary College 
Quarterly Historical Magazine. The Minutes printed below were 
found among the Dawson Papers in the Library of Congress. For 
some reason they were never entered in the official minute book, and 
are now printed, we believe, for the first time. 

William & Mary College, February 13th, 1758. Present, The 
Revd. Wm. Dawson President, & Mr. Jones Master of the Indian 
School. This day the President of the College & Emmanuel 
Jones Master of the Indian-School (the other Masters of the 
College being lately depriv'd by the Visitors) met in the College 
in Obedience to the Order of the Visitors of the 7th Instant, and 
having sent for Mr. Robinson, & Mr. Graham, (Mr. Camm being 
absent) demanded of them that they remove from the College, & 
deliver up the Keys of their Schools, & Appartments, which they 
absolutely refus'd to do. The President likewise demanded of 
Mr. Graham the Seal, & Papers belonging to the College, which 
he also refus'd to deliver; Whereupon the Housekeeper, and the 
Steward of the College were severally directed to observe & perform 
what was respectively required of them, & had the Substance of the 
Order of the Visitors fully deliver'd to them in Writing, as follows. 
Whereas the Visitors & Governors of the College at their 
meeting held the 7th Instant, did amongst other Things order 
that Mr. Robinson, Mr. Graham, & Mr. Camm, late Masters, do 
immediately remove from the College; and that the President & 
Masters use all proper Methods for their Removal, by directing 
the Housekeeper not to supply them with any Provisions; the 
Servants not to obey their Orders; & other Measures in their said 
Order appointed. In Obedience thereto, We do hereby require you 
the Housekeeper, to take due Notice thereof for so much as re- 
lates to your Charge in the College, & to conform yourself ac- 
cordingly. Given under our Hands this 13th Day of February 

Thomas Dawson President. 

Emmanuel Jones. 


Resolved, That Mr. Graham be desired to lay the College ac- 
counts before the President & Masters, in Order to have them 

Tuesday, February 14th, 1758. Present as yesterday. 

This Day the President & Emmanuel Jones demanded of Mr. 
Camm if he would deliver the Keys of his School & Appartments, 
& remove from the College pursuant to the Order of the Visitors; 
but he refused & answered that he did not think the President, & 
one Master had Power to call upon him by the said Order, it being 
to the President & Masters. 

Whereupon Mr. Robinson, & Mr. Graham being also call'd in, 
the President, & Emmanuel Jones, in Presence of Mr. Daven- 
port, Writing Master, Mr. Nicolson, Steward & Gardiner, & Mrs. 
Clayton, Housekeeper, whom they calFd in to be Witnesses, re- 
quir'd of Mr. Robinson, Mr. Graham & Mr. Camm, forthwith to 
remove, & take away from the College, all their Effects of all 
kinds; & that if they did not, They must according to the Direc- 
tions of the Visitors & Governors use Force & violent Measures. 
To all which Mr. Robinson, & Mr. Graham answered as yesterday, 
& Mr. Camm as above. 
Resolv'd that the President consult some eminent Lawyers for 

Advice as to their future Conduct in this affair. 
Resolved, that Mr. Daniel Fisher be appointed Surveyor of the 

County of Southampton. 

Resolved, that Mr. Clement Reade Junr, be appointed Surveyor 
of the County of Halifax, in the Room of Co. Peter Fon- 
taine, who has resigned. 

March, [8] 1758 Present as before. 

Resolved, That Mr. John Palmer be appointed Bursar to the Col- 
lege, that he give Security according to the Statutes, and 
that an Advertisement to that Purport be printed in the 
March 13, 1758 The President did this Day desire & require 

of Mr. Graham, that he would, according to the Statutes, lay his 


accounts before the President and Masters, in Order to have them 
examined, To which he received no direct or explicit Answer; 
but only in general, 

That he would go about them, when the Weather was warmer. 

That he should be ready against there was a Society to examine 

And that he did not allow Mr. Davis to be a Master. 

March 23, 1758. The President sent to Mr. Eobinson, and 
desired the Keys of the Grammar Master's Apartments, in order 
to put Mr. Owen in Possession of them : Mr. Robinson refused, 
and said, that nobody had a better Right to these Chambers than 

Upon which Refusal, the President ordered Hasps with Staples 
& Padlocks to be put upon the Doors of the several Apartments, 
& Schools, and two new Locks upon the Wicket Doors. 




MARY 1753-1770. 

Many of the records prior to 1827, from which it might be 
possible to compile an accurate list of the students, have been lost 
or destroyed. It is not likely that a correct list of these early stu- 
dents can ever be compiled, at least not for many years, until much 
collateral material on Colonial Virginia has been discovered. The 
list as given in the History of the College published in 1874 is known 
to be incomplete, and to contain many inaccuracies. These inaccu- 
racies have crept into the printed biographical sketches of those 
students who became prominent in state and national affairs, and have 
caused much confusion. 

The main authorities for names of students in the Colonial period 
are the Faculty Book of Minutes, from 1729 to 1784, and three Bur- 
sar's books, 1753 to 1777, which are imperfect, and which are only a 
part of the account books of the period. In the bursar's books 
are found the board bills of the students, who lived at the College, 
with the inclusive dates. Due to the imperfection of the books pre- 
eerved, and the loss of others, the inclusive dates of board charged 
cannot be found for all students. In the case of some students who 
were in attendance, the items we have in the books are statements of 
cash payments only, with no indication of inclusive dates of board 
bill. It is highly probably that such payments were for board im- 
mediately preceding the date of payment. But this may not have 
been true in all instances. A payment may have been made in 1759, 
for a board bill that accumulated in 1756. In the notes here pre- 
sented, whenever the inclusive dates of board charged are given 
by the bursar, they are printed, without other statement. We can 
ask for no better proof of a student's attendance than the inclusive 
dates of the board bill. But when in the notes below a statement 
occurs of a cash payment, or of money due at a certain date, it must 
not be accepted as conclusive evidence that the student attended 
in that year. It is proof that he was a student, but nothing more. 

Due to the incompleteness of the records these notes are tenta- 
tive, and subject to revision. They are printed now with the expecta- 
tion that they will be of help in solving some biographical and gen- 
ealogical problems, and, as a provisional list for this period, may 
be helpful later in the compilation of a catalog of all the students at 
the College. 



The following are explanations of notes about Thomas Adams, 
Hudson Allen, and Jaquelin Ambler. They are illustrative of the 

Thomas Adams paid a board bill of 14, on Oct. 18, 1756. As 
the yearly cost for board was 13, this would indicate an attendance 
of nearly 13 months, presumably in 1756, but until further proof is 
found, the year of attendance cannot be determined. 

Hudson Allen was charged for board from Mar. 25, 1756-Dec. 16, 
1757, and again from June 8, 1760 to Mar. 25, 1762. He was there- 
fore in attendance in those periods. 

Jaquelin Ambler paid 13, on Aug. 14, 1753, Aug. 13, 1754, July 
11, 1755, and July 15, 1756. Presumably present from Aug. 14, 1752 
to July 15, 1756, but exact dates cannot be determined. 

Adams, Thomas. 
Allen, Hudson. 

Allen, William. 
Ambler, Jaquelin 

Armistead, Bowles. 
Annistead, James. 

Armistead, John, 

of Gloster 
Armistead, Robert 

Armistead, Starkey 

Board paid Oct. 18, 1756, 14. 

Mar. 25, 1756-Dec. 16, 1757. 

June 8, 1760-Mar. 25, 1762. 

3oard paid May 10, 1756. 7/15/0. 

Board paid Aug. 14, 1753, 13. 

Aug. 13, 1754, 13. 

July 11, 1755, 13. 

July 15, 1756, 13. 

June 14, 1761-Dec. 16, 1765. 

Admitted foundationer on Assembly foun- 
dation Apr. 26, 1753. 

The record makes clear that he was a stu- 
dent up to Mar. 25, 1755. Probably after- 
wards also. 

Secy Nelson and D. Digges, guardians. 

July 31, 1755-May 24, 1756. 

Board paid Nov. 15, 1753, 12. 

Board due Mar. 25, 1754, 13. Due Mar. 
25, 1755, 6/18/8. 

Jan. 20, 1761-Mar. 25, 1764. 

Bursar's note: "He was *at college 5% 
years." He was probably present 2' years 
succeeding Mar. 25, 1764, tho there is no 
proof except the above statement that he 
was at college 5% years. 



Armistead, Westwood Ap. 3, 1761-Feb. 4, 1763. 

Armistead, Win. 
of Gloster. 
Aylett, John 

Ballard, Wm. 

Bland, Edward 
Bland, John 

Bland, Peter 

Bland, William 

Bland, Theoderick 
Barrett, William 

Battaile, Lawrence. 

Berkely, Edward 
Boiling, Archibald 
Boiling, Edward 
Bradby, Jones 

Bradley, James 
Bradley, John Whitall 

Geo. and Carter 

Secy Nelson and D. Digges, guardians. 

July 31, 1755-May 24, 1756. 

June 6, 1757-March 17, 1758. 

Mr. Philip Claiborne put him to college; 

he says Mr. Nat. Dandridge was his 


Feb. 29, 1759 to Feb. 29, 1760. 
Due March 25, 1754, 8/13/4. 
Due March 25, 1755, 4/16/8. 
July 24, 1760-Dec. 16, 1763. 
Present in 1756. Date of payment of ix>ard 


'Board paid Sep. 13, 1756, 65. 
Probably a student ior five years before 

this date. He was present in 1754 and 

1755, at least. 

July 24, 1758-July 25, 1763. 
He was present in 1756, but statement in 

bursar's book is indistinct. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 15 shillings. 
May 27, 1755-Aug. 7, 1756. 
Query : If this be Mr. William Barrett, of 

the ferry, he says he boarded always in 

town while at college. 
Oct. 29, 1753-June 10, 1756. 
Col. Ben. Grymes his guardian. 
Board paid November 6, 1755, 15/10/0. 
Sep. 16, 1761-Mar. 24, 1765. 
Sep. 16, 1761-Dec. 16, 1763. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 9/15/0. 
Board paid Jan. 20, 1755, 14/19/4. 
Board paid May 31, 1763, 13/0/0. 
About July 1, 1762-Dec 8, 1764. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 16/9/2. 
Due Mar. 25, 1755,9/15/0. 
Board paid May 7, 1756, 94/13/9. 



Broadnax, Wm. 

Brooking, Vivion 
Browne, Wm. 
Browne, William 

Bryan, Benjamin 
Buckner, Wm. 
Burwell, Carter 

Burwell, John 
Burwell, Lewis 

Burwell, Natl 

Burwell, Natl. 
Byrd, George 

Byrd, John 
Bvrd, Thomas 

March 17, 1760-Mar. 17, 1761. 

He remained to June 25, 1761, but was not 

charged as some part of the previous year 

the college was closed. 
Assembly foundation scholar, Mar. 25, 

1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 8/0/2. 
Board paid, May 13, 1754, 10/16/8. 
Son of Harry Browne deed. On Mar. 25, 

1769 charged witji board for 2 years and 

12 days, but the bursar queries whether 

it might not be 1 year and 12' days. 
Jan. 27, 1755-Nov. 17, 1755. 
Apr. 23, 1759-Ap. 23, 1760. 
Oct. 17, 1765 to April 24, 1766. 
He paid board for a short time after this 

date, not specified. There is a later entry 

for Board from April 6, 1769 to March 

25, 1770. 

Mar. 24, 1760 to July 28, 1760. 
Mar. 24, 1760-July 28, 1760. 
There is also an entry for board for 229 

days in 1761 or before, but date is not 


Col. Carter's son. May 7, 1759-Ap. 24, 


Mar. 25, 1768-Mar. 25, 1769. 
Apr. 6, 1769-Ap. 6, 1770. 
Col. Robt's son. Ap. 28, 1756-Dec. 

16, 1757. 

Feb. 28, 1759-Mar. 25, 1765. 
Carter Braxton was his guardian 
Mar. 25, 1763-Dec. 16, 1763. 
Due March 25, 1763, 37/11/6. 
March 9, 1768 to March 25, 1770. 
March 9, 1768 to April 15. 1769. 



Calvert, Maximilian 


Charles & Edward 
Gary, John 

Gary, Wilson 

Clugh, William 

Cobbs, Samuel 

Cocke, John 

Cole, Walter King 
Cole, Wm. 
Coles, Walter 

Collier, Locky 

Collins, Nicholas 
Colson, William 
Cooke, Augustine 

Cooke, Mordecai 

Son of Maxn. Calvert, Norfolk. 

Feb. 2, 1770-to March 25, 1770. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 17/16/2. 

Board paid Nov. 6, 1753, 41/9/4. 

His brother was Richard Gary. 

No date of board bill. He paid 2/2/0 on 

Dec. 5, 1761. 

Board paid Apr. 30, 1753, 15/10/0. 
Ap. 30, 1754, 11/12/16. 
Nov. 18, 1755, 15/10/0. 
Oct. 26, 1757 15/10/0. 
For some of this time board for his ser- 
vant included. 
Ap. 25, 1763 to Mar. 25, 1764. He was 

admitted foundationer March 26th, 1764. 
This acct. was not paid, and the bursar has 

a note, "Mr. Jones thinks it must be 

Sam'l Klug the late usher." 
Board paid, Aug. 10, 1754, 13/ / . 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 10. 
Due Mar. 25, 1755, 13. 
Son of Col. Richard Cocke in Surry. 
Feb. 16,-March 25, 1770. 
Apr. 22, 1766 to Aug. 7, 1769. 
Sep. 9, 1759-July 17, 1760. 
Board paid, June 3, 1755, 13. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 11/14/9. 
Due Mar. 25, 1755, 13/0/0. 
"Col. Tabb. of Eliz. City was his guardian. 

Query: If Mr. Wythe was not?" 
Boarded a year at college presumably IB 

1762 & 1763. 

Board paid Dec. 21, 1757, 5/8/4. 
June 3, 1763-May 18, 1765. 
Aug. 7, 1753-Oct. 4, 1757. 
"Estate of Rev. Mr. Fox is to pay this acct." 
Jan. 7, 1760-Ap. 3, 176* 



Cooke, Win. Indian. 
Copland, David 

Dickson, Beverley 
Digges, Cole 
Digges, Wm. 

William & Thomas 
Doncastle, John 

Edmonds, John 

Edmonds, Starling 
Elliott, John 

Elliott, Seaton 

Emerson, Arthur 
Emmerson, James 

Eppes, Francis 
Eppes, Richard 
Esten, John 

Ewell, Jesse 
Ewell, Thomas 

March 25, 1753-March 25, 1755. 
Col. Richard Randolph his guardian. 
Board to Dec. 12, 1767, when he left 
His guardian charged him with board about 

2 years and %, 29/5/0. 
Aug. 19, 1760-Mar. 25, 1764. 
Feb. 28, 1759-Mar. 25, 1765. 
Apr. 26, 1759-Ap. 26, 1760. 
Sons of Rev. Mr. Dixon. 
Each Jan. 19, 1770, to March 25, 1770. 
Son of Jno. Doncastle, now of Maryland, 

formerly Wmsburg. 
July 17, 1754-Nov. 4, 1756. 
May 27, 1761-Dec. 2, 1762'. 
He was brother of Starling Edmonds. 
June 18, 1760-Dec. 18, 1761. 
His father is clerk of Middlesex Co. 
July 23, 1755 to May 20, 1757. 
July 24, 1755, to May 26, 1756. 
"Wrote to Geo. Thomas who married hie 

sister, and has the est. or part of it in hi 

hands." Bursar's note. 
July 10, 1758 to Mar. 25, 1759. 
His brother was Arthur Emerson. 
June 9, 1760-Mar. 29, 1762. 
He was admitted foundationer Mar. 39, 


Mar. 25, 1762-Mar. 25, 1764. 
Board paid Sep. 6, 1757, 9/2/11. 
"Of Gov. Dinwiddie" 
Board paid Oct. 13, 1755, 40/0/0. 
Board paid Dec. 2, 1757, 28/15/10. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 13/0/0. 
Due Mar. 25, 1755, 13/0/0. 
June 11, 1760-Ap. 18, 1762. 
June 11, 1760-Mar. 25, 1761. 



Eyre, Severn 

Finnic, Wm. 
Fontaine, James 

Fox, John 
Gist, Richard 

Griffin, John Tayloe 
Grymes, Benj. 

Grymes, Charles 

Grymes, John 
Grymes, Philip 
Hardyman, James 
Harrison, Benj. 

Harrison, Burr 
Harrison, Carter 

Harrison, Charles 
Harrison, Henry 

Harrison, Nathl. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 9/18/6. 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, 9/15/0. 

July 2, 1757-Oct. 14, 1757. 

Scholar whose board was paid out of the 
fund arising from duty on liquors. 

March 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

Aug. 7, 1753 to Oct. 3, 1757. 

"I know nothing about any such boy/'' Bur- 
sar's note. 

May 11, 1767 to Aug. 13, 1768. 

June 16, 1757-Dec. 16, 1757. 

Jan. 7, 1759-Jan 7, 1761. 

Jan. 18, 1761-May 25, 1762. 

"Their (Benj. Charles, John, Philip) 
board is calculated only to time Mrs. 
Grymes came to live in town, but I have 
been since informed they continued to live 
in College" Bursar's note. 

June, 16, 1757-Dec. 16, 1757. 

Jan. 7, 1759-Jan. 7, 1761. 

Jan. 18, 1761-May 25, 1762. 

See note under Benj. Grymes. 

Nov. 14, 1755-Dec. 16, 1757. 

Jan. 18, 1759-Mar. 29, 1760. 

Nov. 14, 1755-Dec. 16, 1757. 

Jan. 18, 1759-Mar. 29, 1760. 

Of Charles City. 

Sept. 22, 1755- Jan. 20, 1756. 

Son of Col. Nathl. 

June 7, 1758 to Mar. 25, 1762. 

May 1, 1759-Nov. 1, 1760. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 13/0/0 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, 6/0/0. 

Feb. 10, 1760-Feb. 10, 1761. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 13/0/0. 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, 6/0/0. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 13. 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, C. 



Nathl & Ben. 

Harrison, Robert 

Harwood, Edward 
Harwood, Samuel 
Hawkins, Giles 

Hewitt, Richard 

Holden, George 
Hollier, Simon 
Holt, Matthew. 

Holt, Randolph 
Hooe, Rice 

Hubard, James. 
Hubard, John 
Hubard, Wm. 

Hughes, Thomas 
Jefferson, Thomas 

Wakefield's sons. 

Nathaniel May 6, 1756-May 20, 1757. 
Ap. 23, 1759-Ap. 3, 1762. 

Benjamin Jan. 19, 1757-May 20, 1757. 

"Their uncle Col. Nat. Harrison." 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 13. 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, 6. 

,Mar. 10, 1763-Aug. 10, 1763. 

June 8, 1762-Sep. 8, 1763. 

Board paid July 25, 1753, 13. 

iDue Mar. 25, 1754, 7/8/10. 

Scholar whose board was paid out of the 
fund arising from the duty on liquors 
Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

Jan. 11, 1762-Oct. 28, 1763. 

Ap. 8, 1758 to Mar. 1, 1760. 

Aug. 25, 1755-May 21, 1757. 

He came back in Jan. 13, 1758 as a founda- 

Board was paid July 26, 1753 13. 

July 8, 1754, 9/15/0. 

Jan. 27, 1757, 32/19/4. 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, 13/0. 

Board paid June 13, 1753, 13/1/0. 

Nov. 15, 1753 (?) 13. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754 13. 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, 2/18/17. 

Scholar paid out of fund arising from duty 
on liquors, March 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

Ja. Hubard, father. 

Mar. 25, 1759-Mar. 25, 1762. 

Ja. Hubard, father. 

March 25, 1759-Mar. 25, 1762. 

Ap. 20, 1763-Dec. 18, 1765. 

March 25, 1760-Ap. 25, 1762. 

"He left College Ap. 25." 



Johnson, James 

Jones, Edward 

Jones, Walter 
Kenner, Eodham 
Kerr, Dabney 
Langston, John 

Langston, Gideon 


Leigh, William 
Lewis, Nicholas 
Lewis, Waller 
Lewis, Warner 
Lomax, John 

Lunsford & John 
McCarty, Daniel 
McClurg, James 

Mallory, William 
Marshal, William 

Marye, James 

Marye, Peter 
Massie, Thomas 

Sep. 5, 1756-Mar. 29, 1760. 

Ap. 4, 1761-Aug. 1762. 

"He was attending college all the time to 

Sept. 5, 1761, but boarding elsewhere 

part of the time/' 
Son of Eichard. He left College Dec. 16, 

1766, owing 54/12/8 for board. 
One of Eichard Jones' sons was admitted 

a foundationer Mar. 30, 1767, but not 


Feb. 12, 1760-Nov. 29, 1763. 
May 1, 1759-Oct. 24, 1760. 
Sep. 1, 1761-Sep. 1, 1762. 
Inarch 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

June 4, 1763-Mar. 25, 1769. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 13. 
Sep. 11, 1757-Sep. 11, 1760. 
Ap. 3, 1761-Oct. 6, 1763. 
Due Mar. 2'5, 1755, 13. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 22/15/0. 

May 17, 1757-May 17, 1760. 

July 18, 1756-Oct. 4, 1757. 

May 29, 1758-Nov. 29, 1763. 

Sep. 29, 1758 to Sep. 29, 1760. 

His guardian was Eev. James Marye. 

Ap. 23, 1763-March 25, 1768. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 10/16/8. 

Board paid May 7, 1755, 13. Oct. 25, 1756, 


Due, Mar. 25, 1754, 4/16/8. 
Due Mar. 2'5, 1755, 13. 
Board paid Oct. 25, 1756, 18. 
Jan. 16, 1759-Jan. 16, 1760. 
Ap. 4, 1761 to Mar. 24, 1763. 



Massie, William 
Matthews, John 

May, David 

Jan. 16, 1759-Jan. 16, 1761. 

Aug. 1753-Oct. 30, 1755. 

Board paid July 13, 1756, 14/5/7. 

Feb. 5, 1768 to Mar. 25, 1769. 

a He left college about Nov. 24, 1768 ac- 
cording to Mr. Johnson's acct." Bursar*! 

Meredith, William 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 15 shillings. 


Aug. 7, 1753-Apr. 27, 1755.. 

Nicholas & Francis 

Montour, John, 

Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 


Moody, Matthew 

Jan. 20, 1755-Aug. 1, 1755. 

Moore, Austin 

Bernard Moore, his father. 

Oct. 13, 1760-Oct. 13, 1761. 

Nov. 22, 1762-July 3, 1766. 

Moore, Bernard 

Bernard Moore his father. 

Oct. 13, 1760-Oct. 13, 1761. 

Nov. 22; 1762-Mar. 25, 1768. 

Moseley, Bassett 

Sep. 13, 1759-Mar. 25, 1762. 


Sep. 13, 1759-Dec. 4, 1761. 

Edward Hack 

Moulson (or Moul- 

July 24, 1761-Apr. 22, 1764. 

ston), William, 

Munford, Theoderick 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 9/2/10. 

Murphey, Charles, 

Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 


Necks, Thomas 

June 22, 1764 to July 25, 1765. (decessit). 

Nelson, Hugh 

Feb. 11, 1759-Mar. 25, 1770. 

Nelson, John 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 8/4/6. 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, 13. 

Nelson, John 

Tune 14, 1762-Apr. 15, 1764. 

Nelson, John 

"Father is Mr. Secretary." 

Apr. 4, 1769-Mar. 25, 1770. 

Nelson, Nathaniel 

Apr. 6, 1769 to Mar. 25, 1770. 

Nelson, Robert 

Apr. 6., 1769 to Mar. 25, 1770. 



Nelson, Thomas 

Nicholas, John 
Owen, Robert and 

Page, John 

Page, John 
Page, John 
Page, John 

Page, Mann. 
Page, Mann, Jim. 
Page, Wm. 

Pendleton, Edmond 
Perrin, John 
Plater, George 

Price, Thomas 
Randolph, John 

Reade, Clement & 

"His father is Mr. Secretary/' 

Apr. 20, 1762 to Mar. 25, 1770. 

Apr. 14, 1762. Cash 8/2/6. 

Sons of Gronow Owen. 

Board bill was 13, and 5 respectively. 

No statement of date. 

Son of Mr. Mann Page. 

Ap. 1761-Ap. 1763. 

These are approximate dates. The acct. 

is not clear. 
May 4, 1762, cash 13. 
Nov. 4, 1763, cash 13. 
Son of John Page. 
Ap. 19, 1763-Mar. 25, 1768. 
Son John Page Esq. 
Mar. 26, 1769 to March 25, 1770. On Mar. 

26, 1769, he owed 32. 
Son of J. Page. 
Ap. 19, 1763-Mar. 25, 1768. 
Son of Mann Page 
Ap. 19, 1763-Mar. 25, 1768. 
Son of John Page. 
Ap. 19, 1763-Dec. 15, 1764. 
About March 1, 1762-Dec. 16, 1762. 
Mar. 10, 1763-Nov. 2t), 1765. 
Board paid May 31, 1753, 23/5/0. May 

25, 1754, 15. Apr. 28, 1757, 11/12/6. 
Due Mar. 25, 1755, 9/15/0. 
Scholar whose board was paid from fund 

arising from duty on liquors. 
Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 
Col. Richard's brother. 
Dec. 16, 1754. There is no board bill of 

this date, but the bursar queries whether 

he did not board with Mr. Stith. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 15/3/4. 
Board paid for Clement Ap. 18, 1754, 13. 



Reade, James 
Reade, Thomas 

Reed, Thomas 

Reynolds, William 
Riddell, Robert 
Robinson, Benj. 

Robinson, Henry 
Robinson, John 
Robinson, Starkey 

Row, William 
Ruffin, Edmund 
Russell, William 

Sampson, John, 

Sampson, Thomas, 

Sanders, John Hyde 

Savage, John 
Scott, Alex. 
Scott, Gustavus 

Selden, William 

Board paid, Sept. 5, 1754, 7/11/8 

Board paid Feb. 24, 1755, 13. 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, 10/16/8. 

Mar. 25, 1763-Mar. 25, 1768. 

"Revd. Robt. Read put him to college/' 

i Bursar's note. 

Apr. 5, 1762-June 2, 1764. 

Board paid Dec. 2, 1757 T 20, 

Jan. 11, 1762-Mar. 25, 1768. 

Assembly foundation scholar. Mar. 25. 
1753-Mar. 2'5, 1755. 

Mar. 12, 1760-May 14, 1763. 

Mar. 12, 1760-Mar. 25, 1764. 

The entry is headed "Mr. Starkey Robin- 
son's esta," and this was written by the 
bursar in 1768. The charges show that 
he was in attendance before Mar. 25, 
1764, but exact dates have not been found. 

Board paid June 13, 1753, 10/9/0. 

June 16, 1761-June 16, 1763. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 13. Mar, 25, 1755, 

March 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

March 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

"Probably of Cumberland." 

June 11, 1762-May 12, 1763. 

March 24, 1764 to Nov. 24, 1765. 

Nov. 4, 1757-Nov. 8, 1758. 

Board to May 24, 1766, when he left col- 
lege. As the ami due was small, only 
17 shillings, he was not a student before 

Board paid Ap. 30, 1753 14. June 14, 

1754, 12. 
Due Mar. 25, 1755, 13. 



Shields, Samuel 

Skelton, Bathurst 

Smith, Burgess 
Smith, Edward 
Smith, Gerard 
Smith, John 

Smith, John 
Smith, Philip 

Thos. & Armistead 

Spann, Richard 

Squirrel, Wm. 

Stith, William 

Stringer, John, 
or Stringar. 
Stuart, William 

Sweney, Daniel 
Tabb, Augustine 
Taliaferro, Richard 

Son of the Magistrate in York. 

Board beginning June 8, 1769 to Dec. 15, 

1769, when he was chosen a foundationer. 
Mar. 1, 1763-Dec. 16, 1764. 
Note by bursar in 1769 : "he is since dead." 
July 1, 1756-Nov. 7, 1762. 
March 25, 1762 to Aug. 28, 1768. 
Sept. 4, 1759- July 4, 1760. 
Sam'l Gist's son-in-law. 
Oct. 23, 1758-Oct. 23, 1759. 
May 21, 1761-May 30, 1767. 
June 29, 1756-June 29, 1760. 
The acct. is charged, but there is a not* 

saying it was wrong and that he was a 


Sons of Capt. Thos Smith. 
Board of each 66 days beginning Jany 19 

to March 25, 1770. 
Jan. 15, 1755, to Dec. 4, 1755. 
Board paid May 1, 1756, 13. 
Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 2'5, 1755. 

Scholar on Col. Lightfoofs foundation. 
Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 
May 15, 1754-Oct. 30, 1755. 

Son of the Revd. Mr. Wm. Stuart of Staf- 

Feb. 5-Mar. 25, 1770. 

Board paid Oct. 3, 1753, 13; Nov. 19, 
1754, 13; Dec. 10, 1756, 13. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 13, Mar. 25, 1755, 13. 

Mar. 1, 1763-Mar. 26, 1768. 

"He was from the first a foundationer/ 

' Bursar's note. 

Board paid July 5, 1755, 24/0/0. 

Due Mar. 2, 1754, 12. 

Due Mar. 35, 1755, 13. 



Taliaferro, William 

Taliaferro, Wm. 
Talman, Henry 

Taylor, John 

Tazewell, John 
Tennent, John 

Thompson, John, 

Thompson, Nath. 
Thompson, William 

Throckmorton, Robert 

Thruston, Charles 

Thruston, John 
Todd, Christopher 

Tomkies, Charles 

Travis, Champion 
Tucker, Robert 

Turberville, John 

Scholar whose board was paid by Fund aris- 
ing from duty on liquors. 

Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

Oct. 17, 1759-Oct. 17, 1760. 

Scholar on Col. Hill's foundation. 

Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

"To be paid by Col. Edm. Pendleton" 

Balance Sept. 25, 1770, 6/14/5. 

Feb. 2, 1758-Mar. 25, 176B. 

Scholar, board paid from fund arising by 
duty on liquors. 

Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

Son of Capt. John Thompson, who lives at 

Feb. 20, 1760-Mar. 25, 1763. 

Scholar on assembly foundation. 

Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1754. 

Son of Rev. John Thompson of Culpeper. 

Feb. 16, 1762-Nov. 29, 1763. 

Scholar on Mrs. Harrison's foundation. 

Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

Board paid Jan. 7, 1754, 13. Ap. 22, 
1755-JE13. Oct. 23, 1755-13. Ap. 12, 
1757-13. Nov. 11, 1757-13. 

June 9, 1761-Mar. 25, 1764. 

For board to Sep. 7, 1768, 4/7. 

62 days from Jan. 23-Mar. 25, 1770. 

Mar. 10, 1763-Mar. 25, 1768. 

"He was from the first a foundationer. H 
left College Nov. 12, 1767". Bursar'i 
note. [Note discrepancy.] 

June 11, 1760-Dec. 16, 1760. 

Mar. 25, 1762-Mar. 25, 1764. 

Board paid Oct. 30, 1754, 13. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 10/2/10. March 25, 
1755, 2/17/2. 

Board paid Oct. 26, 1753, 18/8/4. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 9/15/0. 



Tjrler, John 
Walker, John 

Walker, John 

Wallace, James 
Wallace, Robert 

Waller, Benjamin 
Warrington, Francis 
Waugh, Abner. 

Webb, Foster & John 
Webb, John 

West, William 

Westwood, William 
Whiting, Henry 
Whiting, John 

Whiting, Peter 
Whiting, William 

Wilcox, Ed. 

, Bartholomew 

Scholar on Mrs. Bray's foundation. 

Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755. 

"Of Dr. Gilmer." 

Board paid May 9, 1755, 13/10/0. 

Due Mar. 25, 1754, 8/4/6. 

Due Mar. 25, 1755, 4/15/6. 

Board, a year and 94 days before Dec. 16, 


Board paid Ap. 28, 1757, 3/5/0. 
Board paid, Jan. 20, 1756, 19/16/S. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 11/10/11. Mar. 85, 

1755, 13/0./0. 
Board of his two sons 76 days beginning 

Jan. 9, 1770, and to March 25, 1770. 
Father is Rev. Mr. Warrington. 
Ap. 20, 1757-May 20, 1757. 
Son of Alex. Waugh, of Orange. 
March 14, 1765 to June 18, 1768. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 8/16/11. 
Dec. 16, 1762-Dec. 16, 1763. 
Board paid Sep. 6, 1757, 20/15/3. 
"He has a living in Md." Mar. 25-Ap. 7, 


May 6,-Dec. 14, 1757. 
On Dec. 14, 1757 he was appointed to the 

Nottoway foundation. 
May 3, 1756-Nov. 15, 1757. 
Board paid May 23, 1757, 13. 
Son Francis Whiting, Gloster. 
Ap. 20, 1763-Dec. 16, 1765. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 11. Mar. 25, 1755, 


Board paid April 23, 1754, 11. 
Due Mar. 25, 1754, 11. 
(Capt. Thos. Whiting, his father). 
May 2, 1759-May 2, 1760. 
Scholar on Captain Lightfoot's foundation. 
Mar. 25, 1753-Mar. 25, 1755 
Apr. 3, 1761 to Dec. 16, 1762. 




Dr Brother 

I am almost persuaded you have lost the art of writing, or the 
use of your hand for not a word on paper from you have I seen 
since before Christmas, what can be the cause of your not writing ? 

iJohn Preston was the eldest son of Col. William Preston, the 
well-known revolutionary patriot. The eldest child of Col. William 
Preston was Elizabeth who married William S. Madison. John Pres- 
ton served in the House of Delegates from Montgomery in 1783, 1791, 
and 1803, and was a state senator from 1792 through the session of 
1799. He was treasurer of Virginia from 1808 through 1819. Francis 
Preston his brother, to whom these letters are addressed, studied law 
at William and Mary College, and in 1788 began his political career 
as a member of the House of Delegates, and served again in 1789. 
In 1792 he was elected to Congress and served two terms. He was 
in the House of Delegates again in the session of 1812, and 1813, and 
in the state senate from 1816 through the session of 1819. He died in 
1835. He married Sarah Campbell, the daughter of Col. William 
Campbell, the hero of Kings Mountain. One son, William Campbell 
Preston became a distinguished U. S. Senator, another John Smith 
Preston was a prominent Southern statesman and general in the Con- 
federate army, and a third son Thomas Lewis, served on the staff 
of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, and was at one time Rector of the 
University of Virginia. The daughters were Eliza the wife of Gen. 
E. C. Carrington, Susan the wife of Gov. James McDowell, Sally the 
wife of Gov. John B. Floyd, Sophonisba the wife of Robert J. Breckin- 
ridge, and Margaret the first wife of Gen. Wade Hampton. A brother 
of John and Francis, James Patton, became governor of Virginia in 
1816, and served for three years. 

The letters now printed are from the collection of Preston papers 
recently presented to the Library of William and Mary College by 
Hon. R. M. Hughes, of Norfolk, Va. 

aThe Academy referred to is probably the Botetourt Seminary, 
which was incorporated in 1785 by the General Assembly, with David 
Robinson, William Fleming, George Skillern, Patrick Lockhart, 
Thomas Madison, Thomas Rowland, Thomas Lewis, David May, John 
Wood, Robert Harvey, William Neely, James Barnet, Henry Bowyer, 
Samuel Mitchell, George Hancock, and Archibald Stuart, members of 
the corporation. 12 Hening, 201. 


can it be from the reason I have supposed above? can it be for 
want of respect to me? or are your other correspondents more 
worthy your notice than I am & therefore can't spare the time you 
must necessarily lost in writing a few words to me? You may 
perhaps for reason give this as an excuse that I do not write you 
but it will never do, for you well know that I labour under fifty 
disadvantages on this score where you do one, want of opportunity 
& then so many chances to get a letter lost when ever written pre- 
vents me besides Sir I claim it as a debt due to me from you to 
receive at least two for one therefore for the future be more puntual 
in payment or else totally deny the charge and then I shall not be 
suspended thus 

Your last letter I attended to & with all the asiduity in my 
power Im not able to send you one farthing more than the small 
petence of 18 the great difficulty of procuring cash in this 
country renders it almost impossible for the most monied man 
(except those who have hoard up) to command 25 or 30 upon 
any notice whatever therefore you maybe assured your distress 
has been equally felt by me & would have been releiv'd had it 
been in my power; Uncle Frank wrote a few lines to our Mother 
informing you would be at the Richd races this month & expected 
you might get some cash from Uncle Tom or tobacco from Ander- 
son & convert it into Money should these two resources have failed 
you I fear your case may be still bad, but hope neither have, as 
Anderson's tob I understood was deposited with a Mr. Gait mer- 
chant in Kichd 

Should you have reed it keep the note till it takes a rise as 
the very low price it now gives must greatly injure us in the sale 
a few hh'ds to releive your present wants & pay Jamy Brown 12 
or lo you ought to dispose of if Tomy Smith has fail : I promise 
my self the pleasure of your company from Richmond up some 
time in the latter end of June or July, when I expect to be at 
Richd. & the sickly season advancing about that time will com- 
pell you to retire, this I would earnestly recommend to you let 
your other prospects be almost what they will & even should you 
be obliged to spend another winter at Wmsburg before you can 
procure lisence to practice the law, A tolerable good opening offers 


at present in a few County Courts on the Western Waters for 
practice & some thing clever might with industry be made. I need 
not exhort you to application at this time of your live as I may 
readily conclude your future prospects are a sufficient stimulus to 
excite you to your study with all the attention you are capable of 
A small scetch of news political & of merchandize, trade price? 
of country produce, tobacco, hemp etc will be no inacceptable pres- 
ent to a person who lives as remote as I do some chances of trivial 
consequence have taken place in this country which though you 
might wish to hear yet are not scarcely fit to be committed to paper : 
The death of our worthy good friend Col. Christian at Kentucky 
suppose has reached you, the best of Family's I beleave at least 
the best Woman in the world will feel this loss most sensibly, how 
she will bear with it I am at a lost to know but hope her Chris- 
tian fortitude of which she has a due share will bear her through. 
God send it may, but I rely feel for her the family & the com- 
munity in general at Kentucky who will experience the loss of 
so active a man as he was. His daughter Miss Pricy now Mrs. 
Bullet & her husband may perhaps in Mrs. Christians distress, 
deviate her pain a little, as Mr. Bullet may act the part Col. 
Christian did, if he is good he now has an opportunity of showing 
it, if a bad one a full opportunity to exercise himself, but I sin- 
cerely wish the latter may not be the case. 

Some time past I was apply'd to for some papers you reed 
& gave recpt for in Bot: Town in June 1785 to Andn. Hays who 
is since dead, suppose you can remember it therefore please inform 
me where they are or if you have them get the necessary business 
done toward them. Peter Wiley's recp from the regester is one 
& I believe the principal one: Perhaps if I could see you my- 
self I might or could say something more than I have inserted 
here & perhaps in as confus'd a manner as I have not done it. I 
have some Idea of what I have written on the other sides, but as 
the writtings is bad the spelling worse & letter long I shall excuse 
myself from reading it & if you can, leave that to you. I hope you 
will make proper allowances for a farmer which profession I now 


tssume, having almost laid aside the thought* of Lawyer Doctor 
r Divine: 

I am Dr. Brother your, 
most affectionately 
J Preston 
May 18 th 1786 
Mr. Fran. Preston 

& MARY, NOVEMBER 2, 1786. 

Dr Brother, 

Before this time y^u have received my last to you it informs 
you of every thing I could wish you to do for me which if in your 
power I hope you've done, only I believe I forgot to tell that 
Spencer Norvell obtained a Judt. against the Exor which amounts 
to 55 some shillings. Major Lockhart has reed it & in dis- 
charge I've drawn an order on Mr. Barrett for the sum to be taken 
out of Anderson tobacco, this I did persuming that it or part of 
it ought to be tpply'd towards paiment of some debts. There- 
fore please to put as much as will be necessary to pay this order 
of that tobacco into his hands, if it has not allready been deposited 
there. Pray try severly to get the carpenter mentioned by Capt. 
T. Smith & material for finishing our house. He'll get two or 
three as good jobbs as it, in this country the 2 Acadamy at Bot. 
Town will be one- But this is now a matter of public no- 
tice, & has already raised much uproar board in Town is 22-10, 
washing & bed excluded, besides an equal part of expense in fur- 
nishing the Acadamy with fuel, which will make it amount skool- 
ing board etc about the sum of 35, pr annum & the latin & Greek 
languages only taught, how much dearer is it in Williamsburg 
where every thing is taught? This has made me think very seri- 
ously on what to do with Billy & Jammy, I am not yet able to de- 
termine & could wish you to advise. The differances about the 
academy has made me as a person who delights in peace & is 
pleased to see the public good promoted, to make the trustees & 
subscribers the following offer, that I will give them a fee simple 


title to 20 Acres of Greenfield next adjoining the Glebe near the 
Graveyard where the old Schoolhouse formerly stood, with the 
privilige of cutting timber off of the whole tract to build the 
Accademy of & the sum of 100 current money, provided they 
will remove it to that place from Town, this quantity of land 
with 20 acres more taken from the Glebe which may be done 
by act of Assembly will afford fire wood for the Acadamy for 
near fifty years, with care, & then boarding & every thing found 
may be had nearly as good as that in town for 15, this will save 
every individual who goes the sum of 15 yearly which is by no 
means inconsiderable to a poor man, Indeed from the great ex- 
pense of procuring an education at the Acadamy on its present 
plan will I fear deterr many poor & some men of moderate living 
from attempting any thing at all and this wholesome & well in- 
tended institution must die, & must it be sacrificed to the Interest 
and avarice of a few, who watch for & catch at every opportunity 
to accumalate wealth at the expense of the public good, & welfare 
& the injury of many Individuals. Botetourt Town has no neigh- 
bourhood for the Students to apply to & this is well known. In 
the town or no where they must board. Our old preceptor 3 Aron 
Palfreeman has writen many pieces of poetry & wishes now to 
commence author publicly, he intends thro you to present to 
J s Madison for his opinion & if he approves of it he shan't feai 
the public inspection. You'll be so good when I hand it to you 
first to look over it & then get the opinion of some of the best 
Critic's thereon. 

I could write you some more but am at Mr. Smiths who is out 
of his element or rather in them & is uttering the most blas- 

*Aron Palfreeman (probably Palfreyman) is said to have been 
a redemptioner and to have been purchased by Colonel William Pres- 
ton at Williamsburg, for the purpose of providing an instructor to 
his children. Palfreeman was the correspondent and friend of Miss 
Elizabeth Carter, the well known poet and famous as the friend of 
Dr. Johnson, and as a woman of great learning. Palfreeman's his- 
tory is interesting, but there are some discrepancies in the different 
accounts of him. 


phemeous oaths he can think of which interupts me so that I cam 
just say we are all well & 

am your Affectionate 


J Preston 

Nov. 2 d 1786 



Dr Brother 

Your last with Miss Bell's Warrant I received but fear I cannot 
locate the Land to advantage near their former survey's but will 
do what I can for their benefitt. In several of your letters to me 
you make mention o the Carpenter who is to finish our House 
but never informed where he lives, what's his name, or to whom 
I might apply for information respecting him, this leaves me much 
in dark & am at a lost what is best to be done, but suppose by 
applying to Uncle Frank every of these difficulties will be removed. 
My Waggon will go a few days after Newyear under Philip Bar- 
riers direction to bring him & his tools up but the want of nails 
etc I doubt will prevent him from pushing the work forward with 
that speed he would wish I pray what time may we expect them 
from Europe? the purchase of these articles any where in this 
Country would utterly ruin us; but should the carpenter come & 
we are not on that score provided for him I'll make every exertion 
in my power to keep him from being idle untill a return can be 
had I wish to know in what manner Anderson's tobacco (the 
whole of it) is laid out & if there is any yet on hand. Mr. Felix 
Gilbert has left this State & impowered a man to collect his debts 
who presses very hard for what we owe & I fear will sue unless he 
can be paid at least in part & We have no other prospect of raising 
money for him only from that Source Spencer Norvells debt 
I hope is paid by Barrett agreable to my order & out of that fund 
proposed by me; I will thank you to write me by Johnny Smith 
when he goes down which will be about the 20th Jany or sooner 
a letter put in the Post-Office will be taken out by him, Inform 
where you left his certificates with mine 

Your long absence from this Country makes many people anx- 


ions for your return, some expecting to profitt from your knowl- 
edge, & others wishing to see you on the score of friendship I 
wish if you find yourself fully capable of practising the Law you'll 
provide Licence about the last of March, & prepare yourself to 
leave Wmsburg to stand pole for this County; it will be indis- 
pensably necessary if you wish to be elected to be present; should 
you incline to come up about that time only signify it to me any 
day between this and then, & you shall have horses sent for you: 
I think you stand far for the election should you be present, every 
person with whom I have conversed seems willing to assist all 
they can no objection can be rais'd only your not being present 
they think will hurt you: I have almost promised positively you 
will be there, but shall untill I heard from you not say absolutely 
wether it will be the case or not let me certainly know by the first 
safe conveyance, I shall have it in my power to talk with the most 
of the Voters for this County my business leading me througout the 
whole country this winter being a Commr for the Land tax, which 
office I procured with no other design than to make Interest for 
you & I shall delay going upon the execution of it untill I heard 
from you that I may know what to promise on your behalf to 
the people : no person offers as a candidate besides yourself yet : 
who may, Lord knows, but I know that there is not one man in the 
County whose interest is fix or whose influence is so great as even 
to procure him his election. A report prevails in these parts that 
4 Jeamy Breckenridge fought a deul in Eichmond with a certain 
Younghusband, but we have never certainly heard what the afront 
was on either sides, tho the story is told very favourable for Jamy 
I am glad to hear he escaped & pleased to think you should be 
the mediator in bringing peace about. Jamy is a wrong person 

4James Breckenridge was born in Botetourt County, Va., March 
7, 1763. His mother was Letitia, daughter of John Preston the emi- 
grant, who married Robert Breckinridge. He attended William and 
Mary College in 1785. He served in the general assembly of Virginia 
from Botetourt in the sessions of 1789, 1790, 1796, 1797, 1798, 1799, 
1800, 1801, 1806, 1807, 1819, 1820, 1823. He was a brother of John, 
who removed to Kentucky and became U. S. Senator and later attor- 
ney general of the U. S. 


to triffle wkh on the subject of battelling I hope he has come 
off with honour & convinced his adversary together with the rest 
of our lowland Gents, that politeness blended with true courage 
can be found in a back woodsman, this will teach such Gentleman 
to be a little more reserve in casting their particarly or even gen- 
eral reflections on a man or sett of men who in my opinion na- 
ture has been far more bountifull to than themselves, if art is 
not so much practised & now they find themselves attacked in any 
Character they choose & worsted at either I hope our Cousin 
will not on this Victory prid himself but endeavour to kerb that 
temper which nature has bestowed on him rather lavishly, tho 
at the same time endowed him with a more than sufficient stock of 
prudence (which if he will only make a right use of) to prevent 
any dangerous effusions of it: advice him he is not backward 
to receive intruction & pray of him not to fall into such a contest 
again; he may lose a life which may be servisable to his Country 
& a comfort to ... relations, by a hand which nothing by in- 
famy dire . . . His late resolution is highly to be commended 
& he will in a short time see the advantage of it : My love to him 
I'll write him by Johny Smith & congratulate him upon his happy 
escape Your friends are all well & desire to be remembered : 
Billy & Jamy are yet at home owing to the Acadamy not being 
fixed at Botetourt upon any terms that it could exist: I'll send 
them this Winter to Mr. Scotts in Augusta 

I am with affection your 


J Preston 
Smithfield Dec 26 th 1786 


Smithfield May 11 th 1799. 
Dr Brother 

Tommy Preston wrote you a few days ago respecting his 
situation at home and prospect of procuring the means of support- 
ing himself at some place of Litrature to compleat his education. 
I join with him in lamenting that so much of his time at this 
period of his life (the most proper for acquiring knowledge) 


should be wasted at home in no pursuit either profitable or in- 
teresting and that nothing but a few dollars are wanting to make 
him acceptable in any Siminary in the United States. However 
triffling this may seem, & the apparent difficulty easy to be sur- 
mounted, it is not within my power. The general reluctance to 
pay, scarcity of money in this quarter which cannot be procured 
for any article either I am or the Estate is in possession of and 
my having being so long from home last winter upon unprofit- 
able & expensive business, have thrown the barrier so effectually 
in my way that I cannot within any time, which would be agree- 
able to Tommy, remove it; In the course of this Summer with 
industry which I unremitting use, will probably inable me to sup- 
port him genteely at some place, where that will be, has not been 
determined on, as it was wished to consult with you previously. 
If therefore you could spare him on loan as much money as would 
last him during a Session, I could furnish him with every other 
thing, such as cloaths, & horses to convey him to the place that 
may be concluded on. I have written thus lengthely to obviate 
the idea that Tommy's letter might have impressed on you, that 
I was unwilling to aid him, as he says that I informed him that 
nothing can be expected from me. The fact is that I never was 
so anxious to aid one of my brothers before in his situation as I 
am him, and of some of my former anxieties on this head you may 
judge. I am happy also in observing (and this makes my wish 
to assist him the more ardent) that his progress while at New 
London has been considerable, and his desire to procure informa- 
tion appears to increase daily, which is an assurance that money 
will not be illy expended on him on the contrary should he per- 
severe, well bestowed. Should an opportunity offer I would be 
glad you would write me on this subject, & at the same time your 
opinion respecting the most proper place to send him to for a time. 
I will just here observe that as he has, without any advice or 
perswasion chosen the Law as his profession, (of which I ap- 
prove) that William & Mary will be the most proper place for 
him to finish his study. 

The law at the last Session of Assembly limited the time of 
returning platts to the Land Office to the first of September next ; 


I laboured to procure a longer time, but in vain, the patience of 
the Assembly appeared to be exhausted, as it had indulged the 
people more than fifteen years on that head. Yet I knew many 
people in the western parts had either through ignorance or de- 
sign relying on the further indulgence of the Assembly, neglected 
to return their plots, & that it would be exceedingly inconvenient 
for them at that season of the year to go to Eichmond to do it. 
To save many this trouble & expence I prevailed on Mr. Price to 
spend a month or so either here or at the Sweet Springs the latter 
of which he has chosen, & to give notice that he would receive from 
the People their plots as he would in his office. I wish you would 
make it as public as possible in Washington, Russell & Lee. Have 
a few of his advertisements copied & dispersed. I will write also 
to the Surveyors of tfiese & other counties that they may publish 
it. As Mr. Smith the Surveyor of Russell will be perhaps more 
inattentive than any other person to give information respecting 
the Register's being at the Springs, I wish you would write to 
Major McFarland & Capt. Browning, or Dickeson to make it 
public & enclose each an advertisement: 

With love to your wife & Family I am affectionately 
Yours J Preston 


(From Dawson manuscripts, Library of Congress.) 

[Draft of a letter] 

Wm. & Mary Coll: Janry llth-1758. 
Dear Madam, 

This is my third Letter, since I had the Pleasure of a Line 
from Your Ladyship, but I had much rather offend by being 
Troublesome, than in the Neglect of my Duty :, In my first I 
gave you an Account of my several Visits to the Burying Place, 
which still remains indeed in the same Manner it was, but the 
Door is constantly locked, the Key kept at Mr. Smiths who al- 
ways readily favoured me with it, and the House not in the least 
abused; and that Gentleman has solemnly promised me again 
and again, that the least Indignity shall never be offered to it: 
In, my second, which indeed I know was carried into France, 
among many other particulars, I acquainted you with my having a 
Daughter, baptized by the Name of Rebecca, Your Ladyship, (by 
Mrs. Dawson Your Proxy) and the Governor and his Lady, 
Sponsors. As to News, or any Thing else, I can write at present, 
I think it would be impertinent, because Mrs. Dinwiddie, for I 
hope you will have the Pleasure of seeing one another, will be 
able to answer you 1000 Questions, and inform you of 1000 Things, 
which might not occur to me: And tho' my Lady Gooch there 
has not, God be thanked, Happened in their Family, any of those 
tender & affecting Incidents, which frequently endear us one to 
another, and laid indeed the first Foundation of our sincere & 
lasting Friendship; yet I assure you I am sincerely concerned at 
their Departure, and could have heartily wished, had it been con- 
sistent with the Governor's Health, that they had remained much 
longer amongst us. For their courteous and affable Behaviour 
made them easy and agreable to all their Acquaintances, and 
particularly endeared them to those, who had the Happiness of 
their particular Regard and Friendship. As to my Wife she has 
been almost as much affected upon this Occasion, as a certain Gen- 
tleman was, upon the Departure of Sir W Gooch and his Family. 


And now I have mentioned my Wife, I must give you some Account 
of my own Family ; Tho' the Bearer, to whom I refer you for News, 
knows none better, nor favoured none more with her company. 
First then, as to Mrs. Dawson, she continues a good natured Girl, 
& endeavours to please her Husband ; Bill a smart promising Boy, 
goes to School now & then, and has for some Time been a very 
great Courtier: Beck at present a little big bellied Girl, but will 
in Time I hope be a buxom Lass : Tom a very little Boy, like an 
Ancient of that Name in Miniature, but I hope he will soon out- 
strip him, and meet with none of his most terrible misfortunes. 
And as to Head of the House he is as heretofore sometimes sick 
& sometimes well, sometimes chearful, & sometimes sad; but in 
all States & Conditions of Life, he and the whole Family have the 
greatest Esteem and Veneration for Lady Gooch, and are intirely 
at her Devotion. My Wife joins with me in wishing Your Lady- 
ship at this Season of Life all the temporal Advantages of Ke- 
ligion to which you are so justly intitled; and the eternal Eeward 
of it, when Time shall be no more. As I am much hurried at this 
Time, I can only add, that with the greatest Eespect, Duty and 
Gratitude, I am, 

Dear Madam, 

Your most affect : & most obedient Servant, 

Thomas Dawson. 1 

iRev. Thomas Dawson was chosen President of the College In 
1765 after the death of Rev. Wm. Stith. He was President until his 
death Dec. 5, 1761. 



Revd Sir, 

Agreeable to your Desire, I have made Enquiry and learn, 
That Mr. Franklin's Experiments, being exhibited before the 
King of France, His Majesty was so well pleas'd directed the Abbe 
Mazeas a Member of the Academy of Sciences to write to the 
Royal Society, acquainting them how well he had been pleas'd with 
them, and desiring them to return his Thanks to Mr. Franklin. 

He has received repeated Thanks from the Royal Society of 
London for several Papers communicated to them. In Nov. 1753 
they decreed to Mr. Franklin the annual Prize Medal which you 
will find mentioned in the Gent. Mag. for Dec. 1753, with an ab- 
stract of the Earl of Macclesfield Speech on that occasion. 

Mr. Franklin has receiv'd a Diploma from Harvard College at 
Cambridge N. England, & Yale College at N. Haven in Con- 
necticut. He is President of the Trustees of the College & Acad- 
emy of Philadelphia, & President of the Pennsylvania Hospital. 

I am Sir. Your very Hble. Servt. 

Wm. Hunter. 

iThis letter was written by William Hunter, publisher of the 
Virginia Gazette, and a friend and correspondent of Benjamin Frank- 
lin, to Thomas Dawson, president of the College. It seems to be in 
answer to a letter of Dawson, inquiring about Franklin's qualifica- 
tions for the degree of A. M. *The degree of A. M. was bestowed upon 
Franklin April 2, 1756. See W. and M. Quarterly, V. 2, p. 208. The 
original letter is in the Dawson manuscripts in the Library of Con- 



The first English grammar by an American of which the writer 
has learned was written by Hugh Jones, Professor of Mathematics 
in William and Mary, 1724. Since his grammar was published 
in England, it is not commonly listed as an American grammar. 
However, the authorship of a textbook is much more important 
than its place of publication; hence, Jones' grammar is given the 
place of honor. 

Of this text, it is supposed that only one copy is extant, in 
the British Museum. The book is entitled "A Short English 
Grammar, An Accidence to the English Tongue." It consists of 
86 pages in all, made up thus: Half-title, two pages, unnum- 
bered; title, two paggs unnumbered; Dedication (to Her Royal 
Highness Wilhelmina Charlotte, Princess of Wales, dated at end 
April 22, 1724) paged III-IV; contents VI-IX; page X unnum- 
bered and blank; Text, pages 1 to 69; pages 70-72, numbered, 
contain a list of books printed for John Clarke . . . The 
title page describes Hugh Jones as "lately Mathematical Pro- 
fessor at the College of William and Mary at Williamsburg, in 
Virginia, and Chaplain to the Honorable the Assembly of that 

The British Museum copy is in red morocco binding (con- 
temporaneous) gilt tooled border, with central gilt ornaments. 1 
That Jones' textbook was ever used in American schools is doubt- 

i Table of Contents is as follows: 

Contents of the Division and Use of English Grammar 

Of the Characters and Sounds of English Letters. 

Of the Correction of our Alphabet. 

Of the Organs of Speech and Formation and Use of Great and 
Small Letters. 

Observations upon the Vowles and Consonants. 

Of the Tonga, Brogues and English Tones and Dialects. 

Of the Methods of Learning the True Sound of English Syllables 
and Spelling. 

This information is from a description of the British Museum 
copy, by Stevens and Brown, Meriwether, Colonial Curriculum, 151-6. 

The attention of the editors of the magazine has been called to 
this by Dr. W. A. Montgomery of William and Mary College. 



Inventory and Appraisement of the Estate of Francis 
Robinson Clerk deed, late Usher of the Grammar School 
of the College of William & Mary, taken the llth day of 
August 1741. 

A parcel of Books per Catalogue 11.17.3 

Walnut Chairs with Russa Seats 3 

1 Large Walnut round Table 1.10. 

1 Walnut Dutch Table 16 

2 square pine Tables 18. 

1 Walnut Desk 2. 5. 

7 Moll's Mapps 1. 6. 

1 hair Trunk 5. 

1 feather bed, bolster, pillow, quilt, apr blankets, 3 sheets, 

2 pillowcvers 6. 

Small looking Glass 5, 

Brass Candlesticks & snuffers 3. 

Andirons 2s. Shovel & Tongs Is. . 3. 

hearthbrush Is. peuter bason 15 2.3 

China Bowl 13. 

1 Decanter, 6 glasses, 2 water Do 6. 

parcel Myrtlewax & Tall. Candles 12. 

Wearing Apparel 25. 3. 

1 Silver Watch 4. 

pr. Silver Spurrs 1. 6. 

pr Shoe & knee buckles , 17. 

Silver Teaspoons & Tongs 1.10. 

pr Stone buttons, & pr Studds 4. 

1 Razor 1. 

half a pipe Madera Wine 9. 

5 doz. bottles Cider 1. 5. 

4 doz Madera Wine 2. 8. 

about 20 Galls. Rum 3. 

Carried forward .$ 79.14. 


Brought forward 79.14. 

1 Horse 6. 

Saddle, bridle & Whip 2. 

Will, a Negro boy 20. 

Cash . 16. 


We the Subscribers being 
first sworn according to 
Law, have apprais'd the 
Estate of Francis Robin- 
son deed, as above is set 

William Dawson. 

Edward Ford. 

Jos. Davenport. 

(From Dawson papers, Library of Congress.) 



To the Honble. the General Assembly of Virginia. 

The Petition of sundry inhabitants of the town of Alexandria 
& Vicinity thereof Most humbly sheweth, 

That the very considerable and increasing population of this 
place hath for years past called aloud for a Seminary of learning, 
on such a basis & under such regulation as would assure its utility 
& success; and thereby prevent the necessity your Petitioners & 
many other inhabitants of this part of the Country have hereto- 
fore been under, of sending their young people abroad & into other 
States for the purposes of Education, the expense of which hath 
been very burthensome, & the benefit more precarious than it would 
be at home 

That to remedy these inconveniences, your Petitioners have 
by voluntary contribution, within the last twelve months, pro- 
cured a Lott of ground in a Healthy & retired situation, & erected 
thereon a commodious building fit for an Academy, in which three 
schools are opened, & about one hundred scholars already admitted, 
whose education is conducted by the Masters with zealous assiduity, 
& a success equal to the most sanguine expectation, the whole being 
placed under the Government of thirteen Trustees & Visitors, who 
are required constantly & regularly to inspect & superintend the 

That General Washington having for a long time had it in 
contemplation to donate a contribution of one thousand pounds to 
the purpose of establishing a school for the education of Orphans, 
& other poor children, hath so far approved of the institution 
set on foot by your Petitioners, & the manner in which it is con- 
ducted, as to invest therein his intended donation, and to charge 
the Trustees & their successors forever, with the application of 
the annual interest of that sum to his intended purpose; And 
accordingly there are twenty poor children now receiving educa- 
tion in the Academy on the said benefaction of the General 

That your Petitioners from the beginning had it in view, aa 
soon as their plan should arrive at a proper stage of maturity, 


to petition the Legislature for an Act of Incorporation, whereby 
the Institution might acquire that permanency & efficiency which 
are necessary to the full accomplishment of its purposes & the 
due extension of its benefits; humbly conceiving that the future 
& Glory of the State, as well as the lustre of individuals and 
happiness of the community for the time to come, are be?t pro- 
vided for by establishing and giving due encouragement to Semi- 
naries of this kind for the propagation of knowledge and cultiva- 
tion of the minds of the people 

It is therefore the earnest prayer of your Petitioners, that 
an Act may pass, to constitutute George Washington, William 
Brown, David Stewart, John Fitzgerald, Charles Lee, William 
Baker, Isaac S. Keith, Samuel Hanson, James HenJrick.?. Wil- 
liam Hartshorne, Jesiah Watson, Benjamin Dulany & Ohas. 
Simms, & their successors for ever, who shall be chosen by a meet- 
ing of those persons or their heirs who may or shall have con- 
tributed the sum of five pounds each, or upwards to the use of 
the Academy, or a majority of them, at the Academy on the sec- 
ond Monday in April of each & every year, such election to be 
made by ballot, & due notification thereof given by the President 
& Secretary for the time being, to bo a body politic & corporate 
by the name of the Trustees of the Alexandria Academy; who 
shall chose a President & Secretery out of their own body, & 
have power to hold, acquire, & dispose of property, roal & per- 
sonal for tha use of said Academy, and to govern the same in 
all respects whatever, in such manne' as other bodies politic & 
corporate, for the like purposes, are usually constituted; Provided 
that, in case of the persons entitled, as aforeasaid, to make an 
annual election of Trustees, or a majority of them, should neg- 
lect to meet on the second Monday in April at the Academy, & 
make such election in the manner above specified, that the Trustees 
formerly & already appointed, shall continue to act as Trustees, 
& have power by a Majority of their own voices to fill up whatever 
vacancies may happen among them by death, resignation or other- 
wise, untill such annual election shall be duly held at the time 
and place, & in the manner above mentioned; And provided that 
no meeting of the Trustees be competent to transact busines TP- 


garding the property of the Academy, unless seven at least of their 
number be present 

And whereas there are many charges incident to an infant In- 
stitution so rapidly growing as this, which, tho' indispensably 
necessary to render the plan of education respectable, & fully 
answer the ends it is capable of serving, are yet too great to be 
defrayed by the generositity of individuals, already stretched as 
far as it can bear; Your Petitioners beg leave further to beseech 
this Honble. House, in token of that approbation & patronage, 
which have been so propitious in other instances, to favor & assist 
Seminaries of learning, That the revenue arising within the Cor- 
poration of Alexandria, from Billiard tables & Tavern Licenses 
with the penalties for non-observance of the Laws respecting them, 
may be vested in the Trustees aforesaid for the use of the Alex- 
andria Academy; This your Petitioners apprehend will be found 
of small account in the scale of the public revenue, while they 
flatter themselves it might be made eminently beneficial, if placed 
in the hands of the Trustees, to promote the ends & enhance the 
usefulness of the Academy 

And your Petitioners will pray Etc. 

W Brown Jos. Greenway James Hendricks 

Isaac S. Keith Jonah Thompson Wm. Eamsay 

John Fitzgerald Peter Wise David Griffin 

Eobert Me. Crea Wm. Paton Wm. Herbert 

Jesse Taylor John Butcher Wm. Duvall 

Ch. Simms Jon. Swift John Hendricks 

Robert Adam Wm. Lowry & Co. Wm. Me. Knight 

John Allison James Me. Kenna Thomas Conn 

John Murray Wm. Lylea Robert Mean 

Thomas Barclay Josiah Watson Cleon Moore 

James Lawrason Will. Hunter Wm. Hartshorne 

Benj. Shreve T. Marsteller 

Alexandria Petition Oct. 30, 1786. Referred to Propa. 
1st. part reasonable 2nd. part rejected. 

(From Virginia State Archives, Richmond.) 


COMMERCE, 1785. 

To the Honourable the General Assembly of the Common- 
wealth of Virginia, the Memorial of the Merchants, Traders and 
other Inhabitants of the Town of Alexandria humbly sheweth 

That your Memorialists having considered the present situa- 
tion of the United States with regard to their commerce with 
Foreign Nations beg leave to Observe that it is carried on upon 
very unequal terms and under many disadvantages. Foreigners 
of all Nations are freely admitted into the American Ports and 
to export therefrom any Commodities whatsoever, Subject to 
scarcely any other restrictions or duties but such as are laid upon 
Citizens. On the other hand the Citizens of the United States are 
absolutely prohibited from carrying into Foreign parts and of 
taking therefrom some of the most important articles of their 
trade. And though permitted to carry into some parts and from 
thence to take away some articles of inferior consideration, yet 
they are suffered to do it under such restrictions and extraordinary 
impositions as make it a disadvantageous business and in the end 
must operate in the nature of a prohibition for more particular 
information upon this subject your Memorialists refer your atten- 
tion to the well known Laws of Great Britain respecting the 
Trade of Foreigners with the British Dominions and to the late 
edict of the Council of State of the King of France, concerning 
commerce in the French Islands in America. Daily instances are 
happening of American Vessells being refused admittance into a 
Foreign Port, while Vessells belonging to the same Port are being 
received into every part of the United States without any obstruc- 
tion or difficulty. 

These observations will show some of the disadvantages under 
which our Foreign Trade now labours and your Memorialists have 
reason to fear that it will continue under the same circumstances 
untill Commercial Treaties and regulations to be made by Congress 
shall put it in a better situation. Therefore that the Merchants 
of the United States may be placed upon an equal footing with 



the Merchants of Foreign Nations carrying on Trade with them, 
and that Congress may be enabled to treat with foreign powers 
respecting commerce upon terms of confidence and advantage, 
your Memorialists beg leave to Submit to the consideration of 
your honorable body whether it would not be wise politic and for. 
the general welfare of the United States that Congress should 
be vested with certain rights and authorities to be properly defined 
and ascertained, over the foreign Trade and commerce of the 
several States, and that in this instance the Confederation should 
be altered and amended, by giving them such power as may be 
adequate to the great and important Object, humbly hoping that 
such Laws will be made and such measures taken, as to your Hon- 
ourable body shall seem wisest and best for giving effectual and 
immediate relief touching the premises: and your Memorialists as 
in duty bound shall ever Pray 

William Tyler 
James Kirk 
Wm. Hartshorne 
R, Hooe 
D. Arell 
John Potts, Jr. 
Saml. A roll 
Jas. Craik, Jr. 
John Saunders 
Wm. Abbott 
John Reynolds 
James Lawrence 
James Gretter 
Alex. Smith 
David Pancoast 
Aaron Herves 
Enoch Morgan 
Thos. Shomay (?) 
Joseph Fulmer 
Wm. Fin ley 
Robt. Whitmore 
James Wiight 
Chas. Me. Iver 
Michael Geoghegan 
Jeremiah Mahoney 

Chas. Thruston 
Wm. Wilson 
Ephraim Edwards 
James Fletcher 
Peter Wise 
James Parker 
Agustus Delarue 
Adam Lynn 
Philip Webster 
James Hendricks 
Jacob Bontz 
Wm. Ferguson 
Johji Lawton 
Joshua Spiers 
John Dundas 
Wm. Armstrong 
Lawrence Hoff 
Wm. Keech 
Thos. Conn 
Alex. Couper 
James Adams 
Robert Allison 
John Muire 
Edward Ramsay 

Edward Sanford 
William Loury 
George Richard 
John Somers 
Lewis Weston 
Wm. Ward 
Valentine LThler 
Jonah Thompson 
Wm. Dalton 
John Lordon 
Danl. Me. Pherson 
Isaac Me. Pherson 
Ja. Keith 
John Fitzgerald 
Dennis Ramsay 
Hiram Chapin 
W. Brown 
John E. Ford 
Richard Conway 
Wm. Duvfill 
John Wise 
Wm. Hunter 
W. Leigh 
Thomas Recder 
Wm. Mortimer Jr. 

Robert Adam 

Endorsed Alexandria Petition Nov. 5, 1785. Referred to 
(From Virginia State Archives, Richmond.) 



To the Honble. The House of Delegates, and Senate of Vir- 
ginia, in General Assembly, now sitting 

The petition and Remonstrance of the Subscribers, Subjects of 
this State, and Adventurers to Foreign Countries by Sea, most 
humbly sheweth that your petitioners hath seen, and with due 
attention considered, an Act of the Legislature passed in the 
October Session, 1779, for raising a supply of money for the 
service of the United States. And, that it is with anxiety and 
concern they find that by Law the traders of this State laid under 
such contribution, and embarresments, as will most certainly give 
a fatal check to the increase to the trade of this Country, and 
like a Law that in times past threw the West India Business of the 
Virginia Merchants into the hands of those of Maryland and 
Pennsylvania, we fear it will give an advantage to Maryland and 
Carolina, so as to enable them to undersell your Importers, and 
destroy the trade of the Commonwealth. It is with equal concern 
that we find the trade is not only taxed, but retrospectively and 
unequally so. The Law has retrospect in as much as it lays a 
burthen upon Business, transacted, done and finished many Months 
before the Act itself was promulgated, or even existed, and if 
it has Retrospect, it is dangerous, and to be dreaded as a President, 
for if a Posteria Law is to take in, trie and burthen an Anterior 
Transaction, no man shall know what he may do, or shall not 
do, nor when he is safe in Life or Property. It is unequal if we 
view it only in the light of taking only l/ 2 per cent more from the 
trader than the Land hlder, but we conceive it to be grievously 
so when we consider that the Merchants are Taxed 2y 2 percent 
upon all that their goods does actually sell for, or is worth, and 
therefore pays upon the full and intrinsick value of that part of 
their estate, whilst the Landed Interest is only taxed 2 percent 
upon Lands Valued very often at not half their worth. And 
further we find the Landed Estate taxed with 2 per cent but once 
a year, whilst the Trader tho' worth but as much in money as his 
neighbour is in Land, is taxed 2y 2 per cent for every time he 


turns his Money over which is more than the Landed Interest 
pays, by as many times as the Trader lays out his Money above 
once in a year. These things may it please your Honours we view 
as grievances, and with all due defference and duty, Pray that 
they may be so altered and amended, as to put both Merchant and 
Landholder on a safe and equal footing. Your Petitioners further 
beg leave to represent to your Honors that they have reason to 
fear and apprehend, a Petition will be prefered to the General 
Assembly by some of the Traders of this State, and Particularly 
those in the Retale Business, who to obtain a repeal & get rid 
of the burthen of the above recited Act, are forming a plan, as 
we are informed, to shift the greatest part of it upon your good 
Subjects, the Importing Traders of the Commonwealth, by offer- 
ing as a substitute to that Law a general assessment on the whole 
trade of this State. As far as Justice and reason would warrant, 
we have petitioned for the relief of the Retalers And as far as 
Propriety and Duty points out, we must appear against them 
We sincerely lament that the exigencies and Funds of the Publiek 
are such as to oblige the Legislature to burthen the trade of the 
Country in any shape, but if Money from taxes upon Trade must 
be raised, we most humbly hope it may be taken from the Inland 
Trader, dealing in Foreign Goods, who seem most numerous, 
whose Business is most safe, whose gains have been greater, and 
who, in our judgment and belief, are less valuable members of 
Society than the Importers. The exhorbitant prices of Foreign 
Goods cannot be chargeable to the Importers, for at the commence- 
ment of this War, considering the risk and expence of their voy- 
ages, they add on reasonable terms, but their soon after stept in 
between them and the consumer, a set of Men that raised all 
imported Goods, especially the necessary's of Life, to such an 
un justify able pitch as to oblige the Planter and Farmer to seek 
relief in the high sales of the produce of their Lands. Articles 
by which alone the Importer could import, and by which means 
from time to time they have been obliged to ask new prices upon 
every new importation, this we know to be truth, and we humbly 
conceive that it proves that we have too few importers, and too 
many inland traders To tax your importers will be a means of 


lessening the number, to give them a free trade will most certainly 
encrease them If you tax them you must also Tax Foreigners, or 
you give them such an advantage over your own Subjects as to 
take the trade from this Country, and become your carriers If 
you tax Foreigners they will trade to other States, where they 
probably will meet with no embarresments & burthens on trade, 
and besides, their Country will retaliate, to tax the inland trader, 
and leave the importer free, will incline him to become an im- 
porter, and a usefull Man for whilst this War continues we 
cannot have too many importers, nor too few retalers, as while 
our importations are so contracted, the importers can with ease 
vend their Cargoes, in retale to the consumers, and so long as 
they do this, they shut t a door against speculation and imposition, 
these may it please your Honors that we most humbly presume to 
offer, why in Justice and good Policy no part of the tax can be 
shifted from the Retalers upon us, your inoffensive, Dutifull & 
usefull Subjects. And we further most humbly observe, that, by 
a general assessment there is every reason to fear that, consider- 
ing the risks and precarious state that the property of your im- 
porters from their very nature must be constantly in & be liable 
to, they would seldom be assessed as low, and often above what 
strict justice on a true investigation of the worth of their Estates 
would warrant and that, even after laying the heaviest hand that 
retalers can wish upon your importers, you never can by assess* 
ment raise that sum of Money for the Commonwealth, or do that 
impartial justice to the Individual, as you can by the Law as it 
now stands, exceptional as many parts of it may be. With a firm 
reliance on the Justice & wisdom of your Honers, and in full per- 
eausion of the Truth and righteousness of what we have stated, we 
implore the assistance & protection of your Power, and as in Duty 
bound we shall ever Pray. 

Hooe & Harrisons 
Richard Conway 
John Harper 

Endorsed Alexandria Petition, May 27, 1780. Referred t 
Ways and Means 

(From Virginia State Archives, Richmond.) 





March 4, 1660. 

I have at last obtained a dispatch of his Maties. gracious and 
kind acknowledgment of the Satisfaction hee received in the Pres- 
ent of Silke made to his Matie. by your hands, from Collonll. 
Pettus; And, that his Matie. may receive farther Delight and 
Satisfaction from Virginia ; you are desired to give your Assistance 
by the Interests, and Acquaintance you have in Virginia to certaine 
Noble and Ingenuous Persons, who by his Maties. encouragement, 
doe Sometimes meete together to enquire into, and examine, (as 
fair as Philosophic and experience may leade and Conduct them) 
all Such things as Art, or Nature have produced, that, by a more 
intimat knowledge and tryall thereof, they may bee able to im- 
prove what is allreadie donn, or discovered; or may at least raise 
by their Inquisicon and Industrie Some Observations to the bene- 
fit of mankind, and the advantage of the Comonwealth of Learn- 
ing. In Ordr. to which they have extracted out of Such Authors 
as have writt concerning America a Paper containing Some fewe 
Enquiries to wch a distinct account is desired, that it may appeare 
how just the Traditions of Such Men are, who have undertooke to 
assert Such things for Truths and Realities, and that a more exact 
knowledge may bee gained of those Perticulars. But, because 
Time, and experience must needs have made a more Spacious, and 
more certaine Discoverie of things in Virginia ; and that in proba- 
bilitie noe Secrett, or Curiositie remaines there undiscern'd. It 
is farther earnestly desired you will take the trouble of Spreading 
these Quaeries among Such friends of yours as you shall judge 
to bee most likely to assist herein and perticularly that Sr. Wil- 
liam Berkeley the Governor who is known to bee a Person of most 
eminent Ingenuitie; and one that hath made verie many Tryalls 
and Experimts, may bee applyed to, and requested not only to 
favour and assist these kinds of Enquiries in his own Person, but 
that hee alsoe doe by his generous Example and his Influence 


recomend it to individual! Persons, who in their Severall Quar- 
ters and Plantations may pursue these Disquisitions, and may 
make returns of them to him, under their hands; that it may 
bee understood to whom the Societie heere is beholding for their 
paines and favour therein; and that having pass'd alsoe through 
the Governrs observacon, and approbation, they may have the 
better Authoritie and credence when they shall arrive heere. I shall 
add alsoe that his Matie. hath ordered a Garden purposely for 
Plants, and Simples, and varieties of that nature; and it will bee 
most acceptable to his Matie if any thing of that kind may bee 
presented to him from Virginia. You may please to improve 
these Overtures wch I have heero tendered to you by your own 
Letters by this Shipp that is hastning in you[?]. I have herein 
donn what hath been required of rnee by Persons verie consider- 
able ; and now leave it to your Civilitie to promote it. I am 
Yor most humble Servt. 

T. P. 
March 4th 1660. 

Enquiryes concerning those several! 
kind of things which are reported to 
be in Virginia & the Bermudas, not 
found in England. 

1 Concerning the variety of earths. 'Tis said there is one kinde 
of a Gummy consistence, white & cleere another white & so light 
that it swims uppon water, another red called Wapergh like terra 

Quaere what other considerable kinds, & in what quantitys they 
are to be found & to send over a parcel! of each. 

2 What considerable mineralls, stones, Bitumens, tinctures, 
Drugges, & a specimen of each. 

What hot Bathes, & of what medicinal! use. 

What is the original! of those large navigable rivers wch empty 
themselves into the Bey of Chesapeak, & whether on the other 
iide of that ridge of mountaines from which they are supposed to 
proceed, there be no other rivers that flowe into the south sea. 


3 What variety of Plants are native there & not in England, 
what kind of peculiar herbs there are, considerable either for 
their flower, smell, Alimentary or medicinall use. 

The severall kinds of silke grasse, & how prepared. 

Wichacan a vulnerary roote; Locone roote, of a red juice, a 
good tincture. Musquaspenn a roote of a red tincture. Tocka- 
wouge a nourishing root. The Putchamin fruite, Mackoquir 
whether a kind of Pompion. That the seeds, roots, slips, or young 
plants of each of these or any other rare kind may be sent over, 
as may be most proper for the propagation of them, together with 
their manner of culture. And so likewise for shrubs or trees. 

2 What kind of plant is that which is stiled Maricock, whose 
fruite is said to be fashioned like a lemmon, exceeding pleasant 
to the tast, of a blossome most beautiful & elegant as any other 
flower. Whether there be that which wee call the Passion Flower 
& the fruits those wee call Citrulls, as De Laet thinks. 

The Chincomen tree, whose fruite is with a huske like unto 
a Chasnut whether raw or boyled 'tis luscious & heatty meate. 

Peare trees of a red juice, whether the same with those in 
England called the bloody Pears. 

Plums whose juice yield a pleasant drinke. 

So tis said that in the Bermudas there is a poison weede like 
our Ivy whose leaves doe by the touch cause blisters. 

A red reed whose juice or infusion cause th vomit. 

A kind of woodbine, whose fruite like a flat beane, purgeth 

Sea feathers growing at the bottome of the sea, like a vine 
teafe, but very thick interwoven with veines of a pale red. 

What kind of trees those Barkes are taken from, which are 
used instead of Tile of Slet in the covering of their houses being 
more coole in summer & warme in winter then stone. 

4 What kind of animalls, are peculiar to those places. 

1 Insects, flyes, ants, wormes, Spiders. Some of each kind to 
be sent over either alive or dead. 

Tis said that there is a kind of spider in the Bermudas, large, 
ft very beautifull for their colours. Their webbs are woven be- 
tween severall trees, & are for substance & colour like perfect raw 


ilke, so strong that birds like snites[?j, bigger then blackbirds 
are snared in them. 

2 What strange fishes, Tortoises or Turtles, very large, Toadfish 
St. Georges Dragon. Sting ray with a poisonous preckle. 

3 What Birds. Cohow a night bird 

Egg bird 
Penguin as bigg as a goose but flyes not. 

4 What Beasts. Flying Squirrells, Musk rats. Civet cats. Ap- 
ossuraes, or Possowne like a young pigg with a bagg to carry his 
young ones. 

Each of those or anv other rare kinde to be sent over hither 



Q. Whether Deere have generally 3 or 4 fawnes at a broode 
& whether any of the Cattle transported from hence, become there 
more fruitfull then they were here. 

Whether the Dogs barke not, but only howle as wolves. 

Q Whether the relation be true of a Glue of Hartshorne that 
will not dissolve in water. It is desired, to have some of the 
geverall kinds of thread made of the barkes of trees the Sinews 
of deere, & the grasse Penamenawo. 

Q Whether at the Bottome of the Bey of Chesapeake North- 
ward the Native be still of such a Gigantish stature as hath been 
reported. And whether there be another people not farre from 
them Eastwardly of a Dwarfish stature. 

Whether the Natives be borne White. 

Let it be observed, Whether round about the Coast of Bermudas 
the Tyde be at the same time; also the houre of full Sea, & age 
of the moone at the time of observation. 

Endorsed, The Paper of Enquiries from Gresham College to Vir- 
ginia Act/March 4th 1660. 

(From the British Transcripts in the Library of Congress) 



(Autumn 1778) 

To the Right Honble Lord Geo. Germaine his Majestys Secre- 
tary of State for the American Department 

My Lord 

We his Majesty's most dutiful and Loyal Subjects, who from 
America have taken Refuge in Great Britain, being desirous in 
the Present critical Juncture of affairs, of contributing as far 
as lies in our Power to the Public Safety: beg leave, thro your 
Lordship to make an humble Tender of our Personal Services to 
his Majesty, in Case the daring Design of invading this Kingdom, 
should be carried into Execution. 

We ask no Reward for our Endeavours to be useful on this 
alarming occasion, but his Majesty's approbation, which we hope 
we shall Merit; and we are Ready to be Employed in any Manner 
which his Majesty may think, will best Answer the Purposes of 
our Engagement. 

We have taken the Liberty to address ourselves to your Lord- 
ship on this Subject; and we entreat your Lordship to communi- 
cate to his Majesty our Desires to serve him and Readiness to 
Sacrifice our Lives in Defence of his Person and Government. 
John Randolph Wm. Sanford 

Chairman Hutchinson 

Gary Michell John Dow 

Robert Miller Jeremiah Cronin 

Alexr. Gordon George Meserve 

John R. Grymes Robert Traill 

Richard Corbin Lewis Gray 

Thomas Corbin John Sullivan 

Benj. Hallowell Benjn Gridley 

George Rome John Lawless 

Benjn. Bannerman Joseph Galloway 

Andrew Allen James Ingram 

Samuel Hale Austin Brocken- 

Samuel Fitch brough 

Henry E. McCulloh John Phillips 

Jonathan Watson Samuel Hirst Spar- 

Peter Johonnot hewk 

Rbert Hallowell George Muir 


Saml. Sparhawk Jonathan Perrj 
Danl. Leonard Coffin 

John Patterson John Brooke 

Sir Wm. Pepperrell George Thompson 

Nathl Coffin John Macky 

Joseph Thompson John Gray Junr. 

Zaccheus Cutler Jolly Allen 

George Miller Willm. Khondes 

John Malcom John Margaridge 

Endorsed Loyal Americans. 

(From British Transcripts, Library of Congress.) 



The present number begins the first volume of the second 
series of the William and Mary College Quarterly Historical 
Magazine. The Magazine was established at his own expense in 
1892 by Dr. Lyon G. Tyler, president of the college. It was 
published and edited by Dr. Tyler for twenty-seven years as a 
private undertaking, the last number issued being number 4 of 
volume 27, dated April, 1919. Since Dr. Tyler's retirement 
as president, he has established a new magazine which is now 
published at Richmond, Va., entitled "Tyler's Historical and 
Genealogical Quarterly." To Dr. Tyler's familiarity with the 
county and state records, are added an intimate acquaintance with 
the history of many Virginia families and an exact knowledge 
of the political history of colonial and post-revolutionary Virginia. 
These qualifications, illuminated by an earnest desire to make Vir- 
ginia history more widely known, enabled him to establish the 
William and Mary Quarterly as an authority in its special field. 
The limitations which hedge in an editor of a local historical 
periodical prevent him from making any one number of such 
unusual interest that it becomes a literary sensation and a "best 
seller." Continuity of publication, abundance and variety of source 
material and original contributions which show the result of 
research in neglected fields, determine largely the usefulness of a 
periodical of this character. Judging by such standards, histori- 
cal students have awarded to the Quarterly edited and owned by 
Dr. Tyler a high rank as a permanent reference work. The 
twenty-seven volumes of the first series will ever remain a monu- 
ment to the editor's enterprise and to his devotion to the interests 
of Virginia history. 

The second series will be published by the College of William 
and Mary. The present editors will endeavor to develop an inter- 
est in Virginia history, by publishing such documentary material 
and original contributions in history, biography and genealogy, 
as will shed new light upon the past. 

The editors open the columns of the magazine not only to sub- 
scribers but to all readers who may wish to submit queries relative 
to Virginia history or genealogy. We hope that the Query Column 
may develop into a clearing house for information on obscur* 

OTtlltam anb Jfflarp College 

(Quarterly Historical itlaga>ine 

Vol. 1. a? APRIL, 1921 No. 2, 


Address delivered by J. HERBERT CLAIBORNE before the Maryland 
Society of New York, April 14, 1919. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen: 

I was both pleased and honored by the invitation extended me, 
through Mr. McMaster, to become a member of the Maryland So- 
ciety of New York. On second thought, however, I commenced 
to doubt whether, indeed, I had the qualifications necessary. 

I am a Virginian by lineage, from the very foundations of this 
country. I was not born in Maryland, and, perhaps, some may 
contend even today, as they have in the past, that the ancestor upon 
whom my claims rest was not at any time a Marylander. Thereby 
hangs a tale, which it is my purpose to narrate in some degree to- 
night. I regret that the historical facts are of such a character 
that I am unable to present my subject in an impersonal way, con- 
cerning myself alone with the Government of Virginia and Mary- 
land, but the fact is, the early history of these two States between 
the dates of 1631 and 1677 is inextricably bound up in the two 
actors of the drama Lord Baltimore and Colonel William Clai- 
borne of Virginia. Those who have read the interesting accounts 
of this period at the hands of Fiske, Latane, and others, will, I 
believe, confirm the statement. 

Let us for one moment look at the impersonal side and point out 
the difference between the Maryland Government and that of Vir- 
ginia. Maryland at that time was what was called a Palatinate. 
It was ruled over by Baltimore, or his representatives; his 
power was that of the king, whose "alter ego" he was, and the 


title harked back to the Merovingian kings of Gaul to a personage 
high in the royal household, who took judicial cognizance of all 
pleas of the crown. Illustrations of this are to be found in the 
Palatinates of the Rhine and Bavaria. Therefore, all subjects 
of Maryland looked to the ruler of the Palatinate as their over- 
lord, and to him were responsible. He was, practically, the su- 
preme authority. The Virginia Colony was decidedly different. 

The original London Company dated from 1606, and was 
formed under a charter granted by James I., to settle and develop 
by trade English America along the Atlantic Coast, running 100 
miles inland and extending between latitudes 34-41; which is 
to say: from the Hudson Eiver to the southern limits of North 

In 1609, the original London Company was rechartered, under 
the name of the Virginia Colony. It embraced territory which 
extended two hundred miles north and two hundred miles south 
of Old Point Comfort, at the mouth of the James Eiver, and to 
reach up into the land from sea to sea, but, in 1612, the colonists 
begged and secured a new charter, which included the Bermudas. 
Up to this time, the London Council had governed Virginia, but 
by this charter the control of the colony was put into the hands 
of the stockholders of the Company, who numbered about nine 
hundred important and wealthy citizens of England, . amongst 
whom were some fifty noblemen and one hundred and fifty 
baronets and knights. The period at which this last Company 
was formed marked the beginning of the long struggle of the 
English people for Government by a free Parliament, as opposed 
to the absolute rule of kings. The stockholders were divided into 
the Country Party and the Court Party. The former were in- 
dependents free and bold thinkers, who sought for free things 
for the Government of Virginia, and were decidedly in the 
majority. The minority, or Court Party, held for absolute Gov- 
ernment by the king. On the 30th of June, 1619, the first session 
of a legislative body in America was held that of the Virginia 
House of Burgesses. On July 24th, 1621, the Virginia Colony 
was granted a written charter by the Virginia Company, whereby 
free government was conferred upon them. Such was the Colony 


of Virginia, such its area, and such its character of Government, 
when William Claiborne, a member of the Country Party, sailed 
from England for the New World in 1621. 

When one regards the difference between the two govern- 
ments of their personnel, the character of the two leading actors, 
their political principles, their difference in origin, their dif- 
ference in traditions and their different manner of life, in a time 
of political, social and romantic unrest, it is not difficult to dis- 
cover the chemical elements, which, when mixed together and 
pounded by the ruthless hand of opportunity, would cause an ex- 
plosion, which, singular as it may appear, shook the very Govern- 
ment of England and caused so great a disturbance in the New 
World that, as Fiske says, household was set against household, 
friend against friencf, political party against political party, 
criminations and recriminations of treason and of unfaith were 
brought forth, and personal violence on several occasions indulged 

These are the constitutional elements of the cataclysm which 
broke forth, but truth compels us to admit that the stubbornness, 
pugnacity and deep sense of personal rights of Colonel William 
Claiborne, together with his utter incapacity of yielding, either 
under a show of force, actual force, or under promise of favor or 
reward, precipitated it. 

Before plunging into the discussion of the contention between 
Baltimore and Claiborne, it is also pertinent and, doubtless, inter- 
esting to all, to make some reference to the property rights ob- 
taining in the Virginia Colony antecedent to the arrival of Colonel 
William Claiborne, since they bear upon the subsequent history 
of the Colony, and, I believe, point a moral and adorn a tale, in 
view of the great unrest and dissatisfaction prevailing throughout 
the world at that time. 

The Virginia incident is, perhaps, not known to the great 
majority of the rulers of the present world, but if they would 
make themselves acquainted with the facts and hearken to them, 
it would cause at least those who love and support the principles 
of democracy to halt and pause. 

As pointed out by Mr. John D. Lindsay, of the Xew York Bar, 


who has done me the kindness and honor to write the introduc- 
tion to my book, William Claiborne, of Virginia: 

"The original charter by which James conveyed to the London 
Company the vast territory then known as South Virginia pro- 
vided for the conveyance of lands to the settlers by tenures as 
liberal as those prescribed in the Gilbert and Raleigh patents; 
and the later charters were equally explicit as well in this regard 
as in confirming the political rights and liberties of the settlers. 
But these were paper guarantees. No right of private property in 
land was, in fact, established in the Colony until 1616. Up to 
that time the settlers were treated as vassals of the Company. 
The fields that were cleared were cultivated by their joint labor, 
the product being carried to common storehouses, whence it was 
distributed at appointed times. The houses in which they lived 
belonged to the Company. A community conducted on such a plan 
was not destined to prospei. There was no inducement to labor 
when there was no prospect of securing a permanent habitation, 
and nothing to acquire except what was bestowed on all alike. The 
idle and incompetent shared equally with the prudent and atten- 
tive. The Company receiving the sole benefit of labor, the exer- 
tions of even the most industrious settlers relaxed, and eventually 
matters came to such a pitch that the united industry of the 
Colony did not accomplish in a week as much as might have been 
performed in a single day if each individual had labored on his 
own account. At last, Governor Dale, realizing the folly and 
stupidity of such a policy, divided a considerable portion of the 
land into parcels, one of which was given to each individual in 
full property. From that moment the Colony began to advance. 
A different and better class of immigrants was attracted, and a 
new spirit was at work in the Company." 

As Mr. Lindsay points out, this attempt at Socialism was a mis- 
erable and contemptible failure. There was no inducement to 
work as long as a man could not retain to some extent, at least 
for his own personal use and as his own property, the fruits of 
his labor. The brave man, the strong man, the faithful man, and 
the energetic man could not tolerate the idea that the idle and 
worthless should share equally in the fruits of the sweat of his 



brow. Unrest arose, dissatisfaction, and the spirit of rebellion in 
the minds of the just, and the stupidity and folly of such a policy 
at last became evident. When the land had been parcelled, and 
each man's individuality had been stamped upon his property, 
he commenced to see the results of the handy work. From that 
moment happiness reigned, communism disappeared, and the in- 
dividual came into his own. Thus, at the very beginning of this 
Government there was given a marked illustration of the fatuous 
policy which conceives that socialism is democracy, that all men 
are equal, and that all men are entitled to the same things. 

The Colony of Maryland was more fortunate. Whether it was 
due to the character of their Government, or whether it was that 
they profited by the mistakes of the Virginia colony, that they were 
not molested by the Indians as much as the Virginia Colony, and 
that there was never a Starving Time as in Virginia, the truth is 
the Maryland Colony proceeded, from the very first, along a course 
of uninterrupted success until the unhappy incidents with which 
we are dealing. From the date of the first Assembly in Maryland, 
1635, to the death of Lord Baltimore in 1675, the Maryland 
Colony grew to 20,000 souls. As man never is, but is always to 
be blessed, the Maryland Colony set about looking for trouble with 
its neighbor and found it. 

We now come to seek, and discuss after it has been found, the 
cause of the long-drawn-out contention between Baltimore and 
Claiborne the cause of the Civil War, for it was no less, that ex- 
isted for twenty odd years between the sister States of Maryland 
and Virginia. It has been said, if you wish to find the cause of 
trouble in this world : "Cherchez la femme." I believe that is 
true in the matter of individuals, but in politics and in wars, I 
believe it should be changed to these words : Cherchez la terre." 

The causes in the case before us may be described as predis- 
posing and precipitating. In short, it was a piece of land, and 
that land was known as Kent Island, which lies to this day in 
the Chesapeake Bay. The Island is not over fair, nor beautiful, 
nor fertile. It was presumably, at that time, well wooded, but it 
caught the eye of Claiborne and of Baltimore. Claiborne, in all 
probability, for reasons to be set forth later; Baltimore, because 


he conceived it to lie within the longtitude and latitude of his 
grant, and because Claiborne had already settled it and possessed 
it before his arrival. It is about six miles square. 

The State Board of Statistics of Maryland describes Queen Anne 
County as "a beautiful and desirable land to live in, healthy, ac- 
cessible to market, the soil fertile, easy to cultivate." This was 
the bone of contention, to mix our metaphors. 

Claiborne never at any time had any grant of- land, but Charles 
had granted him, May 16th, 1631, a license to trade through Sir 
William Alexander, principal secretary of the Kingdom of Scot- 
land. It is unnecessary to quote the license in full, but it gave him 
the right to "keepe a course for interchange of trade," and "to 
make discoveries for increase of trade in or near those parts of 
America for which there is not already a patent to others for 

William Claiborne, while he was in London, antecedent to 
the date of his license, formed a Company with William Clobury 
and others, to trade with the Virginia Indians. His license reads : 
"in traffic of corne, furs and any other commodities whatsoever 
with their shipps, men, boates and merchandise in all sea coasts, 
rivers, creeks, harbors, land and territories in or neare those parts 
of America for which there is not already a patent granted to 
others for trade," and the license further states that said William 
Claiborne and his associates are licensed and authorized to do this 
"without interruption." 

Having secured the license and the Company having been 
formed, William Claiborne on the 28th day of May, 1631, set sail 
from Deal, England, on the ship "Africa," with a cargo of goods 
and 20 men servants. After a voyage of two months, the "Africa" 
arrived at Kecoughtan, Virginia, now Hampton, where she landed 
her passengers for Virginia, and then proceeded to the Isle of 
Kent. In 1631, Kent Island was stocked and planted by Claiborne 
and his partners, according to Latane. The trading post was con- 
verted into a regular plantation. In the words of Claiborne him- 
self : "Entered upon the Isle of Kent unplanted by any man but 
possessed of the natives of that country, with about 100 men, 
and then contracted with the natives and bought their right to hold 


of the crown of England to him and his company and their heirs 
and by force and virtue thereof, William Claiborne and his Com- 
pany stood seized of the said Island." 

It will be observed that Claiborne made no claim that a grant 
had been made him; he based his claims solely on occupancy and 
purchase from the Indians. Fiske, quoting Latane, remarks that 
Claiborne built dwellings and mills for grinding corn, laid out 
gardens, planted orchards, and stocked the farms with cattle. It 
seems that women were resident upon the Island also, a fact which 
has been denied, and reference is also made in the Maryland 
Archives to a child who was killed by Indians. 

In 1632 Captain Nicholas Martian represented the Island in 
the House of Burgesses, and the Eev. Eichard James, of the Es- 
tablished Church, was in charge of the settlement, .to which he 
gave ghostly counsel and service. These facts prove that the Is- 
land was cultivated and inhabited. As Mr. Lindsay has pointed 
out, "Queen Elizabeth, protesting against the all-embracing 
claims asserted by Spain, when that nation demanded the return 
of the treasures captured by Drake, held it to be a doctrine of 
public law that neither first discovery nor a mere assertion of right 
could prevail against occupation in fact." She maintained that 
the Spaniards had no right to regions which they had merely dis- 
covered or touched upon. The naming of rivers and capes or 
the building of huts was not enough. They had to be held and 
inhabited. The same principle was recognized by James in the 
instructions given to the Virginia patentees in 1606, and fifteen 
years later Parliament, referring to the rights of Spain in Amer- 
ica, declared that possession and occupancy only, and not the mere 
fact of discovery, conferred a good title. It will be seen, therefore, 
that in accordance with this principle, truly and verily, Claiborne 
held Kent Island under a valid title. It is regrettable that time 
and space are not permitted to develop the argument much fur- 
ther, or to refer at great length to the claim of Baltimore or the 
reasons upon which he based it. They are, however, mostly con- 
tained within the charter granted him in June, 1632, which was 
issued to his eldest son, Cecilius Calvert, second Lord Baltimore. 


The value of this charter lies practically in two words, and at 
most in a line. Here they are: 

"Certain quandam Regionem inferius describendam in 
terra quadam in partibus Americe hactemis inculta et 
barbaris nullam divini Numinis noticiam Jicibentibus" 

Translated thus: "A certain region in parts of America not 
yet cultivated and in possession of savages or barbarians who have 
no knowledge of the Divine Being." 

These words are taken from the charter of Maryland as 
granted to Cecilius Calvert, second Lord Baltimore; they were 
based upon the principle of the charter of Lord Baltimore to 
Avalon, in Nova Scotia, and according to Fiske, the charter was 
written by Baltimore himself. Upon this last statement hangs an 
irrefutable argument. Thus, Baltimore defined his own rights, 
and hoisted himself by his own petard. 

Now let us mark two facts clearly. Kent Island was reached 
in July, 1631, by Claiborne, and during that year 1631 the Island 
was stocked and planted as described. Baltimore's charter was 
issued in June, 1632, to Cecilius Calvert, eleven months after 
Claiborne's arrival. Cecilius Calvert never saw his Palatinate in 
America. He ruled it through his brothers, Leonard and George, 
but he appointed Leonard Governor of the Palatinate. 

Leonard Calvert arrived in English America on the 27th day 
of February, and touched first at Point Comfort, where he found 
a courteous letter from Governor Harvey awaiting him. The 
following month he sailed up the Chesapeake Bay, and on May 
25th, 1634, on a small island called St. Clement, in the Potomac 
River, mass was celebrated for the first time in English America. 
Leonard's ships consisted of the "Ark" and the "Dove." Lord 
Baltimore seemed to recognize the wisdom of conciliating Clai- 
borne, and directed Leonard to write to him to arrange an inter- 
view and tell him that His Lordship had heard that said Claiborne 
had settled a plantation within the limits of His Lordship's patent, 
and that he was willing to give him all the encouragement he could 
to proceed. Finally, he instructed his brother Leonard, in case 


Claiborne refused to come to the interview, to let him alone for 
the space of a year. 

In other words, as Fiske says, Claiborne was welcome 
to the property; only he must hold it as a tenant of the Lord 
Proprietor of Maryland and not as a tenant of the King in Vir- 
ginia. A protest from the Virginia Colony was natural and in- 
evitable. The message of Baltimore was communicated to Clai- 
borne, while Calvert was at Old Point. Latane states Baltimore 
had a personal interview with Claiborne. At the meeting of the 
Council on March 14th, 1634, Claiborne requested the opinion of 
the Board how he should demean himself in respect of Lord Balti- 
more's patent and his deputies then seated in the Bay. The Board 
answered they could not see why any such question was asked; 
they knew of no reason why they should render up the Island of 
Kent to Lord Baltimore any more than any other piece of land 
formerly given to the Colony by His Majesty's patent; since the 
right of Baltimore's grant had not yet been determined in Eng- 
land, they were bound in duty and by their oaths to maintain the 
rights and privileges of the Colony. 

Backed by the Governor and Colony of Virginia, Claiborne 
refused to consider or confess himself a member of the Maryland 
Colony, and to yield his right to trade and traffic in the Chesa- 
peake without the license of the Lord Proprietor. It is not diffi- 
cult to imagine the haughty manner in which Claiborne conveyed 
his refusal to Leonard Calvert. 

Let it be noted again, that Claiborne on that occasion refused 
to consider or confess himself a member of the Maryland Colony, 
and if it be the pleasure of this Society to stand by that state- 
ment, and to rule in the negative as to my right to enter this 
Society, I am prepared to accept their decision regretfully, but in 
recognition of the reasonableness of their objection. For my justi- 
fication, however, and for my sake, I would again point out that 
Claiborne landed in Kent Island in July, 1631, whereas the date 
of the charter of Maryland, granted to Lord Baltimore, was June 
20th, 1632. 

A Marylander of distinction, and a historian, to-wit: Oswald 
Tilghman, in his "History of Talbot County, Maryland," says: 


"I have collected, however, some information of the man who 
made the first European settlement within the bounds of what 
is now Maryland of the first white man of whom we have any 
knowledge, who set his foot in this our own County of Talbot." 
Gentlemen, I await your decision. 

The incidents just related constitute the predisposing cause 
that brought about the quarrel between the "two fruitfull sisters, 
Leah and Rachel/' or Virginia and Maryland, as Hammond has 
described them. 

We will next proceed to the precipitating cause. 

Let us recall that Leonard Calvert arrived in America, and 
touched at Old Point in 1634, in the month of February. In the 
fall of the same year, news of the message of Lord Baltimore to 
Leonard Calvert, to seize Kent Island and arrest Claiborne, came 
to Cloberry & Company, whereupon they petitioned the King for 
the protection of their possessions in Kent Island. This petition 
drew from the King a remarkable letter, which ought to settle con- 
clusively the meaning and intention of the license granted to Wil- 
liam Claiborne to trade and traffic and make settlement in the 
waters of the Chesapeake. 

The royal letter, dated October 8th, 1634, says in part, "that 
Baltimore's interference with the planters on Kent Island is con- 
trary to justice and to the true intention of our grant to said Lord : 
we do, therefore, hereby declare our expressed pleasure to be that 
said planters be in no sort interrupted in their trade or plantations 
by him or any other in his right . . . and we prohibit as 
well the Lord Baltimore as all other pretenders under him or 
likewise to plantations in those parts to do them any violence or 
to disturb or hinder them in their honest proceedings and trade 
there." Kindly note the word "pretenders," and the strength and 
peremptory command contained in these words. They are clear 
beyond peradventure, and as at that time the King's word was 
law, it could not be gainsaid or ignored. 

Relying upon this letter, upon the text of his license, as al- 
ready quoted, its obvious meaning, as well as the support of the 
Council in Virginia, Claiborne continued to trade in the Chesa- 
peake Bay and contiguous waters. On the 5th of April, 1635, a 


pinnace of Claiborne's, called the "Longtail," was seized by Capt. 
Fleet and Capt. Humber for trading in the Maryland waters with- 
out a license from the Lord Proprietor. The "Longtail" was 
commanded by Thomas Smith, one of Claiborne's men. On being 
asked for a license, Smith showed copies of His Majesty's com- 
mission and the letter just referred to, confirming it; but the 
Marylanders refused to accept them, affirming that they were 
false copies (Calvert Papers, 141) and so both goods and vessel 
were confiscated. In view of the wording of Claiborne's license 
and the expressed command of the King, this act of the repre- 
sentatives of Leonard Calvert can only be described as rank, un- 
qualified piracy on the high seas. 

From this time on f laiborne took the precaution of arming his 
vessels to prevent them from being seized by the Maryland auth- 
orities. He was to have his revenge, and it came soon, but only 
after another misfortune. Claiborne sent out an armed sloop 
called the "Cockatrice," to make reprisals upon the Maryland 
vessels. On this occasion his ship was under the command of Lt. 
Eatcliff Warren; Calvert, however, was wide awake and sent two 
vessels instead of one to meet him, the "St. Helen" and "St. 
Margaret," commanded by Capt. Cornwalleys. In this fight the 
Marylanders were victors. One man on the Maryland ship was 
killed, while Warren and two of his men were killed and the 
"Cockatrice" surrendered. But the revenge of Claiborne, though 
delayed, was inevitable. He sent out another ship under the com- 
mand of Capt. Thomas Smith and a battle was fought in the harbor 
of the Great Wigh Cocomoco, at the mouth of the Potomac, May 
10th. In this fight, Claiborne's men were successful, and for two 
years thereafter Claiborne maintained himself on Kent Island in 
peace and continued to trade as it pleased him. Baltimore, ap- 
parently, was defeated; but he was only biding his time. 

It is historically interesting just here to note that the fight 
of April 23d, 1635, in the waters of the Pocomoke, between Clai- 
borne's vessel, the "Cockatrice," commanded by Lt. Ratcliff War- 
ren, and the two vessels from St. Mary's, under Capt. Cornwalleys, 


was the first naval engagement that had ever been fought in the 
New World between English-speaking people. 

The ball was now fairly opened: Claiborne's ship had been 
seized in the face of the King's expressed letter, in spite of the 
assurance of the Council of Virginia, his own interpretations of his 
rights, and the clear meaning of Baltimore's charter. The times 
were those of force, and aggression was met with reprisal. 

These incidents may be said to have precipitated and actively 
initiated the bitter fight between Claiborne and Baltimore, that 
was to be settled finally only by the Compromise of 1657. 

Now, troubles of this kind were not conducive to the success- 
ful conduct of business. Fighting and business are incompatible, 
unless business and fighting are one. It is not surprising, there- 
fore, that Claiborne's partners, Cloberry & Company, had become 
discontented because furs were not coming in in sufficient quantity 
to suit them. They, therefore, sent over George Evelin to look 
after matters. He arrived in December, 1636. At first he pre- 
tended to be an ardent supporter of Claiborne. Later on he com- 
menced to make derogatory remarks about the Calvert family, 
affirming that the first Lord Baltimore was a farmer and a grazier, 
and that Leonard himself was a blockhead and a fool at school. 
In this way he probably won the confidence of the Islanders and 
deceived Claiborne himself for a while, but in February, 1637, 
Cloberry & Company sent over a cargo of goods and servants 
from England, and they were consigned to Evelin and not to 
Claiborne. With them. they sent the power of attorney to Evelin, 
and instructions to Claiborne to turn over all goods to Evelin, to 
come to England to explain his proceedings and adjust his ac- 
counts before the firm. He was further ordered to make an in- 
ventory of their property and to demand of Evelin a bond for its 
safekeeping. In May, 1637, a few days before his departure for 
England, in the presence of the servants of the Island, Claiborne 
offered to surrender entire possession of all goods and properties 
of the Company to Evelin, on condition that the latter would 
give him a bond of three thousand pounds, not to alienate the 
Island to the Marylanders and not to carry away any of the ser- 
vants. Evelin refused to take an assignment, would give no bond, 



and said he would take possession of the Island whether Clai- 
borne liked it or not. Again Claiborne tried to get a bond, but 
failed; so he finally, sailed for England, leaving Evelin in full 
possession of the settlement. Evelin now commenced to grow 
truculent, and apparently decided to throw in his lot with the 
Baltimore party. He made frequent visits to St. Mary's, and 
opened negotiations with Leonard Calvert. He tried to win over 
the Kent Islanders, to himself, but failed ; then he resorted to force. 
He endeavored to induce Leonard Calvert to employ it. The lat- 
ter seemed to have some conscientious scruples at first, but finally 
yielded; whether through weakness or purposeful moral obliquity, 
is not shown. At any rate, about February 25th, 1638, Leonard 
Calvert, leaving the Assembly in session, sailed for Kent Island 
with thirty choice musketeers, and is said to "have encouraged 
other men to accompany him and pillage and even to have con- 
tracted to buy the plunder a certain man might make." 

Later on "a second expedition was made by Leonard Calvert, 
taking fifty musketeers with him, when he left two cannon for 
use at Kent Fort, Claiborne's old palisaded house. All of the 
Company's goods and indentured servants were then removed 
from the Island, doubtless under agreement with Evelin, who dis- 
posed of them later." These are the words of DeCourcy Thorn, 
who needs no introduction here. Evelin was made commander 
of Kent Island, and, subsequently, Lord of the Manor of Evelin- 
ton, by Leonard Calvert. Thus the devil took care of his own. 

Things were going badly for Claiborne, and certainly the mice 
were playing while the cat was away, but the final and crushing 
blow was dealt to Claiborne's hopes by the Commissioners for 
the Plantations, to whom the dispute over the possession of Kent 
Island had been referred by the King. The decision was rendered 
in April, 1638. The claims of Virginia to Kent Island were 
ignored. The decision was unequivocally in favor of Lord Balti- 
more. The right and title to Kent Island were Baltimore's and 
not Claiborne's. Tilghman, in his History of Talbot County 
says, referring to this incident: "It is proper to say. there is 
some doubt in the minds of historians whether the Commissioners 
ever gave any opinion whatever upon the matters in controversy. 


as the original documents of such decision could never be found, 
and a mutilated copy, of the authenticity of which there is un- 
certainty, is all upon which writers of the present day have to de- 
pend." Nevertheless, the validity of that document is accepted 
in this argument. 

Within three months after the decision of the Commissioners, 
April, 1638, Claiborne, assisted by Sir William Alexander, ob- 
tained from Charles a letter or order commanding Baltimore to 
allow Claiborne, his agents or partners, full possession of Kent 
Island, with safety to their persons and goods, till the decision of 
the Lord's Commissioners. Space does not permit to cite this 
letter in full, but it was stern and peremptory, even mandatory, 
and referred to the fact that Lord Baltimore or his agents had, 
contrary to His Majesty's preceding orders, "seized and carried 
away both the persons and estates of the said planters." The 
letter of Charles was written in July, whereas the decision of the 
Commissioners was rendered in April. Charles evidently had not 
heard the decision at that time. This does not invalidate the 
meaning of the King's letter. 

Surely, Claiborne's enemies now had him on the hip ? but his 
cup was not yet full and he was to drain it to the dregs. Accord- 
ing to Latane, the Maryland Assembly of March, 1638, which 
tried and sentenced Thomas Smith to be hanged (and the verdict 
was carried into effect), also passed a Bill of Attainder against 
William Claiborne, declaring him guilty of piracy and murder 
and that he "forfeit to the Lord Proprietor all his lands and tena- 
ments which he was seized of on the 23d day of April, 1635." 

In pursuance of this act, the property of William Claiborne on 
Kent Island and Palmers' Island, another of his possessions, which 
he had likewise purchased from the Indians, was attached and 
appropriated to the use of the Lord Proprietor. 

The Bill of Attainder is too long to cite, but its text may be 
found in Scharf s "History of Maryland." The date of the Bill 
in the House of General Assembly was March 24th, 1637, whereas, 
as just noted, Latane states it was passed in March, 1638. The 
main point is, however, that the decision of the Commissioners 
followed the Bill of Attainder and, hence, the Bill of Attainder, 


as applying to Claiborne, whose property had not yet been de- 
clared within the precincts of Baltimore's domain or under his 
authority, becomes incompetent, immaterial and irrelevant. 

In order to make clear to those who are not acquainted with 
the nature of a Bill of Attainder, a few lines must be quoted from 
Mr. Lindsay's masterly exposition of that instrument: "A Bill of 
Attainder was an Act of Parliament for putting a man to death 
or for otherwise punishing him without trial in the usual 
form." . . . "It rested upon principles which had no applica- 
tion to colonial legislative bodies and certainly could have none to 
the Maryland Assembly, which was in no sense a Court, which 
exercised no functions derived from its once having been a part 
of the highest court of the realm, and whose functions so far as 
they partook in any cfegree of a judicial character, were limited 
to such acts as were necesary to enable it to perform its legislative 
duties. The right of the Maryland Assembly to pass a Bill of 
Attainder could, therefore, derive no support from the precedents 
and practices of the English Parliament." This places the Bill 
of Attainder passed by the Maryland Assembly in its proper light, 
and furnishes conclusive reasons for declaring it invalid as a legal 
document and judicial pronouncement. 

But, as Fiske says, the sturdy Claiborne, crestfallen, though not 
yet conquered, returned to Virginia to await the turn of Fortune's 
wheel. His first act was to petition the Governor of the Council 
of Maryland, through George Scovell, to return him his estates. 
The Governor refused, stating that Claiborne's property, by reason 
of his crimes of piracy and murder, had been forfeited to the 
Lord Proprietor, and that if there was any other property belong- 
ing to him, he would do well to inform his Lordship's attorney 
of it, that it, too, might be appropriated to his Lordship's use. 
Failing in this, the irrepressible Claiborne resorted to force. 

Then comes the Claiborne-Ingle invasion of Maryland. 

Authorities agree that there is no evidence to show there was 
any agreement between Claiborne and Ingle. It seems evident 
that each seized a chance to use the other to serve his own end. 
Ingle was a tobacco trader and an adventurer, was said to be a 
Puritan, God save the Mark, was suspected of being a pirate and, 


certainly, was a loud-mouthed swashbuckler. This did not make 
the alliance a weak one, as Fiske remarks. The invasion was 
altogether successful and they had control of Maryland for about 
two years. Claiborne recovered Kent Island, Ingle captured St. 
Mary's, and Leonard Calvert had to take refuge in Virginia for 
personal safety. The period is referred to in Maryland history as 
the "plundering time." Ingle and his men roamed about stealing 
corn, tobacco, cattle and other things, carrying off large quantities 
of plunder in their ships. Cornwalleys' estate was especially 
plundered, and good Father White was sent to England in chains 
on a silly charge of treason, but was promptly acquitted. There 
is no specific statement extant, as far as can be found, that Clai- 
borne himself, personally, was concerned in the plundering, but 
when we read that Cornwalleys' estates had especial attention paid 
to them, it is not difficult to imagine that this particular act was 
inspired by Claiborne. He was certainly capable of revenge. 
Finally, Calvert, aided by Berkeley, in 1646 made an expedition 
against Claiborne and Ingle in Maryland, defeated, expelled them, 
and fully re-established Baltimore's authority. 

The following year, 1647, Leonard Calvert died, and in the 
next year Baltimore appointed William Stone, a Protestant and a 
supporter of Parliament, as Governor of Maryland. In the fol- 
lowing year, 1649, the famous statute known as the Toleration Act 
was passed by the Maryland Assembly, as drawn by Cecilius Calvert 
himself, without amendment. The wording of that instrument 
shows him a God-fearing man, broad in intelligence, universal in 
sympathy and mindful of the rights and convictions of others, and 
it is to the everlasting glory of Maryland that the first act of 
religious toleration in the New World was promulgated within 
her borders! But, alas! nothing in this world is perfect. Fiske 
remarks, that a statute which threatens Unitarians with death, 
leaves something to be desired in the matter of toleration. This 
Act is all the more significant since it proceeded from the pen of 
a Catholic, a true and faithful son of Mother Church. 

But serious and momentous things were passing in England 
such a revolution as that country had never known and never 
dreamed of. Impious hands were laid upon the sovereign of Eng- 


land. He was tried, condemned and executed by some of the 
people over whom he ruled. Religious fanaticism mingled with 
popular discontent, led by a brainy and physically powerful giant, 
upturned society, changed government, and in the end produced 
social and governmental anarchy. Personally, I have no sympathy, 
either from a religious standpoint or a political one, with the up- 
rising against Charles. He was merry, dissolute, profligate and 
fickle, but he died the death of a gentleman and a king, and in 
the presence of vulgarity, insolence and insult, bore himself at his 
trial and at his execution with royal, Christian and gentlemanly 
dignity. His death produced a most decided effect upon colonial 
matters in the New World. 

Charles used to refa* to Virginia as "our Kingdom of Virginia," 
hence it was called the "Old Dominion." In October, 1649, an 
act was passed in Virginia, under the Berkeley administration, 
whereby the execution of Charles I. was condemned, and it was 
declared that anyone who undertook to defend the proceedings 
against Charles should be adjudged accessory post factum to his 

About 1650, the English Parliament as soon as it got free 
from its domestic affairs, gave to the Council of State "Power to 
send ships to any of said plantations and to enforce all such to 
obedience as stand in opposition to the Parliament." After this, 
some Puritans left Virginia and fled to Maryland, where they were 
kindly received, were given tracts of land, and were permitted 
local government and religious freedom. From this it is obvious 
that Baltimore could combine intelligent policy with religious 

The Commissioners named by the Council of State were Capt. 
Robert Dennis, naval officer in command of a fleet, consisting of 
two ships ; Thomas Stagg. Richard Bennett and William Claiborne. 
In case of the death of Capt. Dennis, Capt. Edmund Curtis, second 
in command, captain of the "Guinea," was to act as Commissioner 
and take charge of the expedition. This was a wise proviso, since 
the ship that bore Dennis and Stagg was lost and so the command 
fell to Curtis, commanding the "Guinea," Claiborne and Bennett 
were in Virginia at that time. Therefore, there is no reason to 


suppose that their appointment was through their own influence 
or request. After the reduction of the Barbadoes, the "Guinea" 
sailed for Virginia and dropped anchor before Jamestown, in 
March, 1652. Berkeley immediately set about to organize a 
resistance, but finally thought better of it, and the Assembly, having 
been called together, decided to submit itself to the authority of 
the Commonwealth. The Articles of Surrender were most generous 
and were signed by Bennett, Claiborne and Curtis. 

The Fourth Article bears upon Maryland, to-wit: "that Vir- 
ginia shall have and enjoy the ancient bounds and limits granted 
by the charters of the former kings, and that we shall seek a new 
charter under Parliament to that purpose against any that have 
intrenched upon the rights thereof." This article, of course, refers 
more particularly to Kent Island, the original grant to the London 
Company, and the expressed declaration of both James and Charles 
with reference to its original territorial rights. It is not difficult to 
perceive that the rights and wishes of Claiborne fell in singularly 
again with the rights and wishes of Jamestown. The Colony was 
and ever had been faithful to Claiborne. 

After the settlement of Virginia affairs, those of Maryland 
came next in order, and the reduction of that Colony fell to Curtis, 
Bennett and Claiborne, who proceeded along the lines of the written 
instructions given to Curtis as well as to Dennis. Arrived at St. 
Mary's, the Commissioners simply demanded that the Marylanders 
be true and faithful to the Commonwealth of England, as now 
established without King or House of Lords. The Government 
and Council were agreeable to these demands, but when they were 
commanded to issue all writs and warrants in the name of the 
keepers of the liberties of England, they strongly objected. As 
Stone persisted, he was deprived of his Commission by proclama- 
tion, and the Maryland Government was put into the hands of a 
Council of Six. But Stone later on had a change of heart, and 
acceded to the commands of the Commissioners. Forthwith he 
was reinstated. 

Now the Puritans commenced to kick again and complained 
that Stone had imposed upon them oaths not agreeable to their con- 
sciences. Bennett and Claiborne urged upon them to be faithful, 


but Stone changed coat again, and under the direction of Lord 
Baltimore issued a proclamation about July 4th, 1654, that hence- 
forth all writs should be in the name of the Proprietor. Under 
a demonstration of force by the Commissioners and a party of 
Puritans, Stone resigned and William Fuller was made head of 
the Government. 

The Puritan Assembly in October passed an act called an Act 
Concerning Religion, which was anything but Christian, was very 
anti-catholic, and formed a striking contrast to the noble and 
broad document of Calvert. 

Baltimore was angry when he heard that Stone had again 
given up the Province, so he wrote him to take control again, 
whereupon Stone got "together a force of about 130 men and 
marched against the settlement of Providence, flying Baltimore's 
flag, the beautiful flag of black and gold. But Fuller was ready 
for him with a force somewhat in excess of his and a couple of 
armed merchant ships, one British, and the other from New Eng- 
land, lying in the Severn. In March, 1655, there was a battle 
royal between the two forces. Stone was completely defeated. The 
standard of black and gold was dragged in the dust. One his- 
torian says, "the ground was littered with papist heads." Then 
the Puritans, with characteristic leniency, held a court martial, at 
which Stone and a number of others were sentenced to death. Four 
were executed, but Stone and the rest were pardoned through the 
intervention of women, says one historian. The Puritans were 
now in the ascendancy in Maryland, but their reign was short- 
lived. In the meanwhile, the Virginians were doing their best 
to keep the Maryland Government from falling again into the 
hands of Baltimore. They tried to get his charter revoked, but 
that having failed they waged a bitter academic warfare against 
him. Baltimore replied in kind, trying to show that it was to 
the advantage of the Commonwealth that Maryland should be 
separate from Virginia, whereas the Virginia agents set forth, 
first, that the Maryland Charter was an infringement of the rights 
of the Colony of Virginia; second, that it comprehended only un- 
settled lands, whereas Kent Island had been settled under the 
Virginia Government before the name of Maryland was ever heard 


of; third, that Lord Baltimore was a Catholic and a royalist. 
Finally, the controversy was concluded by the Compromise of No- 
vember, 1657. The terms of the Compromise were as follows: 

(1) Lord Baltimore was not to call in question any act com- 
mitted since the disturbance of the province began; 

(2) The people in opposition were to have patents for such 
land as they could claim under Lord Baltimore's conditions of 
plantations ; 

(3) Lord Baltimore promised never to give his consent to the 
repeal of the Toleration Act of 1649, whereby all persons profess- 
ing belief in Jesus Christ were allowed freedom of conscience. 

(Maryland Archives, Council Proceedings, i, 332.) 

By the first count of the Compromise it will be seen that the 
Virginia Colony took care that William Claiborne would not be 
molested any more by the Baltimore Government, and that no one 
else would be. 

The differences between Virginia and Maryland were thus ad- 
justed, and the relationship between the two Colonies became 
friendly, never to this day to be interrupted in any serious way. 
As Fiske says, "peace reigned on the shores of Chesapeake Bay, 
the claims of Leah and Rachel were adjusted and the fair sisters 
quarreled no more. 

But for all that, Claiborne made one more abortive attempt to 
get back his Island. In January, 1677, certain Commissioners 
had been sent from England to Virginia to adjust the political 
conditions growing out of Bacon's Rebellion. These Commis- 
sioners wrote to His Majesty, Charles II., that the provinces of 
Maryland and North Carolina were prejudicial to His Majesty's 
interests in Virginia, and suggested that the Government of these 
provinces be assumed by His Majesty. Claiborne, an old man of 
almost ninety, grasped at this opportunity, like a drowning man 
at a straw, and addressed a pathetic letter to Charles II., petition- 
ing him to give him. back his Island, but history makes no further 
mention of it. Exit Claiborne from the drama. 

The foregoing is an epitome of the facts in the contention be- 
tween Baltimore and Claiborne. Historical justice, however, re- 



quires some comment upon the claims of both, and certainly upon 
the reputation and character of William Claiborne. 

Frankly, I am quite able to see how each one could have been 
convinced of the righteousness of his cause, for whatever may be our 
honesty or our uprightness, our point of view is inevitably influ- 
enced by our interests and our prejudices. The weight of evi- 
dence is overwhelmingly in favor of Claiborne's right. In my 
book "William Claiborne, of Virginia," I have recapitulated four- 
teen arguments in favor of this view. I shall not cite them all; 
in fact, only a few of the most important. 

I have already referred to the wording of Baltimore's Charter. 
The two words "liactenus inculta," which mean, heretofore unculti- 
vated, are sufficient grounds upon which to justify Claiborne for 
contending that Baltimore had no right to Kent Island. As 
pointed out, Claiborne had held, cultivated and inhabited the Is- 
land nearly twelve months before the date of Baltimore's charter, 
and two years before Baltimore landed in the New World. More- 
over, the grant to the Virginia Company in 1612 embraced terri- 
tory two hundred miles north and two hundred miles south of Old 
Point. This left no room for Maryland or Delaware, but King 
Charles I. had a way of giving the same thing to several people, 
and the Charter of Baltimore ought no more to have involved 
Maryland and Delaware than it did Kent Island, but while the 
Virginia Charter had been annulled in 1624, both James and 
Charles had expressly declared that the annulling of the Charter 
simply abolished the sovereignty of the Virginia Company, but did 
not infringe or diminish the territorial rights of the Colony. This 
was binding and legal, since at that time all rights in all colonies 
depended absolutely on the King's word. There were numerous 
precedents for his act in settling in the Chesapeake Bay. His 
attitude was endorsed in word and deed by the Virginia Colony 
and the Assembly, and the Island had been twice represented in the 
House of Burgesses, once by Nicholas Martian in 1632', and again 
by Robert Philpott, about 1634. The first and second letters of 
the King allowed of but one interpretation that in favor of 
Claiborne, and, finally, he had antecedent possession, which is held 
to be nine points of the law. 


But it would have been most inexpedient and inconvenient, 
and politically impossible for the Virginia Colony to have had 
jurisdiction over a piece of land and people within the longitude 
and latitude of Baltimore's Grant, after the establishment of the 
Maryland Government. By looking at the map today, one can see 
that Ann Arundell County is to the west of Kent Island, and 
Queen Ann County to the east. This would have been a nice 
"howdy do" politically. So that the decision of time is just ex- 
pedient and equable. These things, however, do not invalidate 
William Claiborne's contention or position, and you could not 
expect either him or the Virginia Colony to look to expediency 
when their obvious rights were being invaded, and there is no 
reason to suppose that Lord Baltimore was any more far-seeing. 
The result is as it should be. Time, at last, brings a just decision. 

It is interesting also to inquire why William Claiborne, a citi- 
zen of an inland colony, in reaching out for new fields, should 
have selected an island in the Chesapeake Bay, for placing his 
Colony, instead of selecting some inland region near Jamestown. 

Now, gentlemen, I am a believer in heredity, and that belief 
is based upon the conclusions of science as well as upon my own 
observation. There is reason to know that William Claiborne was 
descended from Eudo, Duke of Brittany, and that this Eudo 
was descended directly from Rolf, the Norman Viking. The an- 
cestor of William Claiborne in England was Bardolph, seventh son 
of said Eudo, and youngest brother to the Duke of Richmond. 

And let us look for a moment at the meaning of the word 
"viking." Most people look upon the word as implying a ruler 
of the sea, sea king or sea robber. The accent should be, not 
upon "Icing" but upon "vile," and the word is a present participle. 
We read that the old Norseman went A viking. The etymology of 
viking (Norse) is not quite certain, some holding that vik is used 
in the sense of a bay or harbor, and some, as of a more extensive 
piece of the sea, like the Skaggerack. 

A Viking originally was a Norseman who sailed around in 
the bays and harbors, and made short sea trips. Later these men 
became robbers or sea rovers, or pirates. I think it is possible, if 
not probably, that the blood of the Vikings moved Claiborne to 


pick a piece of land somewhere by the sea. He must have loved 
the salt breezes of the Chesapeake, and in his nostrils was the 
breath of the north winds. He was truly a viking since he spent 
a large part of his life sailing around in the bays and harbors of 
the Chesapeake. We see a distinct roving impulse here, and to 
some extent, a predatory one, as his enemies affirm. I believe this 
was the moving impulse which drove him to this Island and made 
him love it, but, in all these matters, perversity, wilfulness and 
desire of possession played no insignificant part in his attitude, 
and it is just to accuse Baltimore of the same. They were men 
well matched in tenacity of purpose, persistence, cleverness and re- 
source. Claiborne lost and Baltimore won because Claiborne was 
a simple gentleman, with nothing but his own sword, his own 
courage, his ability anS an impelling personality. Baltimore was 
a prince, a vice-regent, whose bidding was done by his hirelings ot 

This leads us to make some analysis of Claiborne's character. 
There has been no man in the history of this country who has been 
more execrated, abused and villified than he. Burk refers to him 
as an unprincipled incendiary and an execrable villain. Others 
have called him the "Bane of Maryland," others the "Evil Genius 
of Maryland," and in all histories he is known as "Claiborne the 
Rebel"; but the Maryland Assembly reached the climax of injus- 
tice in attainting him of the crimes of piracy and murder. This 
accusation remained unchallenged, without contradiction, until 
within the last sixty years. Since that time unprejudiced histo- 
rians have studied him more seriously, and, it is safe to say, that 
he now has as many admirers and friends as he once had enemies. 
It is bootless to go into this discussion very far, but if you will 
allow me, I will recapitulate the various offices and commissions 
he held during his long life of ninety years, to show what manner 
of man he was: 

(1) Royal Surveyor under James I. 

(2) Successful Commander in the Indian Campaign of the 
Jamestown Colony in 1624. 

(3) Secretary of State of Virginia and member of the Coun- 
cil, 1625-1638; 


(4) Commissioned by Governors Harvey, Yeardley and Pott 
to trade and explore; 

(5) Commissioned by Charles I. to trade in the Chesapeake, 

(6) Appointed Treasurer for life of "Our Kingdom of Vir- 
ginia" by Charles I., 1642; 

(7) Commander-in-General of all the Colonial forces in the 
Campaign against the Indians, 1644-45 : 

(8) With Richard Ingle ruled Maryland, 1644-45; 

(9) Ruler of Maryland, as Parliamentary Commissioner, with 
Bennet, 1652; 

(10) Secretary of State, under the Commonwealth, through- 
out its duration, 1652-58; 

(11) Nominated by Sir William Berkeley as Secretary of 
State, confirmed by the Assembly, during the Interregnum, when 
Richard Cromwell had abdicated, 1659; 

(12) According to Neill, again honored with the Secretary- 
ship of Virginia, in the Restoration, and in 1666 chosen a mem- 
ber of the Legislature. 

This is no man to be dismissed incontinently by prejudiced, 
mendacious or superficial historians. He could not have fooled 
James I., Charles I., the Virginia Assembly, the Governors of 
Virginia, Cromwell, who knew men as no other man knew them, 
or his inveterate enemy, Sir William Berkeley, who, notwith- 
standing the fact that Claiborne had run him out of Jamestown 
and forced him into seclusion, yet selected him as Secretary of 
State during the Interregnum; nor Charles II., who hated all 
Cromwellians, the enemies and slayers of his father, and who again 
honored William Claiborne during his reign with the Secretary- 
ship. He has, also, been called a trimmer and a turncoat. In the 
language of the day, a trimmer and a turncoat could not have 
gotten away with all these honors. 

I am satisfied to leave his character in the hands of future 

But he is called a rebel by everybody. I think I can show 
that this is totally unjust. Now, a rebel is "one who revolts from 
the Government to which he owes allegiance, either by openly re- 


nouncing the authority of that Government or by taking arms and 
openly opposing it. A rebel differs from an enemy, as the latter 
is one who does not owe allegiance to the Government which he 
attacks/' I maintain that William Claiborne was an enemy to 
Lord Baltimore and not a rebel, since at no time was he under 
the jurisdiction of Baltimore. There are three acts of his upon 
which his enemies may base this accusation : 

The first is his retaliation, after the capture of the "Longtail," 
in his fight with the "St. Margaret" and the "St. Helen," in the 
Pocomoke. The King had clearly defined his mind in his letter, 
that Claiborne and his men had a royal license to trade in the 
Bay and near water, and he sternly forbade all men and particu- 
larly Lord Baltimore and his men, to interfere with, arrest, or 
molest him. The Kfhg's word was law. Moreover, Claiborne 
was not under Baltimore's jurisdiction, and the decision of the 
Commissioners as to the ownership had not yet been rendered. 

The second is the Claiborne-Ingle invasion of Maryland. Since 
his Island had already been confiscated and he was living in Vir- 
ginia at the time, he could not have acted as a rebel against 
Baltimore in that invasion, but as an enemy and an invader. 

The third is the reduction of Maryland. On that occasion he 
was the accredited representative of the de facto English Govern- 
ment. He could, therefore, in this case, by no technicality or 
meaning be considered a rebel to Baltimore. He was also tried 
in London before the Court of Admiralty as a pirate. The record 
of those proceedings are to be found in the Archives of the Mary- 
land Historical Society of Baltimore. Mr. Francis B. Culver, 
of Baltimore, has furnished me with excerpts of those documents 
and I have analyzed them at considerable length. They consist 
of accusation and counter accusation on the part of Cloberry and 
Claiborne, under the titles of "libel" and "answer." 

The proceedings were held before the Worshipful! Sir Henry 
Marten, Judge of His Majesties' High Court of the Admiralty. 
It would require the judgment of a Solomon to render a decision 
from the evidence and while the discussion can not be said to 
reflect credit on either one, neither one is judicially discredited. 
The divergence of the two litigants was not so much a question of 


veracity, as point of view. I frankly think that Claiborne made 
a stronger case against Cloberry, than the latter against him. 
Though these proceedings were held for the King against Clai- 
borne in 1638-1639, no mention is made of a decision, and in 
1642, Charles conferred the great honor upon Claiborne of ap- 
pointing him Treasurer of the Colony for life. Subsequent to 
this, honors were conferred upon him by the Virginians, even 
by Cromwell and by Charles II. The matter evidently had been 
dismissed, or quashed. 

Though in the end Claiborne lost lost his Island and his 
heart's desire, he nevertheless was indemnified by extensive land 
grants by "Virginia in recognition of his services and for the 
loss of Kent Island, aggregating far more than the acreage of the 
lost Isle according to De Courcey Thorn, more than forty thousand 
acres. From having been in the commencement of his career an 
inconspicuous private gentleman, with no means save his good 
broad sword, intelligence, vigor, unconquerable will, and a noble 
name, he rounded his career wealthy in acres, honored by kings, 
rulers and his own fellow- Virginians. Amongst the tall and 
haughty figures in the drama in which he played part, he was con- 
spicuous, and his name will never pass from the records of the 
pioneer history of Maryland and Virginia. He died in 1677, in 
New Kent County, which he had organized and settled twenty 
years before, and had named in remembrance of his old settle- 
ment on the Chesapeake. His descendants in men and women have 
been estimated at many thousands. Some of them have written 
their names on the imperishable records of American manhood, 
achievement and valor, and I believe that none should take aught 
to himself but honor from the fact that the blood of that virile and 
tenacious Englishman runs in his veins. He was the avatar of 
that self -centered individualism which marked the men of his 
epoch in the New World, and more particularly, those in the re- 
gion where he lived the South. The individualism which pro- 
duced democracy and which by agglutination later formed self- 
governing municipalities, and, ultimately, States that individ- 
ualism which created the idea of States' rights, whereby this coun- 
try was once disrupted, and which still seems to persist. He loved 



Virginia with a burning love that still lives in the hearts of his 
descendants. He was the champion and defender of her terri- 
torial rights, of constitutional and personal liberty, and, finally, 
was essentially, and altogether, human. 

Two hundred and eighty-two ago the Bill of Attainder was 
passed by the Maryland Assembly, and William Claiborne was 
declared guilty of the crimes of piracy and murder, his Island 
was confiscated and he was declared an outlaw in Maryland. To- 
night, the State of Maryland represented by you, gentlemen, have 
extended to me the right hand of fellowship and good will, and 
have invited me to become a member of the Maryland Society in 
New York. I accept, with pleasure, grateful for the honor you 
have done me, and, in the name of William Claiborne, I extend 
to you the assurance of his distinguished consideration and friend- 
ship and my own. 



Right Honble & my Gracious Lord, 

I have since your Lordshipps Command according to my weak 
capacity seriously weighed what his Majesty in order to his gra- 
cious favor towards the Plantation of Virginia may do for us, 
and I find, with humble submission to your Lordshipps great 
wisdom, Townes & Corporations stored with Trades and Manu- 
factures the onely defect wee have to make us the most flourishing 
and profitable Plantation his Majesty hath: The maine reason, 
why wee have not yet attained to them (I humbly conceive) hath 
been for want of Iron, and steele, whereby the Smiths Trade 
might goe forward, wch is the foundation of all other Arts: This 
hath been attempted by some Adventurers to Virginia, but it 
being a design, that requires a great disbursement, and a con- 
siderable time before it can be effected, and they at their comeing 
into the Country have found quicker wayes to make profitable 
returns, have left this great generall good design for a present, 
though much more uncertain private Advantage, if this were 
brought to passe in Virginia, there are many other Trades, that 
will soon and easily follow, wch now stand still for want of Tooles 
and Instruments to be made, and repaired, when they have occa- 
sion, many opportunities hapning to the Gentlemen that live 
there to go forward with this that or t'other good design, wch 
before they can send to England for such instruments as are neces- 
sary thereto, their Advantages, and occasions stand clear an- 
other way, therefore I look upon this as the first moveable, that 
may carry about all other designs, tending to the setting up of any 
Trades or Manufactures whatsoever; but because your Lordps. 

iQn March 24, 1657, the General Assembly granted a commission 
to Major William Lewis [or Harris], and Mr. Anthony Langston to 
discover the mountains and westward parts of the country to en- 
deavour the finding out of any commodities that might possibly tend 
to the benefit of this country. Journals of House 1619-1659, p. 106. 
See also note on Langston in Virginia Magazine of History and Biog- 
raphy, v. 18; p. 412. 


Commands were intermixt wth this, and what other soever might 
be convenient: I shall set this aside at present to inform your 
Lordshipp something of Corporations. 

Townes & Corporations have likewise been much hindred by 
our manner of seating the Country; every man having Liberty 
upon the right of transporting of persons to take up Land (un- 
taken before) and there seat, build, clear, & plant without any 
manner of restraint from the Government in relation to their 
Religion, and gods Service, or security of their persons, or the 
peace of the Country, so that every man builds in the midst of 
his own Land, and therefore provides beforehand to take up so 
much at the first Patent, that his great Grandchild may be sure 
not to want Land to go forward with any great design they covet, 
likewise the conveniency of the Eiver from Transportation of their 
Commodities, by which meanes they have been led up and down 
by these famous Eivers (wch I think all the world cannot paralell) 
to seate in a stragling distracted Condition leaving the inside of 
the Land from the Rivers as wast for after Comers, and to draw 
those off from their now made Seates to bring them to a more 
convenient & Secure condition they would think the greatest op- 
pression in the world, therefore it will be very difficult to settle 
anything of a Town, or Corporation by the antient Inhabitants, 
unless it be by some few perticulers, to whom it may be an Ad- 
vantage to come in after something is begunn by new Transported 
people, wch must be contrived to be such trades as are convenient 
to the Country, and can be sett at worke at their severall Trades 
as soon as they come there, such are all Trades, as belong to 
the building of ordinary brick houses, as Brickmakers, Bricklayers, 
Carpenters, Sawyers, Joiners, Plaisterers, Coopers, Glasiers, and 
Smiths, Tanners may likewise be immediately set to work, and 
not long after them Shoemakers, Millwrites, both for Saw mills 
& Corn Mills may likewise be set at work, and Boatwrites to build 
small Vessells & Boates: All these sett at work the first year 
well followed will easily make a brave accommodation for those 
that shall be thought fitt to be sent in the second year after them ; 
such will be Hemp and/Flax Dressers, Roape makers, Soape 
Boilers, Potash men, Felt makers, Beaver makers, & divers other 


Trades, wch upon longer Consideration may be found convenient 
to be sent over, and there employed to great Advantage to such 
as shall be by his Majty. encouraged, to transport them over, and 
the great good of the Country not onely by helping them to these 
Commodities, which now they want, but much more, by what they 
will take off from the excessive quantity of Tobacco by imploying 
severall people that now have their sole Imployment in planting 
that Drugg: These Trades aforementioned being transported 
thither had best (in my opinion) be seated so farr up the River, 
as to be above the Salt waters for many reasons. 

First, the fresh water air is farr more healthfull, & free from 
those ill Sents, and Foggs, & vapors, wch the salt water is sub- 
ject to, wch breeds those Agues, Feavers, Dropsies, and Lethargies, 
which in the Country they call the Seasonings. 

Secondly, Provision of all sorts flesh, fish, & fowle will be had 
much more plentiful!, and at halfe the price they can be bought 
for in the lower parts. 

Thirdly, the River within the Freshes is narrow and deep that 
vessells may ride safe before the Town, and near the shore wch 
is steep too, that all sorts of Vessells may easily come ashore & 
unlade, wch in the broad Rivers is far otherwise for there it 
generally makes shoales of at least half a mile from drie ground, 
so that no vessell can come a shore from half Ebb to half Flood. 

Fourthly, for the Conveniency of Shipps and Vessells rideing 
in the Summer time free from the worm, wch the salt water doth 
so abound with, that a Vessell that lyeth there but a month any 
time betwixt May & September will be soe honycomb'd & eaten, 
that she will hardly ever be made sound again. 

Therefore I conceive a height of the River will be most con- 
venient to seat the Town, as will well receive a Shipp of 400 Tunn 
burden in fresh water higher will be inconvenient for the Shipps, 
and lower bad for the health and other inconveniences to the 

Every thing that causes a Concourse of people from the Coun- 
try will be assistant to this Corporation, and therefore it will bee 
convenient to order the Administration of Justice to the Neigh- 
bouring Countries to be settled there, and wch will soon occasion 


a necessity of Trade between the Town & Country; Merchandize 
likewise may be settled here, and the receipt of those Duties be- 
longing to his Majesty, and the entry of such Commodities as 
are brought into that part, and sale of them there may soon I pre- 
sume ease us of that great prejudice wee now suffer for want of 
Markets, Trades and Manufactures. 

The Iron work must of necessity be placed where the stone, 
and other Conveniences are which is at least 40 miles within 
fresh water; what will be necessary to that design, and what Ex- 
pences it will amount to, and what profitt & Advantage will arise 
from it, I shall a little better inform my self, and speedily give 
your Lordshipp an account, and whatsoever may ly in the capacity 
of your Lordshipps, * 

Most Faithfull 

obedient Servant 

Anthony Langston. 
Endorsed, Letter from Anthony /Langston. 

The first thing in order to the setting up of an iron work is 
Millwrights, to set up the severall Mills, both for the 
Forge, and Furnace, and of this it will be needfull to carry 
more than sufficient to do the business, because of the 
casuality of their Lives, least by the Death of a Master 
workman, the whole design comes to stand still at great 
charge, till another be sent for in his room, therefore I pro- 
pose to carry 3 master-Millwrights, whose Charge of Trans- 
portation at the rate of W ^ pole, and dyett at 5 pole, 
& wages at 20 $ pole is in all 30 $ pole, wch 3 
amounts to at the rate 105 

I propose likewise to carry over two master Smiths, and 2 master 
Carpenters for the makeing such Implements, as may not 
be foreseen, and building such houses as will be needfull 
for the accommodation of the people, and assisting the 
Millwrights, & these will be carryed at no lesse rate then 
the former, so that these 4, at the rate of 35 $ man 
amounts in all to 140 


This extraordinary Charge of 245 pounds cometh by reason 
of the remoteness of the Country from England, and this being 
a new design to be sett up there where Artists are not to bee had 
at any rate in case of the failing of any of those wee shall carry; 
therefore (I presume) it will be better to be double provided, 
then to be subject to want, and in case that all the Tradesmen 
live, and do well there may be Employmt. found for them to sett 
up all sorts of Mills by private men in the Country, who are for- 
ward enough (if they had men that are able) to undertake it, 
and with them they may work for wages at profitable rates to 
repay those disbursements with good Advantage, that have been 
laid out upon them. 

With these, and the Labourers that are afterwards to be em- 
ployed in the digging of stone, cording of Wood, & carrying of 
Coale to make Iron, I presume the Forge & Furnace may be corn- 
pleated in a year, and settled to work, and therefore I shall pro- 
ceed to the Calculacon of the labor, and number of workmen, 
then what the product of their Labour may amount unto. 

I presume it will be the easiest way of Demonstration to 
make a Computacon of the Charge of 500 Tunns of Iron may come 
unto, to be made in Virginia, and what that is worth is easily 

Five hundred Tunns of Iron will require ten thousand Cords of 
Coard-wood, and tis a days work for a man to corde one 
Cord of Cord-wood, therefore it requires 10000 days work 
for the cording of the wood, I shall allow one man to do 
250 dayes work in a year at rate it will require 40 men 
to coard the wood, the men will cost in Transportacon 
10 <$ pole, in dyett 5 ^ pole, and in wages, or cloathing 
3 $ pole; This reckoned according to the Custom of 
Virginia come to 42 $ pole for 4 years service, wch 
comes to 10 10s. ^ ann. for every man, at wch rate the 
40 men will amount to 420 for the Cording the wood. ^420 
The carrying of the Cole will be near about the same Labor, will 
require the same number of people, and therefore I shall 
set that down at the same Charge of 420 


I hope the stone will prove so good as to go not much more than 
3 Loades to a Tunn of Iron, but however I shall calculate 
at 4 Loades to a Tunn, the stone lyes convenient to the 
Topp of the ground, and therefore a man may well dig a 
Load in a day, so that 2000 dayes work will raise as many 
Loades of stone, wch at the rate of 250 dayes work will 
require 8 men, to which I add as many more to load, and 
unload, and to drive Cart, wch makes them 16, wch at the 
former ra.te of 10. 10s. is 168 

There is no Lime stone nearer then the falls of the River to be 
had, therefore that must be brought downe from thence 
by Boate, and men allowed to digg and loade it, to wch 
I allow 3 men to digg stone, 3 to the Boate, and 3 to the 
Load, and 3 to unloade, wch makes at the former rate. .126 

There must be at the Furnace the Founder, and his Mate, wch 
because they must be good Artists, and upon whom I reckon 
the whole design depends much, it will be necessary to be 
double furnisht, so that 4 of them at the Charge of the 
former Tradesmen will amount to 30 <$ pole, wch is 120 

There will require a Clerk at the Forge, and another at the fur- 
nace wch I rate at the charge of 3 Labourers a piece wch 
is 6, and 4 men more to the Furnace, and 8 Forge-men, in 
all 18 men, wch makes at the former rate 189 

I reckon for extraordinary Labourers for the getting Provisions, 
looking to cattle, fishing, fowling, and for the supplying 
the place of any other Labourer, that shall by sicknesse, 
or any Infirmity be absent from his work 20 men, wch at 
the former rate is 210 

For Iron work for the mills, & Bellowes to the Forge and Car- 
penters, Smiths, & Millwright Tooles 150 

I reckon for Sallery to the Supervisor over all these Labourers 
and Officers 150 

For Cart wheeles & Harnesse 100 

For 30 yoake of Oxen at the rate of 10 a yoke 300 

For Sallery to a Chirurgeon 50 

For Sallery to a Minister 50 

The Summ of all is , .2700 


Upon wch Disbursements I propose to make 500 Tonns of Iron, 
the difficulty of building houses, Forgemill & Furnace will not- 
withstanding wch when they are once sett to work in order, and 
a Settlement of Plantations for the raising of Provisions all things 
will be effected, at a much lesse Charge: The 500 Tunns of Iron 
at a very low rate will be worth 12 Tunn, wch amounts to at 
that rate 6000 

I hope I have reckoned rather too large then sparingly in the 
money to be disbursed (in the Allowance of Labour I am sure I 
have gone -very large) and yet it amounts to above Cent <p Cent 
profitt upon the first disbursement, wch when things are settled 
in a course, and ready way of Labour I doubt not but Dyett may 
be had at as low a rate, as they have that live there now, and plant 
Tobacco, wch is so small a matter, that it is not at all considerable, 
and now it amounts to almost half the disbursemt, besides I have 
not added, what may be made of cast Iron for the Countries use, 
and of all manner of edge Tooles, wch may be made when the work 
is perfected, which may very well defray all Charges but Cloath- 
ing & Transportation of a constant Supply of Labourers, at every 
4 yeares end. 

Endorsed, Computation of an Iron/work in Virginia. 
(From British Transcripts, Library of Congress.) 




Virginia 8 mo. 20 th 1774. 
Dr. Friend 

This is intended by the Commissioners from this Colony ap- 
pointed to meet in General Congress at Philadelphia on American 
affairs, and to recommend them to thy perticular notice as men 
of influence & Capacity Viz. Peyton Randolph, Rd. Bland, Pat- 
rick Henry, R. H. Lee, E. Pendleton B Harrison, G. Washing- 
ton, who have deserved well for their attachmt to the interests 
of their country, and most if not all of them for their favourable 
sentiments & services to Friends, as well in a legislative as pri- 
vate Capacity, perticul^rly our Friend Patrick Henry to whose 
character & Centiments thou art not altogether a stranger. 1 
doubt not thou wilt be well pleased with an acquaintance with 
several of them and believe any marks of friendship or favours 
thou may confer on them (which no doubt will be agreeable to 
every man in a strange country) will not be unworthily bestowd, 
may tend to promote the good opinion they generally entertain 
of Friends and will lay an additional obligation on me and am 
with very Kind respects to Self & Yours. 
Thy affect. Friend 

Robert Pleasants. 1 
Anthony Benizette 

Virginia 8 mo 20 th 1774. 
Esteemed Friend 

This is intended by the Genelemen Commissionrs appointed 
from this Colony, to meet in General Congress in Philadelphia, 

iFor an account of the Pleasants's family, by J. Hall Pleasants, 
see Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Volume 16, 17, and 
18. These letters are copied from the letter-book of Robert Pleasants 
now in the possession of Miss Lutie Pleasants of Richmond, Va. 
John Pleasants the first of the name in Virginia married Mrs. Jane 
Tucker; their son John married Dorothy Cary; their son John III, 
married Margaret Jordan: their children were Robert, Samuel, and 
John. Robert the son of John III was the author of the letters now 


Viz. Peyton Randolph late Speaker, Rich d Bland, Patrick Henr;y 
R d Henry Lee, Edmund Pendleton Benj. Harrison & George 
Washington, who I beg leave to recommend to thy notice as men 
of the first rank in point of Capacity among us, & who have dis- 
tinguished themselves on many occasions to be worthy the Trust 
reposed in them, and in divers instances have been perticularly re- 
spectful & servicable to Friends; any favourable notice therefore 
which thou may find convenient to distinguish them with will no 
doubt be very agreeable to them & be esteemed by me as done 
unto. Thy Obliged & very respectful Friend 

Robt. Pleasants. 
To Wm. Fisher 

P. S. The remaining Bills on 
Joseph Wharton are inclosd. 

Virginia 2d mo. 22d 1774 
Dear Friend 

I have now to acknowledge the receipt of thy Favours of the 
8 th 4 mo. 1 st 1 mo last together with the Booke directed to my 
care for Edw d Stabler & Patrick Henry, 2 which were duly for- 
warded ; I have had very little opertunity of being in P. H. s Com- 
pany for some months past, but think TO call to see him at his 
own House towards the latter part of this week, If I should be 
favourd with Health &c to attend our Quarterly Meeting in that 
neighbourhood; when I propose presenting him with one of the 
last two Collections thou wert so kind to send, and have much 
reason to believe both that as well as the other Books sent him 
will be very kindly accepted, as those are which thou hast at 
divers times presented me with, and wish I could meet with any- 
thing this way which would afford thee pleasure or agreeable 

2See a letter of Roger Atkinson to Samuel Pleasants, Oct. 1, 
1774, in which he refers to Patrick Henry in the following manner: 

"The 4th a real half Quaker, Patrick Henry, your brother's 
man, moderate and mild, and in religious matters a saint but the 
very devil in Politicks a son of Thunder Boan Erges the Patriotic 
Farmer will explain this I know it is above your Thumbs." In 
the same letter the writer describes the other delegates. Va. Maga- 
zine of History and Biography, v. 15, p. 356. See Henry's Henry, v. 1, 
p. 197. 


I think the Phisition has handled the subject of Slavery in 
a masterly manner, altho I suppose he may have very little reason 
to expect to share with his antagonist the thanks of the Affrican 
Company, but let that be as it may, he will receive what I expect 
will be more agreeable to him, the approbation of Judicious senci- 
ble men. I highly approved & sincerely wish the several peti- 
tions to the King & Parliament may have the desired effect, but 
I fear there is not virtue & resolution sufficient to forgo or with- 
stand a present (tho' false & imaginary) interest in the continua- 
tion of a wicked & distructive Trade. I have sent one of the 
papers containing the address & advice to those Mercht., to the 
Printer, and doubt not they will shortly appear in our Gazette 
and as it seems the attempts of our Assembly to prohibit the fur- 
ther Importation of Slaves by an imposion of high Dutys, has been 
frustrated (as I find is the case in N". york) does thou not think 
that Acts of the Colonys making all free after a certain term of 
Servitude like other foreigners taking place at a future period 
so as that all concerned in the Trade might have notice of such 
law, would not be (when accompaned with pertinant reasons) 
more effectually to put an end to it, and be more likely to be 
approved by the King & Council than a prohibition by Duties 
for I have been told our Governor (& its not unlikely others also) 
has instructions to pass no such laws. I just drop this hint for 
thy consideration, and am my kind friend with love to thee & 
wife. Thy affect. Friend. 

Robt. Pleasants. 
To Anthy Benizett 

Curl's 11 mo. 16th 1771. 
My Dear Son 

I read thy letter by Ben; & was pleas'd to find thou likd 
Philada. so well, and that thou had a good heart to undergo the 
operation thou had undertaken. My earnest desire & prayer is 
that thou may be preserved through every danger both outward 
& inward, and that thou may so conduct as to be happy in thy 
self, and a Comfort to thy Dear Friends who are nearly interested 
in thy welfair. To accomplish these desirable ends, I know of 


no way but that which our worthy antients & forefathers have 
trod, that is, a steady attention to the dictates of the divine Spirit 
manifested in every heart, teaching what is right & what is wrong, 
and rewarding accordingly with Blessings or otherwise. may 
it be thy fix'd resolution & constant care ever to be mindfull of thy 
Duty so as not to suffer any present enjoyments or Sensual delights 
to divert or entice thee from a perseverance in the narrow way 
which leads to life eternal. I got well home with thy sister on 
the 8th Inst. but got overset on the way owing to the badness of the 
Roads, But received no hurt by it except some Damage to the 
Chaise & Harness which put us to some difficulty, being at a 
place we could not easily get them repaired. Thy sisters writes 
thee by this opertunity and to them I refer for perticulars respting 
thy acquaintance here. Thy Trunk is sent by this vessel and be- 
sides the Cloths as under, thou wilt find thy whip, which was 
suppos'd to be lost the other side Potomack, but was found abt. 
4 miles on this side by a person going to Maryland, and was by 
mere accident discover'd & claim'd by Gerard Hooe, thou wilt 
also find in the little Trunk 20 dollars and 4 half Jos, the latter 
of which I desire thou wilt lay out in something for thy four 
Cousins Jessey, John, Sally & Robert in something that may be 
pleasing as a present from their unkle, in which thou may con- 
sult thy Aunt; there are also a role of Tobo. which I expect is 
very fine, and desire unkle Pembertons acceptance of, also a few 
bits of Citteron which may be agreeable to thy aunt or Cousins. 
Wishing thee all Happiness I conclude 

Thy very affect. Father 

R. Pleasants. 

Virginia 11 mo 16 th 1771. 
Dear Brother 

I wrote thee of the 3 d Inst. from W. River to which refer & 
have now to advise thee of my safe return with my Dear Nancy, 
& the welfair of our Relations in a general way. It would give me 
great pleasure to have the same information from thee respecting 
thy Family, & the recovery of my Dear son, who I expect before 
this may be under enoculation, and doubt not thy kindness in 


contributing to my satisfaction therein, as soon, or by the first 
operty. after the distemper may turn; and whether it should be 
the will of Providence to be in his favour or not, it could by no 
means lighten the affliction to defer the acct. 

By the Schooner Industry Capt. Gilbirt I have Ship'd 700 
Bush, wheat 400 of which on acct of our Fathers Estate & the 
other 300 on my own which please dispose of in the best manner 
thou canst and render sales thereof accordingly, thou wilt find 
from the uncommon demand for wheat the price is risen with us to 
4/6, & hope it will be in thy power to obtain a higher price for 
this than thou got for Barry's cargo, or there must of course be 
a considerable loss on it. I suppose T. P. will inform thee of 
the terms of the Charter of this Vessel together with whatever 
may be necessary respecting the other part of the Cargo. I send 
enclos'd a measure for a pr. of stays for my Daughter Polly & 
two pr. leather shoes for Nancy which please to send by return 
of this vessel with the things befor ordered if not already sent. 

Since my return I reed. Capt. Montgomerys Acct. of Port 
Charges at the Offices, which thou sometime ago desired might be 
sent, and having delivered them to T. P. for that purpose expect 
he hath forwarded them by this operty. 

My dear love to my Sister & the children. Thy Lovg. & 
affect. Bror. 

Robt. Pleasants 

P. S. Please let me have a Copy of my acct by return of the 
Schooner if its convenient. 

Curls 11 mo 22d 1771. 
Dear Brother 

In compliance with thy request, I have now to advise that 
(tho' the price is not certainly fixed) some of the new Crop of 
Corn hath been sold at 12/6 per barl. and from the demand there 
seems to be so early in the season, I have no expectation of the 
price being less on this River. I thought it was necessary to give 
thee this intelligence as soon as possible that thou might be bet- 
ter able to Judge what was most for thy interest to be done in 
securing the quantity thou may want. If I can at any time be 
serviceable to thee in that, the sale of Iron (which I suppose 


would readily command 20 per Ton this money at about 4 or 
6 mo. Cr) or any other matter thou may freely command. I 
happened lately in company wth. one John Walker who is con- 
sern'd wth a Compy in Liverpoole who does much Business to 
this River, and hapning to mention Crosbys & Trafford he tels 
me that it was fully believed when he left home that the whole 
of their Debts would be paid & money to Spare, and was well ad- 
vised that no Effects of theirs could be got at in this Country, 
but, would advice thee as soon as possible to forward a power of 
Attorney with thy acct. properly proved to thy correspondant there 
in order to make a demand of thy dividend which he apprehended 
would be made by the time such acet. could get to hand if not 
before; He gave me leave also to mention their Company to thee, 
whose firm is Dobson Dalhra & Walker and that they would do 
thee any service in their power ; they are counted a Eich Comp. and 
have done business much to the satisfaction of People this way, 
believe none are more capable. Our Journey on the whole was 
tolerably agreeable except one accident which we met with the 
day after we left W. River in overseting the Chaise & damaging 
some of the harness & the Iron by which the off Horse pulled 
being in a part of the country that did not afford a smith or 
scarcely a Cobler, but through mercy Nancy or my self reed, no 
hurt. It was a bad piece of Road much gully'd on one side & 
a fince & logg on the other, and endevering to shun the first the 
other wheal hit a snagg of the logg tho' if the top had not been 
up I believe it would not have overset; I had presence of mind to 
clear myself & Dear Nancy as quick as possible, & the Boy being 
just befor stop'd the Horses very soon. I thought it a mercy we 
came off so well for had we broke any Bones, It is perhaps the 
most dismal part of the road & the least capable of giving as- 

Nancy is bravely & joins me in Love & Duty to the Sister & 
Cousins with our W. R. Thy affect. Bror. R. P. 

Curl's 12 mo. 17th 1771 
Dear Brother 

Thy very acceptable letter of the 26th ult. giving an acct. 


of my Dear Sons recovery from the small Pox came duly to hand 
since which, I have reed, one from him dated the 29th, and had 
a sight of thine to T. P. of the 30th both confirming the same 
most agreeable inteligence; but thine of the 23d which thou says 
was wrote by Holden is not come to hand. I observe thy proposal 
of being concerned in the purchase of 4 or 5000 Bushs. wheat in 
case it could be bought here for 4/3 or 4/4 payable in April, but 
as wheat now generally commands 4/6 a ad in such great demand 
that it is become almost a ready money article it is uterly out of 
our power to comply with thy terms, indeed I don't know whether 
so large a quantity could be now had even on those terms, how- 
ever if thou should think proper to direct, we would do the best 
we could in the purchase, perhaps it might answer to load partly 
with Indian corn which I suppose might now be engaged at 2/6 
but is generally expected to rise. Tho' I am not at present cer- 
tain whether it might be convenient for us to be concern'd espe- 
cially as thou don't say what Market it is intended and what 
prospect there may be of its [ ?] . 

I find there is little prospect of getting any money from Ban- 
nister this year, and as there is a considerable Debt due from our 
Fathers Estate to Dobson Dalhra & Walker, beside some Country 
Debts, I dont at present see how the Ball, due on the Bond to the 
Widdow Harrison can be paid with this Crop, but if she is not 
in emediate want of the money it will make but little difference to 
the Estate because Bannester's Bond will now carry Interest as 
well as the other, I will however do every thing in my power to 
accomplish it. My last was by Capt. Gilbert and inclos'd Bill 
of Lading for 700 Bush, wheat; 400, of which, on acct of the 
Estate & 300, on my own, which I hope before this got safe to 
hand ; the measures for the stays & Shoes for my Girls I find were 
omitted to be sent, and are now enclosed and am with much love 
& affect, to thee & thine, and also to Bobby, and my good Friends 
who he informs me have taken particular notice of him I am 

Thy oblig'd Bro. 

E. P. 
To. Sam. Pleasants. 



[Sloane 1008. f. 335] 

James City 
Honour'd Doct. Ap. the 24 [16] 84. 

I am now in Virginy in good health god be praisd we had 
a tedious long voiage twelve weekes twixt land & land as to 
noveltys I can give you no account tis the multitude distract me 
& the shortnesse of my time will not permit tis now our Great 
Assembly & on Sunday by a peculiar order from the Govener & 
Councell I am to preach so that somthing peculiar is expected & 
I must mind my hits to preserve that blooming repute I have got 
I have had the happinesse to be cried up farr beyond my deserts 
the people are peculiarly obliging, quick & subtile. The land 
fertile comodious pleasant & healthfull saveing only the Distemper 
of the Colick that is predominant & has miserable sad effects it 
begins wth violent gripes wch declineing takes away the use of 
limbs their fingers stand stifly bent the hands of some hang as 
if they were loose at the wrists from the arms, they are scelatons 
so meager & leane that a consumption might seeme a fatning to 
them, cruelly are they distracted wth a flatus & at length those that 
peemeingly recover are oft troubled wth a sort of a gout pray 
send me yr opinion wt course might be most proper for I dread 
it myself. And direct me wt Authors have writ concerning it 
I would now give you a further account of the Country but that 
then my thoughts might be as wild as the place it is all one con- 
tinued wood but take this in short its a place where plenty makes 
poverty, Ignorance ingenuiety, & coveteousnesse causes hospitality 
that is thus every one covets so mch & There is such vast extent 
of land that they spread so far they cannot manage well a hun- 
dred pt of wt they have evry one can live at ease & therefore they 
scorne & hate to worke to advantage themselves so are poor wth 
abundance They have few Scholars so that every one studys to 
be halfe Physitian halfe Lawyer & wth a naturall accutenesse 
would amuse thee for want of bookes they read men the more 


Then for the third thing Ordinarys [ ?] Inns are extreame expen- 
sive wherefore wth a comon impudence they'le goe to a mans 
house for diet & lodgeings tho they have no acquaintance at all 
rather than be at the expense to lie at an Inn & being grown into 
rank custom it makes them seem liberall when the trouble of our 
Generall Assembly [is over a] full account of affairs I shall then 
send but this busie time happening so i mediately after my come- 
ing here makes both my hands full yet I was resolvd to force me to 
scrawl a line or two to him I so mch respect & shall ever honer 
& the Dear Dr. Williamson whom I shall ever desire to oblige & 
serve as a Faithfull friend 

J Clayton. 1 

Pray send me an account of all new bookes Experimts or other 

things happen Amongst the patients you may perhaps meet wth 
some one has a peculiar knack at makeing cheese a very good 
Chesshire cheese might oblige & should not be wth out a returne 
wt ever you would send to me letter or so forth directing it for 
me at James Citty Virginy. Sending it to Mr. Perry & Lane 
Merchants in London. 

My humble respects & service to that honest dear rogue H 
Harper & his brothers as also to the Apothecarys &c our friends. 
[From British transcripts, Library of Congress.] 

iThis letter was written by John Clayton, who was minister at 
Jamestown from 1684 to 1686. He was in May, 1688, rector of Crofton 
in Yorkshire. Dr. L. G. Tyler calls attention in his Cradle of the 
Republic (p. 141) to a letter of Clayton to Robert Boyle, dated at 
Jamestown, June 23, 1684. The present letter is in the Sloane manu- 
scripts 1008, f. 335, and the text is from the copy in the series en- 
titled British Transcripts in the Library of Congress. This John 
Clayton is not to be confused with the John Clayton, the botanist. 
The author of this letter was also the author of the well known let- 
ters descriptive of Virginia, published in the Philosophical Trans- 
actions of the Royal Society of London, v. 17 and 18, and v. 41. See 
Swem, E. G. Bibliography of Virginia, Part I, nos. 1018, 1019, and 
1020. This letter may have been written to Dr. Nehemiah Grew, to 
whom we know that he wrote in 1687 about Virginia after his re- 
turn to England (Phil. Transactions Royal Society, v. 41, p. 143-162.) 





MARY, 1770-1778. 1 

Alexander, Morgan 
Alexander, William 

Armistead, Booth 

Armi stead, Bowles 
Armistead, Westwood 

William & John 
Ashton, Henry 

Bankhead, John 

Baylor, Robt. 

Billup, Joseph 
Bland, Richard 


Edward & Arch'd. 
Booker, Richard 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 25/18/7. 
Mrs. Alexander his mother. Board charged 

from Feb. 2, 1775 to Mar. 25, 1776. 
Wm. Mallory, Elizabeth City, his guardian. 

Board charged Sept. 5, 1774 to Sept. 5, 


Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 58/19/7%. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 7/18/8. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 21/4/7%. 

Mr. Jno. Watts, Caroline, Guardn. Board 

charged Feb. 14, 1775 to May 25, 1775. 
His guardn. is D. Bankhead, Westmoreland. 

Board charged Jan. 18, 1775 to Mar. 25, 

John Baylor Esq, his brother. Board 

charged Nov. 1, 1772 to Mar. 25, 1773. 

There is also a charge of 1/5/3 for 

board after March 25, 1773. 
Board charged Feb. to Aug. 1777. "Went 

away last of August." 
Son of Richard Bland, Junr. Esq. On Mar. 

25, 1771 charged for board to this date 

10/14/6. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 

to May 25, 1772. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 15/19/3%. 

Board charged Sept, 20, 1776 to Mar. 20, 


iThese notes have been compiled from the bursar's books in the 
library of William and Mary College. See W. & M. Quarterly, 2nd ser., 
v. 1, No. 1, p. 27. A Student was charged 13 a year for board. 




Wm & Samuel 

Braxton, Carter 
Braxton, Corbin 
Braxton, George 

Briggs, John 
Brough, Robt. 

Brown, William 
Burton, Robert 

Burwell, Carter 


Lewis & John 
Burwell, Nathan 

Burwell, Nathanl 
Byrd, George 

Sons of Sam'l Boush, Esq. Norfolk. On 
Mar. 25, 1771, board charged to this date 
9/16/6. Sam'l Boush deed. Apr. 25, 

1771. Board charged for Wm from Mar. 
25, 1771 to Oct. 14, 1775. 

July 22, 1777, dr. to balance 6/10 
July 22, 1777, dr. to balance 6/10 
Sou Carter Braxton, Esq. July 22, 1777 

dr. to balance 6/10. 
Paid Feb. 4, 1777 advanced board to Aug. 

4, 1777. 

Son to the late Robt. B., near Hampton. 
, Charged for board to Dec. 9, 1770 

Son of H. B. dec'd. Balance due Sept. 25, 

1770 9/0/11. 
William Burton, Albemarle, his father. 

Board charged Apr. 25, 1772 to July 27, 

1772, when chosen on the foundation. He 
was elected writing master May, 1773 and 
served until Mar. 25, 1775. "He now 
left college." 

Board charged Mar 25, 1770 to Sept. 25, 

Balance due Mar. 26, 1775 4/5. Balance 
due Sept. 25, 1770 8/19/6. 

Son of James Burwell, Esq. Board charged 
Sept. 13, 1772 to Mar. 25, 1775. The 
year Mar. 25, 1775 to Mar. 25, 1776 he 
did not board at college, though appar- 
ently present. Board charged July 22, 
1776 [?] to Jan. 21, 1777. 

Bought cap and gown Feb. 11, 1771. Board 
charged Mar. 25, 1770- Aug. 25, 1772. 
"He left college Aug. 25, 1772." 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770, 12/16/16. 



Byrd, John 


Sam'l Jerdone 

Calvert, Jonathan 

Calvert, Maxamin. 

Campbell, Archibd 
Campbell, Colin 

John Hill & George 

Carter, Landon 

Carv, Wilson 

Son of the Honble. Wm. Byrd. Board 
charged Mar. 25, 1770-Dec. 25, 1771. 
Charged for cap & gown, Feb. 1, 1771 


Wm. Cabbell Esq, his father. Board 
charged from Mar. 10, 1773 to May 25, 

Son of Max Calvert, Esq. Norfolk. On Mar. 
25, 1771 charged for board to this date 
7/5/3. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 
to Mar. 2'5, 1774, and in addition after 
that date 3/19/7. 

Son of Max Calvert Esq., Norfolk. Board 
charged Mar. 25, 1770 to Mar. 25, 1771. 
[Account not clear.] 

Board charged Mar. 3, 1775 to Aug. 5, 

Board charged Aug. 12, 1776, to Feb. 12, 

Sons of Charles Carter, Esq., Corotoman. 
Board charged from July 25, 1772 to 
Mar. 25, 1777. This account is not clear. 
It cannot be determined what dates are 
for each one. Both were not present all 
this time. On Ap. 1, 1777 an entry ap- 
pears for the payment of 3 yrs advanced 
board for Charles Carter's three sons, 
Charles, Edward and George from Jany 
15 last. 

Robt. Wormley Carter his father. Board 
charged from July 1, 1772 to Mar. 25, 
1773. A charge for 4/17/6 after that 

W. M. Gary, Esq. his father. Board charged 
Jan. 25. 1775 to Mar. 25, 1776. 



Chowning, Josiah 
Christian, Michael 

Clay, Thomas 
Clayton, John 
Cocke, John 

Cole, William 
Colston, William 

Mordecai Gregory 
Copland, David 

Dade, Langhorne 
Diggs, Cole 

Diggs, Dudley 

On Sept. 25, 1770, he was charged with a 
balance of 20/9/5. [Was this for 
board ?] 

Mich'l Christian, Northampton, his father. 

, Board charged from May 8, 1772' to Mar. 
25, 1773, and from that date to Mar. 25, 

Charles Clay, his father, Cumberland 
County. On Mar. 25, 1772, board charged 
2/8/6. Board charged from Mar. 25, 
1772 to Mar. 25, 1773. 

Son of Jasper Clayton, Esq. Gloster. On 
Mar. 25, 1771 charged for board to this 
date 2/6/4. Board charged from March 
25, 1771 to about Aug. 1, 1773. 

Son of Col. Eichd Cocke, Surrey. Board 
charged on Mar. 25, 1771 9/15/0. No 
inclusive dates. 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 11/1/71^. 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770, 0/10/0. 

Gloucester. Board charged Mar. 10, 1777 
to Sep. 10, 1777. 

Col. Bichd. Randolph his guardian. To 
profit and loss for board from Sept. 1766 
to Dec. 1768, not brot forward from table 
book with other balances, Dec. 1773 

Horatio Dade his father. Board charged 
Oct. 25, 1772 to Mar. 25, 1773. 

Son of Colo. William Diggs, Denbigh. On 
March 25, 1771, charged for board to this 
date 7/7/6. Board charged March 25, 
1771 to March 25, 1775. 

Wm. Diggs Junr. Esq, his brother. On 
Mar. 25, 1772 charged for board 12/4/ 
10. Board charged Mar. 25, 1772 to Mar. 
25, 1773, and in addition 2/3/4. 



Dixon, Beverly 
Dixon, John Jr. 

Dixon, Thomas 
Dixon, William 
Doncastle, John 

Drew, Dolphin 
Dudley, James 

Egglestone, Joseph 

Cash, July 8, 1773, 0/17/4%. By balance 
from Table book B Sept. 25, 1770 0/ 

Eustace, John 

Evans, Thomas 

Fincastle, Lord 

Son of Professor Dixon. On Mar. 25, 1771, 
j for board to this date, 11/19/8%. 

Charged further from Mar. 25, 1771 

Son of Prof. Dixon. Board charged, Mar. 

25, 1770 to Mar. 25, 1775. 
Son of Prof. Dixon. Board charged Mar. 

25, 1770 to Mar. 25, 1773. 
Son of John Doncastle, Maryld. Balance 

due Sept. 25, 1770 29/19. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 11/2/11%. 
Son of Mr. William Dudley of Warwick. 
j On Mar. 25, 1771 charged for board to 

this date 9/15/0. Board charged 

March 25, 1771 to April 10, 1772. 
J. Egglestone, Amelia, his father. Board 

charged April 22, 1772 to Mar. 25, 1773. 

He paid board afterwards to the 7th 

May, 1773. He was elected a "student" 

7th May 1773, and thereupon received a 

salary til Mar. 25, 1776. 
Lord Dunmore engaged to pay his board. 

Board charged June 1, 1772 to Sep. 21, 

Southy S} r mpson from Accomac prom'd to 

pay his bd. Board charged Apr. 19, 1773 

to Feb. 3, 1775. Salary paid him as a 

"student" from Feb. 3, 1775 to Nov. 25, 

He with his 2 brothers charged for board 

on Mar. 24, 1774, 1/12/6. The three 

charged for board from Mar. 25, 1774 to 

May 25, 1775. 



Fitzhugh, Beverly 

Fitzhugh, Danl 


Daniel & Theo. 

Fitzhugh, Theo. 

Fontaine, William 
Gibbons, John 

Goodrich, John 
Gregory, Richard 


Charles & Benj. 

Son of Wm. Fitzhugh of Marmion. On 

March 2'5, 1771, charged with his two 

brothers for board to this date 6/16/10. 

Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 to Mar. 25, 

Son of Wm. Fitzhugh of Marmion. On 

March 25, 1771, charged with his two 

brothers for board to this date 6/16/10. 

Board charged Mar. 25, 1771-Nov. 23, 

Board charged for six months on Dec. 26, 

1777 6/10/0. Board charged for six 
. months July [1778]? 13/0/0. Board 

charged on March 26, 1776 4/6/2. 
Son of Wm. Fitzhugh of Marmion. On 

Mar. 25, 1771, charged with his two 

brothers for board to this date 6/16/10. 

Board charged Mar. 25, 1771-Nov. 23, 


Board charged from July 8, to July 27, 

Son of Thomas Gibbons, York. On Mar. 

25, 1771 board charged to this date 

2/11/4. Board charged from Mar. 25, 

1771 to June 10, 1772. 
Willm. Davis, Isle of Wight, guardian. On 

Mar. 25, 1772 charged for board 0/10/10. 

Board charged Mar. 25, 1772 to Sept. 10, 


Son of Mr. Roger Gregory of King William. 

On March 25, 1771, charged for board to 

this date 9/9/3. Board charged March 

25, 1771 to March 25, 1774. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 30/7/10l/,. 

To profit and loss for board, July 31, 

1773 149/6/0. 



Hay, Charles 
Heath, James 
Heath, Thomas 

Hughs, Thomas 
Hughes, Thomas 

Innis, James 

Jefferson, Randolph 

Jennings, William 
Johnson, James 

Jones, Edward 
Jones, Eman'l, Junr 

Jones, Strother 

Jones, Walter 

Board charged Mar. 2'5, 1774 11/18/4. 

This account is incomplete, part of the 

page having been cut out. 
Mr. Macorie[?] his guardian. On Mar. 25, 

1772 charged for board 2/11/4. Board 

charged Mar. 25, 1772 to May 25, 1772. 
Son of John Heath, Northumb'd. On Mar. 

25, 1774 charged 1/10/10. Board 
charged Mar. 25, 1774 to Mar. 25, 1775. 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 4/12/5. 

Son of Mr. Gabriel Hughes, Gloster. On 
Mar. 25, 1771 charged for board to this 
date 2/0/5. Board charged Mar. 25, 
1771 to June 25, 1772. 

Colo. Edmcr Pendleton to pay the Board. 
Board charged to this date, Mar. 25, 1771, 
9/15/0. He was also charged for a 
month prior to March 25, 1722. He was 
assistant usher June 25, 1772 to June 25, 
1773, and usher from that time to Dec. 

26, 1774. 

Brother of Thos. Jefferson, Esq. Board 
charged from Oct. 14, 1771 to Sep. 10, 
1772. ' 

Balance due, Sept. 25, 1770 12/10/9. 
Balance due, including interest, Mar. 23, 

1783, 130. Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 


Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 38/2/2l/ 2 . 
Paid salary as "student" from Dec. 25, 1772 

to June 2, 1774. 
Son of Mr. Gabriel Jones of Augusta. On 

Mar. 25, 1771, charged board to date 

9/14/2. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 

to Sept. 25, 1774. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 18/18/0. 



Kendal, George 

King, Michael 
Lamb, Thomas 
Leigh, William 

Iceland [ 

Lewis, Fielding. 
Lewis, John 

Lewis, Thomas 
Maddison, James 

Maury, Walker 

May, David 

Mr. John Stringer, guardian. On Mar. 25, 
1771 charged for board to this date 
1/1/8. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 
to Mar. 25, 1773. 

Mr. Henry King his father, Hampton. 
Board charged Feb. 12, 1775 to Mar. 25, 

Part of the record has been cut out. A sal- 
ary was paid him 30 per year from Mar. 
25, 1773 to Mar. 25, 1774. 

Son of Ferdinando Leigh, King Wm. Bal- 
ance due Mar. 26, 1776, 7/19/10. Bal- 

. ance due Sept. 2o, 1770 21/3/10. 

Paid salary as "student" from Dec. 25, 1771 
to Dec. 25, 1772. 

Board charged Nov. 2, 1776 to May 2, 1777. 

Son of Warner Lewis, Esq. Board charged 
on Mar. 25, 1774 was 4/12/4. Board 
charged from Mar. 25, 1774 to Mar. 25, 

Board charged Nov. 2, 1776 to May 2, 1777. 

Son of the clerk of Augusta. Cap and gown 
bought Feb. 1, 1771. For board to Nov. 
22, 1771 4/15/4. Paid salary as "stu- 
dent" from Oct. 25, 1771 to March 25, 
1773 [?]. Salary as writing master paid 
from Mar. 25, 1772 to Mar. 25, 1773. 
Salary as Prof, of Nat. Philosophy paid 
from June 2'5, 1773 to Mar. 6, 1777. 
[acct. does not extend further]. 

Bror. of Mat. & James Maury, Freder'g. 
On March 25, 1771 there is a charge for 
board to the 22nd of Nov. ulto. 2/8/8. 
Was paid a salary as a "student" from 
Christmas, 1772 to Sept. 26, 1775. 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 9/13/1. 




William & John 

Mercer, Francis 


Robert & Thomas 

Monro, James 
Montfort, Henry 


Bernard & Austin 
Murray, Hon. Alex. 

Murray, Hon. John 
Nelson, Hugh 

Nelson, Nathaniel 
Nelson, Nath. 
Nelson, Eobert 


Thomas & John 

Jno. Mayo, Cumberland, their father. Board 
charged on Mar. 25, 1774 3/6/6. 
Board charged from March 25, 1774 to 
Nov. 14, 1774. 

James Mercer, Esq. his brother. Board 
charged May 7, 1774 to March 26, 1775. 

Board charged Oct. 25, 1774 to Mar. 25, 
1776. On Mar. 1, 1776 when a payment 
was made, the bursar's note is "for board 
of Robert" "Qu. If Thomas gone." 

Jo. Jones, Esq. assumed. Board charged 
June 20, 1774 to Mar. 25, 1776. 

Son of Jos. Montfort Esq, N. Carolina. On 
March 25, 1771 board charged to this 
date, 5/13/5. Board charged from 
March 25, 1771 to Mar. 25, 1773. 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770, 96/14/3l/ 2 . 

Son of Lord Dunmore. See under Fin- 
castle, Lord. 

Son of Lord Dunmore, See under Fin- 
castle, Lord. 

Son of Honble, Win. Nelson. Bought cap 
and gown Feb. 1, 1771. Board charged 
Mar. 25, 1770 to Mar. 25, 1771. Hugh 
N. left college March 25, 1771. 

Son of Honble Will. Nelson. Board charged 
Mar. 25, 1770 to Mar. 25, 1774. 

Received salary as "student" from Jan. 25, 
1774 to Sept. 25, 1775. 

Son of Honble. Will. Nelson. Board charged 
Mar. 25, 1770 to Sept. 2'5, 1774. 

Sons of the secretary. Board charged from 
Mar. 25, 1770 to Sept. 25, 1775. On 
Sept. 25, 1770 there was a balance against 
the two for 13/13/7. 



Nelson, William 
Nelson, Win. 
Nelson, William 
Nicholas, George 

Nicholson, Henry 
Page, Carter 
Page, John 

Page, Mann 
Page, William 

Peyton, Thomas 

Ramsey, James 
Randolph, Beverly 

Randolph, Peyton 

Son of Honble. Will. Nelson. Board 
charged April 8, 1771 to Mar. 25, 1775. 

Son of the late president. Board charged 
Mar. 25, 1775 to Mar. 25, 1776 

Son of Trios. Nelson, Junr. Esq. Board 
charged Oct. 1, 1772 to Dec. 25, 1774 

Son of the Treasurer. On Mar. 25, 1772 
charged for bd. 10/2/3. Board charged 
Mar. 25, 1772 to Dec. 25, 1772. 

Board charged from Jan. 27, 1777 to July 
27, 1777. ' 

Son of the Honble John Page. Board 

% charged July 10, 1771 to Mar. 25, 1776 

Son of the Hon. J. Page, Esq. Bought cap 
& gown Feb. 1, 1771. Board charged 
Mar. 25, 1770 to Mar. 25, 1771. 

Son of Hbie. John Page of Rosewell. Board 
charged Oct. 4, 1777 to Ap. 4, 1778 

Son of the Honble John Page. Bought 
cap and gown Feb. 1, 1771. On March 
25, 1771 charged with board to this date, 

Son of Sir John Peyton. On Mar. 25, 1771 
charged for board to this date 11/19/ 
8l/ 2 . Board charged Mar. 25, 1771-Oct. 
25, 1772 

Board charged Mar. 9, 1777 to Sept. 9, 

Board to be paid by Col. Arch'd Cary. 
Bought cap and gown Feb. 1, 1771. On 
Mar. 25, 1771 charged with board to this 
date 9/14/3%. Board charged Mar. 
25, 1771 to Mar. 25, 1772. 

Son of Mrs. Randolph, Wilton. On Mar. 
25, 1771, charged for board to this date 
2/1/2. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 
to July 13, 1774 



Randolph, Robt. 

Read, Charles 
Read, John 
Read, Thomas 

Starkey estate 
Rootes, Philip 


John Hyde 

William Selden 

Scott, Francis 

Selden, William 
Sheilds, Samuel 

Shield [ ] 


Bathurst estate 
Smelt, Dennis 

Smelt, William 

Smith, Armistead 

Arch'd Gary, Esq. his father's execr. Board 

charged Jan. 18, 1773 to Mar. 25, 1776 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 36/18. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 18/16/10. 
Balance due Sept. 2'5, 1770 13/0/0. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 4/19/2. 

Son of Phil. Rootes, Esq., Gloster. On Mar. 
25, 1771, charged for board to this date 
2/8/1. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 
to Dec. 25, 1772 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 11/19/3%. 

Daniel Dixon, York Co., his guardian. 

Board charged March 25, 1770 to May 25, 

1772. There was also a balance due on 

Sept. 25, 1770 10/6/0. 
Son of Col. Thos. Scott, Prince Edward. 
On Mar. 25, 1771, charged board to this 

date 18/1/2. 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 23/10/2 
Son of Magistrate of York. Balance due 

Sept. 25, 1770 6/16/0. 
PaM salary as a "student" from Dec. 25, 

1771 to Aug. 29, 1774. 
Balance due dept. 25, 1770 23/7/33^ 

Wm. Toda nis father's execr. Board due 

on Mar. 25, 1774 1/16/10. Board 

charged Mar. 25, 1774 to Mar. 25, 1776 
Mr. Wm. Todd, King & Queen, his guardian. 

On Mar. 25, 1772 charged for board 

1/5/4. Board charged March 25, 1772 

to Mar. 2'5, 1773 
Son of Capt. Thos. Smith, Gloster. Board 

charged Mar. 25, 1770 to Mar. 25, 1777 



Smith, Granville 


John & Edward 
Smith, Thomas & 


Smith, Thomas 

Starke, Burwell 
Steptoe, William 

Stevenson, William 
Stewart, David 

Stewart, John 

Board charged on Mar. 25, 1774 4/19/0. 
Board charged Mar. 25, 1774 to Feb. 3, 
1775 when he became a "student." He 
was paid as a "student" Feb. 3, 1775 to 
Mar. 25, 1776 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 18/9/6. 

On Mar. 25, 1776 they were charged with a 

balance or 15/1/3. On Mar. 26, 1777 
they were charged for board for one year. 
"Qu. if Ths. has left college." 

Son of Capt. Thos. Smith, Gloster. Board 
charged Mar. 25, 1770 to Mar. 25, 1777. 
At end of account the bursar queries 
whether Thomas has left college. 

No board charged. Salary 30 per year paid 
him June 25, 1773 to Dec. 26, 1774. 

Richard Lee Esq. his guardian. On Mar. 
25, 1772' charged board 5/15/6. Board 
charged Mar. 25, 1772 to Mar. 25, 1776 

Son of Mr. W. Stevenson, York. On March 
25, 1771 charged for board to date 2/ 
11/4. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 to. 
May 25, 1772. ) 

Son of the Rev'd Mr. Stewart, Stafford. 
Bought cap and gown Feb. 1, 1771. 
Board charged Mar. 25, 1770-Mar. 25, 
1771. Beginning Dec. 26, 1771 he was 
credited quarterly by salary "as a stu- 
dent" to Sept. 25, 1773. 

Wm. Gib[?] Stuart his guardian. Board 
charged from Feb. 2, 1775 to Nov. 23, 
1775, from Feb. 21, 1776 to Ap. 11, 1776. 
On Oct. 9, 1776 he owed for a half years 
board. On July 22, 1777 he was charged 
six months board from Jan. 22, 1777. 



Stith, Griffin 

Storke, John 
Tabb, Johnson 

Tarpley, Thomas 
Tarpley, William 
Tarry, Edward 

Taylor, John 

Thompson, William 

Thruston, John 
Todd, Christopher 

Todd [ 

Son of Mr. Griffin Stith of Northampton. 
On Mar. 25, 1771 charged for board to 
this date 2/1/2. Board charged Mar. 
25, 1771 to May 30, 1772. 

Travis Storee, Westmoreland his mother. 
On Mar. 25, 1774 charged 1/6/0. Board 
charged Mar. 25, 1774 to Mar. 25, 1777. 

Capt. John Tabb, his father, Back River. 
Board charged Feb. 13, 1775 to Sep 25, 
1777. He was present after this for the 
bursar has a note acknowledging payment 
of advanced board on Sept. 25, 1777. 

Messrs. Blair & Cocke, guardian. Board 
charged Sept 18, 1772 to Mar. 25, 1775 

Messrs. Blair & Cocke, guardians. Board 
charged Aug. 18, 1772 to Mar. 25, 1775. 

Mr. Thomas Yuille, his guardian. On Mar. 
25, 1771 charged for board to this date 
10/5/10. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 
to Nov. 15, 1772 

Col. Edmund Pendleton to pay board. Mar. 
25, 1771 to the table for board as per 
Journal 4/15/4. To balance 1/19/1. 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 23/4/6. 

Son of Mr. John Throckmorton, Gloster. 
On Mar. 25, 1771 charged for board to 
this date 9/2/9l/ 2 . On Mar. 25, 1772, 
charged 9/15/0. 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 32/14/7% 

Board charged Mar. 25, 1770 to Mar. 25, 
1771. Also part of year between Mar. 25, 
1771 and Mar. 25, 1772. Account not 
clear. Indicates that he was present also 
in 1773, before Sept. 25. 

Paid salary as "student" from Oct. 25, 1771 
to Sept. 25, 1773. 



Travis, Champion 
Travis, John 

Tucker, St. George 
Tucker, Travis 

Waddell, John 
Wallace, Rob. 
Waller [ ] 

Watson, John 

Waugh, Abner 
White. John 

Whiting, Henry 
Whiting, John 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 8/0/10% 
Son of Majr. Ed. Champion Travis. On 

Mar. 25, 1771 charged for board to this 

date 11/14/9- On Mar. 25, 1772, 

charged for board as per Journal, !/ 

Henry Tucker Esq., Bermuda, father. On 

Mar. 25, 1772, charged for board 2/3/4. 

Board charged Mar. 25, 1772 to Dec. 10, 


John Coles Esq. his guardian. Board 

charged July 1, 1772 to Mar. 25, 1773. 
. Also charged 1/10/4 for board after this 

Mrs. Garrett his grandmother. Board 

charged from Aug. 10, 1772 to Feb. 10, 

Mr. James Wallace his father, Back River. 

Board charged Feb. 13, 1775 to Mar. 25, 

Board charged Benj. Waller for two of his 

sons, names not given Mar. 25, 1771, 

Son of Ma jr. Watson, Gloster. On Mar. 

25, 1771 charged for board to this date 

5/4/2. Board charged March 25, 1771 

to June 1, 1775 
Balance due 29/7/5. March 2'5, 1772. 

Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 26/7/10. 
The Rev. Mr. White, K. Wm. his father. 

Board charged from July 10, 1772 to 

Mar. 25, 1773. On Mar. 25, 1774 he was 

paid y year's salary as a "student," and 

from that time to Mar. 25, 1776. 
Balance due Sept. 2'5, 1770 8/12/5. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 11/18/7. 



Whiting, Mathew 

Whiting, Peter 
Wilkinson, Mills 

Wormley, James 

Worth ington, 

Wright, David 

Yates, Bartholomew 
Yates, William 

Son of Mr. M. Whiting, Bull Run. On Mar. 

25, 1772, charged for one half year's 

His father Thos. to pay. Board charged 

Mar. 10, 1777 to Sept. 10, 1777 
Son of Mr. Willis Wilkinson, Nans'md. On 

Mar. 25, 1771 charged board to this date 

2/2/7. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 

to Mar. 25, 1772. 
Son of Ralph Wormley, Esq. On Mar. 25, 

1771, charged for board to this date 

4/13/11. Board charged Mar. 25, 1771 

to Mar. 10, 1773. 
Board charged April 8, 1774, to June 13, 

Maj. Christ. Wright, Princess Ann, his 

father. On Mar. 25, 1772 charged for 

board 11/15/4. Board charged Mar. 

25, 1772' to Apr. 12, 1772. 
Balance due Sept. 25, 1770 22/10/3. 
Was paid a salary as a "student" from Dec. 

25, 1772 to June 22, 1773, at which time 

he probably became usher's asst. for the 

salary was doubled from that date to 

Mar. 25, 1776. 




Contributed by W. S. MORTON, Charlotte C. H., Va. 

1777 The following made application for supplies, repre- 

sented as "being very poor; 

1. Betty Jeane, the wife of David Jeane. 

A soldier in the continental service. 

2. Mrs. Brafford, the wife of a soldier in the con- 

tinental service. 

3. Mrs. Lucass, the wife of a soldier in the con- 

tinental service (Mrs. Elizabeth Lucas, wife 
of Humphries Lucass). 

4. The petition of Eobert Hanna, a poor soldier, 

in the service of this State. 

5. The petition of Susannah Childress, the wife 

of Benjamin Childress a soldier in the conti- 
nental service "from this County to the state 
of Georgia." 

6. Mrs. Milam, the wife of a poor soldier from 

this County in the continental service. 

7. Mrs. Malone, the wife of a poor soldier from 

this county in the continental service. 



Aug. Ct. 1. "Paul Carrington and Wm. Morton are ap- 

pointed to administer the said oath to said 
Morton's Company of militia, & to all per- 
sons described by the said act, within the 
bounds of the said company who are not 
of the militia, & that they grant certificates 
and make returns according to law." 


2. Wm. Hubbard, Gent, appointed to administer 

oath to his own company. 

3. Wm. Price, Gent, to his own company. 

4. Capt. Josiah Morton's company, by James 

Venable, Gent. 

5. Capt. Joseph Moore's company, by himself. 

6. Capt. Goode's Company, by Edward Moseley 


7. Capt. Joseph Friend's Company by Wm. 

Jameson, Gent. 

8. Capt. Jones' Company, by James Speed, Gent. 

9. Capt. Brewer's Company, by Thomas Carter, 


10. Capt. Barksdale's Company, by Samuel White, 


11. Capt. Harvey's Company by Kobert Jennings, 


12. Capt. Williams' Company by James Bouldin, 


July Court 1. Gustavus Hendrieks, commissioned a Lieut, in 

Capt. Friend's Company. 
Sept. Court 2. John Watkins, commissioned an ensign, in Capt. 

Josiah Morton's Company of Militia. 
Sept. Ct. 3. Diggs Bumpass commissioned an ensign in 

Capt. Friend's Company. 
Oct. Ct. 4. Thomas Collier, Gent., produced his commission 

as Lieut, in Capt. Williams' Company. 
Oct. " 5. Samuel Clark, Gent, produced his commission 

as Captain. 

" 6. Samuel White, Gent., commissioned 1st lieu- 

tenant, in Capt. Black's Company. 
7. Thomas Epperson, Gent., commissioned 2d 

Lieut, in Capt. Clark's company. 


" " 8. Reuben Johnson, Gent, commissioned an en- 

sign, in Capt. Clark's company. 

Nov. " 10. Joshua Morris, Gent, produced his commis- 

sion as an ensign, in Capt. Barksdale's Co. 
" " 11. Edmund Read, produced his commission as 1st 

lieutenant in Capt. Jones' Company. 

Aug. ct. 12. Wm. Price, Gent, one of the captains of the 

militia of this county came into court & re- 
signed his commission, whereupon the ct 
recommended Samuel Clark to that office &c. 
Oct. ct. 13. Miner Wilks, an ensign in Capt. Jones' com- 

pany, when recommended as 2d lieut, re- 
quested to be allowed to continue in the of- 
fice of an ensign. 
Aug. ct. 14. Wm. Cook, Gent, produced his commission as 

2d lieut. 

Sept. ct. 15. John Tankersly, a lieut, in Capt. Jones' Com- 

pany of m., resigned. 

Nov. ct. 16. Wm. Watson, Gent, took the oath as an ensign. 

Nov. ct. 17. Ambrose Hundley, Gent, took the oath as an 

ensign (he was murdered a few days after- 
wards, & his place filled by Adam Finch.) 

Dec. Ct. 18. Adam Finch, as ensign, in Capt. Goode's com- 

pany (Recommended). 

Nov. ct. 19. Little Joe Morton produced his commission & 

took the oath as 2d lieutenant in Capt. Wm. 
Morton's Company. 
Nov. ct. 20. Langton Bacon commissioned 2d lieut. in Capt. 

Goode's company. 

March Court "John Harvey, Gent., having produced a commis- 
sion from the Hon. Francis Fauquier, Esqr., 
his Majesty, Lt. Governor & Commander in 
Chief of this his Majesty's colony & Dominion 
of Va., to be a Captain of a company of foot 
in this county, took the usual oath to his 
majesty's person & government, & repeated & 
subscribed the teste." 




In these days of activity for the promotion of education in Vir- 
ginia and for the enlargement and increased usefulness of William 
and Mary College, the oldest in the commonwealth, it may be of 
interest to inquire who were the pioneers in education, when the 
colony was young. Who were the first men who thought that the 
well-being and prosperity of the colony lay in the education of 
those who came to its shores ? 

When in 1660, the Colonial Assembly of Virginia ordered that 
"land be taken upon purchases for a college and free school, and 
that there be with as much speed as may be convenient, housing 
erected thereon for the entertainment of students and scholars," 
the founding of William and Mary College was begun. "They 
also directed that the Commissioners of the county courts take 
subscriptions for the benefit of the college, and to send orders to 
the vestrymen of all parishes to raise money from such inhabitants 
as had not subscribed to the college" 

It is also written that "the Governor and Councilmen of State, 
and members of the House of Burgesses severally subscribed cer- 
tain sums of money and quantities of tobacco, to be paid upon 
demand after a place had been provided and built for educational 
purposes." It was thus that the pioneers of education in Virginia 
planned to found a college in 1660. After some delay, due to the 
unrest which prevailed in the colony, William and Mary College 
was established in 1693. 

It was in this year that Christopher Robinson's name appears 
as a trustee and a founder of the college. Not only this, but the 
interests and influence of this man, led him into every field of 
service to the colony. The facts concerning his career place him 
among the makers of Virginia's early political history. 

He had received every advantage of education, wealth, and 
familv connection, which made his coming to the colony an event 


of import to affairs of state. We read that he was the elder brother 
of John Kobinson Bishop of London and Plenipotentiary to the 
Council of Utrecht, and was born at Cleasby, Yorkshire, England 
in 1645. He came to this country about the year 1660, and set- 
tled in Middlesex County. The records of Old Christ Church 
near Urbanna give his name as vestry man in 1664. 

In 1678, according to the record of the State Land Office, one 
Christopher Robinson acquired 300 acres of land in Middlesex 
County. It was on this land that he built his home, reared his 
family, and left a land mark second to none in historic and per- 
sonal associations. This home is still standing, and the date of its 
building is imbedded in the corner bricks though indistinct, one 
can read 16 . He named it "Hewick." This has been the cher- 
ished home place of the Robinsons and their children's children for 
many generations. Only in the last generation has it been owned 
and occupied by others. It was built of substantial brick, ori- 
ginally with Dutch roof as the rear part of the house indicates. 
The front steps were stone, with a colonial doorway and pediment. 
A modern porch has been ruthlessly added. The trees of this 
home, tradition says were wonderfully beautiful. A long row of 
Lombardy poplars, sixty on each side, lined the lane which led 
to the house. A weeping willow, now alive, but much scarred by 
age, was planted in the yard by Philip Grymes, who brought the 
twig from England. 

There is so much of romance, politics and interesting personal 
events connected with this old homestead that one feels that its 
annals should be recorded for imperishable keeping. 

It was here that Christopher Robinson served his state and 
church. It was here he married and reared a family of children 
who distinguished themselves in the history of the colony. It was 
here that his son John Robinson was born, who afterwards be- 
came President of the Council. This son married Katharine 
Beverley, sister of Beverley, the historian. It was here that his 
son Christopher II was born, who married a daughter of Chris- 
topher Wormeley. It was here that Christopher III was born, 
who married a daughter of Ralph Wormeley of Rosegill. It was 
here that Judith, daughter of Christopher II, was born, who mar- 


ried Carter Braxton, the signer of the Declaration of Independence. 
It was here at Hewick that the Robinsons, Wormeleys, Beverleys, 
Braxtons gathered to talk of the colony whose history was being 
made by themselves. 

Above all, its first master was a man of such renown that he 
received in succession every honor the colony could bestow. The 
records of Middlesex Court House name him as clerk of the county 
from 1675 to 1688. Honors of a higher order followed, as he was 
elected to the House of Burgesses in 1691, and in the same year 
appointed to the Council. As a further evidence of his efficiency 
and popularity, the King of England made him Secretary of State 
of Virginia in 1692. 

We might continue this family history and romance by telling 
of John, a grandson of Christopher I, and son of John of the 
Council, who became Speaker of the House of Burgesses. His 
home was Pleasant Hill on the York River, in King and Queen, 
which county he represented for thirty years from 1736-1766. 
Campbell in his "History of Virginia," says of him, "Mr. Robinson, 
amiable, liberal and wealthy, had long been at the head of the 
aristocracy, and exerted an extraordinary influence on political 

I can not close this sketch of Christopher Robinson and his 
home without telling of the "inner imperative" which prompted 
this sketch. In the first place, little has been written of this illus- 
trious Virginian and less of the old home, "Hewick," one of the 
oldest landmarks in the state; and in the second place memories 
and associations of my early childhood are connected with this 
homestead. I lived near it, visited it, and heard the older folks 
talk concerning it. When a little girl, I remember the visits of 
William L. Wilson, a college mate of my father's who came 
a-wooing to "Hewick," for the hand of the lovely daughter of Dr. 
A. J. Huntington. It was here she summered in the home of her 
grandfather, Dr. Richard Allen Christian, owner by inheritance of 
the place. It was here that my father, Dr. John Pollard, united 
this happy couple in marriage for many years of congenial com- 
panionship. Mr. Wilson afterwards became postmaster-general 
under Grover Cleveland, and later until his death, president of 
Washington and Lee "University- 



Alexander Spotswood of "Newpost" and "Nottingham/' in 
Spotsylvania County (born 1751; died December 20, 1818), son 
of Colonel John and Mary (Dandridge) Spotswood, and grand- 
son of the Honorable Alexander Spotswood, governor of Virginia, 
was indeed no less an energetic character than his father and his 
grandfather, and, like them too, it would seem he possessed also 
that quality to engage in undertakings that brought forth the un- 
qualified disapproval of men who like themselves, were independent 
thinkers and speakers. 

Alexander Spotswood (1751-1818) was withal a patriot and a 
good soldier as the following record shows: 

On 13 February 1776, Alexander Spotswood was commissioned 
Major of the 2nd Virginia Regiment, Lieutenant Colonel, 7 May 
1776, and Colonel 21 February 1777, resigning 9 October 1777. 
On December 1, 1784 Alexander Spotswood presented a petition to 
the General Assembly of Virginia praying to be allowed such 
bounty in lands as his services in the American Army during the 
late war entitled him. On 24 November 1794, he again petitioned 
the Assembly for bounty lands for his services in the Army stating 
"that at the end of the campaign in the year 1777 his domestic 
circumstances compelled him to retire from the Army after he 
had served quite three years." 

On the 13 December 1794, a most interesting petition by 
Alexander Spotswood was presented to the Assembly and is epi- 
tomized in the Journal of the House of Delegates for the Session 
beginning 11 November 1794 (page 91) as follows: 

"Mr King reported from the Committee of Propositions and 
Grievances that the committee had, according to order, had under 
their consideration the petition of Alexander Spotswood, to them 
referred, and had agreed upon a report, and come to a resolution 
thereupon, which he read in his place, and afterward delivered in 
at the clerks table, where the same were again read, and agreed 


to by the House, as follows: It appears to your committee, that 
the said Alexander Spotswood, entered in the service as major of 
the Second Virginia Regiment, in the month of June 1775 that 
in the year 1776 he rose to the rank of full Colonel, and had the 
command of the said regiment, in which he continued until after 
the action of Germantown, and the close of the campaign of 1777, 
when he retired from the Army. That the said Alexander Spots- 
wood was appointed a brigadier-general to a body of men directed 
to be raised by the state, but as the number was not completed, 
they did not go into service. That the said Alexander Spots- 
wood held a command in the militia, by appointment of the then 
Governor Jefferson, during Leslie's invasion of this state . ." . 
Resolved that it is the opinion of this committee, that the petition 
of the said Alexander Spotswood, praying that he may be allowed a 
bounty of ten thousand acres of Western lands, is reasonable. 
Ordered that Mr. King do carry the resolution to the Senate, and 
desire their concurrence." 

Probably one of the most romantic incidents connected with 
organizing the military in Virginia during the Revolutionary 
period is that of the attempted formation of two legions for the 
defence of the state in 1781. The assembly enacted, at the ses- 
sion of March 1781 a law reciting that "at this critical juncture, 
when the enemy have made this state the object of their vengeance, 
it is necessary to provide a standing force, for the immediate de- 
fence thereof." Two legions were directed to be formed each 
consisting of six companies of infantry and one troop of cavalry, 
of one hundred men each, for service during the war; "but, not 
to take the field or to do duty except in such cases of actual or 
threatened invasion." Other details of organization and service 
were specified by the act. 1 

On March 20, following, Alexander Spotswood, was appointed 
Brigadier General to command these two legions. 2 

i 10 Hening, p. 391. 

2House Journal March 20, 1781. Resolved that Alexander Spots- 
wood Esquire be appointed Brigadier General to command the two 
legions to be raised for the defence of the state. 


General Spotswood immediately went about the organization 
of his "legions," and the matter of uniforming and equipping them 
seems, from the following letters to have occupied a prominent 
place in the General's thoughts. 

Sept. 13, 1781. 1 

Brig: Gcnl : A. Spotswood to Col: Wm. Davies, Sending Mr 
John Washington, Quarter Master 1st Legion with Return of the 
3d Legion and requisition for Tents, Camp Kettles & Knapsacks. 
Col: Mead on his arirval at Eichmond, would let his wants be 
known As the Officers are to be furnished as the Continental 
Officers, begs the favor of his having a Marque tent made for him 
as soon as possible & lour horsemen's tents for his Field Officers 
In the mean time he will be contented with Soldiers tents made 
rather larger than the men's Requests that Mr. Washington be 
informed where he is to get arms. 

[Copy of a letter, Executive Papers, in the Virginia State Library.] 

October 2 d ,1781. 
Dear Sir 

Your fav r of the 22 d of last month never came to my hands 
until the 27 th at a time, when it really was not in my power to 
answer it, being so exceeding week & low occasioned by a severe 
spell of sickness, which seized me shortly after my return home 
The cloa thing comeing from the north, as nearly as I can 
recollect are as follows 


Blue Cloth 840 

White d 650 

Green d 400 

Red d . . 400.. This is 

iThe abstract of this letter as given above is printed in Palmer 
Calendar of Virginia State Papers, Vol. II, p. 441. A search has been 
made in the Executive Papers for the year 1781 in Virginia State 
Library for the "original" of this letter but without success. 


all four quarter Cloth, and as I expect is of a pretty good quality 
woud chuse to wait for it, rather than Take up with Serge, which 
in general is of a bad quality 

I know of no person who understands the makeing of Mar- 
quees, however, it is a branch of Business easily obtained I 
should not have called out the Legions so soon as I did, but for 
reasons which I will make known when I see you, the time is now 
put off until the 25 th of this month 

In regard to swords, my only chance is a dependence on old 
Hunter, but that depends on his procuring workmen from Hun- 
ter I shall get spurs [ ?] Bridle bitts & curry combs from Simp- 
son Holsters, pads, portmantuas Halters & strapps 

I wish the Jackets to be made rather larger in the sleeve from 
the elbow downwards, and instead of a round Cuff to be a slashed 
one, with three buttons on each Cuff The Blue and white cloth 
comeing on I believe will cloth what infantry we have raised with 
two Jackets each, the cavalry must have the green sh d I recruit 
in strength Faster than what I expect, shall see you next week 

I am S r with great regard 

y r m* ob* Svnt 

A Spotswood 

[Addressed:] Col William Davies 
War Office 

[Above the address and to the right is the following:] 
Publick Service 
[Endorsed:] Oct r 2 d 1781 

From Gen 1 Spotswood 

respecting the cloathing for his Legions 

20 Nov 1781 P r Seldons. 1 

i Executive Papers Sept. 11, 1781, Virginia State Library. Pub- 
lished in Palmer's Calendar of Virginia State Papers, II, p. 415. 


My d r S r 

I came off and forgot to send the uniform Jacket, my servant 
neglecting to put me in mind of it, and left it in charge of a 
negroe of Mr. Gaits, to whom I have wrote and requested him to 
send it to you. 

Should the waistcoat not be recovered, I wish to have them 
made to fit such a man as the one who wished to be employed as 
an artificer, I wish the whole to be Blue, or half Blue & half 
Green, or half white if not convenient to face the Jackets, have 
them edged, if of Blue of white edged with red if of green edged 
with white each Jacket to have side pockets abt. midway the 
waistcoat. The Jackets Button as a waistcoat as high as the pit 
of the Stomach and then to Turn of with a narrow french Lappel. 

I think you may ^provide for 500 men, do my dr. Sr. have me 
well equipt, and then I shall be able to attend to oeconomy. 

I am with friendship & esteem Yrs. Sincerely 

A Spotswood 

The Jackets must be made long so as to cover the Waist Band 

General Spotswood's diligence in organizing and equipping his 
"legions" doubtless met with a great deal of opposition a bit of 
which has come down to us in the scathing criticism of Charles 
Dick, of Fredericksburg, director of the Manufactory of Small 
Arms. In a letter sent from Fredericksburg (probably addressed 
to Colonel Davies, Commissioner of War) Mr. Dick says "I re- 
ceived an Order of the 21 st Sept. to deliver all the Repaired Arms 
to Gen. Spotswood Q r Master, I am happy he has not calPd for one 
Musket yet, as a number of Men and Horses have been Screened 
from Military Services by that Cloud Capd Legion in the Time of 
our greatest Distress." Mr. Dick was a man given to strong 
convictions, usually formed after deliberate consideration of facts, 
and also he possessed the courage of them. 

That the "Legions" came to naught is clearly stated by Spots- 
wood himself in his petition to the legislature in 1794 for addi- 
tional bounty, when he says that he "was appointed brigadier gen- 
eral to a body of men directed to be raised by this state but as 
the number was not completed, they did not go into service." 



Contributed by CLAYTON TORRENCE. 
From Caroline County Order Book, 1822-24- 

"A paper purporting to be a copy of a marriage contract en- 
tered into in the city of Edinburgh in Scotland, between John 
Tennent, eldest son of John Tennent of Port Royal in the State 
of Virginia, practitioner of physic, on the one part, & Helen 
Catherine Balfour, eldest daughter of the deed. Chas. Balfour 
formerly of the Parish of St. Catherine's & County of Middlesex 
in the Island of Jamaica afterwards residing at Cardrona in the 
County of Peebles in Scotland with the special consent of John 
Black, merchant in Edinburgh, one of the Curators nominate to 
the sd. Helen C. Balfour, Eleonare Balfour widow of Bailie John 
Balfour merchant in Edinburgh, her grandmother and David 
Bryce Esq. late of Jamaica now residing in Edinburgh one of the 
Exors of sd. Charles Balfour on the other part. As taken from 
the records of the court of Session in Scotland was this day pre- 
sented in court and the same appearing to be certified in due form 
by Thos. Peat writer to the signet is thereupon ordered to be 
recorded here. Nov. 10, 18,23, Caroline Co. OBh. 1822-1824, 218 

Contributed by CLAYTON TORRENCE. 

At a Court held for Essex Co. Feb. 10 1704 [1704/5] 
On the Motion of Capt. Robert Coleman, It is considered by 
the court that the Old Prison standing at Hobses Hole [Tappa- 
hannock] be appropriated to the use of a Schoole house, and to 
no other use whatsoever. (Essex County, Order Book 1703-08, 

At a Court held for Essex, August 1705. 

The Petition of Richard Cooke keeper of the School at Hobbs 
Hole to have liberty to live in the sd School house is Refrred to 
the consideration of the next Court. (Essex County, Order Book 
1703-1708, p. 176) 



From Dawson MSS. Library of Congress. 
Mr. Dawson. 1 Whitehaven Aprill 6th, 1745. 

As it is with sincere pleasure I hear of your success, your Repu- 
tation, the great Credit you Do your Religion & yr country so 
I flatter my self it will not be unagreeable to you to have some 
account of a family you have formerly favoured with yr friend- 
ship particularly by yr kind visit to Mr. Nicholson some years ago 
in Virginia; poor man? he continued very unfortunate in his 
seafaring capacity wch he left some time since & has a little Busi- 
ness in the Custom-House, which affords a Tranquil low Life 
such as we are Contested wth after the many storms & Tempests 
we have past, my Boys (thank God) three of them can earn their 
bread, the fourth yr namesake has lately entred at Oxford under 
Mr. Fothergills care, who I fancy is your Brothers Tutor who I 
hear writes very gratefully of the kindness you extend to him in 
giving him an Education so expensive; I hope you will live to see 
the happy Effect of your Bounty, that your Brother & my son 
will be as remarkable for their improvement as their relations are 
for their Generosity in supporting them, my dear Brother has 
taken Care of all mine but Clem who sticks to the sea these dan- 
gerous times; by him I design this paper & cou'd wish him the 
pleasure of seeing you but he has no hope that way. Your Sister 
Kendal & her family are well, your good Mother has had a hard 
part that was forced to take home the Widow Brumfield & three 
fatherless children But it was a great & an unavoidable Charity 
& I hear her Valuable Sons in America helps her to strugle thro' 
that every trouble. long may you both live & enjoy the Luxery 
of doing much good & receive the reward of it when time shall be 
no more. 

I am with the Compliments of this family 
Sr Your Sincere Friend 
& Humble Servant 

Mary Nicholson 

Our Good Mr. Brisco is Dead & left a very poor Widow & five 
small Children. 

iRev. Wm. Dawson, president of the college, and commissary of 
the Bishop of London. 



The Fleming County, Ky., branch of Flemings, as I have it 
from Charles Fleming who was born in 1823, was descended 
from Col. or Capt. Wm. Fleming, who came to Kentucky from 
Virginia about 1770-80, located a tract of land and returned to 
Virginia and died there. His son, Col. John Fleming, came later 
to look after his father's land and became a citizen, lived and died 
there. He married a widow of Col. Donaldson (whose maiden 
name was Lucy Pettit) and they had William, Thomas and John 
and they were the progenitors of that branch, although the first 
Col. Wm. Fleming has not been authentically located. 

The Vestry Book of St. Paul's Parish, Hanover County, shows 
that Wm Fleming and Eobt. Blackwell were admitted Vestry- 
men in 1718. In 1719 Wm Fleming was by order of the Court 
made Surveyor of the road from Toptopotomoy creek to Samuel 
Waddy's. In 1721 Wm Fleming and Wm Harris were made 
church wardens. In 1723, Capt Wm Fleming Church Warden. 
1729, Capt. Wm. F. and Capt. Charles Hudson meet at Col. 
David Merriwethers. 1730, ordered that Samuel Hill and his 
tiths assist Capt Wm F. 1736 ordered that Capt Wm F. and Wm 
Meriwether sell the lower Glebe lands to Vinkle [ ?] Cobbs. In 
1743 Capt Wm F. resigns as Vestryman. In January 1769 Wil- 
liam Fleming and thirty-four others obtained patents to thirty 
five thousand acres of land, lower side of Salt lick Creek. Va. 
Mag. of Hist. 

It is the tradition that Capt. Wm. F. located this land in Ken- 
tucky and was the father of Col. John F. 

Wanted evidence of this fact. 


Marshall, Mo. 



/ JG 


o "S 




Mttltam ant jWatp College 

(Quarterly historical itlagajine 

Vol. 1. l f e ; d JULY, 1921 No. 3, 



"The following Family Register, &c., &c., of our grandfather, 
Nicholas Taliaferro, was transcribed literally from "OLD 
BUCHAN", 1 by Thomas A. Marshall 2 of Vicksburg, Miss., for 
his sister, Mrs. Mary A. P. Doniphan 3 of Augusta, Ky., on the 
21st day of June, 1849; Viz; 

My Honored Grandfather, John Taliaferro, 4 was married to 
my honored grandmother, Mary Catlett, 5 the 22d day of Decem- 
ber, 1708; my honored grandfather departed this life the 3d of 
May, 1744. My Uncle, Lawrence Taliaferro 6 was born the 8th 
of September, 1721; he married Susanna Power, youngest daugh- 

i"Old Buchan" was a family medical and recipe book on the blank 
pages of which Nicholas Taliaferro had transcribed his "Family 
Register." This book was carried to Vicksburg, Miss., from Ken- 
tucky by Judge Marshall and it was lost in the fire which destroyed 
"Openwoods," the Marshall family home, during the siege of that 
city in the Civil War. 

zjudge Thomas A. Marshall was the son of Nicholas Taliaferro's- 
daughter, Matilda Battaile, whose husband, Martin Marshall, was the 
son of the Rev. William Marshall and his wife, Mary Ann Pickett; 
he was a first cousin to the Chief Justice. 

Mary Ann Pickett Marshall married George Doniphan, b. 
King George Co., Va., July 4th, 1790, a direct descendant of Capt. 
Alexander Doniphan, b. 1650, who was a justice in Richmond Co. 
1692-1704, commanded a troop of horse against the Indians 1704, 
Sheriff of Richmond Co. 1716. (See Quarterly, Vol. 3; Vol. 17; 
Va. Mag. Hist., Vol. 1.) 

*John Taliaferro of "Snow Creek" was the son of John Taliaferro 
(the first to bear the name of John in Va.) and the grandson of 
Robert Taliaferro the immigrant. The wife of the first John was 


ter of Major Henry Power, 7 and had issue, Sarah Taliaferro, born 
13th October, 1746, 0. S., now the wife of Captain William Dan- 
gerfield. He died the first of May, 1748. 

My Aunt, Martha Taliaferro, was born the 24th of June, 1724 
and married Mr. William Hunter, 8 and had issue by him, James 
Hunter 9 born 6th November 1746, William Hunter born 24th 
August Anno 1748 0. S., Martha Hunter born 20th October 1749 
0. S. Mr. William Hunter died the 25th of January 1754. 

My honored father, William Taliaferro, 10 was born at "Snow 
Creek/' 11 Spotsylvania County, Eappahannock, Va., the 9th of 
August, 1726, and departed this life at "Newington," 12 his seat on 
Mountain Run, Orange County, Virginia, after a painful illness 
without a groan the 21st of April 1798, aged seventy two in 
August, 1798. 

My honored father William Taliaferro was married to my 
honored mother, Mary Battaile, the 4th October 1751 by the 
Reverend Musgrove Dawson. 13 She was born the 18th September 
1731 and died the 9th of November 1757, the daughter of Cap- 
tain Nicholas Battaile, 14 of "Hays," Caroline County, Eappahan- 
nock Virginia. My grandmother's maiden name was Thornton. 15 

Sarah Smith, daughter of Major Lawrence Smith; the wife of Robert 
was Sarah Gryines, daughter of the Rev. Charles Grymeis of "Bran- 
don," then of Gloucester, now of Middlesex Co. John of "Snow 
Creek" is the Major John who was requested "to bring up the Sur- 
plice," in 1730, to the newly established church at Germana; he was 
a man of note in the colony. 

sMary, daughter of Col. John Catlett, Jr., and Elizabeth Gaines, 
his wife. Their seat was a large estate at the mouth of Golden Vale 
Creek, in present Caroline Co. Col. John, Jr., b. 1658, was the son 
of Col. John Catlett, Sr., and his wife, Elizabeth Underwood, who had 
been previously married to the first Francis Slaughter. 

eLawrance Taliaferro (1721-1748), and his father, Col. John of 
Snow Creek (1687-1744), were buried at Old Hickory Neck Church, 
in James City County, near the present village of Toana; up to some 
thirty-five or forty years ago their tombs were well preserved. At 
the present time no trace of them remains, except that a few frag- 
ments of the stone of Lawrence T. have been discovered and have 
been embedded in the cement floor of the small entrance porch which 


John Taliaferro, son of William and Mary Taliaferro, was 
born Tuesday morning, seven o'clock, the 31st July 1753 and was 
baptized by the Keverend Musgrove Dawson; his sureties were 
Colonel John Thornton, 16 Colonel Henry Fitzhugh's lady, 17 Mr. 
Charles Lewis and his lady, 18 the 24th August, 1753. 

Lucy Mary Taliaferro 19 was born the 13th of December Anno 
1755, Tuesday nine o'clock at night and was baptized by the Rev- 
erend Mungo Marshall; 20 her sureties were Mr. Reuben Thorn- 
ton, 21 Mr. Henry Willis 22 for Mr. Henry Heath 23 Mrs. Eliza- 
beth Thomas 24 and Miss Mary Waugh. 24 

Nicholas Taliaferro 25 was born the 30th October, A. M., 1757; 
his sureties were Colonel George Taylor, 26 Mr. Erasmus Taylor, 27 
Mrs. Sarah Slaughter, 28 Miss Betty Slaughter 29 and Mrs Mildred 
James. 80 

My Honored father was married to Miss Elizabeth Talia- 
ferro, 31 a second wife, on Tuesday the 5th of December 1758 by 
the Reverend Musgrove Dawson. 32 She was the daughter of 
Francis and Elizabeth Taliaferro, of "Epsom," 33 Spotsylvania 
County, Rappahannock, 34 Virginia, and was born the 4th Octo- 
ber 1741. 

has recently been added to the venerable little building. A de- 
scription of these tombs can be found in Vol. 9, Va. Hist. Col. Bishop 
Meade has but little to say about Old Hickory Neck Church: "The 
building is the original one," he records, "now much out of repair 
and used indiscriminately by various sects." It was for many years 
used as a school room. No one knows when it was built, but it must 
have been some time prior to 1744: originally, no doubt, it was a 
Chapel of Ease for Bruton Church, Williamsburg, ten miles distant; 
and it is pleasant to be able to say that it has been restored to its 
ancient connection with that historic congregation and is once more 
serving the purpose for which it was originally intended. Among 
the historic churches of Colonial Virginia it is perhaps the smallest, 
being hardly more than 25x30 feet, yet its story, if it could be fully 
told, would reveal a mixture of religion, romance and tragedy pathetic 
in the extreme and perhaps unequalled. That it has been rescued 
And restored is due to the untiring efforts of the Rev. E. Ruffin Jones, 
rector of Bruton Parish Church. 

7"! have seen a copy of a very old Power pedigree, by which it 


Ann Hay Taliaferro 35 was born Wednesday the 27th February 
1760 at three quarters after eleven o'clock at night and had pri- 
vate baptism by the Reverend James Marye, Jr., 36 and died the 
2'd March, 1760 at seven o'clock A. M. 


Nicholas Taliaferro was married to Ann Taliaferro on Satur- 
day the 3d November 1781, eleven o'clock, by the Reverend James 
Stevenson. 37 My beloved wife, Ann Taliaferro, was the daughter 
of Colonel John 38 and Ann Taliaferro, of "Dissington," was born 
the 7th of April 1756 and departed this life the 3d February 

Lucy Mary Taliaferro, daughter of Nicholas and Ann Talia- 
ferro was born Tuesday morning, nine o'clock, 6th August, 1782 
and was baptized by the Reverend William Douglas 39 the 18th 
January 1783; Her sureties were Mr. Winslow Parker, 40 Mrs. 
Lucy Mary Thurston, 41 Miss Ann Thurston, 41 my wife and self. 

John Champe Taliaferro was born Tuesday morning 7 o'clock 
the 12th of October 1784 and was baptized by the Reverend 

would appear that Dr. Henry Power was of the family of Lord Power, 
of Remaine, Ireland:" See Quarterly, Vol. 1, reprint, p. 144. 

Major Henry Power of James City Co., who died Dec. 20, 1739, 
was a son of Dr. Henry Power of York Co., and Mary Poliott, his wife, 
of Hampton Parish. The name of Major Henry Power's wife is not 
known, but those of his children are given in the article from which 
quotation given above is taken; among them is "Susannah, Married 
Lawrence Taliaferro (d. 1748), son of Col. John Taliaferro of "Snow 
Creek," Spotsylvania Co., who lett one daughter." 

sThe will of William Hunter, of Fredericksburg, dated Nov. 6, 
1753, names Excrs., Cousin James Hunter, brother-in-law William 
Taliaferro, of Orange Co., Mr. Fielding Lewis, Mr. Charles Dick. To 
son James lots I now live on called Ferry Lots, with benefit of the 
ferry; land adjoining town known by my name; also a tract at Fall 
Hill commonly called Silvertown Hill; to son William 300 acres lying 
at the Robinson in Orange Co; 400 acres in Culpeper Co and house 
and plantation where Abram Simpson now lives, to daughter Martha 
one thousand pounds currency; testator desires boys to be educated 
at William and Mary. 


James Stevenson the 27th of April 1786. His sureties were Mr. 
John Grinnan, 42 Mr. Joseph Stewart, 43 Miss Francis Willis Stew- 
art 48 and his mother and departed this life 26th February 1811 
after a painful illness. 

Matilda Battaile Taliaferro was born Sunday morning eight 
o'clock the 30th September Anno 1787 and was baptized by the 
Reverend James Stevenson the 24th August 1788; her sureties 
arere Mr. John and Miss Ann Grinnan, 44 and her mother. 

Mary Willis 45 Taliaferro was born One o'clock the llth August 
1789 and was baptized by the Reverend James Stevenson the 15th 
November 1789. Her sureties were Mr. John Stevens, 46 Mr. 
Joseph Morton, 47 Miss Elizabeth Taliaferro, 48 Miss Ann Hay 
Taliaferro 48 and her mother. She departed this life the 25th 
January 1797 and was buried in Pennsylvania, where General 
Braddock was defeated, 49 Alleganey County. 

George Catlett Taliaferro was born Wednesday evening, four 
o'clock, the 21st of March Anno 1792 and was baptized by the 
Reverend Mr. Woodville 50 the 23d December 1794; his sureties 
were Mr. John Grinnan, and wife, 51 Lucy 19 and myself. 

William Thornton Taliaferro was born Friday, January 16th, 
1795, at eleven PM. and was baptized by the Rev. Mr. O'Neal; 52 

On August 2d, 1758, William Taliaferro gave bond as guardian 
of the three children in the sum of twelve thousand pounds, with 
Edward Rice and Joseph Jones as security. 

sjames Hunter, the eldest son is the "Mr. Hunter" who owned the 
Iron Works at Falmouth, mentioned by James Mercer in his letter 
to Gov. Jefferson, April 14, 1781, which is reproduced in the Quar- 
terly, Vol. 27, p. 92. He says these works supplied all the camp kettles 
used by the state troops during the Revolution, all the anchors for 
Virginia and Maryland and that "without the bar-iron made there, 
even the planters hereabouts and to the Southward of this place 
would not be able to make bread to eat." 

lowilliam Taliaferro was Lieut. Colonel of Orange Co. Militia; 
his Commission was dated May 5th 1756. (Order Book 1755 to 65.) 
(See Vol. 2, Va. Co. Records, p. 126 Crozier. ) As "Col. William 
Taliaferro" he is mentioned as one of the sponsors (1758) of Catlett 
Madison, a brother of the President. He is sometimes confused with 
Col. William Taliaferro of the Revolution. 


his sureties were his grandfather 53 who named him, Mr. Hay 
Taliaferro 54 and Hay Taliaferro Jr, his grandmother, 53 mother 
and Miss Abby Gibson. 55 

Nicholas Taliaferro was a second time married, 56 , to Miss 
Frances Blasingame, daughter of Mr. James and Mary Blasin- 
game, 57 and had issue: 

Carr Blasingame Taliaferro who was born Tuesday 13th 
August 1799 half after two in the evening. 

Lawrence Washington Taliaferro 58 was born Tuesday, nine 
o'clock, 28th October 1800. 

Ann Patterson Taliaferro was born Friday night ten o'clock 
29th October 1802, and departed this life Tuesday night about 
twelve o'clock, 2'5th November 1803; she was cutting teeth and 
was taken with the epilepsy fits; her two eye teeth came through 
the gums before she died. 

James Hay Taliaferro was born the second day of Septem- 
ber 1804; very warm sunshiny day. 

Nicholas Taliaferro was born Thursday half after eight o'clock 
the 14th August 1806, in the morning. 

Marshall Howe Taliaferro was born the ninth of March, 1809, 
eleven o'clock at night. 

11 Snow Creek flows into the Rappahannock river a short dis- 
tance below Fredericksburg. When John Taliaferro and Francis 
Thornton settled there, that section belonged to Essex Co. and they 
were near neighbors and brothers-in-law, the latter having married 
the former's sister, Mary. The act creating Spotsylvania Co. (1720), 
specified Snow Creek as its Southern boundary. This threw John 
Taliaferro into the new county and left Francis Thornton in the old. 
According to the Westover Papers, John Taliaferro settled at Snow 
Creek in 1707. 

i2"Newington" is located on Mountain Run, some twelve miles to 
the Southeast of the town of Orange, and was for more than seventy 
years, prior to 1910, owned by Mr. Lawrence Sanford, who purchased 
it from Elizabeth, the second wife and relict of William Taliaferro, 
and later the wife of Capt. Benjamin Hume; she died at "Newington," 
at the age of 90. 

It is now the property of Mr. E. Clay Pannell; a part of the house 
remains as originally constructed, about 1753. The old burying 
ground lies about one hundred yards distant while the site of the first 


Carr Blasingame Taliaferro departed this life Thursday morn- 
ing half after nine, 1806. 

James Hay Taliaferro departed this life Thursday night twelve 
o'clock, 18th August, 1808. 

John Champe Taliaferro 59 died 26th February, ten minutes 
after two in the morning, 1811. 

Frances Ann Taliaferro 60 was born Saturday, eleven o'clock 
P. M., Ninth November, 1811. 

William Buckner 61 was born the 19th June, 1780, and was 
married to Lucy Mary Taliaferro 26th June, 1799, and had issue; 

Philip Johnson Buckner, 62 born 8th August, 1800. 

Ann Whitaker Taliaferro Buckner born 8th January 1803. 

Nicholas Taliaferro Buckner, born 29th June, 1805. 

My brother, John Taliaferro, married Ann Stockdell, daugh- 
ter of Captain John 63 and Mary Stockdell of Orange County Vir- 
ginia and had issue; 

Mary Taliaferro, born 17th June 1773, married Robert Rey- 
nolds 64 and died with her first child which is called Thornton. 

Elizabeth Hay Taliaferro was born 4th May 1778. 

Lucy Mary Battaile Taliaferro was born 14th May 1780. 

Court House erected in Orange (of which merely a trace can be lo- 
cated) is but another hundred yards removed. A feature of "New- 
ington" is its striking hall and stairway. 

isBishop Meade, in speaking of St. Mary's Parish, Caroline Co., 
formerly Essex, says, "In 1754 one of the three John Brunskills was 
the minister; in 1758 the Rev. Musgrave Dawson was there"; it is 
apparent from this record that he was there also in 1751 and in 1753. 
He will be found later in St. Mark's Parish, in that part which became 
St. Thomas's, in Orange Co. 

"Nicholas Battaile, b. 1701, son of Col. John Battaile, Sr. (d. 
1708) and Elizabeth, daughter of Major Lawrence Smith, and sister 
of Sarah Smith, the wife of the first John Taliaferro. 

isMary Thornton (173M757), wife of Capt. Nicholas Battaile, 
was the daughter of the second Francis Thornton and Mary Talia- 
ferro, his wife. He was the son of Francis Thornton and Alice 
Savage and grandson of William Thornton, the immigrant. 

i*Col. John Thornton, the infant's maternal great-uncle. His wife 
was Mildred Gregory, one of the three Gregory sisters, who married 


William Taliaferro was born 23d March, 1782. 

Sarah Taliaferro was born 20th February, 1784. 

John Taliaferro was born 6th April 1786. 

Martha Taliaferro was born 22d January 1789. 

Nicholas Hay Battaile Taliaferro was born 15th June, 1793. 

Lawrence Wesley Taliaferro was born 5th August 1796. 


1 James, born in March 1756. 

2 Kachel was born in November 1773. 

3 Clemintina was born in February 1781. 

4 Anthony born 12th March 1784, 9 o'clock in the morning. 

5 Billy was born 9th December 1785, eleven o'clock at night. 

6. Hannah, born 19th August 1786, four o'clock in the morn- 

7 Sarah born 10th June 1773 

8 Betty born 15th September 1788 

9 Sally born 10th July 1788. 
10 Phil, born 5th August 1789. 

Thornton brothers. They were the daughters of Roger Gregory and 
Mildred Washington, aunt and Godmother to the President. After 
Roger Gregory's death she married Col. Henry Willis, of Fredericks- 
burg, his third wife. 

ifHenry Fitzhugha (Henry,2 Williami) married Sarah Battaile, 
Oct. 23d, 1746, in Caroline Co. Will dated Feb. 12th. Proved in 
King George June 5th, 1783. She was the daughter of Capt. Nicholas 
Battaile and the sister of Mary (Battaile) Taliaferro, the infant's 
mother. Henry and Sarah Fitzhugh lived in St. Paul's Parish, Staf- 
ford Co., now in King George Co. (Va. Mag. Hist., VII; Va. Co. Rec'ds, 
Vol. 9) The line dividing Stafford and King George formerly ran 
east and west and was changed to north and south on Jan'y 1st, 1777. 
(Hen. 9-244.) 

is"Col. Charles Lewis* (Major John,s John,2 Robert*) married 
Lucy, daughter of Col. John Taliaferro of the Manor plantation, 
Snow Creek, Spotsylvania County; Va., about 1750" (Lewis Gen.). 
Charles was the brother of Col. Fielding Lewis, who married 1st Cath- 
erine, and 2d Betty Washington. Col. Charles Lewis' lady, the 
sponsor, was the infant's paternal aunt. 


11 Daniel born the 12th January 1792 

12 Jenny was born the 6th November 1794 

13 Sharlotty was born the 10th February . 

14 Ben was born the 2'5th October 1798 

15 Nelly was born the 5th January 1801, in the morning. 

16 Mary born 12th March 1803, half after eleven, apparently still 


17 Lucy, born llth August 1805, three o'clock in the afternoon. 

18 Joe, born 9th November 1806, tweleve o'clock, Sunday. 

19 Prissy, born Sunday night llth December. 1808. 

20 Caroline, born Tuesday morning 28th September 1809. 

21 Simon, born Sunday morning 2d September, 1810. 

22 Henry born 22d May, 1811. 

23 Charles, born 1810. 

I left "Totter-down-hill," 65 my seat on Cedar Run, Culpeper 
County State of Virginia on the llth of October 1796 and landed 
at the Lower Brooks at Limestone, 66 in the State of Kentucky on 
the fifth of February 1797 67 and bought a lease of Lewis Day 
on John Craig's land where I lived till the 15th March 1798 and 
then moved to Bracken County, my present seat, the Grampian 

Nicholas Taliaferro 
15th March, 1811. 

The sponsors for Augustine, one of the sons of Col. Fielding and 
Betty (Washington) Lewis, 1752, were "Charles Lewis and Charles 
Washington, uncles, godfathers; aunt Lucy Lewis and Mrs. Mary 
Taliaferro, godmothers"; the latter was the mother of Lucy Lewis and 
the widow of Col. John Taliaferro of Snow Creek (see Note 5). She 
died in 1771, over 80. 

Col. John Thornton and his wife, Mildred (Gregory), were spon- 
sors for the next child, Warner Lewis, 1755; and for Samuel, an- 
other son, the sponsors were Rev. Musgrove Dawson and wife (Notes 

24 and 32), and Mr. Joseph Jones and wife, the latter another daugh- 
ter of Mrs. Mary (Catlett) Taliaferro, the daughter, Mary, men- 
tioned in the will of her father, 1744. For the son, Lawrence, 1767 t 
one of the sponsors was Mr. Francis Thornton; another Francis 
Thornton was a fellow sponsor with Col. Charles Washington and 
Betty Lewis at the christening of her grandson, Samuel, in 1780. 


This seat I bought of Mr. James Blasingame, three hundred 
and thirty seven and one half acres at twenty four dollars per 
acre, and paid the whole money. 69 

N. T. 70 

Most of the sponsors here mentioned were closely related to the 
parents of Nicholas Taliaferro by blood or marriage, or both. As 
has been noted elsewhere the wives of the three Thornton brothers 
were sisters, and first cousins of Betty Washington Lewis. 

i9Before the birth of Lucy Mary the family had removed from 
St. Mary's parish, Caroline, to what had been St. Mark's and was 
then, as now, St. Thomas' parish, Orange Co. She was married 
June llth, 1773, to William Plummer Thurston, and 2d, on Apl. 5th, 
1791, to Hay Taliaferro, of "Cheerful Hall" (Orange Co. Marriaga 

2o"Unhappily the records of St. Thomas' parish have been lost. 
The Rev. Mungo Marshall was minister in 1753. There was once a 
tombstone over his grave, but that too, was appropriated and was 
used to dress hides upon." (Slaughter's St. Mark's.) He married 
Lucy Marye. His death occurred in 1757 or 1758. 

2iAnother brother of the infant's maternal grandmother; his 
wife was Elizabeth Gregory, widow of Henry Willis. 

22This Henry Willis was the son of Col. Henry of Fredericksburg 
and Ann Alexander, his first wife. He married Elizabeth Gregory, 
who, after his death (without issue), married his fellow sponsor, 
Reuben Thornton. See Quarterly, Vol. 6. 

23Henry Heath's name appears frequently in the Spotsylvania Co. 
records of his day; he witnessed the will of the elder Rev. James 
Marye, whose daughter, Susanna, b. 17th June, 1735, was his wife; 
he was therefore the brother-in-law of the Rev. Mungo Marshall and 
of the Rev. James Marye, Jr. In 1758 Charles Dick executed a deed 
to Henry Heath, in which he is mentioned as "A Doctor of Physick," 
which was witnessed by Lawrence Taliaferro. 

24Miss Mary Waugh was the daughter of Alexander Waugh, Sr., 
whose will was proved in Orange Co. in 1793. Mrs. Elizabeth Thomas 
was her sister, the wife of Joseph Thomas. An account of the family 
can be found in the Quarterly, Vol. 15. The founder of the family 
was the Rev. John Waugh, one of the picturesque characters of early 
Stafford. The name of the wife of Alexander Waugh is not disclosed, 
but the fact that her daughters were selected as sponsors seems to 
point to a family connection with the Taliaferros or Battailes. 

ssNicholas Taliaferro neglects himself sadly in his recital. For- 
tunately the omission is easily supplied. Heitman in his Register 
of Revolutionary officers, says: 


"Taliaferro, Nicholas, (Va.), Sergeant, 10th Va 25th Nov. 1776: 
Ensign, 5th Aug. 1777; 2d Lieutenant, 15th Nov. 1777: Reg't desig- 
nated 6th Va, 14th Sept 1778; taken prisoner at Charleston, 12th 
May 1780: transferred to 3d Va, 12th Feb. 1781; 1st Lieut, 18th Feb. 
1781; retired 1st Jan. 1783; Died 1812." 

Nicholas Taliaferro died in January, 1812, and his will was pro- 
bated in Bracken Co., Ky., court in March same year. It was wit- 
nessed by John King, Anderson Keith and James Boyd. 

The Va. Land Bounty Records show that Warrant #854 was 
issued to Nicholas Taliaferro for 26662/3 acres, on June 17 1783; 
there is nothing to indicate that he ever took up the land. He was 
an original member of the Society of the Cincinnati, in which he 
never had a successor. 

He was present at Yorktown at the surrender of Cornwallis, the 
terms of which were arranged in the Moore House, which is still 
standing, which had belonged to his great-great-grandfather, Major 
Lawrence Smith, and which was then owned and occupied by Lucy, 
the great-granddaughter of Major Lawrence Smith and the wife of 
Col. Augustine Moore. This estate is now known as Temple Farm. 

Nicholas Taliaferro was born at Newington. 

2Col. George Taylor (James,2 Jamesi),b. 1711, was the great uncle 
of the President. He married for his second wife, Sarah Taliaferro, 
the widow of Francis Conway 2d. Hayden, quoting from The Rich- 
mond Critic, Vol. 3, says she was the daughter of John and Sarah 
(Smith) Taliaferro and granddaughter of Charles and Mary (Carter) 
Taliaferro; as John and Charles were brothers and sons of the im- 
migrant, Robert T., this is manifestly an error. She was the grand- 
daughter of Charles, by an only son who pre-deceased his father and 
who was also named Charles. The will of the elder Charles (1734) 
devises his estate to three granddaughters, Mary, Sarah and Cath- 
erine Taliaferro, with reversion to daughter-in-law, Sarah Taliaferro. 
Hayden quotes the will in full; in 1749 Thomas and Mary (Talia- 
ferro) Turner and Francis and Sarah (Taliaferro) Conway convey 
the same property by deed. Sarah T. and Francis Conway were 
married in 1744. The 2d wife of Col. George Taylor was therefore a 
cousin, though not a first cousin, of the infant's father, William 
Taliaferro. She was born 1727 and died 1784. 

In passing it is interesting to note that one of the Excrs to the 
elder Charles Taliaferro's will was Francis Thornton, whose wife was 
Mary, the sister of John Taliaferro of Snow Creek and a niece of the 
decedent; one of the witnesses to the will was Thomas Slaughter, 
whose wife was Sarah, Francis Thornton's daughter. The grouping 
of these people in this connection may give a hint as to the identity 


of Sarah Taliaferro, the daughter-in-law. She was prohably a 

"Bishop Meade says that Col. George Taylor had fourteen sons of 
whom seven served in the Rev. Army and that thirteen held office 
under the Government at one time. Mr. Stanard says that Col. Geo. 
Taylor was Burgess from Orange Co. 1748-58, Member Orange Co. 
Committee, 1774, and of the Va. Convention, 1775." (Hayden, p. 

2TErasmus Taylor was the brother of Col. George. He married 
Jane Moore. Their daughter, Milly, married Win. Morton. Jane 
Moore was the daughter of John and Rebecca (Catlett) Moore, who 
was the widow of the first Francis Conway and whose daughter, 
Nelly Conway, half-sister to Jane Moore, married Col. James Madi- 
son. They were the parents of the President. Col. Frank Taylor, 
in his diary, quoted by Dr. Slaughter, records, "July 19, 1794, died, 
Erasmus Taylor, eighty three years old." 

28She was Sarah Thornton, the infant's great aunt, and sister 
of Col. John, Reuben and Francis Thornton 3d. Her husband was 
Thomas Slaughter, the witness to the will of Charles Taliaferro, of 
which her father, Francis Thornton 2d, was an Exec'r. Thomas 
Slaughter* (Robt.,3 Francis,2 Francisi) was the great-grandson of 
the first Francis Slaughter and Elizabeth Underwood, who married, 
2d, the first Col. John Catlett. He was a vestryman in St. Mark's. 

29Not able to identify; presumably a daughter of Thomas and 

soThe earliest record of the James Family seems to be that 
quoted in the Quarterly, Vol. 5, p. 276: "John James and his wife, 
Juitina (Thruston) came to Virginia (James City Co.) 1713"; but 
the genealogical chain is incomplete. Bishop Meade (p. 259) men- 
tions John James and Ann Strother, his wife, of Stafford, their son, 
Hon. Benj. James and the latter's daughter, Susan Washington James, 
who was born in Stafford in 1804. 

Among the descendants of the three Gregory sisters who married 
Thorntons, a number of girls were named Mildred after their mother, 
Mildred Washington. All of these were related to the Taliaferros 
and Battailes, and the writer has a feeling that Mrs. Mildred James 
was one of these, but, which one? 

siNicholas Taliaferro's mother died at his birth; the only mother 
he ever knew was Elizabeth, whom family tradition credits with 
being a mother indeed. Her father, Francis Taliaferro, was the 
son of Lawrence and Sarah (Thornton) Taliaferro, the daughter of 
Col. Francis Thornton first and Alice Savage. Lawrence Taliaferro 
and his brother John had patented large tracts of land in the neigh- 

The Older Portion Built Before 1750 

Near Toano, Va., Before Restoration 


borhood of Orange C. H., which descended to the children of Francis. 
Elizabeth inherited a tract of 1000 acres adjoining "Newington" and 
was therefore the near neighbor of her distant cousin, William Talia- 
ferro, whom she later married. Her mother was Elizabeth Hay. 

Among the many broad acres originally belonging to Lawrence 
Taliaferro there is but one tract, as far as the writer knows, which 
has descended in an unbroken line and still stands in the family name. 
This is "Mt. Sharon," the beautiful estate of Mr. Charles Champe 
Taliaferro, six miles from Orange C. H. The original patent, bearing 
date of 1728, hangs there on the library wall. 

32Bishop Meade gives the name as Musgrave; while Dr. Slaughter 
spells it as does Nicholas T. Musgrove; the latter form is correct. 
In the Orange Co. marriage records we find, "November 24th, 1757, 
Rev. Musgrove Dawson and Mary Waugh." She was the sponsor pre- 
viously mentioned. 

ssThis estate stilj known as "Epsom," lies four miles below 
Fredericksburg, one mile above Massaponax Run. Its present owner 
is Mr. J. A. Jones. All the improvements on the place were de- 
stroyed during the Civil War. It was an extensive plantation in the 
early days, and still is one of note. 

34"Old Rappahannock," to distinguish it from the present county 
of that name, was formed from Lancaster in 1656, extended on both 
sides of the river, and was in reality without definite bounds. It was 
in itself a realm and as such impressed itself on the minds of the 
colonists, especially those who went in later years to "Kentucky 
County." Old Rappahannock became extinct in 1692, when it was 
divided into Essex and Richmond. (Hen. 3, p. 104.) (Bulletin Va. 
State Library, Vol. 9, p. 86.) 

ssThis infant whose life was so brief was the only issue of Col. 
Wm. and Elizabeth Taliaferro; there was no issue of her second 
marriage with Capt. Benj. Hume. 

aBishop Meade (Vol. 2, p. 69), speaking of St. George's parish, 
Spotsylvania Co., says, "In the year 1767 Mr. Marye died and was 
succeeded by his son, James Marye, Jr., who was born in Goochland in 
1731, was educated at William and Mary and had been minister in 
Orange Co." Later (p. 89), speaking of St. Thomas parish (formerly 
a part of St. Marks), Orange Co., he says, "His first recorded of- 
ficial act to which we are able to refer was his preaching the funeral 
sermon of the paternal grandmother of President Madison, who died 
Oct. 25th 1761 and whose funeral was preached the 30th of Decem- 
ber following by the Rev. James Marye, Jr." 

Rev. James Marye, Sr., was a French Huguenot, who came to 
America with his wife in 1729 and settled at the Huguenot center, 


Manikin Town, where James Jr., was born. His first child, Susanna, 
already mentioned, was born on the voyage across. (She m. 1st, 
Rev. Mungo Marshall, 2d, James Marsden, M. D.) James, Jr., was 
born 1731. He died in his father's old parish, St. George's, Spots. 
Co., in 1780. He m. 1st, Letitia Courtney, 2d, Elizabeth (Osborne) 
Grayson. (Huguenot Emigration to "Fa.; Brock; Fa. Hist. Col.) 

3v"1780, in the ensuing April the vestry met at the glebe and 
agreed to accept the Rev. James Stevenson as minister of the parish." 
(Slaughter.) He was a man of fine attainments and Dr. Slaughter 
refers to him many times. He married Miss Littlepage, the sister 
of Lewis Littlepage whose remarkable letter is published by Slaugh- 
ter. Their son, Andrew Stevenson, was Speaker of Congress and 
Minister to England, and his son, John White Stevenson, was Gover- 
nor of Kentucky and U. S. Senator. Bishop Meade gives the name 

sscol. John Taliaferro, Sr., of "Dissington," King George, was 
the son of Lawrence T. and Sarah Thornton. He married Ann Champe, 
the daughter of Col. John Champe, Sr., of Lamb's Creek, King George, 
one of the wealthiest and foremost men of the colony. (Hen. 6 and 7.) 
Col. Champe had six daughters, all noted beauties. Elizabeth mar- 
ried Judge Fleming. Jane married Col. Sam'l Washington; Mary 
married Col. Lewis Willis; Lucy married Austin Brockenbrough; 
Ann married Col. John Taliaferro of "Dissington," and Sarah mar- 
ried Col. Edward Carter of "Bleinheim," Albemarle County. 

"Oct. 31st, 1781; St. Thomas parish; Nicholas Taliaferro and 
Ann Taliaferro. Witness, Francis Taylor; Bondsman, Francis Talia- 
ferro; Permission Ann Taliaferro." (Orange Co. M. Records.) 

The witness mentioned was Col. Frank Taylor, the Diarist. The 
bondsman was the bride's brother and permission was given by her 

39See Meade, Vol. 1, p. 458, for a detailed account of the Reverend 
William Douglas. "He came to Virginia in 1748 or 9 as a teacher 
in the family of Col. Monroe of Westmoreland; President Monroe was 
one of his pupils; so also, at a later date, was Jefferson; his only child, 
Margaret, always called Peggy, married Nicholas Merriwether, and 
they were the ancestors of many of that name in Virginia." He had 
the remarkable record of having solemnized 1,388 marriages and 
4,069 baptisms, says Meade. 

Nicholas Merriwether was the son of Thomas and Elizabeth 
(Thornton) Merriwether and grandson of Francis and Mary (Talia- 
ferro) Thornton. 

^owinslow Parker was a Spotsylvania Co. man who had found a 
wife in Orange Co. In the marriage records of that Co. we find 


"Aug. 4th, 1774, St. Thomas parish, Winslow Parker and Mary Thomas, 
Spinster; by license." 

"See Note 19. In December, 1788, Wm. P. and Lucy M. Thurston 
execute a deed conveying land in Spots. Co., which is witnessed by 
Winslow Parker. Miss Ann Thurston is presumed to be sister 
to Wm. P. 

*2"Daniel Grinnan, Sr., of Accomac Co., Va., 1739, removed to 
Culpeper and settled on Cedar Run, near Mitchells station. He served 
in the Rev. War under Gen. Edward Stevens, in a Virginia Brigade; 
his eldest son, John, was in the Quartermaster's Department of the 
same Brigade." (Slaughter.) This John Grinnan was the uncle of 
the late Dr. Andrew Glassel Grinnan, whose beautiful home, "Bramp- 
ton," lies in Madison Co., about five miles from Orange C. H. 

There is on record in Orange Co. (Deed Book 13), Aug. 22d, 1759, 
a deed from Jonothan Gibson and Susanna, his wife, to Joseph Steward 
of Spots. Co., for 1,000 acres in Orange, formerly Spots., with houses, 
Orchards, &c., adjoining Col. Spotswood and close by Col. William 
Taliaferro, at "Newington." He was a witness, 1755, to the will of John 
Spotswood, in Spots. Co., of which Col. John Champe was one of 
the Excrs., and in which a business transaction of large import with 
Col. John Thornton is recited. 

In this will, in which he identifies himself as of St. George's 
parish, Spots. Co., he mentions daughter Frances, sons William, 
Joseph, and John; also mentions wife, no name. Will dated Feb. 
2, 1778, and proved in Culpeper in 1785. The two children, Frances 
and Joseph were the sponsors. 

The will of Joseph, Jr. (the sponsor), also on record in Culpeper, 
disposes of a very large estate; he leaves everything to his wife, 
Sarah, including "All the Slaves that came by her"; at her death 
estate to be divided among nephews and nieces and friends. His wife 
was Sarah Roberts, to whom he was m. June 7th, 1796 by the Rev. 
Isham Patterson. (Or. Co. M. Rec.) 

4 *Miss Ann Grinnan is supposed to have been the sister of John. 

This name, Mary Willis, came from Mary Champe, the daugh- 
ter of Col. John, and sister of Ann Champe. She was the first wife 
of Col. Lewis Willis, and was the infant's maternal great aunt. 

*The will of Gen. Edward Stevens, Culpeper's Revolutionary 
hero, proved in Culpeper, Aug. 24th, 1820, leaves all his property after 
providing for his wife, Gilly, and daughter-in-law, Polly, to his sister's 
children and the children of friends. John (sponsor), his only son, 
had pre-deceased him, his will being proved Feb. 21, 1820. John's 
will is brief "everything to wife, Mary"; Gen. Stevens' wife was 
Gilly Coleman; John's wife was Mary Williams. (Slaughter.) Col. 


Frank Taylor makes note of this marriage in his diary, "Dec. 8, 
1789; John Stevens married to Polly Williams of Culpeper." 

"Gen. Stevens . . . was soon made Colonel of the 10th Va., 
with which he joined Washington; and at the battle of Brandywine 
(Sept. llth, 1777) by his gallant exertions saved a part of the army 
from capture and covered the retreat." (Slaughter.) Nicholas Talia- 
ferro, then twenty years of age, was an Ensign in this regiment and 
participated in this campaign. The two families were close neigh- 
bors; friends in peace and companions in war. 

^TMarriage bonds of Pittsylvania Co.; "Joseph Morton and Claracy 
Harrison, May 6th, 1788." His estate, in Orange Co., was appraised 
in 1816. (Will Book 5.) 

*8They were the daughters of Col. Lawrence Taliaferro of "Rose 
Hill," Orange Co. Ann Hay T. m. Lawrence Battaile Jany. 31, 1790; 
and Elizabeth married Battaile Fitzhugh, of "Santee," Caroline Co. 

*9The family was then en route to a new home in Kentucky, and 
on the date of the funeral had been on the way three and one-half 

RoRev. Mr. Woodville was born in the North of*England. He 
married Sarah, daughter of the Rev. James Stevenson, already men- 
tioned. "He was a link between the two centuries, overlapping sev- 
eral generations. Patriarchs who were once his pupils still linger 
on the horizon." He died a very old man. Dr. Slaughter and Bishop 
Meade have much to say about him. 

"Dr. Slaughter says John Grinnan married "Stuart." It is the 
belief of the writer that she was Miss Frances Willis Stewart, a fellow 
sponsor on a previous occasion tho' no record has been found to 
prove it. 

52"Mr. O'Neill was the Minister from 1790 to about 1800. . . . 
He was an athletic Irishman who believed in what Hudibras calls 
'Apostolic blows and knocks' more than in the Apostolic succession; 
. He never spoiled the child by sparing the rod; he taught 
school near Pine Stake Church in the family of Col. Taliaferro." 

BsThese were William Taliaferro of "Newington" and his wife, 
Elizabeth; she was the infant's step-grandmother. 

*There were several Hay Taliaferros in the immediate neigh- 
borhood. Hay of "Piedmont," called "Blenheim Hay," to distin- 
guish him from Hay of "Cheerful Hall," whose brother, Francis 
Whitaker T., had married Jane Taliaferro of "Blenheim," the sister 
of the first mentioned Hay. Elizabeth, the step-mother of Nicholas 
T., was the sister of Hay of "Cheerful Hall," of Francis Whitaker 
(who inherited "Epsom") and of Col. Lawrence Taliaferro of "Rose 


Hill." Hay Taliaferro, Jr. (1757-1834) was the son of the latter and 
is the one mentioned in Col. Taylor's diary "March 16th, 1797; Hay 
Taliaferro married Sukey Conway and my son and daughter went to 
the wedding; the horses ran away and they did not get back." Hay 
Taliaferro of "Cneerful Hall" was the 2d husband of Nicholas T.'s 
sister, Lucy Mary T. Thurston. 

BsThere were several families of this name in Orange and Cul- 
peper, and they are mentioned often in Col. Taylor's diary. The 
estate of Abraham Gibson was appraised in Culpeper July 1, 1780; 
the first item recorded is "32 books"; another, "A gun and an old 
sword"; the Appraisers were Dan'l Grinnan, James Thomas, and 
Greensby Waggoner; May 20th, 1782, the Court ordered a division 
among the heirs, who were the widow and two daughters, Abbia and 
Ann (Culpeper Wills). In the marriage records, same Co., we find, 

"June 5th, 1797, Taliaferro Hubbard and Abby Gibson; Rev. N. 

"March 7th, 1797, Joseph Bowen and Nannie Gibson; Rev. N. 

"The family was now in Kentucky; the death of the first wife 
has already been recorded. 

"No information seems to be available as to the origin of the 
Blasingame family. I think they were from South Carolina. 

8it is somewhat remarkable that Nicholas Taliaferro had not 
earlier introduced the name of Washington among his children, for 
his kinship with that family was close. His three great-uncles, 
Thornton brothers, had married the three Gregory sisters who were 
Washington's first cousins, and their children, who, in turn, had 
married Washingtons, were his mother's own cousins; these were 
Mildred (of Francis) who m. Charles Washington, Mildred (of 
Col. John) who m. Col. Sam'l Washington, and John (of Francis) 
who m. Jane Washington the President's two brothers and niece. 
In addition, Elizabeth Thornton (of Col. John) had m. Col. John 
Taliaferro, of "Dissington," the brother of Ann, his wife, whose 
maternal aunt, Jane Champe, had been the first wife of Col. Sam'l 
Washington and whose maternal uncle, Wm. Champe, had m. Mary 
Thornton (of Francis), the sister of Mildred and John who had 
married Charles and Jane W., and own cousin of Mildred (of Col. 
John), the 2d wife of Col. Sam'l W. A blood relationship so often 
repeated and so involved, could not well be forgotten. 

Another link connecting the two families (Note 18) was the mar- 
riage of Lucy Taliaferro, the aunt of Nicholas, with Col. Charles 
Lewis, brother to Fielding Lewis, who had married into the Wash- 
ington family twice. 

Aged twenty-seven; he married Susan Buckner. 


oThis was the last of Nicholas Taliaferro's children. It will 
be noted that there were no "Sureties" for the second set. They were 
no longer living in Virginia with its stately customs and traditions 
and wide circle of kinsfolk. They were indeed living in another 

fliWilliam Buckner was the brother of Susan. They were the 
children of Captain Philip and Tabitha Ann (Daniel) Buckner, of 
Port Royal, Caroline Co., Va., who with their large family and forty 
servants had preceded the Taliaferros to Kentucky by several years. 
Capt. Philip Buckner (John,s Richardz, Johni) was born in 1747, died 
1820. He founded, in 1797, the town of Augusta, Bracken Co., Ky., 
on the Ohio river, about forty miles above the city of Cincinnati. 
Nicholas T.'s home was near this village. For full account of the de- 
scendants of John Champe and Lucy Mary Taliaferro see "The 
Buckner Family of Virginia." (Crozier.) 

eaNicholas T. records the birth of a son, Wm. T., in 1795. This 
was the celebrated Dr. William Thornton Taliaferro, of Cincinnati, 
Ohio (dsp.): his nephew, Dr. Philip Johnson Buckner, but five years 
his junior, practiced with him and became equally famous as a 
physician and surgeon, and the same is true of another of his nep- 
hews, Dr. Nicholas Taliaferro Marshall. 

Dr. William Thornton Taliaferro, a boy of 17, volunteered in the 
war of 1812, in Bracken Co., Ky. He was present at the defense of 
Fort Stephenson, under Col. Crogan, on Aug. 2d, 1813, and, quoting 
from a letter written by himself in 1858, "The memorable Battle of 
Lake Erie was a most brilliant achievement. Shortly after Col. 
Orogan's victory, where I was; on the morning after the British 
made good their retreat, I volunteered at Camp Seneca, and was 
led by Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison to Perry's fleet." During the years 
1860-68 the State of Kentucky awarded handsome gold medals to 
six venerable survivors of the Battle of Lake Erie Dr. Taliaferro 
being the first so honored. 

esOrange Co. marriage records "May 12th, 1772, John Talia- 
ferro to Ann Stockdell." 

The John Stockdell who was a member of the Commander-in- 
Chiefs Guard, to which he had been transferred from the Va. Line, it 
is believed was a son of the Captain John mentioned, and a brother 
to Ann. (Godfrey, The Com'r-in-Chfs. Guard, p. 253.) 

*"April 16th, 1790, married Robert Reynolds and Mary Talia- 
ferro." (Orange Co. Mar. Records.) 

In Culpeper there is a deed, 1782, from Peter Gatewood and 
Sarah, his wife, to Nicholas Taliaferro, 188 acres, consideration 400; 
this tract was bounded on two sides by Foushee and on the others by 


Dan'l Grinnan and Spotswood. (Book L-182.) This was unimproved 
land and on it Nicholas Taliaferro, in the same year, built "Totter- 
down-hill," which he sold to Peter Hansborough, Jr., of Prince Wil- 
liam Co., for 675 "Current money of Virginia": the witnesses to 
this deed were French Strother, Charles Carter and D. Jameson; 
they also witnessed Ann's acknowledgment; both instruments were 
dated May 10, 1796. 

Hansborough soon after sold to Isaac Winston and he to William 
Winston, his son. Isaac Winston changed the name of the place to 
"Zhe Hoi," by which name it has been known for more than a hundred 
years, so that its former name has been forgotten in the neighbor- 
hood. It is now owned and occupied by the Misses Slaughter (great- 
granddaughters of William Winston), to whom the writer makes 
acknowledgment for the cordial welcome extended him on the sev- 
eral visits which he has made to their cherished ancestral home. 
The house is located about two miles from Mitchell's station, on a 
sharp incline some two hundred yards above Cedar Run. It is oi 
frame, two stories in the central part, with story-and-a-half dormer- 
windowed wings on either side, shaded by low roofed porches. There 
are huge stone chimneys on either end and one still larger in the 
central portion. At some distance from the main building is the 
stone kitchen in whose wide and time-scarred fireplace still hangs 
the ancient crane. 

"Limestone" is now Maysville. It was here that so many Vir- 
ginians forsook their flat-boats and scattered over the Promised Land. 
Limestone was the rendezvous of Daniel Boone and other celebrated 
frontiersmen. It was, and is, but a few miles distant from Augusta, 
the town previously mentioned. 

The journey had consumed four months, lacking a few days; 
the first stage had been to Red Stone Old Fort (now Brownsville, 
Pa.), at the head of navigation on the Monongehela River. Here they 
had wintered, building the boats in which they were to travel and 
awaiting the assembly of a sufficient body of travelers to insure as- 
sistance and protection. 

When once the water journey had begun the movement was 
speedy. They had not proceeded very far when on January 25th, they 
landed "Where Braddock was defeated Alleghany County," to bury 
the little Mary Willis; on the eleventh day following they were at 

Regarding Redstone, a traveler wrote in 1769, "This post known 
in border history as Redstone Old Fort, became the rallying point of 
the pioneers, and was familiar to many an early settler as his place 
of embarkation for the dark and bloody ground." Redstone Old Fort 


was a pre-historic formation similar to those discovered elsewhere 
in the Ohio Valley. No trace of it remains today nor any adequate 
description of it. 

Dr. Slaughter says, "Col. Frank Taylor's diary enables one to form 
a life-like conception of the animated social circle of which Orange 
C. H. was the center from 1786 to 1799. . . . there was an al- 
most continuous influx of visitors, chiefly from Spotsylvania, Caro- 
line and Culpeper, and a stream of visitors to and from Kentucky by 
way of Culpeper, Winchester, and Red Stone in Monongalia." 

esAfter the death of Nicholas T. his widow with her young chil- 
dren and step-children continued to live at Grampian Hill. It is 
located about seven miles from Augusta, Bracken Co., and some 
three miles from Minerva, a village in Mason Co. The estate passed 
to Nicholas, Jr., and there he lived a long and useful life; he was 
married in 1829 to Elizabeth Kelsey (whose mother was a Fee), 
and they had issue, two children, William Alonzo and Laura Augusta 
Caroline. Grampian Hill is now owned by Mr. and Mrs. C. D. As- 
bury, the latter a daughter of William Alonzo and great-granddaughter 
of Nicholas, Sr. The original house is no longer standing; the 
present home was built by Nicholas 2d. 

69While the "Register" is remarkable for the completeness with 
which its many names, dates and details is attended, it is also some- 
what remarkable for its omissions. From the fact that Nicholas 
mentions only one aunt, Martha (Hunter), it has been supposed in 
some quarters that his father had but the one sister; yet from his 
grandfather's tombstone we learn that he "Had issue two sons and 
three daughters." These daughters were Martha, Lucy and Mary. 
It was from these two sisters that William T. derived the double name, 
Lucy Mary, which he bestowed upon his only daughter and which 
Nicholas, in turn, bestowed upon his own daughter. These three 
daughters were also mentioned by name in their father's will, 1744. 
(Spots. Co. Will Book A, p. 395.) Lucy married Col. Charles Lewis 
and Mary married Joseph Jones. (Note 18.) 

Nicholas does not mention the marriage of his sister, Lucy Mary, 
though he records her among the sureties for his infant daughter 
who was her namesake, as "Mrs. Lucy Mary Thurston. As a matter 
of fact she was twice married, both recorded in Orange Co.: "June 
5th, 1773, William Plummer Thurston and Lucy Mary Taliaferro"; 
"April 5th, 1791, St. Thomas' parish, Hay Taliaferro and Lucy Mary 



















; ^ 


^.>|.V - N 
b HiM < -' 

J S 



Thurston (Widow); Witness Lawrence Taliaferro, Bondsman Francis 

Nicholas mentions the marriage of only one of his children, Lucy 
Mary to William Buckner; yet two others had married prior to 1811, 
Matilda Battaile to Martin Marshall, 1803, and John Champe to 
Susan Buckner, 1808. (For descendants of Matilda Battaile (Mar- 
shall) see Paxton's "Marshall Family.") 

It is a somewhat remarkable fact that there is at this time, as 
far as is known to the writer, but one living descendant of Nicholas 
Taliaferro in the line male; on the distaff side, however, they are 
numerous, and widely scattered 

Of the other children who reached maturity, and married, 
George Catlett had issue, Motica Ann and John N. Lawrence Wash- 
ington had at least one child, Matilda, who married Col. Alfred 

Nicholas, Jr., as already mentioned had two children, Wm. 
Alonzo and Laura August*a Caroline. 

In his will Nicholas made a bequest to his son, Nicholas, Jr., then 
only five years old, of a case of pistols, razors and shaving utensils, 
"As articles of Antiquity"; this case he confided to Mr. Martin Mar- 
shall, his son-in-law, enclosing in it a memorandum of his wishes in 
the premises. This memorandum is still preserved at Grampian Hill 
and it is here reproduced in facsimile; it reads: 

"Kentucky, Bracken County, May 25th, 1811: This box with its 
contence as a piece of Antiquity I give to my son Nicholas Taliaferro 
to the care of Mr. Martin Marshall with my hone and pistols and the 
said Marshalls use untill my son Nicholas should come of age; in 
case my son Nicholas should Die before he comes of age then the 
above shall be given to my grandson Nicholas T. Marshall and if they 
boath should die before mature age then it will (be) my desire that 
Mr. Martin Marshall shall dispose of same agreeable to his own judge- 
ment as it is presumable my hand write is so well known I shall have 
no witness done by myself advised nor interupted by no wone." 

Nicholas Taliaferro Sen'r. on the 
Grampian Hill. 




Robert Taliaferro(l) 

Sarah Grymei(2) 

Col. John Taliaferro(2) 
Sarah Smith(2) 

Mary Taliaferro(3) 
Francis Thornton(3) 


Lawrence Taliaferro(3) 
Sarah Thornton(3) 

Col. John Taliaferro, Sr.,(4) 
of "Dissington" 

Ann Champe(2) 

Ann Taliaferro(5) 
of "Totterdownhill" 

Col. John Taliaferro(3) 
of "Snow Creek" 
Mary Catlett(S) 

Col. W illiam Taliaferro(4) 
of "Newington" 
Mary Battaile(3) 

Nicholas Taliaferro 
of "Totterdownhill" 


Francis Thornton,(4) Col. John Thornton,(4) 

of "Fall Hill" Mildred Gregory 

Frances Gregory 


Mary Thornton.(4) 
Nicholas Battaile(2) 
of "Hays" 

Reuben Thornton(4) 
Elizabeth Gregory 

Mary Battaile(3) 

Col. Wm. Taliaferrc(4) 

of "Newington" 





In the grip of war once more, the Christian world sweats 
blood. Shall America enter the maelstrom? Our liberty on 
the high seas is imperiled. What should our course be? The 
analogy, though not over exact, is still worthy of note. Nearly a 
hundred and fifty years ago the nation faced a harsher situation, 
war or tyranny. We are apt to think of the Colonies at that 
time as a single unit; dauntless, patriotic, resolved with Henry 
upon "Liberty or death." There was, however, a sturdy element 
which stood aloof from the tempests of the mob, patriotism to 
these meant something higher and harder than a glorious sacri- 
fice of life, it meant humbleness and tireless patience in the cause 
of peace. In reviewing then, the attitude of the Colonial Quakers 
towards war, let us be sensible of its contrast with our own present 
day viewpoint that the latter may be tempered by a conception of 

lAdair Pleasants Archer, eldest son of William Wharton and 
Rosalie Pleasants Archer, was born in Richmond, Aug. 31, 1894 and 
died at Camp Grant Hospital October 6, 1918. 

He was a student at the University of Virginia 1912-15, spent the 
winter of 1913 in the U. S. Indian service, travelled in Europe dur- 
ing the summer of 1914, entered Harvard University 1915, and took 
his degree of B. A. 1917. While awaiting appointment in some train- 
ing camp, which was refused him on account of his light weight, he 
edited "Trench and Camp," the Y. M. C. A. paper for Camp Lee, and 
also organized the Little Theatre League of Richmond. 

He had difficulty in securing consideration as an officer on ac- 
count of his delicate health, but had been recommended for a com- 
mission Just five days before the outbreak of influenza in the camp 
He was one of the first victims. He published nothing during his 
life, but left a large number of MSS, of which this is one. His lit- 
erary ability was generally recognized and a brilliant future as a 
scholar and artist seemed opening before him. 


something more palmary than national honor the honor of the 
Christian world. 

The facts of the pre-revolutionary period are history. It is 
not the intent of this paper to dwell more on these than need be. 
But facts and feelings are by no means concomitant. We can 
glean the former from public documents, memorials or traditions; 
the latter are more intangible and it is these I shall aim to en- 
snare. A short paper, dealing with an historic subject, may plead 
two excuses; it may be a clever, concise synthesis of other people's 
findings, or it may embody original data. This essay urges the 
latter as its justification. And as there is hardly room for both, 
the writer has determined to exclude the usual re-hash of authori- 
ties, and stick to his own original material, which consists of the 
letters, never before edited, of Robert Pleasants, an ancestor. 

Robert Pleasants, 2 "of Curies/' as he subscribes himself, was 
born in 1722. He was a descendant of John Pleasants, one of 
the most prominent of the early Quaker settlers in Virginia, and 
among the first there to be persecuted for his religious convictions. 
He came from a line of philanthropists his kinsman, Thomas 
Pleasants of Dublin, being especially notable in this connection. 
He himself was not only among the most active but among the 
most influential members of the Society of Friends in America. 
He numbers among his correspondents some of the most distin- 
guished in Quaker annals and I think we may justly accept his 
sentiments as orthodox and typical. He was one of the richest 
planters in the Colony, despite burdensome taxes and the fact 
that he freed all his slaves, having previously educated them, at 
a personal loss of some three thousand pounds. He was president 
of the Abolition Society in Virginia and he devoted his life, in 
the main, to the cause of educating the negroes with emancipation 
as the end in view. Robert Pleasants 3 the first, author of these let- 

2See W. cf M. Quarterly, 2 Ser. v. 1, no. 2, p. 107. Other letters 
of Robert Pleasants will be printed in succeeding numbers of the 

sThe daughter of Robert Pleasants and Elizabeth Randolph, Mary 
Webster Pleasants, married John G. Mosby, whose daughter, Virginia 
Cary, was the grandmother of Adair P. Archer. 


ters, married Mary Webster. His son, Kobert Pleasants married 
Elizabeth, daughter cf Thomas Mann Randolph, and sixth in 
descent from Pocahontas and John Rolfe. His life was spent at 
"Curie's Neck," one of his plantations on the upper "James." 

I shall seek, in the following pages, first, to review briefly the 
attitude of the government towards the Quakers, and secondly the 
Quakers' attitude towards the struggle for independence, that, 
lastly, we may arrive at some conclusion regarding the true posi- 
tion of the Quakers, about which historical material is of the 
meagrest kind. 

The Society of Friends was, from the date of its founding 
by Fox in 1644, ever a thorn in the side of the Government. The 
principles of the Quaker were misunderstood for centuries. The 
obvious reasons for tlfis are the uncouth mode of habit and speeeh 
adopted by the Friends, and their studied aloofness. Further- 
more it was a principle with them not to bruit abroad matters of 
doctrine, but to submit meekly to misunderstanding and injus- 
tice. Quakers appeared in this country, first at Boston in 1656. 
In Massachusetts their persecutions were frightful. They were 
jailed, whipped, branded, their ears were cut off, their tongues 
bored, they were even hanged. In Pennsylvania the settlement by 
Penn enjoyed comparative freedom and prosperity until revolu- 
tionary troubles obliged the Quakers there to take a stand equally 
obnoxious to both Governments. In Virginia, the Carolinas, and 
Georgia, Friends were tormented by excessive fines and were oc- 
casionally whipped or imprisoned. By 1750, however, most of the 
Colonial governments and by that time Quakers were everywhere 
had compromised with them to a greater or lesser extent, and 
their attitude towards swearing, and military service and taxes 
were honored to some degree. Robert Pleasants makes a brief 
apology for this in a letter to Robert Boiling of Buckingham, 
Jan. 10, 1775: 

"I apprehend if we are sequestered from the rest of the com- 
munity we are by no means culpable for it. It is well known that 
we have always declined the use of the sword, as well as taking 
any oaths, supporting an hireling ministry, and some other mat- 
ters, which, tho' peculiar to ourselves, are by no means intended, 


or in justice ought to be, an exclusion from the common interests 
of the community; nor can I conceive how the community can be 
injured by our adherence to these principles. For if we cannot 
fight for the State, we cannot fight against it; and so long as 
we keep to truth (and I believe the contrary can't be charged 
upon us) swearing is unnecessary; and while we continue to be 
useful members of society and study the peace and welfare of the 
government we live under, every reasonable man will allow it is 
unjust we should be made to suffer for not conforming to a law in 
favor of a few individuals, utterly inconsistent with our belief." 

The revolution brought things to a crisis. Every loyal Ameri- 
can was called to the ranks and his credit and his property stood 
back of the struggling, young government. The Quakers refused 
to join the army of either side, or to pay taxes to further war; 
they even denied their moral support. Never understood, such an 
attitude, in the white heat of patriotic fervour, met almost every- 
where contempt and resistance. There were no more compromises 
for conscience's sake. The oppression of the Friends was heavy. 
Their most notorious persecution and it is, perhaps, the blackest 
spot on the early record of the Republic occurred in Pennsyl- 
vania. A spurious document known as the "Spanktown Memo- 
rial" and purporting to be the work of British spies, was fathered 
upon the Quakers. A number of prominent Friends were ar- 
rested in Philadelphia, a hearing was refused them, their writ 
of habeas corpus ignored, their pleas to the Governor, the Council 
and Congress respectively overlooked, and seventeen of them were 
marshalled under guard to Winchester, Va., where they remained 
until the cumbersome machinery of the new government arranged 
at length for their release. Writing at this time, the county lieu- 
tenant remarks, "... Tories and the leaders of the Quakers, 
and two more offensive stigmas in their estimation (the people 
of the county,) could not be fixed upon men." 

Unwarrantable as seems this whole procedure, there are two 
things to be said in behalf of the Colonists. (I), Brissot de War- 
ville notes the following in his "Nouveau Voyage": "They, (the 
Quakers) were treated by both sides with confidence. The spies, 
encouraged by this, at length habited themselves as Quakers and 


several were actually hung in that costume." (II), The Quakers 
appear to have been almost uniformly well to do. Their example 
regarding the payment of taxes permitted of a very discreditable 
interpretation which, we may be sure, the populace at large was 
quick to put upon them. 

When the war was over, these shadows abated somewhat, people 
began to realize that the Quaker, if he had not supported the 
revolutionists, assuredly had not abetted the English, and it was 
evident that his resistance had lost him more, materially speak- 
ing, than he could have suffered had he submitted to taxation with 
the rest. The Friends entered trustfully into the new regime with 
what Janney (a Quaker) has called "their professed principles to 
* render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's."' Washington, 
in his courteous response to the address of the Society upon his 
inauguration, probably voices the opinion of the nation when he 
speaks as follows: it is doing the people called Quakers no more 
than justice to say that (except their declining to share with others 
in the burthens of common defense), there is no denomination 
who are more exemplary and useful citizens." Is this exception 
warranted ? Let us turn to the apology of the Quaker himself. 

It is a matter of record that "testimony" against the war was 
practically uniform among the Quakers. There were, to be sure, 
certain trivial differences in the various communities, some feel- 
ing that they could accede to fines and taxes without spiritual 
perturbations and others stubbornly resisting the tritest com- 
promise. The Quakers were one, in this instance, as in all others 
in the past, in condemning war as an institution. Their attitude 
depends, however, in part upon certain immediate causes. Beyond 
these there was the general principle of the Society which main- 
tained that Christ had, by his words and actions, prohibited to his 
followers, violence of any form and under any circumstances. It 
was held that the pure, primitive church had followed these ex- 
amples and injunctions to the letter and it was not permissible for 
latter-day commentators to juggle their meaning. 

In addition to their religious objections, the Quakers viewed 
war as ethically wrong. It is related that a notable Quaker, 
shortly after the revolution, said to Washington, "all that we ever 


gained by revolution is not an adequate compensation to the poor, 
mangled soldier for the loss of life and limb." The President is 
said to have replied. "I honor your sentiments; there is more 
in that than mankind have generally considered." Whether the 
story be true or not, it is certain that Robert Pleasants advances 
the same line of argument. Let it be owned that thro inaction 
liberty is sacrificed, yet if war is entered into, life is liable to be 
forfeited. Life is more sacred and of more account than liberty. 
Pleasants writes the following to his brother-in-law, John Thomas, 
May 30, 1775: 

"News of great importance, indeed, may be expected when the 
lives, the property, and liberty, both civil and religious, of the 
people of this continent, as well of the present as succeeding gen- 
erations, may be effected by the present movements of contending 
parties. An awful consideration, indeed, and such as calls loudly 
to those who are more immediately entrusted with the affairs of 
State to be endowed with wisdom in the direction thereof. These 
inestimable blessings ought never to be trifled with, it appears to 
me that in very few instances men have a right to take it away. 
The liberty and property are secondary enjoyments that derive 
their origin from the sacred source and ought to be held very 

The Quakers were in a quandary at the time of the revolution, 
for, besides the sentiments just stated, another one of their prin- 
ciples decreed that liberty was an inherent right of man. Could 
they be indifferent at heart then to the impending struggle for 
liberty? Robert Pleasants has balanced the question. He writes 
as follows in the letter before quoted: 

"In justification of these opinions, [viz. : these relations to 
military service and taxes], it may not be necessary at present 
to say any more than that we believe they are unlawful, under 
the Gospel dispensation (at least to us), and which we concieve 
to be expressly forbidden by our Saviour and his apostles and con- 
firmed by the practice of the primitive Christians for near three 
hundred years after. It is very manifest that a dark night of 
apostasy did prevail over the churches and that the first reformers 
were made instruments in the hands of God to point out and dis- 


cover many of the enormities and imposturers that had crept in, 
as well in principle as practice, which plainly appeared by the 
persecutions which were raised against them. Is it not then ad- 
visable that the very people who so nobly testified against the 
superstition and tyranny of the church of Rome, as soon, almoet, 
as they had shaken the yoke from their own necks and become 
vested with power, they should endeavor to stop the progress of 
the reformation by persecuting others who saw, or at least be- 
lieved they saw, the dregs of popery still remaining, in many in- 
stances, among those called Protestants? This was the case with 
us, and our records testily how deeply many were made to suffer 
in their lives, their persons, and their properties from motives 
as truly consciencious and which, on the most narrow scouting, 
I conceive found so free from tending to prejudice that 
T believe they would promote the welfare of the community." 

"Since then, we have suffered so deeply by an arbitrary power, 
can it be doubted that we are insensible of the value, or disaf- 
fected to the cause of liberty? No, and, perhaps, as far as the 
associations and revolutions of the late Congress may be consis- 
tent with what we, and every thinking person, must allow to be 
of a higher and more important nature, we may be as depended on 
for firmness and perseverance as others. And, in every instance 
where we have had the direction of government, we have always 
allowed the full enjoyment of that liberty and indulgence we ever 
craved; the good policy of which appears manifest, especially in 
these young countries, by the rapid progress which some countries 
have made in every useful employment." 

Pleasants here insinuates the answer of the Quaker to the 
objection that principles of peace and freedom, while well enough 
in theory, could not expediently be put into practice. Penn's 
government was a test which, in their eyes, confuted this finally. 
From the above it would seem we are justified in agreeing with 
Professor's Weeks' statement that the Quakers were "logically and 
historically on the side of the Colonists in the question at issue." 

We ought, though, to bear in mind four other particular fac- 
tors which tended to equalize their sentiments at this time. (I) 
their real body was in England. It had given birth to, and nur- 


tured, the American Societies. With the English Quakers, who 
were ever ready with sympathy and assistance, those abroad would 
have no quarrel, they did not participate in any political move- 
ments indeed by the tenets of their faith they were necessarily 
non-partisan. Any resistance of the Colonies, backed by the tacit 
sympathy of American Quakers, must assuredly give offense to 
those at home. (II) The chief cause of discontent in America was 
taxation without representation. Under existing conditions taxes 
were demanded of the Quakers, against their conscience, by the 
Colonial government. As far then as liberty went, the Quakers 
had almost as much ground for complaint against these latter as 
against the mother country. (Ill) Not only this, but Friends 
were less able to protest in the name of unjust taxation, than 
others, since, by the terms of William Penn's charter and the 
other Societies in America harked back to Philadelphia like 
branches to the root it was expressly stipulated that Parliament 
could, at its own discretion, levy taxes upon the provinces. 

Yet another circumstance swayed the Quakers to non-partisan- 
ship, and this, of the immediate cause, I deem the most potent. 
(IV) It was claimed that the colonies had no right to demand 
liberty which they were unwilling to extend to their dependents 
religious liberty to dissenters, and freedom to slaves. The follow- 
ing extracts illustrate what a pressing influence this was with 
Robert Pleasants. Let us repeat, in this connection, that Pleas- 
ants favored emancipation only after the slaves had been properly 
educated. His immediate aim was to put an end to the slave trade. 

[To Robert Boiling, Jan. 16, 1775.] 

"It appears also to me that it would be consistent with our 
interests as well as duty, while we are contending with the Mother 
country respecting arbitrary measures she would impose on us, 
to remember to do the same justice to our dependents who have an 
equal right to it. This, I believe, would be an acceptable sacri- 
fice, and speak louder for the cause even among our enemies than 
cannon, mortars, or any other instruments of death. I would not 
be understood to mean that the justice I speak of is only due to 


dissenters in general or to our Society in particular; I wish it 
were extended to the poor slaves who have an equal right to free- 
dom with ourselves." 

[To John Thomas, May 30, 1775.] 

"But while we are condemning the Mother country for en- 
deavoring to deprive us of the latter [liberty], let us consider our 
own conduct in respect to those we look upon to be our inferiors 
and not withhold such valuable privilege from them. 'Cast out 
the beam that is in thine own eye,' said our blessed Saviour, 'and 
then thou shalt see clearly to pluck the mote out of thy brother's 
eye.' And we are enjoined from the same authority to 'do unto 
others as we would they should do unto us' But alas! how are 
these things regarded. Our actions don't keep pace with the 
knowledge and the solid arguments which have been advanced in 
the cause of Liberty and c. We as a people are principled against 
fighting, should we not be equally concerned to remove the cause 
of it? The times seem to call for diligence in this important 
matter and a further progress in the great work that hath been 
begun. It is true in this Colony we are under particular re- 
straints in that respect, but I am ready to think at times, that ought 
not to stop its progress, and I hope to see some stepping forward 
according to the knowledge that may be afforded, but if that 
should be the case, I believe the work will go forward and, in 
time, be effected, so that slavery may cease from among a people 
so sensible of the value of liberty and so tenacious of their right 
to enjoy it. And I believe the sooner it is accomplished the more 
it would resound to the honor, as well as advantage of America. 
And I am fully of opinion that if it is not voluntarily done it w-ill 
be brought about, perhaps, by means fatal to the present posses- 
sion/ 9 This last sentence, tho' erased in the original, is so re- 
markable in view of the result of the Civil War that I have in- 
cluded it here. 

Then, despite the appeal of the cause, there were certain re- 
straining influences, outside their faith, which urged temperate ac- 
tion upon the Quakers. Friends must have played no small part in 
the deliberation of Congress, which met in Philadelphia where they 


were wealthy and influential. The following letter would seem 
to attest this fact. It is one of three, all written by way of in- 
troduction for the Virginia delegates, to prominent Philadelphia 
Quakers. Israel Pemberton to whom it is addressed, was one 
of the oldest members of the Society in Pennsylvania. Later he 
was among the band exiled to Virginia, and with Samuel, brother 
of Robert Pleasants, was exceedingly active in procuring their 

[To Israel Pemberton Philadelphia. Aug. 22, 1774] 
"Dear Uncle: 

"This is intended by the Commissioners appointed by this 
Colony to attend the general congress in Philadelphia, on Amer- 
ican affairs viz; Peyton Randolph our late Speaker, Richard 
Bland, Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Edmund Pendleton, 
George Washington, and Benjamin Harrison, whom I take the 
freedom to recommend to thy particular notice as men who have 
deserved well of this country for their steady attachments to its 
interests and most, if not all of them, for their favorable senti- 
ments and service to Friends; particularly Bland, Henry, and 
Lee, who are great speakers in our House of Assembly and were 
very able advocates for us at the time we made application for 
relief from militia fines, indeed, I am well pleased that the Con- 
gress is to be held in Philadelphia because friends may have an 
opportunity, (if they find it their duty to concern in the matter) 
to endeavor to moderate the resolves of that respectable assembly, 
on which the future welfare of America seems so much to depend. 
For, though it may be determined to persevere with firmness in 
opposition to Parliamentary taxations, yet as it appears to me to 
be the duty, so it is likely to be the interest of the Americans to 
use every lenient measure by way of petition from the United 
Colonies, enforced by a respectable embassage, before other means 
of an offensive nature be put in execution.' 

Thy affectionate friend and kinsman 
Robert Pleasants." 


Careful and moderate as was the course adopted by America, 
it was, as we know, barren of results. In 1776 Quaker represen- 
tatives from the several Colonies met in Philadelphia. War was 
perceived to be inevitable and a plan of conduct had to be formu- 
lated for the Society. Its attitude was decreed strictly non-parti- 
san. Since feasible means had been of no avail, there was still 
no excuse, in the eyes of Friends, for force, which under any cir- 
cumstances was banned. 

This Quaker policy of non-partisanship was not quietly accept- 
ed by the American Government. Finding the converts of the 
patriotic enthusiasm insufficient to sweep down their barriers of 
conscience, the revolutionists determined to get all that they could 
from the Friends, in default of their service. First, heavy taxes 
were levied against them for support of the army. Secondly, op- 
pressive fines were flemanded when the Quaker refused, as he al- 
ways did, to attend muster. In Virginia, and in some other sec- 
tions, those disclaiming active service were compelled to hire a 
substitute. Lastly the British and Colonial armies made free with 
the Quakers possessions in an unwarrantable manner. Robert 
Pleasants writes as follows to his brother: 

(To Samuel Pleasants. Feb. 15, 1781). 

I am fully of thy opinion in respect to an increase in our suf- 
ferings. We have had a specimen of what, in all probability may 
become more general, in the march of the British army from 

Westover (where they landed) to Richmond this, with the 

seizure of every kind of property wanted by the other party, high 
taxes, etc, afford indeed a melancholy prospect. that it may 
lead us to a right sense of, and from, our multiplied transgres- 
sions, is my sincere desire!" 

Another letter attests the arbitrary measure resorted to in 
Virginia and the unjust discrimination against the Quaker. 

Sept. 3, 1780. 
"Col. Southdale: 

* 'Sometime ago Ryland Randolph's overseer showed me a list 
of about fifteen names, among which was mine, and against it a 


sum near 1200. Against four or five others were annexed differ- 
ent sums to the amount, in the whole, as well as I remember, to 
between one and two thousand pounds; and to the others, ten in 
number, not a shilling. He said they were about to hire a man 
to go into the army, and that the people mentioned in the list 
were to pay the hire in proportion to the several sums against 
each name. I have been since told that my estate is to be made 
liable to be seized for upwards of 400 (say 4500) of it, owing, 
it is said, to the divisions of this county being regulated accord- 
ing to the last year's assessment, when I was made subject to a 
treble taxation. But thou may remember that before the pass- 
ing of the act for raising these men, the other law against non- 
jurors was repealed, so that I can't conceive with what propriety 
or by what law, justice, or reason, I should now, in this or any 
other instance be made liable to a treble tax. It seems also high- 
ly unwarrantable to me that men who are not liable to pay a 
shilling should have it in their power to hire a man on any terms 
they please at my expense to screen themselves from a draft. Peo- 
ple don't always feel for others when they themselves are safe, 
and I was told, one of those very men said they would give 5000 
for a man rather than submit to a draft. 

"I mention this matter to thee from a supposition that thou 
hast the principle discretion in conveying these laws and regula- 
tions into execution and from an expectation that, if I am thus 
made liable to suffering thro' inadvertancy, (which I charitably 
hope was the case) thou wilt endeavour to have it rectified. 

"I am respectfully thy friend, 
"Bobert Pleasants." 

It should not be gathered that Pleasants acceded to the gov- 
ernment, merely because such claims are recognized in the above 
letter. Against summary seizure the Quaker was impotent, and 
in this way fines and taxes were collected. His private views re- 
garding the attitude to be adopted towards such levies are stated 
thus : 


[To Thomas Nicholson, Dec. 5, 1779.] 

"Being fully persuaded that a general conformity of conduct 
to the sense and judgment of the body of Friends tends to the 
mutual strength and encouragement of each member, I am in- 
clined to offer a few hints to thy consideration respecting the part 
I have been told our Friends of the 2nd. yearly meeting of Per- 
quimans hath acted or are likely to act ... the matter I allude 
to is that it hath been said most or all our friends of that quarter 
were likely voluntarily to pay the taxes imposed for the support 
of the war which for sometime past hath prevailed to the de- 
struction of the lives, the property, and just liberty of thousands; 
and contrary to the judgments and practices of those in the west- 
ern quarter of our province as well as most others on the conti- 
nent of America. . . . Although many did, the last year, sub- 
mit to the payment of a single tax levied, as the act declared for 
saving or preserving the credit of the paper currency which, (al- 
though emitted for the purpose of carrying on the war) friends 
had made use of, as others, as a medium of trade and from that 
consideration were induced to contribute towards the support 
of its credit. Yet seeing that instead of the money so raised being 
applied to those purposes, it hath been thrown again into 
consideration and moreover, very large sums hath been emitted 
since for the express purpose of continuing the war. It appears 
clear to my judgment that Friends can no more pay the tax than 
take the test, for they are both calculated to promote the same 
ends and make us parties in the destruction, the violence and con- 
fusion consequent to such intestine commotion; and would it not 
be repugnant to reason to contribute by taxes to the support of 
either party who may happen to prevail, whom we could not, under 
the present unsettled state of affairs, be free to acknowledge?" 

Despite these hardships, the Quakers remained consistent 
nay they increased their firmness as the government tightened its 
thumb-screws. There were, of course, a few who fell. And the 
temptation must have been biting to a hot-blooded youth, when 
the whole country was swayed by a passion for freedom. For 
those few there was no leniency. The Society to maintain its 
principles, had to stand together. The slightest inconsistence 


was bound to raise criticism and there were too many already who 
regarded the Quakers' attitude as a pose an evasion of respon- 
sibility. The following letters ring with a martyr-like strength 
of purpose: 

[To Thomas Nicholson, December 5th, 1779] 
"I apprehend that such deviations of conduct and sentiment 
must also tend to discourage those who conceive it to be their 
duty to suffer the loss of life, liberty, and property, rather than 
violate the testimony of a good conscience, and also to the strength- 
ening the bands of their persecutors; for it seems natural enough 
for such to conclude, when the same conduct is not generally ob- 
served by the Society, especially those of the same province, that 
their refusal proceeds from obstinacy and, of course, they may be 
induced to inflict the more serious punishment to promote their 
designs, the tendency whereof hath been surely marked in many 
places with devastation, cruelty, injustice, and depravity of morals 
exceeding any era heretofore known in these parts of America/' 

[To John Crew. October 8-1780] 

"Thy son Exum tells me that he is going to sea in an armed 
vessel, and that he has the full consent of his father and mother 
for so doing. For a tender regard for his good and the reputa- 
tion of his worthy parents, I was induced to query with him 
whether he thought, in case of an attack at sea, he would have 
resolution to withstand the scoffs and threats of the people on 
board so as not to give up the privilege of peace in which he had 
been favored with an education. And also whether he had been 
plainly explicit with the Captain. For it appears absolutely neces- 
sary, if he has any intention of preserving the unity of his friends 
that the Captain should not be deceived in time of action. I 
know it is a time of great suffering to parents and trial to chil- 
dren, but I have often desired that our suffering and trials may 
not accede the strength afforded and I am persuaded, at times, 
beyond a doubt, that, if there is a sufficient degree of faith, pa- 
tience, and reliance on him who cares for sparrows, the trials 
will tend to refine and to make more fit for the service of the day, 


and that a day is approaching in which the Son of Righteousness 
will again shine with brightness and comfort to those who stead- 
ily persevere, which rest thou, and I, and all that appertain to us, 
may do is the sincere desire of thy old friend." 

[To Matthew Pleasants. Dec. 26th 1780]. 

"Report having been made to our monthly meeting that you 
had so far deviated from thy education and practice of friends as 
to attend at muster and act as a military man, Amos Ladd and 
myself were appointed to visit and endeavor to convince thee of 
the impropriety of such conduct. I submitted to the appointment 
from an expectation that thy place of abode was still at thy 
brother Joseph's, but being since informed that thou art removed 
to Goochland County, and not knowing when I may have an op- 
portunity of seeing thee, conclude it might be best to inform thee 
by letter of the matter and, withal to advise thee that, if the re- 
port should be true, or that thou should have seen the inconsist- 
ency of such practices, so as with sincerity to condemn them, to 
lose no time in communicating the desirable intelligence, whereby 
thou may be restored to the unity of thy Friends, who are con- 
cerned for thy welfare and happiness. On the contrary, if thou 
should have deviated in so essential a point, from a determina- 
tion to persist in such a mode of conduct, thou cant reasonably 
expect any other than to be excluded from a right of membership 
in a Society to whose discipline theu dont choose to conform. I 
wish, however, thou wouldst solidly consider the matter, and if 
thou canst not justify war from the doctrines and example of 
our Saviour, His apostles, and the primitive Christians, would it 
not be a dangerous innovation, to set up thy own judgment in op- 
position to the highest authorities? Wherein should thou be 
mistaken after having been favored with a different education, 
the greater will be thy condemnation." 

[To Mary Pleasants. Feb. 1781] 

"Altho' the times are distressing in many respects, nothing 
gives me so much pain of mind as a fear lest he (a son) should 


be prevailed on by a fear of suffering, or fallacious arguments 
and example of some, who have been favored, as well as himself, 
with a religious education, and turned their backs on it, to take 
up arms; indeed, it looks to me as if the approaching difficulties 
would try every foundation and earnestly wish, with thee, that, 
those who have been favored with the beauty and excellence of 
an holy life, may press forward with a full purpose of heart and 
dependence that he who cares for sparrows will not suffer the 
trials of such to exceed the support and strength afforded, so 
that we may be favored to say in the conclusion, with the apostle, 
"I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course, I have 
kept the faith." 

And now the Quaker has bared his heart to us what did he 
find there? Assuredly nothing of selfishness or surfeiting. We 
must judge his attitude in the light of his own spiritual concep- 
tion. It is, I think, something which arguments and formal proof 
cannot justify. Was he a fanatic? Undoubtedly. And was he 
a traitor? There were many to dub him so in his own day, but 
distance has cleared our view. Finally, was he a patriot? Not 
in the strict sense of the word, truly and yet, has the word a 
more transcendant meaning? What impelled that stubborn re- 
sistance to all which seemed just and noble? The Quaker would 
answer, "the Divine spirit." Spiritual vagaries find no sympathy 
in a world of action. We must grant, however, that it was 
something strong and supernatural which could snatch those 
souls out of the turgid current of a land, shriveled to the core by 
the travail of a nation's birth, which held them aloof and let them 
measure dispassionately the pro and con of abstract justice. We 
need not agree or even admire, but we must look with wonder 
back on those who to us and to succeeding centuries, will typify, 
in the words of Robert Pleasants, "the pure principles of Peace 
and Righteousness and which we, of this generation, are called to 
bear testimony to." 


PHILADELPHIA, 1771-1772. 1 

Mr. Daniel Anderson, Merchant, Dumfries, Virginia. 

David Arrol, Esq ; Alexandria, Virginia 

Henry Bell, Esq; Buckingham County, Virginia 

George Bevans, Esq; Mayor of Norfolk, Virginia 

Leu Bowyer, Esq; Botetourt County, Virginia 

Mr. William Bowyer, Merchant, Staunton, Virginia 

George Brent, Esq; of Frederick County, Virginia. 

John Brickell, Esq; Attorney at Law, Norfolk County, Virginia 

Andrew Buchanan, Esq; Fredericksburgh, Virginia 

Nathaniel Burwell, Esq; Isle of Wight, Virginia. 

Richard Corbin, jun. Esq; King and Queen County, Virginia. 

Mr. John Deans, Merchant, Northumberland County, Virginia. 

William Drew, Esq; Clerk of Berkley County, Virginia. 

William Ellzey, Esq; Prince William County, Virginia. 

Severn Eyre, Esq; Northampton County, Virginia. 

Griffin Faunt, LeRoy, [Fauntleroy] Esq; near Potomack, Virginia. 

Doctor Flood, near Rappahannock, Virginia. 

Mr. Felix Gilbert, Merchant, Augusta County, Virginia. 

iThe title of this edition is "Commentaries on the laws of Eng- 
land. By Sir William Blackstone, one of his majesty's judges of the 
county common pleas. Reprinted from the British copy, page for 
page with the last edition. America: Printed for the subscribers, by 
Robert Bell, at the late Union Library, in Third Street, Philadelphia, 
MDCCLXXII." 4v. A copy is in the library of William and Mary 
College. Blackstone in 1758 was appointed the first Vinerian pro- 
fessor of English law at Oxford University. The first volume of 
his Commentaries, published under his own supervision, appeared in 
1765, and the other three volumes at intervals during the next four 
years. The first professorship of law in the United States was estab- 
lished at William and Mary College in 1779 by the Board of Overseers. 
The statute of the Board creating this and other professorships 
has been recently discovered in the Virginia (Gazette of Dec. 18, 1779, 
the only copy being in the State Library. 



Mr. George Gilpin, Merchant, Alexandria, Virginia. 

Mr. James Gordon, Merchant, Lancaster County, Virginia. 

Doctor Alexander Gordon, Norfolk, Virginia. 

Mr. John Grattan, Merchant, Augusta County, Virginia 

John Harvie, Esq; Albemarle County, Virginia 

Mr. William Hancher, Merchant, Berkley County, Virginia 

James Henry, Esq; Attorney at Law, Accomack, Virginia. 

Colonel Abraham Hite, Hampshire, Virginia. 

Colonel John Hite, Frederick County, Virginia. 

John Hite, Esq; Berkeley County, Virginia. 

Peter Hog, Esq; Augusta County, Virginia. 

Colonel John Hunter, Gosport, Virginia. 

Mr. Samuel Inglis, Merchant, Portsmouth, Virginia. 

George Johnstone, Esq; Leesburg, Virginia. 

Gabriel Jones, Esq; Augusta County, Virginia. 

James Keith, Esq; Clerk of Frederick County, Virginia. 

Mr. Thomas Lewis, Surveyor, Augusta County, Virginia. 

Mr. Isaac Lerue, Farmer, Berkeley County, Virginia. 

Walter Lyon, Esq; Attorney at Law, Princess Anne County, Vir- 

Peter Lyons, Esq; Attorney at Law, Hanover County, Virginia. 

John Magill, Esq ; Attorney at Law, Winchester, Virginia, 31 sets. 

Mr. Hector Macome, Merchant, Dumfries, Virginia. 

Thomas Maddison, Esq; Botetourt County, Virginia. 

Messrs. Sampson and George Matthews, Merchants, Staunton, Vir- 

Captain Thomas Marshall, Clerk of Dunmore County, Virginia. 

Mr. Thomas M'Culloch, Merchant, Gosport, Virginia. 

M'Donavan, Esq; Northampton County, Virginia. 

Major Angus McDonald, Frederick County, Virginia. 

Captain Samuel M'Dowel, Augusta County, Virginia. 

Cleon Moore, Esq; Colchester, Virginia. 

The Hon. John Page, Esq; of Gloucester, Virginia. 

John Parramore, student of Law, Accomack, Virginia. 

Edmund Pendleton, Esq ; Caroline County, Virginia. 

Philip Pendleton, Esq; Berkeley County, Virginia. 


Jabez Pitt, Esq; New Kent County, Virginia 

Mr. Eobert Pleasants, jun. Merchant, Virginia. 

Messrs Purdie and Dixon, Printers, Williamsburgh, Virginia 24 


Anthony Ramsay, Esq; Alexandria, Virginia. 
John Rapalje, 1 Esq; King's County, Virginia. 
Mr. John Riely, Bullskin Creek, Berkeley County, Virginia 
Mr. John Riddell, Merchant, Dumfries, Virginia. 
Mr. Richard Rigg, Surveyor, Augusta County, Virginia. 
Mr. William Rind, Printer, Williamsburg, Virginia, 12 sets. 
William Robinson, Esq; Princess Anne County, Virginia. 
John Ruffin, jun. Esq; Dinwiddie County, Virginia. 
Nathaniel Littleton Savage, Esq; Northampton County, Virginia. 
Mr. John Schaw, Merchant, Norfolk, Virginia, 30 sets. 
Mr. David Shepherd, Gent. Berkeley County, Virginia. 
Mr. Edward Stabler, Merchant, Petersburgh, Virginia. 
Col. Adam Stephens, Esq; Berkeley County, Virginia. 
Mr. St. George Tucker, Hog Island Ferry, near Williamsburgh, Va. 
Colonel Abraham Smith, Augusta County, Virginia. 
Captain Daniel Smith, Augusta County, Virginia. 
Smith Sneyd Esq; Accomack County, Virginia. 
Thomas Swearngein, Esq.; Berkeley County, Virginia. 
The Hon. John Tayloe, Esq.; Richmond County, Virginia. 
Mr. Edmund Taylor, Merchant, Fredericksburgh, Virginia. 
John Thornton, Esq; Loudon County, Virginia. 
The Rev. Charles Minn Thruston, A. M. Rector of Frederick, 


The Rev. James Waddell, Lancaster County, Virginia. 
Alexander White, Esq ; Attorney at Law, Winchester, Virginia. 
Edmund Winston, Esq; Buckingham County, Virginia. 
James Wood, Esq; Frederick County, Virginia. 
Mr. Isaac Zane, Merchant, Frederick County, Virginia. 

i Mistake for Kings Co., N. Y. 



From the British Transcripts, Library of Congress. 
Sloane 4040 f. 151. 

Virginia the 20th of April 1706. 

The news of my Fathers Death hurry'd me so suddenly from 
England, that I had not time to receive the commands of the So- 
ciety, or of your Self, so Laborious a member of it. However I 
think my Self obliged to offer my Service by this first opportunity, 
and should be very ambitious to do any thing for you, that might 
make me worthy of the honour I have of being of that illustrious 
Body, that are ever at work for the good of ungratefull mankind. 

The country where fortune hast cast my Lot, is a large feild 
for natural inquiry s, and tis much to be lamented, that we have 
not some people of skil and curiosity amongst us. I know no body 
here capable of makeing very great discoverys, So that Nature 
has thrown away a vast deal of her bounty upon Us to no purpose. 
Here be some men indeed that are call'd Doctors: but they are 
generally discarded Surgeons of Ships, that know nothing above 
very common Remedys. They are not acquainted enough with 
Plants or the other parts of Natural History, to do any Service 
to the World, which makes me wish that we had some missionary 
Philosopher, that might instruct us in the many usefull things 
which we now possess to no purpose. 

iThe writer of these letters was the well known William Byrd, 
second of the name, born in 1674, died in 1744. As this correspon- 
dence shows, his inquisitive mind led him to take an interest in every 
subject. As a fellow of the Royal Society, he became a correspondent 
of Sir Hans Sloane, the secretary, from 1693 to 1712, president, 1727 
to 1741, and the most distinguished botanist and physician in Eng- 
land of his day. He was born in 1660, and though of delicate health, 
lived until 1753. With his great collection of books and specimens, 
the British Museum was founded in 1754. 


The infinite deal of business I had since my arrival has not 
permitted me to furnish my self with many observations upon 
the country. This may be allowd to be a very reasonable ex- 
cuse for me, who found all my private affairs in great disorder 
after haveing been 8 months without an owner. And besides 
that, My Lord Treasurer has laid his commands upon me, to pass 
all my Fathers public accompts over again, which are of seaven- 
teen years Standing. And I have been wholly employ'd upon 
that, to the neglect of my own necessary business, that I might 
be in condition to obey His Lordps commands before the sailing 
of this Fleet. This certainly will excuse me to the Society for 
this year, especially when I promise to be as Serviceable as I am 
able to it the next. 

There's nothing Vexes me so much as to find in some of your 
ignorant newspapers, (God forbid I shoud call the Gazet one of 
these) that such a ship arriv'd in so many weeks from Virginia, 
& left the country very healthy. Which last remarque makes the 
world believe, that the Country is at other times generally very 
Sickly. But I can assure you, they do it abundance of wrong, 
that believe it to be so; for I fancy here be as few diseases as any 
were [where], and those that we have are justly to be chargd upon 
intemperance, or excessive ill management. Indeed the many 
Rivers, and the vast quantity of water all over the country incline 
people now, & then to agues, especially at the time of year, when 
people eat fruit without any other measure than the bigness of 
their bellys. But as Agues come by takeing cold, I set my Coun- 
try men an example, that will guard 'em from that inconvenience, 
if they'll have the grace to follow it. I have all the last winter 
gone once or twice a week into the river, without being discourag'd 
by frost or Snow, and find so much benefit by that management, 
that I design always to continue it throughout the year. This 
hardens me and makes me proofe against all the sudden turns of 
weather, that give colds to other people. At first I passt for a 
madman for this unusual proceeding: but several do now begin 
in their opinions to be reconcil'd to my method, tho not in their 
practice. If People woud be perswaded to this, twoud Save a 
world of Jesuits bark, and Starve all our Doctors. 


I have herewith sent a small box of the Root, with which the 
Indians us'd to cure the bite of a Eattle- Snake. And all the 
Traders which we send several hundreds of miles to traffick with 
the Indians, find it constantly to cure their horses, when they 
happen to be bit. I my Self have Servants that have try'd it 
often, and never knew it miss. The method is, as soon as ever 
they perceive either man or horse to be bit, they pound about the 
quantity 2 roots at most, and give it in water. It soon begins to 
operate violently by sweat, while the patient lys panting with the 
tongue out for 2 or 3 hours together, & then is perfectly well. 
What is wonderfull in this medicine is, that it has no sensible 
operation upon any creature that has not been poisond. Certain- 
ly a Plant that has virtue enough to cure so venemous a bite, as 
that of the Rattle-snake, must be of infinite use in other disas- 
ters. I beg the Society woud please to make some experimts with 
it, because I'm confident it will do great Service in many cases. 

Pray do me the favour to let me hear from you, and let me 
know how the Society flourishes, with a full assurance of the ut- 
most endeavours to promote its advantage by 


Your most faithfull Servt 
William Byrd. 


Since I writ the other side I have discover'd the true Hypo- 
quecuana, of which I send you a Sample. Both the fashion of 
the Root and the similitude of the operation leave me no doubt that 
tis the same with that sent from the Spanish West Indies. How- 
ever pray try it, and give me yours and the Societys opinion of 
it. I have also sent you the Root which we find a kind of a Spe- 
cifique both for the dry gripes, and the Wind-Cholique. In those 
distempers it never fails to go thro the body, when nothing else 
will, if taken in a large quantity. I have put up also Some of 
our assarabbacca which we have of 2 sorts, but this is the best. 
Be pleas'd to let me know what uses may be made of all these 
things, that so I may be able to do good with them here, as I 
hope you will there. When I have more time, I hope I shall be 


able to do more Service, in the mean while do me the justice to 
believe, that nobody has better inclinations to promote natural 
knowledge than my Self, and if you will direct me after what 
manner I may be most serviceable to the Society & to the com- 
mon wealth of learning, I will readily obey you. If you have 
any thing curious there, I shoud be obliged to you, if you'll please 
to favour me with the knowledge of it. Be so kind as to send 
your letters to Mr. Mica j ah Perry in Leadenhall Street, and he 
will carefully convey them to me by the first opportunity. Adieu. 
Pray send me some Seed of lemmon-thime. 

Sloane 4041 f 202 

l Virginia the 10 sept. 1708 


About two years since I saluted you and gave you the trouble 
of a few of our natural productions. I have had the pleasure of 
one letter from you upon that Subject, which gave me nopes of a 
full answer by the next opportunity. But I have heard no more 
of it since, and therefore I am afraid that letter miscarry'd with 
our Governour Col. Hunter who had the misfortune to be taken 
into France in October last. However it was, the haveing been 
without that Favour has very much discouraged my inquirys. You 
were mistaken in your conjecture that I sent you two sorts of 
Hippocoacanna, for tho some of it seemd curld, and the other 
smoth, yet both came oil the same root, so that tho the curld 
may be best, it is not different in kind from the smooth. If it 
shoud be never so dear in Europe, I am confident the quantity 
that can be sent from hence will hardly make it cheaper, for it 
grows in very few places and there so thin, that it can be worth 
nobodys while to get it for sale It delights most in very rocky 
ground on the sides of Precipices, and always on a declivity. I 
planted some in my garden but it do's not thrive. I shoud be 
glad to hear how much it will sell for a pound however, that I 
may judge whether it be encouragement sufficient to employ any- 
body about it. By this fleet I send you a box with some more 
roots and seeds, that the Society may try if there be any virtue 


in them. Amongst the rest, there is a Paper of a Root which I 
think very like Jalop, we call the plant here Poke, it bears a pur- 
ple berry which woud dye an admirable coulour if we understood 
the right way of fixing it. For the good of my Country there- 
fore I begg of you to send me the best ways to fix dyes, of which 
we are very ignorant. There is a Paper of a dangerous seed of 
a Plant which we call here Jamestown Weed, both the seed and 
the root are rank poison and so are the leaves when they are 
grown to their full bigness, but these are only poison if taken in- 
wardly for both the Root and the leaves make a Poultis that cures 
a burn immediately. In another paper is a seed of the Jerusa- 
lem oak as we call it, which kills worms better than any worm- 
seed I ever heard of. The way of takeing it, is to mix a spoon- 
full of the seed with honey, which must be eat 3 mornings to- 
gether, and if the patient have worms in his Stomach or Grits it 
will infallibly kill them. You will find a Paper of Stickweed 
root (very common here) the green leaves of which never fail to 
stop bleeding either at the nose or else where, provided they be 
frequently apply'd fresh to the part affected. There is likewise 
a root for which I have no name, but by the tast I judge it to 
have a great deal of virtue. I wish I were acquainted with the 
ways of trying the virtues of Plants, of which we have here a 
surprizing variety: but our ignorance makes ? em of no use to us. 
Our Common snake-root with which you are so well acquainted 
in Engd. is a noble plant, and if the powder of it be put into 
Canary it restores the vigour of the Stomach effectually, if a 
man take 2 or 3 swallows of it sometimes. At my first arrival 
here I was troubled with a violent diarrsea, which no medicine 
wroud cure but I took this, and then I was cur'd presently, & have 
continued well ever since. I impute my Distemper wholly to the 
frequent use of the cold bath, wch upon that belief I have left off. 
We have several mines and Minerals in this country, which foi 
want of men of skil rest quietly in their beds. You woud do me 
a particular kindness if you woud please to send me the Samples 
of Several ores, that I might by compareing them with those 
which I find be able to make some judgment of them. I have 
Strong inclinations to promote naturall History, and to do ser- 


vice to the Society: I wish I were qualify'd to do it with effect, 
but my best endavours you may always depend upon. Pray let 
me have the joy of hearing from you often, and if I can be of any 
use to you here, You have a right to command him who is with 
much truth 


Your most faithfull humble Servt. 
W Byrd. 

Whenever you have the goodness to send 

your commands to me be pleas' d to direct them to Mr. Perry in 

Leadenhall Street who will by the first occasion give them a safe 


Endorsed Sept. 10, 1708. 

Sloane 4068, f. 54. 

London Dec. 7, 1709. 

I am very sorry my Second letter hath not reached you I do 
not much wonder it should happen so in warr time especially when 
Copies are not sent by other Ships. However there is no great 
losse to you unlesse there be in Virginia quantity of that Sort 
of Ipecoacanna which I gave you notice of which may be sold at 
thirty Shil. per pound. It does seem to me very Strange that 
there should not be had of it in plenty. There are great con- 
trivances by the Author of Nature for the Continuance and propa- 
gation of all Creatures & particularly Vegetables, so that I be- 
lieve scarce any have perish'd since the creation of this time not- 
withstanding the Consumption of them for Severall purposes. I 
have heard that the Dutch have been at Immense expences in de- 
stroying the Spice trees in the E. Indies and that yet they cannot 
lessen their annuall expences upon that acct. I mentn. these 
particulars that you may look abt & I dare say you will find 
plenty of it & you will save so much money as goes from hence to 
Portugall & Spain on this Occasion. 

I have reed the box you Sent by the person you gave it to abt 


a week ago. It had been open'd at the Custom house & the sev- 
erall particulars you mention were in it 'bating the Stick weed 
which has been either left behind or taken out. The root you call 
Poke is not Jalap but the root of the Solanum racemosum Ameri- 
canum of Mr. Ray in his history of plants. This plant I mett 
with in the Caribe Islands & Jamaica and have given some acct 
of it in my History of that Island. A spoonfull or two of Juice 
of the root when green will purge but when dryed the root has not 
that effect. The Colour you mention to be in the Berries hath 
been taken notice of and they are used in New England for dying 
a reddish colour, but as to the fixing the colours I have never 
heard of anything used so much as Alom & clean sort of potash. 
The James town weed is a Stramonium which I have likewise mett 
with in Jamaica & the Caribes & is without question a great 
poyson. It intoxicates & takes away the Sences after the manner 
of the Dutroa of the East Indies & that in a small quantity of any 
of the parts of this plant And yet the observation you make of its 
use in burns is taken notice of long since by Gerard in his herball 
where is a very good acct. of it, and 'tis called Thorny Apple 
from the fruit it bears being prickly & somthing of the shape of an 

The plant you mention under the name of Jerusalem oak is 
the Botrys Ainbroscoides Mexiocana of Casper Bauhine & other 
herbarists. It may very likely kill worms given with hony. Honey 
is certainly one of the greatest killers of worms any Medicine we 
have, tho commonly because Sweet it is otherwise esteem'd. The 
Seed you sent over has been used to be putt into Cloaths to pre- 
serve them from moths which are a sort of worms when they do 
the mischief to apparell. I cannot but admire this plant for one 
property for tho it be so volatile as to give without touching a 
strong & not unpleasant quick sent yet I have had of it twenty 
five years dryed & glued down in a book upon opening of wch 
it will now immediately affect the nose, which I know no other 
plant in it will do but one sort of trefoil which is from thence 
call'd lotus ordorata. This sort of Jerusalem Oak herb is us'd 
for Shortness of breath in severall places. 

The unknown root you mention I cannot tell what to make of, 


It has a bitterish tast & is somewhat aromatic like Costus, but 
wanting it's leaves fruit and flower, I cannot tell you what it 
is or if it grow anywhere else. When you send any other herbs 
pray send their leaves and flowers dryed between papers and their 
seeds that they may be known & raised here. 

As to the mineralls you mention there are such varietys that 
'tis next to Impossible to send you over the severall sorts, tis much 
easier to you to send over what you want to be informed of in 
which Case you shall receive the best Satisfaction I can give you. 
I am glad you are in health, I wish you may continue and advise 
you to what I practice my self never to take Physick when I am 
well & not to make use of any Medicines but such as are very well 
tryed when I am ill observation and experience being the best 
way to find out the virtues of plants I should be glad to have any 
opportunity to shew you that I am 

Yor most obedt. & most faithfull 

Hans Sloane 

Addressed To/William Byrd Esq/in/Virginia. 
Endorsed Dec. 7, 1709. 

Sloane 4042, f. 143. 

Virginia the 10th of June 1710. 

I had the favour of your kind letter of the 7th of Decem- 
ber last, and by that have been incourag'd to search more narrowly 
for Ipecoacanna. There is a tolerable Quantity at a great dis- 
tance up the Country which upon good Incouragement I woud be 
at some trouble to get. I sent about 30 pounds of it last year: 
but it was stoppt at the custom house, where twas rated at fourty 
Shillings $ pound, and they expected custome according to that 
value. But I have nothing since about it. I have now sent you 
in a Box about [ ] pounds of it part of which I have caused 
to be cut into bits, as the apothecarys sell it, and the rest is in 
the pure root pickt clean from dirt & trash. Now I woud beg 
the favour of you to dispose of this for me after the best manner 


you can, and send me word whether it sells best whole in the root, 
ore else cut into pieces. It is a great deal of trouble to cut it: 
but the convenience is, that a great deal go's into a small com- 
pass and so saves in the freight. If it be necessary to pay Custume 
I must Submit: but hope you'll have Interest enough to get it 
custome free. I hope youll forgive me for makeing a merchant 
of you; but for your trouble am willing to allow the merchant 
Rate of 2y 2 & cent upon the neat proceed. If you can make a 
good hand of it, I will engage to send you a great Quantity. I 
send this only for a Tryai, to be informd whether it will be worth 
while to send more. If you dont care to be troubled with such 
commissions for the future, let me know it: only I beg your best 
advice in the management of this affair, and that by the first con- 

This comes by a Running Ship: but by our Fleet I will en- 
deavour to send you some Raritys. I wish youd please to give 
yourself the trouble to let me know how the Royal Society thrives, 
and to assure 'em that I shall be always ready to do em what Ser- 
vice I can in this Country. There is a noble feild for a man of 
Skill in the works of nature, and tis pity we had not a man of 
tast and qualification that made it his business to make discoverys 
that way. I beg of you to send me your account of Jamaica, and 
if there be any other good voyage publisht since I left England, 
or any other curious piece, to send it me, and pay yourself out 
of the profits of the Cargo. I wish you all happiness, & that you 
may live long for the good of mankind. I am 


Your most faithfull humble Servt. 
W. Byrd. 

I have sent the Box by Capt. Posford commander 
of the Ship Harrison from Virginia. Inquire 
at Mr. Micajah Perry's In Leadenhall Street for the Ship. 


Sloane 4055, fo. 112. 

Virginia the 31st of May 1737. 

Altho' I have not persecuted you with any of my Letters since 
my Return to my own Country, yet I have silently enjoyd the 
pleasure of hearing you are well, and glideing on cheerfully and 
happily towards the age of old Jenkins. How widely was you mis- 
taken in Your own case, when you prophesyd above Twenty years 
ago, that the then approaching Spring would send you to Elysium, 
to converse with your great master Hypocrites? But 'tis no new 
thing for the best Physicians, to judge better of Other Peoples 
constitutions than their own. Tho after all, who knows but kind 
Providence may have extended Your Life in pure Pity to Mankind ? 

My Friend Mr. Catesby tells me you don't believe the Ginseng 
that grows on our Mountains, to be the same with that of Tar- 
tary. I know not what Species of it you may have met with 
from thence, but I can assure you by my own Experience, 'tis 
exactly the same with that describd by Father Jartoux. The 
whole Plant is in every Respect so like it that his Icon of it, as 
well as Descripsion, represents ours as perfectly as it can do that. 
And as for the Vertues too, I find them the same that he men- 
tions. Insomuch that were I to judge of the veracity of the Jesuits 
by this Instance, I shou'd pronounce them very honest Fellows. 
As for the merry Effects ascribd to it towards obliging the Bash- 
full Sex, the good Father says nothing of it, nor dos my Exper- 
ience reach so far. And man is so depravd, that in case this noble 
Vegetable had any such vertue, I'm affraid a very bad use would 
be made of it. 

Another very usefull Plant has lately been discoverd in this 
Country, which has been found of great Efficacy towards cureing 
some of our most fatal Distempers. The Gentleman who waits 
upon You with my Complements, Mr. Tennent, has made many 
successful Tryals of One Species of Our Rattlesnake Root. He 
has found it almost a Specifick in Pleurisys, which are the most 
fatal of all Deseases in this Clymate amongst the Negros & Poor 
Peoples. He affirms that amidst a multitude of Cases, it never 
faild him more than once, and then there was good Reason for it. 


The same has also done wonders in the Gout and Dropsy, and 
probably might cure the Bite of a Mad Dog, as well as other 

My Freind carrys over a large Quantity of this Boot, that so 
various Experiments may be made of it. He judges very right, 
Sr, that nobody is capable of searching deeper into its Vertues 
than Your Self. We owe the knowledge of this powerfull Vege- 
table to that Gentlemans discovery. He has acted generously in 
publishing it to the World for the service of mankind, and if 
upon Tryal it be found to merit the character he gives of it, Our 
Assembly will reward Him very handsomely. 

The Truth of it is, Our Woods abound with so many very use- 
full Plants, that woud you do as much good after you are dead, 
as you do while you are alive, You must improve the Scheme of 
Dr. Eadcliff, and bequeath in Your Will an Exhibition for one 
or more Plantery Physicians, whose Travels shoud be confind 
to this Part of the World only, where Nature seems to be more 
in her youth, and to come later and fresher out of her Creators 

I need the less Apology for the Fredome of this Hint, be- 
cause I am well acquainted with your Humanity, which is ever 
seeking occasions of bestowing the Blessings of Heaven to the best 
advantage; and I am perswaded no kind of Charity (not even the 
erecting a Hospital for Foundling Children) woud do half so 
much good, as what I now throw in the way of your Generosity. 

Ever since I came back to my own Country, I have employd 
my Endeavours in Some Scheme or other for its improvement. 
I first went upon Hemp, beleiving it a great Service to England, 
to be supplyd by its own Plantations, with that usefull commodity. 
It thrives very well in this Clymate, but Labour being much dearer 
than in Muscovy, as well as the Freight, we can make no Earnings 
of it. Then I went upon Vinyards, but our Seasons are so un- 
certain, and our Insects so numerous, that it will be difficult to 
Succeed. At present I am going to Settle a Colony of Switzers 
near the Mountains of Eoanoke, who are to try what they can do 
with Vines that way, as well as with Silk, and Potash. Thus 
I am too full of Projects to be very rich, but if I can benefit my 


Country, and make it usefull to Great Britain, it will be a greater 
Satisfaction by much to 

Sr. Your most obedient humble Servant 

W. Byrd 

Endorsed Coin. Byrd to Sr. H. S./Nov. 3, 1737 
Entered in L. B. 

Sloane 4055, fo. 367. 

Virginia the 20th of August 1737. 

I had the pleasure of understanding you was well under your 
own hand, upon which I congratulate all your Patients. I fancy 
you have been nibbling of Ginseng ever since you receivd that Box 
from my good Lord f embroke, by the Vertue of which you have 
mended all the Flaws which Jamaica had made in your constitu- 
tion. I believe ever since the Tree of Life has been so strongly 
guarded the Earth has never produced any vegetable so friendly 
to man as Ginseng. Nor do I say this at Random, or by the 
Strength of my Faith, but by my own Experience. I have found 
it very cordial and reviving after great Fatigue, it warms the 
Blood frisks the Spirits strengthens the Stomach and comforts 
the Bowels exceedingly. All this it performs without any of those 
naughty Effects that might make men too troublesome and im- 
pertinent to their poor Wives. 

Then as for the Rattlesnake Root the Reputation of it en- 
creases every day. The Tincture of it has done Wonders in the 
Gout. I know a Gentleman here who had been a Cripple several 
years with that Distemper and by taking a small spoonfull of 
the Tincture in a moderate glass of Water morning and Evening, 
has recoverd his Legs and can now walk 4 or 5 miles. His Fits 
return seldomer and more favourable than formerly. Whenever 
he falls under the Anguish of a Fit, one Dose gives him Ease in 
a short time. By its purging, its deuretick, and diaphoretick Qual- 
ity it is of great use in the Dropsy, and has recoverd several from 
that fatal Distemper. 

The Powder or Decoction of this Root, will operate either by 
Purge Vomit or Sweat according to the present Disposition of 


the Person who takes it. It is of great Efficacy in Pleuretick 
Feaver, which being some of the worst, 'tis probable twill easily 
master those which are less violent. According to that way of 
reasoning, it has been tryed in Intermitting Feavers with Sus- 
cess, and I am not without hopes, that it will disgrace the Peru- 
vian Bark, and put the Jesuit quite out of countenance. It is 
a Specifick against worms, taken in the Decoction which makes 
it very valuable in this Country, where most of the children that 
dye, and most of the Negros, dye of Worms. In short it is BO 
powerfull a Medicen in many of those Deseases that unpeople the 
World that I hope to See it planted in this Colony as much as 

I hope the Person, I took the Liberty to recommend to you 
last year, furnisht you with a Quantity of this noble vegetable suf- 
ficient for many Experiments, as he promised me he would. 
Amongs't the rest I wish it coud fairly be tryd for the Bite of a 
mad Dog, for which it may perhaps be as Sure a Eemedy; as for 
the Bite of a Rattlesnake. I shoud be glad to be satisfyd in that 
Point, and likewise what Success it may have in that British 
Plague the Small Pox. That Desease is not common here, but it 
has raged lately very much in Barbados, and South Carolina. In 
the last of these Places they pretend to have found out a certain 
Preservative against it. They drink every morning a Draught of 
Water that has stood 2 days upon Tar, after doing this 3 or 4 
times they are so safe that even Inoculation will n&t give them the 
Distemper. The Experiment may be easily made with you, and 
I shoud be glad to hear its Success. Thus you see Sr that the dis- 
tance of 4000 miles is not sufficient to secure you from the Persecu- 
tion of 

Your most obedient Humble Servant 

W Byrd 

I wish I were better acquainted with Jamaica, and shoud be glad 
of your History. 


Sloane 4057, f. 20. 

Virginia the 10th of April 1741. 

I receivd your Commands by Dr. Mollet with a great deal of 
Pleasure, and your Recommendation was a Law to me to do all 
the Service I coud to that Gentleman. I did every thing to ad- 
vance his Interest, except being Sick, and if you had desird that, 
I might perhaps have done my best to oblige an old Friend. How- 
ever all the Civility s we coud Shew Him, coud not keep him 
amongst us, our Clymate was too cold, and his Constitution too 
delicate, or else too lazy, to ride much about, without which there 
are no great Earnings to be made for one of the Faculty in this 
thin inhabited Country. About a month ago he took his De- 
parture for Jamaica, where he hopes to get more money with less 

You will easily believe I askt the Doctor abundance of Ques- 
tians about you, and was not a little delighted to hear, that you had 
outlivd all your Complaints, as well as your Cotemporarys. Apollo 
instructed you better in Physick than he did in Prophesy, for I 
remember about Forty years ago, you told us several years together, 
you shoud not out live the following Spring. I am glad for the 
sake of mankind that you was mistaken, tho' it was strange, that 
at the same time you coud give so Shrewd a guess at the Fate of 
your Patients, you Shoud err so widely about your own, and be 
half a century out in your Prognosticks. 

I am sorry our Plant of Life, our Ginseng, shoud loose all its 
vertue by passing the Sea, as well as our Rattle-snake Root. Per- 
haps some mighty Feats may be expected from these noble Plants, 
for which Providence never intended them, such as King Charles 
the 2d fondly promised Himself from the Cordial Quality of the 
Ginseng. What I recommend it for, is, to cheer the Animal 
Spirits, and feed the Flame of Life, which I am convinct it will do 
if regularly taken. And then for the Rattle-snake Root I can 
upon my own Experience recommend it for the Pleurisy, the Rheu- 
matism, and easing of Pain in any part that proceeds from In- 
flamation. Others have told me of strange Effects it has in a 
Dropsey and for killing of Worms. The misfortune is, when a 


Plant has some remarkable Vertues, People are apt to cry it up 
for a universall Remedy, which is an honour Providence has done 
to no single medicine, because it woud make us lazy in our Searches 
into Nature. I am pers waded we have abundance of Excellent 
Simples in this Country, and perhaps a man coud not do a greater 
good to mankind, than to bestowe a handsome Stipend yearly 
upon a well qualifyed Naturallist, to come and make Discovery s 
in these Parts of the World. A word to the Wise is enough, and 
Some times more to the Purpose than a Volume. 

I take it a little unkindly Sir that my name is left out of the 
yearly list of the Roial Society, of which I have the honour to be 
one of its ancientest members. I suppose my long absence has 
made your Secretarys rank me in the Number of the Dead, but 
pray let them know I am alive, and by the help of Ginseng hope 
to survive some years longer. 

I have a Son that is entering upon natural Philosophy, and 
I shoud be obligd to you, if you woud be so good as to send me 
one of the Reflecting Telescopes, a very good Barometer and 
Thermometer, With an Air Pump Fountain. And if you will 
please to order them to be carefully packt up for a voyage, and 
carryd to Mr. John Hanbury one of our Merchants, he will pay 
for them, and convey them Safe to 

Sir, The most obedient of your Servants 

W Byrd. 
Pray send me your History of Jamaica. 


Contributed by HON. R. M. HUGHES. 1 

Washington Dec 16th, 1831 
My Dear Sir 

Your letter of the 22nd ult has just this morning come to my 
hands. I should before this have informed you of the progress of 
your Pattonsburg suit; but really no progress has yet been made 
in it. After leaving Richmond I stayed in Lynchburg some days 
in the hope of having the cause taken up, argued and disposed of; 
indeed I supposed I had made an arrangement which would ensure 
an immediate trial, fyr Mr. Anthony as counsel for the defendts 
appointed a day certain for the trial of the case. When however 
the day came on which I waited nearly a week, Mr. Anthony dis- 
covered that he was not counsel in the case and not authorized to 
take it up. This threw me all aback; for as the defendts had no 
counsel in Court, the Judge could not and would not agree to 
take up the cause before its regular turn on the Docket. It was 
impossible that I should wait for that turn and I therefore con- 
certed with Mr. Baxter the proper measures for the disposal of 
the cause. On looking over the papers I found that Mr. Baxter 
had prepared an excellent argument in writing wihch he had 
filed. I thought it perfectly safe to submit the cause to the Judge 
with this argument after some additions had been made to it by 
Mr. Baxter on my suggestion. Mr. Johnson had once obtained 
a decree but Sheffey succeeded in setting it aside and placing the 

iCharles C. Johnston was the son of Judge Peter Johnston and 
Mary Wood, daughter of Lucy Henry, a sister of Patrick Henry. He 
was elected a member of the twenty-second Congress, and served from 
Dec. 5, 1831, to June 17, 1832, on which date he was accidentally 
drowned in the Potomac River. He married Eliza M. Preston, daugh- 
ter of John Preston. The letter is to John B. Floyd, then only 24 
years old, afterwards governor of Virginia. His wife was Sally B. 
Preston, daughter of Francis Preston, and first cousin to Mrs. Charles 
C. Johnston. 


case on its original attitude: I was clear however that the pits, 
must succeed on the hearing. The only question of much diffi- 
culty is the amount of relief to which the pits are entitled. 

I saw Mr. Baxter on my way here and ascertained from him 
that the Judge had taken the papers and had decided on giving a 
decree; feeling some difficulty however as to the precise measure 
of relief the Judge had retained the papers and would enter a 
decree during the winter. 

We are certain of procuring relief as far as the property now 
in the hands of Boyd's heirs will go and our decree will be im- 
mediately enforced as to them; if the Judge gives us a decree 
against the purchasers of the Pattonsburg lots (which I think he 
can hardly refuse) then so far as those purchasers are concerned, 
delay must happen, for they have never yet been made parties in 
this case, and they must be made parties before any thing can be 
forced from them. 

Since the date of your letter, the aspect of affairs has no 
doubt changed much in Richmond, and if you can spare time from 
your dalliance with your charming law books and your charm- 
ing wife I should be glad to know the exact attitude as it re- 
gards, to use your fathers phrase, "our federal relations", at 

I am too fresh in this latitude to have rectified myself precisely 
to my position; and my speculations must be received as from one 
who as yet but sees through a glass darkly. I can see enough 
however of what is going on here to feel the utmost anxiety for 
what must very shortly happen. In order to explain I must go 
back a little and begin with the beginning. 

Every one who has looked at public affairs understandingly 
perceived before the meeting of Congress, that this session of that 
body, would form a crisis in which the political destiny of this 
Government would be determined, either for evil, or for good, for 
years to come. You and I and all the men of the South who are 
not "Bastards" have either denounced the opinions of the Presi- 
dent and his Cabinet on the all absorbing question of the Tariff 
as you and most of your friends have done; or doubted as I and 
mine have done. The present state of things is by no means cal- 


ciliated to remove my doubts whilst there is certainly nothing as 
yet justifying a denunciation of the President. His message is a 
clear, able state paper, was well received, and added much to the 
hopes of our party. That part of it which related to the Tariff 
seems to be (although a little too oracular) favorable to our side 
of the question. We were still more encouraged by the palpable 
shape in which the Tariff and the American system is presented to 
the community by the present state of our Treasury. The fact 
that our debt is paid, for the duties which have accrued during the 
present year added to the Government Bank Stock are sufficient 
to pay it; will at once be understood by the people. This is a 
clearing of the mystery, in the fog of which one half of the people 
who have blindly assented to the American System, have been lost; 
and will conduce much to .put an end to the System itself. 

The people have already profited by the lights that the fre- 
quent discussion of the System has of late struck out; public senti- 
ment is already beginning to act. As an evidence of this asser- 
tion it is admitted that there are many more opponents in Con- 
gress to the System from the Northern States than there were 
during the last Congress. 

We took what may in some sort be called a test vote the other 
day on Mercer's resolution to appoint a standing committee of 
Internal Improvements: it was made a test question by Mercer 
himself who challenged a test vote upon it and the vote of 96 for 
to 90 against has been most alarming to System men. The vote 
will change in some degree on the tariff and many think the 
change will be in our favor as there are several Internal Improve- 
ment men who are decidedly anti-tariff. All this might seem en- 
couraging enough but it is not to be trusted. 

The Treasury Report or as it is more properly called the 
Treasury Message has well nigh thrown us all aback. It is the 
most federal message which has been issued since the days of 
the Elder Adams, far exceeding even Hamilton himself. It 
recommended amongst the crude speculations with which the 
Secretary has "started from his sphere" the rechartering the Bank 
of the United States and a compromise of the American System 
and what a compromise! It recommends reducing the duties on 


all those articles of luxury which are of general consumption in 
the States and throwing the whole burden of taxation on the fav- 
ored articles of protection: thus throwing the whole weight of 
taxation on the South. This is taken up at once by the System 
mongers and called a compromise and they seem to hope that the 
name will go down with us. The opinions of the President and 
his party proper (I mean those who are Jackson men, and who go 
for the man the whole man, and nothing but the man) are yet 
in doubt. It is known here that the President is still opposed to 
rechartering the U. S. Bank; but yet, although he turned out his 
last Cabinet because it was not an unit he has suffered his new 
secretary of the Treasury to press strongly for the rechartering and 
assume the constitutionality of this measure. The doubt then 
is whether the President does not even assent to the modification 
of the duties proposed by the Secretary: he has in conversation 
said, for I heard him say so that "this matter must be com- 
promised" and the doubt is whether he did not mean I will not 
say the delusive compromise but I will say the most nefarious 
trick of the Secretary. I still hope much from the honesty of the 
President: I hope much too from the circumstance that Clay is 
in the Senate with new hopes; elate and courageous as he is from 
his recent nomination he will set up his flag for the System and 
he and Webster will press in favor of McLean's proposition. The 
force of these circumstances will do much for us in compelling the 
Jackson men on some point of difference with the Clay party and 
may in the end go far in pressing the old Genl. into his proper place 
into the arms of the South. If things should go wrong there is 
but one remedy and that is to be had in the early and prompt ac- 
tion of the States particularly of Virginia while the matter is 
pending and undecided here. The Tariff party have not the least 
idea of disunion the partnership is too profitable to them to break 
it up; they know too that they are in the wrong in this matter 
but they believe that the South has not clearly found it out or 
that they can by dexterity or by trickery yet gain instead of giving 
up. As soon as they perceive that the South is determined now 
that the debt is paid no longer to submit to the system they will 


give it up, making the best terms they can, exacting from us just 
precisely as much as we will yield. 

The three Southern messages from Georgia, Virginia and 
Carolina have already had much effect here on these questions. 
I for one thank your father most heartily for his for I am well 
nigh satisfied that the Southern Reprs. without their state Gov- 
ernments will be beaten and that with them we might gain the 
victory. The question here will be battled long; as soon as the 
result seems probably against us or doubtful the States and particu- 
larly Virginia should act promptly and forcibly; telling this Gov- 
ernment in distinct terms what may be expected from a con- 
tinuance of the System. Virginia should have her gun loaded 
with powder (so that if necessary the ball may be run down in 
a moment) and a mateh lighted so that she may fire in an instant. 
To speak more distinctly the party in the Legislature who are 
willing to run the risk of sacrificing themselves to save the coun- 
try ought to have measures ready so that they may interpose at a 
moment and throw the weight of our State Government into our 
scale. If this is properly done the Country is safe. The inter- 
position of Virginia at such a crisis with all her strength would 
weigh with vastly accumulated power from her apparent acquies- 
cence for the last four years and her patience under her grievances. 

I have written this very hastily without the slightest attention 
to the words I have put down I believe there is much truth in 
the thoughts. I have them hastily thrown together. 

If you choose you may show it to your father at a leisure mo- 
ment. He will look only at the thoughts and not the words; if he 
thinks they are worth any thing he may make some use of them 
if not they will be rejected my letter is too hastily written to 
show it to any one else. 

The committee of manufacture (Adams Chairman) met the 
other day and according to John S. Barbour one of its members 
determined by a vote of 6 to one not to adopt McLean's recom- 
mendation but to report a reduction of the duties on every thing 
alike I dont believe it to be true. 


It is now past midnight so I will end this scrawl with most 
affectionate salutations to you all. 

Yr friend and relation 

Charles C. Johnston 

I have heard nothing from Wats since I left Richmond. 


Chs. C. Johnston 

John B. Floyd, Esq 
Richmond, Va. 



Contributed by CLAYTON TORRENCE. 

To the Honorable the Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of 

The Petition of Alex. Hanewinkel 

Humbly Sheweth 

That your Petitioner being regularly bred by the Trustees for 
improving Manufactures in Great Britain, in the making of 
Heckles, Wool Combs, Tin Wool & Cotton Cards, Wire making, 
&c and perfectly well acquainted with the dressing of Flax and 
Hemp; has attempted .to prosecute these branches, but by reason 
of his want of stock, and the excessive high wages of Workmen 
in erecting the Machinery & utencils &c will be obliged to lay 
aside his designs or at least carry it on in such a small way, as 
will be but of very little use to the publick in general and en- 
tirely frustrate his first intention of rendering himself a useful 
member at a time when so much wanted. 

Your Petitioner also begs leave to inform your Honble House 
that he has in conjunction with John Atkinson, of the Town of 
Fredericksburg, erected a Hemp Mill, and Hecklery, which will 
undoubtedly reduce the exorbitant prices of linen in this part of 
the Country. But such a work will oblige your Petitioner an- : 
Partner to employ a number of spinners, Weavers and Ropemakers 
to expend such of the material as are unsaleable. Your Peti- 
tioner being sensible that this Honourable House gives every 
encouragement to such as are most conducive to the publick good 
on this consideration, begs leave to mention that he is the person 
who has the conducting of the Slitting Mill and the sole direc- 
tion of the Steel furnace of Mr. Hunter's works. 1 

The sum of this humble petition is, that you will grant him 
such assistance as in your Judgments will be adequate to carry 

iSee 9 Hening, 303, Act for encouragement of iron works, grant- 
ing help to James Hunter. 


on his designs, for which advancement he is ready to give indis- 
putable security (if required) either to be paid in certain pro- 
portions of the sum advanced him, annually, in any of the articles 
he purposes manufactoring, particularly linen Cloth for the use 
of the Army and Navy or in Money as your Honors would Chuse. 

and Your Petitioner as in duty bound Shall ever pray &c 
Endorsed : 

Petition Alexander Hanewinkel 
Refd. to propns. 
Nov. 5th Reported 
3d (Rejected) Resolution 


To accompany the Petition of Alexander Hanewinkel referd 

to the Committee of Propositions and Grievances. 

That it is impossible to make out an exact estimation of the 
neat cost of his intended Works, and Stock of Material, but 
thinks as nigh as he can judge that it would require the sum of 
Five Hundred Pounds at least to render it of public utility. 
Nevertheless according to the Sum the Honble the Committee 
shall think proper to advance him the undertaking shall be en- 
larged or contracted. 

A. Hanewinckel 


Contributed by T. ADGER STEWART. 
State of Kentucky \ 

\ " 

Simpson County. ) 

On the tenth day of September, eighteen hundred and thirty- 
two personally appeared in open court before the county court 
of said county now sitting, Thomas McClanahan, a resident citi- 
zen of the county of Simpson and State of Kentucky, age about 
eighty (80) years, who being first duly sworn according to law, 
doth, under his oath, make the following declaration in order to 
obtain the benefit of the Act of Congress passed June 7th, 1832 : 

That he entered the service of the United States under the 
following named officers and served as herein stated, viz.: That 
he was born, according to the history of his family, in the county 
of Westmoreland, Va., but principally raised in the counties of 
Fauquier and Cvlpeper and that in the latter part of the summer 
or the first of the fall of the year 1775 he entered into the service 
of the United States in a regiment first commanded by Colonel 
Patrick Henry, Lieut. Colonel Christy, and attached to a Com- 
pany commanded by Capt. John Green, Bichard Taylor, 1st. 
Lieut., John Houston, 2nd Lieut., and John Lee, ensign. 

The rendezvous was at Culpeper Court House; from there he 
was marched to Williamsburg and was occasionally in some little 
skirmishes with some British stopping at Burrell's Ferry and Old 
Jamestown, and while yet detained at Jamestown, Col. Patrick 
Henry left the regiment and entered into the Legislature of Vir- 
ginia, or filled some other civil post, and the command of the 
regiment devolved on some other officer not now remembered. 

About nine months after he was first marched to Williams- 
burg, the second Virginia regiment commanded by Col. Alex- 
ander Spottswood was brought down to Williamsburg also and the 
said McClanahan was by the consent of the said Richard Taylor- 
then the Captain of the Company (The said John Green having 


been promoted to the office of Major) transferred to the second 
regiment and enrolled in a Company in the same, commanded 
by Capt. Francis Taylor and took the place of a soldier by the name 
of Rueben McKinney and the said McKinney took said McClana- 
han's place in the said regiment of the said Company commanded 
by the said Capt. Richard Taylor. 

The said company was not long after marched somewhere to 
the north tent; the second to which he now belonged continued 
at Williamsburg until late in the fall of 1776; then the said Mc- 
Clanahan was marched with said regiment from Williamsburg to 
Fredericksburg, where they remained but a short time; from 
thence they were marched through Alexandria to Baltimore, from 
there they took shipping and went to Annapolis, according to the 
best recollection, in pursuit, as it was then said, of tories who 
were said to have been embodied on the Eastern Shore of Mary- 
land, but found no tories. 

They were then marched to New Castle on the Delaware River, 
said to be about five miles from Wilmington, where the regiment 
was innoculated with the small pox, and remained until the spring 
of 1777, when it was again marched to Philadelphia, and there, 
for the first time, furnished with clothing at the public expense. 
While there he was one of the guards to a man whose name was 
probably Dunbar who was hung in the suburbs of the city for some 
traitorous crime not now recollected. 

From Philadelphia the regiment was marched through a little 
town called Bristow or Bristol on the Pennsylvania side of the 
Delaware River opposite (If not mis-remembered) Burlington; 
thence across the river to Trentown on the Jersey shore; thence 
to Princetown. This place the regiment reached not long after a 
battle had been fought there between the American and British in 
which it was that General Mercer fell. After remaining here a 
while they were marched to Bondbrook on the Raretown River, 
which was quite in the vicinity of the British Army then posted 
at Brunswick and Amboy, and here the regiment remained but 
a few days ere it was marched to a place called Middle Brook, at 
which the main army, commanded by General Washington, was 


then encamped. This was in the latter part of the spring or the 
first part of the summer of 1777. 

While said McClanahan was here there were several small en- 
gagements between scouting parties of the British and Americans; 
some of them he was in and some he was not. In one of them there 
was Ensign White and perhaps twenty men attacked in a rye field 
by a party of British light horse and all, or nearly all, were cut 
to pieces together with the said officer. He was in a small fight 
himself in which one of the British Guard Houses was taken, a 
Major killed and 13 or 14 men, and the balance taken prisoners. 
It was here that Gen. Morgan rendered such effective service 
when the British retreated with their forces to Brunswick and 
Amboy killed a great many of them on their march. Here Mc- 
Clanahan was one of a file of 12 men who shot a deserter con- 
demned by a court martial. 

It was not long after the British retreated to Brunswick and 
Amboy that General Washington marched the army to the Head 
of the Elk, but not as he knows, for a few days before the army 
moved he was taken with what was then called the "camp fever/' 
which produced delirium on him for some days. When he came 
to he was informed by a soldier in whose care he had been left 
that the army had marched as above stated. It was some time 
before he got to Philadelphia from there as the British entered 
Philadelphia he, together with the other sick that were in said 
City was taken to Burlington. Here having obtained his health, 
he was tried by a court martial for bayoneting a commissary who 
attempted to rescue a butcher, whom he, McClanahan, together 
with another had arrested by order of Capt. William Washington, 
who afterwards commanded a troop of horse in the South, for 
abusive and insolent language to the said Capt. Washington, and 
he was honorably acquitted and the said commissary, as he under- 
stood, was discharged from the service. 

From Burlington he then went to the main army which was 
then stationed at what was then called the Cross Roads or Chest- 
nut Hill. At this place a short time he relapsed into the said 
fever; from that time he lost his recollection until he found himself 
in East-town in New Jersey; from this, having gotten his health. 


he went to the main army again, stationed at Valley Forge, and 
his second enlistment being now nearly expired, he, about the first 
of the year 1778, enlisted in a company of Horse commanded by 
(he thinks) Capt. William Barrett, who belonged to Col. Baylor's 
regiment for three years, or during the war. One of the condi- 
tions of this enlistment was that he was to get a furlough for 
three months and twenty dollars ($20) to bear his expenses home. 
This, together with the furlough, was accordingly given him with 
orders to rendevous again in Fredericksburg, Va., on the 10th of 
April 1778. 

Accordingly he met the said Capt. Barrett in Fredericksburg, 
and there got the said Capt. Barrett to receive one John Green, 
whose sister he had meantime married in Culpeper County, Vir- 
ginia, in his (said McClanahan's) place and got from said officer 
a full discharge, which discharge was lost in the burning of his 
father's (William McClanahan) house in Culpeper some few years 

Here ended his revolutionary war services except a short tour 
of militia duty performed afterwards in North Carolina when Gen. 
Greene was retreating into Virginia from Cornwalis, under Capt. 
James Ward in a regiment commanded by Col. Preston, and he 
went into the service from Bottleton [Botetourt] County, Virginia, 
where he then lived. He was in two skirmishes with British on 
this tour; one at the Altemanha River and the other at the Rudy 
Fork of the Haw River. 

His first enlistment in the regiment commanded as aforesaid 
by Col. Henry was for twelve months, the next one he 
entered the second Virginia regiment commanded by Col. Spotts- 
wood as aforesaid was for two years, and that in said Baylor's 
regiment for three years or during the war. In conformity with 
all of which he served about three .years. From said Bottleton 
[Botetourt] County he moved to Montgomery County, from there 
to Kentucky in 1778 [ ?] and settled in what is now called Bor- 
bourn County, and shared largely in the Indian Wars, which then 
and for some time after, was carried on in the west. He was in the 
battle at Harmers in the defeat at the Maumee Town, belonging 
to the immediate command of Capt. David Tharp, who, together 


with every man in his Company was killed in the engagement, 
except the said McClanahan with seven or eight others. 

He was a spy in the expedition of General Whayne under the 
immediate command of Gen. Chas. Scott from Kentucky in 1793. 
From Borbourn he moved to Logan County, Kentucky, and set- 
tled in that part which since constitutes a part of the said Simp- 
son County, about the year 1803 and in that part he has lived ever 

He has now little or no property, a wife and seven children 
living with him, having had in all twenty (20) children, and as 
much as any man needs a pension. He relinquishes hereby every 
claim whatever to a pension or annuity except the present and de- 
clares that his name is not on the pension roll of any state what- 

Subscribed and sworn to before me the date aforesaid and year 

(Signed) Thomas McClanahan 1 

iThomas McClanahan died Oct. 15, 1845. Buried in Simpson Co., 
Ky. He married Tabitha Williams March 1, 1817. She was allowed a 
pension July 19, 1853, while a resident of Simpson Co., Ky. Widow 
file No. 1052, Revolutionary War. Children by first marriage: Smith, 
John, Nancy, Lucy, Jane, Elizabeth, Martha, perhaps others. Chil- 
dren by second marriage: Hulda, Arden, Thomas, Henrietta, Mary, 
Tabitha, perhaps others. In the will of William Jones (Bourbon Co., 
Ky., will book E, page 85) reference is made "to 100 acres of land 
which is in law for which I have attained judgment in the circuit 
court of Bourbon County, it being a part of a claim of 500 acres pat- 
ented by William McClanahan and deeded by his son, Thomas Mc- 
Clanahan to me." The Thomas McClanahan mentioned in this xvill is 
the Thomas McClanahan whose deposition is printed herewith. 




From Dawson MSS. Library of Congress. 

London 15 Nov. 1758 
Dear Madam. 1 

the reason I did not write you when I wrote the other Ladies 
was that it would be better not to write all at once & if you are 
as glad to hear from me as I shall from you or any of my acquaint- 
ance tho at such a distance, you would not take it a miss, some 
was so kind to write before I had writ them: as for the commis- 
sary Mr. Dinwiddie has never had a line from him tho he has sent 
him several Letters: it is now time to enquire after your health 
& all your children which I do assure you will give me pleasure 
to hear they are all well & settled to your likeing & Mrs. Harrison 
is well recovered from her lying: tho by the time you gett this 
she may be in the way again, if so I sincerely wish her health & 
every thing she can desire & all them: when I see Lady Gouch 
she told me you was not to pay any more for the negroe after the 
two first years I suppose she has wrote you for she has your 
Letter that I brought: you'l Please to give my kind compliments 
to all that askes after me. Mr. Dinwiddie Joins me Lisse & [ ?] 
in the same to you & miss you'l excuse all bad Letters I cant 
coppy them I hope to hear from you soon: Please send the en- 
closed to your Sister Daingfield[ ?] my compliments to Mrs. 
Clayton. 7 Decemr [?] 

from your most humble servant 


Rebecca Dinwiddie 

iWife of Rev Thomas Dawson, president of the college, and com- 



Can any of your readers refer me to any early Virginia, or 
Maryland records of the Gather family? In 1776 one branch 
was living in what is now Pennsylvania (in that portion which 
was then claimed by Virginia) under circumstances which indi- 
cated Colonial Virginia descent probably Augusta County. Any 
information available will be highly appreciated. 


Falls Church, Va. 


Can any one furnish the names of the parents of William Hill 
of Amelia Co., Virginia, born between 1707 and 1727 and whose 
will was dated Dec. 15, 1770, in Amelia Co., and probated 1774 in 
Prince Edward Co., Va. Also the parents of his wife, Martha, 
who was supposed to be named Davis. 

They had a son, William Hill, who married first, Rhoda, sup- 
posed to be Watkins, and had six children, viz. : 1 Endocia, m. 
John Thurmond; 2 Mary, m. Joel Watkins; 3 Rhoda, m. Rich- 
mond Statham; 4 Samuel Davis, m. Agnes Mathews; 5 Johanna; 
6 Martha. William m. 2ndly, Betsy , and had one daugh- 
ter, Elizabeth who m. Clement Davis. 


20 Third St., S. E., Washington, D. C. 


I wish information in regard to the Larue family. Isaac 
La rue was born in 1766 in Frederick Co., Va. He married a 
Miss Hughes of Pennsylvania, and lived near St. Marys, in what is 
now West Virginia. His children were Hannah, Union, Diana, 
Aaron, Annie, William and Sallie. His brothers and sisters were 
Abraham, Jacob, Lambert, Abigail, May Marie. I have a letter 
from William Larue to Aaron Larue dated Tyler Co., Va., Aug. 3, 


Wanted Information as to parents of Isaac Larue and his 


President First Nail Bank. 
Columbus, Kansas. 

1. Genealogy desired of John Eaton Booker (familiarly known 
as "Rattling" John Booker) and his wife Elizabeth ("Betsy") 
Ford of Amelia Co., Va. John E. Booker was captain of a com- 
pany of Lafayette's scouts. (Official proof desired.) He trained 
his horse to lie down at command to evade the enemy when on 
scouting expeditions. He was at the surrender at Yorktown. 

In the Va. State Library List of Rev. Soldiers appears : 
"Booker (Capt.) (11 V. R.) W. D. 222, 1." Is there any pos- 
sible way of identifying this Captain Booker? Did the llth 
Virginia Regiment serve under Lafayette? 

John E. Booker had brothers, Shields Booker and Pinkethman 
Davis Booker, and a sister, Martha, who married William Wade, 
of South Carolina, and probably other brothers and sisters. 
Pinkethman and Shields have been handed down as given names 
in this branch of the Booker family to the present time. 

In William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 2, the York Co. 
records show that James Shields married in 1719 Elizabeth, daugh- 
ter of Robert Cobbs and Rebecca Pinkethman. Did James Shields 
have a daughter that married a Booker? She would have been 
the proper age for the mother of John E., Pinkethman D. and 
Shields Booker. 

2. Edith Pitts married Weldon, their daughter, Mary 

Weldon married Anderson and their daughter, Ann 

Pauline Anderson, married William Powell, of the region of 
Powhatan or Amelia Co., Va. Proof of William Powell's service 
in the Rev. as Colonel of Militia desired. Information concerning 
any of the above families would be greatly appreciated. Corres- 
pondence with descendants desired. 


Malta Bend, Mo. 

OTtUtam anb jWarp College 

(Quarterly Historical 

Vol. 1. lcrie n B d _ OCTOBER, 1921 No. 4. 


The continent of Europe was disturbed by wars in the year 
1551. The sadder, the more solid or graver, merchants of London, 
not willing to be dashed in their business, took counsel together 
and asked the advice of Sebastian Cabot, eminent man of nauti- 
cal science. The upshot was the formation of a company of Mer- 
chant Adventurers, chartered about the middle of December, 1551, 
with Sebastian Cabot as life governor. The good old gentleman, 
Master Cabot, of Venetian parentage and of large experience about 
the world, spend his last years to good result for England. He had 
in his youth been to America of the north, in his middle age he 
had wasted a few years in what we call the Argentine ; relinquish- 
ing the office of chief pilot to Emperor Charles V of Spain and 
the New World, Master Cabot was in his old age the man of all 
others to show England how to go to sea. He said himself he 
had the knowledge of the art of finding longitude by divine revela- 
tion. Henry VIII, notwithstanding, had dealt harshly with him. 
Upon the death of King Henry he was brought back to England 
and virtually given charge of the maritime affairs of the nation. 
His art of finding longitude was thought worth subvention in those 
critical times, when the continent of Europe was upwrought and 
the Hansa League was over strong in English affairs. 

iThis essay is to serve by way of preface to a rather close in- 
vestigation of the Southern Indian Trade from 1673 to 1763. It has 
not been thought necessary to cite authority. Alvord and Bidgood, 
in their Trans-Alleghany Explorations of the Virginians, have covered 
the ground extremely well. The other sources are fairly obvious. 


Master Cabot and his Company of Merchant Adventurers at- 
tempted a North East passage. Why, said they, accept the world 
as it seemed to be with regard to England then? They sent out 
three ships in 1553 to reach Cathay by the North East, and so dis- 
covered Russia, found that Muscovy could be come at direct by 
an open sea. Muscovy was a fur country. Here was a new market. 
The British trader was soon thereafter at home in Muscovy, and 
was pushing on to Persia and Central Asia. Anthony Jenkinson, 
who had been bred to the Levant trade, was chosen as their Russia 
agent by those merchants interested in the business of Muscovy. 
Diplomatist in Turkey and the Mediterranean, Anthony Jenkin- 
son was diplomatist also in the Tszars Dominions, and by 1560 
had reached Bokhara. He still thought that a North East pas- 
sage to China should be a practicable move ; at Bokhara the values 
of the china trade must have been matter of routine speculation. 
Anthony Jenkinson and Sir Humphrey Gilbert, early in 1566, 
petitioned the crown for license to discover China by the North 
East. Such enterprise was about grown fashionable then, but 
it is not at all impossible that Anthony Jenkinson was the first 
to suggest such things to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who towards the 
end of 1566 petitioned for license of discovery by the Northwest 
as an alternative to his petition with Jenkinson. Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert was in Ireland in 1566, helping to settle a colony of Eng- 
lishmen in Ulster, a colony soon unsettled. It was not until 1578 
that Humphrey Gilbert, step brother to Walter Raleigh, received 
his patent to discover, find, search out, and view such remote, 
heathen and barbarous lands, countries and territories not actually 
possessed of any Christian prince or people. Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert went down in the Squirrel, near the shores of North 
America early in 1579. His patent was to expire in 1584, and it 
was then that his brother Walter Raleigh had it revived in his 
own name, March 25 th, 1584. By July of that year Amadas and 
Barlow, of Raleigh's ships to Oregon Inlet, were writing their 
pleasant journal of life in Virginia where for a tin dish 10 skins 
could be had, and for a copper kettle 50. 

The British eagle was mewing. Walter Raleigh, born a year 
after the chartering of the Cabot Company, was to see with his 


own eyes an England changed from perplexity regarding its place 
in the world to audacity limitable only by the world itself. The 
English, to be sure, were following their noses a good deal during 
the life time of Sir Walter Raleigh, but they had good strong 
noses, excellent head pieces in general, and the idea once lodged 
with them that to save England they must go out into the world, 
they went out. The destinies of Ireland, India, and Virginia were 
strangely going on together around the year 1600. The venture 
towards India being at first wholly commercial it was Irish af- 
fairs that influenced especially Virginia. If Britons could be 
settled among the wild Irish, then why not still further overseas, 
despite of Raleigh's ill success? Talks to the Irish on the part of 
Queen Elizabeth's agents sound wonderfully like Georgian talks to 
the Cherokees or the Greeks. And it is not to be overlooked that 
Sir Walter Raleigh is credited with the education of the Irish in 
the item of potatoes and of the English in that of tobaccos. 

Raleigh looked West. He was not concerned with India. But 
quite naturally when the English companies came to be set up 
for India and for Virginia the directorates were interlocking 
somewhat for example, John Eldred (venerable name) of "Nut- 
meg Hall/' Sir Thomas Smythe (of the Muscovy and all the com- 
panies), Sir John Wolstenholme, backer of Hudson, Baffin, and 
others in their Northwest attempts. A full list of Directors, at 
once of the East India Company and of the Virginia Company, 
with elucidation as touching their careers, would make an in- 
teresting memorandum. These companies were planned for pro- 
fit. The East India Company knew what to expect 187% at the 
least. The Virginia Company had little notion of what to expect. 
They knew that there were fur-bearing animals in North America. 
But promotion in their case was to be from settlement if possible 
to a market created by the Company settler. So when Captain 
Newport wrote home in 1607 of his voyage up James River to- 
wards the Mountains Quirauke, the Directors must have been 
pleased at his report "we have excellent furrs, in some places of 
the country great store." And whatever the worth of the asser- 
tion, it was significant that John Rolfe could relate of Virginia 
about 1616, that the Indians were then coming in to buy corn of 


the English, purchasing with skins or mortgaging their lands 
"they seek to sell their skins from their shoulders, which is their 
best garments, to buy corn ; yea, some of their petty kings have this 
last year borrowed from us five hundred bushels of wheat, for 
payment whereof they have mortgaged their whole country." Here 
were the difficult questions arisen of deed and deed of trust among 
a people holding the land by tribe as it pleased them and as they 
could. Sir Walter Raleigh, in the Tower must have read such 
reports with a certain interest. He had had leisure in the Tower 
to look into world history, and knew the philosophy thereof suf- 
ficiently well. His life about ending in 1616, he doubtless felt 
convinced that there was to be a new world of Virginia without 
fail now that the red indwellers were beginning to be in pawn. 

But the Indian Traae was a shifting business at best. Shortly 
after 1616, Governor Argall was promulgating a law that there 
should be "no trade nor familiarity with the perfidious savages, 
lest they discover our weakness?" Then in 1620 the company it- 
self issued its enlarged schedule of furs sables, luzernes, martens, 
wildcats, fox, muskrat, beaver with high prices listed. In 1610 
the Company's fur talk had been brief and commonsense "bever 
skynnes being taken in winter tyme will yield good profitt; the like 
will otter skynnes." The Directors at home knew what the Dutch 
were doing at Manhattan, as did also the James River Virginians. 
The Directors looked for nothing comparable at Jacobopolia but 
were willing to see the possibilities of the colony developed. To- 
bacco was a growing article. Should the price of tobacco fall very 
much, there might be something substantial in furs and skins. 
The historian Stith says something to show that the glass manu- 
factory planned for Jamestown in 1621 was to give of its time to 
the making of beads for the Indian trade. The colonists were dis- 
regardful of the Argall rules and in 1621 were employing In- 
dians, with guns, to hunt for them, to bring in to them game and 
no doubt the skins and furs the Company was advertising for. 
Then in 1622 Governor Argall was right, those Indians were 
not fancying deeds of trust the great massacre checked enter- 
prise somewhat and commercial penetration somewhat. Yet in 
1624 there was a cargo of furs sent to Holland from Virginia. 


That cargo probably came out of Chesapeake Bay. These items 
seem to show that under Company rule to 1624 there was neither 
public nor private organization of the Indian trade in the James 
River Country. It was a haphazard business at the first contact, 
springing largely from curiosity on both sides, and what trading 
was done went on up the James and to the north, in the Rappahan- 
nock and the Potomac and about Chesapeake Bay. For many 
years the English were seized with the dreads regarding the coun- 
try south of James River. 

Besides, the colonists about Jamestown were for some years 
upon a joint stock basis, not admitting of private enterprise, and 
for some years they were expecting to come upon mines of silver 
and gold, as of the territory and city of Raleigh. The governor, 
council and burgesses of the colony, writing about themselves to 
King Charles in 1628, said nothing of an Indian trade, but spoke 
cheerfully of mines "we conceive that there is great hope of the 
ritchness of the Mountains, and there was a discovery made form- 
erly nyneteen years since in the which some of us were, and about 
four days journey above the falls of James River as we are in- 
formed certain assurance of a silver mine." What were the pros- 
pectors meaning to say? Whether they themselves were there or 
not, it is interesting to hear their talk of the back country four 
days above the Falls. Curious minded colonists, Romany men, 
early became interested in the back country. In 161? George 
White was pardoned, on the explanation of his running away to 
the Indians, and Henry Potter condemned to death for stealing a 
calf and running away to the Indians. In 1619 Captain Henry 
Spelman was examined by the Grand Assembly on charges pre- 
ferred by Robert Poole, interpreter. Poole said he had met Cap- 
tain Spelman at the Opechancanough's court, and that Spelman 
had talked to the Opechancanough unreverently and maliciously 
against the colony government, had alienated the mind of the 
Opechancanough. Captain Spelman, third son of the scholar Sir 
Henry Spelman, (member of Raleigh's London Society of Anti- 
quaries), much to the displeasure of his friends had gone out to 
Virginia and there learned the native tongue thoroughly well. For 
intriguing with the Opechancanough, a mild and queer sentence 


was imposed upon him he must lose his title of Captain, and 
serve the Colony seven years in the nature of interpreter to the 
Governor. Henry Spelman apparently was soon rehabilitated. 

In April, 1623, he was in command of a trading expedition 
up the Potomac to the Anacostan Indians, who had their quarters 
then about where the District of Columbia now is. Captain Spel- 
man, "a warie man, well acquainted with their treacheries and 
the best linguist of the Indian tongue in the country," was by the 
account trading for corn. The Anacostans were too subtle for him. 
They professed friendship, and then suddenly turned and slew 
nineteen of the English, among them Henry Spelman. Henry 
Fleet and others were held captive. Governor Wyatt, reporting the 
disaster, said "Indeed all trade with these Indians must be fore^ 
borne, and without doubt we must cleere them or they us out of 
the country." Matters went that way. The great massacre had 
been but the year before, and shortly after, Henry Fleet was con- 
spicuous in the Indian trade of that Potomac region. 

In 1623 Henry Fleet was about twenty-five years old. His 
father was William Fleet of the London Virginia Company. Henry 
Fleet seems to ha^e come to Virginia not before 1623, and thus 
was introduced to the colony and to the Anacostan Naturalls in 
the same twelvemonth. He was kept in captivity (within the 
bounds of Fleet gaol, he may jocosely have put it) for four years, 
as long as might be, until 1627 when his friends contrived to ran- 
som him. Henry Fleet was a man of skill. He applied himself 
during his Anacostan days to the study of his environment, and 
learned so much that on going home to England at the first oppor- 
tunity he made it manifest to a firm of London merchants Clobery 
& Company that he could be of use to them in Virginia. William 
Clobery was a merchant adventurer. He was a chief man in the 
Guinea trade, and was open to suggestions for good trade any- 
where. Apparently he sent Henry Fleet to Virginia well endorsed 
for promoting a Chesapeake Indian trade. At any rate Septem- 
ber 6, 1627, the ship Paramour, London, 100 tons, was licensed to 
clear, Henry Fleet master, William Clobery & Company owners. 
William Clobery backed Dutch traders up the Hudson as well. 
The papers of his firm for twenty years to 1640 would much 


elucidate the history of the American Indian trade. Sir John Wol- 
stenholme was still living, active nearly to 1640. He set up Wil- 
liam Claiborne as a trader up Chesapeake Bay. Henry Fleet, Wil- 
liam Claiborne, Sir John Wolstenholme, Clobery & Company and 
the Baltimores were responsible for much Chesapeake Bay history 
before 1640, centering about a trading post at Kent Island. 

Sir John Wolstenholme, who was practically disposed to the 
American idea, was encouraged to invest something through Wil- 
liam Claiborne on Chesapeake Bay. Claiborne knew that re- 
gion had been authorized by government to explore there as 
early as 1627, and knew that the chance was best there for an 
Indian trade from the older Virginia. He was settling a post in 
the upper Bay at Ms Kent Island, when the Baltimore charter 
for Maryland was issued. He and Sir John Wolstenholme not to 
mention others, were greatly miffed at that charter. It is possible 
that Sir John Wolstenholme then withdrew from the Kent Island 
enterprise, and that Claiborne at once took up with a strictly 
commercial man, William Clobery no less. That was intricate 
business, which can hardly be traced at this distance. The Balti- 
more party, coming to their Maryland, touched at Virginia early 
in 1634. They saw Captain Claiborne, who in respect of Mary- 
land (where was Maryland?) could not be pleased and talked dis- 
mally of what the Potomac and Bay Indians might and might 
not do. The Baltimore party passed up the Bay taking with 
them Captain Henry Fleet "excellent in language, lore and exper- 
ience with the Indians." Captain Fleet was interpreter and guide 
to the Marylanders. He brought them to "as noble a seat as 
could be wished," and then left them, drawn away by Captain 
Claiborne, factor for Clobery. The Baltimore party expected to 
bring the Indians to their religion at once, and to establish trade 
with them at once. While Captain Fleet was with them they fan- 
cied they could proceed but little with the Piscataway in matters 
of religion, because the captain, a Protestant, misconstrued their 
talk. Moreover the Captain, an old experienced trader, was at 
first willing to go as partner with them in their trade, but soon 
was off getting skins on his own account or for Captain Claiborne. 
Coelum non mundum mutant qui trans mare currimt. 


Among the memoranda of the first Marylanders, it is especially 
interesting to read Leonard Calvert's letter home to his associate 
Sir Richard Lechford, dated May 30, 1634. Leonard Calvert 
came with the party for Maryland for trade, the Indian trade in 
skins. He had already an intimate acquaintance with the trade. 
What he said in his letter throws light upon the history of the busi- 
ness, when business organization in general was being so greatly 
pushed by Strafford. In the first place, the rosiness of Leonard 
Calvert's hopes is evidence of the briskness of the Claiborne trade 
at the time. But Leonard Calvert was writing, too, to hearten his 
associate who had money desired on account. He said "By di- 
rection of our Captain Henry Fleet, who was very well acquainted 
with all parts of the river and of the Indians likewise, I found a 
most convenient harbour and pleasant country lying on each side 
of it. Whilst we were a-doing these thing [necessary to a seating] 
our pinnace by our directions followed the trade of beaver through 
all parts of the precincts of this province. But by reason of our 
so late arrivall here we came too late for the first part of the trade 
of this year: which is the reason I have sent home so few furrs 
(they being dealt for by those of Virginia before our coming) 
the second part of our trade is now in hand, and is like to prove 
very beneficiall. The nation we trade withal at this time a-year 
is called the Massawomeckes. This nation cometh seven, eight, 
and ten days journey to us these are those from whom Kircke 
had formerly all his trade of beaver. We have lost by our late 
coming 3000 skins, which others of Virginia have traded for, but 
hereafter they shall come no more here, wherefore I make no doubt 
but next year we shall drive a very great trade if our supply of 
trucke fail not. There is not anything doth more indanger the 
losse of Commerce with the Indians than want of trucke to barter 
with them, wherefore I hope you will not grudge to put in your 
share though as yet you have not the full return you expected." 

It is a little striking that Leonard Calvert, in his very inform- 
ing letter, said nothing of Captain William Claiborne by name. 
Captain Claiborne was in touch with Clobery & Company and 
that was a powerful firm. Whoever has power abuses it, an emi- 
nent historian remarked. Clobery & Company treated Captain 


Claiborne badly, so far as the record appears. The Captain held 
on at Kent Island, both by management and by gunpowder. But 
the Baltimore Marylanders showing rather strong with their char- 
ter, Clobery & Company began to cool towards their factor, who 
was no Marylander. Trade follows the flag. Instead of putting 
the case plainly, that as Maryland- Virginia politics stood, Cap- 
tain Claiborne's political activities were prejudicial to his factor- 
ship at Kent Island, the Cloberys for reasons difficult to understand 
followed the method of indirection. Possibly they were so inter- 
ested elsewhere they left Kent Island to shift for itself. Possibly 
the Marylanders were forced to subtle plotting as against so strong 
a man as Captain Claiborne. The facts are, that late in 1636 there 
appeared at Kent Island Captain George Evelin who from his 
first coming may have been an agent of the Cloberys, set to watch 
the performance of Captain Claiborne. George Evelin professed 
himself a friend to Claiborne and no Baltimore man. He had an 
uncle, Captain Young, who about this time was endeavoring to 
establish a trading post in the Delaware Eiver. 2 George Evelin 
could talk of the trade and made himself agreeable. At last, early 
in 1637, there arrived at the Island a ship, the Sara and Elizabeth, 
sent with servants and goods by Clobery & Company, but con- 

Captain Thomas Young, the son of Gregory Young, merchant of 
London (a Yorkshi reman) was born in London in the year 1579. He 
came to Virginia and Maryland and the Delaware river in 1634. He 
had already seen something of Spain and Italy. Captain Young's sister 
Susanna married Robert Evelyn of Wotton, Surrey, and was aunt (by 
marriage) to John Evelyn, the diarist. Thus George Evelyn was 
nephew of Thomas Young. 

Captain Young was a man of good intelligence. He was greatly 
an admirer of Sir John Harvey, and could therefore see little good in 
William Claiborne and less in that powerful republican Captain 
Samuel Matthews. Captain Young wrote an interesting letter from 
James River to Sir Toby Matthew the fall of 1634, (printed in Plow- 
den Weston's Documents Relating to South Carolina) in which he 
spoke of his own plans for exploration to the South Sea, and gave some 
account of Governor Harvey's expedition, under the command of Cap- 
tain Matthews, far up the country. See Note in Myers, Narratives o/ 
Early Pennsylvania. 


signed not to Captain Claiborne but to George Evelin. And 
pointedly, power of attorney was exhibited from the Company, 
demoting Captain Claiborne from his factorship at the post and 
substituting George Evelin. Captain Claiborne was summoned 
home to show cause why he had not recently been trading to better 
advantage. He had not the trucke! He had been making what 
shift he could, had kept the post going, but without plenty of 
trucke from his principals [Leonard Calvert let us know], the 
Chesapeake Indians would fall away. They had learned speedily 
what the trade should be. This trade history of Kent Island is 
worth examination on several counts. 

From the evidence, we will assume that Henry Fleet and Wil- 
liam Claiborne were the chief promoters of the Virginia Indian 
Trade, at least to the Northward, in Chesapeake Bay and up 
the Potomac, during the years immediately after the Company rule 
ceased, and miscellaneous commercial enterprise directed from 
London, was growing more active. Lord Baltimore's Maryland 
interfered with those Virginians trading to the northward, just 
as William Penn's grant was later to interfere with Lord Baltimore. 
Metes and bounds in an old free country like America were diffi- 
cult to fix in matters of trade with the naturalls. Any regulation 
of such a trade was of course difficult. Lord Baltimore at one time 
tried to prevent Maryland from dealing with the Indians for pork, 
but the Marylanders would not be prevented. As for skins and 
furs, Virginia found early that too many skins were going out of 
the country as articles of export the people needed skins at home 
in Virginia. Virginia in 1633, at the height of William Clai- 
borne's northern trade, discovered that too much cloth was being 
engrossed by Indian traders. An act was then passed admitting 
"that all trade with the natives was to be cherished for many re- 
spects, yet it being thought fit that the necessity of present want 
should be first supplied," it was ordered that trade to the Indians 
in cottons and bayes be stopped except by special leave. In Vir- 
ginia and in Maryland, for some years after the first Massacre, it 
is pretty evident that there was a considerable Indian trade. Then, 
as such intercourse went on, with, its inevitable misunderstandings 
unmodified by the chastened spirit, there sprung up in the nature 


of things jealousy, unfairness, and settled hostility. By 1641, 
despite of the very good intentions of the Governors of Maryland, 
there was a settled hostility towards the Marylanders on the part 
of their Indian inmates and neighbors. We do not know: maybe 
the Virginia traders, up the Chesapeake or across the Rappahan- 
nock Marches, egged on the Maryland Indians. Maybe the old 
Opechancanough of Virginia, seeing how the Maryland Indians 
stood of their own accord, waited for a time he judged fitting and 
then struck. Some people thought the civil strifes in England had 
something to do with unsettling the Indians, whose unsettling at 
any time needs no long explanatory argument. However it was, 
the Indians of Maryland were on bad terms with their European 
neighbors by 1641. And year 1644 Indians of Virginia came down 
for another massacre. But a few months before, government had 
made proclamation for a Day of Thanksgiving, in memory of the 
22nd of March 1622. The warring that followed gave, in Vir- 
ginia, a notable impulse to the organization of the Indian Trade. 

April 1644, the Opechancanough's people came down to slay. 
They slew, and if they had held firm they might ha\e retarded 
Virginia greatly. Luck was with the English. Also, Sir William 
Berkeley being their governor, they met the facts pointedly and 
squarely. They harried the enemy. To keep him at a comfortable 
distance, recurrent as he was, they set up forts on the Pamunkey 
(Fort Royal), on Chickahominy Ridge (Fort James), at the Falls 
of the Appomattox (Fort Henry). Then Captain Henry Fleet 
was commissioned to negotiate a peace, at his own expense should 
he fail. We gather that Captain Fleet was still a powerful man in 
Indian affairs, and if he carried through a treaty was to be al- 
lowably much the gainer. Treaty was arranged with Necotowance, 
successor of the ancient Opechancanough, on terms that showed a 
marked advance of civilization; Necotawance must do homage for 
his land to the King of England, in token whereof he was fined 20 
beaver skins "at the going away of the Geese yearly." The 
people of Necotowance were to keep themselves carefully to 
the North side of York River, and to the South their dead line 
was drawn from the head of Yapin the Blackwater to the old 
Monakin Town. W^hen trading was to be done, or runaway blacks 
returned, the people of Necotowance were to repair from the North 


north west to Fort Royal (Ricahack) on the Pamunkey from the 
south, to Fort Henry on the Appomattox or to the house opposite 
of Captain John Flood. At the time, Captain Flood was chief in- 
terpreter to the colony. His house being on the Appomattox the 
evidence is perhaps that the more important Indian business of 
Virginia had shifted already to the South. Certain it is, that of 
the four trading forts established after the second massacre, Fort 
Henry, under Captain Abraham Wood on river Appomattox, was 
the most conspicuous as the records are. Captain Wood, who had 
made his own way in the colony, once established at Fort Henry, 
long continued there. He was a Southside man. Stipulations 
following the massacre of 1644 made it clear that the north side 
and the south side of the James were, by reason of the broad river, 
regions distinct; each must fend for itself. Abraham Wood was 
chosen commander on the Southern March. His abilities, well 
approved in peace and war, he was confirmed by government in 
his tenure of Fort Henry, allowed to keep the post (with a planta- 
tion) at his own charge, free of taxation for a term of years. He 
was to maintain a small force there, his own trading force, which 
should be garrison as well. This was the policy with all those 
forts the emergency past, those four posts were handed over to 
private enterprise, trader's enterprise, the concessionaire to guar- 
antee defence. Captain Henry Fleet had in this way been auth- 
orized, when treating with Necotowance, to build a fort on Rappa- 
hannock, an important station, but we know more about Fort 
Henry. The second massacre had done much to organize the trade. 
An exploratory trade, the Indian Trade from the James River 
country, during Charles Fs last years and later, was substantially 
furthered by Sir William Berkeley, Governor of the Colony. The 
Berkeleys were good Americans. Sir Maurice Berkeley, Sir Wil- 
liam Berkeley's father, was a member of the Virginia Company. 
Lord Berkeley of Stratton, Sir William Berkeley's brother, was 
upon the Restoration a Proprietor up and down the Atlantic Coast 
from Hudson's Bay to Florida. The minute and transcendental 
philosopher, Bishop Berkeley of the Bermudas (theoretically) and 
Rhode Island was perhaps a distant relation. George Berkeley, 
Baron Berkeley, to whom was inscribed the Anatomy of Melan- 


choly, became in 1630 immediately upon the grant a feudatory 
of Sir Robert Heath in Carolina. When Sir William Berkeley 
came to Virginia about 1640 he had good reason to think himself 
interested in the country he had been a Canada Commissioner 
in 1632. The author of the "Perfect Description/' writing near 
the Strand to be sure, said of Sir William Berkeley in 1648 
"and had not this present governor been sent as he was and con- 
tinued, who hath done all a gentleman could do to maintain the 
colony alive, it had upon this second massacre been utterly de- 
serted and ruinated, as things stand in our own land. [But] the 
Indians have of late acquainted our Governor that within five 
days journey to the west and by south there is a great high moun- 
tain, and at foot thereof great rivers that run into a great sea. 
Sir William was hereupon preparing fifty horse and fifty foot to 
go and discover this thing himself in person which will mightily 
advance and enrich this country. And for matter of their better 
knowledge of the land they dwell in, the planters resolve to make 
a further discovery west and by south up above the fall and over 
the hills, and are confident upon what they have learned of the 
Indians to find a way to China and East Indies 3 . . . and by such a 
discovery the planters in Virginia shall gain the rich trade of the 
East India, part by land and part by water, and in a most gainful 
way and safe, and far less expenseful and dangerous than now it 

There is no claim that Sir William Berkeley was the instigator 
of the authorized Virginia trading exploration of his time. It is 

s"For Sir Francis Drake was on the back side of Virginia in his 
voyage about the world, in 37 degrees just opposite to Virginia and 
called New Albion. But of this certainty Mr. Henry Briggs, that most 
judicious and learned mathematician, wrote a small tractate and pre- 
sented it to that most noble Earl of Southampton, then Governor of 
the Virginia Company" (Tract on the Northwest Passage to the 
South Sea through the Continent of Virginia, London, 1622.) Vir- 
ginia Farrar of Little Gidding, read the "Perfect Description." In 
1651, when British navigation was looking up again, Mistress Farrar 
(or her father John Farrar) published a map of Virginia, showing 
a picture of Drake in one corner, with the legend beneath that Ne\v 
Albion was about ten day's march from Virginia. 


reasonable to suppose that he could have small influence in govern- 
ment explorations under the Commonwealth. And it is not proved 
that he was at any time directly concerned in the Indian Trade. 
But it is known that Sir William Berkeley was an encourager to 
exploration. During his many years in Virginia there was much 
exploration, as a thing of course. The country had shown itself 
able to exist, and that meant growth. Give the English footing in 
a country of eastward flowing rivers like Virginia, and a no-man's 
land between them and the Spanish, what was to be expected? 
There was no pan-Indian policy, else from the west and the south 
and other quarters, Virginia, (and Sir William Berkeley), might 
have gone down under pressure. Admitting their dreads, the 
South was the most negotiable quarter for the Virginia English, 
and Southern Virginians, (especially Abraham Wood of Appomat- 
tox Falls), are most in evidence now as factors in what went on 
then among the explorers. For example in 1650 Edward Bland, 
merchant in James River, Captain Abraham Wood and others, 
were permitted by the Governor to go exploring south. They went 
South South West several days journey and rhen they thought it 
well to return. They reached a country in their opinion "far more 
temperate than ours of Virginia, and the inhabitants full of chil- 
dren." This was likely the country of the Island of Occoneechee, 
where the Roanoke branches into the Sapony and the Saura, that 
is to say the Staunton and the Dan. On the way out a 
Nottaway King said to them: There was a Wainoke Indian 
told him that there was an Englishman, a Cockarous, hard 
by Captain Flood's gave this Indian bells and other petty 
truck to lay down to the Tuskarood King, and would have 
had him to go with him, but the Wainoke in doubt what to 
do when to Captain Flood who advised him not to go for that 
the Governor would give no license to go thither. Our recorded 
history in this field is plainly fragment. The Englishman of the 
narrative, a cockarous or important man, went to the Tuscarora 
without the Wainoke and without pestering the Governor. The 
exploring party heard of him again : a Tuscarora Indian they met 
at a Meherrin town gave them word that the adventuring cockarous 
was then a great way off at the further Tuscarora town. Mr. Ed- 


ward Bland sent him a letter, couched in English, Latin, Spanish, 
French and Dutch. Nothing came of the polyglottal note. Some 
time afterwards they found that the runner they employed never 
took the letter. Several things that happened they were convinced 
had been done "of purpose to get something out of us and we had 
information that at that time there were other English among 
the Indians." License? What mattered license? The man who 
fancied the risk took it." 4 Hakluyt's story is not unbelievable 
of Davy Ingram roving in 1578 from Mexico to Massachusetts Bay. 
The reading of their journal does not give the idea that Bland 
and Wood were accomplishing much of importance in exploration. 
They went into the vague, went down South not much more than 
a hundred miles, to Occoneechee perhaps, as that region was later 
called. It is the asides of Bland and Wood's journal that are of 
interest. Any of Abraham Wood's force of ten at his post may 
well have seen all that country sometime before. Mr. Bland made 
his progress. There is no saying whether the mysterious cockarous 
of the journal, and the other roving English mentioned, were not 
already in 1650 sufficiently familiar with the Tuscarora towns. 
There is no saying what were the characteristics of the Virginia 
trade to the Indians from 1644 on, to and beyond the Restoration. 
That must have been a nervous time. Under the Commonwealth 
in Virginia exploration at least was much encouraged. Parlia- 
ment's Governors were not behind Sir William Berkeley in that 
matter. Governor Bennett was especially concerned. Nor were 
the Commonwealth men in power chary of granting privileges to 
those of an exploring turn, old trading explorers like Claiborne, 
Fleet, and Wood. In 1652 it was ordered that Colonel William 
( 'hi i borne, Captain Henry Fleet, they and their associates with 
them, might and should enjoy such benefits, profits, and trades 
for fourteen years as they should find out in places where no Eng- 
lish ever had "bin and discovered or had perticular trade : the like 
order granted to Major Abraham Wood and his associates." The 

A Lynnhaven Bay man, in 1654, went by way of Roanoke Island 
up country to the Tuscarora Emperor's. (See Letter of Francis Yard- 
ley to John Farrar in Narratives of Early Carolina). 


particular trade was most likely an Indian trade. But where had 
Colonel Claiborne, Captain Fleet, and Major Wood not been? 
It is a legend that Major Wood, following his order of 1652, and 
trying to go where he had never been, reached waters of the Mis- 
sissippi in 1654. Who were the Eicahecrians who in 1656 are 
supposed to have come down from the West and to have demoral- 
ized Colonel Hill of Virginia and some Pamunkeys? Were the 
Eicahecrians Cherokee, and were they displeased at Major Wood's 
attempts? From a statute after that disturbance, end of year 1656, 
it is to be inferred that the posts at the heads of the risers were 
not in regular maintenance, but that traders were still there. The 
statute ran no Indian was to come within the fenced plantations 
without a ticket from some person to be nominated on the head 
of each river where the Indians lived : and any freeman could law- 
fully repair to the said houses (or Indian marts) at the heads of 
the rivers and trade with the Indians in permitted communities. 
There is nothing in this statute by which we can trace the pro- 
fessional trader. 5 The indication is that he was being discouraged 
at that juncture, that a miscellaneous trade was being 
encouraged, but with restriction as far as might be upon any rov- 
ing, packhorse trade out among the Indians. As for the value of 
the trade, however accomplished, it is plain how high the value was, 
from the startling enactment of 1659, 10th Commonwealth. 
"Whereas it is manifest that the neighboring plantations, both of 
English and forainers [Dutch] do plentifully furnish the Indians 

scf. Hening, II, 20; 138-143: March 1660/61. 

"No person to trade with the Indians for any beaver, otter or 
other furs unless he first obtain a commission from the Governor, 
who is desired to grant the same to none but persons of known in- 
tegrity." The interloping trader was to be mulcted. Mention was 
made of ill minded, idle, and unskilful people in the trade, supplying 
the Indians with ammunition, and filling the colonists with rumors. 
These statutes, in their expressed determination to deal fairly with 
the Indian, are particularly informing. Indian Kings were not to be 
treated summarily by licensed traders, and no slaves were to be 
taken by the traders among the Indians. That is plain evidence that 
the trader was going into the Indian territory, was not stopping at 
the limits legalized for the Indian himself. 


with gunns, powder and shott, and do thereby draw from us the 
trade of beaver to our great loss and their profit . . . it is en- 
acted that every man may freely trade for guns, powder, and shott, 
it derogating nothing from our safety and adding much to our ad- 
vantage." A striking pronouncement, certainly in view of the 
late unpleasantnesses. Trade follows the imagination. The 
laissez-faire policy shown in this enactment gave place very soon 
to a definite objective programme in the circumstances. Early in 
1662 it was ordered that the Governor should cause by proclama- 
tion a prohibition of all Marylanders, English and Indians 
("which they have already done to us") and of all other Indians 
to the northward of Maryland from trucking, trading, bartering 
or dealing with any English or Indians to the South of that place. 
Colonel Abraham Woqjl was empowered to manage this broad,- im- 
possible business. Maryland, in fine, was charged with being un- 
ethical, a term not used then, on the ground that Susquehannock 
and other Northern Indians were frequently coming down to the 
heads of the Virginia rivers, whereby plain paths would soon be 
made and the whole trade of the Indians tributary to Virginia be 
drawn away. And so the Governor was to make proclamation 
about it. This was an extraordinary enactment. It seems now as 
if it had been folly to meet the facts that way. The facts as ex- 
hibited are of much interest. 

To the south also, the Eestoration come about, there were in- 
teresting facts and foreshadowings in respect of trade to the 
Naturalls of the region. How the story of the Reverend Morgan 
Jones is to be construed is not clear how in 1660 he found In- 
dians among the Tuscarora able to speak the old British or Welsh 
language, and to understand homilies in that language. 6 Jones 
(whom Humboldt in his Cosmos calls Morgan Chapelain), Mor- 
gan Jones said that he was chaplain to Sir William Berkeley's 
Virginia mission to Port Royal, later Carolina; that he had gone 
up the country to a Tuscarora town, and being under sentence of 
death there was rescued by a British speaking man of the tribe. 
Jones, lamenting his fate in Welsh, was caught up by his de- 
liverer and reassured in Welsh. Did Sir William Berkeley send an 

See William and Mary College Quarterly, XIX, 163. 


expedition by sea to Port Eoyal in 1660 ? If so, he may have been 
looking into the country for his friends at court, they and he so 
soon to become Proprietaries thereof. Governor again in 1660, 
Sir William Berkeley was encouraged about the state of Virginia 
(see his very able Discourse and View of Virginia, 1663) and still 
open to conviction with regard to the back country. In 1669 he 
had a plan, somewhat as of twenty years gone, to go out to the 
West "with 00 gents," and find the Indian Sea. Continued 
rains prevented, and he was not regretful, remembering, as he said, 
Sir Walter Ealeigh. Then in 1670 he seems to have authorized 
John Lederer, a German, to set about exploring West and South- 
west. Doctor Lederer went to the mountains, (the Quirauk, Eica- 
hecrian, or Blue Eidge), but as for the Southwest, the narrative 
he has left looks to be fiction, the working up, no doubt, of In- 
dian trader's talk. It is possible that 1670, the year the Hudson's 
Bay Company was chartered, saw new impulse given the Indian 
Trade in Virginia. There was fixed settlement in Carolina then, 
and curiosity may have come thence, besides that Sir William 
Berkeley was governor of Virginia and a Proprietor of Carolina. 
At any rate, Abraham Wood, Major General Wood, sent out Batts 
and Fallam in 1671 to discover something of the West for King 
Charles and for the trade. Those emissaries proclaimed King 
Charles at New or Wood Eiver, but dreading the Salt Indians 7 
of the misty beyond, they returned to the Appomattox, having 
contributed little to knowledge. At the Totero town, on the upper 
Eoanoke, near the mountains, they learned that Captain Byrd of 
James Eiver Falls was in the neighborhood with a company of 
explorers. Captain Byrd and General Wood were in 1671 com- 
petitors in the Indian Trade to the South. 

An interesting year for the trade, 1673. Captain William Byrd 
was twenty one that year, had reached his majority with a sound 
head for business, courage and promptitude in going after it. His 

TThe Salt Indians, or Shawnee "never suffered any stranger to 
return that had once discovered their towns." In 1672 the Iroquois 
of the North, "who warred upon ~the whole world" scattered confusion 
among the Salt Indians, cf William and Mary College Quarterly, 
XIX, 83. 


uncle Thomas Stegg, a man of business and solid business con- 
nections, had settled upon the Eestoration at the Falls of James 
Biver, and during the ten years to 1671 had pretty certainly or- 
ganized a pack-horse trade to Indian towns South. To William 
Byrd that business was bequeathed in 1671. He and General 
Wood were then competitors, and it is very likely that General 
Wood sending out Batts and Fallam, Captain Byrd thought it 
well to show himself explorer also on their path. The Indian 
Trade was of course a sphere-of-influence affair. General Wood 
was convinced of that. His statement regarding his extraordinary 
attempts of 1673 was "That I have been at the charge to the 
value of two hundred pounds starling in the discovery to the South 
or West Sea declare." His men Needham and Arthur, the sum- 
mer of 1673, went all. the way, indisputably, all the long way from 
Appomattox Falls to the Little Tennessee. Since Eland's pro- 
gress of 1650 the path may have been both known and traded over, 
from the Appomattox to Occoneechee Island on Roanoke. Need- 
ham and Arthur passed Occoneechee, kept on Southwest in the 
Piedmont, and then West North West into the Hills of laughing 
waters and Tomahitan Cherokee. Leaving Arthur to learn the 
language, Needham returned to General Wood's and on his way 
out again was killed by an Occoneechee, Indian John, a little be- 
yond the Yadkin River. "So died," wrote General Wood, "this 
heroick Englishman, whose fame shall never die if my pen were 
able to eternize it, which had adventured where never any English- 
man had dared to atempt before him, and with him died one hun- 
dred forty four pounds starling of my adventure. I wish I could 
have saved his life with ten times the value." Needham, it may be, 
was that James Needham who was associated in Carolina with 
Dr. Woodward, first and famous Indian trader of the Charleston 
country. Carolina was growing to be a fact, of the British Em- 
pire, from 1670 to 1673. There is indication that Dr. Woodward 
in 1671 travelled up, by the paths as they were from Carolina to 
Virginia. What if James Needham went with him and so made 
acquaintance with General Wood ? Far western European curiosity 
about northern America was becoming settled interest in 1673. To 
the alarm of some of the old inhabitants, it appeared that far 


western Europe was intending not for a little but for a great deal 
of North America. The Hudson's Bay Company was doing busi- 
ness. The Dutch and the English were balancing power at Man- 
hattan, Tawasentha, and that region. The Carolinians had got 
footing. And the French were making way from the Lakes down 
Mississippi Valley. The Spanish and the Indians, by no means 
of a common cause, must have been alarmed. About the month 
of June 1673 the Marquette party were at the mouth of the Ohio: 
there they found Indians armed with guns and supplied with 
European implements and glass. July 1673 Needham and Arthur 
came to the Tomahitan town on Little Tennessee. The Cherokee 
there had among them sixty guns with locks of a strange fashion, 
and those Indians spoke of white people "down the river," who 
rang bells and lived in brick houses. All that, by the unfolding of 
the times, meant a changed America. We count 1673, from the 
circumstances of the American case, as a year appropriately chosen 
for the beginning of a closer survey of the Southern Indian Trade 



This biography is a reprint of the Professional Biography of Mon- 
cure Robinson by R. B. Osborne, C. E., which was privately printed in 
1889. The editors have been able to find but one copy of the original 
and that is in the John Crerar Library of Chicago. The little book 
being so scarce, the editors have decided to reprint it without any 
change. It tells the story of a very remarkable man, one of the most 
distinguished civil engineers of the 19th century, not only in America, 
but abroad. He graduated from William and Mary College at a very 
early age, and had the courage to select the career of a civil engi- 
neer, a calling at that time hardly recognized in America as a pro- 
fession. His experience was unusual, in that it covered the early 
canal and railroad butlding period. He married Charlotte Randolph, 
daughter of Bennett and Susan Beveley (Randolph) Taylor, and grand- 
daughter of Edmund Randolph, first attorney general of the United 
States. He left five sons and three daughters. For special help and 
courtesy in securing information about Moncure Robinson, the edi- 
tors wish to thank his son, Dr. Beverley Robinson, of New York City. 
For his descendants, see Hayden's Virginia Genealogies. 

A record of the professional career of Mr. Robinson, one of 
America's most eminent engineers, as well known in Europe as in 
his native land, is due to the profession of which he is the honored 
senior member. This duty has been undertaken voluntarily, and 
without even asking Mr. Robinson's permission, by an engineer 
officer who commenced his own career in one of Mr. Robinson's 
corps of engineers, and who has served him professionally in every 
responsible position, on important public works, at intervals dur- 
ing a space of forty years, and who is cognizant of many of the 
incidents mentioned herein. 

Mr. Moncure Robinson is a native of Virginia, a State that 
has been the mother of so many men whose names are enrolled 
among the most celebrated and honored of our country. He is 
the eldest son of the late Mr. John Robinson, of the well-remem- 
bered firm of Moncure, Robinson & Pleasants, merchants, of Rich- 
mond, Virginia, formerly engaged in an extensive foreign and 
South American trade. 1 

iMoncure Robinson died in Philadelphia Nov. 10, 1891, in his 90th 


Born in Richmond, Virginia, in the year A. D. 1802, Mr. 
Robinson is now, therefore, in his eighty-sixth year. Fair health 
and unusual energy enable him still to exercise the sound judgment 
and penetrating foresight for which throughout his life he has 
been noted. 

When he was but six years old his education commenced, in 
the Gerardine Academy, under the leadership of Mr. Gerardine 2 a 
French gentleman of high literary attainments, and at the age of 
thirteen he entered William and Mary College, the oldest university 
in the country after Harvard. Augustine Smith, M. D., A. M., 
Professor of Political Economy, was then President, with Professor 
Campbell, Professor of Mathematics, also Professors Wood and 
Fremont; the latter, the French Professor, was the father of the 
present General Fremont. From him young Robinson acquired 
such a perfect knowledge of the French language that in after 
years it was a passport for him to the halls and studios of the 
Paris savants. Young Robinson advanced rapidly in all the mathe- 
matical and scientific branches, and when sixteen years of age, 
although then the youngest student in William and Mary College 
he had passed all his examinations in preparation for graduating 
as A. M. 

Mr. John Robinson, his father, was desirous he should enter 
on the study of law, but young Robinson, though he had exhibited 
talents already in that direction, in the defence which he had 
been selected to make in behalf of certain students of the college 
who were accused of holding revolutionary principles, yearned 
more after physics than Blackstone's Commentaries, which, how- 
ever, he had studied, and which proved of aid to him in the pro- 
fession he finally adopted. 

In the year 1818 the Board of the Public Works of Virginia 
decided to have a topographical survey and connected line of levels 
made across the entire State from Richmond to the Ohio River. 
This presented a fine opportunity to the mind of the young as- 

was L. H. Girardin, at one time professor of modern lan- 
guages in William and Mary College, and a joint author of the 4th 
volume of Burk's History of Virginia. 


pirant, Robinson, and he immediately applied for a position in 
the corps of engineers to be appointed for the explorations. On 
account of his youth, his application was refused, but young Rob- 
inson was not to be turned from his purpose, and by perseverance 
got permission to accompany the party as a volunteer and sort 
of supernumerary. 

Eeceiving no pay, he found himself in the very position that 
suited him. Independent of routine work, well mounted on his 
own horse, he could gratify his ambitious will, studying the great 
topographical features of the country, while he left otners to work 
out the minor details. The services thus rendered by the young 
volunteer soon were found to be essential, and, in place of being 
a follower, he really tyecame a leader in the party. 

The country through which the party then had to pass was a 
most difficult one for such explorations. Young Eobinson, though 
not of a very robust constitution, bore the privations and exposures 
manfully, and the services rendered were so much appreciated by 
the commissioners that his very youth, coupled with his being- a 
volunteer bearing his own expenses, were adjuncts of no little 
value to his early reputation. 

During this exploration young Robinson made many friends 
and acquaintances, that were of great benefit to him subsequently 
in his professional career. He and one of his fellow college-stu- 
dents were the mathematicians of the party. 

This exploration was made under the general direction of 
Messrs. More, of Maryland, and Briggs, of New York. These 
gentlemen were not engineers, but were men of strong good sense. 

The route specially examined crossed the Alleghany Moun- 
tains near the head-waters of the Greenbrier River, where the ex- 
plorers launched their boats, brought with them on wheels by ex- 
perienced boatmen selected from the James River. From the 
Greenbrier by New River the party reached the Great Kanawha, 
and proceeded down it to Gallipolis at its mouth, on the Ohio, 
where the services of the boatmen and boats were dispensed with. 

Mr. Robinson, during the getting up the details of the field- 
work, visited extended districts, which, by reason of their field- 
duties, the other members of the party had no opportunity of 


doing, and in his long rides he startled many of the quiet residents 
by his mysterious pioneer movements. One of these, Philip R. 
Thompson, 3 in what is now known as the Charleston district, was 
the dispenser of hospitalities to him for many days, and was ex- 
uberant in his joy as his guest expatiated on the resources of his 
State, in the future development of which this exploration was a 
preliminary step. Mr. Thompson's residence thus was for the 
time Mr. Robinson's head-quarters, from which he explored the 
great coal-fields of West Virginia, and made valuable reports 
thereon, to take back with him to Richmond, describing much that 
had not been understood before, and showing the large quantity 
of the undeveloped wealth of the state. It was at this time that 
Mr. Robinson made surveys of the so-called Indian fortifications 
and corrected the erroneous popular idea, showing that they really 
were the remains of Indian storehouses, and not fortifications. 

Mr. John Robinson, the father of the subject of this sketch, 
was at this period owner of much landed property in West Vir- 
ginia, but of its character and precise location he was ignorant. In 
the year 1819 his son Moncure prepared himself for a second ex- 
ploration, and went in the saddle through the north-western por- 
tion of the State, and made a careful reconnoissance of the val- 
leys of the Cheat and Alleghany rivers to Pittsburg, for the pur- 
pose of hunting up and locating his father's wild lands; and on 
his return visited the valley of the Monongahela, where General 
Braddock was defeated, and, proceeding thence to Harper's Ferry, 
made good his return to Richmond. This was a ride on horseback 
of several hundred miles, at the age of seventeen. 

In the year 1812, Mr. Robinson paid a professional visit to the 
Erie Canal, then being constructed, and, through the courtesy of 
Goveror De Witt Clinton and Canvass White, was given full op- 
portunities of inspecting its plans, and becoming thus familiar 
with the details of that great work, by which he was able to form 
an early estimate of the ability of canals as competitors of rail- 
roads. Unbiased by the subsequent mania that took possession of 

sThis was Philip Rootes Thompson, a member of the House of 
Delegates from Kanawha in 1818/19. He was later a member of the 
7th, 8th and 9th Congresses. 


the public mind after the completion of this canal in 1825, when 
canals in general found their stock worth from three to six times 
their original value, Mr. Robinson remained the steady advocate, 
save under special conditions, of the construction of railroads in- 
stead of canals. 

In the year 1821, Mr. Robinson, being about nineteen years of 
age, was employed by Governor Pleasants, of Virginia, to make 
the location for a short extension of the James River Canal, which 
was then about three miles above Richmond, and as chief engineer 
he widened the first portion, and then extended it about thirty 
miles, acting under the general manager, Randolph Harrison, the 
owner of the Dover estate. 

Subsequently it wa,s proposed to still farther extend this canal 
for a distance of two hundred and fifty miles to Covington, the 
head of boat-navigation, and the governor again called on Mr. 
Robinson to undertake the construction. But after well weighing 
matters as to the advantages of making such extension, Mr. Robin- 
son earnestly advised against the construction of the proposed 
canal extension, and strongly advocated the building of a railroad 
in lieu thereof, with gradients suited to its prospective traffic. 
This was in 1821, when Clay and Sergeant were the political lead- 
ers, and a little after the Territory of Missouri had been brought 
into the confederation as a slave State. Mr. Robinson had made up 
his mind about the comparative capabilities of railroads and 
canals, and tried to save his State from the grave error contem- 
plated in the construction of this canal to Covington, and he most 
strenuously urged on the authorities the great advantages to be 
gained by the adoption of his views, and, failing to convince them, 
respectfully declined to take part in the proposed extension of the 
James River Canal. 

In the year 1825, Mr. Robinson, being about twenty-three 
years of age, went to France for the purpose of becoming pro- 
fessionally acquainted with the public works of that country, espe- 
cially its harbors, and to attend during the winter the lectures 
of the learned professors of the mathematical, scientific, and 
philosophical branches. In the summer he visited also England 
and Wales, and, becoming acquainted with the leading engineers 


of these countries, had the opportunity of gaining a large amount 
of experience not obtainable in any other way, during the nearly 
three years in which he devoted his whole time to those pursuits. 

In the summer of 1825, the first year of Mr. Robinson's visit 
to Europe, he carried out his determination of seeing that part 
of Holland most interesting to the engineer, its low countries, now 
in the kingdom of the Netherlands, a flat and depressed country 
gently sloping toward the German Ocean, originally a series of 
banks of sand exposed to floods from the Rhine which deposited 
large quantities of alluvial debris from the Swiss mountains. This 
district is now protected from the waves of that sea rolling in on 
a higher level by the world-renowned dikes, that stretch along 
the coast for one hundred miles, joining the natural sandhills to 
the north, which rise to an altitude, in places, of one hundred and 
seventy-five feet over the ocean-beach level. These dikes generally 
are about thirty feet in height, though in places they rise to twice 
that elevation. They are planted on each side with trees, between 
which the public roads and the canals of the country have been 

The Dutch have had a widespread notoriety for their patient 
industry, exemplified, it is said by their formation of these dik^s, 
and Mr. Robinson has ever given them due credit for the exercise 
of this virtue. But after full investigation of the coast and its 
local characteristics, under the great processes of nature, by its 
storms, floods, and tides, he has given a far more correct solution 
of a problem that seems to have puzzled other professional visitors 
to this country, of the real cause of these persevering and la- 
borious people being able to achieve such extraordinary results, 
in the formation and preservation of these extensive dikes, that 
dam out the German Ocean from the Low Country, and turn 
marshes and barren sands into green fields and productive agri- 
cultural lands. The constructive and destructive powers of nature 
are irresistible by man's direct opposition, but working in the line 
of its own operations, man by his God-given wisdom can control 
these forces and render them great and powerful co-workers with 

Mr. Robinson has shown that the long lines of sand-hills, to 


which these dikes are closely joined as continuous barriers against 
the inroads of the ocean, have through long-past ages been deposited 
there by the ocean itself in separate mounds, which the storms have 
from time to time made continuous by blowing the higher crests 
of sand into the intermediate spaces. This action of nature has 
occupied a long period of time, but the operation in its slow action 
continues ; and, as he states, the accumulation and deposit from the 
ocean, and the retirement of the sea in some slight degree, alone 
supply the material for the formation of these dikes, and are the 
secret of their formation and preservation, the action of nature 
being only aided and guided and thus controlled by these hard- 
working and industrious people, who have learned by experience 
and watched carefully ^very opportunity of encouraging the work 
of their great co-operator, nature, and to secure and give form 
to every accumulation of sand deposited by the ocean. It is very 
evident that the large amount of material required for the forma- 
tion of these dikes could only be supplied by the powers and pro- 
cesses of nature. 

Accompanying these dikes are numerous windmills, which pump 
the water from the enclosed lands into the canals. The Haarlem 
Lake, which once contained an area of eighty-four square miles, 
with a depth of water of six feet, extending from the North Province 
into South Holland, scarcely existed three hundred years ago. 
Its increase farther over this area has been checked by the erec- 
tion of dikes and dams. When Mr. Eobinson visited that locality, 
he and his friends travelled on it for miles, and found villas on 
its banks and innumerable boats on its surface. He met here the 
Engineer of Works, who was then preparing for the erection of 
the three powerful steam-pumps for taking the water from Lake 
Haarlem, which have in the years since past effectually pumped out 
this lake and added forty-five thousand acres of arable land to 
the productive area of the country. Mr. Robinson visited many 
of the towns and villages in the interior, of which there are about 
a score, and remarked the peculiar cleanliness of the people, which 
he thought was the natural outgrowth of the abundance of water 
everywhere, and which thus became a second nature with the in- 


Mr. Robinson, in this trip, was accompanied by Eepresentative 
Crutchfield, 4 afterwards Speaker in the House of Delegates of Rich- 
mond, Virginia; also by a wealthy gentleman from Boston, largely 
connected with the commercial business of his city. Both of tlie?e 
gentlemen had earnestly solicited to be allowed to join Mr. Robin- 
son, relying on him to act for them as interpreter, These gentle- 
men were well and favorably known to many influential parties in 
Amsterdam and Antwerp, and the chief men in both these cities 
were easy and agreeable. Public receptions in these cities were 
given to Mr. Robinson and his friends, and the young engineer, 
then twenty-three years of age, was afforded every opportunity of 
inquiry into the peculiarities, plans, and enterprises of the good 
people of Holland. 

It was at this time that the authorities had matured their 
investigations of the question of reclamation from the sea of large 
tracts of land, and at a point near Amsterdam their attention was 
then particularly directed. Greatly interested in the plans pro- 
posed, and learning much from their valuable experience, Mr. 
Robinson has been gratified in following up the accounts of their 
proceedings and successes during the sixty years that have since 
elapsed. In that time the great land reclamation near Amsterdam 
has been perfected, more than eighty lakes in the North and. South 
Provinces have been drained and many thousand of acres have 
been brought under the use and cultivation of man. Tnese great 
results are due to man's perfecting his knowledge of Ihe applica- 
tion of steam. 

It was just at the time when the question that had already oc- 
cupied so much of Mr. Robinson's attention was the chief topic 
in Europe for railroads were beginning to arouse the people from 
their long slumber. George Stephenson was progressing with his 
Liverpool and Manchester Railway, and earnest views of profes- 
sional men regarding the character and utility of both classes of 
improvements were the order of the day. These fully confirmed 
Mr. Robinson in all that he had been advocating, and left him still 
in the hope that his own native State would learn wisdom from 

M. Crutchfield of Spotsylvania. 


the lesson, and give up the extension of the James River Canal. 
He was acquainted with George Stephenson, then the rising star 
in the professional sky, and managed while in England to spend 
much of his time with him, and conferred with him about the 
tunnel then under construction at the Liverpool terminus of the 
Liverpool and Manchester Eailway. In the latter part of 1827, 
Mr. Robinson returned to the United States. 

Early in 1828 the canal commissioners of Pennsylvania called 
upon Mr. Robinson to make the surveys for the Pottsville and 
Danville Railway, with a view to the development of the anthra- 
cite coal-field. Stephen Girard, who was a large owner of coal- 
lands in the Mahanoy Valley, obtained the charter, and placed 
the same in Mr. Robinson's hands, ordering the construction of the 
road. Mr. Girard supjflied two hundred thousand dollars for this 
construction during the first six months of its progress, but his 
death immediately after proved a preventive to its final comple- 
tion according to the original plan, which was especially designed 
for the business proposed for it. The surveys were, therefore, 
not perfected in the manner contemplated to drain the Girard coal 
estate. It is certain that for a given business the use of water 
as a creator of power, and counter-balancing weight to return 
the empty cars, as brought into action on the cycloidal planes of 
this road by Mr. Robinson, regulated by stationary power at the 
head of each plane, would have proved efficient and economical. 
Three hundred thousand dollars were contributed by the State, and 
the planes as far as constructed for some three or four years passed 
about twenty thousand tons per annum. This coal was trans- 
shipped into boats on the Schuylkill Canal at Port Carbon. 

In December, 1828, the canal commissioners of Pennsylvania 
appointed Mr. Robinson to make the survey for the Alleghany 
Portage Railroad. Starting from Hollidaysburg, this line crossed 
the Alleghany Mountains at Blair's Gap Summit with a tunnel 
one mile long and one hundred and forty feet lower than the work 
that has been constructed ; thence the line descended to Johnstown 
in the Conemaugh Valleys, a distance of thirty-six and three- 
quarters miles. Connection was to be made with the canal-basins 
east and west, and there were to be five planes on each side of the 


summit. This tunnel would have cut through the bituminous 
coal of the Alleghany, which, it is thought would have been a bet- 
ter development of that region than has been attained since. Such 
a road, with one hundred and forty feet less elevation to be over- 
come, would have supplied a cheaper transportation for heavy 
freights and Western produce than is now in use. In the year 
1829, Mr. Eobinson had completed his survey of the Portage road 
and made his report thereon to the canal commissioners. 

In 1830, Lieutenant-Colonel Long made a report to that board 
on examinations made by him for the same road, in which he ad- 
vocated the construction of a macadamized road in preference to a 
railroad. His plan called for eleven planes of more or less curves 
in their located lines, and recommended the avoidance of the 
Summit Tunnel proposed by Mr. Eobinson. These different plans 
and other routes proposed were, under an act of the legislature of 
March, 1830, referred to a board of engineers to examine and re- 
port on the several proposed routes and plans. These engineers 
reported in advocacy of the route chosen by Mr. Robinson, which 
Colonel Long had also adopted, with the modifications before men- 
tioned. This report left the merits of Mr. Robinson's and Colonel 
Long's plans still at issue before the canal commissioners. On 
the 5th of March, 1831, Mr. Robinson made a second report to 
the canal commissioners, reviewing the proposed plan of Colonel 
Long, and referring them to his former report submitted to them 
in 1829. 

The American Society of Civil Engineers, of which Mr. Rob- 
inson was made an honorary member of its organization, has 
printed, in pamphlet form of forty pages, these reports of 182'9 
and 1831, which are in vol. XV, of their Transactions, by refer- 
ence to which it will be seen that this whole subject-matter of 
Colonel Long's plans has been so ably treated that it fully demon- 
strates that the project advocated by Mr. Robinson was the most 
advantageous and correct one submitted. It was endorsed by such 
men as John B. Jervis and Horatio Allen. In closing this report, 
Mr. Robinson, while regretting the difference of views between 
Colonel Long and himself, states that he felt it to be his duty to 
present the results of a very full investigation to the commissioners, 


who at once adopted his plans, though ultimately the Summit 
Tunnel, by reason of their timidity, was not constructed. Mr. 
Robinson's views were in fact too much in advance for the men 
of that period. The great French engineer, Michel Chevalier, 
subsequently visited the road, and he gave a very decided opinion 
that the avoidance of the tunnel which had been proposed by Mr. 
Robinson greatly impaired the efficiency of the whole work. 

It was thus that Mr. Robinson, fifty-six years ago, had devised, 
and saw it put into execution, though shorn of its true efficiency, 
a plan for transporting loaded boats, from the canal at Hollidays- 
burg by rail over the Alleghany mountains, and, after a haul 
of thirty-eight miles, occupying about six hours, launching them 
again by a simple process into the canal basin at Johnstown, to 
proceed to Pittsburg. Here we find the pioneer thought for the 
production of a partnership between land and water transporta- 
tion which Mr. Eads, in 1886, sought to enlarge upon in his scheme 
of a ship transit, via Nicaragua, between the Gulf of Mexico and 
the Pacific Ocean. 

During their communication with him the commissioners con- 
sulted Mr. Robinson as to the best routes for the State railroad 
westward from Philadelphia, and by his advice Lancaster and 
Columbia were made points on that line. 

In the year 1829, before Mr. Robinson entered upon the sur- 
veys for the Portage road, Mr. Stephens solicited him to accept 
the position of engineer-in-chief of the proposed Camden and 
Amboy Railroad, which he consented to do upon condition of hav- 
ing the appointment of all the officers of his engineering staff, 
and of being in full control of his department. These conditions 
were not agreeable to Mr. Stephens, and Mr. Robinson declined 
under the circumstances to accept the position. 

In the year 1830, Mr. Robinson advocated and built in Virginia 
thirteen miles of railroad to reach the coal-fields of Heath and 
Mills which was perhaps the second railroad constructed in the 
United States the first being his Pottsville and Danville, under 
Stephen Girard. On this Virginia road there was an inclined 
plane, on which the gravity of descending cars was utilized for 


the ascent of the empty a novel idea at that day, but an example 
that has been often followed since. 

In 1831, Mr. Eobinson was engaged in the conduction of the 
Petersburg and Eoanoke and the Eichmond and Petersburg rail- 
roads. On the latter road he built the long bridge at Eichmond 
over the James Eiver. This structure was 2844 feet in length, 
and to its grade line was 60 feet above the water. It was com- 
posed of nineteen spans, varying from 140 to 153 feet in the 
clear. The superstructure was lattice, chiefly composed of two-inch 
pine plank, and had but 1500 pounds of iron in the whole struc- 
ture. Its cost was $117,200, or $41 per foot lineal, including 
masonry, a limit Mr. Eobinson found to be necessary, to suit the 
means of the company. The economical cost of such a structure for 
railroad use was commented on by foreign engineers, to whom it 
was little short of an enigma, yet it was a large sum in those days 
to expend on one structure, and it indeed was then considered a 
great enterprise. It was Mr. Eobinson's forte to "cut his coat 
according to his cloth," and he acquired an enviable reputation 
for his ability to adapt his expenditures to the means at his com- 

Michael Chevalier, the noted French engineer, in his work on 
the public improvements of the United States, published in 1840, 
gave the plans, cost, and full details of this bridge, and it attracted 
the attention of the profession generally, and from it has sprung 
the iron lattice bridge so much used now in Europe. Had the 
Eichmond and Petersburg company been able to supply their en- 
gineer with means to build this bridge of iron it would be doing 
duty to-day. The original piers built by Mr. Eobinson are now 
supporting an iron Warren super-structure. 

These works were completed in the year 1832. 

About the same time Mr. Eobinson advocated and commenced 
the construction of that most successful railroad, the Eichmond 
and Fredericksburg, also the Winchester and Potomac Bailroad, 
with Harper's Ferry for its subjective point. The Eichmond and 
Fredericksburg road is now the most important link in the great 
route to the South and South-west, and must continue to be so. 

In the year 1838, Messrs. Thomas Biddle, William Keating, 


and Edward B. Biddle, of Philadelphia, conferred with Mr. Bobin- 
son about the construction of a line of railroad up the valley of 
the Little Schuylkill Biver, to develop the Tamaqua coal-field, and 
to be a feeder to the Schuylkill Canal, at Port Clinton, where the 
coal would be transhipped into the canal-boats by means of a lock 
at that place. This road Mr. Eobinson built in 1833 and 1834, 
horse-power being used upon its till the completion of the Read- 
ing extension from Eeading to Pottsville. When this extension 
was built, its tonnage reached tidewater by rail. 

The next work to which Mr. Robinson was called was in 1834. 
This proved the crowning achievement of his professional career, 
the Philadelphia and Eeading Bailroad, a work that is indelibly 
stamped for all time with the genius of its first engineer, in giv- 
ing to it at that early day of railroads its distinctive features, which 
have endowed it with a power to transport economically the im- 
mense special traffic for which he designed it. In this road Mr. 
Eobinson had a good opportunity of carrying out and elucidating 
those principles, and the rules he laid down for his own guidance, 
before any of the surveys had been commenced. He made the 
start from the true zero point, viz., a close investigation of the 
character and quantity of the trade present and prospective, in each 

There were few minds at that early day which had sufficient 
expansion of ideas and clear forethought to be able to anticipate 
how great an increase of business the work itself, when opened 
to the public, would create, and so to construct it that its capacity 
could be readily expanded to meet economically any increase of 
the demand. The questions determined by Mr. Robinson as the 
primary and necessary elements viz., the alignment and gradients 
were regulated for the most advantageous transportation of the 
great staple this road was destined to accommodate, and also for 
the economic conveyance of a large mixed traffic. 

The Philadelphia and Eeading Bailroad well exemplifies the 
correctness of the principle named. Forty thousand tons of coal 
alone, in one day, have passed over its rails, yet it never has been 
tried to its full capacity, which may be said to be limited only 
to the number of car-loads the mines can supply. Mr. Bobinson's 


estimate of seventy-five thousand tons per diem, as the ultimate 
prospective demand on its capabilities, made more than fifty years 
ago, was of course then considered Utopian, but it would now be 
deemed as much so to limit the capacity of the Philadelphia and 
Reading Railroad to any such quantity. 

The rules laid down before the construction of this road, by 
Mr. Robinson for his engineers in charge of that work, were few 
and simple; and it is owing to the faithful adherence to those 
rules that the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad has been ren- 
dered prominent as the leader of all the great coal-transporters 
in the world. 

The first of these rules required that from the coal region to 
Columbia Bridge over the Schuylkill, near Philadelphia, no grade 
should be adopted more difficult for the locomotive than a level. 

Secondly, that all other grades, which must therefore be de- 
scending with the grade, should not exceed nineteen feet per mile ; 
by which Mr. Robinson insured that whatever number of loaded 
cars an engine could take down to the terminus it would be able 
to bring back empty to the coal region. 

The third rule prescribed that the shortest radius of curvature 
on the main line should be eight hundred and eighteen and fifty- 
seven hundredths feet, or seven degrees. 

In 1834, Mr. Robinson obtained the charter for the extension 
of this road from Reading to Pottsville. Into this charter there 
had been inserted an objectionable clause, excluding foreign stock- 
holders from the right of voting, to which narrow-minded policy 
Mr. Robinson strenuously objected. 

He also got a charter during this year, to extend the Richmond 
and Fredericksburg Railroad to Acquia Creek, containing the same 
most liberal provisions as were embodied in the charter for the 
first portion of that road. 

In 1836, Elihu Chauncey, who was the first President of the 
Philadelphia and Reading Railroad, which position he held for 
nine years, prevailed. on Mr. Robinson to undertake a visit to Eng- 
land, to confer with London capitalists and negotiate a loan for the 
completion of this railroad, including its extension to Pottsville. 
Leaving Mr. Wirt Robinson as engineer-in-chief, and Wilson Miles 


Gary Fairfax as principal assistant, both of which gentlemen 
were relatives of Mr. Robinson and efficient engineers, he visited 
London in this year, being then in the thirty-fourth year of his 
age, and laid his plans and estimates, and his wonderful profile of 
grades, before Sir Francis Edgerton and his agent Mr. Licke. 

Sir Francis made very close investigation of the whole matter, 
and was so impressed and convinced at his interviews with Mr. 
Robinson that he became greatly interested in him and his mis- 
sion, which in itself was an assurance of its success. 

Mr. Andrew Stevenson was then our Minister to England, and 
gave to Mr. Robinson the aid of his influence. During Mr. Rob- 
inson's stay in London, Sir Francis Edgerton gave him a special 
invitation to dinner where he met Lady Francis Edgerton, the 
Duchess-Countess of Sutherland, Lord William Bentinck, and 
Lord Bathurst. 

Sir Francis Edgerton finally became the largest holder of a 
five-per-cent. loan to the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad Com- 
pany for two millions of dollars, the first foreign loan negotiated 
for this company. Mr. Robinson had procured the well-known 
bankers Gowan & Marx of London, to negotiate it, and made Mr. 
Thomas Hankey (a gentleman well known in the United States, 
and the London representative of the house of Thomas Biddle & 
Co., of Philadelphia) its custodian. This loan was confined to 
two millions to leave room for home subscriptions. 

A loan of one million for the extension of the road to Potts- 
ville was also negotiated by Mr. Robinson, stipulated for on the 
condition of the railroad company having the obnoxious feature, 
of the exclusion of the votes of foreign stockholders, repealed. 

Mr. Robinson went to London prepared to make his mission 
meet with the success it did, as he took with him the bonds he 
had had engraved before leaving Philadelphia, to prevent delay. 

While in London Mr. Robinson became acquainted with Eng- 
land's noted civil engineers; among them was Isambard Kingdom 
Brunei, the builder of the famous Thames Tunnel, in which he 
was then engaged. With this gentleman Mr. Robinson became 
intimate, and conferred with him on important questions attend- 
ing its construction. He was spending the day with Mr. Brunei 


when the intelligence was brought to him of the flooding of the 
works by the river breaking through its floor above a portion of 
the tunnel then being made. Mr. Brunei received the intelligence 
with perfect calmness, merely inquiring if any life had been lost. 
In the subsequent measures adopted to re-form the river bottom 
and free the work of water Mr. Robinson took a lively interest, 
and his views were consulted on the best mode of carrying out the 
various details and perfecting this difficult operation. 

The Bell Rock Light-house, off the east coast of Scotland, 
was another notable work, the plans of which were submitted to Mr. 
Robinson, on the invitation of Mr. Stevenson, its talented engineer. 

In the year 1837, on his return to the United States, Mr. Robin- 
son found that the objectionable legislation in the charter for the 
extension of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad had not been 
repealed; in fact, very few outside of the little circle named, who 
had been the pioneers and firm friends of this road with Mr. 
Robinson, took any interest in it, or believed there was sufficient 
intrinsic merit in the project to justify the construction of an ex- 
pensive road alongside of an already existing canal that then con- 
trolled the coal-tonnage. Mr. Robinson was therefore, under the 
stipulation made in London for the second loan of one million, 
obliged to abandon it. 

During Mr. Robinson's absence in England the construction 
of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad had been progressing 
toward Reading under Principal Assistant Engineers W. M. C. 
Fairfax and W. Hasel Wilson, and the stone bridge across the 
Schuylkill River at Black Rock Tunnel had been completed. This 
structure was considered a bold enterprise at that day, with its 
four spans of seventy-two feet. It was remarkable then as being 
the first large stone structure in the United States built for a 
double-track railroad, and it is remarkable even now for the small 
cubic contents of its masonry, 3471 cubic yards. It has been 
sufficiently tested through its fifty years of service by more than 
three hundred millions of tons that have passed over it, as well 
as by severe freshets which have swept away many bridges in the 
Schuylkill Valley, but left it standing, a perfect specimen of en- 
gineering skill, of which Mr. Robinson is justly proud as one of 
his earliest works. The total cost of this bridge was $43,262,84. 


On the fourth day of July, 1838, Mr. Robinson opened the 
Philadelphia and Reading Railroad between Reading and Norris- 
town, through the Flat and Black Rock tunnels, 937 and 1932 feet 
long, respectively, and over the Black Rock Bridge before men- 
tioned. These were great advances for those early days of engi- 
neering experience in railroad construction, the cost of these two 
tunnels aggregating $272.700. 

Before the construction of that portion of the road from Bridge- 
port to the Columbia Bridge, a distance of eighteen miles, and a 
part of Mr. Robinson's perfect design for the Philadelphia and 
Reading Railroad, some of his directors proposed the abandonment 
of that portion, and advocated a connection with the Norristown 
Railroad, and by it to reach Philadelphia, but Mr. Robinson, who 
never would permit expediency to mar the plans laid down by 
him for the future prosperity of his work resolutely protested 
against a policy which he knew would obliterate practically the 
grand features which he had carried out on the rest of the road, 
and prevent the future success of the work he had thereby in- 
sured. The undulating grades on the Norristown road would have 
limited the effective power of the locomotives on the main line. 
When, therefore, the effort was persisted in to adopt that route 
for the Reading road against his advice and protestations, Mr. 
Robinson very plainly informed his board of directors that he 
would not be a party to what he could not but condemn as sui- 
cidal to the interests of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad 
Company, and wished them to consider his resignation as Lheir 
engineer before them whenever their resolution was passed order- 
ing the change of the route laid down by him. Messrs. Chauncey, 
Keating, and Biddle, of the directors, sided with Mr. Robinson,, 
and thus the fatal error was avoided, and his original plan, with- 
out any interference, was ordered to be carried out. 

Coincident with the opening of the road to Reading, the loca- 
tion of the extension to Pottsville was made by Mr. Robinson, with 
Wirt Robinson, Esq., as resident chief engineer, and W. M. C. 
Fairfax as principal assistant, in which a close adherence to the 
rules laid down by Mr. Robinson was carried out. A grade of 


twenty-six feet for three miles was required to reach Mount Car- 
bon. The system of contouring which he had introduced on this 
line has since been extensively used by engineers in tho United 
States. The result has been that the Philadelphia and Reading 
Eailroad occupies the only ground through the Valley of the 
Schuylkill that can offer the especial grades that have 
made this road famous, and which will forever prevent any 
other railroad from being an efficient competitor in this ralley. 

The extension, bold in many of its characteristics to preserve 
the features required by its author, has a tunnel on it near Port 
Clinton of 1637 feet in length, which was of very difficult con- 
struction, also several important crossings of the Schuylki!! River. 
This portion was opened for public traffic in January, 184?, and 
immediately the road began to exhibit its capabilities for trans- 
portation, soon relieving its company from financial embarrass- 
ment caused by the outlay for its construction. 

While the construction of the road was proceeding from the 
Falls of Schuylkill toward the Columbia Bridge, then used by the 
Old State Railroad, the public were anxious to discover where and 
by what route Mr. Robinson contemplated making the great coal 
depot on the Delaware River for the shipment of the large aiithra- 
cite tonnage. The excitement was great among those hoping to 
derive special advantage from a fore-knowledge of a selection of 
the site. Mr. Robinson, therefore, in the interest of his company, 
did not feel justified in having regular surveys made to guide him 
in the selection of the proper point. Convinced in his own miud, 
however, of the advantages of the present site of Richmond a. the 
best location for the extensive wharves he contemplated he de- 
termined personally and without any staff of assistants to walk 
over the route from the Falls of the Schuylkill, which he did quietly 
and unobserved, and in that walk, unaccompanied, and without 
any instruments (it was before the invention of the aneroid ba- 
rometer, odometer, or hand-level), but by the eye, the number of 
steps, and general judgment at each interval as he advanced, he 
satisfied himself, in a few hours of diligent work, that the Summit 
could be reached with the grade he wished to adopt, which would 
admit of the entire train brought down by each engine from the 


coal region being taken without stopping at the Falls, by the aid 
of an assistant engine stationed there, to the Summit, between the 
Schuylkill and Delaware rivers. Satisfied by his observations dur- 
ing this brief reconnoissance, Mr. Robinson notified his directors, 
advising them to secure possession at once of the land required; 
which they did by the purchase of that extensive and valuable tract 
now forming the site of Richmond, and of the great shipping de- 
pot of the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad. Thus by the saga- 
city and efficiency of their engineer the railroad company pro- 
cured this important position on the port of Philadelphia at a 
reasonable price. 

Mr. Robinson's talents as an engineer were ever ready in the 
service of his company, knowing well that when rightly used they 
can often effect a saving of many thousands of dollars. The 
capacity of the Richmond wharves for shipment he made equal to 
the capacity of the railroad itself for transportation. 

In 1838 the firm of Eastwick & Harrison, of Philadelphia, 
machinists then in a limited business, were engaged to build for 
Mr. Robinson a locomotive engine of his own design, as an experi- 
ment, looking to the rendering of this important part of a railroad 
as perfect as he had already made the road on which it was to 
operate. This engine was a small affair, as we estimate locomo- 
tives in the year 1888, but it was not considered so then. Its cy- 
linders were 12 7/10 by 16 inches, the boiler 39 5/10 inches in 
diameter ; it had four drivers of 40 inches in diameter, and a new 
feature in its horizontal cylinders, a fire-box 52 inches long, 
through which the axle of the hinder pair of drivers passed. The 
weight of this engine was but 24,640 pounds, of which 17,690 
pounds were on the driving-wheels, its total length was but 18 
feet. It was named by Mr. Robinson, after his London banking 
friends, the "Gowan and Marx." 

"On the twentieth day of February, 1840, the trial of this 
engine took place on the Philadelphia and Reading Railroad, when 
she passed from Reading over the road to Columbia Bridge, a dis- 
tance of 54.50 miles, in 5.50 hours, or about 9.9 miles per hour. 
The gross weight of the train, including engine and tender, was 
441 tons of 2240 pounds, taking back all the empty cars, which 
with the weight of engine and tender equalled 174 gross tons. 


Michel Chevalier, the French engineer, who under a mission 
from M. Thiers visited the country in 1833 to 1835, brought letters 
of introduction from French contemporaries to Mr. Robinson, ask- 
ing his aid in furtherance of M. Chevalier's object, which Mr. Rob- 
inson assiduously and gladly rendered. 

M. Chevalier published in 1840 his work on the "Lines of Com- 
munication and Public Works of the United States," which made 
them more accurately known to Europeans than they were even to 

In this publication, M. Chevalier especially noticed the per- 
formance of the "Gowan and Marx" engine, which at that time 
was considered by the engineers as unprecedented. This state- 
ment by M. Chevalier reached the Czar of Russia, and in that year 
he sent commissioners to visit the locomotive works of the United 
States, and instructed them to bear an offer from His Majesty to 
Mr. Robinson, looking to the procuring of his services as engineer 
over the grand system of railroads he was about to inaugurate for 
the Russian empire. Mr. Robinson gave aid and counsel gladly to 
these commissioners during their visit, but did not feel justified 
in acquiescing in His Majesty's views, not wishing to absent him- 
self from his own country and his family. 

It was on this occasion that the firm of Eastwick & Harrison 
were introduced to the Emperor's commissioners by Mr. Robin- 
son, which resulted in the well-known engagement and ultimate 
contract with that firm who at once transferred their business to 
Russia, and returned in a few years to Philadelphia, with ample 
fortunes. Mr. Robinson's kindness to and appreciation of this 
firm were ever warmly felt and expressed by both of its members. 

In the year 1842, during General Tyler's administration, the 
Secretary of the Navy appointed Mr. Robinson, in conjunction 
with Commodores Shubrick and Conner, as commissioners to ex- 
amine and report on a proper site for the great dry-dock pro- 
posed to be constructed by the government in the harbor of New 
York. Fenimore Cooper solicited these gentlemen to delay their 
movements for a short time, till he could join them, which he sub- 
sequently did, and remained with them during their examinations. 


Their head-quarters were in one of the government vessels, placed 
at their disposal in the harbor for their reconnoissances of the 
different sites, which occupied some months. Mr. Robinson was 
called upon to draw up the joint report, which was approved of, 
andr fixed the site of this dock at Wallabout, where it now is. 

In or about the year 1845 commissioners visited the United 
States from Prussia, and were instructed to obtain information 
from Mr. Eobinson about railroads, which service was gladly per- 
formed, and for which he received due acknowledgments. 

The last act of professional duty performed by Mr. Robinson 
was this reconnoissance in the New York harbor, and in 1847 he 
retired from the profession; though he has often since been con- 
sulted his advice has been given gratuitously. He preferred to 
use his already-acquired professional experience (backed by his 
own judgment and foresight) to guide him in making investments 
of the means already acquired in what he deemed would in the 
future prove to be productive improvements, conceiving it would 
be of more financial advantage to him than a further continuance 
in his active professional duty for others, and this was, moreover, 
urged by Mrs. Robinson. 

It has been repeatedly asserted by engineer officers in Mr. 
Robinson's employ, that his system, and discipline, so well car- 
ried out, supplied an education of the very best description for 
civil engineers. The requirement of a strict obedience to general 
orders did not deprive them as officials of a proper manly inde- 
pendence, and they were left full opportunity for the exhibition 
of professional talent, in carrying out the same, each in his own 
way. Able officers in charge of the assistant engineers were will- 
ing teachers and advisers, and that peculiar education indispensa- 
ble for fitting them for the highest positions, and performing 
successfully the most difficult duty a chief engineer has often to 
perform viz., to manage his board of directors for their own 
good, was not neglected. Hence the career of many of the engi- 
neers who had been employed by Mr. Robinson can be traced to 
positions and length of service alike creditable to them and their 
honored chief. Some of those engineers have been placed by him 
in important posts on his finished roads, and, through many hon- 


orable promotions, have proved faithful and efficient officers for 
more than fifty years. 

The last work constructed by Mr. Robinson, under the im- 
mediate direction of William Moncure as chief engineer, is the 
Palmetto Railroad, an important though short link in the great 
Metropolitan route, which was conceived in his clear forethought 
more than fifty years ago. This Palmetto road is but eighteen and 
a quarter miles in length, but it does away with one of the hind- 
rances to the earlier completion of this portion. The bridge over 
the Great Pedee River, near Cheraw, in South Carolina, at the 
head of navigation, about one hundred and fifteen miles from the 
Atlantic, has thus been built. It is a fine iron Pratt truss 614 
feet in length, on stone piers 50 feet above the river, with trestled 
approaches aggregating 4000 feet lineal. There are four spans 
of 150 feet each, which were erected by the Phoenix Bridge Com- 
pany, of Philadelphia, in forty-seven working days, at a cost com- 
plete of $26,836. 

The Palmetto road serves as a continuance of the Seaboard 
Air-Line from Hamlet, North Carolina, to Cheraw, South Carolina, 
while the Raleigh and Augusta and its sister road, the Raleigh and 
Gaston, stretching up northward one hundred and fifty-six miles 
from Hamlet to Ridgeway, North Carolina, form a part of this 
Metropolitan route, under the presidency of J. M. Robinson, Esq., 
the eldest son of Mr. Robinson. At Ridgeway it connects with 
the only missing link to complete the connection with the Rich- 
mond and Petersburg road, a distance of seventy-five miles, which 
Mr. Robinson has also had put under construction. 

At a very early date, under his fostering care and by his fore- 
knowledge the Metropolitan route from Washington, D. C., to 
Augusta, Georgia, was devised and has been preserved, and by his 
energy and enterprise important portions of it viz., the Richmond 
and Petersburg, and Richmond and Fredericksburg to Acquia 
Creek have been constructed, bringing it within thirty-four miles 
of Washington, which gap has since been filled by the Alexandria 
and Frederickshurg road. In continuance of this plan, Mr. Rob- 
inson, in 1886, formed a company of his immediate friends, and 
resolved to bring the Palmetto road into operation as an incen- 


tive to the friends of the Metropolitan route, in South Carolina, 
to use their efforts for the extension of it by a direct line from 
Cheraw to Columbia, South Carolina, and subsequently to Augusta, 
Georgia. The completion of the Palmetto road has verified this 
expectation, as it has animated the people along the eighty-seven 
miles of prospective line to Columbia to make arrangements, by 
legislation, public meetings, and local and municipal subscrip- 
tions, for building this portion. 

On December 3, 1887, after the opening of the Palmetto road, 
a paper on this work as a link in the Metropolitan route was read 
before the Engineers' Club of Philadelphia, of which Mr. Robin- 
son is an honorary member. This paper will be found in the 
Proceedings of the club, in vol. I, No. 3. 

One of the exceptions to the general advocacy of railway con- 
struction by Mr. Robinson, in preference to canals, is the Chesa- 
peake and Delaware Canal, of fourteen and one-fourth miles in 
length, connecting these two navigable waters. In this work Mr. 
Robinson has large pecuniary interests. The fine steam-boat line 
between Baltimore and Norfolk, Virginia, known as the Bay Line, 
was established by him, and he is perhaps the largest stockholder 
in that company. It connects with the Seaboard and Roanoke 
Railroad, both companies being under his son, John M. Robinson, 
Esq., as President, these connecting with the route formed by the 
Raleigh and Gaston and Raleigh and Augusta, before mentioned. 

John Robinson, the father of the subject of this sketch, mar- 
ried a daughter of William Moncure, Esq., of Richmond, Virginia. 
His son, Moncure Robinson, of whom we write, married in 1835, 
the daughter of Bennett Taylor, Esq. a graduate of Princeton 
College, and afterwards an eminent member of the bar, in Rich- 
mond, Virginia. After his marriage Mr. Robinson became a perma- 
nent resident of the city of Philadelphia, where he now resides. 
The American Society and the Philadelphia Club of Civil Engi- 
neers, together with societies of Paris, send him regularly the re- 
ports of their proceedings, and in them he takes much interest still. 

The confidence now placed in the ability of civil engineers 
to mature works of magnitude, and the large means supplied for 
their expenditures, afford the bold and enterprising of the pro- 


fession, at this date, opportunities to put into further practice 
the half-century of experience that has made the civil engineers in 
all countries the great leaders in the civil, political and civilizing 
influences that have hastened the wonderful progress of the world's 
advance in the latter part of the nineteenth century. The reverse 
of all this existed in 1820, when the subject of this sketch com- 
menced his professional career. Then the civil engineer had to 
work uphill all the way, against prejudice and minds accustomed 
to travel in old and deep-worn ruts. Yet amid these impediments 
we find this young engineer, whose only capital was a sound liberal 
education, perfecting his scientific studies abroad, making himself 
familiar with the improvements of Europe, rising rapidly in the 
estimation of his countrymen, constructing some of the greatest 
works of that period, and, as an American engineer, solicited by 
Russia, France, and Prussia to devote his services to the develop- 
ment of their contemplated great systems of public improvements. 
Mr. Robinson thus is the first American engineer who received 
the recognition and appreciation of the rulers of Europe and those 
countries have learned that the continuance of that appreciation 
has been well merited since by American engineers. 

One of the marked characteristics of Mr. Robinson was his 
courtesy and consideration towards his engineer officers. He gave 
fatherly counsel to some who were greatly benefited by it, and 
who bear it in mind to this day, and he extended a generous hand 
to those who needed it. During the year 1886 he travelled one 
hundred and twelve miles to attend the funeral of one who had 
filled important positions on one of his roads, and Mr. Robinson 
took his place among the chief mourners, and had a special car 
for the transportation of all his old associates who wished to share 
in the last record of appreciation of their departed friend. 

The respect and deference paid Mr. Robinson by his own en- 
gineers, and by many others of the profession, have always shed 
a ray of sunshine across the quiet of his declining years. 


Philadelphia, December 24, 1888. 





(From Dawson Manuscripts, Library of Congress.) 

St. Pauls parish Hanover Feb. 13th 

Eeverend Sir 1 

I would have wrote you before now concerning the new Preach- 
ers that have lately seduc'd some unwary people in this Parish, 
had I not expected to* be more distinctly informed of some of their 
principles and practices which I thought might render my account 
of them or their followers more full and satisfactory which please 
take as follows. There is in Pennsylvania a Synod of Protestant 
Dissenters consisting of about 40 members, one of whom viz Mr. 
John Thomson came to a certain Gentleman's house in our parish, 
on thursday the first of this month, intending to preach the Sun- 
day following in the meeting house lately erected here, but when 
he with a few that accompany'd him, came to the house on Sun- 
day morning, the followers of Robinson, 2 Blair 3 & Roan 4 (whom 
I mentioned to you when at Wmsburg) shut the doors against 
him alledging he was an opposer of these three, the last of whom 
had wrote to some of them, requesting them in the name of the 
Lord, and for the Sake of Christ Jesus, not to allow Mr. Thomson 
to preach in their house, because he is an enemy to Christ & true 
religion. On hearing of this difference among them, I sent and 
invited Thomson to my house. He entertained me with a distinct 
account of these new light men, their peculiar tenets, and prac- 
tices, their rise and progress to this. time. He is, in my opinion, 

lAddressed to Rev. William Dawson, Commissary of the Bishop of 

2For an account of Wm. Robinson see 3 Sprague's Annals, 92. 
aFor an account of John Blair, see 3 Sprague's Annals, 117. 
*For an account of John Roan, see 3 Sprague's Annals, 129. 


a man of learning and good Sense, a strenuous opposer of these 
new Preachers and Whitfield, having published two small treatises 
against them (which I think are very well performed) and I be- 
lieve he is a man of piety and veracity. So that his information 
may be look'd upon as true. The substance of which with what 
I have upon other undoubted [ ?] is as follows. There is one Gil- 
bert Tennent lately a leading man in the Synod of Presbyterians 
in Pennsylvania, who, with one Mr. Freelenhauson a Dutch Min- 
ister of Staten island, had several years before Mr. Whitfield ap- 
pear'd in America broach'd some strange notions about religious 
matters, which some other younger Preachers imbibd from them, 
but they had not authority enough to impose these notions upon 
the people, till Whitfield coming over joind them, and then their 
notions and opinions were every where publishd, and being espoused 
by Whitfield and his followers, became the current Doctrines of that 
joint party; and at a meeting of the above mentioned Synod at 
Philadelphia in May 1741 this Tennent and eight more of the 
members openly declared their separation from the Synod, and 
have ever since that time continued to meet by themselves, to [ ?] 
a discipline of their own framing, and have ordaind a good many 
young Preachers, whom they send into all parts of America to 
disturb the established Churches of all denominations, requiring 
almost no other qualification in Candidates for Orders, than, what 
they call experiences of a work of grace in their hearts; and the 
Preachers who lately came into Hanover were three of those or- 
dained by these Separatists above mentioned. The new doctrines 
these Schismaticks are at great pains to propagate and which their 
Missionaries publickly taught among us here were chiefly these 
following viz. 

That antecedent to the very first beginning of a work of grace, 
there is a necessity of what they call, a Law work or common con- 
victions, whereby the Sinner must be brought to despair, by way 
of preparation for Gospel grace, and some of them assert, That 
men must be willing to be damm'd, before they can obtain an 
interest in saving grace or mercy. And Roan who preachd in Han- 
over about Christmas last, asserted in one of his publick discourses 
(as I was informd by one who heard him) That a Sinner, before 


he can be thoroughly converted, must experience this Law work 
in such a degree as to disbelieve the very being of a God. II. That 
every true Convert is able to give an historical narrative of the 
time and manner of his or her conversion. III. That every con- 
verted person is as assuredly sensible of the Spirit of God working 
in him, as he would be of a wound or stab, or any thing else that 
he knows by his outward senses. IV. That all true believers, and 
especially converted ministers have the spirit of discerning whereby 
they can distinguish a hypocrite or a formal professor, from a sin- 
cere Christian. And this Spirit is claimd by some here in Hanover, 
particularly Samuel Morris and Thomas Green two of my neigh- 
bours. V. That a true Christian may know whether a Minister 
be converted or not by hearing him preach or pray. This wild 
notion prevails among our Enthusiasts here, and I have been con- 
demn'd by some of them as a stranger to true religion, & what 
they call the work of God, particularly by one Eoger Shackleford 
who having come to Church last Sunday, in his way home told 
those about him, that I had preach' d Damnable doctrine, and he 
pitied me as being an unconverted graceless man. And now that 
I have mentiond Shackleford, I cannot omit informing you of an- 
other piece of his conduct. I sent him one of the Bps of London's 
letters for his perusal, and before he had read it half over, he 
returnd it to the person by whom I sent it, and told her that he 
was sure the Bishop was an unconverted man, and said he wished 
God would open his eyes to see the truth. VI. That a Minister being 
unconverted hath no call or authority from God to preach the 
Gospel and such a Minister's preaching, tho' he preach sound doc- 
trine, can be of no saving use to the hearers. And thus by their 
pretended Spirit of discerning they apply the sentence of Con- 
demnation to all ministers who are not of their way, and persuade 
as many as they can, to forsake their own Pastors as carnal grace- 
less wretches, tho men of good principles and blameless lives. 
VII. That a regular ordination of a man to the holy Ministry, 
after due tryal and examination, is not the call of God, but of 
men only, the call of God with them being wholly inward by the 
Spirit and that therefore none ought to be admitted into the 
Ministry, but such as are sure of their conversion. VIII. That 


Christians are not obliged to adhere to their own respective Pas- 
tors, but ought to go to hear the word preachd where they think 
they receive the greatest benefit, or where they meet with the great- 
est gifts in the Preachers. 

IX. They make little or no account of a sound profession of 
Doctrine, joind with a regular Christian conversation, as a ground 
of judging charitably concerning a man's gracious State, unless 
one can give a narrative of the work of the Spirit of God in his 
heart, to judge charitably of a man's state on any other account is 
called by them a murdering, barbarous charity. 

X. They claim a right to examine whom they please concern- 
ing their spiritual state, and take them to pronounce such as dont 
please them in their answers, to be in a carnal damnd condition 
(These are their own words) This right to examine is 
common to both Preachers and people. XI. Both Preachers and 
people are great boasters of their assurance of salvation. They 
are so full of it here that the greatest number of those who have 
lately left the Church, and followed those Enthusiastick Preachers, 
last, as if they were there already ; nay some people here who have 
always been justly reputed guilty of several immoralities such as 
do confidently assert that they are as sure of going to Heaven at 
cheating, lying, and even theft, and whose practices (I well know) 
are the same now as before, these very men do boast as much of 
their assurances, as others who are reckond blameless in their con- 
versation : where such as these are so confident or rather impudent, 
you'l be less surpriz'd at what follows, viz, That their Preachers 
publickly tell their hearers, that they shall stand at the right hand 
of Christ in the day of Judgment, and condemn all of them who 
do not come to him at their call. 

Having given you an abstract of their doctrines, I beg leave to 
add a few sentences relating to their practice especially that of 
the three Enthusiasts that preach'd lately in this Parish. These 
have been at great pains to vilifie the Clergy of this Colony and 
have told their followers, both in publick & private that they can 
never reap any benefit by going to hear them, because they are 
not the Servants of God, and have no authority to meddle with 
Holy things; They endeavour to give them a mean opinion of 


our Liturgy, but this I believe they have done chiefly in private, 
for I did not hear that they spoke against it in their Sermons, how- 
ever I know, that their adherents generally disperse it and one of 
them (Thomas Green), told one of his Neighbours that it containd 
abundance of lies, and mentioned that sentence in the Te Deum 
(All the earth doth worship thee) as one. These three that were 
with us, as well as their brethren elsewhere, strive with all their 
might, to raise in their hearers, what they call convictions, which 
is thus performd. They thunder out [ ?] words and new coind 
phrases what they call the terrors of the law, [ ?] & scolding, 
calling the old people, Grey headed Devils and all promiscuously 
Damn'd, double damn'd whose souls are in hell, though they are 
alive on earth, Lumps of hellfire, incarnate Devils, 1000 times 
worse than Devils &c* and all the while the Preacher exalts his 
voice puts himself into a violent agitation stamping & beating 
his Desk unmercifully until the weaker sort of his hearers being 
scared, cry out fall down & work like people in convulsion fits 
to the amazement of Spectators, and if a few only are thus brought 
down, the Preacher gets into a violent passion again, Calling out 
Will no more of you come to Christ ? thundering out as before, till 
he has brought a quatum sufficit of his congregation to this con- 
dition and these things are extolld by the Preachers as the mighty 
power of God's grace in their hearts, and they who thus cry out and 
fall down are caressd and commended as the only penitent Souls who 
come to Christ, whilst they who don't, are often condemn'd by 
the lump as hardned wretches almost beyond the reach of mercy, 
insomuch that some who are not so season'd, impute it to the 
hardness of their own heart, and wish and pray to be in the like 

You may probably think, Sir, that lam a little hyperbolical in 
this last relation, but I beg leave to assure you, that I have un- 
questionable authority for the truth of it, and that they have acted 
in this parish in the same manner as I have now describd. 

I am told that there are two or three of these Enthusiastic 
Preachers expected in Hanover next month, to administer the 
Sacrament of the Lord's Supper; I wish they could be prevented, 


or, at least be obliged to show their credentials, for they may be 
Jesuits for anything we know. 

You have here inclosed some notes of a sermon preachd by 
the last of these Missionaries; I was to have transcribd it but 
have not been at leisure to do it. I purpose to wait on you at Wms- 
burg as soon as my parochial & other business will allow, that I 
may have some further directions about my conduct with respect 
to these wild & wicked men, and am very respectfully Reverend Sir 

Your most obedient humble Servant 

Patrick Henry 5 

Pray Sir, excuse some interlining 
&c I being necessarily in hast. 

St. Pauls Hanv County 
Reverend Sir 6 Octor 14th 1745. 

I have been so much afflicted with fever, and ague last week 
that I was not able to write you concerning Mr. Whitfield, who 
made some stay among us in his way to Georgia, and preachd in 
one of our churches in this Parish. I take the oppty of my Brother 
to write you now but am at writing so ailing that I hope you'l 
excuse the brevity of the following relation, which I would not 
at present have troubled you with but that I'm afraid my conduct 
with respect to Whitfield, may be misrepresented to vou, and I 
would by no means incur your censure or Displeasure. Mr. Whit- 
field lodg'd at a house in my parish Friday night the 4th ult and 
the next morning the Master of the house wrote me, That his Guest 
was desirous to preach in the Church the day following, if I would 
give him leave; my answei was in these words (Please to tell Mr. 
Whitfield, That if he will come to my house that I may have some 
conversation with him I shall be able to determine whether or 

sThis is Patrick Henry, Senior, the uncle of Patrick Henry, the 
distinguished orator. "This gentleman had been induced to come to 
Virginia by his brother [John Henry] through whose influence he had 
been made rector of St. George's Parish, in Spotsylvania, in April 
1733. On June 11, 1736, he became rector of St. Paul's Parish in 
Hanover." 1 Henry's Henry, 7. 

sAddressed to Rev. William Dawson. 


not it will be proper for me to allow him the use of my Pulpit 
tomorrow) Mr. Whitfield did not come near me, nor heard I any- 
thing from him. Next day I set out for Church and was told 
by the way that he was to preach either in the Church, or Church- 
yard, I found a great multitude waiting for him at Church, and 
after consulting some of my Friends, I thought it adviseable to give 
him leave to preach in the Church, on this condition that he read the 
common prayer &c before sermon, which when he came, he con- 
sented to do and accordingly read prayers, and preachd. If I had 
refusd him access to the Church, he would have preached in the 
Church yard, or very near it and then the whole congregation 
would have gone over to him, this was what I plainly foresaw, 
as did also my Friends; for tho the number of his followers there 
were but few, yet all the people to a man had a great desire to hear 
the famous Whitfield. And besides as all our new light men were 
present, who exclaim upon our Liturgy, I thought, that their great 
Apostle's using it, must infallibly silence them for erer on that 
subject. These, Sir, were my chief reasons lor allowing Whit- 
field to preach in the Church, and I shall be extremely glad if you 
approve of them. 

Mr. Whitfield preached in private houses in this parish on the 
same day & Monday following, and on which day, in the meeting 
house he refusd to baptize a Child they brought him & told them 
they ought to carry it to their parish minister, and that by their 
senseless, singular and [ ?] they laid themselves open to prosecu- 
tion, but not for righteousness sake. And both in his sermon 
in the Church (which I heard) and other public [ ?] (as I 
was informed by good authors) he advised the dissenters to return 
to the Church, and some of the chief of ? em have declar'd that 
they will return, I am respectfully 

Reverend Sir 

Your most obedient 

& obliged Humble Servant 

Pat Henry 
Revd Sirs 

As I detest that Jesuitical Notion That Equivocations & 
mental Reservations are lawful in taking an Oath, or in declar- 


ing assent to a particular System of Doctrines; and as a few 
Clauses in some of the Articles of the Church of England, from 
subscribing to which dissenting Ministers are not expressly ex- 
empted by the Act of Toleration, may bear an Explication which 
I cannot adopt, nor assent to; I think it my Duty, for the Satis- 
faction of my Conscience, and that I may act with Gospel Simplicity 
to present to you, Revd Gentlemen, the following Explications of 
the Articles mentioned, declaring in what sense I take 'em when 
I declare my Belief of them. 

I do heartily & unfeignedly declare my Belief of the 1st & 2d 
Articles without Exception, or Explication. 

3d Art. with this Explication, That by the Clause "He went 
down into Hell" be not understood Christs local Descent into the 
place properly called Hell where the Damned are, but either his 
being in the State of the Dead; or his enduring extreme Misery 
& great Distress; or his lying in the Grave. 

4th & 5th Art: wtout Exception or Explication. 

6th Art : with this Explication, That this Clause "And the other 
Books (as Hierom saith) the Church doth read for Example of 
Life & Instruction of Manners", be not intended to enjoin as a 
Duty the Reading of the Apocryphal Books in publick Religious 

7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, llth, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 
16th, 17th, 18th, 19th Art: without Exception or Explication. 

20th Art. with the Exception of these Words, which is allowed 
by Act. of Parl. "The Church hath Power to decree Rites & 

21st Art. with this Explication. That these words "General 
Councils may be gathered together without the Commandment & 
will of Princes," only signifie, That Chri[sti]an Princes have 
Authority, to call, when there is occasion, General Councils and 
that Ecclesiastic Officers ought to regard and Submit to their 
Auth. in this Respect, but not that Ecclesiastic officers may not 
convene in Councils, when Occasion requires it, of their own Ac- 
cord, when the Prince is a Heathen, or no Friend to the Church; 
for we find, The Apostles and Elders met in Council, without the 


Command of the Roman Emperor, he being an Enemy to the 
Church, Acts 15. 

22d, 23, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, 
31th, 32th, & 33rd Art wtout Exception or Explication. 

34th, 35th, 36th Art. wholly accepted by Act of Parl. 

37th Art. with this Explication, That this Clause, "Unto whom 
(the "Queen's Majesty) the chief Governmt of all Estates of this 
Realm, Whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil, in all Causes doth 
appertain", only mean, That the Kings & Queens of England, are 
the Supreme Head of the Civil State, and have the chief Govk 
throf ; & thrfore have the chief Govt. over all Ecclesiastic officers. 
as they are members of the Civil State, qua talis; and in all Civil 
Causes as well with respect to Such, as with respect to Such, as 
with respect to the Laity; but not that they are the Head of the 
Church, or have the chief Govt, and be the Supreme Judges in 
Ecclesiastical affairs and matters of faith: for as the authority of 
Ecclesiastical Judicatures, [which] are prin[cipa]lly concernd 
in Religious Matters, wou'd be infringed: the Right of private 
Judgment violated; & implicite Faith introduc'd I readily con- 
cede, That Principles subversive of Civil Society, & of the Founda- 
tions of N[atu]ral and reveald Religion, then propagated, may 
justly be checked by Civil Authority, & the Propagators of them 
punished with condign Punishment. But I cannot grant, That 
civil Rulers have Authority to preside in, and determine Contro* 
versies about Matters of Faith, & Affairs that Peculiarly concern 
the Church: The Determination of these, I humbly conceive, be- 
longs ultimately to God speaking in his Word, & subordinately to 
Church Judicatures; not excluding the inviolable right of private 
Judgment. My Meaning I would illustrate by one familiar Instance, 
viz 'Tis much controverted in the Chri[sti]an World, whether a 
Sinner be Justified in the Sight of God, by Faith alone, wtout his 
own good Works & personall Righteousness? Now, I can't allow 
that the King's Majesty is Supreme Judge in this Case; & that 
his Majesty has the chief Authority to determine it. 

38th & 39th Art. wtout Exception or Explication. 

Thus, Revd Sirs, I have with Candour & Impartiality repre- 


sent to you the Sense in which I cordially & freely Subscribe these 
Articles, & in which I do not. 

The most material & Important Exceptions which I have made, 
are expressly allowed by the Act of Toleration For these I need 
made no Apology and the Explications are either the real De- 
sign & Intent of the Articles; tho' not so plainly expresd, but 
that they may bear another Explication; or, at most, they are such 
small Digressions & variations from the native sense of the Arti- 
cles, that I humbly presume, they will be indulg'd I am as well 
satisfied with his present Majesty King George as my Supreme 
Civil Kuler, as, perhaps, any loyal Subject in all his Majestys 
Dominions, and accordingly to attest the same, have with the ut- 
most Freedom sworn allegiance to his Majesties Person & Gov- 
ernment; & therefore if I be understood to insinuate any thing 
to the contrary, by the above Explications, I shall be very dis- 
ingenuously wronged. But submitting these things to your Con- 
sideration I hope you'll allow me to be Eevd Gentlemen 

your very humble 


Obsequious Servt. in the Gospel 
Saml Davies 7 
Hannover Aprl 21st 1747 

P. S. Tho I have not subjoind the Hea- 

Directed thus sons of these Explications in full at 

To present: yet, if it be judg'd requisite 

The Eevd Mr. Henry. I shall be willing to propose them as 

soon as time will allow. 


^Samuel Davies was born in 1724 and died in 1761 while holding 
the office of President of Princeton College. In his 23rd year (1747) 
he was sent to Hanover, Virginia, and remained about eleven years, 
though absent for occasional periods of considerable length. The 
mother of Patrick Henry, Jr., was one of the followers of Davies in 
Hanover, and there is every reason to believe that the son was in- 
fluenced by the impassioned oratory of Davies. One of the best 
memoirs of Davies is in the American Quarterly Register, v. 9, no. 
4, May, 1837. The bibliographical note given there is of such interest 
that it is copied herewith. "Brief biographical notices of President 



Hanover April 29th 1747. 
Reverend Sir 8 

I made an appointment with the Revd Mr. Mossom to wait 
on you, this week, but, by the bad weather, have not been able 
to accomplish what I so much desired. 

I need not trouble you with accounts of Mr. Whitefield's con- 
duct here, my Revd Brother, who is with you before now, can in- 
form you concerning him; as I could not get clear of the whole 
gang of enthusiasts & seducers (as I hop'd I should) I thought it 
needless to make use of what you sent me in your last, & the 
rather because I detachd the Man from his Party, and have got 
such verbal & written declarations from him, as will certainly 
give the world the same notions of Him as I always have had, 
tho' I am willing to conceal my sentiments of him (for some 
reasons) till I see you. I send you a Copy of Mr. Davies's Explica- 
tions of the Articles; the original he withdrew last Saturday, in- 
tending, as he wrote me, to present it to the Governour in Person, 
he has preachd almost every day since he has been here, and is 
greatly applauded by his Followers, and by none more than a 
certain Great Man of your acquaintance. I'm sorry my Letter, 
when laid before the Council, had not the desired effect; 1 am 
ready to prove the truth of every Fact set forth therein, & which 
my Brethren, if they had sign'd the Lettor, must have believed upon 
my Testimony, there being but few things in it that they them- 
selves could otherwise know. 

Davies may be found in the prefaces to the editions of his sermons; 
in the funeral sermons of Drs. Gibbons and Finley, generally pre- 
fixed to the sermons of Davies; in the second volume of the Panoplist; 
Middleton's Evangelical biography; Assembly's Missionary magazine; 
State of Religion in Virginia; Rev. David Bostwick's Account pre- 
fixed to Davies sermon on the death of George II; appendix to Rev. 
Dr. Ashbel Green's Baccalaureate Addresses; and in President Allen's 
American Biographical Dictionary; the most copious and interesting 
biography is found in the second volume 1819, of the Evangelical and 
literary magazine, edited by Dr. John H. Rice." To these should be 
added the account in Sprague's Annals, v. 3, and Foote's Sketches of 

^Addressed to Rev. William Dawson. 


I want much to lay all my grievances before you, that I may 
disburden my Mind a little; but as that can't be done in writing, 
I will embrace the first opprty of waiting on you at Wmsburg. 
My wife & Jenny beg leave to join in our most respectful Saluta- 
tions of You & your good Family and I am with much Esteem. 

Eeverend Sir 
Your most obliged & 
obedient humble Servt 

Pat. Henry. 

P. S. The inclosed Copy was 
written for my own use, 
there are contractions in it 
that mayn't be legible. 
I purported to have sent you 
the Original. 

Hanover June 8th 1747. 
Eeverend Sir 9 

Mr. Davies whom the Govnour was pleasd to indulge in pre- 
ching about six weeks in Hanover, is to leave it to day or tomorrow : 
And as I still suspected that all of his Fraternity were disturbers 
of the Societies of Christians of all Denominations, by declining to 
settle in any place, So I am now confirmed in that opinion of 'em 
by Mr. Davies's conduct. This Man (who was with me last Fri- 
day & Saturday) told us that he did not intend to return hither till 
next Spring & perhaps not then ; and after he took his leave of me, 
I was inform'd by a Gentleman in Amelia That Mr. Davies is to 
preach at Goochland Court-house next Thursday, from whence he 
is to travel as far as Eoanoke, preaching at certain appointed 
places in his way, and that circular Letters and Advertisements 
are dispersd all over the upper parts of this Colony, that the Peo- 
ple may have notice of the times & places of meeting. My In- 
former has one of the circular Letters, and the Advertisement at 
Goochland Court-house has, I believe, been seen by hundreds. 

Addessed to Rev. William Dawson. 


I persuaded my self that the Govinor & Council neTer intended 
to encourage Itinerant Preachers, and therefore think it my duty 
to acquaint you with this Man's behaviour. I think also that the 
Govinour, by his Indulgence, did not allow Mr. Davies to adminis- 
ter the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, which notwithstanding he 
did celebrate at the meeting-house in St. Pauls parish, on Sunday 
the last of May, and had a great many Communicants. 

I need not inform you of the present distracted condition of 
my Parish nor of the future disturbances I justly apprehend from 
these Itinerants, who make it their Study to screw up the People 
to the greatest heights of religious Phrenzy, and then leave them 
in that wild state, for perhaps ten or twelve months, till another 
Enthusiast comes anyong them, to repeat the same thing over 
again, and this hath been the case here for above these two years 
past. I purpose (God willing) to wait on you as soon as I am fit 
to appear in Town: and am, with my wife's and Jenny's tender 
of respects to you & good family. 

Revd Sir your most obedient & obliged 
humble Servant 

Pat. Henry. 

Eevd. & Honour'd Sir, 

Embolden'd by your Condescension & Affability towards me 
when waiting upon you, & constraint by the Exigency of my pre- 
sent Case, I humbly adventure to trouble you in this manner, 
promising myself your Pardon, at least to pass with Impunity. 

Soon after my Settling here, some Presbyterians in my Con- 
gregation apply'd to me for the Solemnization of marriage; But 
lest I should arrogate any Priviledge which did not legally belong 
to me, I refus'd it; 'till some time in March last, I had opportunity 
of submitting it to the Honble Sir William Gooch; who was 
pleas'd to tell me, unexcited by my Importunity, that, after regu- 
lar Publication of the Banns, or obtaining a legal License, I might 
lawfully marry my own People ; still securing the fee for the Parish 
Minister. Confiding in the Opinion of so qualified & authoriz'd a 
Judge concerning the Sense of the Law, as sufficient to direct me; 
&, besides, endeavouring to see with my own eyes as far as I was 


able ; I lately marry'd a Couple living in the Reyd. Mr. Brunskill's 
Parish, after thrice Publication of the Banns in the Meeting- 
Houses where the Parties themselves, and those that were im- 
mediately concern'd, were wont to attend : & I order'd the Fee to be 
sent to Mr. Brunskill. 10 My Procedure herein has so inflam'd his 
resentments, that tho' I have inform'd him, That I had the Gov- 
ernour's Permission to warrant it, That the Perquisites shou'd 
be always reserved for him, & I design'd never to take a Penny, 
That I shou'd yield the readiest Submission to the first Intimation 
of the Pleasure of my Superior, particularly the Honble the Presi- 
dent & Council, requiring me to desist, &c. Yet he is determin'd 
to prosecute me. Without the Aid of a Judgement superior to my 
Own, I despair of convincing myself of the Illegality of my Con- 
duct; & therefore humbly submit it to your Honour's Determina- 
tion, requesting your Opinion of it, or rather (if it be obtainable 
by your condescending Interposition in my behalf) an Authorita- 
tive Order of Council, confirming or nullifying the Governour's 
License; to regulate & Indemnifie me in my future Conduct. 

As the Preaching of the Gospel is the Main End of my Func- 
tion, &, I think, the principal object of my Zeal; & as the Privi- 
ledge of marrying has no immediate Connection with it; I want 
no Motive to excite me to relinquish it, but such an Order; 'till 
I obtain it, or something equivalent, the legality of it, not only 
in my Apprehension, but according to the Governour's Judgment 
is sufficient, I humbly conceive, to indemnifie me in the Use of it. 

I allow myself the Pleasure, Sir, of expecting an Answer with 
all convenient Speed : & you may rest confident that the Determina- 
tions of Authority shall always be a rule of Practice to, 

Revd. & Honour'd Sir, 
Your oblig'd 


Feb. 3rd Most humble Servt. 

1749/50 Saml. Davies. 

ioFor the three John Brunskills, clergymen, see Perry's Papers 
relating to the church in Virginia. 


The Revd. & Honble 

Dr. Dawson 
Commissary, & one of His Majesty's Council, &c. 

Hanover Augt. 22d 1751 
Reverend Sir 

Inclosed is a Copy of a Letter from Mr. Davies to one of our 
Justices, which, I thought, you might be willing to see. As no 
Encouragement is to be given that Party wch can be legally deny'd 
them, I shall use my Interest with our Court to have the Con- 
sideration of their Petition deferred till I receive your Directions ; 
as, I'm afraid, I cannot have them before next Court; but if I 
cannot prevail with the Justices to put it off till then, I hope, I 
shall be able to give them Such Reasons as will determine them to 
reject the Petition viz. That Mr. Davies performed several Parts 
of his pretended Ministerial Office, both here and in Henrico, be- 
fore he was legally qualified. That, last May, he transgressed his 
Limits, by preaching &c in the Southern Parts of this Colony? 
That he hath celebrated the Rites of Matrimony, in this, and a 
neighbouring County. That many of his Hearers do, in their Meet- 
ing houses hold unlawful Assemblies, in Contempt of the Act of 
Toleration. That some of them have spoke reproachfully of the 
Liturgy, & officers of the Church. That they whom Mr. Davies 
married, joined with him in an illegal Act. These Facts will, I 
hope, demonstrate that both Mr. Davies, and many of his Con- 
gregation have faild in giving Sufficient Evidence of their Fidelity 
to the civil Governments, and inoffensive Conduct. I wish I could 
find any Thing provd against them before the Genl. Court, wch 
might strengthen what I have to say; you may, probably, help me 
to something of that Nature from the Records of that Court. If 
they obtain a Testimonial from our Court, I think, it can be no 
other than a Certificate from the Clerk bearing that they or some 
of them, have taken the Oaths enjoynd by Law to be taken by 
such People; but this is not what they aim at. I shall look for 



your Directions in the Matter, and observe them, in the best Man- 
ner I can. 

I am sorry that I have ground to find Fault with my old Friend 
the Eevd Mr. Mossom, 11 who has used me very unkindly, if Mat- 
thew Anderson speaks true upon (I think) his Death-bed; Our 
former Intimacy will not allow me to give his Treatment of me 
a harder name than Unkindly. He return' d me an Answer to 
mine (wch you saw) in such a haughty stile that I have not 
thought it expedient to correspond with him ever since. 1 ha\e it 
in my Power to show the World, that he is in the Wrong; but 
several Considerations determine me otherwise. I would always 
pass over the Faults of my Friends, and therefore did not resent 
that Part of his Conduct viz. That during our Intimacy, I had 
Reason to believe that he endeavoured to lessen me in the Esteem of 
a certain Honble Friend whom I justly value and in whose gener- 
ous & disinterested Favour I was always proud to have Place. 
The Gentleman could not Bear, like the Turk, a Brother near the 
Throne. However, I thought, that this & some other Things that 
gave me just offence, might still consist with some sort of Friend- 
ship, but my Revd Brother's late Usage of me is altogether incom- 
patible with any Degree of it. When I have an Oppty. of waiting 
on You, I shall give you a Detail of the whole Affair, wch would, 
after this long Service, tire your Patience too much ; And I should 
not have given you the Trouble of any Thing concerning our Dif- 
ference, were it not to justifie myself for not waiting on Mr. Mos- 
som, as you desir'd. When my Business will permit, I purpose to 
pay my Duty to You, at your hospitable House, & am very re- 

Reverend Sir 

Your most obedient 
obliged, humble Servant 
Pat. Henry. 

iiRev. David Mossom, minister of St. Peter's Parish, New Kent. 
Mr. Mossom is remembered as the minister who married George Wash- 
ington to Martha Custis. 


Keverend & honorable Sir, 

Not doubting but, as You represent our pious & learned Dio- 
cesan, tis your great Study to preserve, as far as may be, Purity 
of Faith, as well as sound Morals & good order in this remote 
corner of his Lordship's Diocese; it seems not improper to inform 
You that the revd Messrs Davies & Todd 13 have lately been guilty 
of what I think Intrusions upon me, in having preached each of 
them a Sermon at a Tavern in my Parish; within the Bounds of 
which I have never heard, that either of these Gentlemen, or any 
of their Communion, have obtained any properly authenticated 
License to exercise their Function. What was their real Motive 
to this Conduct, I dont undertake to determine: but an apparent 
one was, the Bequest of Capt Overton to Mr. Davies, & of Capt. 
Fox to Mr. Todd, to preach an occasional Sermon to their re- 
spective Companies, at the Time of their Ueparture to range upon 
our Frontiers. But, as few, if any, of the former Company reside 
in this Parish, it might perhaps, have been equally prudent & 
regular in the former of those Teachers to have preached in one of 
his own Meeting-houses in Hanover. And, tho the other Company 
consisted chiefly of Inhabitants of this County yet tis Matter of 
Question with me, whether their Request alone sufficiently justifies 
Mr. Todd in acting as he has done ; which however is humbly sub- 
mitted to your better judgment. If these Gentlemens Conduct be 
warrantable in this Particular; the inconveniences, resulting 
thence, must be patiently acquiesced in; but, if not, every stanch 
Friend of the Church of England will be pleased to see those 
Evils obviated in Time & guarded against for the future. What 
they are, tis needless to mention to You, Sir, who for some years 
past have had frequent opportunity of remarking, what Heats & 
Dissentions, what Breaches of Charity, what Ruin & Decay in the 
Families of many well meaning but deluded People, what Con- 
fusion & Disorder, what Disaffection in the People to regular Pas- 
tors, of unblemished Morals & unquestionable Abilities, together 
with many other unhappy Effects, have usually attended the Min- 
istry of Itinerants & Enthusiasts in this Colony, whenever they 

an account of John Todd, see 3 Sprague's Annals, 144. 



have either boldly intruded, or been legally licensed. Tis a Doubt, 
I am told, with some worthy Members of your honorable Bench, 
whether the Act of Toleration extends to the Plantations. I wish 
that Doubt were indisputably solved, which, perhaps, it would he, 
on proper Application to proper persons. Not that I would be 
fond of seeing these or any other nonconformmg Teachers molested 
purely for their religious tenets; but of seeing the Privileges of both 
Churchmen & Dissenters so precisely ascertained, as to leave no 
Eoom for Controversy in the Case. I trust I am far from the 
inhuman & uncharitable Spirit of Persecution. No Man either 
professes or thinks himself a warmer Advocate for Liberty of Con- 
science, that natural Right of Mankind. But when Men under 
Pretence of asserting & exercising this Right, sow the Seeds of 
Discord & Confusion : when they so industriously propagate hetero- 
dox opinions in a Manner, inonsistent with & repugnant to, the 
formal Sanctions of Government & Law; none, surely, not their 
most zealous adherents, nor even themselves, can justly complain, 
should they be laid under just & equitable Restraints. Such, as 
dissent from the established Church, & are indulged by the Gov- 
ernment publicly to teach those of their own Communion under 
certain wise & moderate Restrictions, would, one would think, if 
influenced either by Modesty or Prudence be cautious of trans- 
gressing the Bounds, markt out to them by such wholsome & 
tolerating Laws; which, as they, on one Hand grant them all 
reasonable Indulgences, in Condescension to their scrupulous Con- 
sciences, so, on the other, must be thought just in wisely pro- 
viding for the Peace, Unity & Order of the national Church, for 
the Security of which they have been chiefly calculated. These 
Gentlemens Intentions may, perad venture, hava been pious. I 
wont assert the Negative. But this, I believe, may be safely 
affirmed, That if, to effectuate their Intention?, however pious, 
the Laws of the Community must be violated, & if the Violation of 
euch Laws be an Evil; they have, if not intentionally, yet event- 
ually, acted upon that unsound Principle, which St Paul dis- 
claims with so much Abhorence, Doing Evil that Good may come. 
Do me the Justice, Sir, to believe, that a pure Zeal for the estab- 
lished Church, a sincere Desire to guard that Part of it which is 


intrusted to my Care from Errors in Doctrine as well as Practice, 
& a compassionate Concern for many honest but ignorant People 
who by being unhappily seduced from the Church to the Cor- 
enticle have been involved in inexplicable Difficulties, have been 
my only Motives in troubling You with this Complaint. To which 
if you find it expedient & practicable co give effectual Redress, 
you'll greatly oblige all, in general, who wish to see Purity in Faith 
& Manners flourish in this Part of the Christian Church; and, 
amongst the rest, in a very particular Manner, 

& Honorable Sir, 

Your obliged Friend 
& affectionate Brother 
James Maury 14 

Oct. 6, 1755. 

Lancaster March 3d 1758 
Reverend Sir 11 

I expect the Gentlemen of the Clergy, from these Parts, will 
Let your Hon. know the Evil Consequences of a Dissenter's Preach- 
ing among us. 

Inclosed is a Short Representation to be laid before the Next 
Assembly, which I Humbly offer to your Care, till the Assembly 
meets, hoping the Honourable Council will then Send it to the 

Maury was born April 18, 1718, and attended William 
and Mary College. On July 31, 1742, he was appointed usher of the 
grammar school. Ordained in 1742. He served one year as a minister 
in King William, and then went to Fredericksville parish in Louisa. 
He died as minister of this parish June 9, 1769. (Tyler's Va. Biog , 
v. 2, p. 201.) He was the plaintiff in the famous suit in Hanover, 
in which Patrick Henry distinguished himself as the defendant's coun- 
sel. There is an interesting letter of Rev. James Blair, the com- 
missary to the Bishop of London, about James Maury, Feb. 9, 1742, 
printed in Perry's "Papers relating to the history of the Church In 
Virginia," p. 36. 

IB Addressed to Rev. Thomas Dawson, commissary of the Bishop 
of London, and President of the College. 


House of Burgesses for their Consideration. Pray Excuse this 
Presumption in, 

Most Reverend Sir, 
Your Honrs. most Humble 
and very Obedient Servant 

Edwin Conway. 18 

Eeverend Sir 

Mr. Davies hath sent among our Negroes a Small Pamphlet, 17 
I Expect one will be Sent to your Honr. wherein you may Per- 
ceive Mr. Davies hath much Reproached Virginia. And informs 
the Negroes they are Stronger than the Whites, being Equal in 
Number then, & having an Annual addition of thousands. I Can't 
See any Advantage to the Country, to give this account to the 
Negroes. See Appendix to Fawcett's Ad[?] I know of but two 
Freeholders in this County, Dissenters ; and they both received 
the Holy Eucharist, in our Church, before Mr. Davies Preached 
here. I am the Oldest Freeholder in the County, and I never 

iFor a good account of Col. Edwin Conway, see Hayden's Vir- 
ginia Genealogies, p. 238-243. Col. Conway was born in Lancaster in 
1681. He died October 3, 1763. He was for a period of 32 years, 
1710-1742, in the House of Burgesses. 

i?In the biography of Davies in the American Quarterly Register, 
v. 9, p. 312, is an extract of a letter written by Davies to a friend 
in London in 1755, upon the subject of his efforts to convert the 
negroes. He writes "The books I principally want for them are 
Bibles, and Watts' Psalms and Hymns." For a discussion of the rela- 
tion of the negro to the Church in colonial times, see M. W. Jernegan's 
"Slavery and Conversion in the Colonies," in American Historical Re- 
view, v. 21, p. 504-527. See in this connection Davies' sermon "On the 
Defeat of General Braddock" (Sermons, ed. by A. Barnes, N. Y., 1849, 
v. 3, p. 228) in which he addresses the negroes in the congregation 
showing them why they should not wish to take the side of the 
French. There was probably some fear of a slave insurrection in 
favor of the French, and Davies words were intended to influence the 
negroes to remain loyal. 


heard a Dissenter Preach, Except one received Minister of the 
Parish, in old time. 

I am ut Supra 

Chesterfield Dec. 9th 1758 
Reverend Sir 

The Gentleman who brings you this will at the same Time de- 
liver to you five pounds, the sum I Subscribed for at the Conven- 
tion. Be pleased to take the Trouble to give him a Receipt for it. 
I beg Leave, Sir, now I am writing to you, to put you in mind of 
an Affair, which I could only hint to you, when I was at Town. 
That, if any Dissenters should appear in Behalf of an unlicensed 
Meeting House, which has been lately built in a Corner of my 
Parish, you will take Care to oppose them. It was chiefly pro- 
moted by some Scotch Merchants & others in Petersburgh of an- 
other County & Parish. It meets with ho encouragement from the 
Gentlemen or Generality of the People of my Parish, except one 
wrong headed Colonel, & a very few others. But if factious & 
restless people may build an House, when & where they please, 
without Leave or License; the Peace & Security of the established 
chh will be very precarious. This method of proceeding must ap- 
pear to be audacious, irregular & illegal & inconsistent with any 
lawful Toleration, & Will always I hope be opposed. Therefore 
I hope you will take Care to disappoint them if they should apply 
for a preposterous License now. R. Sir I am wth the greatest 

Your most hble Svt. 

Geo. Trask 
[Endorsed] To 
The Reverend 

Mr. Commissary Dawson 
at Williamsburg. 




Contributed by W. S. MORTON. . 

Williamsburg, Va., Dec. 16th 1859 
My Dear Sir: 

Are the walls of the present college edifice those which were 
originally erected? This is a question of interest to you, and I 
therefore take the liberty of calling your attention to the follow- 
ing facts, which seem to me to settle it. Mere tradition, cannot 
prevail against them. 

1st. It is indisputably true that when the walls of the College 
were denuded several years ago, to be replastered, that traces of an 
extensive conflagration were brought to view. These must have 
been the effect of the fire of 1705, for that which occurred about 
the period of the Eevolution was too slight to have caused them. 

2nd.. The Rev. Hugh Jones, formerly Professor of Mathematics 
in this institution, and a contemporary of Governor Spottswood, 
in an account of the college-building, soon after it was first re- 
constructed, says "The building is beautiful and commodious, 
being first modelled by Sir Christopher Wren, adapted to the 
nature of the country by the gentlemen there; and since it was 
burnt down, it has been rebuilt, nicely contrived, altered, and 
adorned by the ingenious direction of Governor Spottswood; and 
is not altogether unlike Chelsea Hospital/ 5 

When the walls were exposed by the late fire, evidence of many 
alterations, was brought to light. 

3d. The Act of the General Assembly of Virginia of 1693, 
locating the college under a provision of the charter of the College, 

i Robert J. Morrison was professor of history and political science 
at William and Mary College at this time. 


prescribing "That Middle Plantation be the place for erecting the 
said College of William and Mary in Virginia, and that the said 
college be at that place erected and built as neare the church now 
standing in Middle Plantation old fields as convenience will per- 
mitt." The Rev. Hugh Jones informs us also that Governor 
Nicholson layed out the city of Williamsburg in the form of 
the cipher of W and M. The Act of the General Assembly of 
1705, which prescribed the present plan of Williamsburg, refers 
to an existing plan. The xxx th clause of the Act is as follows: 
"And be it also enacted that the four lots or half acre which 
at the first laying out of the land for the said city, by Benjamin 
Harrison Jr. Esq shall remain and continue to the use of the 
said Benjamin Harrison, his heirs and assigns, and shall not 
lapse from want of another building thereon, anything in this 
Act to the contrary notwithstanding/' Gov. Nicholson was one 
of the Trustees named in the Charter of the College, and after the 
institution had been located by the General Assembly, the Bite of 
the building was doubtless conform'd, to the plan of the city, 
to be built at Middle Plantation, where as far as is known the 
church was the only edifice then erected. 

The General Assembly was first held at "His Majestyes Koyall 
Colledge of William and Mary," on the 5th of December 1700, 
and here it met until the year 1705, when the college building was 
first destroyed by fire. This was a memorable year in the history 
of Williamsburg. In 1705 the General Assembly reenacted the 
act of 1699 which directed "the building of the capitol and the 
city of Williamsburg." During this year the present plan of the 
city was adopted. The main street, named after the Duke of 
Gloucester, was undoubtedly layed off with reference to the old 
church. It led towards the ruini of the College. At the e.-ist end 
of it the Capitol was built. In 1705 the general Assembly de- 
termined to build also "An house for the Governor of this colony 
and Dominion." Palace street, now known as Palace Green was 
then layed off. The sites of all the Public Buildings were fixed 
with reference to the new plan for the city. The fact that the 
College was burnt in 1705, and not known to have been ready for 
use until 1719, has hitherto not been satisfactorily explained. 


But when it is recollected that between these years, the Capitol, 
the Palace, the jail, the Magazine, as well as the college, were all 
built in a substantial manner," and exceeded" as we are told by 
the Rev. Hugh Jones, "by few buildings cf their kind in England" 
we must be astonished by the amount of labor performed in so 
short a time, in a town so isolated as Williamsburg then was. The 
exigencies of the Government required the construction of the Pub- 
lic Buildings before that of the College. When these were finished 
Gov: Spottswood gave his attention to the re-building of the Col- 
lege. If the site of the College had then been changed, the building 
would have been conformed to the plan of the city, to a great de- 
gree then just built. But it does not conform to this plan. We 
must therefore conclude that Gov: Spottswood built upon the old 
walls, and that we have now the identical college edifice which was 
originally built in conformity with Gov. Nicholson's plan for the 

I hope it will not be long before we shall have the pleasure of 
seeing you here. It is a gratification to us all to receive a visit 
from you. You are aware that we are at work in our new or 
rather renewed edifice. Less than a year ago we lost all, but yet 
we have been gainers. We have elegant Lecture Eooms, com- 
fortable offices, splendid apparatus, and already about four thou- 
sand choice volumes. 

When you come up again do not fail to bring your little boy 
with you. Ellis will be most happy to welcome him. 

Yours very truly 

Robt. J. Morrison 
H. B. Grigsby L.L. D 2 

2Dr. Grigsby was a firm and devoted friend of the college. He be- 
came the last chancellor of the college in 1871. 



About seven years ago, the writer began to collect material for 
the genealogy of "Old Joseph Morton," the father of Col. Wm. 
Morton. Being a descendant, my efforts have been especially di- 
rected to securing the military career of Col. Morton. After sev- 
eral years' close research of histories and magazines, I came to the 
conclusion that the name of this gallant soldier of the Revolution 
had never been recorded in history. It, therefore, affords me great 
pleasure to give your readers the within excerpt concerning him 
from Hon. Hugh Blair Grigsby's letters, dated Nov. 19, 1874, 
addressed to Mr. George Bancroft, the historian. Mr. Grigsby 
congratulates Mr. Bancroft "on having gone so far in your great 
work, and on its completion" etc., and then adds, "I might have 
concluded my note, but as several little things of some historical 
interest occurred to me, in reading the tenth volume, I will put 
them down for what they are worth * * * I will add that my 
wife whose father was at Eutaw, and was wounded in the thigh 
from a ball from that fatal house, read your account of the battle 
with much interest. Her father, Col. Clement Carrington, was 
wounded in two places at Eutaw [see Garden's first vol. anec- 
dotes etc]. From Col. Carrington I learned several incidents 
of the war in the South * * * You notice the fall of the gallant 
Col. Webster at Guilford. He was shot by Col. Wm. Morton, 
whose remains rest on the north bank of the Staunton river in 
Charlotte, between those of Patrick Henry and John Randolph 
or Paul Carrington. He was a private and took to the war his 
long ducking or deer gun, which carried a ball and seven or eight 
buck-shot. He took deliberate aim at Webster and saw him fall. 
The several wounds you speak of were inflicted by the ball and 
scathing buckshot. Col. Morton never missed his mark even at a 
deer at full speed. And as you always speak kindly of Presby- 
terians, I will add that Col. Morton was a Presbyterian elder. 


The gun with which he shot Webster still exists in the possession 
of a descendant who resides in this county about 10 miles from 
my home. I heard this statement from Col. Carrington who knew 
the fact at the time." 



I have read with great interest the account by Mrs. 0. A. 
Keach of the Jones family of Northumberland Co., Va., published 
in the Wm. & Mary Quar., Jan. and Apr. 1915. It is ended with 
the statement "Any additional information will be appreciated." 
I trust it is not too late to send the "additional information." I 
regret not having seen this Jones data before. Let me say that 
for many years, and from many parts of the country, I have been 
receiving letters asking for information regarding a second wife 
of Zachary Taylor of Orange Co. (the President's grandfather) 
and children by this second wife. According to published accounts 
of the Taylor family, and according to our family papers, Zachary 
Taylor m. Elizabeth Lee and had Zachary, Hancock, Richard 
and Elizabeth. No other children are named and no other wife 
ever recorded. Meade says he had "seven sons and three daugh- 
ters," without naming them and this statement has been often 
cited by those who claimed, or thought they had grounds for 
claiming, descent from him. The many letters I received caused 
me to investigate the matter of Zachary's having a second wife 
and a second family, but I could find nothing to substantiate these 
claims. A thorough search among our family records and papers 
led to no result, except of a negative character. The late Mr. 
Pall Taylor, who devoted many years to the compilation of the 
Taylor genealogy, informed me that Dr. A. G. Grinnan, of Madi- 
son Co., Va., had discovered that Zachary Taylor had married a 
second time, with Esther Blackburn, widow of Arthur Black- 
burn, and on her husband's death had been one of her sureties when 
she was granted administration. As there is a tradition in our 
family that Zachary had married a Jones, his second wife blos- 
somed into "Esther Jones, widow of Arthur Blackburn." This 
gave Zachary a second wife. But no other children were forth- 
coming. As I looked into the matter further, I became skeptical 


about Esther, and asked Mr. Fall Taylor for the particulars which 
Dr. Grinnan (meantime deceased) had given him. But all of his 
Grinnan papers had been lost in a fire. I obtained a copy of 
Esther's bond of administration, and found that Zachary Taylor's 
name does not appear on it. Esther became more mythical still. 
But relying on our family tradition that Zachary had married a 
Jones (and of course, taking this for his second wife) I had a 
blind search made in Orange County records, and the whole matter 
was cleared up (as I thought) by the disco verery of the will of 
Capt. John Jones dated 31 May 1758. Before proceeding further 
let me say that Zachary Taylor was b. 17 Apr. 1707 and married 
Elizabeth Lee and that she according to the family record "died 
early"; their children being: 

Zachary Taylor. 

Hancock Taylor, killed by Indians in Ky. 

Richard Taylor, Col. in Revolution, father of Pres. Zachary. 

Elizabeth Taylor m. Capt. Thomas Bell. 

John Jones' will, above referred to, speaks of two children 
under age, also "my Loving Sister, Elizabeth Taylor"; and he 
appoints as ex'ors his "Loving Wife Mary Jones and her two 
brothers Maj. John Bell and Mr. Thomas Bell of Prince William 
County, & Mr. Zachary Taylor of Orange County." As Eliza- 
beth Lee, wife of Zachary Taylor, died about 1750, here everything 
was explained. Zachary m. 2dly Elizabeth Jones sister of John 
Jones who made his will 1756. Nothing could possibly be more 
clear. But in genealogical investigation one must be prepared 
for surprise. And the account of Mrs. Keach of the Jones family 
did spring a real surprise. Mrs. Keach makes it very plain, from 
citations of the Northumberland records, that Swan Jones mar- 
ried Elizabeth, and died before 1742 leaving a son John Jones, and 
that Swan's widow Elizabeth m. secondly Zachary Taylor of 
Orange Co. So the will of Capt. John Jones which I found must 
be read in a completely different light, for the testator was son of 
Swan Jones and Elizabeth who, when he made his will, had be- 
come Mrs. Zachary Taylor, and "my Loving Sister Elizabeth Tay- 
lor" was testator's half-sister that is to say, the sister of testator's 
mother by her second husband, Zachary Taylor. Mrs. Keach gives 


Swan Jones' wife merely as Elizabeth. Our family records 
show that Zachary Taylor m. Elizabeth Lee, and in all published 
accounts of the family she is set down as daughter of Hancock Lee 
of "Ditchley" and his second wife Sarah Allerton. This gives 
the patronymic of Swan Jones' wife, and will help clear up much 
of the Lee data in Mrs. Keach's article. The will of John Jones 
was witnessed by James Bell and Elizabeth Taylor. Mary Jones, 
the wid. was granted adm'n and she and Zachary Taylor, her se- 
curity entered into bond in the sum of 1000. Test. Geo. Taylor 
Clk. (Col. George Taylor, bro. of Zachary was clerk of Orange 
Co.) Inventory (without appraisement) was made 8 Aug. 1758. 
A partial inventory (with appraisement) dated 3 Dec. 1759, by 
Richard Beale, James Coleman, Junr, and James Suggett, who 
state, "we the subscribers met and assigned the above articles to 
Mr. Zachary Burnley who married the widow of Capt. John Jones, 

To sum up : Elizabeth Lee dau. of Hancock Lee of "Ditchley'' 
and Sarah Allerton m. (1st) Swan Jones of Northumberland Co. 
who d. before 1742; m. (2dly) Zachary Taylor of Orange Co., and 
had issue: 

By her 1st hus. 1 Capt. John Jones of Orange Co. will 
dated 31 May 1758, pro. 1758. m. Mary Bell, who in 1759 m. 
Zachary Burnley. By her 2d hus. II Zachary Taylor in. his cousin 
Alice Chew. Ill Hancock Taylor, killed in Ky. IV Lt. Col. Rich- 
ard Taylor, m. Sarah Dabney Strother. V Elizabeth Taylor m. 
Capt. Thomas Bell. 

The above Lt. Col. Richard Taylor had Gen. Zachary Taylor 
whose eldest child Anne Mackall Taylor was my grandmother. 
Hence my interest. 



Contributed by W. S. MORTON. 

The following is given as the "muster roll" of the revolutionary 
officers who assembled at Richmond on the 2'5th of October ult. 
to welcome general La Fayette: 

Francis Smith, Capt in 1st Va. reg aged 88 

Gabriel Long " " Morgan's reg 78 

W. J. Stevens " " 73 

Charles Cameron " " 10th " 72 

Robert Porterfield " " llth " & aid to Gen. Wood- 
ford 72 

Thomas Price, in Gunpowder expedition and various other ser- 
vices but not in continental services 71 

John Smith, 1st lieut. 4th Va. reg 73 

Samuel Carter, Capt. 1st Regiment 70 

John L. Curte [ ?], lieutenant, 15th regiment 70 

John Marshall, Capt. llth regiment 69 

James Morton, 4th Virginia regiment 68 

Wm. Evans, 10th Virginia regiment 68 

John Nicols, 1st Virginia regiment 66 

Churchill Gibbs, Capt. 1st Virginia regiment 66 

Carter Page, Capt. leg. drag. Continental 66 

D. M. Randolph, Eland's Regiment dragoons 65 

Wade Mosby, Capt. horse, under Col. Call 68 

Wm. Broadus, Capt. 1st Virginia State Regiment 63 

Edward Eggleston, State legion 64 

Francis Brooke, 1st Lieutenant 1st Regiment, Continental artil- 
lery commanded by Harrison 60 

Clement Carrington, ensign in Lee's legion 62 

James Lyons, private in Capt. C. Page's Cavalry 61 

Daniel Verser, Capt. in 15th Virginia reg 69 

Charles Woodson, Capt. 3d Virginia regiment 65 

Charles Gee, 2d N. C. reg. Nash's brig : 67 


Win. Price, 1st Virginia Regiment, lieutenant 67 

R. A. Saunders, Lieut. 1st Virginia regiment 67 

Mathew J. Eggleston, Call's Cavalry 61 

Peter Foster, lieut in 1st Virginia State reg 66 

Phillip Holcomb, Maj in State service at Sur. York 61 

Robert Pollard, Culpeper bat. of minute men 67 

James Dozwell, 14th Va. Regiment 69 

Maj. Allen McLane, of Old Dominion Continental line, 78 years 

of age 8th of Aug. 1824 78 

Samuel Tinsley, lieut. Col. Dabney's reg. of Va. 64 

Philip Slaughter, Capt llth Va. Cont. reg 66 

John Slaughter, priv. 1st reg. drag. Col. Bland 66 

John Trabue, 7th Va. regiment 62 

John Nelson, Maj. "Com. State Cavalry 71 

Richard Thermon, private Holcomb's reg 81 

John Kilbey, navy, Bon Homme Richarde 66 

This list is copied from the original signed by the gentlemen 
themselves, their rank and ages recorded with their own hands. 
The original is in my possession. 

Robert Douthat. 
October 27, 1824. 
The above is copied from Niles' Register. 

W. S. Morton. 



Att a Court held and Continued for Accomack County June the 

22th 1692 

Whereas mr William Anderson exhibited an Information to 
this Court against Lt Coll John West for consealing two Tithables 
(viz) James Alexander and Johnathan West (if not one of his 
sons John) not being named or entered into his List of Tithables 
by means whereof the sd West had incurred the penalty by Law 
in such case made and Provided viz Act the 7th 1663; allso that 
John Brooks late of this County deseased and Sambo als Calabar 
a negro woman slave belonging to the said Brooks were neither of 
them entered into the aforesaid Lists and praied Legall proceedings 
might be had and the penal tie disposed of as the Law directes; 
which being at the request of the deftdt referred to this Court; 
and this day being called & the Court takeing the same into ex- 
aminacon the said Mr. Anderson produced a copie of the List of 
Tithables for the yeare 1691 wherein it appeared to the Court 
that the said James Alexander was not entred into the List of 
Tithables and pleaded that he the sd Alexander was a Tithable per- 
son in the sd Coll Wests family to which plea the said Coll West 
objected and alleadged that the sd Alexander was a sloope man 
and that he was not one of his familie by reason he had one by 
9th part in the profits by the earnings of the sd Coll West sloop 
and that he was not a servant for wages & the Court debateing the 
matter doe adjudge that the said James Alexander to be a Tithable 
in the familie of the said Coll West and ought to have been entred 
with his List and therefore liable to the forfeiture in the sd Act 
aforemenconed and the Court further examining the pleas made 
by the sd Anderson in relacon to he sd Coll West son named 
Johnathan West the sd Mr. Anderson to prove the sd Coll West 
delinquency in not entring the Said Jonathan into the List of 
Tithables produced a Certificate under the Clerk of the Vestries 
hands that Jonathan West son of the sd West and Mistriss Matilda 
his wife was borne the 27th day of March 1674 and the Sd Coll 


West alledging that he had kept in a Book presented to the Court 
a memorandum of his Childrens ages and that he had two sons of 
that name the oldest of whom being dead but no register appearing 
of the birth of his youngest son neither any record of the buriall 
of the oldest and the Said Coll West not produceing any proof of 
his Said allegacon whereby to counterbalance the weight of the 
ed Certificate the Court doe adjudge the Said Jonathan West to be 
a Tithable likewise in the familie of the Sd Coll West and that the 
sd West is liable to the sd Law ; and as to that part relating to his 
son John the Court finds that though he was not named in the 
Sd List yet the number was compleat to make out twelve persons 
& the Court allso further examining that part of the presentment 
made by the Sd Anderson agst John Brooks and Sambo alias 
Calabar a negro woman belonging to the sd Brooks the Court doe 
adjudge that the sd Coll West to whom the first part of the In- 
formacon related is not liable to answer the Same. & the Court 
doe therefore order that the Said Coll West make pment of two 
thousand pds of tobacco and cask for the Said two psons concealed 
according to the tenor of the Sd Act wth Costs of suit als Execucon. 
Capt Edm Scarburgh dessents from that part of the order re- 
lating to Jonathan West. Accomac Records, Volume X, folio 69. 

M. L. 



By ARTHUR LESLIE KEITH, Northfield, Minnesota. 

A writer in The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 
July, 1915, asks my authority for the statement that Thaddeus 
McCarty married Ann, daughter of Rawleigh Chinn. It is found 
in a deed on file at Leesburg, Loudoun County, Va., which is 
dated October 8, 1773, wherein Thaddeus McCarty and wife Ann 
of Lancaster County sell land which the said Ann had inherited 
from her father, Rawleigh Chinn. I have no special acquaintance 
with the history of the Chinn family. The July, 1908, number 
of The William and Mary Quarterly, pages 61 and 63, give some 
records of the family. They show that prior to 1682, John Chinn 
had married Elizabeth, daughter of Rawleigh Travers. The fol- 
lowing account, which I believe is substantially correct, though I 
cannot guarantee its accuracy absolutely, was furnished to me a 
few years ago by a descendant of the family, and has, so far as I 
know, never been published. 

John Chinn appears in Lancaster County, Va., in 1664. He 
owned land on Morathis (?) Creek. The Chinns, Balls, Down- 
mans, all settled in that part, and intermarried. The McCartys 
came later. 

John Chinn had the following children : 1. John T. md. Eliza- 
beth. 2. Ann, md. (1) William Fox, (2) Richard Chichester. 

3. Sarah md. Chilton. 4. Katherine md. 

McCarty. 5. Rawleigh md. Esther Ball. 6. Joseph. 7. William. 
Rawleigh Chinn, who md. Esether Ball had son Thomas Chinn 
who md. Mrs. Edmunds, and their son Rawleigh Chinn, the sailor, 
md. Lucy Tarpley, and their granddaughter was my informant 
in this matter. She refers to a Rawleigh Chinn, Jr. (whom she 
apparently makes the son of the Rawleigh who md. Esther Ball) 
who died in 1756 leaving will in which he mentions as his only 
heirs, daughters Ann and Catharine, both under 21 years of age, 


and she states that Ann later md Col. Thaddeus McCarty, and 
Catharine md Francis Humphrey Christian. 

I believe that the writer referred to, at the beginning of this 
note and Hayden are both in error in regard to the Billington 
McCarty who died in 1771. There were two of this name. The 
Richmond Co., Va., records give the will of Billington McCarty, 
dated July 1, 1745, wherein he mentions son Billington and others 
(without name). This Billington dying in 1745 I identify with 
the Billington McCarty who md Ann Barber, June 16, 1732, and 
had 1. Daniel, born Oct. 22, 1733, died Aug. 6, 1739; 2. Billington, 
born Oct. 3, 1736 (therefore oldest living son, and heir at law, 
and so mentioned first in his father's will). 3. Thaddeus born 
Apr. 1, 1739 (probabjy the one who in 1758 md Ann Chinn, above 
referred to) ; 4. Charles Barber, born Aug. 23, 1741. The Rich- 
mond Co., Va., records show another Billington McCarty whose 
will is dated March 1771, and he, I think, must be identical with 
the Billington born Oct. 3, 1736. He mentions in his will, chil- 
dren Nancy, Daniel, William Thadias (no comma between last 
two names), Dennis and Elizabeth Downman McCarty. He seems 
to be identical with the Billington McCarty, who with wife Ann 
had son Daniel, born Aug. 24, 1757; with wife Eliza had son 
Billington, born March 18, 1759 (not mentioned in will) ; Thad- 
deus, born Sept. 1, 1763; Elizabeth Downman, born NOT. 30, 
1768.- I identify the elder Billington, of will 1745, with the son 
of Daniel McCarty who died in Westmoreland Co., Va., in 1724, 
receiving, by terms of his father's will, land in Farnham Parish. 

In my notes published in The William and Mary Quarterly, 
January, 1914, I made an error in regard to the mother of Susan 
Hard wick, who, in 1787, md Cornelius McCarty. I stated that 
she was an Orear, but referred to the tradition of a Glasscock con- 
nection. She was not an Orear, but one Margaret Glasscock, as is 
shown by the will of John Glasscock made in Fauquier Co., Va., 
Nov. 27, 1774, wherein he mentions wife (not by name) ; sons 
Thomas, George, John, and Hezekiah ; and daughters Mary Rector, 
Margaret Turley, and Susana Jackson. A descendant of this John 
Glasscock still lives on his farm near Rectortown, and preserves 
the traditions of the Turley and Kincheloe connection. The Fau- 


quier County records show the following: Oct. 1, 1771, Thomas 
Glasscock and Agnes, his wife, of the Parish of Leeds, County of 
Fauquier sell to Margaret Harwich (sic) 244 acres, part of land 
sold to John Eector by Burgess Ball, Gent, of Lancaster Co. by 
deed dated Sept. 7, 1770. Three years later, Thomas Glasscock 
and wife Agnes sell part of same tract to William Turley. On 
Mar. 1, 1815, Sampson Turley, of Fauquier County sells to James 
Kincheloe, the land which Thomas Glasscock and wife Agnes had 
sold in 1771 to Margaret Hardwick. It is stated in this deed, 
that the said Margaret had later married William Turley, and had 
died intestate, leaving her said husband eight children of whom 
the said Sampson is one. So now, to reconstitute Margaret's his- 
tory we must begin with Margaret Glasscock, daughter of John, 
md. 1. Hardwick and had Susan and Elizabeth, and per- 
haps also John, 2. md. William Turley, to whom she bore eight chil- 
dren. There were Glasscocks in Kichmond County, and vicinity at 
a very early date, but I have not established John Glasscock's con- 
nection with them as yet. 

In Loudoun Co., Va., I find Sampson Turley selling in 1800 
to John Turley, land whereon Giles Turley now lives, on the 
branches of Broad Run of Potomack. In 1800, Sampson Turley, 
Sr., and Martha, his wife, sell to Sampson Turley, Jr. (both of 
Fairfax County) land on Broad Run in Loudoun Co. which was 
sold to the said Sampson Turley, Sr., by George Foster, Sept. 
1, 1740. In 1804, John Turley, and wife Mary, sell land on 
Broad Run in Loudoun Co. Sampson Turley is one of the wit- 
nesses. In 1808 Sampson Turley, Jr., and wife Sally sell land. 
Sarah Turley, in Loudoun Co., makes will Sept. 27, 1791, probated 
Sept. 11, 1792, she mentions sons Ignatius and John Turley. 
James Kincheloe, and Elizabeth, his wife, of Fauquier Co. in 
1798 sell to Josiah Clagett, land in Loudoun Co. Witnesses are 
Richard Chinn, Burr Powell, Thomas Squires, and Moses Glass- 

In Prince William County in 1765, Aaron Hardwick is plain- 
tiff in a suit. In same county, in 1763, James Hardwick is a de- 
fendant. In this connection, it is interesting to note that the old- 
est son of Cornelius McCarty, who in 1787 md Susan Hardwick, 
was named Aaron Hardwick. 




BORROUM or BORUM. I want to find the maiden name of the 
wife of William Borroum or Borum, who married either Elizabeth 
Beverley or Elizabeth Kandolph, or some of their relatives some 
time before the Revolutionary War ; moved to South Carolina about 
the time of the Revolution. C. J. Ramage, Saluda, S. C. 

COOMBS. Wanted the parentage and ancestry of Mahlon 
Coombs born in Loudoun County, Va., in 1759. He enlisted as a 
revolutionary soldier in Loudoun County, and served under Cap- 
tain Fegin and Col. Stephens. He died in Licking Co., Ohio., Nov. 

25, 1834. He had four daughters, one married Harris, a 

second married Ackley, a third Pitcher, and a 

fourth Baker. He had 2 sons John and Israel. The lat- 
ter married Miss Bolan. Mahlon's wife was Rebecca Norton. 
Mrs. E. M. Jones, 1333 West 54th St., Los Angeles, Cal. 

GREGORY. Richard Gregory with wife and children, (Smith, 
Asa, Sanford, Leroy, Godfrey, and Mary Eliza) emigrated from 
Virginia to Washington County, Ky., soon after the Revolution. 
Wanted, history of family prior to emigration to Ky. Is he brother 
to Roger who married Mary Cole Claiborne, nephew to Roger 
who married Mildred Washington, son of Richard who married 
Miss West? Emily Bird Smith, Public Library, Muscogee, Okla- 

GARRETT. I am desirous of finding the name of the original 
immigrant of the Garrett family for which purpose I wish to con- 
nect myself with some Revolutionary Soldier, and prove my eligi- 
bility to the Society of Daughters of American Rev. War. 

My great-grandfather's name was James Garrett and my great- 
great-grandfather was Robert Garrett and were from State of 
Virginia, later some of them settling in Allen Co., Kentucky. 
I am unable to get information on these names. 

I find in the 17th report of the National Society of the D. A. 
R., page 342, certificate numbers and amount paid to one Robert 
Garrett certificate no. 71613 amt paid $44.66 along with other 


payments. I am unable to find if this Eobert Garrett is of my 
lineage. Mrs. A. H. Scott, 1002 S. Trell Ave., Normal, Illinois. 

HOLLINGSWORTH. James Hollingsworth came from Winchester, 
Virginia, about 1786 and settled in Edgefield District, S. C. He 
left one brother in Virginia, another went to North Carolina, a 
third went to Ohio, a fourth went to Kentucky, and one to Mis- 
sissippi. He married Agnes Evans in Virginia, and they had 
several children. John born in Virginia in 1773 being the eldest. 
"Who were the parents of James Hollingsworth and also of his wife 
Agnes Evans. James died in Edgefield County in 1821, his wife 
in 1812. James' name is mentioned in Williams' Hollingsworth 
Genealogy. Mrs. Sallie Strother Hollingsworth, Edgefield, S. C. 

JONES. Wanted the parentage of Martha Jones, who married 
Thomas Short, son of Col. Thomas Short, who jnarried Dorothy 
Jones, daughter of Peter and Dorothy Jones. Petersburg and 
Amelia people. Mrs. J. E. Little, 131 A Street, N. E., Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

HUDGINS. Did John Hudgins, of Gloucester County, Va., 
who married Amelia Foster have Eevolutionary service? Is there 
a record of his shipyard which we know he owned in Gloucester 
during the war. Emma Wilson Noel, 603 The Sherman, Wash- 
ington, D. C. 

thews b. 1739, d. 1788. Eevolutionary soldier, Meherrin Parish, 
Brunswick Co., Va., said to have had a brother colonel in Lord 
Cornwallis's army. The two brothers had a reunion one night 
during the war in Brunswick Co., Va. 

Luke was reported to have been killed the day Cornwallis sur- 
rendered. This is incorrect as our family Bible says he died Apr. 
7, 1788. He had sons, Isham and Drury, a daughter Angelica. 
Who were their parents and where were they from, and how many 
brothers and sisters did Luke have? 

2. Who were the parents of Dr. Amasa Palmer, of Mecklen- 
burg Co., Va., b. 1750. Married 1st Sarah Davis, 2nd Judith 
(Michaux) Hendrick? WTio were Sarah's parents? 

3. Who did Bichard Cleaton of York Co., Va. (York Co. Bee., 
1657-1662), Jeremiah Cleaton, 1668, New Kent Co., Va., and 


Wm. Cleaton (will Mecklenburg Co., Va., 1796) marry? Who 
were Richard and Jeremiah's children and how were the three men 

Who were the parents and wife of Lazarus Maddocks (will 

Lunenburg Co., Va., 1894). He married Ann ? Mrs. 

M. W. Jones, 111 South Vermont Ave., Atlantic City, N. J. 

Moss. Who was the father of Nathaniel Moss born in Lou- 
doun County, Va., in 1730? Who was the husband of Elizabeth 
Craik Moss who lived in Rappahannock County, 1677-1682. In 
the will of Elizabeth Craik it is mentioned that her second daugh- 
ter was Elizabeth Craik Moss. Mrs. Rose M. Scott, Willrose 
Farm, Chrisman, 111. 

STEELE. Want information and genealogy of Dr. 

Steele, who married a granddaughter of Colonel James Slaughter 
and Susan Clayton Slaughter. Dr. Steele and wife had eleven 
children, of whom John Alexander, James Slaughter, Moses and 
Rezin Davidge Steele, lived at Hopkinsville, Kentucky. A daugh- 
ter was Susan Clayton Steele. Want to locate descendants of 
Susan Clayton and other six children of Dr. Steele. Rezin Davidge 
Steele, 510 First Nat'l Bank Bldg., Houston, Texas. 

Information desired concerning Philip Yancey, presumably of 
Halifax Co., Va., who in 1803 married Priscilla Carleton, grand- 
daughter of John Carleton, of the N. C. Continental Line; con- 
cerning ancestry of Nancy Jennings, of Va., b. Oct. 14, 1791, 
married Oct. 19, 1808, to Samuel Faris Moses, b. Oct. 3, 1781; 
concerning the sister of Chief Justice Marshall who married a 
Moody. Mrs. Edward W. Flinn, Amory, Miss. 

L.IOI otr i 




The William and Mary